Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the Tammany society from its organization to the present time"

See other formats




N presenting this first volume of the History of the Society of . 
Tammany, or Cohimbian Order, to our readers, we desire to 
assure them that this is but the beginning of our work. 

The records of this great Society, numbering as it does 
among its members the most illustrious men in the Demo- 
cratic party, are of the greatest importance, and the work of 
completing and perpetuating them will be continued until they are as near perfect 
as may be. 

Particular credit for this work is due to E. Vale Blake, who has gatiieied 
and compiled the material for the work and arranged the historical story of tais 
the First \'olume. 

We desire to recognize the efforts of our friends in contributing to I he 
.success of this volume, notably, the Hon. Richard Croker, Grand Sachem 
Thomas L. Feitner, Hon. Asa Bird Gardiner, Hon. William Sulzer, Mr. James 
.Anderson Russell, Mr. Jon Templeton, as well as Mr. George G. Feigl, who has 
hail charge of the arrangement of the biographical sketches of the members of." 
the Society who are living at the present day. 

( )nr thanks are specially due for documents, to the late Col. Thomas Dun- 
lap and also to the Adjutant General of the State for statistical and other in- 
formation regarding the Tanmiany troops in the \\"ar of Secession. 

Fred. Feigl. 





alter ^ 



I HEN a Society or Institution lias Ijcen in active operation 
for o\'er a centur\' it is jjertinent to inquire wherein lies 
its vitality. 

More particularly is this the case when it exists in 

a threat city and is essentially a political ororanization — 

;incl is foiuul to ha\e sur\i\ed all other earl\' political orijanizations . 

Duriny the existence of the Society of Tamnian)-. or the Colum- 

hian ( )r(ler. a large numljer ot these associations ha\e souo^ht the favor 

of the peo]jle, with var_\'in<; success, most ot them heing' hut short-lix cd. 

I'Vom its original antagonist, the old Federal |xirty, down to the 

])resent da\-, the wrecks of defunct political organizations are scattered 

along the highway of histor)-. Not only is this true of the large 

national parties which have opposed the Democracy, of which the 

Tammany Society is still the most prominent organization, such as the 

l-'txleralist, the National- Republican, the \\'hig, the Native American 

and the present Republican : i)ut in addition to these, which might be 

called its natural enemies, the Tammany Societ\- has had constantl) to 

contend with foes springing up in its own localit\ . There have been 

seasons of eclipse, too, when the star of 'Tamman)- was obscured ; but, 

after a time, the clouds rolled bv, and the old Wigwam again came 




prominently into view, in full possession of apparently indestructi 

In the course ot these pages it will be demonstrated wherein 1 
the strength of this redoubtable orsfanization. 

It is true there are many persons so greatly under the influenct: 
of opposing partisan affiliation that they can scarcely be brought to be- 
lieve that there is, or ever was any good thing in this powerful and most 
persistent of political organizations ; a little reflection, however, will 
convince any candid mind that so considerable a body of citizens as the 
members of the Tammany organization could not be held under the 
fascinations of an altogether evil power for the space of a hundred years. 

E. Vale Bi.akk. 




1 I'ormation of tlif Taininaiiy Society. 9 

II History of Chief Tammany. '- 

III Tammany's Gift of Symbols to the Tribes ^5 

IV First Officers of the Tammany Society i8 

V Affiliated Societies. ^^ 

VI The Tammany Museum.' ^3 

VII Political Influence of the Society. -5 

VIII Act of Incorporation of the Society 26 

IX Recruits from the Federal Party 27 

X Celebrations of the Fourth of July. 29 

XI Poets and Literati of Tammany. 32 

XII Tammany Versus Aaron I'.urr. . . . • • • 37 

XIII The Prison Ship Martyrs. 3^ 

XIV Building a New Wigwam 42 

XV General Jackson at a Tammany Banquet. . _ . . -45 

XVI Trinity Church Riot 47 

XVII War Governor of 1812. . _ . . . • • • • 5^ 

XVIII Tammany on Home Industries 55 

XIX The Anti-Masonic Party 57 

XX The Loco Focos. 5^ 

XXI Frances Wright. 63 

XXII The Patroons. 64 

XXIII Tammany and Van Buren. 66 

XXIV The Free Soil jNIovement 69 

XXV Michael Walsh 7i 

XXVI Who Owns Tammany Hall 73 

'^'^XXVII Tammany's Attitude During the Civil War . . . .77 

XXVIII The Tammany Jackson Guard 81 

XXIX The Soldier Poet of the War 85 

XXX Fernando Wood 87 

XXXI A Peace Meeting During the War 90 


XXXII Horatio Sevmour 

XXXIII Samuel J. Tilden 

XXXIV Laying tlie Corner Stone of the New Wigwam 
XXXV A Dark Shadow . . . . •. 

XXXVI Greely Campaign . . . ... 

XXXVII Fourth of July, 1873 

XXXVIII John Kelly 

XXXIX Political Conditions 1876-79. . 

XL Hancock's Nomination for President 
XLI The County Democracy .... 
XLII Cleveland in 1884 ... 

XLIII Cleveland in 1888 

XLIV Fire in Tammany Hall . . . 
XLV Unveiling of The Tammany Monument 
XLVI Richard Croker. . . ; . . 

XLVII Presidential Campaign of 1892 . 

XLVIII After the Nomination 

XLIX Red Letter Day 

L The Tariff 

LI Constitutional Convention 
LII Some Reverses — Parkhurst-Maynard. 
LIII National Convention. .... 

LIV Advent of the Reformers. 
LV Testimonial to Richard Croker . 

LVI Consolidation. 

LVII Victory of 1897 

LVIII Tammany Incidents ..... 
LIX Improvements in New York City. 

LX Embarrassing Results of Consolidation . 
LXI Efforts to Destroy the Society . 
LXII Grand Sachems From 1789 to 1900. 
LXIII Chairman General Committee 1872 to 1900. 
LXIV Officers of the Society for 1900. 



>' 95 

, 100 













N May. 1783, the officers of the American Army, in canton- 
ments, on the Ihnlson, under General Washington, having in 
view the eventual disbandment of the army after exchange of 
ratification of the definite Treaty of Peace, decided to form 
a socictv, to perpetuate as well the remembrance of the bloody 
conliict of eight years which had established the Colonies as 
free, independent and sovereign States, as the m\itual friend- 
ships wliich had been formed under the pressure of connnon danger, and in many 
instances cemented by the blood of the parties. 

Thev accordingly met at the Ver Planck Mansion, the Headquarters of 
Major-General Baron de Steuben, near Fishkill, N. Y., and formed themselves 
into a Society of Friends, and agreed to an Institution which they declared 
should endure as long as they or any of their eldest male posterity remained, 
and, in failure tliereof, the collateral branches who should be judged worthy oi 
becoming its supporters and members. 
In this Institution they set forth that: 

"The officers of the American Army having generally been taken from the citizens of 
America, possess high veneration for the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius 
Quintiuis Cincinnatus; and, being resolved to follow his example by returning to their 
citizenship, they think they may with propriety denominate themselves 


The officers of the army were intensely patriotic, and they had undergone 
untold sufferings, privations and losses of property, in order to continue in the 
service of their country, and bring to a successful termination the war which 
secured the independence of the United States. 

They keenly appreciated the fatal defects in the Articles of Confederation, 
which had not gone into effect until 1781, and under which independence had 
almost been lost; and, accordingly, in addition to provisions as to benevolence, 
they also incorporated a political principle for a firmer union between the States 
and the maintenance of the national honor, then imperilled through interfering 
State regulations as to commerce and the absolute worthlessness of the Continen- 
tal currency. 

In their Institution they said that 

"The following principles shall be immutable and form the basis of the Society of the 

"An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of 
human nature for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of 
a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. 

"An unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective States 
that union and national honor so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future 
dignity of the American empire. 

"To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers: The spirit 
will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substan- 
tial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the Society, towards those offlcers and 
their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it." 


The General Society, for the sake of frequent communications, was 
into State Societies, with local ofificers, wherein applications for membershil 
received and acted upon. 

The Institution prescribed an order by which the members should be kn 
and distinguished, which was the Bald American Eagle, with approp 
emblems, and the motto 






and a ribbon by which" it was suspended from the breast, of deep blue edged 
with white, typical of the then alliance between France and America. 

Tn November, 1783, the Continental Army was formally disbanded, and the 
officers and soldiers again became private citizens. 

Much opposition was manifested at first to the Society, because of its sup- 
posed aristocratic tendencies, which was in due time dissipated. 

The American officers, in providing that the representative membership 
should descend through the eldest lineal male descendant, had merely followed 
the rule of primogeniture then prevailing throughout the United States, and 
probably with the idea that the eldest son, as heir to the estate of his father, would 
be better able to do his full share toward the benevolent objects of the Institution. 

The members in the Thirteen States began at once to agitate for a more 
perfect union, and for the establishment of a national government under a con- 
stitution which would give peace and prosperity at home, and protection abroad. 

The history of the period of four years from 1783 to 1787, when the Con.sti- 
tution of the United States was adopted, and from thence until the inauguration 
of the Government under it, in 1789, shows that the influence of the Society of the 
Cincinnati was most potential in effecting this great patriotic object. 

When the Government of the United States under the Constitution was 
finally inaugurated, the General Society, in Triennial Meeting convened, and the 
several State Societies, in communications to General Washington, then Presi- 
dent of the United States, declared that a good Constitution for their beloved 
country was what the officers had contended for, in the field and in council. 

The political principle in the Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati 
having thereupon become engrafted, with sanctions, in the organic law for the 
United States, the political work of the Society of the Cincinnati came to an end, 
and thenceforth its members devoted themselves to their domestic concerns, and 
to celebrations of Independence Day, as re'='vured by the Institution, and to works 
of benevolence, in which, in the course of years, they expended very many 
thousands of dollars in relieving the necessities of deserving descendants of 
Revolutionary officers. 

The political work of the- Cincinnati having thus terminated, it ceased thence- 
forward to be a political factor, and, as its membership was restricted, it could 
not perform the functions of a great patriotic society to which all citizens should 
be eligible, and which should at all times have a potential influence in the direction 
of patriotism, and as a conservator of good government. 



At this jiinctiiie. 1789, a citizen of the City of New York, William Mooney, 
<:onccived the idea of forming just such a great patriotic organization, and. having 
communicated his views to other citizens, who enthusiastically approved. "THE 
"FREEDOM OUR ROCK," was established; and for many years, on Inde- 
pendence Day, passed the compliments of the day with the New York State 
Society of the Cincinnati, and each drank the health of the other. 

A considerable number of the earlier members of the new patriotic Society 
were also original members of the Society of the Cincinnati. 

The first meeting place of the infant Society of Tammany, which was organ- 
ized May j^, 1789, was at Barden's, or the City Tavern, located on lower 
Broadway, not far from the Bowling Green. Hero, for lack of a m.ore com- 
modious place, the new society met until 1798, when they obtained the use of r 
Martling's long room; and this has generally been thought to have been the first C/x,<rvnj 
wigwam. Mr. Abraham D. Martling kept what would now be called a hotel on nJolA/i-^- 
the corner of Nassau and Spruce streets. His office, dining-room and kitchen >' '''' 
were located at the front of the house, facing on Nassau street, while the famous^^ '-'^ 
Long Room was at the rear, running parallel with this street. This room afforded ' ^'^'^ 
accommodation for either convivial parties or for public meetings, and many a 
fine political campaign was there inaugurated and carried through to success, ■'-'- 
before the followers of St. Tammany dreamed of erecting a building for their /f^ 77" 
sole use. It was, however, little more than a dozen years later before the project 
was matured for erecting the ample building, of which the corner-stone was laid 
in 181 1, near the site of Martling's old place, on the corner of Nassau and Frank- 
fort streets, which was occupied by the Society until the erection of the present 
■elegant and substantial building on Fourteenth street. 

The meaning of the word wigwam, as is very generally supposed, is not a 
terit, but a communal house, such as many of the stationary tribes of our North 
American Indians built for the common home, and which were usually large 
enough to accommodate from forty to sixty families. Some large tribes l;ad 
many wigwams. 

In regard to the appellation of "Saint" to Chief Tammany, we believe John 
Trumbull, the artist, is to be credited with its bestowal, he thinking that the 
monarchial countries of Europe should not have a monopoly of the saints; but he 
alone was not of that mind; some early calendars published in Philadelphia give 
tiie first of May as the day of St. Tammany, naming him the patron Saint of 
.-\merica. There is also a St. Tammany parish in Louisiana, on the northern T 
boundary of Lake Ponchartrain. 

The Society of Tammany, or the Columbian Order, is nominally, and by 
the terms of its incorporation, a social, patriotic and charitable association, and 
is practically and really a distinct body from the General Committee of the Dem- 
-ocratic party generally understood by the term " Tammany." 




HERE appears to have been two Saints Tammany — a legendary 
one and an historical one — or, rather, either the attributes of 
one real person have been magnified into the fabulous, or 
there had been an earlier Indian, with superior qualifications, 
living long before the chief known to history bearing the same 

The historical Tammany, with whom William Penn had dealings, wa& 
chief of the Lenni-Lenape tribe of Indians; a native of Delaware, living 
in his old age near the Schuylkill River, and at the time of his death resid- 
ing some four miles from the present site of Doylestown, in what is, now Bucks 
County, Pennsylvania; his burial place being near a spring in that vicinit)'. He 
is believed to have been present at the interview with Penn under the great elm- 
tree at Shakamaxon, as all the chiefs of the Lenni-Lenape lineage were there, and 
so distinguished a member as Tammany could scarcely have been absent. His 
name, sometimes written Tammanend, with that of Melamequam, is signed to a 
contract giving title to a tract of land lying between Pennepack and Neshamony 
Creeks. This paper is dated April 23, 1683. 

Penn's "great treaty," so called, through which he acquired title to nearly the 
whole of the present State of Pennsylvania, is dated more than two years later, 
in May, 1685, when Tammany probably was dead. His precise age is unknown, 
but it is certain that his life extended long past the extreme limit of even extra- 
ordinary old age. When spoken of by the people of his own or other Indian 
tribes, he was usually referred to as "Chief Tammany of many days." William 
Penn, in speaking of him, said: "I found him an old man, yet vigorous in mind 
and body, with high notions of liberty; not to be imposed upon, yet easily won 
by suavity and a peaceable address." At one time his wigwam is said to have 
stood on the site now occupied by Princeton College. 

Chief Tammany was certainly friendly to the whites. He had the sagacity 
to perceive that the knowledge of the arts, of mechanics, and of a superior 
agriculture, was a power which gave to the new settlers immense advantages over 
his own people; thus he was led to favor peace with them, and he used his great 
influence to preserve the tranquillity of the Delaware nation. Fenimore Cooper, 
in his popular novel, "The Last of the Mohicans," introduces Chief Tammany in 
the scene in which he describes the death of Uncas, making Tammany say: "My 
day has been too long. In the morning I saw the sons of Unamies happy and 
strong; and yet, before the night has come, have I lived to see the last warrior of 
the v\-ise race of the Mohicans." 

The Tammany of tradition is a wonderful character; in the folk-lore of his 
people all good things are attributed to him. Before the time of De Soto ©r 
La Salle, or even the still earlier voyage claimed for Boehm, there was a Chief 
Tammany, whose tribe lived west of the Alleghany Mountains, and e-xtended 
bcvond the northern bank of the Ohio River. In earlv vouth this chief was noted' 


as a skillful hunter and liravc warrior; he was always iiigeiiiuiis in the production 
of (luniestic utensils, ohjeets of decoration, and iinplenu-nts for the hunt, for 
snaring' animals, and for use in war. .\s he grew tn nianhnod his faini- extended 
hevond the J\lississip]ji River to the (ireat Salt i-ake, and his noble tlecds were 
talked nf at every couneil-fire in the land. It was this very sn])criority which 
excited the env\ and enmity nl' the l''.\il .^])iril. with whuni he had many fearful 

When this terrible tnrm\ saw that J amman\ was leaching his peo])le how 
tn cultivate C(jrn and other edible vegetables and fruits, he determined to circuin- 
\ cut him and injure his rejjutation with the tribes over which he ruled with a 
lirm but fatherh hand. .So the I'.vil S])irit init his ingenuity to work and caused 
the land to proiluce ])oison sumach, and stinging nettles, which he hoped the 
tribes would attribute to Taniniany. These plants did, indeed, much amio\- and 
sometimes injure the lumters, but Tammany was wideawake and contemplated 
long how he coidd ritl his iaiul of these no.xious growths. He bided his time; 
then at the period of drought he set fire to the ]irairies which they covered, and 
the tire was so hot and the heat waves chased each other so rapidly that they 
actualh singed and nearK destroyed the Evil Spirit himself, who was spying 
round, mourning the destruction of his poisonous creations. After he had some- 
what recovered from his injm-ies he plotted more mischief. He made snakes, 
which he sent among the ])eo[)le: but Tammany sowed the seed of the ash-tree, 
of the seneca-root and the plantain, which speedily cured those who were bitten 

X'ext the F.vil One sent a great drove of mammoths and other monstrous 
and destructive creatures from beyond the great lakes, to consume the corn and 
fruits of the 1 )ela\\ares. Again Tannnany was relietl upon to rid the land of this 
|ilague also. He soon found that their hides were too thick to be penetrated bv 
arrows, and that some other means must be devised to destroy them. Now these 
animals were in the habit of .going down to the "'salt licks;" so Tammany caused 
inanv great pits to be dug, which he covered over with branches of trees and 
shrubs, completely concealing them, and so these destructive creatures were all 
caught and slain in these tra])s, and there it is said that their bones may still be 

The f'Ail Spirit was now nearly at his wit's end how to devise some mischief 
wdiich the great chief would be unable to overcome. .\t last he bethought him- 
.^elf to raise the waters of Lakes Huron and Michigan, and so flood all the south- 
ern land where the Delawares dwelt, but Tamman)' was not to be outdone in 
ingenuity. He set to work inmieuiately and opened a way for the flooding waters, 
by turning them into the Miami, W'abash and Allegheii}' Rivers, and, in addition, 
cut new openings into the Ohio. The waters of the lakes receded, but formed on 
their exit the Detroit Rapids and the Falls of Niagara — which still remains as 
proof of the truth of this legend. Tammany was hailed as the savior of his peo- 
ple, as well he might be. 

Finding that no natural objects could be successfully used against this noble 
chieftain, the Evil One next conceived the idea of raising up enemies against hiw 
by instilling enmity toward him among the tribes, his neighbors, dwelling to the 
east and north. .\ long war, indeed, followed, but Tammanv took manv prison- 
ers, each one of whom expected death as a matter of course, this being the usual 
fate of prisoners of war, but Tanmiaii} was endowed with a superior spirit, and 



when he heard his vanquished foes singing their sad " death-song," and saw them 
cutting themselves, according to the custom of their fathers, and thrusting splin- 
ters into their flesh, to show that they could bear pain bravely, he called them 
before him, addressed them kindly, spared their lives, and thus sent them back to 
their own tribes, devoted friends, instead of enemies.  

The Wicked Spirit, perceiving all his labors lost, finally came to the conclu- 
sion that there was no other way to overcome this wonderful chief than by a per- 
sonal encounter — never dreaming for a moment that any mortal being could 
successfully contend with the immortal enemy of the human race. 

In pursuance of this intent he hid among the bushes in a certain place where 
he knew that the chief would pass by. But Tammany perceived this movement, 
and. pulling up a hickory sapling, commenced the struggle by attacking his 
skulking enemy, giving him a powerful blow on the head. Such a yell as burst 
from the surprised traitor not even a whole tribe of Indians could equal. Then 
the devil and Tammany clinched, and dreadful was the crashing of timber, whic'n 
they trod down, as if it had been mere weeds. Never was such a iight on tlie 
earth since the war of the Old. World giants, who piled mountains on one another 
in their quarrels in ancient Greece. For many square leagues not a tree was 
left standing, and some narrators afifirm that it was through this encounter that 
the prairies were originally formed, by the trampling of these strange Western 
gladiators — the Mortal Good and the Immortal Evil — striving for supremacy. 

The fight is reported to have continued for fifty days, when Tammany, by 
a hip-back action, succeeded in throwing his antagonist to the ground, trying at 
the same time to roll him into the Ohio River, but a great rock in the way pre- 
vented this; then he tried to strangle his nearly vanquished enemy, but his right 
wrist and thumb had been so strained with the long struggle that force sufificient 
failed him to accomplish this; and at last the great warrior grew faint and 
exhausted, which the Evil One, perceiving, managed to slip away — having no 
mind to renew the fight. 

But Tammany was not quite through with him yet. He banished him from 
the country to Labrador and the Hudson Bay region; threatening him with 
instant death if he returned to the south of the Great Lakes. So at last Tammany 
had conquered a permanent peace, and he was now able to devote himself to the 
development of agriculture and such arts as were useful to his people. Then the 
tribe rejoiced in plenty, they felt strong, and their cry was always, "Tammanv 
and Liberty," for he had won for them freedom from all kinds of injury and 

About this time Manco Capac, the great Inca of Peru, the famous descendant 
of the Sun, heard of Tammany, and was naturally desirous of meeting such a wise 
chief and brave warrior; so he sent a messenger to ask for an interview, suggest- 
ing, as a suitable place, a certain location in Mexico, which was about equidistant 
from the home of each. The precise object which the Inca desired to consult 
Tammany about was the best form of government for Peru. The interview took 
place, and passed over very happily; and, with many mutual compliments, each 
returned to his own country, well pleased to have met. 

As the Inca Manco Capac is considered by historians as the founder of the 
Peruvian nation, and lived about the year 1250 a. d., it is obvious that this legend 
of Chief Tammany's journey must have had a very ancient origin. 


LllAl'il'.K 111. 


1 ri'.K ilic cliit'f's return from this long jounu\ , wliicli con- 
sumed .sc\rral nuinths, Tanunany Icarnctl lli;il tiR' JLvil Spirit 
liad taken a(l\ant;ii.'c nt lii^ al)scnce and had entered among his 
lHn])le. and iiad made tlum idle and dissipated, and. with 
these faidts, disease liad l)re)keu out in the tribe. He began at 
once to reform th;s cont'.ition of things, and in great measure 
succeeded. In order to stimulate his people and arouse tht-ir llickering 
amiiition, he summoned them all before him; and, feeling that his end 
was approaching, and that he could not much longer remain with them, he con- 
ceived the following plan for keeping them united, at the same time placing upon 
all special responsibilities. He divided the whole of his people into thirteen 
tribes, assigning separate duties to each, and giving also to each tribe a model, 
or s\-ndK)l, to remind them of these duties as follows: 

1st. With the symbol of the Eagle he gave to the first division this. advice: 
"Children of the 1^'irst Tribe, the Eagle should be }our model. He soars above 
the clouds, loves the mountain tops, takes a broad survey of the country round, 
and his watchfulness in the day-time lets nothing escape him. From him learn to 
direct your thoughts to elevated objects, to rise superior to the fogs of prejudice 
and passion, to behold in the clear atmosphere of reason all things in their true 
light and posture, and never expose yourself to be surprised, while the sun 
shines, in a fit of drowsiness or slumber. 

2i\. "Children of the Second Tribe: The Tiger affords a useful lesson for 
you. The exceeding agility of this creature, the extraordinary (|uickness of hi-S 
sight, and, above all, his discriminating power in the dark, teach you to be stirring 
and active in your respective callings, to look sharp to every engagement you 
enter into, and to let neither misty days nor stormy nights make you lose sight of 
the worthy object of your pursuit. 

3d. "Children of the Third Tribe: You are to pay good attention to the 
ciualities of the Deer. He possesses uncommon readiness of hearing; can judge 
of sounds at a great distance. In like manner, open ye your ears to whatever is 
passing: collect the substance of distant rumors, and learn, before dangers sur- 
roimd your cornfields and wigwams, what is going on at a distance. 

4th. "Children of the Fourth Tribe: There is one quality of tlie \\'o\i to 
which I would call your attention. His wide extent of nostrils catches the atoms 
floating in the air, and gives him notice of the approach of his prey or his foe. 
Thus, when power grows rank, and, like a contagion, sends abroad its pestilent 
streams, I see, the wolf, like the myrmidons'* of Tammany, the first to rouse, turn 
his head, and snuff oppression in every breeze. 

5th. "Children of the Fifth Tribe: You, my children, are to take useful 
hints of the Ruftalo. He is one of the strongest animals in the wilderness: but. 

* Myrmidons were originally soldiers of .Achilles. 


strong as he is, he loves the company of his kind, and is not fond of venturing 
upon distant excursions alone. This is wise in the buffalo, and wise it will be in 
you to imitate him. Operate in concert, stand together, support one another, 
and you will be a mountain that nobody can move; fritter down your strength m 
divisions, become the sport of parties, let wigwam be divided against wigwam, and 
you will be an ant-hill which a small pappoose can kick over. 

6th. "Children of the Sixth Tribe: That social and valuable creature the 
Dog offers something for you to profit by. The warmth of his attachment, the 
disinterestedness of his friendship, and the unchangefulness of his fidelity, mark 
him as the object of yoar kindness and imitation. Do but love each other with 
half the warmth, sincerity and steadiness with which these, your constant hunting 
companions, love you all, and happiness, comfort and joy will make your land 
their dwelling place, and ye shall experience all the pleasure that human nature 
■can bear. 

7th. "Children of the Seventh Tribe: You are to take pattern after the 
Beaver. His industry merits your regard. Forests must be cleared, hills leveled, 
rivers ttirned to accomplish your plans. Labor and perseverance overcome all 
things; for I have heard old people say that their ancestors assisted in making 
the sun, immense as he appears, by collecting into a heap all the iire-liies and 
glow-worms they could find, and the moon, whose light is fainter and size smaller, 
was in like manner formed by gathering into a pile all the fox-fire, or phosphoric 
-decayed wood they could procure. 

8th. "Children of the Eighth Tribe: The Squirrel, my children, offers 
something profitable to you. It is his practid.. as he has a foresight of winter, 
to collect acorns, chestnuts and walnuts, and to carry them in large, quantities 
to his hole. .In like manner it becomes you to look forward to the winter of life, 
and have some provision necessary for yourselves at that needy time. This you 
may enjoj' at your firesides, while all around you frost rends the trees asunder, 
^nd the white powder lies so thick upon the ground that you cannot ventiu'e out 
without your snow-shoes. 

9th. "Children of the Ninth Tribe: You are to learn a lesson from the Fox. 
He looks well before him as he travels, examines carefully the ground he treads 
upon, and takes good care that his enemies do not come upon him by surprise. 
-Such keen examination will guard you from difficulties; and if, in the course of 
nature, you shall be, in spite of all this, beset by them, nothing will more effectu- 
-allv enable you to extricate yourselves. 

loth. "Children of the Tenth Tribe: The Tortoise, who supports on his 
back the world we inhabit, offers a world of instruction to you. Were it not for 
his benevolence in keeping afloat on the immense ocean in vidiich he swims, this 
land we inhabit would soon go to the bottom; and the displeasure he feels when 
men lead lives of idleness and vice, when they quarrel and injure their neiglibors 
and families, has induced him more than once to dip a part of his shell under the 
water and drown a set of wretches no longer fit to live. If, then, you wish to 
attain a long life, be honest, upright and industrious. 

nth. "Children of the Eleventh Tribe: I recommend to your attention the 
wholesome counsel derived by man from the Eel. He was never known to make 
a noise or disturbance in the world, nor to speak an ungentle sentence to a living 


creature. Slander never proceeded from his mouth, nor doth guile rest under 
his tongue. Are you desirous, my children, of modest stillness and quiet? Would 
you like to live peaceably among men? If such be your desires, learn a lesson of 
wisdom from the Eel, who, although he knows neither his birth nor his parent- 
age, but is cast an orphan of creation, yet shows, by his strength and numbers, 
the excellence of the mode of life he has chosen. 

I2th. "Children of the Twelfth Tribe: I shall point out for your improve- 
ment some excellent traits in the character of the Bear. He is distinguished for 
his patient endurance of those inconveniences which he finds it impossible to 
ward off. 'Ihus, when scarcity threatens your country with famine, when disease 
among the beasts strews your hunting-grounds with carcasses, when insects 
(lestoy your beans, and worms corrode the roots of your corn, when the streams 
refuse their accustomed supplies, or when the clouds withhold their rain, bear 
with patience and resignation whatever necessity imposes upon you. Show your- 
selves men. for it is adversity which gives scope to your talents. 

i.^th. "Children of the Thirteenth Tribe: I call your attention to the econ- 
omy of the Bee, You observe among those creatures a discipline not surpassed 
hv anvthing the woods afford. Idlers, vagrants and embezzlers of public prop- 
erty, have no toleration there. Regularity and method pervade every department 
of their government. Borrow from them an idea of arrangement in business, and, 
above all, derive from their instructive example that alchemy of mind, which, by 
an operation somewhat analogous to the production of nectar from venom, con- 
verts private feelings into public advantages, and makes even crimes and vices 
ultimately conducive to public good." 

Having, in an eloquent speech, such as the Lenni-Lenapi Indians were 
renowned for, thus endeavored to distribute among his people these and other 
vritues, Tammany felt that his lifework was done; and, in fact, he was very soon 
after called to the happy hunting-grounds of his tribe, leaving behind him a repu- 
tation above that of any other of his race of whom we have any knowledge, as he 
was also more esteemed and beloved than any of his tribe before or since. He is 
said to have been buried in the large mound within the ancient Indian fort near 
Muskingum, O., which is nearly as large as the most famous of the Egyptian 





RAND SACHEM— William Mooney. 

Sachems — White Matlock, Phillip Hone, John Campbell, 
John Burger, Thomas Greenleaf, Cortlandt Van Beuren, 
Oliver Glenn, James Tj;lee, Gabriel Furman, Jonathan Pierce, 
Abel Hardenbrook, Joseph Goodwin. 
Treasurer — Thomas Ash. 

Sagamore — John Pintard. 

The most active ahd habitual frequenters of the Wigwam while its meetings 
were held at "Martling's" are thus given (in Valentine's Manual of the City of 
New York); John Tryson, Wm. H. Ireland, John Targee, Benjamin Romain, 
Eldad Holmes, George Buckmaster, Abraham Valentine, Joseph Kimball, Abra- 
ham Stagg, John Moss, Abraham Dally, Dr. Prince, John B. Thorp. Augustus 
Wright, Lewis Ford, Clarkson Crolius, William Mott, Samuel L. Page, W. J. 
Waldron. Among other members were Lieutenant-Colonel Ebenezer Stevens, 
Second Regiment Continental Corps of Artillery of the Revolution, who had 
been a member of the Boston "Tea Party" of 1773, and was an influential member 
of the New York State Society of the Cincinnati, and, in 1814, as Major-GeneraL 
commanded all the New York militia in the United States service. 

