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Stele of Naram-Sin, king of Agade,

representing the king and his allies in triumph over their

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^W^sto-r•^( o^ Babylon t*a and A-ssY"^^**-

A HISTORY

SUMER AND AKKAD

AN ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY RACES

OF BABYLONIA FROM PREHISTORIC

TIMES TO THE FOUNDATION OF

THE BABYLONIAN MONARCHY

LEONARD W. KING, Litt.D., F.S.A.

Assistant Keeper of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum,

Professor of Assyrian and Babylonian Archeology in

the University of London

WITH MAP, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS

LONDON

CHATTO & WINDUS

1923

PRINTED IN ENGLAND BY

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LTD.

LONDON AND BECCLES

00/3

FIRST PUBLISHED IN I9IO
REPRINTED I916 & I923

ALL RIGHTS
RESERVED

PREFACE

THE excavations carried out in Babylonia and
Assyria during the last few years have added
immensely to our knowledge of the early
history of those countries, and have revolutionized many
of the ideas current with regard to the age and character
of Babylonian civilization. In the present volume,
which deals with the history of Sumer and Akkad, an
attempt is made to present this new material in a
connected form, and to furnish the reader with the
results obtained by recent discovery and research, so far
as they affect the earliest historical periods. An account
is here given of the dawn of civilization in Mesopotamia,
and of the early city-states which were formed from
time to time in the lands of Sumer and Akkad, the two
p-reat divisio^?| into which Babylonians at that p^^d
di^SeoTThe primitive sculpture an^tne^rcTISeologica!
refirSms, discovered upon early Babylonian sites, enable
us to form a fairly complete picture of the races which
in those remote ages inhabited the country. By their
help it is possible to realize how the primitive conditions
of life were gradually modified, and how from rude
beginnings there was developed the comparatively
advanced civilization, which was inherited by the later
Babylonians and Assyrians and exerted a remarkable
influence upon other races of the ancient world.

In the course of this history points are noted at
which early contact with other lands took place, and it

vi PREFACE

has been found possible in the historic period to trace
the paths by ^vhich Siniierian cultin*ewas carried beyond
the hmits of Babylonia. Even in prehistoric times it is
probable that the great trade routes of the later epoch
were already open to traffic, and cultural connections
may well have taken place at a time when political
contact cannot be historically proved. This fact must
be borne in mind in any treatment of the early relations
of Babylonia with Egypt. As a result of recent exca-
vation and research it has been found necessary to
modify the view that Egyptian culture in its earlier
stages was strongly influenced by that of Babylonia.
But certain parallels are too striking to be the result of
coincidence, and, although the southern Sumerian sites
have yielded traces of no prehistoric culture as early as
that of the Neolithic and predynastic Egyptians, yet
the Egyptian evidence suggests that some contact may
have taken place between the prehistoric peoples of
North Africa and Western Asia.

Far closer were the ties which connected Sumer
with Elam, the great centre of civilization which lay
upon her eastern border, and recent excavations in
Persia have disclosed the extent to which each civiliza-
tion was of independent development. It was only
after the Semitic conquest that Sumerian culture had a
marked eflect on that of Elam, and Semitic influence
persisted in the country even under Sumerian domina-
tion. It was also through the Semitic inhabitants of
northern Babylonia that cultural elements from both
Sumer and Elam passed beyond the Taurus, and, after
being assimilated by the Hittites, reached the western
and south-western coasts of Asia Minor. An attempt
has therefore been made to estimate, in the light of
recent discoveries, the manner in which Babylonian
culture affected the early civilizations of Egypt, Asia,
and the West. ^Vhether through direct or indirect

PREFACE vii

channels, the cultural influence of Sumer and Akkad
was felt in varying degrees throughout an area extend-
ing from Elam to the Aegean.

In view of the after effects of this early civilization,
it is of importance to determine tlie region of the world
from which the Sumerian race reached the Euphrates.
Until recently it was only possible to form a theory on
the subject from evidence furnished by the Sumerians
themselves. But explorations in Turkestan, the results
of which have now been fully published, enable us to
conclude with some confidence that the original home
of the Sumerian race is to be sougTit beyond the moun-
tams ro liie easi oi tne Balf^T^maTi plilUl. "Tn^xcava-
^onsTonSucTeT^t^SiauiiearaTsHiaDa^ the second
Pumpelly Expedition have revealed traces of prehistoric
cultures in that region, which present some striking
parallels to other early cultures west of the Iranian
plateau. ISIoreover, the physiographical evidence col-
lected by the first Pumpelly Expedition affords an
adequate explanation of the racial unrest in Central
Asia, which probably gave rise to the Sumerian immi-
gration and to other subsequent migrations from the
East.

It has long been suspected that a marked change
in natural conditions must have taken place during
historic times throughout considerable areas in Central
Asia. The present comparatively arid condition of
Mongolia, for example, is in striking contrast to what
it must have been in the era preceding the INIongolian
invasion of Western Asia in the thirteenth century, and
travellers who have followed the route of Alexander's
army, on its return from India through Afghanistan
and Persia, have noted the difference in the character
of the country at the present day. Evidence of a
similar change in natural conditions has now been
collected in Russian Turkestan, and the process is

viii PREFACE

also illustrated as a result of tlie explorations conducted
by Dr. Stein, on behalf of the Indian Government, on
the borders of tlie Taklaniakan Desert and in the oases
of Khotan. It is clear that all these districts, at
different periods, were far better watered and more
densely populated than they are to-day, and that
clianij^es in climatic conditions have reacted on the
character of the country in such a Avay as to cause
racial migrations. Moreover, there are indications that
the general trend to aridity has not been uniform,
and that cycles of greater aridity have been followed
by periods when the country was capable of supporting
a considerable population. These recent observations
have an important bearing on the Sumerian problem,
and they have therefore been treated in some detail
in Appendix I.

The physical effects of such climatic changes would
naturally be more marked in mid-continental regions
than in districts nearer the coast, and the immigration
of Semitic nomads into Syria and Northern Babylonia
may possibly have been caused by similar periods of
aridity in Central Arabia. However this may be, it
is certain that the early Semites reached the Euphrates
by way of the Syrian coast, and founded their first
Babylonian settlements in Akkad. It is still undecided
whether tliey or the Sumerians were in earliest occu-
pation of Babylonia. The racial character of the
Sumerian gods can best be explained on the supposition
that the earliest cult-centres in the country were
Semitic ; but the absence of Semitic idiom from the
earliest Sumerian inscriptions is equally valid evidence
against the theory. The point will probably not be
settled until excavations have been undertaken at
such North Babylonian sites as El-Ohemir and Tell
Ibnlhim.

That the Sumerians played the more important

PREFACE ix

part in originating and moulding Babylonian culture
is certain. In government, law, literature and art the_
"Semites merely borrowed from their Sumerian teachers,
and, although in some respects they improved upon
their models, in each case the original impulse came
from the Sumerian race. Hammurabi's Code of Laws,
for example, which had so marked an influence on the
Mosaic legislation, is now proved to have been of
Sumerian origin ; and recent research has shown that
the later religious and mythological literature of
Babylonia and Assyria, by which that of the Hebrews
was also so strongly affected, was largely derived from
Sumerian sources.

The early history of Sumer and Akkad is dominated
by the racial conflict between Semites and Sumerians,
in the course of which the latter were gradually worsted.
The foundation of the Babylonian monarchy marks the
,close of the political career of the Sumerians as a
ce,~ although, as we have seen, their cultural achieve-
ments long survived them in the later civilizations of
Western Asia. The designs upon the cover of this
volume may be taken as symbolizing the dual character
of the early population of the country. Tlie panel
on the face of the cover represents two Semitic heroes,
or mythological beings, watering the humped oxen or
buffaloes of the Babylonian plain, and is taken from
the seal of Ibni-Sharru, a scribe in the service of
the early Akkadian king Shar-Gani-sharri. The panel
on the back of the binding is from the Stele of the
V^ultures and portrays the army of Eannatum trampling
on the dead bodies of its foes. The shaven faces of
the Sumerian warriors are in striking contrast to
tlie heavily bearded Semitic type upon the seal.

A word should, perhaps, be said on two further
subjects — the early chronology and the rendering of
Sumerian proper names. The general effect of recent

^ m

X PREFACE

research has been to reduce the very early dates, which
were formerly in vogue. But there is a distinct danger
of the reaction going too far, and it is necessary to
mark clearly the points at which evidence gives place
to conjecture. It must be admitted that all dates
anterior to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy
are necessarily approximate, and while we are without
definite points of contact between the earlier and later
chronology of Babylonia, it is advisable, as far as
possible, to think in periods. In the Chronological
Table of early kings and rulers, which is printed as
Appendix II., a scheme of chronology has been
attempted ; and the grounds upon which it is based
are summarized in the third chapter, in which the age
of the Sumerian civilization is discussed.

The transliteration of many of the Sumerian proper
names is also provisional. This is largely due to the
polyphonous character of the Sumerian signs ; but
there is also no doubt that the Sumerians themselves
frequently employed an ideographic system of expres-
sion. The ancient name of the city, the site of which
is marked by the mounds of Tello, is an instance in
point. The name is written in Sumerian as Shirpurla,
with the addition of the determinative for place, and
it was formerly assumed that the name was pro-
nounced as Shirpurla by the Sumerians. But there is
little doubt that, though written in that way, it was
actually pronounced as Lagash, even in the Sumerian
period. Similarly the name of its near nciglibour and
ancient rival, now marked by the mounds of Jokha,
was until recently rendered as it is written, Gishkhu
or Gishukh ; but we now know from a bilingual list
that tlie name was actually pronounced as Umma.
The reader will readily understand that in the case of
less famous cities, whose names have not yet been
found in the later syllabaries and bilingual texts, the

PEEFACE xi

phonetic readings may eventually have to be discarded.
When the renderings adopted are definitely provisional,
a note has been added to that effect.

1 take this opportunity of thanking Dr. E. A. Wallis
Budge for permission to publish photographs of objects
illustrating the early history of Sumer and Akkad,
which are preserved in the British JNluseum. JMy
thanks are also due to INIonsieur Ernest Leroux, of
Paris, for kindly allowing me to make use of illustra-
tions from works published by him, which have a
bearing on the excavations at Tello and the develop-
ment of Sumerian art ; to Mr. Raphael Pumpelly and
the Carnegie Institution of Washington, for permission
to reproduce illustrations from the official records of
the second Pumpelly Expedition ; and to the editor
of Nature for kindly allowing me to have cliches made
from blocks originally prepared for an article on
" Transcaspian Archaeology," which I contributed to
that journal. With my colleague, Mr. H. R. Hall,
I have discussed more than one of the problems con-
nected with the early relations of Egypt and Babylonia;;
and INIonsieur F. Thureau-Dangin, Conservateur-adjoint
of the Museums of the Louvre, has readily furnished
me with information concerning doubtfVil readings upon
historical monuments, both in the Louvre itself, and in
the Imperial Ottoman ^Museum during his recent visit
to Constantinople. I should add that the plans and
drawings in the volume are the work of ISlr. P. C. Carr,
who has spared no pains in his attempt to reproduce
with accuracy the character of the originals.

L. W. KIXG.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

INTROEidcTOKY : THE LANDS OF SUMER AND AKKAD

TAGE

Irend of recent arcliaeological research — Tlie study of origins — The
Neolithic period in tlie Aegean area, in the region of the Mediter-
ranean, and in tlie, Nile Valley— Scarcity of Neolithic remains in
Bahylonia due argely to cliaracter of the country — I'rohlenis raised
by excavations in Persia and Russian Turkestan — Comparison of the
earliest cultural remains in Egypt and Babylonia — The eai-liest
known inhabitants of South Babylonian sites — The "Sumerian Con-
troversy " and a shifting of the problem at issue — Early relations
of Sumerians and Semites — The lands of Sumer and Akkad —
Natural boundaries — Influence of geological structure— Effect of
river deposits — Euphrates and the Persian Gulf— Comparison of
Tigris and Euphrates — The Shaft en-Nil and the Shaft el-Kur — The
early course of Euphrates and a tendency of the river to break away
« cstward — Changes in the swamps — Distribution of population and
the position of early cities — Rise and fall of the rivers and the
regulation of the Avater — Boundary bcitween Sumer and Akkad —
Early names for Jiabylonia — '-'riic Land" and its significance —
Terminology ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i

CHAPTER II

THE SITES OP EARLY CITIES AND THE RACIAL CHARACTER OF

THEIR INHABITANTS

Characteristics of early Babylonian sites— The French c.\ca\ations at
Tello — The names Shirpurla and Lagash — Results of De Sarzec's
work — German excavations at Surghul and El-Hibba — The so-called
'^fire-necropoles" — Jokha and its ancient name — Other mounds in
the region of the Shaft el-Ka,r — Hammam — Tell 'Id— Systematic
excavations at Fara (Shuruppak) — Sumerian dwelling-houses and
circular buildings of unknown use — Sarcophagus-graves and mat-
burials — Differences in burial customs — Diggings at Abu Ilatab
(Kisurra) — Pot-bin-ials — Partial examination of Bisniaya (Adab) —
Hetime — Jidr — The fate of cities which escaped the Western
Semites — American excavations at Nippur — British work at Warka
(Erech), Senkera (Larsa), Tell Sifr, Tell Medina, Mukayyar (f i},
Abu Shahrain (Eridu), and Tell Lalnn — Our knowledge of North
Babylonian sites — Excavations at Abu Habba (Sippar), and recent
work at Babylon and Borsip[ia — The sites of Agade, Cutha, Kish
and Opis — The French excavations at Susa — Sources of our informa-
tion on the racial problem — Sumerian and Semitic types^ — Contrasts

xiii

xiv CONTENTS

PAGR

in treatment of the hair, physical features, and dress — Apparent
inconsistencies — Evidence of the later and the earlier monuments —
Evidence from the racial character of Sumerian gods — Professor
Meyer's theory and the linguistic evidence — Present condition
of the problem — Tiie original home and racial afTniity of tlie
Sumerians — Patli of the Semitic conquest — Origin of the ^\^e3tern
Semites — The eastern limits of Semitic influence ... 10

CHAPTER III

THE AGE AND PRINCIPAL, ACHIEVEMENTS OP SUMERIAN

CIVILIZATION

Effect of recent research on older systems of chronology — Reduction of
very early dates and articulation of historical periods — Danger of
the reaction going too far and the necessity for noting where
evidence gives place to conjecture — Chronology of tlie remoter ages
and our sources of information — Classification of material — Bases
of the later native li.><ts and the chronological system of Berossus
— Palaeography and systematic excavation — Relation of the early
chronology to that of the later periods — Effect of recent archaeo-
logical and epigrapliic evidence — ^Tlie process of reckoning from
below and the foundations on which we may build — Points upon
wliich there is still a difference of opinion — ^Date for the foundation
of the Babylonian Monarchy — Approximate character of all earlier
dates and the need to think in periods — Probable dates for tlie
Dynasties of Ur and Isin — Dates for the earlier epochs and for the
first traces of Sumerian civilization — Pre-Babylonian invention of
cuneiform writing — Tlie origins of Sumerian culture to be traced
to an age when it was not Sumerian — Relative interest attaching
to many Sumerian achievements— Noteworthy character of the
Sumerian arts of sculpture and engraving — The respective con-
tributions of Sumerian and Semite — Methods of composition in
Sumerian sculpture and attempts at an unconventional treatment —
Perfection of detail in the best Sumerian work — Casting in metal
and the question of copper or bronze — Solid and hollow castings
and copper plating — Terra-cotta figurines — The arts of inlaying and
engraving — The more fantastic side of Sumerian art — Gro^vth of a
naturalistic treatment in Sumerian design — Period of decadence ... 66

CHAPTER lY

THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER ; THE DAWN OF HISTORY

AND THE RISE OF LAGASH

Origin of the great cities — Local cult-centres in tlie prehistoric period —
The earliest Sumerian settlements — Development of the city-god and
evolution of a pantheon — Lunar and solar cults — Gradual growth
of a city illustrated by the early history of Nipj)ur and its shrine —
Buildings of the earliest Sumerian period at Tello — Store-houses
and washing-places of a primitive agricultural community — The
inhabitants of the country as portrayed in archaic sculpture —
Pearliest written records and the prehistoric system of land tenure —
The first rulers of Shurupp.ik and their ofHce— Kings and patesis
of early city-states — The dawn of history in Lagash and the

CONTENTS XV

suzerainty of Kish — Rivalry of Lagaph and Uninia and tlic Treaty of
Mesilim — The ro/e of tlie city-god and the theocratic fcehng of the
time — Early struggles of Kis-h for supremacy — Connotation of
royal titles in the early Sumerian period — Ur-Ninit the founder of
a dynasty in Lagash— His reign and policj- — His sons and household
— The position of Sumerian women in social and official life — The
status of Lagash under A kurgal ... ... ... ... ... 84

CHAPTER V

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES ; EAKNATUM AND THE STELE OF ^

THE VULTURES \

Condition of Sumer on the accession of Eannatum — Outbreak of war
between Umma and Lagash — Raid of Ningirsu's territory and
Eannatum's vision — The defeat of Ush, patesi of Umma, and the
terms of peace imposed on his successor — The frontier-ditch and
the stelae of delimitation — Ratification of the treaty at the frontier-
shrines — Oath-formulae upon the Stele of the Vultures — Original
form of the Stele and the fragments that have been recovered — Re-
constitution of the scenes upon it — Ningirsu and his net — Eannatum
in battle and on the march — Weapons of the Sumeriaus and their
method of fighting in close phalanx — Shield-bearers and lance-
bearers — Subsidiary use of the battle-axe — The royal arms and body-
guard— The burial of the dead after battle — Order of Eannatum's
conquests — Relations of Kish and L'ninia — llie defeat of Kish, Opis
and Mari, and Eannatum's suzerainty in the north— Date of his
southern conquests and evidence of his authority in Sinner — His
relations with Elam. and the other groups of his campaigns — Position
of Lagash under Eainiatum — His system of irrigation — Estimate of
his reign ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 120

CHAPTER VI

THE CLOSE OF UR-NINA'S DYXA.STY, THE REFORMS OF
URUKAGINA, AND THE FALL OP LAGASH

Cause of break in the direct succession at Lagash — L nuna and Lagash in
the reign of Enannatum L — Urlumnia's successful raid — His defeat
by Entemena and the annexation of his citj' — Entemena's cone and
its summary of historical events — Extent of Entemena's dominion —
Sources for history of the period between Enannatum 11, and
Urukagina — The relative order of Enetarzi, Enlitarzi and Lugal-
anda — Period of unrest in Lagash — Secular authority of the chief
priests and weakening of the patesiate — Struggles for the succession
— The sealings of Lugal-anda and his wife — Break in traditions
inaugurated by Urukagina — Causes of an increase in officialdom
and oppression — The privileges of the city-god usurped by the
patesi and his palace — 'I'ax -gatherers and inspectors " down to the
sea" — Mi.sappropriation of sacred lands and temple property, and
corruption of the priesthood — The reforms of Urukagina — Abolition
of unnecessary posts and stamping out of abuses — Revision of burial
fees — Penalties for theft and protection for the poorer classes —
Abolition of diviner's fees and regulation of divorce — The laws of
Urukagina and the Sumerian origin of Hammurabi's Code — Uruka-
gina's relations to other cities — Effect of his reforms on the stability
of the state— The fall of Lagash I'jI

xvi CONTEXTS

CHAPTER VII

EARLY RULERS OP SUMER AND KINGS OF KLSH

PAGE

\ Close of an epoch in Siinieriau history — Increase in the power of L'nima

\ and transference of the capital to Ercch — Extent of Lugal-za^-gisi's {

empire, and liis expedition to the Mediterranean coast — Period of 1

Lugal-kiguh-nidiulu and Lugal-kisalsi — Tlie dual kingdom of Erech
and Ur — Enshagkushanna of Sumor and his struggle with Kish —
Confederation of Kish and Opis — Enbi-Ishtar of Kish and a tempo- j

rary cliock to Semitic expansion southwards — The later kingdom of '

Kish — Date of Urumush and extent of his empire — Economic con- " '|

ditious in Akkad as revealed by the Obelisk of Manishtusu — Period
of Manishtusu's reign and his military expeditions — His statues from
Susa — Elam and the earlier Semites — A period of transition — New
light on the foundations of the Akkadian Empire ... ... ,., 192

CHAPTER VIII

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD AND ITS RELATION TO KISH

Sargon of Agade and his significance — Early recognition of his place in
history — The later traditions of Sargon and tlie contemporary
records of Shar-Gani-sharri's reign — Discovery at Susa of a monu-
ment of " Sharru-Gi, the King " — Probability that he was Manish-
tusu's father and the founder of the kingdom of Kish — Who, then,
was Sargon ? — Indications that only names and not facts have been
confused in the tradition — The debt of Akkad to Kish in art and
politics — Expansion of Semitic authority westward under Sliar-Gani-
sharri — The alleged conquest of Cyprus — Commercial intercourse at
the period and the disappearance of the city-state — Evidence of a
policy of deportation — The conquest of Naram-Sin and the " King-
dom of the Four Quartei-s " — His Stele of \'ictory and his relations
with Elam — ^Naram-Sin at the upper reaches of the Tigris, and the
history of the Pir Hussein Stele — Naram-Sin's successors — Repre-
sentations of Semitic battle-scenes — llie Lagash Stele of Victory,
firobably commemorating the original conquest of Kish by Akkad—
ndependent Semitic principalities bej-ond the limits of Sumer and
Akkad — Tlie reason of Akkadian pre-eminence and the deification
of Semitic kiiigs 216

CHAPTER IX

THE LATER RULERS OP LAGASII

Suraerian reaction tempered by Semitic influence — Length of the inter-
vening period between the Sargonic era and that of Cr — Evidence
from Lagash of a sequence of rulers in that city who bridge the
gaj) — Archaeological and epigraphic data — Political condition of
Sumer and the semi-indciiendent position enjoyed by Lagash — Ur-
l?au representative of the earlier patcsis of this epoch — Increase in
tlie authority of Ligash under Gudea — His conquest of Anshan —
His relations with Syria, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf — His
influence of a commercial rather than of a political character —
Develojiment in the art of building which marked the later Sumerian

CONTENTS xvii

PAGE

period — Evolution of the Babylonian brick and evidence of new
architectural ideas — The rebuilding of E-ninnu and the elaborate
character of Sumerian ritual — ^Tlie art of Gudea's period — His reiarn
the golden age of Lagash— Gudea's posthumous deification and his
cult — ^The relations of his sou, Ur-Ningirsu, to the Dynasty of Ur 252

CHAPTER X

THE DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OP SUMER

AND AKKAD

Tlie part taken by Ur against Semitic domination in an earlier age, and
her subsequent history — Organization of her resources under Ur-
Engur — His claim to have founded the kingdom of Sumer and
Akkad — The subjugation of Akkad by Dungi and the Sumerian
national revival — Contrast in Dungi's treatment of Babylon and
Eridu — Further evidence of Sumerian reaction — The conquests of
Dungi's earlier years and his acquisition of regions formerly held
by Akkad — His adoption of the bow as a national weapon — His
Elamite campaigns and the difficulty in retaining control of con-
quered provinces — His change of title and assumption of divine
rank — Survival of Semitic influence in Elam under Sumerian domi-
nation— Character of Dungi's Elamite administration — His reforms
in the oflScial weight-standards and the system of time-reckoning —
Continuation of Dungi's policy by his successors — The cult of the
reigning monarch carried to extravagant lengths — Results of
administrative centralization when accompanied by a complete
delegation of authority by the king — Plurality of offices and pro-
vincial misgovernment the principal causes of a decline in the
power of Ur ... ... ... ... ... ... 278

CHAPTER XI

THE EARLIER RULERS OP ELAM, THE DYNASTY OP ISIN, AND

THE RISE OF BABYLON

Continuity of the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad and the racial character
of the kings of Isin — The Elamite invasion which put an end to the
Dynasty of Ur — Native rulers of Elam represented by the dynasties
of Khutran-tepti and Ebarti — Evidence that a change in titles did not
reflect a revolution in the political condition of Elam — No period of
Elamite control in Babylonia followed the fall of Ur — Sources for
the history of the Dj-nasty of Isin — The family of Ishbi-Ura and tlie
cause of a break in the succession — Rise of an independent kingdom
in Larsa and Ur, and the possibility of a second Elamite invasion —
The family of Ur-Ninib followed by a period of unrest in Isin —
Relation of the Dynasty of Isin to that of Babylon — The suggested
Amorite invasion in the time of Libit-Ishtar disproved — The capture
of Isin in Sin-muballit's reign an episode in the war of Babylon with
Larsa — The last kings of Isin and the foundation of the Babylonian
Monarchy — Position of Babylon in the later historical periods, and
the close of the independent political career of the Sumerians as a
race — The survival of their cultural influence .•• 303

xviii CONTENTS

CHAPTER XII

THE CULTURAL INFLUENITJ OP SUMER IX EGYPT, ASIA AND

THE WEST

PAGE

Relations of Sumer and Akkad with other lands — Cultural influences,
carried by the great trade-routes, often independent of political
contact — The prehistoric relationship of Sumerian culture to tliat of
Eirypt — Alleged traces of strong cultural influence — The hypothesis
of a Semitic invasion of Upper Egypt in the light of more recent
excavations — Character of the Neolithic and early dynastic cultures
of Egypt, as deduced from a study of the early graves and their con-
tents— Changes which may be traced to improvements in technical
skill — Confirmation from a study of the skulls — Native origin of the
Egj'ptian system of writing and absence of Babylonian influence —
Misleading character of other cultural comparisons — Problem of the
bulbous mace-head and the stone cylindrical seal — Prehistoric mi-
grations of the cylinder — Semitic elements in Egyptian civilization
— Syria a link in the historic period between the Euphrates and the
Nile — Relations of Elam and Sumer — Evidence of early Semitic
influence in Elamite culture and proof of its persistence — Elam prior
to the Semitic conquest — The Proto-Elamite script of independent
development — Its disappearance paralleled by tiiat of the Ilittite
hieroglyphs — Character of the earlier strata of the mounds at Susa
and presence of Neolithic remains— The prehistoric pottery of Susa
and Mussian — Improbability of suggested connections between the
cultures of Elam and of predynastic Egypt — More convincing
parallels in Asia Minor and Russian Turkestan — Relation of the
prehistoric peoples of Elam to the Elamites of history — The Neolithic
settlement at Nineveh and the prehistoric cultures of Western Asia
— Importance of Syria in the spread of Babylonian culture westward
— The extent of early Babylonian influence in Cyprus, Crete, and
the area of Ae^jean civilization ... ... ... ... ... ... 821

APPENDICES

I. Recent Explorations in Turkestan in their Relation to the

Sumerian Prouleji ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 351

II. A Chronological List of the Kincs and Rulers of Sumer and

Akkad ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 359

Index ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 363

LIST OF PLATES

FACING PAQH

I. Stele of Naram-Siu, representing the king and his allies in
triumph over their enemies ... ... ... Frontispiece

II. Doorway of a building at Tello erected by Gudea ; on the

left is a later building of the Seleucid Era 20

III. Outer face of a foundation-wall at Tello, built by Ur-13au ... 2(3

IV. Limestone figure of an early Sumerian patesi, or high official 40
Y. Fragment of Sumerian sculpture representing scenes of

worship ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 52

VI. The Blau monuments ... ... ... ... ... ... G2

VII. Piorite statue of Gudea, represented as the architect of the

temple of Gatumdug ... ... ... ... ... ... OG

VIII. Clay relief stamped with the figure of a Babj-lonian liero, and
fragment of limestone sculjjtured in relief ; both objects
illustrate the symbol of the spouting vase ... ... ... 72

IX. Impressions of early cylinder-seals, engraved with scenes

representing heroes and mythological beings in conflict
with lions and bulls ... ... ... ... 70

X. South-eastern facade of a building at Tello, erected by

Ur-Nina '. 90

XI. Limestone figures of early Sumerian rulers ... 102

XII. Plaques of Ur-Nina and of Dudu 110

XIII. Portion of the " Stele of the V^ultures '' sculptured witli scenes

representing Eannatum leading liis troops in battle and on

the march ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 124

XIV. The burial of the dead after battle 138

XV^. Portion of a black basalt mortar bearing an inscription of

Eannatum ... ... ... ... ■•• ... ... 14G

XVI. Brick of Eannatum, recording his genealogy and conquests
and commemorating the sinking of a well in the temple of
Ningirsu ... ... .-■ ... ... ••• ••• 154

XVII. Marble gate-socket, bearing an inscription of Entemcna ... Ifi2
XVIII. Silver vase dedicated to the god Ningirsu by Entcmena ... 168
XIX. Mace-heads and part of a diorite statuette dedicated to various

deities 200

XX. Mace-head dedicated to the Sun-god by Shar-Gani sharri,

and other votive objects ... ... •.• ... ••• 218

xix

LIST OF PLATES

FACING PAGE

XXI. Cruciform stone object inscribed with a votive text of an early

Semitic king of Ki.sh ... ... ... ... ... ... 224

XXII. Impressions of the cylinder-seals of Ubil-lshtar, Khasli-

khamer, and Kilulla ... ... ... ... ... ... 21G

XXIII. Clay cones of Galu-Babbar and other rulers 258

XXIV, Brick pillar at Tcllo, of the time of Gudea 202

XXV. Seated figure of Gudea 2G8

XXVI. Votive cones and figui-es 272

XXVII. Gate-socket of Gudea, recording the restoration of the temple

of the goddess Nina ... ... ... ... 274

XXVIII. Brick of Ur-Engur, King of Ur, recording the rebuilding of

the temple of Ninni in Erech ... ... ... ... 280

XXIX. Votive tablets of Dungi, King of Ur, and other rulers ... 288

XXX. Clay tablets of temple-accounts, drawn up in Dungi's reign ... 292

XXXI. Circular tablets of the reign of Bur-Sin, King of Ur... ... 298

XXXII. Bricks of Bur-Sin, King of Ur, and Ishme-Dagan, King of Lsin 310

XXXIII. Specimens of clay cones bearing votive inscriptions ... ... 314

XXXIV. (i and ii) The North and South Kurgans at Anau in Russian

Turkestan, (iii) Terra-cotta figurines of the copper age

culture from the South Kurgan at Anau ... ... ... 352

ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT

PIG.

1-2. Figures of early Sumerians engraved upon fragments of shell.

Earliest period : from Tcllo
3-5. Later types of Sumerians, as exhibited by heads of male statuettes
from Tello ... ...

6-8. Examples of sculpture of the later period, representing different
racial types

9-11. Fragments of a circular bas-relief of the earliest period, com-
memorating the meeting of two chieftains and their followers

12. Limestone panel representing Gudea being led by Ningishzida

and another deity into the presence of a seated god

13. Figure of the seated god on the cylinder-seal of Gudea

14-15. Examples of early Sumcriau deities on votive tablets from

Nippur
16. Fragment of an archaic relief from Tello, representing a god

smiting a bound captive with a heavy club or mace ...
17-19. Earlier and later forms of divine headdresses

20. Perforated plaque engraved with a scene representing the pouring

out of a libation before a goddess

21. Fragments of sculpture belonging to the best period of Sumeriau

art

22. Limestone head of a lion from the corner of a basin in Ningirsu's

temple

23. Upper part of a female statuette of diorite, of the period of

Gudea or a little later ...

24. Limestone head of a female statuette belonging to the best

period of Sumerian art ...

25. One of a series of copper female foundation-figures with

supporting rings ...
26-27. Heads of a bull and goat, cast in copper and inlaid with mother-
of-pearl, lapis-lazuli, etc.

28. Stamped terra-cotta figure of a bearded god, wearing a horned

headdress ...

29. Scheme of decoration from a libation-vase of Gudea, made of

dark green steatite and originally inlaid with shell ...

30. Convex panel of shell from the side of a cup, engraved with a

scene representing a lion attacking a bull
31-33. Fragments of shell engraved with animal forms, which illustrate
the growth of a naturalistic treatment in Sumerian design ...

xxi

PAGE

47
48

50
51

xxii ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT

FIG. TAGE

34-37. Panels of mother-of-pearl engraved with Sumerian designs^

which were employed for inlaying the handles of daggers ... 82

38. Archaic plaque from Tcllo, engraved in low relief with a scene

of adoration ... ... ... ... •■• ••• ••• ^^

39. Figure of Lupad, a high official of the city of Umma OG

40. Statue of Esar, King of Adab 97

41. Emblems of Lagash and of the god Ningirsu 98

42. Mace-head dedicated to Ningirsu by Mesilim, King of Kish ... 99

43. Early Sumerian figure of a woman, showing the Sumerian dress

and the method of doing the hair ... ... ... ... 112

44. Plaque of Ur-Nina, King of Lagash ... ... ... ... 113

45. Portion of a plaque of Ur-Nina, sculptured with representations

of his sons and the high officials of his court ... ... ... 114

46. Part of the Stele of the Vultures representing Ningirsu clubbing

the enemies of Lagash in his net ... ... ... ... 131

47. Part of the Stele of the Vultures sculptured with a sacrificial

scene which took place at tlie burial of the dead after battle 140

48. Part of the Stele of the Vultures repi-esenting Eannatum

deciding the fate of prisoners taken in battle ... ... 141

49-51. Details from the engravings upon Euteinena's silver vase ... 167
62-53. Seal-impression of Lugal-anda, patesi of Lagash, with recon-
struction of the cylinder-seal ... ... ... ... ... 174

64-55. A second seal-impression of Lugal-anda, with reconstruction of

the cylinder ... 175

66. White marble vase engraved with the name and title of

Urumush, King of Kish 204

67. Alabaster statue of Manishtusu, King of Kish 213

68. Copper head of a colossal votive lance engraved with the name

and title of an early king of Kish 229

69. Stele of Naram-Sin, King of Akkad, from Pir Hussein ... 245

60. Portion of a Stele of Victory of a king of Akkad, sculptured in

relief with battle-scenes ; from Tello 248

61. Other face of Fig. 60 249

02-63. Copper figures of bulls surmounting cones, which were employed

as votive offerings in the reigns of Gudea and Dungi ... 256

64-65. Tablets with architect's rule and stilus from the statues B and

FofGudea 265

66. Figure of a god seated upon a throne, who may probably be

identified with Ningirsu ... ... 207

67. Mace-head of breccia from a mountain near the " Upper Sea "

or Mediterranean, dedicated to Ningirsu by Gudea ... ... 271

68. Designs on painted potsherds of the Neolithic period (Culture I.)

from the Nortli Kurgan at Anau ... ... 355

69. Designs on painted potsherds of the Aeneolitliic i)crioil

(Culture II.) from the North Kurgan at Anau 356

MAPS AND PLANS

I. Plan of Tello, after De Sarzec

II. Plan of Jokha^ after Andrae

III. Plan of Fara^ after Andrae and Noeldeke

IV. Plan of Abu Hatabj after Andrae and Noeldeke
V. Plan of Warka, after Loftus

VI. Plan of Mukayyarj after Taylor

VII. Plan of Abu Shahrain, after Taylor

VIII. Early Babylonian plan of tlie temple of Enlil at Nippur and its
enclosure ; cf. Fislier^ "Excavations at Nippur/' I., pi. 1

IX. Plan of the Inner City at Nippur^ after Fislier, " Excavations

at Nippur^" I., p. 10

X. Plan of the store-house of Ur-Niua at Tello, after De Sarzec

XI. Plan of early buildinjj at Tello, after De Sarzec ...

XII. Map of Babylonia^ showing' the sites of early cities. Inset : Map

of Sumer and Akkad in the earliest historical period

Facing page

PAGE

19
22
25
29
33
34
3G

88
92
93

380

A HISTORY OF
SUMER AND AKKAD

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY I THE LANDS OF SUMER AND AKKAD

THE study of origins may undoubtedly be regarded
as the most striking characteristic of recent
archaeological research. There is a peculiar
fascination in trackuig any highly developed civilization
to its source, and m watching its growth from the rude
and tentative efforts of a primitive people to the more
elaborate achievements of a later day. And it is owing
to recent excavation that we are now in a position to
elucidate the early history of the three principal civiliza-
tions of the ancient world. The origins of Greek
civilization may now be traced beyond the JNIycenean
epoch, through the different stages of Aegean culture
back into the Neolithic age. In Egypt, excavations
have not only yielded remains of the early dynastic
kings who lived before the pyramid-builders, but they
have revealed the existence of Neolithic Egyptians
dating from a period long anterior to the earliest written
records that have been recovered. Finally, excavations
in Babylonia have enabled us to trace the civihzation of
Assyria and Babylon back to an earlier and more primi-
tive race, which in the remote past occupied the lower
plains of the Tigris and Euphrates ; while the more
recent digging in Persia and Turkestan has thrown
light upon other primitive inhabitants of Western
Asia, and has raised problems with regard to their
cultural connections with the West which were un-
dreamed of a few years ago.

It will thus be noted that recent excavation and

1 B

2 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AlvKAD

research have fiiniishctl the urehueolc)<^nst with material
by means of wliieli he may traee back tlie history of
culture to the Xeohtliic period, botli in the re<^^ion of
the JNlediterranean and along the valley of the Nile.
That the same achievement cannot be placed to the
credit of the excavator of Babylonian sites is not
entirely due to defects in the scope or method of his
work, but may largely be traced to the character of the
country in which the exca\ ations have been carried out.
babylonia is an alluvial country, subject to constant
inundation, and the remahis and settlements of the
Neolithic period were doubtless in many places swept
away, and all trace of them destroyed by natural
causes. AVith the advent of the Sumerians began the
practice of building cities upon artilieial mounds,
which preserved the structure of the buildings against
flood, and rendered them easier of defence against
a foe. It is through excavation in these mounds that
the earliest remains of the Sumerians have been re-
covered ; but the still earlier traces of Neolithic
times, which at some period may have existed on those
very sites, must often have been removed by flood
before the mounds were built. The Neolithic and pre-
historic remains discovered during the French excava-
tions in the graves of JNIussian and at Susa, and by the
Pumpelly expedition in the two Kurgans near Anau,
do not find theii' equivalents in the mounds of
Babylonia so far as these have yet been examined.

In this respect the climate and soil of Babylonia
present a striking contrast to those of ancient Egypt.
In the latter country the shallow graves of Neolithic
man, covered by but a few inches of soil, have remained
intact and undisturbed at the foot of the desert hills ;
while in the upper plateaus along the Nile valley the
flints of Palaeolithic man have lain upon the surface of
the sand from I'alaeolithic times until the present day.
But what has happened in so rainless a country as
Egypt could never have taken place in Mesopotamia.
It is true that a few palaeoliths have been found on
the surface of the Syrian desert, but in the alluvial
plains of Southern Chaldaea, as in the Egyptian
Delta itself, few certain traces of prehistoric man have

INTRODUCTORY 3

been forthcoming. Even in the early mat-burials and
sarcophagi at Fara numerous copper objects ^ and some
cylinder-seals have been found, while other cylinders,
sealings, and even inscribed tablets, discovered in the
same and neighbouring strata, prove that their owners
were of the same race as the Sumerians of history,
though probably of a rather earlier date.

Although the earliest Sumerian settlements in
Southern Babylonia are to be set back in a compara-
tively remote period, the race by which they were
founded appears at that time to have already attained
to a high level of culture. We find them building
houses for themselves and temples for their gods of
burnt and unburnt brick. They are rich in sheep and
cattle, and they have increased the natural fertility of
their country by means of a regular system of canals
and irrigation-channels. It is true that at this time
their sculpture shared the rude character of their pottery,
but their main achievement, the invention of a system
of writing by means of lines and wedges, is in itself
sufficient indication of their comparatively advanced
state of civilization. Derived originally from picture-
characters, the signs themselves, even in the earliest
and most primitive inscriptions as yet recovered, have
already lost to a great extent their pictorial character,
while we find them employed not only as ideograms
to express ideas, but also phonetically for syllables.
The use of this complicated system of writing by the
early Sumerians presupposes an extremely long period
of previous development. This may well have taken
place in their original home, before they entered the
Babylonian plain. In any case, we must set back in
the remote past the beginnings of this ancient people,
and we may probably picture their first settlement in
the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf some centuries
before the period to whicli we may assign the earliest of
their remains that have actually come down to us.

In view of the important rule played by this early
race in the history and development of civilization in
Western Asia, it is of interest to recall the fact that not

' For a fliscussion of the conflicting evidence with regard to the occurreuce
of bronze at this period^ see below, pj^. 72 ff.

4 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

many years atro tlic very existence of the Sinnerians
was disputed l)y a large body of those who occupied
themselves with the study of the history and languages
of Babylonia. What was known as "the Sumerian
controversy " engaged the attention of writers on these
subjects, and divided them into two opposing schools.
At that time not many actual remains of the Sumerians
themselves had been recovered, and the arguments in
favour of the existence of an early non-Semitic race in
Babylonia were in the main drawn Irom a number of
Smnerian texts and compositions which had been found
in the palace of the ^Vssyrian king, Ashur-bani-pal, at
Nineveh. A considerable number of the tablets re-
covered from the royal library were inscribed with a
series of compositions, -svi-itten, it is true, in the cunei-
form script, but not in the Semitic language of the
Assyrians and Babylonians. To many of these compo-
sitions Assyrian translations had been added by the
scribes who drew them up, and upon other tablets were
found lists of the words employed in the compositions,
together with their Assyrian equivalents. The late Sir
Henry Rawlinson rightly concluded that these strange
texts were written in the language of some race who
had inhabited Babylonia before the Semites, while he
explahied the lists of words as early dictionaries compiled
by the Assyrian scribes to help them in their studies
of this ancient tongue. The early race he christened
*' the Akkadians," and although we now know that this
name would more correctly describe the early Semitic
immigrants who occupied Northern Babylonia, in
all other respects his inference was justified. He
correctly assigned the non-Semitic compositions that
had been recovered to the early non-Semitic popula-
tion of Ijabylonia, who are now known by the name
of the Sumerians.

Sir Henry Rawlinson's view was shared by M.
Oppert, Professor Schrader, Professor Sayce, and
many others, and, in fact, it held the field until a
tlieory was propounded by IM. Halevy to the effect that
Sumerian was not a language in the legitimate sense
of the term, 'i'hc contention of M. Halevy was that
the Sumerian compositions were not written in the

INTRODUCTORY 5

language of an earlier race, but represented a cabalist^^
method of writing, in^•ented and employed by the Baby-
lonian priesthood. In his opinion the texts were
Semitic compositions, though Avritten according to a
secret system or code, and they could only have been
read by a priest who had the key and had studied the
jealously guarded formulae. On this hypothesis it fol-
lowed that the Babylonians and Assyrians were never
preceded by a non-Semitic race in Babylonia, and all
Babylonian civilization was consequently to be traced
to a Semitic origin. The attractions which such a view
would have for those mterested in ascribing; so crreat
an achievement to a Semitic source are ob^•ious, and,
in spite of its general improbabihty, M. Halevy won
o\er many converts to his theory, among others Pro-
fessor Delitzsch and a considerable number of the
younger school of German critics.

It may be noted that the principal support for the
theory was derived from an examination of the phonetic
values of the Sumerian signs. Many of these, it was
correctly pointed out, were obviously derived from
Semitic equivalents, and ^I. Halevy and his followers
forthwith inferred that the whole language was an
artificial invention of the Babylonian priests. Why the
priests should have taken the trouble to invent so com-
plicated a method of writing was not clear, and no
adequate reason could be assigned for such a course.
On the contrary, it was shown that the subject-matter
of the Sumerian compositions was not of a nature to
justify or suggest the necessity of recording tliem by
means of a secret method of writing. A study of the
Sumerian texts with the help of the Assyrian transla-
tions made it obvious that they merely consisted of
incantations, hymns, and prayers, precisely similar to
other compositions written in the common tongue of
the Babylonians and Assyrians, and thus capable of
being read and understood by any scribe acquainted
with the ordhiary Assyrian or Babylonian character.

INI. Halevy 's theory appeared still less probable when
appUed to such of the early Sumerian texts as had
been recovered at that time by Loftus and Taylor in
Southern Babylonia. For these were shown to be

C HISTORY OF SUMETl AND AKKAD

short biiilding-insrriptions, votive texts, and foundation-
records, and, as they Avere obviously intended to record
and connneniorate for future afj^cs tlie events to ^vhich
tlicv referred, it was unlikely tliat they should have been
drawn up in a crypto^rnphic style of writing which
would have been undecipherable without a key. Yet
the fact that very few Sumerian documents of the early
period had been found, wliile the great majority of the
texts recovered were known only from tablets of the
seventh centmy n.c, rendered it possible for the upholders
of the pan-Semitic theory to make out a case. In fact,
it was not until the renewal of excavations in Babylonia
that fresh e\idence was obtained M'hich put an end
to the Sumerian controversy, and settled the problem
once for all in accordance with the view of Sir Henry
Kawlinson and of the more conservative "WTiters.^

That Babylonian civilization and culture originated
with the Sumerians is no longer in dispute ; the point
upon which difference of opinion now centres concerns
the period at which Sumerians and Semites first came
into contact. But before we embark on the discussion
of this problem, it will be well to give some account of
tlie physical conditions of the lands which invited the
immigration of these early races and formed the theatre
of their subsequent history. The lands of Sumer and
Akkad were situated in the lower valley of the
Euphrates and the Tigris, and corresponded approxi-
mately to the coinitry known by classical writers as
Babylonia. On the west and south their boundaries
are definitely marked by the Arabian desert and the
Persian Gulf which, in the earliest period of Sumerian
history, extended as far northward as the neighbour-
hood of the city of Eridu. On the east it is probable
that the Tigris originally formed their natural boundary,
but this was a direction in which expansion was possible,
and their early conflicts with Elam were doubtless
provoked by attempts to gain possession of the districts

' 'ilie cniitroveisy has now an historical rather than a practical importance.
Its earlier history is admirably summarized by AVeissbach in " Die sumerische
Frape," Leipzig', 181J8 ; cf. also Fossey, "iVIanucl d'Assyriologie,'' tome 1.
(Iil04), pp. 2(;9 ff. M. Halt'vy himself continues courageously to defend his
position in the pages of the " Revue St^mitique," but his followers have
deserted him.

INTRODUCTORY 7

to the east of the river. The frontier in this direction
undoubtedly underwent many fluctuations under the
rule of the early city-states, but in the later periods,
apart from the conquest of Elam, the true area of
Sumerian and Semitic authority may be regarded as
extending to the lower slopes of the Elamite hills. In
the north a political division appears to have corre-
sponded then, as in later times, to the difference in
geological structure. A line drawn from a point a
little below Samarra on the Tigris before its junction
with the Adhem to Hit on the Euphrates marks the
division between the slightly elevated and undulating
plain and the dead level of the alluvium, and this may
be regarded as representing the true boundary of Akkad
on the north. The area thus occupied by the two
countries was of no very great extent, and it was even
less than would appear from a modern map of the
Tigris and Euphrates valley. For not only was the
head of the Persian Gulf some hundred and twenty, or
hundred and thirty, miles distant from the present
coast-line, but the ancient course of the Euphrates
below Babylon lay considerably to the east of its
modern bed.

In general character the lands of Sumer and Akkad
consist of a flat alluvial plain, and form a contrast to
the northern half of the Tigris and Euphrates valley,
known to the Greeks as Mesopotamia and Assyria.
These latter regions, both m elevation and geological
structure, resemble the Syro-Arabian desert, and it is
only in the neighbourhood of the two great streams
and their tributaries that cultivation can be carried out
on any extensive scale. Here the country at a little
distance from the rivers becomes a stony plain, serving
only as pasture -land when covered with vegetation
after the rains of winter and the early spring. In
Sumer and Akkad, on the other hand, the rivers play
a far more important part. The larger portion of the
country itself is directly due to their action, having
been formed by the deposit which they have carried
down into the waters of the Gulf. Through this
alluvial plain of their own formation the rivers take
a w^inding course, constantly changing their direction

8 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

in consequence of the silting up of tlieir beds and
the fnlliii!'- in ol'tlie bajiks duiijiix the annual floods.

Of Uic two rivers tiie Tigris, oMing to its higher
and stronger banks, has undergone less change than the
Euphrates. It is true that during the Middle Ages its
present channel below Kut el-'i\inara was entirely
disused, its waters flowing by the Shatt el-Hai into
the Great Swamp which extended from Kufa on the
Euphrates to the neighbourhood of Kurna, covering an
area fifty miles across and nearly two hundred miles in
length.' But in the Sassanian period the Great Swamp,
the formation of which was due to neglect of the
system of irrigation under the early caliphs, did not
exist, and the ri\'cr followed its present channel.'- It is
thus probable that during the earlier periods of Baby-
lonian history the main body of water passed this way
mto the Gulf, but the Shatt el-Hai may have repre-
sented a second and less important branch of the
stream.^

The change in the course of the Euphrates has been
fjir more marked, the jjosition of its original bed being
indicated by the mounds covering the sites of early
cities, M'hich extend through the country along the
practically dry beds of the Shatt en-Nil and the Shatt
el-Kar, considerably to the east of its present channel.
The mounds of Abu Habba, Tell Ibrrdiim, El-Ohemir
and Niffer, marking the sites of the important cities

' The origin of tlie Great Swamp, or Swamps, called by Arab geographers
al-Batiha, or in* the plural al-BaU'iyih, is traced by Biladhuri to the reign of
tlie Persian king Kubadii I., towards tlio end of the filtli century b.c. Ihn
Serapion applies the name in the singular to four great stretches of water
{llawm), connected by channels through the reeds, wliicli began at El-Katr,
near the junction of the Sliatt el-IIai with the present bed of the Euphrates.
But from this point as far nortliwards as Nifier and Kiifa the wateis of tiie
Kupliratcs lost themselves in reed-beds and marshes; cf. G. le Strange,
"Journ. Koy. Asiat. Soc," 1D05, p. li;)7 f., and ''Lands of the Eastern
Caliphate," p. 20 f.

^ Accordnig to Ibn Ilusta ((juoted by Le Strange, "Journ. Roy. Asiat.
See," ]!»Uo, p. .301), in Sassanian times, and before the bursting of the dykes
which led to the formation of the swamps, the 'i'igris followed the same
eastern channel in whicli it flows at the present time ; this account is
confirmed by Yakut.

^ See tlie folding map at the end of tlie volume. The original courses of
the rivers in the small inset map of Babylonia during the earliest historical
periods agree in tlie main witli I'isher's reconstruction published in " Excava-
tions at Nippur," Pt. I., p. 3, Fig. 2. Eor points on which uncertainty still
exists, see below, p. 10 f.

INTRODUCTORY 9

of Sippar, Ciitba, Kish ' and Nippur, all lie to the east
of the river, the last two on the ancient bed of the
Shatt en-]\il. Similarly, the course of the Shatt
el-Kar, which formed an extension of the Shatt
en-Nil below Suk el-'Afej passes the mounds of Ahu
Hatab (Kisurra), Ffira (Shuruppak) and Hammam.
Warka (Erech) stands on a further continuation of the
Shatt en-Xil," while still more to the eastward are the
mounds of Bismaya and Jokha, representing the cities
of Adab and Umma.^ Senkera, the site of Larsa, also
lies considerably to the east of the present stream, and
the only city besides Babylon which now stands com-
paratively near the present bed of the Euphrates is Ur.
The positions of the ancient cities would alone be
sufficient proof that, since the early periods of Baby-
lonian history, the Euphrates luis considerably changed
its course.

Abundant evidence that this was the case is furnished
by the contemporary inscriptions that have been re-
covered. The very name of the Euphrates was expressed
by an ideogram signifying " the River of Sippar," from
which we may infer tliat Sippar originally stood upon
its banks. A Babylonian contract of the period of the
First Dynasty is dated in the year in which Samsu-iluna
constructed the wall of Kish " on the bank of the
Euphrates," * proving that either the main stream from
Sippar, or a branch from Babylon, flowed by El-Oliemir.
Still further south the river at Nippur, marked as at
El-Ohemir by the dry bed of the Shatt en-Nil, is termed
" the Euphrates of Nippur," or simply " the Euphrates "
on contract-tablets found upon the site.^ IMoreover,
the city of Shurippak or Shuruppak, the native town of
Ut-napishtim, is deseriljed by him in the Gilgamesh
epic as lying " on the bank of the Euphrates " ; and
Hammurabi, in one of his letters to Sin-idinnam, bids

» See below, p. ."^S f.

^ See the plan of Warka by Loftus, reproduced on p. 33. It will l.e noted
that he marks the ancient bed of the Shatt en-Nil as skirting the city on the
east.

' See below^ p. 21 f.

* Cf. Thureau-Uanain, ''Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1909, col. 205 f.

^ See Clay and Hilprecht, " Murashii Sons" (Artaxerxes I.), p. 7^, and
Clay, " Murashu Sons" (Darius II.), p. 70; cf. also Hommel, " Gruiidriss
der Geographie und Geschichte des alien Orients," p. 264.

10 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

him clear out the stream of tlie Euphrates " from Earsa
as far as Mr/"^ These references in the early texts
cover practically tlie whole course of the ancient bed of
the P^uphrates, and leave but a few points open to
conjecture.

In tlie norlli it is clear tliat at an early period a
second brancii broke away from the Euphrates at a
point about half-way between Sippar and the modern
town of ralnja, and, after flowing along the present
bed of the river as far as Babylon, rejoined the main
stream of the Euphrates either at, or more probably
below, the city of Kish. It was the extension of these
western channels which afterwards drained the earlier
bed, and we may conjectm'e that its waters were
di\erted back to tiie Euphrates at this early period by
artificial means.^ The tendency of the river was always
to break away westward, and the latest branch of the
stream, still further to the west, left the river above
Babylon at JNlusayyib. The fact that Birs, the site of
Borsippa, stands upon its upper course, suggests an
early date for its origin, but it is quite possible that the
first city on this site, in view of its proximity to
Babylon, obtained its water-supply by means of a
system of canals. However this may be, the present
course of this most western branch is marked by the
Nahr Hindiya, the Bahr Nejef, and the Shatt 'Ateshan,
which rejoins the Euphrates after passing Samawa. In
the iSIiddle Ages the Great Swamps started at Kufa, and
it is possible that even in earlier times, during periods of
inundation, some of the surplus water from the river
may have emptied itself into swamps or marshy land
below Borsippa,

The exact course of the Euphrates south of Nippur
during the earliest periods is still a matter for con-
jecture, and it is quite possible that its waters reached
the l*ersian Gulf through two, if not three, mouths. It
is certain that the main stream passed the cities of
Kisurra, Shuru])pak, and Erech, and eventually reached

' Cf. King, " Letters of Hammurabi," III., p. 18 f.

^ 'Hie Yusufiya Canal, running from Diuaniya to the Shatt el-Kar, was
jirohahly the result of a later eflort to divert some of the water back to the
ohl bed.

INTRODUCTORY 11

the Gulf below Ur. Whether after leaving Erech it
turned eastward to Larsa, and so south waixl to Ur, or
whether it flowed from Erech direct to Ur, and T^arsa
lay upon anotlier branch, is not yet settled, though the
reference in Hammura})i's letter may be cited in favoiu-
of the former view. Another point of uncertainty
concerns the relation of A dab and Umma to the stream.
The mounds of Bismaya and Joklia, wliicli mark their
sites, lie to the east, ofi' tlie line of tlie Shatt el-Kar, and
it is quite possible that they were built upon an eastern
branch of the river which may have joined the Shatt
el-Hai above Lagash, and so liave mingled with the
waters of the Tigris before reaching the Gulf.^

In spite of these points of uncertainty, it will be
noted that every city of Sumer and Akkad, the site of
which has been referred to, was situated on the
Euphrates or one of its brandies, not upon tlie Tigris,
and the only exception to this rule appears to have
been Opis, the most northern city of Akkad. The
preference for the Euphrates may be explained by the
fact that the Tigris is swift and its banks are high, and
it thus offers far less facilities for irrigation. The
Euphrates with its lower banks tends during the time
of high water to spread itself over the surrounding
country, which doubtless suggested to the earliest in-
habitants the project of regulating and utilizing the
supply of water by means of reservoirs and canals.
Another reason for the preference may be traced to the
slower fall of the water in the Euphrates during the
summer months. With the meltinp; of the snow in
the mountain ranges of the Taurus and Niphates during
the early spring, the first flood-water is carried down
by the swift stream of the Tigris, which generally begins
to rise in March, and, after reaching its highest level in
the early part of ISIay, falls swiftly and returns to its
summer level by the middle of June. The Euphrates,
on the other hand, rises about a fortnight later, and
continues at a high level for a much longer period.

' Andrae visited and surveyed the districts around Fara and Abu Hatab
in December^ 1902. In his map he marks traces of a channel, the Shatt el-
Farakhna, which, leaving the main channel at Shekh liedr, heads in the
direction of Bismaya (see " Mitteilungen der Doutschen Orient-Gesellschaft,"
No. 16, pp. 16 flF.).'

12 HISTOKV OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Even in the middle of July there is a eonsiderable body
of M'ater in the river, and it is not until September that
its lowest level is renehed. On both streams irrigation-
maehines were doubtless employed, as they are at the
j)resent day,^ but in the Euphrates they were only
necessary when the water in the river had fallen below
tiie level of the canals.

Between the lands of Sumer and Akkad there was
no natural division such as marks them off from the
regions of Assyria and JNIesopotamia in the noi'th. While
the north-eastern half of the country bore the name of
Akkad, and the south-eastern portion at the head of the
]*ersian Gulf was known as Sumer, the same alluvial
plain stretches southward from one to the other v/ith-
out any change in its general character. Thus some
difference of opinion has previously existed, as to the
precise boinidary which separated the two lands, and
additional confusion has been introduced by the rather
vague use of the name Akkad during the later Assyrian
and Neo-Babylonian periods. Thus Ashur-bani-pal,
when referring to the capture of Nana's statue by the
Elamites, puts E-anna, the temple of Nana in Erech,
among the temples of the land of Akkad, a statement
which has led to the view that Akkad extended as far
south as Erech.^ Ikit it has been pointed out that on
similar evidence furnished by an Assyrian letter, it
would be possible to regard Eridu, the most southern
Sumerian city as in Akkad, not in Sumer.^ The ex-
planation is to be found in the fact that by the Assyrians,
whose southern border marched with Akkad, the latter
name was often used loosely for the whole of Babylonia.
Such references should not therefore be employed for
determining the original limits of the two countries, and
it is necessary to rely only upon information supplied by
texts of a period earlier tlian that in which the original
distinction between the two names had become blurred.

From references to different cities in the early texts, it
is possible to form from their context, a very fair idea of
what the Sumerians thcmselv^es regarded as the limits

> Vf. Kin'4 and Hall, " ICirvpt and \\'ostern Asia," pp. 292 ff.

2 Cf. Delitzscli. " \\(. ha das I'aiadiis? " p. 200.

» Cf. 'riiiireau-Dangin, " Journal asiatiqne/' I'.lOP,, p. 131, u. 2.

INTRODUCTORY 13

of their own Ituid. For instance, from the Tello
inscriptions there is no doubt that Lagash was in
Sumer. Thus the god Ningirsu, when informing
Gudea, patesi of I^agash, tliat prosperity shall follow
the building of E-ninnu, promises that oil and wool
shall be abundant in Sumer ; ' the temple itself, which
was in Lagash, i^ recorded to have been built of bricks
of Sumer ;^ and, after the building of the temple was
finished, Gudca prays that the land may rest in security,
and that Sumer may be at the head of the countries.^
Again, Lugal-zaggisi, who styles himself King of the
Land, i.e. the land of Sumer,* mentions among cities
subject to him, Erech, Ur, Larsa, and Umma,^ proving
that they were regarded as Sumerian towns. The city
of Kesh, whose goddess Ninkharsag is mentioned on the
Stele of the Vultures, with the gods of Sumerian towns
as guaranteeing a treaty between Lagash and Umma,®
was probably in Sumer, and so, too, must have been
Isin, which gave a line of rulers to Sumer and Akkad
in succession to Ur ; about Eridu in the extreme south
there could be no two opinions. On the other hand,
in addition to the city of Agade or Akkad, Sippar,
Kish, Opis, Cutlia, Babylon and Borsippa are certainly
situated beyond the limits of Sumer and belong to the
land of Akkad in the north. Between the two
groups lay Nippur, rather nearer to the southern than
to the northern cities, and occupying the unique
position of a central shrine. There is little doubt that
the town was originally regarded as within the limits of
Sumer, but from its close association with any claimant
to the hegemony, whether in Sumer or in Akkad, it
acquired in course of time a certain intermediate posi-
tion, on the boundary line, as it were, between the two
countries.

Of the names Sumer and Akkad, it would seem that
neither was in use in the earliest historical periods,

' Cyl. A, Col. XI., 1. 16 f. ; see below. Chap. IX., p. 2G6.

2 Ibid., Col. XXI , 1. 25.

3 Cyl. B, Col. XXII., 1. 10 f.
* See below, p. 14.

'^ For this reading of Uie name of the city usually trauscribed as Gishkha
or Gishukh, see below, p. 21, n. o.
^ See below, Chap. V., p. 127 f.

14 HISTORY OF SUMEll AND AKKAD

thou<^h the fonner was probably the older of the two.
At a comparatively early date the southern district as
a whole was reiened to simply as "the Land,"^ pai'
excellence, ami it is probable tiiat the ideogram by which
the name of Sumer Mas expressed, was originally used
with a similar meaning.- The twin title, Sumer and
^Vkkad, was first regularly employed as a designation
for the whole country by tlie kings of Ur, who united
the two lialves of the land into a single empire, and
called themselves kings of Sumer and Akkad. The
earlier Semitic kings of Agade or Akkad ^ expressed
the extent of their empire by claiming to rule "the
four quarters (of the world)," while the still earlier
king Lugal-zaggisi, in virtue of his authority in Sumer,

1 The word kalam, "the Land," is first found in a royal title upon frag-
ments of early vases from Nippur which a certain " king of the land''
dedicated to Enlil in gratitude for his victories over Kish (see below,
Chap. \'1I.). The word kur-kur, "countries/' in such a phrase as lugdl kur-
kur-ge, " king of the countries," when applied to the god Enlil, designated
the whole of the habitable world ; in a more restricted sense it was used for
foreign countries, especially in the inscriptions of Gudea, in contradistinction
to the Land of Sumer (cf. Thureau-Dangin, ''Zeits. fiir Assyr.,"XVL, p. 354,
n. 3).

- The ideogram Ki-en-gi, by which the name of Sumer, or more correctly
Shumer, was expressed, already occurs in the texts of Eannatum, Lugal-
zaggisi andEnshagkushanna (see Chaps. \. and VII.). It has generally been
treated as an earlier proper name for the country, and read as Kengi or
Kingi. But the occurrence of the word ki-en-gi-ra in a Sumerian hymn,
where it is rendered in Semitic by mdtu, "land" (see Reisner, ''Sum.-13ab.
Ilyranen," pi. 130 ff.), would seem to show that, like kalam, it was employed
as a general designation for "the Land" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Die
sumerischen und akkadischeu Kunigsinschriften," p. 152, n.f.). llie form
ki-engi-ra is also met with in the inscriptions of Gudea (see Hommel,
" Grundriss," p. 242, n. 4, and Thureau-Dangin, op. cit., pp. 100, 112, 140),
and it has been suggested that the final syllable sliould be treated as a
phonetic complement and the word rendered as shiimer-ra (cf. Hrozny,
" Ninib und Sumer," iii tlie "Rev. Se'mit.," July, 1908, E.xtrait, p. 15). Accord-
ing to this view the word nhumcr, with tlie original meaning of " land," was
afterwards employed as a proper name for the country. The earliest occur-
rence of Shumeru, the Semitic form of the name, is in an early Semitic
legend in the British Museum, which refers to " the spoil of tlie Sunierians "
(see King, " Cun. Texts," Pt. V., pi. 1 f., and cf. ^Villckler, "Orient. Lit-
Zeit.," 1!J07, col. 34G, Ungnad, op. cit., 1908, col. 67, and Hrozny, " Rev.
S^mit.," 1!)08, p. 350).

^ Akkad, or AkkadCi, was the Semitic pronunciation of Agade, the older
name of tlie town ; a similar sharpening of sound occurs in Makkan, the
Semitic pronunciation of Magan (cf. Ungnad, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908,
coL 02, n. 4). The employment of the name of Akkad for the whole of the
northern half of the country probably dates from a period subsequent to the
increase of the city's power under Shar-Gani sliarri and Naram-Sin (see
t hap. \TII.) ; on the employment of the name for the Semitic speech of the
north, see below, p 52. The origin of the name Ki-uri, or Ki-urra,
employed in Sumerian as the equivalent of the name of Akkad, is obscure.

INTRODUCTORY 15

adopted the title " King of the I^and." In the time of
the early city-states, before the period of Eannatum,
no general title for the whole of Sinner or of ^Vkkad is
met with in the inscriptions that have been recovered.
Each city with its surrounding territory formed a com-
pact state in itself, and fought with its neighbours for
local power and precedence. At this time the names
of the cities occur by themselves in the titles of their
rulers, and it was only after several of them had been
welded into a single state that the need was felt for a
more general name or designation. Thus, to sj)eak of
Akkad, and even perhaps of Sumer, in the earliest
period, is to be guilty of an anachronism, but it is a
pardonable one. The names may be employed as
convenient geographical terms, as, for instance, when
referring to the country as a whole, we speak of
Babylonia during all periods of its history.

CHAPTER II

Tin: SITES OF EARI.Y CITIES
AND THE RACIAL CHARACTER OF THEIR INHABITANTS

THE excavations which have been conducted on
the sites of early Babylonian cities since the
middle of last century have furnished material
for the reconstruction of their history, but during
different periods and for different districts it varies
considerably in value and amount. AVhile little is
known of the earlier settlements in Akkad, and the
very sites of two of its most famous cities have not yet
been identified, our knowledge of Sumerian history and
topography is relatively more complete. Here the
cities, as represented by the mounds of earth and debris
wliich now cover them, fall naturally into two groups.
Tlie one consists of those cities which continued in
existence during the later periods of Babylonian history.
In their case the earliest Sumerian remains have been
considerably disturbed by later builders, and are now
buried deep beneath tlie accumulations of successive
ages. Their excavation is consequently a task of con-
siderable difficulty, and, even when the lowest strata
are reached, the interpretation of the evidence is often
doubtful. The other group comprises towns which
were occupied mainly by the Sumerians, and, after
being destroyed at an early date, were rarely, or never,
reoccupied by tlie later inhabitants of tlie country.
Tlie mounds of tliis dcscri})tion, so far as tliey liave
been examined, liave naturally yielded fuller informa-
tion, and they may therefore be taken first in the
following description of the early sites.

The greater j^art of our knowledge of early Sumerian
history has been derived from the wonderfully successful

EARLY CITIES 17

series of excavations carried out by the late INI. de
Sarzec at Tello/ between 1877 and 1900, and continued
for some months in 1903 by Captain (now Com-
mandant) Gaston Cros. These mounds mark the site
of tlie city of Shirpurla or Lagash, and he a few miles
to the north-east of tlie modern village of Shatra, to
the east of the Shatt el-IIai, and about an liour's ride
from the present course of the stream. It is evident,
howe\cr, that the city was built upon the stream, which
at this point may originally have formed a branch of
the Euphrates,^ for there are traces of a dry channel
upon its western side.

The name of the city is expressed by the signs shir-
pur-la {-ki), which are rendered in a bilingual incanta-
tion-text as Lagash.^ Hitherto it has been generally
held that Shirpurla represented the Sumerian name of
the city, which was known to the later Semitic inhabitants
as Lagash, in much the same way as Akkad was the
Semitic name for Agade, though in the latter case the
original name was taken over. But the prolonged
excavations carried out in the mounds of Tello have
ftiiled to bring to light any Babylonian remains later
than the period of the kings of Larsa who were con-
temporaneous ^dth the First Dynasty of Babylon. At
that time the city appears to have been destroyed, and to
have lain deserted and forgotten imtil it was once more
inhabited in the second century B.C. Thus it is difficult
to find a reason for a second name. We may therefore

* In point of time, the work of Loftus and Taylor (see below^ pp. 32 ff.)
preceded that of De Sarzec, but the results obtained were necessarily less
complete. It would be out of place in the present volume to give any account
of excavations in Assyria, as they have only an indirect bearing on the period
here treated. For a chronological sketch of tlie early travellers and excava-
tors, see Rogers, " History of Babylonia and Assyria," vol. i. pp. 100 if., who
also gives a detailed account of the decipherment of the cuneiform inscrip-
tions ; cf. also Fossey, "Manuel," I., pp. 6 ff. For a similar chronological
treatment, but from the archaeological side, see the sections ivith whicli
Hilprecht prefaces his account of the Nippur excavations in " Kxplorations
in Bible J.ands," pp. 7 ff.

- See above, p. 11.

3 Cf. " Cun. Texts in the Brit. Mas.," Pt. XVI., pi. .3G, 1. 4 f. ; as written
here the name might also be read Lagarum or Lagadil. That Lagash is the
correct reading is proved by the fragment of a duplicate text published in
Reisner, "Sum. -Bab. Hymnen," pi. 12G, No. 81, where the final character of
the name is unmistakably written as ash ; cf. Meissner, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.,"
1907, col. 385.

18 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

assume that the place was called Lagash by the
Sumerians, and that the signs which can be read as
Shirpurla represent a traditional ideographic way of
writing the name amono' the Sumerians themselves.
There is no diihculty in supposing that the city's name
and the way of writing it were preserved in Babylonian
literature, although its site liad been forgotten.

The group of mounds and hillocks which mark the
site of the ancient city and its suburbs form a rough
oval, running north and south, and measuring about
two and a half miles long and one and a quarter broad.
During the early spring the limits of the city are clearly
visible, for its ruins stand out as a yellow spot in the
midst of the light green vegetation which covers the
surrounding plain. The grouping of the principal
mounds may be seen in the accompanying plan, in
which each contour-line represents an increase of one
metre in height above the desert level. The three
principal moinids in the centre of the oval, marked on
the plan by the letters A, K, and V,^ are those in which
the most important discoveries have been made. The
mound A, which rises steeply towards tlie north-west
end of the oval, is known as the Palace Tell, since
here was uncovered a great Parthian palace, ereeted
immediately over a building of Gudea, whose bricks
were partly reused and partly imitated. In conse-
quence of this it was at first believed to be a palace of
Gudea himself, an error that was corrected on the
discovery that some of the later bricks bore the name
of Hadadnadinakhe in Aramean and Greek characters,
proving that the building belonged to the Seleucid era,
and was probably not earher than about 130 B.C. Coins
were also foimd in the palace with Greek inscriptions
of kings of the little independent province or kingdom
of Kharakene, which was foimded about IGO B.C. at the
mouth of the Shatt el-' Arab. But worked into the

' Separate niouiids in tlic jj:roup were rcferrod to hy ])e Sarzcc under the
letters A-I', P', and V. For tlie actount of the difr^infrs and their results,
see E. de Sarzec and Loon Heuzey, " Decouvertes en Chaldee '' (" Description
des fouilles/' ]»y Ue Sarzec ; " Description des monuments/' hy Heuzey ;
" Partie (•])if,'-raj)lii(|ue/' hy Aniiaud and 'J'liureau-Dan^nn), Paris, 1884-ltl0(i;
see also Heuzey, " Uuq Villa royale chaldcenne," and " llevue d'Assyriologie,"
pasiiiu.

EARLY CITIES

structure of this late palace were the remains of Gudea's
building, which formed part of E-ninnu, the temple of
the city-god of Lagash. Of Gudea's structure a gate-
way and part of a tower are the portions that are best

preserved/ while under the south-east corner of the
palace was a wall of the rather earlier ruler Ur-Bau.^

1 The plate ojjposite p. 20 illustrates the way in which Gudea's gateway
has been worked into the structure of the Parthian Palace. The slight difler-
ence in the ground-level of tlic two buildings is also clearly shown.

^ See the plate opposite p. 2G.

20 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

In tlie lower strata no other earlier remains were
broiio^ht to light, and it is possible that the site of the
temple was changed or enlarged at this j)criod, and that
in earlier times it stood nearer the mound K, where the
oldest buildings in Tello have been found. Here was a
storehouse of Ur-Nina/ a very early patesi of the city
and the foimder of its most powerful dynasty, and in
its immediate neiglibourhood were recovered the most
important monuments and inscriptions of the earlier
period. Beneath Ur-Nina's storehouse was a still
earlier building,^ and at the same deep level above the
virgin soil were found some of the earliest examples of
Sumerian sculpture that have yet been recovered. In
the mound V, christened the " Tell of the 'J'ablets,"
were large collections of temple-documents and tablets
of accounts, the majority of them dating from the
period of the Dynasty of Ur.

The monuments and inscriptions from Tello have
furnished us with material for reconstructing the
history of the city with but few gaps from the earliest
age until the time when the Dynasty of Isin succeeded
that of Ur in the rule of Sumer and Akkad. To the
destruction of the city during the period of the First
Dynasty of Babylon and its subsequent isolation we
owe the wealth of early records and archaeological
remains which have come down to us, for its soil has
escaped disturbance at tlie hands of later builders except
for a short interval in Hellenistic times. The fact that
other cities in the neighbourhood, which shared a
similar fate, have not yielded such striking results to the
excavator, in itself bears testimony to the important
position occupied l)y I^agash, not only as the seat of a
long line of successful rulers, but as the most important
centre of Sumerian culture and art.

The mounds of Surghul and El-Hibba, lying to the
north-east of Tello and about six miles from each other,
which were excavated by Dr. Koldcwey in 1887, are
instances in })oint. Both mounds, and particularly the
former, contain numerous early graves beneath houses

' From tlie nature of this building Ainiaud christened the mound the
*''i'cll de la Mai><on de« rrnit.«."

* A description of these buildings is given in Chap. I\'., [)p. !.tO ff.

f.^?.

UVi

'4//

'M * •

•1

;:iC

> 5

£5^

i:-^ r: 's

— X

EARLY CITIES 21

of iinburnt brick, such as have subsequently been found
at Fara, and both cities were destroyed by fire pro-
bably at the time when Lagash was wiped out. From
the quantities of ashes, and from the fact that some of
the bodies appeared to have been partially burnt, Dr.
Koldewey erroneously concluded that the mounds
marked the sites of " fire-necropoles," where he
imagined the early Babylonians burnt tlieir dead, and
the houses he regarded as tombs.^ But in no period
of Sumerian or Babylonian history was this practice in
vogue. The dead were always buried, and any appear-
ance of burning must have been produced during the
destruction of the cities by fire. ^Vt El-Hibba remains
were also visible of buildings constructed wholly or in
part of kiln-baked bricks, which, coupled with the greater
extent of its mounds, suggests that it was a more impor-
tant Sumerian city than Surghul. This has been con-
firmed by the greater number of inscriptions which
were found upon its site and have recently been
published.' They include texts of the early patesis of
Lagasli, Eannatum and Enannatum I, and of the later
patesi Gudea. A text of Gudea was also found at
Surgliul proving that both places were subject to
Lagasli, in whose territory they were probably always
included during the periods of that city's power. That,
apart from the graves, few objects of achaeological or
artistic interest were recovered, may in part be traced
to their proximity to Lagash, wliich as the seat of
government naturally enjoyed an ad\'antage in this
respect over neighbouring towns.

During the course of her early history the most
persistent rival of Lagash was the neighbouring city
of Umma,^ now identified with the mound of Jokha,
lying some distance to the north-west in the region
between tlie Shatt el-Hai and the Sliatt el-Kar. Its

1 Cf. "Zeit8. fur Assyr /' II., pp. 406 ff.

^ Cf. Messerschmidt, " Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler," p. v. f.,
pi. 1 ff.

^ The name is still often transcribed as Gislikhu or Gishukh ; for the
reading Umma. supplied by a Neo-Fabylonian vocabulary, see " Cun. Texts,"
XII., pi. 28, Obv., 1. 7, and cf. Ilrozny, " Zeits. fiir Assyr.," XX. (1907),
pp. 421 ff. For its identification with Jokha, see Scheil, " Rec. de trav./'
XIX., p. 63 ; cf. also XXL, p. 125.

22 HISTOIIY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

neighbourhood and part of the mound itself are covered
with sand-dunes, which give the spot a very desohite
appearance, but tliey are of recent formation, since
between them can still be seen traces of former culti-
vation. The principal mound is in the form of a ridge
over half a mile long, running W.S.AV, to E.N.E. and
rising at its highest point about fifteen metres above
the plain. Two lower extensions of the principal
mound stretch out to the east and soutii-east.

Zc-I

DESERT

AFTER AHDRAE,

No excavations have yet been conducted on this
site, but it was visited by Dr. Andrae in the winter
of 1902-3. He noted traces of a large building on a
platform to the north of the principal ridge, marked
A on the plan. It appears to have formed a square,
its sides measuring seventy metres in length, and a
small mound rises in the centre of it. Quantities of
square, kiln-burnt bricks are scattered on the mound
which covers it, and on the south side traces of a

EARLY CITIES 23

rectangular chamber are visible.^ Numerous fragments
of diorite also suggest the presence of sculptures, and
at the south corner of the building, at the spot marked
with a cross on the plan, the Germans found a fragment
of diorite with part of a carefully chiselled inscription
in archaic characters. The occurrence of unglazed
potsherds, flint implements, and plano-convex bricks
on other parts of the mound are an indication tliat,
like Fara, the site contains relics of still earlier habita-
tion. INIoreover, it is said tliat for years past Arab
diggings have been carried out there, and early tablets
and three cones of the patesi Galu-Babbar have reached
Europe from this site. In view of the promising traces
he noted and of the important part which tlie
city played in early Sumerian history, it is almost
to be regretted that Dr. Andrae did not substitute
Jokha for Abu Hatab as a site for his subsequent
excavation.

Other mounds in the same neighbourhood also
suggest prospects of success for the future excavator.
One of these is Hammam, which lies about seven and
a half miles W.S.W. of Jokha and close to the bed of
the Shatt el-Kar. It consists of a group of separate
mounds, on one of which are the remains of a rect-
angular building resembling a ziggurat or temple-
tower. Its side measures thirty metres, and it rises
to a height of twelve metres above the surface of the
mound, which in turn is three metres above the plain.
Clay, in which layers of reeds are embedded, has been
spread between the bricks as at Warka. JNlore to the
north of it in the same mound are traces of another
building, possibly the temple of which it formed a part.
To the south of Hammtlm, and a little oyer three miles
to the west of the Shatt el-Kar is Tell 'Id, another site
which might repay excavation. It consists of a well-
defined mound, about thirty metres high at the summit,
and is visible from a considerable distance. Unlike
Hammam and Jokha, however, it shows no trace upon
its surface of any building, and there are no potsherds,
bricks, or other objects scattered on the mound to

' Cf. 'SMitteil. der Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 16, p. 20 f. Dr.
Andrae adds valuable notes on other mounds he visited during this journey.

24 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

aiford an indication of its date. Both Tell 'Id and
Hanimam stand on a slightly elevated tract of desert
soil, some ten miles broad, \vhich raises them above
the marshes caused by the inundations of the Euphrates.
On the same tract farther to the south are Senkera and
Warka, which Avere examined by I^oftus in the early
fifties.^

Of the early sites in the region of the Shatt el-I\ar
the moimds at Fara have been the most productive of
remains dating from the prehistoric period of Sumerian
culture. Systematic excavations were begun here by
Dr. Koldewey in 1902,^ and were continued in the
following year by Drs. Andrae and Noeldeke.^ The
accompanying j;lan will give some idea of the ex-
tensive area occupied by the mounds, and of the
method adopted for ascertaining their contents with-
out too great an expenditure of time. The Arabic
numerals against the contour lines indicate their height
in metres above the level of the plain. Roman figures
are set at each end of the trenches in the order in which
they were cut. Thus the first two trenches (I. and II.),
running from north to south and from east to west
respectively, were cut across the mounds by Dr.
Koldewey to gain some idea of their general character.
The subsequent trenches were all cut parallel to the
second through the higher portions of the site, a few
of them being extended so as to cover the lower
detached mounds to the east. In the plan the trenches
are marked as continuous, but actually each consists of
a series of short sections, divided by bands of soil left
uncut. These hold up the sides of the trench and
leave passages for crossing from one side to the other.*
Whenever a trench discloses the remains of a building
it can be completely uncovered and the trench after-
wards continued until another building is disclosed.
In the plan the principal cleared areas are outlined,

» See below, j). 33 f.

2 See "Mittcil. der Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 15, p. Off.

3 Op. cit., No. 17, p. 4ff.

* Each section of a trciicli is also given a letter, so that such a symbol as
IV. b or XII. X indicates within very precise limits the prnvnnince of any
object discovered. The letter A on the plan marks tlie site of the house
built by the expedition.

EARLY CITIES

and the position of walls which were uncovered within
them is indicated by fine lines.

In the course of the systematic excavation of the
site, it was clearly established that all the mounds
at Fara belong to a very early period. In many places
the trenches cut through thick strata of ashes and

charred remains, and it was seen that the whole settle-
ment had been destroyed by fire, and that the greater
part of it had never been reoccupied. All trace of
buildings practically ceased at a depth of more than two
metres beneath the present surface, and those that were
excavated appear to belong to a single epoch. Their
early period is attested by the fact that they are all

2G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

built of plano-convex bricks/ both baked and unbaked,
witii thumb-marks or lines impressed by the finger
on their upper surftice. Many of them were clearly
dwelling-houses, consisting of chambers grouped around
a rectangular court; others are of circular form, measur-
ing from two to five metres across, and their use has
not been determined.^ It has been suggested that the
latter may have served as wells, and it is true that they
generally descend to a depth of about four metres
below the level of the plain. 15ut they are scattered
so thickly in the mound that this explanation of their
use is scarcely adequate ; moreover each was roofed in
with an arch of overlapping bricks laid horizontally.
They may have been cisterns, or designed for receiving
refuse-water from the houses, but against this view is to
be set the fact that they are not connected in any way
with the numerous brick channels and clay drains that
were discovered. Similar constructions were found at
Surghul, and nothing in the debris which filled them,
either there or at Fara, has thrown light upon the
purpose which they served.

The most interesting discoveries at Fara were the
graves. These consist of two classes, sarcophagus-
graves and mat-burials. The sarcophagi are of un-
glazed clay, oval in form, with flat bottoms and upright
sides, and each is closed with a terra- cotta lid. In the
mat-burials the corpse with its offerings was wrapped in
reed-matting and placed in a grave dug in the soil.
The bodies were never buried at length, for in both
classes of graves the skeletons are found lying on their
sides with their legs and arms bent. The right hand
usually holds a drinking-cup, of clay, stone, copper or
shell, which it appears to be raising to the mouth ; and
near the skull are often other vessels and great water-
pots of clay. In the graves the weapons of the dead
man were placed, and the tools and ornaments he had
used during life. Copper spear-heads and axes were
often found, and the blades of daggers with rivets for a
wooden handle, and copper fish-hooks and net-weights.

' This form of brick is characteristic of the Pre-Sargonic period ; cf. p. 91.
^ The positions of some of the larger ones, which were excavated iu the
northern part of the mounds, are indicated by black dots iu the plan.

OUTER FACE OF A FOUNDAIION-WAIJ, AT TKIJ.O, V.VU.T 1!Y UR-BAU,

PATESI OF SHIRl'URl.A.
/Jt'c. c-it Chald., pi. 51.

EARLY CITIES 27

The ornaments were very numerous, tlie wealthy
wearing bead-necklaces of agate and lapis-lazuli, the
poorer contenting themselves with paste or shell, while
silver finger-rings and copper arm-rings were not un-
common. A very typical class of grave-furniture con-
sisted of palettes or colour-dishes, made of alabaster,
often of graceful shape, and sometimes standing on four
feet. There is no doubt as to their use, for colour
still remains in many of them, generally black and
yellow, but sometimes a light rose and a light green.
Since all other objects in the graves were placed there
for the personal use of the dead man, we may infer that
colour was employed at that period for painting the
body.

No difference in age appears to have separated the
two classes of burial, for the offerings are alike in each,
and the arrangement of the bodies is the same. Why
there should have been a difference in custom it is
difficult to say. It might be inferred that the sarcopha-
gus was a mark of wealth, were it not that the offerings
they contain are generally more scanty than in the mat-
burials. Whatever may be the explanation there is
httle doubt that they belong to the same race and
period. Moreover, we may definitely connect the
graves with the buildings under which they are found,
for in some of them were seal- cylinders precisely
similar to others found in the debris covering the
houses, and the designs upon them resemble those on
sealings from the strata of ashes in the upper surface of
the mounds. The seals are generally of shell or hme-
stone, rarely of harder stone, and the designs represent
heroes and mythological beings in conflict with animals.
The presence of the sealings and seal-cylinders, resem-
bling in form and design those of the early period at
Tello, in itself suggests that Fara marks the site of an
early Sumerian town. This was put beyond a doubt by
the discovery of clay tablets in six of the houses,^ where
they lay on the clay floor beneath masses of charred
debris which had fallen from the roof ; beside them were
objects of household use, and in one room the remains of

' The bouses with the clay tablets were found in trenches VII., IX., XIII.,
and XV.

28 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

a charred rced-niat were under them. The tablets were
of unbaked clay, simihu' in ;.haj)e to early contracts
from Tcllo, and the texts upon them, written in ex-
tremely archaic characters, referred to deeds of sale.

Tiiere is thus no doubt as to the racial character
of the inhabitants of this early settlement. The dis-
covery of a brick inscribed witli the name of Khaladda,
patesi of Shiu-u})pak, proved that Fara was the site
of the ancient city wliich later tradition regarded as
the scene of the Deluge. Khaladda's inscription is not
written in \'ery archaic characters, and he probably
lived in the time of the kings of Sumcr and Akkad.
We may tluis infer that Shuruppak continued to exist
as a city at that period, but the greater part of the
site was never asfain inhabited after the destruction of
the early town by fire. We have described its remains
in some detail as they are our most valuable source
of information concerning the earliest Sumerians in
Babylonia. Until the objects that were found have
been published it is difficult to determine accurately
its relation in date to the earlier remains at Tello. A
few fragments of sculpture in relief were discovered
in the course of the excavations, and these, taken in
conjunction with the cylinder-seals, the inscribed tablets,
and the pottery, suggest that no long interval separated
its period from that of the earliest Sumerians of history.

A less exhaustive examination of the neighbouring
mounds of Abu Hatab was also undertaken by Drs.
Andrae and Noeldeke. This site lies to the north of
Fara, and, like it, is close to the Shatt el-Kar.^ The
southern part of the tell could not be examined because
of the modern Arab graves which here lie thick around
the tomb of the Imam Sa'id Muhammad. But the
trenches cut in the higher parts of tlie mound, to
the north and along its eastern edge, sufficed to

* In the folding map Fara has been set on the right bank of the Shatt el-
Kar, in accordance witii Loftus's map published in " Travels and Researches
in Chaldaea and Susiana." From Amlrae's notes it would seem that Abu
Hatab, and probably Kara also, lie on the east or left bank. But the ancient
bed of the stream has disappeared in many places, and is difficult to follow,
and elsewhere there are traces of two or three parallel channels at consider-
able distances apart, so that the exact position of the original bed of the
Kuphrates \a not certain at this point.

EARLY CITIES

indicate its general character/ Earlier remains, such
as were found at Fara, are here completely wanting,

o I51AM SA 16 MUH/W^MAO

ABU HATAB

AriLR ANDRAE AMD HOELDtTC

<• 20 0 20 io to so loo
OC. i 1 l_

and it would appear to be not earlier than the period
of the kings of Sumer and Akkad. This is indicated

1 111 tlie plan the trenches and excavated sites are lettered from A to K.
The figures, preceded by a cross, give in metres and centimetres the height
of the mound at that point above the level of the plain.

30 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

by bricks of Bur-Siii T., King of Ur, which were dis-
co\'ered scattered in debris in the north-west part of
the mound, and by the finding of case-tablets in the
houses belonging to the period of the dynasties of Ur
and Isin.^ The graves also differed from those at Fara,
generally consisting of pot-burials. Here, in place of
a shallow trough with a lid, the sarcophagus was formed
of two great pots, deeply ribbed on the outside ; these
were set, one over the other, with their edges meeting,
and after burial they were fixed together by means
of pitch, or bitumen. 1'he skeleton is usually found
within lying on its back or side in a crouching position
with bent legs. The general arrangement of drinking-
cups, offerings, and ornaments resembles that in the
Fara burials, so that the difference in the form of the
sarcophagus is merely due to a later custom and not
to any racial change. Very similar burials were found
by Taylor at INIukayyar, and others have also been
unearthed in the earlier strata of the mounds at
Babylon.

The majority of the houses at Abii Hatab appear
to have been destroyed by fire, and, in view of the
complete absence of later remains, the tablets scattered
on their floors indicate the period of its latest settle-
ment. It thus represents a well-defined epoch, later
than that of the mounds at Fara, and most valuable
for comparison with them. At neither Fara nor Abii
Hatab were the remains of any important building or
temple disclosed, but the graves and houses of the
common people have furnished information of even
greater value for the archaeologist and historian.
Another mound which should provide further material
for the study of this earliest period is Bismaya, the
site of the city at Adab, at which excavations were
begun on December 25, 1903 by the University of
Chicago and continued during the following year.^
The mound of Hetime to the west of Fara, may, to

' Itiir-Shamasli, whose biick-iu8cription furnished the information that
Abu Ilatab is the site of the city Kisurra, is to be set towards the end of
this period ; see below, Chap. XI., and cf. p. 283 f., n. 1.

2 See the extracts from the " Reports of the Expedition of the Oriental
Exploration Fund (Babylonian Section) of the University of Chicago," which
were issued to the subscribers.

i
I

EARLY CITIES 31

judge from the square bricks and fragments of pot-
burials that are found there, date from about the same
period as Abu Hatab. But it is of small extent and
height, the greater part being merely six or seven
feet above the plain, while its two central mounds
rise to a height of less than fourteen feet.

Such are the principal early Sumerian mounds in
the region of the Shatt el-Kar and the Shatt el-Hai.
Other mounds in the same neighbourhood may well
prove to be of equally early dates ; but it should be
noted that some of these do not cover Sumerian cities,
but represent far later periods of occupation. The
character of the extensive mound of Jidr to the east of
Fara and Abu Hatab is doubtful ; but the use of lime-
mortar in such remains as are visible upon the surface
indicates a late epoch. A number of smaller tells may
be definitely regarded as representing a settlement in
this district during Sassanian times. Such are Duba'i,
which, with two others, lies to the south of Fara, and
Bint el-Mderre to the east ; to the same period may be
assigned JNlenedir, which lies to the north-east, beyond
Deke, the nearest village to Fara. This last mound,
little more than a hundred yards long, covers the site of
a burial-place ; it has been completely burrowed through
by the Arabs in their search for antiquities, and is now
covered with fragments of sarcophagi. The mounds of
Mjelli and Abu Khuwasij to the west of Fara are
probably still later, and belong to the Arab period.

It will have been noted that all the Sumerian
mounds described or referred to in the preceding para-
graphs cover cities which, after being burned down and
destroyed in a comparatively early period, were never
reoccupied, but were left deserted. Lagash, Umma,
Shuruppak, Ki surra, and Adab play no part in the
subsequent history of Babylonia. We may infer that
they perished during the fierce struggle which took
place between the Babylonian kings of the First
Dynasty and the Elamite kings of Larsa. At this
time city after city in Sumer was captured and retaken
many times, and on Samsu-iluna's final victory over
Rim-Sin, it is probable that he decided to destroy many
of the cities and make the region a desert, so as to put

32 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

an end to trouble for the future. As a matter of fact,
lie only succeeded in shiftin^^ the area of disturbance
southwards, for the Sunierian inhabitants fled to the
Sea-country on the shores of the Persian Gulf; and
to their inHuence, and to the reinforcements they
brought with them, may be traced the troubles of
Samsu-iluna and his son at tlie hands of lluma-ilu,
Avho had already established his indej)endence in this
region. Thus Samsu-iluna's policy of repression was
scarcely a success ; but the archaeologist has reason to
be gratcl'ul to it. The undisturbed condition of these
early cities renders their excavation a com])aratively
simple matter, and lends a certainty to conclusions
drawn from a study of their remains, which is neces-
sarily lacking in the ease of more complicated sites.

Another class of Sumerian cities consists of those
which were not finally destroyed by the Western
Semites, but continued to be important centres of
political and social life during the later periods of
Babylonian history. NiiTer, Warka, Senkera, Mukay-
yar, and Abu Shahrain all doubtless contain in their
lower strata remains of the early Sumerian cities which
stood upon their sites ; but the greater part of the
mounds are made up of ruins dating from a period not
earlier than that of the great builders of the Dynasty
of Ur. In Nippur, during the American excavations
on this site, the history of Ekm-, the temple of the god
Enlil, was traced back to the period of Shar-Gani-
Sharri and Narfmi-Sin ; ^ and fragments of early vases
found scattered in the debris beneath the chambers on
the south-east side of the Ziggurat, have thrown valu-
able light upon an early period of Sumerian history.
Init the excavation of the pre-Sargonic strata, so far as
it has yet been carried, has given negative rather than
positive results. The excavations carried out on the
other sites referred to were of a purely tentative cha-
racter, and, although they were made in the early fifties
of last century, they still remain the principal source of
our knowledge concerning them.

Some idea of the extent of the mounds of Warka
may be gathered from Loftus's plan. The irregular

* See below. Chap. 1\'., pp. 85 fF.

EARLY CITIES

circle of the mounds, marking the later walls of the
city, covers an area nearly six miles in circumference,
and in view of this fact and of the short time and
limited means at his disposal, it is surprising that he
should have achieved such good results. His work at
Buwariya, the principal mound of the group (marked A

on the plan), resulted in its identification with E-anna,
the gi'eat temple of the goddess Ninni, or Islitar, which
was enormously added to in the reign of Ur-Engur.
Loftus's careful notes and drawings of the facade of
another important building, covered by the mound
kno-vvn as Wuswas (B), have been of great value from
the architectural point of view, while no less interesting is

34 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

his description of the *' Cone Wall " (at E on the plan),
consisting in great part of terra-cotta cones, dipped in
red or hhick colour, and arranged to form various
patterns on the surface of a wall composed of mud and
chopped straw.' Ikit the date of both these construc-
tions is uncertain. The sarcophagus -graves and pot-
burials which he came across when cutting his tunnels
and trenches are clearly contemporaneous with those at

ttmcauxsma

GRAVL5

MUIVAYYAR

AfTER TAYLOR

GRAVES

Sc!

?oo ICO i,t>o seo
— 1 1 r I Vo^

■'f A ,-;«»>? >^ f -fe.-,, ]r9V i^";.

'^%

JS^

4. =^«S5'^^=i ...^i*f^

GRAVES

y^^MMfi'^V^'^ht-f GRAVES

f Jf

Abu Hatab, and tlie mound may well coiitahi still
earlier remains. The finds made in the neighbouring
mounds of Scnkera (Larsa), and Tell Sifr, were also
promising,- and, in spite of his want of success at Tell
Medina, it is possible that a longer examination would
have yielded better results.

Tiie mounds of Mukayyar, wliich mark tlie site of Ur,

» See " Chalilaoa aii.l Siisiaiia/' pp. 17^ H'. and iUlif.
2 Op. cit., pp. 244 ff., 2GG If.

EARLY CITIES 35

the centre of tlie Moon-god's cult in Sumer, were partly
excavated by Taylor in 1854 and 1855.^ In the northern
portion of the group he examined the great temple of
the ]Moon-god (marked A on the plan), the earliest
portions of its structure whicli he came across dating
from the reigns of Dungi and Ur-Engur. Beneath a
building in the neighbourhood of the temple (at B on
the plan) he found a pavement consisting of plano-
convex bricks, a sure indication that at this point, at
least, were buildings of the earliest Sumerian period,
while the sarcophagus-burials in other parts of the
mound were of the early type. Taylor came across
similar evidence of early building at Abu Shahrain,' the
comparatively small mound which marks the site of the
sacred city of Eridu, for at a point in the south-east
side of the group he uncovered a building constructed
of bricks of the same early character.

At Abu Shahrain indeed we should expect to find
traces of one of the earliest and most sacred shrines of the
Sumerians, for here dwelt Enki, the mysterious god of
the deep. The remains of his later temple now domi-
nates the group, the great temple -tower still rising in
two stages (A and B) at the northern end of the mound.
Unlike the other cities of Sumer, Eridu was not built
on the alluvium. Its situation is in a valley on the
edge of the Arabian desert, cut off from Ur and the
Euphrates by a low pebbly and sandstone ridge. In
fact, its ruins appear to rise abruptly from the bed of
an inland sea, which no doubt at one time was con-
nected directly with the Persian Gulf; hence the
description of Eridu in cuneiform literature as standing
" on the shore of the sea." Another characteristic
which distinguishes Eridu from other cities in Babylonia
is the extensive use of stone as a building material. The
raised platform, on which the city and its temple stood,
was faced with a massive retaining wall of sandstone.

' See his '-Notes on the ruins of Mugeyer" in the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, 18o.5, pp. 200 tf., 414f.

2 See his "Notes on Abii Shahrein and Tel el-Lahm/' op. cit., p. 409.
ITie trench which disclosed this structure, built of uniuscribed plauo-couvex
bricks laid in bitumen, was cut near the south-eastern side of the ruins,
between the mounds ¥ and G (see plan), and to the north-east of the gulley.

86 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

no doubt obtained from quarries in the neighbour-
hood, ^viule the stairway (marked D on the plan) leading
to the iirst stjige of the temple-tower had been formed of
polished marble slabs whieli were now scattered on the
surface of the mound. The marble stairs and the
numerous fragments of gold-leaf and gold -headed and

III r W '

r^ - I

7 •;■■''';,<■■■-

ABU SHAHRAIM

AfTER TAYLOR

So
c: u

100

J m.

copper nails, which Taylor found at the base of the
second stage of the temple-tower, attest its magnifi-
cence during the latest stage of its history. The name
and period of tlie city now covered by the neighbouring
mound of Tell Lahm, which w^as also examined by
Taylor, have not yet been ascertained.

It will thus be seen that excavations conducted on
the sites of the more famous cities of Sumer have not,

EARLY CITIES 37

with the single exception of Nippur, yielded much
information concerning the earlier periods of history,
while the position of one of them, the city of Isin, is
still unknown. Our knowledge of similar sites in Akkad
is still more scanty. Up to the present time systematic
excavations have been carried out at only two sites in
the north, Babylon and Sippar, and these have thrown
little light upon the more remote periods of their
occupation. The existing ruins of Babylon date from
the period of Nebuchadnezzar II., and so thorough was
Sennacherib's destruction of the city in G89 B.C., that,
after several years of work. Dr. Koldewey concluded
that all traces of earlier buildings had been destroyed on
that occasion. INIore recently some remains of earlier
strata have been recognized, and contract-tablets have
been found which date from the period of the First
Dynasty. Moreover, a number of earlier pot-burials
have been unearthed, but a careful examination of the
greater part of the ruins has added little to our know-
ledge of this most famous city before the Neo-Babylonian
era. The same negative results were obtained, so far as
early remains are concerned, from the less exhaustive
work on the site of Borsippa. Abu Habba is a far
more promising site, and has been the scene of excava-
tions begun by Mr. Rassam in 1881 and 1882, and
renewed by Pere Scheil for some months in 1894, while
excavations were undertaken in the neighbouring
mounds of Deir by Dr. Wallis Budge in 1891. These
two sites have yielded thousands of tablets of the period
of the earliest kings of Babylon, and the site of the
famous temple of the Sun-god at Sippar, which Naram-
Sin rebuilt, has been identified, but little is yet accu-
rately known concerning the early city and its suburbs.
The great extent of the mounds, and the fact that for
nearly thirty years they have been the happy hunting-
ground of Arab diggers, would add to the difficulty of
any final and exhaustive examination. It is probal)ly
in the neighbourhood of Sippar that the site of the city
of Agade, or Akkad, will eventually be identified.