This party had at times very lively contests, with the Federalists and followers 
of Alexander Hamilton and other political assailants, but manfully kept together 
in solid phalanx to the ever-growing terror of the diminishing Federalists and all 
others inclined to disregard the rights of the people. 

The actual organization of the Columbian Order, or the Society of Tam- 
many, which took place on the 12th of May"", 1789, happened about two weeks 
after Washington had taken his initial oath of office as President. It is, therefore, 
the oldest political organization in the country, none having held together con- 
tinuously for anything like a century. Tammany is now (1899) over one hun- 
hundred and ten years old. 

The press of 1789 describes the Society- of Tammany as being a national 
society consisting of American-born citizens, who are alone eligible to hold any of 
its offices, except the merely honorary posts of "Warrior" and "Hunter," which 
may be filled by adopted citizens. "It is founded," said the A^cw York Daily 
Gazette, "on the true principles of patriotism, and has for its motives, charity and 
brotherly love. Its officers consist of one Grand Sachem; twelve Sachems, one 
Treasurer, one Secretary, and one Doorkeeper. It is divided into thirteen Tribes, 
each severally representing a State of the Union, and each of these tribes has its 
own Sachem. The honorary posts are only two in number, tliose of Sagamore 
and Wiskinskie." 

As warriors and hunters are not practically called for in modern times, the 
duties of these officers have naturally become more pacific. That of Sagamore 
may now be described, in a general way, as master of ceremonies, and custodian 


of the regalia, etc. The regaha collar is of light blue velvet, ornanuiited with 
gold. The duties of Wiskinskie include that of a doorkeeper who holds the pass- 
word, and, in a measure, he occupies a similar jjosition to that of 'J'yler in a 
Masonic Lodge. 

The original idea of founding this Society of Tammany is to be credited to a 
business man of New York City, named William Mooney, though it was inevit- 
able that some such association would be formed: for opposition to the aristo- 
cratic tendencies of the Federalists was in the air. and it was believed by many of 
the leading citizens to be absolutely necessary to have some organized body, ready 
at all times to battle for the preservation of the pure American spirit, and antagon- 
ize every symptom of departure from it. 

\ViLLi.\M MooxEV was chosen as the first (jrand Sachem. His inmiediate 
successor was William Pitt Smith, in 1790; then followed Josiah Ogden Hott- 
nian; Di; Witt Clinton being Scribe of the Council. 

The Device or Certificate of Membership is quite an elaborate piece of work. 
It represents "A pointed arch composed of two cornucopias, resting on tw'O col- 
umns, on each side of which are two figures — Liberty and Justice. On a pedestal 
bearing the former are the figures 1776 — 1789. Below the foundation on which 
the two columns rest is another arch standing upon a rocky base; this arch is 
composed of thirteen stones, each bearing the name of one of the original thirteen . 
Slates. The keystone is Pennsylvania, and from this fact arose the custom of 
Speaking of that State as the 'Keystone State.' Below this arch of rocks is a 
view of land and water, containing appropriate symbols of agriculture and 
commerce." This expressive device was designed by Dr. Charles Buxton, and 
engraved, (3n copper, by Mr. George Graham. 

From its first organization the Indian nomenclature was adopted as to 
divisions of time, and to indicate the seasons, as well as in the titles of its officials. 
The early notices of its meetings were printed in the same symbolic language — 
such, for instance, as "tlie month of snows," the "month of flowers," the "month 
of fruits," etc.; also using the changes of the moon in the same way, with other 
imitations of the aboriginal customs, as calling their places of meeting a "wig- 
wam," and their conferences "council fires," and so forth. This probably struck 
some of the high-toned Federalists as somewhat puerile, but it was meant ta 
emphasize their intense Americanism; and the country soon learned that these 
characteristics of the society could be turned to good practical account. 

Many eventful historical scenes are connected with the early days of Tam- 
many, as for instance, the government's relations with the Creek Indians. Ever 
since the peace of 1783 the United States had been periodically troubled with 
Indian outbreaks, and had been particularly anxious to conciliate the Creeks, 
who then occupied large tracts of land in Florida and Georgia. In 1790 a plan 
was devised to get the chief of this tribe, or nation, who was an educated half- 
breed, to come to New York with some of his people, in the expectation that the 
sights of civilization and of permanent substantial cities would make the red men 
feel their weakness, and the impossibility of resisting the supremacy of the "pale- 
faces." In the winter of 1790 an agent. Col. Marinus Willett, was sent South to 
the Indian country to invite the Chief of the Creeks to come and visit the Great 
White Father in New York. The (Expedition was successful, and the following 


suinnier, "in the season of flowers," a large delegation from the Creek nation, 
under the conduct of their chief, who bore the Scotch name of Alexander McGil- 
very, arrived in New York. 

This unusual event had been prepared for by the Tammany Society with 
extraordinary elaboration. The members of the Society adopted for the occasion 
the entire Indian costume, everi to the wearing of the tomahawk and feathers. In 
addition, they attached to the back of the head-dress, as an extemporized symbol 
of the visiting tribe, a buck's tail; hence arose the popular sobriquet which the 
Society long bore, of the "Bucktails." The Tammanv Societv also pitched tents 
on vacant lots on the banks of the Hudson River, now one of the busiest sections 
of busy New York. When the Creeks were received and welcomed by the "Buck- 
tails" they were wonderfully surprised and overjoyed, thinking they had found a 
new tribe of red men, giving vent to their excitement in loud whoops, which 
greatly startled, if they did not frighten, the Tammany braves. 

Among the eminent persons present on this occasion was Thomas Jefiferson, 
who was afterward to be President of the United States; Governor George Clin- 
ton, of the State of New York; Chief Justice Jay, of the Supreme Court of the 
United States; the then Secretary of State, and many other distinguished persons. 
The bands of Creeks sang their tribal songs, called the E-tho-song, after which the 
Grand Sachem, William Pitt Smith, made them a friendly speech, in the course of 
which, appealing to the superstitious nature of his auditors, he assured them that, 
though dead, the spirits of the two great chiefs, Tammany and Columbus, were 
walking backward ^nd forward in the wigwam. 

The Sagamore of the Society then offered the Creek chief the calumet, or 
pipe of peace, when immediately one of the Indians bestowed upon the Sagamore 
a new name; he called him Tuliva Mico, meaning Chief of the White Town. In 
ithe evening all the Indians were taken to the theatre, and for several days they 
Avere entertained with bancjuets, "long talks," music, and whatever else could be 
•devised to amuse and impress them; the members of Tammany wearing their 
Indian costumes so long as the visit of the Creeks lasted. In consequence of this 
Triendly and unique reception a treaty was secured — as the aborigines called it, 
"a treaty of friendship with Washington, the beloved Sachem of the Thirteen 
Fires." The result was a long period of peace with this tribe, which has long 
been entirely civilized, and, next to the Cherokees, the most advanced in the arts 
of civilization of any of the aborigines within the jurisdiction of the United States. 


LiiArriiR \. 


(HERE were other "Tammany" societies funned in tiie several 
States about tlie time of the New York organization, anil also 
one or two have been formed in recent years. The Tammany 
Society of Georgia became one of great political influence. 
Although, in its origin, the New York Tammany was ostensi- 
bly only a social and benevolent body, that astute -Senator 
from Pennsylvania, William Maclay, seems to have penetrated the dis- 
guise, for, in his diary, under date of May I, 1789, after describing the 
])arade of "the -Sons of Tammany," he says: "There seems to be some kind of 
scheme laid, of erecting some kind of order or society, under this denomination, 
but it docs nut seem well digested yet." He evidently suspected that there was 
some kind of political purpose concealed under the accepted name of the Tam- 
many "l)raves." 

Just about the same period, in 1789, an organization of a similar nature was 
formed in Philadelphia. Some writers claim that it was of earlier date Mian the 
New York society, having been organized on the first day of May. Jt certainly 
existed for several years, but never exercised any very potent political influence. 
As its annual meetings were held on the first of May, it had probably eleven days 
precedence as to age. The Philadelphia Tammany Society had two places of 
meeting: one in the city in a building known as the London Coffee House, on the 
corner of Front and Market streets. This was a general resort of the fashional)le 
people of the Quaker City. 

It was patronized by I<"ederal judges. Congressmen, naval and military offi- 
cers, as well as by wealthy citizens. In the summer the society met in a beautiful 
spot on the banks of the Schuylkill, at a place called the Wigwam. 

Heckewelder, an interesting chronicler of contemporary events, makes this 
reference to them under date of May ist: "Numerous societies of Tammany'= 
votaries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their 
hats decorated with bucktails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place out of 
town, called the Wigwam, where, after a 'long talk,' or Indian speech, had been 
delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, thev 
spent the day in festivity and mirth." 

The Philadelphia society had as its badge the eel, which shows it to have 

been the eleventh tribe, as designated by Chief Tammany in his gift of symbols. 

In this early period many smaller societies appear to have been organized which 

were in some sort auxiliaries to that in New York, which was the second tribe, 

or tiger, the first, or eagle, being the insignia of the nation. Little is known of the 

other early societies, as but few of them made any mark in politics; they won only 

% local reputation, and finally drifted into social associations, as did the more 

' V>mising Philadelphia organization. There is, however, one at least in Portland, 

j-'e., which gives unmistakable signs of life and activity: but. it is of recent 

-in, having been established in 1887, and its rules have been closely copied 
onj ' t> / ' .1 

r the Tammany organization in this city. 


On December 12, 1891, the New York World published the following evi- 
dence of its vitality: 
To the Editor of the Worl4 : 

Tammany Society, of Portland, Ore., solicits your presence as a guest at its annual 
banquet, to be given on the evening of the 8th day of January, 1892. The Democracy of 
the State of Oregon has been invited to be present, and numerous invitations have been 
sent to prominent Democrats from abroad. It is our hope to be able to make the occasion 
a memorable one to the Democracy of Oregon. 

On the following day, Saturday, January 9th, the State Convention of Democratic 
Societies will be held, when the first permanent organization will be perfected. 

Trusting that you may be able to participate with us, we are courteously yours, 

B. Goldsmith, President. 

M. M. Harris, Secretary. 

Communications to he addressed to F. A. E. Starr, Chairman Executive Committee, 
133 First street, Portland, Ore. 

There is one active Tammany society at the present time at Johnstown, Cam- 
bria County, Pa., one in Rhode Island, one in Texas, and undoubtedly many 
others scattered over the country, but not of sufficient extended influence to 
not of sufficient extended influence to require enumeration here. 

























[fe ^^ • ~^ ,i"|]^*^^'^^ '""'^ "°^^' probably few persons who criticise the affairs 
l/l ifelBF^V li of the Taminany Society who rcahze that at one time it 
was the only organized conservator of Art in the coinitry ; and 
the centre of archaeological knowledge in the City of New 
York. In the same year in which the famous visit of the 
Creeks occurred the Tammany Society established a Museum 
for the collection and preservation of everything of interest relating to the 
anti(|uities and early history of America. A room was allotted, for this 
purpose to the use of the Society, in the City Hall, then located in Wall 
street, near Nassau. .Mr. Gardiner Baker, a member of Tammany, was 
appointed Custodian. The collection of curiosities, principally of Indian 
origin, though by no means exclusively so, soon outgrew the limited accom- 
modations in the City Hall. and. in 1794, these treasures were removed to 
a brick building, then standing in the middle of Wall street, at the junction of 
Broad and Pearl streets; it was known as the "Exchange." The lower part of 
this building was occupied as a market, but the upper part, having good light on 
all sides, proved an e-xceilent place for seeing this art collection, a great portion 
of which had been gathered, or otherwise secured, by Mr. Baker, the custodian, 
who was an enthusiastic scientist and naturalist: and the following year the whole 
contents of the museum were, for a consideration, transferred by the Tammany 
Society to this gentleman. He had spent much time and money in making these 
collections, on the expectation and ardent desire that these interesting and curious 
objects should be forever known as "The Tammany Museum," and with the 
condition that the families of the founders of the Society should always have free 
access to it. 

But Baker was not immortal; and could not control the future fate of his 
valuable collection. C)n his death the contents of the museum were sold to a Mr. 
W. J. Waldron, and went partly into other hands; later the greater part were sold 
to the ".American," or "Scudder's Museum," and, when that was given up, some 
of the articles were bought by private parties, but the larger portion eventually 
passed into the hands of P. T. Barnum. Probably among the reasons why the 
Tamman}- Society had lost its original interest in the collection was the expense 
of maintaining it, and the great care required in the preservation of many of the 
articles, proving, as it did, a considerable draft upon their then limited funds, 
while their outside patrons were few in number, the population of the city being 
then so small, and very few being interested irv archaeological studies. Then, also, 
when these later transfers took place, the society was greatly interested in secur- 
ing official recognition, through an Act of Incorporation, which was not obtained, 
however, until 1805. 

John W. Fra?jcis, in his interesting "History of Old New York." says of 
this matter- "I believe that old Tammany was then (the time of Jay's treaty) too 


intent upon obtaining their charter to continue the work they had so well com- 
menced of gathering together the relics of Nature and Art to be found in this 
country. In this collection were to be seen wampum beads, tomahawks, belts, 
earthen jars and pots, w'ith other Indian antiquities; together w'ith all that could 
be found of Indian literature, in war songs, hieroglyphic writings on stone, bark 
and skins, etc., etc." If this enumeration of curios seem to us now rather 
meagre we must remember that it was founded over a hundred years ago. 

A recent discovery of a long-lost Washington portrait links the year 1892 
with this old Tammany art collector, Gardiner Baker. The Brooklyn (N. Y.) 
Eagle, of February 29, 1892, contained the following letter, dated Washington, 
D. C: 

"Consul-General Sherman, of Liverpool, has informed the State Department of the 
discovery in the Isle of Man, of a portrait of Washington, believed to be one of the three 
replicas by Gilbert Stuart from his original painting for the Marquis of Landsdowne; and 
also believed to be the identical portrait that was intended for the Executive Mansion. 
The portrait is now owned by Mr. William Burrows, and is for sale at the price 
of $1,000. The size of the canvass is twenty by fifteen inches." Mr. Sherman 
adds: "If a genuine Stuart, it would seem that it should be owned by the United 
State?." A photograph of the portrait accompanying the dispatch shows it to be 
a Stuart beyond any reasonable doubt, and extracts from Black and White, and from the 
Whitehall Rcvieir, give an interesting account of the history of the portrait, which is one 
of the most singular stories in the history of art, namely, the theft and disappearance of 
an authentic portrait of George Washington 

"This third portrait was painted for Mr. Gardiner Baker, of New York, an active 
member of the Society of St. Tammany, which society, at his suggestion, established a 
museum. This museum was. in 1794, made over to Mr. Baker, who added, among other 
attractions, this full-length portrait of the General. In 1796 he appears to have gone to 
Boston to exhibit the picture, but, dying there of yellow fever, the portrait went to a Mr. 
Laing in satisfaction of a claim. After a time the committee at Washington charged 
with furnishing the President's house, bought the picture, which was entrusted to one 
Winstanly to pack and deliver. He, however, copied the Stuart; delivered the copy and 
fled to England with the original. Stuart himself was the first to discover the fraud, 
and denounced it. but the false copy still hangs in the White House: while the original 
Stuart once owned by Mr. Gardiner Baker, the custodian of the Tammany museum, is now 
in the hands of a picture dealer of Douglas, in the Isle of Man." 

Besides the creditable record which the Tammany Society made in the 
cause of art, it was always ready to lead, or take part, usually to inaugurate all 
public movements of a patriotic nature, or to commemorate historical events of 
interest. Thus it came about that the Tammany Society has the credit of having 
originated the first Columbian celebration. "On the 12th of October 1792 (old 
style), the members of the Tammany Society met in their wigwam to celebrate the 
discovery of America by Columbus. A monumental obelisk was exhibited in the 
Hall, and an eloquent oration on the great mariner was delivered by Brother J. 
B. Johnson, one of the original members of the Society." A celebration vvas held 
later in Boston, on the 23d of October, but Tammany had set the example. 




T. THOUGH the act of incorporation of the Tammany Society 
docs not mention any pohtical object as a motive for its 
formation, it was from the first an essentially political associa- 
tion, though not professedly so, and it was certainly not 
])artisan. Keen observers, however, even on the very day 
of its founding, "saw something beneath the surface," 
and that "something" very gradually but steadily gained in strength — it was politi- 
cal influence. For many years during the first half century of its existence no 
other Democratic party was heard of in the City of New York than the party 
whoso headquarters were in the Wigwam, called indifferently "Bucktails" or 
"Tamnianyites;" and the general principles advocated by the society then, allow- 
ing for differences of time and circumstances, were the same as now. Mr. Ham- 
mond, in his elaborate work entitled the "Political History of the State of New 
York," speaking of Governor Tompkin's embarrassment, between appointing De 
Witt Clinton as Mayor of the city (the Mayors of the city being then appointed by 
the Governor), and the fear of exciting the displeasure of the Democratic party to 
which he owed his own election, says: "The Tammany party in New York, which 
then (1815) really constituted the Democratic party, pressed for his removal. 
Tompkins was much embarrassed, as he did not want to offend Clinton's friends. 
and yet dared not encounter ilie resentment of the New York Tamnianyites.'' 
The first notice that we finrl of a Democratic State Convention was the intro- 
duction of a bill in the Assembly, in 1818, by Mr. Edwards, a Tammany member, 
calling for a State convention, to consider the appointment of officers. The 
appointment of officers had always previously been arranged in caucus, by the 
leaders of both parties, just as national candidates were selected in Congressional 
caucus before national conventions were thought of. In 1817 the Democrats 
formed their first county conventions through the State (not including New York 
City), for the express purpose, as they announced, "to enable the Democrats 
living in counties represented in the Assembly by Federalists to have some 
voice in nominating the Governor." 

In the convention for the revision of the State Constitution, in 1821, the 
larger proportion of delegates were Democrats; those named from New York 
City were all Tammany men. The Speaker of the Assembly in 1822 was Grand 
Sachem Samuel B. Romaine. The only divisions of any account up to this 
period were entirely personal, and the friends and enemies of DeWitt Clinton 
made nearly all the discordance that materially affected the party in New York. 
A little later came divisions, vi'hich will be narrated more fully elsewhere. 

But, without following the general political course of the Society further, we 
here give a ■zrrbatim copy of the act of incorporation of the original association. 





An Act to incorporate the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of 
New York. Passed April 9, 1805. 

Whereas, William Mooney and other inhabitants of the City of New York have pre- 
sented a petition to the Legislature, setting forth that they, since the year 1789, have 
associated themselves under the name and description of the Society of Tammany, or 
Columbian Order, for the purpose of affording relief to the indigent and distressed' mem- 
bers of the said association, their widows and orphans, and others who may be found 
proper objects of their charity, they therefore solicit that the Legislature will be pleased 
by law to incorporate the said Society for the purposes aforesaid, under such limitations 
and resti-ictions as to the Legislature shall seem meet. 

Therefore, be it enacted by the people of the State of New York, represented in Senate 
and Assembly, That such persons as now are, or shall from time to time become members 
of the said Society, shall be, and are hereby ordained, constituted and declared to be a 
body corporate and politic, in deed, fact and name, by the name of the "The Society of 
Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of New York," mnd that by that name they 
and their successors shall have succession, and shall be persons in law, capable of suing 
and being sued, pleading and being impleaded, answering and being answered unto, in all 
courts and places whatsoever, in all manner of actions, suits, complaints, matters and 
causes whatsoever; and that they and their successors may have a common seal, and 
change and alter the same at their pleasure; and that they and their successors shall be 
persons capable in law to purchase, take, receive, hold and enjoy . to them and their 
successors, any real estate, in fee simple of for term of life, or lives, or otherwise; and 
any goods, chattels, or personal estate, for the purpose of enabling them the better to 
carry into effect the benevolent purposes of affording relief to the indigent and distressed; 
provided, that_the_clear yearly^ value of such real and personal estates shall not exceed 
the sum of Ave thousand dollars; and that they and their successors shall have full power 
and authority to give, grant, selL. lease, devise or dispose of the said real and personal 
estates or any part thereof, at their will and pleasure; and that they and their successors 
shall have power from time to time to make, constitute, ordain and establish by-laws, 
constitutions, ordinances and regulations as they shall judge proper, for the election of 
their officers, for the election or admission of new members of the said corporation and 
the terms and manner of admission, for the better government and regulation of their 
officers and members, for fixing the times and places of meeting of the said corporation, 
and for regulating all the affairs and business of the sa'd corporation; provided, that such 
by-laws and regulations shall not be repugnant to the Constitution or laws of the United 
States, or of this State. 

For the better carrying on the business and affairs of the said corporation, there shall 
be such numbers of officers of the said corporation, and of such denomination or denomina- 
tions, to be chosen in such manner and at such times and places as are now, or shall from 
time to time be directed by the constitution and by-laws of the said corporation, made or to 
be made for that purpose; and that such number and description of members shall be suf- 
ficient to constitute a legal meeting of the said corporation as are now or may hereafter 
be directed by the said constitution and bj'-laws of the said corporation. 

And be it further enacted. That this Act be and hereby is declared to be a public act, 
and that the same be construed in all courts and places benignly and favorably for every 
beneficial purpose therein intended. 

[Signed] Thomas Tillotson, ^ 

Secretary of State. 

Ai.BANY, February 24. 1807. , 




The Democratic party of Now York, witli the Tammany Society as its 
earliest representative, has had the peculiar and pleasant experience of frequently 
welcoming back into its ranks, not only individual members who have temptv 
rarily declined to act with the majority, but also factional parties who have for a 
time acted independently under other names. ( )ne of the most remarkable of 
these accessions occurred early in its history, and has not been given that prom- 
inence in the political histories of the countr\' which its importance deserves. 
This was a sudden desertion of fifty of the leading Federalists of the day from 
their own ranks and their application for membership at the Wigwam. This 
action excited much interest at the time, including, as it did, the -whole of the 
powerful Livingston family in the city, including the renowned Chancellor, he 
liaving joined in 1790. It was in 1820 that this body of fifty old-time opponents, 
members of the Federal party, publicly announced their withdrawal from their 
late associates and their intention to join the Democracy, which, of course, meant 
the Tanmiany Society. 

In explanation of tliis action, in referring to the documents of that time, we 
learn that there was a growing dissatisfaction among the more progressive por- 
tion of the I'cderalists, who. in the language of their day. were designated as 
"Migh-minded I''ederalists." On the 14th of April. 1820. a number of these put 
out a public address, in which they say: "The Federal party no longer exists; as 
a party, it is dissolved and annihilated, and even the bonds of nmtual confidence 
and private regard are severed, perhaps forever." And again: "The F'ederalists 
have now no ground of principle on which to stand." And, therefore, these 
gentlemen declare their intention of uniting with the "great Democratic party of 
the State and Union." This extraordinary manifesto, which was of considerable 
length, was signed by the persons whose names are given below, representing as 
iiighly respectable citizens as were then to be found in the city, either in politics 
or society. 

List of the fifty I'cderalists who amiounccd the death of their party and 
joined the Democrats: I'eter Jay Monroe, J- O. Hofifman, Jonathan Hasbrouk, 
("leorge D. Wickhani. Morris S. Miller. Melancthon Wheeler. Levi Callender, 
Joshua Whitney. John Suydam. R. W. Stoddard, David Hudson, H. Mont- 
gomery, H. R. Bender, George W. Tibbits, Thomas Mumford, John Duer, John 
A. King, F.lisha P>. Strong, George F. Tallman, Joshua A. De Witt, Charles A. 
Foot, James Lynch, Glen Cuyler. John L. Wendell, Charles King, A. B. Has- 
brouk. T. S. Morgan, Jeffrey Wisner, James A. Hamilton, Ebenezer Griffin, John 
C. Morris. Livingston Billings, Tracey Robinson, Johnson \'erplank. Henry 
Brown, Thomas J. Delancy, Thomas G. Waterman, John C. Hamilton, James 
Clapp, William A. Duer, William P. Sherman. Isaac Dubois. Zeb. R. Shepherd, 
Alanson Austin, Garrit Post. Elisha Ely, H, Vander'yn, W. W. Mumford. 


Another party of Federalists had quitted their wonted ranks in 1812, and 
joined Tammany. These were called by their contemporaries the "Coody party," 
the name being given in reference to a series of articles published, signed Abime- 
lech Coody, the author of which severely attacked the Federalists for their British 
affinities and opposition to the war. These letters, as was afterward learned, 
were written by Gulian C. Verplanck, and were especially bitter against De Witt 
Clinton. Of this set of seceding Federalists the historian Horton says: "The 
leaders of the Coody party were Gulian C. Verplanck, Hugh Maxwell, Jacob 
Ratclifif, Richard Hatfield, Josiah Heddin and John Hopkins, about forty 
altogether;" and he adds, "they rushed into Tammany Hall, claiming to have 
become better Democrats than even the old chiefs of the Wigwam. Though a 
few of the ancient braves were inclined to be wary, the Coodyites were cordially 
received and granted seats 'around the Council Fire.' The sequel is interesting. 
Shortly after Ratcliff was made Mayor; Hatfield became Clerk of the Sessions, 
and Maxwell was made District Attorney. In retaliation, when De Witt Clinton 
became Governor, he removed a number of Tammany men from office; but most 
of them were restored by his successor. Governor Joseph C. Yates." 

In the course of these pages the fact will be discovered that nearly all the 
seceders from Tammany Hall, who have at any time taken the shape of new 
parties, have eventually returned to the shelter of the great Wigwam, and have 
usually found themselves happier there than in endeavoring to maintain separate 
action as Democrats. 



|T will ])rnl)al)ly be a surjirisc to iiiaii\ people to learn thai for 
several years after its formation the Society of Tammany 
eclebrated the Fourth of July by a semi-religious service, 
listening to a sermon as well as the reading of the Declaration 
of Independence. In 1791 the Tammany Society invited the 
Rev. Dr. William Linn, of the Middle Reformed Dutch 
(.hurcli. to preach before them on the national anniversary. ,\ copy of 
this sermon, now over a century rild, is preserved in the collections of 
llie Long Island Historical Society. The Tammanyites of that day had 
ihe grace not only to thank the preacher in very handsome terms for his 
sermon, but they also requested the loan of the manuscript for the purpose of 
securing printed copies of the same; of which si.x hundred were ordered. There 
were not, of course, any stenographic reporters in those days; nor, if 
there had been, any newspapers large enough to have given space to such 
lengthy matter. In this sermon the reverend gentleman had dilated at length 
upon the great size and geographical advantages of the country, as well as its 
political superiority over the nations of Europe, dropping into poetry, by quoting 
the well-known lines: 

"What is life? .... 
'Tis not to stalk and draw fresh air 
From time to time, to gaze upon the sun. 
'Tis to be free! When liberty is gone 
Ijife grows insipid, and has lost its relish." 

Music and the reading of a religious and patriotic ode concluded the cele- 

In 1793 the 4th of July was again celebrated by the Tammany Society by 
listening to a sermon; this time by a Presbyterian clergyman, the Rev. Samuel 
Miller, who took for his general argument the proposition that Christianity is the 
surest basis of political liberty. 

In explaining his choice of a subject, he said: "To this choice of a subject 
am I led bv the recollection that the respected society to which this discourse is 
in a particular manner addressed hold up as the great object of their attention 
everything that may tend to promote the progress of civil liberty, and to trans- 
mit it pure and undefiled to the latest posterity." adding to these noble words 
many more complimentary remarks on the patriotism of the Tammany Society. 

We will refer to only one more of these early religious celebrations of the 
national anniversary by Tammany; this was in 1794, and was conducted by an 
Episcopalian, the Rev. Mr. Fillmore. This gentleman struck a more florid style 
of oratorv than the society had hitherto been treated to. His especial theme was 
unitv, and he thus saluted the members of the Tammany Society before him: 
"Hail, patriot leaders of the happy tribes! Raise your banners in the temple of 
honor of our Heavenly King! To you, gentlemen, we, and all our citizens, are 
much indebted for your encouragement of art, and the science of archaeology, in 



the establishment of the museum which arose under your auspices, and which has 
already been enriched by your liberality; not only with a choice collection of the 
curious productions of nature, but likewise with some of the most masterly pro- 
ductions of literature, particularly those treating of the rights of man, which will 
happily preserve them from oblivion." 

On a later occasion an orator named J. B. Johnson also addressed the society 
on the necessity of preserving a strict union, not only among themselves, but a 
friendly union between the States. One of his expressions emphasizes strongly 
the immense growth of the United States since that day; alluding to the great 
size of the country as an additional reason and necessity for unity, he exclaims: 
" A land stretching from New Hampshire to Georgia." Not seeing in prophetic 
vision the immense expansion which was to come, he still proceeded to argue 
that on account of the great size of the United States, and the large number com- 
posing the Union, that the sovereignty of each individual State should be care- 
fully watched over and maintained. Indeed, this address is one of the 
earliest as well as most outspoken appeals in advocacy of State rights, as against 
any possible encroachments of the General Government. "How," he asks, "can 
one eye, however wakeful and piercing, watch the sacred deposit of the people's 
interests with sc5 much safety as the quick and vivid glance of fifteen (Vermont 
and Kentucky were then included in the Union) sovereign and United States?" 
In concluding his address, he thus compliments the fraternal spirit of the Tam- 
many Society: "Suffer me, brothers to ofifer to you the sentiment of my fraternal 
affection and regard. Within the walls of your wigwam has my heart often 
expanded with genuine delight; there, innocent pleasure wanders free and 
unmolested, and smiles on every guest. There friendship, founded on the purest 
motives, knits, in the firm knot of Union, the hearts of every true brother; there 
the flame of patriotism, kindled by the tongue of eloquence, and the sweet voice 
of freedom, darts from soul to soul, and illuminates your peaceful hall. And 
there, if I have any love for my country, any ardor in the cause of liberty, any 
strong desire for the happiness of mankind, there have these virtues been born, 
being also, by your precept and example, exalted and refined. Brothers, keep in 
mind that vou are the Union in miniature. Many are your fires, but they all 
burn within the same circle. Many are your links, but they all constitute one 
bright, strong, and. I trust, enduring chain." 