Concerning the sites of other cities in Northern
Babylonia, considerable uncertainty still exists. The
extensive mounds of Tell Ibrahim, situated about four

88 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

hours to the north-east of Hilla, are probably to be
identified with Cutha, the eentre of the cult of Nergal,
but the mound of 'Akarkuf, which may be seen from so
^reat a distance on the road between Baghdad and
Faluja, probably covers a temple and city of the Kassite
period. Both the cities of Kish and Opis, which figure
so prominently in the early history of the relations
between Sumer and Akkad, were, until quite recently,
tliought to be situated close to one another on the
Tigris. That Opis lay on that river and not on the
Eupln-ates is clear from the account which Nebuchad-
nezzar II. has left us of his famous fortifications of
Babylon/ which are referred to by Greek writers as
"the Median Wall" and *' the Fortification of
Semiramis."

The outermost ring of Nebuchadnezzar's triple line
of defence consisted of an earthen rampart and a ditch,
which he tells us extended from the bank of the Tigris
above Opis to a point on the Euphrates within the city
of Sippar, proving that Opis is to be sought upon the
former river. His second line of defence was a similar
ditch and rampart which stretched from the causeway
on the bank of the Euphrates up to the city of Kish.
It was assumed that this rampart also extended to the
Tigris, although this is not stated in the text, and, since
the ideogram for Opis is once rendered as Kesh in a
bilingual incantation,'^ it seemed probable that Kish and
Opis were twin cities, both situated on the Tigris at no
great distance from each other. This view appeared to
find corroboration in the close association of the two
})laces during the wars of Eannatum, and in the fact
that at the time of Enbi-Ishtar they seem to have
formed a single state. But it has recently been shown
that Kish lay upon the Euphrates,^ and we may thus

» See Weisshach, " Wiidi Brissa," Col. VI., 11. 4Gff., and cf. pp. 39flF.

^ Tlie incantation is tlie one which has furnished us with aiitliority for
reading the name of Shirpurla as Lagash (see ahove, p. 17, n. 3). It is directed
ag-ainst the machinations of evil demons, and in one passap^e the powers for
f^ood inliercnt in tiie ancient cities of Babylonia are invoked on behalf of the
possessed man. Here, alonj? with tlie names of Eridu, Lagash, and Shuruppak,
occurs the ideogram for Opis, which is rendered in the Assyrian translation
as I\i-e-sld, i.e. Ke-li, or \\\s\\ (cf. Thompson, " Devils and Evil SpiritSj"
vol. i., i>. 102 f.).

^ See above, p. 9.

EARLY CITIES 39

accept its former identification with the mound of El-
Ohemir where bricks were found by Iver Porter record-
ing the building of E-meteursagga, tlie temple of
Zamama, the patron deity of Kish.^ Whether Opis is
to be identified with the extensive mounds of Tell
Manjur, situated on the right bank of the Tigris in the
great bend made by the river between Samarra and
Baghdad, or whether, as appears more probable, it is to
be sought further down stream in the neighbourhood
of Seleucia, are questions which future excavation may
decide.^

The brief outline that has been given of our know-
ledge concerning the early cities of Sumer and Akkad,
and of the results obtained by the partial excavation of
their sites, wall have served to show how much still
remains to be done in this field of archaeological re-
search. Not only do the majority of the sites still
await systematic excavation, but a large part of the
material already obtained has not yet been published.
Up to the present time, for instance, only the briefest
notes have been given of the important finds at Fara
and Abu Hatab. In contrast to this rather leisurely
method of publication, the plan followed by M. de
Morgan in making available without delay the results
of his work in Persia is strongly to be commended. In
this connection mention should in any case be made of
the excavations at Susa, since they have brought to
light some of the most remarkable monuments of the
early Semitic kings of Akkad. It is true the majority
of these had been carried as spoil from Babylonia to
Elam, but they are none the less precious as examples
of early Semitic art. Such monuments as the recently
discovered stele of Sharru-Gi, the statues of JManishtusu,
and Naram-Sin's stele of victory afford valuable evi-
dence concerning the racial characteristics of the early

1 See George Smith, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," III., p. 364, and cf.
Thureau-Dangin, ''Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1909, col. 205 f.

2 The fact that in an early Babylonian geographical listC'Cun. Inscr.
West. Asia," Vol. IV., pi. 30, No. 1) the name of Opis is mentioned after a
number of Sumerian cities, is no indication that the city itself, or another
city of the same name, was regarded as situated in Sumer, as suggested by
Jensen (cf '■ Zeits. fiir Assyr.," X\'., pp. 210 ff.) ; the next two names in the
list are those of Magan and Melukhkha.

40 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

inhabitants of Northern Babylonia, and enable us to trace
some of the stages in their artistic development. But
in Akkad itself tlie excavations have not thrown much
light upon these subjects, nor have they contributed to
the solution of the problems as to the period at which
Sumerians and Semites first came in contact, or which
race was first in possession of the land. For the study
of these questions our material is mainly furnished from
the Sumerian side, more particularly by the sculptures
and inscriptions discovered during tlie French excava-
tions at Tello.

It is now generally recognized that the two races
which inhabited Sumer and iVkkad during the early
historical periods were sharply divided from one another
not only by their speech but also in their physical
characteristics.^ One of the principal traits by which
they may be distinguished consists in the treatment of
the hair. While the Sumerians invariably shaved the
head and face, the Semites retained the hair of the head
and wore long beards. A slight modification in the
dressing of the hair was introduced by the Western
Semites of the First Babylonian Dynasty, who brought
with them from Syria the Canaanite Bedouin custom of
shaving the lips and allowing the beard to fall only
from the chin ; while they also appear to have cut the
hair short in the manner of the Arabs or Nabateans of
the Sinai peninsula.^ The Semites who were settled
in Babylonia during the earlier period, retained the
moustache as well as the beard, and wore their hair long.
AVhile recognizing the slight change of custom, intro-
duced for a time during the West Semitic domination,
the practice of wearing hair and beard was a Semitic
characteristic during all periods of history. The phrase
" the black-headed ones," Avhich is of frequent occurrence
in the later texts, clearly originated as a description
of the Semites, in contradistinction to the Sumerians
with their shaven heads.

Another distinctive characteristic, almost equally

' For the fullest treatnuMit of this subject, see Meyer, " Sumerier uiul
Spiniten in Babylouieu " (Abh. der Kiinigl. Preiiss. Akad. der VVissenscliaft. ,
•'JOG).

■^ Cf. Herodotus, III., 8.

T.IMI>TONK 1 1(;lkK Or AN K.\'KI,\ >r.MKkl\N I'ATI-SI.

OJ< HlilH OIKICIAI..

Hiit. Miis.. Xo. goo3Q ; ///.>.',». ly Messrs. MnitSfU i!r Co.

EARLY CITIES

striking, may be seen in the features of the ftice as
represented in the oiithne engraving and in the sculpture
of the earher periods. It is true that the Sumerian had
a prominent nose, whicli forms, indeed, his most striking
feature, but both nose and lips are never full and fleshy
as "with the Semites. It is sometimes claimed that
such primitive representations as occur upon Ur-Nina's
bas-rehefs, or in Fig. 1 in the accompanying block, are
too rude to be regarded as representing accurately an
ethnological type. But it will be noted that the same
general characteristics are also found in the later and
more finished sculptures of Gudea's period. This fact
is illustrated by the two black diorite heads of statu-
ettes figured on the following page. In both examples

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Figures of early Sumerians, engraved upon fragments of shell, which were
probably employed for inlaying boxes, or for ornamenting furniture. Earliest
period : from Tello,

[D^c, pi. 46, Nos. 2 and 1.]

certain archaic conventions are retained, such as the
exaggerated line of the eyebrows, and the unfinished
ear ; but nose and lips are obviously not Semitic,
and they accurately reproduce the same racial type
which is found upon the earlier reliefs.

A third characteristic consists of the different forms
of dress worn by Sumerians and Semites, as represented
on the monuments. The earliest Sumerians wore only
a thick woollen garment, in the form of a petticoat,
fastened round the waist by a band or girdle. The
gannent is sometimes represented as quite plain, in
other cases it has a scolloped fringe or border, while in
its most elaborate form it consists of three, four, or five
horizontal flounces, each lined vertically and scolloped

42 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

at the edge to represent thick locks of wool/ With
the hiter Sumcriuii patcsis tliis rough garment has
been given up in i;n our of a great shawl or mantle,
decorated M'ith a border, which was worn over the left
shoulder, and, falhng in straight folds, draped the body
with its opening in front.^ Botli these Sumerian forms
of garment are of quite different types from the Semitic
loin-cloth worn by Naram-Sin on his stele of victory,
and tlie Semitic plaid in wliicli he is represented on his
stele from Pir Hussein.^ The latter garment is a long,
narrow plaid whicli is wrapped round the body in
parallel bands, with the end thrown over the left

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 5.

Later tj^jos of Sumeriaiis, as exhibited by beads of male statuettes from Telle.
Figs. 4 and 5 are diflerent viov, s of the same head, which probably dates from the
ago of Gudea ; Fig. 3 may possibly be assigned to a rather later period.
[In the Louvre ; Cat. Nos. 95 and 93.]

shoulder. It has no slit, or opening, in front like the
later Sumerian mantle, and, on the other hand, was not
a shaped garment like the earlier Sumerian flounced

• 'I'he women of the earlier i)eriod appear to liave worn a modified form of
this garment, made of the same rou^h wool, but worn over the left shoulder
(see below, p. 112, Fig. 43). On tlieStele of tlie \'ultines, Kannatum, like his
soldiers, wears the petticoat, but this is supplemented by Avhat is obviously a
sejiarate garment of diflferent texture thrown over the left shoulder so as to
leave the right arm free ; this may have been the skin of an animal worn
with the natural liair outside (see the plate opposite p. 124).

2 A very similar fringed mantle was usually worn by the Sumerian women
of the later period, l)ut it was draped differently upon the body. Pressed at
first over the breasts and luider each arm, it is crossed at the back and its
ends, thrown over tli«! shoulders, fall in front in two symmetrical points ; for
a good example of the garment as seen from the front, see below, p. 71.

3 See below, p. 245, Fig. 5'.i.

EARLY CITIES 43

petticoat, though both were doubtless made of wool
and were probably dyed in bright colours.

Two distinct racial types are thus represented on
the monuments, differentiated not only by physical
features but also by the method of treating the hair and
by dress. IMoreover, the one type is characteristic of
those rulers whose language was Sumerian, the other
represents those whose inscriptions are in the Semitic
tongue. Two apparent inconsistencies should here be
noted. On the Stele of the Vultures, Eannatum and
his soldiers are sculptured with thick hair flowing from
beneath their helmets and falling on their shoulders.
But they have shaven faces, and, in view of the fact
that on the same monument all the dead upon the field
of battle and in the burial mounds have shaven heads,
like those of the Sumerians assisting at the burial and
the sacrificial rites, we may regard the hair of Eannatum
and his warriors as wigs, worn like the wigs of the
Egyptians, on special occasions and particularly in
battle. The other inconsistency arises from the dress
worn by Hammurabi on his monuments. This is not
the Semitic plaid, but the Sumerian fringed mantle,
and we may conjecture that, as he wrote his votive
inscriptions in the Sumerian as well as in the Semitic
language, so, too, he may have symbolized his rule in
Sumer by the adoption of the Sumerian form of dress.

It is natural that upon monuments of the later
period from Tello both racial types should be repre-
sented. The fragments of sculpture illustrated in
Figs. 6 and 7 may possibly belong to the same monu-
ment, and, if so, we must assign it to a Semitic king.^
That on the left represents a file of nude captives with
shaven heads and faces, bound neck to neck with the
same cord, and their arms tied behind them. On the
other fragment both captive and conqueror are bearded.
The latter 's nose is anything but Semitic, though in
figures of such small proportions carved in relief it
would perhaps be rash to regard its shape as significant.
The treatment of the hair, however, in itself constitutes

* Remains of an inscription upon Fig. 6 treat of the dedication of a
temple to the godNingirsu, and to judge from the characters it probably doea
not date from a period earlier than that of Gudea.

44 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

a sufficiently marked difference in racial custom. Fig. 8
represents a circular support of steatite, around which
are seated seven little figures liolding tablets on their
knees ; it is here reproduced on a far smaller scale than
the other fragments. The little figure that is best pre-
served is of unmistakably Semitic type, and wears a
curled beard trinuncd to a point, and hair that falls on

Fig. 6.

Fig. J.

Fig. 8.

Examples of sculpture of the latei period, from Tcllo, representing different
racial types.

[D^c, pi. 26, Figs. 106 and 10a ; pi. 21, Fig. 5.]

the shoulders in two great twisted tresses ; the face of
the figure on his left is broken, but the head is clearly
shaved. A similar mixture of types upon a single
monument occurs on a large fragment of sculpture
representing scenes of worship,^ and also on Sharru-Gi's
monument which has been found at Susa.^

At the period from which these sculptures date it is
not questioned that the Semites were in occupation of
Akkad, and that during certain periods they had already
extended their authority over Sumer. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that at this time both Sumerians and

' See the plate facing p. 52, and of. p. G8 f.
* See below. Chap. VIII., pp. 220 ff.

EARLY CITIES

Semites should be represented side by side upon the
monuments. When, however, we examine what is
undoubtedly one of the earliest sculptured reliefs from
Tello the same mixture of racial types is met with.

Fig. 9.

Fia. 10.

i'lu. 11.

Fragments of a circular bas-relief of the earliest period, from Tello, sculptured
with a scene representing the meeting of two chieftains and their followers. The
difierent methods of treating the hair are noteworthy.

[In the Louvre ; Cat. No. 5.]

The object is unfortunately broken into fragments, but
enough of them have been recovered to indicate its
character. Originally, it consisted of two circular blocks,
placed one upon the other and sculptured on their outer
edge with reliefs. They were perforated vertically with

46 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

two holes -which were intended to support maces, or
otlior votive ohjccts, in an iipviL,^lit position. The figures
in the rehcf form two se})arate rows which advance
towards one another, and at their head are two chiefs,
wlio are represented meeting face to face (Fig. 9). It
will be noticed that the cliicf on the left, who carries a
bent club, has long hair faUing on the shoulders and is
bearded. Four of his followers on another fragment
(Fig. 10) also have long hair and beards. The other
chief, on tlie contrary, wears no hair on his face, only on
his head, and, since his followers have shaven heads and
faces, ^ we may conjecture that, like Eannatum on the
Stele of the Vultures, he wears a wig. All the figures
are nude to the waist, and the followers clasp their
hands in token of subordination to their chiefs.

The extremely rude character of the sculpture is a
sufficient indication of its early date, apart from the
fact that the fragments were found scattered in the
lowest strata at Tello. The fashion of indicating
the hair is very archaic, and is also met with in a
class of copper foundation-figures of extremely early
date." The monument belongs to a period when
writing -was already employed, for there are slight
traces of an inscription on its upper surface, which
probably recorded the occasion of the meeting of the
chiefs. Moreover, from a fifth fragment that has
been discovered it is seen that the names and titles
of the various personages were engraved upon their
garments. The monument thus belongs to the earliest
Sumerian period, and, if we may apply the rule as to
tlie treatment of the hair which we have seen holds
good for tlie later periods, it would follow that at this
time tlie Semite was already in the land. The scene,
in fact, would represent the meeting of two early
chieftains of tlie Sumcrians and Semites, sculptured
to commemorate an agreement or treaty which they
had drawn up.

* According; to the traces on the stone the figure immediately behind the
beardless chief has a shaven head and face, like his other two folluuers in
Fiar. 3. The figure on the right of this fragment wears hair and heard, and
j>robably represents a mcnil)er of the opposite party conducting them into the
presence of his master.

' Sec '' Dec. en C haldee," pi. 1 hi.s; Figs. 3 7.

EARLY CITIES

By a similar examination of the gods of the
Sumerians, as they are represented on the monuments,
Professor INIeyer has sought to show that the Semites
were not only in Babylonia at the date of the earliest
Sumerian sculptures that have been recovered, but also
that they were in occupation of the country before the
Sumerians. The type of the Sumerian gods at the
later period is well illustrated by a limestone panel of

Fig. 12.

Limestone panel sculptured in relief, with a scene representing Gudea being
led by Ningiahzida and another god into the presence of a deity who is seated on
a throne.

[In the Berlin Museum ; c/. Sum. und Sent., Taf. VII.]

Gudea, which is preserved in the Berlin ^luseum. The
sculptured scene is one that is often met with on
cylinder-seals of the period, representing a suppUant
being led by lesser deities into the presence of a greater
god. In this instance Gudea is being led by his patron
deity Ningishzida and another god into the presence
of a deity who was seated on a throne and held a vase
from which two streams of water flow. The ri^ht half

but the flgure of the seated god

of the panel is broken,

48 HISTORY OF 81TMER AND AKKAD

may be in part restored from the similar scene upon
Gudca's cylinder-seal. There, however, the symbol of
the spouting vase is multiplied, for not only does the

god hold one in each hand, but
— three others are below his feet, and
into them the water falls and spouts
again. Professor JNIeyer woidd
identify the god of the waters with
Anu, though there is more to be
said for M. Heuzey's view that he
is Enki, the god of the deep. We
are not here concerned, however,
with the identity of the deities, but
Fig. 13. with the racial type they represent.

Figure of the seated god on It Will be sccn that they all liave
the cylinder w^ofGudea. ^.^ir and bcards and wear the Se-
mitic plaid, and form a striking
contrast to Gudea with his shaven head and face, and
his fringed Sumerian mantle.^

A very similar contrast is represented by the
Sumerian and his gods in the earlier historical periods.
Upon the Stele of the Vultures, for instance, the god
Ningirsu is represented with abundant hair, and although
his lips and cheeks are shaved a long beard falls from
below his chin.^ He is girt around the waist with a
plain garment, which is not of the later Semitic type,
but the treatment of the hair and beard is obviously
not Sumerian. The same bearded type of god is found
upon early votive tablets from Nippur,^ and also on a
fragment of an archaic Sumerian relief from Tello,
which, from the rudimentary character of the work
and the style of the composition, has been regarded as
the most ancient example of Sumerian sculpture known.
The contours of the figures are vaguely indicated in low

' The fact that on seals of tliis later period tlie Moon-god is represented
in the Sumerian mantle and headdress may well have been a result of tlie
Sumerian reaction, which took place under the kings of Ur (see below,
p. 28.3 f.).

2 See below, p. 131, Fig. 4G.

^ See p. 40. In Fig. 14 the hair and heard of tlie god who leads the
worsliipper into tlie presence of the goddess is clearer on the original stone.
In Fig. 15 the locks of liair and long beards of tlie seated gods are more
sharply outlined ; they form a striking contrast to the figures of Sumerians,
who are represented as pouring out libations and bringing offerings to the
s-lirine.

EARLY CITIES

relief upon a flat plaque, and the interior details are
indicated only by the point. The scene is evidently of
a mythological character, for the seated figure may be
recognized as a goddess by the horned crown she wears.
Beside her stands a god who turns to smite a bound
captive with a heavy club or mace. \Vhile the captive
has the sliaven head and face of a Sumerian, the god
has abundant hair and a long beard.^

Man forms his god in his own image, and it is

FiQ. 14.

Fig. 15.

Votive tablets from Nippur, engraved with scenes of worship.
[Cf. Hilprecht, Explorations, p. 475, and Old Bab. Inscr., II., pi. xvi.]

surprising that tlie gods of the Sumerians should not
be of the Sumerian type. If the Sumerian shaved his
own head and face, M'hy should he have figured his
gods with long beards and abundant hair and have
clothed them with the garments of another race ?
Professor Meyer's answer to the question is that the
Semites and their gods were already in occupation of
Sumer and Akkad before the Sumerians came upon
the scene. He would regard the Semites at this early

1 See p. 50, Fig. 16.

50 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

period as settled tliroiigliout the whole country, a
primitive and uncultured people with only sufficient
knowlcdtre of art to embody the fitiures of their gods
in rude images of stone or clay. There is no doubt
that the Sumerians were a warrior folk, and he would
picture them as invading tlie country at a later date,
and overwhelming Semitic opposition by their superior
weapons and metliod of attack. The Sumerian method
of fighting he would comj)are to that of the Dorians
with their closed phalanx of lance-bearing warriors,
though the comparison is not quite complete, since no
knowledge of iron is postulated on the part of the

Fig. 16,

Sumerian deities on an archaic relief from Tello.
[Die, pi. 1, Fig. 1.]

Sumerians. He would regard the invaders as settling
mainly in the south, driving many of the Semites
northward, and takinij over from tliem the ancient
centres of Semitic cult. They would naturally have
brought their own gods with them, and these they
would identify witli tlie deities they found in possession
of the shrines, combining tlieir attributes, but retaining
the cult-images, whose sacred character would ensure
the permanent retention of their outward form. The
Sumerians in turn would have influenced their Semitic
subjects and nciglibours, wlio would gradually have
acquired from them their higlier culture, including a
knowledge of writing and the arts.

EARLY CITIES 51

It may be admitted that the theory is attractive, and
it certainly furnishes an explanation of the apparently
foreign character of the Sumerian gods. But even
from the archaeological side it is not so complete
nor so convincing as at first sight it would appear.
Since the later Sumerian gods were represented with
full moustache and beard, like the earliest figures of
Semitic kings which we possess, it would naturally be
supposed that they would have this form in the still
earlier periods of Sumerian history. But, as we have
seen, their lips and cheeks are shaved. Are we then
to postulate a still earlier Semitic settlement, of a
rather different racial type to that which founded the
kingdom of Kish and the empire of Akkad ? Again,

Fig. 17. Fig. 18. Fig. 19.

Earlier and later forms of divine headdresses. Figs. 17 and 18 are from tho
obverse of the Stele of the Vultures, fragments C and B ; Fig. 19, the later form
of horned headdress, is from a sculpture of Gudea.

[Die, pi. 4, and pi. 26, No. 9.]

the garments of the gods in the earliest period have
little in common with the Semitic plaid, and are nearer
akin to the plainer form of garment worn by con-
temporary Sumerians. The divine headdress, too, is
different to the later form, the single horns which
encircle what may be a symbol of the date-palm,* giving
place to a plain conical headdress decorated with several
pairs of horns.

Thus, important differences are observable in the
form of the earlier Sumerian gods and their dress and
insignia, which it is difficult to reconcile with Professor
JNIeyer's theory of their origin. JNIoreover, the principal

* Cf. Langdou, " Babyloniaca,'' II. , p. 142 ; this explanation is preferable
to treating the crowns as a featliered form of headdress. The clianges in the
dress of the Sumerian godsj and in the treatment of their beards, appear to
have taken place in the age of the later Semitic kings of Kish and the kings
of Akkad, and may well have been due to their influence. The use of
sandals was cei-tainly introduced by the Semites of this period.

52 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

example M'liich he selected to illustrate his thesis, the
god of the central sluine oi Nippur, has since been
proved never to ha\ e borne the Semitic name of Bel,
but to have been known under his Sumerian title of
Enlil from tlie beginning.^ Tt is true that Professor
JMeyer claims tliat this point does not affect his main
argument ; ^ but at least it proves that Nippur was
always a Sumerian religious centre, and its recognition
as the central and most important shrine in the country
by Semites and Sumerians alike, tells against any theory
requiring a comparatively late date for its foundation.

Such evidence as we possess from the linguistic side
is also not in favour of the view which would regard
the Semites as in occupation of the whole of Babylonia
before the Sumerian immigration. If that had been
the case we should naturally expect to find abundant
traces of Semitic influence in the earliest Sumerian
texts that have been recovered. But, as a matter of
fact, no Semitism occurs in any text from Ur-Nina's
period to that of Lugal-zaggisi with the single excep-
tion of a Semitic loan-word on the Cone of Entemena.'
In spite of the scanty natm-e of our material, this fact
distinctly militates against the assumption that Semites
and Sumerians were living side by side in Sumer at the
time.* But the occurrence of the Semitic word in
Entemena's inscription proves that external contact
with some Semitic people had already taken place.
Moreover, it is possible to press the argument from the
purely linguistic side too far. A date-formula of
Samsu-iluna's reign has proved that the Semitic speech
of Babylonia was known as " Akkadian," ^ and it has

' See Clay, "The Ainer. Journ. of Semit. Lang, and Lit," XXIIL,
pp. 269 ff. In later periods tlie name was pronounced as EUil.

2 Cf. "Xachtriige zur aeijyptischen Chronologie/' p. 44 f,, and '^'^Geschichte
des Altertums," Bd. L, Hft. IL, p. 407.

3 See Thureau-Dangin, "Sum. und Akkad. Konigsinschriften," p. 38,
Col. L, 1. 20 ; the word is dam-klui ra, whirh he rightly takes as the equiva-
lent of the Semitic tamkhura, " battle " (cf. also IJngnad^ " Orient. Lit.-Zeit.,"
1008, col. 03 f.).

* In this respect the early Sumerian texts are in striking contrast to those
of the later periods ; the evidence of strong Semitic influence in the latter
formed the main argunioiit on which M. HaUvy and his followers relied to
disprove the e.xistence of the Sumerians.

5 See Messerschmidt, " Orient. Lit.-Zeit./' 1905, col. 268 «. ; and cf.
King, " Chronicles," I., p. 180, n. 3.

FRAGMENT OF SUMERIAX SCUI.PTURK RKPRKSENJIXG

SC'EXES OF WORSHIP BEFORE THE (;01)S.

/« i/ic Loin-iY : Dec. ,» Clinlii., pi. 23.

EARLY CITIES 53

therefore been argued that tlie first appearance of
Semitic speech in the country must date from the
estabhshment of Shar-Gani-sharri's empire with its
capital at Akkad.^ But there is httle doubt that the
Semitic kingdom of Kish, represented by the reigns of
Sharru-Gi, JNIanishtusu and Urumush, was anterior to
Sargon's empire,^ and, long before the rise of Kish, the
town of Akkad may m'cII have been the first important
centre of Semitic settlement in the north.

It would thus appear that at the earliest period of
which remains or records liave been recovered, Semites
and Sumerians were both settled in Babylonia, the one
race in the north, the other southwards nearer the
Persian Gulf. Living at first in comparative isolation,
trade and war would gradually bring them into closer
contact. Whether we may regard the earliest rulers of
Kish as Semites like their later successors, is still in
doubt. The character of Enbi-Ishtar's name points to
his being a Semite ; but the still earlier king of Kish,
who is referred to on the Stele of the Vultures, is repre-
sented on that monument as a Sumerian with shaven
head and face.^ But this may have been due to a con-
vention in the sculpture of the time, and it is quite
possible that Mesilim and his successors were Semites,
and that their relations with the contemporary rulers of
Lagash represent the earUer stages in a racial conflict
which dominates the history of the later periods.

Of the original home of the Sumerians, from which
they came to the fertile plains of Southern Babylonia,
it is impossible to speak with confidence. The fact
that they settled at the mouths of the great rivers has
led to the suggestion that they arrived by sea, and this
has been connected with the story in Berossus of
Oannes and the other fish-men, who came up from the
Erythraean Sea and brought religion and culture with
them. But the legend need not bear this interpreta-
tion ; it merely points to the Sea-country on the shores
of the Gulf as the earliest centre of Sumerian culture in
the land. Others have argued that they came from a
mountain-home, and have cited in support of their view

> See Ungnad, op. cit., 1908, col. 62 ff. 2 See below, Chap. VI I. f.

3 See belou-, p. 141, Kig. 48.

54 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

tlie institution of the zi^j^frurat or temple-tower, built
'• like a mountain," and the f:m])loyment of the same
ideogram for "mountain" and for "land." Ikit the
massive tcmplc-towcr appears to date from the period
of Gudea and the earlier kings of Ur, and, with the
single exception of NijDpiir, was probably not a cha-
raeteristie feature of the earlier temples ; and it is now
known tliat tlie ideogram for " land " and " mountain "
was employed in the earlier periods for foreign lands, in
contrachstinetion to that of the Sumerians tliemselves.^
l?ut, in spite of the unsoundness of these arguments, it
is most probable that the Sumerians did descend on
Babylonia from the mountains on the east. Their
entrance into tlie country would thus have been the
first of several immigrations from that quarter, due to
climatic and physical changes in Central Asia.'^

Still more obscure is the problem of their racial
affinity. The obliquely set eyes of the figures in the
earlier reliefs, due mainly to an ignorance of perspective
characteristic of all primitive art, first suggested the
theory that the Sumerians were of IMongol type ; and
the further developments of this view, according to
which a Chinese origin is to be sought both for
Sumerian roots and for the cuneiform character, are
too improbable to need detailed refutation. A more
recent suggestion, that their language is of Indo-
European origin and structure,^ is scarcely less im-
probable, while resemblances wliich have been pointed
out between isolated words in Sumerian and in
Armenian, Tm-kish, and other languages of Western
Asia, may well be fortuitous. AA^'ith the Elamites upon
their eastern border the Sumerians had close relations
from the first, Init the two races do not appear to
be related either in language or by physical character-
istics. The scientific study of the Sumerian tongue,

* See above, p. 14, n. 1. ^ ggg further. Appendix I.

3 Q{ Ijnigihrn, " Ribylouiaca," I., pp. 225 f., 230, 2«4 ft'., II., p. 99 f.
Tlie grounds, upon •which the sufrgcstion has been put forward^ consist of a
comparison between the verb "to go" in Sumerian, Greek, and Latin, an
apparent resembhincc in a few other roots, tlie existence of compound verbs
ill iSunierian, and tlie like ; but (juite apart from questions of general
probability, the "parallelisms" noted are scarcely numerous enough, or
sufficiently close, to justify the inference drawn fi-oni tliem.

EARLY CITIES 55

inaugurated by Professors Ziininern and Jensen, and
more especially by the work of M. Thureau-Dangin
on the early texts, will doubtless lead in time to more
accurate knowledge on this subject ; but, until the
phonetic elements of the language are firmly estab-
lished, all theories based upon linguistic compari,sons
are necessarily insecure.

In view of the absence of Semitic influence in
Sumer during the earlier periods, it may be conjectured
that the Semitic immigrants did not reach Babylonia
from the south, but from the north-west, after travers-
ing the Syrian coast-lands. This first great influx of
Semitic nomad tribes left colonists behind them in
that region, who afterwards as the Amurru, or
Western Semites, pressed on in their turn into
Babylonia and established the earliest independent
dynasty in Babylon. The original movement con-
tinued into Xorthern Babylonia, and its representatives
in history were the early Semitic kings of Kish and
Akkad. But the movement did not stop there ; it
passed on to the foot of the Zagros hills, and left its
traces in the independent principalities of Lulubu and
Gutiu. Such in outline appears to have been the
course of this early migratory movement, which, after
colonizing the areas through which it passed, eventually
expended itself in the western mountains of Persia. It
was mainly through contact with the higher culture of
the Sumerians that the tribes which settled in Akkad
were enabled later on to play so important a part in
the history of Western ^Vsia.

CHAPTER III

THE AGE AND TRINCIPAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUMEUTAN

CIVILIZATION

CN^ONSTDERABLE changes have recently taken
place in our estimate of tlie age of Sumerian
^ civilization, and the length of time which elapsed
between the earliest remains that have been recovered
and the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy. It
was formerly the custom to assign very remote dates
to the earlier rulers of Sumer and Akkad, and although
the chronological systems in vogue necessitated enor-
mous gaps in our knowledge of history, it was con-
fidently assumed that these would be filled as a result
of future excavation. Blank periods of a thousand
years or more were treated as of little account by many
v/riters. The hoary antiquity ascril^ed to the earliest
rulers had in itself an attraction which outweighed the
inconvenience of spreading the historical material to
cover so immense a space in time. But excavation, so
far from filling the gaps, has tended distinctly to reduce
them, and the chronological systems of the later
Assyrian and Babylonian scribes, which were formerly
regarded as of primary importance, have been brought
into discredit by the scribes themselves. From their
own discrepancies it has been shown that the native
chronologists could make mistakes in their reckoning,
and a possible source of error has been disclosed in the
fact that some of the early dynasties, which were
formerly regarded as consecutive, were, actually, con-
temporaneous. Recent research on this subject has
thus resulted in a considerable reduction of the early
dates, and the different epoclis in the history of Sumer
and Akkad, which were at one time treated as isolated
plienomena, have been articulated to form a consistent

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 57

whole. But the tendency now is to cany the reaction
rather too far, and to compress certain periods beyond
the hmits of the evidence. It will be well to summarize
the problems at issue, and to indicate the point at
which evidence gives place to conjecture.

In attempting to set limits to the earlier periods of
Sumerian history, it is still impossible to do more than
form a rough and approximate estimate of their duration.
For in dealing with the chronology of the remoter ages,
we are, to a great extent, groping in the dark. 'J'he
material that has been employed for settling the order
of the early kings, and for determining their periods,
falls naturally into tiiree main classes. The most im-
portant of our sources of information consists of the
contemporary inscriptions of the early kings themselves,
which have been recovered upon the sites of the ancient
cities in Babylonia.^ The inscriptions frequently give
genealogies of the rulers whose achievements they
record, and they thus enable us to ascertain the sequence
of the kings and the relative dates at which they
reigned. This class of evidence also makes it possible
to tix certain points of contact between the separate
lines of rulers who maintained an independent authority
within the borders of their city-states.

A second class of material, which is of even greater
importance for settling the chronology of tlie later
Sumerian epoch, comprises the chronological docu-
ments drawn up by early scribes, who incorporated in
the form of lists and tables the history of their own
time and that of their predecessors. The system of
dating documents -which was in vogue was not a very
convenient one from the point of view of those who
used it, but it has furnished us with an invaluable
summary of the principal events which took place for
long periods at a time. The early dwellers in Babylonia
did not reckon dates by the years of the reigning king,
as did the later Babylonians, but they cited each year

^ These have beaa collected and translated by Thureau-Dangin in " Les
Inscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad," the German edition of whicii, published
under the title " Die sumerischen und akkadischon Konigsinschriften " in
the Vorderasiathche Bibliothek, includes the autlior's corrections and an
introduction ; a glossary to subjects of a religious character, compiled by
Langdon, is added to the German edition of the work.

58 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

by the event of greatest importance which took place in
it. Such events consisted in the main of the building
of temples, the performance of religious ceremonies, and
the conquest of neighbouring cities and states. Thus the
dates u])on private and oflicial documents often furnish
us with historical intbrmation of considerable importance.

But the disadvantages of the system are obvious, for
an event might appear of great importance in one city
and mii^ht be of no interest to another situated at some
distance from it. Thus it happened that the same
event was not employed throughout the whole country
for designating a particular year, and we have evidence
that diflerent systems of dating were employed in
different cities. JNIoreover, it would have required an
unusually good memory to fix the exact period of a
document by a single reference to an event which took
place in the year when it was draAvn up, more especially
after the system had been in use for a considerable
time. Tims, in order to fix the relative dates of docu-
ments without delay, the scribes compiled lists of the
titles of the years, arranged in order under the reigns
of the successive kings, and these were doubtless
stored in some archive-chamber, where they were easily
accessible in the case of any dispute arising with regard
to the date of a particular year. It is fortunate that
some of these early Sumerian date-lists have been
recovered, and we are furnished by them with an out-
line of Sumerian history, which has the value of a
contemporary record.^ They have thrown light upon
a period of which at one time we knew little, and they
have served to remove more than one erroneous sup-
position. Thus the so-called Second Dynasty of Ur
was proved by them to have been non-existent, and the
consequent reduplication of kings bearing the names
of Ur-Engur and Dungi was shown to have had no
foundation in fact.

From the compilation of lists of the separate years
it was but a step to the classification of the reigns of
the kings themselves and their arrangement in the form

' Cf. Tliureau-Dang-in, " Konigsinschriften/' pp. 228 ff., where the lists
are restored from dates on early tablets ; for the earlier date-formulae from
tablets, see pp. 224 ff.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 59

of dynasties. Among the mass of tablets recovered
from Niffer has been found a fragment of one of these
early dynastic tablets/ which supplements the date-
lists and is of the greatest value for setthng the
chronology of the later period. The reverse of the
tablet gives complete lists of the names of the kings
who formed the Dynasties of Ur and Isin, together
with notes as to the length of their respective reigns,
and it further states that the Dynasty of Isin directly
succeeded that of Ur. This document fixes once for
all the length of the period to which it refers, and it is
much to be regretted that so little of the text has been
recovered. Our information is at present confined to
what is legible on part of one column of the tablet.
But the text in its complete form must have contained
no less than six columns of writing, and it probably
gave a list of various dynasties which ruled in Babylonia
from the very earliest times down to the date of its
compilation, though many of the dynasties enumerated
were doubtless contemporaneous. It was on the base
of such documents as this dynastic list that the famous
dynastic tablet was compiled for the library of Ashur-
bani-pal at Nineveh, and the existence of such lengthy
dynastic records must have contributed to the exagge-
rated estimate for the beginnings of Babylonian history
which have come down to us from the work of Berossus.
A third class of material for settling the chronology
has been found in the external evidence afforded by the
early historical and votive inscriptions to which reference
has already been made, and by tablets of accounts,
deeds of sale, and numerous documents of a connnercial
and agricultural character. From a study of their form
and material, the general style of the writing, and the
nature of the characters employed, a rough estimate
may sometimes be made as to the time at which a
particular record was inscribed, or the length of a period
covered by documents of different reigns. Further, in
the course of the excavations undertaken at any site,
careful note may be made of the relative depths of the
strata in which hiscriptions have been found. Thus, if

1 See Hilprecht, "Mathematical, Metrological, and Chronological
Tablets/' p. 4G i\, pi. 30, No. 47.

00 III8T0RY or SUMER AND AKKAD

texts of certain kings occur in a moinid at a greater
dcptli than those of other rulers, and it appears from an
examination of the eartli that the mound has not heen
disturhed hy subsequent building operations or by
natural causes, it may be inferred that the deeper the
stratum in whicli a text is found the earlier must be the
date to be assigned to it. But this class of evidence,
M-hethcr obtained from pahicographical study or from
systematic excavation, is sometimes uncertain and liable
to more than one interpretation. In such cases it may
only be safely employed when it agrees with other and
independent considerations, and where additional sup-
port is not forthcoming, it is wiser to regard conclusions
based upon it as provisional.

The three classes of evidence that have been referred
to in the preceding paragraphs enable us to settle the
relative order of many of the early rulers of Babylonia,
but they do not supply us with any definite date by
means of which the clu'onology of these earlier ages
may be brought into relation with that of the later
periods of Babylonian history. In order to secure such
a point of connection, reliance has in the past been
placed upon a notice of one of the early rulers of
Babylonia, which occurs in an inscription of the last
king of the Xeo-Babylonian empire. On a clay cylinder
of Xabonidus, which is preserved in the British Museum,
it is stated that (3200 years elapsed between the burial
of Narilm-Sin's foundation-memorial in the temple of
the Sun-god at Sippar, and the finding of the memorial
by Xabonidus himself when digging in the temple's
foundations.^ Now NaramSin was an early king of
Ak kad, and, according to later tradition, was the son of
the still more famous Sargon I. On the strengtli of the
figure given by Nabonidus, the approximate date of
.'3750 B.C. has been assigned to Naram-Sin, and that of
3800 B.C. to his father Sargon ; and mainly on the basis
of these early dates the beginning of Sumerian history
has been set back as far as 5000 and even 6000 b.c.^

> Cf. "Cun. luscr. West. Asia," V., pi. 64, Col. II., 11. 54-65.

^ Ililprccht formerly placed the foundiiip' of Kiilil's temple and the first
settlement at Nippur " somewhere between GOOO and 7000 B.r. , possihly even
earlier" (cf. "Old Babylonian Inscriptions chiefly from Nippur," I't. II.,
p. 24).

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION Gl

The improbably liigh estimate of Nabonidus for
the date of Naram-Sin has long been the subject of
criticism/ It is an entirely isolated statement, un-
supported by any other reference in early or late texts ;
and the scribes who were responsible for it were clearly
not anxious to diminish the antiquity of the foundation-
record, which had been found at such a depth below the
later temple's foundations, and after so prolonged a
search. To accept it as accurate entailed the leaving
of enormous gaps in the chronological scliemes, even
when postulating the highest possible dates for the
dynasties of Ur and Babylon. An alternative device
of partially filling the gaps by the invention of kings
and even dynasties " was not a success, as their existence
has since been definitely disproved. Moreover, the
recent reduction in the date of the First Dynasty of
Babylon, necessitated by the proof that the first three
dynasties of the Kings' List were partly contempor-
aneous, made its discrepancy with Nabonidus's figures
still more glaring, while at the same time it furnished a
possible explanation of so high a figure resulting from
his calculations. For his scribes in all good faith may
have reckoned as consecutive a number of early
dynasties which had been contemporaneous.^ The
final disproof of the figure is furnished by evidence of
an archaeological and epigraphic character. No such
long interval as twelve or thirteen hundred years can
have separated the art of Gudea's period from that of
Naram-Sin ; and the clay tablets of the two epochs
differ so little in shape, and in the forms of the characters
with which they are inscribed, that we must regard the

' See Lehniaiin-IIaupt, "Zwei Hauptprobleme/' pp. 172 fF., and Winckler,
*' Forscliuno:en ," I., p. 54!) ; " Die Keiliiischriften uiid das Alte Testament "'
(.3rd ed.), L, p. M f., and " iMitteil. der Vorderas. Gesellscliaft," 1900, I., p. 12,
n. 1 ; cf. also Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 72, and " Rec. de
tabl.," p. ix.

2 Cf. Radau, " Early Babylonian History," pp. 30 ff., 21.5 ff.

' Cf. KinjT^ ''Chroiiicles," I., p. IG. This explanation is preferable to
Lchmann-Haupt's emendation of the figures, by which he sujr^ests that a
thousand years were added to it by a scribal error. The principle of emend-
ing the figures in these later chronological references is totally unscientific.
For the emenders, while postulating mechanical errors in the writing of the
figures, still regard the calculations of the native scribes as above reproach ;
whereas many of their figures, which are incapable of emendation, are
inconsistent with each other.

62 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

two ages as iinniediately following one another without
any considerable break.

By rejecting the figures of Nabonidus we cut away
our only external connection with the chronology of
the later periods, and, in order to evolve a scheme for
earlier times we ha\'e to fall back on a process of
reckonin<j from below. AVithout discussino; in detail
the later chronology, it will be well to indicate briefly
the foundations on which w^e can begin to build. By
the aid of the I'tolemaic Canon, whose accuracy is
confirmed by the larger List of Kings and the principal
liabylonian Chronicle, the later chronology of Babylon
is definitely fixed back to the year 747 b.c. ; by means
of the eponym lists that for Assyria is fixed back to the
year 911 B.C. Each scheme controls and confirms the
other, and the solar eclipse of June 1.5th, 703 B.C., which
is recorded in the eponymy of Pur-Sagale, places the
dead reckoning for these later periods upon an absolutely
certain basis. For the earlier periods of Babylonian
history, as far back as the foundation of the Babylonian
monarchy, a chronological framework has been supplied
by the principal List of Kings. ^ In spite of gaps in
the text which render the lengths of Dynasties IV.
and VIII. uncertain, it is possible, mainly by the help
of synchronisms between Assyrian and Babylonian
kings, to fix approximately the date of Dynasty III.
Some difference of opinion exists with regard to this
date, but the beginning of the dynasty may be placed
at about the middle of the eighteenth century B.C.

With regard to Dynasty II. of the King's List it is
now known that it ruled in the Sea-country in the
region of the Persian Gulf, its earlier kings being con-
temporary with the close of Dynasty I. and its later
ones with the early part of Dynasty 1 11.^ Here we
come to the first of two points on which there is a
considerable diifcrcnee of opinion. The available
evidence suggests that the kings of the Sea-country
never ruled in Babylon, and that the Third, or Kassite,
Dynasty followed the First Dynasty of Babylon with-
out any considerable break.^ But the date 2232 B.C.,

' For references, see King, " Clironicles," I., p. 77. n. 1. - Op. ci(., pp. 9'] ff.
' Op. cit., Chap. I\'. f. Meyer also adopts this view (" Gescliichle des
Altertums," Hd. I., lift. II., p. 340 f.).

::,x3c»t

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 63

which probably represents the beginning of the non-
mythical dynasties of Berossus,^ has hitherto played a
considerable part in modern schemes of chronology,
and, in spite of the fact that no amount of ingenuity
can reconcile his dynasties with those of history, there
is still a strong temptation to retain the date for the
beginning of Dynasty I. of the Kings' l^ist as affording
a fixed and certain point from which to start calcula-
tions. But this can only be done by assuming that
some of the kings of the Sea-country ruled over the
whole of Babylonia, an assumption that is negatived by
such historical and archaeological evidence as we possess.^
It is safer to treat the date 2232 B.C. as without signi-
ficance, and to follow the evidence in confining the
kings of the Sea-country to their own land. If we do
this we obtain a date for the foundation of the Baby-
lonian monarchy about the middle of the twenty-first
century b.c.

The second important point on which opinion is not
agreed, concerns the relation of the First Dynasty of
Babylon to that of I sin. From the Nippur dynastic
list we know the duration of the dynasties of Ur and
Isin, and if we could connect the latter with the First
Dynasty of Babylon, we should be able to carry a fixed
chronology at least as far back as the age of Gudea.
Such a point of connection has been suggested in the
date-formula for the seventeenth year of Sin-muballit's
reign, which records a capture of Isin ; and by identify-
ing this event with the fall of the dynasty, it is assumed

1 Cf. '^ Chronicles," L, pp. 90 ff.

2 The purely arbitrary cliaracter of the assumption is well illustrated by
the different results obtained by tliose who make it. By clinging- to Berossus's
date of 2232 b.c, Thureau-Dangin assigns to the second dynasty of the Kings'
List a period of 1G8 years of independent rule in Babylon (cf. " Zeits. fiir
Assyr./' XXl., pp. ITGff., and "Journal des savants," 1908, pp. 190 ff.), and
Ungnad 177 years ("Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. (538, 1908, col. G3 ff.).
Lehmann-Haupt, in his suggested reconciliation of the new data with his
former emendation of tlie Bavian date, makes the period 80 years (" Klio,"
1908, pp. 227 ff.). Poebel, ignoring Berossus and attempting to reconcile tlio
native chronological notices to early kings, makes it 100 years (cf. "Zeits.
fiir Assyr.," XXI., pp. 1(52 ff.). The latest combination is that proposed by
Schuabel, who accepts the date of 2232 b.c. for both the system of Berossus
and that represented by the Kings' List, but places the historical beginning
of the First Dynasty in 2172 b.c. ; this necessitates a gap of 120 years
between Dynasties I. and III. (" Mitteil. der Vorderas. Gesellschaft," 1908,
pp. 241 ff.). But all these systems are mainly based on a manipulation of
the figures, and completely ignore the archaeological evidence.

G4 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

that tlie kings of I sin and of Babylon overlapped for a
period of about ninety-nine years. In a later ehapter
the evidence is discussed on ^vllich this theory rests, and
it is shown that the capture of Isin in Sin-niuballit's
seventeenth year had nothing to do with the dynasty of
that name, but was an episode in the later struggle
between Babylon and I^arsa.^ M^g thus have no means
of deciding what interval, if any, separated the two
dynasties from one another, and consequently all the
earlier dates remain only approximate.

The contract-tablets dating from the period of the
Dynasty of Isin, which have been found at Nippur,
are said to resemble closely those of the First Babylonian
Dynasty in form, material, writing, and terminology."^
It would thus appear that no long interval separated
the two dynasties from one another. We have seen
that the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy may
be set in about the middle of the twenty-first century
B.C., and by placing the end of the Dynasty of Isin
within the first half of that same century w^e obtain the
approximate dates of 2300 B.C. for the Dynasty of Isin,
and 2400 B.C. for the Dynasty of Ur. It is true that we
know that the Dynasty of Ur lasted for exactly one
hundred and seventeen years, and that of Isin for two
hundred and twenty-five years and a half, but until we
can definitely connect the Dynasty of Isin with that of
Babylon, any attempt to work out the dates in detail
would be misleading. We must be content to await
the recovery of new material, and meanwhile to think
in periods.

There is evidence that Ur-Ens^ur estabhshed his
rule in Ur, and founded his dynasty in the time of Ur-
Ningirsu, the son of Gudea of Lagash. We may
therefore place Gudea's accession at about 2450 B.C.
This date is some thirteen hundred years later than
tliat assigned to Naram-Sin by Nabonidus. But the
latter, we have already seen, must be reduced, in accord-
ance with evidence furnished by Tello tablets, which
are dated in the reigns of the intermediate patesis of
Lagash. If we set this interval at one hundred and

' See below, Cliap. XI., pp. 313 ff.

« Cf. Hilprecht, "Matli., Met., and Chrou. Tabl.," p. 56, n. 1.

SUMERIA^ CIVILIZATION 65

fifty years,^ we obtain for Naram-Sin a date of 2000
B.C., and for Shar-Gani-Sliarri one of 20.50 b.c. For
the later Semitic kings of Kish, headed by Sharru-Gi,
one hundred years is not too much to allow ; ^ we thus
obtain for Sharru-Gi the approximate date of 2750 B.C.
It is possible that JNIanishtusu, King of Kish, was
the contemporary of Urukagina of Lagash, but the
evidence in favour of the synchronism is not sufficiently
strong to justify its acceptance.^ By placing Urukagina
at 2800 B.C., we obtain for Ur-Nina an approximate date
of 3000 B.C., and for still earlier rulers such as Mesilim, a
date rather earlier than this.* It is difficult to estimate
the age of the early graves, cylinder-seals and tablets
found at Fara, but they cannot be placed at a much
later period than 3400 B.C. Thus the age of Sumerian
civilization can be traced in Babylonia back to about
the middle of the fourth millennium B.C., but not beyond.
It must be confessed that this is a reduction in the
date usually assigned to the earliest relics that have
been recovered of the Sumerian civilization, but its
achievements are by no means belittled by the com-
pression of its period of development. It is not
suggested that this date marks the beginning of
Sumerian culture, for, as we have noted, it is jDrobable
that the race was already possessed of a high standard
of civilization on their arrival in Babylonia. The inven-
tion of cuneiform writing, which was one of their most
noteworthy achie\'ements, had already taken place, for
the characters in the earliest inscriptions recovered have
lost their pictorial form. Assuming the genuineness of
the " Blau JNIonuments," it must be admitted that even
on them the characters are in a comparatively advanced
stage of development.-' We may thus put back into a

* Thureau-Dangiu would assign only one hundred years to tliis period (cf.
*' Journal des savants," 1908, p. 201).

2 The period may well have been longer, especially if Manishtusu should
prove to have been t)ie contemporary of Urukagina.
^ See below, pp. 17(), n. 2, 209 f.

* For a list of the kings and rulers of Sunicr and Akkad witli their
approximate dates, see the List of Rulers at the end of the volume.

° See the plate opposite p. 02. Tlie objects have been previously pub-
lished by Hayes Ward in " Proc. Anier. Orient. Soc," Oct.; 1H8.J, and
"Amer. Journ. Arch.," vol. iv. (1888), pp. 39 ff. Tliey subsequently found
their way into a London .sale-room, where tliey were bought as forgeries and
presented as such to the British Museum.

C6 HISTORY or SUMER AND AKKAD

more remote age the origin and early growth of
Sunierian culture, Avhicli took place at a time when it
was not Suinerian.

In the concluding chapter of this volume an
estimate is given to the extent to which Sumerian
culture influenced, either directly or indirectly, other
races in Asia, Egypt, and the West. In such matters
the interest attaching to the Sumerian original is
largely derived from its effects, and its study may
be undertaken mainly with the view of elucidating a
later development. But one department of Sumerian
activity forms a striking exception to this rule. The
arts of sculpture and engravmg, as practised by the
Sumerians, are well "worthy of study on their own
account, for while their work in all periods is marked
by spirit and originality, that of the later time reaches
a remarkable standard of excellence. The improve-
ment in technique observable in the later period may
largely be due to the influence of Semitic work, which
was derived from Sumer and reacted in its turn on the
parent stem. But the original impulse to artistic
production was of purely Sumerian origin, and it is
possible to trace the gradual development of its
products from the rudest reliefs of the archaic period
to the finished sculpture of Gudea's reign.^ The
character of the Semitic art of Akkad was secondary
and derivative, though the Semites certainly improved
on what they borrowed ; in that of the Sumerians the
seeds of its later excellence may be detected from the
beginning. The most ancient of the sculptured reliei's
of the Sumerians are very rudely cut, and their age is
attested not only by their primitive character, but also
by the linear form of the writing which is found upon

^ Our knowledge of Sunierian art is mainly derived from the finds at
Tello^ since the objects from otlier early sites are not yet published. For its
best and fullest discussion, see Ileuzey's descriptions in " Dccouvertcs en
Chald^e," his " Catalo;Ljue des antiquites chald(?ennes," " Una Villa royalc
chaldeenne," and the " llevue d'Assyrioloffie " ; cf. also Perrot and Chipicz,
" Ilistoire de I'art," vol. ii. The finest examples of Semitic art have been
found at Susa (.see De Morgan, " Mcinoires de la Delt^gation en Perse,"
pasifi7)i). A scientific treatment of the subject is adopted by Meyer in
"Sumerier und Semiten," but he is inclined to a.<>ign too much credit to the
Semite, and to overestimate his share in the artistic development of the two
races.

niORni-; SIATIK of (;unKA. I'ATKSI ok SIIIRI'LKI.A. kKPRKSKNlKD AS

I HK ARCHIIKCT OF THK TKMPI.K OK ( lATTNFnn ;.

/// f/iL- L(>u7»-i'; Dec. en Chnlii.. pi. 14.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 67

them. These, owing to their smaller size, are the best
preserved, for the later reliefs, whieh belong to the
period when Simierian art reached its fullest develop-
ment, are unfortimately represented only by fragments.
But they suffice to show the spirit which animated
tjiese ancient craftsmen, and enabled them successfully
to overcome difficulties of technique which were care-
fully avoided by the later sculptors of Assyria. To
take a single instance, we may note the manner in
which they represented the heads of the principal
figures of a composition in full-face, and did not seek
to avoid the difficulty of foreshortening the features by
a monotonous arrangement in profile. A good example
of their bolder method of composition is afforded by
the relief of a god, generally identified with Ningirsu,
which dates from the epoch of Gudea ; he is seated
upon a throne, and while the torso and bearded head
are sculptured full-face, the legs are in profile.^ On
another fragment of a relief of the same period,
beautifully cut in alabaster but much damaged by
fire, a goddess is represented seated on the knees of
a god. The rendering of the group is very spirited,
for while the god gazes in profile at his wife, she looks
out from the sculpture curving her body from the
hips.'^

In neither instance can it be said that the sculptor
has completely succeeded in portraying a natural
attitude, for the head in each case should be only
in three-quarter profile, but such attempts at an un-
conventional treatment afford striking evidence of
the originality which characterized the w^ork of the
Sumerians. Both the sculptures referred to date
from the later Sumerian period, and, if they were
the only instances recovered, it might be urged that
the innovation should be traced to the influence of
North Babylonian art under the patronage of the
kings of Akkad. Fortunately, however, we possess
an interesting example of the same class of treatment,
which undoubtedly dates from a period anterior to the

J See below, p. 2G7, Fig. GfJ.

"See the photographic reproduction in "Dec. en ChaldeCj" pi. 22,
Fig. 5.

68 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Semitic domination. Tliis is afforded by a perforated
plaque, somewhat similar to tlie more ])rimiti\'e ones
of Ur-Nina/ engraved in shallow relief with a libation-
scene. The figure of a man, com])letely nude and wdth
shaven head and face, raises a libation-vase with a long
spout, from which he is about to pour water into a vase
holding two palm leaves and a flowering branch.^ The
goddess in whose honour the rite is being performed is
seated in the mountains, represented as in later times
by a nimiber of small lozenges or half circles. AV^hile

her feet and knees are in pro-
file, the head is represented
full-face, and the sculptor's
"vvant of skill in this novel
treatment has led him to
assiijn the head a size out of
/ 0.' -^—."k T- ) ^11 proportion to the rest

^ of the body. The effect is

almost grotesque, but the
work is of considerable in-
terest as one of the earliest
attempts on the part of the
Sumerian sculptors to break
away from the stiff and for-
mal traditions of the archaic
period. From the general
style of the work the relief
may probably be dated about
the period of Eannatum's reign.

The Sumerians did not attain the decorative effect
of the Assyrian bas-reliefs with which the later kings
lined the walls of their palaces. In fact, the small size
of the figures rendered them suitable for the enrichment
of stelae, plaques, basins and stone \'ases, rather than for
elaborate w^all sculptures, for which in any case they
had not the material. The largest fragment of an early
bas-relief that has been recovered appears to have

^ For the use of tliese perforated sculptures, sec below, p. 110 f.

^ llie rite is represented upon other Suuieriau moMunieiits such as Iho
Stele of the \*ultures (see below, p. 140). Heuzey sug-i,rests that tlie liturgy
may have forbidden the loss of tlie libation-water, the rite symbolizing- its use
for the profit of vegetation; cf. "Catalogue des aiitiquitcs chalde'eunes,"
p. 118.

Fig. 20.

Perforated plaque engraved with a
scene representing the pouring out
of a libation before a goddess.

[In the Louvre ; Cat. No. 11.]

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION

formed the angle of a stone pedestal, and is decorated
with figures in several registers representing ceremonies
of Sumerian worship.^ In the upper register on the
side that is best preserved is a priest leading worshippers
into the presence of a god, while below is a crouching
figure, probably that of a woman who plays on a great
lyre or harp of eleven cords, furnished with two up-
rights and decorated with a horned head and the figure
of a bull. On the side in the upper row is a heavily
bearded figure on a larger scale than the rest, and tlie
mixture of Sumerian and Semitic types in the figures
preceding him suggests that the monument is to be
assigned to the period of Semitic domination, under the
rule of the kings of Kish or Akkad. But it is obviously
Sumerian in character, resembling the work of Gudea's
period rather than that of Naram-Sin.

Fig. 21.

Fragments of sculpture belonging to the best period of Sumerian art.
[Dt'c, pi. 25, Figs. 4 and 6.]

The perfection of detail which characterized the
best work of the Sumerian sculptors is well illustrated
by two fragments of reliefs, parts of which are drawn in
outline in the accompanying blocks. The one on the
left is from a bas-relief representing a line of humped
cattle and horned sheep defiling past the spectator. It
is badly broken, but enough is preserved to show the
surprising fidehty with wliich the sculptor has repro-
duced the animal's form and attitude. Though the
subject recalls the lines of domestic animals upon tlie

' See the plate opposite p. 52.

TO HISTORY OF SUMETl AND AKKAD

Assyrian bas-reliefs, the Siimerian treatment is infinitely
superior. The same liigh qualities of design and work-
manship are visible in tlie little fragment on tlie riglit.
Of the main sculptm'e only a human foot remains ; but
it is beautifully modelled. The decorative border
below the foot represents the spouting vase with its
two streams of water and two fisli swimming against
the stream. A plant rises from the vase between the
streams, the symbol of vegetation nouri^>hed by the
waters.^ The extreme delicacy of the original shows to
what degree of perfection Sumerian work attained
during the best period.

The use of sculpture in relief was also most happily

employed for the decoration
of basins or fountains. The
most elaborate of those re-
covered, unhappily repre-
sented by mutilated fragments
only, was decorated on the
outside with a chain of
female figures passing from
hand to hand vases of spout-
ing water. ^ Better preserved
are the remains of another
basin, which was set up by
Gudea in Ningirsu's temple
at T^agasli. liectangular in
shape, each corner was deco-
rated with a lion. The head,
drawn in the accompanying
block, is a fine piece of sculptiu*e, and almost stands out
from the corner, while the body, carved in profile on tlie
side of the basin, is in low relief. In this portrayal of a
lion turning its head, the designer has formed a bold
but decorative combination of relief with sculpture in
the round.

The most famous examples of Sumerian sculpture
are the statues of Gudea, and the rather earlier one of
Ur-Bau, which, however, lose much of their character
by the absence of their heads. It is true that a head

' Cf. Heuzey, " De'c. en Chalde'e," p. 218 ; " Catalogue," p. 149.
« See "Ddc. en Chald^e," pi. 24, Fig. 4, pp. 216 ff.

Fig. 22.

Limef?tone head of a lion which
decorated the corner of a basin set
up by Gudea in Ningirsu's temple
at Laga.sh (Shirpurla).

\_Dic., pi. 24, Fig. 3.]

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION

has been fitted to a smaller and more recently found
figure of Gudea ; ^ but this proves to be out of all
proportion to the body — a defect that was probably
absent from the larger statues. The traditional attitude
of devotion, symbolized by the clasping of the hands
over the breast, gives them a certain monotony ; but
their modelling is superior to anytliing achieved by the
Babylonians and Assyrians of a later time.^ Thus
there is a complete absence of exaggeration in the
rendering of the muscles ; the sculptor has not attempted
by such crude and conventional methods to ascribe to
his model a supernatural strength and vigour, but has
worked direct from nature. They are carved in diorite,
varying in colour from dark
green to black, and that so
hard a material should have
been worked in the large
masses required, is in itself
an achievement of no small
importance, and argues great
technical skill on the part of
the sculptors of the later
period.

For smaller figures and
statuettes a softer stone, such
as white limestone, alabaster,
or onyx, was usually em-
ployed, but a few in the
harder stone have been re-
covered. The most remark-
able of these is a diorite
statuette of a woman, the
upper part of which has been
preserved. The head and the
torso were found separately,
but thanks to their hard material they join without
leaving a trace of any break. Here, as usual, the hands
are crossed upon tlie breast, and the folds of the garment

Fig. 23.

Upper part of a female statuette
of diorite, of the period of Gudea or
a little later.

[Die, pi. 24 bis, Fig. 2.]

* See the plate opposite p. 268.

* For the seated statue of Gudea as the architect of Gatumdug's temple,
see tlie plate opposite p. G6 ; and for descriptions of the statues, see
Chap. IX., p. 2GiJ f.

72 niSTORT OF SUMER AND AKKAD

jireonly indicated under the arms by a few plain grooves
as in tlie statues of (ludea. ]5ut the woman's form is
\'isible beneath the stuff' of her garment, and tlie eurves
of the baek are wonderfully true. Her hair, undulating
on the temples, is bound in a head-cloth and falls in the
form of a chignon on the neck, the whole being secured
by a stiff band, or fillet, around which the cloth is folded
with its fringe tucked in.

The drawing in Fig. 23 scarcely does justice to
the beauty of the face, since it exaggerates the con-
ventional representation of the eyebrows, and reproduces

the texture of the stone at the
expense of the outline. Moreover,
the face is almost more striking in
profile.^ The nose, though perfectly
straight, is rather large, but this is
clearly a racial characteristic. Even
so, the type of female beauty por-
trayed is singularly striking, and the
manner in which the Sumerian
sculptor has succeeded in repro-
FiG. 24. ducing it was not approached in the

work of any later period. Another

Limestone head ofai in n i" .^ii -.i

female statuette belonging head Irom a icmalc statucttc, With

'lerianarf ^''"°'^ °^ ^''" ^^^^ ^^^^^ drcsscd in a similar fashion,

[Die, pi. 25, Fig. 2.] is equally beautiful. The absence

of part of the nose tends to give it
a rather less marked ethnographic character, and pro-
bably increases the resemblance which has been claimed
for it to types of classical antiquity.^

The art of casting in metal was also practised by the
Sumerians, and even in the earliest period, anterior to
the reign of Ur-Nina, small foundation-figures have been
discovered, which were cast solid hi copper. In fact,
copper was the metal most commonly employed by the
Sumerians, and their stage of culture throughout the
long period of their history may be described as a
copper age, rather than an age of bronze. It is true
tliat the claim is sometimes put forward, based on

' See tlie very beautiful drawing in outline which Heuzey jirinta on the
title-page of his Catalogue.

» Cf. Ileuzey, " Dec. en Chald^e," p. 158.

1 n

CI.AV RELIEF STAMPED WITH THE FICURE OF THE

l!AI!VLONIA\ HERO (HLGA.MESH, HOLDING A VASE

FROM WHICH TWO STREAMS OF WATER FLOW.

Brit. Ahis., yn. 2i20.(.

FRAGMENT OF LIMESTONE SCULPTURED IN RELIEF WITH
VASES FROM WHICH STREAMS OF WATER FLOW.

/>>vV. .Ui/s., iVo. 93477.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 73

very unsatisfactory evidence, that the Sumerian metal-
founders used not only tin but also antimony in order
to harden copper, and at the same time render it more
fusible ; ^ and it is difficult to explain the employment
of two ideograms for the metal, even in the earlier
periods, unless one signified bronze and tlie other
copper.'' But a careful analysis by M. Berthelot of
the numerous metal objects found at Tello, the dates of
which can be definitely ascertained, has shown that, even
under the later rulers of Lagash and the kings of Ur,
not only votive figures, but also tools and weapons of
copper, contain no trace of tin employed as an alloy. ^
As at Tello, so at Tell Sifr, the vessels and weapons
found by I^oftus are of copper, not bronze.* The

' It plinnl.l be noted that of the seven objects from Nippur and other
soutli-liabyloiiian sites wliich were submitted to analysis by Ilerr Otto Helm
in Danzig, only two contained a percentage of tin (cf. '' Zeitschrift fiir
Kthnologie," I'JOl, pp. 157 ff.)- ^^i these a nail (op. cit., p. 101) is from a
stratum in Nippur, dated by Prof. Hilprecht himself after 300 a.d. The
" stilusartige Instrument," whicli, like tlie nail, contained over five per cent,
of tin, was not found at Nippur, but is said to have come from a mound
about thirty miles to the south of it. Nothing is therefore known with
accuracy as to its date. Tlie percentage of antimony in tbe other objects is
comparatively small, and tlie dates assigned to tliem are not clearly sub-
stantiated. These facts do not justify Hilprccht's confident statement in
" Explorations," p. 252. Meyer also credits the earliest Sumerians with
u.sing liroiize beside copper, and he describes the axe-beads and arm-rings
found in tlie early graves as of bronze (cf. "Geschichte des Altertums,"
Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 410 f.) ; but he also describes the little foundation-figures
from the oldest stratum at Tello as of bronze, Avhereas analysis has proved
them to be copper.

^ Tbis point is made by Sayce (cf. "The Archaeology of the Cuneiform
Inscriptions," p. .5!) f.), who, however, holds the definite opinion that nothing
of bronze has been discovered on the earlier sites {op. cit., p. 55 f.).

•* Cf. Berthelot, " i^a cliimie au moyen age," tome I., Appendix IX.,
p. 391 f. ; " Introduction k I'e'tude de la chimie," p. 227 f., and Heuzey in
"Dec. en Chaldee," p. 238 ; antimony is said to have been known and used
by itself, though not as an alloy (Berthelot, "Iiitrod.," p. 223), but there is
no proof of the date of the fragment from Tello, which was analysed. It may
be added that the votive figures of Gudea's reigu, which are preserved in the
British Museum and are usually regarded as of bronze (cf. the plate opposite
p. 272), should, since they came from Tello, be more accurately described as
of copper.

* See Loftus, " Chaldaea and Susiana," p. 208 f., who describes all the
objects as of copper. One of the knives excavated by Loftus was subsequently
analysed and found to be copper (see " Report of the British Assoc," Notting-
ham, 1893, p. 715) ; this analysis was confirmed by that of Dr. J. II.
(Gladstone (published in the " Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," vol. xvi., p. 98 f.).
A careful analysis of the metal objects found by members of tbe Deutsche
Orient- Gesellschaft at Fara in 1902 and 1903, and styled by them as bronze
(see " Mitteilutigen," No. 17, p 0), would probably result in proving the
absence of any alloy.

74 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

presence of an exceedin»Tly small proportion of elements
other than copper in the objects submitted to analysis
was probably not intentional, but was due to the neces-
sarily impert'ect method of smelting that was employed.
No trace has yet been found of any mould used by
the Sumerians in the process of casting metal, but we
may assume that clay was employed both for solid and
hollow castings. While many figures of the same form

have been found, no two are exactly
alike nor of quite the same propor-
tions, so that it may be inferred that
a mould was never used a second
time, but that each was broken in
order to remove the casting. The
copper foundation -figures usually
take the form of nails, terminating
with the bust of a female figure, and
they were set in a socket beneath
stone foundation-inscriptions which
they support. Later, votive objects,
cast in copper, represent male figures,
bearing on their heads the builder's
basket, in which is clay for the sacred
bricks of the temple's foundation ;
or they consist of great cones or
nails supporting a recumbent bull,^
or clasped by the kneeling figure of
a god.^ Large figures of wood were sometimes covered
with thin plates of copper joined by a series of small
nails or rivets, as is proved by the horn of a bull of
natural size, which has been discovered at Tello.^ But
hollow castings in copper of a considerable size have
also been found. A good example is the bull's head,
figured in the accompanying block, which probably
dates from a period not later than the close of Ur-
Nina's dynasty. Its eyes are inlaid with mother-of-
pearl and lapis-lazuli, and a very similar method of
inlaying is met with in the copper head of a goat which
was found at Fara.*

Fig. 25.

One of a series of copper
female foundation-figures
with supporting rings,
buried in a structure of
unburnt brick beneath
stone foundation-records.
From Tello ; period of Ur-
Nina.

[Die, pi. 2 ter, Fig. 3.]

' See the blocks on p. 250. ^ See the plate opposite p. 272.

3 See "D^c. en Chaldee," pi. 45, Fi^. 1.

* See Fig. 27, and cf. Ililpreclit, " Explorations," p. 53Li f.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION

A far simpler process of manufacture was employed
for the making of votive figures of terra-cotta, which, in
order of development, preceded the use of metal for this

Fig. 27.

Heads of a bull and a goat, cast in copper and inlaid with motlier-of-pearl,
lapis-lazuli, etc. The bull's head was found at Tello, and that of the goat at
Fara.

[Ddc, pi. 5 ter, Fig. 2 ; Zeits. fUr Eihnol, 1901, p. 1G3.]

purpose, though they continued to be manufactured in
considerable quantities during the later periods. Here
the mould, in a single piece, was cut in stone or some
other hard, material,^ and the clay,
after being impressed into it, was
smoothed down on the back by liand.
The flat border of clay left by the
upper surface of the mould, was fre-
quently not removed, so that the
figures are sometimes found standing
out from a flat background in the
manner of a sculptured plaque, or
bas-relief. In the period of Gudea,
the mould was definitely used as a
stamp, thus returning to the original
use from which its later employment
was developed. Interesting examples
of such later stamped figures include representations
of a god wearing a horned headdress, to which are added
the ears of a bull, and of a hero, often identified with
Gilfiramesh, who holds a vase from which two streams

Fia. 28.

Stamped terra - cotta
figure of a bearded god,
wearing the horned head-
dress, to which are at-
tached the ears of a bull.
Period of Gudea.

[Ddc, pi. 39, Fig. 3.]

1 Like the brick-stamps, they may sometimes have been made of clay
burnt to an extreme hardness.

7G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

of water flow/ Tlie clay employed for the votive
figures is extremely fine in quality, and most of them
are baked to a degree of hardness resembling stone
or metal.

Tlie art of inlaying was widely practised by the
Sumerians, who not only treated metal in this way, but
frequently attempted to give niore expression or life to
stone statues by inlaying tlie white of the eye with
mother-of'-])earl or shell, and representing the pupil and
iris by lapis lazuli or bitumen. A similar method was

employed to enrich vo-
tive stone figures of
animals, and to give a
varied and polychrome
effect to vases carved
in stone. The finest
example of this class of
work is a libation-vase
of Gudea made of dark
green steatite, which
was dedicated by him
to his patron deity Nin-
gishzida. The vase has
a short projecting spout
running up from the
base and grooved, so as
to allow only a small
stream of hquid to
escape during the pour-
ing of a libation. Its scheme of decoration is interesting
as it affords an excellent example of the more fantastic
side of Sumerian art, inspired by a large and important
section of the religious belief. The two intertwined
serpents, whose tongues touch the point where the
Ji(]uid would leave the vase, are modelled from nature,
but the winged monsters on each side well illustrate the
Sumerian origin of later l^abylonian demonology.

It is probable that such composite monsters, with the
bodies and heads of serpents and the wings and talons of
birds, were originally male\'olent in character, but here,

Fig. 29.

Scheme of decoration from a libation-vaso
of Gudea, made of dark gieen steatite and
originally inlaid with shell.

[D^c, pi. 44, Pig. 2 ; cf. Cat., p. 281.]

' See llie st.inipcd figure jmlilished on tlie plate opposite p.
terra-rntta in tlie Hritisli Mii.«;eiun.

72 from a

I6>

f*'

f,'*^ y '

'£^.i^! i

!)■

I.MPRKSSICiN OF A ( VI I NDKk-sKAI KxNGkAMJ) Willi S( KNES RF] Kl- '-I- Nl I .\ ( , AN
EARLY I;A1;VI,0M\N 1!1:R0. I'ROP.Ain.Y (UI.GAIMESH. in CONFLK'l WriH A I. ION.

Brit. A/ Its., A'o. S9147.

r,
r'.

-1/

- ^

' '^ /I

I.MPKK.>5luN ul- A I VLl.NDKR-bKAI. KNGRAVED WITH A SCENE REPRESENTING
GILGAMESH AND EA-HANI IX CONFLICT WITH HULLS IN A WOODED AND

MOUNTAINOUS COUNTRY.

/}>■//. .IfltS.. Xo. Sg^oS.

/^'

^ .

-^-n^ . ^

?f jvti 1

IMPRLSSION OF A CVLINDFR-SEAL EN(;RAVED WITH A SCENE REPRESENTING
MVTHOLO(;iCAL BEINGS, BULLS, AND LIONS IN CONFLICT.

BrU. Mils., No. 89538.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 77

like the serpents, they are clearly represented as tamed,
and in the service of the god to whom the vase was dedi-
cated. This is sufficiently proved by the ringed staffs
they carry,^ their modified horned headdresses, and their
carefully twisted locks of hair. They were peculiarly
sacred to Ningishzida and in Fig. 12 they may be
seen rising as emblems from his shoulders. The rich
effect of the dark green steatite was originally enhanced
by inlaying, for the bodies of the dragons are now
pitted with deep holes. These were no doubt originally
inlaid with some other material, probably shell, whicli
has been found employed for this purpose in a fragment
of a vase of a very similar character.

In the same category with the monsters on the vase
we may class the human-headed bulls, of which small
sculptured figures, in a recumbent attitude, have been
found at Tello ; these were afterwards adopted by the
Assyrian kings, and employed as the colossal guardians
of their palace door-ways. The extent to which this
particular form of composite monster was employed
for religious and decorative purposes may be seen on
the cyhnder-seals, upon which in the earlier period it
represents the favourite device. Examples are fre-
quently found in decorative combinations, together with
figures of early bearded heroes, possibly to be identified
with Gilgamesh, and with a strange creature, half-man
and half-bull, resembling the later descriptions of Ea-
bani, who strive with lions and other animals.^ Gudca's
catalogue of the temple furniture and votive objects,
with which he enriched E-ninnu, throws light upon the
manner in which Sumerian art reflected this aspect of
the Sumerian religion. Some of the legends and belief's
may well have been derived from Semitic sources, but
the imageiy, which exerted so strong an influence upon
the development of their art, may probably be traced
to the Sumerians themselves.

* The ringed staff occurs as a sacred cinltlein upon cylinder-seals, and is
sometimes carried by heroes (cf. p. 82, Fig. 34). A colossal example of one,
made of wood and slieathed in copper, was found at Tello by De Sarzec
(see Ileuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," I\'., p. 112, and "Dec. en Cbalde'e," pi. 57,
Fig, 1), but the precise use and significance of the object has not beeu
determined.

^ See the plate opposite p. 7G, and sec below, p. 174 t.

78 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

The engraving upon cylinder - seals during the
Sunicrian period appears to luive heen done generally
by hand, without the help of a drill or a revolving
tool/ Outline engraving with the point was also
practised, that on stone having probably }) receded the
use of the bas-relief," but it continued to be employed
in the later periods for the decoration of metal and
shell. The finest example of metal engraving is the
silver vase of Entemena, around which is incised in
outline a decorative band, consisting of variations of
the emblem of Eagash, arranged beneath a row of
seven calves. But the largest number of designs
engraved in outline liave been found, not upon stone
or metal, but upon shell. It is an interesting fact that
among the smaller objects found by JVI. de Sarzee at
Tello, there is not a single fragment of ivory, and it
would seem that this material was not known to the
earliest inhabitants of Babylonia, a fact which has some
bearing on the disputed question of their relations to
Egypt, and to the earlier stages of Egyptian culture.^

From the earliest period at Lagash fragments of
shell were employed in place of ivory, and the effect
produced by it is nearly the same. Certain species
of great univalves or conch-shells, which are found in
the Indian Ocean, have a thick core or centre, and
these furnished the material for a large number of the
earliest cylinder-seals. Small plaques or lozenges could
also be obtained from the core by sectional cutting,
while the curved part of tlie shell was sometimes
employed for objects to which its convex form could
be adapted. The numerous flat lozenges that have
been found are shaped for inlaying furniture, caskets,
and the like, and curved pieces were probably fitted to
others of a like shape in order to form small cups and
vases. Each piece is decorated with fine engraving,
and in nearly every instance the outline is accentuated

1 It should be noted tliat a {cw of the early cylinder-seals found at Fara
Andrae considers to have been enp^ravcd with the help of the wheel (see
"Mitteil. dcr Deutsch. Orient.-Gesellscliaft," No. 17, p- 5). The sugrgestion
has also been made that, on the introduction of harder sloiics, the cutting
to(d may have been tip])cd witli a flake of corundum ; cf. Hayes AVard,
" Cylinders and other Oriental Seals," p. 13.

■^ I'^or early examples, see above, p. 49.

^ See further, Chap. XII.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION

by the employment of a very slight relief. The
designs are often spirited, and they prove that even
in the earliest periods the Sumerian draughtsman had
attained to a high standard of proficiency.

One of the most interesting engraved fragments
that have been recovered consists of a slightly curved
piece of shell, which probably formed part of a small
bowl or cup. The rest of the side seems to ha\'e
been built up of pieces of similar shape, held together
by bitumen, or, more probably, fitted to a metal lining
by rivets through holes in the shell. The scene
engraved upon the

fragment represents a [ \i'\/^^Cj^^'^^^^^^]

lion seizing a bull in ' '' ' ^^^

a thicket of shrubs or
high flowering plants.
Though the group
upon the fragment is
complete in itself,
there are indications
that it formed only
part of a more ela-
borate composition.
For in the space on
the right of the frag-
ment behind the lion's

Fig. 30.

Convex panel of shell from the side of a cup,
engraved with a scene representing a lion
attacking a bull ; early Sumerian period.
[D^c, pi. 46, No. 3 ; cf. Cat. p. 189.]

mane are engraved

two weapons. The upper one is a hilted dagger with
its point towards the lion; this may be compared with
the short daggers held by the mythological beings
resembling Ea-bani upon one of Lugal-anda's seals,
with which they are represented as stabbing lions in
the neck.^ Below is a hand holding a curved mace
or throwing stick, formed of three strands bound with
leather thongs or bands of metal, like that held by
Eannatum upon the Stele of the Vultures.^ It is, there-
fore, clear that on the panel to the right of the lion
and bull a king, or patesi, was represented in the act
of attacking the lion, and we may infer that the whole
of the cup was decorated with a continuous band of
engraving, though some of the groups in the design

* See below, p. 175. ^ See the plate opposite p. 12-L

so HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

muy luive been arriinged symmetricully, with repetitions
such as are found upon the earlier cyhnder-seals.

The position of the hon upon the fragment, repre-
sented with hixuriant mane and wdth head facing tlie
sjieetator, and the vigour of the design as a whole
combined with certain inequalities of treatment, have
suggested a comparison with the hons upon the
sculptured mace-head of IVIesilijii. The piece has,
therefore, ])een assigned to the epoch of the earlier
kings of Kish, anterior to the period of Ur-Nina.^ It
may perhaps belong to the rather later period of Ur-
Nina's dynasty, but, even so, it suffices to indicate the

Fig. 31.

Fig. 32.

Fig. 33.

Three fragments of shell engraved with animal forms, which illustrate the
growth of a naturalistic treatment in Sumeriau design.
[D^c, pi. 46, Nos. 4, 5, and 8.]

excellence in design and draughtsmanship attained by
the earlier Sumerians. In vigour and originality their
representations of animals were unequalled by those of
the later inhabitants of Babylonia and Assyria, until
shortly before the close of the Assyrian empire. But
the Sumerian artists only gradually acquired their skill,
and on some of the engraved fragments recovered it
is possible to trace an advance on earlier work. The
designs in the accompanying blocks have been selected
as illustrating, to some extent, the change which
gradually took place in the treatment of animal forms
by the Sumerians

Of the three designs, that on the left is engraved
upon a convex piece of shell, thin as the shell of an

« See Ileuzey, " Catalogue," p. 887.

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 81

egg ; it represents a lion-headed eagle which has
swooped down upon the back of a human-headed bull
and is attacking him with mouth and claws. The
subject resembles that found upon the most primitive
Sumerian cylinder- seals, and its rough and angular
treatment is sufficient indication of the very archaic
character of the work. The central panel resembles
in shape that of the lion and the buU.^ The design
represents a leaping ibex with flowering plants in the
background, and the drawing is freer and less stiff than
that of the animals on the silver vase of Entemena.^
Some archaic characteristics may still be noted, such
as the springing tufts of hair at the joints of the hind
legs ; but the general treatment of the subject marks
a distinct advance upon the archaic conventions of the
earlier fragment. The third design is that of a leaping
kid, engraved upon a flat piece of shell and cut out for
inlaying. Here the drawing is absolutely true to nature,
and the artist has even noted the slight swelling of the
head caused by the growing horns.

The Sumerians do not appear to have used complete
shells for engraving, like those found on Assyrian and
Aegean sites. A complete shell has indeed been re-
covered, but it is in an unworked state and bears
a dedicatory formula of Ur-Ningirsu, the son and
successor of Gudea. Since it is not a fine specimen
of its class, we may suppose that it was selected for
dedication merely as representing the finer shells
employed by the workmen in the decoration of tlie
temple-furniture. The Sumerians at a later period
engraved designs upon mother-of-pearl. When used
in plain pieces for inlaying it certainly gave a more
brilliant effect than shell, but to the engraver it offered
greater difficulties in consequence of its brittle and
scaly surface. Pieces have been found, however, on
which designs have been cut, and these were most
frequently employed for enriching the handles of
knives and daggers. The panels in the accompanying
blocks will serve to show that the same traditional
motives are reproduced which meet us in the earlier

^ See above, p. 79, Fig-. 30.

* See above, p. 78, and below, p. 167 f.

82 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

designs upon fragments of shell and cylinder-seals.
They include a bearded hero, the eagle attacking the
bull, a hero in conflict Avith a lion, the lion-headed
eagle of I^agash, a winged lion, a lion attacking an
ibex, and a stag. Even when allowance is made for
the didiculties presented by the material, it will be
seen that the designs themselves rank far below those
found upon shell. I'he employment of mother-of-
pearl for engraving may thus be assigned to a period
of decadence in Sumerian art when it had lost much
of its earlier freshness and vigour.

Fig. 35.

Fig. 36.

Fig. 37.

Four panels of mother-of pearl, engraved with Sumerian designs, which were
employed for inlaying the handles of daggers. They helong to a period of
decadence in Sumerian art.

[In the Louvre ; Cat. Nos. 232 ft.]

The above brief sketch of the principal forms and
productions of Sumerian art may serve to vindicate the
claim of the Sumerians to a place among the more
artistic races of antiquity. Much oriental art is merely
quaint, or interesting from its history and peculiarities,
but that of the Sumerians is considerably more than
this. Its sculpture never acquired the dull monotony
of the As.syrian bas-reliefs with their over-elaboration
of detail, intended doubtless to cloak the poverty of
the design. Certain conventions persisted through all
periods, but the Sumerian scidptor was never a slave to
them. He relied largely on his own taste and intelli-
gence, and even the earliest work is bold and spirited.
After centuries of independent development iVesli vigour
was introduced by the nomad Semitic races who settled

SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 83

in the north, but in the hands of the later Semites the
Sumerian ideals were not maintained. For the finest
period of l^abylonian art we must go back to a time
some centuries before the founding of the Babylonian
monarchy.

chapti:r iv^

THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER ; THE DAWN
OF HISTORY AND THE RISE OF LAG ASH

IX their origin tlie great cities of Babylonia were little
more than collections of rude huts constructed at
first of reeds cut in the marshes, and gradually
giving place to rather more substantial buildings of
clay and sundried brick. From the very beginning it
would appear that the shrine of the local god played
an important part in the foundation and subsequent
development of each centre of population. Of the
prehistoric period in Babylonia we know little, but
it may be assumed that, already at the time of the
Sumerian immigration, rude settlements had been formed
around the cult-centres of local gods. This, at any
rate, was the character of eacli town or city of the
Sumerians themselves during the earliest periods to
which we can trace back their history. At Fara,
the most primitive Sumerian site that has yet been
examined, we find the god Shuruppak giving his ow^n
name to the city around his shrine, and Ningirsu of
Lagash dominates and directs his people from the first.
Other city-gods, who afterwards became powerful deities
in the Babylonian pantheon, are already in existence, and
have actjuired in varying degrees their later characters.
Enki of Eridu is already the god of the deep, the
shrine of Enzu or Nannar in the city of Ur is a centre
of tlie moon-cult, Babbar of Larsa appears already as
a sun-god ajid tlie dispenser of law and justice, while
the most powerful Sumerian goddess, Ninni or Nana
of P^rcch, already has her shrine and worshippers in the
city of her choice.

By what steps the city-gods acquired their later

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 85

characters it is impossible now to say, but we may
assume that the process was a gradual one. In the
earlier stages of its history the character of the local
god, like that of liis city, must have been far more
simple and primitive than it appears to us as seen in
the light of its later development. The autliority of
each god did not extend beyond the limits of his own
people's territory. Each city was content to do battle
on his behalf, and the defeat of one was synonymous
with the downfall of tlie other. AVith the gradual
amalgamation of the cities into larger states, the god
of the predominant city would naturally take prece-
dence over those of the conquered or dependent towns,
and to the subsecjuent process of adjustment we may
probably trace the relationships between the different
deities and the growth of a pantheon. That Enki
should have been the god of the deep from the begin-
ning is natural enough in view of Eridu's position on an
expanse of water connected with the Persian Gulf.
But how it came about that Ur was the centre of a
moon-cult, or that Sippar in the north and Larsa in the
south were peculiarly associated with the worship of the
sun, are questions which cannot as yet be answered,
though it is probable that future excavations on their
sites may tlirow some liglit upon the subject.

In the case of one city excavation lias already
enabled us to trace the gradual growth of its temple
and the surrounding habitations during a considerable
portion of tlieir history. The city of Nippur stands in
a peculiar relation to others in Sumer and Akkad, as
being the central slu-ine in the two countries and the
seat of Enlil, the cliief of the gods. NifFer, or NufFar,
is the name by which the mounds marking its site are
still known. They have been long deserted, and, like
the sites of many other ancient cities in Babylonia and
Assyria, no modern town or village is built upon tliem
or in their immediate neighbourhood. The nearest
small town is Suk el-'Afej, about four miles to the
south, lying on the eastern edge of the 'Afej marshes,
which begin to the south of NifFer and stretch away to
the west. The nearest large town is Diwaniya, on the
left bank of the Euphrates twenty miles to the south-west.

8G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Tn the summer tlie marslics in the neighbourhood
of the mounds consist of j)ools of water connected
by channels throuoii the rced-beds, but in the spring,
when the snows have melted in the Taurus and the
mountains of Kurdistan, the flood-water converts the
marshes into a vast higoon. and all that meets the eye
are isolated date-palms and a few small hamlets built
on rising knolls above the water-level.

Although, during the floods, Niffer is at times nearly
isolated, the water never approaches within a consider-
able distance of the actual mounds. This is not due to
any natural conflguration of the soil, but to tlie fact
that around the inner city, the site of which is marked
by the mounds, there was built an outer ring of habita-
tions at a time when the enclosed town of the earlier
periods became too small to contain the growing
population. The American excavations, which have
been conducted on the site between the years 1889 and
1900, have shown that the earliest area of habitation was
far more restricted than the mounds which cover the
inner city.^ In the plan on p. 88 it will be seen that
this portion of the site is divided into two parts by the
ancient bed of the Shaft en-Nil. The contours of the
mounds are indicated by dotted lines, and each of them
bears a number in Roman figures. Moinid III. is that
which covered E-kur, the temple of Enlil, and it was
around the shrine, in the shaded area upon the plan,
that the original village or settlement was probably
built. Here in the lowest stratum of the mound were
found large beds of wood ashes and animal bones, the
remains of the earliest period of occupation.

It is difficult to trace through all its stages the early
growth of the city, but it would seem that the shrine
in the centre of the town was soon raised upon an
artificial mound to protect it during periods of inunda-
tion. Moreover, as at Fara, the original settlement
must have expanded quickly, for even below the
mounds to the south-west of the Shaft en-Nil, strata
have been found similar in character to those under

^ For an account of tlie excavations at Nippur and tlioir results, see
Hilpreclit, " Explorations in Bihle Lands," pp. 28!) fF., and Fisher, " Excava-
tions at Nippur," Pt. I. (11)05), Tt. II. (l<)0<i).

THE DAWN OF HISTORY

the temple-mound, as well as brieks and wells of the
pre-Sargonic period. In reconstructing the plan of
the later areas occupied by the temple and its enclosure,

Early Babylonian plan of the temple of Enlil at Nippur and ita enclosure,
drawn upon a clay tablet dating from the first half of the second miilouuium B.o.
The labels on the plan are translated from notes on the original.
[Cf. Fisher, "Excavations at Nippur," I., pi. 1.]

considerable assistance has been obtained from an
ancient plan of the temple, drawn upon a clay tablet
that was found at Nippur. From the form of the

88 ITTSTORV OF SUMER AND AKKAD

c'liaracters inscribed upon it, it does not appear to date
from an earlier period than the first half* of the second
niillenniiiin b.c\, but it may well be a copy of an older
original since the form of its temple-enclose appears to
am-ee with that in the time of Naram-Sin as revealed
by the excavations. In it the position of E-kur is
marked at one end of a great enclosure surrounded by
an irregular wall. The enclosure is cut by a canal or
sluice, on the other side of which stood temple-store-

0*»i&in*i. Town ;t.^ wi\
tiTCnoeC CrKLOSJHt IKo /////

firiAL tKTcrrr or mtttn crrr thin ww

comouHd C noun03 AnO ioVtLiiLQ Cahau capU tk.»

— -.y

Buuntss

OmciAi.

/-I

MIPPUR

........

OUARTtRS ! \|f-

IV ; /fel

^ i > a»

Coumc

)

•

-.2^

R : Tht inrttR CITY
Ants nitiLfl

i 1

houses. The position of gates in the wall are marked,
and it will be noted that a large stream, labelled the
Eupln-ates, washes its upper side, wliile on its other
sides are terraces and moats. These details are incor-
porated in the accompanying plan, but their suggested
relation to the remains imcovered in the course of the
excavations is largely conjectural. Moreover the period
in the temple's liistory represented by the tablet is not
certainly established, and some of the details such as

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 89

the ground-plan of the temple itself may reproduce its
later form.

The most striking feature in the temple-area, which
was uncovered in the course of the excavations, is the
great temple-tower, or ziggurat, erected by Ur-Engur,
and faced by him with kiln-baked bricks bearing his
name and inscription.' 'J'he ziggurat in its later and
imposing form was built by him, though within its
structure were foimd the cores of earlier and smaller
towers, erected by Naram-Sin and during the pre-
Sargonic period. In fact, Ur-Engur considerably
altered the appearance of the temple. In addition to
building the ziggurat, he raised the level of the inner
court above Naram-Sin's pavement, and he straightened
the course of the outer wall, using that of Naram-Sin
as a foundation where it crossed his line. His wall also
included mounds XII. and V., in the latter of which
many of the temple-archives have been found. During
the Kassite period these were stored in buildings in
mound X., across the Shatt en-Nil in the area included
\v4thin the inner city during the later periods. An
alteration in the course of the river from the north-east
to the south-west side of the temple area probably
dates from the period of Samsu-iluna, who upon a
cone found in debris in the temple-court records that
he erected a dam and dug out a new channel for the
Euphrates. His object in doing so was probably to
bring a supply of water within reach of the later
extension of the city on the south-west side.

The excavations on the site of Nippur and its
temple have illustrated the gradual increase in the size
of a Sumerian city, and the manner in which the
temple of the city-god retained its position as the
central and most important building. The diggings,
however, have thrown little light upon the form the
temple assumed during periods anterior to the Dynasty
of Ur. In fact, we do not yet know the form or
arrangement of an early Sumerian temple ; for on early
sites such as Fara, Surghul, and Bismaya, the remains
of no important building were uncovered, while the
scanty remains of Ningirsu's temple at Tello date from

' M a later period this was converted into a Parthian fortress.

90 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the comparatively late period of Ur-15au and Giidea.
On tlie latter site, however, a nnniher of earlier con-
structions have been discovered, and, althoui^h they are
not of a purely religious character, they may well have
been employed in connection with the temple service.
Apart from private dwellings, they are the only build-
ings of the early Sumerians that have as yet been
recovered, and they forcibly illustrate the primitive
character of the cities of this time.

The group of oldest constructions at Tello was
discovered in the mound known as K, which rises to
a height of se\'cnteen metres above the plain. It is
the largest and highest after the Palace Tell, to the
south-east of which it lies at a distance of about two
hundred metres.^ Here, during his later excavations
on the site, M. de Sarzec came upon the remains of
a regular agricultural establishment, which throw an
interesting light upon certain passages in the early
foundation-inscriptions referring to constructions of a
practical rather than of a purely religious character.
It is true the titles of these buildings are often difficult
to explain, but the mention of different classes of
plantations in connection with them proves that they
were mainly intended for agricultural purposes. Their
titles are most frequently met with in Entemena's
records, but Ur-Nina refers by name to the principal
storehouse, and the excavations have shown that before
his time this portion of the city had already acquired
its later character. Here was situated the administrative
centre of the sacred properties attached to the temples,
and possibly also those of the patesi himself. It is
true that the name of Ningirsu's great storehouse does
not occur upon bricks or records found in the ancient
structures u])on Tell K, but it is quite possible that
this was not a name for a single edifice, but was a
general title for the Avhole complex of buildings, courts
and outhouses employed in connection with the pre-
paration and storage of produce from the city's lands
and plantations.

At a depth of only two and a half metres from
the surface of the tell M. de Sarzec came upon a

* See the phm ofTello on p. 19.

^ ::

2 ■"

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 91

bnildino- of the period of Giidea, of which only the
anole of a wall remained. But, unlike the great Palace
Tell, where the lowest diggings revealed nothing earlier
than the reign of Ur-13au, a deepening of his trenches
here resulted in the recovery of buildings dating from
the earliest periods in the history of the city. In
accordance with the practice of the country, as each
new building had been erected on the site, the founda-
tions of the one it had displaced were left intact and
carefully preserved within the new platform, in order
to raise the building still higher above the plain and
form a solid substructure for its support. To this
practice we owe the preservation, in a comparatively
complete form, of the foundations of earlier structures
in the mound. At no great depth beneath Gudea's
building were unearthed the remains of Ur-Nina's
storehouse. Comparatively small in size, it is oriented
by its angles, the two shorter sides facing north-west
and south-east, and the two longer ones south-west
and north-east, in accordance with the normal Sumerian
system.' It was built of kiln-baked bricks, not square
and Hat like those of Ciudea or of Sargon and Naram-
Sin, but oblong and plano-convex, and each bore the
mark of a right thumb imprinted in the middle of
its con\'ex side. A few of the bricks that were found
bear Ur-Nina's name in linear characters, and record
his construction of the " House of Girsu," while one
of them refers to the temple of Ningirsu. These may
not have been in their original positions, but there is
little doubt that the storehouse dates from Ur-Nina's
reign, and it may well ha\e been employed in con-
nection with the temple of the city-god.

Built upon a platform composed of three layers of
bricks set in bitumen, the walls of the building were
still preserved to the height of a few feet. It is to
be noted that on none of the sides is there a trace
of any doorway or entrance, and it is probable that
access was obtained from the outside by ladders of
wood, or stairways of unburnt brick, reaching to the
upper story. At D and E on the plan are traces
of what may have been either steps or buttresses, but

* For example, compare the orientation of Enlil's temple on p. 88.

02 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

these do not belong to the original building and were
added at a later time. The al)sence of any entrance
certainly proves tliat tlie building was employed as a
storehouse/ Within the building are two chambers,
the one square {A), the other of a more oblong shape
(H). They were separated })y a transverse passage or
corridor (C), which also ran round inside the outer
walls, thus giving the interior chamber additional
security. The double walls were well calculated to

tlB

laLD: storehouse: orm-HiMA

AfTtn DC SflHZLC

F^^^?^

W/Viv.

protect the interior from damp or heat, and would
render it more difficult for pillagers to effect an entrance.
Both in the chambers and the passages a coating of
bitumen was spread upon the floor and walls. Here
grain, oil, and fermented drink could have been stored
in quantity, and the building may also have served
as a magazine for arms and tools, and for the more
precious kinds of building material.

Around the outside of the building, at a distance

' It has been coniparcMl to the g^ranaries of Effypt as flepictefl in wall
paintings or represented l»y models placed in the tombs ; cf. Ileuzey, " Viu
Villa royale chaldeeiniej" p. 1) f.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY

of about four metres from it, are a series of eight
brick bases, two on each side, in a direct hne with
the walls.^ On these stood pillars of cedar-wood, of
which the charred remains were still visible. They
probably supported a great wooden portico or gallery,
whicli ran round the walls of the building and was
doubtless used for the temporary storage of goods and
agricultural implements. (Jn the north-east side of the
building a brick pavement (F) extended for some
distance beyond the gallery, and at the southern angle,
within the row of pillars and beneath the roof of the
portico, was a small double basin (G) carefully lined
with bitumen. At a greater distance from the house
were two larger basins or tanks (I and K), with plat-
forms built beside them of brick and bitumen (J and
L) ; with one of them was connected a channel or water-
course (M). At a later time Eannatum sunk a well
not far to the west of Ur-Nina's storehouse, and from
it a similar water-course ran to a circular basin ; a
large oval basin and others of rectangular shape were
found rather more to the north. These, like Ur-Xina's
tanks, were probably employed for the washing of
vessels and for the cleansing processes which accom-
panied the pre-
paration and stor-
age of date-wine,
the pressing of oil,
and the numerous
other occupations
of a large agricul-
tural conununity.
A still earlier
building was dis-
covered at a depth
of five metres be-
low that of Ur-
Nina, but it is
more difficult to
determine the purpose to which it was put. It was built
upon a solid platform (C), which has the same orienta-
tion as Ur-Nina's storehouse and rises above the ground

1 See li, H on plan.

BUILDinC AffrCRIORTO UR-fllMA

ATTtR Dt 5ARZtC

0 1 J 5 1. »

St • I I ~t ^

94 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

level marked by the remains of a brick pavement (D).
It is strancre tliat the buildin-r itself is not in the centre
of the platform and for some unknown reason was set
at a slight angle to it. It consists of two chambers,
each with a doorway, the smaller chamber (A) on a
level with the platform, the larger one (B) considerably
below it, from which it must have been reached by a
ladder. At intervals along the surface of the walls
were cavities lined with bitumen, which may have sup-
ported the wooden columns of a superstructure, or
possibly the supports of an arched roof of reeds. It
is possible that we here have a form of religious edifice,

but tlie depth of the larger
chamber suggests that, like Ur-
Nina's building, it was employed
as a sort of store-house or
treasure-chamber.

The bricks of the building
were small and plano-convex,
with thumb - im]iressions and
witliout inscriptions, so that it
is impossible to recover the
name of its builder. But the
objects found at the same deep
level indicate a high antiquity,
and present us with a picture of
some of the inhabitants of the
country at a time when this
building, which was one of the
oldest constructions at Lagash,
stood upon the surface of the
mound. The circular relief,
sculptured wuth the meeting of the chieftains,^ was found
in fragments near the building. Another archaic piece
of sculpture of the same remote period, which was also
found in the neighbourhood, represents a figure, crowned
with palm-branches ; one hand is raised in an attitude
of speech or adoration, and on the right are two stan-
dards supporting what appear to be colossal mace-heads.
The sex of the figure is uncertain, but it may well be
that of a woman ; the lines below the chin which come

* See above, p. 45 f.

Fig. 33.

Archaic plaque from Telle, en-
graved in low relief with a scene
of adoration. In an inscription
on the stone, which appears to
enumerate a list of offerings,
reference is made to Ningirsu
and his temple E-ninnu.
[D^., pi. 1 bis, Fig. 1.]

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 95

from behind the ear, are not necessarily a beard, but may
be intended for a thick lock of hair falling over tlie
right shoulder. The scene probably represents an act
of worship, and an archaic inscription on the field of
the plaque appears to record a list of offerings, probably
in honour of Ningirsu, whose name is mentioned to-
gether with that of his temple E-ninnu. It is interest-
ing to note that in this very early age the temple of
the city-god of Lagash already bore its later name.

The earliest written records of the Sumerians which
we possess, apart from those engraved upon stone and
of a purely votive character, concern the sale and
donation of land, and they prove that certain customs
were already in vogue with regard to the transfer of
property, which we meet with again in later historical
periods. A few such tablets of rounded form and
fashioned of unburnt clay were found at Lagash on Tell
K, and slightly below the level of Ur-Nina's build-
ing;^ they may thus be assigned to a period anterior
to his reign. Others of the same rounded form, but
of baked clay, have been found at Shuruppak. It is
a significant fact that several of these documents, after
describing the amount of land sold and recording the
principal price that was paid for it, enumerate a
number of supplementary presents made by the buyer
to the seller and his associates.^ Tlie presents consist
of oxen, oil, wool and cloth, and precisely similar gifts
are recorded on the Obelisk of ISIanishtusu.'' It would
thus appear that even in this early period the system of
land tenure was already firmly established, which pre-
vailed in both Sumer and Akkad under the earlier
historical rulers.

From the Shuruppak tablets we also learn the
names of a number of early rulers or officials of that
city, in whose reigns or periods of office the documents
were drawn up. Among the names recovered are
those of Ur-Ninpa, Kanizi and JMash-Shuruppak, but
they are given no titles on the tablets, and it is

» Cf. Heuzey, " Une Villa royale," p. 24.

2 Cf. Thureau-Dan<rin, " Ilecueil de tablettcs clialdeenues," p. i. f.,
Nos. Iff., Off., and " Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., pp. 11 ff.

3 See below, Chap. VII., p. 206 f.

96 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

impossible to say Avlictlicr tlicir office preceded
tliat of the patesi, or whetb.er they were magistrates
of the city who were subordinate to a ruler of higher
rank. -^Vnother of these early deeds of sale is inscribed,
not upon a tablet, but on the body of a black stone
statuette that lias been found at Tello.' From the
text M'c learn that the buyer of the property was a

Fig. 39.

Firruro of Lupad, a high official of the city of Uinma, inscribed with a text
recording a purchase of land in Lagash (Shirpurla) ; from Tello.
[In the Louvre; cf. Comptes rcndus, 1907, p. 518.]

certain Lupad, and the figure is evidently intended
to represent him. Although it was found on the site
of Lagash, and the text records a purchase of land in
that city, it is remarkable that Lupad is described as
a high official of the neighbouring city of Umma,
which was the principal rival of I^agash during the
greater part of its history. 'I'he archaic character of

' Cf. Heuzey and Thuroau-Danfrin, "Coniptes reiidiis de I'Acad. des
Inscriptions," l'.)07, pp. 51G ff. 'llie licad of the fipure had hccu found many
years before by M. de Sarzec, and was published in " Dec. en Chald.," pi. 6 ter.
Figs. 1 a and b.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY

the sculpture, and the early form of "writing upon it,
suggest a date not much later than that of Ur-Nina,
so that we must suppose the transaction took place
at a period when one of the two rival cities acknow-
ledged the suzerainty of the other. Unlike other
Sumcrian figures that have been recovered, I^upad's
head has a sliglit ridge over the brow and below the
cheek-bones. This has been explained
by Heiizey as representing short hair
and beard, but it more probably indi-
cates the limits of those portions of
the head and face that were shaved.^
Thus Lupad presents no exception
to the general Sumerian method of
treating the hair.

In order to assign a date to such
figures as that of Lupad, it is neces-
sary, in the absence of, other evidence,
to be guided entirely by the style of the
sculpture and the character of the writ-
ing. Several such figures of archaic
Sumerian type have been recovered,
and three of them represent kings
wlio ruled in different cities at this
early period. The finest of these is a
standing figure of Esar, King of Adab,
which was found in the coiu'se of the
American excavations at liismaya, and
is now preserved in the Imperial
Ottoman JNIuseum at Constantinople.
Its discoverers claimed that it was the
earliest example of Sumerian sculpture known,^ but it
may be roughly placed at about the time of Ur-Nina's
dynasty. A second king is represented by two frag-
ments of a statuette from Tello, inscribed in archaic
characters M'itli a dedicatory text of E-abzu, King of
Umma,^ while the third is a seated figure of a king of
the northern city or district of INIa'er, or ]Mari, and is

Fig. 40.

Statue of Esar, King
of Adab, preserved in
the Imperial Ottoman
Museum at Constanti-
nople ; from Bismaya.

1 Cf. Mevcr, "Sum. und Sem.," p. 81, n. 2.

" Cf. Banks, "Scientific American," Aug. 19, 1905, p. 137, and "Amcr.
Jouru. Semit. Lang," XXI., p. 59.
3 "Dec. eu Chald./' pi. 5, No. 3.

08 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

preserved in the British JMuseuni.^ The same uncer-
tainty apphes to the date of Ur-Enhl, a patesi of Nippur,
whose name is mentioned on one of the fragments of
votive vases from tliat city whicli were found together
on the south-east side of the temple-tower.^ As in the

case of Esar, King of
Adab, Ave can only as-
sign these rulers approxi-
mately to the period of
the earlier rulers of La-
gash.

It is in the city of
Lagash that our know-
ledge of Sumerian his-
tory may be said to begin.
The excavation of the
site has yielded an abun-
dance of material from
which it is possible to
arrange her rulers for
long periods in chrono-
logical order, and to re-
construct the part they
played in conflicts be-
tween the early city-
states. It is true that
some of her earlier kings
and patesis remain little
more than names to us,
but with the accession of
Ur-Xina we enter a
period in which our
knowledge of events is
continuous, so far at least
as the fortunes of the city
were concerned. With

Fig. 41.

Emblems of the city of Lagash (Shir-
purla) and of the god Niugirsu. The upper
drawing represents a perforated plaque
dedicated to Ningirsu by Ur-Nina. Below
is a brick stamped with the figure of Imgig,
the lion-headed eagle of Ningirsu.

[In the Louvre ; Cat. No. 7 and Die, pi. 31
bis, No. 1.]

the growth of her power it is also possible to trace in
some detail the relations she maintained with other
great cities in the land.

1 See the plate opposite p. 102. The king of Ma'er's figure is the one oil
the right.

2 Cf. Hilprccht, "Old Hab. liiscr.," 11., pi. 44, No. DG, and Thureau-
Dangiu, " Kouigsiuschriften," p. 158 f.

THE DAWN OF IIISTORY

At the earliest period of whieh we have any historical
records it would appear that the city of Kish exercised
a suzerainty over Sumer. Here there ruled at this
time a king named Mesilim, to whom I^agash, and
probably other great cities hi the south, owed allegiance.
During his reign a certain Lugal-shag-engur was patesi
of Lagash, and we have definite record that he acknow-
ledged Mesihm's supremacy. For
a votive mace-head of colossal size
has been found at Tello, which
bears an inscription stating that it
was dedicated to Ningirsu by
Mesilim, who had restored his
great temple at Lagash during
the time that Lugal-shag-engur
was patesi of that city.^ The
text, the brevity of which is cha-
racteristic of these early votive
inscriptions, consists of but a few
words, and reads : " INIesilim, King
of Kish, the builder of the tem-
ple of Ningirsu, deposited this
mace-head (for) Ningirsu (at the
time when) Lugal - shag - engur
(was) patesi of Lagash." In spite
of its brevity the importance of
the inscription is considerable,
since it furnishes a synchronism
between two early rulers of Sumer
and the North.

The weapon itself, upon which
it is engraved, is also noteworthy.
As may be inferred from its co-
lossal size the mace was never
intended for actual use in battle, but was sculptured by
Mesihm's orders with the special object of being dedi-
cated in the temple of the god. It is decorated witli
rudely-carved figures of lions, which run around it and
form a single composition in relief. The lions are six in
number, and are represented as pursuing and attacking

» See Heuzey, "Revue d'Assyr.," IV., p. 100; cf. " Kouigsiusclulfteu,"
p. 160 f.

Fig. i2.

MacG-liead, dedicated to
Ningirsu, the god of Lagash
(Shirpurla), by Mesilim, King
of Kish, at the time of Lugal-
shag-engur, patesi of Lagash.

lD6c., pi. 1 ter, No. 2 ; Cat.
No. 4.j

100 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

one another. Each has seized the hind-leg and the back
of the one which precedes it ; they thus form an endless
chain around the object, and are a most efl'ective form
of decoration. Unlike the majority of mace-heads, that
of JNIcsilim is not perforated from top to bottom. The
hole for receiving the handle of the weapon, though
deep, is not continued to the top of the stone, which
is carved in low relief with a representation of a lion-
headed eagle with wings outspread and claws extended.
Looked at from above, this fantastic aninial appears as
an isolated figure, but it is not to be separated from the
lions running round the side of the mace-head. In fact,
we may see in the whole composition a development of
the symbol which formed the arms of the city of
Lagash, and was the peculiar emblem of the city-god
Ningirsu.^ In the latter, the lion-headed eagle grasps
two lions by the back, and in Mesilim's sacred mace we
have the same motive of a lion-headed eagle above
lions. It was, indeed, a peculiarly appropriate votive
offering for an overlord of Lagash to n^iake. As suze-
rain of Lagash, Mesilim had repaired the temple of
Ningirsu, the city-god ; the colossal mace-head, wrought
with a design taken from the emblem of the city and
its god, was thus a fitting object for his inscription. By
depositing it in Ningirsu's temple, he not only sought
to secure the favour of the local god by his piety, but
he left in his city a permanent record of his own
dominion.

Of I^ugal-shag-engur we know as yet nothing
beyond his name, and the fact that he was patesi of
Lagash at the time of JMesilim, but the latter ruler has
left a more enduring mark upon history. For a later
patesi of Lagash, Entemena, when giving a historical
summary of tlie relations which existed between his
own city and the neighbouring city of Umma, begins
his account with the period of Mesilim, and furnishes
additional testimony to the part which this early
king of Kish played in the local affairs of southern

* See the blocks on p. 98. A variant form of the emblem occurs on the
perforated block of Diidu (see tlie plate facing p. 110). Tliere the lions turn
to bite tlie spread wings of tlie eagle, indicating that the emblem is symbolical
of strife ending in the victory of Lagash (cf. Heuzey, " Cat.^" p. 121).

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 101

Babylonia.' From IVIesilim's own inscription on the
mace-head, we have already seen that he interested him-
self in the repair of temples and in fostering the local cidts
of cities in the south ; from Entemcna's record we learn
that his activities also extended to adjusting the political
relations betw^een tlie separate states. I'he proximity
of Umma to Lagash brought the two cities into con-
stant rivalry, and, although they were separated by
the Shatt el-Hai,^ their respective territories were not
ahvays confined to their own sides of the stream.
During the reign of INIesilim the antagonism between
the cities came to a head, and, in order to prevent the
outbreak of hostilities, INIesilim stepped in as arbitrator,
possibly at the invitation of the two disputants. The
point at issue concerned the boundary-line between
the territories of Lagash and Umma, and Mesilim, as
arbitrator, drew up a treaty of delimitation.

The form in w4iich the record of the treaty is cast is
of peculiar interest, for it forcibly illustrates tlie theo-
cratic feeling of these early peoples. It is in accordance
with their point of view that the actual patesis of
Lagash and Umma are not named, and the dispute is
regarded as having been adjusted by the gods. The
deity who presided over the conference, and at whose
invitation the treaty is stated to have been made, was
Enlil, "the king of the lands." Owing to his unique
position among the losal gods of Babylonia, liis divine
authority was recognized by the lesser city-gods. Thus
it was at his command that Ningirsu, the god of Lagash,
and the city -god of Umma fixed the boundary. It is
true that jNlesilim, the King of Kish, is referred to by
name, but lie only acted at the word of his own goddess
Kadi, and his duties were confined to making a record
of the treaty whicli the gods themselves had drawn up.
We could not have a more striking instance of the
manner in which the early inhabitants of Babylonia
regarded the city-gods as the actual kings and rulers of
their cities. The human kings and patesis were nothing

» See the Cone of Eiitemena, "D6c. en Cliald.," p. xlvii. ; and of.
Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., pp. .37 if., and " Koni^'•sinPcllnfteIl,
pp. 86 ff. Entemena's sketch of the early relations of Lagash and Fmnia pre-
cedes his account of his own conquest of'the latter city ; see helow, p. 104 t.

^ See above, pp. 11, 21 f.

102 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

more tluiii ministers, or .agents, appointed to carry out
their will. Thus, when one city made war upon another,
it was because their gods were at feud ; the territory of
the city was the property of the city-god, and, when a
treaty of dehniitation was proposed, it was naturally
the gods themselves who arranged it and drew up its
provisions.

We are enabled to fix approximately the period of
IMesilim by this reference to him upon the cone of
Entemena, but we have no such means of determining
the date of another early ruler of the city of Kish,
whose name has been recovered during the American
excavations on the site of Nippur. Three fragments of
a vase of dark brown sandstone have been found there,
engraved with an inscription of Utug, an early patesi of
Kish. They are said to have been found in the strata
beneath the chambers of the great temple of Enlil on
the south-east side of the ziggurat, or temple-tower.^
It would be rash to form any theory as to the date of
the vase solely from the position in which the frag-
ments are said to have been discovered, but the
extremely archaic forms of the characters of the in-
scription suggest that it dates from the earliest period
of Babylonian history. Moreover, Utug is termed
upon it patesi, not king, of Kish, suggesting that he
ruled at a time when Kish had not the power and
influence it enjoyed under JNIesilim. The hegemony
in Sumer and Akkad constantly passed from one city
to another, so that it is possible that Utug should be
set after Mesilim, when the power of Kish had tem-
porarily declined. But as the characters of Utug's
inscription are far more archaic than those of Mesilim,
we may provisionally set him in the period before Kish
attained the rank of a kingdom in place of its patesiate.
But how long an interval separated Utug from JNIesilim
there is no means of tellino-.

On the assumption that Utug ruled in this early
period, we may see in the fragments of his vase from
Nippur, evidence of the struggles by which the city of
Kish attained the position of supremacy it enjoyed

» See Ililpreclit, "Old Babylonian Inscriptions," Pt 11., p. G2, pi. 4G,
No. 108 f., and Pt. I., p. 47.

TTTE DAWN OF HISTORY 103

under ISIesilim. For Utiig's vase was not carried to
Nippin- as spoil from Kish, but was deposited by Utug
himself in the temple of Enlil, in connnemoration of a
victory he had achieved over the land of Khamazi.
AVe here learn the name of one of the enemies with
whom Kish had to fight in the early stages of its
existence as an independent city-state, and we may
conjecture that many more such battles had to be
fought and won before its influence was felt beyond the
boundaries of Akkad by the Sumcrian cities in the
south. The fact that after his victory Utug deposited
the vase at Nippur as a thankofFering proves that in
his time the shrine of Enlil was already regarded as tlie
central sanctuary of Babylonia. Zamama, the god of
Kish, had achieved the victory over Khamazi, but Enlil,
as the supreme lord of the world, was entitled to some
recognition and gratitude, and also probably to a share
of the spoil. From one line of the inscription upon
Utug's vase we may perhaps infer that his father's name
was Bazuzu, but, as no title follows the name, he is not
to be reckoned as a patesi of Kish. Me may thus
conclude that Utug did not succeed his father upon the
throne. Whether he was a usurper or succeeded some
other relative, and whether he followed up his military
successes by founding at Kish a powerful dynasty to
which Mesilim may have belonged, are among the
questions which may perhaps be answered as the result
of future excavation in Northern Babylonia.

It is probable that the early supremacy which Kish
enjoyed during the reign of Mesilim continued for some
time after his death. At any rate, the names of two
other early rulers of that city are known, and, as they
both bear the title of king, and not patesi, we may
conclude that they lived during a period of the city's
prosperity or expansion. The name of one of these
kings, Urzage, occurs upon a broken vase of wliite
calcite stalagmite, which was found at Nippur, approxi-
mately in the same place as the vase of the patesi Utug.^
The inscription upon the vase records the fact that it

1 See Hilprecht, op. cit., Pt. II., p. 51, pi. 43, No. 93; cf. Winckler,
" Altorientalisclie Forschungeii," I., p. 372 f. , and Thureau-Dangin, " Konigs-
iiischriften," p. IGO f.

104 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

was dedicated by Urzage to Enlil, " king of the lands."
and his consort NinHl, "the hidy of heaven and earth."
Tlie end of tlie text is wanting, but we may conjecture
that, hke his carher predecessor Utug, the king dedicated
the vase in the temple of Enlil, at Nippur, in gratitude
for some victory over his enemies. We may thus see
in the dedication of the vase furtlier evidence of the
continued prosperity of Kish, though it is clear that it
only maintained its position among the other great
cities of the land by force of arms. The name of the
other early king of Kish, Lugal-tarsi, is known to us
from a short inscription upon a small tablet of lapis-
lazuli preserved in the British Museum.^ The text
records the building of the wall of tlie enclosure, or
outer court, of a temple dedicated to Ann and the
goddess Ninni, but, as its provenance is unknown, it is
impossible to base any argument upon it with reference
to the extent of the influence exerted by Kish during
the reign of Lugal-tarsi.^ Such are the few facts which
have come down to us with regard to the earliest period
of the supremacy of Kish. But the fortunes of the city
were destined to undergo a comj^lete change, in con-
sequence of the increase in the power of Lagash which
took place during the reign of Eannatum. Before we
describe the transfer of power from the north to Sumer,
it will be necessary to retrace our steps to the point
where we left the history of that city, during the time
that INI esilim was ruling in the north.

The names of the successors of lAigal-shag-engur,
INIesilim's contemporary, upon the throne of Lagash
have not yet been recovered, and we do not know how
long an interval separated his reign from that of Ur-
Nina, the early king of Lagash, from whose time so
many inscriptions and archaeological remains have been
recovered at Tello.^ It is possible that within this

1 See "Cuncitorm Texts iii the British Museum," Pt. III., pi. 1, and cf.
Thureau-Daiii^in, "^ Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 74, and " Koiiiirsiiisc-hriften,"
p. IGO f. For a photograpliic reproduction of the tablet, see the plate facing
p. 218.

2 Since the central cult of Ninni and of Anu was at Ercch, it is possible
that Lugal-tarsi's dedication implies the subjection of Krcch to Kish at this
period.

' See above, pp. 91 ff.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 105

period we slioiild set another ruler of T^ao-ash, named
Badu, to whom reference appears to be made by
Eannatiim upon tlie famous Stele of the Vultures. The
passage occurs in the small fragment that has been
preserved of the first column of the text engraved upon
the stele/ the following line containing the title *' King
of Lagash." The context of the passage is not pre-
served, but it is possible that the signs which precede
the title are to be taken as a proper name, and in that
case they would give the name of an early ruler of the
city. In fjxvour of this view we may note that in the
text upon an archaic clay tablet found below the level
of Ur-Nina's building at Tello - tlie name Badu occurs,
and, although it is not there employed as that of a king
or patesi, the passage may be taken as evidence of the
use of Badu as a proper name in this early age.

Assuming that Badu represents a royal name, it
may be inferred from internal evidence furnished by
Eannatum's inscription that he lived and reigned at
some period before Ur-Nina. The introductory columns
of Eannatum's text appear to give a brief historical
summary concerning the relations which were main-
tained between Lagash and the neighbouring city of
Umma in the period anterior to Eannatum's own reign.
Now the second column of the text describes the atti-
tude of Umma to Lagash in the reign of Akurgal,
Ur-Nina's son and successor ; it is thus a natural in-
ference that Badu was a still earlier ruler who reigned
at any rate before Ur-Nina. Whether he reigned before
Lugal-shag-engur also, there are no data for deciding.
It will be noted that Eannatum calls him " king " of
Lagash, not " patesi," but the use of these titles by
Eannatum, as applied to his predecessors, is not con-
sistent, and, that he should describe Badu as " king," is
no proof that Badu himself claimed that title. But he
may have done so, and we may provisionally place him
in the interval between the patesi Lugal-shag-engur and
Ur-Nina, who in his numerous texts that have been

* "Dri'c. en Chaldee," p. xl. ; cf. Tliureau-Dangiiij " Konigsinschriflen,"
p. 10 f.

2 See Thureau-Dangin, " Recueil de tablettes chaldeennes," p. 1, pi. 1,
No. 1.

lOG HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

recovered always claims the title of " king " in place of
'• j)atcsi," a fact tliat sii<>jTcsts an increase in the power
and importance of Laoash/ To tlie same period we
may probably assign Enkhegal, another early king of
Lagash, whose name has been recovered on an archaic
tablet of limestone.^

It is possible that Ur-Nina himself, though not a
great soldier, did something to secure, or at least to
maintain, the independence of his city. In any case,
we know that he Avas the founder of his dynasty, for to
neither his father Gunidu, nor to his grandfather Gursar,
does he ascribe any titular rank. We may assume that
he belonged to a powerful Sumerian family in Lagash,
but, whether he obtained the throne by inheritance from
some collateral branch, or secured it as the result of a
revolt within the city, is not recorded. It is strange
that in none of his numerous inscriptions does he lay
claim to any conquest or achievement in the field.
INIost of his texts, it is true, are of a dedicatory character,
but, to judge from those of other Sumerian rulers, this
fact should not have prevented him from referring to
them, had he any such successes to chronicle. The
nearest approach to a record of a military nature is that
he rebuilt the wall of Lagash. It is therefore clear
that, though he may not have embarked on an aggressi\'e
policy, he did not neglect the defence of his own city.
But that appears to have been the extent of his ambi-
tion : so long as the fortifications of the city were intact,
and the armed men at her disposal sufficient for the
defence of Lagash herself and her outlying territory, he
did not seek to add to his own renown or to the city's
wealth by foreign conquest. The silence of Entemena

* It has been Pug-^osled tliat the title higal, " kiii^r/' did not acquire its
later significance until tlie age of Sai-gon (Shar-Gani-sharri), but tliat it was
used by earlier rulers as the equivalent of the Semitic bi^lu, "lord" (cf.
Ungnad, " (Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1!)0B, col. G4, ii. 5). But, in view of the fact
that Mesilim bore the title, it would seem that in his time it already con-
veyed a claim to greater authority than that inherent in the word putcsi. The
latter title was of a jjuroly religious origin ; when borne by a ruler it desig-
nated him as the representative of his city-god, but the title "king" was of
a more secular character, and connoted a wider dominion. But it must be
admitted that some inconsistencies in the use of tlie titles by members of
Ur-Nina's dynasty seem to suggest that the distinction between them was
not quite so marked as in the later periods.

2 See Hilprecht, "Zeits. fiir Assyr.," XI., p. 330 f. ; and Thureau-Dangin,
op. cit., XV., p. 403.

TPIE DAWN OF HISTORY 107

with regard to the relations of Lagash to Umma at tliis
period is not conckisive evidence tliat JNIesiHm's treaty
was still in force, or tliat the peace he inaugurated had
remained unbroken. But Entemena's silence fully
accords with that of Ur-Nina himself, and we may infer
that, in spite of his claims to the royal title, he suc-
ceeded in avoiding any quarrel with his city's hereditary
foe. Ur-Xina's attitude towards the city-state upon his
own immediate borders may be regarded as typical of
his policy as a whole. The onyx bowl which he dedi-
cated to the goddess Ban may possibly have been part
of certain booty won in battle,^ but his aim appears
to have been to devote his energies to the improvement
of his land and the adornment of his city. It is there-
fore natural that his inscriptions ^ should consist of mere
catalogues of the names of temples and other buildings
erected during his reign, together with lists of the
statues he dedicated to his gods, and of the canals he cut
in order to increase the material wealth of his people.

But, while Ur-Nina's policy appears to have been
mainly of a domestic character, he did not fail to main-
tain relations with other cities in the sphere of religious
observance. That he should have continued in active
communication with Nippur, as the religious centre
of tlie whole of Babylonia, is what we might infer from
the practice of the period, and we may probably trace
to this fiict his dedication to Enlil of one of the canals
which was cut during his reign. A more striking
instance of the deference paid by Ur-Nina to the god
of another city may be seen in his relations to Enki,
the Sumerian prototype of the god Ea. AVhen Ur-
Nina planned the rebuilding of the temple E-ninnu, he
appears to have taken precautions to ensure the success
of his scheme by making a direct appeal to Enki, the
city-god of Eridu. On a diorite plaque that has been
found at Tello ^ he record s the delivery of his prayer
to Enki, that in his character of Chief Diviner he should

^ See Heiizey, ''Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 106. A fragment of a similar
bowl, probably of the same early perioil, is definitely stated in the inscriptiou
upon it to have been set aside for Ban as a part of certain spoil.

2 They are collected and translated by Thureau-Dangiu, " Kciulgs-
iuschriften," pp. 2 ff .

^ " De'couvertes en Chaldee," p. xxxvii., No. 10.

108 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

use his pure reed, tlie wand of his divination, to render
the work good and should pronounce a favourable oracle.
Tiic temple of Enki in the city of Eridu, near the shore
of the I'crsian (4ulf, was one of the earhest and most
sacred of Sumerian shrines, and wc may perhaps picture
Ur-Nina as journeying thither from Lagash, in order
to carry his petition in person into the presence of its
mysterious gt)d.

Of the deities of Lagash to whose service Ur-Nina
appears especially to ha\'e devoted himself, the goddess
Nina, whose name he bore within his own, was one
of the most favoured. For one of the chief claims to
distinction that he puts forward is that he built her
temple at Lagash ; and although, unlike the later great
builder Cxudea, he gives in his inscriptions few details
of his work, we may conclude that he lavished his
resources upon it. He also boasts that he made a
statue of Nina, which he no doubt set up within her
temjile, and one of his canals he dedicated to her. Her
daughter Ninmar was not neglected, for he records
that he built her temple also, and he erected a temple
for Gatumdug, Nina's intercessor, and fashioned a
statue of her. Another group of L^r-Nina's buildings
was coimected with the worship of Ningirsu, the city-
god of Lagash, whose claims a ruler, so devoted to
tiie interests of his own city as Ur-Nina, would naturally
not have ignored.

A glance at his texts will show that Ur-Nina more
than once describes himself as the builder of "the
House of Girsu," a title by which he refers to E-ninnii,
the great temple dedicated to Ningirsu, since it stood
in that quarter of the city which was named Girsu
and was by iar its most im})ortant building.^ He
also built E-pa, a sanctuary closely coimected with
E-ninnu and the worsliip of Ningirsu. This temple
was added to at a later date by (ludea, Avho installed
therein his patron god, Ningish/ida, and set the nuptial
gifts of IJau, Ningirsu's consort, within its shrine; it
is possible that Ur-Nina's onyx bowl, which was dedi-
cated to Bau, and the fragments of other bowls found

' See above, p. 90 f. OtJier divisiuiis of Lagash were Nina, Uru azagga
and Uru.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 109

with it,^ were deposited by Ur-Nina in the same temple.
Of other deities in Ningirsu's entourage, whom Ur-
Nina singled out for special veneration, may be men-
tioned Dunshagga, Ningirsu's son, and Uri-zi, the god
whose duty it was to look after Ningirsu's harim.
Among lesser temples, or portions of temples, which
were built or restored by him was the Tirash, where
on the day of the New j^loon's appearance it was the
custom to hold a festival in honour of Ningirsu ; while
another act of piety which Ur-Nina records was the
making of a statue of Lugal-uru, the god from whose
festival one of the Sumerian months took its name.
In this connection, mention may also be made of the
god Dun- . . .,^ whom Ur-Nina describes as the " God-
king," since he stood in a peculiar relation to Ur-Nina
and his family. He became the patron deity of the
dynasty which Ur-Nina founded, and, down to the
reign of Enannatum II., was the personal protector of
the reigning king or patesi of Lagash.^

For the construction of his temples Ur-Nina states
that he fetched wood from the mountains, but unlike
Gudea in a later age, he is not recorded to have
brought in his craftsmen from abroad. In addition
to the building of temples, Ur-Nina's other main
activity appears to have centred in the cutting of
canals ; among these was the canal named Asukhur,
on the banks of which his grandson Eannatum won
a battle. That the changes he introduced into the
canalization of the country were entirely successful
may be inferred from the numerous storehouses and
magazines, which he records he built in connection
with the various temples,^ and by his statement that
when he added to the temple of Ningirsu he stored
up large quantities of grain within the temple-granaries.

' See above, p. 107.

* The reading of the second half of the name is uncertain. The two signs
wliich form the name were provisionally read by Amiaud as Dun-sir (" Records
of the Past," N.S., I., p. 59), and by Jensen as Shul-gur (cf. Schrader's " Keil-
inschriftliche Bibliothek," Bd. 111., Hft. 1, p. 18 f.) ; see also Thureau-Dangin,
"Rev. d'Assyr./' III., p. 119, n. 5, and Radau, "Early Bab. Hist," p. 92,
u. 18

^ See below, pp. IGSf., 177.

* For a description of his principal storehouse or magazine,, the remains
of which have been found at Tello, see above, pp. 91 flF

no niSTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

In fact, from the inscriptions he has left iis, Ur-Nina
appears as a pacific monarch devoted to tlie worship
of his city-*rods and to the welfare of his own people.
His ambitions lay within his own borders, and, when
he had secured his frontier, he was content to practise
the arts of peace. It was doubtless due to tliis wise
and ffir-seeing policy that the resources of the city
were husbanded, so that under his more famous grand-
son she was enabled to repel the attack of enemies and
embark upon a career of foreign conquest. Ur-Nina's
posthumous fame is evidence that his reign was a
period of peace and prosperity for Lagasli. His great-
grandson Entemena boasts of being his descendant,
and ascribes to him the title of King of Lagash which
he did not claim either for himself or for his father
Enannatum I., while even in the reign of Lugal-anda
offerings continued to be made in connection with his
statue in Lagash.^

We are not dependent solely on what we can gather
from the inscriptions themselves for a knowledge of
Ur-Nina. For he has left us sculptured representations,
not only of himself, but also of his sons and principal
officers, from which we may form a very clear picture
of the primitive conditions of life obtaining in Sumer
at the time of this early ruler. The sculptures take
the form of limestone plaques, roughly carved in low
relief with figures of Ur-Nina surrounded by his family
and his court.^ The plaques are oblong in shape, with
the corners slightly rounded, and in the centre of each
is bored a circular hole. Though they are obviously
of a votive character, the exact object for which they
are intended is not clear at first sight. It has been,
and indeed is still, conjectured that the plaques were
fixed vertically to the walls of shrines,^ but this expla-
nation has been discredited by the discovery of the
plaque, or rather block, of Dudu, the priest of Ningirsu
during the reign of Entemena. From tlie shape of
the latter, the reverse of which is not flat but pyramidal,
and also from the inscription upon it, we gather that

* See below, p. 169.

2 See the opposite plate and the illustrations on p. 113 f.

3 C'f. Meyer, " Sumciicr und Soniitcn," p. 77.

nt)

PLAQUE OF UR-NIXA, KIXC. OF SHIKPUKI.A. KNllRAVKD Wll H KKl'KKSE.N TA-

TIOXS OF THE KING AND HIS FAMILY

In t/iv Loiiviv; Dec. en ChaM., pi. 2 {bis).

PLAQUE OF DUDU, PRIEST OF NINGIRSU DURING THE
RKIGX OF ENTEMENA, PATESI OF SHIRPURI.A.

In the Louvre ; Jicc. en Chald., pi. 5 (bis).

THE DAWN or HISTORY 111

the object of these perforated bas-rehefs was to form
horizontal supports for ceremonial niace-heads or sacred
emblems, which were dedicated as votive offerings in the
temples of the gods/ The great value of those of Ur-
Nina consists in the vivid pictures they give us of
royal personages and higli officials at this early period.

The largest of tlie phiques ^ is sculptiu-ed with two
separate scenes, in each of which Ur-Nina is represented
in a different attitude and with a different occupation,
while around him stand his sons and ministers. In
the upper scene the king is standing ; he is nude down
to the waist and his feet are bare, while around his
loins he wears the rough woollen garment of the period,^
and upon his shaven head he supports a basket which
he steadies with his right hand. The text engraved
beside the king, in addition to giving his name and
genealogy, records that he has built the temple of
Ningirsu, the abzu-banda which was probably a great
laver or basin intended for the temple-service, and
the temple of Nina ; and it has been suggested that
the king is here portrayed bearing a basket of offerings
to lay before his god or goddess. But tlie basket he
carries is exactly similar to those borne by labourers
for heaping earth upon the dead as represented upon
the Stele of the Vultures,* and baskets have always been
used in the east by labourers and builders for carrying
earth and other building-materials. It is therefore
more probable that the king is here revealed in the
character of a labourer bearing materials for the con-
struction of the temples referred to in the text. The
same explanation applies to the copper votive figures
of a later period which are represented bearing baskets
on their heads. In a similar sj)irit Gudea has left us
statues of himself as an architect, holding tablet and
rule ; Ur-Nina represents himself in the still more
humble role of a labourer engaged in the actual work
of building the temple for his god.

' Dudu's block Avas probaWy let into solid masonry or brickwork, wliile
the plaques of L'r-Niiia would have rested on the surface of altiirs built of
brick ; cf. Heuzey, "Decouvertes en Chalde'e," p. 204.

2 See the plate o[)posite p. 110.

3 See above, p. 41 f.

* See the plate opposite p. 138.

112 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Behind the king is a little figure intended for the
royal cup-hearer, Anita, and facing him are five of his
cliildren. It is usually held that the first of these
fi^'ures, who bears the name of Lidda and is clothed in
a more elaborate dress than the other four, is intended
for the king's eldest son/ But in addition to the dis-
tinctive dress, this figure is further differentiated from
the others by wearing long hair m place of having the
head shaved. In this respect it bears some resemblance
to an archaic statuette, which appears to be that of

a woman ; ^ and the sign attached to
Lidda's name, engraved upon the
stone, is possibly that for "daughter,"
not " son." It is thus not unlikely
that we should identify the figure
with a daughter of Ur-Nina. The
other figures in the row are four of
the king's sons, named Akurgal,

Fig. 4.3.

Early Sumerian figure
of a woman, showing the
Sumerian dress and the
method of doing the hair.

[Dec, pi. 1 tcr, No. 3.]

Lugal-ezen, Anikurra and INluninni-
kiu'ta. A curious point that may
be noted is that the height of these
figures increases as they recede from
the king. Thus the first of the small
figures, that of Akurgal, who suc-
ceeded Ur-Nina upon the throne, is
represented as smaller than his
brothers, and it has been suggested
in consequence that he was not the
king's eldest son,^ a point to which
we will return later. In the scene
sculptured upon the lower half of the plaque the king
is represented as seated upon a throne and raising in
his right hand a cup from which he appears to be
pouring a libation. We may probably see in this gioup
a picture of the king dedicating the temple after the
task of building was finished. The inscription records
the fact that he had brought wood from the mountains,
doubtless employed in the construction of the temples,

' So, for instance, Radau, "Early IJab. History," p. 70.

* The figure, which is in tlie Louvre, was not found at Tello, but was
purchased at Shatra, so tliat its provenance is not certain.

■' Sec lladau, op. cit., p. 70, and cp. (Jenouillac, '•Tablcttes sumerienues
archaiques," p. xi.

THE DAWN OF HI8T0RY 113

a detail which emphasises the difficulties lie had over-
come. The cup-bearer who stands bcliind the throne
is in this scene, not iVnita, but Sagantug, while the
figure facing the king is a high official named Dudu,
and to the left of Dudu are three more of the king's
sons named Anunpad, INlcnudgid, and Addatiu-.

A smaller plaque, rather more oval in shape than
the large one figured on the plate facing p. 110, but
like it in a perfect state of preservation, gives a similar
scene, though witli less elaboration of detail. Accord-
ing to its inscription this tablet also commemorates the
building of Ningirsu's temple. Here the king carries

Fig. 44.

Plaque of Ur-Nina, King of Lagash (Shirpurla), sculptured with representa-
tions of himself, his cup-bearer, Anita, and four of his sous.

[D^c, pi. 2 bis, No. 2 ; Cat. No. 9.]

no basket, but is represented as standing with hands
clasped upon the breast, an attitude of humility
and submission in the presence of his god. In other
respects both the king and the smaller figures of his
sons and ministers are conceived as on the larger
plaque. A small figure immediately behind the king
is Anita, the cup-bearer, and to the left of Anita are
the king's son Akurgal and a personage bearing the
name Barsagannudu. In the upper row are two other
small figures named Lugal-ezen and Gula. Xow from
the largest plaque we know that Lugal-ezen was a

114 niSTOHY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

son of Ur-Ninu ; thus tlie absence of such a description
from (lula and Barsagannudu is not significant, and it
is a fair assumption that both tlicse, hke Lugal-ezen,
were sons of tlie king. But it is noteworthy that of the
four figures the only one that is specifically described
as a " son " of Ur-Nina is Akurgal.

Another of Ur-Nina's plaques is not completely
preserved, for the riglit half is wanting upon which

Fig. 45.

Portion of a plaque of Ur-NinS,, King of Lagash (Shirpurla), sculptured with
representations of his sons and the high of&cials of his court.

[Die, pi. 2 tcr, No. 1 ; in the Imperial Ottoman Museum.]

was the figure, or possibly two figures, of the king. On
the portion that has been recovered are sculptured
two rows of figures, both facing the riglit. The first
in the lower row is Anita, tlie cup-bearer ; then
comes a high ofhcial named Banar ; then Akurgal.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 115

distinguished by the title of " son," and on the extreme
left Naniazua, the scribe. Of the four figures preserved
in the upper row, the two central ones are Lugal-ezen
and Muninnikurta, both of whom bear the title of
" son," as on the largest of the three plaques. The
reading of the names upon the figures on the right
and left is uncertain, but they are probably intended
for officials of the court. The one on the left of the
line is of some interest, for he carries a staff* upon his
left shoulder from which hangs a bag. We may
perhaps regard him as the royal chamberlain, who
controlled the supplies of the palace ; or his duty may
have been to look after the provisions and accommoda-
tion for the court, should the king ever undertake a
journey from one city to another.^

While Ur-Nina's sons upon the smaller plaques are
all roughly of the same size, we have noted that the
similar figures upon the largest plaque vary slightly in
height. It has been suggested that the intention of
the sculptor was to indicate the difference in age
between the brothers, and in consequence it has been
argued that Akurgal, who succeeded Ur-Nina upon the
throne of Lagash, was his fifth, and not his eldest, son.
This inference has further been employed to suggest that
after Ur-Nina's death there may have followed a period
of weakness within tlie state of Lagash, due to dis-
union among his sons ; and during the supposed struggle
for the succession it is conjectured that the city may
have been distracted by internal conflicts, and, in conse-
quence, was unable to maintain her independence as a
city-state, which she only succeeded in recovering in the
reign of Eannatum, the son and successor of Akurgal.'^
But a brief examination of the theory will show that
there is little to be said for it, and it is probable that
the slight difference in the height of the figures is
fortuitous and unconnected with their respective ages.
It may be admitted that a good deal depends upon the
sex of Lidda, who, on the largest plaque, faces the
standing figure of Ur-Nina. If this is intended for a
son of the king, his richer clothing marks him out as the

' See the similar figure on a fragment of shell, illustrated ou p. 41.
» Cf. Radau, "Early Bab. History/' p. 71.

116 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

crown-prince ; but, even so, we may suppose that, Akur^^al
was Ur-Nina's second son, and that lie succeeded to tlie
tlu'one in consequence of Lidda having predeceased his
father. IJut reasons have already been adduced for
believing that Lidda was a daughter, not a son, of Ur-
Nina. In that case Akurgal occupies the place of
honour among his brothers in standing nearest the king.
He is further differentiated from them by the cup which
he carries ; in fact, he here appears as cup-bearer to
IJdda, the office performed by Anita and Saguntug for
the king.

That the crown-prince should be here represented
as attending his sister may appear strange, but, in view
of our imperfect knowledge of this early period, the
suggestion should not be dismissed solely on that
account. Indeed, the class of temple votaries, who
enjoyed a high social position under the Semitic kings of
the First Dynasty of Babylon, probably had its counter-
part at the centres of Sumerian worship in still
earlier times ; and there is evidence that at the time of
the First Dynasty, the order included members of the
royal house. Moreover, tablets dating from the close
of Ur-Nina's dynasty show the important part which
women played in the social and official life of the early
Sumerians.^ Thus it is possible that Ur-Nina's daughter
held high rank or office in the temple hierarchy, and
her presence on the plaque may have reference to some
special ceremony, or act of dedication, in which it was
her privilege to take the leading part after the king, or
to be his chief assistant. In such circumstances it
would not be unnatural for her eldest brother to attend
her. In both the other compositions Lidda is absent,
and Akurgal occupies tlie place of honour. In the one
he stands on a line with the king immediately behind
the royal cup-bearer, and he is the only royal son who is
specifically labelled as such ; in the other he is again on
a line with the king, separated from Anita, the cup-
bearer, by a high officer of state, and followed by the
royal scribe. In these scenes he is clearly set in the
most favoured position, and, if Lidda was not his sister
but the crown-prince, it would be hard to explain the

' Cf. Genouillac, " Tablettes sunierieiiues arcliaiques," pp. xxii. ff.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY 117

latter's absence, except on the supposition that his
death had occurred before the smaller plaques were
made. But the texts upon all three plaques record the
building of Ningirsu's temple, and they thus appear to
have been prepared for the same occasion, which gives
additional weight to the suggestion that Lidda was a
daughter of Ur-Nina, and that Akurgal was his eldest
son.

But, whether Akurgal was Ur-Nina's eldest son or
not, the e\ idence of at least the smaller of the two
complete plaques would seem to show that he was
recognized as crown-prince during the lifetime of his
father, and we may infer that he was Ur-Nina's imme-
diate successor. For an estimate of his reign we must
depend on references made to him by his two sons. It
has already been mentioned that the early part of the text
engraved upon the Stele of the Vultures appears to have
given an account of the relations between Lagash and
Umma during the reigns preceding that of Eannatum,'
and in a badly preserved passage in the second column
we find a reference to Akurgal, the son of Ur-Nina.
The context is broken, but " the men of Umma " and
" the city of Lagash " are mentioned almost immedi-
ately before the name of Akurgal,^ and it would appear
that Eannatum here refers to a conflict which took
place between the two cities during the former's reign.
It should be noted that upon his Cone^ Entemena
makes no mention of any war at this period, and, as in
the case of Ur-Nina's reign, his silence might be inter-
preted as an indication of unbroken peace. But the
narratives may be reconciled on the supposition either
that the conflict in the reign of Akurgal was of no
great importance, or that it did not concern the fertile
plain of Gu-edin. It must be remembered that tlie
text upon the Cone of Entemena was composed after
the stirring times of Eannatum, Entemena's uncle, and
the successes won by that monarch against Umma were
naturally of far greater importance in his eyes than the
lesser conflicts of his predecessors. It is true that he
describes the still earlier intervention of Mesilim in the

» See above, p. 105. ^ .' p^c. en C'hald^e," p. xl., Col. II.

' Op. cit., p. xlvii.

118 IIISTOHY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

affairs of Lagash and Umma, but tliis is because the
actual stele or boundary-stone set up by IMesilim was
removed by the men of Umma in Eannatum's reign,
an act which provoked the war. The story of
IMesilim's intervention, which resulted in the setting
up of the boundary-stone, thus forms a natural intro-
duction to tlie record of Eannatum's campaign ; and
the fact tliat tliese two events closely follow one
another in Entemena's text is not inconsistent with
a less important conflict being recorded by the Stele
of the ^^ultures as having taken place in the reign of
Akurgal.

The only other evidence with regard to the achieve-
ments of Akurgal is furnished by the titles ascribed to
him by his two sons. Upon the Stele of the Vultures,^
Eannatum describes him as " king " of Lagash, and
from this passage alone it might be inferred that he
was as successful as his father Ur-Nina in maintaining
the independence of his city. But in other texts upon
foundation-stones, bricks, and a small column, Eannatum
describes him only as " patesi," as also does his other son
Enannatum I. It should be noted that in the majority
of his inscriptions Eannatum claims for himself the title
of patesi, and at the end of one of them, in which he
has enumerated a long list of his own conquests, he
exclaims, " He {i.e. Eannatum) is the son of Akurgal,
the patesi of Lagash, and his grandfather is Ur-Nina,
the patesi of Lagash." ^ That he should term Ur-Nina
" patesi " does not accord with that ruler's own texts,
but, if Eannatum himself had been merely a patesi at
the beginning of his reign, and his father had also been
one before him, he may well have o^'erlooked the more
ambitious title to which his grandfather had laid claim,
especially as this omission would enhance the splendour
of liis own achievements. It is also possible that at
this time the distinction between the two titles was not
so strictly drawn as in the later periods, and that an
alteration in them did not always mark a corresponding
pohtical change."* However this maybe, the subsequent
conflicts of Eannatum suggest that Lagash had failed

» Col. II., 1. y. 2 u 1^)^;^. e,j Clial(l(^e;' p. xliii., Col. VIII.

' See above, p. lOG, n. 1.

THE DxVWN OF HISTORY 119

to maintain her freedom. We may assume that the
North had once more interfered in the affairs of
Sumer, and that Kish had put an end to the com-
parative independence which the city had enjoyed
during Ur-Nina's reign.

CHAPTER V

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES ; EANNATIIM AND THE
STELE OF THE VULTURES

WHEN the patesiate of Lagash passed from
Akurgal to his son Eannatum we may picture
tlie city-state as owing a general allegiance
to Akkad in the north. Nearer home, the relations of
I^agash to Umma appear to have been of an amicable
character. Whatever minor conflicts may have taken
place between the two cities in the interval, the treaty of
Mesilim was still regarded as binding, and its terms
were treated with respect by both parties. The question
whether Eannatum, like Akurgal, had liad some minor
cause of disagreement with the men of Umma at tlie
beginning of his reign depends upon our interpretation
of some broken passages in the early part of the text
engi'aved upon the Stele of the Vultures^ The second
column deals witli the relations of Umma and Lagash
during the reign of Akurgal, and the fourth column
concerns the reign of Eannatum. The name of neither
of these rulers is mentioned in the intermediate portion
of the text, which, however, refers to Umma and
Lagash in connection with a shrine or chapel dedicated
to the god Ningirsu. It is possible that we have here
a continuation of the narrative of the preceding column,
and in that case we should assign this portion of the
text to the reign of Akurgal, rather than to the early
part of the reign of his successor. But it may equally
well refer to Eannatum's own reign, and may either
record a minor cause of dispute between the cities
which was settled before the outbreak of the great
war, or may perhaps be taken m connection with the
following columns of the text.

1 "Dt^c. en Chalde'e," p. xl. ; cf. Tluireau-Dangin, " Kouigsinscbriften,"
pp. 10 ff.

120

WARS OF TITE CITY-STATES 121

These two columns definitely refer to Eannatum's
reign and describe certain acts of piety which he per-
formed in the service of his gods. They record work
carried ont in E-ninnu, by wliich the heart of Ningirsu
was rejoiced ; the naming and dedication of some
portion of E-anna, the temple of the goddess Ninni ;
and certain additions made to the sacred flocks of the
goddess Ninkharsag. The repetition of the phrase
referring to Xinni's temple ^ suggests a disconnected
list of Eannatum's achievements in the service of his
gods, rather than a connected narrative. The text in
the fifth column continues the record of the benefits
bestowed by him upon Ningirsu, and here we may
perhaps trace a possible cause of the renewal of the
war with Umma. For the text states that Eannatum
bestowed certain territory upon Ningirsu and rejoiced
his heart ; and, unless this refers to land occupied after
the defeat of Umma, its acquisition may have been
resented by the neighbouring city. Such an incident
would have formed ample excuse for the invasion of
the territory of Lagash by the injured party, though,
according to the records of Eannatum himself and of
Entemena, it would appear that the raid of the men of
Umma was unprovoked. But, whatever may have been
the immediate cause of the outbreak of hostilities, we
shall see reason for believing that the war was ultimately
due to the influence of Kish.

The outbreak of the war between Umma and Lagash
is recorded concisely in the sixth column of the inscrip-
tion upon the Stele of the Vultures, which states that
the patesi of Umma, by the command of his god,
plundered " Gu-edin, the territory beloved of Ningirsu.
In this record, brief as it is, it is interesting to note that
the patesi of Umma is regarded as no more than the
instrument of his city-god, or the minister who carries
out his commands. As the gods in a former generation
had drawn up the treaty between Lagash and Umma,
which ^Nlesilim, their suzerain, had at the command of
his own goddess engraved upon the stele of delimitation,
so now it was the god, and not the patesi, of Umma,

» With the loTver part of Col. IV. (pi. xl.), H. 5-8, cf. Col. V., 11. 23-29.
^ Literally, "devoured."

122 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

who repudiated the terms of that treaty by sending his
army across the border. Cin edin, too, is described, not
in its relation to the patesi of Lagash, but as the special
property of Ningirsu, the opposing city god. We shall
see presently that Eannatum's first act, on hearing news
of the invasion, was quite in liarmony with the theocratic
feeling of the time.

The patesi who led the forces of Umma is not
named by Eannatum upon the Stele of the Vultures, but
from the Cone of Entemena ^ we learn that his name
was Ush. In the siniimary of events which is given
upon that document it is stated that Ush, patesi of
Umma, acted with ambitious designs, and that, having
removed the stele of delimitation which had been set
up in an earlier age by INI esilim between the territories
of the respective states, he invaded the plain of Lagash.
The pitched battle between the forces of Umma and
Lagash, which followed the raid into the latter's
territory, is recorded by Entemena in equally brief
terms. The battle is said to have taken place at the
word of Ningirsu, the warrior of Enlil, and the de-
struction of the men of Umma is ascribed not only
to the command, but also to the actual agency, of
Enlil himself. Here, again, we find Enlil, the god of
the central cult of Nippur, recognized as the supreme
arbiter of human and divine affairs. The various city-
gods might make war on one another, but it was
Enlil who decreed to which side victory should incline.

In the record of the war whicli Eannatum himself
has left us, we are furnished with details of a more
striking character than those given in Entemena's
brief summary. In the latter it is recorded that the
battle was waged at the word of Ningirsu, and the
Stele of the V^iltures amplifies this bald statement by
describing the circumstances which attended the noti-
fication of the divine will. On learning of the violation
of his border by the men of Umma and the plundering
of his territory which had ensued, Eannatum did not
at once summon his troops and lead them in pursuit
of the enemy. There was indeed little danger in
delay, and no advantage to be gained by immediate

' Col. 1., 11. 13 ff. ("D(^c. en Clialde'e," p. xlvii.).

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 123

action. For Umma, from its proximity to I^agash,
afforded a haven for the pkinderers M^hich they could
reach in safety before tlie forces of Lagash could be
called to arms. Thus Eannatum had no object in
hurrying out his army, when there was little chance
of overtaking the enemy weighed down witli spoil.
Moreover, all the damage that could be done to Gu-
edin had no doubt been done thorouglily by the men
of Umma. In addition to carrying off JNIesilim's stele,
they had probably denuded the pastures of all flocks
and cattle, had trampled the crops, and had sacked
and burnt the villages and hamlets through which
they had passed. AVhen once they and their plunder
were safe within their own border, they were not
likely to repeat the raid at once. They might be
expected to take action to protect their own territory,
but the next move obviously lay with I^agash. In
these circumstances Eannatum had no object in attack-
ing before his army was ready for the field, and his
preparations for war had been completed ; and while
the streets of Lagash were doubtless re-echoing with
the blows of the armourers and the tramp of armed
men, the city-gates must have been thronged with
eager gi'oups of citizens, awaiting impatiently the
return of scouts sent out after the retreating foe.
Meanwhile, we may picture Eannatum repairing to the
temple of Ningirsu, where, having laid his complaint
before him, he awaited the god's decision as to the
course his patesi and his people should follow under
the provocation to which they had been subjected.

It is not directly stated in the text as preserved
upon the stele that it was within E-ninnu Eannatum
sought Ningirsu's counsel and instructions ; but we
may assume that such was the case, since the god
dwelt within his temple, and it was there the patesi
would naturally seek him out. The answer of the
god to Eannatum's prayer was conveyed to him in
a vision ; Ningirsu himself appeared to the patesi, as
he appeared in a later age to Gudea, when he gave
the latter ruler detailed instructions for the rebuilding
of E-ninnii, and granted him a sign by which he
should know that he was chosen for the work. Like

1-24 HISTOHY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Gudea, Eaniuitum made liis supplication lying Hat
upon his fjice ; and, while he was stretched out upon
the ground, he had a dream. In his dream he beheld
the god Ningirsu, who appeared to liim in visible form
and came near him and stood by his head. And the
god encouraged his patesi and promised him victory
over his enemies. He was to go forth to battle and
Eabbar, the Sun-god who makes the city bright, would
advance at his right hand to assist him. Thus
encouraged by Ningirsu, and with the knowledge that he
was carrying out the orders of his city-god. Eannatum
marshalled his army and set out from Lagash to attack
the men of Umma within their own territory.

The account of the battle is very broken upon the
Stele of tlie Vultures,^ but sufficient details are pre-
served to enable us to gather that it was a fierce one,
and that victory was wholly upon the side of Lagash.
We may conjecture that the men of Umma did not
await Eannatum's attack behind their city-walls, but
went out to meet him with the object of preventing
their own fields and pastures from being laid waste.
Every man capable of bearing arms, who was not
required for the defence of two cities, was probably
engaged in the battle, and the two opposing armies
were doubtless led in person by Eannatum himself
and by Ush, the patesi of Umma, who had provoked
the war. The army of Lagash totally defeated the
men of Umma and pursued them with great slaughter.
Eannatum puts the number of the slain at three
thousand six hundred men, or, according to a possible
reading, thirty-six thousand men. Even the smaller
of these figures is probably exaggerated, but there is
no doubt that Umma suffered heavily. According to
his own account, Eannatum took an active part in
the fight, and he states that he raged in the battle.
After defeating the army in the open plain, the troops
of Lagash pressed on to Umma itself. The fortifica-
tions had probably been denuded of their full garrisons,
and were doubtless held by a mere handful of defenders.
Flushed with victory the men of Lagash swept on to the
attack, and, carrying the walls by assault, had the city

» Obv., Col. VII. (lower part) and Col. VIII. ff.

/2-V

PORTION OK THK "STKLK OK VULTURES," SCULI'IUKKD W 11 H SCENES

RKPRESENTING KANXATUM, PATESI OK SHIRPUKKA. l.KADINt; HIS

TROOPS IN BATILE AND ON THE MARCH

In the Louvre; Dec. en Chald.,pl. 3 {bisj.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 125

itself at their mercy. Here another shuiohtcr took
place, and Eannatum states that within the city he
swept all before him " like an evil storm."

The record of his victory which Eannatum has left
us is couched in metaphor, and is doubtless coloured by
Oriental exaggeration ; and the scribes who drew it up
would naturally be inclined to represent the defeat of
Umma as even more crushing than it was. Thus the
number of burial-mounds suggests that the forces of
I^agash suffered heavily themselves, and it is quite
possible the remnant of Umma's army rallied and
made a good light within the city. But we have the
independent testimony of Entemena's record, written
not many years after the fight, to show that there is
considerable truth under Eannatum's phrases ; and a
clear proof that Umma was rendered incapable of
further resistance for the time may be seen in the
terms of peace which Lagash imposed. Eannatum's
first act, after he had received the submission of the
city, was to collect for burial the bodies of his own
dead which strewed the field of battle. Those of the
enemy he Avould probably leave where they fell, except
such as blocked the streets of Umma, and these he
would remove and cast out in the plain beyond the
city-walls. For we may conclude that, like Entemena,
Eannatum left the bones of his foes to be picked clean
by the birds and beasts of prey. The monument on
which we have his record of the fight is known as
the Stele of the Vultures from the vultures sculptured
upon the upper portion of it. These birds of prey are
represented as swooping off with the heads and limbs
of the slain, which they hold firmly in tlieir beaks and
talons. That the sculptor should have included this
striking incident in his portrayal of the battle is further
testimony to the magnitude of the slaugliter which liad
taken place. That Eannatum duly buried his own
dead is certain, for both he and Entemena state that
the burial-mounds which he heaped up were twenty
in number ; and two other sculptured portions of the
Stele of the Vultures, to which we shall presently refer,
give vivid representations of the piling of the mounds
above the dead.

12G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

The fate of Ush, tlie patesi of Umma, who had
brouf^ht such misfortune on his own city by tlie rash
challenge he had given Lagash, is not recorded ; but
it is clear he did not remain the ruler of Umma. He
may have been slain in the battle, but, even if he
survived, he was certainly deprived of his throne,
possibly at the instance of Eannatum. For Entemena
records the fact that it was not with Ush, but with
a certain Enakalli, patesi of Umma, that Eannatum
concluded a treaty of peace. ^ The latter ruler may
have been appointed patesi by Eannatum himself,
as, at a later day. Hi owed his nomination to Entemena
on the defeat of the patesi Urlumma. But, whether
this was so or not, Enakalli was certainly prepared to
make great concessions, and was ready to accept what-
ever terms Eannatum demanded, in order to secure the
removal of the troops of Lagash from his city, which
they doubtless continued to invest during the negotia-
tions. As might be expected, the various terms of
the treaty are chiefly concerned with the fertile plain
of Gu-edin, which had been the original cause of the
war. This was unreservedly restored to Lagash, or, in
the words of the treaty, to Ningirsu, whose " beloved
territory " it is stated to have been. In order that
there should be no cause for future dispute with regard
to the boundary-line separating the territory of Lagash
and Umma, a deep ditch was dug as a permanent line
of demarcation. The ditch is described as extending
"from the great stream" up to Gu-edin, and with
the great stream we may probably identify an eastern
branch of the Euphrates, through which at this period
it emptied a portion of its waters into the Persian Gulf.
The ditch, or canal, received its water from the river,
and, by surrounding the unprotected sides of Gu-edin,
it formed not only a line of demarcation but to some
extent a barrier to any hostile ad\'ance on the part of
Umma.

On the bank of the frontier-ditch the stele of
JMesilim, which had been taken away, was erected
once more, and another stele was prepared by the
orders of Eannatum, and was set up beside it. The

' Cone-Inscriptiou, Col. I. 11. 32 S.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 127

second monument was inscribed with tlie text of the
treaty drawn up between Eannatum and Enakalh,
and its text was probably identical with the greater
part of that found upon the fragments of the Stele
of the A'ultures, which have been recovered ; for the
contents of that text mark it out as admirably suited
to serve as a permanent memorial of the Ijoundary.
After the historical narrative describing the events
which led up to the new treaty, the text of the Stele
of the Vultures enumerates in detail the divisions of
the territory of which Gu-edin was composed. Thus
the stele which was set up on the frontier formed in
itself an additional security against the violation of
the territory of T^agash. The course of a boundary-
ditch might possibly be altered, but while the stele
remained in place, it would serve as a final authority
to which appeal could be made in the case of any
dispute arising. It is probably in this way that we
may explain the separate fields which are enumerated
by name upon the fragment of the Stele of the A^ultures
which is preserved in the British Museum,* and upon a
small foundation-stone which also refers to the treaty.^
The fields there enumerated either made up the territory
known by the general name of Gu-edin, or perhaps
formed an addition to that territory, the cession of
which Eannatum may have exacted from Umma as
part of the terms of peace. While consenting to the
restoration of the disputed territory, and the rectifica-
tion of the frontier, Umma was also obliged to pay as
tribute to Lagash a considerable quantity of gi'ain, and
this Eannatum brought back with him to his own city.
In connection with the formal ratification of the
treaty it would appear that certain shrines or chapels
were erected in honour of Enhl, Ninkharsag, Ningirsu
and Babbar. We may conjecture that this was done in
order that the help of these deities might be secured for
the preservation of the treaty. According to Ente-
mena's narrative,^ chapels or shrines were erected to
these four deities only, but the Stele of the Vultures

J "Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum/' Pt. VII , pi. 1 f., No. 23580.

2 " Dec. en Chald^e," p. xliv., Galet E.

3 Coue-Inscription^ Col. II., 11. 11-18.

128 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

contains a series of invocations addressed not only to
Enlil, Ninkharsag, and Babbar, but also to Enki, Enzu,
and Ninki/ and it is probal^le that shrines were also
erected in their honour. These were built upon the
I'rontier beside the two stelae of delimitation, and it
was doubtless at the altar of each one of them in turn
that Eannatum and Enakalli took a solemn oath to
abide by the terms of the treaty and to respect the
frontier. The oaths by which the treaty was thus
ratified are referred to upon the Stele of the \''ultures'^
by Eannatum, who invokes each of the deities by whom
he and Enakalli swore, and in a series of striking
formulae calls down destruction upon the men of Unmia
should they violate the terms of the compact. " On
the men of Umma," he exclaims, " have I, Eannatum,
cast the great net of Enlil ! I have sworn the oath,
and the men of Umma have sworn the oath to Eannatum.
In the name of Enlil, the king of heaven and earth, in
the field of Ningirsu there has been . . . , and a ditch
has been dug down to the water le\'el. . . . ^^'ho from
among the men of Umma by his word or by his . . .
will go back upon the word (that has been given), and
will dispute it in days to come ? If at some future time
they shall alter this word, may the great net of Enlil, by
whom they have sworn the oath, strike Umma down ! "
Eannatum then turns to Ninkharsag, the goddess of
the Sumerian city of Kesh, and in similar phrases
invokes her wrath upon the men of Umma should they
violate their oath. He states that in his wisdom he
has presented two doves as offerings before Ninkharsag,
and has performed other rites in her honour at Kesh,
and turning again to the goddess, he exclaims, " As
concerns my mother, Ninkharsag, who from among the
men of Umma by his word or by his . . . will go back
upon the word (that has been given), and will disjjute
it in days to come? If at some future time they shall
alter this word, may the great net of Ninkharsag, Ly
whom they haxe swoin the oath, strike Umma dowji ! "
Enki, tlie god of tlie abyss of waters beneath the earth,
is the next deity to be invoked, and before him Eannatum

> Cf. Obv., Col. XIX.-XXII., and Rev., Col. lII.-\'.
a Obv., Col. XVI.— Rev., Col. V.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 129

records that he presented certain fish as offerings ; his
net Eannatum has cast over the men of Umiiia, and
should they cross the ditch, he prays that destruction
may come upon Umma by its means. Enzu, the
Moon-god of Ur, whom Eannatum describes as "the
strong bull-calf of Enlil," is then addressed ; four doves
were set as offerings before him, and he is in^•okcd to
destroy Umma with his net, should the men of that
city ever cross Ningirsu's boundary, or alter the course
of the ditch, or carry away the stele of delimitation.
Before Babbar, the Sun-god, in his city of Larsa,
Eannatum states that he has offered bulls as offerings,
and his great net, which he has cast over the men of
Umma, is invoked in similar terms. Finally, Eannatum
prays to Ninki, by whom the oath has also been taken,
to punish any violation of the treaty by wiping the
might of Umma from off the face of the earth.

The great stele of Eannatum, from the text upon >-
which we have taken much of the description of his '^
war with Umma, is the most striking example of early
Sumerian art that has come down to us, and the
sculptures upon it throw considerable light upon the
customs and beliefs of this primitive race. The meta-
phor of the net, for example, which is employed by
Eannatum througliout the curses he calls down upon
Umma, in the event of any violation of the treaty, is
strikingly illustrated by a scene sculptured upon two
of the fragments of the stele which have been recovered.
When complete, the stele consisted of a large slab
of stone, curved at the top, and it was sculptured and
inscribed upon both sides and also upon its edges. Up
to the present time seven fragments of it have been
recovered during the course of the excavations at Tello,
of which six are in the Louvre and one is in tlie British
Museum ; these are usually distinguished by the symbols
A to G.^ Althou^jjh the fratrnients thus recovered

• The fragments A-F have been publi>she(l in " Dec. eu ChaUlee " on the
foHowing plates : Plate 4, A, B, and C, Obverse (it should be noterl that on
the plate the letters B and 0 should be interchanged) ; Plate 3, A, B, and C,
Reverse (the letters B and C are here placed correctly) ; I'late 4 (liis), D and
E, Obverse ; Plate 3 (bis), D and E, Reverse ; Plate 4 (ter). F, Ol.verse and
Reverse. The fragment G. which connects C with F, is published in " Cuu.
Texts in the Brit. Mus.," Pt MI., pi. 1.

130 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

represent but a small proportion of the original monu-
ment, it is possible from a careful study of them to
form a fairly complete idea of the scenes that were
sculptured upon it. As we have already noted, the
monument was a stele of victory set up by Eannatum,
and the two faces of the slab are sculptured in low
relief with scenes illustrating the victory, but differing
considerably in character. On the face the representa-
tions are mythological and religious, while on the back
they are historical. It might very naturally be sup-
posed that the face of the stele would have been
occupied by representations of Eannatum himself
triumphing over his enemies, and, until the text upon
the stele was thoroughly deciphered and explained, this
was indeed the accepted opinion. But it is now clear
that Eannatum devoted the front of the stele to repre-
sentations of his gods, while the reverse of the monu-
ment was considered the appropriate place for the
scenes depicting the patesi and his army carrying out
the divine will. The arrangement of the reliefs upon
the stone thus forcibly illustrates the belief of this early
period that the god of the city was its real ruler, whose
minister and servant the patesi was, not merely in
metaphor, but in actual fact.

Upon the largest portion of the stele that has been
recovered, formed of two fragments joined together,^ we
have the scene which illustrates Eannatum's metaphor
of the net. Almost the whole of this portion of the
monument is occupied with the figure of a god, which
appears of colossal size if it is compared with those of
the patesi and his soldiers upon the reverse of the stele.
The god has flowing hair, boimd with a double fillet,
and, while cheeks and lips are shaved, a long beard falls
in five undulating curls from the chin upon the breast.
He is nude to the waist, around which he wears a
close-fitting garment with two folds in front indicated
by double lines. It was at first suggested that we

' These are known by the symbols D and E ; see p. 131, Fig. 46. In
the course of its transport from Telle to Constantinople the upper part of
fragment D was unfortunately damaged, so tliat the god's brow, and liis eye,
and the greater part of his nose are now wanting (see " Dec. en Chaldee,"
pi. 4 bis). In the block the missing portions have been restored from a
squeeze of the fragment taken at Tello by M. de Sarzec (of. " Dec," p. 104 f.).

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 131

should see in tliis figure a representation of some early
hero, such as Gilgainesli, but there is no doubt tliat we

should identify him witli
Lagash. For in his

right

Ningirsu, the
hand the

god

city-god of
holds tlie

emblem of Lagash, the eagle with outspread wings,
clawing the heads of two lions ; and the stele itself^
while indirectly perpetuating Eannatum's fame, was
essentially intended to commemorate victories achieved
by Ningirsu over his city's enemies. This fact will also
explam the rest of the scene sculptured upon the lower

Fig. 46.

Part of the Stele of the Vultures, sculptured with a scene representing
Ningirsu clubbing the enemies of Lagash (Shirpurla), whom he has caught in
his net.

[Fragments D and E, Obverse ; D^c, pi. i bis,]

fragment. For the god grasps in his right hand a
heavy mace, which he lets fall upon a net in front of
him containing captive foes, whose bodies may be seen
between its broad meshes struggling and writhing within
it. On the relief the cords of the net are symmetrically
arranged, and it apparently rises as a solid structure to
the level of the god's waist. It thus has the appearance
of a cage with cross-bars and supjDorts of wood or metal.
But the rounded corners at the top indicate that we

132 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

may regard it as a net formed of ropes and cordage.
That it should rise stiffly before tlie god may be partly
due to the imperfect knowledge of perspective chara(;ter-
istic of all early art, partly perhaps to the desire of the
sculptor to allow the emblem of Lagash, grasped in
the god's left hand, to rest upon it ; unless indeed the
emblem itself is a part of the net, by means of which
the god is holding it up. In any case the proximity of
the emblem to the net is not fortuitous. Within the
net are the foes of Lagash, and with the mace in his
right hand Ningirsu is represented as clubljing the
head of one of them which projects from between the
meshes.

The metaphor of the net, both of the fisherman and
the fowler, is familiar in the poetical literature of the
Hebrews, and it is interesting to note this very early
example of its occurrence among the primitive Sumerian
inhabitants of Babylonia.^ In the text engraved upon
the Stele of the Vultures Eannatum, as we have already
seen, seeks to guard the terms of his treaty by placing
it under the protection of the nets of Enlil and of other
deities. He states that he has cast upon the men of
Umma the nets of the deities by whom he and they
have sworn, and, in the event of any violation of their
oath, he prays that the nets may destroy them and their
city.^ Thus the meshes of each net may in a sense be
regarded as the words of the oath, by the utterance of
which they have placed themselves within the ])ower of
the god whose name they have invoked. But the scene
on the front of the stele is not to be regarded as directly
referring to this portion of the text, nor is the colossal
figure that of Enlil, the chief god of Babylonia. For
his destruction of the men of Umma is merely invoked
as a possible occurrence in the future, while the god on
the stele is already engaged in clubbing captives he has
cauglit ; and, whether the net of Ningirsu was referred
to in a missing portion of the text or not, the fact that
the figure on the stele grasps the emblem of Eagash is

* Cf. lleuzoy, "Rev. d'Assyr.," III., p. 10. Its first adoption by the
Semites is seen on the recently discovered monument of Sliarru-Gi, an early
kin^ of Kish ; see below, Cliap. \'III., p. 220 f.

- See above, p. 128 f.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 133

sufficient indication that Ningirsu and not Knlil, nor
any other deity, is intended. Thus the face of the stele
iUustrates the text of Ennnatuni as a ^vll()le. not merely
the imprecatory formulae attached to tiie treaty with
Umma. It refers to the past \ictories of Ningirsu in
his character as the city-god of I^agash.

The representation of Ningirsu clubbing his enemies
forms only a portion of a larger scheme which occupied
the whole of the upper part of the Stele of the \'^ultures.
Though his is the principal figure of the composition, it
is not set in the centre of the field but on the extreme
right, the right-hand edge of the fragments illustrated
on p. 131 representing the actual edge of the stele. On
the left behind the god and standing in attendance upon
him was a goddess, parts of whose head and headdress
have been reco\'ered upon a fragment from tlie left edge
of the stele.^ She wears a horned crown, and behind
her is a standard surmounted by an emblem in the form
of an eagle with outspread wings. She is sculptured on
a smaller scale than the figure of Ningirsu, and thus
serves to indicate his colossal proportions ; and she
stood on a fillet or lintel, which cuts off the upper
register from a second scene which was sculptured
below it. The fragment of the stele in the British
JSIuseum ^ preserves one of Ningirsu's feet and a corner
of the net with the prisoners in it, and both are rejjre-
sented as resting on the same fillet or lintel. This
fragment is a piece of some importance, for, by joining
two other pieces of the stele in the Louvre,^ it enables
us to form some idea of the scene in the lower register.
Here, too, we have representations of deities, but they
are arranged on a slightly different plan. We find
upon the fragment from the right of the stele (C) part
of the head and headdress of a goddess very like that in
the register above. Here she faces to the left, and on
another fragment (F), which joins the British Museum
fragment upon the left, is a portion of a very com-
plicated piece of sculpture. This has given rise to

1 The fragment is known as B ; "Dec. en Chaldee," pi. 4 (see above,
p. 129, n. 1). For her headdress, see above, p. 61, Fig. 18.

^ Fragment G ; see above, p. 129, n 1.

2 Fragments C and F ; see above, p. 129, n. 1.

134 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

many conjectures, but there appears to be little doubt
that it represents the forepart of a chariot. We have
the same cin-ved front which is seen in the chariot of
Eannatum upon the reverse of the stele, and the same
arranf^ement of the reins which pass through a double
ring fixed in the front of the chariot and are liitched
over a high support. Here the support and the front of
the chariot are decorated Avith a form of the emblem of
Lagash, tlie spread eagle and the lions, and we may
therefore conclude that the chariot is that of Ningirsu ;
indeed, on the left of the fragment a part of the god's
plain garment may be detected, similar to that which
he wears in the upper register. He is evidently stand-
ing in the chariot, and we may picture him riding in
triumph after the destruction of his foes.

A close analogy may thus be traced between the
two scenes upon the front of the stele and the two upper
registers upon the back. In the latter we have repre-
sentations of Eannatum on foot leading his warriors to
battle, and also riding victoriously in a chariot at their
head. On the front of the stele are scenes of a similar
character in the religious sphere, representing Ningirsu
slaying the enemies of Lagash, and afterwards riding in
his chariot in triumph. It may also be noted that the
composition of the scenes in the two registers upon the
face of the stone is admirably planned. In the upper
register the colossal figure of Ningirsu with his net, upon
the right, is balanced below on the left by his figure in
the chariot ; and, similarly, the smaller figure or figures
above were balanced by the ass that drew Ningirsu's
chariot, and the small figure of a goddess who faces
him.

There are few indications to enable us to identify
the goddesses who accompany Ningirsu. If the figures
in both registers represent the same divine personage
the names of several goddesses suggest themselves.
A\^e might, perhaps, see in her Ningirsu's wife Bau, the
daughter of Anu, or his sister Nina, the goddess of the
oracle, to whose service Eannatum was specially
devoted, or Gatumdug, the mother of Lagash. But
the military standard which accompanies the goddess in
the upper scene, and the ends of two darts or javelins

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 135

which appear in the same fragment to rise from, or be
bound upon, her shoulders, seem to show that the upper
goddess, at any rate, is of a warhke character. JNlore-
over, in another inscription, Eannatum ascribes a success
he has achieved in war to the direct intervention of the
goddess Ninni/ proving that she, Uke the later liaby-
lonian and Assyrian goddess Ishtar, was essentially the
goddess of battle. It is permissible, therefore, to see in
the upper goddess, sculptured upon the face of the Stele
of the Vultures, a representation of Nimii, the goddess
of battle, who attends the city-god Ningirsu while he is
engaged in the slaughter of his foes. In the lower
register it is possible we have a second representation of
Ninni, where she appears to w^elcome Ningirsu after the
slaughter is at an end. But though the headdresses of
the two goddesses are identical, the accompanying
emblems appear to differ, and we are thus justified in
suggesting for the lower figure some goddess other than
Ninni, whose work was finished when Ningirsu had
secured the victory. The deity most fitted to gladden
Ningirsu's sight on his return would have been his
faithful wife Bau, who was w^ont to recline beside her
lord upon his couch within the temple E-ninnu. W^e
may thus provisionally identify the goddess of the lower
register with Bau, who is there portrayed going out to
meet the chariot of her lord and master upon his return
from battle.

Perhaps the scenes which are sculptured upon the
back of the Stele of the Vultures are of even greater
interest than those upon its face, since they afford us
a picture of these early Sumerian peoples as they
appeared when engaged in the continual wars whicli
were waged between the various city-states. I^ike the
scenes upon the face of the stele, those upon the t)a('k
are arranged in separate registers, divided one from the
other by raised bands, or lillets, stretching across the face
of the monument and representing the soil on which
the scenes portrayed above them took place. The
registers upon the back are smaller than those on the
face, being at least four in number, in place of the two
scenes which are devoted to Ningirsu and his attendant

» " Dec. en Chaldee," p. xliii., Galet A, Col. V. f.

LSO HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

deities. As might be expected, the scenes upon the
back of the stele are on a smaller scale than those upon
the face, and the number and variety of the figures
composing them are far greater. Little space has been
left on the reverse of the stone for the inscription, the
greater part of v.hich is engraved on the front of the
mommient, in the broad spaces of the field between
the divine figures. Of the highest of the four registers
upon the reverse four fragments have been recovered,^
one of which {A) proves that the curved head of the
stele on this side was filled with the representations oi
vultures, to which reference has already been made.^ The
intention of the sculptor was clearly to represent them
as flying thick in the air overhead, bearing off from the
field of battle the severed heads and limbs of the slain.
The birds thus formed a very decorative and striking
feature of the monument, and the popular name of the
stele, which is derived from them, is fully justified. In
the same register on the left is a scene representing
Eannatum leading his troops in battle,^ and we there
see them advancing over the bodies of the slain ; while
from the extreme right of the same register we have a
fragment representing men engaged in collecting the
dead and piling them in heaps for burial.* We may con-
iecture that the central portion of the register, which is
missing, portrayed the enemies of Eannatum falling
before his lance. In the register immediately below we
find another representation of Eannatum at the head of
his troops. Here, however, they are not in battle array
but on the march, and Eannatum, instead of advancing
on foot, is riding before them in his chariot.^

The sculptured representations of Eannatum and
his soldiers, which are preserved upon these fragments,
are of the greatest importance, for they give a vivid
picture of the Sumerian method of fighting, and supply
detailed information with regard to the arms and
armour in use at this early period. We note that the

' Tliese are numltered A, D (vvLich is joined to E), and B ; see above,
p. 129, n. 1.

2 See above, p. 1 25.

^ See the plate facing p. 124.

* Fi-apment B, Reverse (see above, p. 120, n. 1).

* See the plate facing p. 124

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 137

Siimerians advanced to the attack in a solid phalanx,
the leading rank being protected by huge shields or
bucklers that covered the whole body from the neck to
the feet, and were so broad that, when lined up in battle
array, only enough space was left for a lance to be
levelled between each ; the lance-bearers carried as an
additional weapon an axe, resembling an adze with a
flat head. From the second register, in which we see the
army on the march, it is clear that no shield was carried
by the rank and file for individual protection ; the huge
bucklers were only borne by men in the front rank, and
they thus served to protect the whole front of an attack-
ing force as it advanced in solid formation. In the scene
in the upper register two soldiers are sculptured behind
each shield, and in each gap between the shields six
lances are levelled which are gi-asped firmly in both hands
by the soldiers wielding them. The massing of the
lances in this fashion is obviously a device of the sculptor
to suggest six rows of soldiers advancing one behind
the other to the attack. But the fact that each lance is
represented as grasped in both hands by its owner proves
that the shields were not carried by the lance-bearers
themselves, but by soldiers stationed in the front, armed
only with an axe. The sole duty of a shield-bearer
during an attack in phalanx was clearly to keep his
shield in position, which was broad enough to protect
his own body and that of the lance-bearer on his right.
Thus the representation of two soldiers behind each
buckler on the Stele of the Vultures is a perfectly
accurate detail. As soon as an attack had been success-
fully delivered, and the enemy was in flight, the shield-
bearers could discard the heavy shields they carried and
join in the pursuit. The light axe with which they
were armed was admirably suited for hand-to-hand
conflicts, and it is probable that the lance-bearers them-
selves abandoned their heavy weapons and had recourse
to the axe when they broke their close formation.

Both Eannatum and his soldiers wear a conical
helmet, covering the brow and carried down low at the
back so as to protect the neck, the royal helmet being
distinguished by the addition at the sides of moulded
pieces to protect the ears. Both the shields and the

138 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

lielmets were proba})ly of leather, tliough the nine
circiihir bosses on the tace of each of the former may
possibly have been of metal. Their use was clearly to
strengthen the shields, and they were probably attached
to a wooden framework on the other side. 'I'hey would
also tend to protect the surface of the shields by deflect-
ing blows aimed at them. The royal wea})ons consisted
of a long lance or spear, wielded in the leit hand, and a
curved mace or throwing-stick, formed of three strands
bound together at intervals with thongs of leather or
bands of metal. When in his chariot on the march, the
king was furnished with additional weapons, consisting
of a flat-headed axe like those of his soldiers, and a
number of light darts, some fitted with double points.
These last he carried in a huge quiver attached to the
fore part of his chariot, and with them we may note a
double-thonged whip, doubtless intended for driving
the ass or asses that drew the vehicle. It is probable
that the soldiers following Eannatum in both scenes
were picked men, who formed the royal body-guard, for
those in the battle-scene are distinguished by the long
hair or, rather, wig, that falls upon their shoulders from
beneath their helmets,^ and those on the march are seen
to be clothed from the waist downwards in the rough
woollen garment similar to that worn by the king.
They may well have been recruited among the members
of the royal house and the chief families of Lagash.
The king's apparel is distinguished from theirs by the
addition of a cloak, possibly of skin,^ worn over the
left shoulder in such a way that it leaves the right arm
and shoulder entirely free.

Considerable light is thrown upon the burial customs
of the Sumerians by the scene sculptured in the third
register, or section, on the reverse of the stele of
Eannatum. Portions of the scene are preserved upon
the fragments C and F, which we have already noted
may be connected with each other by means of the
fragment G, preserved in the l^ritish Museum. In
this register we have a representation of the scenes
following the victory of Eannatum, when the king and
his army had time to collect their dead and bury them

^ See above, p. 43. * See above, p. 42, n. 1.

PORTION OF THE "STKLK OF VULTUKF:S,- SCUI.I' IUKKI) WITH A S( KNE

REPRKSKNTINO THE UURIAL OF THE DEAlJ AFTER A I'.ATTLE.

In the Loufrc: photo, by Messrs. Mansell 6r Co.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 139

with solemn rites and sacrifices beneath liuge tells or
biirial-moiinds. It will be remembered that a fragment
of tlie top register portrays tlie collection of the dead
upon the battlefield ; here, on tlie left, we see tlie
mounds in course of construction, under which the dead
were buried.^ The dead are quite nude, and are seen
to be piled up in rows, head to head and feet to feet
alternately. The two corpses at the base are sculj)-
tured lying flat upon the ground, and, as the tell rises,
they appear to be arranged Uke the sticks of a fan.
This arrangement was doubtless due to the sculptor's
necessity of filling the semi-circular head of the tell, and
does not represent the manner in which the corpses
w^ere actually arranged for burial. We may conclude
that they were set out symmetrically in double rows, and
that the position of every one was horizontal, additional
rows being added until sufficient height had been
attained.

Two living figures are sculptured on the fragment,
engaged in the work of completing the burial. They
are represented as climbing the pile of corpses, and
they seem to be helping themselves up by means of a
rope which they grasp in their right hands. On their
heads they carry baskets piled up with earth, which
they are about to throw upon the top of the mound.
In the relief they appear to be climbing upon the limbs
of the dead, but it is probable that they began piling
earth from below and climbed the sides of the mound
as it was raised. The sculptor has not seen how to
represent the sides of the tell without hiding his corpses,
so he has omitted the piled earth altogether, unless,
indeed, what appears to be a rope which the carriers
hold is really intended for the side of the mound in
section. It has been suggested that the carriers are
bearing offerings for the dead, but the baskets appear
to be heaped with earth, not offerings, and the record
in the text upon the stele, that Eannatum piled up
twenty burial-mounds after his battle with the men of
Umma, is sufficient justification for the view that the
scene represents one of these mounds in course of
construction.

* Fragment C, Reverse ; see the plate facing p. 138.

140 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Tlie continuation of the scene upon the other two
fnignients/ proves that tlie biirial of the dead was
attended with elaborate funeral rites, and the offering
of sacrifices. To the right of the workers engaged in
piling up the burial-mound may be seen a bull lying
on his back upon the ground, and bound securely with
ropes to two stout stakes driven into the soil close to
its head and tail. He is evidently the victim, duly
prepared for sacrifice, that will be offered when the
burial-mound has been completed. In the field above
the bull are sculptured other victims and offerings,

Fig. 47.

Part of the Stele of the Vultures, sculptured with a sacrificial scene which
took place at the burial of the dead after battle. The fragment represents the
head of a bull, which is staked to the ground and prepared for sacrifice. The
foot and robe probably belonged to a figure of Eannatum, who presided at the
funeral rites.

[Fragment F, Reverse ; D^c, pi. 4 ter.]

which were set out beside the bull. We see a row of
six lambs or kids, decapitated, and arranged symmetri-
cally, neck to tail, and tail to neck. Two large water-
pots, with wide mouths, and tapering towards the base,
stand on the right of the bull ; palm-branches, placed
in them, droop down o\er their rims, and a youth,
completely nude, is pouring water into one of them
from a smaller vessel. He is evidently poin-ing out a
libation, as we may infer from a similar scene on another
early Sumerian relief that has been recovered.^ Beyond

' llie remains of this scene upon fragmei^t V are figured in the text ; foi
the fragment G, see "C'uii. Texts in the Hrit. Mas.," Pt. VII., pi. 1.
* See above, p. f!H, Fig. 20.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 141

the large vessels there appear to be bundles of faggots,
and in the field above them are sculptured a row of
growing plants. These probably do not rise from the
large vessels, as they appear to do in the sculpture, but
form a separate row beyond the faggots and the vessels.
At the head of the bull may be seen the foot and part
of the robe of a man who directs the sacrifice. As in
all the other registers upon the reverse of the stele
Eannatum occupies a prominent position, we may con-
clude that this is part of the figure of Eannatum
himself. He occupies the centre of the field in this
register, and presides at the funeral rites of the warriors
who have fallen in his service.

Of the last scene that is preserved upon the Stele
of the Vultures very little remains upon the fragments
recovered, but this is sufficient to indicate its character.

Fig. 48.
Part of the Stele of the Vultures, which was sculptured with a poene repre-
senting Eannatum deciding the fate of prisoners taken in battle. The point of
the spear, which he grasped in his left hand, touches the head of the captive
king of Kish.

[Fragments C and F, Reverse ; D^c, pi. 3 and 4 ter.]

Eannatum was here portrayed deciding the fate of
prisoners taken in battle. Of his figure only the left
liand is preserved ; it is grasping a heavy spear or
lance by the end of tlie shaft as in the second register.
The spear passes over the shaA'en heads of a row of
captives, and at the end of the row its point touches
the head of a prisoner of more exalted rank, who faces
the king and raises one hand in token of submis.sion.
A fragment of inscription behind the head of this
captive gives the name '' Al-[ . . . ], King of Kish,"
and it may be concluded with considerable probability
that these words form a label attaclied to the figure
of the chief prisoner, like the labels engraved near the
head of Eannatum in the two upper registers, wliich
describe liini as "Eannatum, champion of the god
Ningirsu." There is much more to be said for this

142 IIISTOHY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

explanation than for the possibility that the words
formed part of an account of a war waged by Eannatum
against Kish, which has been added to the record
of his war with Umma. According to such a view
the stele must have been larger than we have supposed,
since it would have included additional registers at
the base of the reverse for recording the subsequent
campaigns and their illustration by means of reliefs.
The monument would thus have been erected to
commemorate all the wars of Eannatum. But that
against Umma would be the most important, and its
record, copied directly from the text of the treaty,
would still occupy three quarters of the stone. More-
over, we should have to suppose that the scribe slavishly
copied the text of the stele of delimitation even down
to its title, and made no attempt to assimilate with
it the later records, which we must assume he added
in the form of additional paragraphs. Such a sup-
position is extremely imlikely, and it is preferable to
regard the words behind the prisoner's head as a label,
and to conclude that the connected text of the stele
ended, as it appears to do, with the name and descrip-
tion of the stone, which is engraved as a sort of
colophon upon the upper part of the field in the fourth
register.

According to this alternative we need assume the
existence of no registers other than those of which we
already possess fragments, and the conception and
arrangement of the reliefs gains immensely in unity
and coherence. On the obverse we have only two
registers, the upper one rather larger than the one
below, and both devoted, as we have seen, to repre-
sentations of Ningirsu and his attendant goddesses.
The reverse of the stone, divided into four registers,
is assigned entirely to Eannatum, svho is seen leading
his troops to the attack, returning in his chariot from
the field of battle, performing funeral rites for his dead
soldiers, and deciding the fate of captives he has taken.
Thus the reliei's admirably illustrate the description of
the war with Umma, and we may conclude that the
Stele of the Vultures was either the actual stele of
delimitation set up by Eannatum upon the frontier.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 143

or, as is more probable, an exact copy of its text,
embellished with sculptures, upon a stone which Ean-
natum caused to be carved and set up within his own
city as a memorial of his conquest. Indeed, we may
perhaps make the further assumption that the stele
was erected within the temple of Ningirsu, since it
commemorates the recovery of Gu-edin, the territory
that was pecuharly his own. The Stele of the Vultures,
with its elaborate and delicate relief, would have been
out of place upon the frontier of Gu-edin, where, we
may conjecture, the memorial stone would have been
made as strong and plain as possible, so as to offer
little scope for mutilation. But, if destined to be set
up within the shelter of Ningirsu's temple in Lagash,
the sculptor would have had no restriction placed upon
his efforts ; and the prominent place assigned to
Ningirsu in the reliefs, upon the face of the memorial,
is fully in keeping with the suggestion that the Stele
of the Vultures at one time stood within his slirine.

In favour of the view that the monument was not
the actual stele of delimitation we may note that towards
tlie close of its text some four columns were taken up
with lists of other conquests achieved by Eannatum.
But in all " kudurru-inscriptions," or boundary-stones,
which were intended to safeguard the property or
claims of private individuals, tlie texts close with a
series of imprecations calling down the anger of the
gods upon any one infringing the owner's rights in any
way. Now in general character the text upon the
Stele of the Vultures closely resembles the *' kudurru-
inscriptions," only differing from them in that it sets
out to delimit, not the fields and estates of individuals,
but the respective territories of two city-states. ^Ve
should therefore expect that, like them, it would close
with invocations to the gods. JNIoreover, the Cone of
Entemena, the text of which was undoubtedly copied
from a similar stele of delimitation, ends with curses,
and not with a list of Entemena's own achievements.
But if the short list of Eannatum's titles and conquests
be omitted, the text upon the Stele of the Vultures
would end with the series of invocations to Enlil and
other deities, to which reference has already been made.

144 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

We may therefore conclude that the original text, as
engra\ed upon the stele of delimitation, did end at
this point, and that the list of other conquests was
only added upon the memorial erected in Ningirsu's
temple.

Apart from the interest attaching to the memorial
itself, this point has a bearing upon the date of the
conquest of Umma in relation to the other successful
wars conducted by Eannatinii in the course of his
reign. It might reasonably be vn-ged that the sub-
jugation of the neighbouring city of Umma would
have preceded the conquest of more distant lands and
cities, over which Eannatum succeeded in imposing
his sway. In that case we must assume that the list
of conquests upon the Stele of the Vultures was added
at a later date. On the other hand, it is equally possible
that the war with Umma took place well on in Ean-
natum's reign, and that, while the patesi and his army
were away on distant expeditions, their ancient rival
Umma refrained from taking advantage of their absence
to gain control of the coveted territory of Gu-edin.
Both cities may for years have respected the terms of
Mesilim's treaty, and Lagash, while finding scope
elsewhere for her ambition, may have been content
to acquiesce in the claims of independence put forward
by her nearest neighbour. Thus the list of Eannatum's
conquests may well have been engraved upon the Stele
of tlie Vultures at the time the treaty with Umma was
drawn up. In accordance with this view we shall see
there are reasons for believimj that several of Eannatum's
conc[uests did take place before his war with Umma,
and it is quite possible to assign to this earlier period
the others that are mentioned in the list.

The conquest of Kish stands in close relation to
that of Umma, for, apart from the portrayal of the
king of Kish as a captive upon the Stele of the Vultures,
there is a passage in the main body of the inscription
which would seem to connect the outbreak of war
between Umma and Lagash with the influence of that
city. In the broken passage recording the encourage-
ment given to Eannatum by Xingirsu after the raid of
Gu-edin, the names of Umma and Kish occur together,

WARS or THE CITY-STATES 145

and the context of the passage suggests tliat Ningirsu
here promises his patesi victory over both these cities.*
We may, therefore, conjecture tliat the anil^itious designs
described by Entemena as actuating Ush, the patesi of
Umma, in raiding the territory of I^agash, were fostered
by the city of Kish. It is probable that Eannatum had
already given proof of his qualities as a military leader,
and had caused the king of Kish to see in Lagash a
possible rival for the hegemony which the North had
long enjoyed. To sow dissension between her and
her neighbour Umma, would have appeared a most
effective method of crippling her growing power, and
it is possible that the lang of Kish not only promised
his support, but furnished a contingent of his own
soldiers to assist in the attack. The representation of
the captive king of Kish upon the Stele of the Vultures
may possibly be interpreted as proving that he led his
troops in person, and was captured during the battle.
But the relief is, perhaps, not to be taken too literally,
and may merely symbohze the defeat of his forces along
with those of Umma, and his failure to render them
any effective aid. On the other hand, in a text en-
graved upon one of his foundation-stones,^ Eannatum
boasts that he added the kingdom of Kish to his
dominions : " Eannatum, patesi of Uagash, by the
goddess Xinni who loves him, along with the patesiate
of Lagash was presented with the kingdom of Kish."
It would seem that in this passage Eannatum lays
claim, not only to have defeated Kish, but also to
exercising suzeranity over the northern kingdom.

With Eannatum's victory over Kish we must
probably connect the success which he achieved over
another northern city, Opis. For towards the end of
the text upon the foundation-stone referred to above,
these achievements appear to be described as a single
event, or, at least, as two events of which the second
closely follows and supplements the first. In the course
of the formulae celebrating the principal conquests of
his reign, Eannatum exclaims : '' By Eannatum was
Elam broken in the head, Elam was dri\en back to

» See Obv., Col. VI., 11. 2.5 fF., Col. VU.. 11. 1 If.

2 Foundation-stone A, Col. V.^ 1. 23— Col. VI.j 1. 5 ;

" Dec," p. xliii.
L

146 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

his own land ; Kish Wcas broken in the head, and the
king of Opis was driven back to his own land." ^
When referring to the victory over Opis in an earlier
passage of the same inscription, Eannatum names the
king who attacked him, and, although he does not give
many details of the war. it may be inferred that Opis
was defeated only after a severe struggle. " When the
king of Opis rose up," the text runs, " Eannatum,
whose name was spoken by Ningirsu, pursued Zuzu,
king of Opis, from the Antasurra of Ningirsu up to
the city of Opis, and there he smote him and destroyed
him."^ We have already seen reasons for believing
that the king of Kish took an active part in Umma's
war with Lagash, and shared her defeat ; and we may
conjectiu'e that it was to help and avenge his ally that
Zuzu, king of Opis, marched south and attacked
Eannatum. That he met with some success at first
is perhaps indicated by the point from which Eannatum
records that he drove him back to his own land. For
the Antasurra was a shrine or temple dedicated to
Ningirsu, and stood within the territory of Lagash,
though possibly upon or near the frontier. Here
Eannatum met the invaders in force, and not only
dislodged them, but followed up his victory by pur-
suing them back to their own city, where he claims
that he administered a still more crushing defeat. It
is possible that the conquest of Ma'er, or Mari, took
place at this time, and in connection with the war
with Opis and Kish, for in one passage Eannatum
refers to the defeat of these three states at the
Antasurra of Ningirsu. Ma'er may well have been
allied with Kish and Opis, and may have contributed
a contingent to the army led by Zuzu in his attack
on Lagash.

It is interesting to note that Kish and the king of
Kish represented the most dreaded enemies of I^agash,
at least during a portion of the reign of Eannatum.
For on a mortar of black basalt which is preserved in
the British Museum,^ Eannatum, after recording that
he has dedicated it to Nina, " the Lady of the Holy

1 See Col, VI., II. G ff. ^ gee Col. IV., 11. 25 ff.

^ See the opposite plate.

PORTION" OK A lU.ACK. I'.ASAI.I" MORIAR l;KAKIN(i AN I NSOK I I'lIOX OF

EAXNATUM. PATKSI OF SHIRPURLA.

Brit. Mtts.. Xo. i^Zyi ; photo l<y Afi'ssrs. .I/n//.fc//<S-' Co.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 147

JNIoiintain," prays that no man may damage it or carry
it away ; and he then adds the petition, " May the
King of Kish not seize it ! " This ejacnlation is
eloquent of the dread which the northern kingdom
inspired in the cities of the south, and we may see
in it evidence of many a raid din-ing wliich the tem])les
of Lagash had been despoiled of their treasures. We
may well ascribe the dedication of the altar and
the cutting of the inscription to the early part of
Eannatum's reign ; at any rate, to a period before the
powder of Kish was broken in the south ; and, if we are
right in this supposition, the mortar may perliaps serve
to date another group of Eannatum's campaigns. For
in a passage on the second side of this monument it
appears to be recorded that he had conquered the cities
of Erech and Ur. The passage follows the invocations
set forth by Eannatum upon the other side, in the
course of which he prays that no one sliall remove
the mortar, or cast it into the fire, or damage it in
any way ; and it might be argued that tlie lines were
an addition m:ide to the original text of dedication
at a considerably later period. In that case the
passage would afford no proof that the conquest of
Ur and Erech preceded that of Kish. But both sides
of the monument have tlie appearance of having been
engraved by the same hand, and we are probably
justified in assuming that the whole of the inscription
was placed upon the vessel at the time it was made.
We may thus provisionally place the conquest of Ur
and Erech before that of Kish. Further, in his
foundation-inscriptions, Eannatum groups his conquest
of Ur and Erech with that of Ki-babl)ar, " the place
of the Sun-god," a term which may with considerable
probability be identified with Earsa, tlie centre of the
cult of the Sun-god in Southern l^abylonia. It would
tlius appear that Eannatum conquered these cities, all
situated in the extreme south of 15a])ylonia at about
the same period, and probably in the early part of his
reign.