From those early days until the present lime, whether the orator of the day 
used the form of a sermon or a simply patriotic address, the Tammany Society 
never celebrated the Fourth of July without listening to the reading of the 
Declaration of Independence, a custom well worthy of imitation by other asso- 

In 1813 several societies united with Tammany in celebrating the national 
anniversary, including the George Clinton Association. The orator of the day 
was Mr. John Rodman. The war with Great Britain was then in progress, and 
in the course of his address several of the Eastern States came under the scalpel 
of the speaker. He said: "Sons of Tammany, to keep alive the patriot flame is 
the object of our association, and the basis of our institution. Under the Tree of 
Liberty we have for manv years smoked the Calumet of Peace, and rejoiced at the 
prosperity of our country. But now the tliunders of war murmur in our ears, 
and while, in some of the States, those who should be active sit supine, others 


seem iiiclincil to enci)iiraj;c llu- eiu-niy." In justil'icaliuii <jl such rtiiiarks it will 
be reiiuMiihered that many of the inthiential men of New England, the merchai'~s, 
mamifaetiirers and shippe' were mainly Feileralists. and, in a measure, for party 
reasons, hut still more upon financial considerations, were even then considering 
the convening of the famous, or, shall we say infamous, "Hartford Convention," 
which actually took ])lace S(jme five months later. The attitude of the Federalists, 
of New l-.ngland at this tune was naturally regarded by all good Democrats as 
scmi-traitorons, and very fair subjects for a scathing rebuke on the Fourth of 
July. In addition to his criticism on New luigland, Mr. Rodman discussed the 
question of the maritime rights of the United States, not failing to denounce, as 
the Democrats always had done, "Ja^'s 'JVeaty," which, it is now universally 
admitted, surrendered too much to the claims of FIngland. "Our ships," 
exclaimed the orator, "are a part of our territory, and England's non-expatriation 
theory can never be admitted." 

At a special meeting held on March 31, 1817, to celebrate the twelfth anni- 
versary of the incorporation of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, 
over which Samuel Berrian. Esq., presided, the aninuis of the meeting was. 
mainly directed against the attempt of Spain to repress, by force of arms, the 
rising spirit of liberty which was beginning to show itself in the Spanish colonies 
of Central and South .\merica. One of the speakers commented severely on 
those members of Congress who had voted to raise their own pay. "Do you 
think, or can you imagine." said he, "that any representative will perform his 
legislative functions with more al)ility lor this increase of salary? Gold may shed 
a factitious splendor over infamy and crime, but gold never did. and never can, 
add a single throb to the impulse of integrit}." 

We have given considerable space to these early orators of Tammany, 
more, perhaps, than is intrinsically interesting, but there certainly seems no better 
wav to get at the animating spirit of any set of men. politicians or others, than to 
let them speak for themselves at times, and under circumstances, when there was 
no motive for suppression or concealment. Tammany shows well under this 
retrospective light. 





rrjjl (.) those unacquainted with the early history and social standing 
of the Tammany Society it may be somewhat of a surprise to 
learn how large a proportion of the literary men of the period 
were habitual habitues of the Wigwam. 

We have elsewhere called attention to the fact that 
the Tammany Society was never without a supply of 
oratorical and poetical talent more than sufficient to embellish with appro- 
priate poems and songs the ceremonies of its anniversaries and other festal 
occasions; indeed, it may truthfully be said that for the first eighty years 
of Tammany's existence all the best poetry of New York was Democratic; 
and nearly all the well-known poets were Tammany men. One of the 
earliest of these was Philip Freneau, but a name much better known, because 
later, is that of William Cullen Bryant. He is too well known to require any 
biographical notice here, but, in evidence of his practical sympathy and cordial 
fraternization with the other Tammany poets of his day, we have only to call 
attention to his estimation of, and cordial friendship with, the late William Leg- 
gett — one of the leaders of the "Loco Foco" party, which temporarily separated 
from Tammany Hall, but reunited with the old society after the experience of a 

brief independent career. 

^ ^ ^ 

William Leggett, one of the sweetest of American poets, was for a con- 
siderable time associated with Bryant in the editorial work of the Evening Post, 
and subsequently in the conduct of tht Democratic Review. i[lt was in this latter 'si' 
periodical, after Leggett's death, that Bryant wrote that beautiful poetical tribute 
to the friend he valued almost above any other, commencing: 

"The earth may ring from shore to shore. 

With echoes of a glorious name; 
But he whose loss our hearts deplore, 
Has left behind him more than fame." 

Mr. I-eggett himself is best known to lovers of poetry by that most tender 

lyric beginning: 

"If yon bright stars which gem the night, 
Be each a blissful dwelling sphere." 

But to politicians his newspaper work furnishes an inexhaustible mine of 
elevated Democratic thought and suggestion, which can never be outgrown or 
become obsolete. 

Philip Freneau was of French Huguenot descent, but came to New York 
in 1774 . when the patriot blood of the colonists was in a ferment over the question 
of defying British rule and declaring the country independent. He immediately % 
identified himself with the interests of America, and became a zealous patriot. 
Having mercantile interests in the West Indies, in 1778, he had taken passage for 
St. Eustasia, but the vessel had scarcely got beyond the Capes of Delaware when 


he was overhauled by a Britisli filtrate and captured Mr. Frcneau, with all on 
board, being made prisoners, and brought Iiack to the port of New York, this 
city being t'hen in the hands of the enemy. The young Frenchman was first 
placed on board of the "prison ship Scorpion," then lying in the North River, 
where, falling very ill, he was transferred to the so-called "hospital ship," in the 
Wallabout. What he endured in these wretched abodes he has partly succeeded 
in telling in a long poem, entitled "The British Prison Ships." It commences 
thus: — 

"The various horrors of these hulks to tell," 
and goes on to describe, first, his experience on the Scorpion, which appears 
bad enough, yet not equal to the misery of the hospital, as to which a victim 
already there salutes him with the exclamation: — 

"If that was purgatory, this is hell." 

By some means now unknown, perhaps by bribing the guard, Mr. Freneau 
managed to escape from his captors, and, after peace was proclaimed, he settled 
down to literary persuits in New York, where he was recognized as the "Patriot 
Poet." As soon as the Tammany Society was formed he was naturally found 
fraternizing with the "braves" of the wigwam. He was offered a Government 
position by President Jefferson, but declined the honor. He was always greatly 
interested in the fate of the American Indians, and one of his longest poems is 
called "The Prophecy of King Tammany." 

* * * 

Fitz-Greene Halleck. A very pleasant name to remember in this con- 
nection is that of Halleck — a name known, like Bryant's, to every scholar 
throughout Christendom, as well as to every school-boy in the United States. 
Though this genial poet was a native of Connecticut, he was for fifty years a 
resident of the City of New York. This he considered his home; elsewhere, even' 
in his native village, he was but a "guest." That he was an habitual visitor, and 
always welcome in the wigwam, we have his own words for, in some verses of 
which the following couplet forms part, where, speaking of Tammany Hall, he 

"In the time of my youth it was pleasant to call 
For a seat and segar 'mid the jovial throng." 

It was in his later days that these verses were written, which exhibited the 

geniality of his nature and his Burns-like conception of good-fellowship. One of 

Mr. Halleck's first literary friendships was formed with that other charming poet, 

Joseph Rodman Drake, and it was in memoriam of this gifted friend that he 

wrote the oft-quoted lines: 

"Green be the turf above thee, 
Friend of my better days, etc. 

* * 

Fitz-Greene Halleck's special forte was undoubtedly that of good-humored 
satire, which was as often applied to his friends as his political opponents, of 
which Grand Sachem Walter Bowne (who was also Mayor of New York) was 
once a victim. At that time, 1820, the Mayor, as a prerogative of his ofiRce, had 
been making somewhat of a political sweep of hold-over officials, to the surprise 
of some of his adherents and the consternation of others. Very shortly after these 
changes had been affected there appeared in one of the city papers an "Address 
V to W. . . .r B.w.e.," of which we can make room for a few lines only: 


"We do not blame you W B 

For a variety of reasons; 
You're now the talk of half the town, 
A man of talent and renown, 

And will be, for perhaps two seasons. 
How could you have the heart to strike 
Prom place the peerless Pierre Van Wyck. 
And the twin Colonels, Haines and Pell, 
Squire Fessenden, and Sheriff Bell? 

And when you visit us agam, 
Leaning at Tammany on your cane, 
Like warrior on his battle- blade. 
You'll mourn the havoc you have made." 

Joseph Rodman Drake was another of the brilliant poetic coterie who 
found genial companionship and political sympathy in the Wigwam. His finest 
poem, considered as purely literary work, is no doubt "The Culprit Fay," but he 
is probably more generally remembered as the author of that soul-stirring pro- 

"When Freedom, fron> her mountain height. 
Unfurled her standard to the air," etc. 

Washington Irving was one of the famous group of literary friends whose 
political affiliations were with Tammany Hall, but from the fact that he spent so 
much of his active life abroad his name figures less constantly in the annals of 
the society than some of his confreres. The Democratic President, Madison, 
offered him a Secretaryship in the Navy, which, however, he declined. He 
accepted the appointment of Minister to Spain from President Tyler, remaining 
abroad at that time four years. On his return to New York he was welcomed 
with the greatest enthusiasm, as one who had done much to elevate the literary 
reputation of his native country abroad. His old friends of the Tammany Society 
were among the most ardent of his admirers. 

At a meeting held in the Wigwam he was named as a candidate for the 
Mayoralty, which event the late George William Curtis thus described, in the 
course of a lecture given in New York: "Tammany Hall unanimously and 
■vociferously nominated him for Mayor, an incident which transcends the most 
humorous touch in Knickerbocker's history." That Mr. Curtis should see any- 
thing jocose in this perfectly serious nomination by Tammany probably arose 
from the fact that, he never realized the intense Americanism of the Tammany 
Society. It was not as a literary man 'especially that they desired to honor Mr. 
Irving, for they had always plenty of literary timber at hand, but partly for old 
association's sake, and from their natural instinct to honor any man who had 
brought honor to America. 

For several years there was in New York City, dating from the last decade 
of" the last century and coming down to comparatively modern times, a some- 
what exclusive but very able and interesting group of literary workers, known 
as the "Literary Confederacy," nearly all of whom were more or less affiliated 
with Tammany, of which association Gulian C. Verplanck was the head. They 
were a genial set, and all men of rare talent and wit, as well as patriotic Demo- 
crats. Among them was the poet Robert C. Sands, to whom .\ppleton gives an 


extended notice in his "Biograpiiical CyclopEcdia." Robert's father had been a 
noted hero in the Revolutionary War, and the son was thoroughly imbued with 
tiu' spirit of independence. In the winter of 1822-3, '" conjunction witli liis friend 
Eastburn (afterward Bishop of Rhode Island), he started a magazine, which he 
called the "St. Tammany Magazine," but his periodical had not a very long life; 
and, thus when Charles Fenno Hofifman started the "Knickerbocker," he trans- 
ferred his talents to that successful magazine. Mis most elaborate poem was on 
the great Sachem of the Pequods, entitled "King Philip's War." Mr. Sands had 
the peculiar faculty of writing with more facility in the presence of others than 
when alone. ,L 

Did space permit, we should like to give some account of many more of 
the Tammany poets, including Edward Sanford, Attorney-General of the United 
States, who assisted materially in the election of Martin Van Buren to the Presi- 
dency. Like others of the early American poets, the picturesque natives of the 
soil attracted their peculiar sympathy. One of Mr. Sanford's best efforts is 
revealed in a poetical address to Blackhawk, commencing: 

"There's beauty on thy brow, old Chief." 

Elsewhere in these pages will be found references to others of the poet class, 
with a somewhat more detailed account of one of the more modern, 'Mr. Halpine 

John Pintard was one of the "all-round" literary men of the earlier period. 
He was Tammany's first Sagamore. , Mr. Pintard was one of those cultivated 
men, active in every intellectual work of which the history of the Tammanv 
Society furnishes so many examples. When quite a young man John Pintard 
served as a clerk in the store of his uncle, the renowned patriot and philanthropist, 
Elias Boudinot, President of the Congress, in 1782, and, as such, signer of the 
Treaty of Peace with Great Britain. Young Pintard shared with this intellectual 
relative not only his taste for history and science, but also his love of country and 
of Democratic principles. He had many opportunities, during the War of the 
Revolution, to see the cruel treatment of the prisoners held by the British in the 
overcrowded prisons of New York, and in later years was often heard to describe 
the condition of the old Dutch Church on Nassau street, with its pews and pulpit 
torn out, into which was thrust some three thousand prisoners. 

He was one of the original organizers of the Tanmiany Society, and, as 
stated above, its first Sagamore. He was also an active and zealous promoter of 
the Tammany Museum, established in 1791, under the guardianship of Mr. Baker. 
Indeed, this Tammany Museum was the forerunner of the New York Historical 
Society, of which Mr. Pintard. with other prominent Tammany men, was the 
foinider, some dozen years later. It was in 1804 that Mr. Pintard met by appoint- 
ment with the following gentlemen in the old City Hall, then in Wall street, for 
the purpose of forming the Historical Society of New York. These were Messrs. 
Dc Witt Clinton, Peter Gerard Stuyvesant, Anthony Bleecker and some others. 
Mr. Pintard* was appointed on the committee to draft a constitution. The old 
members of the Tammany Society, who had been interested in the Archseological 
Museum, came largely to the support of this new institution, and for some years 
the infant Historical Society held its meetings in the same rooms formerly occu- 
pied by the Tammany Museum in Wall street. >^^ 

•Mr. Moncure D. Conway, in his "Life of Thomas Paine," makes the mistake of 
naming Pintard as the founder of Tammany. 


Mr. Pintard's activities were not limited to the collection of curios or histori- 
cal works. He was a practical philanthropist, a prominent member of the Bible 
Society, and a trustee of the Sailors' Snug Harbor; he was an early advocate of 
the common school system, and encouraged the establishment of savings banks; 
and to him we are largely indebted for the sensible system adopted in laying out 
the streets and avenues of New York City. Such a man could hardly keep out 
of print, having so many practical views to present for the public consideration, 
and naturally we find him exploiting many of these in the newspapers of the day, 
especially in the Daily Advertiser. He survived until 1844, passing from his many 
activities at the ripe age of eighty-six, in the city of his birth, where nearly the 
whole of his life was spent, and which still retains so many evidences of his benefi- 
cent career. 

Of the political writers, their name is legion, who have first or last been 
connected with Tammany Hall. They are too numerous to be even named here, 
but, as a sample, we would refer the reader to the official documents of William L. 
Marcy, Governor of New York in 1833-39, Secretary of War under President 
Polk, and Secretary of State under President Pierce. His papers on the Koszta 
afifair with Austria would alone immortalize his name in America. His peers, or 
approximate peers, if fairly represented by their own writings, would fill many 
volumes larger than this. 





^AMMANY HALL has never had any toleration for traitors, either 
national or those working professedly in their own ranks. 
For mere seceders and factionists breaking away from the 
organization, on the contrary, there is always a way open to 
return, if the fight has been an open one and fairly conducted. 
lUit when Tammany drops a man for disloyalty to the party 
tliat is an end of him. So it proved with that distinguished soldier and early 
patriot, Aaron Burr, whose later actions so clouded his better fame that his 
patriotic deeds are all forgotten. Yet, until he was nearing fifty years of age, he 
was one of the foremost men of his day, as plainly appears from his having been 
placed on the Presidential ticket with Jefferson. 

Not only was he an astute politician, but, up to a certain point in his career, 
he even ranked as a statesman; he was also a brilliant society man, and had in 
his horizon as bright possibilities as any man in the country, had he not spoiled 
all by that "vaulting ambition which o'erleaps itself," and the lack of patience to 
await his time. Having passed through the Revolutionary War with the reputa- 
tion of an able and even brilliant officer, in 1788 he commenced the practice of law 
in New York City, and having received the appointment of Attorney General for 
the State, was subsequently chosen to serve in the State Senate, and was later 
elected to the Assembly. On the Democratic ticket for President in 1801 were 
the names of Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr — it being well understood that 
the higher office was meant for Jefferson, and the Vice-Presidency for Burr. 

The mode of election to these offices at that time differed from the present 
mode. The custom then was to select the person having the largest number of 
votes to fill the ofifice of President, and the next highest number for the Vice- 
Presidency, no matter how many candidates there might be. In this case Jeffer- 
son and Burr received exactly the same number of electoral votes, namely, 73 
each (which shows conclusively the high estimation in which Burr was held). 
This threw the election into the House, and immediately Burr and his friends 
began to intrigue for the highest place: this displeased all fair-minded people of 
all parties, who knew, as did Burr himself, that the voters had not so intended. 
The pressure of public opinion, however, forced Burr to withdraw his preten- 
ions, but he did not do so until his contest became hopeless; Jefferson was chosen, 
and Tammany had no farther use for Aaron Burr. 

It was in this campaign that Tammany first assumed a distinctly partisan 
political attitude which it has maintained somewhat vigorously ever since. 




UTSIDE of politics, Tammany, as a society, never let anything 
of public interest pass without giving to it all the attention 
and aid, when necessary, which the subject deserved. In the 
Long Island Historical Society, located in Brooklyn, on the 
corner of Clinton and Pierrepont streets, may be seen a con- 
crete proof of the patriotic feelings and actions of the Tam- 
many Society of New York. This interesting object consists of an in- 
scribed stone, four feet three inches in height by three feet wide, and is 
part of the structure which contained for many years the bones of those men of 
the Revolution who were confined as prisoners of war in British ships lying off 
^at part of Brooklyn known as Wallabout Bay. They are generally spoken of 
as the "Prison-ship Martyrs." These men were offered their liberty if they 
would promise not to again take up arms in the American cause ; to a man they 
refused to give the promise, and in consequence perished in these prison-ships by 
thousands. The inscription on the stone above referred to is as follows: 

"In the name of the spirits of the Departed Free. Sacred to the memory of that 
portion of American Seamen, Soldiers and Citizens who perished in the cause of the 
Liberty of their country, on board the prison ships of the British (during the Revolu- 
tionary war) at the Wallabout. This is the corner-stone of the vault which contains their 

"Erected by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, of New York, the ground for 
which was bestowed by John Jackson, Nassau Island,* season of Blossoms, year of dis- 
covery 316th, of the Institution the 19th, and of American Independence the 32d. April the 
6th, 1X08. 

Jacob Vandervort, 


Robert Townsend, 
Samuel Cowdrew, 

JoH.M Jackson, 
issachar cozzens, 
Benjamin Watson, 

Wallabout Committee. 
William and David Campbell, builders." 

The following brief statement in explanation of the action of the Tammany 
Society in this matter will, we think, convince any reader that the erection of 
this monument, which should have been a national charge, was a most praise- 
worthy work for a local society to undertake. There were many old British ships 
used as prisons during the Revolutionary War, while the City of New York was 
in the hands of the enemy, but the vessel named the "Jersey" seems to have borne 
the palm of infamy, among all these amphibious cages full to overcrowding of 
patriot Americans. 

After the battle of Long Island in August, 1776, and the capture of Fort 
Washington in November of the same year, the British prisons in New York City 
were overflowing with prisoners of war, and a number of dismantled ships, mostly 
transports, many having been used for cattle, were anchored in the Wallabout. 
and soon filled with thousands of prisoners, seamen, soldiers, and private citizens, 
of the latter alone there were over five thousand. The fateful "Jersey" is described 

• Original name given by the Dutch settlers to Long Island. 


by a l(H-a] writer as follows: "She was originally a 64-gun ship, she was dis- 
mantled in 177O and placed in Wallaboiit Bay, and used as a prison-ship until the 
end of the war, when she was abandoned and left to decay. Often as many as a 
thousand prisoners were sinuiltancously confined on the "Jersey.' Her crew was 
composed of drafted British and Hessian soldiers, who were very cruel to their 
prisoners. Many of those confined here were within a stone's throw of their 
friends and relatives, and these poor starving prisoners gazed from their prison 
port-holes on the neighboring shores, where welcome and plenty awaited them. ' 
If they could but escape, or would they but promise obedience to the crown, and 
they were free. Promises of pardon and of gold were made to them, if they would 
submit to 'Good King George,' but they sadly shook their heads. 'Then rot,' 
said the British officer. And rot and die they did." 

Their bodies wcj'-- taken ashore, and only half buried on the swampy land 
bordering on the bay, where their bones long lay utterly neglected, and where 
they might have continued to lie for an indefinite period, perhaps forever, if the 
Tammany Society of New York had not taken the initiative and determined to 
take practical action in regard to this matter. There had been much ineffectual 
talk in Brooklyn about the shame of leaving these bodies, the bones of which 
might sometimes be seen protruding from the uncared-for earth. In 1792 the 
citizens of the then siuall town of Brooklyn met, and resolved that the bones 
should be collected and buried in the graveyard of the Dutch Reformed Church, 
but the owner of the land on which most of them lay had already gathered a great 
many in one spot in order to make way for some improvements, objections of 
various kinds were raised, the matter was not energetically pushed, and the sub- 
ject was dropped. 

But the Taiumany Society, though located in New York, on the opposite 
side of the dividing water, (mis-called) the East River, determined that these 
patriots' bones should be cared for. On the loth of February, 180.^, tliev 
appointed Dr. Sanuiel Mitchell to present an eloquent Memorial to Congress, 
inviting the co-operation of patriots m every part of the United States: con- 
sidering, as was really the fact, that this was an object of national interest. 
Congress did nothing. 

The Society made some further efforts to enlist the cornmunity at large, and 
met with individual cases of hearty response : but nothing practical resulted from 
this either. Then Taiumany resolved to take upon itself the whole of the work. 
Mr. John Jackson, being now satisfied that the matter was in the right hands. 
A voluntarily presented the Society with a lot of land sufficiently large to contain all 
the remains which could be recovered. This land was on Jackson street, adjoin- 
ing the Navy Yard. Work was connricnced at once, and on the 13th day of April, 
i8o8, the ceremony of laying the corner-stone took place. 

A procession was formed at the old Wigwam, in Nassau street. New York, 
and having marched through several streets in that city, the Tammany Society, 
with numerous friendly adherents, reached the Brooklyn shore near the present 
location of the Fulton Ferry. The passage across was made in thirteen large 
open boats, representing the thirteen tribes of Tammany, as well as the original 
thirteen States. Each tribe brought with them an enormous coffin draped in 
black. They landed at Main street, accompanied by a military band, which played 
funereal music. .A. striking feature of the procession, which was led bv Major 



Ayerigg, was a large truck-carriage, which bore a grand pedestal and monument, 
representing black marble, enclosed by a fence. This monument had four panels, 
on each of which was a motto, in large letters, as follows : "Americans, remem- 
ber the British." "Youth of my Country! Martyrdom prefer to Slavery." "Sires 
of Columbia, transmit to posterity the cruelties practiced on board the British 
Prison Ships." "Tyrants dread the gathering storm, while Freemen, Freeman's 
obsequies Perform." On top of this monument was a staff eighteen feet high, 
bearing an American flag, at the apex of which was a globe on which was an 
eagle enveloped in black crepe. Preceding this was a young man, dressed in 
appropriate costume, representing the "Genius of America." This character was 
simulated by Mr. Josiah Falconer, a member of Tammany and the son of a revo- 
lutionary patriot. Other young men represented, in character, the Seven Virtues. 
Leading the whole procession came, first, the Grand Sachem, the Father of the 
Council and other officers of the Society following, accompanied by a herald and 
trumpeter. The procession marched through Main, Sands, Bridge, and York 
streets, halting at the vault prepared as the receptacle of the honored relics, while 
artillery boomed from the neighboring height of Fort Green, where, later, Joseph 
D. Fay pronounced a brilliant oration, after the corner-stone had been laid with 
the usual ceremonies. 

This was a great day, both for New York and for Brooklyn ; the streets were 
filled with people, and the river was alive with boats, brilliant with American 
flags, as were also many of the houses on the line of the procession. Benjamin 
Romaine was at this time Grand Sachem. At the conclusion of the ceremonies, 
the Tammany party returned to New York. 

The relics of the dead were actually placed in the vault under the structure 
built for their reception, on the 26th day of the following May. Eleven thousand 
men had died on the prison ship "Jersey" alone ; how many on the other ships 
is not accurately known, but the number was proportionately as large — except in 
one case, where the officers were endued with some measure of humanity. 

Some time after the performance of this national duty by the Society of 
Tammany, the land on which the vault was erected changed hands, the grade of 
Jackson street was altered, and the lot on which the relics of the martyrs rested 
were sold for taxes. Again, it was a Tammany man who came to the rescue. 
Benjamin Romaine, the late Grand Sachem, bought it in. He had personally 
known what it was to be a British prisoner, having been for many months in une 
of the sugar-house prisons in the City of New York. Mr. Romaine subsequently 
built an ante-chamber over the vault and otherwise improved and decorated the 
building with inscriptions and other adornments. To better ensure its future 
preservation, he adopted it for his personal burying-place, and in 1829 had his 
own coffin placed therein, properly inscribed, lacking only the date of his decease. 
This premature coffin was placed alongside of the monster thirteen receptacles 
containing the martyrs' bones. Mr. Romaine was more than once asked to sur- 
render this plot to the city, but he persistently refused. He said : "These relics 
are my propertv" (he had spent nearly a thousand dollars in improving and caring 
for the place above the original price of the lot). He also said: "When I am 
placed with them I shall bequeath them to my country, and commend them to the 
care of the Government." 


This noble man died in 1844, at the ripe aj^e of eif::;Iity-l\vo. The martyrs' 
bones, which he had so tenderly cared for, have since been placed within an 
eievated terrace, on the westerly side of " Fort Green " (officially natned Wash- 
ington Park). 

Congress has annually, bnt vainly, for the last twenty years, been besought 
to make an appropriation to mark this spot by a suitable mommient. 

There is now (1901) in the Uorough of Brooklyn a Society of Ladies, whose 
object is to erect the long dclayet! monument by seciu-ing a state appropriation 
for that object and by general subscription, with good ])rospect of success. 



N eventful year was 1811 in the annals of the Tammany Society; 
for in that year was laid the corner-stone of the first permanent 
Wigwam, which was erected on the corner of Nassau and 
Frankfort streets — included in what is now called "Printing 
House Square." On account of the troublous condition of 
the times just preceding the war of 1812, the ceremony was 
less elaborate than it would otherwise have been, and the small four-paged papers 
of the day had less space to devote to local events that is now imperative ; but we 
have a copy of the inscription on the stone, and a full list of the active ofificers of 
the Society on that auspicious occasion. 

Inscription on the Corner-Stone laid May 12, 1811. 

"This stone is laid by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order No. 1, on the 12th day 
of May, 1811, and the 21st year of its institution, and the 35th of American Independence, 
being the first stone of a building erected for preserving and strengthening that patriotic- 
chain which unites its members and for accommodating their Republican* brethren. 

Officers of the Society In 1811. 

Clarkson Crolius, Grand Sachem. 
"William J. Waldron, Treasurer. 
Henry Howard, Secretary. 

Council of Sachems. 


Garrett Sickles, Father of the Council. 

William Mooney, Stephen Allen, 

John P. Haff, William Peterson, 

Lawrence Meyers, . Peter Embury, 

Oliver Drake, Adrian Hageman. 

Abraham Stagg, George Buckmaster. 

Benjamin Romaine, Jonas Humbert. 

Issachar Cozzens, Wiskinskie. 

William Mayell, Scribe. 

Richad Kipp, Sagamore. 

Building Committee — Henry Rutgers, Augustus Wright, William J. Waldron, Matthew 
L. Davis, John S. Hunn, James Warner, John Hopper, John Haff, William Jones. Stephen 
Allen, Jacob Barker, Clarkson Crolius, John T. Irving. 

Masons — William Simons, John O'Blenis. 
Carpenter — George B. Thorp. 

The work of erection went bravely on, and the building was completed in 
time for the officers of the Society to receive and entertain, in their grand new 
hall, the most famous naval and military heroes of the war of 1812-15 

In later days it was the custom of the Society to celebrate the anniversary of 
the battle of New Orleans by a ball, and on these occasions the most distinguished 
citizens often took part. Among the favorites of the ballroom at these and other 
entertainments was the accomplished and ever graceful "Prince John Van Buren." 

• It will be remembered "Republican" then meant Democratic. 


son of I'rusiclent Martin \ an Huron, who ol)tainf(l liis ilistniguished sobriquet 
from the fact of liis having on one occasion danced with Queen Victoria soon 
after her Majesty had become Queen. 

l)Ut tlancing and ban(iuets were far from being the chief occupation of the 
menibers of Tammany during the early years of their occupation of the new 
Wigwam. When the news was received in New York City — January 20. 1812 — 
that war iiad been declared against Great Britain, the first call for a public meet- 
ing in support of the Administration was issued by the Tammany Society, 
inviting the citizens to meet in the City Hall Park on the afternoon of Wednesday, 
the 24th. This meeting was presided over by Col. Henry Rutgers as chairman, the 
secretary being ex-Mayor Marimis Willetts, both well-known Tammany men. 
Henry Rutgers having been one of those who contributed liberally toward the 
erection of the Wigwam, lie was the founder of the great Rutgers estate in New 
York, and the beneficent patron of colleges, charitable institutions, etc. The city 
at this time contained many Federalists, some of whom bitterly opposed the war, 
while others of them gave to the Administration but a cold and qualified support. 
The whole-souled war men were the Democrats, of whom Governor Daniel 
Tompkins was, by nature of his office, the most prominent. His home at this 
time was on the Bowery, near Houston street. 

Previous to the outbreak of hostilities the Tammany Society, when cele- 
brating the Fourth of July by a procession, preceding the ceremonies at the 
Wigwam, had continued the use of the bucktail insignia and other Indian decora- 
tions, but on account of the alliance of certain tribes of Indians with the British 
invaders, and their savage mode of warfare, the (|uestion arose in the Society 
whether it would not be better to abandon this usage and to parade in citizens' 
dress. Opinion was not unanimous on the point, but the majority -decided in favor 
of the latter course, and the annual procession was made without the usual 
aboriginal display, preceded only by the handsome large blue standard of 
the Columbian Order, emblazoned with a golden eagle on one side, and 
the cap of Liberty, surrounded with stars, on the reverse. This year, also, 
various new customs seem to have crept in. A special meeting was called to elect 
officers, the object apparently being to secure those known to be in favor of 
sundry reforms, including the permanent abandonment of the Indian insignia. 
-Some fantastic titles seem also to have been temporarily bestowed on individual 
members, for what reason does not clearly appear. Thus we find that New York 
men are designated as Sachems of other States; as, for instance, Clarkson CroHus, 
appears in the journalistic reports of the day as Sachem of North Carolina, or as 
representing the Buffalo tribe: Garrett Sickles as Sachem of the Delaware tribe; 
Stephen Allen as of the New- Jersey, or Tortoise tribe, the purpose, apparently 
being to have all the original thirteen States represented, whether members from 
those tribes were personally present or not. At this time Mr. Mooney was again 
Grand Sachem, and Peter Embury was Father of the Council. 

While the war continued the Tammany Society loyally maintained its origi- 
nal position of friend and helper to the Government, taking every opportunity 
to honor the gallant men on land and sea w ho were personally meeting the enemy 
on the field, on the deck, or in the shrouds of torn and shattered vessels. A 
number of its members served in military capacities, among whom may be men- 
tioned Clarkson Crolius. who became Major of the Twenty-seventh Regiment, 


United States Infantry. A recent writer* has gone so fully into descriptions of 
military and civic banquets and honorary receptions at this period that we refer 
our readers for such details to his pages, and will give here only one instance of 
many such which occurred, in which the Tammany Society either led or took a 
prominent part. At the public funeral of Captain James Lawrence and his brave 
officer, Ludlow, which took place in September, 1813, the Tammany Society 
issued the following call to its members: 

September 15, 1813. 