An indication that we are right in placing the
southern conquests of Eannatum before the war with
Umma may, perhaps, be seen in the invocations to

148 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

deities engraved upon the Stele of the Vultures with
vvliich Eannatum sought to protect his treaty. In the
course of the invocations Eannatum states that he has
made offerings to the goddess Ninkharsag in the city
of Kesh, to Enzu, the Moon-god, in Ur, and to Babbar,
the Sun-god, in Earsa. These passages we may assume
refer to offerings made by Eannatum in his character of
suzerain, and, if this view is correct, we must conclude
that tlie conquest of these cities had already taken
place. The invocation to Enki perhaps presupposes
that Eridu also was in the hands of Eannatum at this
time, a corollary that woidd almost necessarily follow,
if the three neiglibouring cities of Ur, Erech, and Larsa
had fallen before his arms. Accordingly, the list of
gods by whom Eannatum and the men of Umma
swore to preserve the treaty becomes peculiarly signifi-
cant. They were selected on political as much as
on purely religious grounds, and in their combined
jurisdiction represented the extent of Eannatum's
dominion in Sumer at the time. That a ruler should
be in a position to exact an oath by such powerful
city-gods was obviously calculated to inspire respect
for his own authority, while the names of the gods
themselves formed a sufficient guarantee that divine
punishment would surely follow any violation of the
treaty. The early successes gained by Eannatum, by
which he was enabled to exercise suzerainty over the
principal cities of Southern Babylonia, may well have
iDeen the cause of his arousing the active hostility of Kish
and Opis. When he had emerged victorious from his
subsequent struggle with the northern cities, we may
assume that he claimed the title of king, which he
employs in place of his more usual title of patesi in
certain passages in the text of his treaty with Umma.

The other conquests recorded in the inscriptions
of Eannatum fall into two groups. In all the lists
of his victories that have come down to us— on the
Stele of the Vultures, the foundation-stones, and the
brick-inscriptions— the defeat of VA-dui is given the first
place. This is jn-obably not to be taken as implying
that it was the first in order of time. It is true that
the order in which the concjuercd districts and cities

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 149

are arranged is generally tlie same in the different
lists, but this is not invariably the case. Apart from
differences caused by the omission or insertion of names,
the order is sometimes altered ; thus the conquest of
Arua is recorded before that of Ur on the Stele of
the Vultures, whereas on the foundation-stones this
arrangement is reversed. It would, therefore, be rash
to assume that they were enumerated in the order
of their occurrence ; it is more probable that the
conquered states and districts are grouped on a rough
geographical basis, and that tliese groups are arranged
according to the importance attaching to them. That
Elam should always be mentioned first in the lists is
probably due to the fact that she was the hereditary
enemy of the cities of Sumer and Akkad, whose rulers
could never be sure of immunity from her attacks.
The agricultural wealth of Babylonia offered a tempt-
ing prey to tiie hardy tribes who dwelt among the
hills upon the western border of Elam, and the dread
of the raider and mountaineer, experienced by the
dweller in the plain, is expressed by Eannatum in
his description of Elam as " the mountain that strikes
terror."^

That in their conflict with Eannatum the Elamites
were, as usual, the aggressors, is clear from the words
of the record upon his longer foundation-inscription —
" by Eannatum was Elam broken in the head, Elam was
driven back to his own land.'"^ In other passages
referring to the discomfiture of the Klamites, Eanna-
tum adds the formula that " he heaped up burial-
mounds," a phrase which would seem to imply that
the enemy were only defeated with considerable loss.^
It is not unlikely that we may fix the field of battle,
upon which the forces of Elam were defeated, on the
banks of the Asukhur Canal, which had been cut two

• Foumlation-stone A, Col. III., 1. 13.

2 Col. VI., 11. G If.

3 The plirase is not to be taken to mean that Eannatum huried the bodies f)f
the slain Elamites, though it may be a conventional formula employed to
describe any important battle. It may be noted that Entemena definitely states
that he left the bones of his enemies to bleach in the open plain, and this was
probably the practice of the period. Each side would bury its own dead to
ensure their entrance into the Underworld.

150 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

generations before by Ur-Nina, Eannatum's grand-
father ; at least, the canal gives its name to a battle-
field which is mentioned immediately before the name
of Elam in one of the lists of conquests. It would
thus seem that the Elamites were engaged in raiding
the territory of Lagash wlien Eannatum fell upon them
with his army and drove them northwards and across
the Tigris.

Closely associated with Eannatum's success against
the Elamites were his conquest of Shakh, of a city
the reading of the name for which is unknown, and pro-
bably also of a land or district which bore the name of
Sunanam. The conquest of this last place is only
mentioned in a broken passage upon the Stele of the
\"ultures,' between the names of Elam and Sliakh, and
that of the unknown city, so that little can be inferred
with regard to it. Shakh, on the other hand, whenever
it is referred to in the inscriptions of Eannatum, follows
immediately after the name of Elam, and it was not
improbably a district on the Elamite frontier which
Eannatum ravaged during his pursuit of the invaders.
The city with the unknown name "^ was evidently a
place of some importance, for not only was it governed
by a patesi, but when its conquest is mentioned in the
lists details are usually gi\'en. The interpretation of a
phrase recording its patesi's action with regard to the
em})lem of the city is not quite certain, but it would
appear that on the approach of Eannatum he planted
it before the citj^-gate. The context would seem to
imply that this was intended as an act of defiance, not
of submission, for Eannatum states that he conquered
the city and heaped up burial-mounds. The site of
the city, like its name, is unknown, but since the
records referring to it always follow those concerning
Elam, we may provisionally regard it as having lain in
the direction of the Elamite frontier.

The remaining group of Eannatum's conquests com-
prise the victories he achieved over Az, Mishime, and
Arua. The first of these places was a city ruled by

> Rev., Col. VI., 1. 10— Col. VI F., 1. 3.

2 The name is expressed by the conflate sign, formed of the signs uru and
A, the phonetic reading of which is unknown.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 151

a patesi, whom Eannatum slew when he captured and
destroyed it. It was formerly regarded as situated in
the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf, but the grounds
on which this view was held have proved inadequate.^
Moreover, Eannatum's references to Mishime and Arua
do not assist us much in determining their positions,
for he merely states that he destroyed and anniliilated
them. In a passage upon the Stele of the Vultures,
however, a reference to the land of Sumer follows
closely upon a record of the conquest of Arua,^ which
perhaps is an indication that all three places should be
sought in Southern Babylonia. We are thus without
data for settling definitely the region in which this
group of cities lay, and we are equally witliout infor-
mation as to the period of his reign in which Eannatum
captured or destroyed them. The fact that they are
mentioned last in the lists is no proof that they were
among his most recent conquests ; it may merely be
due to their relatively small importance. In support of
this suggestion we may note that in the longest of his
foundation-inscriptions Eannatum refers to them once
only, while his successes against Elam and the northern
cities are celebrated in two or three separate passages.

From the preceding discussion of the campaigns
of Eannatum it will have been seen that during his
reign a considerable expansion took place in the power
and influence of I^agash. From being a city-state with
her influence restricted to her own territory, she became
head of a confederation of the great Sumerian cities,
she successfully disputed with the northern cities the
hegemony in Babylonia, and she put a check upon the
encroachments of Elam, the hereditary foe of Sumer
and Akkad alike. According to the view of Eanna-
tum's conquests which has been put forward, the first
expansion of the city's influence took place southwards.

^ Tlie name of the place was formerly read in a short inscription engraved
upon a mace-head of Gudea^ and it was supposed to be described in tliat
passage as lying near the Persian Gulf; cf. Ileuzey, "Rev. Arch.," vol. xvii.
(1891), p. 153; Radau, "Early Bab. Hist.," pp. 81, 191. Rut tlie syllable
az occurs in that text without the determinative for "place," and it is rather
to be interpreted as part of the name of tlie mountain from which Gudea
obtained the breccia for his mace-head ; and the mountain itself is described
as situated on " the Upper Sea," i.e. the Mediterranean, see below, p. 270 f.

8 See "Rev.," Col. VIJI.

152 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

The cities of Ur, Erech, Larsa, Kesh, and probably
Eridu, hud already become her vassal states, before
Kish and Opis attempted to curtail her growing power ;
and in the war which followed it is probable that we
may see a struggle between the combined forces of
Sumer on the one hand, and those of Akkad on the
other. One of the most important episodes in this
conflict was the war with Umma, since the raid by the
men of that city into the territory of I^agash furnished
the occasion for the outbreak of hostilities. The issue
of the conflict placed I^agash in the position of the
leading city in Babylonia. The fact that from this
time forward Eannatum did not permanently adopt
the title of "king" in his inscriptions, may perhaps
be traced to his preference for the religious title of
"patesi," which emphasized his dependence upon his
own city-god Ningirsu.

The military character of Eannatum is reflected in
his inscriptions, which in this respect form a strikuig
contrast to those of his grandfather, Ur-Nina. A\^hile
the earlier king's records are confined entirely to lists
of temples and other buildings, which he erected or
restored in Lagash and its neighbourhood, the texts
of Eannatum are devoted almost exclusively to his
wars. From a few scattered passages, however, we
gather that he did not entirely neglect the task of
adding to and beautifying the temples in his capital.
Thus he built a temple for the goddess Gatumdug,
and added to other buildings which were already
standing in Ur-Nina's time. But his energies in this
direction were mainly devoted to repairing the fortifi-
cations of Lagash, and to putting the city in a complete
state of defence. Thus he boasts that he built the wall
of Lagash and made it strong. Since Ur-Nina's time,
when the city-wall had been thoroughly repaired, it
is probable that the defences of the city had been
weakened, for Eannatum also records that he restored
Girsu, one of the quarters of the city, which we may
suppose had suflered on the same occasion, and had
been allowed to remain since then in a partly ruined
condition. In honour of the goddess Nina he also
records that he rebuilt, or perhaps largely increased, the

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 153

quarter of the city wliich was named after her, and
he constructed a wall lor the special protection of
Uru-azagga, another quarter of Lagash. In fact, the
political expansion, which took place at this period
in the power of liagash, was accompanied by an
equally striking increase in the size and defences of
the city itself.

During the reign of Eannatum it is clear that the
people of Lagash enjoyed a considerable measure of
prosperity, for, although they were obliged to furnish
men for tlieir patesi's army, the state acquired consider-
able wealth from the sack of conquered cities, and from
the tribute of grain and other supplies which was levied
upon them as a mark of their permanent subjection.
]\Ioreover, the campaigns could not have been of very
long duration, and, after the return of the army on the
completion of a war, it is probable that the greater part
of it would be disbanded, and the men would go back
to their ordinary occupations. Thus the successful
prosecution of his foreign policy by Eannatum did
not result in any impoverishment of the material
resources of his people, and the fertile plains around
the city were not left imtilled for lack of labour.
Indeed, it would appear that in the latter part of his
reign he largely increased the area of land under
cultivation. For in his longer foundation-inscriptions,
after recording his principal conquests, he states : ''In
that day Eannatum did (as follows). Eannatum, . . .
when his might had borne fruit, dug a new canal for
Ningirsu, and he named it Lummadimdug." 15y the
expression " when his might had borne fruit," it is
clear that Eannatum refers to the latter part of his
reign, when he was no longer obliged to place his
army incessantly in the field, and he and his people
were enabled to devote themselves to the peaceful
task of developing the material resources of their own
district in Sumer.

Another canal, which we know was cut by Eanna-
tum, was that separating the plain of Gu-edin from
the territory of Umma, but this was undertaken, not
for purposes of irrigation, but rather as a frontier-
ditch to mark the limits of the territory of Lagash in

154 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

that direction. There is little doubt, however, that at
least a part of its stream was used for supplying water
to those portions of Gu-edin which lay along its banks.
Like the canal Lummadimdug, this frontier-ditch was
also dedicated to Ningirsu, and in the inscription upon
a small column which records this fact, the name of
the canal is given as Lummagirnuntashagazaggipadda.
But this exceedingly long title was only employed upon
state occasions, such as the ceremony of dedication ; in
common parlance the name was abbreviated to Lumma-
girnunta, as we learn from the reference to it upon
Entcmena's Cone. It is of interest to note that in
the title of the stone of delimitation, which occurs
upon the Stele of the Vultures, reference is made to
a canal named Ug-edin, the title of the stone being
given as " O Ningirsu, lord of the crown . . . , give
life unto the canal Ug-edin I " In the following lines
the monument itself is described as " the Stele of
Gu-edin, the territory beloved of Ningirsu, which I,
Eannatum, have restored to Ningirsu " ; so that it is
clear that the canal, whose name is incorporated in
that of the stele, must have had some connection with
the frontier-ditch. Perhaps the canal Ug-edin is to be
identified with Lummagirnunta, unless one of the two
was a subsidiary canal.

For the supply of his principal irrigation-canal with
water after the period of the spring-floods, Eannatum
did not depend solely upon such water as might find
its way in from the river, before the surface of the
latter sank below the level of the canal-bed ; nor did
he confine himself to the laborious method of raising
it from the river to his canal by means of irrigation-
macliines. Both these methods of obtaining water he
doubtless employed, but he supplemented them by the
construction of a reservoir, which should retain at least
a portion of the surplus water during the early spring,
and store it up for gradual use in the fields after the
water-level in the river and canals had fallen. In the
passage in his foundation-inscription, which records this
fact, he says : " For Ningirsu he founded the canal
I^ummadimdug and dedicated it to him ; Eannatum,
endowed with strength by Ningirsu, constructed the

/-SV

BRICK OF EANNATUM, PATESJ OI" SHIRl'Ukl.A. KKCOKDlNc; HIS OKNKAI.OliV

ANP rc)xou?:sTS. axd commemokatixc tiik sinking; or wfi,i> in

SHIRFUKl.A.
/>';■//. Mils.. X<i. Z-c^-- '.photo, /'f .}/is.-/s. .1/n/isi:'/ Cr C<>.

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 155

reservoir of Liimmadimdug, with a capacity of three
thousand six hundred gur of water." ^ It is true
that his reservoir was not of very imposing dimensions,
but its construction proves that Eannatum or liis
engineers had studied the problem of irrigation in a
scientific spirit, and had ah'cady evolved the method of
obtaining a constant water-supply wliich is still regarded
as giving the best results.

Smaller canals were possibly dug during Eannatum's
reign for supplying water to those quarters of I ^agash
which he improved or added to ; and we also know
that, where canalization was impracticable, he obtained
water by sinking wells. Within the enclosure of
Ningirsu's temple, for instance, he constructed a well
for supplying the temple with water, and some of the
bricks have been recovered which lined the well on
the inside.^ On these he inscribed his name beside
those of the gods by whom he had been ftivoured ; and,
after giving a list of his more important conquests, he
recorded that he had built the well in the spacious
forecourt of the temple, and had named it Sigbirra,
and had dedicated it to Ningirsu. From the reference
to his conquests in the inscription upon the bricks, it
is clear that the sinking of the well, like the cutting
of the irrigation-canal Lummadimdug, took place in
the later years of Eannatinn's reign.

The phrase with which the well-inscription of
Eannatum ends may be taken as indicating the measure
of prosperity to wliich the state of Lagash attained
under his rule. " In those days," it says, " did Ningirsu
love Eannatum." But Eannatum's claim to remem-
brance rests, as we have seen, in a greater degree upon
his military successes, by means of which he was enabled
to extend the authority of Lagash over the whole of
Sumer and a great part of Akkad. He proved himself
strong enough at the same time to defend his empire
from the attack of external foes, and it is probable
that, after his signal defeat of the Elamites, he was not
troubled by further raids from that quarter. Three

' Foun<lation-stone A, Col. \U., 11. 3 ff.

' For one of the inscribed bricks from the well^ see the plate opposite
p. 164.

156 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

times in the course of his inscriptions he states that
" by Eannatum, whose name was uttered by Ningirsu,
were the countries broken in the head," and it would
appear that his boast was justified. The metaphor
he here employs is taken from the heavy battle-mace,
which formed an effective weapon in the warfare of
the period. It may be seen in use in the scene sculp-
tured upon the principal monument of Eannatum's
reign, w^here Ningirsu himself is portrayed as breaking
the heads of his foes. This representation of the city-
god of Lagash, one of the finest examples of early
Sumerian sculpture, in itself admirably symbolizes the
ambition and achievements of the ruler in whose
reign and by whose order it was made.

CHAPTER VI

THE CLOSE OF UR-NINa's DYNASTY, THE REFORMS OF
URUKAGINA, AND THE FALL OF LAGASH

EANNATUM was the most famous and powerful
member of Ur-Nina's dynasty, and it is probable
that his reign marks the zenith of the power of
Lagash as a city-state. We do not know the cause
which led to his being succeeded upon the throne by his
brother Enannatum I., instead of by a son of his own.
That tlie break in the succession was due to no j^alace-
revolution is certain from a reference Enannatum makes
to his brother in an inscription found by Koldewey at
El-Hibba,^ where, after naming Akurgal as his father, he
describes himself as " the beloved brother of Eannatum,
patesi of Lagash." It is possible that Eannatum had
no male issue, or, since his reign appears to have been
long, he may have survived his sons. We may indeed
conjecture that his victories were not won without
considerable loss among his younger warriors, and
many cadets of the royal house, including the king's
own sons, may have given their lives in the service
of their city and its god. Such may well have been the
cause of the succession passing from the direct line
of descent to a younger branch of the family. Tiuit
Enannatum followed, and did not precede his brother
upon the throne is proved by the reference to him in
the El-Hibba text already referred to ; moreover, he
himself was succeeded by his own immediate descend-
ants, and a reference to his reign upon the Cone of
Entemena follows in order of time the same ruler's
record concerning Eannatum. The few inscriptions

* See Messerschmidt, " Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler," I., p. v., pL
3, No. 4.

157

158 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

of his reign, that have been recovered at Tello and
El-Hibba, are ot a votive ratlier tlian of an historical
character, and, were it not for the historical summaries
upon Entemena's Cone and an inscribed plaque of
Urukagina, we should be without data for tracing
the history of Sumer at this period. As it is, our
information is in the main confined to the continued
rivalry between Lagash and her near neighbour Umma,
which now led to a renewal of active hostilities.

We have already seen that, in spite of the increase
in the power of Lagasli during the reign of Eannatum,
the city of Umma had not been incorporated in its
dominion, but had succeeded in maintaining an attitude
of semi-independence. This is apparent from the terms
of the treaty, by which the men of Umma undertook
not to invade the territory of Lagash ; and, although
they paid a heavy tribute in corn to Eannatum, we
may assume that they were ready to seize any oppor-
tunity that might present itself of repudiating the
suzerainty of Lagash. Such an opportunity they may
have seen in the death of their conqueror Eannatum,
for after the accession of his brother we find them
repeating the same tactics they had employed during
the preceding reign under the leadership of their patesi,
Ush. Enakalli, with whom Eannatum had drawn up
his treaty, had been succeeded on the throne by
Urlumma. In his cone-inscription Entemena gives
no indication as to whether there was any interval
between the rei":n of Enakalli and that of Urlununa.
But from a small tablet of lapis-lazuli in the "Collection
de Clercq," we gather tliat the latter was Enakalli's son,
and, therefore, ])robably his direct successor u])on the
throne.^ The httle tablet was employed as a foundation-
memorial, and a short inscription upon it records the
building of a temple to tlie god Enkigal by Urlumma,
who describes himself as the son of Enakalli. Each
ruler bears the title of "king" in the inscription, and,
although the reading of the sign following the title is
uncertain, there is little doubt that we should identify

1 See ''Collection de Clercq, Cataloffue," Tome II., pi. x., No. fi, p. 92 f ;
Thurcau-Danpiii, "Rev. d'Assyr.," vol. iv., p. 40. The name should possibly
be read Ur-Khumma (of. " Konigsiuschriftcn," p. 150, n. h.).

THE FALL OF LAGASH 159

the Urlumma and Enakalli of the tablet with the two
patesis of Umma who are known to have borne these
names.

Urhnnma did not maintain his father's policy,
but, following Ush's example, marshalled his army
and made a sudden descent upon the territory of
Lagash. His raid appears to have been attended
with even greater violence than that of his predecessor.
Ush had contented himself with merely removing the
stele of delimitation set up by Mesilim, but Urlumma
broke that of Eannatum in pieces by casting it into the
fire, and we may assume that he treated IVIesilim's
stele in the same way.^ The shrines, or chapels, which
Eannatum had built upon the frontier and had dedi-
cated to the gods w^hom he had invoked to guard the
treaty, were now levelled to the ground. By such acts
Urlumma sought to blot out all trace of the humiliating
conditions imposed in earlier years upon his city, and,
crossing the frontier-ditch of Ningirsu, he raided and
plundered the rich plains which it had always been the
ambition of Umma to possess.

It is probable that Urlumma's object in breaking
the treaty was not merely to collect spoil from the
fields and villages he overran, but to gain complete
possession of the coveted plain. At least, both
Entemena and Urukagina record that the subsequent
battle between the forces of Umma and I^agash took
place w^ithin the hitter's territory, wliich would seem
to imply that Urlumma and his army did not retreat
with their plunder to their own city, but attempted to
retain possession of the land itself. Enannatum met
the men of Umma in Ugigga, a district within the
temple-lands of Ningirsu, where a battle was fought,
which, in Urukagina's brief account, is recorded to
have resulted in Umma's defeat. Entemena, on the
other hand, does not say whether Lagash was victorious,
and his silence is possibly significant, for, had his father
achieved a decided victory, he would doubtless have

* In a very fragmentary passage of the clay-inscription of Enannatum from
El-Hibba, Langdon would see a reference to the removal of Mesilim's stele
during this revolt; see "Zeits. der Deutschen Morgeuland. Gesellschaft,"
Bd. LXII. (1908), p. 399 f.

160 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

recorded it. Moreover, Urlumma continued to give
trouble, and it was only in the reign of Entemena
himself that he was finally defeated and slain. We
may, therefore, conclude that Enannatum did no more
than check Urlumma's encroachments, and it is not
improbable that the latter retained for the time a
considerable portion of the territory which Lagash had
enjoyed for several generations.

Few other f^icts are known of the reign of
Enannatum I. ^Ve gather that he sent men to the
mountains, probably of Elam, and caused them to
fell cedars there and bring the trunks to Lagash ; and
from the cedar- wood thus obtained he constructed the
roof of a temple, which appears to have been dedicated
to Ningirsu. The temple we may probably identify
with Ningirsu's famous temple E-ninnu, whence we
have recovered a mortar, which Enannatum prepared
and presented that it might be used for pounding
onions in connection with the temple-ritual. Another
object dedicated to Ningirsu, which dates from this
period, is preserved in the British Museum, and
furnishes us with the name of a minister in the service
of Enannatum. This is a limestone mace-head,^ carved
with the emblem of Lagash, and bearing an inscription
from which we learn that it was deposited in the
temple E-ninnu by Barkiba,^ the minister, to ensure
the preservation of the life of Enannatum, " his king.'
It would appear from this record that, although
Enannatum himself adopted the title of " patesi,"
which he ascribes also to his father Akurgal, it was
permissible for his subordinates to refer to him under
the title of " king." That " patesi " was, however,
his usual designation may be inferred not only from
his own inscriptions, but from the occurrence of the
title after his name upon a deed of sale drawn up on
a tablet of black stone,^ which probably dates from
his reign. From this document, as well as from a
text inscribed uj)on clay cones found by Koldewey at

1 See "Cuneifonii Texts," I't. ^'., pi. 1, " Konifrsinschriften," p. W f, ;
for a drawing of the ohject, see l^tidge, " History of Ktrypt," vol. i., p. 07.

2 The reading of the last syllahlc of the name i8 not certain.

3 Cf " Dec. en Chaldee," p. xlix.

THE FALL OF LAGA8H IGl

El-Hibba/ we also learn that Enannatum had a son
named Lummadur,^ in addition to Entenicna. It
should be noted that neither on the clay cones nor
on the tablet of black stone is the name of Enannatum's
father recorded, so that tlie suggestion has been made
that they should be referred to Enannatum II., rather
than to Enannatum I. 15ut the adornment of the
temple E-anna, recorded on the cones, is referred to
in the clay-inscription of Enannatum I., which, like
the cones, was found at El-Hibba.^ It is reasonable
therefore to assign the cone-inscription also to Enanna-
tum I., and to conclude that Lummadur was his
son, rather than the son and possible successor of
Enannatum II. The cone-inscription records the
installation of I>ummadur by his lather as priest in
E-anna, when that temple had been adorned and
embellished in honour of the goddess Ninni. Since
Enannatum was succeeded upon the throne of Lagash
by Entemena, we may assume that Lummadur was
the latter 's younger brother.

One of the first duties Entemena was called upon
to perform, after ascending the throne, was the defence
of his territory against further encroachments by
Urlumma. It is evident that this ruler closely watched
the progress of events in Lagash, and such an occasion
as the death of the reigning patesi in that city might
well have appeared to him a suitable time for the
renewal of hostilities. The death of the great con-
queror Eannatum had already encouraged him to raid
and occupy a portion of the territory held up to that
time by Lagash, and, although Eannatum had succeeded
in holding him to some extent in cheek, he only awaited
a favourable opportunity to extend the area of territory
under his control. Such an opportunity he would
naturally see in the disappearance of his old rival, for
there was always the chance that the new ruler would
prove a still less successful leader than his father, or
his accession might give rise to dissension among the
members of the royal house, which would materially

1 Cf. '' Vorderas. Schriftdenkmaler," I., \>. v., pi. 4, No. 5 a-d.

2 The name is also read as Khunimatur.
2 See above, p. 157, n. 1.

162 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

weaken the city's poAver of resistance. His attack
appears to have been carefully organized, for there is
evidence that he strengthened his own resources by
seeking assistance from at least one other neighbouring
state. His anticipation of securing a decided victory
by this means was, however, far from being realized.
Entemena lost no time in summoning his forces, and,
having led them out into the plain of Lagasli, he met
the armv of Urlumma at the frontier-ditch of Lumma-
girnunta, which his uncle Eannatmn had constructed
for the defence and irrigation of Gu-edin, the fertile
territory of Ningirsu. Here he inflicted a signal defeat
upon the men of Umma, who, when routed and put
to flight, left sixty of their fellows lying dead upon
the banks of tl\e canal. ^ Urlumma himself fled from
the battle, and sought safety in his own city. But
Entemena did not rest content with the defeat he
had inflicted upon the enemy in the field. He pursued
the men of Umma into their own territory, and suc-
ceeded in capturing the city itself before its demoralized
inhabitants had had time to organize or strengthen its
defence. Urlumma he captured and slew, and he
ilms put an end to an ambitious ruler, who for years
had undoubtedly caused much trouble and annoyance
to Lagash. Entemena's victory was complete, but
it was not won without some loss among his own
forces, for he heaped up burial-mounds in five separate
places, whicli no doubt covered the bodies of his own
slain. The bones of the enemy, he records, were left
to bleach in the open plain.

Entemena now proceeded to annex Umma, and
he incorporated it within the state of Lagash and
reorganized its administration under officers appointed
by himself. As the new patesi of Umma he did not
appoint any native of that city, but transferred thither
an official of his own, who held a post of considerable

^ So lliureauDanpn, " Konigsinschriften," p. 38 f., Cone, Col. III.,
11. 10 If. Cenouillac would interpret the passage as meaning that the men of
Umma abandoned in their flight sixty of their chariots of war (cf. ''Tabl.
sum. arcli.," p. xii.). 'J'liese, of course, were drawn by asses, tlie earliest
mention of a horse in Babylonia occurring on a tablet of tlie period of Ham-
murabi or Samsu-iluna (cf Tliignad, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," lUOT, col. 638 f.) ;
the regular use of tlie borso was introduced by the Kassites.

.MARni.K C. \TI -vQCKKT |;kAR1N(J AX I N.>CklP IK >\ (}]■■ ENTK.M KNA,
PATES I OF SHIRPURLA.
"'//. .Uifs., Xo. gog32 ; /i/iofa. /y Mlssis. Manscil ^~ Co.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 163

importance in another town under the suzerainty of
Lagash. The name of the official was Ih, and at the
time of the annexation of Umma he was acting as
sangu, or priest, of the town, the name of which has
been provisionally read as Ninab or Xinni-esh. Though
the reading of the name of the place is still uncertain,
it would appear to have been situated in Southern
Babylonia, and to have been a place of some importance.
A small tablet in the Louvre mentions together certain
men of Erech, of Adab and of Ninni-esh,^ and, when
Lugal-zaggisi enumerates the benefits he had conferred
on the cities of Southern Babylonia over which he
ruled, he mentions Umma and Ninni-esh together,
after referring to Erech, Ur, and Larsa.^ We may,
therefore, conclude with some probability that the city
in which Hi was at this time acting as priest was
situated not far from Umma. It was under the control
of Lagash, and doubtless formed part of the empire
which Eannatum had bequeathed to his successors
upon the throne. Hi is described as the priest, not
the patesi, of the city, and it is possible that his office
included the control of its secular administration. But
in view of the importance of the place, it is unhkely
that it was without a patesi.

The installation of Hi in the patesiate of Umma
was accompanied by some degree of ceremonial. It
would appear that his appointment did not take place
immediately after the capture of the town, but that
a short interval elapsed between the close of the war
and the inauguration of the new government. INIean-
while, Entemena himself had returned to Lagash, and
it was to that city that he summoned Hi into his
presence. He then set out with Hi from Girsu, and,
when Umma was reached, he formally installed him
at the head of the government, and conferred on him
the title of patesi. At the same time he dictated his
own terms to the peoj^le of Umma, and commissioned
lU to see that they were duly carried out. In the

1 See Thureau-Dangin, ^'Rev. d'Assyr./' p. 40, n. 4 ; " Recueil de tabl.
chald.," p. 56, No. 120.

2 Sec Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr./' Pt. II., No. 87, pi. 40, Col. II.,
U. 26 ff.

164 HISTOEY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

first place he restored to Lagash the territory to which
she had always laid claim, and the ancient frontier-
ditches, which had heen filled up or had fallen in, he
caused to be repaired. In addition to reasserting the
traditional rights of Lagash, he annexed new land in
the district of Karkar, since its inhabitants had taken
part in the recent rebellion, and had probably furnished
an important contingent for the army of Urlumma.
He gave directions to Hi to extend the two principal
frontier-ditches, dedicated to Ningirsu and Nina
respectively, within the territory of Karkar ; and, with
the large supply of forced labour which he exacted
from his newly annexed subjects, he strengthened the
defences of his own territory, and restored and extended
the system of canals between the Euphrates and the
Tigris. But Entemena did not content himself with
exacting land and labour only from the conquered
city. He imposed a heavy tribute in corn, and it
was probably one of Hi's most important duties as
patesi to superintend its collection and ensure its
punctual transfer into the granaries of Lagash.

In order to commemorate the conquest and annexa-
tion of Umma, Entemena caused a record of his victory
to be drawn up, which he doubtless had engraved upon
a stone stele similar to those prepared in earlier times
by Mesilim and Eannatum. This stele, like the earlier
ones, was probably set up upon the frontier to serve as
a memorial of his achievements. Fortunately for us,
he did not confine the records to his own victories, but
prefaced them with an epitomized account of the rela-
tions which had existed between Lagash and Umma
from the time of Mesilim until his own day. Other
copies of the inscription were probably engraved upon
stone and set up in the cities of Umma and Lagash,
and, in order to increase still further the chances in
favour of the preservation of his record, he had copies
inscribed upon small cones of clay. These last were of
the nature of foundation-memorials, and we may con-
clude that he had tliem buried beneath the buildings
he erected or repaired upon the frontier-canals, and also
perhaps in the foundations of temples within the city
of Lagash itself. Entemena's foresight in multiplying

THE FALL OF LAGASH 1G5

the number of his texts, and in buryhifr them in tlie
structure of his buildings, was in accordance with the
practice of the period ; and in his case the custom has
been fully justified. So far as we know, his great stone
stelic have perished ; but one of the small clay cones *
has been recovered, and is anions: the most valuable of
the records we possess of the early history of Sinner.

It is possible that the concluding paragraphs of tlie
text were given in a fuller form upon the stone stcL'u
than we find them upon the cone ; but, so far as the
historical portion of the record is concerned, we have
doubtless recovered the greater part, if not the whole,
of Entemena's record. The stelae may have been
engraved with elaborate curses, intended to preserve
the frontier-ditch from violation, and, though tiiese
have been omitted in the shorter version of the text,
their place is taken by the brief invocation and prayer
with which the record concludes. Entemena here
prays that if ever in time to come the men of Umma
should break across the boundary-ditch of Ningirsu or
the boundary-ditch of Xina, in order to lay violent
hands upon the territory of Lagash, whether they be
men of the city of Umma itself or people from the
lands round about, then may Enlil destroy them, and
may Ningirsu cast over them his net, and set his hand
and foot upon them. And, should the warriors of his
own city be called upon to defend it, he prays that
their hearts may be full of ardour and courage. It was
not many years before Lagash was in sore need of the
help which is here invoked for her by Entemena.

Apart from the cone recording the conquest of
Umma, the inscriptions of Entemena do not throw
much light upon the military achievements of his reign.
Three fragments of a limestone vase have been found
at Nippur in the strata beneath the temple of Enlil on
the south-east side of the ziggurat, or temple-tower,
bearing on their outer surface a votive inscription of
Entemena.^ From these we gather that the vase was
dedicated to Enlil as a thank-offering after some

» "Dec. en Chaid.," p. xlvii. ; Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.,"
Vol. IV., pp. 37 ff., " Konigsiiischriften," pp. 36 ff.

2 Cf. Hilprecht, " Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. II., pi. 48 f., Nos. 115-117.

IGG HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

victory. The fragmentary character of the inscription
prevents us from identifying the enemy who was suh-
ducd on tliis occasion ; but we sliall probably be right
in taking the passage as referring, not to the conquest
of Umma, but to the subjugation of some other district.
In fact, we may regard the vase as evidence that
Entemena attempted to retain his hold upon the empire
which Eannatum had founded, and did not shrink from
the necessity of undertaking military expeditions to
attain this object. In further support of this view we
may perhaps cite a reference to one of the cities con-
quered by Eannatum, which occurs upon a votive text
drawn up in Entemena's reign, though not by the
patesi himself The text in question is stamped upon
the perforated relief of Dudu, chief priest of Ningirsu,^
which at one time formed the support of a colossal
ceremonial mace-head dedicated in the temple of Nin-
girsu at Lagash.

The material of which the block is composed is dark
in colour, comparatively light in weight, and liable to
crack ; it consists of a mixture of clay and bitumen, and
may have been formed by nature or produced artificially.^
^^^hile this substance was still in a pliant state the block
was formed from it, and the designs with the inscription
were impressed by means of a stamp. According to
the inscription, this bituminous substance was brought
by Dudu to Lagash from one of the cities which had
been conquered by Eannatum and incorporated within
his empire. The fact that Dudu should have caused
the substance to be procured from tlie city in question
suggests that friendly relations existed between it and
Lagash at the time ; it is quite possible that it had not,
meanwhile, secured its independence, but still continued
to acknowledge the suzerainty of the latter city. The
only otlicr references to a foreign city in the texts of
Entemena occur upon his two ])rincipal building in-
scriptions,^ which include among the list of his buildings

1 See the plate opposite p. 110.

2 Cf. Ileiizey, "Dec. en (li.ild.," p. 204.

* The two principal biiihlinj? texts are engraved upon an alabaster
foundation-tablet ("Dec. en Chald.," p. xlvi.), and upon a fine gate-socket of
Entemena preserved in the Britisli Museum (" Cun, Txts.," Pt. X., pi. 1).

THE FALL OF LA GASH

1G7

the erection of a great laver for the god Knki, described
as " King of Eridii." We may perhaps see in this record
a further indication that at least the soutliern portion
of Eannatuni's empire still remained in his nephew's
possession.

The high-priest, Dudu, whose portrait is included
in the designs upon the plaque already referred to.

Fig. 49.

Pig. 50

Fig. 51.

Details from the engravings upon Entemena's silver vase. The upper group
represents the emblem of Lagash ; in the lower groups ibexes and stags are
substituted for the lions.

[D6c., pi. 43 bis; Cat. No. 218.]

appears to have been an important personage during
the reign of Entemena, and two inscriptions that lia\e
been recovered are dated by reference to his period of
office. One of these occurs upon the famous siher
vase of Entemena, the finest example of Sumerian
metal work that has yet been recoxered. The vase,
engraved in outline with variant forms of the emblem
of Lagash,^ bears an inscription around the neck, stating
that Entemena, patesi of Lagash, " the great patesi of

All were inscribed towards the end of Eutemena's reign, tlie gate-socket at
a rather earlier date than tlie tablets.

* See the plate opposite p. 168, and see abovCj p. 78.

1G8 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Ningirsu," had fashioned it of pure silver and had dedi-
cated it to Ningirsu in E-ninnu to ensure the preserva-
tion of his Hfe. It Avas deposited as a votive object in
Ningirsu's temple, and a note is added to the dedication
to the effect that " at this time Dudu was priest of
Ningirsu." A siinihir reference to Dudu's priesthood
occurs upon a foundation-inscription of Entemena
recording the construction of a reservoir for tlie supply
of the Lummadimdug Canal, its capacity being little
more than half tliat of the earlier reservoir constructed
by Eannatum. Since the canal was dedicated to Nin-
girsu, the reference to Dudu was also here appropriate.
But such a method of indicating the date of any object
or construction, even though closely connected with
the worship or property of the city-god, was somewhat
unusual, and its occurrence in these texts may perhaps
be taken as an indication of the powerful position which
Dudu enjoyed/ Indeed, Enlitarzi, another priest of
Ningirsu during Entemena's reign, subsequently secured
the throne of Lagash. Entemena's building-inscrip-
tions afford further evidence of his devotion to Ningirsu,
w^hose temple and storehouses he rebuilt and added to.
Next in order of importance were his constructions in
honour of the goddess Nina, while he also erected or
repaired temples and other buildings dedicated to Lugal-
uru, and the goddesses Ninkharsag, Gatumdug, and
Ninmakh. Such records suggest that Entemena's
reign, like that of Eannatum, was a period of some
prosperity for I^agash, although it is probable that her
influence was felt within a more restricted area.^ By
his conquest and annexation of Umma, he more than
made up for any want of success on the part of his
father, Enannatum I., and, through this victory alone,
he may well ha\e freed I^agash from her most per-
sistent enemy throughout the reign of liis immediate
successors.

With Enannatum II., the son of Entemena, who suc-
ceeded his father upon the throne, the dynasty founded

* That in virtue of liis office the priest of Ningirsu at this period occupied
a position of considerable importince is also clear from the douhle dates, by
patesiate and priesthood ; see below, p. 171.

'^ Entemena appears to have reigned at least twenty-nine years ; see
Allotte de la Fuye, " Hilprecht Anniversary Volume," p. 123.

fe?,'

SILVKR \ASK DlhlCAIKI) TO 'IHK (iOI' MMJKsr l;\ KNI KM l-.N.\.

I'A'I 1-^1 ' 'I SHIKI'IKI.A.
In thi- Lou: n Clialii.. pi. 43 (I'ls).

THE FALL OF LAGA8H 1G9

by Ur-Ninu, so far as we know, came to an end.* The
reign of Entemcna's son is attested by a single inscrip-
tion engraved upon a door-socket from the great store-
house of Ningirsu at Lagash, his restoration of which is
recorded in the text. There then occurs a gaj) in our
sequence of royal inscriptions found at Tello, the next
ruler who has left us any records of his own, being
Urukagina, the ill-fated reformer and king of Lagash,
under whom the city was destined to sufier what was
undoubtedly the greatest reverse she encountered in the
long course of her history. Although we have no royal
texts relating to the period between the reigns of Enan-
natum II. and Urukagina, we are fortunately not
without means for estimating approximately its length
and recovering the names of some, if not all, of the
patesis who occupied the throne of Lagash in the
interval. Our information is derived from a number of
clay tablets, the majority of which were found in the
course of native diggings at Tello after M. de Sarzec's
death.^ They formed part of the private archive of the
patesis of Lagash at this time, and are concerned with
the household expenses of the court and particularly of
the harim. Frequently these tablets of accounts make
mention of the reigning patesi or his wife, and from
them we have recovered the names of three patesis —
Enetarzi, Enlitarzi, and Lugal-anda^ — who are to be
set in the interval between Enannatum 11. and Uruka-
gina. Moreover, it has been pointed out that the
inscriptions upon most of the tablets end with a peculiar
form of figure, consisting of one or more diagonal
strokes cutting a single horizontal one ; and a plausible
explanation has been given of these figures, to the effect

' That offerings continued to he made in connection with Ur-Nin;Vs statue
during Lugal-anda's reign (aa evinced hy tablets of the period, cf. Allotto de
la Fuye, "Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., p. 107, and Genouillac, "Tabl. sum. arch./'
p. Ivii.) is no proof of the continuance of his dynasty, though it is evidence of
the honour in wJiich its founder was still held. Genouillac suggests that
Enetarzi and Enlitarzi may have been related, and possibly sons of Enan-
uatum II. {op. cit., p. xii.), but the suggestion is purely conjectural.

2 See Thurean-Dangin, " Recueil de tablettes chaldeennes," pp. ii f., 9 ff.,
Allotte de ia Fuye, " Documents pre'sargoniques," and Genouillac, " I'ablettes
sumdriennes archaiqnes."

3 Tlie full form of the name appears to have been Lugal-andanushuga (see
Thureau-Dangin, op. cit., p. 17, No. 33, Rev., Col. II., 1. 2, aud " Kouiga-
inschriften/' p. 224) ; but it was generally abbreviated to Lugal-anda.

170 IIISTOHY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

that tliey were intended to indicate the date of the
tablet, the number of diagonal strokes si lowing at a
glance the year of the patesi's reign in which the text
was written, and to which the accounts refer. A con-
siderable number of such tablets have been examined,
and by counting the strokes upon them it has been con-
cluded that Enetarzi reigned for at least four years,
Enlitarzi for at least five years, and Lugal-anda for at
least seven years/

The relative order of these three patesis may now
be regarded as definitely fixed, and, though it is possible
that the names of others are missing which should be
set within the period, the tablets themselves furnish
indications that in any case the interval between
Enannatum II. and Urukagina was not a long one. It
had for some time been suspected that Enlitarzi and
Lugal-anda lived at about the same period, for a steward
named Shakh was employed by the wife of Enlitarzi as
well as by Barnamtarra, the wife of Lugal-anda.^ This
inference has now been confirmed by the discovery of a
document proving that Lugal-anda Avas Enlitarzi's son ;
for a clay cone has been found, inscribed with a contract
concerning the sale of a house, the contracting parties
being the family of Lugal-anda, described as " the son
of Enlitarzi, the priest," and the family of Barnamtarra,
Lugal-anda's future wife.^ IMoreover, we have grounds
for believing that Lugal-anda was not only the last of
the three patesis whose names have been recovered, but
was Urukagina's immediate predecessor. An indication
that this was the case may be seen in the fact that the
steward Eniggal, who is frequently mentioned in
tablets of his reign, was also employed by Urukagina
and his wile Shafrshacf. Confirmation of this view has
been found in the text upon a tablet, dated in the first
year of Urukagina's reign as king, in wliicli mention is

» See Aliotte do la Fuye, "Revue d'Assyr.," \o\. VI., No. 4, p. 107.
Similar figures have been found upon clay sealings, which were probably
attached to bundles of such tablets. It is possible tliat Enlitarzi reigned for
at least seven years and Lugal-anda for at least nine ; see Aliotte de la Fuye,
"Hilprecht Anniversary Volume," p. 123.

2 Cf 'ITiurcaii-Dangin, " Uec. de t^ibl. cliald.," p. ii. t.

3 Cf Genouillac, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," XL, col. 215, n. 6. The wife of
Enlitarzi was Luguinitur, and in addition to Lugal-anda lie liad a son named
l^rtar, who was living in Lugal-anda's reign (cf. " Tabl. sum. arch.," p. xii.).

THE FALL OF LAGASH 171

made of Barnamtarra, Liigal-anda's wife.^ This only
leaves an interval before the reign of Enlitarzi, in wliieli
Enetarzi, the remaining patesi, is to be set.

That this was not a long period is clear from the
fjict that Enhtarzi himself occupied the throne soon
after Enannatum II., an inference we may draw from a
double date upon a sale-contract, dated in the patesiate
of Entemena, patesi of Lagash, and in the priesthood of
Enlitarzi, chief priest of Ningirsu.'^ There can be no
doubt of the identity of Enlitarzi, the priest here re-
ferred to, with Enlitarzi, the patesi, for the wife of the
priest, who is mentioned in the contract, bears the same
name as the wife of the patesi.^ Since, therefore,
Enlitarzi already occupied the high position of chief
priest of Ningirsu during the reign of Entemena, it is
reasonable to conclude that his reign as patesi was not
separated by any long interval from that of Entemena's
son and successor. The internal evidence furnished by
the texts thus supports the conclusion suggested by an
examination of the tablets themselves, all of which are
distinguished by a remarkable uniformity of type, con-
sisting, as they do, of baked clay tablets of a rounded
form and written in a style which closely resembles that
of Urukagina's royal inscriptions. The interval between
the death of Entemena and Urukagina's accession was
thus a short one, and the fact that during it no less
than four patesis followed one another in quick succes-
sion suggests that the period was one of unrest in Lagash.

Like Enlitarzi, Enetarzi also appears to have been
chief priest of Ningirsu before he secured the throne;

* The "great patesi" and Eanianitarra are here mentioned in a list of
functionaries. With the former Genouillac would identify Lugal-anda, who,
lie suggests, after being dethroned by Urukagina, was allowed to retain the
title of patesi with its purely religious functions. In support of this view he
cites another tablet dated in Urukagina's second year, which enumerates
presents made by "the patesi" to Amat-Bau, daughter of Urukagina ; it is
significant that the beasts were furnished by Lugal-anda's steward. Other
tablets mention offerings made by "the patesi" to Shakh-Bau and Aenragin,
other children of Urukagina (see Genouillac, "Tabl. sum. arcb.," p. xiv. f.).
Genouillac also suggests that Enlitarzi may have survived through tlio
patesiate of his son, Lugal-anda, until the beginning of Urukagina's reign
{op. cit., p. xiii.).

2 See Thureau-Dangin, " Rec. de tabl. chald.," No. 26, pp. ii., 9.

3 Moreover, Enlitarzi is given tlie title of "priest" in the contract
inscribed on the clay cone referred to on p. 170.

172 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

at least we know that a priest of that name held office
at about this period. The inscription from which this
fact may be inferred is an extremely interesting one/
for it consists of the earliest example of a letter or
despatch that has yet been found on any l^abylonian
site. It was discovered at 'i'ello during the recent
excavations of Commandant Cros, and, alike in the
character of its writing and in its general appearance, it
closely resembles the tablets of accounts from the
patesis' private archive, to which reference has already
been made. The despatch was written by a certain
Lu-enna, chief priest of the goddess Ninmar, and is
addressed to Enetarzi, chief priest of the god Ningirsu.
At first sight its contents are scarcely those which we
should expect to find in a letter addressed by one chief
priest to another. For the writer informs his corre-
spondent that a band of Elamites had pillaged the
territory of Lagash, but that he had fought with the
enemy, and had succeeded in putting them to flight.
He then refers to five hundred and forty of them, whom
he probably captured or slew. The reverse of the
tablet enumerates various amounts of silver and wool,
and certain royal garments, which may have formed
part of the booty taken, or recaptured, from the
Elamites ; and the text ends with what appears to be a
reference to the division of this spoil between the
patesi of Lagash and another high official, and with
directions that certain offerings should be deducted for
presentation to the goddess Ninmar, in whose temple
the writer was chief priest.

That a chief priest of Ninmar should lead an army
against the enemies of Lagash and should send a report
of his success to the chief priest of Ningirsu, in which
he refers to the share of the spoil to be assigned to
the patesi, may be regarded as an indication that the
central government of Lagash was not so stable as it
once had been under the more powerful members of
CJr-Nina's dynasty. The reference to Enetarzi suggests
that the incursion of the Elamites took place during
the reign of Enannatum II. We may thus conclude
that tlie last member of Ur-Nina's dynasty did not

» Cf. 'ITiureau-Dangiii, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., pp. 137 ff.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 173

possess his father's abihty to direct the affiiirs of Lagash
and allowed the priests of the great temples in tlie city
to usurp many of the privileges which had hitherto
been held by the patesi. It is probably to this fact
that the close of Ur-Xina's dynasty may be traced.
The subsequent struggle for the patesiate appears to
have taken place among the more important members
of the priesthood. Of those who secured the throne,
Enlitarzi, at any rate, was succeeded by his son, by
whom, however, he may have been deposed,^ and no
strong administration appears to have been established,
until Urukagina, abandoning the traditions of both the
priesthood and the patesiate, based his government on
the support he secured from the people themselves.
Such appears to have been the course of events at this
time, although the paucity of our historical materials
renders it impossible to do more than hazard a
conjecture.

In addition to the tablets of accounts concerning the
household expenditure of the patesis, and the letter to
Enetarzi from Lu-enna, the principal relics of this period
that have come down to us are numbers of clay sealings,
some of which bear impressions of the seals of the
patesi Lugal-anda, his wife Barnamtarra, and his steward
Eniggal. They afford us no new historical information,
but are extremely \ aluable for the study of the artistic
achievements and religious beliefs of tlie Sumerians.^
From the traces upon the lower sides, it is clear that
they were employed for sealing reed-baskets or bundles
tied up in sacking formed of palm-leaves and secured
with cords. In consequence of the rough character of
the lumps of clay, no single one presents a perfect
impression, but, as several examples of each have been
found, it is possible in some cases to reconstruct the
complete design and to estimate the size of the original
seal. In the accompanying blocks reproductions are

1 The fact that Enlitarzi may have survived during the patesiate of his
son scarcely justifies the view that the office of patesi was not necessarily held
for life.

•'' See Allotte de la Fuye, " Rev. d'Assyr ," Vol. VI., pp. 105 ff. ; " Doc.
presargon.," pi. v. ff. Similar sealings in the Museum of the Hermitage at
St. Petersburg have been published by M. Likhatcheff (of. also GeuouilLic,
"Tabl. sum. arch.," p. ix.).

174 HISTORY OF SU3IER AND AKKAD

given of the designs upon the cylinder-seals of Lugal-
anda which can be most conipletely restored. The
principal group of figures in the larger of the two
consists of two rampant lions in conflict with a human-
headed bull and a mythical and composite being, half-

FiG. 52.

Fig. 53.

Impression of a seal of Lugal-anda, patesi of Lagash (Shirpuria), engraved with
the emblem of Lagash, and with figures of animals, heroes, and mythological
creatures. Below in a reconstruction of the cylinder-seal, indicating its size.
[See Allotte de la Fuye, Rev. d'Assyr., Vol. VI., No. 4, pi. i.]

bull and half-man, whose form recalls the description
of Ea-bani in tlie legend of Gilgjunesli. To the left
of the inscription is tlie emblem of Lagash, and below
is a row of smaller figures consisting of two human-
headed bulls, two heroes and a stag. The figures on

THE FALL OF LAGASH

175

the smaller cylinder represent the same types, but
here the emblem of Lagash is reduced to the eagle
without the lions, which was peculiarly the emblem
of Nmgirsu. The mythological being who resembles
Ea-bani is repeated heraldically on each side of the
text in conflict with a lion.

The occurrence of this figure and those of the

Fig. 54.

26'.

Fig. 55.

Impression of a seal of Lugal-anda, patesi of Lagash (Shirpurla), engraved
with figures of animals, mythological beings, and a bearded hero. Below is a
reconstruction of tho cylinder-seal, indicating its size.

[See Allotte de la Fuye, Ecv. d'Assijr., Vol. VI., No. 4, pi. ii.]

other heroes upon the seals is important, as it points
to a knowledge on the part of the earlier Sumerians,
of the principal legends that were incorporated in the
great national epic of Babylon.^ The sealings are no
less important for the study of Sumerian art, and they
prove that seal-cutting must ha\ e already been practised
by the Sumerians for a considerable length of time.

1 Allotte de la Fuye, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., p. 110 fL

176 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

While the designs are of a very decorative character,
it is interesting to note how tlie artist has attempted
to fill up every portion of his field, an archaic trait
which is in striking contrast to the Semitic seals of the
Sargonic period. Another peculiarity which may here
be referred to is the employment, on the larger seal
below the inscription, of a sort of arabesque pattern, an
ingenious and symmetrical combination of straiglit lines
and curves, the course of which may be followed with-
out once passing along the same line a second time. It
has been suggested that this pattern may have formed
the engra\'er's monogram or signature,^ but it is more
likely to have been a religious symbol, or may perhaps
be merely decorative, having been added to fill in a
blank space remaining in the field of the seal. The
discovery of these seal-impressions enables us to realize
that, in spite of the period of political unrest through
which Lagash was now passing, her art did not suffer,
but continued to develop along its own lines. In fact,
her sculptors and engravers were always ready to serve
the reigning patesi, whoever he might be.

Although, as we have seen, the exact relation of the
three patesis, Enetarzi, Enlitarzi, and Lugal-anda, to the
dynasty of Ur-Nina is still a matter for conjecture,
there is no doubt that with Urukagina, at any rate, a
complete break took place, not only in the succession,
but also in the traditions and principles which had
guided for so long the ruling family at Lagash. That
Urukagina did not obtain the throne by right of
succession is clear from the total absence of any
genealogies in his inscriptions. He docs not even
name his father,^ so that we may trace his succession

' See Allotte de la Fuye, op. cit., p. 118.

2 The tablets of accounts, so far as they have been examined, furnish no
information on Urukapfina's antecedents ; but it may be noted that they ^ive
det'iils with repnrd to liis children, cf. Genouillac, "Orient. Lit-Zeit.," XI.,
col. 21G, n. 2, and "'I'abl. sum. arch.," pp. xv., xxiii. f. On tlie Obelisk of
Manishtusu, kintj of Kish, mention is made of a certain Urukagina, son of
Enf^ilsa, jtatesi of Ljigash. Since a tiblet of the period of Urukagina enumerates
offerings made by Sbagshag, (Jriikagina's wife, on behalf of a certain Engilsa
and heraelf, Genouillac accepts the identification of the two Urukaginas,
applying the title of patesi in Manislitusu's texts to Urukagina, not Engilsa
(cf. "Tabl. sum. arch.," p. xiv.). This synchronism between the rulers of
Lagash and Kish, if estiblishcd, would be most valuable for the early
chronology ; but it i.s not certain, and the recurrence of the names may bo
merely a coincidence (sec further, p. 200 f.).

THE FALL OF LAGASH 177

to his own initiative. He himself ascribes to Ningirsu
his elevation to the throne, and the phrase that follows
suggests that this was not acconi{)lished without a
struggle. When describing in detail the drastic reforms
whicli he had carried out in the internal administration
of the state, he prefaces his account by stating that they
took place when Ningirsu had given him the kingdom
of Lagash and had established his might. In view of
these very reforms, we may regard it as extremely
probable that he headed a reaction against certain
abuses which had characterized the recent government
of the city, and that, in usurping the throne, he owed
his success to a wide-spread feeling of discontent among
the great body of the people.

Further evidence of a complete break in the
succession may be seen in the change of the patron
deity, whose protection the reigning house enjoyed.
Urukagina no longer invoked the god on whom the
dynasty of Ur-Nina had relied for intercession with
Ningirsu,^ and in his place addressed himself to
Ninshakh. The very title which Urukagina himself
adopted is probably significant of his antagonism to the
family which for so long had directed the destinies of
the state. While even the great conqueror Eannatum
had proudly clung to the title of " patesi," and his suc-
cessors on the throne had followed his example, in every
one of his own inscriptions that have been recovered
Urukagina rejects it in favour of that of " king."

It would appear that he did not inaugurate this
change immediately upon his accession, and that for
at least a year he continued to use the title employed
by his predecessors. For some of the tablets of accounts
from the private archive of the patesis, to which refer-
ence has already been made,'"^ appear to be dated in the
first year of Urukagina's patesiate ; while the other
documents of this class, which refer to him, are dated
from the first to the sixth year of his reign as king.
So that, if there is no gap in the sequence, we may
conclude that he discarded the former title after having

1 The reading of the name of this deity (Dun- . . .) 13 still uncertain ; it
has been read variously as Dun-sir, ShuVgur, and Dun-gur ; see above, p. 109.
^ See above, p. 169 f.

178 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

occupied the tlirone for one year. His dropping of this
time-honoured designation niuy well liave accompanied
tlie abolition of privileges and abuses with which it had
become associated in the mind of the people. Indeed,
the tone of his inscriptions reflects no feeling of venera-
tion for the title of patesi, nor does he appear anxious
to commemorate the names of those who had borne it.
Thus in one of his texts, when he has occasion to give a
brief historical summary of an earlier struggle between
Lagash and Umma, he names the ruler of the latter
city, but he ascribes the former's victory to Ningirsu,
and does not seem to have referred to Enannatum I. and
Entemcna, in whose reigns the events took place. ^

But it is in the reforms themselves, which Urukagina
introduced, that we find the most striking evidence of
the complete severance he made from the cherished
traditions of his predecessors. In a series of very
striking texts, of which we now possess three versions,^
he has left us a record of the changes he introduced in
the internal administration of the country. In the con-
dition in which at least two of these versions have come
down to us a literary artifice is employed, which enhances
and emphasizes in a remarkable degree the drastic
character of his reforms. Before enumerating these,
the writer provides a striking contrast by describing
tlie condition of the country which preceded their intro-
duction by the king. We are thus confronted with two
companion pictures, the main features of which corre-
spond, while their underlying characters are completely
changed. In the two sections of each text the general
phraseology is nuich the same, the difference consisting
in the fact that, while the first describes the oppression
and injustice which had existed in the state of Lagash
" since distant days, from the beginning," the second
section enumerates the reforms by which Urukagina
claimed that he had ameliorated the people's lot.
Though some of the references they contain are still
obscure, the texts afford us a welcome glimpse of the

' Oval Plaque, Col. IV., 11. 5 ff. The passap^e does not refer to Uruka-
gina's own reijsrn, as assumed by Meyer, "Geschichte," Bd. I., lift. II., p. 45G.

2 Cone A, Cones H and C, and the Oval Plaque ; see " Decouvertes en
Chaldee,'' PP- l.-lii., and I'liurcau Dangin, " Kouigsinscbriften," pp. 44 ff.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 179

economic conditions that prevailed in Siimer. In con-
trast to other royal inscriptions found at Tello, they
give us information concerning the daily life and occupa-
tions of the people ; and at the same time they reveal
beneath the official decorum of a Sumerian court an
amount of oppression and misery, the existence of Avhich
would not be suspected from tlie pious foundation-
inscriptions and votive texts of the period.

The conquests achieved by Lagash during the epoch
of the great patesis had undoubtedly added considerably
to the wealth of the city, and had given her, at least for
a time, the hegemony in Southern Babylonia. But with
the growth of her power as a state, she lost many of the
qualities by virtue of which her earlier successes were
achieved. The simplicity, which characterized the
patesi's household at a time when he was little more
than a chief among his fellows, was gradually exchanged
for the elaborate organization of a powerful court.
When the army returned laden with booty from distant
regions, and the tribute of conquered cities kept the
granaries of Ningirsu filled, it was but natural that
the rulers of Lagash should surround themselves with
greater luxury, and should enrich their city by the
erection of palaces for themselves and sumptuous
temples for the gods. The long lists of temples and
other buildings, which occupy the greater part of the
inscriptions left us by Ur-Nina and his descendants,
testify to their activity in this direction. It will be
obvious that the beautill cation of the capital, begun in an
era of conquest, could not be continued in less fortunate
times without putting a considerable strain upon the
resources of the state. In such circumstances the agricul-
tural section of the population were forced to contribute
the means for gratifying the ambition of their rulers.
New taxes were levied, and, to ensure their collection,
a host of inspectors and other officials were appointed
whose numbers would constantly tend to increase.
" Within the limits of the territory of Ningirsu," says
Urukagina, " there were inspectors down to the sea.'

" 1

' Cones B and C, Col. VII., 11. 12 ff. For an interesting discussion of
many of the official titles occurring on the tablets of the period, see
Genouillac, " Tabl. sum. arch.," pp. xxiii. ff.

ISO HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

The palace of the patesi thus began to usurp the
place in the national life which had formerly been
held by the temple of the city-god, and, while the
people found that the tithes due to the latter were
not diminished, they were fticed with additional taxa-
tion on all sides. Tax-gatherers and inspectors were
appointed in every district and for every class of the
population. The cultivators of the soil, the owners
of flocks and herds, the fishermen, and the boatmen
plying on the rivers and canals, were never free from
the rapacity of these officials, who, in addition to levying
their dues, appear to have billeted themselves on their
unfortunate victims. That corruption should have
existed in the ranks of his officials was but natural,
when the patesi himself set them an example in the
matter ; for Urukagina records that his predecessors
on the throne had appropriated the property of the
temples for their own use. The oxen of the gods,
he tells us, were employed for the irrigation of the
lands given to the patesi ; the good fields of the gods
formed the patesi's holding and his place of joy.^ The
priests themselves grew rich at the expense of the
temples, and plundered the people with impunity.
The asses and fine oxen which were temple-property
they carried off, they exacted additional tithes and
offerings, and throughout the country they entered
the gardens of the poor and cut down the trees or
carried off the fruits. But while so doing they kept
on good terms with the palace officials ; for Urukagina
records that the priests divided the temple-corn with
the people of the patesi, and brought them tribute in
garments, cloth, thread, vessels and objects of copper,
birds, kids, and the like.

Tlie misappropriation of temple-property, and par-
ticularly that of the city-god, afforded Urukagina the
pretext for inaugurating his reforms. He stood forth
as Ningirsu's champion, and by restoring the sacred
lands which had been seized by the palace, he proved
his own disinterestedness, and afforded his subjects an
example which he could insist upon their following.
He states that in the house of the patesi and in the

» Cones B and C, Col. IV., 11. 9 ff.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 181

field of the patesi he installed Ningirsu, their master ;
that in the house of the havini and in the field of the
harim he installed the goddess Bau, their mistress ; and
that in the house of the children and in the field of tlie
children he installed Dunshagga, their master/ In
these three phrases Urukagina not only records the
restoration of all the propert5% M'hich had formerly he-
longed to the temples dedicated to Ningirsu and his
family, but also reaffirms the old relation of the patesi
to the city-god. In the character of his representative
the patesi only received his throne as a trust to be
administered in the interest of the god ; his fields, and
goods, and all that he possessed were not his own
property but Ningirsu's.^

After carrying out these reforms, Urukagina pro-
ceeded to attack the abuses which existed among the
secular officials and the priests. He cut down the
numbers of the former, and abolished the unnecessary
posts and offices which pressed too hardly on the
people. The granary-inspectors, the fishery-inspectors,
the boat-inspectors, the inspectors of flocks and herds,
and, in fact, the army of officials who fsirmed the
revenue and made a good profit out of it themselves,
were all deprived of office. Abuses which had sprung
up and had obtained the recognition accorded to long-
established custom, were put down with a strong hand.
All those who had taken money in place of the
appointed tribute were removed from their posts, as
were those officials of the palace who had accepted
bribes from the priests. The priests themselves were
deprived of many of their privileges, and their scale
of fees was revised. Burial fees in particular were
singled out for revision, for they had become extor-
tionate ; they were now cut down by more than half.
In the case of an ordinary burial, when a corpse was
laid in the grave, it had been the custom for the
presiding priest to demand as a fee for himself seven
urns of wine or strong drink, four hundred and twenty
loaves of bread, one hundred and twenty measures of
corn, a garment, a kid, a bed, and a seat. This
formidable list of perquisites was now reduced to three

1 Cones B and C, Col. IX., 11. 7 ff. ^ Cf. Cone A, Col. V. (end).

182 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

urns of wine, eighty loaves of bread, a bed, and a kid,
while the fee of his assistant was cut down from sixty
to thirty measures of corn. Similar reductions were
made in other fees demanded by the priesthood, and
allowances of wine, loaves, and grain, which were paid
to various privileged classes and officials in Lagash,
were revised and regulated.

As was but natural, oppression and robbery had not
been confined to the priestly and official classes, but
were practised with impunity by the more powerful
and lawless sections of the population, with the result
that no man's property was safe. In the old days if
a man purchased a sheep and it was a good one, he
ran the risk of having it stolen or confiscated. If
he built himself a fish-pond, his fish were taken and he
had no redress. If he sunk a well in high ground
beyond the area served by the irrigation-canals, he
liad no security that his labour would be for his own
benefit. This state of things Urukagina changed, both
by putting an end to the extortions of officials and
by imposing drastic penalties for theft. At the same
time, he sought to protect by law the humbler classes
of his subjects from oppression by their wealthier and
more powerful neighbours. Thus he enacted that if
a good ass was foaled in the stable of any subject of the
king, and his superior should wish to buy it, he should
only do so by paying a fair price ; and if the OAvner
refused to part with it, his superior must not molest him.
Similarly, if the house of a great man lay beside that
of a humbler subject of the king and he wished to
buy it, he must pay a fair price ; and if the owner
was unwilling to sell it, he should have perfect liberty
to refuse without any risk to himself. The same desire
to lessen the hardships of the poorer classes is apparent
in other reforms of Urukagina, by which he modified the
more barbarous customs of earlier days. One instance
of such a reform appears to apply to the corvee, or
some kindred institution ; when engaged in a form of
forced labour, it had not been the custom to supply
the workers with water for drinking, nor even to allow
them to fetch it for themselves — a practice to which
Urukagina put a stop.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 183

The extent to whieli the common peoj)le had been
mulcted of their ])roperty by the oflicials of the palace is
well illustrated by two of Urukagina's reforms, from
\vhich it would appear that the patesi himself and his
chief minister, or grand vizir, had enriched themselves
by enforcing heavy and unjust fees. One instance
concerns the practice of divination by oil, which at this
time seems to have been a not uncommon method of
foretelling the future. If we may judge from inscrip-
tions of a rather later period, the procedure consisted in
pouring out oil upon the surffice of water, the different
forms taken by the oil on striking the water indicating
the course which events would take.^ To interpret
correctly the message of the oil a professional diviner
was required, and Urukagina relates that not only did
the diviner demand a fee of one shekel for his services,
but a similar fee had to be paid to the grand vizir, and
no less than five shekels to the patesi himself. That
these fees should have been keenly resented is in itself
a proof of the extent to which this form of divination
was practised. Urukagina tells us that after his acces-
sion the patesi, the vizir, and the diviner took money
no more ; and, since the latter's fee was also abolished,
we may probably infer that diviners were a recognized
class of tlie official priesthood, and were not allowed to
accept payment except in the form of offerings for the
temple to which they were attached.

The otlier matter in which it had been the custom

of the patesi and his vizir to accept fees was one in

which the evil effects of the practice are more obvious.

Urukagina tells us that under the old regime^ if a man

put away his wife, the patesi took for himself five shekels

\ of silver and the grand vizir one. It is possible that,

/ upon their first introduction, these fees were defended

/ as being a deterrent to divorce. But in practice tliey

/ had the contrary effect. Divorce could be obtained on

no grounds whatever by the payment of what was

V practically a bribe to the officials, with the result that

the obligations of the marriage tie were not respected.

» See "Cun. Texts in the Brit. Mns.," Pt. III., pi. 2 ff'., Pt. V., j.l. 4 ff.,
and cf. Hunger, " Becherwahrsagung bei den Babylonierii," in "Leipzig
Semit. Stud.," I., 1.

184 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

The wives of aforetime, according to Uriikagina, were

possessed by two men with impunity. AVhile abohsh-

ing the official fees for divorce, it is probable that

Urukagina drew up regulations to ensure that it was

^not abused, and that compensation, when merited,

should be paid to the woman. On the other hand, we

/have evidence tliat he inflicted severe punishment for

/ intidelity on the part of the wife, and we may assume

that by this means he attempted to stamp out practices

which were already beginning to be a danger to the

existence of the community.

It is interesting to note that the laws referred to by
Urukagina, in giving an account of the changes he
introduced, are precisely similar in form to those we
lind upon the Code of Hammurabi.^ This fact furnishes
definite proof, not only that Hammurabi codified the
legislation of earlier times, but also that this legislation
itself was of Sumerian origin.^ It is probable that
Urukagina himself, in introducing his reforms, revived
the laws of a still earlier age, which had been allowed to
fall into disuse. As Hammurabi ascribed the origin of
his laws to the Sun-god, whom he represents upon his
stele as reciting them to, him, so Urukagina regards his
reforms as due to the direct intervention of Ningirsu,
his king, whose word it was he caused to dwell in the
land ;^ and it was not with his people but with Ningirsu
that he drew up the agreement to observe them.* Like
Hammurabi, too, Urukagina boasts that he is the
champion of the weak against the strong ; and he tells
us that in place of the servitude, which had existed in
his kingdom, he established liberty." He spoke, and
delivered the children of Lagash from want, from theft,

^ On this point cf. also Cuq, " Nouvelle revue liistorique,'' 1908, p. 485.

2 Tlie principal argument for its Semitic origin was based on a misrender-
ing oi gnlilhu (see Meyer, " Sum. und Sem.," p. 24, n. 3, and cf. " Geschichte,"
I. 2, p. 512).

8 Cones B and C, Col. VIII., 11. 10 ff. •» B and C, Col. XII., 11. 20 ff.

6 Cf. Cone A, Col. VII., and Cones B and C, Col. XII., 1. 21 f. The phrase
does not imply that slavery was aholislied, but that abuses were put down iu
the administration of the state. The employment of slaves naturally continued
to be a recognized institution as in earlier and later periods. In fact, tablets
of this epoch prove that not only private persons, but also temples could
possess slaves, and, like domestic animals, they could be dedicated to a god
for life, 'ilius eight male and three female slaves are mentioned in a list of
oflFerings made by Amattar-sirsirra, a daugliter of Urukagina, to the god
Mesandn (cf. Genouillac, "Orient. Lit -Zoit.," IDOO, col. 110 f.).

TTTE FALL OF LAGASH 185

from murder and other ills. In his reign, he says, to
tlie widow and the orplian the strong man did no
harm.^

Urukagina's championship of Ningirsu's rights is
reflected, not only in his rct'orms, but also in the build-
ings he erected during his reign. Thus we find it
recorded that, in addition to his great temple E-ninnu,
he built or restored two other temples in his honour, his
palace of Tirash, and his great storehouse. Other
temples were erected in honour of Bau, his wife, and
of Dunshagga and Galalim, two of Ningirsu's sons, the
latter of v/hom is first mentioned in Urukagina's texts.
To Khegir, one of the seven virgin daughters of Ningirsu,
he dedicated a shrine, and he built another in honour of
three of her sisters, Zarzari, Impae, and Urnuntaea ; a
third was dedicated to Ninsar, Ningirsu's sword-bearer.
It may thus be inferred that Urukagina's building
operations were mainly devoted to temples and shrines
of the city-god Ningirsu, and to those dedicated to
members of his family and household. Like Eannatum
and Entemena, he also improved the water-supply of the
city, and cut a canal, or more probably improved an old
one, for bringing water to the quarter of the city named
Nina. In connection with it he constructed a reservoir,
with a capacity of eighteen hundred and twenty gu7\
which he made, he tells us, "like the midst of the sea."'
The small canal of Girsu he also repaired, and he revived
its former name, " Ningirsu is prince in Nippur."^ This
furnishes another instance of his policy of restoring to
Ningirsu honours and privileges of which he had been
deprived. The reference to Nippur is of interest, for it
susfcrests that Urukacjina maintained active relations
with the central cult of Sumer and the north, an
inference confirmed by his rebuilding of Enhl's temple
in Lagash, which had been previously built by
Entemena.

Allusions to cities other than Lagash and its com-
ponent parts in Urukagina's inscriptions are few, and

1 Cones B and C, Col. XII., 11. 23 ff.

2 Cf. Brick, Col IV., Cone A, Col. III., 1. 10, and Cones B and C, Col. II.,
U. 11 fF.

3 Cones B and C, Col. XII., 11. 29 ff.

186 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

tliose that do occur fail to throw much hght upon tlie
relations he maintained with other city-states. A small
object of clay in the form of an oliv^e - has been found,
which bears the votive inscription : " Ningirsu speaks
good words with Bau concerning Urukagina in the
temple of Erech," — a phrase that seems to imply a claim
on the part of Lagash to suzerainty over that city.
Another votive object of the same class mentions the
fortification of the wall of E-babbar,^ but the reference
here is probably not to the famous temple of the Sun-
god at Larsa, but to his smaller temple of this name,
which stood in Lagash and was afterwards desecrated by
the men of Umma. The only other foreign city
mentioned in Urukagina's inscriptions is Umma itself,
whose relations to Lagash in the reigns of Enannatum I.
and Entemena are briefly recorded.* The text of the
passage is broken, but we may surmise that the short
summary of events was intended to introduce an account
of Urukagina's own relations with that city. We may
note the fact, which this reference proves, that the
subsequent descent of the men of Umma upon Lagash
and their capture and sack of the city were the result of
friction, and possibly of active hostility, during at least
a portion of Urukagina's reign.

From Urukagina's own texts we thus do not gather
much information with regard to the extent of the
empire of Lagash under his rule. That he did not
neglect the actual defences of his city may be inferred
from his repair of the wall of Girsu ; it is clear, how-
ever, that his interest was not in foreign conquest, nor
even in maintaining the existing limits of his dominion,
but in internal reform. He devoted all his energies to
purifying the administration of his own land, and to
stamping out the abuses under which for so long the
people had suffered. That he benefited the land as a
whole, and earned the gratitude of his poorer subjects,
there can be no doubt ; but it is to his reforms them-
selves that we may trace the immediate cause of the
downfall of his kingdom. For his zeal had led him to

' Olive A ; cf. " Decouvortes," p. 1., and " Konigsiuschriften," p. 44 f.

^ Olive C ; " Konigslnschriften," p. 4i f.

' Oval riaque, Col. IV., the end of which is wanting ; cf. p. 178, u. 1.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 187

destroy the long-established metliods of government,
and, though he thereby put an end to corruption, lie
tailed to provide an adequate sul)stitute to take their
place. The host of officials he abolished or dispossessed
of office had belonged to a military administration,
which had made the name of Lagash feared, and they
had doubtless been organized with a view to ensuring
the stability and protection of the state. Their dis-
appearance mattered little in times of peace ; though,
even so, Urukagina must have had trouble with the
various powerful sections of the population whom he
had estranged. When war threatened he must have
found himself without an army and without the means
of raising one. To this cause we may probably trace
the completeness of Umma's victory.

From what we know of the early history of Sumer,
it would appear that most of its city-states were subject
to alternate periods of expansion and decay ; and we
have already seen reason to believe that, before the
reign of Urukagina, tlie reaction had already set in,
which must inevitably have followed the conquests of
the earlier patesis. The struggle for the throne, which
appears to have preceded Urukagina's accession, must
have weakened still further the military organization of
the state ; and when Urukagina himself, actuated by
the best of motives, attempted to reform and remodel
its entire constitution, he rendered it still more defence-
less before the attack of any resolute foe. The city of
Umma was not slow to take advantage of so favourable
an opportunity for strikmg at her ancient rival. Hither-
to in their wars with Lagash the men of Umma, so far
as we know, had never ventured, or been allowed, to
attack the city. In earlier days Umma had always
been defeated, or at any rate her encroachments had
been checked. It is true that in the records that have
come down to us the men of Umma are represented
as always taking the initiative, and provoking hos-
tilities by crossing the frontier-ditch which marked the
limit of their possessions. But they nev^er aimed at
more than the seizure of territory, and the patesi of
Lagash was always strong enough to check their
advance, and generally to expel them, before they

188 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

reached the city itself. Indeed, Entcmena had done
more than this, and, by his capture and annexation of
Umma, had crippled for a time the resources of this
ambitious little state. At what period exactly Umma
repudiated the suzerainty he had imposed is not known ;
but in any case we may conclude that the effects of the
chastisement she had received at his hands were suffi-
cient to prevent for a time any active encroachments
on her part.

The renewed activity of Umma during Urukagina's
reign doubtless followed the lines of her earlier attempts,
and took the form of a raid into the territory of Lagash.
The comparative success, which we may conjecture she
achieved on this occasion, doubtless encouraged her to
further efforts, and emboldened her patesi to attack the
city of Lagash itself. The ruler of Umma, under whose
leadership this final attack was delivered, bore the name
of Lugal-zaggisi. From an inscription of his own, to
which further reference will be made in the following
chapter, we learn that his father Ukush had been patesi
of Umma before him. We may thus assume that the
city had for some time enjoyed a position of indepen-
dence, of which she had taken advantage to husband
her resources and place her army on a satisfactory
footing. In any case it was strong enough to overcome
any opposition that Urukagina could offer, and the city
of Lagash, which had been beautified and enriched by
the care of a long line of successful rulers, was laid
waste and spoiled.

The document from which we learn details of the
sack of Lagash is a strange one.^ It closely resembles
in shape and writing the tablets of household accounts
from the archive of the patesis, which date from the
reigns of Urukagina and his immediate predecessors ; ^
but the text inscribed upon it consists of an indictment
of the men of Umma, drawn up in a series of short
sentences, which recapitulate the deeds of sacrilege
committed by them. It is not a royal nor an official
inscription, and, so far as one can judge from its position

1 See Thureau Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., pp. 20 ff., " Ktinigs-
iuscliriften," pp. 56 fF.

2 See above, p. 169 f.

THE FALL OF LAGASH 189

■when discovered by Commandant Cros, it does not seem
to have been stored in any regular arcliive or depository.
For it was unearthed, at a depth of about two metres
below the surface of the soil, to the north of the mound
which covered the most ancient constructions at Tcllo,^
and no other tablets were found near it. Both from its
form and contents the document would appear to have
been the work of some priest, or scribe, who had
formerly been in Urukagina's service ; and we may
picture him, after the sack of the city, giving vent to
his feelings by enumerating the sacred buildings which
had been profaned by the men of Umma, and laying
the weight of the great sin committed upon the head
of the goddess whom they and their patesi served.
That the composition was written shortly after the fall
of Lagash may be held to explain the absence of any
historical setting or introduction ; the city's destruc-
tion and the profanation of her shrines have so recently
taken place that the writer has no need to explain the
circumstances. He plunges at once into his accusations
against the men of Umma, and the very abruptness of
his style and the absence of literary ornament render
their delivery more striking. The repetition of phrases
and the recurrent use of the same formulce serve only
to heighten the cumulative effect of the charges he
brings against the destroyers of his city.

" The men of Umma," he exclaims, " have set lire
to the Eki[kala] ; they have set fire to the Antasurra ;
they have carried away the silver and the precious
stones ! They have shed blood in the palace of Tirash ;
they have shed blood in the Abzu-banda ; they have
shed blood in the shrine of Enlil and in the shrine of
the Sun-god ; tliey have shed blood in the Akhush ;
they have carried away the silver and tiie precious
stones ! They have shed blood in E-babbar ; they
have carried away the silver and the precious stones !
They have shed blood in the Gikana of the goddess
Ninmakh of the Sacred Grove ; they have carried
away the silver and the precious stones ! They have
shed blood in the Baga ; they have carried away the
silver and the precious stones 1 They have set fire to

1 Tell K ; see above, pp. 19 f., 90 ff.

100 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the Dugru ; they have carried away the silver and the
precious stones 1 They have shed blood in Abzu-ega ;
they have set fire to the temple of Gatumdiig ; they
have carried away the silver and the precious stones,
and have destroyed the statue 1 They have set fire to
the ... of the temple E-onna of the goddess Ninni ;
they have carried away the silver and the precious
stones, and have destroyed the statue 1 They have
shed blood in the Shagpada ; they have carried away
the silver and the precious stones ! In the Khenda . . . ;
they have shed blood in Kiab, the temple of Nindar ;
they have carried away the silver and the precious
stones 1 They have set fire to Kinunir, the temple of
Dumuzi-abzu ; they have carried away the silver and
the precious stones ! They have set fire to the temple
of Lugal-uru ; they have carried away the silver and the
precious stones ! They have shed blood in the temple
E-engur, of the goddess Nina ; they have carried away
the silver and the precious stones I They have shed
blood in the Sag . . ., the temple of Amageshtin ; the
silver and precious stones of Amageshtin have they
carried away ! They have removed the grain from
Ginarbaniru, from the field of Ningirsu, all of it that
was under cultivation ! The men of Umma, by the
despoiling of Lagash, have committed a sin against the
god Ningirsu ! The power that is come unto them,
from them shall be taken away ! Of sin on the part
of Urukagina, king of Girsu, there is none. But as
for Lugal-zaggisi, patesi of Umma, ma)^ his goddess
Nidaba bear this sin upon her head ! "

It will be noticed that, in addition to the temples
in the list, the wTiter mentions several buildings of a
more secular character,^ but the majority of these were
attached to tlie great temples and were used in con-
nection with the produce from the sacred lands. Thus
the Antasurra, the palace of Tirash, the Akhush, the
Baga, and the Dugru were all dedicated to the service
of Ningirsu, the Abzu-banda and the Shagpada to the
goddess Nina, and the Abzu-ega to Gatumdug. The
text does not record the destruction of the king's
palace, or of private dwellings, but there can be little

* Cf. Genouillac, "Tabl. sum. arch.," pp. xv., ii. 12, xli.

THE FALL OF LAGASII 191

doubt tliat the whole city was sacked, and the greater
part of it destroyed by Hre. The writer of the tablet
is mainly concerned with the sacrilege committed in
the temples of the gods, and with the magnitude of
the offence against Ningirsu. He can find no reason
for the wrongs the city has suffered in any transgression
on the part of Urukagina, its king ; for Ningirsu has
had no cause to be angry with his representative. All
he can do is to protest his belief that the city-god will
one day be avenged upon the men of Umma and tlieir
goddess Nidaba. Meanwhile Lagash lay desolate, and
Umma inherited the position she had held among the
cities of Southern Babylonia. We know that in course
of time the city rose again from her ruins, and that the
temples, which had been laid waste and desecrated,
were rebuilt in even greater splendour. But, as a state,
Ijagash appears never to have recovered from the blow
dealt her by Lugal-zaggisi. At any rate, she never
again enjoyed the authority which she wielded under
the rule of her great patesis.

CHAPTER VII

EARLY RULERS OF SUMER AND KINGS OF KISH

THE sack and destruction of Lagash, which has
been described in the preceding chapter, closes
an epoch, not only in the fortunes of that city,
but also in the history of the lands of Sumer and
Akkad. AVhen following the struggles of the early
city-states, we have hitherto been able to arrange our
material in strict chronological order by the help of a
nearly unbroken succession of rulers, whose inscriptions
have been recovered during the French excavations at
Tello. These have enabled us to reconstruct the history
of Lagash herself in some detail, and from the references
they furnish to other great cities it has been possible
to estimate the influence she exerted from time to time
among her neighbours. It is true that the records, from
which our information is derived, were drawn up by the
rulers of I^agash whose deeds they chronicle, and are
naturally far from being impartial authorities. A victory
may sometimes have been claimed, when the facts may
not have fully justified it; and to this extent we have
been forced to view the history of Sumer and of Akkad
from the standpoint of a single city. Had the sites of
other cities yielded as rich a harvest as Tello, it is
probable that otlier states would be found to have
played no less important parts. But in any case it
may be regarded as certain that for a time at least
Lagash enjoyed the hegemony which it was the
ambition of every state of Sumer and Akkad to possess.
This leading position had been definitely secured to
her by the conquests of Eannatum, and, although
under his successors her influence may have diminished,

192

RULERS OF 8UMER AND KTSH 193

it must have still remained considerable until the
victory of Umma put an end to it.

Lugal-zaggisi, the conqueror of I^agash, is mentioned
by name in the doeinnent from which our knowledge
of the catastrophe is derived. The unknown writer of
that composition, as we have already seen, assigns to
him the title " patesi of Unnna," and, had we no other
information concerning him, we might perhaps have
concluded that his success against the ancient rival of
his own city was merely an isolated achievement. In
the long-continued struggle between these neighbour-
ing states Umma had finally proved victorious, and the
results of this victory might have been regarded as of
little more than local importance.^ But, even before the
discovery of the record, Lugal-zaggisi's name was known
as that of a great conqueror, and it will be seen that his
defeat of Urukagina was only one step in a career of
conquest^ in the course of which he subdued the whole
of Sumer and consolidated a dominion as great as, if not
greater than, any hitherto acquired by the ruler of a
city-state. The inscription from which we obtain our
knowledge of Lugal-zaggisi's career is engra\xd upon a
number of fragments of vases, made of white calcite
stalagmite, which were discovered at Nippur during the
excavations carried out by the University of Pennsyl-
vania. All the vases were broken into small pieces, but,
as each had been engraved with the same inscription, it
was found possible, by piecing the fragments together,
to reconstruct a more or less complete copy of the text.^
From this we learn that I^ugal-zaggisi had dedicated the
vases to Enlil, and had deposited them as votive
offerings in the great temple of E-kur.

Fortunately, Lugal-zaggisi prefaces his record of
their dedication with a long list of his own titles and
achievements, which make up the greater part of the
inscription. From this portion of the text we gather

' It lias indeed been suggested that, as Urukagina is termed " King of
Girsu" ill the lament on the fall of Lagash, he may have survived the
catastroplie and continued to rule as king in (iirsu (cf. Genouiilac, "'J'al)l.
sum. arch.," p. xvi.) ; but it is scarcely probable that Lugal-zaggisi, after
sacking and burning the greater part of the city, would have permitted him
to do so.

2 See Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. II., No. 87, pU. 38 ff. ; Thureau-
Dangiu, "Kouigsiuschriften," pp. 152 ff.

194 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

considerable information M'ith regard to the cities under
his control, and the limits of the empire to which he
laid claim at the time the record was drawn up. The
text opens with an enumeration of the royal titles, in
which Lugal-zaggisi is described as " King of Erech,
king of the land, priest of Ana, prophet of Nidaba ;
the son of Ukush, patesi of Umma, the prophet of
Nidaba ; he who was favourably regarded by Ana,
the king of the lands ; the great patesi of Enlil ;
endowed with understanding by Enki ; whose name
was spoken by Babbar (tlie Sun-god) ; the chief minister
of Enzu (the iMoon-god) ; the representative of Babbar ;
the patron of Ninni ; the son of Nidaba, who was
nourished with holy milk by Ninkharsag ; the servant
of the god Mes, wlio is the priest of Erech ; the pupil of
Ninabukhadu, the mistress of Erech ; the great minister
of the gods." ^ Lugal-zaggisi then goes on to state in
general terms the limits of his dominion. " When the
god Enlil, the king of the lands," he says, *' had
bestowed upon Lugal-zaggisi the kingdom of the land,
and had granted him success in the eyes of the land, and
when his might had cast the lands down, and he had
conquered them from the rising of the sun unto the
setting of the same, at that time he made straight his
path from the Lower Sea (over) the Euphrates and the
Tigris ^ unto the Upper Sea. From the rising of the
sun unto the setting of the same has Enlil granted him
dominion. . . ."^ It is to Enlil, the chief of the gods,
that, in accordance with the practice of the period, he
ascribes the dominion which has been granted him to
administer.

The phrases in which Lugal-zaggisi defines the
limits of his empire are sufficiently striking, and it will
be necessary to enquire into their exact significance.
But before doing so it will be weU to continue quoting
from the inscription, which proceeds to describe the
benefits which the king has conferred upon different
cities of his realm. Referring to the peace and

1 Col. I., 11. 4-35.

2 This rentlering is preferable to " the Lower Sea (of^ the Euphrates and
the Tigris."

3 Col. I., 1. 36— Col. II., 1. 16.

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISII 195

prosperity wliicli characterized I^iigal-zaggisi's reign, the
record states that '* he caused tlie lands to dwell in
security, he watered the land witli waters of joy. In
the shrines of Sunier did they set him up to he tlic patesi
of the lands, and in Erech (they appointed him) to be
chief priest. xVt that time he made Erech bright with
joy ; like a bull he raised the head of Ur to heaven ;
Larsa, the beloved city of the Sun-god, he watered with
waters of joy ; Umma, the beloved city of the god . . .,
he raised to exalted power ; as a ewe that . . . her
lamb, has he made TS' inni-esh resplendent ; the summit
of Kianki has he raised to heaven."^ Then follows the
votive portion of the text and the prayer of dedication,
with which for the moment we have no concern.

From the extracts which have been quoted from
Lugal-zaggisi's inscription, it will have been seen that he
claims a jurisdiction far wdder than might have been
expected to belong to a patesi of Umma. But the text
itself explains the apparent discrepancy, and shows that,
while Lugal-zaggisi's inheritance was a patesiate, he
won by his own exertions the empire over which he
subsequently ruled. It will be noticed that while
he claims for himself the titles " King of Erech " and
" king of the land," i.e. of Sumer, he ascribes to his
father Ukush only the title " patesi of Umma." It is
therefore clear that his father's authority did not reach
beyond the limits of his native city, and we may
conclude that such was the extent of the patesiate of
Umma when Lugal-zaggisi himself came to the throne.
The later titles, which he assumes on the vases found at
Nippur, prove tliat at the time they were inscribed he
had already established his autliority throughout Sumer
and had removed his seat of government from Umma
to Erech. That the latter city had become his capital
is clear from the precedence which he gives to the
designation " King of Erech " over his other titles of
honour ; and, in accordance with this change of resi-
dence, he details the new relations into which he has
entered with the deities of that city. Thus he is the
servant of Mes and the pupil of Ninabukhadu, tlie
divine priest and the mistress of Erech ; and in a special

1 Col. II., 1. 17-Col. 111,1. 2.

196 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

sense he has become tlie putron of Xiiiiii, the chief seat
of whose worship was at Erech, in her great temple
E-anna. Ann, too, the fatlier of the gods, had his
temple in Erech, and so Lugal-zaggisi naturally became
liis priest and enjoyed his special favour. It was pro-
bably in consequence of Ana's close connection with his
new capital that I^ugal-zaggisi ascribes to him the title
*' king of tlie lands," which by right belonged only to
Enlil of Xi})})ur ; and we may note that in the prayer of
dedication on the vases it is with Ana that Enlil is
besouijfht to intercede on belialf of the king/

Although Lugal-zaggisi had changed his capital and
no longer continued to use his father's title as patesi of
Umma, he naturally did not neglect his native city ;
moreover, he retained the title '* propliet of Nidaba,"
and thereby continued to claim the protection of the
city-goddess, who, before his recent victories, had been
his patroness and that of his father before him. He
even emphasized his dependence upon her by styling
himself her son, and in another passage he boasts that
he had raised the city of Umma to power. High in
his favour also stood Ur, the city of the Moon-god, and
Larsa, the city of the Sun-god ; and the less-known
cities of Ninni-esh and Kianki are also selected for
mention as having been specially favoured by him. At
first sight it is not clear on what principle the names of
these cities are selected from among all those in the
land of Sumer, which were presumably within the circle
of his authority. That Erech, Ur, and Larsa should be
referred to is natural enough, for they were close to one
anotlier, and would thus form the centre and nucleus of
his dominion ; and the king Avould naturally devote
himself to improving their canalization and beautifying
them by the erection of new buildings. It is not im-
probable that we may explain the mention of Ninni-esh
and Kianki on the same principle : they probably stood
in the immediate neighbourliood of the three greater
cities, or of Umma, and tlms participated in tlie benefits
which they enjoyed.

In any case, the absence of a city's name from
Lugal-zaggisi's list is not necessarily to be taken as

* See below, p. I'M

RULERS OF SUMER AXD KLSH 197

impl\ini)- that it was not included within tlie hniits of
his dominion. This is proved by tlie tact that I.a^ash
is not referred to, altliongh it was proba])ly one of his
earhest eonquests. In fact, tlie king's object in corn-
posing the earlier part of his inscription was not to give
an accurate analysis of the extent and condition of his
empire, but merely to enumerate the cities he had
particularly favoured, and to record the names of those
deities with whom he stood in particularly close relations.
For instance, we may conclude that although the city
of Eridu is not referred to by name, it nevertheless
formed part of Lugal-zaggisi's kingdom. There is thus
every reason to regard his dominion as having been
co-extensive with the whole of Sumer, and his title
" king of the land " was probably based on a confedera-
tion of all the Sumerian city-states.

A more difficult problem is presented by what at
first sight appears to be a claim to a still wider empire,
which follows Lugal-zaggisi's titles at the end of the
first and the beginning of the second column of his
inscription. He here states that, after Enlil had be-
stowed on him the kingdom of the land (that is, of
Sumer), and had granted him success in the eyes of the
land, and when his might had cast the lands down and he
had conquered them from East to West, at that time
Enlil " made straight his path from the Lower Sea
(over) the Euphrates and the Tigris unto the Upper
Sea."' The J^ower Sea is clearly the Persian Gulf,
and by the Upper Sea it is probable that the Medi-
terranean is intended, rather than Lake Urmi or Lake
Van. On the basis of this passage I^ugal-zaggisi has
been credited with having consolidated and ruled an
empire extending from the Persian Gulf to the shores
of the Mediterranean.'^ In other words, he would have
included Akkad and Syria along with Sumer within
the limits of his rule.

It is true that Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad, at a rather
later period, did succeed in establishing an empire of

S?PP 3.DOVP T^ 1^4

2 See Hilprecht, " Explorations in Bible Lanf!?," p. 384. In connection
with this view, his earlier theory that Umma was llarran (cf. " Old Bab.
Inscr.," Pt. II., pp. 54 ff.) he has, of course, given up.

198 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

this extent, but there are difficulties in the way of
crediting Lugal-zaggisi with a Hke achievement. For
Erech, the capital of his kingdom, was in Southern
Babylonia, and, unlike the city of Akkad, was not well
adapted to form the centre of an administrative area
extending so far to the north and west. JNIoreover,
the actual phrase employed by Lugal-zaggisi does not
necessarily imply a claim to dominion within these
regions, but may be taken as commemorating little
more than a victorious raid, during w^hich he may have
penetrated to tlie Syrian coast. Such an expedition,
so far as we know, must have marked a new departure
from the policy hitherto followed by the rulers of
Sumerian city-states, and its successful prosecution
would have fully justified the language in Avhich it is
recorded. In view of these considerations, it is prefer-
able to regard I^ugal-zaggisi's kingdom, in the strict
sense of the word, as having been confined to Sumer.
Of his relations to Akkad and the northern cities we
have no evidence on which to form an opinion. We
shall presently see reasons for believing that at about
this period, or a little later, the state of Kish secured
the hegemony in Northern Babylonia, and, in view of
the absence of any reference to it in Lugal-zaggisi's
inscription, we may perhaps conclude that in his time
the city had already laid the foundations of its later
power.

It was probably after his successful return from the
long expedition in the north-west that Lugal-zaggisi
deposited his vases as votive offerings within Enlil's
shrine at Nippur, and engraved upon them the inscrip-
tions from which we obtain our information concerning
his reign. In the third column of his text he states
that he has dedicated them to Enlil, after having made
due offerings of loaves in Nippur and having poured out
pure water as a libation. He then adds a prayer of
dedication, in which he prays for life for himself, and
peace for his land, and a large army. " May Enlil, the
king of the lands," he says, " pronounce my prayer
to Ana, his beloved father ! To my life may he add
life I May he cause the lands to dwell in security 1
Warriors as numerous as the grass may he grant me in

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISTT 199

abundance! Of the celestial folds may he take care I
May he look with kindness on the land (of Sumer) !
May the gods not alter the good destiny tliey have
assigned to me I May I always be the shepherd, who
leads (his flock) I " ' We may regard it as typical of the
great conqueror that he should pray for a supply of
warriors " as numerous as the grass."

It is fortunate for our knowledge of early Sumerian
history that the shrine of Enlil at Nippur should have
been the depository for votive offerings, brought thither
by the rulers of city-states to commemorate their
victories. Of the inscribed objects of this class that
were recovered at Nippur during the American excava-
tions on that site, by far the most important are the
vase-fragments of Lugal-zaggisi, which have already
been described. But others were found, Aviiich, though
supplying less detailed information, are of considerable
value, since they furnish the names of other rulers of
Sumer, who may probably be grouped wutli lAigal-
zaggisi. Two kings of this period are I^ugal-kigub-
nidudu and Lugal-kisalsi, each of whom bore the
title " King of Erech" and " King of Ur," wliile the
former, like Lugal-zaggisi, styles himself in addition
"king of the land," i.e. of Sumer. Their inscriptions
were found in the mound of Nippur at about the same
level as the vase-fragments of Lugal-zaggisi, and a
comparison of the characters employed in each set of
texts suggests that they date from about the same
period.

That Lugal-kigub-nidudu aad Lugal-kisalsi are in
any case to be set before the time of Shar-Gani-sharri
of Akkad is proved by the fact that one of the rough
blocks of diorite, which the former had dedicated to
Enlil after inscribing his name upon it, was afterwards
used by Shar-Gani-sharri as a door-socket in the temple
he erected at Nippur.^ Whether they lived still earlier
than Lugal-zaggisi it is difficult to decide. The longest
inscription of Lugal-kigub-nidudu which has been
recovered is engraved upon a vase which he deposited
as a votive offering in Enlil's temple, and from the

» Col. III., 11. 14—30.

^ See Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. I., p. 47, No. 1 ; Pt. H., p. 46.

200 HISTORY OF SUMER AXD AKKAD

introductory phrases preceding the dedication it would
appear that he founded a kingdom, or at any rate
enlarged one which he already possessed. " When
Enlil, the king of the lands," the passage runs, " (had
spoken) to Lugal-kigub-nidudu and had addressed a
favourable word to him, and had united the dominion
with the kingdom, of Erech he made a dominion, of
Ur he made a kingdom."^ It would thus seem that
Lugal-kigub-nidudu had at first been possessed of
only one of the two cities, Erech or Ur, and that
he subsequently acquired the other, probably by con-
quest, and proceeded to rule them both under separate
administrations.

Too much emphasis is not to be set on the fact that
he describes his rule of Erech as a lordship or a
dominion, while he styles that of Ur a kingdom ; for
the difference in these phrases was not very marked in
the pre-Sargonic period, and it is to be noted that Erech
is mentioned before Ur. Moreover, Lugal-kisalsi assigns
the title " King of Erech " as well as " King of Ur " to
his predecessor as to himself, and, since he places the
former title first, it is probable that Erech and not
Ur was their capital. But even on this assumption it
does not follow that Erech was Lugal-kigub-nidudu's
native city, for we have seen that when Lugal-zaggisi
conquered Sumer he transferred his capital to Erech,
and I^ugal-kigub-nidudu may have done the same.
The fact that at a later period Gudea, when rebuilding
the temple E-ninnii, came across a stele of Eugal-
kisalsi ^ suggests that he exercised authority over
Lagash ; and we may probably conclude that both he
and Lugal-kigub-nidudu included the principal cities
of Southern Babylonia under their sway. That Lugal-
kisalsi followed and did not precede Lugal-kigub-nidudu
upon the dual throne of Erech and Ur is certain from one
of his votive inscriptions,^ which contains a reference to
the earlier king. The beginning of the text is wanting,
so that it is not clear whether he mentions him as
his father or in some other connection. In any case

» "Old Bab. Inscr.,"Pt. II., No. 6, p. 57 f. ; " Konigsinschrifteii," p. 166 f.

2 See below, Chap. IX., p. 2(58.

» " Old Bab. Inscr.," PtII., No. 80 6, pi. 37, p. 68.

RULERS OF SUMER ATs^D KISII 201

we may assume tliat he followed him at no long
interval ; but it is not yet certain wliether we are to
set their reigns in Sumer before or after that of Lugal-
zaggisi.

The same uncertainty applies to another ruler of
this period, ^vho bore the name of Enshagkushanna
and assumed the titles "lord of Sumer " and "kins: of
the land." Two of his inscriptions have been recovered
upon fragments of vases, which were found at Nippur
at the same level as those already described, and one of
these is of considerable interest, for it gives us the name
of an enemy of Sumer who has already bulked largely
in the earlier history of Lagash/ The inscription in
question consists of only a few words, and reads :
" Enshagkushanna has vowed to Enlil the booty of
Kish, the wicked."^ It is clear from the epithet applied
to Kish that at this period, as in the time of Eannatum,
the northern city was a terror to the Sumerian states in
the south, and we may assume that war between them
was not of infrequent occurrence. It was after some
successful raid or battle in the north that Enshag-
kushanna dedicated a portion of the spoil to Enlil in
his temple of E-kur. Similar fragments of vases have
been found at Nippur, the inscriptions upon which
testify to other successes against Kish, achieved by a
king of Sumer, who probably reigned at a period rather
earlier than Enshagkushanna, Lugal-kigub-nidudu, and
even Lugal-zaggisi.

Although fragments of no less than four of his vase-
inscriptions have been discovered,^ the name of this
Sumerian king unfortunately does not occur on any
one of them. In the longest of the texts he takes the
title of "king," and in the gap that follows we may
probably restore the phrase " of the land," that is, of
Sumer ; on two of them, like the other Sumerian kings
we have referred to, he ascribes his installation in the
government of the country to Enlil, the god of Nippur.
AH four inscriptions were drawn up on the same
occasion, and commemorate a striking ^dctory this

' See above, pp. 99 ff., 144 ff.

2 " Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. II., pi. 43, Nos. 91 and 92.

3 Op. cit., PI. 45 i., Nos. 102-105, 110.

202 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

unknown Sumerian ruler had achieved over the northern
cities of Kish and Opis. Of the two conquered cities
Kish was clearly the more important, for its devastation
is recorded in each of the texts, whereas Opis is only
mentioned in one of them. Each city was ruled by
a separate king, w^hose overthrow is recorded on the
vases, but, since they were defeated in the same battle,
we may conjecture that they formed the centre of a
single confederation or dominion, of which Kish was
the head. In two of the texts the king of Kish is
referred to, not only by his title, but by name, and,
since he bore the Semitic name of Enbi-Ishtar, we may
conclude that at this period Kish, and probably Opis
and other northern cities, were already under Semitic
domination. In the war these cities were waging with
the south, the vases record what appears to have been a
serious check to the increase of Semitic influence and
power. For not only was Enbi-Ishtar defeated, but
both Kish and Opis were sacked, and the Sumerian
king returned southward laden with booty, including
statues, precious metals, and rare stones. The vases
on which he recorded his victory formed part of the
spoil captured in the north. They were fashioned of
wliite calcite stalagmite, dark brown sandstone, and
dark brown tufa or igneous rock. In the land of
Sumer, where stone was a rare commodity, these were
highly prized objects, and they formed a fitting thank-
offering for presentation at Enlil's shrine.

We have already referred to the question as to the
nationality of the still earlier kings of Kish, JNIesilim
and his successors, some of wliom we know to have
been contemporary with the earlier rulers of Lagash.
At that period the northern city had already succeeded
in imposing its autliority upon some of the city-states of
Sumer, and later on both Kish and Opis are proved to
have been engaged in active warfare in the south. Too
little evidence is available for determining definitely
whether these earlier kings and patesis were of Sumerian
or Semitic stock, but there is much to be said in favour
of regarding the later conflicts between the north and
south as merely a continuation of the earlier struggle.
With Enbi-Ishtar we meet at any rate with a name

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISII 203

that is genuinely Semitic,' and we sliall presently see
reasons for believing that other Semitic kings of Kish,
whose inscriptions and monuments have been recovered,
should be placed in the same period. According to
this view, as we have already pointed out,*^ the first
Semitic immigration into Nortliern Babylonia, or
^Vkkad, is not to be synchronized with the empire ol
Akkad, which was founded by Shar-Gani-sharri and
consolidated by Naram-Sin. In spite of the absence
of Semitic idiom from the few short votive inscriptions
of the earlier kings of Kish that have as yet been found,
the possibility must not be disregarded that they too
date from a period of Semitic and not of Sumerian
domination in the north. At Sippar also we have
evidence of very early Semitic occupation.

One of this later group of kings of Kish, whose
inscriptions prove them to have been Semites, is Uru-
mush, or llimush,^ and, although in all probability the
latest of them, he may be referred to first, since we
have definite evidence that he is to be assigned to tlie
epoch preceding Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin. In
an unpublished tablet from Tello, preserved in the
INluseum at Constantinople, there occurs the proper
name Ili-Urumush, "My god is Urumush."* The
deification of some of the early kings of Babylonia has
long been recognized as having taken place, at any
rate from tlie time of Shar-Gani-sharri ; and we have
evidence that the honour was not only paid to them
after death, but was assumed by the kings themselves
during their own lifetime.^ The occurrence of a proper
name such as Ili-Urumush can only be explained on
the supposition that a king bearing the name of Uru-
mush had already reigned, or was reigning at the time

^ With it we may compare the name Thibu-ilum on the Obelisk of Manish-
tiisu, Face A, Col. IX., 1. 24,Col.XIII., 1.17 ("Delegation en Perse,"Mem. 11.,
pll. 2 and 3).

2 See above. Chap. II., p. 52 f.

2 The name has aLso been read as Alu-usharshid, but the phonetic
Sumerian rendering Uru-mu-ush is now in general use. A preferable reading
would be the Semitic Ri-mu-ush, Rimush (cf. King, " Proc. Ribl. Arch.,"
XXX., p. 239, n. 2), since the sign uru at this period was commonly employed
with the value rU But, in order to avoid unnecessary confusion, tlie accepted
reading Urumush is retained in the text.

* Cf. Thuroan-Dangin, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 313 f.

6 See further, pp. 261, 273 f., 288, 301 f.

204 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the former name was employed. Now, the tablet in
Constantinople, which mentions the name of Ili-Uru-
mush, is undated, but from its form, writing, and con-
tents it may clearly be assigned to the same epoch as
certain dated tablets of Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-
Sin witli which it was found. From this it follows that
Urumush was anterior to Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-
Sin, though his reign may not have been separated from
theirs by any long interval.

We have but a few short inscriptions of Urumush,
and those of a votive character, but they enable us to

form some estimate of the
extent and condition of his
empire. The only designation
he assumes in those of his
inscriptions that have been
recovered is " King of Kish,"
so that we are without the
information which might have
been derived from a study of
his subsidiary titles. Such
titles would no doubt have
been added in any lengthy
text, and their absence from
his known inscriptions is sim-
ply due to their brevity. On
the other hand, the fact that

White marble vase, engraved tllCSe sllOrt inscriptions haVC
with the name and title of Uru- t.„„ i' „J „ '4. 'J^

mush, King of Kish. From Nifier. beCU tound OU SltCS SO Widely

[Pennsylvania Museum, No. 8870.] scattered aS Abu Habba,

NifFer, and Tello, is probably
significant. The inscriptions from Abu Habba ^ and
Tello consist simply of his name and title engraved on
fragments of stone vases, and, since they bear no
dedication to a local deity, they might possibly have
been carried there as spoil from Kish. But fragments
of precisely similar vases, bearing the same inscription,
have been found at Niffer, and, as the texts upon two
other vases from the latter place prove that they were

' The vase-inscription of Urumush in the British Museum was found at
Abu Habba, not at Niffer or Tello as implied l)y 'l"hureau-Dangin, "Konigs-
inschriften," p. IGO.

FiQ. 56.

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 205

deposited there by Uniniusli hiinself, it is a fair assump-
tion that tlicir presence on the other two sites is to
be explained in tlie same way. Me may therefore
conchide that both Sippar and Lagash were under the
control of Uriunush. In other words, it is not im-
probable that the limits of his authority in l^ubylonia
extended from the extreme north of Akkad to the
south of Sumer.

It is fully in accordance with this view that
Urunuish should have controlled the central sanctuary
at Nip})ur, and his vases found upon that site, which
bear dedications to Enlil, prove that this was so. From
one of them we learn too that the power of Kish was
felt beyond the limits of Sumer and Akkad. The text
in question states that the vase upon which it is
inscribed formed part of certain spoil from Elam, and
was dedicated to Enlil by Urumush, " when he had
conquered Elam and Barakhsu."^ It is possible that
the conquest of Elam and the neighbouring district of
Barakhsu, to which Urumush here lays claim, was not
more than a successful raid into those countries, from
which he returned laden with spoil. But even so,
the fact that a king of Kish was strong enough to
assume the offensive against Elam, and to lead an
expedition across the border, is sufficiently noteworthy.
The references to Elam which we have hitherto
noted in the inscriptions from Tello would seem
to suggest that up to this time the Elamites had
been the aggressors, and had succeeded in penetrating
into Sumerian territory from which they were with
difficulty dislodged. Under Urumush the conditions
were reversed, and we shall shortly see reason for
believing that his success was not a solitary achieve-
ment, but may be connected with other facts in the
history of Kish under the Semitic rulers of this period.
Meanwhile we may note the testimony to the power
and extent of the kingdom of Kish, which is furnished by
the short inscriptions of his reign. Later tradition relates
that Urumush met his end in a palace revolution ; ^ but

1 See Ililprecht, " Old Bab. Iiiscr./' I., No. 5, p. 20 f.

■^ See Boissier, " Choix de textes relatifs a la divination," I., pp. 44, 531 ;
Jastrow, '• Die Religion Babvloniens uud Assyriens," II.. p. 333 ; and " Zeits.
fur Assyr./' XXI. (1908), pp. 277 ff.

206 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the survival of his name in the omen-Uterature of the
later Babylonians and Assyrians is further evidence of
tlie important part he played in the early history of
their country.

Another king of Kish, whose name has been re-
covered in short votive inscriptions from Abu Habba^
and NifFer is JNIanishtusu.^ But fortunately for our
knowledge of his reign, we possess a monument, which,
though giving little information of an historical nature, is
of the greatest value for the light it throws upon the
Semitic character of the population and the economical
conditions which prevailed in Northern Babylonia at the
time it was drawn up. This monument is the tamous
Obelisk of INIanishtusu,^ which was discovered by M. de
Morgan at Susa, during his first season's work on that
site in the winter of 1897-8. On the obelisk is engraved
a text in some sixty-nine columns, written in Semitic
Babylonian, and recording the purchase by JManishtusu
of large tracts of cultivated land situated in the neigh-
bourhood of Kish and of three other cities in Northern
Babylonia. Each of the four sides of the stone is
devoted to a separate area or tract of land, near one of
the four great cities. Thus the first side records the
purchase of certain land made up of three estates and
known as the Field of Baz, which lay near the city of
Dur-Sin ; the second side records the purchase of the
Field of Baraz-sirim, near the city of Kish, Manishtusu's
capital ; the third side, like the first, deals with three
estates, and these together were known as the JMeadow
(or, strictly, tlie Marsh) of Ninkharsag, near the city of
Marad ; while the fourth side is concerned with the
purchase of the Field of Shad-Bitkim and Zimanak,
near a city tlie name of which may be provisionally
rendered as Shid-tab.* The great length of the inscription

' Tlie mace-liead, dedicated to the goddess NiuA, which is preserved in
the British Museum, was found at Abii Habba ; see the opposite plate.

2 Such is the form of tlie name in his own in-jcriptions. The reading is
substantiated by the variants Mnnishftuzzii and Manishdusim, which occur in
Anzanite , inscriptions (see Scheil, " Textes Elam.-Anzan./^ I,, p. 42, and
"Textes Elam.-Serait.," IV., p. 1 ; cf. also Hoschander, " Zeits. fiir Assj'r. ,"
XX., p. 246).

3 See Scheil, "Textes Elam.-Sdmit.," I., pp. 1 ff. (" De'le'g. en Perse/'
Mem. II.), and Hrozny, " \Viener Zeitschrift, XXI., pp. 11 ff.

* The true pronunciation of tlie name is uncertain.

■um^M

^ ^

MACK-HKAli |ii:i)irA Tl-.l) I O llll-: (iOli MI'.SI.AMI Ai: A n\ r,l-. 1 1 \ 1 1- OK I iT N( ; I.

K.1N(; OF IR: AM) MACK-HKAl) DKDICATKI ) iO A KIJIA ok 1 1 1. 1 11 KS

1!V I.ASIKAU, kINC, Ol- (irill.

Ihit. Mils.. Xos. QK174 n>iii cin&^7..

UKl'klvSKN TAI ION IN 1 >I()K 11 l. Ol A WOMAN'S llAlk. I )1 .1 )U. A M:I ) !( )
A CODDKSS ON liKIIAI.K Ol" Dl'NC.l. KIN(; OK V V. : AND MACK-H KAJi
DI-.DKA TI.Ii TO rili: COnDKSS NINAIiV M AN ISHirsT. KINO Ol' K1>H.

/)'■/■/ l/;/.v.. A'.ij. gi075 rtWi/ 9101S.

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 207

is due to the fact that, in addition to giving details
with regard to the size, vahie, and position of each
estate, the text enumerates by name the various pro-
prietors from whom the land was purchased, the former
overseers or managers who were dispossessed, and the
new overseers who were installed in their place. The
names of the latter are repeated on all four sides of
the obelisk before the purchase-formula.

We may note the fact that INIanishtusu did not
confiscate the land, but acquired it legally by purchase,
as though he were merely a private citizen or large
land-owner. The exact area of each estate was first
accurately ascertained by measurement, and its value
was then reckoned in grain and afterwards in silver, one
bicr of land being regarded as worth sixty gur^ of grain,
or one mana of silver. An additional sum, consisting
of one-tenth or three- twentieths of the purchase-price,
was also paid to the owners of each estate, who received
besides from the king presents of animals, garments,
vessels, etc., which varied in value according to the
recipient's rank or his former share in the property.
Not only are the owners' names and parentage duly
recorded on the stone, but also those of certain
associates who had an interest in the land ; most of
these appear to have been relatives of the owners, who
had contributed capital for the cultivation or improve-
ment of the estates. Their names were doubtless
included in order to prevent any subsequent claim
being raised by them against the king. The same
reason appears to have dictated the enumeration by
name of the former managers or overseers of each estate,
who by its purchase were deprived of their occupation.
The cultivation of the large tracts of land, which passed
into the king's possession, had given employment to no
less than fifteen hundred and sixty-four labourers, who
had been in the charge of eighty-seven overseers. It is
worthy of note that Manishtusu undertook to find fresh
occupation and means of support for both these classes
in other places, which were probably situated at no
great distance from their homes.

The reason for this extensive purchase of landed
property by Manishtusu may possibly have been given

208 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

at the bcoinninu^ of the text inscribed upon the o})ehsk,
l)ut uiil'ortiinutcly very little of the first column of the
inscription has been preserved. The main body of tlie
text affords little material on which to base a con-
jecture. One point, however, may be regarded as
certain : the reason for the purchase appears to have
had some close connection with the forty-nine new
manatrers and overseers, to whom Manishtusu entrusted
the administration of his newly acquired property. The
mere fact that their names and descriptions should have
been repeated on each side of the obelisk is probably
significant. INIoreover, they are all described in the
text as citizens ^ of iVkkad, and the prominence given
to them in each section suggests that the king purchased
the land with the express object of handing it over
to their charge. It may also be noted that INIanishtusu
removed, not only the former managers, but also every
labourer who had been employed on the estates, so that
we may assume that the new managers brought their
own labourers with them, who would continue the
cultivation of the land under their direction. If the
king's object in purchasing the land had been merely
to make a profitable investment, he w^ould not have
removed the former labourers, for whose maintenance
he undertook to provide elsewhere. INIanishtusu's action
can only be explained on the supposition that he was
anxious to acquire land on w^hich he might settle the
men from Akkad and their adherents. The purchase
appears therefore to have been dictated by the necessity
of remo^•ing certain citizens from Akkad to other sites
in Northern Babylonia. We do not know the cause
which gave rise to this transference of population, but
we shall presently see that, in view of the high social
standing of several of the immigrants, Manishtusu's
action may perhaps be connected with certain traditions
concerning tliis period which were current in later
times. ^

At tlie head of the inhabitants from ^Vkkad, to whom
the king handed over his new estates, stands Aliakhu,
liis nephew, and among them we also find sons and
dependants of the rulers of important cities, who appear

1 Literally, "sous," « See below, Cbap. Mil., pp. 238 ff.

RULERS OF SUMER AND KISII 209

to have acknowledged the suzerainty of Kish. Thus
two of the men are described as from the household of
Kur-shesh, patesi of Umma ; ^ another was Ibalum, the
son of Ilsu-rabi, patesi of Basime ; and a third was
Urukagina, son of Engilsa, patesi of Lagash. The
reference to the last of these four personages has been
employed in an attempt to fix the period of Manishtusu's
reign. On the discovery of the obelisk P^re Scheil
proposed that we should identify Urukagina, the son of
Engilsa, with the king of Lagash of that name, sug-
gesting that he occupied the position assigned him in
the text during his father's lifetime and before he him-
self succeeded to the throne.^ At this time it was still
the fashion to set Urukagina at the head of the patesis
of Tello, and to regard him as the oldest of all the
rulers of that city whose names had yet been recovered.
Now, on the obelisk mention is also made of a certain
"Me-sa-lim, the son of the king,"^ i.e. a son of Manish-
tusu. Support for the proposed identification was
therefore found in the further suggestion that JMesalim,
the son of Manishtusu, was no other than Mesilim, the
early king of Kish, who was the contemporary of
Lugal-shag-engur of Lagash, and, in his character of
suzerain, had interposed in the territorial dispute between
that city and Umma.* According to this view, Lagash,
under Engilsa and Urukagina, owed allegiance to Kish
during the reign of Manishtusu, a state of things which
continued into the reign of Mesilim, who, on this theory,
was Manishtusu's son and successor.

But the recognition of Urukagina's true place in the
line of the rulers of Lagash has rendered the theorj''
untenable ; and the suggested identification of Mesalim,
the son of Manishtusu, with Mesilim, the early king of
Kish, so far from giving support to the other proposal,
is quite incompatible with it. In fact, both the pro-
posed identifications cannot be right, and it remains to

* The phrase employed possibly implies that they were his grandsons ;
see Hrozny, " VVieu. Zeits.," XXI., p. VJ, n. 2, pp. 29, 40.

2 Scheil, " Textes Elam.-Se'mit,," I., p. 2.

^ The estate described on the second side of the obelisk is stated to have
been bounded on its eastern side by the field of Mesalim ; see Face ii,
Col. VI., 11. 12-14.

* See above, pp. 99 ff.

210 HISTOKY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

be seen whether either of them can be accepted. Of
the two, the proposal to identify Mesalim with I^ugal-
shag-cngur's contemporary may be dismissed at once,
since botli the internal and the external evidence
furnished by the obelisk are against assigning Manish-
tusu's reign to so early a period. Although these
objections do not apply so strongly to the other pro-
posal, its acceptance is negatived on other grounds.
From Urukagina's own inscriptions we liave seen reason
to believe that he did not obtain the throne by right of
succession, but by force ; he never refers to his o^vn
fatlier, and the antagonism to the patesiate, which
characterizes his texts, suggests that his reign marks
a complete break in the succession.^ We may therefore
conclude that Urukagina of the obelisk is a different
personage to Urukagina, the king, and the former's
father, Engilsa, would in that case have ruled as a
patesi of Lagash at a period subsequent to the sack of
that city by Lugal-zaggisi.^

We are therefore reduced to more general con-
siderations in attempting to fix the date of Manishtusu.
That his reign is to be assigned to about the same
period as that of Urumush there can be little doubt,
for, in contrast to those of the earlier kings of Kish, the
inscriptions of both are WTitten in Semitic Babylonian,
and the forms of the characters they employ are very
similar. Evidence has already been cited which proves
that Urumush was anterior to Shar-Gani-sharri and
Naram-Sin. In Manishtusu, therefore, we have another
Semitic king under whom the city of Kisli enjoyed the
hegemony in Babylonia, which afterwards passed to
Akkad. That the kingdom of Kish, under these two
rulers, was not separated by a long interval from the
empire of Akkad would seem to follow from the refer-
ences to tlie latter city on Manishtusu's obelisk.^ We
have already noted that the forty-nine overseers, who
were entrusted with the administration of the lands
purchased by tlie king, are described in the text as

' See above, p. 17<5 f.

2 'Hie ineiition of the name Engilsa on a tablet from Tello in connection
with that of Urukagina's wife may be merely a coincidence ; it has, however,
been cited in support of the identification (see above, p. 170, n. 2).

3 See further, Chap. VIIl., pp. 228 ff.

RULEES OF SUMER AND KISH 211

citizens of Akkad, and that among their number are
members of powerful ruhng famihes from other cities
of Babylonia. It would thus appear that Akkad was
already of sufficient importance to attract princes from
such distant cities as Umma and Latrash. This fact,
indeed, has been employed as an argument in favour of
the view that INIanishtusu and Urumush must have
ruled after, and not before, Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-
sin/ under whom Akkad was made the capital of the
whole country. Although this inference does not
necessarily follow, and, in point of fact, is contradicted
by the evidence already cited with regard to Urumush,
it is clear that, even in the time of IManishtusu, the city
of Akkad enjoyed a position of considerable importance ;
and it is improbable that any long period elapsed before
it replaced Kish as the capital.

The extent of JNIanishtusu's authority within the
Umits of Babylonia is indicated by the reference to
Southern Babylonian cities in his obelisk-inscription ;
for, since the patesis of Lagash and Umma sent their
relatives or dependants to Manishtusu's court, it may
be inferred that his dominions included at least a
portion of Sumer as well as Akkad. Like Urumush,
he also appears to have undertaken military expedi-
tions, by means of which he added to the territory
under his control. In the British IMuseum are frag-
ments of two monoliths, engraved with duplicate
inscriptions, which record his defeat of a confederation
of thirty-two kings "on this side (?) of the sea," and
the capture of the cities over whicli they ruled. ^
It is difficult to determine with certainty the region
in which these cities lay, but, since " the sea " is
mentioned without any qualifying phrase, we may pro-
bably take it as referring to the Persian Gulf. In
that case the text may have recorded the subjugation

» Cf. Hroznv, " \Vien. Zeits.," XXI., p. 40.

2 Nos. 56630 and 66631; cf. Jensen, " Zeite. fiir A.ssyr.," XV., p. 248,
n. 1. Only a few siij-ns are preserved upon each fragment, but these refer to
tlie same lines of the inscription, and cnaltlc us to restore the passage as
follows: "[Of the kings] of cities on this side (?) of the sea thirty-two col-
lected for battle, and I conquered them, and their cities [I captured]." It
should be noted that the fragmentary text found at Susa and published by
Scheil, "Textes Elam.-Se'mit, ' II., pi. 1, No. 2, is also a duplicate of the
inscription.

212 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

of the soutliern portion of Sumcr, or perhaps the
conquest of cities within the Ehimite border. Thougli
JNIanishtusii's name does not occur in the few hues of
the main inscription preserved upon the. fraoments,
there is no doubt that the text is his, for upon one
of them is engraved a dedication in rather larger
characters, stating that tlie stele of which it formed
a part was dedicated to Shamash by Manishtusu,
King of Kish. Since both tlie fragments were found
at Abu Habba, we may conclude tliat the stelag were
set up in the great temple at Sippar, and were dedicated
by Manislitusu to the Sun-god in commemoration of
his victory.

Other monuments of IManishtusu's reign that have
come down to us consist of a number of figures and
statues of the king which have been discovered at
Siisa during the French excavations on that site.
There is no doubt that the majority of these were
carried to Susa as spoil of v>ar, and were not set up
in that city by Manishtusu himself, for they bear
Anzanite inscriptions to that effect. Thus one statue
is stated to have been brought from Akkad to Susa
by Shutruk-nakhkhunte,^ and another ^ by the same
king from " Ishnunuk," incidentally proving that tlie
state of Ashnunnak, which lay to the east of the
Tigris, formed part of Manishtusu's dominions.^ But
a more recently discovered statue of the king bears
no later Anzanite record, and is inscribed with its
original dedication to the god Naruti by a high
official in Manishtusu's service.* It is a remarkable
monument, for while the figure itself is of alabaster,
the eyes are formed of white hmestone let into sockets
and held in place by bitumen ; the black pupils are
now wanting.^ Though the staring effect of the

1 "TextesKlam.-Semit," IV., pi. 2, No. 1.

2 Op. cii., pi. 2, No. 2.

3 It is probal)le that the stiituette figured in "Textes Elam.-Sbinit.," HI.,
pi. '], and four other unpuhlished statues, wliicli all l)ear the legend of
JShutruk-nakhkhunte, conf[ueror of Ishnunuk, also represent Manishtusu ; in
all of them the name of tlie original owner has been liammered out fcf. Scheil,
" Textes P:iam.-Semit.," IV., p. 3).

* "Textes Elam.-fSeniit.," IV., pi. 1, pp. 1 ff.

'' See De Morgan, " ('omptes rendus de TAcademie des Inscriptions et
Belles-lettres," 1907, pp. 397 ff.

RULERS OF SUMER ANT) KISH 213

inlaid eyes is scarcely pleasing, the statue is un-
doubtedly tlie most interesting example of early
Semitic sculpture in the round that has yet been
recovered. Both in this statue and in the more
famous obelisk, Pere Scheil would see evidence of
Manishtusu's permanent subjugation of Elam, in sup-
port of his view that Elam and Babylonia practically

Fig. 57.

Alabaster statue of Manislitusu, King of Kish, dedicated by a high official
to the god Naruti. Found at Susa,

[See Comptes rendus, 1907, p. 398 f. ; D(Ug. en Perse, M6m. X., pi. 1.]

formed a single country at this early period.* But
the text inscribed u])on the obelisk, as we have already
seen,^ is of a purely local interest, and no object would
have been gained by storing such a record at Susa,
even on the hypothesis that Manishtusu had trans-
ferred his capital thither. It is safer therefore to

» See Scheil, " Textes Elam.-Se'mit.," I., pp. 2 S., IV., pp. 1 ff.
' See above, p. 20G f.

214 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

draw no historical conclusions from the provenance
of the statue and the obelisk, but to class them witli
the other statues which we know to have been carried
off as spoil to Elam at a later period. There is
evidence that INIanishtusu, like Urumush, carried on
a successful war with Elam/ but it is probable that
the successes of both kin^^s were of the nature of
victorious raids and were followed up by no permanent
occupation of the country. The early existence of
Semitic influence in Elam is amply attested by the
employment of the Semitic Babylonian language for
their own inscriptions by native Elamite rulers such
as Basha-Shushinak.^ But it does not necessarily
follow that the inscriptions of native kings of Babylonia,
which have been found at Susa, were deposited there
by these kings themselves during a period of Semitic
rule in Elam. In fact, it was probably not until the
period of the Dynasty of Ur that Elam was held
for any length of time as a subject state by kings
of either Sumer or Akkad.

Until recently Manishtusu and Urumush were
the only kings of Kish of this period whose names
had been recovered. But a find has been made at
Susa, which, while furnishing the name of another
king of Kish, raises important questions with regard
to the connection between the empires of Kish and
Akkad. In the present chapter we have been dealing
with a period of transition in the history of the lands
of Sumer and Akkad. The fall of Lagash had been
followed by a confederation of Sumerian cities with
Erech as its capital, and the conquests of Lugal-
zaggisi had sufficed to preserve for a time the integrity
of the southern kingdom he had founded. But events
were already taking place which were to result in
the definite transference of power from Sumer to the
north. The votive inscriptions from Nippur have
thrown some light upon the struggles by which the
Semitic immigrants into Northern Babylonia sought
to extend their influence southward. The subsequent
increase in the power of Kish was not followed by
any fresh access of Sumerian power, but directly

» See Chap. VIII., p. 2,31. 2 See Chap. X., p. 289.

RULERS OF SUMER AND KT8H 215

paved the way for the Semitic empire founded by
Shar-Gani-sharri with the city of Akkad as his capital.
The evidence of the close connection between the
rise of Kish and Akkad suggests that both cities were
borne up upon the same wave of Semitic domination,
which by this time had succeeded in imposing itself
on Babylonia from the north. In the following chapter
we shall see that Shar-Gani-sharri was not the leader
of this racial movement, and that his empire rested
upon foundations which other rulers had laid.

CHAPTER VIII

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD AND ITS RELATION TO KISH

THE name of Sargon of Agade, or Akkad, bulks
largely in later Babylonian tradition, and his
reign has been regarded by modern writers as
marking the most important epoch in the early history
of liis country. The reference in the text of Nabonidus
to the age of Naram-Sin has caused the Dynasty of
^Vkkad to be taken as the canon, or standard, by which
to measure the relative age of other dynasties or of
rulers whose inscriptions have from time to time been
recovered upon various early Babylonian sites. Even
those historians who have refused to place reliance upon
the figures of Nabonidus, have not, by so doing, de-
tracted from the significance of S argon's position in
history ; and, since tradition associated his name with
the founding of his empire, the terms " Pre-Sargonic "
and " Post-Sargonic ' have been very generally em-
ployed as descriptive of the earlier and later periods in
the history of Sumer and Akkad. The finding of early
inscriptions of Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad, and of tablets
dated in his reign, removed any tendency to discredit
the historical value of the later traditions ; and the
identification of Shar-Gani-sharri with the Sargon of
the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian scribes ceased to be
called in question. In fact, if any one point in early
Babylonian history was to be regarded as certainly
established, it was the historical character of Sargon of
Agade. But a recent discovery at Susa has introduced
a fresh element into the problem, and has reopened its
discussion along unfamiliar lines. Before introducing
the new data, that must be explained and reconciled
with the old, it will be well to refer briefly to the steps

216

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 217

by which Saroon's name was recovered and his position
in history deduced.

Sargon's name was first met with in certain ex-
planatory texts of a rehgious or astrological character,
Avhich had been recovered from Ashur-bani-pal's library
at Nineveh. Here we find references to the name
Sharru-ukin,^ or Sargon, king of Agade, from which it
appeared that he had played an important part in
Assyrian heroic mytliology.^ In the year 1867, atten-
tion was first directed to Sargon's place in history when
Sir Henry Rawlinson briefly announced his disco\'ery
of the famous Legend of Sargon,^ in which the king
is represented as recounting in the first person the story
of his birth and boyhood, his elevation to the throne and
his subsequent empire. The text of the Legend was
published in 1870,^ and two years later it was translated
by George Smith, who added a translation of the
Omens of Sargon and Naram-Sin, which he had just
come across in the collections of tablets from Kuyunjik.^
Smith followed Rawlinson in ascribing to Sargon the
building of the temple E-ulmasli in Agade, by restoring
his name as that of Naram-Sin's father in the broken
cylinder of Nabonidus found by Taylor at Mukayyar.®

Up to this time no original text of Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign was known. The first to be published was the
beautiful cyHnder-seal of Ibni-sharru, a high official in
Shar-Gani-sharri's service, of which Menant gave a

1 Written both as Sfiarru-Gi-NA. and as Sharru-oxj.

- Cf. "^ Cuneiform Inscriptions from Western Asia/' Vol. II. (18G6),
pi. 39, No. 5, 1. 41j where Sargon's name occurs in conjunction witli liis title
"King of Agade," or pi. 48, 1. 40, where he is credited with such descriptions
as "king of justice" (xhar kitti), "proclaimer of justice " {dahib kitti), " pro-
claimer of favours" (dabih damkdti); the passage in pi. 50, 1. G4, which
mentions the old Babylonian city of Dur-Sharrukin, "Sargon's Fortress,"
was also referred to him.

^ Rawlinson announced his discovery of the Legend of Sargon in the
AthencBum, No. 2080, Sept. 7, 1867, p. 305, where he made the acute
suggestion that Sargon of Assyria, the father of Sennacherib, may have been
called "the later Sargon" {Sharru-ukin arku) "to distinguish him from tlie
hero of romance whose adventures were better known among the Assyrian
people.''

* "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. III. (1870), pi. 4, No. YII.

6 "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. I. (1872), p. 46 f.

6 See " Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. I. (1861), pi. 69, Col. II., 11. 29-32 ;
Oppert had restored the name of Naram-Sin's father as Sagaraktiyas (cf.
" Expe'dition scientifique en Mdsopotamie, " Vol. I. (1863), p. 273, and
" Histoire des Empires de Chalde'e et d'Assyrie" (1865), pp 22 ff.).

218 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

description in 1877/ and again in 1883.^ M(^nant read
tlie king's name as " Shegani-shar-lukh," and he did not
identify him with Sargon the elder (whom he put in
the nineteenth century B.C.), but suggested that he was
a still earlier king of Akkad. In 1882 an account was
published of the Abu Habba cylinder of Nabonidus,
which records his restoration of E-babbar and contains
the passage concerning the date of Narjlm-Sin, " the son
of Sargon." ^ In the following year the British Museum
acquired the famous mace-head of Shar-Gani-sharri,
which had been dedicated by him to Shamash in his
great temple at Sippar ; this was the first actual inscrip-
tion of Shar-Gani-sharri to be found. In place of
Menant's reading " Shegani-shar-lukh," the name was
read as " Shargani," the two final syllables being cut off
from it and treated as a title, and, in spite of some
dissentients, the identity of Shargani of Agade with
Sargon the elder was assumed as certain.* Unlike
Sargon, the historical character of Naram-Sin presented
no difficulties. His name had been read upon the vase
discovered by M. Fresnel at Babylon and afterwards
lost in the Tigris ; ^ and, although he was there called
simply "king of the four quarters," his identification
with the Naram-Sin mentioned by Nabonidus on his
cylinder from Ur was unquestioned. Further proof of
the correctness of the identification was seen in the
occurrence of the name of Magan upon the vase, when
it was discovered that the second section of his Omens
recorded his conquest of that country.^

^ See '^Comptes rendus de rAcaddmie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres/'
Ser. IV., Tome V. (Oct., 1877), pp. 330 ff. An impression of the seal had been
sent from Bajiflidad to Constantinople, whence M. Mt^nant had received it
from M. Barre de Laucy in 1865. It was later acfjuired by M, de Clercq
(cf. " Collection de Clercq," Tome I., 1888, No. 46, pi. V., p. 49 f.).

2 " Recherches sur la glyptique orientals," I. (1883), p. 73 f.

» See Pinches, " Proc. .Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. V. (Nov. 7, 1882),
pp. 8f., 12. For a discussion of the date, see above, Chap. III., p. 00 f.

■• See Pinches, op. cit., Vol. VI. (Nov. 6, 1883), pp. 11 ff. 'i'iie identifica-
tion was opposed by Mdnant, who pointed out that the two final syllables of
the name could not l)e treated as a title {op. cit., Feb. 6, 1884, pp. 88 ff., and
"Collection de Clercq," p. 49 f.). Meiiant adhered to his former opinion
that Shargani-shar-lukh (as he now read the name) was an earlier king of
Agade.

" SeeOppert, "Expedition scientifique," II. (1859), p. 02, and "Cun,
Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. I., pi. 3, No. VII.

6 See George Smith, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. I., p. 52.

MACE-HKAD DEDICATED TO SHAMASH. THE SUN-GOD, P.V

SHAR-GANI-SHARRI, KING OK A(;aDE.

Brit. Mus.. Xo. oi r4b: pkoto. hy Mcssis. Man sell b' Co.

^i:fl^®

%|i'? *"v'

LAPIS-I.AZll.I TAIII.KT WITH V(iTI\ K IXSCK II'TION 01" l.l( ;AL-T.» KM.
KINC, OK KISH: AM> MAC K-HFAD DKDI(A'H-.r) I O A COD ON I'.EHAI.K
OK MAMMAKHNM. PATKS[ OF I.AOASH (SH I Ri'l'KI.A)
/>';•//. Mus., Xos. Oioi^ and 2i44=;.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 219

Apart from tlie difficulty presented by Sargon's
name, the absence of early records concerning the reign
of Shar-Gani-sharri for a time led in certain quarters to
a complete underrating of the historical value of the
traditions preserved in the Omen-text. The mace-head
from Abu Habba alone survived in proof of the latter's
existence, and it was easy to see in the later Babylonian
traditions concernmg Sargon valueless tales and legends
of which the historian could make no use.^ The dis-
covery at Nippiu', close to the south-east wall of the
ziggurat, or temple-tower, of brick-stamps and door-
sockets bearing the name of Shar-Gani-sharri and re-
cording his building of the temple of Enlil,^ proved that
he had exercised authority over at least a considerable
part of Babylonia. At a later period of the American
excavations there was found in the structure of the
ziggurat, below the crude brick platform of Ur-Engur,
another pavement consisting of two courses of burned
bricks, most of them stamped with the known inscription
of Shar-Gani-sharri, while the rest bore the briefer in-
scription of Xaram-Sin. The pavement had apparently
been laid by Sargon and partly re-laid by Naram-Sin,
who had utilized some of the former's building materials.
The fact that both kings used the same peculiar bricks,
which were found in their original positions in the
structure of the same pavement, was employed as an
additional argument in favour of identifying Shar-Gani-
sharri with Sargon 1., "the father of Naram-Sin."^

A further stage in the development of the subject
was reached on the recovery at Tello of a large number
of tablets inscribed with accounts of a commercial and
agricultural character, some of which were dated by
events in the reigns of Shar-Gani-sharri and Narfim-Sin.
This was at once hailed as confirming and completing
the disputed traditions of the Omen-tablet,* and from

> Cf. Winckler, " Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens " (1892), pp. ?>0,
39, and " Altoriciitalische J'orschungeii/' I., p. 238 (1895); and Niebuhr,
" Chronologie " (1896), p. 75.

2 Ililprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," I. (1893), pll. 1-3, p. 15.

"" Op. cit., 11.(1896), p. 19 f.

* Cf. Thureau-Dauj^iii, "Comptes rendus de I'Acadt'niie des Inscriptions et
Belles-lettres," Ser. IV., Tome XXIV., 1896, pp. 355 ff. ; and Ileuzey,
" Revue d'Assyr.,'" IV. (1897), p. 2.

220 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

thiit time the identity of Sargon and Shar-Gani-sharri
was not seriously called in question. Finally, the recent
discovery of a copy of the orignial chronicle, from which
the historical references in the Omen-tablet were taken,
restored the traditions to their true settinii^ and ireed
tliem from tlie augural text into which they had been
incorporated/ The dilTcrence in the forms of the two
names was ignored or explained away," and the early
texts were combined with tlie late Babylonian traditions.
Both sources of information were regarded as referring
to the same monarch, who was usually known by the
title of Sargon I., or Sargon of Agade.

The discovery wliich has reopened the question as
to the identity of Shar-Gani-sharri with the Sargon
of later tradition was made at Susa in the course of
excavations carried out on that site by the Delegation
en Pei'se. The new data are furnished by a monu-
ment, which, to judge from the published descriptions
of it,^ may probably be regarded as one of the most
valuable specimens of early Babylonian sculpture that
has yet been found. Two portions of the stone have
been recovered, engraved with sculptures and bearing
traces of an inscription of an early Semitic king of
Babylonia. The stone is roughly triangular in shape,
the longest side being curved, and on all three sides
reliefs are sculptured in two registers. In the upper
register are battle scenes and a row of captives, and
in the lower are representations of the king and his
suite. On the third face of the monolith, to the right
of the king in the lower register, is a scene in which
vultures are represented feeding on the slain ; and on
a smaller detached fragment of the stone is a figure,
probably that of a god, clubbing the king's enemies
who are caught in a net. The details of the net and
the vultures obviously recall the similar scenes on the

' See King, "Chronicles concerning early Babylonian Kings" (1907),
Vol. I., pp. 27 11".

^ Sliargani, the first part of tlie name Sliar-Gani-sliarri, was equated with
Shnrru-c,i-SA{= tilchi), and tlie .second part of the name, read as shar-ali,
" kiiif^ of the city,'' was rej^arded as having been dropped by a process of
abbreviation.

^ Sec Gautier, "Recueil de travaux," Vol. XX\1I., pp. 176 ff., and Scheil,
"Te-vtes Elam.-S^mit.," IV., pp. 4 ff.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 221

stele of Eiinnatum/ but tlie treatment of tlie birds
and also of the figures in the battle scenes, is said to
be far more varied and less conventional than in
Eannatum's sculpture. That they are Semitic and
not Sumerian work is pro\ed by the Semitic inscrip-
tion, of which a few phrases of the closing imprecations
are still visible. 'J'he king also has the long pointed
beard of the Semites, descending to his girdle, and,
although his clothing has Sumerian characteristics, he
is of the Semitic type. Several points of interest are
suggested by details of the sculpture, and to these we
will presently refer.

The point which now concerns us is the name of
the king to whom we owe this remarkable monument.
Although the main inscription has unfortunately been
hammered out, the king's name has been preserved
in a cartouche in front of him, where he is termed
" Sharru-Gi, the king." Now Sharru-Gi is practically
identical with Sharru-Gi-NA, one of the two forms imder
whicli Sargon's name is written in Assyrian and Neo-
Babylonian texts ^ ; for the sign xa in the latter name
is merely a phonetic complement to the ideogram and
could be dropped in writing without affecting in any
way the pronunciation of the name. Hitherto, as we
have seen, Sargon, the traditional father of Naram-Sin,
has been identified with Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad.
The question obviously suggests itself: Can we identify
the Sharru-Gi of the new monument with Shar-Gani-
sharri ? Can we suppose that a contemporary scribe
invented this rendering of Shar-Gani-sharri's name, and
thus gave rise to the form which we find preserved in
later Babylonian and Assyrian tradition? Pere Scheil,
who was the first to offer a solution of the problem,
is clearly right in treating Sharru-Gi and Shar-Gani-
sharri as different personages ; the forms are too dis-
similar to be regarded as variants of the same name.
It has also been noted that Sharru-Gi and Naram-Sin
are both mentioned on a tablet from Tello. On these
grounds Pere Scheil suggested that Sharru-Gi, whose
name he would render as Sharru-ukin ( = Sargon), was
the father of Naram-Sin, as represented in the late

1 See above, Chap. V., pp. 125, 130 ff. ^ gge above, p. 217, n. 1.

222 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

tradition ; Shnr-Gani-shjirri he would regard as another
sovereign of Akkad, of the same dynasty as Sargon and
Naram-Sin and one of their successors on the throne.^

It may be admitted that this explanation is one
that at first sight seems to commend itself, for it
appears to succeed in reconciling the later tradition
with the early mommients. But difficulties in the
way of its acceptance were at once pointed out.^ The
occurrence of the proper name Sharru-Gi-ili, " Sharru-
Gi is my god," on the Obelisk of INIanishtusu clearly
proves that a king bearing the name of Sharru-Gi, and
presumably identical with the Sharru-Gi of the new
stele, preceded Manishtusu, king of Kish, for the deifi-
cation of a king could obviously only take place during
his lifetime or after his death.^ Similar evidence has
already been cited to prove that Urumush of Kisli was
anterior to Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin, though
his reign may not have been separated from theirs by
any long interval.* Granting these conclusions, if
Naram-Sin had been the son of Sharru-Gi, as suggested
by Pere Scheil, Urumush would have been separated
from Manishtusu by the Dynasty of Akkad, a com-
bination that is scarcely probable. Moreover, the
context of the passage on the tablet from Tello, on
which the names of Sharru-Gi and Naram-Sin are
mentioned, though of doubtful interpretation, does not
necessarily imply tiiat they were living at the same
time ; they may have been separated by several genera-
tions. These reasons in themselves make it probable
that Sharru-Gi was not the founder of Naram-Sin's
dynasty, but was a predecessor of Manishtusu and
Urumush upon the throne of Kish.

It has been further pointed out that in an inscrip-
tion preserved in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at
Constantinople the name of a king of Kish is men-
tioned, whicli, to judge from the traces still visible,
may probably be restored as that of Sliarru-c;i.'' The

1 See Scheil, "'I'extes Elam.-Scmit," IV., pp. 4 ff.

2 See Thurcau Daiiffin, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," ]!t08, col. 313 ff. ; cf. also
King, " Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. XXX. (1908), pp. 239 ff.

3 See above, p. 203. * See above, p. 203 f.

^ See King, op. rit., p. 240 f. M. 'rimreau-Dangin has since examined the
text at Constantinople^ and he confirms the restoration.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 293

fragmentary nature of the text, which was found at
Abu Habba during the excavations conducted by the
Turkish Government upon that site/ rendered any
deductions that might be drawn from it uncertain ;
but it sufficed to corroborate the suggestion that Sharru-
Gi was not a king of -^jVkkad, but a still earlier king
of Ivish. Since then I have recognized a duplicate
text of the Constantinople inscription, also from Abu
Habba, which enables us to supplement and to some
extent correct the conclusions based upon it. The
duphcate consists of a cruciform stone object, inscribed
on its twelve sides with a votive text recording a series
of gifts to the Sun-god Shamash and his consort Aa
in the city of Sippar, and the early part of its text
corresponds to the fragmentary inscription at Constanti-
nople. Unfortunately the beginning of the text is
wanting, as is the case with the Constantinople text,
so that we cannot decide with certainty the name of
the king who had the monument engraved. But the
duphcate furnishes fresh data on which to base a
conclusion.

^Vlthough the king's name is wanting, it is possible
to estimate the amount of text that is missing at the
head of the first column, and it is now clear that the
name of Sharru-Gi does not occur at the beginning of
the inscription, but some lines down the column ; in
other words, its position suggests a name in a genealogy
rather than that of the writer of the text. Moreover,
in a broken passage in the second column the name
Sharru-Gi occurs again, and the context proves definitely
that he was not the writer of the text, who speaks in
the first person, tliougli he may not improbably have
been his father. 15ut, although the monument can no
longer be ascribed to Sharru-Gi, the titles " the mighty
king, the king of Kish," which occur in the first column
of the text, are still to be taken as applying to him,
while the occurrence of the name in the second column
confirms its suggested restoration in the genealogy.
It may therefore be regarded as certain that Sharru-Gi
was an early king of Kish, and, it would seem, the
father of the king who had the cruciform monument

^ Cf. Scheil, " Une saisou de fouilles a Sippar,'' p. 96.

224 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

inscribed and deposited as a votive offering in tlie
temple of Shamash at Sippar. In the last chapter
reference has been made to Manishtusn's activity in
Sippar and his devotion to the great temjile of the
Sun-god in that city.^ For various epigraphical reasons,
based on a careful study of its text, I would provision-
ally assign the cruciform monument to Manishtusu.
Accordinix to this theory, Sharru-Gi would be Manish-
tusu's fatlier, and the earliest king of Kish of this period
whose name has yet been recovered.

The proof that Sharru-Gi. or, according to the later
interpretation of the name. Sargon, was not identical
with Sliar-Gani-sharri, King of Akkad, nor was even a
member of his dynasty, would seem to bring once more
into discredit the later traditions which gathered round
his name. To the Assyrian and Xeo-Babylonian scribes
Sargon appears as a king of Agade, or Akkad. and the
father of Xaram-Sin, who succeeded him upon his
throne. It is clear, therefore, that the name of the earlier
kingf of Kish has been borrowed for the kino^ of Akkad.
whose real name, Shar-Gani-sharri, has disappeared
in the tradition. Are we to imagine that the great
achievements, which later ages ascribed to Sargon of
Akkad. were also borrowed along with his name from
the historical Sargon of Kish ? Or is it possible that the
traditional Sargon is representative of his period, and
combines in his one person the attributes of more than
one kinsf ? In the cruciform monument, which we
have seen may probably be assigned to ]Manislitusu,
the king prefaces the account of his conquest of Anshan
by stating that it took place at a time " when all the
lands . . . revolted against me." and the plirase employed
recalls the similar expression in the Xeo-Babylonian
chronicle, which states that in Sargon's old age " all the
lands revolted against him." The paralleUsm in the
language of tlie early text and the late chronicle might
perhaps be cited in support of the view that facts as
well as names had been confused in tlie later tradition.

Fortunately we have not to decide the question as a
point of hterary criticism, nor even upon grounds of
general probability, for we have the means of testing

' See above, pp. 2iJti, 212

CRUCIFORM STOXE OBJECT IN.SCRIKKI) ON TWELVE SIDES WITH

A VOTIVE TEXT OF AN EARLY SEMITIC KIN(; OF KISH, RE-

CORrnXf; A SERIES OF f;iFTS lO SHAMASH THE SUN-GOD AND

HIS WIFE AA IN THE CITY OF SIPPAR.

Brit. Mtis.. Xo. Qlonl.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 225

the traditions in detail by comparison with contem-
porary documents. Reference has already been made
to tablets dated in the reigns of Shar-Gani-sliarri and
Naram-Sin, and the date-formuLe occurring upon
them refer, in accordance with the custom of the
period, to events of public interest after which the
years were named. In the case of tablets dated in Shar-
Gani-sharri's reign, we find three date-formulag which
have a direct bearing upon the point at issue, and refer
to incidents which correspond in a remarkable degree to
achievements ascribed to Sargon in the Omen-tablet
and the Neo- Babylonian Chronicle. The conquest of
Amurru, the " Western Land " on the coast of Syria,
is referred to in four sections of the Omens,^ probably
representing separate expeditions thither. The third
section records a decisive victory for Sargon, and
apparently the deportation of the king of Amurru to
Akkad ; while in the fourth Sargon is recorded to have
set up his images in Amurru, that is to say, he carved
his image upon the rocks near the Mediterranean coast,
or in the Lebanon, as a lasting memorial of his conquest
of the country. Now one of the tablets of accounts
from Tello is dated " in the year in which Shar-Gani-
sharri conquered Amm-ru in Basar."^ It is therefore
certain that the conquest of Amurru, ascribed by
tradition to Sargon of Akkad, is to be referred to Shar-
Gani-sharri and treated as historically true.

We obtain a very similar result when we employ the
same method of testing Sargon's Elamite campaigns.
The Omen-tablet opens with the record of Sargon's
invasion of the country, followed by his conquest of the
Elamites, whom he is related to have afflicted grievously
by cutting off their food supplies.^ This would appear
to have been in the nature of a successful raid into
Elamite territory. On the other hand, one of the early
account-tablets is dated in the year when Shar-Gani-
sharri overcame the expedition which Elam and Zakhara

' Kiug, "Chronicles," \'ol. II., pp. 27 ff.. Sections II, IV., V., and VII. _^

2 Thureau-Dangin, " Comptes rendus de TAcademie des Inscriptions."
1890, p. 358, No. 2 and n. 1, " Recueil de tablettes chaldeenues/' p. 57,
No. 124 (cf. p. 4G, No. 85) ; see also " Konigsinschriften," p. 225.

3 " Chronicles," Vol. II., p. L'S f., Section I.

226 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

had sent agjiinst Opis and Sakli.' It is clear that the
date, although it records a success against the Elamites,
can hardly refer to the same event as the Omen-text,
since the latter records an invasion of Elam by Sargon,
not a raid into 15abylonian territory by the Elamites.
But the contemporary docum.ent at least proves that
Sliar-Gani-sharri was successful in his war with Elam,
and it is not unlikely that the attack on Opis by the
Elamites provoked his invasion of their country.^ Such
a raid as the Omens describe fully accords with the
practice of this period, when the kings of Kish and
Akkad used to invade Elam and return to their own
country laden with spoil.^ The date-formula which
confirms a third point in the late tradition refers to the
year in which Shar-Gani-sharri laid the foundations of
the temple of Anunitu and the temple of Amal in
Babylon,* proving not only that the city of Babylon was
in existence at this period, but also that Sargon devoted
himself to its adornment by building temples there.
The late Chronicle records that Sargon removed the
soil from the trenches of Babylon,^ and a broken passage
in the Omens appears to state that he increased the
might of Babylon.** On this point the early date-
formula and the late tradition confirm and supplement
each otlier.

Thus, wherever we can test the achievements
ascribed to Sargon of Akkad by comparison with
contemporary records of Shar-Gani-sharri's reign, we
find a complete agreement between them. Another
feature in the traditional picture of Sargon admirably
suits the founder of a dynasty at Akkad, whereas it
would have little suitability to a king of Kish. This is
the support which the goddess Islitar is stated to have

' "Comptes rendus," 189C, p. 367, No. 1 ; " llecueil de tablettes," p. 60,
No. 130.

2 'i'lie warlike expedition to Dor (Dur-ilu), which is referred to iu the
Legend of Sargon (.see "Cliroiiiclcs," Vol. TI., p. 92), may possibly be
connected with this campaign of Shar-tiani-sliarri.

3 See above, p. 205, and below, pp. 231, 243 f.

* "Comptes rendus," 189G, p. 359, No. fi ; " Kecueil de tablettes," p. 56,
No. IIB.

6 "Chronicles," 11., p. 8, 1. 18.

^ Of), cif., II., p. 27. The passage has no reference to Kish, as suggested
by Hilprecht, "Old Bab. luscr.," II., p. 26.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 227

given Surgon, both in raising him to tlie throne and in
guichng his arms to victory.' For ^Vkkad, which Sliar-
Gani-sharri made his capital, was an important seat of
her worship. \N'hen, therefore, the kite tradition
records that Sargon conquered Subartu and Kazalhi,
Ave may ascribe these Aictories to Sliar-Gani-sharri,
although they are unrecorded in the contemporary
monmnents that have as yet been recovered. At any
time it may happen that tlie name of Kashtubila of
Kazallu may be found in a text of Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign, as that of Mannu-dannu of Magan has been
recovered on a statue of Naram-Sin.^ Such an attitude
of expectancy is justified by the striking instances in
which the late tradition has already been confirmed by
the early texts ; and the parallelism in the language of
Manishtusu's monument and the late Chronicle of
Sargon, to which reference has been made, must be
treated as fortuitous. Having regard to the insecure
foundations upon which these early empires were based,
Shar-Gani-sharri, like Manishtusu, may well have had
to face a revolt of the confederation of cities he had
subjected to his rule. In such a case the scribe of
Shar-Gani-sharri would probably have employed phrase-
ology precisely similar to that in Manishtusu's text,
for conventional forms of expression constantly recur in
monumental inscriptions of the same period.

Our conclusion, therefore, is that in the later texts
Shar-Gani-sharri has adopted Sharru-Gi's name, but
nothing more. In view of the general accuracy of the
late traditions concerning the conquests of these early
rulers, it may seem strange that such a change of names
should have taken place ; but it is not difficult to
suggest causes for the confusion. Both kings were
great conquerors, both belonged to the same epoch, and
founded dynasties in Northern Babylonia,^ and both bore
names which, in part, are not dissimilar. Moreover, the

1 " Chronicles," II., pp. 3, 30 f., 90 f.

2 See below, p. 241.

3 Thouffh we have no direct evidence in his case, Sharru-Gi may well have
been the founder of his dynasty ; the absence of his father's name from the
genealogy in the Constantinople text and the cruciform monument accords
with this suggestion. Shar-Gani-sharri ascribes no title to his father Dati-
Enlil (see further, p. 232).

228 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

suggestion has been made that the words " Gani " and
" Gi," which form components of the names, may
possibly have both been divine titles,' though we find
no trace of them in the later periods of history. But
whether this was so or not, and whatever renderings of
the names we adopt,^ it is clear that Sargon's traditional
achievements may be credited to Shar-Gani-Sharri, who,
as king of Agade or Akkad, succeeded to tlie earlier
empire of the kings of Kish.^

We liave already seen reason to believe that the
kings of Kish were separated by no long interval from
the empire of Akkad,* and this view is supported, not
only by a study of their inscriptions, but also by the
close connection that may be traced between the artistic
achievements of the two periods. Epigraphic evidence
has been strikingly reinforced by the discovery of Sharru-
Gi's monolith ; for the sculptures upon it share to some
extent the high artistic qualities which have hitherto
been regarded as the exclusive possession of the Dynasty
of Akkad. The modelling of the figures on Naram-
Sin's stele of victory,^ their natural pose and spirited
attitudes, have long been recognized as belonging to a
totally different category from the squat and conventional
representations upon the Stele of the Vultures. The
cylinder-seals of the period are marked by the same

1 Cf. Scheil, "TextcsElam-Semit.," I., pp. 16, 2G.

2 Dhorme's suggestion that r,i was an ideographic writing for Gani in the
early period (cf. "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1909, col. 63 f.) is scarcely probable,
though the fact that the commonest ideographic value for gi was kanu or
ganu ("a reed") may possibly have contributed in some way to the later
confusion. It should also be noted that Clay has recently pointed out the
occurrence of the name IShn-ru-hi-iii, on a fragment of an early text (see
"Amurru," p. 194), as apparently that of a ruler of ''the four quarters."
Since the final n can hardly be treated as the nunnation (as in the word
ir-hi-ti-in in the fifth line of tlie text), we may probably regard the passage as
proving the early existence of the name Shurrukin, Sargon, which would be
the natural rendering of the name Sharru-ci (see above, p. 221). But the
title of the king in the new text, and his description as " the beloved of
Ishtar," would suit a king of Akkad rather tlian a king of Kish, thus
affording additional excuse for a confusion by tlie later scribes.

2 It is therefore still permissible to employ the name "Sargon" as a
synonym of Shar-Gani-sharri, the predecessor of Naram-Sin upon the throne
of Akkad. Similarly the terms " Pre-Sargonic " and " Post-Sargonic " need
not be given up. In the text, however, the forms Sharru-Gi and Shar-Gaui-
sharri have been employed for the sake of clearness.

* See above, p. 210'f.

'" See the frontispiece ; and cf. p. 242 f.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD

220

degree of excellence, but between the sculptures of
Eannatum and those of Narani-Sin there has hitherto
been a gap in the orderly stages of development. A
single example of engraved metal-work had indeed
been recovered, but the date of this was, and still is, to
some extent uncertain. The object consists
of the copper head of a colossal votive lance,
some thirty-one and a half inches long. On
one of its faces is engraved in spirited outline
the figure of a lion rampant, and on the neck
of the blade is the name of a king of Kish
beginninof with the sign " Sharru." A slight
indication of date is afforded by the fact
that it was found at Tello, near the eastern
corner of Ur-Nina's building, but at a rather
higher level.^ If the second line of the in-
scription, which is illegible through oxidiza-
tion, contained a title and not part of the
name, it is probable that we may restore the
name in the first line as that of Sharru-Gi
himself. Otherwise we must assign the lance
to some other king of Kish, but whether we
should place him before or after Sharru-Gi
it is difficult to say.

It was clear that the art of the later
period was ultimately based upon the formal
though decorative conventions of the earlier
Sumerian time, but, with the doubtful ex-
ception of the copper lance-head and the
rude statues of Manishtusu, no example had
previously been found of the intermediate trtieoTaiTcrrip
period. The missing link between the earlier ^^s of, Kish.

1 f -. i>iiiji rrom iello.

sculpture oi Lagash and tiiat oi ^Vkkad has ^^^^ ^^ 5 ^^^^
now been supplied by the monolith of Sharru- No. 1.]
Gi. Its points of resemblance to the Vulture
Stele, both in design and treatment, prove direct con-
tinuity with early Sumerian art. The divine net and
the vultures were obviously borrowed from the Tello
monument, while the guards attending upon Sharru-
Gi display the squat and heavy appearance which

Fig. 58.

Copper head
of a colossal
votive lance .
engraved with
the name and

> See Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., p. 111.

280 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

characterizes the warriors of Eannatum. At the same
time, a new element is introduced in the battle scenes,
where the designs and grouping are more varied and less
conventional. Here the sculptor has allowed his fancy
freer play, and has attempted a naturalistic treatment
in his delineation of the combatants. He has not fully
attained the masterly qualities which characterize the
stele of Xaram-Sin, but his work is its direct forerunner.
To judge from the striking evidence furnished by a
single monument, the art of Kish must have been
closely related to that of ^Vkkad. The latter inaugu-
rated no totally new departure, but was dependent on
its ])redecessor, whose most striking qualities it adopted
and improved.

As in the sphere of art, so, too, in that of politics
and government, the Dynasty of Akkad did not
originate, but merely expanded and de\'eloped its
inheritance along lines already laid down. Even with
Sharru-Gi, it is clear that we have not reached the
beginning of the Semitic movement in Northern
Babylonia, and that in this respect the kingdom of
Kish resembled the later empire of Akkad. The battle
scenes upon his monuments prove that Sharru-Gi was
a great conqueror, but the traces of the text supply no
details of his campaigns. It is significant, however,
that his enemies are bearded Semites, not Sumerians,
proving that the Semitic immigration into Northern
Babylonia and the surrounding districts was no new
thing ; we may infer that kindred tribes had long been
settled in this portion of Western Asia, and were
prepared to defend their territory from the encroach-
ments of one of their own race. Yet details of Sharru-
Gi's sculpture prove that with him we are appreciably
nearer to the time of Sumerian domination in the
north. The shaven faces of the king's suite or body-
guard suggest Sumerians, and their clothing, which the
king himself shares, is also of that type. In such
details we may see evidence of strong Simierian
influence, either in actual life or in artistic convention.
Such a mixture of Sumerian and Semitic characteristics
would be quite foreign to the Dynasty of Akkad,
and it is probable that the earlier rulers of Kish

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 231

had not yet proved themselves superior to Suinerian
tutehige.

Some account has already been given in tlie last
chapter of the campaigns of Manishtusu and Urumush,
which paved the way for the conciuests of Siiar-Gani-
sharri. AVe there saw that Manislitusu claims to have
defeated a confederation of thirty-two cities,^ and, if we
are right in assigning the cruciform monument to him,
we have definite proof that his successes were not con-
fined to Akkad and Sumer, but were carried beyond
the Elamite border. Since the fragments of his stelae,
like the cruciform monument itself, were found at
Sippar, where they had beer, dedicated in the great
temple of the Sun-god, it is quite possible that they
should be employed to supplement each other as having
commemorated the same campaign. In that case, the
kings of the thirty-two cities are to be regarded as
havinof inanuurated " the revolt of all the lands," which
the cruciform monument tells us preceded the conquest
of Anshan. The leader of the revolt was clearly the
king of Anshan, since the cruciform monument and its
duplicate particularly record his defeat and dej)ortation.
On his return from the campaign, laden with gifts and
tribute, JNIanislitusu led the king as his captive into
the presence of Shamash, whose temple he lavishly
enriched in gratitude for his victory. His boast that he
ruled, as well as conquered, Anshan was probab'y based
on the exaction of tribute ; the necessity for the recon-
quest of Elam by Urumush, and later on by Shar-Gani-
sharri would seem to indicate that the authority of these
early Semitic kings in Elam was acknowledged only so
long as their army was in occupation of the country."

Already, in the reign of Manishtusu, Akkad and
her citizens had enjoyed a position of great influence in

» See above, p. 211 f.

2 It should he noted that on a tablet from Telle of the time of the Dynasty
of Akkad mention is made of a patesi of Sasa who must have been the depen-
dent of the reigning king-. His name should probably be read as Ilishma, but
as the end of the line is broken, it is also possible that tlie personage referred
to was Ilish, an official in the service of the patesi of Susa (of. " llec. de
tabl./' p. 57, No. 122, Rev., 1. 2 f.). It is possible that to this period also
should be assigned a patesi, whose name, occurring upon the fragment of an
archaic inscription from Susa, has been provisionally read as Ur-ilira (^ee
Scheil, " Textes Elam.-Se'mit., III., p. 1) ; see further, p. 243 f.

232 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the kingdom of Kisli, and it is not surprising tliat in the
course of a few generations she should have obtained
the hegemony in Babylonia. We do not know the
immediate cause of the change of capital, nor whether
it was the result of a prolonged period of antagonism
between the rival cities. On this point the later tradi-
tion is silent, merely recording that Sargon obtained
" the kingdom " through Ishtar's help. That Shar-
Gani-sharri was the actual founder of his dynasty is
clear from the inscription upon his gate-sockets found
at Nippur, which ascribe no title to his father, Dfiti-
Enlil,^ pro\'ing that his family had not even held the
patesiate or governorship of Akkad under the suzerainty
of Kish. Indeed, tradition related that Sargon's native
city was Azupirilnu, and it loved to contrast his humble
birth and upl^ringing with the subsequent splendour of
his reign. The legend of his committal to the river in
an ark of bulrushes, and of his rescue and adoption by
^Vkki, the gardener, would make its appeal to every
later generation, and it undoubtedly ensured for Sargon
the position of a national hero in the minds of the
people. The association of the story with his name,
while tending to preserve his memory, need not be held
to discredit the traditions of his conquests, which, as
we have already seen, are confirmed in several important
details by the inscriptions of his reign.

On the transference of power from Kish to Akkad
an expansion of Semitic authority from Northern
Babylonia appears to have taken place throughout a
considerable portion of Western xVsia. Elam no longer
claims the principal share of attention from the rulers
of Akkad and Sumer, and Shar-Gani-sharri seems to
have devoted his energies to extending his influence
northwards and, more particularly, in the west. Kutu,
which lay to the north-east of Akkad, in the hilly
country on the east of the I^ower Zab, was conquered
in the same year that Shar-Gani-sharri laid the founda-
tions of the temples of Anunitu and Amal in Babylon,
and Sharlak, its king, was taken captive.'^ The reference

» Cf. " Old Bal). Inscr.," Pt. IT., pi. 2, Ao. 2 ; and see furflier, p. 248 f.
2 See Thuroau-Dangiii, " ("oniptes rcndiis," 189(5, p. .'55'.), ^'o. G ; " Kecueil
de tablettes," p. 56, No. 118 ; and " Konig.sin.'^chriflen," p. 225.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 233

to this event in the official title of the year during
which it took place is some indication of the im-
portance ascribed to the campaign. Unfortunately,
we possess no classified date-list for the Dynasty of
Akkad, such as we have recovered for tlie later
Dynasties of Ur and Babylon, and the dated tablets of
this period are too few to enable us to attempt any
chronological classification of them by their contents.
We are thus without the means of arranging Sliar-
Gani-sharri's conquests in the order in which they took
place, or of tracing the steps by which he gradually
increased his empire. But if the order of the sections
on the Omen-tablet has any significance, it would seem
that his most important conquest, that of Amurru or
*' the Western Land," took place in the earlier years
of his reign.

A discrepancy occurs in the later accounts of this
conquest, which have come down to us upon the Omen-
tablet and the Neo-Babylonian Chronicle. While in
the former the complete subjugation of Amurru is
recorded to have taken place " in the third year," the
latter states that this event occurred " in the eleventh
year." It is quite possible to reconcile the two tradi-
tions ; the former statement may imply that it took
three years to subdue the country, the latter that the
conquest was achieved in the eleventh year of Shar-
Gani-sharri's reign.^ Indeed, the fact that four sections
of the Omens refer to Amurru would seem to imply
that it required several expeditions to bring the whole
region into complete subjection. By the extension of
his authority to the Mediterranean coast Shar-Gani-
sharri made a striking advance upon the ideals of empire
possessed by his predecessors on the throne of Kish.
But even in this achievement he was only following in
the steps of a still earlier ruler. A passage in Lugal-
zaggisi's text would seem to imply that, in the course of
an expedition along the Euphrates, he had succeeded
in penetrating to the Syrian coast.^ But Shar-Gani-
sharri's conquest appears to have been of a more perma-
nent character than Lugal-zaggisi's raid. The position
of his capital rendered it easier to maintain permanent

1 See King, " Chronicles," Vol. I., p. 38 f '^ See above, p. iU? f.

234 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

relations witli the A\''est, and to despatch punitive
expeditions tliither in the event of his authority being
called in question.

It has been claimed on behalf of Shar-Gani-sharri
that he did not stop at the coast, but crossed the
Mediterranean to Cyprus, whicli he is said to have in-
cluded witliin the limits of his empire. It would seem,
however, that while the island may have been subject
indirectly to Babylonian influence at an early period,
tlicre is no indication of any direct or vigorous
Semitic influence upon the native Cypriote culture
at this time.^ But traces of such an influence we should
expect to find, if the island had been politically subject
to Shar-Gani-sharri, and had shared the elaborate
system of commimication which he established
between the distant parts of his empire. In itself
the archaeological evidence would scarcely have been
cited to prove a definite occupation of the island,
had not a statement occurred upon Sargon's Omen-
tablet to the effect that " he crossed the Sea of
tlie West." But the newly discovered chronicle
proves that the true reading should be " the Sea in
tlie East," which without doubt indicates the Persian
Gulf.

From the Chronicle we gather that in the original
composition this passage was not cast in the form of
a consecutive narrative. It is a poetical summary of
Sargon's might, elaborating in greater detail the pre-
ceding phrase that " he poured out his glory over the
world." In it the clauses are balanced in antithesis,
and the Western I^and and tlie Eastern Sea, that is
Syria and tlie Persian Gulf, are mentioned together as
having formed the extreme limits of Sargon's empire.
On the Omen-tablet the original text has been cut up
into sections and a})plicd piecemeal to different augural
phenomena. In its new setting as a consecutive narra-
tive of events the mention of the Persian Gulf was
obviously inconsistent with the conquest of Amurru,
and hence it was natural for a copyist to amend the
text to the form in which it has reached us on the

' For a (lipciission of the arclueological evidence adduced in favour of tho
theory, see further, Chap. XII., p. 343 f.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 235

Omen-tablet.* The Omens still retained the reference
to the despoiling of the Country of the Sea, i.e. the
littoral of the Persian Gulf, which Shar-Gani-sharri
doubtless included within the southern border of his
empire. AVith this record we may connect the tradi-
tion, reproduced in the Legend of Sargon, that he
conquered Dilmun, an island in the Persian Gulf, and
with his maritime enterprise in this region we may
compare that of Sennacherib at a later date who crossed
the Gulf in the course of his conquest of Elam. From
the earliest periods we know that the rivers and canals
of Babylonia were navigated,' and the Persian Gulf was
a natural outlet for the trade of the Sumerian cities in
the south. In organizing a naval expedition for the
conquest of the coast and the islands, Shar-Gani-sharri
would have had native ships and sailors at his disposal,
whose knowledge of the Gulf had been acquired in the
course of their regular coastal trading.

In the internal administration of his empire Shar-
Gani-sharri appears to have inaugurated, or at any rate
to have organized, a regular system of communication
between the principal cities and the capital. The re-
ferences to separate cities, which occur in the con-
temporary inscriptions of his reign, are not numerous.
From the texts found at Nippur, we know that he
rebuilt E-kur, the great temple of Enlil, and many of
the bricks which formed his temple-platform and that
of Naram-Sin have been found in place.^ The mace-
head from Abu Habba * is an indication that, like his
predecessors on the throne of Kish, he devoted himself

^ The phrase "the Sea in the East, " opposed to the Country of the West,
can only mean the Eastern Sea, i.e. the Persian Gulf. It would be more than
a fanciful interpretation to take it as implyine;' a maritime expedition in the
eastern portion of the Western Sea, as Winckler suggests (see "Orient. Lit.-
Zeit./' Nov. 1!)07, col. 580). The Neo-Babylonian Clironicle, though the
tablet on which it is written is later in point of time than the Omen-tablet
from Ashur-bani-pal's Library, clearly represents the more original version.
There would be no object in amending the Chronicle's text, while its
mutilation to fit the Liver-omens would naturally introduce inconsistencies,
which it would be tempting to a copyist to correct.

- In the commercial tablets of the period of Shar-Gani-.sharri and Naram-
Sin, reference is frequently made to transport by water. Thus the arrival of
grain-boats at Lagash is often noted, or arrangements are made for the
despatch of cattle and asses by boat to other places.

3 See above, p. 21'J.

♦ See above, p. 218.

23G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

to enriching the great temple of the Sun-god in
Northern Babylonia ; while one of his date-formulas
supports the tradition of his building activity in
Babylon.^ But such votive texts and records throw no
light u])on his methods of government, or upon the
means lie took to retain his hold upon the more out-
lying districts of his empire. Some striking evidence
upon this point has, however, been recovered at Tello,
and this is furnished, not by any formal record or care-
iiilly inscribed monument, but by some rough lumps of
clay, which had been broken and thrown on one side as
useless debris during the reigns of Shar-Gani-sharri
himself and his successor.

Along with the dated tablets of this period there
w^ere found at Tello, in a mound to the S.S.E. of the
" Tell of Tablets," a number of sun-dried lumps of clay,
most of them broken in pieces, but bearing traces of
seal-impressions upon their upper surface." A careful
comparison and examination of them showed that on
their under sides impressions of cords and knots were
still \isible, and it was evident that the clay had been
used for sealing bales or bundles of objects, which had
been tied up and secured with cords. Some of the seal-
impressions bear short inscriptions, consisting of the
name of the king and that of some high functionary or
officer of state, such as " Shar-Gani-sharri, the mighty,
the king of Akkad : Lugal-ushumgal, patesi of Lagash,
thy servant " •, here the king is addressed in the
second person by the officer whose name and title
were engraved upon the seal. Similar inscriptions
occur upon impressions from the seals of the
shakkanakku or grand vizir, the magician of the royal
household, and the king's cupbearer. The seals were
obviously employed by the officials whose names
occur in the second part of each inscription, the
name of the king being also included to give them the
royal authority. The right to use the royal name was
evidently a privilege enjoyed only by the higher officials
of the court.

From the fact that the broken lumps of clay were
found at Tello, it is clear that the sealed bundles had

> See above, p. 22G. ^ ggg Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., pp. 2 ff.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 237

been despatched thither from Akkad, and we have in
them incontestable evidence of a service of convoys
between Akkad and I^agasli, imder the direct control
of the king's officers. We may note that in addition to
the seal-impressions several of the clay fragments were
inscribed in a cursive hand with the name of an official,
or private person, for whom the sealed packet was
intended. Tims a sealed bundle from the grand vizir
was addressed " To ^Vlla," that from Dada, the magician,
" To Lugal-ushumgal," whose name occurs in the seal
on other fragments ; while one sent in Naram-Sin's reign
appears to have been addressed simply " To Lagash,"
indicating the packet's place of destination. Apart from
the fact that, with the exception of Lugal-ushumgal,
the high court-officials mentioned on the seals would
naturally be living in Akkad, not in Lagash, the
addresses on the diffisrent fragments, particularly the
one last referred to, definitely prove that the sealings
were employed on bundles actually despatched from
city to city and not stored in any archive or repository.
It is therefore certain that, during the reigns of Shar-
Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin, a regular system of com-
munication was kept up between Lagash and the court,
and it may legitimately be inferred that the capital was
linked up in a similar way to the other great cities of
the empire.

In addition to the system of official convoys, the
commercial tablets of this period that have been found
at Tello bear witness to an active interchange of goods
and produce between Lagash, Akkad, and other cities
in the empire.^ Thus in some we read of the despatch
of gold to Akkad, or of herds of oxen, or flocks of sheep,
lambs and goats. In return we find Akkad sent grain
and dates southwards, and probably garments and
woven stuffs ; the importance of the first two exports
is indicated by the frequent occurrence of the expres-
sions " grain of Akkad " and " dates of Akkad " in the
commercial texts. Moreover, a study of the proper
names occurring on the tablets suggests that, in con-
sequence of these commercial relations, a considerable

' See Thureau-Dangin, " Rec. de tabl.," pp. 44 flF., Kos. 77 ff. ; "Rev.
dAssyr.," IV., pp. 17 ff.

238 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Semitic iinmi<Tration now took ])lace from .Akkud and
the north. Among southern Sumeriun cities Erech
and Umma, Ninni-esh and Adab had particularly close
relations with Lai^'ash, while (ifoods despatched from
Kish, Nippur, and Ur are invoiced in the lists. The
conquests of Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin were also
rcrtccted in the articles of commerce that reached the
market of Lagash, where contributions from JNlagan^
ISIclukhkha, and Elam were not infrequently met with,
and we even find the sale of sla\'es from such distant
countries as Gutiii and Amurru recorded. To regulate
the trade relations between the different cities, and to
instruct his local officials on details of their administra-
tion, it is probable that the kings of Akkad, like those
of the First Dynasty of Babylon, wrote letters and
despatches which were delivered by royal messengers.
Though no royal letters have been found inscribed with
the regular epistolary formuke, a few tablets of the
period contain what are obviously directions from the
king.

It was probably due to his encouragement of official
and commercial intercourse between the scattered cities
over which he ruled, that Shar-Gani-sharri was enabled
to establish an efficient control over an empire which was
more extensive than that of any earlier ruler. A study of
the names upon the Obelisk of Manishtusu makes it clear
that, already under the kings of Kish, the barriers which
had previously surrounded and isolated each city-state
had begun to disappear under the influence of a central
administration. This process was accelerated in Shar-
Gani-sharri's reign, and, althougli under the kings of Ur
and I sin a conservative reaction appears to have set in,
the great cities never returned to their former state of
isolation even in the south. Another factor, which may
have contributed to this process of centralization, may
probably be traced in Manishtusu's text itself, and
echoes of it may perhaps be detected in some of the
later traditions of Sargon's reign. It will be remembered
that the obelisk records the purchase by the king of
some large landed estates in the neighbourhood of Kish
and three other cities in Northern Babylonia, on which
he intended to settle certain citizens of Akkad and their

THE EMPir.E OF AKKAD 239

adherents.* This wholesale transference of a large
section of the population of a city may well lia\e been
dictated by political motives, and it is possible that it
was part ot a f^encral system, inaiiouratcd by the kings
of Kish with the object of substituting national feeling
in place of the local patriotism of the city-state. Ac-
cording to this theory, JNIanishtusu's object w^ould hiixe
been to w^eaken Akkad by the deportation of many ot
her principal citizens to the neighbourhood of Kish.

The high social standing of several of the immigrants,
whose names are emnnerated on the obelisk, suggests a
comparison with the late traditions concerning Sargon's
high-handed treatment of "the sons of his palace."^
The Neo-Babylonian Chronicle relates that Sargon
caused " the sons of his palace," that is his relatives and
personal attendants, to settle for five kasgid around, and
it adds that over the hosts of the world he reiirned
supreme. The Omen-tablet represents certain nobles,
or powerful adherents of the king, as having been dis-
possessed of their dwellings in consequence of additions
made to the royal palace ; and they are recorded to have
appealed to Sargon to tell them where they should go.
It is quite possible that these episodes in the Assyrian
and Neo-Babvlonian texts had some such historical basis
as that suggested in the preceding paragraph. Shar-
Gani-sharri may have adopted JNIanishtusu's policy and
carried it out on a more extensive scale. The deporta-
tions from Akkad, referred to in the late tradition, may
have been intended to strengthen the loyal elements in
the provinces. In the course of centin'ies the motive
wliich prompted the movement would be forgotten or
misunderstood, and it would be ascribed to some such
material cause as an increase in the size of the royal
palace. If this was only part of a settled policy, we
may conjecture that similar transfers were effected in
the population of other parts of the empire.

The effect of such a policy would undoubtedly
have been to weaken the power of resistance formerly
possessed by self-contained city-states against the
hegemony of any one of their number. In this respect
the kings of Kish and Akkad would only luue been

» See abovcj pp. 206 ff. - See " Chrouicles," 1., p. 40 f. ; 11., pp. 5, 32.

240 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

carrying out, on a less ambitious scale and over a
smaller area, the policy which the later Assyrian kings
so ruthlessly enforced throughout the whole of Western
Asia. But, although successful for a time, no state
could be permanently establislied upon such a basis.
The forces of discontent were hound to come to a head,
and in Shar-Gani-sharri's own case we may perhaps
trace to this cause the revolt of all the lands, which is
recorded to huve taken ]:)lace in his old age. It is
perhaps significant, too, that Urumush is related to
have met his end in a palace revolution/

Tradition does not speak with any certain voice
concerning tlie fate of Shar-Gani-sharri. Both the
Omen-tablet and the Clironicle relate that he was
besieged in the city of Akkad, and that he sallied forth
and signally defeated his enemies. But the latter text
ends its account of Sargon's reign witli a record of
disaster. " Because of the evil which he had com-
mitted," the text runs, " the great god IVIarduk was
angry and he destroyed his people by famine. From
the rising of the sun unto the setting of the sun they
opposed him and gave him no rest." The expedition
against Erech and Naksu, recorded in dates upon
certain tablets inscribed during the patesiate of Lugal-
ushumgal, may perhaps be referred to this period of
unrest during the latter part of Sargon's reign.'' The
reference to Sargon's closing years on the Neo- Babylonian
tablet is quite in the manner of the Hebrew books of
Chronicles. The writer traces Sargon's misfortunes to
his own evil deeds, in consequence of which the god
Marduk sent troubles upon him as a punishment. It
may seem strange that such an ending should follow
the account of a brilliant and victorious reign. But
it is perhaps permissible to see in the evil deeds ascribed
to S argon a reference to his policy of deportation, which
may have raised him bitter enemies among the priesthood
and the more conservative elements in tlic population
of the country.

■ See above, p. 205.

2 See 'J"hureau-Daiig-in, " Kccueil de tablettcs," Nos. 99, 136, 176. 'ITie
possibility may also bo noted tliat the expedition represents one of Narani-
Sin's successful efforts, at tlic befrinnin^r of bis reign, to recover his pre-
decessor's empire which had dwindled during his later years.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 241

There can be little doubt that Sluir-Gani-sharri
was succeeded on the throne of Akkad by Naram-Sin,
whom we may regard with considerable confidence as
his son as well as his successor. In the later tradition
Xaram-Sin is represented as the son of Sargon, and,
althougli in his own inscriptions he never mentions
his father's name, we have contem})orary proof that
his reign and that of Shar-Gani-sharri were very close
to one another. The relation of Shar-Gani-sharri's
pavement in the temple of Ekur to that of Naram-Sin
and the similar character of their building materials
suggest that the structures were laid with no long
interval between them, and the fact that Lugal-ushum-
gal, patesi of Lagash, was the contemporary of both
Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin^ supports the pre-
sumption that the latter was Shar-Gani-sharri's successor
on the throne. Hence such evidence as we possess is
in favour of accepting the later tradition of their
relationship to one another.

Naram- Sin's fame as a great conqueror, like that
of his father, survived into later times, and the Omen-
tablet and the Neo-Baby Ionian Chronicle relate his siege
of the city of Apirak and the defeat of its governor
and of Rish-Adad its king. Both texts also briefly
record his successful expedition against the land of
Magan. In the Omen-tablet the name of the king is
wanting, but the lately recovered Chronicle has supplied
it as Mannu-dannu. On this point the later tradition
has been strikingly confirmed by the discovery at Susa
of the base of a diorite statue of the king, on which
it is recorded that he conquered Magan and slew
Mani[. . .],' its prince or "lord." The precise position
of the land of Magan is still unsettled, some setting

' In addition to Lugal-ushumgal's seal-impression with its address to Shar-
Gani-sharri, another has been recovered witli a similar address to Naram-Sin,
which lie evidently employed after the latter's ascension of the throne ; see
Ileuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.,"'Vol. IV., p. 11.

2 ()n the monument the end of the name is wanting. Scheil suggested
the restoration Maui[um] (see " Textes Elam.-Se'mit.," III., p. 5) a reading that
would not be inconsistent with the traces on the Unien-tablet (see King,
" Chronicles," II., p. 39, n. 1). But M.Thureau-Dangin informs me that the
traces upon the statue are not those of the .sign um, but possibly of dan, so
that the form Mannu-dannu may be a fairly accurate transcripticn of the
original name.

242 HISTORY OF SUMER A:^D AKKAD

it in the Sinaitic peninsula, others regarding it as a
portion of Eastern Arabia. In favour of tlie latter
\'iew it may be noted that from Southern Babylonia
it would be easy of access by way of the Persian Gulf,
and the transport of heavy blocks of diorite, which
Naram-Sin, and at a rather later period Gudea, brought
irom INlagan, would be more easily effected by water
than overland. In that case Naram-Sin's invasion of
Magan was in direct continuation of Shar-Gani-sharri's
pohcy of extending his empire southwards to include
the shores of the Persian Gidf.

In the inscription upon this same statue, which
Narilm-Sin records was fashioned from diorite brought
to Akkad for that purpose from the mountains of
INlagan, he claims the proud title of " king of the four
quarters (of the world)." Shar-Gani-sharri, in addition
to his usual titles of "the mighty one, the king of
Akkad," describes himself in one of the texts upon
his gate-sockets from Nippur as " king of Enlil's realm,"
but in none of his inscriptions that have been recovered
does he employ the title "king of the four quarters."
This may be merely a coincidence, and no inference
should perhaps be drawn from the absence of the title
from his texts. On the other hand, it is possible that
its assumption by Naram-Sin was based on a definite
claim to a world-wide empire, the full extent of which
his predecessor had not enjoyed. However this may
be, we have ample evidence of Nanun-Sin's military
activity. In the introductory lines on the statue already
referred to he claims to have been the victor in nine
separate battles, forced upon him by the attack of
hostile forces, in the course of a single year. Conquests
recorded in other inscriptions of Naram-Sin are that
of Armanu,' and of Satuni, king of I^ulubu.^ The
latter region lay to the east of Akkad, in the moun-
tainous region to the north-east of Elam, and its king
appears to have formed a confederacy of the neigh-
bouring districts to oppose the advance of Akkadian
influence in tliat direction.

The monument, which Naram-Sin set up and dedicated

' See " Coinptes rendus," 1809, p. .348.
" See "Textes Elam.-Semit.," I., pp. 53 ff.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 243

in the temple of his god in commemoration of this
latter victory, is one of the finest pieces of Babylonian
sculpture that has yet been recovered/ It is a stele
of victory, and the face is sculptured with a represen-
tation of the king conquering Satuni and his other
enemies in a mountainous country. The king, whose
figure is on a larger scale than the others, is nearly at
the summit of a high mountain. He wears a helmet
adorned with the horns of a bull, and he carries a
battle-axe and a bow and arrow. Up the mountain
side and along paths through the trees which clothe
the lower slopes, the king's alhes and warriors climb
after him, bearing standards and weapons in their hands.
Some of the king's foes are fleeing before him, and
they turn in their flight to sue for mercy, while one
still grasps a broken spear. Another has been shot
by the king and crouches on the ground, seeking to
draw the arrow from his throat. Two others lie prone
before Naram-Sin, who has planted his foot upon the
breast of one of them. The peak of the mountain
rises to the stars.

The fact that the stele was found at Susa has been
employed as an argument in favour of regarding Elam
as a dependency of Akkad during his reign. But, in
addition to Naram-Sin's own text, the stele bears a
later inscription of the Elamite king Shutruk-Nakh-
khunte, from which we may infer that it was captured
in Northern Babylonia and carried off to Susa as a
trophy of war. But it is not unlikely that Naram-Sin,
like Shar-Gani-sharri and the kings of Kish, achieved
successes against Elam. Apirak, his conquest of which
tradition records, wms a country within the Elamite
region, and its capture may well have taken place
during a successful raid. INlention has been made of
two early Elamite patesis, whose names have been
recovered upon a tablet from Tello and an archaic text
from Susa." The patcsi of Susa, whose name may be read
as Ilishma, belongs to a period when that city acknow-
ledged the suzerainty of Akkad. But this single name
does not prove that Elam, however closely connected

^ See the frontispiece to this volume.
^ See above, p. 231, n. 2.

244 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

with Akkad by commercial ties, formed a regular pro-
vince of the Akkadian empire, Ilishma may have been
appointed to the throne of Susa by the king of Akkad
during an invasion of that country, which reached its
culmination in the deportation of the native king, as
Shar-Gani-sharri deported the kings of Kutii and
Amin-ru, and JManishtusu the king of Anshan. The
avaihible evidence suggests that, during the Dynasty
of Akkad, Susa and Elam generally enjoyed their
independence, subject to occasional periods of inter-
ruption.

^^''ithin the limits of Sumer and Akkad Naram-Sin
appears to have followed his father's policy of materially
benefiting the provincial cities, while keeping their
administration under his immediate control. Thus he
continued the service of convoys, and at the same time
devoted himself to the erection of temples to the gods.
His rebuilding of the temples of Enlil at Nippur and
of Shamash at Sippar has been already referred to,
while his votive onyx vases found at Tello ^ prove that
he did not neglect the shrines of Lagash. Another
Sumerian city in which he undertook building opera-
tions was Ninni-esh, for there he rebuilt the temple
dedicated to the goddess Ninni in the same year that
he laid the foundation of the temple at Nippur.*

But by far the most interesting of his building
records is the stele sculptured with the figure of him-
self,^ which is usually known as the Diarbekr stele.
When first brought to the Museum at Constantinople
it was said to have been found at Mardin,^ and later on,
certainly with greater accuracy, to have come from
Diarbekr.^ As a matter of fact, it was discovered at
Pir Hussein, a small village built beside a low tell, and
situated about four and a half hours to the N.N.E. of
Diarbekr, on the Ambar Su, a stream which rises in
the lower slopes of the Taurus, and, after running

' See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 1. He also built in Lagash a
temple to Sin, the Moon-god ; see King, " I'roc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Nov. 1909.

^ See the date-form u he on tablets Nos. 8G, lOH, and 144 in " Rec. de
tabl.," pp. 4G, 53, 05 ; " Konigsinschriften," p 226.

3 See p. 245, Fig. 59. * See Scheil, " Rec. de trav.," Vol. XV., p 62

6 See Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., p. 63, No. 120; and Meyer,
"Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 473.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 245

parallel to the Sebene Su, joins tlie Tigris below
Diarbekr. It was found by the villagers some nineteen
years ago when they were digging for building materials

Fig, 59.

Stele sculptured with the figure of Nar8,m-Sin, King of Akkad,
which was found at Pir Hussein near Diarbekr. In the Imperial
Ottoman Museum.

on the site of the aneient city below the tell.^ There is
no doubt that the stele was found in situ,"^ and it

^ I visited the site in the summer of 1904, when on my way from Persia to
Samsun, and the exact spot was pointed out to me where the stele was found.
Naram-Sin's buildinji', or platform, was on lower ground below the tell, on
which probably stood the citadel. The stele was found only about five feet
below the surface, and it is clear that no considerable accunmlation of debris
covers the remains of the city of Naram-Siu's time, and that its excavation
would be a comparatively simple matter.

2 On being discovered by the villagers no particular value was attached tc
it, and, as it was too large for them to use, it was left lying for three years
on the spot where it was found. It was then brought to Diarbekr by tlie
owner of the village, Chialy Effendi, who built it into the edging of a
fountain in the court of his house on the left bank of the Tigris outside
the city. On his death, about fourteen years ago, Natik Effendi sent it to the
Museum at Constantinople.

24G HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

furnishes remarkable evidence of the extent of Naram-
Sin's influence northwards. The inscription upon the
stone is broken, but it contains a reference to the defeat
of the king's enemies by the god Enki, or Ea, within
the four quarters of the world. That Naram-Sin and
his army sliould have penetrated to the upper reaches
of the Tigris is remarkable enough in itself, but tliat he
should have erected a stele of victory, and possibly a
building, in at least one of the towns he subdued during
the campaign, suggests that his occupation of this
region was effective for some time.

Of Naram-Sin's successors upon the throne of
Akkad we know little. The name of Bin-Gani-sharri,
one of his sons, has been recovered upon a seal,^ and on
a seal-impression from Tello,^ but his name has not
been foimd with the royal title, so that we do not
know whether he succeeded his father upon the throne.
Anotlier son of Naram-Sin, the reading of whose name
is uncertain, held the post of patesi of Tutu, for his
name and title have been preserved on a perforated
plaque from Tello, engraved by Lipush-Iau, who
describes herself as his daughter and lyre-player to the
Moon-god, Sin.^ The famous seal of Kalki, the scribe,
who Avas in the service of Ubil-Ishtar, " the king's
brother," is also to be assigned to this period, but to
which reign we cannot tell. The scene engraved upon
the seal * giA'es an interesting picture of one of these
early Semitic princes attended by his suite. The
central figure, who carries an axe over his left
shoulder, is probably Ubil-Ishtar, and he is followed
by a Sumerian servant, whom we may identify with
the scribe Kalki, the holder of the seal. The other
attendants, consisting of the prince's huntsman, his
steward with his staff of office, and a soldier, are all

' See Menant, '' Reclierclios sur la frlyptique orieiitalo," p, 7f), pi. 1,
No. 1. The seal is thatof Izinum, the scribe^ who was evidently in Bin-Gani-
sharri'3 service.

2 The seal of Abi-ishar, the scribe, bore the names of both I^aram-Sin and
liin-fJani-sharri ; see Tliuroau-Daiiffin, ''Rec. de tald.," p. 70, No. 169.
Eririda is mentioned on a commercial tablet of the ])criod as the slave of a
certain Bi-(jani sliarri {op. rit., p. 48, No. 94, " Kev. d'Assyr.,' IW, p. 70),
wlio may jKtssiblv be identified with Naram-biu's sou.

3 "Comptes'rendus," 1899, p. 348.
* See the opposite plate.

IMPRKSSIOX OF THE CVLIXDKR-SKAL OP THE .SCRinE OF UMII.-HHTAR,
RROTHER OF AX EARLY SEMITIC KING OF NORTHERN I',A!\I r.\ | \ '

Brif. Afi/s.. A'o. 89137.

IMPRESSION OF THE CYITNDER-SEAE OF KHASH K H A >! KR. VASSAL OF

UR-ENGUR, KING OF UR.

/ir//. JflfS., Ko. !?0126.

r _

f I

( =

I 1'^

/ii:

•-^ J I '/ ' ' r r I I

f/i

IMPRESSION OFTHE CS 1,1 \ DER-SEAI, DET>K AIEU U) THE GOD MESLAMTAEA
liV KIl.ULl A-(;l/ALA ON liEHALF OF DUNGI. KIN(; OF UR.

/>''•'/. Miis., No. S9131.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 247

bearded Semites. The shaven head and f'riiiired
garment of the Snmciians are lierc retained hy the
scribe, snggesting tliat, tliougli the Sumcrians were
em})l()yed by their contjnerors, Httle racial amalgama-
tion had taken phice.

To the time of the kings of Akkad must also be
assigned the Stele of Victory, two fragments of which
have been found at Tello, sculptured on both faces with
bas-reliefs, arranged in registers, above an inscription/
The sculptor has represented his battle-scenes as a series
of hand-to-hand conflicts, and here we see bearded
Semitic warriors, armed with spear, axe, or bow and
arrows, smiting their enemies. The inscription is \'ery
broken, but enough is preserved to indicate that it enume-
rates a nimiber of estates or tracts of land, some, if not
all of them, situated in the neighbourhood of I^agash,
which have been assigned to different high officials. 'I'he
summary at the end of the text is partly preserv^ed, and
states that the list comprised seventeen chief cities and
eiglit chief places, and it ends with a record that may
probably be restored to read : " liesides ^Vkkad, the
kingdom, which he had received, [was the patesiate of
Lagash given to . . . ]." It would thus seem that the
stele was set up in Lagash to commemorate its acquisi-
tion by a king of Akkad, who at the same time rewarded
his own courtiers and officials by assigning them parts
of the conquered territory. The name of tlie king is
wanting in the text, and we must depend on conjecture
to decide the reign or period to wliich it belongs.

A comparison of the monument with Naram-Sin's
Stele of Victory will show that, though tlie attitudes of
the figures are natural and vigorous, the sculptor does
not display quite the same high qualities of composition
and artistic arrangement. Tliis fact might conceivably
be employed in favoiu- of assigning the stele to a period
of decadence when the dynasty of Shar-Gani-sharri may
have fallen before the onset of some fresh v/ave of
Semitic hordes. Hut the impression given by the
monument is that of a vigorous art struggling towards

^See Ileuzev, " Comptes rendus," iSi.tr), pp. 22 ff. ; "Rev. •rA^syr.."
Vol. III., pp. 11.} ir. ; and Thureaii-Daugin, " Kevue Semitique,"' IM'.t?.
pp. i6C tf. For the sculptures, see p. 248 f., Figs. 60 and Gl.

248 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

perfection ratlier than the rude imitation of a more
perfect style, and it is probahle tliat we must date it in
an early, rather than in a late, period during this epoch
of Semitic domination/

The reference to *'Akkad, the kingdom," in the
summary at the end of the text, renders it difficult to
assign it to an early king of Kish such as Sharru-Gi, for
we should then have to assume that Sliar-Gani-sharri's
dynasty was not the earliest one to rule in Akkad, and

Fia. 60,

Portion of a Stele of Victory of a king of Akkad, sculptured in
relief with battle scenes ; from Tello.

[In the Louvre : Cat. No. 21.]

that still earlier Semitic kings reigned in that city before
the rise of Kish. But in view of the total absence of
otlier evidence in support of such a conclusion, it is
preferable to assign the Tello stele provisionally to
Shar-Gani-sharri himself. It will have been noted that

* Certain epiarraphic peculiarities in tlie iascription, which are not
characteristic of the Sargonic period, may perhaps be explained as due to the
iurtuence of Lagash : the inscription may have been engraved by a scribe of
that citv, who has reproduced tlie local forin-s of the characters with which he
was familiar (of. "Rev. Semit.," 1B!»7, p. Ki!)).

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD

249

the foes sculptured upon the monument are Semites,
not Sumerijins, and, if our assumption is correct, we
may see in them the men of Kish, on whose defeat by
Shar-Gani-sharri the M'hole of Sumer, inchiding the
city of I^agash, would have fallen under the rule ol'
Akkad.' In that case the stele may well have com-
memorated the decisive victory by which Shar-Gani-
sharri put an end to the domination of Kish and
founded his own empire.

The absence of Sumerians from the battle-scenes in
the reliefs of the period that we possess is significant of
their political annihilation before the Semitic onslaught.

Fig. G1.

Portion of a Stele of Victory of a king of Akkad, sculptured in
relief with battle sceues ; from Tello. For the other face of the
fragment see the opposite page.

In the scenes engraved upon the stele of Sharru-Gi ^ the
king's enemies are Semites, so that even in his time we
have the picture of different Semitic clans or tribes
contending among themselves for the possession of the
countries they had overrun. That the racial movement
was not confined to Akkad and Sumer is proved by

' As the stele was set up in Lagash, the section dealing' with the distribution
of that city's land would naturally be added to the historical record.
^ See above, p. 220.

250 HISTORY OF SUMER AIS^D AKKAD

Semitic inscriptions of the rulers of other districts.
Lusirab. Kin^ of Giitiu, has left us a ceremonial mace-
head, wliich was found at Abu Habba.^ AVhethcr it was
carried to Sipjiar as spoil of war, or deposited there by
Lasirab himself, we cannot say ; but its text proves that
Gutiu was ruled by Semitic monarchs. 'riie neigh-
bouring district of Lulubu was similarly governed, and
Anu-banini, one of its kings, has left us sculptured
images of himself and his goddess Ninni, or Ishtar,
upon the face of a cliff near Ser-i-Pul-i-Zohab.^ Here
tlie river Hulvan flows through a natural rift in a low
range of limestone hills that rise abruptly from the
plain. The track runs througli the rift in the hills
beside the stream, and on to the foot of the Zagros
pass and through the mountains into Elam. Road,
river, and cliff' form a striking combination, and not only
Anu-banini but other monarchs who passed that way
have left their records on the rock. One of these, on
the further bank of the stream, was set there by another
early Semitic king, whose sculpture was influenced
by that of Anu-banini.^

Among the various Semitic kingdoms and small
principalities which were founded and endured for a
time in this portion of Western Asia, that of Akkad
won the pre-eminent place. In the mountainous
regions to the east and north of Elam the immigrants
doubtless dominated the country, but they found a
population in a state of culture little more advanced
than their own, and, if subject to no other influence,
they must have remained in a condition of semi-
barbarity. But in Babylonia the case was different.
Here the vigorous nature of the nomad found a rich
soil to support its growth and development. 'J'he

• See tlie plate facing p. 206.