You are once more called upon to exhibit public testimonials of respect to the heroic 

dead. Local or party distinctions** find no place in the bosom of a single son of the heroic 

Tammany on this occasion. 

The Society are especially requested to attend at Tammany Hall to-morrow morning 

precisely at nine o'clock, with their usual badge of mourning for departed heroes slain in 

battle, viz., a red ribbon edged with black, worn on the left arm. The design is to join the 

other societies in solemnizing the tribute of funereal respect to these heroes, Captain James 

Lawrence and Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow, who fell gloriously in defending their 

country's right and the National honor. 

The bodies will arrive at the Battery precisely at ten o'clock, under the direction of the 

honorable corporation of the city. 

By order of the President. 

James W. Lent, 

Benjamin Romaine. 

Abraham Stagg, 

Committee of Arrangements^ 

But it was not alone in funeral ceremonies that Tammany paid its respects to 
the heroes of the country. At banquets and balls its members were always ready. 
One of the finest entertainments given during this period to civic, military or 
naval men was the public dinner given by the Tammany Society to Commodore 
Perry, on the lith of January, 1814, at their own hall, which the Commodore 
came from Newport specially to attend. 

In 1814, at the grand annual festival of the Society, the Vice-President of 
the United States, Hon. Elbridge Gerry, was present at the Wigwam. Mr. Rod- 
man was the orator of the dav. 

* R. S. Gurnsey, in his interesting work, "New York City and "Vicinity in 1812 — 15.' 
** Captain Lawrence who was a member of the "Order of the Cincinnati." 




, „ CCASIONALLY at some of these baiKiucts unreconciled parti- 

U^fr^-^^)w ^^"^ would meet, and curious contretemps were liable to occur 
_ ^ >m\ jj ji^p managers of the entertainment were not sufficiently wary. 

An amusing instance of this kind happened on one occasion 
m which General .A.ndrew Jackson was the principal figure. 
This took place after the close of the war, and when General 
Jackson's fame rested only on his military achievements, particularly his 
grand success in the battle of New Orleans, and before his statesman-like 
qualities had been afforded any opportunity for their display. Just at this 
time in New York there was, politically speaking, war between the supporters of 
De Witt Clinton and the regular Tammany organization, and, as a national elec- 
tion was approaching, the feeling of antagonism between the parties became 
intensified. On the anniversary of Washington's birthday, February 22d, 1819, 
the Tammany men, or "bucktails," as they were still generally called, were indulg- 
ing in their annual banquet when General Andrew Jackson happened to visit New 
York. He was naturally hailed as the successful connnander who had closed the 
war with Great Britain by the most brilliant victory of the whole contest. 

His name had not yet, however, become a party war cry, though he was 
known to be a whole-souled Democrat, and some of the more astute politicians 
were already contemplating the possibility of presenting him in the near future as 
a candidate for the highest ofifice in the land. Thus it became a matter of interest 
to secure his friendship and the prestige of his name, keeping him away if 
possible, from all contamination by the Clintonite faction. 

On the day of his arrival in New York he had been greeted with an ot^icial 
reception by the civic authorities, and had been formally presented with the free- 
dom of the city. Later he was invited and had accepted an invitation to dine at 
Tammany Hall, and was received by the assembled company with immense 
enthusiasm. The entertainment had been prepared with all the elegance, regard- 
less of expense, of which the caterers of those days were capable; in the language 
of the local press, "it was superb." As the evening advanced, and toasts were 
in order, the following rather high-flown compliment, in the shape of a toast, was 
proposed in honor of the distinguished guest: "To General Jackson — 'So long as 
the Mississippi rolls its waters to the Ocean, so long may his great name and 
glorious deeds be remembered.' " 

But what was the chagrin and consternation of the company when the 
General, in his most expressive manner and with his clear resonant voice, 
responded to the toast by proposing the health of De Witt Clinton, "Governor 
of this great and patriotic State of New York!" Jackson, it was clear, had not 
been studying the local politics of New York City. The confusion which 
followed this malapropos suggestion was so great, the surprise and excitement 
so intense, that Jackson, totally unprepared for such a result, incontinentally 


withdrew from the banquet and precipitately left the hall. Fitz-Greene Halleck, 
the popular poet, and who has through his charming verses descended to our 
day, could not resist the temptation, in his semi-comic satirical way, to describe 
the contretemps in a sparkling little poem entitled. "The Secret Mine Sprung at 
a Late Supper." One verse ran thus: 

"The songs were good, for Mead and Hawkins sung them. 

The wine went round, 'twas laughter all and joke — 
When crack! the General sprang a mine among them, 

And beat a sal:e retreat amid the smoke. 
As fall the sticks of rockets when we fire them. 

So fell the Bucktails at that toast accurst. 
Looking like Korah, Dathan and Abirim, 

When the firm earth beneath their footsteps burst." 




De Witt Clinton Offends Tammany. 

HE relations between Tammany and De Witt Clinton had 
formerly been altogether different. Jackson had probably 
known of him as an honored member of the Society, which 
he was for many years; he had even been Scribe to the 
Council, and in 1795 Tammany had publicly supported 
him for the Assembly, but about 1810 the ultra-Democrats 
to feel that he was exhibiting certain aristocratic tendencies, very 

disapproved of by the Democratic spirit inherent in the Order. In 
when De Witt Clinton was Mayor of Naw York, the disaf- 
fection toward him reached it.s climax, which was greatly intensified 
by a peculiar incident which was not indeed a strictly political affair, 
but which very clearly brought out the political sympathies and affinities 
of all the parties concerned — including De Witt CHnton. This was a College 
Commencement, and it has passed into local history as "The Trinity Church 
Riot." It appears that in 1796 the Faculty of Columbia College had passed a 
resolution obliging students to submit all manuscripts intended for pubhc reading 
to the examination of a designated member of the Faculty, but without attaching 
any penalty for the infraction of this new rule. On the occasion in question a 
young man named J. B. Stevenson, subsequently well known as a successful 
medical practitioner, was one of the graduating class, and was appointed one of 
the disputants in a political debate forming part of the public exercises, which 
were to be held in Trinity Church. Now it happened that the conservative 
Reverend Dr. Wilson was of the committee on preliminary examination of 
manuscripts, and had objected to the phrase in young Stevenson's paper thus 
expressed: "Representatives ought to act according to the sentiments of their 
constituents." The Professor required Mr. Stevenson to alter or modify this 
sentence. The student strenuously objected, on the ground that in Commence- 
ment exercises only correct principles should be delivered. No promises were 
made, but on Commencement Day Stevenson read his manuscript as originally 

When his name was called to come forward for his diploma, and he had 
advanced to receive it, the President refused to give it to him, though he had 
been a good student and of exemplary conduct. When this action was perceived 
Stevenson was immediately surrounded by his friends, and, prompted by them, 
he audibly demanded his diploma as of right. One of the Professors, thinking to 
smooth the matter over, or perhaps draw from the young man an apology, 
remarked, "You probably forgot it," but Stevenson was no such trimmer as to 
avail himself of any such contemptible mode of retreat, and boldly, but respect- 
fullv, answered: "No, I did not forget, but I would not utter what I did not 
believe." Still the President refused to hand over the diploma. Stevenson, 
naturally somewhat irritated, suddenly turned to the audience, and in a clear. 


strong voice, exclaimed: "Ladies and gentlemen, I am refused my degree, no: 
from any literary deficiency, but because I refused to speak the sentiments of 
others as my own." The sensation produced by this simple statement was extra- 
ordinary. One 01 the alumni present, Mr. Hugh Maxwell, went on the improvised 
stage to defend Stevenson's course, and he condemned the attitude of the 
Faculty in terms which to them appeared very offensive language. Then a well- 
known citizen, Mr. Verplanck, ascended the platform and asked the provost. Dr. 
Mason, "why he refused a degree which had been fairly earned by years of faithful 
study?" Dr. Mason replied that it was "because Mr. Stevenson had not complied 
with the order of Dr. Wilson to alter his manuscript." "The reason is not satis- 
factory, sir," replied Mr. Verplanck. "Mr. Maxwell must be sustained; I move 
that a vote of thanks be tendered to Mr. Maxwell for his defense of Mr. Steven- 
son and of the right of free speech." The excitement at this point became intense. 
Dr. Mason tried in vain to restore order, and he afterward testified that he was 
greeted with a hiss, "that in manner and quality would not disgrace a congrega- 
tion of snakes on Snake Hill in New Jersey." He had to retire from the platform. 
The police finally restored some degree of order, but the exercises were 
abruptly concluded amid much confusion. A few days later the Faculty 
published what they called a "Vindication" of their course. This 
brought out a rejoinder from members of the graduating class and others, 
which so exasperated the already infiamed feelings of the Faculty that 
they caused a complaint to be laid before the Grand Jury. This led to the 
indictment of seven of the persons who had interrupted the College exercises. 
Of course, Stevenson, Maxwell and Verplanck were included in the number. 

The case was called in the August term of what was then known as the 
Mayor's Court, and over which De Witt Clinton ex- officio presided. The charge 
against the defendants was "riot." Verplanck and Maxwell defended themselves; 
the others employed counsel, including such legal talent as David B. Ogden, 
Josiah O. Hofifman and Peter A. Jay. Dr. Mason, the chief complainant, was 
perhaps the most popular, as lie was certainly one of the most learned and 
eloquent preachers of the day ; and at that period all clergymen were treated with 
far more conventional deference than is now customary, so that Dr. 
Mason's dignity was terribly hurt by the public rebuff which he had received 
from the students, and the sharp rebukes administered by their friends; he 
was consequently anxious to secure the conviction of the indicted 
parties. The latter were ably defended, but, as the result proved, they 
labored before a deeply .prejudiced Judge. Counsellor Jay had argued 
that under "Hawkins's (an acknowledged authority) definition," there had 
been no "riot," and that in equity, if the F"aculty allowed political debates 
by the students, they should be permitted to utter their own thoughts, and 
not be compelled to utter the words of others, like parrots; that the college 
authorities had, in fact, no case, for the rule to which they referred as having 
been broken by Stevenson had no penalty attached, and was for that reason null 
and of no effect. In truth, as in public estimation, it was not the students but the 
Faculty which was on trial, it was they who had caused the trouble. But all of 
Jay's eloquence was in vain. Clinton's sympathies were all on the side of the 
college authorities. He declared that Hawkins's definition was bad, that Ver- 
planck's moving a vote of thanks to Maxwell was "matchless insolence," and. 


after many more severe strictures upon tlie defeiulaiits, he charged the jury to 
bring in a verdict of "guilty," which they did. Verplanck and Maxwell were 
fined two hundred dollars each, and required to find sureties for their good 
behavior, and it was openly said that Clinton had really mediated imposing a sen- 
tence of imprisonment, but that a friend, a keen observer of the public tempera- 
ment, had assured the Mayor that " the people wouldn't stand it." The public dis- 
sent even over the imposihon of such a heavy fine was very freely expressed, espe- 
cially among the members of Tammany, and indeed all of the Madisonian 
Democrats. Just at this period the country was on the verge of war with Eng- 
land. Madison and Clinton were both Candidates for the Presidency. Clinton, 
though calling himself a Democrat, was accused of intriguing to procure the aid 
of the Federalists, and the course he look as judge in this trial was supposed to 
have been dictated by his desire to please that party — particularly some of its 
leaders, then including John Jay, Rufus King and Governcur Morris. 

Dr. Mason was a Ijigoted Federalist and an active prompter of meetings 
between Clinton and the T'ederal leaders; but the main object of these consulta- 
tions fell through, in a great measure, on account of John Jay's disgust when he 
heard Clinton affirm "that he had never sympathized with the Democrats, but 
had always favored the policy of Adams," which statement Jay knew was utterly 
false, for Clinton had at one time denounced the Federal leaders as "men who 
would rather lead in hell than serve in heaven" — words which, when uttered, had 
run throughout the length and breadth of the country like wildfire. 

As time went on the breach between Tammany and De Witt Clinton con- 
tinued to widen. A newspaper of the day, a year later, published the following: 

"A meeting was got up in Martling's Long Room, a public house fronting the park, 
called Tammany Hall, which was claimed as the Democratic headquarters for the city of 
New York. Mr. Teunis Wortman, who was the protege of Mr. Clinton during the struggle 
with Col. Burr, was one of the most busy spirits in gathering and exciting the opposition on 
this occasion. At this meeting Mangle Minthorn, the father-in-law of Governor Tompkins, 
presided, and John Bingham was secretary. They adopted a preamble, which set forth 
that they believed Mr. Clinton was cherishing interests distinct and separate from the 
general interests of the Democratic party, and determined to establish in his own person 
a pernicious family aristocracy; that devotion to his person had been in a great measure 
made the exclusive test of merit, and the only passport to promotion; that the meeting 
had strong reasons to believe he opposed the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency of 
the United States, and that they could no longer consider him a member of the Demo- 
cratic party." 

The experiences of the war period, 1812-15, had naturally intensified the 
feeling of the Democrats against those who had criticised war measures or shown 
themselves in any way friendly to British interests. As a specimen of the lively 
partisan appeals in vogue at that day, witness the following appeal issued by the 
Taminany party just preceding the spring elections of 181 5: "Democrats, do 
you wish again to see this city in the hands of Tories, to be governed by traitors 
and cowards? [De Witt Clinton had just been removed from the Mayoralty.] 
To behold the trophies which your valor and perseverance have won, in a most 
glorious and successful war, transferred to the base hirelings of England? If 
you wish to see this, remain at home, indulge in idle repose, and, by your own 
mdifrerence and supineness, let the Federal ticket prevail. 

"If, on the contrary, you really desire to see Democracy triumphant and the 
citv in the hands of firm and decided friends of Liberty and Independence 


awake! arouse from your lethargy, and rally all your forces; you have only to 
come forth on this day and the election is surely yours. To the polls, then, every 
man of you; devote the whole of this last day to the salvation of your country."' 

This public impassioned appeal strongly marks the difference in method 
which now prevails in getting out a full vote to sustain Tammany Hall nomina- 
tions; but that the Democrats were not losing any ground at that time is eviiieni 
from the records. Valentine's Manual for 1854, in a reminiscent article, sa>sr 
"About 1816 the Federalist party seemed to be almost extinct," and adds, "In 
1820 the Bucktails carried every ward in the city." 

One of the standing complaints against the Federal party by the Democrats 
had been the acceptance by the former of "Jay's Treaty" with Great Britain. 
When it was publicly announced that he had surrendered the important point 
"that free ships covered free goods," there was strong condemnation of the treaty,, 
not only by Tammany Hall, but by all the mercantile interests of the country. 
Tammany passed some very strong resolutions on the subject The only excuse 
that Jay could offer was, and it was probably correct, that "at that time he could 
get no bettter." 

Though Tammany's remarkable tenacity of life is shown in its plus-century 
of existence, it has for the greater part of that time not only had its external 
enemies, but at intervals internal factions and domestic divisions, usually ending., 
however, by a return of the malcontents to the council fires of the old wigwam. 
During the first three decades of the present century one of the chief aims of the 
Society was to procure the repeal of the law requiring a property qualification in 
the voter. After 1821 the law was modified, so as to extend the right of suffrage 
to all householders paying rent to the value of twenty-five dollars monthly. 

But nothing less than manhood suffrage could satisfy the democratic senti- 
ments of' the members of the Columbian Order. They continued to besige the 
Legislature, and in 1834 succeeded in procuring the removal of the last vestige 
of a money qualification. In this year also, mainly through the efforts of Tam- 
many, the people of the State of New York obtained a new constitutional law,, 
giving to the people the right to elect some seven thousand State officers, which 
were previously appointed by the Governor and Council, including the Mayor 
and City Judges. The fact seems almost incredible now that the Mayor of the 
Citv of New York was, for the first time, elected by its citizens so late as 1834. 
and it was Tammany's nominee, Cornelius W. Lawrence, who was chosen, the 
Whig candidate being Mr. Verplanck. For the next succeeding thirty years 
Tammany furnished New York with its Mayors, and for the following twenty 
years, up to 1880, seven additional, the exceptions being divided between Native- 
American candidates, Whigs and Republicans. 

The most vehement calumniators must admit, for it cannot be successfully 
denied, that in the course of its history Tammany has numbered in its ranks many 
of the most distinguished men of the country, and not a few of those who are now 
its severest critics do not hesitate to ascribe what they are pleased to call its- 
"degeneration" to that extension of the suffrage to non-property holders which 
Tammanv was so active in procuring. An eventful rase which occurred in 180 1, 
in which Tammany was greatly interested, will illustrate the great injustice which 
might and often did happen under the old exclusive laws. Among the members 
of Tammany at this time were thirty-nine young men of good character and intel- 


ligence, but non-freeholders; they were nearly all students of Columbia College. 
They all desired to vote at a certaiin election, but the property qualification stood 
in their way. To overcome this difficulty they combined their slender funds and 
purchased a piece of real estate, with a modest house upon it, so that each could 
truly affirm that he was a freeholder. Their votes were, however, refused at the 
polls. New York was not then quite so large as it is now, and the transfer of 
even a small piece of real estate was sure to draw the attention of all the idlers 
about town. The case, however, was taken to court, but the judges just then 
bemg Federalists, naturally decided against the aspiring young men— the name of 
one of the latter happened to be Daniel D. Tompkins, afterward Governor of the 
State of New York, the "War Governor" during the war of 1812-15, who was 
thus disfranchised. 




HE career of Daniel D. Tompkins was so intimately con- 
nected with the afifairs of Tammany that a brief sketch 
of his Hfework cannot be out of place here. His manly 
and patriotic course is an instructive illustration of the 
injustice of requiring of American-born citizens any defin- 
ite amount of property as a qualiiication for the exercise 
of the franchise. Daniel D. Tompkins was born in Westchester County, 
New York, in 1774. He received a good education and graduated with 
the highest honors at Columbia College; he was admitted to the bar at 
the age of twenty-four, when he commenced the practice of law in the 
City of New York. ^He was elected to the State Assembly in 1802 and to Con- 
gress two years later. In I805 he was appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court, 
and in 1807 was elected Governor of the State, and was successively re-elected to 
that office until 1817, when he was elected to the Vice-Presidency before he was 
thirty-three years of age. It was while he was Governor of New York that the 
War of 1812 was commenced and concluded. New York State was the principal 
point of attack of the British, and was the most vulnerable on account of its loca- 
tion. Access to its northern and northwestern portions was easy by the lakes 
from Canada; its southeastern shores were tempting to a British fleet; while its 
eastern borders were threatened by the semi-concealed enemies in the shape of 
unpatriotic Federalists, the New England States being then on the verge of seces- 
sion, and so friendly with the enemy that Decatur, with his three much-needed 
frigates, was kept blockaded in Long Island Sound during nearly the whole period 
of hostilities by signals given to the British f^eet lying off New London by 
sympathizers on the Connecticut shore, the traitorous "blue lights" informing the 
£nemy of every attempt which Decatur made to escape to the open sea. All 
khis time the National Government was much embarrassed, not only for men, but 
money, and it was to Governor Tompkins that appeals came for assistance, just 
a^ at a later day they came to Governor Seymour. Tompkins made almost super- 
human efforts, not only to raise a force to repel attacks, but to provide funds. 

The banks declined to lend money on either the bonds or Treasury notes of 
the National Government. Governor Tompkins had, early in the war, advanced 
all his available m.eans for the patriot cause, but was soon called to do more — to 
risk his credit to the extent of $500,000. The banks caused the Governor to be 
informed that on his security they would advance that sum to the Government 
On first hearing this proposition he exclaimed, "But I shall be ruined!" On a 
little reflection, however, this unselfish patriot decided to take the risk of bemg 
ruined rather than see his country overrun by the British, and perhaps conquered 
or divided — a not improbable result, as a large party then in New England were 
almost ready to accept a British protectorate. Governor Tompkins signed his 
name for the half-million loan, and thus materially strengthened the President's 
hands in the most effectual way, and gave new courage to the patriotic party 


througliout the coiuitii'. A half iniUion dollars went a great way in those days. 
Not only did Governor Tompkins give Iiis money and lend his credit to the 
service of his country, but his time and personal attention were not spared. He 
traveled through the length and breadth of the State for the purpose of influenc- 
ing and encouraging local bodies to do their whole duty in raising men for the 
defense of the commonwealth, repulsing attacks or attacking the enemy, as oppor- 
tunity ofifered. Nor did he content himself with standing aloof and issuing orders 
He was seen more than once "assisting with his own hands in prying from the 
mud, wagons loaded with war supplies delayed on the road." 

President Madison ofifered Governor Tompkins a seat m the Cabinet as 
Secretary of State, but this honorable position he declined. A little later Madison 
appointed him (October, 1814) to the command of the Third Military District, 
which inchuled New York, in which position he earned great praise for the 
executive ability which he displayed, as well as for all the multiplied duties per- 
formed in that responsible ofifice; but praise and compliments were all the 
recompense he ever received for these and other arduous services faithfully h\i 
filled for the benefit of his country. Tompkins was a great favorite with Tam- 
many, and it was with the utmost enthusiam that the Society indorsed the Con- 
gressional caucus nomination of this patriot son of New York for Vice-President, 
in association with that of James Monroe for President. Both of these nominees 
were elected, and both re-elected, almost unanimously, in 1821. 

To Daniel D. Tompkins, more than to any other one man, the State of New 
York was indebted for limiting the injuries inflicted by the British in the War of 
1812. With a less energetic or less patriotic Governor the whole State, from the 
bay to Lake Erie, would probably have been overrun by the enemy. Daniel X 
Tompkins died on Staten Island in the early summer of 1825. Tompkinsville, 
on Staten Island, was named in his honor, as was also Tompkins County in the 
State of New York, one of the forts at the Narrows, Tompkins Square in New 
York City and Tompkins Avenue and Tompkins Square in Brooklyn. It is but 
justice to that able and patriotic Federal Senator, Rufus King, of New York, to 
here recognize the fact that he cordially supported Governor Tompkins in all of 
his war measures. 

Next to Governor Tompkins there was no private citizen in the City of New 
York that so efficiently aided the Governnu nt in financial matters as did Mr. 
Jacob Barker. He was one of the original members of the Tammany Society and 
an active member during the whole of his long residence here. His name »s 
inscribed on the cornerstone of the old wigwam, erected in 1811, as one of the 
building committee. A native of the State of Maine, he came in early youth to 
the City of New York and entered into the commission house of Mr. Isaac Hicks, 
where his diligence and capacity were so conspicuous that he soon obtained the 
opportunity to engage in business on his own account, and before he was twenty- 
one he was the owner of five coasting vessels, besides having a large credit in the 
mercantile community. But fortune turned against him, and by various mis- 
haps he lost nearly all he had made just before the beginning of the present cen- 
tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. He succeeded in 
obtaining a contract for supplying the Government with oil, of which at that time 
tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. He succeeded in 
connection with the public service. < )ut of this contract he made very large 


profits. When the War of 1812 broke out the Government, as above stated, was 
very much embarrassed for money, and in February, 1813, Congress endeavored 
to put a loan of $16,000,000 upon the market; tlie banks had refused their assist- 
ance, and Mr. Barker undertook the almost hDpeless task of raising this large 
sum. He commenced by subscribing $100,000 himself, and finally raised the 
whole amount, by the most unwearied efiforts among the merchants and other 
citizens of the metropolis. Not content with this grand service to his country, 
he subsequently raised an additional $5,000,000, of which he personally took 
$435,000, and his friend, the poet, Fitzgreen Halleck, who had then some busi- 
ness connection with him, was credited with $288,000, a most opportune help to 
the impecunious administration at Washington. 

After the close of the war Mr. Barker was elected to the State Senate, and, as 
at that period the Senate sat as a judicial court in some cases, there was an oppor- 
tunity to show the mental calibre of members quite unknown to our modern 
legislators. A legal opinion rendered by Mr. Barker on an insurance case, when 
sitting in the Court of Errors, was sustained, though opposed by the great 
authority of Chancellor Kent. Jacob Barker was an expert writer of newspaper 
articles, and published also many timely brochures, as well as being ever ready for 
a speech when called upon. He founded a newspaper called the Union, mainly 
for the purpose of assisting the election of Governor Clinton. In 1815 he estab- 
lished the Exchange Bank in Wall street, and commenced stock speculations. 
This bank failed, but the trust in his integrity was such that other financial insti- 
tutions came to his rescue, and all was sDon again serene. He subsequently 
removed his business to New Orleans, but died in Philadelphia, at the ripe age of 
92. He was the last surviving member of :;he Building Committee on the erection 
of the Nassau street Wigwam, to which he was appointed in 1800. 




NE of the most curious and interesting episodes in the history of 
the ultra-Democratic Society of Tammany was the action 

taken l)v it in tlie summer of t8io and which was the result ot 
the depressed condition of trade and commerce throughout 
the country, which had not yet recovered from the losses and 
interruptions incurred during the War of 1812-15, which 
inchided the capture of many vessels, with their cargoes, and the still more 
injurious efTects of the "embargo." But to the facts; On August 30th. 
at a meeting of the Tammany Society, after considerable discussion, was passed 
the following resolution: "Resolved to appoint Commissioners to consider and 
draft an address on the subject of National Economy and Domestic Manufac- 
tures, enforcing the necessity of encouraging such desirable objects, and that 
through the public prints the address be sent to the several branches of this 
Society throughout the nation." 

On tlie next ensuing October 4th the address, which had been drafted by 
Brother Woodward was presented to the Society, and duly debated at the meet- 
ings. At the second it was adopted, signed by the Grand Sachem, Clarkson 
Crolius, printed and put into circulation. 

( >n the next ensuing October 4th, the address, which had been drafted by 
had partly resulted from excessive importations and recommended the purchase 
of home productions only. The curious statement was also made that inferior 
goods were manufactured abroad expressly for this market, with intent to dispose 
of them in New York by auction, thus underselling our native merchants. Sec- 
ondly, the opinion was advanced that Congress ought to entirely prohibit the 
importation of all goods "which can on any tolerable terms be made here." And, 
"thirdly, if the customs revenue, in consequence, is not sufficient for the purposes 
of the Government, let the public lands be appropriated to supply the deficiency." 
The concluding argument was that this' course would exclude from the country 
foreign agents, "those cormorants" who gather money here only to take it back, 
out of tliis country. 

Some recommendations were added on the subject of banks and in favor of 
common schools, concluding with a somewhat grandiloquent eulogy of the Tam- 
many Society, which the author of the address declares "is founded upon the 
dignified principle of public liberty. Unlike the associations of the hour, which 
have gone down with the causes which created them, this Society has withstood 
the revolutions of the passing years uncharacterized by any acts of extravagance 
or appearance of dissolution. * * * Its silent intervals have been owing to 
the solidity of its principles and the sincerity of its motives. It is a Society of 
three tliousand [1819] men in the City of New York alone, principally heads of 
families. It can well rest occasionally, quiet on the bosom of public opinion." 

Though this address speaks of the "quiet intervals" which Tammany was 


wont to indulge in, there was very little going on of any public interest in which 
Tammany had not an active share. Thus, on the death of Benjamin Franklin, 
though the event occurred in Philadelphia, the Tammany Society held public 
ceremonies in honor of the aged patriot, statesman and scientist. In 1824 the 
Society took an active and prominent part in the "Nation's Guest," 
Lafavette, to the country he had so nobly helped to render independent. In 1830 
the Tammany Society celebrated with considerable eclat the revolution in France 
against that Bourbon of the Bourbons, Charles X. A meeting was called at 
Tammany Hall on November 25th, at which President Monroe presided, and at 
which was present a large number of distinguished citizens, including the able 
statesman and eminent anti-Federalist, Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury 
under both Jefferson and Madison, with many other persons of approximate 



T seems now almost incredible that a political party could be 
formed upon the single idea of opposition to an ancient secret 
and benevolent society which existed not only in every State 
in the Union, but also every portion of the civilized world. 
Yet from a single act of violence perpetrated in the State of 
New York in 1826, known to history as "the Morgan affair," 
the details of which it is not necessary to repeal here, thousands of persons 
deserted the usual political atirdiations and actually inaugurated a new party, with 
no other ostensible object than the ostracism of all members of the Ancient Order 
of Free and Accepted Masons. This movement was far-reaching, and it could 
not fail to have some effect upon the Tammany Society, but events finally proved 
that its main strength came from Tammany's opponents. It was through this 
new party that William H. Seward was first brought prominently into notice, he 
being nominated by and elected to the State Legislature by the Anti-Masonic 
vote. The matter was complicated by the fact that De Witt Clinton, the ever- 
chronic candidate for some office in the State, and popular with his party, was, in 
the very year of this outbreak, High Priest of the General Grand Chapter of the 
United States. Andrew Jackson was also a Mason of high order; of course, also 
other representative men of all parties and of no party were members of the Order. 
I'he excitement spread and grew for several years. In 1828 the Anti-Masons 
called a general convention, which met at Le Roy, in the Western part of the 
State, in which twelve counties were represented, but there was only one plank in 
the platform on which they stood, yet, at the ensuing election for Governor, this 
curious party actually cast over 33,000 votes, not enough, however, to defeat the 
Tammany candidate, Martin Van Buren, who was elected. 

As the Presidential election approached in 1828 the Anti-Masonic party 
joined their forces with the National Republicans, and voted for Mr. Adams, who 
was not a Mason; but General Jackson received the electoral vote. Though de- 
feated in the Presidential contest, in the State election of 183 1 the Anti- 
Masons elected nearly thirty members of Assembly, and in 1832 even nominated 
a Presidential candidate, William Wirt. 

Though the Anti-Masonic party showed wonderful tenacity of life, especially 
in the western counties of the State, yet no party can possibly become permanent 
resting on mere negations; and the political enemies of the Masonic Order had 
no worthy afifirmative principles. Its end was as remarkable as its origin. 

When the National Republican party lost its distinctive name, and became 
visible only as the Whig organization, the Anti-Masons suddenly disappeared — 
the Whigs appeared to have swallowed them. From that time forward the lead- 
ers presented no ticket for their whilom followers to sustain, much to the discom- 
fiture of the innocent rural population who had followed their leaders in this 
Quixotic fight so zealously, and who were not enlightened as to the "arrange- 
ment" which involved such a sudden extinguishment of their superior political 


The first person in New York City to formally introduce the name of "Whig" 
for the acceptance of the anti-Democratic politicians was Col. J. Watson Webb, 
editor of the Courier and Inquirer, who, at a public meeting in the fall of 1833, 
after having dilated, somewhat at length on the meaning and attitude of Whigism 
in England, made a motion that the party (National Republican) then and there 
accept the name of "Whig" as expressing their disapprobation of the Administra- 
tion (Jackson's). The motion was put to the audience and carried in the affirma- 
tive, almost unanimously. 