2 See De Morgan, "Mission scientifique en Perse," ^'ol. IV., p. IGl,
pi. ix.

3 When passing' by this route into Persia from Turkey, in the spriiiff of
1004, I made a careful study of all the sculptureil panels on both sides of the
Hulvan. ITie second largest panel is that of this early Semitic king; on the
ledge below the sculpture are traces of an inscription, of wliicli sufficient i?
preserved to prove that it is written in Semitic Babylonian. 'Ihe sculptured
panel at Sheikh- Klian, with its frajrnieiitnry Semitic inscription (De Morgan,
0/). cit., pi. X.), is a very much ruder production, and is probably of a con-
siderably later date.

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 251

ancient culture of tlie Sumerians was adopted by tlieir
conquerors, at whose hands it underwent a gradual
change. The sculptor slowly freed himself from the
stiff' conventions of his Sumerian teachers, and, while
borrowing their technical skill, he transformed the work
of their hands. Such a cylinder-seal as that of Ibni-
sharru, Shar-Ganni-sharri's scribe, with its design of
kneeling heroes watering oxen,' is a marvellous product
of the engraver's art ; while the delicate modelling of
the figures upon Naram-Sin's stele, their natural
attitudes, and the decorative arrangement of the
composition as a wliole, are not approached on any
earlier monument. The later sculptures of Lagash owe
much to the influence of Akkadian work.

In the political sphere the Dynasty of Akkad
attained a similar position. Not only did her kings
secure tlie hegemony in Akkad and Sumer, but they
pushed their influence beyond the limits of Babylonia,
and cons'olidated an empire in the strict sense of the
term. His rule over the four quarters of the world
may have led Naram-Sin to add to his titles, and the
growth of their power probably increased the tendency
of these early monarchs to assume the attributes and
privileges of gods. Of the kings of Kish we have
evidence that some were deified, and the divine deter-
minative is set before the name of Shar-Gani-sharri in
two inscriptions that have come down to us. In nearly
every text of Naram-Sin the determinative for deity
precedes his name, and in some of the contemporary
seal-inscriptions he is even termed "the god of Akkad."
Under the later kings of Ur the cult of the reigning
monarch was diligently practised, and his worship was
continued after death. There is no evidence that this
custom obtained among the earlier Sumerian kings and
patesis, and we may with some confidence set its origin
in this period of Semitic supremacy. That the kings of
Akkad should have claimed divine honours during their
own lifetime may probably be connected with the
increase in their dominion, based upon conquests which
extended from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean,
and from Arabia to the mountains of Kurdistan.

1 See the pauel on the cover of this volume ; and cf. p. 217 f.

CHAPTER IX

THE LATER RULERS OF LAGASH

WE ha\'e seen that the Dynasty of Akkad marks
the cuhninating point attained by the races of
Sumer and Akkad during the earher periods
of their history. It is true that the kings of this period
owed much to their immediate predecessors, but they
added to and improved their inheritance. Through
long centuries of slow development the village com-
munity had gradually been transformed into the city-
state, and this institution had flourished and had in its
turn decayed before the centralizing influence of the
kingdoms of Sumer and Kish. It was on the ruins of
the latter monarchy that Shar-Gani-sharri founded his
empire, whicli differed from that of Kish in its extent,
rather than in the principles of its formation. A
similarly close connection can be traced between the
cultural remains of the successive periods with which
we have hitherto been dealing. The rude, though
vigorous, artistic efforts of the earlier Sumerians
furnished the models upon which the immigrant
Semites of Northern Babylonia improved. In the
sculpture of Kish and upon cylinder-seals of that period
we see the transition between the two styles, when the
aim at a naturalistic treatment sometimes produced
awkward and grotesque results. The full attainment of
this aim under the patronage of the Akkadian kings
gives their epoch an interest and an importance, which,
from their empire alone, it would not perhaps have
enjoyed.

AVhile the earlier ages of Babylonian history aflbrd
a striking picture of gradual growth and de\'elopment,

252

LATER RULERS OF LAGASII 253

the periods succeeding the Dynasty of Akkad are
marked by a certain retrograde movement, or reversion
to earher ideals. The stimuhis, which produced the
empire and the art of Akkad, may be traced to the
influx of fresh racial elements into Northern Babylonia
and tiieir fusion with the older and more highly cultured
elements in the south. When the impulse was ex-
hausted and the dynasties to which it had given rise
had run their course, little further development along
these lines took place. Both in art and politics a
Sumerian reaction followed the period of Semitic power,
and the estabhshment of the Dynasty of Ur was signifi-
cant of more than a shifting of political influence south-
wards. It would appear that a systematic attempt was
made to return to the earlier standards. But the
influence of Akkad and her monarchs, though delibe-
rately ignored and combated, was far from ineffective.
As the sculptures of Gudea owe much to the period of
Naram-Sin, so the empire of Dungi was inevitably
influenced by Shar-Gani-sharri's conquests. There was
no sudden arrest either of the political or of the cultural
development of the country. A recovery of power by
the Sumerians merely changed the direction in which
further development was to take place. Although,
when viewed from a general standpoint, there is no
break of continuity between the epoch of Akkad and
that of Ur, there is some lack of information with
regard to events in the intervening period. There is
every indication that between the reign of Naram-Sin
and that of Ur-Engur, the founder of the Dynasty of
Ur, we have to count in generations rather than in
centuries, but the total length of the period is still
unknown. The close of the Dynasty of Akkad, as we
have already seen, is wrapped in mystery, but the gap
in our knowledge may fortunately to some extent be
bridged. At this point the city of Lagasli once more
comes to our assistance, and, by supplying the names
of a number of her patesis, enables us to arrange a
sequence of rulers, and thereby to form some estimate
of the length of the period involved.

It will be remembered that under Shar-Gani-sharri
and Naram-Sin a certain Lugal-ushumgal was patesi of

254 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Lagiish, and that the impressions of liis seals have been
recovered which he employed during the reigns of these
two monarchs.^ The names of three other patesis of
Lagash are known, who must also be assigned to the
period of the Dynasty of Akkad, since they are
mentioned upon tablets of that date. These are Ur-
Babbar, Ur-E, and Lugal-bur ; the first of these appears
to have been the contemporary of Naram-Sin,' and in
that case he must have followed I^ugal-uslmmgal. As
to Ur-E and Lugal-bur, we have no information beyond
the fact that they lived during the period of the kings
of Akkad. A further group of tablets found at Tello,
differentiated in type from those of the Dynasty of
Akkad on the one hand, and on the other from tablets
of the Dynasty of Ur, furnishes us with the names of
other patesis to be set in the period before the rise of
Ur-Engur. Three of these, Basha-mama,^ Ur-mama,
and Ug-me, were probably anterior to Ur-Bau, who has
left us ample proof of his buildmg activity at Lagash.
We possess a tablet dated in the accession year of Ur-
mama, and another dated during the patesiate of Ug-me,
in the year of the installation of the high priest in
Nina.* A sealing of this last patesi's reign has also been
found, which supports the attribution of this group of
tablets to the period between the Sargonic era and that
of Ur. The subject of the engraving upon the seal is
the adoration of a deity, a scene of very common occur-
rence during the later period ; but by its style and
treatment the work vividly recalls that of the epoch of
Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin. On the strength of
this e\idence it has been argued that Ug-me's period

1 See above, pp. 236 f., 241.

2 It has been sufrj;:ested tliat Ur-E was Naram-Sin's contemporary, since
his name and that of Naram-Sin arc both found on the same tablet (see
ITiureau-Dangin, "^ Jlcc. de tabl.," pp. iii. f., 45, No. 83, and "Konigsia-
schriften," p. 69, n. 1) ; but the phrase in which Naram-Sin's name occurs, like
that wliich precedes it, appears to refer to a past event. On the other hand,
Ur-Babbar is mentioned on tlii.s tablet in the same phrase with Naram-Sin,
and, although no title follows his name, wo may probably identify him with
" Ur-Babbar, the patesi," referred to on another tablet of this class {pp. cit.,
No. 132) ; hero and in similar passages, where Laga.-li is not named, it is
obviously implied. The name of Lugal-bur is found upon a taljlet of the
Sargonic period (.see Thurcau-Dangin, " Rev. d'Assyr.," \'ol. V., p. 08).

3 " Rec. de tabl.," p. 73, No. 181.
* Op. cit., Nos. 184 and 183.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 255

was not far from that of Lugal-ushunigal, Ur-E, and
Iviigal-bur.^

One of the documents of this period is dated during
the patesiate of Ur-Baii himself, in the year in whicli he
undertook certain extensive works of irrigation, while
others are dated in the year of Ur-gar's accession, and
in that which followed the accession of Nammakhni.*
From other evidence we know that Nammakhni was
Ur-Bau's son-in-hiw, since he espoused Ningandu, II r-
Bau's daughter, and secured through her his title to the
throne.^ Ur-gar, too, must belong to the generation
following Ur-Bau, since a female statue has been found
at Tello, which was dedicated to some deity by a
daughter of Ur-Bau on behalf of lier own life and that
of Ur-gar, the patesi.* Tablets are also dated in the
accession-years of Ka-azag, Galu-Bau, and Galu-Gula,®
and their contents furnish indications that they date
from about the same time.® Ur-Ninsun, whose name
and title occur on the fragment of a bowl very similar
to that employed by Nammakhni's wife,^ is not men-
tioned on the tablets, but several are dated in the reigns
of Gudea and of his son Ur-Ningirsu.^ Now, in the
reign of Dungi, the son of Ur-Engur, there lived a high
priest of the goddess Nina named Ur-Ningirsu ; and,
if we may identify this priestly official Avith the patesi
of that name, as is very probable,^ we obtain a definite
ponit of contact between the later history of Lagash and
that of Ur. But even if the synchronism between Ur-
Ningirsu and Dungi be regarded as non-proven, there

* See Thureau-Dan.ffin, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. V'., p. 68.

2 "Rec. de tabl.,"'No9. 185-187.

3 See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol.11., p. 79.

* See Thureau-Daugin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. V., p. 98, and " Konigs-
inschriften^" p. 62 f.

6 " Rec. de tabl.," Nos. 188-190.

" It is improbable that we should identify Ka-azag-, the patesi, with
Ka-azag, the father of Ninkagina, who dedicated a mace-liead to Uri-zi on
behalf of her own life and that of Kammakhni, the patesi (of. " Cun. Texts in
the Brit. Mus.," I., pi. 50). For Ninkagina was Nammakhni's mother, and
Ka-azag was therefore his grandfather. But if Nammakhni's grandfather liad
held the patesiate, his daughter would not have omitted the title after his
name ; moreover, Nammakhni himself obtained the patesiate through
marriage, not by inheritance.

7 See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," \'ol. IT., p. 79.

8 " Rec. de tabl.," Nos. 192 If., 207, and 209-211.

9 See below, pp. 274 ff.

256 HISTOllY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

is no doubt that no long interval separated Gudea's
reign from the Dynasty of Ur. 'I'he eharacter of the
art and the style of writing which we find in I^agash
at this time are so similar to those of Ur, that the one
period must have followed the other without a break.
A striking example of the resemblance which existed
in the artistic productions of the two cities at this time
is afforded by the votive copper cones, or nails, of
Gudca and Dungi, surmounted by the figures of a bull

Fig. 62.

Fig. 63,

Copper figures of bulls surmounting cones which ^vc^e employed
as votive oSeringa in the reigns of Gudea and Dungi.

[Ddc, pi. 28, Figs. 5 and 6 ; Cat. Nos. 159 and 162.]

couchant. A glance will show the slight changes in
the form and treatment of the subject which have been
introduced by the metal-workers of Dungi's reign.

From the brief summary given in the preceding
paragraphs it will have been noted that we have
recovered the names of some twelve patesis of Lagash,
who may be assigned to tlie period between the dynas-
ties of Akkad and Ur. Of these twelve names no less
than eleven occur upon a group of tablets, which were
found together at Tello, and are marked out by their

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 257

shape and contents as belonging, to a single period.
The tablets themselves are of unbaked clay, and they
form a transition between the types of Akkad and Ur.
In the last of the reigns mentioned it is probable that
we may trace a synchronism with the Dynasty of Ur,
and, althougli no actual point of contact can yet be
established with the Dynasty of Akkad, such evidence
as that furnished by Ug-me's sealing suggests that no
considerable lapse of time can have taken place. That
these twelve patesis were the only ones who ruled at
Lagash during this interval is improbable, and at any
time the names of other rulers may be recovered. But
it is certain the reigns of many of these patesis were
extremely brief, and that we have not to do with a
single dynasty, firmly established throughout the whole
period, whose separate members, after their accession,
each held the throne for the term of his natural life.
We have definite proof that several of the patesis, such
as Ka-azag, Galu-Bau, and Galu-Gula, ruled only for a
few years, and it would seem that at certain points
during this period a change of rulers took place in
Lagash with considerable frequency.

The employment of the title of patesi, and the total
absence of that of " king " at this time, suggests that
Lagash had not succeeded in establishing her indepen-
dence, and still owed allegiance to some alien dynasty.
It is in accordance with this view that the dates
inscribed upon the commercial tablets do not refer
to events of a military character. We may conclude
that, at any rate until the reign of Gudea, Lagash and
her rulers were not concerned to enforce their authority
over other cities, nor to defend their own border from
attack. The existence of a more powerful city, claim-
ing the hegemony in Babylonia, would account for the
absence of military enterprise reflected in the date-
formula; and in the foundation-records of the time.
For such a city, while guaranteeing the integrity of
each of her tributary states, would have resented the
inauguration of an ambitious policy by any one of
them. On the other hand, the purely local character
of the events commemorated in the date-formulae is no
less significant. These are without exception drawn

258 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

from the local history of Lagash, and betray no evidence
of the authority exercised by a foreign suzerain. It is
therefore probable that during the greater part of this
period I.,agash enjoyed a considerable measure of
autonomy, and that such bonds as may have united
her to any central administration were far less tightly
drawn than at the time of Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-
Sin. Like Lagash, her old rival Umma seems to have
survived as a patesiate under the later Semitic rulers
in the north, and it is probably to this time that we
may assign Galu-Babbar, the patesi of that city, three
of whose votive cones are preserved in the British
INIuseum.^ During the earlier part of tliis period
Lagash presents the picture of a compact and peaceful
state, content to develop her own resources. A con-
siderable increase of power is noticeable in the reign
of Gudea, the most famous ruler of the period, who,
though still retaining the title of patesi, must be
regarded as practically an independent sovereign, since
he was strong enough to undertake a successful cam-
paign in Elam, and imported his building materials
from Arabia and the Syrian coast.

With the exception of Gudea, the only ruler of this
period who has left us any considerable records or
remains is Ur-Bau, the predecessor of Nammakhni and
Ur-gar upon the throne of Lagash. We possess a
small diorite statue of this ruler, which, like most of
those found at Tello, is without its head.^ It is a
standing figure, and its squat and conventional pro-
portions suffice to show that it must date from a rather
earlier period than tlie larger and finer statues of Gudea,
which are fashioned from the same hard material. Gudea
definitely states that he fetched the diorite for his series
of large statues from JVIagan, but Ur-Bau makes no
such boast ; and, although it is clear that his stone must
have come from the same quarries, we may probably
conclude that the small block he employed for his
figure had not been procured as the result of a special
expedition. In fact, such records as he has left us
portray him as devoting all his energies to the

* See the opposite plate ; aiul cf. "('uii. Texts," Pt. 1., pi. 50.
^ See De Sarzec, " Dec. eu Clialdc'e/' pi. 7.

Zf$

C1,AY CONES BEARIXC; VOTIVF. INSCRIPTIOX.S OF THE KVTK.SIS f;.\I,L'-lJAliBAK,

GUDEA, AND UR-BAU.
Brit. Mils., Xos. 15782, 91046, and <)\o(>-%.

i^%-"

CLAY COXES BEARlXt; \OTlVK IXSCRll'J lOXS OF SIXIDIXXAM, KING OF

LARSA, AXI) SIX-GASHII), KIXG 01' ERKCH.

Brit. Mks., Xos. 91152 and <)x\yt.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 259

building of temples within the different quarters of
his city.^

His chief care appears to have been the rebuilding,
upon a new and enlarged site, of E-ninnu, the great
temple of Ningirsu at Lagash, in which he placed the
statue of himself that has been recovered. Little of
this temple now remains in the mounds of Tello, beyond
a wall the lower part of which "vvas found still standing
under the south-east corner of the later palace erected
in the second century b.c' In addition to the rebuilding
of the temple of the city-god, Ur-Bau records that he
erected three temples in Girsu in honour of the god-
desses Ninkharsag and Geshtin-anna, and of Enki, " the
king of Eridu." In Uru-azagga he built a temple for
the goddess Bau, and in Uru, another quarter of the
city, he constructed a shrine in honour of Ninni, or
Nin-azag-nun, the goddess Ishtar. Other deities hon-
oured in a similar way by Ur-Bau were Nindar, Ninmar,
and Ninagal, the last of whom stood in the mystical
relation of mother to the patesi. Attached to E-ninnu
he also built a " House of the Asses " in honour of
Esignun, the deity whose duty it was to tend the sacred
asses of Ningirsu.

Ur-Bau may probably be regarded as representative
of the earlier patesis of this epoch, who, while acting
with freedom and independence within the limits of
their own state, refrained from embarking on any policy
of conquest or expansion. With the accession of Gudea
a distinct change is noticeable in the circumstances of
Lagash. Like his predecessors, he devoted himself to
the building of temples, but his work was undertaken
on a wider and more sumptuous scale. Of all the kings
and patesis of Lagash, he is the one under whom the
city appears to have attained its greatest material pros-
perity, vv'hich found its expression in a lavish arclii-
tectural display. Although not much of his great
temple of E-ninnu still survives at Tello, his monuments
are more numerous than all the others that have been
recovered on that site.^ Moreover, the texts engi'aved

^ See Thureau-Dangiu, " Konigsiuschriften^" pp. 60 if.

' See above, p. 18 f.

^ Foi'his inscribed monuments, see " Konigsinschriften," pp. 66 ff.

260 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

upon his statues, and inscribed upon the great clay
cyhnders which he buried as foundation-records in the
structure of E-ninnu, are composed in a florid style
and form a striking contrast to the dry votive formulas
employed by the majority of his predecessors. The
cylinder-inscriptions especially are cast in the form of
a picturesque narrative, adorned with striking similes
and a wealth of detailed description such as are not
found in the texts of any other period. In fact, Gudea's
records appear to have been inspired by the novelty
and magnitude of his architectural constructions and
the variety of sacred ornament with which they were
enriched.

We have no information as to the events which
led to his accession, beyond the negative evidence
afforded by the complete absence of any genealogy
from his inscriptions. Like Ur-Bau, Gudea does not
name his father, and it is possible that he was a man
of obscure or doubtful birth. The energy which he
displayed as patesi is sufficient to account for his rise
to power, and the success which attended his period
oi rule may be held to have amply justified a break
in the succession. Another problem suggested by a
study of his texts concerns the source of the wealth
which enabled him to undertake the rebuilding and
refurnishing of the temples of Lagash upon so elaborate
a scale. The cause of such activity we should naturally
seek in the booty obtained during a number of suc-
cessful campaigns, but throughout the whole of his
inscriptions we have only a single reference to an act
of war. On the statue of himself in the character of
an architect, holding the plan of E-ninnu upon his
knees, he gives in some detail an account of the distant
regions whence he obtained the materials for the con-
struction of Ningirsu's temple. At the close of this
list of places and their products, as though it formed
a continuation of his narrative, he adds tlie record that
he smote with his weapons the town of Anshan in
Elam and offered its booty to Ningirsu. This is the
only mention of a victory that occurs in Gudea's
inscriptions, and, although in itself it proves that he
was sufficiently independent to carry on a war in

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 261

Elam on his own account, it does not throw hght upon
tlie other causes of his success.

The absence of military records from Gudea's texts
is rendered the more striking, when ^\e read the names
of the countries he hiid under contribution for tlie
materials employed in the building of E-niimii. The
fullest geographical list is that given on tlie statue of
the architect with the plan,^ and, although unfortunately
some of the places mentioned have still to be identified,
the text itself furnishes sufficient information to demon-
strate the wide area of his operations. Gudea here
tells us that from INIount Amanus, the mountain of
cedars, he fetched beams of cedar-wood measuring fifty
and even sixty cubits in length, and he also brought
down from the mountain logs of urkarinnu-wood five-
and-twenty cubits long. From the town of Ursu in
the mountain of Ibla he brought zabalu-wood, great
beams of ashukhu-wood and plane-trees. From Umanu,
a mountain of JNIenua, and from Easalla, a mountain
of Amurru, he obtained great blocks of stone and made
stelae from them, which he set up in the court of
E-ninnu. From Tidanu, another mountain of Amurru,
he brought pieces of marble, and from Kagalad, a
mountain of Kimash, he extracted copper, which he
tells us he used in making a great mace-head. From
the mountains of Melukhkha he brought ushu-wood,
which he employed in the construction of the temple,
and he fetched gold-dust from the mountain of Khakhu
and with it he gilded a mace-head carved with the
heads of three lions. In Gubin, the mountain of
khulupj3u-wood, he felled khuluppu-trees ; from Madga
he obtained asphalt, which he used in making the plat-
form of E-ninnu ; and from the mountain of Barshib
he brought down blocks of nalua-stone, which he loaded
into great boats and so carried them to Lagash in order
to strengthen the base of the temple.

The above list of places makes it clear that Gudea
obtained his wood and stone from mountains on the
coast of Syria and in Arabia, and his copper from mines
in Elam. On the first of his cylinders he also states
that the Elamite came from Elam and the man of Susa

1 See De Sarzec, " Dec. en Clialdee/' pi. 16-19.

2G2 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

from Susa, presumably to take part as skilled craftsmen
in the construction of the temple. In this account lie
does not mention the names of so many places as in
the statue-inscription, but he adds some picturesque
details with reirard to the difficulties of transport he
encountered. Thus he records that into the mountain
of cedars, where no man before had penetrated, he cut
a road for bringing down the cedars and beams of other
precious woods. He also made roads into the moun-
tains where he quarried stone, and, in addition to gold
and copper, he states that he obtained silver also in
the mountains. The stone he transported by water,
and he adds that the ships bringing bitumen and plaster
from JNIadga were loaded as though they were barges
carrying grain.

A third passage in Gudea's texts, referring to the
transport of materials from a distance, occurs upon the
colossal statue of himself which he erected in E-ninnu.^
Here he states that Magan, Melukhkha, Gubi, and
Dilmun collected wood, and that ships loaded with
wood of all kinds came to the port of Eagash. More-
over, on eight out of his eleven statues he records that
Lhe diorite, from which he fashioned them, was brought
from Magan. In his search for building materials, he
asserts that he journeyed from the lower country to the
upper country ; and, when summarizing the area over
whicli he and his agents ranged, he adopts an ancient
formula, and states that Ningirsu, his beloved king,
opened the ways for him from the Upper to the Lower
Sea, that is to say, from the Mediterranean to the
Persian Gulf.

The enumeration of these distant countries, and
Gudea's boastful reference to the Upper and the Lower
Sea, might, perhaps, at first sight be regarded as con-
stituting a claim to an empire as extensive as that of
Shar-Gani-sharri and Narain-Sin. But it is a remark-
able fact that, with the exception of Lagash and her
constituent townsliips, Gudea's texts make no allusion
to cities or districts situated within the limits of Sinner
and Akkad. Even the names of neighbouring great
towns, such as Ur, Ercch, and Larsa, are not once

» See " Dec. en Clialde'e," pi. 9.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 263

cited, and it can only be inferred that they enjoyed
with Lagash an equal measure of independence. But
if Gudea's authority did not extend over neighbouring
cities and districts within his own country, we can
hardly conclude that he exercised an effective control
over more distant regions. In fact, we must treat liis
references to foreign lands as evidence of commercial,
not of political, expansion.

Gudea's reign may be regarded as marking a revival
of Sumerian prosperity, consequent on the decay of
Semitic influence and power in the north. The fact
that he was able to import his wood and stone from
Syria, and float it unmolested down the Euphrates,
argues a considerable weakening of the northern cities.
^Vhether Akkad, or some other city, still claimed a
nominal suzerainty over the southern districts it is
impossible to say, but it is at least clear that in the
reign of Gudea no such claim was either recognized or
enforced. We may suppose tliat Lagash and the other
great cities in the south, relieved from the burden of
Semitic domination, enjoyed a period of peace and
tranquillity, which each city employed for the develop-
ment of her material resources. The city of Ur was
soon to bring this state of affairs to a close, by claiming
the hegemony among the southern cities and founding
the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad by force of arms.
But during Gudea's reign Ur appears to have made no
movement, and Lagash and the other great cities of
tlie land may be pictured as maintaining commercial
relations with each other, unhampered by the striving
of any one of them for political supremacy.

It is possible that we may trace the unparalleled
building activity, which characterized Gudea's reign, in
part to a development in the art of building, which
appears to have taken place at about this period. It
has been suggested that both Gudea and Ur-Engur,
the founder of the Dynasty of Ur, participated in the
same great architectural movement,^ and proof of this
has been seen in their common employment of the
smaller square brick, measuring from about twelve to
thirteen inches, which was more easy to handle than

* Cf. Heuzey, "Catalogue des antiquiU's chaldeennes," p. 49-

2C>4 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

tlie larp^er bricks employed by Ur-l^au and at the time
of the Dynasty of Akkad. The inherent advantages of
this form of brick are attested by its retention, witli but
shght variations, down to the end of the Babylonian
empire. That Gudea himself set considerable store by
the form of the bricks which he employed would seem
to follow from the passage in his first cylinder-inscrip-
tion, where he describes the ceremonies with which he
inaugurated their manufacture, including the offer of
sacrifices and the pouring of a libation into the sacred
mould. ^ The use of an improved material may well
have incited him to rebuild the greater number of the
sanctuaries in J^agash on their ancient sites, but enlarged
and beautified in accordance with the new architectural
ideas. From another passage in his texts it would
seem that he definitely claimed to have inaugurated a
novel form of building, or decoration, such as no patesi
before him had employed.^ The meaning of the phrase
is not quite certain, but it may, perhaps, have reference
to the sculptured reliefs w4th w^hich he adorned E-ninnii.
It may also refer to the use of raised pilasters for the
adornment of facades and external walls, a form that is
characteristic of later Babylonian architecture, but is
not found in the remains of buildings at Lagash before
Gudea's time.

In addition to E-ninnu, the great temple of the
city-god Ningirsu, Gudea records that he rebuilt the
shrines dedicated to Bau and Ninkharsag, and E-anna,
the temple of the goddess Ninni, and he erected temples
to Galahm and Dunshagga, two of Ningirsu's sons. In
Uru-azagga he rebuilt Gatumdug's temple, and in Girsu
three temples to Nindub, Meslamtaea, and Nindar, the
last of w^hom was associated with the goddess Nina, in
whose honoiu' he made a sumptuous throne. In Girsu,
too, he built a temple to Ningishzida, his patron god,
whom he appears to have introduced at this time into
the pantheon of Lagash. One of the most novel of his
reconstructions was the E-pa, the temple of the seven
zones, which he erected for Ningirsu. Gudea's building
probably took the form of a tower in seven stages, a

• Cvliiulor A, col. X VI 1 1., 11. 6 ff.

s Statue B, col. VL^ 1. 77— col. VII. 1. G.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 2G5

true ziggiinit, which may be compared with those of
Ur-Engiir. But the work on which he most prided
himself was the rebuilding of E-ninnu, and to this he
devoted all the resources of his city. From a study of
the remains of this temple that were uncovered at
Tello by M. de Sarzec, it would appear that Gudea
surrounded tlie site of Ur-Bau's earlier building with an
enclosure, of which a gateway and a tower, decorated
with pilasters in re-

lief, are all that
remains.^ These
were incorporated in
the structure of the
late palace at Tello,
a great part of whicli
was built with bricks
from the ancient
temple. It is diffi-
cult to determine
the relation of these
slight remains at
Tello, either to the
building described
by Gudea himself,
or to the plan of a
fortified enclosure
which one of the
statues of Gudea, as
an architect, holds
upon his knees.

Fig. 64.

Iiiin |ii'| |ii| HI I I

I I I

J_L

I I I I I

Fig. 65.

from statue B.

[D«Jc., pi. 15, Figs. 1 and 2.]

Tablets with architect's rule and stilus, -which

the statues B and F of Gudea bear upon their knees.

That the plan was -^ ground-plan is engraved on the upper tablet

. I frnm sf.n.hiifi B

intended, at any rate,

for a portion of the

temple is clear from th3 inscription, to the effect that

Gudea prepared the statue for E-nimiu, which he had

just completed.

The detailed account of the building of this temple,
which Gudea has left us, affords a very vivid picture of
the religious life of the Sumerians at this epoch, and of
the elaborate ritual with which they clothed the cult
and worship of their gods. The record is given upon

* Cf. Heazey, " Comptes rendus," 1894, p. 34 ; and see above, p. 18 f.

2m HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAl)

two huge cylinders of clay, one of which was inscribed
while the work of building was still in progress, and the
other after the building and decoration of the temple
had been completed, and Ningirsu had been installed
within his shrine. They were afterwards buried as
foundation-records m the structure of the tem])le itself,
and so have survived in a wonderfully well-preserved
condition, and were recovered during the French exca-
vations at Tello.^ From the first of the cylinders we
learn that Gudea decided to rebuild the tem])le of the
city-god in consequence of a prolonged drought, which
was naturally ascribed to the anger of the gods. The
water in the rivers and canals had fallen, the crops
had suffered, and the land was threatened with famine,
when one night the patesi had a vision, by means of
which the gods communicated tlieir orders to him.

Gudea tells us that he was troubled because he could
not interpret the meaning of the dream, and it was only
after he had sought and received encouragement from
Ningirsu and Gatumdug that he betook himself to the
temple of Nina, the goddess who divines the secrets of
the gods. From her he learnt that the deities who had
appeared to him in his vision had been Ningirsu, the
god of his city, Ningishzida, his patron deity, his sister
Nidaba, and Nindub, and that certain words he had
heard uttered were an order that he should build
E-ninnu. He had beheld Nindub drawing a plan upon
a tablet of lapis-lazuli, and this Nina explained was the
plan of the temple he should build. Nina added
instructions of her own as to the gifts and offerings the
patesi was to make to Ningirsu, whose assistance she
promised him in the carrying out of the work. Gudea
then describes in detail how he obtained from Ningirsu
himself a sign that it was truly the will of the gods that
he should build the temple, and how, having consulted
the omens and found them favourable, he proceeded to
purify the city by special rites. In the course of this

* For their text, see De Sarzec, " Dec. en Chaldee," pi. 33-.3fl ; Price,
"Tlie Great Cylinder Inscriptions A and B of Gudea'' ; and Toscanne, " Les
Cylindres de Gud(^a" ; for tlieir translation .see Tlmreau-Dangin, ''Lea
Cylindres de Goudca,'' and "Konigsinschriften,'' pp. 88 ff. ; a summary and
discussion of their contents are given by King and Hall, " Pvgypt and Western
Asia," pp. 1'J5 if.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 267

work of preparation he drove out the wizards and
sorcerers from Lagash, and kindled a fire of cedar and
other aromatic woods to make a sweet savour for the
gods ; and, after completing the purification of the city,
he consecrated the surrounding districts, the sacred
cedar-groves, and the herds and cattle belonging to the
temple. He then tells us how he fetched the materials
for the temple from distant lands, and hiauguratcd
the manufacture of the
bricks with solemn rites
and ceremonies.

We are not here con-
cerned with Gudea's elabo-
rate description of the new
temple, and of the sump-
tuous furniture, the sacred
emblems, and the votive
objects with which he en-
riched its numerous courts
and shrines. A large part
of the first cylinder is de-
voted to this subject, and
the second cylinder gives
an equally elaborate ac-
count of the removal of
the god Ningirsu from his
old shrine and his installa-
tion in the new one that -,. , ^ . ^ n

Figure of a god seated upon a throne,
had been prepared tor him. who may probably be identified with

This event took place on a ^^'""^^^l"^'^^'-
duly appomted day m the ^Dic, pi. 22, Fig. 5; Cat. No. 24.]
new year, after the city

and its inhabitants had undergone a second course of
purification. Upon his transfer to his new abode Ningirsu
was accompanied by his wife Bau, his sons, and his sev^en
virgin daughters, and the numerous attendant deities
who formed the members of his household. These
included Galalim, his son, whose special duty it was to
guard the throne and place the sceptre in the hands of
the reigning patesi ; Dunshagga, Ningirsu's water-
bearer ; Lugal-kurdub, his leader in battle ; Lugal-sisa,
his counsellor and chamberlain ; Shakanshabar, his

Fig. 66.

268 niSTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

grand vizir ; Uri-zi, the keeper of his harim ; Ensigniln,
who tended his asses and drove his chariot ; and
Enliihni, the shepherd of his kids. Other deities who
accompanied Xinc^irsu were his musician and flute-
player, his singer, the cultivator of his lands, who looked
after the machines for irrigation, the guardian of the
sacred fish-ponds, the inspector of his birds and cattle,
and the god who superintended the construction of
houses within the city and fortresses upon the city- wall.
All these deities were installed in special shrines within
E-ninnii, that they might be near Ningirsuand ready at
any moment to carry out his orders.

The important place which ritual and worship
occupied in the national life of the Sumerians is well
illustrated by these records of the building and conse-
cration of a single temple. Gudea's work may have
been far more elaborate than that of his predecessors,
but the general features of his plan, and the ceremonies
and rites which he employed, were doubtless fixed
and sanctified by long tradition. His description of
Ningirsu's entourage proves that the Sumerian city-god
was endowed with all the attributes and enjoyed all the
pri^•ileges of the patesi himself, his human counterpart
and representative. His temple was an elaborate
structure, which formed the true dwelling-place of its
owner and his divine household ; and it included lodgings
for the priests, treasure-chambers, store-houses, and
granaries, and pens and stabling for the kids, sheep and
cattle destined for sacrifice. It is interesting to note
that in the course of building Gudea came across a
stele of Lugal-kisalsi, an earlier king of Erech and Ur.^
From the name which he gave it we may infer that he
found it in Girnun, which was probably one of the
shrines or chapels attached to E-ninnu ; and he care-
fully preserved it and erected it in the forecourt of the
temple. In the respect which he showed for this
earlier record, he acted as Nabonidus did at a later day,
\Nlien he came across the foundation-inscriptions of
Naram-Sin and Shagarakti-Buriash in the course of his
rebuilding of E-babbar and E-ulmash, the temples of
Sliamash and of the goddess Anunitu.

» Cf. Cylinder A, col. XXII I., 11. 8 ff. ; see above, p. l!)9 f.

SFCATKD nc;URK OF (U'DKA. I'ATESI OF SHIRPLKI.A.

In the Loii7'rv ; /'/into, hy .}/,ssrs. MansiU <5^ Co.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 2G9

Of the artistic productions of Gudea's period tlie
most striking that have come down to us are the series
of diorite statues of himself, which were found together
in the late palace at Tello. From the mscriptions upon
them it is clear that they were originally prepared by
the patesi for dedication in the principal temples of
Lagash, which he either founded or rebuilt. Three were
installed in E-ninnu, of which one is the statue of the
architect with the plan, and another, a seated figure,
is the only one of the series of colossal proportions.
Three more were made for the temple of Bau, and
others for Ninni's temple E-anna, and the temples of
the goddesses Gatumdug and Ninkharsag. The small
seated figure, destined for the temple of Ningishzida, is
the only one of which we possess the head, for this was
discovered by Commandant Cros during the more
recent diggings at Tello, and was fitted by I\I. Heuzey
to the body of the figure which had been preserved in
the Lou\Te for many years.^ From the photographic
reproduction it will be seen that the size of the head is
considerably out of proportion to that of the body ; and
it must be admitted that even the larger statues are not
all of equal merit. While in some of them the stiffness
of archaic convention is still apparent, others, such as
the seated statues for E-ninnii and that of the architect
with the rule from the temple of Gatumdug, are dis-
tinguished by a fine naturalism and a true sense of
proportion.

Some interesting variations of treatment may also
be noted in two of the standing statues from the temple
of Bau. One of these is narrow in the shoulders and
slender of form, and is in striking contrast to the
other, which presents the figure of a strong and broad-
shouldered man. It would seem that the statues \vere
sculptured at different periods of Gudea's life, and from
the changes observable we may infer that he ascended
the throne while still a young man and that his reign
must have been a long one. The diorite which he used
for them was very highly prized for its durability and
beauty, and the large block that was required for his

• See the plate opposite p. 268 ; and cf. Heuzey^ " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VL,
pp. 18 ff.

270 HISTOEY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

colossal figure appears, when the carving was completed,
to have been regarded as far more precious than
lapis-lazuli, silver, and other metals.^ Certainly the
preparation of so hard a stone presented more difficulty
than that of any other material, and that Gudea's
sculptors should have learnt to deal successfully with
such large masses of it argues a considerable advance
in the development of their art.

The small copper figures of a kneeling god grasping
a cone are also characteristic of Gudea's period, but in
design and workmanship they are surpassed by the
similar votive figure which dates from Ur-Bau's reign.^
A fine example of carving in relief is furnished by the
oval panel, in which Gudea is represented as being led
into the presence of his god ; ^ a similar scene of worship,
though on a smaller scale, is engraved upon his cylinder-
seal." A happy example of carving in the round, as
exhibited by smaller objects of this period, is his small
mace-head of breccia decorated with the heads of three
lions. In design this clearly resembles the mace-head
referred to on one of the statues from E-ninnu, though,
unlike it, the small mace-head was probably not gilded,
since the inscription upon it mentions the mountain in
Syria whence the breccia was obtained. But other
carved objects of stone that have been recovered may
well have been enriched in that way, and to their
underlying material they probably owe their preservation.
The precious metal may have been stripped from these
and the stone cores thrown aside ; but similar work in
soUd gold or silver would scarcely have escaped the
plunderer's hands.

With the exception of the period of drought, in con-
sequence of which Gudea decided to rebuild Ningirsu's
temple, it is probable that during the greater part of his
reign the state of Lagash enjoyed unparalleled abundance,
such as is said to have followed the completion of that
work. The date-formula for one of his years of rule
takes its title from the cutting of a new canal which he

1 Cf. Statue B, col. VII., 11. 49-54.

2 See De Sarzec, " Dec. en Chaldee," pi. 8 bis, Fig. 1, and Heuzey, " Cata-
logue," pp. 300 ff.

3 See above, p. 47, Fig. 12.

4 See Ileuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," V., p. 135 ; " Dec. en Chald^e," p. 203 f.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 271

named Ningirsu-ushiimgal, and there is no doubt tliat
he kept the elaborate system of irrigation, by which
Lagash and her territories were supphed with water, in
a perfect state of repair. Evidence of the plentiful
supplies which the temple-lands produced may be seen
in the increase of the regular offerings decreed by
Gudea. On New Year's day, for instance, at the feast
of Ban, after he had rebuilt her temple, he added to the
marriage-gifts which were her due, consisting of oxen,
sheep, lambs, baskets of dates, pots of butter, figs, cakes,
birds, fish, and precious woods, etc. He also records
special offerings of clothing and wool which he made to
her, and of sacrificial beasts to Ningirsu and the goddess
Nina. For the new temple
of Gatumdug he mentions
the gift of herds of cattle and
flocks of sheep, together with
their herdsmen and shepherds,
and of irrigation-oxen and
their keepers for the sacred
lands of E-ninnCi. Such refer-
ences point to an increase in
the revenues of the state, and
we may infer that the people ^^g- 67.

of Lagash shared the pro- Mace-head of breccia, from a

•infritv nf fhf\r n-ited ynrl Qio'iotain near the "Upper Sea"
Spenty OI ineir pateSl ana ^^ Mediterranean, dedicated to

his priesthood. Ningirsu by Gudea.

While Gudea devoted [D^c.pi. 25 6is.rig.i.]

himself to the service of his

gods, he does not appear to have enriched the temples
at the expense of the common people. He was a strict
upholder of traditional privileges, such as the freedom
from taxation enjoyed by Gu-edin, Ningirsu 's sacred
plain ; but he did not countenance any acts of extortion
on the part of his secular or sacred officials. That
Gudea's ideal of government was one of order, law, and
justice, and the protection of the weak, is shown by his
description of the state of Lagash during the seven days
he feasted with his people after the consecration of
E-ninnu. He tells us that during this privileged time
the maid was the equal of her mistress, and master and
slave consorted together as friends ; the poH'erful and

272 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

tlie luimble man lay down side by side, and in place of
evil speech only propitious words were heard ; the laws
of Nina and Ningirsii were observed, and the rich man
did not wrong the orphan, nor did the strong man
oppress the widow. This reference to what was ap-
parently a legal code, sanctioned by the authority of the
city-god and of a goddess connected with the ancient
shrine of Eridu, is of considerable interest. It recalls
the reforms of the ill-fiited Urukagina, who attempted
to stamp out the abuses of his time by the introduction
of similar legislation.^ Gudea lived in a happier age,
and he appears to us, not as a reformer, but as the
strong upholder of the laws in force.

That the reign of Gudea was regarded by the suc-
ceeding generations in Lagash as the golden age of their
city may perhaps be inferred from his deification under
the last kings of the Dynasty of Ur. There is no
evidence that, Hke Sar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin, he
assumed divine honours during his own lifetime, for in
his inscriptions his name is never preceded by the de-
terminative of di^ inity, and it also occurs \\dthout the
divine prefix upon the seals of Gimdunpae, his wife,
and of Lugal-me, his scribe. In the later period his
statues were doubtless worshipped, and it has been sug-
gested that the perpetual offerings of drink and food and
grain, which he decreed in connection with one of them,^
prove that it was assimilated from the first to that of a
god.^ But the names of his statues suggest that they
were purely votive in character, and were not placed in
the temples in consequence of any claim to divinity
on Gudea's part.

It was the custom of the Siunerian patesis to give
long and symbolical names to statues, stelae and other
sacred objects which they dedicated to the gods, and
Gudea's statues do not form an exception to this rule.
Thus, before he introduced the statue with the offerings
into E-ninnu, he solenmly named it " For-my-king-
have-I-built-this-temple-may-life-be-my-reward ! " A
smaller statue for E-ninnu was named " [The-Shepherd]-
who-loveth-his-king-am-I-may-my-life-be-prolonged 1 ",

* See above, pp. 178 ff. - See Statue 15, col. I.

3 Cf. Scheil, " Ilec. tie trav./' \ol. XVIII., p. G4.

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LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 273

while to the colossal statue for the same temple lie gave
the title " Ningirsu-the-king-whosc-weighty-strenf»th,-
the-lands-cannot-support-hath-assigned-a-hivourahle-lot-
unto-Gudea-the-builder-of- the- temple." The small
standing statue for the temple of Ninkharsag bore the
equally long name " May-Nintud {i.e. Xinkharsag)-the-
mother-of-the-gods - the - arbiter - of- destinies - in - heaven -
and -upon -earth -prolong -the -life -of- Gudea- who -hath -
built-the-temple ! ", and another small statue for the
temple of Bau was named " The-lady-the-beloved-
daughter-of-the-pure-heaven-the-mother-goddess-Bau-in
-Esilsirsir-hath-given-Gudea-life." The statue for the
temple of Ningishzida was named " To-Gudea-the-
builder-of-the-temple-hath-life-been-given," and that for
E-anna bore the title " Of-Gudea-the-man-who-hath-
constructed-the-temple-may-the-life-be-prolonged ! " It
will be seen that these names either assert that life and
happiness have been granted to Gudea, or they invoke
the deity addressed to prolong his life. In fact, they
prove that the statues were originally placed in the
temples like other votive objects, either in gratitude for
past help, or to ensure a continuance of the divine favour.

Such evidence as we possess would seem to show
that at the time of Gudea no Sumerian ruler had ever
laid claim to divine rank. It is true that offerings were
made in connection with the statue of Ur-Nina during
Lugal-anda's reign, ^ but Ur-Nina had never laid claim
to divinity himself. Moreover, other high personages
treated their own statues in the same way. Thus
Shagshag, the wife of Urukagina, made olierings in
connection with her own statue, but there is no evidence
that she was deified. In fact, during the earlier periods,
and also in Gudea's own reign, the statue was probably
intended to represent the worshipper vicariously before
his god.'^ Not only in his lifetime, but also after death,
the statue continued to plead for him. The offerings
were not originally made to the statue itself, but were
probably placed near it to represent symbolically the
owner's offerings to his god.

This custom may have prepared the way for the

^ See above, p. 169.

* Of. Genouillac, " Tabl. sum. arch.," p. Ivi. f.

274 IIISTOEY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

practice of deification, but it did not originate in it.
Indeed, the later development is first found among the
Semitic kings of Akkad, and probably of Kish, but it
did not travel southward until after the Dynasty of Ur
had been established for more than a generation. Ur-
Engur, like Gudea, was not deified in his own lifetime,
and the innovation was only introduced by Dungi.
Din-ing the reigns of the last kings of that dynasty the
practice had been regularly adopted, and it was in this
period that Gudea was deified and his cult established
in Lagash along with those of Dungi and his con-
temporary Ur-Lama I.^ By decreeing that offerings
should be made to one of his statues, Gudea no doubt
prepared the way for his posthumous deification, but he
does not appear to have advanced the claim himself.
That he should have been accorded this honour after
death may be regarded as an indication that the
splendour of his reign had not been forgotten.

Gudea was succeeded upon the throne of Lagash
by his son Ur-Ningirsu, and with this patesi we may
probably establish a point of contact between the rulers
of Lagash and those of Ur. That he succeeded his
father there can be no doubt, for on a ceremonial
mace-liead, which he dedicated to Ningirsu, and in
other inscriptions we possess, he styles himself the
son of Gudea and also patesi of Lagash. During his
reign he repaired and rebuilt at least a portion of
E-ninnu, for the British JNluseum possesses a gate-
socket from this temple, and a few of his bricks have
been found at Tello recording tliat he rebuilt in cedar-
wood the Gigunu, a portion of the temple of Ningirsu,
which Gudea had erected as symbolical of the Lower
World. -^ JNIoreover, tablets have been found at Tello
which are dated in his reign, and from these we gather
that he was patesi for at least three years, and probably
longer. From other monuments we learn that a highly
placed religious oiHcial of Lagash, who was a con-
temporary of Dungi, also bore the name of Ur-Ningirsu,
and the pohit to be decided is whether we may identify
this personage with Gudea's son.

» See further, Chap. X., pj). 288, 298 f.

2 SeeThureau-Dangiu, "'Zeits. fur Assyr./' XVIII., p. 132.

(;AI KSOCKKT OK (JLDKA, I'A'IKSI OK SlllKI'l Rl,.\. I .\.s{ K I IIKI) W ITU A IKX I'

RKCOKIUNC THK RKSTOUATIOX OF THK TKMPI.K OI' I H K CODDKSS MN \.

Ih-it. Mils.. Xo. (f-.Z^Q: />/i,>to. hy .Mi-ssr.<:. .Vniisill &^ Co.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 275

Ur-Ning^irsu, tlie official, was lii^h-priest of the
goddess Xiiia, and lie also held the offices of priest of
Enki and hioh-priest of ^\nu. Moreover, he was a
man of sufficient importance to stamp his name u})on
bricks which were probably used in the construction
of a temple at Lagash.^ That he was Dungi's con-
temporary is known from an inscription upon a votive
wig and head-dress in the British JMuseum, which is
made of diorite and was intended for a female statuette."
The text engraved upon this object states that it was
made by a certain Bau-ninam for his lady and diAine
protectress, who was probably the goddess Bau, as an
adornment for her gracious person, and his object in
presenting the offering was to induce her to prolong
the fife of Dungi, " the mighty man, the King of Ur."
The important part of the text concerns J5au-ninam's
description of himself as a craftsman, or subordinate
official, in the service of Ur-Ningirsu, " the beloved
high-priest of Nina." From this passage it is clear that
Ur-Ningirsu was high-priest in Lagash at a period
when Dungi, king of Ur, exercised suzerainty over that
city. If therefore we are to identify him with Gudea's
son and successor, we must conclude that he had mean-
while been deposed from the patesiate of Eagash, and
appointed to the priestly offices which we find him
holding during Dungi's reign.

The alternative suggestion that Ur-Ningirsu may
have fulfilled his sacerdotal duties during the lifetime
of Gudea while he himself was still crown-prince,^ is
negatived by the subsequent discovery that during the
reign of Dungi's father, Ur-Engur, another patesi,
named Ur-abba, was on the throne of Lagash ; for
tablets have been found at 'I'ello which are dated in
the reign of Ur-Engur and also in the patesiate of Ur-
abba.^ To reconcile this new factor witii the preceding
identification, we must suppose that Ur-Ningirsu's

' See " Dec. en Cbaldee/' pi. .37, No. 8. A comparison of tlii.s brick with
one of Ur-Ningirsu, the patesi (see No. 9 on the same plate), will show the
similarity in the forms of the characters employed.

^ See the plate opposite p. 200.

•^ Cf. Winckler, "^ Untersuchungen zur altorientalischeu Geschichte,"
p. 42.

* See Thureau-Daugin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. V., p. 7.

276 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

deposition occurred in the reign of Ur-Engur, who
appointed Ur-abba as patesi in liis place. According
to this view, Ur-Ningirsu was not completely stripped
of honours, but his authority was restricted to the
purely religious sphere, and he continued to enjoy his
priestly appointments during the early part of Dungi's
reign. There is nothing impossible in this arrangement,
and it finds support in account-tablets from Tello, which
belong to the period of Ur-Ningirsu's reign. Some of
the tablets mention supplies and give lists of precious
objects, which were destined for " the king," " the
queen," " the king's son," or " the king's daughter,"
and were received on their behalf by the palace-cham-
berlain.^ Although none of these tablets expressly
mention Ur-Ningirsu, one of the same group of docu-
ments was drawn up in the year Avhich followed his
accession as patesi, another is dated in a later year of
his patesiate, and all may be assigned with some con-
fidence to his period.^ The references to a " king " in
the official account-lists point to the existence of a
royal dynasty, whose authority was recognized at this
time in Lagash. In view of the evidence afforded by
Bau-ninam's dedication we may identify the dynasty
with that of Ur.

The acceptance of the synchronism carries with it
the corollary that with Ur-Ningirsu's reign we have
reached another turning point in the history, not only
of Lagash, but of the whole of Sumer and Akkad. It
is possible that Ur-Engur may have founded his dynasty
in Ur before Gudea's death, but there is no evidence
that he succeeded in forcing his authority upon Lagash
during Gudea's patesiate ; and, in view of the compara-
tive shortness of his reign, it is preferable to assign his
accession to the period of Gudea's son. Sumer must
have soon acknowledged his authority, and Lagash and
the other southern cities doubtless formed the nucleus
of the kingdom on which lie based his claim to the
hegemony in Babylonia. This claim on behalf of Ur

' See Thureau-Daiigiii, op. cif., p. 70, and "Kec. de tabl./' p. v.

* One of the tablets of the ffroup is dated by the construction of the
temple of Ningirsu ; this need not be referred to Gudea's building of
E-ninnu, but rather to Ur-Ningirsu's work upon the temple, or even to a
later reconstruction.

LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 277

was not fully substantiated until the reign of Dungi,
but in Sumer Ur-Engur appears to have met witli
little opposition. Of the circumstances which led to
Ur-Ningirsu's deposition we know nothing, but we may
conjecture that his acknowledgment of Ur-Engur's
authority was not accompanied by the full measure of
support demanded by his suzerain. As Gudea's son
and successor he may well have resented the loss of
practical autonomy which his city had enjoyed, and
Ur-Engin- may in consequence have found it necessary
to remove him from the patesiate. Ur-abba and his
successors were merely vassals of the kings of Ur, and
Lagash became a provincial city in the kingdom of
Sumer and Akkad.

CHAPTER X

THE DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER

AND AKKAD

THE more recent finds at Telle have en;ibled us to
bridge the gap which formerly existed in our
knowledge of Chaldean history and civilization
between the age of Naram-Sin and the rise of the city
of Ur under Ur-Engur, the founder of the kingdom of
Sumer and Akkad. What we now know of Lagash
during this period may probably be regarded as typical
of the condition of the other great Sumerian cities.
The system of government, by means of which Shar-
Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin had exercised control over
Sumer from their capital in the north, had doubtless been
maintained for a time by their successors ; but, from the
absence of any trace of their influence at Tello, we can-
not regard their organization as having been equally
effective. They, or the Semitic kings of some other
nortliern city, may have continued to exercise a general
suzerainty over the whole of Babylonia, but the records
of Lagash seem to show that the larger and more distant
cities were left in the enjoyment of practical indepen-
dence. The mere existence of a suzerain, however, who
had inlierited the throne or empire of Shar-Gani-sharri
and Naram-Sin, must have acted as a deterrent influence
upon any ambitious prince or patesi, and would thus
have tended to maintain a condition of equilibrium
between the separate states of which that empire had
been composed. We have seen that Lagash took
advantage of this time of comparative inactivity to
develop her resources along peaceful lines. Slie gladly
returned to the condition of a compact city-state, with-
out dropping the intercourse with distant countries

278

THE DYNASTY OF UR 279

which had been estabUshed under the earher Akkadian
kings.

During this period we may suppose that tlie city of
Ur enjoyed a similar measure of independence, whicli
increased in proportion to the dcchne of Semitic
authority in the north. Gudea's campaign against
Anshan affords some indication of the capabihty of
independent action, to which tlie southern cities gradu-
ally attained. It is not likely that such initiative on
the part of Lagash was unaccompanied by a like
activity within the neighbouring, and more powerful,
state of Ur. In an earlier age the twin kingdoms of
Ur and Erech had dominated southern Babylonia, and
their rulers had established the kingdom of Sumer,
which took an active part in opposing the advance of
Semitic influence southwards. The subjection of Sumer
by the Dynasty of Akkad put an end for a time to all
thoughts of independence on the part of separate cities,
although the expedition against Erech and Naksu,
which occurred in the patesiate of Lugal-ushumgal,
supports the tradition of a revolt of all the lands in the
latter part of Sargon's reign. Ur would doubtless have
been ready to lend assistance to such a movement, and
we may imagine that she was not slow to take advan-
tage of the gradual weakening of Akkad under her
later rulers. At a time when Gudea was marching
across the Elamite border, or sending unchecked for
his supplies to the ISIediterranean coast or the islands of
the Persian Gulf, Ur was doubtless organizing her own
forces, and may possibly have already made tentative
efforts at forming a coahtion of neighbouring states.
She only needed an energetic leader, and this she found
in Ur-Engur, who succeeded in uniting the scattered
energies of Sumer and so paved the way for the more
important victories of his son.

That Ur-Engur was the founder of his dynasty we
know definitely from the dynastic chronicle, which was
recovered during the American excavations at Nippur/
In this document he is given as the first king of the
Dynasty of Ur, the text merely stating that he became
king and ruled for eighteen years. Unfortunately the

» See Hilprecht, " Math., Met., and Cliron. Tablets," p. 46 f.

280 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

preceding columns of the text are wanting, and we do
not know what dynasty was set down in the Hst as pre-
ceding that of Or, nor is any indication afforded of
the circumstances which led to Ur-Engur's accession.
From his building-inscriptions that have been recovered
on different sites in Southern Babylonia ^ it is possible,
however, to gather some idea of his achievements and
the extent of his authority. After securing the throne
he appears to have directed his attention to putting the
affairs of Ur in order. In two of his brick-inscriptions
from JNIukayyar, Ur-Engur bears the single title " king
of Ur," and these may therefore be assigned to the
beginning of his reign, when his kingdom did not extend
beyond the limits of his native city. These texts record
the rebuilding of the temple of Nannar, the Moon-god,
and the repair and extension of the city-wall of Ur.-
His work on the temple of the city-god no doubt won for
him the support of the priesthood, and so strengthened
his hold upon the throne ; while, by rebuilding and
adding to the fortifications of Ur, he secured his city
against attack before he embarked upon a policy of
expansion.

We may assume with some confidence that the first
city over which he extended his authority was Erech.
It would necessarily have been his first objective, for by
its position it would have blocked any northward
advance. The importance attached by Ur-Engur to
the occupation of this city is reflected in the title " Lord
of Erech," which precedes his usual titles upon bricks
from the temple of the Moon-god at Ur, dating from a
later period of his reign ; his assumption of the title
indicates that Erech was closely associated with Ur,
though not on a footing of equality. That he should
have rebuilt E-anna, the great temple of Ninni in Erech,
as we learn from bricks found at Warka, was a natural
consequence of its acquisition, for by so doing he
exercised his pri\ilege as suzerain. But he honoured
tlie city above others which he acquired, by installing
his own son there as high priest of the goddess Ninni,

> See Thureau-Dau^nn, " Koniggiiischriften," pp. 186 ff.
2 The rebuilding of tlie wall of Ur was also commemorated in the date-
formula for one of the early years of l)is reign.

'C/

I.KK K OK L k-K.\(.UK. KIXC OF I'K, KKCOkDlNt; THK kKlUII.Dl NO Ol" TIIK

TEMPLK OF 1 HK CJODDESS NINNI IX THK CITY KklXll.

J'roiii U'nrka: Brit. Mvs., No. qcoii ; fhoto. by Messrs. Mansell <Sr= Co.

THE DYNASTY OF ITR 281

an event which gave its oflicial title to one of the years
of his reign. We have definite evidence that he also
lield the neighbouring city of Larsa, for bricks have
been found at Scnkcra, which record his rebuilding of
the temple of Babbar, the Sun-god. With the ac([uisi-
tion of Lagash, lie was doubtless strong enough to
obtain the recognition of his authority throughout the
whole of Sumer.

The only other city, in which direct evidence has
been found of Ur-Engur's building activity, is Ni})pur.
From the American excavations on that site we learn
that he rebuilt E kur, Enlil's great temple, and also that
of Xinlil, his spouse. It was doubtless on the strength
of his holding Ni})pur that he assumed the title of
King of Sumer and Akkad. How far his authority was
recognized in Akkad it is impossible to say, but the
necessity for the conquest of Babylon in Dungi's reign
would seem to imply that Ur-Engur's suzerainty over
at least a part of the country was more or less nominal.
Khashkhamer, patesi of Ishkun-Sin, whose seal is now
preserved in the British Museum, ' was his subject, and
the Semitic character of the name of his city suggests
that it lay in Northern Babylonia. Moreover, certain
tablets drawn up in his reign are dated in " the year in
which King Ur-Engur took his way from the lower to
the upper country," a phrase that may possibly imply a
military expedition in the north. Thus some portions
of Akkad may have been effectively held by Ur-Engur,
but it is certain that the complete subjugation of the
country was only effected during Dungi's reign.

In Sumer, on the other hand, Ur-Engur's sway was
unquestioned. His appointment of Ur-abba as patesi
of Lagash was probably characteristic of his treatment
of the southern cities : by the substitution of his own
adherents in place of tlie reigning patesis, he woiild
have secured loyal support in the administration of his
dependent states. We have evidence of one of his
administrative acts, so far as Lagash is concerned. On
a clay cone from Tello he records that, after he had
built the temple of Enlil, he dug a canal in honour of
the Moon-god, Nannar, which he named Nannar-gugal.

* See the plate opposite p. 246.

282 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

He describes the canal as a boundary-ditch, and we
may conjecture that it marked a revision of the frontier
between the territories of two cities, possibly that
between Lagasli and lands belonging to the city of Ur.
In the same inscription he tells us that, in accordance
with the laws of the Sun-god, he caused justice to
prevail, a claim that affords some indication of the
spirit in which he governed the cities he had incorporated
in his kingdom.

In the reign of Dungi, who succeeded his father
upon the throne and inherited from him the kingdom
of Sumer and Akkad, the whole of Northern Babylonia
was brought to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ur.
Considerable light has been thrown upon Dungi's policy,
and indirectly upon that of the whole of Ur-Engur's
dynasty, by the recently published chronicle concerning
early Babylonian kings, to which reference has already
been made. The earlier sections of this document,
dealing ^\dth the reigns of Sargon and Naram-Sin, are
followed by a short account of Dungi's reign, from
which we learn two facts of considerable significance.^
Tlie first of these is that Dungi " cared greatly for
the city of Eridu, which was on the shore of the sea,"
and the second is that " he sought after evil, and the
treasure of E-sagila and of Babylon he brought out as
spoil." It will be noted that the writer of the chronicle,
who was probably a priest in the temple of E-sagila,
disapproved of his treatment of Babylon, in conse-
quence of which he states that Bel {i.e. Marduk) made
an end of him. In view of the fact that Dungi reigned
for no less than fifty-eight years and consolidated an
extensive empire, it is not improbable that the evil
fate ascribed to him in the chronicle was suggested
by Babylonian prejudice. But the Babylonian colour-
ing of the narrative does not affect the historical value
of the other traditions, but rather enhances them. For
it is obvious that the disaster to the city and to E-sagila
was not an invention, and must, on the contrary, have
been of some magnitude for its record— to-4iave been
preserved in Babylon itself through later generations.

' See King, "Chronicles concerning early Babylonian Kings," Vol. I.,
pp. 60 ff. ; Vol. II., p. 11.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 283

In Diinsfi's treatment of l^abylon, and in his pro-
fanation of the temple of its city-god, we have striking-
proof that the rise of the Dynasty of Ur was accom-
panied by a religious as well as a political revolution.
Late tradition retained the memory of Sargon's build-
ing activity in Babylon, and under his successors upon
the throne of Akkad the great temple of E-sagila may
well have become the most important shrine in Northern
Babylonia and the centre of Semitic worship. Eridu,
on the other hand, was situated in the extreme south
of Sumer and contained the oldest and most venerated
temple of the Sumerians. Dungi's care for the latter
city to the detriment of Babylon, emphasized by con-
trast in the late records of his reign, suggests that he
aimed at a complete reversal of the conditions which
had prevailed during the preceding age. The time
was ripe for a Sumerian reaction, and Ur-Engur's
initial success in welding the southern cities into a
confederation of states under his own suzerainty may
be traced to the beginning of this racial nio\ement.
Dungi continued and extended his father's policy, and
his sack of Babylon may probably be regarded as tlie
decisive blow in the struggle, which had been taking
place against the last centres of Semitic influence in
the north.

Other evidence is not lacking of the Sumerian
national revival, which characterized the period of the
kings of Sumer and Akkad. Of Ur-Engur's inscrip-
tions every one is written in Sumerian, in striking
contrast to the texts whicli date from the time of
Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin. Of the still more
numerous records of Dungi's reign, only two short
votive formulae are written in Semitic Babylonian, and
one of these is from the northern city of Cutha.
The predominant use of Sumerian also characterizes
the texts of the remaining members of Ur-Engur's
dynasty and the few inscriptions of the Dynasty of
Isin that have been recovered.^ In fact, only one of

' The same characteristics were probably presented by the votive texts of
local patesis, who were contemporary with the kiags of Sumer and Akkad.
Tlius Khaladda, patesi of Shuruppak, and the son of Dada who was patesi
before him, records in Sumerian his building of the great door of the god or
goddess of that city ; see his cone-inscription found at Fara and published in

284 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

these is in Semitic, a short brick-inseription giving
the name and titles of Gimil-Sin, which was found at
Susa. It is true that the last three kings of the
Dynasty of Ur apparently bear Semitic names, and
of the rulers of the Dynasty of Isin the Semitic
character of tlie majority of the names is not in doubt.
But this in itself docs not prove that their bearers
were Semites, and a study of the proper names occur-
ring in the numerous commercial documents and tablets
of accounts, which were drawn up under the kings of
Ur and Isin, are invariably Sumerian in character.^
A more convincing test than that of the royal names
is afforded by the cylinder-seals of the period. In
these botli subject and treatment are Sumerian, re-
sembling the seals of Lagash at the time of Gudea
and having little in common with those of the Dynasty
of Akkad. ^loreover, the worshippers engraved upon
the seals are Sumerians, not Semites. Two striking
examples are the seal of Khashkhamer, the contem-
porary and dependant of Ur-Engur, and that which
Kilulla - guzala,'^ the son of Ur - baga, dedicated to
Meslamtaea for the preservation of Dungi's life.^ It
will be noticed that on each of these seals the wor-
shipper has a shaven head and wears the fringed
Sumerian tunic. There can be little doubt, therefore,
that Ur-Engur and his descendants were Sumerians,
and we may probably regard the Dynasty of Isin as
a continuation of the same racial movement which led to
the establishment of the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad.*

the "Mitteil. der Deutsdi. Orieiit-Gesellschaft," No. 16, 1902-3, p. 13. On
the other hand, Semitic influence is visible in the inscription of Itiir-Shamash
a high official (rabianu), who built at Kisurra and on an inscribed brick found
at Abu Hatab styles himself the son of Idin-ilu, patesi of Kisurra (op. cit.,
No. 15, 1002, p. 13).

1 See Iluber, " Die Pcrsonenuamen . . . aus der Zeit der Konige von Ur
und Nisin," and Langdon, "Zeits. der Deutsch. Morgenland. Gesellschaft,''
Bd. LXII., p. 399.

2 Or better, " Kilulla, the guzalii '' ; cf. " Konigsinschriften," p. 194 f.
^ See tlie plate opposite p. 24(!.

* In spite of the use of Sumerian for their inscriptions and the continuance
of the traditions of l.r, Meyer suggests that the Dynasty of Isin may have
been of Amorite origin (cf. "Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. J., lift. II.,
p. 501 f.). But the presence of the name of the god Dagan in two of the
royal names is scarcely sufficient to justify this view, especially as the
suggested Amorite invasion in Libit-Ishtar's reign has been to all intents and
purposes disproved ; see below, p. 315 f.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 285

Besides affording information with regard to the
racial characteristics of the inhabitants of Southern
Babylonia, the official lists and commercial documents
of this period indirectly throw light upon historical
events. In the first great collection of tablets found
by jNI. de Sarzec at Tello, the majority of those belong-
ing to Dungi's period were dated in the later years
of his reign ; but among the tablets recovered during
the more recent diggings on the site are many dated
in his earlier years. The date-formula? inscribed upon
these documents, in conjunction with fragmentary date-
lists, have rendered it possible to arrange the titles of
the years in order for the greater part of his reign ;
and, since the years were named after important occur-
rences, such as the building or inauguration of temples
in different cities and the successful prosecution of
foreign campaigns, they form a valuable source of
information concerning the history of the period.'
From these we can gather some idea of tlie steps by
which Dungi increased his empire, and of the periods
in his reign during which he achieved his principal
conquests. During his earlier years it would seem
that he was occupied in securing complete control
within the districts of Northern Babylonia, which he
had nominally inherited from his father. The sack of
Babylon may well lune been commemorated in the
title for the year in which it took place, and, if so,
it must be placed within the first decade of his reign,
where a gap occurs in our sequence of the date-formula?.
Such of the earlier titles as have been recovered refer
for the most part to the building of palaces and temples,
the installation of deities within their shrines, and the
like. It is not until the thirty-fourth year of his reign
that a foreign conquest is explicitly recorded.

But before tliis period tliere are indications that an
expansion of Dungi's empire was already taking place.
In the nineteenth year of his reign he installed the god-
dess Kadi in her temple at Der, an act which proves that
the principal frontier town on the Elamite border was at
this time in his possession. In the following year he

1 See Thureau-Dangin, '' Comptes rendus," 1902, pp. 77 ff., " itev.
d'Assyr./' Vol. V., pp. 67 ff., and " Kciuigsinschriften/' pp. 229 ff.

286 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

installed in his temple the god Nutiigmushda of Kazallu,
in which we may see evidence that he had imposed his
suzerainty over this country, the conquest of which,
according to the late tradition, had been a notable
achievement of Sargon's reign. In his twenty-sixth year
he appointed his daughter to be " lady " of the Elamite
region of JNIarkharshi, a record that throws an interest-
ing liglit upon the position enjoyed by women among
the Sumerians. These districts, and others of which we
have no knowledge, may well have been won by conquest,
for it is obvious that the official date-formulee could not
take account of every military expedition, especially in
years when an important religious event had also taken
place. But, in the case of the three countries referred
to, it is also possible that httle opposition was offered to
their annexation, and for that reason the title of the
year may have merely recorded Dungi's performance of
his chief privilege as suzerain, or the appointment of
his representative as ruler. Whichever explanation be
adopted, it is clear that Dungi was already gaining
possession of regions which had formed part of the
empire of the Semitic kings of Akkad.

In addition to acquiring their territory, Dungi also
seems to have borrowed from the Semites one of their
most effective weapons, for the twenty-eighth year of
his reign was knov/n as that in which he enrolled the
sons of Ur as archers. The principal weapon of the
earlier Sumerians w^as the spear, and they delivered
their attack in close formation, the spearmen being
protected in line of battle by heavy shields carried by
shield-bearers. For other purposes of offence they
depended chiefly on the battle-axe and possibly the
dart, but these were subsidiary weapons, fitted rather
for the pursuit of a flying enemy Avhcn once their main
attack liad been delivered. Eannatum's victories testify
to the success achieved by the method of attack in
heavy phalanx against an enemy with inferior arms.
The bow appears to have been introduced by the
Semites, and they may have owed their success in
battle largely to its employment : it would have enabled
them to break up and demoralize the serried ranks of
the Sumerians, before they could get to close quarters.

TIIE DYINTASTY OF UR 287

Dungi doubtless recognized the advantage the weapon
would give his own forces, especially w^hen figliting in
a hilly country, where the heavy spear and shield would
be of little service, and it would be difficult to retain a
close formation. We may conjecture that he found his
companies of bowmen of considerable assistance in the
series of successful campaigns, which he carried out in
Elam and the neighbouring regions, during the latter
half of his reign.

Of these campaigns we know that the first conquest of
Gankhar took place inDungi's thirty-fourth year, and that
of Simuru in the year that followed. The latter district
does not appear to have submitted tamely to annexation,
for in his thirty-sixth year Dungi found it necessary to
send a fresh expedition for its reconquest. In the follow-
ing year he foUow^ed up these successes by tlie conquest
of Kharshi and Khumurti. Gankhar and Simuru were
probably situated in the mountainous districts to the
east of tlie Tigris, around the upper course of the Diyala,
in the neighbourhood of Lulubu ; for the four countries
Urbillu, Simuru, Lulubu, and Gankhar formed the
object of a single expedition undertaken by Dungi in
his fifty-fifth year.^ Kharshi, or Kharishi, appears to
ha\e also lain in the region to the east of the Tigris.^
These victories doubtless led to the submission of other
districts, for in his fortieth year Dungi married one of
his daughters to the patesi of Anshan, among the most
important of Elamite states. The warlike character of
the Elamites is attested by the difficulty Dungi ex-
perienced in retaining control over these districts, after
they had been incorporated in his empire. For in the
forty-first year of his reign he was obliged to undertake
the reconquest of Gankhar, and to send a tliird expedi-
tion there two years later ; in tlie forty-third year
he subdued Simuru for the third time, while in the

' Cf. Thureau-Dan^in, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit./' 1898, col. ICO, n. 2, ami
"' Coinptes rendus," 1902, p. 85.

2 It may perhaps be connected witli Khursliitu (cf. Meyer, "Gescliicbte
des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 498 f.), the site of which is indicated by
the brick from the palace of Pukhia, King of Khurshitu, which was found
at Tuz-Khurmati on the river Adhem (cf. Scheil, " Kec. de trav.," XVI.,
p. 186 ; XIX., p. 61). Pukhia was probably contemporary with the earliest
rulers of Ashur.

288 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

forty-fourth year Ansluin itself revolted and had to be
regained by force of arms.

In the course of these ten years it is probable that
Dungi annexed the greater part of Elam, and placed his
empire upon an enduring basis. It is true that during
the closing years of his reign lie undertook a fresh series
of expeditions, conquering Shashru in the fifty-second
year, subduing Simuru and Lulubu in the fifty-fourth
year " for the ninth time," and Urbillu, Kimash,
Khumurti and Kharshi in the course of his last four
years. But the earlier victories, by means of which he
extended his sway far beyond the borders of Sumer and
Akkad, may be held to mark the principal era of expan-
sion in the growth of his empire. It was probably
during this period that he added to his other titles
the more comprehensive one of " king of the four
quarters (of the world)," thus reviving a title which had
already been adopted by Naram-Sin at a time when the
empire of Akkad had reached its zenith. Another
innovation which Dungi introduced in the course of his
reign, at a period it would seem shortly before his
adoption of Naram-Sin's title, was the assumption of
divine rank, indicated by the addition of the determina-
tive for divinity before his name. Like Naram-Sin,
who had claimed to be the god of Akkad, he styled
himself the god of his land, and he foimded temples in
which his statue became the object of a public cult.
He also established a national festival in his own honour,
and renamed the seventh month of the year, during
which it was celebrated, as the Month of the Feast of
Dungi. He appears to have been the first Sumerian
ruler to claim divine honours. By so doing he doubt-
less challenged comparison with the kings of Akkad,
whose em])ire his conquests had enabled him to rival.

Dungi's administration of the Elamite provinces of
his empire appears to have been of a far more perma-
nent character than tliat established by any earlier
conqueror from Babylonia. In the course of this
history we have frequently noted occasions on which
Elam has come into contact with the centres of civili-
zation in the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates. In
fact, from her geographical position, she was not only the

=-<f^!n-"

n^^^.

-■'-'-i^'^-^''

DIORITK VOTIVK TAHI.ETS OF DL'NGI, KING OF UK, RlNf-SIN. KIXC. OF

LARSA, AND IIUR-SIN, KING OF UR.

fir/f. Jfus., A'os. 90897, 90S98, n«ii'9ioi4.

■rr^

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' / r

» 1

' T 1

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^"^^•il

.IMK>rOVF, V0T1\ K 1 AI!i.F/rs OF THK TIMI. uK RIM-SIN, KING OF LARSA.
AND OF SIN-C;a.\IIL, KING OF rlREC H : ON THF LKFT IS A NEO-BAHY-
I.OXIAN Cdl'V IN CI.AV Ot A VOTIVK INSCRIPTION OF SIN-GASHID.

KING OF KRECH.
l<rtf. .\fus.. Xt>s. 91081. 90899, and t)\oi2.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 289

nearest foreign neighbour of Siimer and Akkad, but
she Avas bound to influence them and be influenced by
them in turn. To the earher Sumerian rulers Elam
was a name of terror, associated "with daring raids
across the I'igris on the part of hardy mountain races.
The Semitic kings of Kish had turned the tables by
invading Elamite territory, and their conquests and
those of the kings of Akkad had opened the way for
the establishment of close commercial relations between
the two countries. Although their expeditions may
have been undertaken with the object of getting spoil
rather than of acquiring territory, there is no doubt
that they resulted in a considerable Semitic immigra-
tion into the country. Moreover, the Semitic conquerors
brought with them the civilization they had themselves
acquired. For their memorial and monumental records
the native princes of Elam adopted from their conquerors
the cuneiform system of writing and even their Semitic
language, though the earlier native writing continued
to be employed for the ordinary purposes of life.^
Basha-Shushinak,^ patesi of Susa and governor of Elam,
who may probably be placed at a rather earlier period
than the Dynasty of Ur, employs the Semitic Babylo-
nian language for recording his votive offerings, and he
not only calls down Shushinak's vengeance upon the
impious, but adds invocations to such purely Babylonian
deities as Shamash, Xergal, Enlil, Enki or Ea, Sin,
Xinni or Ishtar, and Ninkharsag. We could not have
more striking evidence of the growth of Semitic
influence in Elam during the period which followed
the Elamite victories of the kings of Kish and Akkad.

Close commercial relations were also maintaiiied
between Elam and Sumer, and Gudca's conquest of
Anshan may be regarded as the first step towards the
Sumerian domination of the country. In establishing
his own authority in Elam, Dungi must have found
many districts, and especially the city of Susa, in-
fluenced by Sumerian culture, though chiefly through

1 See below. Chap. XII., p. 338.

2 The name has also been read as Karibu-sha-Shushinak. He does not
appear to have inherited his patesiate, for in his inscriptions he assigns no
title to his father Shimbi-ishkhuk.

2D0 HISTOKY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the medium of Semitic immigrants from Northern
l^iiby Ionia. His task of administering the conquered
provijices was thus rendered proportionately easier.
That his expeditions were not merely raids, but
resulted in the permanent occupation of the country,
is pro^ ed by a number of tablets found at 'J'ello, which
throw considerable light upon the methods by which
he administered the empire from his capital at Ur.
Many of these documents contain orders for supplies
allotted to officials in the king's service, who were
passing through Lagash in the course of journeys
between Ur and their districts in Elam. The tablets
eniunerate quantities of grain, strong drink and oil,
which had been assigned to them, either for their
sustenance during their stay in Lagash, or as provision
for their journey after their departure.

It is interesting to note that the towns or countries,
from which they came, or to which they set out on
their return journey from Ur, are generally specified.
In addition to Susa, we meet with the names of
Anshan, Kharishi, Kimash and JMarkharshi, the con-
quest or annexation of which by Dungi, as we have
already seen, is recorded in the date-formulae. Other
places, the officials of which are mentioned, wer^
Khukhnuri, Shimash, Sabu, Ulu, Urri, Zaula, Gisha,
Siri, Siu, Nekhune, and Sigiresh. Like the pre-
ceding districts, these were all in Elam, while Az,
Shabara, Simashgi, INlakhar and Adamdun, with which
other officers were connected, probably lay in the
same region.^ From the number of separate places, the
names of which have already been recovered on the
tablets from Tello, it is clear that Dungi's authority
in Elam was not confined to a few of the principal
cities, but was effectively established throughout the
greater part of the country. While much of hi^
administrative work was directed from Ur, it is probabl
that Susa formed his local capital. From inscriptions
found during the French excavations on that site we
know that Dungi rebuilt there the temple of Shushinak
the national god,'^ and it may be inferred that he made

* See 'niureau-Danpin,," Comptes rendus," 1902, p. 88 f.
2 bee Sciieilj '"Textes Elani.-Scniit.," HI., p. 20 f.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 201

the city his headquarters during his periods of residence
in the country.

The functions of many of the officials it is diflicult
to determine, but some of the titles that can be
explained include couriers and royal messengers, who
were entrusted ^vith despatches. In the case of
officials of a higher grade the object of their mission
is sometimes indicated on the tablet, and it is seen tliat
the majority superintended the collection and distribu-
tion of supplies, the transport of building materials,
and the provision of labour for the public works under-
taken by the king. In fact, a very large nimiber of the
royal officers were employed in recruiting public slaves
in Elam, and in transporting them to Ur and other cities,
for work upon temples and palaces in course of con-
struction. From the situation of Lagash on the high-
road between Ur and Susa, it is natural that the majority
of the officials mentioned on the tablets should be on
their way to or from Elam, but some whose business
lay in other directions are occasionally mentioned. Thus
certain of them were from towns in the immediate
neighbourhood of Lagash, such as Tig-abba, while
others journeyed northward to Nippur. Others, again,
were on their way south to the coast, and even to the
island of Dilmun in the Persian Gulf

Among the higher officials whose stay in Lagash is
recorded, or whose representatives passed through the
city on business, a prefect, a local governor, and even
a patesi are sometimes mentioned, and from this source
of information we learn the names of some of the
patesis who ruled in Susa under the suzerainty of
Dungi and his successors on the throne of Ur. Thus
several of the tablets record the supply of rations for
Urkium, patesi of Susa, on his way back to that city
during Dungi's reign. Another tablet mentions a
servant of Zarik, patesi of Susa, who liad come from
Nippur, while a third patesi of Susa, who owed allegi-
ance to one of the later kings of Ur, was Beli-arik.^ It

1 Cf. Scheil, '"^Rec. de trav.," Vol. XXII., p. 153. Khumiiiii, patesi of
Kiraash and governor of Madka, whose seal in the Hermitage at St.
Petersburg is published by Sayce (" Zeits. fiir Assyr./' \'I., p. Kil), is probaluy
also to be set in this period. Madka is to be identified with Madga, w hence
Gudea obtained bitumen ; see above, p. 261 f.

292 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

is noteworthy that these names, like that of Lipum,
patesi of Anshan, who is also mentioned, are not
Elamite but Semitic Babylonian, while Ur-gigir and
Nagidda, who were patesis of Adamdun during this
period, are Sumerian. It is therefore clear that, on his
conquest of Elam, Dungi deposed the native rulers and
replaced them by officials from Babylonia, a practice
conthiued by his successors on the throne. In this we
may see conclusive evidence of the permanent and
detailed control over the administration of the country,
wliich was secured by the later kings of Ur. Such a
policy no doubt resulted in a very effective system of
government, but its success depended on the mainte-
nance of a sufficient force to overawe any signs of
opposition. That the Elamites themselves resented
the foreign domination is clear from the number of
military expeditions, which were required to stamp out
rebellions and reconquer provinces in revolt. The
harsh methods adopted by the conquerors were not
calculated to secure any loyal acceptance of their rule
on the part of the subject race, and to this cause we
may probably trace the events which led not only to
the Elamite revival but to the downfall of the Dynasty
of Ur itself.

It is clear that Elam under Dungi's administration
formed a rich source of supply for those material
products, in the lavish display of which the later rulers
of Sumer loved to indulge. Her quarries, mines, and
forests were laid under contribution, and her cities were
despoiled of their accumulated wealth in the course
of the numerous mihtary expeditions by which her
provinces were overrun. From the spoil of his cam-
paigns Dungi was enabled to enrich the temples of his
own land, and by appropriating the products of the
country he obtained an abundance of metal, stone and
wood for the construction and adornment of his build-
ings. I>.arge bodies of public slaves supplied the neces-
sary labour, and their ranks were constantly recruited
from among the captives taken in battle, and from
towns and villages which were suspected of participa-
tion in revolts. He was thus enabled to continue, on
an even more elaborate scale, the rebuilding of the

-1'

; -'-/-'At'

L-dT"'' *

CI-AV TAP.r-KTS INSCRIBED WITH SUMKRIAN TKMPLEACCOUNTS CONCERN-

IN(; ASSES AXD CATTLE, AND SHEEI> AND LAMl'.S, DRAWN UP IN THE

REIGN OF DUNf;i. KING OF UR.

fit-it. Mrts., A'os. 19024 anr/ 12231.

^l^a^Mi* ■«• 'i * 'nrriiii

1.,:..;, J ■ . ■/i.c^t-^^..

CLAV TABLETS INSCRIBED WITH SUMKRIAN TEMPLE-ACCOUNTS CONCERN-
ING GRAIN AND LABOURERS, IJRAWN UP IN THE REIGN OF DUNGI, KING

-OF UR.

/>'•//, Afiis., A'os. 18957 and 18344.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 298

ancient temples of his country, wliicli luui hccri in-
augurated by his fatlier, Ur-Ent>ur.

.Vniong the cities of Akkad we know that at Cutha
he rebuilt E-meslam, tlie great temple of Xergal, the
city-god, but it is from Sunier tiiat the principal
evidence of his building activity has come. The late
tradition that he greatly favoured the city of Eridu is
supported by a votive text in the British Museum,
which records his restoration of Enid's temple in tliat
city ; moreover, under Dungi, the chief priest of l^ridu
enjoyed a position of great fovour and influence.
Another city in the south, in which lie undertook large
building-operations, was Erech ; here he restored E-anna,
the temple of the goddess Ninni, and built a great wall,
probably in connection with the city's system of defence.
We know few details concerning the condition of these
cities, but the wealth enjoyed by the temples of Lagash
may be regarded as typical of the other great Sumerian
religious centres during Dungi's reign. Among the
baked clay tablets from Tello w'hich date from this
period are extensive lists of cattle, sheep, and asses,
owned by the temples, and detailed tablets of accounts
concerning the administration of the rich temple lands.
It is interesting to note that these documents, which
from the nature of their clay and the beauty of their
^vriting are among the finest specimens yet recovered
in Babylonia,^ were found by M. de Sarzec in the
original archive-chambers in which they had been stored
by the Sumerrin priests. Though they had apparently
been disturbed at some later period, the majority were
still arranged in layers, placed one upon tlie other, upon
benches of earth which ran along both sides of narrow
subterranean galleries.^

In spite of Dungi's devotion to the ancient Sumerian
cult of Enki in the south, he did not neglect Nippur,
though he seems to have introduced some no\elties in
the relations he maintained with this central shrine of
Babylonia. In the fifteenth year of his reign he appears
to have emphasized the political connection between
Nippur and the capital, and six years later he dedicated

* See the plate opposite p. 292.

« Cf. Henzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," HI., p. 66.

294 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

a local sanctuary to the I\Iooii-god at the former city,
in which he installed a statue of Nannar, the city-god
of Ur. Enlil and liis consort Ninlil were not deposed
from their place at the head of the Sumerian pantheon ;
the Moon-god, as the patron deity of the suzerain city,
was merely provided with a local centre of worship
beside E-kur, the great temple of his father. Indeed,
under Dungi's successors Enlil enjoyed a position of
enhanced importance ; but it is possible tliat wdth
Nannar the same process of evolution was at this time
beginning to take place, which at a later period charac-
terized the rise in importance of JNIarduk, the city-god
of Babylon. But the short duration of the Dynasty of
Ur did not give time for the development of the process
beyond its initial stages. At Nippur Dungi also built
a temple in honour of the goddess Damgalnunna, and
we possess a cylinder-seal which Ur-nabbad,^ a patesi
of Nippur, dedicated to Nusku, Enlil's chief minister,
on behalf of Dungi's life. Ur-nabbad describes himself
as the son of I^ugal-ezendug, to whom he also assigns
the title of patesi of Nippur. It is probable that at
Nippur the office of patesi continued to be hereditary,
in spite of political changes, a privilege it doubtless
enjoyed in virtue of its peculiarly sacred character.

In his capital at Ur it was but natural that Dungi
should still further enlarge the great temple which Ur-
Engur had erected in honour of the Moon-god, and it
was probably in Ur also that he built a temple in
honour of Ninib, whose cult he particularly favoured.
He also erected two royal palaces there, one of them,
E-kharsag, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and
the other, E-khalbi, three years later. In Ur, too,
we obtain evidence of an important administrative
reform, by the recovery of three weights for half a
maneh, two manehs, and twelve manehs respectively.
The inscription upon one of these states that it had
been tested and passed as of full weight in the sealing-
house dedicated to Nannar. Dungi, in fact, introduced
a uniform standard of weights for use in at least the
Babylonian portion of his empire ; and he sought to
render his enactments with regard to them effective, by

' The reading of the last syllahle of the name is uncertain.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 295

establiUiing an offical te.stii\o-lioiise at Ur, Mhicli was
probably attached to the tejiij)le of the Mooii-nod ;md
conducted under the direction of tlie central priesthood.
Here the original standards were preserved, and all
local standards that were intended for use in other
cities had no doubt to be attested by the official inscrip-
tion of the king. It may be added that, in addition
to the weights of his own period that ha^•e been re-
covered, a copy of one has survived, which was made
after his standard in the Neo-15abylonian period.'

A considerable part of our knowledge of Duiigi's
reign has been derived from the tablets found at 'JY-llo,
and from them we also obtain indirect evidence of the
uniform character of his system of administration. As
he introduced a fixed standard of weight for use
throughout Babylonia, so he applied a single system
of time-reckoning, in place of the local systems of
dating, which had, until the reign of his father, })re-
vailed in the different cities since the fall of the Dynasty
of Akkad. The official title for each year was fixed in
Ur, and was then published in each city of his em])ire,
where it was adopted as the correct formula. This
change had already been begun by Ur-Engur. who had
probably introduced the central system into each city
over which he obtained control ; with Dungi we may
infer that it became universal, not only throughout
Sumer and Akkad, but also in the outlying provinces
of his empire. In the provincial cities the scribes
frequently added to the date-fornmla the name of their
local patesi, who was in office at the time, and from
such notes upon the Tello tablets we obtain the names
of four patesis of Lagash who were Dimgi's contem-
poraries during the last twenty years he occupied the
throne. Similarly on tablets found atJokha^we learn
that in the forty-fourth year of Dungis reign Ur-ncsu
was patesi of the city of Umma ; while a seal-impression
on another tablet from Tello supplies the name of
Ur-Pasag, who was patesi of the city of Dungi- Habbar.
The sealings upon tablets of the period aflbrd some
indication of the decrease in influence attaching to the

» Brit. Mus. No. 91,005 ; cf. " Guide," p. Ilt3 f.
« Cf. Scheil, " Rec. de trav.," XIX., p. 02 f.

296 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

office of patesi, which resulted from the centraliza-
tion of authority in Ur. Subordinate officials could
employ Dungi's name, not that of their local patesi,
upon their seals of office, proving that, like the patesi
himself, they held their appointments direct from the
king.

Of the patesis who held office in Lagash during
Dungi's earlier years, the name of only one, a certain
Galu-kazal, has been recovered. He dedicated a vase
to Ningirsu for the preservation of Dungi's life,^ and
his daughter Khala-Lama presented a remarkable female
statuette to the goddess Bau with the same object.^ Of
the later patesis we know that Galu-andul was in office
during the tliirty-ninth year of Dungi's reign, and that
Ur-Lama I. ruled for at least seven years from his forty-
second to his forty-eighth year. The patesiate of Alia,
who was in office during his fiftieth year, was very
short, for he was succeeded in the following year by
Ur-Lama II., who survived Dungi and continued to
rule in Lagash for three, and possibly four, years of
Bur-Sin's reign. Among the public works undertaken
by Dungi in Lagash, we know that he rebuilt E-ninnu,
A^ingirsu's temple, the great temple dedicated to the
goddess Nina, and E-salgilsa, the shrine of the goddess
Ninmar in Girsu. E::cavations upon other sites will
doubtless reveal traces of the other buildings, which he
erected in the course of his long reign of fifty-eight
years. Indeed, the texts already recovered contain
references to work on buildings, the sites of which are
not yet identified, such as the restoration of Ubara, and
the founding of Bad-mada, " The Wall (or Fortification)
of the Land." As the latter was constructed in his
forty-seventh year, after the principal epoch of his
Elamite campaigns, it may have been a strongly fortified
garrison-town upon the frontier, from which he
could exercise control over his recently acquired
provinces.

In view of Dungi's exceptionally long reign, it is
probable that Bur-Sin was already advanced in years
when he succeeded his father upon the throne of Ur.

» See Heuzey, " Ilev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 90.
« Cf. ''Dec. en Clialdee/' pi. 21, Fig. 4.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 297

However this may be, he reigned for only nine years,
and Gimil-Sin, his son Avho succeeded liini, ior only seven
years/ A longer reign was that of Ibi-Sin, Giniil-Sin's
son and successor, who held his throne for a generation,
but finally lost it and brought Ur-Engur s dynasty to
an inglorious end. These last rulers of the Dynasty of
Ur appear to have maintained the general lines of
Dungi's poHcy, which tliey inherited from him along
with his empire. The Elamite provinces required to be
kept in check by the sending of military expeditions
thither, but in Babylonia itself the rule of Ur was
accepted without question, and her kings were free to
devote themselves to the adornment of the great
temples in the land. It is of interest to note that
under Bur-Sin and his son the importance of the central
shrine of Nippur was fully recognized, and emphasis was
laid on Enhl's position at the head of the Babylonian
pantheon. Evidence of this may be seen in the addi-
tional titles, which these two rulers adopted in their
foundation-inscriptions and votive texts that have come
down to us. Bur-Sin's regular titles of " King of Ur,
king of the four quarters " are generally preceded by the
phrase " whose name Enlil has pronounced in Nippur,
who raised the head of Enlil's temple," while Gimil- Sin
describes himself as "the beloved of Enlil," "whom
Enlil has chosen as his heart's beloved," or " whom
p],nlil in his heart has chosen to be the shepherd of the
land and of the four quarters." From inscriptions found
at Nippur we know that Bur- Sin added to the great
temple of E-kur, and also built a storehouse for
offerings of honey, butter and wine, while his third
year was dated by the construction of a great throne in
Enhl's honour. Gimil-Sin appears to have been equally
active in his de^^otion to the shrine, for two years of his
short reign derive their titles from the setting up of a
great stele and the construction of a sacred boat, both
in honour of Enlil and his consort.

The peculiar honour paid to Enlil does not appear
to have affected the cult of tlie Moon-god, the patron

1 Gimil-Sin possibly reigned for nine years ; see Kuj^ler, " Sternkunde,"
II., p. 151 f. Another son of Bur-Sin was Ur-Bau, vvliose name occurs on
a seal-impression from Tello (cf. Scheil, "Rec. de trav./' XIX., p. 49).

298 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

deity of Ur, for both Bur-Sin and Gimil-Sin rebuilt and
added to the great temple of Sin, or Nannar, in their
capital.^ They also followed Dungi in his care for the
shrine of Euki at Eridu ; and there is evidence that Bur-
Sin rebuilt the temple of Ninni at Ercch, while the last
year of Gimil-Sin's reign was signalized by the rebuilding
of the city-temple at Umma. It is thus clear that the
later members of Ur-Engur's dynasty continued the
rebuilding of the temples of Babylonia, which character-
ized his reign and that of Dungi. Another practice
which they inherited was the deification of the reigning
king. Not only did they assume the divine determi-
native before their names, but Bur- Sin styles himself
" the righteous god of his land," or " the righteous god,
the sun of his hind." He also set up a statue of him-
self, which he named " Bur-Sin, the beloved of Ur," and
placed it in the temple of the Moon-god under the
protection of Nannar and Ningal. It would seem that
it became the custom at this time for the reigning king
to erect statues of himself in the great temples of the
land, where regular offerings were made to them as to
the statues of the gods themselves. Thus a tablet from
Tello mentions certain offerings made at the Feast of
the New Moon to statues of Gimil-Sin, which stood in
the two principal temples of Lagash, those of Ningirsu
and the goddess Bau.^ It should be added that the
tablet is dated in the fifth year of Gimil-Sin's reign. In
view of Nannar 's rank as god of the suzerain city, the
Feasts of the New Moon were naturally regarded, even
in the provincial cities, as of peculiar importance in the
sacred calendar.

Whenever the king rebuilt or added to a temple we
may assume that he inaugurated there a new centre of
his cult, but it is certain that temples were also erected
which were devoted entirely to his worship. Thus
Dungi dated a year of his reign by the appointment of
a high-priest of his o^vn cult, an act which suggests that
on his assumption of divine rank he founded a temple
in his own honour. Moreover, under his successors

* Devotion to the Moon-god is also expressed by their names and that of
Ibi-Sin.

2 Cf. Thureau-Daiigin, " Rec. de trav./' XIX., pp. 185 fF.

^ <■ '-'
— 'X -.

> y.

rt — *

/. —
y. .

y ■.

THE DYNASTY OF VR 299

liigh ofKcials souglit the royal fiivoiir by huikliiig and
dedicating shrines to the reigning king. 'J'his is proved
by a votive inscription of Liigal-niagurri, the patesi of
Ur and commander of tlie fortress, which records that
he founded a temple in honour of Gimil-Sin, '' liis god."
At the king's death his cult did not die with him, but
he continued to be worshipped and offerings were made
to him at the Feast of the New Moon. Tablets from
Tello, dated during the later years of the Dynasty of
Ur, record the making of such offerings to Dungi, and
it is noteworthy that the patesis Ur-Lama and Gudea
were also honoured in the same way. We have seen that
Gudea was probably not deified in his owti lifetime, but at
this period he takes his place beside the god Dunpae in
the rites of the New Moon. Offerings in his honour,
accompanied by sacrifices, were repeated six times a
year, and a special class of priests was attached to his
service.^ An interesting survival, or trace, of this
practice occurs in an explanatory list of gods, drawn
up for Ashur-bani-pal's Library at Nineveh, where Bur-
Sin's name is explained as that of an attendant deity in
the service of the Moon-god.^

The later kings of Ur appear to have retained
possession of the empire acquired by Dimgi, but we may
assume that, like him, they were constantly obliged to
enforce their authority. Tablets have been found at Susa
dated by the official formukp of Bur-Sin,^ proving that the
capital of Elam remained under his control, but, before
he had been two years upon the throne, he was
obliged to undertake the reconquest of Urbillu. Other
successful expeditions were made in his sixth and
seventh years, which resulted in the subjugation of
Shashru and Khukhunuri, or Khukhnuri. The date-
formulee of Gimil-Sin's reign record that he conquered
Simanu in his third year, and four years later the land
of Zabshali, wliile the only conquest of Ibi-Sin of
which we possess a record is that of Simuru. A date-
formula of this period also commemorates tlie marriage
of the patesi of Zabshali to Tukin-khatti-migrisha, the

1 See Scheil, "Ilec. de trav.," XVIII., pp. 64 ff.

2 See "Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum/' Pt. XXV., p. 7.
5 Cf. Scheil, "Textes Elam.-Se'mit.," IV., p. 73 f.

300 HISTOEY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

daughter of the king, but it is not certain to which
reign this event should be assigned. Evidence of the
extent of Gimil-Sin's authority in the direction of the
]\Iediterranean may be seen in the date-formula for
his fourth year, which commemorates his building of
the Wall, or Fortification, of the West, entitled Murik-
Tidnim. Since Tidnu was explained by the Assyrian
geographers as another name for Amurru ^ and may be
connected with Tidanu, the mountain in Amurru from
which Gudea obtained his marble,^ we may infer that at
least a portion of Syria acknowledged the suzerainty of
Ur during his reign.

Of the comparatively long reign of Ibi-Sin, and of
the events which preceded the downfall of the Dynasty
of Ur, we know little, but already during the reigns of
his predecessors it is possible to trace some of the causes
which led to the decline of the city's power. The
wealth obtained from the Elamite provinces and the large
increase in the number of public slaves must have intro-
duced an element of luxury into Sumerian life, which
would tend to undermine the military qualities of the
people and their incHnation for foreign service. The in-
corporation of Sumer and Akkad into a single empire had
broken down the last traces of political division betAveen
the great cities of the land, and, while it had put an end
to local patriotism, it had not encouraged in its place
the growth of any feeling of loyalty to the suzerain city.
All the great provincial towns were doubtless required
to furnish contingents for the numerous military cam-
paigns of the period, and tliey could have had little
satisfaction in seeing the fruits of their conquests
diverted to the aggrandizement of a city other than their
own. The assumption of divine rank by the later kings
of Ur may in itself be regarded as a symptom of the
spirit wliich governed their administration. In the case
of Dungi the innovation had followed the sudden ex-
pansion of his empire, and its adoption had been based
upon political as much as upon personal grounds. But
with his descendants the practice had been carried to
more extravagant lengths, and it undoubtedly afforded

' Cf. Tliurcau-Dangiii, " Rec. de trav.," XIX., p. 185.
2 See above, p. 2G1.

THE DYNASTY OF UR 301

opportunities for royal favourities to obtain by flattery
an undue influence in the state.

We have ah-eady seen that Lugal-niagurri, who
combined the civil office of patesi of Ur with the
military appointment of commander of the fortress,
founded a temple for the worship of Gimil-Sin, and it is
clear that such an act woidd have opened an easier road
to the royal fevour than the successful prosecution of a
campaign. It was probably by such methods that
ministers at the court of Ur secured the enjoyment
of a plurality of offices, which had previously been
administered with far greater efficiency in separate
hands. The most striking example is afforded by Arad-
Nannar, whose name as that of a patesi of Lagash is
frequently mentioned upon dated tablets from Tello. He
was " sukkal-makh," or chief minister, under the last
three kings of Ur, and appears to have succeeded his
father Ur-Dunpae, who had held this post in Dungi's
reign. From the Tello tablets we know that he also
held the patesiate of Lagash during this period, for he
received the appointment towards the end of Bur-Sin's
reign ^ and continued to hold it under Ibi-Sin. But the
patesiate of Lagash was only one of many posts which
he combined. For two gate-sockets have been found
at Tello, which originally formed parts of a temple
founded in Girsu by Arad-Xannar for the cult of Gimil-
Sin, and in the inscriptions upon them he has left us a
list of his appointments.-

In addition to holding the posts of chief minister
and patesi of Lagash, he was also priest of Enki,
governor of Uzargarshana, governor of Babishue, patesi
of Sabu and of the land of Gutebu, governor of Timat-
Enlil, patesi of Al-Gimil-Sin,^ governor of Urbillu,
patesi of Khamasi and of Gankhar, governor of Ikhi,
and governor of the Su-people and of the land of
Kardaka. At some time during the reign of Gimil-Sin
Arad-Nannar thus combined in his own person twelve

^ One other patesi, tlie reading of wliose name is uncertain, appears to
liave separated Arad-Nannar from Ur-Lama II.