Mr. Myron H. Clark, who was elected Governor by a combination of all the 
anti-Tammany elements, including the Prohibitionists, has been aptly described 
as the '"discovered link," he combining the elements in his career of figuring as 
the last of the Whigs and the first of the Republicans. 




NE of the most singular cases of general misunderstand- 
ing, through the misapplication of a grotesque name to 
a very earnest and sincere party, is that which developed 
at the time of the formation of the "Equal Rights" asso- 
jV^^^^^vJI ciation, which for years was called the "Loco Focos." 

'^ This meaningless term was ajjplied to certain dissenters 

in the Tammany ' Society through a mere incident which occurred at a 
meeting in the old Wigwam on Nassau street in 1835, under the follow- 
ing circumstances: On the 29th of October a meeting was called to assem- 
ble in Tammany Hall for the purpose of making certain nominations. The 
doors being open at seven in the evening, a great mass of the usual at- 
tendants rushed in and rapidly filled all the available space, but what was 
their surprise to find that they were not the first arrivals; the platform 
was already filled with those prepared to manage the meeting and secure 
the adoption of their own candidates. From the early comers in possession of the 
meeting, Isaac L. Yarian was nominated as chairman, and without the question 
being properly put, he prepared to take his seat; when, from the floor of the 
house, the Equal Rights men nominated Joel Curtis for the chair. At the same 
time a broad banner was uplifted on which was the inscription, "Joel Curtis, the 
anti-monopolistic Chairman." The confusion caused by this unexpected appari- 
tion was so great that Mr. Varian's effort to read the prearranged list of nomina- 
tions was futile, so far as the hearing of the names was concerned. While the 
•excitement was at its height, the Hall was suddenly immersed in darkness. Each 
of the factions present thought the opposition had planned this manoeuvre as a 
piece of fine strategy, and the incident has been so represented by some narrators; 
but, in fact, it was nothing of the kind, it was only the suddenly inspired trick of 
two young lads, one of whom was not more than fifteen years of^age, and both of 
whom, now elderly men, are still living (1898) and not averse to telling the story. 
.-\t that time the gas-meter was located on the I'rankfort street side of the Hall, 
concealed from view by some decorative window drapery, but well known to these 
lads. When the lights were extinguished the Varian party got out of the Hall 
as quickly as possible, taking the rear egress by which they had entered, retreat- 
ing to an adjoining tavern of much local celebrity, known as the "Pewter Mug," 
situated on Frankfort street, and there completed their nominations; while the 
Equal Rights party retained possession of the Hall, and in a very few moments, 
having produced matches from their pockets, and the janitor being found, they 
relit the gas, and the business for which they had assembled was proceeded with. 
The next morning the term "Loco Foco" was spontaneously attached to the 
party holding the Hall, which name, for a long period, to the uninitiated, served 
to describe the whole Tammany Society, just as a local event had in former years 
fixed upon tlieni the sobriquet of "Rucktails." 


The Equal Rights party was certainly born in Tammany Hall, and for a- 
limited time claimed to be the only true representative of that purely Democratic 
association: it was, in fact, an ultra development and outgrowth of the "Work- 
ingmen's" party, which had broken off from the parent stem in 1828, lasting about 
two years. The Equal Rights party arose directly out of the Presidential election 
of 1832, when all Democratic candidates were pledged to eternal hostility to- 
monopolies of all kinds. Certain members of Tammany had begun to suspect 
that their leaders were not seriously maintaining these sentiments, but were, on. 
the contrary, acting in a very lenient manner toward certain corporations and 
individuals whom the pledges exacted, if fully carried out, would certainly put 
under the ban. And, perhaps, they were not altogether wrong. Mr. Varian, above 
referred to, was a bank director, and the person who nominated him, Mr. George- 
D. Strong was president of the Commercial Bank. It was certainly a new thing- 
for Tammany to be charged with favoring monopolists. 

Among the persons most influential in this new offshoot from Tammany 
were Mr. George Evans, editor of the Workmgman's Advocate, Prof. Gilbert Vale,. 
of the Beacon, and William Leggett, then associate editor of the Evening Post. 

Sustaining the old Tammanyites at this time were the Albany Argus and: 
the New York Times, while the Washington Globe endeavored to read Mr. Leg- 
gett cut of the Democratic party, as an agrarian and incipient abolitionist. The 
principal objects for which the Equal Rights party contended were — Opposition 
to bank charters granted by the States; in favor of a metallic currency; opposition, 
to the United States Bank, as unconstitutional; hostility to all kinds of monopo- 
lies, favoring one class of people above others; in favor of giving the election of 
President and A^ice-President to the direct vote of the people; one Presidential, 
term; short terms of all offices, and strict responsibility to the people; the equal 
rights of all citizens. The charge which this ultra-reforming party made against 
Tammany of becoming aristocratic and favoring rich monopolists reads strangely 
as we recall that it was on these very grounds that Tammany repudiated one of 
her most distinguished members, De Witt Clinton, when suspected of these faults.. ■>(. 

The new party called Equal Rights met in several different localities, but 
their more permanent headquarters was at the Military and Civic Hotel, on the 
corner of Broome street and the Bowery. The year after their withdrawal from 
the Wigwam they made independent nominations, having, at a general meeting: 
in January, 1836, thus expressed their reasons for such action, namely: "That 
we no longer recognize Tammany Hall as a Democratic temple of true Democ- 
racy, nor the Tammany Society as a Democratic body; that the Society exercises- 
a political as well as a proprietary control (See Chap. "Who Owns Tannnany 
Hall?"), so that only such candidates, such politics and such usages as the 
.Sachems approve can be permitted there," etc., etc. 

In the charter election next ensuing the Equal Rights party nominated 
Alexander Ming, Jr., -for Mayor. There were three other party nominations. 
Tammany nominated C. W. Lawrence, the Whigs Mr. Greer, and the Know- 
nothings Mr. Morse. The Tammany nominee was elected by a large majority.. 
• In the State election the Equal Rights party's nominee for Governor was Isaac 
S. Smith, who received a total of 3,496 votes, of which about 1,400 were polled in- 
the city, some of the nominees of the latter having united with Tammany. In 
1837 this party, still usually called Loco Focos, held several meetings in the Citj- 

Hall Park, for the purpose of denouncing what they called the bank niunopolies, 
and also the forestallers of the necessaries of life. Times were very bad. All kinds 
of food, as well as fuel, were extremely deear; a barrel of flour cost $14, and coal 
the same amount a ton. It was believed that a ruinous course of legislation had 
caused much of the evil, especially the over-issue of paper money, as was tersely 
expressed at one of these meetings: "As the currency expands, the loaf con- 
tracts." While a meeting in the park was in progress some one, unrecognized at 
the time, forced his way among the crowd and shouted out: "Hart's flour store!" 
Mr. Hart was a wholesale merchant on Washington street. Nearly a thousand 
persons hanging on the margin of the meeting took up the cry and rushed ofif to 
tiie place indicated, and then followed the famous "flour riot." Mr. Hart's store 
was completely sacked, including the destruction of books and papers, as well as 
(|uantities of wheat and flour. Of course, there was an immense hue and cry 
raised by a portion of the city press, who were only too glad of the pretext to 
attribute the riot to the Loco Focos, some going so far as to charge the late 
nominee of that party for Mayor, Col. Ming, with having uttered the words, "Go 
to the flour stores. This was utterly false, and was so proven to the satisfaction 
of the authorities. Fifty-three of the rioters were arrested, not one of whom 
was a member of the Loco P'oco or Equal Rights party. They proved to be 
simply idlers and vagrants, such as are always to be found in a large city, hanging 
on the outskirts of open-air meetings. 

In the Legislative session of 1837, to which the Equal Rights party had suc- 
ceeded in electing two members, one of whom was Mr. Clinton Roosevelt, the 
latter introduced a motion requesting the appointment of a committee to inquire 
into the usurious practices of some of the State banks. Li the course of this 
inquiry two members of the Equal Rights party were summoned to Albany to 
tes;ify. One of these happened to be named Slam — Levi D. Slam. Thereupon 
the New York Herald, with its unique talent for absurd sobriquets, added the 
euphonious word "Bang" to this gentleman, and thenceforward always mentioned 
the Equal Rights party as the firm of "Slam, Bang & Co.," as many old readers 
of the Herald will remember. 

But it was about time for this truant faction to think of returning home. Its 
absence from Tammany had not been so complete but that many of its members 
attended occasionally at the meetings held in the Wigwam, when measures were 
to be considered with which these truants sympathized. One of the deserters, 
on being challenged on this apparent inconsistency, defended himself and brother 
Loco Focos by replying: "It is one of our maxims to go wherever our principles 
are maintained." This being so, a reunion could not long be deferred; the 
occasion came on the question of the Independent Treasury, as advocated by 
President Martin Van Buren. On the 21st of September, 1837, a meeting was 
called to take place at Tammany Hall on the 25th, "of all those opposed to the 
Message of the President." What was expected of these opponents did not 
clearly appear; whatever it was, the result showed that practically there were no 
opponents, though the call had been quite numerously signed. The friends of 
the President were in such a large majority that resolutions sustaining him were 
passed almost unanimously. The Equal Rights men were there and voted, not 
only in unity, but somewhat vociferously. Reunion with Tammany now began 
to be openly talked of, though the truants proceeded to make up a separate ticket 


for the fall elections; but on the 24th of October, at a general meeting, a proposi- 
tion was presented, "to effect the united support of the Democratic family in 
favor of one ticket." 

Though strongly opposed by some members, negotiations were opened, and 
brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the Tammany Committee agreeing to 
nominate five members of the Equal Rights party on the general ticket. In the 
end, at a meeting of the latter, on the 28th of October, the following expression of 
opinion was adopted: "That the Equal Rights party have the fullest confidence 
in the ticket jointly nominated by the nominating committee at Tammany Hall, 
and by the Equal Rights party, and that we, as a party, adopt it as our ticket, and 
will use our best exertions to procure its entire election." This was carried by 
seventy-one votes to twenty-two. Here, in this early secession movement, and its 
end, is displayed one permanent element of Tammany's strength. That Society 
has always been ready to welcome its wanderers back ; it never shuts the door in 
the face of returning prodigals, no matter how bitterly the latter may have fought 
^^ against it during the seperation. 

The following persons were those chiefly influential in forming and maintain- 
ing the Equal Rights schism: George Evans, William Leggett, Col. Alexander 
Ming, Gilbert Vale, Geo. W. Matsell, Isaac S. Smith, Robert Tovrasend, Stephen 
Hasbrouck, Dr. A. F. Vache, Dr. Samuel Mitchell, Job Haskell, F. A. Tallmadge, 
Tohn Windt and John Commerfort. 





MONG other absurd names which for a while was applied to the 
Equal Rights party was that of "Free Trade and Fanny 
Wright," which originated in this way: On one of the pre- 
election parades in which this faction indulged certain banners 
were carried bearing the inscription "Free Trade and Sailors' 
Rights." Some wicked wit suggested that it should be "Free 
trade and Fanny Wrights." How the name of this brilliant and earnest reformer 
came to be connected with a political party is easily explained, as she had just 
previously addressed large meetings in Tammany Hall on education, political 
economy and kindred topics. As for many years this lady was, in the popular 
mind, identified with Tammany Hall, a brief sketch of her life and work will not 
be out of place here. 

Frances Wright (d'Aurusmont) was a native of Dundee, Scotland; her 
father was a Presbyterian clergyman. She was early attracted by the idea of a 
free Republic, and in 1820 made her first visit to this country, traveling extensively 
through the Northern and Southern States. On her return to Europe, then only 
twenty-two years of age, she published a book entitled, "Views of Society and 
Manners in America," which gave to Europeans the first really correct idea of life 
in the LTnited States at that period, and it was through this work that she acquired 
the permanent friendship of Lafayette. In 1833 she returned to New York, and 
commenced a series of lectures, being the first woman in this country to address 
miblic audiences on political topics. Some of these addresses were given in Tam- 
nianv Kail, the churches not then being open to women lecturers. All her pub- 
lic speeches were marked by a spirit of liberality of thought, and the desire to 
elevate and benefit the masses who came to listen to her. The thinking portion 
of her audiences greatly admired the progressive democratic spirit which she 
evinced. The rougher portion were often rude in their behavior, not foreseeing 
that in a few years women on the platform would cease to be a novelty. Frances 
Wright held advanced views on nearly all of the many ethical questions now so 
generally adopted by all intelligent people. Her favorite maxim was: "Human- 
kind is but one family; the education of its youth should be equal and universal." 
It speaks well for the liberality of the Tammany Hall managers of that day that 
this brainy woman was granted the use of their platform. Visiting France on the 
invitation of Lafayette, she there met and subsequently married M. d'Aurusmont. 
Some years later she returned to the United States, and here published a number 
of works. Her publisher was a well-known member of Tammany Hall, Mr. 
John Windt. Frances Wright was an exceedingly regal-looking woman, very 
nearly six feet in height, with a fine intellectual head and features. She spoke, 
when very earnest, with a slight Scotch accent. She died in Cincinnati in 1852, 
at the ase of fiftv-five. 




NE of the subjects which greatly interested the Tammany 
A UifJ3feSi^[y5iB Society was the feudal tenants' resistance to the collec- 
tion of rents by the rich "patroons"' occupying large 
estates on the banks of the Hudson River, which they 
had received by royal grants — some from the States-Gen- 
eral of Holland, others from the British sovereign. The 
greater part of these lands lay in the Counties of Albany and Rensselaer, but there 
were also large tracts in the Counties of Columbia, Greene, Ulster, Sullivan, Dela- 
ware, Schoharie, Otsego, Montgomery and Schenectady; in fact, more or less in _ 
all of the counties on both easterly and westerly banks of the river. 'Those of these )( 
•estates originally received by the proteges of the States-General of Holland, and 
now known as the Holland Patent, were re-transferred to the original owners by 
the British crown when these lands came into the possession of that government. 
The baronial holders let the land, except what they reserved for their own pleas- 
ure, to the agricultural population, upon perpetual leases, rents being payable in 
produce, poultry and by the rendition of personal service by men and teams. In 
brief, a system of ownership and labor such as was usual in the middle ages in 
Europe had been transported into, and was perpetuated in, the free republican 
State of New York down to 1846-7. Royal privileges were retained bv the 
proprietors, who reserved to themselves all mill privileges, mines, minerals, and 
even the right of way, and the control of all waterways. And thus over the 
immense amount of land occupied by these patroons there could be no transfers 
of farm land without their consent, and naturally no increase of population by 
new settlers, no inducement to enterprise of any kind. 

One of the largest estates of these feudal proprietors was that held by 
Stephen Van Rensselaer, which extended over a tract of land twenty-four miles 
long and forty-eight miles wide, lying on both sides of the Hudson River. 

Others approximated to this in extent. / It was on the occasion of the death ;^ 
of this proprietor of the Manor of Rensselaefwyck, in 1839, that the Anti-Rent 
contest began in earnest. The tenants, most of whom were largely in arrears for 
rent, flatly refused to pay, on the ground (learned from their lawyers) that the 
leases in perpetuity, or for a certain number of lives, were legally conveyances in 
fee — simply encumbered with certain conditions; and that in reality they owned 
the land, and were not mere tenants in equity. Thus instructed, th6 desire and 
the intention to resist became infectious; and soon the whole tenant class in the 
other counties where the patroons ruled were in revolt^ A State Committee was ^ 
finally appointed to inquire into their grievances, of which Samuel J. Tilden was • 
chairman. This course was taken in answer to petitions and memorials which 
had been presented to the Assembly. As time wore on without any practical 
relief, the disorder in the several counties widened and became more violent. 
Men disguised as Indians lay in ambush and waylaid officers who were suspected 


of bearing distress warrants. The question entered politics, and the result was 
that the Anti-Rent men were elected to the Assembly. Bills and acts intended to 
redress the wrongs .said to br im])osed updu the pei)])le by the ruling patroons 
began to pour into the Stale J louse at Albany. The questions at issue excited 
interest in other States, as well as in the City of New York, and throughout the 
length and breadth of the laud. The condition of land titles in the river counties 
was certainly opposed to the spirit of American law, which has always discouraged 
the entailment of landed property, which the patroon system especially cultivated. 

If Tammany holds one democratic princijial dearer than another it is the 
preservation of the American spirit, as opposed to everything mcdireval and aris- 
tocratic; to antagonize the F.uropeanizing of this coimtry was 'I'annnany born, and 
to that work it has always been devoted. ' It may therefore be readily inferred that 
.f.,'the Society put all its energy into sustaining the tenant claimants in their demands 
fo be put upon an equal footing with other citizens of the State, who were free 
from the bondage of these antiquated "customs of the realm," derived from royal 
generosity in favor of a special class of settlers in a new country. 

It was against the more violent anti-renters, who in some cases had been 
accused of incendiarism, that the term "barn-burners" was originally hurled, 
though later it was applied to quite another class of politicians. 

The anomaly of feudal customs existing in the maintenance of these land 
tenures in the United States was finally wiped out by the Legislature by an equit- 
able arrangement suggested by Mr. Tilden, which secured satisfactory compen- 
sation to the proprietors and left the farms in the hands of the occupants, with 
liberty to sell or retain, as they preferred; also to come and go at their own will 
and choice, like other agriculturists in the State — the last vestige of patroon right 
being abolished under the riovernorship of Silas Wright. 

[For full particulars of the legal proceedings in this matter, see Assembly documents 
of 1846.J 





AMMANY'S attitude toward Martin Van Buren varied at dif- 
ferent periods. He was at first taken up by the Sachems, some- 
what enthusiastically, in 1832, mainly because of the affront 
put upon him by the combination formed in Congress against 
him by the union of the "Clay Protectionists" and the Calhoun 
men, who, in the Senate, had rejected his nomination as 
Minister to England, apparently for no better reason than to annoy President 
Jackson, and it was largely due to the Tammany Society that Mr. Van Buren was 
elected President in 1836. 

The principal measure which marked Van Buren's administration was the 
passage of the Independent Treasury bill, which was first introduced into the 
Senate by that sterling Democrat, Silas Wright, ably supported by Samuel J. 
Tilden. This bill was recognized as the favorite measure of the President, and 
was cordially indorsed by Tammany Hall. A large meeting of the Democrats of 
the county, as well as of the business men of the City of New York was held in the 
Wigwam on the 26th of February, 1836, on which occasion Mr Tilden made a 
stirring speech, advocating the complete severance of Bank and State. One line 
of his argument was that "the Government moneys would be safer in the hands of 
officers appointed by the Federal authorit}'- than in the hands of civilians, or 
simply business men," giving, in support of his opinion, the fact that "in the- 
United States Mint there had not been a dollar lost in the last fifty years." 
"Men," said Mr. Tilden, "are more likely to assume debts which they cannot meet 
than they are to commit a felony." Tammany was an early and constant sup- 
porter of the free banking system. At a meeting, held on the 6th of February, 
resolutions were passed in favor of the Independent Treasury Bill, in these words: 

"Resolved, That we require in banking no more than in government a monarch and 
privileged nobility to regulate our affairs, and that an application to finance of the prin- 
ciples of equal liberty, so successfully applied to politics, is imperatively required, etc. 

"ResoJved, That a general banking law, constructed on these obvious principles, ought 
to be enacted. It will close up the most fruitful source of legislative intrigue and corrup- 
tion; it will prevent the fraud and favoritism practiced in the distribution of stock and 
remove a monopoly which, to the amount of the extra profit it confers, levies an indirect 
tax upon the unprivileged masses for the benefit of the few." 

The Independent Treasury Act became a law June 30th, 1837. 

x^nother very miportant act, in the interest of the people, was the passage of 
the pre-emption law, giving the preference to actual settlers in the sale of the pub- 
lic lands — a system always advocated by the Tammany Society. 

Later, when the slavery question entered into the practical politics of the 
cotmtry, Martin Van Buren lost his hold on Tammany and became the candidate 
of the Free Soil wing of the Democracy. From 1850 to i860 Tammany was, in 
national politics, mainly occupied in endeavoring "to save the Union." Like the 
conservative Whigs, it was willing to sacrifice much to prevent the threatened 


secession of the Southern States, but, as will be seen in subsccjuent cliapters, when 
that event really took place, none was more prompt in meeting the exigency than 
tlie members of the Tammany Society. 

In the "forties," and extending into the succeeding decade, there was more 
tliaii one disturbing element in city politics. The Native-American party began 
to make itself felt. The Tammany Society has always been the strongest possible 
advocate of American princiijles. but also opposed the ideas of the Know-noth- 
ing, or Native-American party, as understood in politics; that is, the doctrine 
that none but native-born Americans should be entrusted with office. This sen- 
timent, however, was very strong, not only in New York, but nearly all over 
the country, for a limited period. The idea was advocated in Congress. Mem- 
bers of Assembly were elected in New York, and in otlier States, to carry out, so 
far as they could the measures proposed by this new organization, liven in the 
City of New York, in 1844, its advocates were able to elect their candidate for 
Mayor, the gentleman chosen being the senior member of the publishing firm of 
i iarper Brothers, Mr. James Harper. 

But another subject of dissension was rising, destined to extinguish the 
Know-nothing and nearly all other questions upon which parties, or individual 
statesmen, difYered. This was the question of the extension of slavery, arising 
approximately out of the proposition to admit Texas, then an independent Repub- 
lic, into the Union as a State. Though Texas had won its practical independence 
from Mexico by force of arms, yet Mexico had not acknowledged this independ- 
ence or ceased to claim sovereign rights over that lost territory. • Hence to admit 
this revolted province of Mexico into the Union of the States must inevitably pre- 
cipitate hostilities with this neighboring power; there was, nevertheless, a strong 
party which upheld the measure within Congress and out of it. 

There was, however, a very strong opposition to it. Nearly all the Northern 
statesmen of the Whig side in politics viewed the annexation project unfavorably, 
and on this question Van Buren stood on very nearly the same ground as the 
conservative Whigs of the New England States. Back'pf the prospective war, 
however, was a sentiment stronger than any sense of justice to Mexico or repug- 
nance to war; this was opposition to the extension of slavery in the United 
States. .\ large and growing party in the North was immovably fixed against 
any action by Congress which would increase the area of the slave States, which 
It was foreseen the admission of Texas would do. 

Of course, the Southern politicians naturally favored it. As Tammany 
always took its share in the large questions of the day, it could not ignore this, 
and upon it the body of the Society was divided in opinion. 

In 1846 adhesion to, or rejection of the "Wilmot Proviso" became the divid- 
ing line in the Democratic party in New York, as elsewhere throughout the 
States, and also in Congress. The object of this proviso was to prohibit the 
introduction of slavery into any territory acquired by purchase or otherwise from 
Mexico, which included the present State of California. It was Mr. Van Buren's 
attitude on this point which cost him the loss of the Democratic nomination for 
President and gave it to James K. Polk, two years previously, in 1844. It was 
this question of the extension of slavery which made the first formidable split in 
the Tammany Society. Other divisions had been healed without much difficulty, 
but this became to that, as to other parties, the "irreconcilable conflict," carrving 


out of the Wig^vam some of their most valued members, a number of whom did, 
indeed, return after the war, wliile others were permanently lost to the organiza- 

It is worth noting, in this connection, that all the territory added to the 
United States since the adoption of the Constitution had been acquired under 
Democratic administrations, except Alaska.* So that we are justified in the logi- 
cal conclusion that, but for Democratic energy and foresight, the country to-day. 
would still consist only of the original thirteen States, with the addition of the 
semi-Russianized peninsula in the North Pacific Ocean. The Whig party fought 
against the admission of the lands acquired from Mexico, which included Texas 
and California, just as the old Federalists contended against Jefferson's purchase 
of Louisiana, the boundaries of which then included all the States generally 
spoken of as ''the great Northwest." 

During this exciting period a powerful auxiliary to the political power of 
Tammany Hall existed in an association called the "Empire Club." Its president 
and leader was the "undaunted" Isaiah Rynders, who first acquired local fame by 
his energetic and effectual work in the Presidential campaign preceding the 
election of James K. Polk. This club had rooms at 28 Park Row, and there never 
were livelier times around the polls in New York than during the Rynders 
regime. He continued as active leader of a powerful following for many years, 
giving his best efiforts to the election of Franklin Pierce in 1852 and Buchanan 
in '56. He was one of the muscular genus, and did not hesitate to repel force by 
force if the circumstances called for it. Mr. Rynders was appointed Marshal for 
the Southern District of New York in 1857. 

* Up to date of the late war with Spain. 




URING the political turmoil which preceded the war of secession 
the Tammany Society planted itself on strictly constitutional 
ground repudiating the "higher law" doctrine of the anti-slavery 
party. To the Tamman}' adherents the law of the land was the 
law to be recognized, which brought upon them the newly in- 
vented sobriquet of ''old hunkers;" and this elegant term was 
applied as well to all of the Democratic party who ventured to defend the consti- 
tutional rights as guaranteed in the original compact of the States, the Constitu- 
tion, at that time clearly recognizing the existence of slavery in several of the 
States. These conservative politicians held that the Government had no right to 
infringe Article 4th of the Constitution, and in the 3d clause of Section 2, the 
rendition of escaping slaves was specially provided for; hence the hunkers did 
not wince, nor were their ethics disturbed, when the famous compromise meas- 
ures of 1850 included the return of fugitive slaves. But sentiment and humanity 
proved stronger than constitutional provisions, and the whole of the decade be- 
tween 1850 and i860 may be said to have been consumed in discussing the sub- 
ject of slavery by one party and in devising schemes to suppress its discussion by 

As this episode in American politics has been treated by many able writers, 
from almost every possible point of view, we do tiot think it necessary to give 
here opinions on a subject which is now a dead issue, any further than is called 
for, to show Tammany's position in the preliminary political skirmishes which 
affected the membership of the Society ,ai well as its influence in the community. 
In the National Democratic Convention of 1848, which met at Baltimore on May 
22d of that year, two delegations, each calling themselves "regular," put in their 
claims to recognition, the party being divided into two factions known as 
"hunkers" and "barnburners." The hunkers were affiliated with the Tammany 
party, and were thus designated by their opponents as resembling the Bourbons, 
of whom it is alleged they neither learn anything nor forget anything. The 
"barnburners," who eventually merged into the Free soil partv, were thus named 
because the old conservatives likened them to the farmer who burned down his 
barn to get rid of the rats, the hunkers believing that those so zealous to get rid 
of slavery were in danger of destroying the Union at the same time. 

The divisions of the Democratic party which grew out of these slavery dis- 
cussions were intensified by the tenacity with whicli the "barnburner" wing kept 
its loyalty to the fortunes of Martin Van Buren, who, as stated above, had been 
sidetracked in the National Convention in 1844 in favor of James K. Polk, who 
was elected over the Whig nominee, Henry Clay, by the electoral vote of 170 to 
105. The admission of Texas had been effected under President Polk's adminis- 
tration in 1845; but the struggle over it had left bitter feelings, i^till active in 
minds of the barnburner Democrats, v^-ho shortlv after assumed the name of Free 


Soilers. The body calling itself the State Democracy met in convention at Syra- 
cuse on the 29th of September and remained in session until the 2d of October, 
1847, *l^'s being the hunker wing of the party. 

This body issued an address which proved very displeasing to the Van 
Buren, or barnburner faction, which incontenintly seceded and called a counter 
convention, which v\'as first appointed to be held on the 22d of February, 1848. 
but the date was aftervi-ard changed to the i6th of the same month. Selecting 
their old favorite, Van Buren, as their candidate for President, though he had 
been beaten in the popular vote of 1840 and rejected by the National Convention 
of 1844, they still succeeded in drawing off so large a number from the regular 
organization as to greatly weaken it before the people. 

The hunkers met this movement by a call to their followers to meet at 
Albany on the 26th of January, 1848, where they matured plans for the selection 
of candidates to represent their views at the National Convention, which body 
was to meet at Baltimore in May. The unwisdom of division was soon made 
apparent. The Committee on Credentials proposed to the leaders that both wings 
of the party from New York should promise to abide peaceably by the decision 
of the committee and sup]iort the nominee of the convention, whoever he might 
prove to be. The Tammany men agreed to this, but the barnburners would not. 
Then the committee agreed to admit both factions on equal terms, but still the 
barnburners were obdurate and finally they withdrew from the convention; 
and the hunkers, considering themselves insulted by being considered as no bettei 
than mere barnburners, though they kept their seats in the convention, took no 
part in the proceedings. Thus New York's electoral vote for Lewis Cass, the 
nominee of the convention, was lost, and with it the Presidency for the ensuing 
four years, the Whig candidate, General Taylor, being elected. 

In 1856 there was another disastrous schism, the Democratic party being 
now -divided between the "Hards" and the "Softs." New York's electoral vote 
was again lost. The separate delegations, each having an equal number of votes, 
neutralized each other. 

y Z 













is:: ^^— -— ^ ^1 \1".1\V vital personality which once inaiU' an integral part of the 
IJiV^^SbIk^B Tannnany Hall political forces was the Hon. Michael Walsh, 
hctlcr remembered, perhaps, by his abbreviated name of 
"Mike." If he was in active politics now, he would probably 
be accused of being a Socialist, so ardent were his feelings in 
regard to everything bearing- on the welfare of the working 
classes; but in his day the word had not become acclimated in America. Even 
the pungent Democracy of Tammany Hall was not broad enough to satisfy his 
aspirations after "liberty, fraternity and equality." Mr. Walsh's active career in 
politics commenced early in the "40's," a period of intense partisan excitement. 
Honorable gentlemen, both in the State Legislature and in Congress, indulged 
in an amount and virulence of personalities which would not now be tolerated. 

Born and bred in New York City, in the Third Ward, he had all the charac- 
teristics of the young American let loose, with the addition of a veritable genius 
for effective oratory and a political discernment exceedingly rare in those whose 
early years have been largely consumed in manual labor. In later life, Mr. Walsh 
became a lumber merchant near the same locality where he had formerly worked 
with his hands. His intensity of conviction overcame the lack of scholastic train- 
ing, and he became a clear and forcible writer on his favorite topics, as well as a 
brilliant orator. 

Among his political followers he early attained the unique distinction of 
being considered as "always right." This was particularly true of his large con- 
stituency in the Fourteenth Ward, in which he resided for many years while in 
active politics. His cardinal principle was never to allow his followers to take a 
defensive position, but always the aggressive, even if physical force was necessary, 
which sometimes happened in those days at the polls, there being then no 
registry law and, consequently, many more chances of disorder. His followers 
were systematically divided into sections, each having their captain and lieuten- 
ant. Among these were Edward Sprague, who was commonly called "Major," 
the two Chanfraus, Henry and Joseph, John Ketcham, George Isaacs, John 
.'\ustin and "Governor" McElroy. The discipline of the rank and file was very 
efifective. He was sometimes called the "perpetual critic," because he was per- 
petually criticising the management of the political leaders in Tammany Hall, 
and though a useful and hard-working ally when the need arose, he was apt to be 
something of a thorn in the flesh at times. 

In 1847, when in the State Legislature, a member from the rural district of 
Otsego took advantage on an occasion of Mr. Walsh's absence to make an 
unmanly attack upon him, his career and his constituency; going so far as to 
describe the latter as "dirty Democrats." Of course, Walsh was informed of 
what had taken place. To say that the lion w;is aroused would not begin to 
express his state nf mind. Seizing upon the first opportunity which occurred. 


Mr. Walsh entered upon a dissection of his assailant, a Mr. Fenno, with such a 
verbal avalanche of sarcastic retorts as would have made even Randolph of Roan- 
oke pale with envy, and can only be compared in the sharpness of its virus, to the 
arraignment of the Duke of Grafton by Junius. Repeatedly Mr. Fenno appealed 
to the Chair for protection, but the whole Assembly sympathized with Mr. Walsh, 
feeling that Mr. Fenno had brought his punishment upon himself by his unwar- 
ranted attack on the New York member, and particularly by the unjustifiable 
stigma he had cast on Mr. Walsh's constituency. The Chair declined to inter- 
fere until the evident misery of his victim appeared to touch the feelings of even 
the angry orator, who had by this time made Mr. Fenno appear absolutely ridicu- 
lous, the Assembly having been repeatedly convulsed with laughter. At last Mr. 
Walsh, looking his subdued and utterly humiliated assailant in the face, con- 
cluded thus: "You can go, but remember, for the future, that bull-frogs should 
never undertake to grapple with lions." Nor did any one else attempt to assail 
Michael Walsh while he was a member of the State' Legislature, to which after 
his first term of service had expired, he was re-elected. Subsequently, when 
Walsh was sent to Congress, he had a somewhat similar victorious contest -with 
a Western member. On his renomination to Congress, in 1854, he was defeated 
by John Kelly, probably the only man at that time in New York who could have 
beaten him. Micheal Walsh first won his oratorical spurs in a speech at Tam- 
many Hall against the "Know-Nothing" element to which he was most 
vehmently opposed, claiming that the sooner foreigners were admitted to the 
franchise, the sooner thev became Americanized and good citizens. 




>~ ^ . ^^^^-y ^ O MOST outsiders it is more or less of a mystery how a society 
rnlll^BR^Vfi incorporated as a purely benevolent association has grown to 
represent the most ijermaiient political organization in the 
country. .Another query to the uninitiated has been where 
to draw the line between the Sachems of the Columbian Order 
and the active politicians who run what is i)n])ularly known as 
the "Tannnany machine," the same names frequently appearing in both rolls. 
The facts are not so difficult of explanation as they appear on the surface. 

As stated in Chapter I. the founders of the Tammany Society, though not 
all then bearing the name of Democrats (or as they were then called Republicans), 
were, in fact, invariably persons imbued with Democratic ideas, as opposed to 
Federalism. As time advanced these early intuitions became more fixed and per- 
manent. At the time of the incorporation of the Society it had become practically 
partisan in its character, though not claiming to be such, but only thoroughly 
American. Its form of application to the Legislature, and probably its then 
intent, was only for the purpose of looking after the welfare of its own members 
and their families, but in politics they were then, nearly all, anti-Federal. For 
over twenty years of the early existence of the Society it occupied hired halls and 
places of meeting the rent being paid out of the general treasury, but in 1811-12, 
when their first permanent building was erected, it became absolute owner of the 
same. At first its large hall, particularly the ball-room, was let for temporary 
occupancy to various associations and parties, without much attention to the 
nature of the occupant's politics, but it was not very long before the question 
arose: "Should the Hall, owned by the Columbian Order, be let to political par- 
ties opposed to the doctrines of Democracy? Of course, discussion followed, 
as, by refusing to so let, a certain loss of revenue must be reckoned on; but prin- 
ciple triumphed over financial considerations, and it was finally decided that, 
though the Hall might be let for miscellaneous purposes, such as balls, banquets, 
etc., of a simply social character, and for lectures on scientific and literary sub- 
jects, it should not be let to or allowed to be used by opposing political parties. 

A case which occurred in 1853, and therefore well within the memory of 
many of our readers, will illustrate, perhaps, better than any other mode of 
explanation how the Society, the successors of the original founders, controlled 
the use of the building. 

In February of 1853, the Grand Council of the Society of Tannnau}- or the 
Columbian Order issued a special "Address" on this very subject, and in defence 
of a recent decision made by them, "Relative to the Political Use of Tammany 
Hall." The Hall was then on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, the 
present site of The Sim building. The substance of this address was as follows : 

"Brothers, the action of the Grand Council, in a certain case recently decided, has been 
assailed. It is right that you should know the facts. You are scattered abroad through 
every State of our beloved TJnion, but your hearts are here with us. and our reputation is 


dear to you. The event which has caused criticism of our Council cannot be considered of 
local interest only; It is of wide concern, because it relates to the character and position 
of our Society, and its relation to Tammany Hall. The Tammany Society is now [1853] 
two-thirds of a century old, and has for a long time been a centre of Democracy, to some 
extent, to the whole country. The unanimity required for the admission of new members 
insures the character and standing- of each and all, and yet allows of wide diffusion and 
liberality of welcome, excluding only enemies of our political faith. 

Our Society Owns Tammany Hall, 

and, by its control of it, is abl^e to exert great influence on the Democratic organization. 
We have had, and have, as members, nearly all the military and naval heroes of the 
country — all 'the favorite sons' of every State in the Union, as well as noble statesmen in 
the national councils; the most renowned men from the North, South, East and West, 
have all been initiated into our brotherhood." 

The use of Tammany Hall is now regaiiated by the lease (of date December 
]2, 1842) from the Tammany Society to Joseph W. Howard, under the following 
covenant: "And the said party of the second part promise and agree to, with the 
said party of the first part [the Society of Tammany], their successors and 
assigns, that the present Democratic Republican General Committee of the City 
of New York and their successors shall have the privilege of holding all their 
political meetings in said Tammany Hall during the continuance of this lease and 
the renewal thereof. 

'The said lessee also agrees not to let or sub-let to any other political party." 

Elijah F. Purdy was Chairman of the Democratic Republican Committee 
when this lease was signed, February 4, 1853. It was also provided at this time 
that, in case doubt or question arising whether any party desiring to hire the hall 
was of the correct brand of Democracy, the matter should be referred in writing 
either to the Grand Sachem or to the P'ather of the Council. The final power to 
act upon such a case was,. vested in the Grand Council. 

At this period a case in point had arisen. At the opening of the year 1853 
the Democratic organization of the city found itself in very peculiar circum- 
stances. The General Committee for the preceeding year had provided primary 
meetings for the election of their successors, but had failed to designate the time 
or place of meeting to report on the result. Under ordinary circumstances the 
omission would have been comparatively unimportant, as the members would have 
arranged it among themselves, and would naturally have chosen Tammany Hall; 
but it so happened that united action on this occasion was not possible, as it was 
known that, out of the then existing twenty wards, in sixteen the regular nomina- 
tions would be contested, and the danger appeared that two organizations might 
be formed. The General Committee for 1852 was defunct by lapse of time, and 
that for 1853 had yet to be elected. There seemed no way out of the difficulty but 
for the Grand Council of the Tammany Society to "mediate;" therefore, con- 
tinues this address, "We request the delegates from the wards, elected pursuant 
to the call of the late General Committee, to meet at Tammany Hall on the even- 
ing of January 13th for organization, the old officers courteously uniting in this 
request 'for those having certificates signed by a majority of the Inspectors.' " 

On the evening designated those claiming to have been elected as members 
of the General Committee for 1853 did meet as invited, when there ensued one ot 
the most grotesque entertainments ever offered to the onlookers at a political 

The hall was crowded with an expectant audience, coinp(jsc(l not only of the 
"regulars" and contestants, but of their followers and supporters, as well as a 
large number of curious spectators. When it became. necessary to proceed to the 
election of a chairman pro tem, Daniel E. Delevan was nominated, api)arenlly 
chysen by the majority, and took his seat. Immediately thereupon the contestants 
nominated Thomas J. Barr, and, many voices approving, he also took his seat 
upon tlie platform, close to Mr. Delevan. The latter received, put and decided 
motions by which Mr. George H. Purser and Thaddeus R. Cilover were ap- 
pointed tcmj)orar\- Secretaries. Messrs. Grazier and t'olu-n were thereupon 
nominated for the same duty by the opposing party, tlu' nintinn for their appoint- 
ment being put by Barr, and decided in their favor by him. Things began to look 
ridiculous or dangerous, as the spectators \ie\\e(l them nmrc or less seriously. 
An animated discussion arose, and a motion was put, first bx- one chairman and 
then by the other, that "only those should remain in the hall who held certificates 
signed by two-thirds of the Inspectors." This motion was carried. The roll 
being called, the ineligible quietly retired, fifty-eight of the sixty members remain- 
ing with Delevan as Chairman. Another vote was then taken for Chairman, only 
thirty in response voting. Mr. Barr refused to accept this vote, and retired with 
his followers to the other side of the room and there formed a separate organiza- 
tion, on the ground that parties remaining with Mr. Delevan had been allowed 
to vote whose certificates had been signed only by a majority and not by all of the 
Inspectors. Those remaining with Delevan elected him, with Messrs. Purser 
and Glover as officers of the "regular" organization, lioth parties then adjourned 
to meet again at Tammany Hall on the i8th inst. Union was still hoped for, and 
on the evening named Delevan and his friends met as usual in the committee 
room with open doors, but Mr. Barr and his followers, instead of coming there, 
met in a room public to all the guests of the hotel, and there perfected their 
organization, adjourning to meet again at Tammany Ilall on the 2otli. 

It was now time for the General Council to get in its fine work; a meeting 
was called on the afternoon of the loth: ten Sachems being present, after some 
little discussion, the decision was rendered that the Delevan party was alone 
entitled to the use of Tanmiany Hall; and also that no committee was to meet 
until the 21st inst. It was this action of the Grand Council which had called 
forth the criticism alluded to in the commencement of this chapter, and was the 
occasion of the issuance of the formal address to the general "Brotherliood."' 
When the decision of the Council was made known, forty-one members had pub- 
lished a call for a meeting hostile to what they deemed "the unprecedented 
assumption of the Sachems." But they were not allowed to use the building. 
Among these forty-one were Sachem Cornell, and Brothers West, Bogardus and 
Connolly, and of these one had voted for the motion carried, as to certificates, 
and the others had aided in procuring the action they now condemned. 

At the authorized meeting of January 21st a permanent organization was 
effected, Lorenzo Slicpard being chosen chairman: Jacob V. Oakley, treasurer; 
Thaddeus Glover and Abraham S. Vosburgh, secretaries. 

This notable ".A-ddress," in closing, congratulates the Brotherhood on the 
result of the recent Presidential election — that of Franklin Pierce. It is dated, 
".At the Council ChaniluT of the Great ^^'igwam. at Manhattan, in the season of 


Snows, 2d Moon; in the sixty-fifth year of the institution of the Society, and the 
seventy-seventh of Independence." (New York, Februarjr 4, 1853.) 

Signed by 

Elijah F. Purdy, 
Andrew H. Mickle, 
John Dunham, 
Samuel Allen, 
Charles A. Denlke, 
Thomas Dunlap, 

Jacob M. Vreeland, 
Andr^ Fremont, 
George S. Messerve, 
Wm. J. Brown, 
Is. V. Fowler, 
Stephen H. Feeks. 

George Messerve: Father of the Council. 
Thomas K. Downey: Scribe. 

These proceedings clearly show that the incorporated "Society of Tammany, 
or the Columbian Order," are the legal owners and proprietors of the structure 
known as Tammany Hall, and that the political organization which has for so 
long had their headquarters there, are simply tenants at will of the old Society. 
That they have a very secure tenure may be inferred from the fact that all, or very 
nearly all, of the officers and members of the latter are also members of the politi- 
cal party which is best known to the public as representing "Tammany." 

More recent events have shown that the practical control of Tammany Hall 
still resides in the Sachems and officers of the incorporated organization. In 
November, 1894, among some of the younger men there was considerable talk of 
choosing leaders independently of the Sachems. One of the latter put the case 
thus to an active malcontent: "Suppose that the young men should reorganize, 
and that an attempt was made to reorganize us out of Tammany, what would 
happen? Simply that the trustees of the Tamrhany Society would shut the same 
young men out of Tammany Hall building. Yours would then be a guerrilla 
organization and not Tammany Hall. Would it not?" That view^ of the case 
effectually stopped the movement. 





^ ^ URING llic discussion of the situation preceding the oiUi)i"eak 
Inr^V^^^&^li of the Civil War, Tammany, as we have noticed in the previ- 
ous chapter, did all that a political party could do to preserve 
the integrity of the Union ; but when hostilities had com- 
menced by the firing upon Fort Sumter, they promptly took 
their place on the side of the (iovcrnment; resolved, if the 
Union could not be maintained by peaceable nu-ans, it must be preserved at any 
cost, and by all the means in the hands of loyal men. 

As illustrating the feelings, not only of the officers and leaders of the Society, 
but as also expressing the state of mind of the rank and file of the members, we 
cannot do better than give the programme of the proceedings of a meeting held 
in the Wigwam on the Fourth of July, 1862. 

The following is the official order of the da)' : 

"The OfBcers and Sachems are requested to meet at the old Wigwam at 11.30 A. M. 
The doors of the large hall will be thrown open to the public at 12 M. precisely. 

"From that hour until 1 P. M. the Sicilian brass band will play national airs. The 
greneral exercises will be opened by the performance of an overture by the band. The 
opening address will be made by the Grand Sachem, Nelson J. Waterbury. Then follows 
the National Hymn, 'My Country, 'tis of Thee,' sung by Colburn, assisted by twenty-four 
picked boys, with piano accompaniment. The Declaration of Independence will then be 
read by Brother George W. McLean. Mr. Colburn will next sing the 'Red. White and 
Blue,' with his chorus and accompaniment. The recitation of Eliza Cook's 'Ode to Wash- 
ington' is next in order. One of the most stirring songs of the time will then be given, led 
by Mr. Colburn and chorus: 

•' 'The Drum-tap Rattles Through the Land." 
"the audience being invited to join in the chorus. Henry Morford, Esq., will then read his 
patriotic poem, entitled, 'Tammany and the Union,' written for the occasion. Then we 
shall have a patriotic hymn, written by Grand Sachem Waterbury, entitled, "Forever," 
sung by Colburn and his choristers. The Oration of the Day will be given by the Hon. 
Charles P. Daly. 

"The ceremonies to conclude with the singing of 'The Star Spangled Banner." The 
audience will rise and join in singing the chorus." 

One would think that this was a pretty full programme for a hot July day, 
but for some hundreds at least that was not the end of the festival. A few modest 
lines at the foot of the programme read thus: "The Banquet Rooin will then be 
thrown open where the Waters of the Great Spring will flow profusely, and 
where distinguished brethren will respond to appropriate sentiments, and patriotic 
songs will be given by an efficient glee club. 

The Committee of Arrangements on this notable occasion was as follows: 

Sachems John A. Dix, Elijah Purdy, Richard B. Connolly, P. B. Sweeney, J . 
Kelly, Isaac Bell, James B. Nicholson, Daniel E. Delevan, Thomas Dunlap, 
Edward Cooper, Douglas Taylor, C. C. Childs, J. E. Devlin. 

Treasurer, George E. Baldwin; Sagamore, G. S. Messerve; Scribe, Richard 
Winnie; Wiskinkie, S. C. Diiryea; Father of the Council, Henry Vandewater. 

We give below the names of the Committee of Members of the Society, less 
for its intrinsic interest than for the purpose of enabling those who still remember 
the men of that period, to judge whether or not they compare favorably with the 
average composition of such committees made up by other political parties.' Cer- 
tainly it would be difficult to find better or more patriotic men than the great 


majority of those to be found in this Hst of officers and members of the Tammany 
organization of 1862, or who, at least up to that period, stood on a level or above 
the representatives of other political parties: 

General Committee of the Tammany Society for 1862. 

Daniel F. Tieman, 
Emanuel B. Hart, 
Andrew V. Stout, 
M. T. Brennan, 
Smith Ely, Jr., 
Anthony L. Robertson 
James Murphy, 
James Lynch, 
C. Godfrey Gunther, 
Andrfe Froment, 
L. F. Harrison, 
Andrew H. Green, 
Thomas B. Tappan, 
George G. Barnard, 
John Y. Savage, Jr., 
Charles J. Chipp, 
John T. Hoffman, 
John M. Barbour, 
Thomas C. Fields, 
William Miner, 
Henry Hilton, 

David A. Fowler, 
Thomas W. Adams, 
Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., 
Edward Sanford, 
William B. Clarke, 
Moses D. Gale, 
Edmund L. Hearne, 
A. T. Gallager, 
William Murphy, 
George Smith, 
Walter Roche, 
Aaron B. Rollins, 
John R. Briggs, 
Wilson G. Hunt, 
William McMurray, 
Frederick L. Vultee, 
William J. Powers, 
Ralph Bogart. 
George W. McLean, 
William C. Conner, 
John Richardson, 
Augustus Schell, 
Nelson J. Waterbury, 

Henry L. Clinton, 
Wm. M. Tweed. 
John T. Henry, 
John S. Giles, 
Samuel J. Tilden, 
Josiah W. Brown, 
Wm. H. Leonard, 
Wm. J. Peck, 
Thomas Byrnes, 
John H. McCunn, 
Albert Cardoza, 
Michael Connolly, 
John Clancy, 
George H. E. Lynch, 
Robert C. Mclntyre, 
Harvey F. Aubrey. 
John Fitch, 
John Eagan, 
Peter Moneghan, 
Jefferson Brown, 
Joseph D. Baldwin. 

Grand Sachem— Nelson J. Waterbury, Secretary — George E. Childs. 

On this occasion an unusual amount of decorations were indulged in, includ- 
ing a great display of transparencies. General Jackson's portrait was draped with 
the national colors. Washington, Lafayette, Jefferson, Polk, Clay and Webster 
adorned the walls of the Wigwam. There were estimated to be over two thousand 
persons present, more than the old hall could comfortably accommodate. The 
Grand Sachem's address was steeped with patriotism. Among other remarks con- 
cerning the spirit of the Tammany Society, he said: "Tammany, or the Colum- 
bian Order, took root in the pure soil of the Revolutionary era, and still remains 
true to the spirit of those early days, devoted now as then to our national 
Constitution, to those principles of civil liberty upon which our government is 
founded, and upon which alone it can be perpetuated.' .... There never 
was a time when it was more incumbent upon every man who loves liberty, who 

values the freedom of his country, to recall these principles We 

are at a crisis when a wicked rebellion has raised its foul head to overthrow and 
destroy the best government the world has ever known." 'Sir. Waterbury then 
referred in somewhat passionate language to the unjust treatment of Gen. Geo. B. 
McClellan, claiming that he had been willfully betrayed and his success imperiled 
by Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of W'ar, in the interest of the Republican party; 
"but," he added, "If Gen. McClellan has been compelled to retreat in the face of a 
force three to one against him, it is only the more important, the more incumbent 
upon every friend of his country to rally to her support, and to do whatever he 
can to give success to her cause, and to the brave men who are bound together 
upon the battlefield to maintain it. We must do the President [Lincoln] of the 
United States the justice to say that he has done well in overruling the proclama- 
tions of Fremont and Hunter [prematurely anticipating the President's action in 
giving freedom to the slaves]. There is no heart here, I am sure, which does not 


accept the following seiitiiuciU with the devotion of life itself; 'The Union of these 
States shall remain, now and forever, one and inseparable.' " This sentiment was 
received with lond and prolonged cheers. We select one verse from the Grand 
Sachem's patriotic hymn, entitled "I-orever," as showing not only the spirit of the 
author, but of the great Tannnany meeting which so enthusiastically indorsed it. 
The music was by the well-known .American composer, George W. Bristow, and 
was rendered with great spirit by popular singers of the day. We select the 
second verse as best expressing the predominant feeling of the hour: 

"God bless our Union chain. 
Each sacred link retain 

Forever and forever. 
With other links extend it, 
Let treason never rend it. 
From every foe defend it; 

God bless the l_lnion ever. 

Forever and forever." 

The following verses are from the song most ixipular in Tammany Hall at 

that period: 

"the drum-tap rattles through the land." 
"The drum-tap rattles through the land, 

Th.» trumpet calls to arms; 
A startled nation stands aghast, 

Unused to war's alarms. 
Ho! watchman on the outer wall, 

What danger do you see? 
'To arms! To arms'' the sentry cries, 
To arms! if you'd be free.' 

'To arms! if you'd be free.' " 

The intervening verses describe the assault (ni [-"ort Sumter, etc., and the 
uprising of the people. The last verse is solemn in its earnestness: 

"God speed our noble, gallant band, 

Of heroes true and brave; 
March on! march on! till o'er our land 

The Stars and Stripes shall wave 
Great God of battles, bless our cause, 

Bring peace from war's alarms: 
Protect and guide us by Thy might 

Till vict'ry crowns our arms. 

Chorus — "To arms! To arms!" etc. 

The orator of the day, Hon. Charles P. Daly, devoted considerable space to 
the claims of Virginia, that her colonial stork was superior to that of New Eng- 
land or New York, which he emphatically denied. At the close of the oration the 
audience were pleasantly surprised by the entrance of General Hiram Walbridge. 
who was received with enthusiastic cheers. After a lirief speech, the General 
proposed the following resolutions for the acceptance of the meeting: 

"Whereas, The United States are engaged in suppressing a wicked and 
infamous rebellion against the integrity of the Constitution and the stability of the 
Union ; and 

"Whereas, Continued intimations reach us of foreign intervention, the 
Democracy of the city and county of New York, wiiile comnTemorating the anni- 
versary of the birth of our national existence, unanimously declare their adher^ 
ence, and, if necessary, the armed defense of the principles of the Monroe Doc- 
trine, and resolve accordingly." 

The third resolution reads as follows: 

"Resolved, That actual interference by any foreign power will sow the north- 
ern section of the hemisphere with the fabled dragon's teeth, and will bring forth 
its' full crop of armed men to resist them." 


These resolutions were unanimously adopted. 

The General then proceeded to say: "One year ago I stood here and read 
to you the President's call for six hundred thousand men. A year has transpired 
and Tammany has been vindicated.* But there is no sacrifice too great, none 
which we should not most cheerfully make in order to help the Government at 
this moment. We want more troops, more money; and we must all be ready for 
every sacrifice, and above all to effectively resent all foreign interference." 

In the banquet-room, Mr. August Belmont responded to a toast regretting 
the war, and hoping for speedy peace. Judge Hilton responded to the toast, 
"George Washington, may his name, with that of Jefferson and- Jackson, ever be 
talismanic within this hall." In responding to the toast "Thomas Jefferson," 
Gen. Walbridge reverted to the theme he had broached in the Wigwam; he said: 
"If intervention must come, let it come. Relying upon our own strong arms, we 
will implore the God of battles to smile upon us, as upon our fathers in the dark 
days of the Revolution; and we will enter upon the contest, determined that here 
Liberty shall build her last entrenchment, and that we shall fight until we spill 
the last drop of our blood, in maintaining and preserving free representative, 
constitutional government, from the grasping avarice or ambition of any foreign 

The Grand Sachem then gave the toast, "The Union, the glorious arch that 
spans our national horizon, may no Pleiad ever be lost from its constellation." 
To this Henry L. Clinton responded: "The Union," he said, "must and shall be 
preserved," pointing at the same time to the portrait of President Jackson, the 
original framer of the phrase. The reference to Jackson as the author of this 
apropos sentiment was received with great enthusiasm. After the prolonged 
cheering had subsided. Mr. Clinton resumed. "It is," he said, "no small consola- 
tion, for every fair and consistent Democrat, to reflect that the Democratic party 
had done all in its power to avert the dreadful catastrophe; but now, the energetic 
prosecution of the war was an imperative duty." 

To the toast, "The Constitution," R. B. Connolly spoke; and to "Our 
Nationality," Hon. Charles P. Daly. To the sentiment, "Abraham Lincoln," the 
Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy (whose well-known sobriquet was the "old War- 
horse of the Democracy") responded. He said he was so unused to speaking in 
praise of any one not a Democrat that he felt strange at the toast awarded him; 
and he added, "I am at a loss to express what is really due to the Chief Magis- 
trate, who is always to be respected, but I can assure President Lincoln, that as 
long as he conducts this war for the suppression of the rebellion and the 
supremacy of the law, to restore the Union, and maintain the Constitution, he 
will always find a hearty response and cordial support from Democrats, and par- 
ticularly from those of Tammany Hall." 

Other toasts followed: to Gen. George B. McClellan, to the Navy, to the 
State, the City, the Press, to Our Countrywomen, all of which were ably responded 
to, but we have aimed only to give sufficient of the remarks made, to indicate the 
spirit animating the gathering of "the braves." and need not follow the proceed- 
ings farther. It was a great and enthusiastic patriotic meeting, long remembered 
by those who had the good fortune to be present. 

• Referring to the regiment raised by the Tammany Society. 





[>^^?,^^^^~S^| S SOON as the news of the attack ni)()n l*"ort Sunitcr reached 
lnv.^lft,N?i7ff New York City, Tammany Hall took immediate action in 
]ilacing- itself on the side of the LJnion; and, at its own expense, 
recruited, c(|uipped and sent to the fnmt a full regiment, the 
Forty-second, whose record on many a bloody field is unsur- 
])assed by any other that fous^ht under the Stars and Stripes 
to the end of the war. 

Its first Colonel was the Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society at the time 
he received his commission as commander of the regiment. During the war, over 
seven thousand men fought for the Union under 'I anunany's regimental banner, 
and of these thousands less than five hundred returned home. Of the original 
twelve himdred. forming the first regiment sent into the field, only two hundred 
and fift\ returned. Colonel Kennedy, like ^'osburg and Ellsworth, did not 
live to conunand the regiment in battle, for he died of an illness brought on by 

^•over-exertion in behalf of his charge, in July of 1861. liy the middle of June the 
Tannnany regiment had enlisted one thousand one hundred men, but, when just 
ready to start, word was received from Washington "that they had men enough," 
but it was suggested that the regiment be held together until further notice. This 
was the illusive period of the inexperienced statesman rule, when Secretary 
Seward thought the war would be ended in "sixty days." The Tammany regi- 
ment, to the great disappointment of officers and men, was temporarily quartered 

^.at Great Neck, Long Islaml, where they were supplied with arms, and received 
drill instruction, for which purjiose an oiificer was detailed from West Point. The 
importance of accurate instruction in the use of arms and other military tactics 
was not at first so thoroughly appreciated as later on in the struggle. 

Before leaving Long Island for Washington, the regiment was presented with 
the national colors; a regimental standard with State arms, and a guidon bearing 
the arms of the Tannnany Society .^ 

The presentation was made b\- Grand .Sachem Iilijah F. Purdy, who was at 
this time chairman of the (ieneral Connnittee of Tannnany Hall, on behalf of a 
Joint Committee appointed to this duty by the Society. The flags were received 
on the part of the regiment b\- Colonel Kennedy, who briefly and appropriately 
responded, expressing hearty thanks of himself, his ofificers and men. .\n elegant 
pistol was presented to the gallant Colonel by George W. Roome, and a splendid 
sword and sash by John Clancy. These were the gifts of personal friends. The 
Colonel then led the delegates through the open ranks of the regiment, which was 
pronounced to be equal to the best yet organized at the North; and the state- 
ment was freelv made that there were very few which showed such excellent 
material in physical appearance. , 

One of the saddest losses, early in the history of this regiment, was the pre- 
mature death of their Colonel, William D. Kennedy, who had been one of the 


most enthusiastic advocates for raising the regiment. When the proposition to 
do so was first made in a meeting at Tammany Hall, the query was put, "If we 
raise a regiment, who will command it?" "I will," answered the Grand Sachem, 
"if a better commander does not offer." And from that moment all his thoughts, 
time and energy were directed to this object, and success came rapidly as to the 
enlistment of recruits; then came the delay at Great Neck; the care of hundreds 
of men in camp, only a few miles from the city; the ambition to turn out well- 
drilled men; the constant desire, thrown back, to start to the front. Colonel 
Kennedy knew no rest, but the unwonted physical exertion, and of such a novel 
nature, was paid for by a fatal penalty. 

The regiment reached Washington on the third Saturday of July, 1861. 
Colonel Kennedy, though very unwell, persisted in keeping at the head of his 
men when marching through the hot streets of Washington to the camp-ground 
assigned to them. Eventually compelled to retire for rest, he never rallied, but 
passed away, without having been allowed the satisfaction of a single encounter 
with the enemy.* 

On receiving the news of their loss, a special meeting of the General Com- 
mittee was held at their room in Tammany Hall, on the 24th of July, 1861, where 
resolutions of regret for their own loss and condolence with his family were 
passed, not in a merely perfunctory style, but, as those who were present will 
remember, with a sorrovi'ful tenderness of sympathy and sincere regret which it 
would be difficult to find exceeded on any similar occasion. Not content with 
verbal expressions only, the committee issued a memorial pamphlet, recording 
Colonel Kennedy's service in raising the Forty-second Regiment, and his virtues 
as a man and a citizen, as well as a high officer of the Tammany Society. This, 
printed memorial is signed: 

Elijah F. Puedy, Chairman. 

John Hardy and A. B. Rollins, Secretaries. 

\/ (This Forty-second Regiment was by no means the only one raised by Demo- 

crats, who either were, had been, or became Tammany men. Fernando Wood 
raised another, of which John S. Cocks was Colonel,; though at this particular 
time Mr. Wood was the leader of the Mozart faction — truants from Tammany. 
N Then there was the Sickles Brigade, filled with Tammany men;, in fact, it was- 
hard to find a regiment raised in the City of New York during the war in which 
there were not many — especially was this true of the brigade raised by General 
Francis B. Spinola. 

Among other Tammany meii active in promoting recruiting may be named 
John Clancy, editor "of the Leader, Judge Moses D. Gale, Colonel Thomas Dun- 
lap, Colonel Delevan, Mr. Peter Bowe, Douglas Taylor, Alderman Charles E. 
Loew, Nelson J. Waterbury, Isaac Bell, Casper C. Childs, C. L. Monel, John 
Houghtaling and others. 

It was at the battle of Ball's Bluff, in which the Tammany Regiment was 
engaged, when General Baker fell, that Colonel Cogswell ordered his brigade to 
cut their way through to Edward's Ferry. In this brigade was a Tammany com- 

* The " Kennedy Post," G. A. R., named in his honor, still keeps alive his revered;, 
memory In the City of New York. 


k pany, headed by Captain Timothy (3'Meara. In the cuniincnccnieni oi the 
engagement O'Meara had placed by the side bf the Stars and Stripes the green 
flag of his native isle. The twin emblems seemed to inspire the men of this par- 
ticular company with redoubled energy and intrepidity, and they charged upon 
the enemy with terrible efifect: nor did they give way till all hopes were dead. 
Colonel Cogswell and Captain O'Meara were captured, and shared all the lK)rrors 
of rebel captivity. 