2 See Thureau-Dangin, " Rev. d'Assyr.," V., pp. 99 ff. ; VI., p. 67 f. ; and
" Konigsiuschriften," pp. 148 ff. ; cf. also "Comptes rendus," 1902, pp. 91 ff.

3 " The City of Girail-Sin^" i.e., a town named after the reigning king and
probably founded by him.

302 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

important appointments, involving the administration
of no less than thirteen separate cities and provinces.
The position of some of the places enumerated is still
uncertain, but it is clear that several were widely sejjarated
from one another. While I..agash, for instance, lay in
the south of Sumer, Sabu was in Elam and Urbillu and
Gankhar more to the north in the region of the Zagros
mountains.

This centralization of authority under the later kings
of Ur undoubtedly destroyed the power attaching to
the patesiate at a time when the separate cities of the
land had enjoyed a practical autonomy ; and it in-
cidentally explains the survival of the title, under the
First Dynasty of Babylon, as that of a comparatively
subordinate class of officials. But the pohcy of centraliza-
tion must have had a more immediate effect on the
general administration of the empire. For it un-
doubtedly lessened the responsibilities of local governors,
and it placed the central authority, which the king
himself had previously enjoyed, in the hands of a few
officials of the court. The king's deification un-
doubtedly tended to encourage his withdrawal from
the active control of affairs, and, so long as his divine
rites were duly celebrated, he was probably content to
accept without question the reports his courtiers pre-
sented to him. Such a system of government was
bound to end in national disaster, and it is not surpris-
ing that the dynasty was brought to an end within
forty-one years of Dungi's death. We may postpone
until the next chapter an account of the manner in
which the hegemony in Babylonia passed from the city
of Ur to I sin.

CHAPTER XI

THE EARLIER RULERS OF ELAM, THE DYNASTY OF
ISiN, AND THE RISE OF BABYLON

THE kingdom of Sumer and Akkad, which had
been founded by Ur-Engur, survived the full of
his dynasty, and the centre of authority merely
passed from one city to another. The change of capital
did not imply the existence of any new racial moAcment,
such as that which had led to the rise of Kish and the
Empire of Akkad. The kings of I sin were probably
Sumerians like their immediate predecessors, and they
shared with them the same ideals and culture. No
doubt a rivalry existed between the great Sumerian
cities, and any one of them would have been ready to
contest the power of Ur had there been a prospect of
success. At tirst sight indeed it might appear that I sin
now emerged as the victor from such a struggle for tiie
hegemony. In the dynastic chronicle from Nippur the
close of tlie Dynasty of Ur and the rise of Isin is briefiy
recorded in the words " the rule of Ur was overthrown,
Isin took its kingdom." From this passage alone it
might be imagined that Ishbi-Ura, the founder of the
Dynasty of Isin, had headed a revolt against the rule
of Ur, and had been the direct agent in Ibi-Sin's
deposition.

But the fall of the Dynasty of Ur, like that of the
First Dynasty of Babylon, was due to an external cause
and not to any movement within the hmits of Babylonia
itself. We possess no contemporary record of the
catastrophe which at this time overwhelmed the empire,
but an echo of it has been preser\ ed in an omen-text,
inscribed upon an Assyrian tablet from the Library of

303

304 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Aslmr-bani-pal. We have already noted instances in
which genuine historical traditions have been incor-
porated in the later augural literature, and we need
have no hesitation in accepting the liistorical accuracy
of this reference to past events. The text in question
eninnerates certain omens which it associates with the
fall of " Ibi-Sin, the King of Ur," who, it states, was
carried captive to Anshan.^ We may thus infer that it
was an Elamite invasion that put an end to the
Dynasty of Ur. The foreign provinces, on the posses-
sion of which Dungi had based his claim to the rule of
the four quarters of the world, had finally proved the
cause of his empire's dow^nfall.

We have few data on which to form an estimate of
the extent of the Elamite conquest of Babylonia, or of
the period during which the country or a portion of it
was in the hands of the invaders. The deportation of
the king of Ur can hardly have been the result of a
spasmodic raid, following one of the numerous pro-
vincial revolts which had at last proved successful. It
is far more likely that the capture followed the fall of
Ur itself, and such an achievement argues the existence
of an organized force in Elam, which it must have
required some years to build up. It is therefore per-
missible to conjecture that, in the course of the twenty-
five years of his reign, Ibi-Sin had gradually been losing
his hold upon the Elamite portion of his empire, and
that an independent kingdom had been formed in Elam
under a native ruler. For a time Ibi-Sin may have
continued to hold certain districts, but, after the success-
ful invasion of Babylonia, the whole of Elam, and for a
time a part of Babylonia itself, may have fallen to the
lot of the conqueror.

It would be tempting to connect the fall of Ur with
the sack of tlie neighbouring city of Erech by the
Elamite king Kudur-Nankhundi, which is referred to in
an inscription of Ashur-bani-pal. When he captured
Susa in 650 B.C., the Assyrian king relates that he
recovered tlie image of the goddess Nana, which Kudur-
Nankhundi had carried off from Erech sixteen hundred

' See Boissier, " Choix de textes relatifs a la divination," II., p. 64, and
Meissuer, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," March, 1907, col. 114, n. 1.

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN ;505

and tliirty-five years before,^ By acccptinu^ these
figures Kudiir-Nankluindi's invasion lias been assigned
to an approximate date of 2285 I5.c"., and it was formerly
supposed that it was iu\ episode in the Khunite wars of
the First Dynasty of Babylon. But, in consecpience of
the reduetion in dates necessitated by recent discoveries,
it follows that, if Ashur-bani-pars figures be accepted
as correct, Kudur-Nankhundi's invasion must have taken
place before the rise of Babylon. It cannot have
occurred at a time when the kings of Ur were all-
powerful in Babylonia, and still retained an eflective
hold on Elam ; so that, unless we assign the invasion to
some period of unrest during the Dynasty of Isin, no
more probable epoch presents itself than that of the
Elamite invasion which put an end to the Dynasty of
Ur, and allowed Isin to secure the hegemony in
Babylonia.

The want of some synchronism, or fixed point of
contact, between the earlier history of Elam and that of
Sumer and Akkad renders it diflicult to settle the period
of those native Elamite rulers whose names occur in
building-inscriptions, recovered during tlie French
excavations at Susa. Some of the texts enumerate a
succession of Elamite princes, who had in turn taken
part in the reconstruction of buildings in that city,^ and,
although we are thus enabled to arrange their names in
relative chronological order, it is not until towards the
close of the First Dynasty of Babylon tliat we can
definitely fix the date of any one of them. Of earlier
rulers, the members of the dynasty of Ivhutran-tepti
probably reigned at a period subsequent to that of Basha-
Shushinak.' In addition to Khutran-tepti himself, the
names of three of his descendants have been recovered,
Itaddu I., and his son Kal-Kukliuratir, and his grandson
Itaddu 11. Since these rulers bore the title patesi of
Susa, it is possible that, like Urkium, Zarik and Beli-
arik, who are mentioned on tablets from Tello," they
owed allegiance to Babylonia, during the period of the

» See '' Cun. Inscr. V^est. Asia," Vol. III., pi. 38, No. 1, Obv., 1. IG. ^

2 Cf. Scheil, " Textes Elam.-Auzan.," II., p. 20; "Textes Llam.-bemjt.,
III., p. 29, and IV., p. 15.

3 See above, p. 289. * See above, p. 291.

306 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

DjTiasty of Ur.' A later Elamite dynasty was that
which traced its descent from Ebarti, or from his son
Shilkhakha. Two of Shilkhakha's descendants" were
Shirukdu' or Shirukdukli, and Simebalar-kluippak, and
tliese were divided from a later group by Kuk-Kirmesh,
the son of Lankukii. The later group of his de-
scendants, whose names have yet been reco\'ered, con-
sists of Adda-Pakshu, Temti-khalki and Kuk-Nashur,
or Kukka-Nasher, the descendant of Kal-Uli.^ What
intervals of time separated the different members of the
dynasty from one another is still a matter for conjecture.
It is noteworthy that the members of Ebarti's
dynasty, whose inscriptions have been recovered, bear
different titles to those of the earlier dynasty of Khutran-
tepti. AVhile the latter styled themselves patesis of
Susa and governors {shakkanakJxu) of Elam, their
successors claim the title of sukkal of Elam, of Simash,
and of Susa. It has been suggested that the title of
sukkallu may have carried with it an idea of independ-
ence from foreign control, which is absent from that of
patesi, and the alteration of title has been regarded as
reflecting a corresponding change in the political con-
dition of Elam. The view has been put forward that
the rulers of Elam, who styled themselves sukkallu,
reigned at a period when Elam was independent and
possibly exercised suzerainty over the neighbouring
districts of Babylonia.* The worker of this change was
assumed to be Kudur-Nankhundi, and in support of the
suggestion it was pointed out that a certain Kutir-
Nakhkhunte, whose name occurs in a votive inscription

' The patesis Ur-Ningishzida, Ibalpel, Belaku and [. . .Jinasliu, who
ruled in Tupliasli, or Ashnuunak, in the neig-hbourhood of Klam (cf. Thureau-
Dang-in, " Konigsinschriften/' p. 174 f.) probably owed alleg-iance to the king's
of Ur or Isin. Ur-Ningirsu^ who was also said to be a patesi of Tupliasli, is
merely a misreading of Ur-Ningishzida's name; cf. Ungnad, ''Orient. Lit.-
Zeit," IDO'.l, col. IGl f.

2 'J'lie phrase ''son of the sister of,'' which occurs in the insci-iptions, is
clearly not to be taken literally, but is used in the sense of a descendant (cf.
Thuroau-Uangin, " Konigsinschriften," p. 18.3, n. 2) ; it does not necessarily
imply that the throne actually passed through the female branch (as Meyer,
" (ieschichte dos Altertums," Bd. I. , lift. II., p. 542, suggests), except possibly
in the absence of direct descendants in tlie male line.

3 One of the native texts sets Kuk-Nashur before Temti-khalki, but this
was obviously due to a confusion with Adda-l*aks!iu ; cf. Unguad, " Beitr.
Eur Assyr.," Bd. VI., No. .5, p. G.

< Cf. Scheil, "TextesElara.-Auzan.," II., p. x.

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN 307

of the period, should possibly be identified with the
conqueror of Erech. lie is mentioned on inscribed
bricks of Temti-agun, n sukkalof Susa and a descendant
of Shirukdukh, from a temple built by this ruler with
the object of prolonging his own life and those of four
other Elamites, among them Kutir-Nakhkhunte.^ It
was thought possible that Temti-agun might have been
the local ruler of Susa, at a time when Kutir-Nakhkhunte
exercised control over the whole of Elam and a great
part of Babylonia.

The suggested synchronism, if established, would
have been of considerable assistance in arranging the
chronology of an obscure period of history, but it cannot
be regarded as probable. Temti-agun sets no title after
Kutir-Nakhkhunte's name, an omission tliat is hardly
compatible with the theory that he was his superior and
suzerain. Moreover, it is now certain that the title of
sukkallu, so far from implying a measure of inde-
pendence, was a distinctive mark of subjection to foreign
control. For an inscription of the sukkal Kukka-
Nasher has recently been published,^ which is dated by
a formula of Ammi-zaduga, the last king but one of the
first Babylonian dynasty, proving that he governed
Susa in Ammi-zaduga's name. This synchronism is
the only certain one in the early history of the two
countries, for it probably disposes of another recently
suggested between Adda-Pakshu and Sumu-abu, the
founder of the Babylonian monarchy. A contract-
tablet of the epoch of Adda-Pakshu is dated in " the
year of Shumu-abi," who has been identified with Sumu-
abu, the Babylonian king.^ Apart from the fact that
no title follows Shumu-abi's name, it has been pointed
out that a far shorter interval separated Adda-Pakslui
from Kuk-Nashur.* We are therefore reduced to the
conclusion that at any rate the later members of

1 Cf. "Textes Elani.-Scmit.," III., p. 23, pi. 7, Nos. 1-3.

2 See " Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler," VII., p. 28, No. G7, and cf.
Ungnad, ''Beitr. zur. Assyr.," Bd. VI., No. 6, p. 3 f.

3 See Scheil, ''Textes P'lam.-Semit.," IV., pp. 18 and 20.

* The titles borne by Kuk-Kirmesh, who reigned before Adda-Pakshu, and
those of Temti-khalki and Kuk-Nashur are so similar, that it is unlikely their
periods were separated by the great political upheaval which took place in
Hammurabi's reign ; cf. Ungnad, " Beitr. zur Assyr.," Bd. VI,, No. 6, p. 6f.

808 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Ebarti's dynasty owed allegiance to Babylon, and it is a
legitimate assumption that the earlier rulers, who also
bore the title of sukkaUu, acknowledged the suzerainty
of either Babylon or Isin. The control exercised by
the sovereign state was doubtless often nominal, and it
is probable that border Avarfare was not of infrequent
occurrence. A reflection of such a state of affairs may
probably be seen in the short inscription of Anu-mutabil,
a governor of the city of Dcr, which he engraved upon
an olive-shaped stone now in the British IMuseum.*
This local magnate, avIio probably lived at about the
period of the Dynasty of Isin, boasts that he broke the
heads of the men of Anshan, Elam and Simash, and
conquered Barakhsu.

We thus obtain from native Elamite sources no
evidence that Elam exercised control over a portion of
Babylonia for any considerable period after the fall of
Ur. The in\ asion of the country, which resulted in the
deportation of Ibi-Sin, no doubt freed Elam for a time
from foreign control, and may well have led to the
establishment of a number of independent states under
native Elamite rulers. In addition to Kudur-Nankhundi
we may provisionally assign to this period Kisari, king
of Gankhar,^ a district wdiich had previously been held
by the kings of Ur. But it would seem that the
Elamite states, after their long period of subjection,
were not sufficiently strong or united to follow up the
success achieved by Anshan. The dynastic chronicle
from Nippur records that Isin took the kingdom of Ur,
and we may assume that Ishbi-Ura was not long in re-
establishing the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad with his
own city as its capital. The Elamite invasion may well
have been confined to the south of Sumer, and among
the cities that had been left unaffected the most power-
ful would naturally assert itself Evidence that Ishbi-
Ura soon freed himself from Elamite interference may
possibly be seen in a reference to him upon an Assyrian

1 Cf. ''C\xn. Texts in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. XXI., pi. 1 and " Konigsin-
schriften," p. 17« f.

^ His name occurs upon a cylinder-seal of Masiam-Ishtar, an official in his
service ; see " Collection de Clercq," p. 83, pi. xiv.. No. 121, and " Konigs-
inschriften," p. 174 f.

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN 309

omen-tablet, wliicli states that "he liad no rivals."^
The phrase is certainly ^af^ue, but it at least bears
witness to the reputation which his achievements secured
for him in the traditions of a later a^je.

We possess few records of the kings of Isin, and
the greater part of our information concerning the
dynasty is furnished by the Nippur dynastic list.
From this document we know that it lasted for two
hundred and twenty-five years and six months, and
consisted of sixteen kings. These fall naturally into
four groups. The first group comprises the family of
Ishbi-Ura, four of whose direct descendants succeeded
him upon the throne, their reigns together with his
occupying a period of ninety-four years. The second
group consists of Ur-Xinib and three of his descendants,
who reigned for sixty-one years. Then followed a
period of thirty-six and a half years, din-ing which no
less than five kings ruled in Isin, and, since none of
them were related, it was clearly a time of great political
unrest. A more stable condition of things appears to
have prevailed during the closing period of thirty-four
years, occupied by the reigns of Sin-magir and his son
Damik-ilishu, under whom the dynasty came to an end.
A number of tablets dated during the Dynasty of Isin
have been found at Niffer, and at least one at Abu
Habba, while a few short votive inscriptions of some
of the kings themselves have been recovered on these
two sites and also at Ur and Babylon, lleferenccs to
four of the kings of Isin in later Babylonian traditions
complete the material from which a knowledge of the
period can be obtained. The information derived from
these rather scanty sources, combined with the succes-
sion of rulers on the Nippur hst, enables us to sketch
in outline tlie progress of events, but it naturally leaves
many problems unsettled, for the solution of which we
must await further discoveries.

The late tradition of Ishbi-Ura's successful reign
is supported by the fact that he ruled for thirty-two
years and firmly established his own family upon the
throne of Isin. He was succeeded by his son Gimil-

1 See Boissier, '^ Doc. rel. a la div./' I., p. 30, K.3970, Rev. 1. 16, and
Meissner, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. 114, n. 1.

310 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

ilishu, who reigned for ten years. A very fragmentary
inscription of Idin-Dagan, the son of Gimil-iHshu, who
reigned for twenty-one years, has been found at Abu
Habba,^ proving that Sippar acknowledged his authority.
Indeed, it is probable that already in Ishbi-Ura's reign
Akkad as well as Sunier formed part of the kingdom
of Isin, and evidence that this was the normal state
of affairs may be seen in the fact that each king of
Isin, of whom we possess a building-inscription or a
votive text, lays claim to the title of King of Sumer
and Akkad. The earliest record of this character is
an inscription upon bricks found at JNIukayyar and
dating from the reign of Ishme-Dagan, the son and
successor of Idin-Dagan. In addition to his titles of
King of Isin and King of Sumer and Akkad, he styles
himself Lord of Erech and records in various phrases
the favour he has shown to the cities of Nippur, Ur,
and Eridu ; while his building activity at Nippur is
attested by numerous bricks bearing his name and titles,
which have been found on that site. The same cities
are also mentioned in the titles borne by Libit-Ishtar,
Ishme-Dagan's son, who succeeded to the throne after
his father had reigned for twenty years. Both these
rulers appear to have devoted themselves to the cult
of Ninni, the great goddess of Erech, and Ishme-Dagan
even styles himself her " beloved spouse." His claim to
be the consort of the goddess was doubtless based on
his assumption of divine rank, a practice which the
kings of Isin inherited from the Dynasty of Ur.^

Libit-Ishtar was the last member of Ishbi-Ura's
family to occupy the throne of Isin. He reigned for
eleven years, and with his successor, Ur-Ninib, the
throne passed to a different ftimily. We may probably
connect this change in the succession with the fact that
about this time an independent kingdom makes its
appearance in Larsa and Ur. For anotlicr son of Ishme-
Dagan, named Enannatum, who was chief priest in
the temple of the JMoon-god at Ur, has left us an

» See Scheil, "Rec. de trav./' Vol. XVI., pp. 187 ff., and Radaii, "Early
Bab, Hist," p. 232 f.

2 This is proved by tlie fact that in their own inscriptions that have been
recovered the determinative for divinity precedes their names.

3'C

I'.^V

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN^ 311

inscription upon clay cones, in vhich he records that
he rebuilt the temple of tlie Sun-god at I^arsa for the
preservation of his own life and that of Gungunu, the
king of Ur.^ Gungunu himself, upon a brick-inscription
commemorating his building of the great wall of Larsa,
claims to be king of that city and also of the whole
of Sumer and Akkad. It would therefore seem that
towards the close of Libit-Ishtar's reign, or immediately
after it, Gungunu established an independent kingdom
with its capital at Larsa. It is strange that in the city
of Ur, which was under his control, a son of Ishme-
Dagan should continue to hold, or should be invested
with, the office of chief priest, and there is something
to be said for the suggestion that Libit-Ishtar's fall
may not have been brought about by any active hostility
on the part of Gungunu, but by a foreign invasion from
Elam.'

According to this view Isin was captured by the
invaders,^ and in the confusion that followed Larsa
secured the hegemony in Sumer. Howe\'er this may
be, it is probable that Gungunu's authority was of brief
duration ; for Ur-Xinib is represented by the dynastic
list as Libit-Ishtar's immediate successor, and in an
inscription of his own upon a brick from Nippur he
not only claims the titles of King of Isin and King
of Sumer and Akkad, but, like the earlier king Ishme-
Dagan, styles himself I^ord of Erech, and the patron
of Nippur, Ur, and Eridu.* We may therefore assume
that Ur-Ninib was successful in re-establishing the
power of Isin, and in uniting once more the whole of

' For one of the cones^ see the plate opposite p. 314. In a brick-inscrip-
tion from Mui>a\ yar, inscribed with Knannatum's name and title, be calls
himself the son of Ishme-Dagan, the Kin^ of Sumer and Akkad ; and it is
quite possible that he received his appointment as priest of the Moon-god
during his father's life-time or in the reign of his brother Libit-Ishtar.

- Cf. Hilprecht, " Math., Met., and Chron. Tablets/' p. 5-1. For an alterna-
tive suggestion that the invasion was from Amurru, see below, p. 315 f.

■' Nippur, too, may have shared the like fate, if the breaking and scattering
of votive objects, deposited by earlier kings in the temple of Kulil, is to be
traced to this invasion.

* Gungunu's death is recorded in a date-formula upon a tablet from
Senkera (Larsa), which reads " the year in which Gungunu died " (see
Scheil, "Rec. de trav.," Vol. XXI., p. 125. Since the death of a king from
natural causes was never commemorated in this fashion, we may conclude that
he was slain in battle, probably by Ur-Niuib.

312 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Siimer and Akkad under its sway. After a reign of
twenty-eight years he was followed by his son Bur-
Sin II., who bore the same titles as his father and
mentions the same list of cities as having enjoyed
his special favour. His comparatively long reign of
twenty-one years is a further indication that Ur-Ninib's
restoration of order had been effective. The last two
descendants of Ur-Ninib to occupy the throne of I sin
Avere sons of Bur-Sin. Of Iter-kasha, who reigned for
only five Vears, we know nothing, but the name of his
brother Ura-imitti, and the strange manner in which he
met his death after appointing his successor, have been
preserved in later Babylonian tradition.

In the chronicle concerning Sargon of Akkad and
other early Babylonian kings, to which reference has
already been made,' a section is devoted to Ura-imitti,
from which we gather that, ha\ing no son to succeed
him upon the throne, he named Enlil-bani, his gardener,
as his successor.^ The text relates that, after placing
the crown of his sovereignty upon Enlil-bani's head, he
met his own death within his palace either through
misadventure or by poison.^ With him, therefore,
Ur-Ninib's family came to an end, and, in view of the
strange manner of his death and the humble rank of
the successor he had appointed, it was but natural that
Enlil-bani's claim to the throne should not have been
at once, nor universally, recognized. During the struggle
that followed Ur-imitti's death a certain Sin-ikisha^
established himself in Isin, and for six months retained
the throne. But at the end of this time Enlil-bani

1 See above, pp. 220, 225 ff., 282 f.

2 The story was also told in the liistory of Ag'athias (II., 25, ed. Dindorf,
p. 222) of Beleous and Beletaras, who are described by him as early Assyrian
kinps (see King, " Chronicles," I., p. 63 f.). But there is no doubt that L'ra-
iniitti was the ninth kinpr of Isin, since Hilprecht has since decijdiered traces
of his name in the Nippur dynastic list and has also found it in a date-'"ormula
on an early contract from Nippur (see " Zeits. fiir Assyr.," pp. 20 ff.). More-
over, the name of Enlil-bani occurs in the Nippur list as that of the eleventh
kinf^ of Isin.

^ The meaning of the phrases in the te.\t is exceedingly obscure ; cf Kingj
" Clirouicles,'-' I., p. G4 f., n. 1.

* Sin-ikisha's name, which is broken in the Nippur list, has been restored
from a contract-tablet preserved in the Pennsylvania ]Mu.seum (see Poebel,
" Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," l!)07, col. 461 ff.). The contract is dated in the year in
which Sin-ikisha made an image of gold and silver for the Sun-god.

THE DYISASTY OF ISIN 313

succeeded in oustinii' him from that position, and,
having secured the throne liimself, lie continued to
reign in I sin for twenty-four years. As he had hccn
called to the throne by Ura-imitti, he cannot be regarded
as a usurper, but he did not succeed in establishing a
settled dynasty. Zambia,^ who followed him, was a
usurper, and after only three years he was in turn
displaced. Two other usurpers held the throne for
five and four years respectively, and only with Sin-
magir, the fifteenth king of Isin, was a settled dynasty
once more established.

During this period of confusion it is probable that
the internal troubles of Isin reacted upon her political
influence in Babylonia. It is also possible that the
quick changes in the succession may have, in part, been
brought about by events which Avere happening in
other cities of Sumer and Akkad.^ It has, indeed,
been suggested that the Dynasty of Isin and the First
Dynasty of Babylon overlapped each other,^ as is pro\ed
to have been the case with the first three dynasties of
the Babylonian List of Kings. If that were so, not
only the earlier kings of Babylon, but also the kings of
Larsa and the less powerful kings of Erech, would all
have been reigning contemporaneously with the later
kings of Isin. In fact, we should picture the kingdom

' For the recovery of Zambia's name, by means of a contract-tablet at
Constantinople dated in his accession-year, see Hilprecht, "Orient. Lit.-
Zeit.," 1907, col. 385 ff. Hommel and Hilprecht (cf. "Zeits. fur Assyr.,"
XXI., p. 29) regard Zambia as an abbreviated form of the name of Sal>Dagan,
which occurs as that of a king on the obverse of the Neo-Babylonian map of
the world preserved in the British Museum ("Cun.Texts/'XXII., pi. 48, Obv.,
1. 10). But the name of the city or land, which followed the title of the king,
is wanting, and Hilprecht's suggested reading of the name preceding Sab-
Dagan as that of Ura-imitti is not supported by the traces on the tablet. The
god's name is written clearly as Shamash, not Ura.

2 It is probal)le that Sumu ilu, an early king of Vr, reigned in this period.
His name is known from the steatite figure of a dog, which the priest Aliba-
dugga, the son of a certain Urukagina, dedicated on his behalf to the goddess
Nin-Isin, " tlie Lady of Isin" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," VI.,
p. 69 f.). His date is uncertain, but, like Gungunu, he may have taken
advantage of troubles in Isin to establish an independent kingdom for a time
in Ur.

3 See Hilprecht, "Math., Met., and Chron. Tablets," pp. 43, 49 f., n. 6.
I also mentioned the possibility in "Chronicles,'' I., p. 168, n. 1, and the
view has been adopted by Ilanke, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. 109 ff., and
Ungnad, "Zeits. der Deutsch. Morgenliind. Gesellschaft," Bd. LXI., p. 714,
and " Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, ool. 66. Meyer al.'^o accepts tlie hypothesis ;
see " Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., pp. 344 f., 504 f.

314 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

of Sumer and Akkad as divided into a nnmber of
smaller principalities, each vying with the other in a
contest for the hegemony, and maintaining a compara-
tively independent rule within their own borders. Such
a condition of affairs would amply account for the con-
fusion in the succession at Isin, and our scanty know-
ledge of the period could be supplemented from our
sources of information concerning the history of the
earlier kings of Babylon.

The view is certainly attractive, but for that very
reason it is necessary to examine carefully the grounds
upon which it is based. For deciding the inter-relations
of the first three dynasties of the Babylonian King-
List, we have certain definite synchronisms established
between members of the different dynasties.^ But
between the kings of Babylon and Isin no such syn-
chronism has been furnished by the texts. The theory
that the two dynasties were partly contemporaneous
rests upon data which admit of more than one interpre-
tation, while additional reasons adduced in its support
have smce been discredited.

The principal fact upon which those who accept
the theory rely is that a capture of the city of Isin is
commemorated in the formula for the seventeenth year
of Sin-muballit, the fifth king of the First Dynasty
of Babylon and the father of Hammurabi.^ Now a
capture of the city of Isin by llim-Sin, King of Larsa,
is also recorded in formulae upon contract-tablets found
at Tell Sifr, and that considerable importance was
attached locally to this event is attested by the fact
that it formed an epoch for dating tablets in that
district.' The theory necessitates two assumptions, the
first to the effect that the date-formuhe of Rim-Sin and
Sin-muballit refer to the same capture of the city ; and,
secondly, that this event brought the Dynasty of Isin
to an end. Granting these hypotheses, the twenty-
third year of Damik-ihshu would have coincided with

* See above, p. 62.

2 See King, " Letters of TTammuralu," III., p. 228 f.

3 Op. cit., p. 228 f., n. 31). There is no certain indication of the pro-
venance of the tablet referred to by Sclieil in " Ilec. de trav.," XXI., p. 125,
though he implies th.it it was found at Senkera, from which Tell Sifr is not
far distant. The evidence available seems to show that the Isiu-era was
confined to Larsa and its neighbourhood.

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THE DYNASTY OF ISIN 315

the seventeenth year of Sin-niubanit, and tlie dynasties
of I sin and of Babylon would have overlapped for a
period of about ninety-nine years. Thus Suniu-abu,
the founder of the first Babylonian dynasty, would
have been the contemporary of Bur-Sin II., kin^^ of
Isin, in the sixth year of whose reign lie would have
ascended the throne of Babylon. By the acceptance
of the theory, not only would tlie relations of the two
dynasties be definitely fixed, but the chronology for
the later periods of Sumerian history would be put on
a comparatively settled basis, as far back at least as the
age of Ur-Engur and Gudea.

Additional grounds in support of the theory have
been deduced from a tablet in the British Museum,
which is dated in " the year in which the xVmiuTu
drove out Libit-Ishtar."^ VVe have already seen, from
information supplied by the Nippur dynastic list, that
^\'ith Libit-Ishtar, the fifth king of the Dynasty of Isin,
the family of Ishbi-Ura, its founder, came to an end,
and that with Ur-Niniba new family was established on
the throne. By identifying Libit-Ishtar, the king, with
the personage mentioned in the date-formula, it would
follow that he lost his throne in consequence of an
invasion of the vVmurru, or Western Semites, who
drove him from the city. But presumably they were
at once dislodged by Ur-Ninib, who retook the city
and estabhshed his own family upon the throne.
According to this view, the supposed invasion was but
an advance wave of the racial movement that was
eventually to overwhelm the whole of Babylonia. Some
thirty-three years later, in the reign of Bilr-Sin, Ur-
Ninib's son, the Western Semites are represented as
again invading the country, and, although this time
they do not penetrate to Isin, they succeed in estab-
lishing a dynasty of their own at Babylon.

But there are difficulties in the way of accepting
this further development of the original theory. In
the first place, it will have been noticed that no title
follows the name of Libit-Ishtar in the date-formula

1 See Ranke, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit./' 1907, col. 109 ff. The tablet in
question is published in " Cun. Texts/' Pt. IV., pi. 22, No. 78,395 (Bu. 88-5-
12, 294).

310 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

already cited, and there is no particular reason why
this not uncommon name should be identified with the
king of Isin. It has further been pointed out that
another tablet in the British JNIuseum/ of about the
same period, contains a reference to a Libit-Ishtar who
was certainly not the king of Isin, but ap^^ears to have
occupied the important post of governor of a provincial
city, pro]>ably Sippar/'' The ^vriter of this tablet
recounts how he had been imprisoned and had appealed
to Libit-Ishtar to try his case and set him free ; but he
was met with a refusal, and he afterwards made a similar
appeal to Amananu, to whom he ascribes the title of
governor. In this passage Libit-Ishtar has no title,
but since appeals in legal cases could be referred to
him, he may very probably have held the same office
as Amananu, that of governor of the city. In certain
contract-tablets of Apil-Sin's reign a Libit-Ishtar is also
mentioned in the place of honour at the head of the
lists of witnesses, and he too should probably be identi-
fied with the same official. We may therefore con-
clude that the Libit-Ishtar in the date-formula served
as the local governor of Sippar in the time of Apil-Sin,
until he was driven out by the Amurru. Whether the
Amurru are here to be regarded as the inhabitants of a
neighbouring town,^ or as a fresh wave of Western
Semites, does not affect the point at issue. Since the
Libit-Ishtar who w^as driven out was not the king of
Isin, the arguments deduced from the tablet for the
overlapping of the dynasties of Isin and of Babylon no
longer apply.

There only remain to be discussed the original
grounds for the suggestion that Damik-ilishu was
Sin-muballit's contemporary, and that the fall of the
Dynasty of Isin is to be set in the seventeenth year
of the latter's reign. According to this view the
conqueror of Isin would have been Rim-Sin, assisted
by his vassal, Sin-muballit. 15ut a recent discovery has
shown that Rim-Sin can hardly have been a contempo-
rary of Sin-muballit, or, at any rate, old enough in the

» Cf. "Cun. Texts," Pt. \I., pi. 8, No. 80,1G3 (Bu. 91-5-9, 279).
2 See Meissner, " Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. 113 ff.
' So Meissner, loc. cit.

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN ;n7

seventeenth year of the hitter's reign to have cuptured
the city of Isin. From the chronicle concerning early
Babylonian kings we already knew that he was not
finally defeated in Hammurabi's thirty-first year, but
lived on into the reign of Samsu-iluna, by whom he
was apparently defeated or slain.^ It is true that tlie
passage is broken, and it has been suggested that the
record concerns the son of Rim-Sin, and not llim-Sin
himself.^ But it has now been pointed out that two
of the contract-tablets found at Tell Sifr, which appear
to record the same act of sale, and are inscribed with
the names of the same witnesses, are dated, the one
by Rim-Sin, the other in Samsu-iluna's tenth year.^
However we may explain the existence of these two
nearly identical copies of the same document, their
dates certainly imply that Rim-Sin was in possession
of a portion of Babylonia at least as late as the ninth
year of Samsu-iluna's reign.* If, therefore, he captured
Isin in the seventeenth year of Sin-muballit, Samsu-
iluna's grandfather, we must suppose that his military
activity in Babylonia extended over a period of at least
fifty-six years, and probably longer. Such an achieve-
ment is within the bounds of possibility, but it cannot
be regarded as probable.

But, quite apart from this objection, there are snudl
grounds for the belief that Sin-muballit was Rim-Sin's
vassal, or that they could have taken part in any united
action at this period. In fact, every indication we have
points to the conclusion that it was from a king of
Larsa that Sin-muballit captured Isin in the seven-
teenth year of his reign.^ Three years previously the
date-formula for his fourteenth year commemorated
his defeat of the army of Ur, and there are good

1 Cf. ''Chronicles," II., p. 18 f.

« Cf. Winckler, "Orient. Lit.-Zelt.," 1007, col. 585 f., and Hrozny,
" Wiener Zeitschrift," Bd. 21 (1908), p. 382. But Winckler and_ Hronzy in
their rendering ignore the fact that in these late chronicles "son " is always
expressed by tur (mdru), never by a (aphi).

3 See Ungnad, "Zeits. fur Assyr./' XXIII., pp. 78 ff.

* Confirmation of this view has now been obtained. I learn from M.
Thureau-Dangin that he has found a variant date for the tenth year of Samsu-
iluna, which mentions not only the cities of Erech and Isin but also the land
of lamutbal (cf. " Journal asiatique," 1909, pp. 335 ff.

3 See Delitzsch, "Beitr. zur Assyr./' IV., p. 40Gf., and Thureau-Dangiu,
"Orient. Lit.-Zeit./' 1907, col. 256 f.

318 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

grounds for believing that Ur was acting at this time
with the army of the king of Larsa. For certain
tablets are dated in the year in which Sin-muballit
defeated the army of Larsa, and we may with some
confidence regard this as a variant formula for the
fourteenth year.' Thus, three years after his defeat of
the king of Larsa, Sin-muballit followed up his success
by capturing the city of I sin, which he commemorated
in the formula for the seventeenth year. But he cannot
have held it for long, for it must have been shortly
retaken by Larsa, before being again recaptured in
Hammurabi's seventh year.^ Thus, in less than eleven
years, from the seventeenth year of Sin-muballit to the
seventh year of Hammurabi, the city of Isin changed
hands three times. We may therefore conclude that
the date-formula for Sin-muballit 's seventeenth year,
and those found upon the Tell Sifr tablets,^ did not
commemorate the fall of the Dynasty of Isin in Damik-
ilishu's reign, but were based upon two episodes in the
struggle for that city, which took place at a later date,
between the kings of Larsa and of Babylon.

In view of the importance of the question, we have
treated in some detail the evidence that has been
adduced in favour of the theory, that the later kings
of Isin were contemporaneous with the earlier rulers
of Babylon. It wdll have been seen that the difficulties
involved by the suggested synchronism between Damik-
ilishu and Sin-muballit are too grave to admit of its
acceptance, while they entirely disappear on referring
the disputed date-formulas to their natural place in the

^ See Tliurean-Dangin, op. cit., col. 25G, and King, "Hammurabi," III.,
p. 229, u. 41. The only other possible year in Sin-muballi^s reign would be
the twentieth, the formula for which is broken on the principal date-list A ;
I have made a fresh examination of the tablet, and the slight traces preserved
at the beginning of the line do not suggest this restoration, though it is
possible.

2 See King, "Hammurabi," HI., p. 2^50 f., and "Chronicles," I., p. 166.
Tlie traces on the date-list D suggest that the formula for this year records
tlie destruction and not the building of the wall of Isin. This is now put
beyond a doubt by the formula upon a contract of Hammurabi's reign dated
in the year of his capture of f]rech and Isin (see Thureau-Dangin, "Orient.
Lit.-Zeit./' 1!)07, col. 257, u. 2).

3 It should be added that tlic local system of dating tablets at Tell Sifr
was not necessarily continuous. If the city ever changed hands, the con
queror would re-introduce his own date-formulae, as Ave have seen was done
by Samsu-iluna.

THE DYNASTY OF ISIN 319

struggle between Babylon and I^arsa. This does not
preclude the possibility that the dynasties may have
overlapped for a shorter period than ninety-nine years.
But in view of the total absence of any information on
the point, it is preferable to retain the view that the
l^abylonian monarchy was not established before the
close of the Dynasty of Isin.^ Whatever troubles may
have befallen Isin after Ur-Ninib's family had ceased to
reign, there is no doubt that under her last two kings
the city's influence was re-established, and that she
exercised control over Babylon itself. In the course
of the German excavations, a clay cone has been found
in the temple E-patutila at Babylon, bearing a votive
inscription of Sin-magir, the fifteenth king of Isin ;
and this was evidently dedicated by him as a votiAc
offering in his character of suzerain of the city.^ JNIore-
over, in this text he lays claim to the rule of Sumer
and Akkad. Akkad, as well as Sumer, was also held
by his son Damik-ilishu, who succeeded him upon the
throne. For a tablet has been found at Abu Habba,
dated in the year in which Damik-ilishu built the wall
of Isin,' and the date upon a tablet from Nippur
commemorates his building of the temple of Shamasli,
named E-ditar-kalama, which was probably in l^abylon.'*
Thus both Sippar and Babylon were subject to the city
of Isin under the last of her rulers, who, like his
father before him, maintained an effective hold upon
the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad.

With the rise of Babylon we reach the beginning
of a new epoch in the history of the two countries.
The seat of power now passes finally to the north,
and, through the long course of her troubled history,

* While the later kings of Isin were suzerains of Bahyloii, there is little
doubt that the earlier kings of IJabylon controlled, not only their own city,
but a considerable part of Akkad. 'Ilius from the date-formulae of Sumu-abu,
the founder of the First Dynasty, we gather that his authority was recognized
at Dilbat and at Kish, and that he was strong enough to undertake the con-
quest of Kazallu in his thirteenth year ; moreover a contract, probably from
Sippar, is dated in his reign (cf. King, "Hammurabi," III., p. 212 f., and
Thureau-Dangin, " Journal des savants,^' 1908, p. 200).

2 Cf. Weissbach, " Babylonische Miscellen," p. 1.

3 Cf. Scheil, 'Rec. de'trav.," XXIII., p. 94, and " Une saison de fouillcs
a Sippar," p. 140.

* See Hilprecht, "Math., Met., and Chron. Tablets," p. 49 f., n. 6.

320 HISTORY or SUMER AND AKKAD

the city of l}a})ylon Avas never dislodged from her
position as the capital. Foreign inA asions might result
in the fall of dynasties, and her kings might be drawn
from other cities and lands, but Babylon continued to
be the centre of their rule. Moreover, after the fresh
wave of immigration whicli resulted in the establish-
ment of her First Dynasty, the racial character of
Babylonia became dominantly Semitic. Before the
new invaders the Sumerians tended to withdraw south-
wards into the coastal districts of the Persian Gulf,
and from here, for a time, an independent dynasty,
largely of Sumerian origin, attempted to contest ^vitli
Babylon her supremacy. But w^ith the fall of Isin the
political career of the Sumerians as a race may be
regarded as closed. Their cultural influence, however,
long survived them. In the spheres of art, literature,
religion, and law they left behind them a legacy, which
was destined to mould the jcivilization of the later
inhabitants of the country, and through them to exert
an influence on other and more distant races.

CHAPTER XII

THE CULTURAL INFLUENCE OF SUMER IN EGYPT, ASIA

AND THE WEST

IN the preceding pages we have followed the history
of the Sunierian race from the period of its earliest
settlement in Babylonia until the time when its
political power was drawing to a close. The gradual
growth of the state has been described, from the first
rude settlements around a series of ancient cult-centres,
through the phase of highly developed but still inde-
pendent city-states, to a united kingdom of Sumer and
Akkad, based on ideals inherited from the Semitic
Nortli. We have traced the inter-relations of North
and South, of Sumerians and Semites, and have watched
their varying fortunes in the racial conflict which bulks
so largely in the history of the two countries. Points
have also been noted at which contact with other lands
can be historically proved, and it has thus been found
possible to estimate the limits of the kingdoms wliicli
were established in Sumer or Akkad during the later
periods. Of foreign lands which came into direct
relationship with Babylonia, Elam plays by far the
most conspicuous part. In the time of the city-states
she invades the land of Sumer, and later on is in her
turn conquered by Akkadian and Sunierian kings.
The question naturally arises, how far this close poli-
tical contact affected the cultural development of the
two countries, and suggests the further query as to what
extent their civilizations were of common origin.

Another region which figures in the list of con-
quered countries is Amurru, or the " Western Land,"
and an attempt must be made to trace tlie paths of

321 y

322 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Babylonian influence beyond the limits of Syria, and
to ascertain its effects within the area of Aegean
culture. The later trade routes were doubtless already
in existence, and archaeological research can often detect
evidence of cultural connection, at a time when there
is no question of any political contact. TNIoreover, in
spite of the absence of Neolithic settlements in Baby-
lonia, and the comparatively advanced state of culture
which characterizes the earliest of Sumerian sites, it is
possible that contact with other and distant races had
already taken place in prehistoric times. One of the most
fascinating problems connected with the early history of
Sumer concerns the relationship which her culture bore
to that of Egypt. On this point recent excavations
have thrown considerable light ; and, as the suggested
connection, whether direct or indirect, must admittedly
have taken place in a remote age, it will be well to
attack this problem before discussing the relationship of
Sumer to the other great centres of ancient civilization.
Although no direct contact between Babylonia and
Egypt has been proved during the earlier historical
periods, the opinion has been very generally held that
the Egyptian civiUzation was largely influenced in its
first stages by that of Babylonia. The use of the
stone cylinder-seal by the Egyptians certainly furnished
a very cogent argument in favour of the view that
some early cultural connection must \vd\e taken place ;
and, as the cylinder-seal was peculiarly characteristic
of Babylonia during all periods, whereas its use was
gradually discontinued in Egypt, the inference seemed
obvious that it was an original product of Babylonia,
whence it had reached Egypt in late predynastic or
early dynastic times. This view appeared to find
support in other points of resemblance which were
noted between the early art and culture of the two
countries. JVlace-heads of bulbous or " egg-shaped "
form were employed by the early inhabitants of both
lands. The Egyptian slate carvings of the First
Dynasty were compared with the early basreliefs and
engraved seals of the Sumerians, and resemblances
were pointed out both in subject-matter and in the sym-
metrical arrangement of the designs. The employment

•M u

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 323

of brick, in place of stone, as a building material,
was regarded as due to Babylonian inHiience ; and the
crenelated walls of Early Eg}^ptian buildings, the exis-
tence of which was proved not only by pictured
representations on the slate carvings, but also by the
remains of actual buildings such as the mastaba-tomb
of King Aha at Nakada, and the ancient fortress of
Abydos, known as the Shunet ez-Zebib, were treated
as borrowed from Sumerian originals. That irrigation
was practised on the banks of the Nile as well as in the
Euphrates valley, and that wheat was grown in both
countries, were cited as additional proofs that Babylonia
must have exercised a marked influence on Egyptian
culture during the early stages of its development.

In order to explain such resemblances between the
early cultures of Sumer and Egypt, it was necessary to
seek some channel by which the influence of the former
country could have reached the valley of the Nile ; and
a solution of the problem was found in the theory of a
Semitic invasion of Upper Eg^-^pt towards the end of
the predynastic period. That a Semitic element existed
in the composition of the ancient Egyptian language
is established beyond dispute ; and this fact was com-
bined with the Egyptian legends of their origin on the
Red Sea coast, and with the situation of the predynastic
and early dynastic cemeteries in Upper Egypt, in sup-
port of the theory that Semitic tribes, already imbued
with Sumerian culture, had reached the Nile from the
shore of the Red Sea by way of the Wadi Hammamat.
According to this view the Neolithic and predynastic
population of Egypt was of a different race to the early
dynastic Egyptians. The former were regarded as in-
digenous to the country, speaking a language possibly
akin to the Berber dialects of North Africa. With
little or no knowledge of metal, they were pictured as
offering a stubborn but unsuccessful resistance to their
Semitic conquerors. The latter were assumed to have
brought with them a copper age culture, ultimately
derived from the Sumerians of Babylonia. Crossing
from southern Arabia by the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb,
and making their way northward along the western shore
of the Red Sea, they would have reached the Nile in the

324 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

neighbourhood of Koptos. Here they would have formed
their first settlements, and, after subduing the older in-
habitants of Upper Egypt, they would hiivc pushed their
way northwards along the valley of the Nile.'

There is no doubt tliat the union of Upper and
Lower Egypt into a smgle monarchy, traditionally
as(?ribed to Mena, the legendary founder of the first
Egyptian dynasty, did result from a conquest of the
North by the South. Mena himself was regarded as
sprung from a line of local rulers established at This, or
Thinis, in the neighbourhood of Abydos, and also as the
founder of Memphis at the head of the Delta, whither
he transferred his throne. Further traces of the con-
quest of the North by the South have been preserved
in the legends concerning the followers of Horus, the
patron deity of the first Idngs of Upper Egypt. The
advance of the Sky-god of Edfu with his Mesniu or
" Smiths," ^ who are related to have won battle after
battle as they pressed northwards, is amply confirmed
by the early dynastic monuments that have been re-
covered by excavation. The slate carving of Narmer,
on which is portrayed the victory of Horus over the
kingdom of the Harpoon near the Canopic branch of
the Nile, may well represent one of the last decisive
victories of the Horus-worshippers, as they extended
their authoritv nortiiwards to the sea.^ Of the historical

* For discussions of the merits of the theory, in view of the admitted
resemblance of certain features in tlie civilizations of Babylonia and Egypt,
see King and Hall, "Egypt and Western Asia," pp. 32 ff. , and Sayce, "The
Archaeology of tlie Cuneiform Inscriptions ; '' cf. also J)e Morgan, " Les
j)remieres civilizations," pp. 170 fF. The publication of the results obtained
by Dr. Reisner's prolonged diggings, supplemented by the more recent work
of M. Naville at Abydos, has considerably increased the material on which
a more definite decision can be based. I may add that Mr. Hall agrees with
me as to the necessity of modifying many points in the theory, in consequence
of the additional information that has recently become available for use. It
should be noted that in iiis " Oldest Civilization of Greece,'^ p. 179, ii. 1, he
had already empliasized the indigenous origin of much of Egyptian culture ;
cf. also " Egypt and \\'estern Asia,^' p. 45 f.

2 As a subsidiary meaning, tlie word possibly conveys the idea of soldiers
armed with dagger and lance ; see Maspero, " liiblioliieque Egyptologique,"
II., pp. yi3 ff. On the walls of the temple of Edfu the Mesniu are repre-
sented as holding in the left hand a kind of dagger, and in the right a light
dart tipped with metal. The important ])ait played by metal in their :irma-
nient is emphasized by these late reprcsenUitions, as bj the name assigned them
iu tlie Legend of Edfu. Tlicy itore tlie same relation to their patron deity
as the Sliemsu-IJor, or '' Followers of Horus," bore to him in his other aspect
as the son of Isis. ^ (^'f- Newberry, " Amials of Archaeology,'' pp. 17 ff.

int.p

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 32o

character of this conquest of Lower Egypt by tlie kings
of the South, which resulted in the union of the whole
country under a single monarchy, there are now no two
opinions. The point, about which some uncertainty
still exists, concerns the racial character of the con-
querors and the origin of their higher culture, by virtue
of which their victories were obtained.

On the hypothesis of a Semitic invasion, the higher
elements in the early culture of Egypt are, as we
have seen, to be traced to a non-Egyptian source. The
Semitic immigrants are assumed to have introduced,
not only the use of metal, but also a knov/ledge of
letters. The Sumerian system of writing has been
regarded as the parent of the Egyptian hieroglyphic
characters ; and comparisons have been made between
the names of Sumerian and Egyptian gods.^ The sug-
gestion has also been put forward that the fashion of
extended burial, which in Egypt gradually displaced
the contracted position of the corpse, was also to be
traced to Babylonian influence.

It must be admitted that, until quite recently, this
view furnished a very plausible explanation of the
various points of resemblance noted between the civili-
zations of the two countries. Moreover, the evidence
obtained by excavation on early sites certainly appeared
to show a distinct break between the predynastic and
early dynastic cultures of Egypt. To account for what
seemed so sudden a change in the character of Egyptian
civihzation, the theory of a foreign invasion seemed
almost inevitable. But the publication of the results
of Dr. Reisner's excavations at Naga-ed-Der and other
early cemeteries in Upper Egypt,^ has rendered it

' ITie most striking of these comparisons is that of Asari, a Sumerian g-OfI
who was afterwards identified with Marduk, and Asar, the Egyptian fjod
Osiris. For not only is there identity of name-sound, but there is also a
resemblance between the Egyptian and Sumerian sign-groups for the names
(cf. Sayce, "The Archaeology of the Cimeiform Inscriptions," p. 110). 'J"he
resemblance, however, is not quite so close as it is sometimes represented, for
the Sumerian sign eri or urn is invariably employed for "city,'^a meaning
which never attaches to as, the character in the corresponding half of the
Egyptian group. To regard the resemblance as other than a coincidence, it
is necessary to assume a very close relationship between the early religious
ideas of Sumer and Egypt, an assumption that would only be justified by tlie
strongest proofs of connection from the archaeological side.

^ See Reisner, " The Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Der," Part I.,
published as Vol. II. of the '' University of California Publications," 1908.

32C HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

necessary to revise the theory ; wliile the still more
recent diggings of M. Naville at Abydos prove that the
changes, in certain districts, were even more gradual
than had been supposed.

Put briefly, Dr. Reisner's conclusion is that there
was no sudden break of continuity between the Neolithic
and early dynastic cultures of Egypt. His extensive
and laborious comparison of the predynastic burials with
those of the First and Second Dynasties, has shown
that no essential change took place in the Egyptian
conception of the life after death, or in the rites and
practices which accompanied the interment of the body.
In early dynastic as in Neolithic times the body of the
dead man was placed in a contracted position on its left
side and with the head to the south, and the grave was
still furnished with food, arms, tools, and ornaments.
Moreover, the changes observable in the construction
of the grave itself, and in the character of the objects
within it, were not due to the sudden influence of any
alien race, but may well have been the result of a
gradual process of improvement in the technical skill of
the Egyptians themselves.

The three most striking points of difference beween
the products of the predynastic and dynastic periods
centre round the character of the pottery and vessels
for household use, the material employed for tools and
weapons, and the invention of writing. It would now
appear that the various changes were all gradually
introduced, and one period fades into another without
any strongly marked line of division between them. A
knowledge of copper has always been credited to the
later predynastic Egyptians, and it is now possible to
trace the gradual steps by which the invention of a
practical method of working it was attained. Copper
ornaments and objects found in graves earlier than the
middle predynastic period are small and of little practical
utility, as compared with the beautifully flaked flint
knives, daggers, and lances, which still retained the
importance they enjoyed in purely Neolithic times. At
a rather later stage in the predynastic period copper
dagger-blades and adzes were produced in imitation of
flint and stone forms, and these mark the transition to

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 327

the heavy wecapons and tools of copper, which in the
early dynastic period largely ousted flint and stone
implements for practical use.

The gradual attainment of skill in the working of
copper ore on the part of the early Egyptians had a
marked effect on the whole status of their culture.
Their imp^o^'ed weapons enabled them by conquest to
draw their raw materials from a far more extended area ;
and the adaptation of copper tools for quarrying blocks
of stone undoubtedly led to its increased employment
as a stronger and more permanent substitute for clay.
The use of the copper chisel also explains the elaborate
carvings upon the early dynastic slates, and the invention
of the stone borer brought about the gradual displace-
ment of pottery in favour of stone vessels for household
purposes. Thus, while metal-casting and stone-working
improved, they did so at the expense of the older arts of
flint-knapping and the manufacture of pottery by hand,
both of which tended to degenerate and die out. Dr.
Reisner had already inferred that for ceremonial pur-
poses, as distinct from the needs of everyday life, both
flint implements and certain earlier types of pottery
continued to be employed. And M. Na\ ille's diggitigs
at Abydos, during the season of 1909-10, seem to prove
that the process was even slower and less uniform than
had been thought possible. In fact, according to the
excavators, it would appear that in certain districts in
Egypt a modified form of the predynastic culture, usuig
the characteristic red and black pottery, survived as late
as the Sixth Dynasty ; while it is known that in Nubia
a type of pottery, closely akin to the same prehistoric
ware, continued in use as late as the Eighteenth Dynasty.^
However such survivals are to be explained, the begin-
ning of the dynastic period in Egypt does not appear to
present a break in either racial or cultural continuity.
Indeed, a precisely parallel development may be traced
between the early dynastic period, and that represented
by the Third and Fourth Dynasties, when there is no
question of any such break. As the stone vessels of the

1 Cf. Maciver and Woollcy, " Areika," pp. 14 ff. Mr. Maciver also cites
the occurrence of a similar black-topped red-ware on sites in iifrypt, dated
between the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties {op. cit.,i^. 16).

328 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

first two dynasties had proved themselves superior to
hand-made pottery for practical purposes, so they in
turn were displaced by wheel-made pottery.^ These
changes may be traced to gradual improvements
in manufacture ; arts such as mat-weaving and bead-
making, which were unaffected by the new inventions,
continued to be practised without change in the early
dynastic as in the predynastic periods.

Recent archaeological research thus leaves small
room for the theory that Egyptian culture was subjected
to any strong foreign influence in early dynastic times,
and its conclusions on this point are confirmed by
anatomical evidence. The systematic measurement
and comparison of skulls from ])redynastic and dynastic
burials, which have been conducted by Dr. Elliot Smith
of the Khedivial School of Medicine in collaboration
with the Hearst Expedition, has demonstrated the lineal
descent of the dynastic from the predynastic Egyptians.
The two groups to all intents and purposes represent
the same people, and in the later period there is no
trace of any new racial element, or of the admixture of
any foreign strain. Thus the theory of an invasion of
Egypt by Semitic tribes towards the close of the pre-
dynastic period must be given up, and, although this
does not in itself negative the possibility of Sumerian
influence having reached Egypt through channels of
commercial intercourse, it necessitates a more careful
scrutiny of the different points of resemblance between
the cultures of the two countries on which the original
theory was founded.

One of the subjects on which the extreme upholders
of the theory have insisted concerns the invention of the
Egyptian system of ^^Titing, which is alleged by them
to have been borrowed from Babylonia. But it must
be noted tliat those signs which correspond to one
another in the two systems are such as would naturally
be identical in any two systems of pictorial writing,
developed independently but under similar conditions.
The sun all the world over would be represented by a
circle, a mountain by a rough outline of a mountain
peak, an ox by a horned head, and so on. To prove

' See Reisner, " Naga-ed-Der," I., p. 133 f.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 329

any connection between the two systems a resenibbince
should be estabhshed lietween the more conventioniihzcd
signs, and here the comparison breaks down completely.
It should further be noted that the Egy])tian system
has reached us in a I'ar more primitive state than tliat
of Babylonia. A\^hile the hieroglyphic signs are actual
pictures of the objects represented, even the earliest
line-characters of Sumer are so conventionalized that
their original form would scarcely have been recognized,
had not their meaning been already known. In fact, no
example of Sumerian writing has yet been recovered
which could have furnished a pattern for the Egyptian
scribe.

Moreover, the appearance of writing in Egypt was
not so sudden an event as it is often represented. The
buff-coloured pottery of predynastic times, with its red
line decoration, proves that the Eygptian had a natural
fticulty for drawing men, animals, plants, boats and
conventional designs. In these picture-drawings of
the predynastic period we may see the basis of the
hieroglyphic system of writing, for in them the use of
symbolism is already developed. The employment of
fetish emblems, or symbols, to represent the different
gods,^ is in itself a rough form of ideographic expression,
and, if developed along its own lines, would naturally
lead to the invention of a regular ideographic form of
writing. There is little doubt that this process is what
actually took place. The first impetus may have been
given by the necessity for marks of private ownership,
and by the need for conveying authority from the chief
to his subordinates at a distance. Symbols for tlie
names of rulers and of places would thus soon be added
to those for the gods, and when a need was felt to
commemorate some victory or great achievement of
the king, such symbols would naturally be used in
combination. This process may be traced on the earlier
monuments of the First Dynasty, the records on wliich
are still practically ideographic in character. A very

^ For discussions of the
the dynastic period, see

Foucart, " Comptes rendi , , a:

Der," p. 125 ; cf. also Legge, " Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXI., pp. 205 ff.

330 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

similar process doubtless led to the invention of the
cuneiform system, and there is no need to assume that
either Egypt or Babylonia was indebted to the other
country for her knowledge of writing.

We obtain a very similar result in the case of other
points of resemblance which have been cited to prove
a close connection between the early cultures of the two
countries. Considerable stress has been laid on a certain
similarity, which the Egyptian slate carvings of the
dynastic period bear to examples of early Sumerian
sculpture and engraving. It is true that composite
creatures are characteristic of the art of both countries,
and that their arrangement on the stone is often
" heraldic " and symmetrical. But the human-headed
bull, tlie favourite monster of Sumerian art, is never
found upon the Egyptian monuments, on which not
only the natural beasts but also the composite creatures
are invariably of an Egyptian or African character.
The general resemblance in style has also been exag-
gerated. To take a single instance, a comparison has
frequently been made between the Stele of the Vultures
and the broken slate carving in the British Museum,
No. 20791.^ On the former vultures are depicted
carrying off the limbs of the slain, and on the latter
captives are represented as cast out into the desert to
be devoured by birds and beasts of prey. But the style
of the two monuments is very different, and the
Egyptian is far more varied in character. In addition
to a single vulture, we see a number of ravens, a hawk,
an eagle, and a lion, all attracted by the dead ; and the
arrangement of the composition and the technique

^ For a reproduction and description of the slate carving-, see Legge,
" Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. XXII., pi. vi ; of. also Vol. XXXI., p. 204 f.
Whatever view be taken of the ceremonial purpose forwliich these slates were
intended, it is clear that the carving: of slate was no new departure in Kfrypt
at this period. Many of tlie practical slate palettes from Nakada, on some of
which traces liave been found of the grinding of malachite and haematite for
face-paint (cf. Petrie, " Naqada and Ballas/' p. 43), are carved in animal forms.
It may be added tliat the colour-dishes for face or body-paint, which have
been found at Fara, are quite distinct botli in form and material from the
Egyptian slate palettes. 'Iliey are of alabaster, with divisions for separate
paints, and usually stand on four feet (cf. Andra?, " Mitteil. der Deutsch.
Orient-CJesellschaft," No. 17, p. 0) ; they thus form a closer parallel to the
small conical vases of clay or stone, still enclosing paint, whicli have been
found in the lowest stratum of the mound of Susa and belong to the period of
its first settlement (cf. De Morgan, " Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., p. 5).

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 331

itself are quite unlike Sumerian work. There is also no
need to trace the symmetrical arrangement of other
of the Egyptian compositions to Babylonian influence,
for, given an oval plaque to decorate while leaving a
circular space in the centre, a symmetrical arrangement
would naturally arise. ^

Another Egyptian characteristic, also ascribed to
Babylonian influence, is the custom of extended burial
with mummification, which only begins to be met with
during the Third and Fourth Dynasties. Since the
dead are portrayed on the Stele of the Vultures as
arranged in the extended position beneath the burial-
mound,^ it was formerly assumed that this was the
regular Sumerian practice ; and the contracted forms
of burial, which had been found at Warka, JVIukayyar,
Surghul, NifFer and other Babylonian sites, were usually
assigned to very late periods. The excavations at Fara
and Abu Hatab have corrected this assumption, and
have proved that the Sumerian corpse was regularly
arranged for burial in the contracted position, lying on
its side.^ The apparent exception to this rule upon the
Stele of the Vultures may probably be regarded as
characteristic only of burial upon the field of battle.
There it must often have been impossible to furnish
each corpse with a grave to itself, or to procure the
regular offerings and furniture which accompanied
individual interment. The bodies were therefore
arranged side by side in a common grave, and covered
with a tumulus of earth to ensure their entrance into
the under world. But this was clearly a makeshift
form of burial, necessitated by exceptional circum-
stances, and was not the regular Sumerian practice of
the period.* Whatever may have given rise to the

1 Cf. Meyer, "Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., lift. II., p. 107 f.

' See the plate facing p. 138. ^ See above, pp. 26 fF.

* It is also possible that to represent the contracted position of his corpses
was beyond the power of Eannatum's sculptor. Moreover, the employment
of a common grave beneath a tumulus upon the field of battle may
possibly have been a modified survival of an earlier practice, its retention
having been dictated by convenience. Although no instance of its occurrence
has been noted during excavations in Babylonia, we find a very similar form
of burial employed at Susa during the period of its first settlement. It would
appear that the dead were there buried outside the earthern rampart which
marked the city-wall, without any special order or direction, and not enclosed
by matting, pot, or sarcophagus. The bodies were placed in a common flitch

332 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

Egyptian change in burial customs, the cause is not to
be sought in Babylonian influence.

A further point, which has been cleared up by
recent excavation on early Babylonian sites, concerns
the crenelated form of building, which was formerly
regarded as peculiarly characteristic of Sumerian archi-
tecture of the early period and as ha^^ng influenced
that of Egypt, It is now known that this form of
external decoration is not met with in Babylonia before
the period of Gudea and the kings of Ur. Thus, if
any borrowing took place, it must have been on tlie
Babylonian side. The employment of brick as a
building material may also have been evolved in Egypt
witliout any prompting from Babylonia, for the forms
of brick employed are quite distinct in both countries.
The peculiar plano-convex brick, which is characteristic
of early Sumerian buildings, is never found in Egypt,
where the rectangular oblong form was employed irom
the earliest period.^ Thus many points of resemblance,
which were formerly regarded as indicating a close
cultural connection between the two countries, now
appear to be far less striking than was formerly the
case.^ Others, again, may be explained as due to
Egyptian influence on Babylonian culture rather than
as the result of the reverse process. For example, the

and covered with earth, others being added from time to time beside or above
them, so that sometimes four or five layers of skeletons are found super-
imposed. That the corpses here were separately interred would seem to
follow from the fact that each is accompanied by its own funerary offerings
and furniture placed around the liead ; see De Morgan, "Rev. d'Assyr."
Vol. VII., No. 1 (11)09), p. 4f. It may be added that the Sumerians, like' the
predynastic and early dynastic Egyptians, did not embalm their dead. The
use of oil and honey for this purpose (see King, "Babylonian Religion,"
p. 49 f.), the latter of which is ascribed to the Babylonians by Herodotus
(I., 198), would seem to have been of comparatively late introduction, and
suggested by the Egyptian processes of mummification. It is interesting to
note that, according to the evidence obtained by M. Naville at Abydos during
the season of 1909-10, the contracted form of burial survived in Egypt at least
as late as the Sixth Dynasty.

^ The use of a sun-dried brick made of Nile mud and chopped straw may
well have been evolved by the Egyptians themselves. As to the original
home of wheat there is little evidence, though it may be noted that traces of
cultivated wlieat and barley were found in the earliest stratum at Anau in
Russian Turkestan ; see Punipelly, "Explorations in Turkestan," p. 89 f.

- Negative evidence also points in the same direction. For instance, the
extensive use of ivory by the predynastic and dynastic Egyptians is in striking
contrast to the fact that not a single object of ivory was found by M. de Sarzec
at Tello. With the Sumerians its place was taken by shell ; see above, p. 78.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 333

resemblance that has been pointed out between Giidea's
sculpture m the round and that of the Fourtli Dynasty
in Egypt may not be fortuitous. For Gudea main-
tained close commercial relations with the Syrian coast,
where Egyptian influence at that time had long been
effective.

There remains to be considered the use of the
bulbous mace-head and of the stone cylindrical seal,
both of which are striking characteristics of the early
Egyptian and Sumerian cultures. It is difficult to
regard these classes of objects, and particularly the
latter, as having been evolved independently in Egypt
and by the Sumerians. In Babylonia the cylinder-seal
is already highly de\Tloped when found on the earliest
Sumerian sites, and it would appear that the Sumerian
immigrants brought it with them into the country, along
with their system of writing and the other elements of
their comparatively advanced state of civilization.
Whether they themselves had evolved it in their
original home, or had obtained it from some other race
with whom they came into contact before reaching the
valley of the Euphrates, it is still impossible to say.
The evidence from Susa has not yet thrown much light
upon this point. While some stone seals and clay
sealings have been found in the lowest stratum of the
mound, they are not cylindrical but in the form of flat
stamps. The cyhndrical seal appears, however, to have
been introduced at Susa at a comparatively early period,
for examples are said to have been found in the group
of strata representing the " Second Period," at a depth
of from fifteen to twenty metres below the surface.
The pubhshed material does not yet admit of any
certain pronouncement with regard to the earliest
history of the cylinder-seal and its migrations. In
favour of the view that would regard it as an inde-
pendent product of the early Egyptians, it may be
noted that wood and not stone was the commonest
material for cylinders in the earliest period," But if

1 Against the view may be cited the gradual discontinuance of the
cylinder in Egypt, suggestive of a foreign origin. Comparatively few
wooden cylinder-seals have been recovered. The fact that wood and
not stone was the favourite material has, however, been deduced from
many of the seal-impressions, in which a raised line runs from top to

334 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the predynastic cylinder of Egypt is to be regarded as
ultiiiiutely derived from Asia, the connection is to be
set at a period anterior to the earhest Sumerian settle-
ments that have yet been identified.

Thus the results of recent excavation and research,
both m Egypt and Babylonia, have tended to diminish
rather than to increase the evidence of any close con-
nection between the early cultures of the two countries.
Apart from any Babylonian influence, there is, however,
ample proof of a Semitic element, not only in the
language, but also in the religion of ancient Egypt.
The Egyptian sun-worship, which forms so striking a
contrast to the indigenous animal-cults and worship
of the dead, was probably of Semitic origin, and
may either have reached Upper Egypt from Southern
Arabia,' or have entered Lower Egypt by the eastern
Delta. The latter region has always formed an open
door to Egypt, and the invasion of the Hyksos may
well have had its prototype in predynastic times. The
enemies, whose conquest is commemorated on several
of the early dynastic slate-carvings, are of non-Egyptian
type ; they may possibly have been descendants of such
Semitic immigrants, unless they were Libyan settlers
from the west. In the historic period we have evidence
of direct contact between Syria and Egypt at the time
of the Third Dynasty, for the Palermo Stele records
the arriA'al in Egypt of forty ships laden with cedar-
wood in Sncferu's reign. These evidently formed an
expedition sent by sea to the Lebanon, and we may
assume that Sneferu's predecessors had already extended
their influence along the Syrian coast.^ It is in Syria
that we may also set the first contact between the

bottom across the si^ns. This can only have been produced by a split
in the wood of vvliich the cylinder was composed ; cf. Petrie, " lloyal Tombs,"
I., p. 27, and Newberry, "Scarabs," p. 4B. The earliest form of cylinder-
seal may well have been a piece of notched reed.

' If the land of Punt may be set in Abyssinia and Somaliland, it is
possible that it formed a secondary centre of Semitic influence in this region ;
cf. King and Hall, " Egypt and Western Asia," p. 40.

2 See Meyer, " Goc'liichte," Bd. I., Hft. II., pp. 155, 102, 393 f. ; and
cf. Breasted, "Ancient Records," I., p. GO. According to Schiifer's transla-
tion, the forty ships were made of cedar-wood, not loaded with it (see "Ein
Bruchstiick altagyptischer Annalen," p. 30). But this does not affect the
inference drawn from the passagx;, for the cedar must have been obtained in
Lcl)anon, and the record in any case proves a connection between Egypt and
Syria in Sneferu's reign.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 385

civilizations of Egypt and Babylonia in historic times.
The early Sumerian ruler Lugal-zaggisi boasts that he
reached the INlediterranean coast, and his expedition
merely formed the prelude to the conquest of Syria
by Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad/ It has indeed been
suggested that evidence of Egyptian influence, follow-
ing on the latter's Syrian campaign, is to be seen
in the deification of early Babylonian kings.^ And
althougli this practice may now be traced with greater
probability to a Sumerian source,^ there can be little
doubt that from Shar-Gani-sharri 's reign onwards Syria
formed a connecting-link between the two great civili-
zations on the Euphrates and the Nile.

Far closer than her relations with Egypt were tlie
ties which connected Babylonia with the great centre
of civilization which lay upon her eastern frontier. In
the course of this history reference has frequently been
made to the contact which was continually taking place
from the earliest historical period between Elam and
the Sumerian and Semitic rulers of Sumer and Akkad.
Such political relationships were naturally accom-
panied by close commercial intercourse, and the effects
of Sumerian influence upon the native culture of Elam
have been fully illustrated by the excavations conducted
at Susa by the "Delegation en Perse,"* Situated on
the river Kerkha, Susa occupied an important strategic
position at the head of the caravan routes which con-
nected the Iranian plateau with the lower valley of the
Tigris and Euphrates and the shores of the Persian
Gulf. Th^ river washed the foot of the low hills on
which the town was built, and formed a natural defence
against attack from the west. The situation of the
city on the left bank of the stream is an indication that
even in the earliest period its founders sought to protect
themselves from the danger of sudden raids from the
direction of Sumer and Akkad. The earliest Sumerian
records also reflect the feelings of hostility to Elam
which animated their writers. But from these scattered

1 See above, pp. 197 f., 233 f.

2 See Thureau-Dangiu, " Recueil de travaux,'' XIX., p. 187.
^ See above, p. 273 f.

* See De Morffan, " Recherches archdologiques," published as the first,
seventh, and eighth volumes of the "Me'moires de la Dt^legatiou en Perse."

336 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

references it would appear that the Elamites at this
time were generally the aggressors, and that they
succeeded in keeping their country free from any
political interference on the part of the more powerful
among the Sumerian city-states. It was not until the
period of Semitic expansion, under the later kingdom of
Kish and the empire of Akkad, that the country became
dominated by Babylonian influence.

We could not have more striking evidence of the
extent to which Elam at this time became subject to
Semitic culture than in the adoption of the Babylonian
character and language by the native rulers of the
country. ^Ve are met with the strange picture of
native patesis of Susa and governors of Elam record-
ing their voti\e offerings in a foreign script and
language, and making invocations to purely Babylonian
deities.^ The Babylonian script was also adopted for
writing inscriptions in the native Elamite tongue, and
had we no other evidence available, it might be urged
that the use of the Semitic language for the votive
texts was dictated by purely temporary considerations
of a political character. There is no doubt, however,
that the Semitic conquest of Elam was accompanied,
and probably preceded, by extensive Semitic immigra-
tion. Even at the time of the Dynasty of Ur, when
Elam was subject to direct Sumerian control, the
Semitic influence of Akkad had become too firmly
rooted to be displaced, and it received a fresh impetus
under the later rulers of the First Dynasty of Babylon.
The clay tablets of a commercial and agricultural
character, dating from the period of Adda-Pakshu," are
written in the Babylonian character and language,^ like
those found at Mai- Amir to the east of Susa.* The

^ Tlie manner in which the Semitic culture of Babylonia persisted in
iufluencinfT that of Elam in the relij^ous sphere is well illustrated by the
bronze votive plaque of Shilkliak-In-Shusliinak, recently found at Susa ;
cf. Gautier, " Rec. de trav.,'' XXXI., pp. 41 ff. It is termed a " Sit-Shamshi,"
and probably represented a rite of purification which was performed at
sunrise. As its title would seem to imply, the rite liad been bodily taken
over by the Elamites and incorporated along with its Semitic name into the
native ritual.

* See above, p. 30G f.

3 Cf. Scheil, "Textcs Elam-SJmit.," JV., pp. 14 ff.

* "Textes Elam-S^mit./' II., pp. 169 ff.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 337

counti-v ruJ A-f ,^';.''y Ionian mHuence n the
char" ethers wh Vh ™ *'"' ^°''"" "'^ ^^^ Babylonian
kb™ for the FliT''' f'"Pl«yed by the Aehaemenian

-rhl A ^ ^ *''*<'^'^ *° " comparatively late oriai ,
Ihe development of the writing exhibited by Ue
Neo-Anzanite texts may be connected with the mtion ,1
revival wh,d. characterized the later Elamfte nJ d y

at Su^a and Tt?' ^"'^^"^ > '^' inscriptions found
at busa and other sites in Elam is supported by the
archaeologiea discoveries in proving that^om the^ti ne
d veLmeT^f "^fP "' ^''f -^ ^kkad, the cult^rd

workmansh n th»f 1 '" ^t' P'°''""''* °^"^«^<= ^lamite
cootfof R^L^ ■"■" ^'? recovered are no slavish

of'^Z. f ^ "J"'"'" o"g'nals, and the earher examples
dfst nc ^ f ■■' """^ ^nfaving are of a character qS te
distmct from anything found on Babylonian soil'

art Ekm' '" *'.'V"'*'"^ °^ ™^'''' ""^ '" the jevelTe t'

even n the iT^'" *'"?' ?''^"''' ''"=■■ "^'ghbour.^ and.
even m the later periods, her art presenti itself as of

ofrbut^dT'-' '""r'"^'' '* '^ *™^ "^y ^''-t °f «aby
nmel'v n V ""^ '*' V™?^*"** ''"d inspiration from

puiely native sources. It is also significant that the
earlier the remains that have been recovered the less do
they betray any trace of foreign influence.

archMlo»i„„es," II pi T A Yn SI . ''^ »/ Mo"-«^", "Recherches
half.mau and half-beast wW k h.l ' '"'"°"="' »' *e mythological beii.g,
early work of Si'mer or Akkad TI,L°t^,-^ 'T'' ,'Tl '5 ''■''"'"' ""'''"' *e
iufluonce, the Ela.iiile LnlnS, ,„ V- ' ?.''""= °/ «»l'yl""'a.i and Assyr
from such a L.l ',\f,!fc™"".','?<"' '".."''l" "' individuality i, ll

and Assyrian

ear

which

' -•» r- x'l

1 hey date from the period of

nze

Shutruk-Xakhkhunte and hotl. ^J" • '""""^i ^¥>' ^"*^ ^^«'" *''« P^noc
casting yet found fn ^hvlnn , rf,'^" and teclinique surpass any bro
purines fa.shS if S^inT ^^ ''^''f^ ornaments, jewellery, and
" Kech. arc ■■ Tl nn^65 ff''^:?'' 'V'' ^'J'; P'%^''Ou, stones, pubh-.shed in
temple of Shu.hinak^at Sn a ^ ^K ^- ?»/ ," f«"ndation offerings " from the
Elamite metalwork it i. diS' u. ^T"^*'^"^- «P«^'°^«»s «f the finer class of
disorder Tn wS theV wtf S^' *^. determme their date accurately, but the

foundation-drpos't Ind differtnl *'"' ^^"','?l* i**^" *^"^'->' "^ « ^'"'^1«

ueposit, ana different groups may well belong to different periods.

338 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

A very striking proof of the independent develop-
ment of Elamite culture prior to the Semitic conquest
is now furnished by the texts inscribed in the so-called
" proto-Elamite " system of writing/ The majority
consist of small roughly-formed tablets of clay, and the
signs upon them are either figures or ideographs for
various objects. Though they have not been fully
deciphered, it is clear that they are tablets of accounts
and inventories. A very few of the signs, such as those
for " tablet " and *' total," resemble the corresponding
Babylonian characters, but the great majority are
entirely different and have been evolved on a system of
their own. Lapidary forms of the characters have been
found in inscriptions accompanying Semitic texts of
Basha-Shushinak ; ^ and, from the position of each upon
the stone, it was inferred that the Semitic text was
engraved first and the proto-Elamite section added to
it. That they w^ere contemporary additions seemed
probable, and this has now been put beyond a doubt by
the discovery at Susa of a stone statuette seated upon a
throne, which was dedicated to a goddess by Basha-
Shushinak.^ On the front of the throne at each side of
the seated figure is an inscription ; that on the left side
is in Semitic, and that on the right in proto-Elamite
characters. The one is obviously a translation of the
other, and their symmetrical arrangement leaves no
doubt that they were inscribed at the same time.

It is therefore clear that at the time of Basha-
Shushinak the two languages and scripts were sometimes
employed side by side for votive inscriptions, while the
clay tablets pro\'e that the native script had not yet
been su])erseded for the purposes of everyday life. The
" proto-Elamite " characters present very few parallel-
isms to Babylonian signs, and those that do occur are
clearly later accretions. Thus it would be natural
enough to borrow the Babylonian sign for " tablet," at
a time when the clay tablet itself found its way across

» See Scheil, " Texles Elam.-Semit.," III., pp. 57 ff.

2 See above, p. 280. 'Uhe lapidary forms of the characters are more
linear and less ornate than those upon the tablets. But the differences are
such as would naturally arise from the use of the harder material, and we
may probably assifj^n botli classes to about the same period.

■s See Scheil, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., p. 48.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 339

the border ; and, though the signs for " total " corre-
spond, the Ehiniite figures difler and are based on a
decimal, not on a sexigesimal system of numeration.
It may tlierefore be inferred that the writing hatl no
comiection in its origin witli that of the Sumerians, and
was invented independently of the system employed
during the earliest periods in Babylonia. It may have
been merely a local form of writing and not in general
use throughout the whole of Elam, but its existence
makes it probable that the district in wliicli Susa was
situated was not subject to any strong influence from
Babylonia in the age preceding the Semitic expansion.
This inference is strengthened by a study of the seal-
impressions upon many of the tablets ; ' the designs
consist of figured representations of animals and com-
posite monsters, and their treatment is totally different
to that found on early Sumerian cylinders. In the
total disappearance of its local script C'appadocia offers
an interesting parallel to Elam. The Hittite hiero-
glyphs were obviously of purely native origin, but tliey
did not survi^ e the introduction of the clay tablet and
of cuneiform characters.

The earlier strata of the mounds at Susa. which date
from the prehistoric periods in the city's history, have
proved to be in some confusion as revealed by the
French excavations ; but an explanation has recently
been forthcoming of many of the discrepancies in level
that have previously been noted. "^ It would seem that
the northern and southern extremities of the Citadel
Tell were the most ancient sites of haljitation, and that
from this cause two small hills were formed which per-
sisted during the earlier periods of tlie city's liistory.
In course of time the ground between them was
occupied and was gradually filled in so that the earlier
contour of the mound was lost. It thus liappens tliat
while remains of the Kassite period are found in the
centre of the tell at a depth of from fifteen to twenty
metres, they occur at the two extremities in strata not
more tlian ten metres below the surface. Even so, tlie
later of the two prehistoric strata at the extremities of

* Cf. Jequier, in " Rerherches arclieolotfiques," III., l>p. 7 tt.
2 See De Morgan, '• Rev. d'Assyr.," V'L, p. 8.

340 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

the mound, representing an epoch anterior to that of the
'* proto-Elaniite " inscriptions, contains only scattered
objects, and it is still difficult to trace the gradual evolu-
tion of culture which took place in this and in the still
earlier period. It should also be noted that the
presence of a single stratum, enclosing remains of a
purely Neolithic period, has not yet been established
at Susa. Tliere is little doubt, however, that such a
stratum at one time existed, for stone axes, arrow-heads,
knives and scrapers, representing a period of Neolithic
culture, are found scattered at every level in the mound.
It is thus possible that, in spite of the presence of metal
in the same stratum, much of the earlier remains
discovered at Susa, and particularly the earlier forms
of painted pottery,' are to be assigned to a Neolithic
settlement upon the site.

Fortunately for the study of the early ceramics of
Elam, we have not to depend solely on the rather incon-
clusive data which the excavations at Susa have as yet
furnished. Digging has also been carried out at a group
of mounds, situated about ninety-three miles to the
west of Susa, whicli form a striking feature on the
caravan route to Kermanshah. The central and most
important of the mounds is known as the Tepe Mussian,
and its name is often employed as a general designation
for the group. The excavations conducted there in the
winter of 1902-3 have brought to light a series of
painted wares, ranging in date from a purely Neolithic
period to an age in which metal was already beginning
to appear.^ This wealth of material is valuable for com-
parison with the very similar pottery from Susa, and has
furnished additional data for determining the cultural
connections of the earlier inhabitants of tlie country.
The designs u])on the finer classes of painted ware, both
at Susa and Mussian, are not only geometric in character,
but include vegetable and animal forms. Some of the
latter have been held to bear a certain likeness to designs
which occur upon the later pottery of the predynastic

' For coloured reproductions of Susiaii wares, see De Morgan, ' ' Itecherches
arcli^ologiques," I., pi. xvii-xxii ; cf. also pp. lH',i fF.

2 See Gauticr and I^ampre, " Fouilles de Moussian," in " Kecherches
arclifiologiques," III., pp. 69 ff.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 341

age in Egypt, and it is mainly on the strength of such
points of resemblance that M. de ^lorgan would trace
a connection between the early cultures of the two
countries.'

But quite apart from objections based on the great
difference of technique, the absence of any pottery
similar to the Egyptian in Babylonia and Northern
Syria renders it difficult to accept the suggestion ; and
it is in other quarters that w^e may jiossibly recognize
traces of a similar culture to that of the earlier aj^e in
Elam. The resemblance between the more geometric
designs upon the Elamite pottery and that discovered
at Kara-Uyuk in Cappadocia has been pointed out by
Professor Sayce ; "^ and JNIr. Hall has recently compared
them in detail with very similar potsherds discovered
by the Pumpelly Expedition at Anau in Russian
Turkestan,^ and by Professor Garstang* at Sakjcgeu/i
in Syria." It should be noted that, so far as Elam is
concerned, the resemblance applies only to one class of
the designs upon the early painted pottery, and does
not include the animal and a majority of the \ egetable
motives. It is sufficiently striking, however, to point
the direction in which we may look for further light

I See De Morgan. " Revue de I'Ecole d'Anthropologie,'' 11)07, p. 410 f.
Still less convinciiijtf parallels are drawn between the early fultin-os of Crete
and Elam by LagTanf^e in " La Crete ancienne/' pp. SOff.

- bee "The Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions," p. 47.

3 See Pumpelly, " E.xplorations in TurkesUin," Vol. II., Scimiidt's section
on "The Archaeological E.xcavations," pp. 127 ff.; see further, p. 355.

•* Cf. "The Annals of Archaeology," I., pp. 97 ff.

5 See Hall, " Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXI., pp. Oil ff. He also cites a
general resemblance, which the.-^n three classes of pottery bear to the
geometric designs on wares of the Neolitliic period from I'.oootia and Thessaly.
On the strength of this resemblance Mr. Hall suggests tliat in Iran and in
Northern Greece there may have been two closely related stone-using
cultures, of which the former reached the age of metal at a much earlier
period than the latter. He would, however, regard it as possible that the
Neolitliic art of Northern Greece went back to 30*^)0 u.c. or even e.irlier.
According to this view, the geometric and often polychrome ceramics found on
prehistoric sites as widely separated as Elam, Transcaspia, Syria, Cappadocia,
Cyprus, and Northern Greece would represent a development quite inde-
pendent from that of the Aegean area, with which the early art of Egypt
may possibly be connected. For a description of the pottery of Northern
Greece, with figured examples and references to the recent literature, see
the Reports of Wace, Droop, and Thompson in "Annals of Arrliacology," I.,
pp. 118 ff. It must be admitted that the suggested resemblaiu e between tlie
early ceramics of Northern Greece and Western Asia is not so striking as
that between the separate members of the latter group.

342 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

upon the problem. Future excav.ations at Susa itself
and on sites in Asia Minor will doubtless show how far
we may press the suggested theory of an early cultural
connection.

\¥hile such suggestions are still in a nebulous state,
it would be rash to dogmatize on the relation of these
prehistoric peoples to the Elamites of history. A study
of the designs upon the Elamite potsherds makes it
clear, however, that there was no sudden break between
the cultures of the two periods. For many of the
animal motives of a more conventionalized character
are obviously derived from the peculiarly Elamite forms
of composite monsters, which are reproduced in the seal-
impressions upon " proto-Elamite " tablets.^ Moreover,
it is stated that among the decorative motives on pot-
sherds recently discovered in the lowest stratum at Susa
are a number of representations of a purely religious
character.^ It is possible that these will prove to be
the ancestors of some of the sacred emblems which,
after being developed on Elamite soil, reached Babylonia
during the Kassite period.^ How far Babylonia partici-
pated in the prehistoric culture of Elam it is difficult to
say, since no Neolithic settlement has yet been identified
in Sumer or Akkad. Moreover, the early Sumerian
pottery discovered at Tello, which dates from an age
when a knowledge of metal was already well advanced,
does not appear to have resembled the prehistoric wares
of Elam, either in composition or in design. It should
be noted, however, that terra-cotta female figurines, of the
well-known Babylonian type, occur in Elam and at Anau*;
and it is possible that in Babylonia they were relics of
a prehistoric culture. On sites in the alluvial portion
of the country it is probable that few Neolithic remains

^ Compare, for example, the animal motives from Mussian pottery, figured
in " Recherches archeologiques," III., p. 134 f., Figs. 2G2-264, with" the half-
human bull-monsters from "proto-Elamite" seal-impressions in Figs. 22-26,
p. 11 f.

2 See De Morgan, ''Rev. d'Assyr./' VI., p. 5.

3 It is noteworthy that the "Greek cross," which is a very characteristic
emblem on Kassite cvlinder-seals from Babylonia, and also occurs on the
" proto-Jllamite " seal-impressions, is already met with as a decorative
symbol on the early painted pottery of Susa and Mussian. It is also possible
that the spear-headed emblem of tlie god Marduk was ultimately of Elamite
origin ; it miglit well have been transferred to Marduk at the time of the
Kassite kings of Babylon. * See below, p. 356.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE t^4S

have been preserved.^ But it should be noted tluit
fragments of painted pottery have been found at
Kuyunjik, whieh bear a striking reseniblanee to the
early Syro-Cappadocian Mare;'-* and these may wcW
belong to a Neolithic settlement u])on the site of
Nineveh/* It is thus possible that the })rehisl()rie
culture, Avhieh had its seat in Elam, will be found to
have extended to Southern Assyria also, and to non-
alluvial sites on the borders of the Babylonian plain.

It would seem that the influence of Sumerian
culture during the historic period first began to be
felt beyond the limits of Babylonia at the time of the
Semitic expansion. The conquest of Syria by Shar-
Gani-sharri undoubtedly had important results upon
the spread of Babylonian culture. The record, which
has been interpreted to mean that he went still further
westw^ard and crossed the JMediterranean to Cyprus, is
now proved to have been due to the misunderstanding
of a later scribe.^ It is true that some seals have been
found in Cyprus, which furnish evidence of Babylonian
influence in the island, but they belong to a period
considerably later than that of the Akkadian empire. Of
these, the one said to have been found in the treasury
of the temple at Curium by General di Cesnola refers
to the deifled Naram-Sin,^ but the style of its compo-
sition and its technique definitely prove that it is of
Syro-Cappadocian workmanship, and does not date from
a much earlier period than that of the First Dynasty of
Babylon. The most cursory comparison of the seal
wdth the elay-sealings of Naram-Sin's period, which

^ See above, p. 2 f.

2 See Myres, "The Early Pot-Fabrics of Asia Minor" in "'Hie Jonrnal of
the Anthropolofrical Institute," Vol. XXXIll., p. 8?!^ I'rof. Myres would
regard them as of Sargonid date, and it is true that some fragments of painted
pottery of that period have been found at Kuyunjik. But the latter may be
distinj2:uished, both by .subject and technique, from those which reproduce
characteristics of the Cappadocian ware and are probably very much earlier
(cf. Hall, " Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch./' XXXI., p. 313 f., n. 137).

3 In the course of excavations at Kuyunjik, when sinking shafts into the
lowest stratum just above the level of the plain, I came across obsidian
implements and beds of ashes, indicating the existence of a Neolithic
settlement.

^ See above, p. 234 f.

5 For a reproduction of the seal, see Sayce, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,"
Vol. v., p. 442.

344 HISTORY OF SUMER AND ARK AD

have been found at Tello,i will convince any one of this
fact. The other, which was found in an early bronze
age deposit at Agia Paraskevi with its original gold
mounting, may be definitely dated in the j^eriod of the
First 15abylonian Dynasty,^ and Nudubtum, its original
owner, who styles himself a servant of the god JMartu
(Amurru), may well have been of Syrian or West
Semitic origin. Beyond such isolated cylinders, there
is, however, no trace of early Babylonian influence in
Cyprus.3 This is hardly compatible with the suggested
Semitic occupation during Sliar-Gani-sharri's reign ;
there may well have been a comparatively early trade
connection with the island, but nothing more.

Yet the supposed conquest of Cyprus by Shar-Gani-
sharri has led to the wildest comparisons between
Aegean and Babylonian art. Not content with leaving
him in Cyprus, Professor Winckler has dreamed of still
further maritime expeditions on his part to Rhodes,

' For the sealiiigs, see Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr./' IV., pp. 3 ff. The points
of contrast presented by the Cyprus seal may be summarized: (1) The signs
employed in the inscription are not of Naram-Sin's period, but of the time of
the First Dynasty. (2) The presence of the Storm-god, the number and
nature of tlie religious emblems, the arrangement of the design dictated by
the horror vacui, and the engraving of the seal itself with its undisguised
employment of the drill, are all Syro-Cappadocian in character ; they are in
striking contrast to tlie beauty of proportion and restrained design of the
figures arranged on a plain field by the early Semitic seal-engravers of Akkad.
(3) The deification of Naram-Sin is of course no proof that he was dead (see
above, p. 251). But it should be noted that on seals of Naram-Sin's period,
wliich mention the reigning king or a member of his family, the royal name
is included in order to indicate a delegation of authority. The text is
always couched in the second person, in tlie form of an address, and the royal
name is invariably mentioned first. Had Mar-Islitar, the owner of the seal,
been a contemporary of Naram-Sin, the inscription on the seal would have
run : " O Naram-Sin, God of Akkad {or King of Akkad), Mur-Ishtar, tlie
{here would follow the title of his office), is thy servant." As a matter of fact,
the inscription runs : " Mar-Ishtar, son of Ilu-bani, servant of tlie god
Naram Sin." Here Mar-Ishtar's name comes first, then that of his father, and
lastly that of his patron deity. Naram-Sin is no longer the living God of
Akkad, but is just an ordinary deity, and occupies an ordinary deity's place
upon tlie seal. The survival of his name as that of a god in the period of the
^Vestern Semites is paralleled by the occurrence of the name of Bfir-Sin I.,
King of Ur, as that of a deity in the Moon-god's suite, on a god-list of the
seventh century n.c. ; see above, p. 2'J9.

2 For a reproduction of the seal, see Bezold, "^ Zeits. fiir Keilschrift.,"
n., pp. 101 ff. ; cf. also Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter, "Catalogue of the
Cyprus Museum,'' pp. 15, 134.

2 Of the Enkomi cylinder-seals, for example, only two are purely Baby-
lonian (of the First Dynasty), and the others, with the exception of a few
rude specimens of native Cypriote workmanship, are Syro-C^appadocian and
Hittite importations.

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 345

Crete, and even to the mainland of dlrecce itself.'
There is no -warrant for such imaginin<rs, and the
archaeologist must be content to follow and not outrun
his evidence. Babylonian influence would naturally be
stronger in Cyprus than in Crete, but with neither have
we evidence of strong or direct contact. There are, how-
ever, certain features of Aegean culture which may be
traced to a Babylonian source, though some of the sug-
gested comparisons are hardly convincing. The houses
at Fara, for instance, are supplied \\'ith a very elaborate
system of drainage, and drains and culverts have been
found in the pre-Sargonic stratum at Nippur, at Surghul,
and at most early Sumerian sites where excavations have
been carried out. These have been compared with the
system of drainage and sanitation at Knossos.^ It is
true that no other parallel to the Cretan system can
be cited in antiquity, but, as a matter of fact, the two
systems are not very like, and in any case it would be
difficult to trace a path by which so early a connection
could have taken place. It has indeed been suggested
that both Babylonia and Crete may have inherited
elements of some prehistoric culture common to the
eastern world, and that w^iat looks like an instance of
mfluence may really be one of common origin.'^ But,
as in the case of a few parallels between early Egyptian
and Elamite culture, it is far more probable that such
isolated points of resemblance are merely due to
coincidence.

A far more probable suggestion is that the clay
tablet and stilus reached Crete from Babylonia.*
Previous to its introduction the Minoan hieroglyphs,
or pictographs, had been merely engraved on seal-
stones, but with the adoption of the new material for
writing they were employed for lists, inventories and
the like, and these forms became more linear.' The fact

1 See Winckler, " Die EuphratlSnder und das Mittelmeer," in " Der Alte
Orient," VII., 2 (1905), p. JO,

2 See Burrows, "The Discoveries in Crete," p. 9.
» Op. cit., p. 134.

* See Sayce, " Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions," p. 181,
Burrows, " The Discoveries in Crete/' p. 139, and Hall, " Proc. Soc. Bibl.
Arch.,'' XXXI., p. 225.

* For the evolution of Minoan writing, see Evans, "Scripts Minoa," I.,
pp. 19 ff., 28 ff.

340 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD

that the cuneiform system of writing was not introduced
along with the tablet, as happened in Anatolia, is
sufficient proof that the connection between Babylonia
and Crete was indirect. It was doubtless by way of
Anatolia that the clay tablet travelled to Crete,^ for the
discoveries at Kara-Uyuk prove that, before the age of
Hammurabi, both tablet and cuneiform writing had
penetrated westward beyond the Taurus.^ Through its
introduction into Crete the Babylonian tablet may
probably be regarded as the direct ancestor of the wax
tablet and stilus of the Greeks and Romans.^

Unlike the clay tablet, the cylinder-seal never
became a characteristic of the Aegean cultural area,
where the seal continued to be of the stamp or button-
form. A cylinder-seal has indeed been found in a
larnax-burial at Palaikastro, on the east coast of Crete ;
and it is a true cylinder, perforated from end to end,
and was intended to be rolled and not stamped upon
the clay.* The designs upon it are purely Minoan, but
the arrangement of the figures, which is quite un-
Egyptian in character, is similar to that of the Meso-
potamian cylinder.^ In spite of the rarity of the type

' Tlie claj' disk stamped with hieroglyphic characters, which has been dis-
covered by Prof. Halbherr at Phaestos, may be cited in support of this view.
From a scrutiny of the cliaracters upon it, Dr. Evans concludes that the
original home of its peculiar non-Cretan form of writing is to be souglit in the
South-West coastlands of Asia Minor, or in an island in close contact with
the mainland. Tiie disk belongs to a period when the linear form of script
had succeeded the hieroglypliic in Crete itself (see "Scripta Minoa," I.^ ]>p.
22 ff., 273 ff.).

2 It is also tlirough a Hittite medium that we may possibly trace a con-
nection between the composite monsters of Babylonian and Minoan art ; see
Sayce, op. cit., p. IHO. It should be noted, however, that, althougli the idea
underlying tlie designs upon the Zakro sealings may be of foreign origin, the
development of tbe variant types of many of tlie monster forms was purely
local and confined to a single period (cf. Hogarth, " Journal of Hellenic
Studies," Vol. XXII., p. 91). Moreover, tlie bull-monsters, or " Minotaurs,"
of Aegean art were obviously derived from the local cult of Knossos ; in the
winged and bird-like types Cappadocian influence is more probable.

^ See Burrows, " Discoveries in Crete," p. 149.

* In this respect it forms a striking contrast to the clay cylinder from the
sepulchral deposit of Hagios Onuphrios near Phaestos. The latter is un-
perforated and the designs are cut at each end of the seal ; it is thus no true
cylinder, but merely a double-button seal (see Evans, "Cretan Pictographs,"
pp. 10.5, 107).

^ Tbe figures engraved upon the seal consist of a lion-headed demon and
t«o female figures, possil)ly with the heads of animals ; they are arranged
across the field of the cylinder from edge to edge. The seal is of soft, black

CULTURAL INFLUENCE 347

among Cretan seals, this single example from Palaikastro
is suggestive of IJabylonian influence, througli the
Syro-Cappadocian channel b}^ wliicli doubtless tlie clay
tablet reached Crete.

Anatolia thus formed a subsidiary centre for the
further spread of Babylonian culture, which had reached
it by way of Northern Syria before crossing the Taurus.
The importance of the latter district in this connection
has been already emphasized by Mr. Hogarth.' Every
traveller from the coast to the region of the Khabur
will endorse his description of the vast group of mounds,
the deserted sites of ancient cities, which mark the
surface of the country. With one or two exceptions
these still await the spade of the excavator, and, when
their lowest strata shall have yielded their secrets, we
shall know far more of the early stages in the spread of
Babylonian culture westwards. We have already noted
the role of Syria as a connecting-link between the
civilizations of the Euphrates and the Nile,^ and it plays
an equally important part in linking both of them with
the centre of early Hittite culture in Asia Minor. It
was by the coastal regions of Syria that the first Semitic
immigrants from the south reached the Euphrates, and
it was to Syria that the stream of Semitic influence,
now impregnated with Sumerian culture, returned.
The sea formed a barrier to any further advance in that
direction, and so the current parted, and passed south-
wards into the Syro-Palestinian region and northwards
through the Cilician Gates, whence by Hittite channels
it penetrated to the western districts of Asia Minor.
Here, again, the sea w^as a barrier to further progress
westwards, and the Asiatic coast of the Aegean forms
the western limit of Asiatic influence. Until the
passing of the Hittite power, no attempts were made
by Aegean sea-rovers or immigrants from the main-
land of Greece to settle on tlie western coast of Asia
Minor,' and it is not therefore surprising that Aegean

stone, much worn (see Bosanquet, "Tlie Annual of the British Scliool .it
Athens," No. VIII., p. 302).