At the battle of Antietam the Tammany ReyimciU lost one hundred and 
eighty killed, wounded and missing, out of two luuulred and eighty who went 
into the battle. The regiment had to be refilled several times by new enlistments. 
In fact, Tammany tiall kept up a permanent recruiting station while the war 

At Gettysburg Lieutenant Colonel William A. Lynch, a Tammany soldier, 
seeing his color-sergeant shot down, and the men wavering under a terrible fire, 
sprang from his horse, tore the standard from the hands of the dying sergeant, 
and, bearing it to the head of his command, restored the temporarily flagging 
hopes of his regiment. This brave man was in many battles, but survived the 
war. The Forty-second, or Tammany Regiment, was mustered into the service 
of the United States June 22-28, 1861, and was mustered out on the 13th of 

X July, 1864.' Those who chose to remain in the military service, with all the new 
recruits were transferred to the Eighty-second N. Y. Volunteers. 

The official record of the service of the Tammany Regiment In the archives 

^ of tile Adjutant-General's office at Albany is the most honorable. The Tammany 
Jackson Guards were in the thick of the fight at the battles of Ball's Bluff, York- 
town, West Point, Va., Glendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Fredericksburg, 
Gettysburg, etc. After the battle of Gettysburg, on the second day of the fight, 
the entire weight of the rebel army was thrown against the Second Corps — Gen- 
eral Hancock's — in which was the Tammany Regiment. In Townsend's valuable 
work entitled, "The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion," 
he thus describes the scene: "This devoted corps [Hancock's] bore the brunt of 
the onslaught and merits the honor of the victory. Pickett's splendid division 
of Longstreet's Confederate Corps came on in front with the best of Hill's 
veterans supporting them. When they were at blank-point range, came the order 
for our troops to fire; then from eighteen thousand guns issued a sheet of smoky 
flame — a crush of leaden death. The first of the Confederate lines literally 
melted away, but the second came resolutely on. Pickett's division now thrust 
itself up to the Union line, and the full strength of this attack fell upon the New 
York City brigade, which included the Tammany troops." "The movement," 
says the historian Swinton, "was certainly as critical as can well be conceived, but 
the coolness and bravery of both officers and men caused the repulse and route of 
the assailants; and with that repulse perished the last hope of Confederate vic- 
tory," and in the grand result the Tammany Jackson Guards had its full share of 
glory — and of loss. 

We give here a few of the names of men of the Forty-second which have 
received "honorable mention" or other official honors for heroic conduct under 

Lieut. Thomas Abbott was honorably mentioned in Lieut.-Col. Mooney's 
report of the battle of Ball's Bluf?, also Major Peter Bowe in the same report. 


Col. Milton Cogswell was presented with a sword by the Common Council 
of the City of New York, on the scabbard of which was inscribed these words, 
which the recipient had used at the battle of Ball's Bluff, suiting the action to the 
words: "Men, we'll cut our way through to Edward's Ferry." Colonel Henry 
Harrington was also honorably mentioned for brave conduct at Ball's Bluff. 

Col. Edward C. Charles was one of the noted heroes of White Oak Swamp, 
where he was badly wounded and taken prisoner. 

Private D. H. Morgan is commended in the official report as having volun- 
teered to advance with the head of the column, and cut down the palisading, at 
the time of the assault on Fort Fisher. These are but a few specimens .among 
hundreds of others showing the kind of material that did all their duty, and 
more, at the seat of war, furnished by the much-vilified Tanmiany Hall, i Let us 
say of them in the words of the Rev. Henry W. Bellows: ~ 

"Rest patriots, rest 
Rest within tlie bosom of that earth 
Thou didst so much to make 
A more worthy residence for thy fellow men." 



HARLES GRAI-IAM IIAI.I'IM': was ainoii- tlie ardent 
Idvers of liberty who naturally gravitated towards Tammany 
Hall, and who made a record for himself in aidinf^ to preserve 
the union of these States, thoutjh not a native of the soil. He 
came to this country in 1852. and after some experience in 
Boston and elsewhere, settled in New York, and became 
known before the war as an able journalist, a gifted i)oet,'a genial member of 
society, and he only awaited the opportunity to |iro\e himself a brave and 
accomplished soldier. Early in his New York career he was attached to the 
editorial staff of the Times newspaper, for which he wrote the famous "Nicaragua 
Letters" during the Walker filibustering expedition. The 'I'iiiics was then under 
the editorial control of the late Henry J. Raymond. Later Mr. Halpine became 
part proprietor and editor of the New York Leader. His associate in this venture 
w^as the well-known John Clancy. When Mr. Halpine took hold of this paper it 
had but a meagre circulation, which might be counted by hundreds only, but 
under the attraction of the new editor's forcible papers and the improved niakc-up 
of reading matter, the circulation rapidly increased, until it reached 11,000. Its 
influence was marked, and for a while it seemed destined to become the most 
popular paper in the city. But Mr. Halpine withdrew from the concern and the 
charin seemed to go with him. Subsequently this nian of versatile talents was 
connected with the Herald, and also contributed to magazines and other periodi- 
cals, apparently possessing the capacity to tmn off unlimited (|uantities of any 
sort of literary matter, prose or poetry, just as the occasion demanded. He was 
thoroughly Democratic in his principles, though his writings were not limited to 
publications of that party. 

When the war broke "out Mr. Halpine promptly enlisted in the Sixty-ninth 
New York Infantry, abandoning, without hesitation, all his literary engagements, 
and the fairest prospects of success, to fight for the preservation of his adopted 
country. His unusual mental mobility enabled him to grasp military ideas with 
ease, and to so thoroughly adapt himself, to the novel circumstances in which 
he found himself placed that he was almost immediately promoted to a position 
on the staff of General Hunter as Assistant Adjutant-General with the rank ot 
Major. He accompanied General Hunter to Missouri on his expedition to relieve 
Fremont, performing very onerous and responsible duties on the occasion. 
Later he was transferred to the division of Major-General Halleck,_ with whom 
his duties were by no means lightened. Mr. Halpine was one of the few civilians 
whom the West Point men admitted to be an able executive officer. 

It was while he was stationed at Hilton Head that he assumed the name of 
"Miles O'Reilly." thus personating the name of a fictitious private of the Forty- 
seventh New York \''olunteers. Many of his effusions under this notti dc plume 
were verv amusing, with a strong shade of sarcasm interwoven: b'lt the best of 


all, considered as a literary product, was a poem of considerable length on the 
proposition to raise a monument to the "Irish Legion," so many of whom lost 
->^ their lives in the Union cause. The entire poem is too long for insertion here, 
but we give one noble verse, sufficient to show, the style and spirit. Speaking of 
them as aliens by birth, received, as all foreigners at that date were, with cordial 
hospitality, he says: 

"Welcomed they were with generous hand, 

And to that welcome nobly true, 
When war's dread tocsin filled the land. 
With sinewy arm and swinging brand, 

These exiles to the rescue flew; 
Their fealty to the flag they gave. 

And for the Union, daring death, 
Foremost among the foremost brave. 
They welcomed victory and the grave. 

In the same sigh of parting breath." 

 Although Mr. Halpine's military services were so fully recognized by both 
General Hunter and General Halleck, the Secretary of War persistently ignored 
his merits and his just claims to promotion, leaving him, when peace was pro- 
claimed, with the simple rank of Major. Was it because he was a Tammany man.'' 
No other cause was ever assigned. Certainly he had been actively influential on 
the General Committee of that old Democratic society; but surely Tammany had 
done its duty, and its full share, even more than its share, in sustaining the Union 
forces in the field. And Major Halpine himself was one proof of it. 

For a short period after his return to New York he acted as a member of 
Gen. Dix's staff, assisting that Commander in arresting a horde of bounty 
swindlers, who had infested New York during the latter period of the war. This 
was his last military service. He quietly resumed his literary occupations, and 
political affiliations. But he did not find all of these working to his satisfaction. 
One of the parties whom he immediately antagonized was Fernado Wood, a man 
who had in many respects failed to keep the confidence once reposed in him by 
a large and effective following. The "Citizens' Association" then existing for 
the especial purpose of securing some municipal reforms, was fortunate in secur- 
ing Major Halpine as editor of their paper, which they called The Citizen. Of 
this sheet he shortly after became sole proprietor, and through its influence 
mainly was built up the organization known for a limited time as the Democratic 
Union. This paper he edited until his death, which occurred in August, 1868. 
Honest in every fibre of his being, with talents so varied that he had scarcely a 
peer among his professional contemporaries, he was personally a man universally 
liked. It was with deep sorrow that thousands of his fellow citizens bade a final 
adieu to the patriot, poet, and brave soldier, on that oppressive summer day. 






NDIVIDUALS of strong character have always had consider- 
able influence in, or on, Tammany Hall, when their talents 
were exerted in aid or in opposition to that Society. Among 
many eminently picturesque figures who have at times been 
supported by and affiliated with Tammany, and again have 
violently opposed that association, there has been no more 
striking figure tlian tliat of Ff.knando Wood, three times elected Mayor of New 
York, and the leader of the Mozart Hall faction, one of the strongest associations 
ever made up of disaft'ected Tanuuanyites. 

Mayor Wood is probably best remembered in New York for the curious 
position which he assumed at the outbreak of the Civil War. He came to this 
city from Philadelphia in 1820, and, though in mercantile business, soon began to 
interest himself in politics. In 1839 he was Chairman of a young men's political 
organization, and in 1840 was elected to Congress, on the Democratic ticket, 
serving until 1843, when he was nominated for Mayor of New York by his 
friends, who thought him the strongest man to overcome the combined forces of 
Whigs and Know-Nothings. He was, however, defeated by them. Nominated 
again for that office, in 1845, he was elected, and immediately commenced to 
bring order out of the demoralized condition of the city government, which had 
been for some time in incompetent hands, and lacked system. He vastly im- 
proved the methods, and devised many improvements in municipal management. 
His efiforts were very generally appreciated, so that he was re-elected, in 1856, by 
the combination of the '"better clement" of both Whigs and Democrats. He was 
too able a man to be used by the corrupt conspirators then in their incipiency, he 
could not be made a tool of, and was shrewd enough to suspect them, but had not 
!the means to effectually oppose them; he was in a measure forced out of the 
Wigwam, where he had been a leading spirit, and organized what was afterwards 
known as the "Mozart Hall wing" of the Democracy. Two years later Tam- 
manv and Mozart Hall, together, controlled five-sevenths of all the votes cast in 
the city. 

The most exciting episode in Mayor Wood's public career occurred in 1857. 
During the winter session of the Legislature, at .\lbany, of 1856-57. a bill was 
passed depriving the Mayor of the City of New York of all control over the 
Police Department — ^the alleged cause being that Mr. \\'ood had used that Ijody 
for partisan political service. Acting upon the advice of the Corporation Counsel 
and of Charles O'Connor, the Mayor determined to resist the imposition of the 
Metropolitan Police upon the City of New York, by what he deemed the usurped 
authority of the Legislature. The Mayor of the citw ft>r two hundred years, had 
exercised the prerogative of control over the Department of Police, and Mr. 
Wood and his advisers believed the bill which took away this function was uncon- 
stitutional (which lawyers still beheve). At this time the Chief of Police in New 


York was the somewhat renowned George W. JMatsell, an extremely efficient 
officer, as well as an active Democratic politician. He had organized the existing 
force of police and had got them in fine working order, and was naturally 
incensed at the interference of the Albany politicians. He valiantly came to the 
support of the Mayor, in defiance of the Metropolitan intruders. Wood and 
Matsell, with their voluntary followers, entrenched themselves in the City Hall. 
Here they were besieged by the newly appointed Metropolitan Police Force, who 
attacked the City Hall on the i6th of June, but were ignominously repulsed. 

The afifair began to look serious, and a riot would almost inevitably have 
followed had not the military authorities ordered out the militia, who threatened 
to arrest Mayor Wood, on behalf of the State. A parley and armistice followed, 
both parties agreeing to abide the decision of the Court of Appeals as to the con- 
stitutionality of the Act establishing the Metropolitan Police. On appeal, a 
majority o^ the Court decided against the Mayor. At the next election for 
Mayor, Wood was defeated, but he soon regained his popularity. He was again 
chosen to that office in 1859 and in 1861. 

In this eventful period Mayor Wood took an extraordinary attitude. He 
proposed that New York City and suburbs should secede, not from the Union, 
not to join the Confederacy, but to create a new political division. His idea was 
to unite the city with Long Island and Staten Island — neither of which had shown 
any inclination in that direction — and that these geographical units should 
coalesce, under the name of Tri-Insular, and proclaim themselves an independent 
State, thus dividing this section of New York from the old State. His action was 

The Tanmiany Society, which was always loyal to the Union, repelled this 
idea with scorn, and at the first opportunity threw Wood over, electing John T. 
Hofifman the next Mayor of the city. This wild dream of Wood's brought him 
into great disfavor at that time, so critical for the Union. He went abroad for a 
year, when this freak seemed to have been forgotten, and. on his return, he was 
elected to Congress, where he remained from 1863 to 1865, and was again chosen 
in 1867. The Mozart faction finally joined "the M'Keon Democrats," or most 
of them did so, some going over to the "People's Party," others into "Citizen's 
Committees," etc., making different combinations, such, for instance, as elected 
Godfrey C. Gunther Mayor. After two defeats from rival Democratic factions, 
Tammany once more rallied and regained its old supremacy. Mr. Wood was 
very anxious for what he called vindication, and published a card in the papers 
to the effect that his desires for re-election to Congress was solely for the purpose 
of a public refutation of the calumnies heaped upon him by his enemies. There- 
upon, in response, appeared the following from the pen of one of the ready 
poetasters of the day: 

"The royal prince who reigns in hell 

Has been maligned in various matters. 
And now would have the people tell 

How silly they regard such clatters. 

"He asks your votes; 'tis not for pelf. 

But to rebuke all saints and sages. 
Who say the archangels and himself 
' Have i»ot been crJ'ies through all ages." 


On Madison Square, in New York, there stands a monument to General 
Worth, of the United States Army. It was erected under the Mayoralty of 
Fernando Wood, and, therefore, very properly, his name was inscribed on one 
side of it. When Mayor Wood fell into disfavor, a subsequent Common Council 
had the puerile idea of erasing his name from this memorial stone, and actually 
did so, substituting, in its place, the rather trite phrase, "Honor the Ikave." 
Mr. Wood was not lacking in bravery himself, as his defiance of the State authori- 
ties proved. Mr. Wood died in Washington in February, 1881. 




HEN peace had at last been concluded and the results of the war 
had been to some extent realized, 1865-66, the Tammany peo- 
ple were, above all, anxious that the "dead past bury its dead." 
Though they missed many from their numbers who had fallen 
facing the foe, or in the dreary prisons of the South as 
prisoners of war, there was no rancor in their hearts against 
the "erring sister States," as the speeches and resolutions at their annual cele- 
bration witnessed in July of 1866. Over the platform in the Wigwam was 
conspicuously placed the bust of Washington draped with the American flag, and 
above it the m ottos: 

."One Country— One Constitution— One Destiny: 1776—1866.' 

On one side was a panel bearing these words: "The Tammany Society, 
founded in 1789; in its very foundation identified with the establishment of the 
Union. Ever faithful to its obligations; she has added another proof of her 
devotion, by sending forth her sons to protect and maintain it." On the opposite 
panel were these words: 

"The Democratic party: upon its union and success, depend the future of 
the Republic. He who would seek to lower its standard of patriotism and prin- 
ciples, or to divide its councils, is an enemy to the country." 

Around the hall were placed busts of Jackson, Clay, Webster and Franklin, 
with decorations and patriotic mottos. One of these was draped in mourning. 
It contained these words and names: 

"To the memory of the departed braves: 
Shepard, Froment, 

*Vosburg, • Connor, 

Purdy, Kennedy, 


An address on this memorable occasion was delivered by the Grand Sachem, 
Hofifman, who was at that time Mayor of the city. In the course of his remarks 
he said: "During the years of fearful struggle through which the nation has just 
passed, old Tammany was thrown wide open as a recruiting place for a class of 
patriots who were willing to imperil their lives, as well as to talk for their country. 
Brave men went forth from here, who either died upon the battle field or have 
returned after an honorable discharge, some whole and well, others with shattered 
health, or crippled limbs, but all ready to renew their efforts, and to vote for the 
speedy restoration of that Union for which they hazarded their lives. 

• This unique and beautiful monument to Col. Vosburg Is In Greenwood Cemetery, 
near the tall shaft erected to the memory of the Volunteer Soldiers of N. T. The Iron 
fence enclosing: the lot is composed of muskets In reversed position. 


"Tammany Hall, true to its ancient record, never faltered in its devotion to 
the Constitution ; and, now that peace has come, it demands that with peace shall 
also come 'good will to man.' " Mr. Hoffman then went on to argue that the 
eleven States, having abandoned the heresy of secession, should be allowed im- 
mediate representation in Congress, without any lingering term of probation, 
being kept out only for the sake, of radical partisans perpetuating their political 
power. "No one can doubt the practical patriotism of this Society," continued 
the orator, "which has shown its faith by its deeds. Among others was that 
noble brother, William Kennedy, who went forth as the leader of our Tammany 
Regiment, and died its representative. Before he went he joined us in placing 
in front of the old Wigwam, in bold letters, Jackson's motto: 'The Union, it 
must and shall be preserved.' Then there was that whole-souled brother and late 
Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy, who died a few months before the close of the 
war, who did excellent service in the same righteous cause, with others too 
numerous to mention." 

At the close of this thrilling address, a long poem, amusing and satirical, was 
read, and another by Charles F. Olney, dedicated to the Tammany Society. In 
fact, the Tammanyites seem never to have been lacking either for orators or 
poets. Mr. Richard O'Gorman, who made a "long talk," commenced by address- 
ing his audience as "Brothers of the Eagle Tribe." This, we think, was a rhetori- 
cal error. The Eagle being the symbol of the United States, could not properly bq 
adopted by a fraction only. Undoubtedly, the insignia of the second tribe, the 
Tiger, as expounded by the great Chief Tammany himself, is the original 
genuine symbol of the Columbian Order, and has been so regarded for over a 

The orator then raised his musical, but Cassandra-like voice, in pessimistic, 
threatenings as to the near future of thejiation's fate. He said: "I warn you that 
the Republic is still in danger. The worst of the storm has, indeed, blown over. 
The ship of State still rides, a proud and gallant sight; but I think she has 
escaped, more by God's good providence than by good steering, the Scylla of 
Secession; but she is drifting, slowly but surely, into the Charybdis of Centraliza- 
tion. Can her course be changed? Is there time still to put her head about and 
to escape the dangers ahead? Have you ever thought what centralization really 
means? Look back ten or twelve years. Then we in New York scarcely felt the 
finger of the Federal Government; it carried our letters, collected certain import 
duties to meet the expenses of the Government, which were trifling; for all other 
purposes the law of the State of New York was sufficient and supreme. The 
finger of the Federal Government is now stronger than the arm of the State. We 
have now let loose on us a cloud of assessors, collectors of taxes, Federal officials 
of all sorts, prying into every man's transactions, questioning, informing, gather- 
ing up the fruit of our industry and pouring it into the central reservoirs at Wash- 
ington, from which it flows and percolates in corrupting stearms from end to end 
of the land." With much more in the same line of thought did Mr. O'Gorman 
continue to expound the views and feelings of the extreme pessimists, so unusual 
a tone in Tammany Hall. ' He also expressed his own and the dissatisfaction of 
many others with the delay in the readjustment measures in Congress, which 
kept the Southern States in a condition of but semi-Union with the victorious 
North. He argued that an injury or injustice to any one, or any number of the 


States, was an injury to all. "It can never be well with New York," he said, 
"while it is ill with South Carolina or Tennessee." The sentiment thus plainly 
expressed was the feeling of nearly all Democrats, whether within or outside of 
Tammany Hall. .\t the close of the meeting, ex-Judge Pierrepont offered the 
following resolution : 

"Resolved. Thot when wa entered upon the late war, when we put our money, our 
lives, our reputa.tion in the contest to put down the rebellion, we did it for the sake of 
preserving the tTni. >n, and not for keeping the States out of the Union." This resolution 
was adopted unaimously. 

To prove that these sentiments in favor of prompt reconstruction, were- 
shared by the larger minded men of even the Republican party, we give a few 
specimen letters, out of many others, showing a wide and discriminating sympathy 
in the feeling exhibited by Mr. O'Gorman. Of course, those who had participated 
personally in the war, and had met these Southern soldiers face to face, were far 
more inclined to conciliation than the platform patriots, who had taken excellent 
care to keep out of harms way. 

Letter from William H. Seward. 

July 2d, 1S66. 
Executive Mansion. 
"To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order. 

"Dear Sir — I have the honor to receive your invitation to participate in the celebration 
of the National Independence on the approaching 4th of July. T am highly pleased with 
the form of the invitation. I like the motto which is placed at its head. 'The Union must 
and shall be preserved.' I like the vignette which illustrates it. I like the associated hues- 
with which it is colored, namely, the red, white and blue. I like the Temple of Liberty 
upon the rock of the Constitution and protected by the Eagle of the American continent. 
I like the ships and the railroads, indicative of prosperity and progress. I like the signifi- 
cant conjunction of dates, 1776 — 1866, a period of ninety years. ... I have had some 
differences with Tammany in my time, but I long ago forgot them all, when I recalled 
the fact that the Society has never failed to observe and honor the Anniversary of our 
National Independence, and the further fact that during the recent Civil War the Tam- 
many Society sent its sons to fight for the Union, and v.'ith unwavering fidelity heartily 
supported the Federal Government in its struggles with sedition. In view of these facts, 
I hail the Tammany Society as a true Union League. ... I believe, with the Tam- 
many Society, that the Union was created to be perpetual; that the States are equal 
under the Constitution, and that the restoration of that Unity, disturbed by the recent 
war, ought to be acknowledged and recognized by all the departments of the Federal 
Government; that a spirit of magnanimity and fraternity should prevail in all our 
councils, and that the South, having accepted the lessons of the war and relinquished the 
heresies of secession, should, just so far as she comes in the attitude of loyalty and quali- 
fied Representatives, be admitted to her Constitutional Representation. I want, hence- 
forth and forever, no North, no South, no East, no "West — no divisions, no sections, no- 
classes, but one united and harmonious people. 

"What I have written, I trust, will satisfy the Society that in spirit I shall always be- 
with them when they shall be engaged in renewing and fortifying the National Union. 

"I have the honor to be 

"Tour very obedient servant, 

"William H. Seward." 

Letter from General Grant. 

"Headqurters of the Army of the U. S., 
"Washington, D. C, June 2S, 1866. 
"To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Mayor of New York, and Grand Sachem of the Tammany- 

"Sir — Lieutenant-General Grant directs me to acknowledge receipt of an invitation 
from the Tammany Society to take part in their celebration of the approaching Anniver- 
sary of American Independence, and his regret that a previous engagement will oblige hint 

to decline the honor. 

"Adam Bedeau, 

"Brevet-Colonel and Military Secretary." 


On the day upon wIir-Ii llu- ciTinuiny of la\in>; the coriicT-stoiic of Presi- 
•tlent Grant's tomb, at Riverside Park, in New York, was performed by President 
liarrison (April 27, 1892), the morning papers printed tiie following item: "A 
special meeting of Tanmiany Sachems was held at the Wigwam yesterday after- 
noon. General Horace I'orter and General Daniel I'lUtterfield appeared in 
behalf of the Grant Monument Association, lloth .-^poke of the readiness which 
the Tammany Society had always show'ujn taking part in public enterprises, and 
arked their co-operation in erecting the monument. The Saclu-nis. on motion of 
Mr. Croker, appropriated $5,000 for the Monument I-'und." 

"Washington. July. 1.S66. 
•'Td Hon. J(.hn T. Hoffman. Craiid Sarheni. Tammany Society or Columbian Order." 
"Gentlemen of the Committee of Tammany Society or Columbian Order: 

"I have received your invitation to participate in your celebration of the National 

"To the honor of your Society it has in all tim.-s and under all circumstances, in war 
and peace, been faithful to the union of the States and the rights of the States. At no 
peiiod since its organization have its teachings and services been more required than at 
the present time, when the victorious arms of the Republic, having suppressed the false 
theory that the Union can be divided by secession or the voluntary withdrawal of a State 
from its Federal relations and obligations, we are now compelled to encounter the opposite 
extreme of i-ompiilsunj ci-clKsiiiii, by which the centralists deny to eleven States representa- 
tion in Congress, which is guaranteed them by the Constitution. The doctrine of compul- 
sory exclusion is scarcely less offensive than that of voluntary secession. Each is fatal to 
the perpetuity of the Union. I respond most sincerely to the correct and patriotic views 
expressed in your invitation. I respectfully submit the following sentiment: 

" 'The union of the States only to be maintamed by a faithful observance of the rights 

ot the States.' 

"Gideon Wells. 

(Secretary of Navy under Lincoln.) 

We might till this volume with letters of similar tenor, if that would add 
effect to the sentiments so well expressed by these etninent Republicans, but must 
content ourselves with giving a partial list of the names of distinguished men of 
both parties and non-partisans who sympathized with the views of Tammany in 
the matter of prompt reconstruction of the Southern States. 

Many of these letters were read. Among the names our readers will recog- 
nize some of the most influential and respected statesmen of the period: 

President Andrew Johnson. 
Gideon Wslls, 

Secretary of Navy, 
Maj.-Gen. W. S. Hancoclc. 
Maj.-Gen. W. B. Franklin. 
Brig.-Gen. Barry, U. S. A. 
Hon. Nelson Taylor, 
Hon. Tunis G. Bergen, 
Hon. Samuel J. Tilden. 
Hon. Washington Hunt, 
Hon. Meyer Strouse, 
Hon. Francis Kernan, 
Hon. James F. Pierce, 
Hon. B. F. Delano, 
J. K. Hackett, 

Recorder City of N. Y.. 
W. F. Allen, Esq., 
Wm. T. Odell, Esq., 
J. V. L. Pruyn, Esq., 
James Maurice. Esq., 

Wm. H. Seward, 

Secretary of State. 
Maj.-Gen. Grant, U. S. A., 
Maj.-Gen. D. E. Sickles, 
Maj.-Gen. D. N. Couch, 
Maj.-Gen. H. E. Davies, 
Hon. J. P. Stockton, 
Hon. James Brooks. 
Hon. James De Peyster Ogden, 
Hon. D. R. Floyde Jones, 
Hon. R. W. Peckham, 
Hon. Edwin Crosswell, 
W. B. Lawrence, Esq., 
H. A. Nelson, Esq., 
J. S. Bosworth, Esq., 
Harmon S. Cutting. Esq., 
Thos. B. Carroll, Esq., 
Richard Varick, Esq.. 
J. Vanderpool, Esq. 


Toward the close of the exercises the following resolution was presented by 

Recorder Hackett: 

"The Grand Sachem of the United States [Andrew Johnson], may he soon have i\t his 
belt all the radical scalps — leaving them their brains; and before another Fourth of July 
may he assemble the whole nation around the Council Fire of Old Tammany and smoke 
with them the Pipe of Peace." 

This was passed amid much laughter and hearty cheers. It was then 
announced that the Council of the Wigwam was closed for 1866. 





ORATIO SEYMOUR, usually called "the War Governor," 
was so closely affiliated with Taiimiany in sentiment and feel- 
ing, and was also the nominee of the Society for President in 
1868, that we feel justified in making special notice of him 
here, though his home was in the interior of the State. 
Horatio Seymour was a representative Democrat, allowing no 
side issues or temporary policies to divert him from the solid principles 
of Jeffersonian Democracy, which he had adopted early in life. His first 
.entrance into official duties was in 1835, when he became Military Secretary 
to that staunch Democrat, William L. Marcy, which office he retained for six 
years, or until he was elected to the Assembly in 1841. The following year he 
was elected Mayor of.Utica. His suburban estate at Deerfield being near that 
enterprising city, he was soon again returned to the .Vsscm'bly. anfl thereafter was 
kept almost constantly in some representative or official position. But our inter- 
est in him centres mainly in the war period, and we omit the details of intervening 
years. Standing on exact constitutional grounds, he was keenly alive to the 
necessity of maintaining the Union at any cost. Particularly did he condemn the 
action of those who made the election of Mr. Lincoln an excuse for disloyalty. 
At a Democratic ratification meeting held in Utica, on October 28, 1861, Mr. 
Seymour, after expressing his very natural regret at the failure of his own party 
to elect their candidate, said: "Mr. Lincoln was chosen in a constitutional man- 
ner, and we wish, as a defeated organization, to show our loyalty by giving him a 
just and generous support." 

We next find him as an active member of the committee appointed by 
Governor Edwin D. Morgan to raise troops in Oneida County; and he not only 
freely gave of his valuable services to this patriotic object, but aided with sub- 
stantial funds also. In September, 1862, the Democratic convention again 
nominated him for Governor. (He had been Governor in 1852.) After a can- 
vass, in which he asserted the right to criticise what appeared to him a wrong 
policy in the administration of the government, while earnestly sustaining the 
national authority, he was elected by a handsome majority over his able and 
popular opponent. General James S. Wadsworth. There were not wanting 
extremists at this time to charge Governor Seymour with disloyalty. His atti- 
tude appeared to be wilfully misunderstood. It was certainly misrepresented. 
Some of these rumors reached the ears of President Lincoln, who addressed a 
letter to the Governor, on the 23d of March, 1863, gently suggesting that a per- 
sonal pledge of loyalty from the Governor of New York would relieve him from 
some embarrassment. Taking this communication in the right spirit from the 
much tried and perplexed President, Mr. Seymour responded by sending his own 



brother to Washington to assure Mr. Lincohi of his loyal support, though 
accompanying the assurance with a protest against certain arbitrary arrests which 
had lately taken place. 

In everything pertaining to the raising of troops Governor Seymour's 
administration exhibited great, even conspicuous energy, and especially efficaci- 
ous was it, when an enormous effort was made to meet General Lee's invasion of 
Pennsylvania, in the early summer of 1863. On the 15th of June the Secretary of 
War had telegraplied to Governor Seymour asking for help, and in less than three 
days 12,000 State militia, "well-equipped and in good spirits" were on their way 
to the capital of the threatened State. Governor Seymour's executive activity 
was extraordinary. Both President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton sent him 
their personal thanks for his prompt action. On July 2d, Governor Curtin, of 
Pennsylvania, also sent to Governor Seymour for aid, and in two days still addi- 
tional troops were sent to his relief. 