1 See " Ionia and the East," p. 96 f. ,

2 See above, p. 334 f. ' .
9 Cf. Hogarth, " Ionia and the East," p. 47 f.

348 HISTORY OF SUMER AXD AKKAD

culture should show such scanty traces of Babylonian
influence.

Of the part which the Sumerians took in originating
and moulding the civilization of Babylonia, it is un-
necessary to treat at greater length. Perhaps their
most important achievement was the invention of
cuneiform writing, for this in time was adopted as a
common script throughout the east, and became the
parent of other systems of the same character. But
scarcely less important were their legacies in other
spheres of activity. In the arts of sculpture and seal-
engraving their o^^^l achievements were notable enough,
and they inspired the Semitic work of later times. The
great code of Hammurabi's laws, which is claimed to
have influenced western codes besides having moulded
much of tlie Mosaic legislation, is now definitely known
to be of Sumerian origin, and Urukaginas legislative
effort was the direct forerunner of Hammurabi's more
successful appeal to past tradition. The literature of

Babylon and Assyria is based almost throughout on
* ... * ~

Sumerian originals, and the ancient ritual of the
Sumerian cults survived in the later temples of both
countries. Already we see Gudea consulting the
omens before proceeding to lay the foundations of
E-ninnu. and the practice of hepatoscopy may probably
be set back into the period of the earhest Sumerian
patesis. Sumer, in fact, was the prmcipal source of
Babylonian civilization, and a study of its culture
supplies a key to many subsequent developments in
Western Asia. The inscriptions have already j'ielded a
fairly complete picture of the politiciil evolution of the
people, from the \'illage community and city-state to an
empire which included the effective control of foreign
provinces. The archaeological record is not so complete,
but in this direction we may confidently look for further
light from future excavation and research.

APPENDICES

I. — Recent Explorations in Turkestan in their
Relation to the Sumerian Problem.

11. — A Chronological List of the Kings and
Rulers of Sumer and Akkad.

APPENDIX I

Recent Explorations in Turkestan in their Relation to

the sumerian problem.

In the second chapter of this volume the opmion was exjjressed
that, in spite of the unsoundness of certain arguments in favour
of the theory, the original home of the Sumerians was to be
sought beyond the mountains to the east of the Babylonian
plain.^ The arrival of the Sumerians on the banks of the
Euphrates would thus have been a single episode in a series of
similar migrations from the east, which, during the historical
period, are known to have made their appearance in that
quarter of Western Asia. Until recently it was only possible
to suggest that such migratory inovements were to be traced to
racial unrest in more distant regions, and few data were avail-
able for sui)porting any detailed theory as to the causes of this
occasional pressure westwards. Important evidence, which has
both a direct and an indirect bearing on the joroblem, has, how-
ever, been obtained as a result of recent exx)lorations in Russian
and Chinese Turkestan.

The two expeditions conducted by Mr. Raphael Pumpelly,
on belialf of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, in 19U3
and 1904, the results of which have now been fully published,
were occupied mainly with work in the Transcaspian province
of Russian Turkestan. The physiographical observations
collected by the first Pumpelly Expedition were supplemented
during the second of them by archaeological evidence, obtained
by excavations at Anau near Askhabad, and in the Merv Oasis,
under the diiection of Dr. Hubert Schmidt, of Berlin, who
joined the staff of the exjDedition for that purpose. Both
classes of evidence have a direct bearing upon the problem
under discussion.

Of more remote interest, in the present connection, are the
explorations and excavations carried out by Dr. Stein in
Chinese Turkestan, on behalf of the Indian Government, during
his journeys of 1900-1 and 1906-8. Lying in the Tarim basin
to the east of the Pamirs, the principal scene of his labours is
far removed from those regions of Western and Central Asia
from which direct light may be expected upon the Suraerian
problem. But the Khotan oases and the Taklamakan Desert

' See above, p. 53 f.
351

352 APPENDIX I

present in many respects an interesting parallel to the con-
ditions prevailing in tlie soutLern districts of the Russian pro-
vince ; and they illustrate, during more recent historical
periods, a climatio and geological jirocess of which far earlier
traces have been noted in the latter region. The investigation
of the archaeological remains, till lately buried in Khotan, has
also demonstrated the comparatively short period of time
required for extensive physical changes to have taken place.
Finally, the physiographical researches of Mr. Ellsworth
Huntington, who accompanied the first Pumpelly expedition,
have been extended during 1905-7 into the region of Dr.
Stein's travels, along the southern and eastern borders of the
Taklamakan Desert, and have resulted in obtaining corrobora-
tive evidence of theories already deduced from observations in
Russian Turkestan.

It has already been remarked that the "work of the Pumpelly
Expeditions was of a twofold character. On the one hand, the
majority of the members devoted themselves to the collection
of material bearing on the physiography of the Central Asian
deserts and oases ; and, as a result of their labours, they have
produced a valuable series of monographs, illustratmg climatic
and physical changes which have taken place in that region of
the world. On the other hand, the excavations conducted at
Anau by Dr. Sclimidt have been followed by a careful present-
ment of the archaeological material, including a very complete
ceramic record. The general discussion of the results was
undertaken by Mr. Raphael Pumpelly, the leader of the
expeditions, who has given an able and suggestive summary of
what he conceives to be their general bearing, not only from
the geological side, but also in their relation to the early
history of Western Asiatic, and even of North African culture.^
At the outset it should be mentioned that, on the archaeological
side, several of Mr. Pumpelly' s generalizations appear to be
too far reaching, and he seems to push some of his conclusions
beyond the limit of his evidence. But this does not detract in
any "svay from the value of the new data, which he has been
largely instrumental in acquiring.

We are not here concerned with details of the earlier geo-
logical evidence, except in so far as they illustrate or exialain
the physical changes in the character of the country during
more recent times. It has long been recognized that the
deserts of Central Asia owe their existence to a process of

* Accounts of the first expedition were published under the title
•* Explorations in Turkestan/' as Publication No. 20 of tlio Carnegie Insti-
tution of Washington (1905). The various nionograj)hs on the results of the
second expedition are published in two volumes, entitled "Explorations in
Turkestan ; Expedition of 1904," as Publication No. 73 (1908) of the same
institution. Both works were edited by Mr. Raphael Pumpelly, who in
1906 had already summarized his conclusions in his Presidential Address
before the Geological Society of America (see "Bulletin of the Geol. Soc.
of Amer.," Vol. 17, pp. 637 ff.). In a separate volume, entitled "The
Pulse of Asia," Mr. Huntington lias given an account of his more recent
journey.

♦ ¥j^ f^^

1.-TWE. 9.'0'JClJi :EClSlG,^Jf .^ ^ HE CSJBtP OiF TEE PTDLP'ELjLT

J._"V A.T iC?.".4r.

APPENDIX I 853

desiccation that has taken place since tlie Glacial ej)och,' and
recent investigations have shown that the contrast to present
conditions was even more marked than was previously supposed.
The members of the first Pumiielly Expedition have noted that
glaciers existed on a greatly extended scale throughout the
mountains bordering the great basins of Central Asia on the
south and east, and they have proved the existence of several
great glacial expansions, each of which naturally reacted on
the climate of the central region. During the sub-glacial period
there Avas a general trend towards desolation, and the dried
silts of seas and rivers were carried by the wind across the
surface of the ground. The lightest material was carried
farthest, and, wherever the scanty vegetation could hold it, it
was deposited in beds of " loess," the extraordinarily fine and
fertile soil which covers a great part of Northern China and
Turkestan, and extends in a continuous zone from Xorth of
the Caspian to Central Europe.'^ The heavier silts in the shai:)e
of sands moved more slowly imder the pressure of the wmd,
and they formed great deserts of sand-dunes, heaped in
places more than a hundred feet high. It is to the shifting or
formation of such sand-deserts in historic times that we owe
the burial of the cities in the Khotan region, which have been
so successfully excavated by Dr. Stein for the Indian Govern-
ment.^

1 Cf. Geikie, "The Great Ice Age and its Relatic«i to the Antiquity of
Man," 3rd ed., pp. G94, 698. In 1894, Prof. James Geikie had noted tlie
probability that glacial phenomena were more extensively developed in the
mountains and tablelands of Asia than he felt justified in representing in
his Glacial Maj) of Asia. In it he incorporated only the results of previous
observations, at the same time emphasizing its " necessarily unsatisfactory
character " {op. cit., p. 831, PI. xiii.). This lack of evidence has now in great
measure been remedied.

' Loess was formerly regarded as simply a deposit of glacial or fluvial
origin, but Richthofen's theory that its subsequent distribution was largely
due to wind-transport (cf. " China," Bd. I., pp. 56 If.) is now generally
accepted. The fact that it is found heaped up against the sides of mountains
and contains land, and not water, shells, is unanswerable evidence. For its
general character and distribution, see Sir Archibald Geikie's "Text-book
of Geology," 4th ed., I., pp. 439 f. ; II., p. 1351. It may be noted that the
formation of loess-beds and sand-deserts is a continuous process at the
present day, under the strong winds which prevail in certain seasons in
Central Asia ; and even when there is little wind the air is often thick with
fine dust. The reverse of the process is visible in the effects of wind-erosion,
very striking instances of which have been described by Dr. Stein ; cp. e.g.
"Ruins of Khotan," p. 189 f., and "Ancient Khotan," I., p. 107.

^ It should be noted that the substance ot the dunes around Khotan is to
be distinguished from the true drifting sand of other Central Asian deserts.
For Prof, de Loczy has shown by analysis that there is almost complete
uniformity in composition between the recently formed fertile loess of
Yotkan (the site of the ancient capital of Khotan) and the moving "sand'
now surrounding and covering the ancient sites in the desert ; cf. " Ancient
Khotan," I., pp. 127 f., 199, 242. The thickness of pure loess above the
culture stratum at Yotkan was no less than from nine to eleven feet, a fact
which had led earlier European visitors to suppose that some catastrophe,
such as a great flood, had overwhelmed the old town. It is merely a striking

2 A

354 APPENDIX I

Although it is clear that since Glacial times there has been
a general trend towards the i^resent ai-id condition of Central
Asia, there is reason to believe that, as in the Glacial epoch,
the subsequent climatic changes have not been uniform.
Periods of extreme aridity have occurred in which the condition
of certain regions may have been more desolate than it is to-
day. But these appear to have alternated with more humid
periods, when the tracts which were deserted may again have
been rendered capable of sustaining life. Already in the pre-
historic period, however, the sea of sand-dunes had encroached
upon the fertile plains of loess, and it is mainly in the delta-
oases, formed by streams emerging from the mountains, or at
points where large rivers lose themselves in the plain, as at
Merv, that traces of man's handiwork have been discovered.

Throughout the region of the oases in Southern Turkestan,
to the north of the Kopet Dagh, the Pumpelly Expedition
constantly noted the sites of former habitations in regions
which are now desolate. Not only are there traces of occupa-
tion where villages exist to-day, but there are also large areas
which must once have been densely peopled, although they are
now deserted. The present supply of water in the region could
support but a small proportion of its former inhabitants, and it
is necessary to suppose either that there was a greater rainfall,
or that evaporation was less rapid owing to a lower tempera-
ture. Similar evidence has been collected with regard to the
former condition of Chinese Turkestan,^ and it is clear that
extensive tracts in Central Asia, which are now abandoned to
the desert, at one time supported a considerable population.
The evidence points to a change in climatic conditions, which
lias reacted on the character of the country in such a way as to
cause racial migrations.'

In the hope of throwing light on the character of the former
dwellers in the deserted regions of Russian Turkestan, the
second Pum])elly Expedition undertook excavations at selected
sites. At Ghiaur Kala in the Merv Oasis it was ascertained
that the earliest period of occuijatiou was not older than a few
centuries B.C., though it is probable that among the great

example of the manner in which vegetation, under irrigation, catches and
retains the floating loess-dust.

' After his recent journey Dr. Stein writes of the Khotan region that it
appears to him certain that "the water-supply at present available in the
Yuruiig-kash could under no system whatever be made to suthce for the
irrigation of the wliole of the large tracts now abandoned to the desert, and
for this broad fact desiccation akme supplies an ade(|uate explanation" ; see
the " Geographical Journal," vol. xxxiv. (11)09), p. 17.

2 For a discussion of the modern theories as to the laws governing
climatic changes and tlie jiossibility of their cyclical recurrence, see Hunting-
ton, "The Pulse of Asia," pp. 'MJo ff. It seenjs most probable that the
changes are of solar origin, the variations being caused by varying forms of
heat and other energy received from the sun. Such changes would be more
intensely felt in mid-continental areas, where high niountaius tend to
intercept moisture from the sea, which is precipitated without hindrance in
the peripheral or coastal regions.

APPENDIX I

855

number of mounds in the oasis some are of a considerably
earlier date. Far more imjiortant were the results obttiiucd by-
excavations in the region below the nortliern sloi)es of the
Kopet Dagh. It Avas at one of the delta-oases, at Anaii, near
Askhabad, some three hundred miles east of the Caspian, that
the I'uiupelly Expedition found traces of prehistoric cultures,
and obtained its inincipal material for archaeological study.

Near the midiUe of the Anau oasis, and about a mile ai)art,
are two hills with rounded contours, rising some forty and iifty
feet above the plain, and marking the sites of long-forgotten
cities. The structure of the North Kurgan, or tumidus, had
already been exposed by a trench cut in it some twenty-five
years ago by General Komorof, which showed stratified remains,
including bones of animals and potsherds of plain and painted
wares. It was this trench that first directed Mr. Pumpelly's
attention to the mound during his first expedition, and his
subsequent excavations, both here and in the South Kurgan,
exposed the same stratified structure.

^&^

Fig. 68.

Designs on painted potsherds of the Neolithic period (Culture I.) from the

North Kurgan at Anau.

[From Pumpelly, Expl. in Turk., I., p. 128, Nos. 67-73.]

The strata represented successive occupations of the site,
and, as its inhabitants lived in houses built of sun-dried bricks,
the hills gradually rose in height. Of the two hills, the North
Kurgan was of earliest formation, its earlier strata containing
the remains of a stone-age culture, and its upper cultui-e rei:)re-
senting an aeneolithic stage of civilization. The third culture,
that of the lo^vest strata in the South Kurgan, dates from a
copper age. The archaeological part of the work was directed
by Dr. Schmidt, and to his admirable method of noting the
precise spot and level of every object recovered we owe the
possibility of tracing the gradual development of culture
during the successive periods of settlement. Moreover, the
Transcaspian railway passes little more than half a mile to the
north of the northern mound, or Kurgan. Hence there was no

85G

APPENDIX I

diflkulty and little lisk involved in the conveyance to Europe
of all the archaeological material obtained. The collection of
animal bt)nes from the Noi-th Kurgan Aveighed nearly half a
ton. but they were despatched without difliculty to Dr. Duerst
of Zurich, "who contributed a report ou them to the record of
the second expedition.

Tlie cultural progress of the three periods is, however, moat
clearly revealed by the pottery, which exhibits a gradual
evolution in form, technique, and decoration. Although the
vessels of the first two cultures are hand-made, and the wheel
was not introduced until Culture III., yet the vessels of both
earlier epochs are excellent ceramic productions. It has already
been noted that many of the geometric designs occurring on

106

107

100

112

110

Fig. 69.

Deaigns on painted potsherds of the Aeneolithic period (Culture II.) from the

North Kurgan at Anau.

[From Pumpelly, Expl. in Turk., I., p. 133, Nos. 106-113.]

pottery of the earlier periods from the North Kurgan bear a
certain resemblance to similar j^ottery found by MM. Gautier
and Lampre at Mussian, and by M. de Morgan at Susa. This
may well i)oint to some connection between the stone and early
metal-using cultures of Transcaspia and Elam ; while the baked
clay figurines from the copper culture of the South Kurgan
may be held to prove some early cultural contact witli the
Sumerians.'

' See above, pp. 340 ff. For photo^'raphic reproductions of clay figurines
from the Soutii Kurgan, see the plate facing p. 352. It will be noted that

APPENDIX I .357

Mr. Pumpelly himself would regard the Central Asian oases
as the fountain-head of Western Asiatic culture. Ac-cording
to his theory, they were isolated from Europe and Africa from
the Glacial period onwards, and their cultural rc(|uircnnMits
were evolved in complete independence. Changes in climatic
conditions, however, took place, under which the early civiliza-
tions in these regions tended to disappear, and these gave rise
to extensive migrations, which reacted in turn on tlie outside
world. In support of his theory he would trace the early
appearance of wheat and barley both in Egypt and Babylonia,
and the presence of certain breeds of domestic animals, to their
first establishment in the Transcaspian oases. But, in addition
to differences in their ceramics, the total absence of anj' form
of writing in the mounds at Anau tells against anj- theoiy
necessitating a very close racial connection between the
early inhabitants of the oases and the Sumerians of Baby-
lonia.

The evidence, in fact, does not ju.stify us in placing the
original home of the Sumerians at Anau, nor indeed in any
particular spot in Central Asia or Iran that has yet been
examined. But it serves to indicate the region of the world in
wliich we may expect that future excavations will reveal data
of a more conclusive character. It may be that the ruined sites
of Seistan and the Kirman jirovinee will exhibit oloser jjarallels
with the civilizations of Elam and Sumer. Meanwhile it is
clear that some contact must have taken place between the
early peoples of the latter countries and the settlements to the
north of the Kopet Dagh. We may thus picture the Sumerians
before their arrival in Babylonia as inhabitants of some district
to the east of the Euphrates valley, where they evolved the
elements of their culture, which is already found in a com-
paratively advanced stage of development on the earliest <»f
South Babj'lonian sites.

A further result of the recent explorations in Turkestati i.s
that an adequate explanation is afforded of the unrest in
Central Asia, which gave rise to the Sumerian immigration au'l
to similar racial movements westward. It may now be regarded
as established that periods of desiccation and extreme aridity
have led to the abandonment of extensive tracts of country,
with the result that their former inhabitants have, from time
to time, been forced to seek sanctuary in more favoured districts.
While nomad tribes in their search for fresh pasturage might
drift over the broad steppes to the north and west of Turkestan,
the agricultural peoples on its southern border would be forced

the figurines are clearly of the Babylonian type. The resemblance may be
emphasized by contrast with the terra-cotta figurines of a vt-ry nmch later
date discovered by Dr. Stein at Yotkan ; see " Kuins of Khotan," p. 2<51.
Moreover, lapis-lazuli is already found in the second culture of the North
Kurgan. This points to commercial intercourse with regions still further
ea8t°on the part of the Anau settlements; but the employment of lapis-
lazuli by the Sumerians may be cited as further evidence in favour of some
early cultural connection on their part with Anau.

358 APPENDIX I

t<i turn south of the Caspian. The bleak uplands of the Iranian
plateau olTer small atti'actioiis for permanent settlement, and
the routes of the migrant tribes would naturally lead in the
diroc'tion of Asia Minor and the Mesopotamian plain. Sucli a
condition of unrest in Central Asia would naturally react on
peoples at a considerable distance, and this fact explains the
periodical invasions to which Babylonia has been subjected from
the east. It may be added that; the immigration of Semitic
tribes into Syria and Northern Babylonia should possibly be
traced to physical causes of a like nature. Periods of aridity
may have occurred in the central portions of the Arabian
continent, and may have given rise to the Semitic invasions of
prehistoric and historic times.

Thus it is possible that the two races, which we find in
possession of Svimer and Akkad during the earliest historical
periods, though they arrived from opposite quarters, were
forced into the region of the Euphrates by causes of a precisely
similar character. As the Semites, on their way northwards
from Arabia, colonized the Syrian coast-lands through which
they i^assed, so the Sumerian race may well have left per-
manent traces of its presence in the valleys and more fertile
oases of Iran. There are already indications that work on
Sj^'ian and ^V'est Mesopotamian sites will throw a flood of light
upon the problems of early Semitic history, and it may perhaps
fall to the lot of a fortunate excavator, in some region east of
the Euphrates valley, to recover the cult-images of primitive
Sumerian gods, and to bring to light examples of the picture-
Avriting from which the early cuneiform characters were
derived.

IB na-^i

APPENDIX II

A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE KINGS AND
RULERS OF SUMER AND AKKAD

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INDEX

A A, gifts to, 223

Abba-dugga, 313

Abi-isliar, seal of, 246

Abu Habba, site of Sippar, 8 f. ;
excavations atj 37, 223 ; objects
and inscriptions from, 204, 20G,
212, 218, 223, 235, 250, 309 f.

Abu Hatab, site of Kisurra, 9 ; ex-
cavations at, 28 flf. ; plan of, 29 ;
inscribed brick from, 284 ; con-
tracted burials at, 331

Abu Khuwasij, 31

Abil Shahrain, site of Eridu, 35 ; ex-
cavations at, 35 f. ; plan of, 3G

Abvdos, 323 f. , 332 ; recent diggings
at, 324, 326 f., 332

Abyssinia, 334

Abzu-banda, 111, 189 f.

Abzu-ega, 190

Accounts, tablets of, 169, 177, 284,
293

Achaemenian kings, 337

Adab, site of, 9, 97, 163; excava-
tions at, 30 ; in relation to
Euphrates, 11 ; its commercial
relations with Lagash, 238 ; de-
strnction of, 31 f . ; nte also Bia-
maya

Adamdun, situation of, 290 ; patesis
of, 292

Adda-Pakshu, sukkal of Elam, 306 f.;
taljlets from period of, 336

Addatur, 113

Adhem, 7, 287

Aegean, sites, 81 ; Asiatic coast of,
347 ; sea-rovers of, 347

Aegean culture, stages of, 1 ; its
early connection with Egypt, 341 ;
traces of Babylonian influence in,
322, 345 ff. ; wild comparisons be-
tween Aegean and Babylonian art,
344 f.

Aenragin, 171

'Afej marshes, 85 f.

Agade, older name of Akkad, 14 ;
site of, 37 ; Sargon of, 216 ff. ; sec
Akkad

Agathias, 312

Agia Paraskevi, 344

Aha, mastaba-tomb of, 323

'AkarkQf, 38

Akiiush, 189 f.

Akkad, city, site of, 37 ; early centre
of Semitic settlement, 53 ; in re-
lation to Kish, 210 f., 214 f., 228,
231 f., 249 ; in relation to Elam,
226 ; " sons," or citizens, of, 208,
211 ; siege of, 240 ; Dynasty of,
216 ff., 252 ff., 350 f. ; in relation
to the Dynasty of Ur, 253; kings
of Sumer and, 362

Akkad, land, limits of, 6 f., 12 f. ;
name of, 13 ff., 17 ; iniiabitants of,
40 ff. ; Semitic immigration into,
20:i ; system of land ttnuro in, 95 ;
intluence of art of, 66 ; early re-
lations with YAixm, 214, 244;
cultural connections with Elam,
335 ff.

Akkadian, the Semitic speech of
Babylonia, 52 f.

Akkadians, the Semitic inhabitauta
of Northern Babylonia, 4 ; former
use of the term, 4

Akkada, 14

Akki, 232

Akurgal, patesi of Lagash. 117 f. ;
sculptured figures of, 112 ll". ; in
chronological table, 360

Al[. . . ], king of Kisli, 141; in
chronological table, 360

Al-Batiha, 8

Al-Gimii-Sin, "the City of Gimil-
8in," 301

Aliakhu, 208

Alia, patesi of Lagash, 296 ; in chro-
nological table, 362

Alia, resident in Lagash, 237

Alloys, evidence as to use of, 73 f.

Alluvium, limit of Babylonian, 7

Alu-usharshid, a former reailing of
the name Urumush or Kimush,
203

Amageshtin, temple of, 190

Amal, temple of, 226, 232

Amananu, governor of Sippar, 3lG

363

364

INDEX

Ajnanus, 261

Amat-Bau, 171

Amattar-sirsirra, 184

Ambar Su, 244

Aiuiaud, Arthur, 18, 20, 109

Ammi-zaduga, 307

Aniorite invasion, disproved in reign
of Libit-Ishtar, 284

Amurru (Martu), a West Semitic
god, 344

Amurru, the Western Semites, 55 ;
origin of, 65

Amurru, the Western Land, 2G1,
MtK), 321 ; Sargon's conquest of,
22r>, 233 f. ; its king deported,
244 ; slaves from, 238 ; relation of
kings of Isin to, 311, 315 f. ;
Babylonian influence in and be-
yond, 322

Ana, 194, 19G, 198 ; see also Anu

Anatolia, 346 f.

Anau, excavations at, 2, 351, 355 f. ;
potsherds from, 341, 355 f. ; terra-
cotta figurines from, 342, 356 ;
wheat and barley found in earliest
stratum at, 332, 357

Andrae, W., 11, 22 ff., 28 f.,78, 330

Anikurra, 112

Animal cults, Egyptian, 334

Animal forms, Suraerian treatment
of, 80

Animal motives, on Elamite painted
pottery, 341 f. ; on proto-Elaraite
seal-impressions, 342

Anita, 112 ff., 116

Anshan, its conquest by Manishtusu,
224, 231, 244; its conquest by
Gudea, 279, 289 ; alliance of Dun-
gi's daughter with the patesi of,
287 ; its conquest by Bungi, 288 ;
officials for, 290 ; a patesi of, 292 ;
captivity of Ibi-Sin in, 304 ; its
success against Ur, 308 ; its defeat
by Anu-mutabil, 308

Antasurra, 146, 189 f.

Antimony, 73 f.

Ann, 48, 104, 275 ; see also Ana

Anu-banini, king of Lulubu, 250

Anu-mutabil, governor of Uer, 308

Anunitu, 226, 232, 268

Anunpad, 113

Anzanite inscriptions, 206, 212

Apirak, 241, 243

Apil-Sin, contracts of reign of, 316

Arabesque pattern, on Sumerian
sealing. 176

Arabia, 242, 251, 258, 261, 323, 358

Aral)ian desert, 6

Arad-Nannar, patesi of Lagash, 301 f.;
in chronological table, 362

Archers, in the army of Ur, 286

Architect, Gudea as, 260 f., 269

Archive-chambers, at Tello, 293

Ark, of bulrushes, 232

Armanu, 242

Art, comparison of early Sumerian
and Akkadian, 228 f. ; of Kish and
Akkad, 230

Arua, 149 ff.

Asar, Osiris, 325

Asari, Sumerian god, 325

Ashnunnak, or Tupliash, 306 ; under
Manishtusu, 212 ; patesis of, 306

Ashukhu-wood, 261

Ashur, 287

Ashur-hani-pal, 12, 204 f. ; tablets
from Library of, 4, 59, 217, 299,
303 f.

Asia Minor, 342, 347, 358 ; Central,
54, 351 ff.

Askhabad, 351, 355

Asphalt, 261 ; set also Bitumen

Asses, for chariots, 162 ; House of
the, 259

Assyria, 7

Assyrian kings, their policy of de-
portation, 240

Assyrians, sculpture of, 68 ff. ; omen-
literature of, 206

Astrological texts, 217

Asukhur Canal, 109, 149 f.

Axe, Sumerian form of, 137

Az, 150 f., 290

Azupiranu, 232

Bab el-Mani)EB, Straits of, 323

Babbar, 84, 124, 127, 129, 148, 194,
281

Babishue, 301

Babylon, 13, 38, 309 ; excavations
at, 37 ; pot-burials and early re-
mains at, 30, 37 ; Sargon's build-
ings at, 226, 236 ; Dungi's sack of,
281 ff., 285; in relation to the
Dynasty of Isin, 63 f., 313 ff. ;
rise of, 319 ; in relation to the
Dynasty of the Sea-country, 62 f. ;
her struggle with Larsa, 318 f. ;
her position in later history, 319 f.

Babylonia, in the Neolithic period, 2 ;
relics of prehistoric culture in, 342 ;
her early cultural influence, 321 ff. ;
in relation to Egypt, 322 ff., 334 f. ;
in relation to Elam, 335 ff. ; in the
West, 322, 343 ff.

Babylonian Chronicle, 62

Babylonian Monarchy, fotmdation
of, 63 f., 313 ff.

Bad-mada, 296

INDEX

i3G5

Badu, kiiig^ of Lagnsh, 105 ; in chro-
nological table, 300
Baga, 189 f.
Baghdad, 38 f., 218
Bahr Nejef, 10
Banar, 114
Banks, E. J., 07
Barakhsu, 205, 308
Baraz-sirini, Field of, 206
Barges, for grain, 262
Barkiba, 160
Bailey, 357 ; in earliest stratum at

Anau, 332
Barnamtarra, wife of Lugal-anda,

170 f., 173
Barsagannudu, 113 f.
Barshib, 261
Basalla, 261
Basar, 225
Basha-mania, patesi of Lagash, 254 ;

in chronological tjible, 361
Basha-Shushinak, patesi of Susa,

214, 289 ; period of, 305 ; proto-

Elaniite inscriptions of, 338
Basime, 209
Bas-reliefs, Sumerian, 66 ff., 110 ff.,

129 ff. ; early Semitic, 220 f.,

228 f., 242 f., 247 ff. ; Assyrian,

68 ff., 82
Battle-axe, Sumerian use of the, 286 ;

of Naram-Sin, 243
Battle-mace, 131, 156
Battle- scenes, 135 ff., 220, 230, 247 ff.
Ban, 108, 181, 185 f., 271, 275. 296 ;

temples of, 259, 264, 267, 26!>, 273,

298 ; bowls dedicated to, 107 ff. ;

representation of, 135
Bau-ninara, official of Ur-^Ningirsu,

275 f.
Bavian, 63
Baz, Field of, 206
Bazuzu, father of Utug, 103
Bead-making, Egyptian art of, 328
Bedouin custom, 40
Bel, name of, 52 ; the god Marduk,

282
Belaku, patesi of Ashnunnak, 306
Beleous, 312
Beletaras, 312

Beli-arik, patesi of Susa, 291, 305
Berber dialects, 323
Berossu.s, 53, 59 ; l^ynasties of, 63
Berthelot, M. P. E., 73
Bezold, Prof. C, 344
Bi-Gani-sharri, 246
Bil&dhuri, 8

Bilingual compositions, 4
Bin-Gani-sharri, son of Naram-Sin,

246
Bint el-Mderre, 31

Birs, site of Bursipj)?*, 10
Biema^'a, site of Adab, 9 ; excava-
tions at, 30, 97 ; character uf

buildings uncovered at, 89
Bitumen, 76, 212, 262
"Black-headed ones," 40
Blau monuments, 65
Boat-inspectors, 181
Boats, for transport, 235, 261
Body-paint, 27, 330
Boeotia, Neolithic potsherds from,

341
Buissier, A., 205, 304, 309
Borsippa, 10, 13 ; excavations at, 37
Bosanqiiet, Prof. R. C, 346
Boundary-ditch, between Lagash and

Umma, 126 ; of Ur-Engur, 282 ;

see aho Frontier
Boimdary-stones, 143
Bow, introduced by the Semites,

247 f., 286; of Naram-Sin, 243;

adopted by Dungi, 287
Breasted, Prof. J. H., 334
Breccia, 270 f.
Bricks, of Sumer, 13 ; character of

Babylonian, 91 ; plano-convex, 26,

35, 91, 94, 332 ; change in size

of, 263 f. ; maiiufacture of, 267 ;

stamped with figure of Imgig, 98 ;

origin of the Egyptian brick, 323,

332
Brick-stamps, 75, 219
Bronze, evidence with regard U>,

72 ff. ; later Elaniite work in, 337
Budge. Dr. E. A. Wa!lis,37, 160, .329
I'ull-monsters, jiroto-Klamile, 242
]5ulls, as offerings, 129, 140; copper

figures of, 256 ; lunnau-hcaded,

77, 330
Bur-Sin I., king of Ur. roign nf,

296 ff.; expeditions of, 29!t ; build-
ings of, 298 ; in relation to Enlil,

297 ; statue of, 298 ; his deification
and cult, 296 ; his survival as a

I deity in the Moon-go<l's suite,
299, 344; in chronologiail table,
362

Biir-Sin II., king of I.|<in, 312: in
chronological table, 362

Burial, of the dead, 21 ; different
f.irms of, 26 f., 30 ; after battle,
138 f., 149, 331; Egyptian and
Babylonian fasliions of, 325 f.,
331 f. ; earliest Susian form of,
331 f.

Burial fees, 181 f.

Burial-mounds, after battle, 125,
162, 331

Burrows, Prof. E. M., 34b

Buwariya, 33

S6G

INDEX

Canals, 3, 107, 153 ff. , 185
Canopic branch, of the Nile, 324
Cappadocia, 339 ; prehistoric pottery

from, 341
Caravan-routes, from the Iranian

plateau, 335
Carnegie Institution, of Washington,

351 f.

Caspian, 353, 355, 358

Casting, in metal, 72 ff.

Cattle, transport of, 235, 237

Cedar, remains of pillars of, 93 ;
from Mt. Amanus, 261

Cedar-groves, sacred, 267

Cemeteries, in l^pper Egypt, 326

Central Arabia, 358

Central Asia, 54, 351 ff.

Cesnola, General di, 343

Chamberlain, royal, 115

Chariots, of war, 162 ; representation
of a, 134

Chialy Effendi, 245

China, 353

Chinese, 54

Chinese Turkestan, 351, 354

Chronicle, the Babylonian, 62 ; of
Sargon and Naram-Sin, 220, 225,
233 ff., 240 f. ; concerning early
Babylonian kings, 282, 312 ;
Dynastic, from Nippur, 59, 63,
279 f., 303, 308 f., 311 f., 315

Chronicles, Hebrew Books of, 240

Chronological table, of kings and
rulers of Sumer and Akkad, 360 ff.

Chronology, classes of data for de-
termining, 57 ff. ; Babylonian,
62 ff. ; of the later Sumerian
period, 315

Chicago, Exploration Fund of the
University of, 30

Chieftains, meeting of, 45 f.

Chipiez, Charles, 66

Cilician Gates, 347

Citadel Tell, at Susa, 339

Cities, in Babylonia, 16 ff. ; origin
of. 84 f. ; communication between,
237

City-gods, origin and development
of, 84 f. ; deBcrij)tion of a, 268 ;
position of, 101 f. ; in relation to
the patesi, 181 ; disputes between,
101, 121 f.

City-states, development of, 84 f.,
321 ; wars of the, 120 ff. ; weak-
ening and decay of the, 239 f., 252

Clay, Prof. A. T., 9, 52, 228

Clay taVjlet, borrowed by Elam,
338 f. ; introduced into Cappa-
docia, 339 ; reached Crete, 345

Climatic changes, a cause of racial
migrations, 354, 357 f.

Clothing, Sumerian and Semitic, 41 f.

Code, of Hammurabi, 184 ; Sume-
rian origin of, 184, 348 ; of Gudea,
272 ; see also Laws

Codes, legal, 347

Colour-dishes, for face or body-
paint, 27, 330

Commercial intercourse, in Baby-
lonia, 237 f.t; with foreign coun-
tries, 238, 321 f.

Conch-shells, cylinders and plaques
from, 78

Cones, votive, 258 ; of copper, 256 ;
coloured, 34 ; historical, 164 f.,
178 ff.

Confiscation, Sumerian laws against,
182

Constantinople, 218

Contract tablets, 64

Contracted burial, Sumerian practice
of, 331

Convoys, early service of, 237, 244

Copper, Babylonian evidence with
regard to, 72 ff. ; objects from
Fara, 3, 26 f. ; from Kimash, 261 ;
lance of, 229 ; known to pre-
dynastic Egyptians, 326 ; its dis-
placement of flint in Egypt, 327 ;
effect of Egyptian skill in working,
327

Copper-mines, in Elam, 261

Corn, tribute of, 164 ; fees of, 181 f. ;
see also Grain

Corvee, 182

Couriers, 291

Court, expenses of the, 169

Crenelated buildings, Egyptian and
Sumerian, 332

Crenelation, in walls of early Egyp-
tian buildings, 323

Crete, traces of Babylonian culture
in, 345 f. ; parallels between cul-
tures of Elam and, 341

Cros, Commandant Gaston, 17, 172,
189, 269

Cruciform monument, from Sippar,
223

Cult-centres, 84, 321

Cult-images, 50, 358

Cults, survival of Sumerian, 347

Cuneiform writing, invention of, 65,
348 ; the Sumerian form the parent
of otiier systems, 348

Cui)bearers, 112 f., 236

Ciu], Prof. Edouard, 184

Curium, 343

Cutha, 8 f., 13, 37 f., 283, 293;
centre of Nergal's cult, 38

INDEX

8r»7

Cylinders, of Gudea, 266 f.

Cjlinder-soal, early migrHtiuiis of
the, 333 f. ; introduced into Baby-
lonia by Siunerians, 333 ; possible
Egyptian evolution of the, 333 f. ;
earliest form of, 334

Oylindtr-seals, encjaving of, 78 ;
composite njonsters on, 77 ; official
use of, 230 f. ; Sumerian, 3, 27,
48, 174 ff., 284 ; early Semitic or
Akkadian, 176, 229, 344 ; Egyp-
tian, 322, 334 f . : Cyi)riote, 343 f. ;
Cyro-Cappadocian and Hittite,
344 ; Cretan, 346

Cyprus, prehistoric pottery of, 341 ;
its alleged conquest by Sargon of
Agade, 234, 343 ; inadequate evi-
dence for the theory, 343 f. ; ex-
tent of Babylonian influence in,
234, 343 ff.

Dada, patesi of Shuruppak, 283

Dada, magician, 237

Dagan, 284

Daggers, Sumerian, 79 ; engraved

panels from handles of, 81 f.
Danigalnunna, temple of, 294
Damik-ilishu, king of Isin, 309,

316 S., 319 ; in chronological table,

362
Date-formulae, 225, 257 f., 285, 295
Date-lists, 58
Dates, trade in, 237
Dati-Enlil, father of Shar-Gani-

sharri, 227, 232
Dating, methods of, 57 f., 168, 170,

219, 318
De Clercq Collection, 158, 218, 308
De la Fuye, Col. Allotte, 168 ff.,

170, 173 ff.
De Lancy, Barre, 218
De Morgan, J., 39, 66, 206, 212, 324,

330, 332, 335, 337, 339 ff., 356
De Sarzec, E., 17 ff., 77 f., 90, 92 f.,

96, 130, 169, 258, 261, 266, 270, 332
Dead, treatment of the, 21. 26 f., 125,

138 ff., 149, 162, 331 ; Egyptian

worship of the, 334
Decadence, in Sumerian art. 82
Deification, of early Babylonian

kings, 203, 222, 251, 273 f., 288,

298 f., 310 ; effect of, 300 ff. ;

origin of, 273 f., 335
Deir, 37
Deke, 31

Delitzsch, Prof. Friedrich, 5, 12, 317
Delta, Egyptian, 2, 324, 334
Demonology, 76
Deportation, policy of, 239 f.
Der, 226, 285, 308

Dhorme, Pere Paul, 228

Diarbekr, 244 f.

Dilbat, 319

Dilmun, 2.35, 262, 291

Diorite, 71 ; from M.i-^'an, 242, 2."i8,
262, 209 f.

Disk, from Phacstos, .346

Divination, by oil, 183

Diviners, profession.il, IM

Divorce, fees for, 183 f. ; abuse of,
184

Diwaniya, 85

Diyala, 287

Door-sockets, 219

Dorians, 50

Doves, as offerings, 128 f.

Dragons, in Sumerian art, 77

Drainage, systems of, 345

Dreams, of Eannatum, 124 ; of Gu-
dea, 266

Dress, 41 ff., Ill f.

Drill, in engraving, 78, 344

Droop, J. P., 341

Duba'i, 31

Dudu, official at Ur-Nina's court, 113

Dudu, chief priest of Ningirsu under
P^ntemena, 166 ff. ; perforated
block of, 100, 110, 106

Duerst, Dr. J. Ulrieh, 3.56

Dugru, of Ningirsu, 190

Dumuzi-abzu, 190

Dun- . . ., patron deity of Ur-Nina'a
dynasty, 109, 177

Dungi, king of Ur, policy of, 282 ;
empire of, 253, 285 f. ; his adop-
tion of the bow, 286 f. ; Elamito
campaigns of, 287 ; provincial ad-
ministration of, 288 ff. ; buildings
of, 293 f, ; copper cone of, 250 ;
deification of, 274, 288 ; cult of,
274, 298 f. ; in chronological table,
362

Dungi-Babbar, 295

Dunpae, 299

Dunshagga, 109, 181, 267 ; temples

to. 185, 264
Dur-ilu, former reading of the name

of Der, 220
Dur-Sharrnk!n, 217
Diir-Sin, 206
Dynastic Chronicle, from Nippur,

59, 63, 279 f., 303, .308 f., 311 f.,

315
Dynastic Egyptians, 323
Dynastic lists, 59
Dynasties, Babylonian, 62 f.

E-ABZU, king of Umma, 97

E-anna, in Erech, 12, 33, 196, 280

368

INDEX

293 ; in Lagash, 121, 161, 190, 264,
269, 273

K-babbar, in Sippar, 218, 268 ; in
Laraa, 186 ; in Lugash, 180, 189

E-ditar-kalania, 319

E-engnr, 190

K-khalbi. 294

E-kharsa^, 294

E-kur, 32, 86, 88, 193, 198, 201, 235,
281, 297

E-nieslam, 293

E-meteursagga, 39

E-ninnu, 77, 107 f., KJO, 168, 185,
261, 265 ff., 269, 272, 274, 276,
296 ; earliest mention of, 95 ; re-
mains of, 19, 259

E-pa, 108, 264

E-patutila, 319

E-sagila, 282

E-salgilsa, 296

E-silsirsir, 273

E-ulmash, 217

Ea, 246, 289 ; see Enki

Ea-[ . . .], king |of Isin, 313; in
chronological table, 362

Ea-bani, figures identified with, 77,
174 f.

Eagle, as emblem, 133 ; lion-headed,
81 f.

Eannatum, patesi of Lagash^ 42 f.,
68, 104, 192, 229 f. ; reign of,
120 S. ; conquests of, 144 ff. ;
character of, 152, 155 f. ; titles of,
152 ; buildings and canals of,
152 ff. ; well of, 93, 155 ; repre-
sentations of, 1.36 ff., 140 f. ; in
chronological table, 360

Ebarti, Elamite dynasty of, 306, 308

Eclipse, 62

Edfu, 324 ; legend of, 324

Egypt, Palaeolithic and Neolithic
remains in, 2 ; recent excavations
on early sites in, 324 ff. ; early cul-
tural connections with Babylonia,
78, 322 ff., 332 f., 328, 334 f., 346 ;
suggested relations with Elam,
340 f., 345; early influence in
Syria, 334 f., 346 ; connection with
Hittite culture, 346 ; with the
Aegean, 341 ; hypothetical Se-
mitic invasion of Upper, 323 flf.,
' 328 ; granaries of, 92

Egyptian culture, 326 ff. ; legends,
323 f. ; language, 323 ; religion,
Semitic element in, 334 ; writing,
origin of, 329 f.

Egyptians, Neolithic and predy-
nastic, 1, 323, 332 ; early dynastic,
323, 332

Ekikala, 189

El-Hibba, excavations at, 20 f. ; in-
scriptions from, 157 ff.

El-Katr, 8

El-Ohamir, site of Kish, 8 f., 38 f.

Elam, prehistoric peoples of, 342;
preliistoric potteiy of, 340 ff. ;
early cultural relations with Baby-
lonia, 321, 335 ff. ; suggested cul-
tural parallels with Egypt, 340 f.,
345 ; with Crete, 341 ; frontier of,
6 f. ; defeated by Eannatum, 145,
148 ff. , 160 ; defeated by Lu-enna,
172 ; relations of Manishtusu with,
212 ff. , 231; conquered by Uru-
mush, 205, 231 ; relations of Sar-
gon and Naram-Sin with, 225 f.,
231 f., 243 f. ; commercial inter-
course with, 238, 289 ; early Se-
mitic immigration into, 250, 289,
336 ; Gudea's cam[)aign in, 258 ;
Dungi's conquest and adminis-
tration of, 207 ff., 292 ; under the
later kings of Ur, 299 f., 304 ; de-
feated by Anu-mutabil, 308 ; Ela-
mite invasions, 304 f., 308, 311 ;
copper mines in, 261 ; craftsmen
from, 261 f. ; patesis of, 231, 243,
305 ; governors of, 306 ; sukkals
of, 306 ; sculpture and metal-work
of, 337

Elamite titles, 306 ff.

Elamites, 54

Embalming, of the dead, 332

Emblems, sacred, 267 ; of Ningirsu,
98 ; of a goddess, 133 ; of Lagash,
98, 100, 131, 134, 167 ; of a city,
150 ; Elamite origin of certain
Babylonian, 342

Enakalli, patesi of Umma, 126 ; suc-
cessor of, 158 f. ; in chronological
table, 360

Enannatum I., patesi of Lagash,
157 ff. ; titles of, 160 ; in chrono-
logical table, 360

Enannatum II., patesi of Lagash,
168 ff ; raid of Elamites in reign
of, 172 ; in chronological table,
360

Enannatum, chief priest of the Moon
god at Ur, 310 f.

Enbi-Ishtar, king of Kish, 202 f. ;
racial character of, 53 ; in chrono-
logical table, 360

Enbu-ilum, 203

Enetarzi, patesi of Lagash, 169 ff. ;
letter to, 172 ; in chronological
table, 360

Engilsa, patesi of Lagash, 176, 209 f. ;
in chronological trtble, .'560

Engraving, of stone, shell, etc.,

INDEX

809

78 ff., 347 ; of metal, 78, 1G7,
229
Eniggal, royal steward, 170 ; seal-

ings of, 173
Enkhegal, king of Lagasli, 106 ; in

chronological table, .'^60
Enki, 48, 84 f.. 107, 1'2S f., 148, 107,
194, 246, 275, 301 ; his temple in
Eridu, 35 f., 108, 293, 298 ; his
temple in Girsii, 250
Enkigal, 158
Enkomi, 344

Enlil, 85, 101, 103 f., 128, 165 L,
193 f., 196, 198 f., 201, 289, 294,
297 ; his temple at Nippur, 87 f.,
219, 244, 281 ; his temple in La-
gash, 185, 189 ; frontier shrine to,
127 ; canal dedicated to, 107 ;
name of, 52
Enlil-bani, king of Isin, 312 ; in

chronological table, 362
Enlitarzi, patesi of Lagash, 168 ff. ;

in chronological table, 360
Enlulim, 268
Enshagkushanna, lord of Sumer, 201 ;

in chronological table, 3()0
Ensignnn, 259, 268
Entemena, patesi of Lagash, 52, 90,
125 ; reign of, 161 ff. ; silver vase
of, 78, 167 f. ; cone of, lOO ff.,
117, 122, 126 f., 143, 154, 157 ff.,
164 f. ; in chronological table, 360
Enzu, 84, 128 f., 148, 194
Eponym Lists, 62

Ercch, 9 f., 12 f., 84. 104, 147, 152,
163, 186, 194 f., 198 ff., 214, 238, 1
240, 279 f., 293, 298, 304, 310 f., '
313, 317 f. ; excavations at, 32 ff. ;
.see also Warka
Eridu, 6, 13,84 f., 148, 152, 167, 197, |
282. 293, 298, 310 f. ; excavations
at, 35 f. ; see aho Abfl Shahrain
Erinda, 246
Erythraean Sea, 53
Esar, king of Adab, 97 f.
Estates, purchase of, 206 ff.
Euphrates, names of, 9 ; changes in
course of, 7 ff. ; contrasted with
Tigris, 11 f. ; period of liigh water
in, 11 f. ; at >."ippnr, 88 f.
Evans, Dr. Arthur, 345 f.
E.xcavatious, in Sumer and Akkad,
16 ff. ; in Egypt, 324 ff. ; in
Persia, 335, 339 f. ; in Turkestan,
351 f., 355 f.
Eyes, of statues, 76, 212 f.

Face-paint, 330

Faluja, 10, 38

Fara, site of Shuruppak, 9, 28, 84 ;

excavations at, 24 ff. ; plan f.f,
25 ; discoveries at, 3, 65, 89, 331,
345 ; objects from, 73, 78, 28; J,
330

Fees, priestly, 181 f. ; of diviner.^,
183 ; of the grand vizir and pa-
tesi, 183 ; for divorce, 183

Fetish emblems, 329

Figurines, of terra-cotta, 342, 356 ;
in precious metals, 337

Fire-necropoles, so-called, 21

Fish, as offerings, 129

Fisher, C. S., 8, 86 ff.

Fishery inspectors, 181

Fish-men, 53

Fish-ponds, 182 ; sacred, 268

Flint-knapping. 327

Flints, Egyptian, 2, .326 f.

Flute-player, to Ningirsn, 268

Forced labour, 164, 182 ; see aho
Slaves

Fossey, Prof. Charles, 6, 17

Foucart, G., 329

Foundation-figures, 72 ff.

Foundation-offerings, 337

Fresnel, F., 218

Frontier-ditches, 126 ff., I.")3 {., 159,
162. 164 f.

Frontier-shrines, 127 f., 159

Funeral rites, 140 f.

GALALnf, 185, 264, 267
Galu-andnl, patesi of Lagash, 206 ;

in clironological table, 3(»2
Galu-BaV)bar, pate.ti of Umma, 23,

258 ; in chronological table, 361
Galw-Iiau, patesi of Lagash, 255,

257 ; in chronolo;;icHl table, 361
Galu-Gula, patesi of Lagash, 255,

257 ; in chronological table, lUM
Galu-kazal, p.itesi of Lagash, 296 ;

in chronological fal'le. ,'562
Gankhar, 287, 301 f., 308
Garments, Sumerian and Semitic,

41 ff. 111 f. ; as fees, 181 ; trade

in, 237
Garstang, Prof. .J., .341
Gatumdug, 108, 152, 168, 100, 264,

266, 269, 271
Gautier, .L-E., 220, .•i36,_.340, 356
G«ikic, Sir Archibald, .353
Geikie, Prof. James, 353
Genouillac, H. de, 112, 116, 162,

169 ff, 173, 176. 179, 184, 190,

193, 273
Geometric designs, on potter}', 341
Geshtin-anna, 259
Ghiaur Kala, 354
Gifts, accompanving the sale of land,

95, 207

2 a

370

INDEX

Gigiinrt, 274

Ciikana, of Ninniakh, 189

Gilding, of carved stone objects, 270

Gilgamesh, figures identified with,

75 K, 174 f. ; epic of, 9
Gimdunpae, wife of Gudea, 272
Gimii-ihshu, king of Isin, 309 f . ;

in chronological table, 362
Gimil-Sin, king of Ur, 284 ; reign

of, 297 ff. ; cult of, 298, 301 ; in

chronological table, 362
Ginarbaniru, 190
Girnun, 268
Girsu, a division of Lagash, 108,

152, 163, 190, 193 ; temples in,

259, 264, 296, 301 ; House of, 91,

108 ; waU of, 186 ; canal of, 185
Gisha, 290
Gishkliu, Gishukh, former readings

of the name of ,Umma, 21
Gladstone, Dr. J. H., 73
Gods, racial character of Sumcrian,

\47 ff. ; earliest Babylonian, 84 f. ;
Sumerian and Egyptian, 325 ;
symbols for Egyptian, 329

Gold, despatch of, 237

Gold-dust, 261

Grain, as tribute, 127 ; fees of, 182 ;
trade in, 237 ; value of land
reckoned in, 207

Grain-barges, 235, 262

Granary-inspectors, 181

Grand vizir, seal of, 236

Graves, at Fara, 26 f. ; at Surghul
and El-Hibba, 21 f. ; at Abti
Hatab, 30 ; at Mukayyar, 30, 35 ;
at Warka, 34 ; at Babylon, 30, 37 ;
at Susa, 331 f . ; at Mussian, 2 ; in
Egypt, 2, 326 ; spe also Burial

Greece, 341, 345, 347

Greek civilization, 1

Greek cross, 342

Greeks, 346

Grove, sacred, 189

Gu-edin, sacred land of Ningirsu,
117, 121 f., 126, 162 ; its free-
dom from taxation, 271 ; divisions
of, 127 ; Stele of, 154

Gubi, 262

Gubin, 261

Gudea, patesi of Lagash, 42 f., 47,
54, 242, 255, 279, 300, 348 ; reign
of, 259 ff.; date of, 61, 64, 256,
276; buildings of, 18 f., 90 f.,
264 ff., 332 ; mmuments of, 47 f,

259 f., 270; statutes of, 70 f.,

260 ff., 269 ; seal of, 48, 270 ;
cylinders of, 260, 266 f. ; sculpture
of the period of, 66, 263, 333 ;
character of, 271 f. ; deification of.

272 ff. ; cult of, 274, 299 ; in

chronological table, 361
Gula, 113 f.
Gungunu, king of Ur, 311 ; in

chronological table, 362
Gunidu, father of Ur-Ninii, 106
Gursar, grandfather of Ur-Kina, 106
Gutebu, 301
Gutiu, 55, 238 ; slaves from, 238

Hadadnadinakhe, palace of, 18
Haematite, for face-paint, 330
Hagios Onuphrios, 346
Hair, treatment of the, 40 ff., 72, 97,

112
Halbherr, Prof., 346
Halevy, J., 4 ff., 52
Hall, H. R., 12, 266, 324, 334, 341,

343, 345
Ham mam, 9, 23
Hammurabi, 9, 43, 162, 184, 307,

317 f., 345, 348
Harp, Sumerian form of, 69
Harpoon, Egyptian kingdom of the,

324
Harran, 197

Head-dresses, forms of divine, 51, 133
Hearst Expedition, 328
Hebrews, 132
Helm, Otto, 73
Helmets, Sumerian, 137 f. ; of

Naram-Sin, 243
Hepatoscopy, Sumerian origin of,

348
Herodotus, 40, 332
Hetime, 30 f.
Heuzey, Lt^on, 18, 48, 66, 68, 70,

72 f., 77, 92, 95 ff., 99 f., 107, 111,

151, 166, 219, 229, 241, 244, 247,

255, 263, 265, 269 f., 293, 296, 344
Hieroglyphs, Egyptian, 325 ; Hittite,

339 ; Minoan, 345 ; on Phaestos

disk, 346
HiUa, 38
Hilprecht, Prof. H. V., 9, 17, 49,

59 f., 64, 73 f., 86, 98, 102 f., 163,

165, 168, 170, 193, 197, 205, 219,

226, 244, 279, 311 ff., 319
Hit, 7
Hittite culture, 347 ; cylinder-seals,

344 ; script, 339 ; power, 347
Hogarth, D. G., 346 f.
Hommel, Prof. Fritz, 9, 14, 313
Honey, for embalming, 332
Horse, introduction of the, 162
Horus, 324 f.
Hoschander, J., 206
Hroziiy, F., 14, 21, 206, 211, 317
Hiiber, E., 284
Hulvan, 260

INDEX

371

Human-headed bulls. 77, 330
Hunger, J., 183

Huntington, Ellsworth, 352, 354
Huntsman, in suite of Semitic prince,

246
Hyksos, 334

Iabiutbal, 317

Ibalpel, patesi of Ashnunnak, 306

Ibalum, 209

Ibi-Sin, king of Ur, 297, 299 f., 304,

308 ; in chronological table, 362
Ibla, 261
Ibn Rusta, 8
Ibn Serapion, 8
Ibni-sharru, seal of, 217, 251
Idin-Dagan, king of Isin, 310; in

chronological table, 362
Idin-ilu, patesi of Kisurra, 284
Ikhi, 301
Hi, patesi of Umma, 1G3 f. ; in

chronological table, 360
ni-Urumush, 203 f.
Hishma, 231, 243 f .
Ilsu-rabi, patesi of Basime, 209
Ilu-bani, 344
Iluma-ilu, 32

Imagery, in Sumerian art, 77
Imgig, the lion-headed eagle of

Ningirsu, 98
Impae, 185
Imprecations, 143
Indian Ocean, 78
Indo-Europeans, 54
Inlaying, 74 ff.

Inspectors, Sumerian, 179 ^.
Invocations, 128 f., 148
Iran, 341, 357 f.
Iranian plateau, 335, 358
Iron, 50
Irrigation, in Babylonia and Egypt,

323 ; methods of, 154 f. ; oxen for,

271
lahbi-Ura, king of Isin, 303, 308 ff. ;

in chronological table, 362
Ishkun-Sin, 281
Ishme-Dagan, king of Isin, 310 f. ;

in chronological table, 3G2
Tahnunuk, Anzanite form of the

name Ashnunnak, 212
Ishtar, 33, 220 f., 250, 259, 289
Isin, in r>unier, 13 ; the Dynasty of,

63 f., 309 ff. ; racial character of

the kings of, 283 f . , 303 ; relation

of its dynasty to that of Babylon,

313 ff.
Isis, 324

Itaddu I., patesi of Susa, 305
Itaddu II., patesi of Susa, 305

Iter-kaelia, king of Liin, 312; in

chronological table, 3C2
Itfir-Shamash, 284
Ivory, 78, 332
Izinum, seal of, 246

Jastrow, Prof. .Morris, 205

Jensen, Prof. P., 39, 54 f., 109, 211

J^quier, G., 339

JcAvellory, Elamite, 337

Jidr, 31

Jokha, site of Umma, 9, 21 f. ; plan

of, 22 ; cones from, 23 ; tablets

from, 295

Ka-azag, patesi of Lagash, 235, 257 ;

in chronological table, .'-Ol
Ka-azag, father of NinkaLjina, 255
Kadi, 101 : temple of, 285
Kagalad, 261

Kal-Rukhuiatir, patesi of SJiisa, .".05
Kal-Uli, ancestor of Kuk-Naahur,

306
Kaiki, seal of, 246
Kanizi, early odioial of Shuruppak,

95
Kara-Uyuk, pottery from, 341 ;

tablets from, 346
Kardaka, 301
Karkar, 164

Kashtubila, of Kazallu. 227
Kassite Dyn.isty, of Baliylon, 62 f. ;

period, 38, 89, 339, 342
Kaasites, 162
Kazallu, 227, 286, 319
Kengi, 14

Ker Porter, Sir R., 39
Kerkha, 335
Kermanshah, 340
Kesh, 13, 128, 152
KhubQr, 347
Khakhu, 201
Khala-Lama. daughter of Galu-

khazal, 296
Khaladda, patesi of Shuruppak, 28,

283
Khamasi, 301
Kliamazi, 103

Kharakene, kingdom of, 18
Kharshi, Kharislii, 287 f., 290
Khashkhamer, pateai of lahkun-Siu,

281, 284
Khcgir, 185
Khenda, I'M)
Khotan, 351 ff.

Khukhnuri, Khukhumiri, 290, 299
Khuluppu-trees, 261
Khummatur, possible reading of the

name Lumma'lur, 161
Khumurti, 287 f.

872

INDEX

Khnnnir.i, patesi of Kimash, 291
Kluirshitu, site of, 287
Khutran-tepti, Elaiuite dynasty of,

305 f .
Ki-babbar, 147
Ki-uri, 14
Ki-mra, 14
Kiab, 100
Kianki, 195 f.
Klids, fees of, 181 f.
Kilulla. Peai of, 284
Kimash, 2G1, 288, 290 f.
Kinej, early signification of the title,

106
Kiugi, 14

Kinsja, deification of, 203, 222, 251 ,
273 f., 288, 298 f., 300 IT., 310, 335 ;
Babylonian list of, 01 f.
Kinvuiir, 100
Kinuan, 357

Kisari, king of Gankhar, 308
Kish, site of, 8 f.,. 38 f. ; earliest
kings of, 53, 99 ff., 202 f. ; Su-
merian victories over, 144 fl'., 152,
201 f. ; later kingdom of, 53, 65,
198, 203 ff., 210 f., 214 f., 226, 228,
230 ff., 249, 252; deification of kings
of, 251 ; purchase of land at, 206 ;
commercial relations with Lagash,
238 ; under Sumu-abu, 319
Kisurra, site of, 9 f, ; excavations at,
28 fi". ; destruction of, 31 f . ; brick
from, 284 ; see also Abu Hatab
Knives, panels from handles of, 81
Knossos, 345 f.
Koldewey, Dr. Robert, 20 f., 24, 37,

157, 160
Komorof, Gen., 355
Kopet Dagh, 354 f., 357
Koptos, 324
Kubadh I., 8
Kudur-Xankhundi, king of Elam,

304 If.
Kudurru-inscriptions, 143
Kfifa, 8, 10
Kugler, F. X., 297
Kuk-Kirmesh, sukkal of Elani, 300 f.
Kuk-Nashur, or Kukka-Nashtr,

sukkal of Elani, 306 f.
Kur-shesh, patesi of Umma, 209 ; in

clironological table, 360
Kurdistan, 86, 251
Kurgans, at Anau, 2, 355 f.
Kuriia, 8
Kfit el-'AniAra, 8
Kutir-Nakhkhunte, 306 f.
Kutu, 232, 244

Kuyunjik, 217 ; painted pottery
from, 343 ; Neolithic settlement
at, 343

Laoash, 11, 13 ; name and site of,
17 ; excavations at, 17 ff. ; des-
truction of, 20, 31 f. ; early history
of, 84, 98 ff. ; under Eannatuni
and his successors, 120 ff. ; sack
of, 186 ff. ; under Erech and Ur,
197, 200; under Semitic domina-
tion, 205, 244, 247 ff. ; later rulers
of, 252 ff. ; in the kingdom of
Sumer and Akkad, 277 ; under
the Dynasty of Ur, 290 f., 296,
298 f. ; emblem of, 78, 98, 100,
131, 160, 167, 174 f. ; see also
Tello

Lagrange, Pere M. J., 341

Lament on the fall of Lagash, 188 ff.,
193

Lampre, G., 340, 356

Lance, votive, 229

Lance-bearers, Sunierian, 137

Land, system of tenure, 95 ; pur-
chase of, 206 ff.

Langdon, S., 51, 54, 57, 159

Lankuku, 306

Lapis-lazuli, 74 f., 104, 158, 200,
270, 357

Larsa, site of, 9 f. ; excavations at,
34 ; as cult-centre, 84 f. ; historv
of, 147, 162, 195 f., 281, 310 f',
313, 317 f. ; see also Senkera

Lasirab, king of Gutiu, 250

Laws, Sumerian, 184 ; of Urukagina,
182 ff. ; of Hammurabi. 184 ; of
Nina and NingLrsu, 272 ; of the
Sun-god, 282 ; see also Code

Le Strange, G., 8

Lebanon, 225, 334

Legends, Sumerian, 175 ; Semitic,
77 ; Eu'yptian, 323 f. ; of Sargon,
217, 226, 232

Legge, F., 329 f.

Lehmann-Haupt, Prof. C. F., 61,63

Letters, royal, 238 ; earliest ex-
ample of a, 172

Libations, 48 f., 68, 140, 198

Libation-vase, 76 f.

Libation- water, 68

Libit-Ishtar, king of Isin, 284, 310 f. ;
in chronological table, 302

Libit-Ishtar, governor of Sippar,
315 f.

Libyan settlers, in Egypt, 334

Lidda, child of Ur-Nina, 112 ; sex
of, 115tr.

Likhatcheff, M., 173

Limestone, inlaying with, 212

Line-characters, 329

Lion, in decoration, 70, 79 f., 99 f.,
229, 270 f.

Lion-headed eagle, of Ningirsu, 98 f.

INDEX

373

Lipum, patesi of Anslian, 292

Lipush-I;vu, 'J4G

Literature, intluenco of Sumcrian,

347
Liver-omens, 233
Loan-words, 02
Loaves, fees of, 181 f. ; as offerings,

198
Loczy, Prof, de, 353
Loe-=s, 353 f.

Loftus, W. K., 5, 9, 17, 28, 32 ff., 73
Jjoin-cloth, Semitic, 42
Lower Egypt, 325, 334
Lower Sea, the Persian Gulf, 194,

197, 2(32
Lower Worlds 274 ; see aho Under-

Morld
Lu-enna, priest of Ninmar, letter

from, 172
Lugunutur, wife of Enlitarzi, 170
Liig.il-anda, patesi of Lagash, 1(59 ff.,
273 ; sealings of, 173 ti'. ; full name
of, 169 ; in chronological table,
360
Lugal-andanushuga ; tee Lugal-anda
Lugal-bur, patesi of Lagash, 254 f. ;

in chronological tay)le, 361
Lugal-ezen, 112 f. , 115
liUgal-ezendug, patesi of Nippur, 294
Lugal-kigub-nidudu, king of Erecli
and Ur, 199 ff. ; in chronological
table, 300
Lusjal-kisalsi, kinjr of Erech and Ur,
199 f., 268 ; in clironological table,
360
Lug.il-kurdub, 267

Lugal-magurri, yjatesi of Ur and |
commauder of the fortress, 299,
301
Lugal-me, 272

Lugal-shag-engur, patesi of Lagash,
99 f., 209 f. ; in chronological
table, 360
Lugal-sisa, 267
Lugal-tarsi, king of Kish, 104 ; in

chronological table, 360
Lugal-uru, 109, 168 ; temple of, 190
Lngal-ushumgal, patesi of Lagash,
236 f., 241, 253 ff., 279 ; in chrono-
logical table, 361
Lugal-zaggisi, king of Erech, 52, 163,
214 ; his sack of Lagash, 188 ff.,
210 ; reign of, 193 ff. ; his western
expedition, 197 f. , 233, 335 ; in
chronological table, 360
Lulubu, 55, 242, 250, 287 f.
Lummadinidug Canal, 153, 101, 168
Lummagirnunta Canal, 154, 162
Lupad, 96 f.
Lyre-player, to the Moon-god 246

MArK-nEAP.s,inBabvhiniftftnl E.rj'pt,
322, 333; of Meailun, 80, 9u"; of
Shar-Gani-sharri, 218 ; of L;u»irab,
250 ; of Gudea, 270 f. ; aupport*
for ceremonial, 111

Maciver, Prof. D. llandall, 327

Madera, 261,291

Madka, 291

Magan, 14, 21.'*, 2.".S. 211 f., 258, 262

Ma'er, Mari, 97 f., 146

iMagician, royal, 230

Makhar, 290

Makkan, 14

IVIal-Amir, 336

Malachite, for face-paint, 330

Managers, of estates, 2U7 f.

Manishdussu, Manishduzzu, Anzanito
forms of the name M.-ini-shtusu, 206

Manishtusu, king of Kish, 206 ff. ;
campaigns of, 211 f., 224, 231 ;
obelisk of, 95, 176, 203, 206 ff.,
222, 238 ; statues of, 212 f. ; cruci-
form monument probably to bo
assigned to, 223 f. ; date of, 53,
65, 210 f. ; in chronological table,
360

Mannu-dannu, prince of Magan, 227,
241

Mantle, Sumerian, 42

Map, Babylonian, of the world, 313

Miir-Islitar, seal of, 344

Marad, 206

IMardin, 244

Marduk, 240, 294 ; origin of emblem
of, 342

Mari ; see Ma'er

Markharshi, 286, 290

Marsli, of NinkJiar.'^a-, 206

Martu (Amurru), a West Semitic god,
344

iMa.siam-Ishtar, 303

JMaspero, Prof, (l., 324

Mash-Shuruppak, early oflScial of
Shuruppak, 95

Ma8taba-t<jmb, of Aha, 323

Mat-burials, 3, 20 f.

Mat-weaving, p]gyptian, 328

Median Wall, 38

Mediterranean, culture, 2 ; Lugal-
zaggisi 's e.xpcdition to, 197 f. ;
Sargon and the, 225, 233 ff. 251.
343 ff. ; Gudea's sunplios from,
262, 279 ; Gimil-Sin and the, 300

Mois.snor, Pmf. B., 17, 304, 309, 316

Melukhkha. 2.38, 261 f.

Memphis, 324

Mena, 324

Menant, J.. 217 f., 246

MunOdir, 31

Menua, 261

•J B 2

374

INDEX

IVfenudgid, 113

IMinoan hierogl3'phs, 345

Merv, 354 ; oasis of, 351, 354

Mes, 194 f.

Mesalim, son of Manishtusu, 200 f,

IVfcsamhi, slaves dedicated to, 184

Mesilini, king of Kish, 53, 65, 80,
5)9 ff., 159, 209 ; in chr.mological
table, 300

Mcslamtaca, 284 ; temple to, 2G4

JVlesniu, 324

Mesopotamia, 7

Messengers, roj'al, 201

Messerschuiidt, L., 21, 52, 157

Metal - casting. Siimerian, 72 fT. ;
Egyptian, 327 ; Elamite, 337

Metal-work, engraved, 78, 167. 229

Meyer, Tn.f. Edouard, 40, 47 if.,
50 tf., 62, 66, 73, 97, 110, 178, 184,
244, 284, 306, 313, 334

Migrations, causes of, 354

Minotaurs, 346

Mishime, 150 f.

Mjelli, 31

Mongols, 54

Monsters, in Sumerian art, 7C

Moon-god, 45 ; dress of the, 4.8 ; see
also Enzu, Nannar, Sin

Moon-cult, 84 f.

Mosaic legislation, 348

Mother-of-pearl, 74 f., 81 f.

Moulds, for casting, 74 ; for bricks,
264

Mukayyar, site of Ur, 34 ; excava-
tions at, 34 f. ; plan of, 34 ; con-
tracted burials at, 30, 331 ; in-
scrii-tions from, 217, 280, 310 f.

IMunimilication, 331 f.

Muninnikurta, 112, 115

Murik-Tidnim, the Wall of the West,
300

Musayyib, 10

Mussian, excavations at, 2, 340 ;
painted pottery from, 340 f., 356

Mycenaean ej)och, 1

Myres, Prof. J. L., 343 f.

Mythological beings, 174 f.

Nabataeaxs, 40
Kabonidus, GO ff., 216 ff., 268
Naga-ed-DCr, 326
Nagidda, patesi of Adamdun, 292
Nahr Uindiya, 10
Nakada, 323, 330
Naksu, 240, 278
Nalua-stone, 261
Namazua, 115
Names, symbolical, 272 f.
Nanimakhui, patesi of Lagash, 255,
258 ; in chronological table, 361

Nana, 12, 84, 146 f., ."04 f.

Nannar, Moon-god of Ur, 84, 280,
294 f., 298

Nainiar-gugal Canal, 281 f.

Naram-!Sin, king of Akkad, reign of,
241 fi". ; buildings of, 37,88 f., 219,
235, 244 f. ; date of, 60 ff., 65, 203,

216, 218, 253; successors of, 246,
278; dress of, 42; his Stele of
Victory, 228 f. , 243, 251 ; the Pir
Hussein Stele, 244 ff. ; Omens of,

217, 241 ; titles of, 242, 251 ; dei-
fication of, 251, 343 f. ; iu chrono-
logical table, 361

Narmer, 324

Naruti, 212 f.

Natik Effendi, 245

Naturalistic treatment, in Sumerian
design, 80 f. ; in early Semitic
sculpture, 252

Naville, Prof. E., 324, 326 f., 332

Nebuchadnezzar II.. 37 f.

Nekhune, 290

Neo-Anzanite texts, 337

Neolithic period, in Babylonia, 2 f.,
322, 342 f. ; remains of, at Nineveh,
343 ; at Susa, 340 ; at Mussian, 2,
340 ; at Anau, 2, 341 ; in Egypt,
1 f., 323 ; iu Aegean and Mediter-
ranean areas, 1 f. ; in Northern
Greece, 341 ; wares of the, 340 fl".

Nergal, 38, 289, 293

Nets, of the gods, 128 ff., 165, 220,
2l.'9

New Moon, Feast of the, 298 £.

Newberry, P. E., 325, 334

Nidaba, 190 f., 194, 196, 266

Niebuhr, Carl, 219

Nitfer, site of Nippur, 8 f . , 85 ; ex-
cavations at, 86 ; votive inscrip-
tions from, 204, 206 ; dated tablets
from, 309 ; contracted burials at,
331 ; see also Nippur

Nin-az<ag-nim, 259

Nin-Isin, 313

Nina, goddess, 108. Ill, 152 f., 164 f.,
168, 185, 190, 206, 254 f., 264, 260,
271 f., 275, 296

Nina, division of Lagash, 108

Ninab, possible reading of the name
Ninni-esh, 163

Ninabukhadu, 194 f.

Ninagal, 259

Nindar, 190, 259, 264

Nindub, 266

Nineveii, 4 ; Neolithic settlement at,
343

Ningal, 298

Niu'^andu, wife of Nammakhni, 255

Ningirsu, 4.3, 84, 127, 156, 164 If.,

INDEX

168, 172, 177, 180 f., 184 f., 100 f.,
•2i>[K L"7] ; temple of. 89 f., 95. W f.,
108 f., Ill, 113, 123, 155, '2m iW,
298 ; laws of, 272 ; emblem of, 98,
100, l75 ; representations of, G7,
130 f., 150

2^ingirsu-ushumg;\l Canal, 271

Uiiigish/.iila, Oudca's patron deity,
47, 108, 204, 260; monsters of,
76 f. ; temple of, 264, 269, 273 ;
representation of, 47

Ninib,2lU

I^inkagina, 255

Isinkharsag, 13, 121, 127 f., 148, 108,
194, 289 ; temple of, 259, 264, 269,
273 ; Marsh of, 206

Ninki, 128 f.

Ninlil, 104, 281

Ninmakh, 168, 189

Jsinmar, 108, 172, 259, 296

Ninni, 84, 104, 145, 194, 310 ; lier
temple at Erech, 33, 196, 280, 208 ;
her temples at Lagash, 161, 190,
259, 264 ; her temple at Ninni-esh,
244 ; representations of, 135, 250

J^inni-esh, 163, 195 £., 238, 244

Ninsar, 185

Jfinshakh, Urukagina's patron deity,
177

Nintud, 273

Niphates, 11

Isippur, site of, 8 f. ; excavations at,
32, 85 ff. ; early Babj'lonian plan
of, 87 ; plan of the inner city at,
86, 88 ; character and history of,
13, 51 f., 85 «•., 98, 107, 185, 198,
238, 293 f., 310 f. ; buildings at,
86 ff., 219, 235, 244, 281, 345 ;
objects and inscrij^tions from, 48 f .,
73, 102 f., 193. 199, 201, 279 f.,
311 ; see aho Niflfer

Koeldekc, A., 24 f., 28 f.

North Africa. 323, 352

Northern Babylonia. Semitic immi-
gration into, 214, 230, 250 f., 358 ;
see aho Akkad

Northern China, 353

Northern Greece, prehistoric pottery
from, 341

Northern Syria, 347

Nubia, 327

Nudubtum, seal of. 344

Nuffar, 85 ; see X ffer

Numeration, systems of, 339

Nusku, 294

Nutugmushda, 286

Oa>:nxs, 53

Oaths, ratification of, 128

Obelisk, of Manishtusu, 95, 176, 203 ;

description of, 206 ff. ; names ft.)m,

222, 238
Obsidian implements, from Kuyun-

jik, 343
Offerings, votive, 109 ; funerary,

140 f.
Ollicials, 179 ff. ; orders for supplien

for, 290 f.
Ohnefalsch-Ilichter, M. H., 344
Oil. divination by, 183 ; for embahu-

ing, 332
Omen-texts, historical traditions in,

200, 219, 304, 309
! Omens, of Sargon and Naram-Sin,

217, 219 f., 224 f., 233 ff., 240 l.,

consulUilion of the, 266, 348
Opis. site of, 11. 13, 38 f. ; history of,

145 f., 152, 202. 226
Oppert, Jules, 4, 217 f.
Overseers, of lauded jiroperty, 207 f.,

210 f.

Paintixg, of the body, 27

l-'alace-chamberlain, 276

Palace Tell, at Tello, 18, 90 f.

Palaeoliths, 2

Palaikastro, 346 f.

Palermo Stele, 334

Palettes, early Egyptian, 27, 330

Pamirs, 351

Parthian fortress, 89 ; palace, 18

Patesi, signitication of the title, llHl

in relation to the city-god, 101 f.

181, 268 ; decrease in inlluencc of,

173, 295 f., 302
Patron doities, 47, 108 f., 177, 264, |

266; on cylinder-seals, 344
Perforated plaques, 68, 98, 110 f.
Perquisites, of the priesthood, 180 S.
I\Trot, G., 66
Persia, 1, 39, 55, 245
Persian Gulf, 6 f., 5.3. G2 f.. 211,

234 f., 242, 251, 262, 279, 3l.'U
Petrie, I'ruf. VV. M. Flinders, lio^),

334
Petticoat, Sumerian, 42 f.
Pliaestos, 346 ; disk from, 340
Pictographs, Minoan, 'Mb
Pictorial writing, systems of, 328 f.
Picture characters, 3
Pilasters, 264
Pinches, T. G., 218
Pir Hussein, 42, 244 f.
Plaid, Semitic, 42
Plans, Babvlonian, 87 f., 260, 265
Plane-trees, 201
Plano-convex bricks, 26, 35, 9J, 04,

339
Plaater, 262
Plating, with copper, 74

INDEX

exactions of the,
system of writing,

351

Pocbel, A., G3. 312

I'Dpulation, tninsfarence of, 208,
238 ff.

Post-Sargonic, use of term, 21G, 228

I'ot-burials, 30, 31, 37

Pottery, Sunieri.m, 3, 342 ; Elamite,
340 f. ; Cappadocian, 341 ; Egyp-
tian, 320 ff.

Prayer, of (U>(lication, 198

I'retlynastic Egyptians, 323 ff.

I'rehistoric period, in Babylonia, 2 f.,
84 ff., 322. 343 ; in Elam, 2, 33'J
f., 342; in Egypt, If., 322 ir.

Pre-Sargonic, use of term, 21(», 228

Presents, accompanying a sale of
land. 05, 207

Price, Prof. Ira M., 266

Prices, regulation of, 182

Priesthood, power of the Sumerian,
__^ 167 f., 172 f.
---7 180 f.

Proto-Elamite,
338 f .

Ptolemaic Canon, 62

Pukhia, king of Khurshitu, 287

Pumpelly, llaphaol, 2, 332, 341
f., 357 ; expeditions of, 351 &'.

Punt, 334

Pilr-Sagale, 62

Pdr-Sin ; see Bur-Sin

Purilioation, rites of, 266 f.

Racial types, 41 f., 44 f.

lladau, Hugo, 61, 109, 112, 115, 151,

310
Ranke, H., 313,315
Rassam, H., 37

Rawlinson, Sir H. C, 4, 6, 217
Red Sea, 323 f.
Reed, of Enki, 108
Roods, huts of, 84 ; roofs of, 94
Reisner, G. A., 14, 17, 324, 326 ff.
Reservoirs, 154 f., 168, 185
Revenue, farming of tlie, 181
Revolts, ag.iinst Manislitu.su, 224,

227, 231; against Sargon, 227,

240
Rhodes, 344
Richthofon, Baron Ferdinand von,

353
Rim-Sin, king of Larsa, 3], 314,

316 fr.
Rimusli, probable reading of the

name Urumush, 203
Ringed staff, as emblem, 77
Rfsh-Adad, king of Apirak, 241
Ritual, Sumerian, 265 f., 2G8, 348
Rogers, I'mf. R. W., 17
Romans, 346
Rule, architect's, 265

Russian Turkestan, 332, 341, 351 f.,,
354

Sab-Dagan, 313
Sabu, in Elam, 290, 301 f.
Sacrifice, 140
Sagantug. 113, 116
fca'id Muhammad, 28
Sakjegeuzi, potsherds from, 341
Sakli, 226

Sale, deeds of, 95 f., 160, 170 f.,.
206 ir.

San)arra, 7, 39

Samawa, 10

Samsu-iluiia, 9, 31 f., 89, 162, 317

Samaun, 245

Sand-dunes, origin of, .'553

Sandals, introduction of, 51

Sangu-priest, 163

Sarcopliagus-burials, .3, 26 f., 34 f,

Sargon of Agade, 216 ff. ; historical
character of, 216, 219, 224 ff. ;
his identification with Shar-Gani-
sharri, 216 ff., 220 fi"., 227 f. ; age
of, 60 11'. ; Legend of, 217, 226,
232 ; Omens of, 217, 219 f., 224 f.,
2.33 ff., 240; Chronicle of, 22(»,
225; "sons of the palace" of^
23!)

Sargon ids, 337

Sas.sanian period, 8, 31

Satuni, king of Lulnbu, 242 f.

Sayce, Prof. A. H., 4, 73, 291, 324 f.,
341, 345

Schfifer, Ileinrich, 334

ScheU, Pere V., 21, 37, 206, 209,
211 ff., 220 ff., 228, 241, 244, 272,
290 f., 295, 297, 299, 305 ff'., 310 f.,
314, 319, .336, 338

Schmidt, Dr. Hubert, 341, 351 f., 355

Schnabel, I*. , 63

Schrader, Eberhard, 4, 109

Sculpture, Sumerian, 3, 28, 66 ff.,
129 ff., 252, 269 f., 333, 348;
early Semitic, 66, 213 220 f., 228 f.,
251 f. ; Elamite, 337 ; Egyptian,

Sea, of the West, 234
Soa-country, 32, 53, 62 f., 235
Seal-cutting, 175 f.
Seal-impressions, proto-Elamite, 339
Seal-stones, Cretan, 345 f.
Sealings, 3, 27, 170, 173 ff., 236 f.,

344
Sebene Su, 245
Seistan, 3.57
Seleucia, 39
Semiramis, 38
Semites, racial characteristics of,

40 ff., 216 f. ; innnigrationa of.

INDEX

377

47 ff. , 53, 55, 203, 214, 230 f., 238,
250 f., 336, 347 ; cause of Semitic
migrations, 358 ; domination of,
203 ff., 216 ff., 247, 249, 263, 320;
influence of, 66 f., 214, 334; sculp-
ture of, 213, 220 f., 228 f., 243,
251, 253 ; hypothetical Egyptian
invasion of, 323 ff., 328

Semitisms, 52

Senkera, site of Larsa, 9 ; excava-
tions at, 34 ; inscriptions from,
281, 311, 314

Sennacherib, 37, 217, 235

Ser-i-Pul-i-Zohab, 250

Serpents, in Sumerian art, 76

Shabara, 290

Shad-Bitkim, Field of, 206

Shagarakti-Buriash, 268

Shagpada, 190

Shagshag, wife of Urukagina, 170,
176, 273

Shakanshabar, 267 f .

Shakh, conquest of, 150

Shakh, royal steward, 170

Shakh-Bau, 171

Shamash, 212, 218, 223, 231, 244, 289

Shar-Gani-sharri, king of Akkad,
reign of, 216 ff. ; his identification
with Sargon, 216 ff., 220 ff., 227 f. ;
conquests of, 225 ff., 233, 240, 335,
343 ; in relation to Cyprus, 234 f.,
343 f. ; administrative system of,
236 ff. ; empire of, 197 f., 203,
215, 252; buildings of, 199, 219,
226, 235 f. ; mace-head of, 218 ;
stele of victory possibly his, 248 f . ;
name of, 218, 228 ; deification of,
261 ; date of, 65 ; in chronological
table, 361

Sharlak. king of Kutfl, 232

Sharru-Gi, king of Kish, 221 ff.,
248 ; Stele of, 132, 220 f., 228 ff. ;
name of, 221 f., 224, 227 f. ; s(m
of, 223 ; date of, 53, 65, 222 ; in
chronological table, 360

Sharru-Gi- ili, 222

Sharru-uktn, 217, 221, 228

Shashru, 288, 299

Shatra, 112

Shatt 'Ateshan, 10

Shatt el-' Arab, 18

Shatt el-Farakhnn, 11

Shatt el-Hai, 8, 11, 21, 31, 101

Shatt el-Kar, 8 f., 11, 21, 23 f., 28, 31

Shatt en-Nil, 8 f., 86, 89

Shaving, Sumerian practice of, 40 ff.,
97

Shekh Bedr, 11

Shell, Sumerian use of, 41, 76. 78 ff ,332

Shemsu-Hor, 324

Shid-tab, 206

Shields, Sumerian, 137 f., 286

Shilkhak-In-Shushiniik , 336

Shilkhakha, sukkal of Elam, 306

Shiniash, 290

Shimbi-ishkhuk, 289

Ships, 262, 334

Shirpurla, Layash, 17 ; see Lagash

Shirukdu', Shirukdukh, sukkal of
Elam, 306 f.

Shrines, local, 84 f.

Shumenl, 14

Shumu-abi, 307

Shunet ez-Zebib, 323

Shurippak, 9

Shuruppak, site of, 9 f. ; excava-
tions at, 24 ff. ; destruction of,
31 f. ; god of, 84 ; inscriptions
from, 95, 283 ; see also Fara

Shushinak, 290, 337

Shutruk-Nakhkliunte, 212, 243, 337

Sigbirra, 155

Sigiresh, 290

Silver, engraving upon, 78, 167 ; as
standard of exchange, 207 ; from
the mountains, 262

Simanu, 299

Simash, 306, 308

Simashgi, 290

Simebalai-khuppak, sukkal of Elam,
306

Simuru, 287 f., 299

Sin, 244, 289 ; see also Nannar

Sin-idinnam, 9

Sin-ikisha, king of Isin, 309, 312 f.,
319 ; in chronological table, 302

Sin-magir, king of Isin, 309, 319 ;
in chronological table, 3(52

Sin-muballit, 63 f., 314, 316 ff.

Sinai, 40

Sinaitic peninsula, 242

Sippar, site of, 8 f., 13 ; excavations
at, 37 ; history of, 85, 203, 20.">,
212, 218, 223, 244, 250, 310, 319 ;
see also Abd Habba

Siri, 290

Siu, 290

Skins, clothing of, 42, 138

Skulls, measurement of, 328

Slate-carvings, Egyptian, 322, 324,
330, 334

Slavery, 184

Slaves, public, 300; sacred, 184;
foreign, 2:58 ; recruiting of, 291 f.

Smith, Dr. Elliot, 328

Smith, George, 39, 217 f.

Sneferu, 334

Somaliland, 334

Sorcerers, 207

Southern Arabia, 323, 334

378

INDEX

Sj)ear, or lance, Sumerian use of,
286

Spouting vase, symbol of the, 48

Stamps, for reliefs, 106

Standards, carried in battle, 243 ;
of a goddess, 133

Statues, Sumerian, 71 f. ; early Se-
mitic, 212 f. : of Manishtusu,
212 f. ; of Ur-Bau, 70 ; of Gudea,
70 f., 200 ff., 269; eymbolical
names for, 272 f. ; offerings to,
272 f. ; significance of, 273

Stein, M. Aurel, 351 ff., 367

Stelap, of delimitation, 122, 126 ff.,
164 : of victory, 143, 228, 243,
247 ff., 251

Stewards, 170, 246

Stilus, 265, 345

Stone, rare in Sumer, 202 ; Egyp-
tian vessels of, 327

Storehouses, 91 ff., 185, 297

Storm-god, West Semitic, 344

Strong drink, fees of, 181

Su-people, 301

Subartu, 227

Suk el-'Afej, 9, 85

Sukkal-makh, title, 301

Sukkallu, significance of title, 306 ff.

Sumer, limits of, 6 f. , 12 f. ; names
for, 13 ff. ; inhabitants of, 40 ff. ;
system of land tenure in, 95

Sumerian civilization, age of, 56 ff. ;
achievements of, 66 ff. ; influence
of, 321 ff. ; Sumerian reaction,
under the kings of Ur, 48, 253,
283 f. ; "Sumerian controversy,"
4ff.

Sumerians, racial characteristics of,
40 ff. ; racial affinity of, 54 f. ;
female types of, 71 f. ; position of
women among, 116, 286 ; original
home of, 53 f ., 351, 357 f. ; earliest
settlements of, 3, 84 ff., 90 ff. ;
their weapons and method of fight-
ing, 50, 130 f., 286 f. ; close of
political career of, 320

Sumu-abu, 307, 319

Sumu-ilu, king of Ur, 313 ; in
chronological table, 362

Sun-god, temples of, 37, 186, 189,
311 ; laws of, 184, 282 ; see also
Babbar, Shamash

Sun-worship, Babvlonian centres of,
84 f. ; Egyptian, 334

Sunanam, 150

Surghul, 89, 331, 345 ; excavations
at, 20 f.

Susa, excavations at, 2, 39 f., 206,
305, 335, 339 f., 356 ; first settle-
ment at, 330 f. ; earliest form of

burial at, 331 f. ; " second period "
at. 333 ; objects from, 211 ff., 216,
220, 241, 243, 330, 333 ; early
patesis of, 231, 243 ; native Ela-
mite rulers of, 305 ff. ; history of,
243, 261 f., 284, 290 f., 299, 304

Symbolism, in writing, 329 f.

Synchronisms, 67, 62 ff., 256 f., 276,
307

Syria, 65, 225, 234, 261 f., 270, 300,
322, 334 f., 341, 343, 347 ; coast
of, 198, 233, 258, 333, 358 ; North-
em, 347

Syro-Arabian desert, 7

Syro - Cappadocian cylinder - seals
343 f. ; pottery, 343

Tablets, 3, 28. 37, 309 ; from Telle,
20, 171, 219, 254, 250 f., 293

Taklamakan Desert, 351 f.

Tarim basin, 351

Taurus, 11, 86, 244, 347

Tax-gatherers, 180

Taylor, Col. J. E., 6, 17, 30, 34 ff.,
217

Tell, of the Tablets, 20; "de la
IMaison des Fruits," 20

Tell Ibrahim, site of Cutha, 8 f.,
37 J.

Tell 'Id, 23

Tell Lahm, 36

Tell Manjiir, 39

Tell Medina, 34

Tell Sifr, 34, 73, 314, 317 f.

Tello, site of Lagash, 17 ; excava-
tions at, 17 ff. ; plan of, 19 ; re-
mains of buildings at, 89 ff. ;
objects from, 20, 41 f., 44 f., 47 ff.,
73. 171, 204, 219, 254, 266 f., 293,
299, 342, 344

Temple-accounts, 293

Temple-towers, 53 f.

Temples, early Sumerian, 89 ; build-
ings attached to, 90 fl., 268 ; en-
closure of a, 265

Temti-agun, sukkal of Susa, 307

Temti-khalki, sukkal of Elam, 306 f.

Tepe Mussian ; see Mussiau

Terra-cotta, stamped figures of, 75 f.

Testing-house, for weights, 294 f.

Theft, laws against, 182

Thessaly, 341

Thinis, 324

This, 324

Thompson, R. Campbell, 38

Thompson, M. S., 341

Throwing-stick, 79

Thumb-marks, on bricks, 26, 91, 94

Thureau-Dangin, F., researches ofi
54, 67, 266 ; referred to, 9. 12, 14,

INDEX

379

18, 39. 52. 68, 61. 63, 65, 95 f.,
98. 101. 103 If., 109, I'JO, 158,
162 f . , lt)5. 169 If., 178, 188, 193,
203 f, 219, 222, 225, 232. 237,
240 f., 246 f., 254 f.. 259, 274 ff.,
280. 285. 287, 290, 298, 300 f., 306,
317 ff., 335

Tidami, 261, 300

Tidnu, 300

Tig-abba, 291

Tigris, 6 ; changes in channel of, 8 ;
contrasted with Euphrates, 11 f. ;
period of high water in, 11.; upper
reaches of, 246

Timat-Enlil, 301

Time-reckoning, 295 ; see also Dating

Tin, as an alloy, 73

Tirish, 109, 185, 189

Tithes, 180

Toscanne, P., 266

Trade-routes, 322

Transcaspia, 341, 356

Treaties, 101, 126

Tribxitc, in grain, 127

Tukin-khatti-migrisha, 209

Tupliash ; see Aslmunnak

Turkestan, 1, 332, 341, 351 S.

Tutu, 246

Tuz-Khurmati, 287

Ubara, 296

Ubil-Ishtar, au Akkadian prince,
246

Ug-edin Canal, 154

Ug-me, patesi of Lagash, 254 ; in
chronological table, 361

Ugigga, battle of, 159

Ukush, patesi of Unmia, 188, 194 f. ;
in chronological table, 360

Ullu, 290

Umanu, 261

Umma, site of, 9, 11, 13. 21 f., read-
ing of name of. 21 ; history of,
90 f., 100 f., 120 ff., 144 f., 152.
158 ff., 186 ff., 195, 238, 258, 298 ;
destruction of, 31 f. ; see also
Jokha

Underworld, 149

Ungnad, Prof. A., 14, 52 f., 03, 162,
306 f., 313, 317

Upper Egypt, 323 ff.

Upper Sea, the Mediterranean, 194,
197, 2G2

Ur, site of, 9 f., 13, 34 ; excavations
at, 34 f. ; as cult-centre, 35, 84 f. ;
earlier history of, 147, 152, 195 f.,
199 f., 238. 263 ; Dynasty of, 64,
253, 256, 276 f., 278 ff. ; Sumerian
reaction under kings of. 48, 238,
283 f. ; deification of kings of, 251,

274, 288, 298 f. ; downfall ..f tl.o
Dyna-ty of, .'iiHI if. ; later history
of, 309 ff, 313, 317 L; $ee also
ISIukayyar

Ur-abba, patesi of Lagash, 275 ff.,
281 ; in chronological tabic, 362

Ur-Babbar, patesi of Laijash, 254 ;
in chronological tal)le, 361

Ur-baga, 284

Ur-Bau, patesi of Lagash, 19, 70, 90 f.,
254 f., 258 f.,351; in chronological
table, 361

Ur-Bau, sou of Bar-Sin I., 297

Ur-Dunpae, 301

Ur-E, patesi of Lagash, 254 f. ; in
clironological table, 361

Ur-Engur, king of Ur, 64, 253, 276 ;
reign of, 278 ff. ; buildings of,
219, 280 f. ; architectural de-
velopment under, 263 f. ; deifi-
cation of, 274 ; in chronological
table, 362

Ur-Enlil, i^atesi of Nippur, 98

Ur-gar, patesi of Lagash, 255, 258 ;
in chronological table, 361

Ur-gigir, patesi of Adamdun, 292

Ur-ilim, patesi of Susa, 231

Ur-Khumma, possible reading of the
name Crlumma, 158

Ur-Lama I. , patesi of Lagash. 296 ;
cult of, 274, 299 ; in chronological
table, 362

LVLama XL, pateai of Lagash, 296,
301 ; in chronological table, 362

Ur-mama. patesi of Lagash, 254 ; in
chronological table, 361

Ur-nabbad, patesi of Nippur, 294

L^r-nesu, patesi of Umma, 295 ; in
chronological table, 362

Ur-Nina, king of Lagash, reign of,
106 ff. ; date of, 65 ; store-house
of, 20, 90 ff. ; bas-reliefs of, 41,
98, 110 ff. ; clo.se of dynasty of,
168 f. ; offerings to statue of, 169,
273 ; in chronological table, 360

Ur-Ningirsu, patesi of Lagash, reign
of, 274 ff. ; his relations to the
Dynasty of Ur, 64, 256 ; engraved
sliell of, 81 ; in chronological table,
361

Ur-Xingirsu, priest of Nin&. pr<i-
bably to be identified with the
patesi, 255, 274 ff.

TJr-Ningislizida, patesi of Ashnun-
nak, 306

Ur-Ninib, king of Isin, 309 ff. , in
chronological table, 3ti2

Ur-Ninpa, 95

Ur-Ninsun, patesi of hn's^ish, 265 ;
in chronological table, 361

380

INDEX

Ur-Pasag, patesi of Dungi-Babbar,
295

Ura-imitti, king of Isin, 312 ; in
clironological table, 362

Urbillu, 287 f., 299, 301 f.

Uri-zi, 109, 255, 268

Urkarinnu-wood, 261

Urkium, patesi of Susa, 291, 305

Urlumma, patesi of Umnia, 158 ff,
160 ff. ; in chronologica) table, 360

Uniii, Lake, 197

Urnuntaca, 185

Urri, 290

Ursu, 261

Urtar, 170

Urn, a division of Lagash, 108, 259

Uru-azagga, a division of Lagasli,
108 ; temples in, 259, 264 ; forti-
fication of, 153

Urukagina, king of La'jjash, reign
of, 176 ff. ; date of, 65, 209 f. ;
reforms of, 177 ff., 348; buildings
of, 185 ff. ; famUy of, 170 f., 176,
184 ; fate of, 193 ; predecessors
of, 169 ff. ; records from inscribed
plaque of, 158 f., 178, 186; in
chronological table, 360

Urukagina, son of Engilsa, 176, 209 f .

Urukagina, father of Abba-dugga, 313

Urumush, or Riraush, king of Kisli,
reign of, 203 ff. ; fate of, 205 f.,
240 ; period of, 53, 210 f . ; in
chronological table, 360

Urzage, king of Kish, 103 f. ; in
chronological table, 360

Ush, patesi of Umma, 122, 124, 126,
158 f. ; in chronological table, 360

Ushfl-wood, 261

Ut-napishtim, 9

Utug, patesi of Kish, 102 f. ; Ib
chronological table, 360

Uzargarshana, 301

Van, Lake, 197

Vases, votive, 193, 199 ff., 204; for
libations, 76 f. ; for body-paint, 330

Vegetable motives, on Elamite
painted pottery, 341

Visions ; see Dreams

Vultures, Stele of the, description
of, 129 ff. ; referred to, 42 f., 48,
105, 117 f., 120 ff., 127, 136, 142,
220, 228 f., 330 ff. ; origin of
popular name of, 125

Wace, a. J. B.,341
Wadi Hammamat, 323
Ward, W. Hayes, 66, 78
Warka, site of Erech, 9 ; excavations
at, 32 ft. ; plan of, 33 ; bricks

from, 280 ; contracted burials at,
331

Water, for libation, 198

Wax writing-tablet, origin of, 346

Weapons, 73 ; Sumerian, 50, 136 f.,
286 f. ; Semitic. 247, 286

Weights, 294 f .

Weissbach, Prof. F. H., 6, 38, 319

Well, of Eannatum, 93, 155

West, Sea of the, 234 ; Wall of the,
300 ; extent of Babylonian in-
fluence in the, 234 f., 343 ff.

Western Asia, 3 ; early ceramics of,
341

W^estern Semites, origin of the, 55 ;
their destruction of Sumerian
towns, 32 ; invasions of, 315 f.

AVheat, cultivation of, 323, 357 ;
original home of, 332 ; in earliest
stratum at Anau, 332

Wigs, Sumerian, 43, 46, 138

Wine, fees of, 181 f.

Winckler, Prof. Hugo, 14, 61, 103,
219, 235, 275, 317, 344 f.

W' ind-erosion, effects of, 353

W'izards, 267
"AVomen, position and rights of, 116,
184, 286 ; clothing of, 42 ; Su-
merian statuettes of, 71 f.

Woolley, C. L., 327

Worship, scenes of, 44

Writing, invention of cuneiform, 3,
329 f., 347 ; Elamite forms of,
337 ff. ; origin of Egyptian system
of, 325, 328 f. ; Hittite, 339 ; Mi-
noan, 345

Wuswas, 33

Yakut, 8
Yotkan, 353, 357
Yurung-kash, 354

Zab, Lower, 232

Zabalu-wood, 261

Zabshali, 299

Zagros mountains, 55, 302 ; pass, 250

Zakhara, 225 f.

Zakro, sealings from, 346

Zamama, 103 ; temple of, 39

Zambia, king of Isin, 313 ; in chrono-
logical table, 362

Zarik, patesi of Susa, 291, 305

Zarzari, 185

Zaula, 290

Ziggurat, institution of the, 53 f. ;
at Nippur, 89 ; of Gudea, 264 f.

Zimanak, Field of, 206

Zimmem, Prof. Heinrich, 64 f.

Zuzu, king of Opis, 146 ; in chrono-
logical table, 360

^•:

I ^ ■^^ ^^

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Full text of "A history of Sumer and Akkad : an account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy"

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