It was while nearly all the available militia of New York Cjty and State had 
gone to the front that the "draft riots" occurred in the city. What greatly 
excited the anger of the poorer people was the commutation clause, which pro- 
vided that a drafted man might procure exemption by the payment of $300. This 
seemed to many very unjust: as it practically relieved the richer class, while the 
poor had no escape. There was also a discrimination against New York in the 
quota required from the city. Governor Seymour endeavored to have this injus- 
tice corrected, and also to secure a postponement of the draft; but was not able 
to efifect this in time to prevent the catastrophy which ensued. The draft began 
on the nth of July, 1863. On the following day, being Sunday, the names of 
those drafted were published, and the rioting began. The Governor reached the 
city that night, and the next day he issued two proclamations — one calling upon 
all citizens to retire to their homes, and another declaring the city in a state of 
insurrection. He then began enrolling volunteers to aid in restoring peace, and 
in getting together the few remaining available troops. On Tuesday he 
addressed the mob from the steps of the City Hall, his main object being to 
persuade the rioters to disperse, and so to gain time for the concentration of the 
force he was collecting to secure order. 

In its issue of Wednesday the Tribune charged Governor Seymour with 
having addressed the mob as "My Friends." If this had been true, and he had 
done so with the intent of securing their attention, this conventional phrase would 
have been quite justifiable. But, in fact, he did not use the words thus malici- 
ously attributed to him, though for years this falsehood was hurled at him as a 
reproach. The Deputy-Sheriff of New York at that time was Colonel Thomas 
Dunlap, who introduced the Governor on the City Hall steps to the surging 
crowd below. He stood close by his side, and he declares that Governor Sey- 
mour addressed the great crowd by these opening words, "Men of New York," 
and bravely went on to condemn all riotous proceedings, warning them of the 
fatal consequences which must inevitably follow acts of violence, and finally 
dissuadino- them from their intended attack on the Tribune building, and induced 
them to disperse peaceably. He had at the same time a small force of L^nited 
States troops hidden in the City Hall, which he might have called upon had he 


not resolved to avoid bloodshed, if possible. I'.ut tin- wilful misrepresentation of 
his speech, on that July day in 1863, no doubt, cost him many votes, when 
nominated for President, in Tanmiany Hall, in 1868. 

The riot, though continuing but little over forty-eight hours proved a costly 
affair both in property and lives. When all was quiet again. Governor Seymour 
wrote to the President asking him to have the draft stopped, and proposing to till 
New York's quota with volunteers. A Committee of Inquiry was appointed by 
the War Department, which subsequently admitted that the Act of March 3d. 
1863, was "imperfect, erroneous and excessive, especially with reference to the 
cities of New York and Brooklyn." On the 13th of April, 1864, a Republican 
Legislature passed a resolution thanking Governor Seymour for his prompt and 
efficient efforts in pointing out the errors of the enrollment and procuring its 
correction. Mr. Seymour was offered the Presidential nomination in 1864, but 
declined it, accepting, however, in 1868. In fact, it was then almost forced upon 
him; for he fully understood that the interest in General Grant was at that time 
too strong to be overcome. As he anticipated, the General secured a majority 
in the Electoral College. 

From this time forward ex-Governor Seymour retired from active politics, 
declining offers of nomination for Senator and other offices. He died in Febru- 
ary, 1886. The most remarkable feature of his political life was the persistent 
and wholly unwarranted misrepresentation to which he was subjected by his 
political opponents, on the utterly baseless score of disloyalty to the Union. 





y F ^ ' ~ r11 ^OUGH in no sense a new man or a new politician, Mr. Tilden 
f\ Yi^Hl^^V J came into popular repute as the "ring-breaker" in 1872, but 
from his youth up he had been a Democratic politician, and 
from early manhood merited the title of Statesman. He was 
one of those who early broke away from Tammany on the 
slavery question. He withdrew from the Baltimore Conven- 
tion, in 1848, and joined the Democratic Free-Soilers at Utica, where Mar- 
tin Van Buren was nominated for the Presidency. In 1855 Mr. Tilden 
was the candidate of the Soft-Shell portion of the Democratic party for the 
Attorney-Generalship. It has often been asserted, and as often denied, that 
Tilden was "a Tammany man." The facts are that he was at different times the 
friend, and then, again, the opponent of Tammany. When that Society was 
working on what he thought true Democratic principles he was with it; when 
he thought it failed in that respect, or had fallen under the leadership of unworthy 
men, he antagonized it. All Democrats in New York City were practically Tam- 
many men up to the period of the first great division of sentiment, which came to 
a head, politically speaking, in 1848. We do not mean absolutely that there were 
no opposing factions, but their numbers were neither large enough, nor their 
lease of life long enough, to interfere seriously with the onward march of the old 
organization. But the question of free-soil divided the Democracy throughout 
the land, as it also shattered — yes, killed, the great Whig party. 

In 1872 Mr. Tilden was not only back again as a member of Tammany, but 
was a Sachem of the Wigwam. When Tammany was right, he was there; when 
he thought it wrong, he was not only out, but in full and open opposition. But 
it is not necessary here to describe, in detail, Mr. Tilden's connection with Tam.- 
niany; his attitude has been already interwoven in preceeding pages of this his- 
tory. We desire, however, to call especial attention to a curious coincidence in 
Mr. Tilden's political experiences as a "ring-breaker," which does not and should 
not rest upon his action in the New York afifairs of 1871-72. Many years before 
he had his eyes opened to the frauds being perpetrated by the "gentlemanly 
•gang" who were manipulating the finances of the Erie Canal for their own 
especial benefit. These parties "were all honorable men," mostly residing in 
Syracuse, the very city in which was held the convention which nominated Mr. 
Tilden for Governor in 1874. 

The Canal Board was elective, and thus, with proper eiTort, its control could 
be wrested from the fraudulent managers, and placed in more honest hands; and 
this was the work Mr. Tilden proposed to himself to see done when he became 
Governor. He was elected by the handsome majority of over 50,000. His 
inauguration took place January i, 1875. His first message has always been 
known as the "Canal Message." On close investigation, Mr. Tilden had found 
that in this provincial city, over two hundred miles distant from "wicked New 



York," almost precisely the same fradulciU modes of deccpUuu and corruption 
were in full operation by these supposed innocent rustics of no particular political 
faith; ar.d, curiously enough, about the same amount of money, some fifteen mil- 
lions, had been wrongfully absorbed and sejuandered by the "canal ring." It 
was by the Governor's practical suggestions and inlluence on succeeding legisla- 
tion that a salutary change was soon brought about in canal management. 

It was in great measure his admirable conduct of State nfTairs which led to 
Governor Tilden's nomination for the Presidency in 1876. lly the popular vote, 
his majority over Hayes was 252,224; and in the Electoral College he received 
184 votes to 165 for Hayes. It is not necessary to repeat here the story of the 
great national fraud of our Centennial year. History has judged that act, but 
not condoned it — nor ever will. 

There is now no doubt that Tammany's full vote was brouglu out in 
favor of Tilden. lohii Kelly's choice (he was very iiiHuential then) was Sanford E. 
Church, who had been sounded on the subject of accepting the nomination for 
the Presidency, which he absolutely declined for himself, under the feeling that 
neither he nor any New York man could be elected. He thought the Presidency 
should, at that time, "go to some Western man." Yet, though two such astute 
politicians as Church and Kelly saw defeat in the nomination, Samuel J. Tilden 
was elected not only by a large popular vpte, but also by a more than sufficient 
majority in the Electoral College. After Mr. Tilden's death, in the summer of 
1886, the following appreciative remarks, from one who knew him well, appeared 
in a leading Republican paper of Boston: "If you wish to hear kind things said 
of the dead leader of Democracy, go and talk to the people of Gramercy Park, in 
New York. They knew the man. He was not the weazened, churlish creature, 
clutching his barrel of gold, that those amiable gentlemen, the cartoonists, were 
so fond of picturing, while taking a mean delight in making fun of his physical 
misfortunes. Plis neighbors do not remember the brutal cartoons, but they have 
a warm recollection of a gentle and sunny-tempered old man, who rose superior 
to racking and cruel bodily tortures, and presented a smiling front at all times." 
By his will Mr. Tilden showed his regard for the City of New York by leav- 
ing a bequest of several milhon dollars for the purpose of establishing a free 
library. Unfortunately, ignoring the good old rule of Biackstone, that when any 
technical or orthographical obscurity occurs in the wording of a will, that "it 
should be construed in accordance with the known intention of the testator," 
these millions have been diverted from the objects which Mr. Tilden had so much 
at heart — to the great loss of the citizens of New York. 

A patriotic niece of Mr. Tilden's has, to the extent of a two million dollar 
"gift, endeavored to have this clause in Mr. Tilden's will carried out. 







N JULY, 1867, the important event of laying the corner-stone 
of the imposing new Wigwam, in Fourteenth street, was com- 
bined with the usual ceremonies which annually mark the 
National Anniversary, so religiously observed by the Tam- 
many Society since the year of its foundation. The cere- 
monies of the occasion were abundantly chronicled in the 
leading daily papers, and brought forth, from the Society, an extra illustrated 
pamphlet descriptive of the proceedings, in which was also given a picture of the 
old hall, on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, with a lithograph copy 
of the corner-stone of the abandoned building. This pamphlet also included Mr. 
Horton's interesting historical sketch of Chief Tammany. 

As the old hall had been given up and the new was not yet built, the Society, 
on this occasion, occupied Irving Hal), on Thirteenth street — a building subse- 
quently destined to temporary fame, as the resort of a fraction of disailected 
Democrats in opposition to Tammany. Here a procession was formed which, 
with flags, banners and music, marched to the site of the new building on Four- 
teenth street, adjoining the Academy of Music. The ground, already partly 
excavated, sloped inward from the sidewalk, forming a sort of amphitheatre for 
the people to occupy, with the stand for the speakers in the centre. There was 
an immense assemblage, "on the outer fringe of which were many ladies." A 
silver trowel, with ivory handle, made for the occasion, was presented to the 
Grand Sachem, John T. Hofifman, which is thus described: "On one side was 
engraved an Indian chief, underneath which was the inscription, 'From the Tam- 
many Society to Grand Sachem John T- Hoffman; used in laying the corner- 
stone of the new hall for the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, July 4th, 
1867.' " The other side contained the names of the Grand Sachem and other 
ofificers of the Society. 

Mr. Hofifman made an eloquent and thrilling address in response to the 
presentation, and then proceeded to place in the casket the numerous documents 
and objects selected for the purpose— coins, newspapers, some books, Mr. Hor- 
ton's historical sketch included; not forgetting a copy of the Declaration of In- 
dependence and the Constitution of ithe United States, and, with many modern 
records, were also deposited all that had been taken from the old corner-stone 
of the abandoned Wigwam. 

When these exercises were over the Society, with many invited guests, and 
others, returned to Irving Hall. There, as usual, the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was read, music performed, and an ode, written by one of the editorial staff 
of the World, was read by De Witt Van Buren, Esq. The feature of the occasion, 
however, was the appearance of the venerable Tammanyite, the Hon. Gulian C. 
Verplanck, as orator. Mr. Verplanck was then ninety years of age; he had been 
many years a member of Congress, and had held other honorable positions,. 



federal and civic. There was prohahly imt a man in tlie city more generally 
esteemed and respected. Datiiii^ from the preceding century, he had witnessed 
Tammany's early history, and had pcrsqiially known all of its distinguished mem- 
bers. Realizing that this had probably been one of the reasons why he had been 
selected as the orator of the occasion, he announced his intention to make his 
address largely reminiscent — pleasant change from the sometimes over fervent 
I)atriotism of the ordinary political addresses. 

Mr. Verplanck remembered the early Wigwam that was occupied by the 
Society, the little wooden building adjoining Martling's tavern on Nassau street, 
which was, in 1789, part of the site whereon the large building was erected in 
iSii, and which, after an occupancy of sixty-five years, had just been abandoned. 
It was located in the present Printing House Square. At that time there was an 
open common just beyond where the City Hall, not then built, now stands. It 
seems hardly credible to the present generation of New Yorkers that at the period 
within Mr. \'erplanck's recollection there were three States which ranked above 
New York, both in wealth and population; namely, Virginia, Pennsylvania and 
Massachusetts. Though the Tammany Society then occupied very humble 
quarters, they had, from their very formation, a marked influence on political 
questions, which influence constantly increased with the passing years, and was 
most pronounced by 1801. when, it may be said, with truth, that the Tammany 
Society secured the election of Thomas Jefferson. For it is certain that if Tam- 
many had favored De Witt Clinton, he would have been President, instead of 
Jefferson. De Witt Clinton was a member of Tammany, as was the elder Clin- 
ton, George, who was also Governor of the State. 

Among distinguished men at that time, and later, who were active members 
of Tammany was General Horatio Gates, 'Brockholts Livingston, the elegant 
scholar and eminent Judge of the Superior Court of New York; Edward Livings- 
ton, the distinguished lawyer, literateur and statesman, author of "Livingston's 
Code," prepared for the State of Louisiana, at the request of its Legislature. 
Another eminent member was Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, the "War Gover- 
nor" of 1812; he it was who, in the depression preceeding that war, roused to 
action the people of New York, many of whom, as merchants, opposed hostilities 
at that time, for financial reasons. Tammany supported him : and soon this 
action gave confidence and courage to the whole land. Again, when Jackson 
fulminated his proclamation against the incipient secession of South Carolina, in 
1832, "It was you," exclaimed Verplanck, as he looked in the faces of the older 
Tammany men, "it was you who arose to the occasion, and proclaimed your 
allegience to the doctrines announced by the President. From that time," he 
added, "vou have gone on. through evil report and good reponi, though assailed 
by calumny,_ sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other, uniformly 
supporting the just rights of the States and also those of the Federal govern- 
ment, and as steadily opposing every usurpation of authority by either." 

Resuming his thread of reminiscences, Mr. \'erplanck remarked that, though 
manv of their members were hard-handed sons of toil, in the mechanic arts and 
other useful labors, the Society had always contained conspicuously able and 
talented men, whom the members of other parties were constrained to respect. 
He referred to the well-known name of Bloodgood, a successful merchant in the 
Swamp, (a section of the city, the centre of the wholesale leather trade): and. 


later, a magnate in Wall Street; to John Remniy. a scientific geographer and his- 
torian; to James Campbell, for many years Surrogate, a sound la\\n,'er and highly 
esteemed citizen; to John T. Irving, for many y^ears Judge of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas, arid a fine scholar; Judge Irving was one of the original founders of 
the Society, and an active financial manager in erecting the old hall, in 1811. His 
elder brother, William, also a member, was for years a Representative in Con- 
gress. He was both a prose writer and a poet. 

All the literary people knew James Kirke Paulding, with his record in the 
Navy, as well as his valuable writings, a friend and co-laborer with Washington 
Irving, and raised to a Cabinet position by President Van Buren. He was a 
faithful member of the Tammany Society. One of the best services which he 
performed, for literature and the credit of his country, was his pertinent and 
forcible response to that crop of traveling English critics, such as Basil Hill, of 
the British Navy; Captain Hamilton, of the British Army; the Rev. (?) F. Tidd- 
ler, of the English Church, and their lesser imitators, sustained and encouraged 
by the then editors of the iamous Quarterly Rei'iew. Among the distinguished 
members of Tammany, we must not forget Mayor Stephen Allen, who held the 
office of Grand Sachem; a man of stern virtue and sound sense. No "old Roman" 
exceeded him in the strictness of his integrity. We can only compare him to a 
Cincinnatus or a Fabercius. He was four years in the State Senate, and while 
there a watchful and bold guardian of the public welfare. At that period of our 
State history Senators were ex-officio members of the Appelate Court, for the 
Correction of Errors; and, in this capacity, Mr, Allen greatly distinguished him- 
self by the keenness of his insight and his desire to do exact justice. A con- 
temporary of the latter, Mr. Gideon Lee, in another direction honored the 
membership of the old Wigwam. He had a taste for two different sciences, 
chemistry and finance, upon which he gave frequent lectures. In applied chemis- 
try, tanning was his pet subject, and in this matter he greatly aided the business, 
then comparatively new in New York. His scientific advice often proved of great 
value to the old leather merchants of the Swamp, and elsewhere. Mr. Lee also 
held, at different times, responsible offices of civic trust. . 

j\lr, \'erplanck next referred, in terms of special eulogy, to one of his college 
friends, Mr. Alpheus Shuman, a State Senator, and orator of the day on the 
occasion of the laying of the corner-stone in 181 1. Of course, Elijah F. Purdy, 
"the Old War Horse of Tammany," could not be left out of this long list of 
worthies and of Sachems. He was a peer of the active men of Governor Tomp- 
kins' time; a man of the utmost integrity, and of a remarkably cheerful, hopeful 
temper; but the source of his widespread influence was neither of these qualities, 
which were possessed in common with many other of the brethren; but, in a most 
remarkable and earnest degree, he had the welfare of the people always upper- 
most in his heart. And the people knew it. There was never any danger of 
his trimming or shifting to fill his sails with a popular breeze. 

Grand Sachem Bowne, who was also Mayor of New York, was highly lauded 
by the orator, as also Grand Sachem Romaine, as men of sterling probity and as 
Fathers in the Columbian Order. At the conclusion of this interesting address, 
a large number of letters, from distinguished invited guests, were read, including 
one from the President of the United States, after which the Chairman introduced 
to the audience the Hon. S. S. Cox, who commenced his speech with that pleas- 


ing familiarity which made him such a universal favorite with the public. 
"Brothers of Tammany," he said, "your Society, with its Indian name, is but the 
outward symbol of an inward thought. That thought is — Democracy, unap- 
palled and defiant. Your traditions, wrapped in aboriginal metaphor, have more 
meaning than reach the ear. Your traditions represent your Chief Tammany as 
m constant conflict with Evil Spirits, whom he finally drove from the land. He 
was also represented as most generous and chivalrous to his enemies, whom, 
when victorious, he surprised by his kindness and clemency. Indeed, every 
lesson wliicii a State requires is taught by your legends. Allow me to imagine 
that his spirit yet lingers on the shores of the beautiful Muskingum — my own 
native valley. And there is the wonderful Indian mound, so often described. 
Who were these mound-builders, unless they were the early tribes of Tammany? 
Certainly, no antiquitarian has had the hardihood to deny that there exists one 
grand and particular tumulus, reared with great labor and geometrical propor- 
tions, for the immortalization of Tammany. 

"Long before I became a citizen of New York I had an instinctive inclination 
towards you. Your Society has an influence by no means limited to the City or 
State of New York. The Democracy of a nation looks to Tammany to blaze out, 
through the political wilderness, its future warpath. New York is the focus of 
American civilization. Her destiny is in your keeping. As of old, so now New 
York should stand between the sections as arbiter and moderator." 

Among the scores of letters which were read on this occasion, we select one 
as a specimen of the feeling then prevalent among Democrats of all sections of 
the country. It is from the great Virginia orator, Montgomery Blair. It is 
dated : 

Washington. July 1st, 1867. 
Deak Sir: 

I thank the Sachems of Tammany for the Invitation to attend the ceremonies of laying 
the corner-stone of their new edifice. • • • I feel encouraged by the fact that this 
ancient and patriotic Society is about to erect an edifice of massive proportions and endur- 
ing strength in the metropolis, which is to be the headquarters of the Democracy of the 
Union. It gives promise that the battle for the Union of the States and the rights of the 
States is to be continued in earnest, and this I hope will vitalize an organization to which 
alone we can loolc for success in that struggle. The men of the school of old Tammany 
should go to work earnestly to overthrow the military despotism and corruption of which 
Radicalism was born, and on which it lives. • • • Let us pit against this reproduction 
of old Federalism, in its worst aspects, the Democracy of old Tammany, which fought 
against treason and disunion, but held to the just rights of the States, an honest adherence 
to the Constitution and frugal administration of the government. We are sure to win. 

M. Blair. 

John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem. 

John T. Hoffman, who presided throughout these lengthened ceremonies, 
is well remembered both as Governor of the State of New York, and as Mayor of 
the city. He was also for several years Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society, 
and a very influential force in the councils of the Democratic party, not only in 
his own State, but wherever the interests of the party called the wisest heads 
toeether to consider ways and means — either to carry elections, or to circumvent 
objectionable legislation by their political opponents. He had been educated 
for the Bar, and had a wide practice in the City of New York, but business could 
not consume all his energies and interest. Public affairs always had a natural 
charm for him, and nature had endowed him with a good capacity for the exercise 


of public functions. He was an excellent speaker and presided with peculiar 
grace and efficiency at large public meetings. He first joined the Tammany 
Society in 1854, reaching the highly complimentary position of Grand Sachem by 
a sort of natural fitness, that could not be overlooked by his fellow members. By 
Tammany's aid, he was eledted Recorder in i860. It was while he ■occupied 
this judicial position that the terrible "draft riots" took place in New York, and 
many of the participants who were arrested were brought before him for trial. 
To those clearly convicted of wanton mischief and cruelty, as many were, he 
showed no leniency, his sentences were even thought severe, but in every case 
they were discriminatingly just. In 1865 Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor of 
New York, and re-elected in 1867. In 1866 he had been nominated for Gover- 
nor, but was defeated by Mr. Fenton. This, in most cases, would have dis- 
couraged the friends of any candidate, but it was not so with the admirers of Mr. 
Hoffman; they were so sure that he ought to be Governor, that he was again 
selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy, which, in 1870, succeeded in 
placing him in the Gubernatorial chair. 

Mr. HofTman was so highly esteemed as a judicial officer that many of those 
politicians who cared more for the interests of the city than for the advancement 
of individual fortunes, were very unwilling to see him exchange the position of 
Recorder for any other. Among those anxious to keep him in his judicial seat 
was Charles G. Halpine, the ever-ready poet, who harnessed his pen to practical 
uses as part of his profession. He thus warns Mr. Hoffman against accepting 
the nomination for Mayor, which advice, however, was not regarded: 

'^Well, Hoffman, dear, the thing looks queer — 

The machine doesn't run to order. 
And despite the Ring's views, we're not willing to lose 

Tour services as Recorder. 
, 'Tis a fine old place, which we think you grace, 

Arrayed in the Judge's ermine; 
And 'twould make us despair, if we saw you made Mayor, 

As the tool of the Lobby-ring vermin. 
, And so John T., we will let you be. 

Till your term expires as Recorder; 
And, when played in that game, we'll examine your claim. 

To another position in order." 

The poet was wrong this time; Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor, and filled 
that office as satisfactorily as he had that of Recorder. 

GuLiAN C. Vekplanck, the orator of the day in 1867, is eminenth' worthy of 
special notice among the long list of distinguished scholars and statesmen who 
have been connected with the Tammany Society. He was one of the leading 
literary men of his day in New York. Besides his large work on "The Advantages 
and Dangers of the American Scholar," he wrote many valuable essays and deliv- 
ered a large number of lectures on most varied subjects, art, education, history, 
politics and law. Gulian C. Verplanck was born in the City of New York in 1786; 
was a graduate of Columbia College, and was one of those referred to in a 
previous chapter, who resented the action of the President of the College in refus- 
ing a diploma to a graduate, for the reason that the student had dared to express 
his own opinions, instead of those suggested to him by a certain professor. Mr. 
Verplanck, with some others, was arrested and fined for having, on that accoimt. 


interrupted the comnienceineiit procredinj^s uliicli were heiiij^^ lield in Trinity 
■Church. After his achnission to the P)ar, Mr. \'erplanck spent a considerable 
period in European travel; returning to New York, he thenceforward divided his 
tune between literature and politics. In the former, he was the leader in a famous 
•coterie of authors, and, in the latter, he fisjured as an active member and wise 
adviser of Tammany Hall. He was elected to Congress in 1825, and served until 
1832. He was for many years President of the Board of Commissioners of 



S WE approach the seventh decade of the century, we encounter 
in the history of the Tammany Society the greatest misfortune 
which has ever befallen it. In 1871 the Times, one of the lead- 
ing newspapers of the city, commenced the publication of a 
series of charges against certain public officials. The leading 
persons attacked were A. Oakey Hall, at that time Mayor of 
New York; Richard B. Connolly. Comptroller of both C'ty and County; Peter B. 
Sweeney, Commissioner of the Public Parks, and William M. Tweed, Commis- 
sioner of Public Works. There were other persons involved, but these composed 
what was understood by "the ring." The Times had circumspectly gathered all 
the necessary facts, and the proofs of the truth of its charges, very adroitly; show- 
ing a continued system of defrauding the city of immense sums of money, con- 
clusively, in the case of some of the persons, named, constructively, in the case of 
others. Altogether, less than half a dozen names were seriously involved; but 
the peculations had been enormous. It was evident that no one person could have 
carried through these frauds successfully. So clearly was the case made out that 
the citizens, who had, at first, been somewhat indifferent over these alleged reve- 
lations, finally became aroused to the reality and magnitude of the charges. 
Citizens became excited, and, American-like, a public meeting was called, to dis- 
cuss the matter. Tweed, with the insolence of success, had sarcastically asked, 
" What are you going to do about it?" little thinking, when he propounded that 
query, what the response would be. 

On the 4th of September, 1871, a public meeting was held in the large hall of 
the Cooper Union Building, 'bailed by a committee of seventy leading citizens and 
business men, at the head of which was the Hon. William F. Havemeyer. The 
hall was packed with an excited, but orderly crowd, including many merchants, 
and others of large financial interests, to whom the management of the city fin- 
ances was a matter of practical importance. 

But while many citizens, including the Committee of Seventy, had not only 
been talking, but considering ways and means how best to proceed to a remedy,. 
one of the leading Democrats of the country, a most distinguished citizen, not 
only of the State of New York, but of the United States, had been quietly at work 
preparing the case for legal action. This skillfull lawyer was Samuel J. Tilden, 
upon whose affidavit Tweed was finally arrested, on the 26th of October, but, tO' 
the surprise of the whole community, the accused was admitted to bail in the 
paltry sum of only $1,000, though the values involved amounted to millions. Very 
curiously, as it now seems, at the ensuing State election in November, Tweed was- 
elected to the State Senate. But this support of his personal followers did not 
deter the friends of good government from following up the gT.iiIty official. On 


complaints pre'trred, the Grand Jury, on the 6th of December, found a true bill 
against William M. 'Ivvced for felony. He was again arrested. Some of his 
friends procured a writ of habeas corpus. He was brought before Judge George 
G. Barnard, and again released on $5,000 bail. He now, December 29, resigned 
his office as Commissioner of Public Works; nor did he venture to take his seat 
in the Senate. 

The Society of Tammany, as his guilt became apparent, ejected him from its 
membership, and elected to his office another of their members, a man of stainless 
integrity, and a well-known citizen, Augustus Schell. 

The end of Tweed is well known. He was finally convicted of felony, in the 
embezzelment of city funds; was sentenced to imprisonment, from which he subse- 
quently escaped, and made his way out of the country; was recaptured in Spain 
through the aid of General Sickles, and returned to jail, where he died. He was 
buried in his beautiful family plot in Greenwood. Mayor A. O. Hall declared 
that he had only acted ministerially in signing his name to the fradulentbills.many 
of which were absolute forgeries, and claimed that he had no responsibility as to 
their correctness: he was indicted, but two successive juries failed to convict him 
Shortlv after he left the country and made his permanent residence in London for 
many years, having returned (in 1892) to New York. When these investigations 
were going on the office of the Comptroller, Connolly, showed a monstrously cor- 
rupt condition of affairs. The city debt had more than doubled in less than three 
years, being at the time of these evenis $113,000,000, which was $63,000,000 more 
than when Mayor Hall, whose appointee he was, took office. 

The difficulty of proving many of the charges of peculation against the ring 
was immensely enhanced by the discovery, one morning, that three thousand five 
hundred vouchers had disappeared from the Comptroller's office, said to have 
been stolen. When this was announced Mayor Hall asked Connolly to resign, 
but he had the audacity to still cling to his office, until that staunch Democrat. 
William F. Havemeyer, made him see its necessity, by indicating the certainty of 
his arrest, if he persisted in remaining. Andrew H. Green, another well-known 
Democrat, of great financial ability, and as safe as he was able, was made Deputy 
Comptroller, and the finances of the city were all put practically under his control. 
Mr. Green had been at the head of the Central Park Commission previously. He 
it was who subsequently found the ashes of the lost vouchers in an abandoned 
attic room in the City Hall. The banks of the city had so much confidence in 
Mr. Green's integrity, he being at the time a member of Tammany, that they 
voluntarily advanced him $2,000,000 for temporary use. until the finances of the 
city could be regulated. 

It is rather remarkable, and worth observing, that the most active persons in 
unearthing and destroying this corrupt ring of city officials were not only Demo- 
crats, but members of the Tammany .Society. Without the "still hunt" and per- 
severing labors of Samuel J. Tilden, assisted by the great Democratic Lawyer, 
Charles O'Connor, the disclosures of the newspapers and the speeches of excited 
citizens would have failed of any practical result. At the time of these occurences 
no sensible, clear-headed person thought of accusing the whole Tammany Society 
(as has since been done) of participation in these frauds. The wrongs were com- 
mitted because the individuals concerned in them were conscienceless rascals, not 
because they were of this society or that. If they had been adherents of any other 


political party with the same opportunities and temptations before them, the result 
would have been the same. The cause was in' the individual nature, and had 
nothing to do with political affiliations. 

That opposing partisans have seized upon the fact of their connection with 
Tammany Hall to throw odium upon all the members of that body shows not only 
a disposition to injustice, but that kind of weakness of intellect which mistakes 
vituperation for argument. This is npt the writer's opinion only, as may be 
learned by reading the proceedings of a meeting held in the Chamber of Com- 
merce, on September 23, 1871. The Committee on Address reported thus on the 
subject: "We have given all the aid in our power to the honest members of the 
party dominant here (the Tammany party), and which is particularly hurniliattd 
l»y scoundrels who have misused their official opportunities for their own personal 

At one of the meetings held at Cooper Union, the Hon. R. B. Roosevelt said: 
" I do not know whether it is exactly possible for a man to be born a Democrat, 
but I claim to come as near it as any one can. Certainly, from my earliest youth 
I have upheld staunchly and unswervingly the great doctrines of Democracy; for 
Democracy is like vaccination, when it once takes well hold it lasts a lifetime. 
But, as I did not believe disloyalty to mean Democracy during the war, so I do 
not believe dishonest)' to mean Democracy now." 

■' The- corner-stone of the Democratic faith is the pure, economical adminis- 
tration of government. To us Democrats, therefore, comes the charge of corrup- 
tion against our rulers with a two-fold force — an especial horror. These 
improper Tammany nominees were elected by the evident connivance of Repub- 
lican Inspectors of Elections, who were bought up for one or two dollars apiece. 
But we must crush this ring, or the ring will crush us." 

With much more to the same purport did this eloquent Democrat condemn 
the wrongdoers, while sympathising with the party who was suffering from their 
ill deeds, though having had no part or lot in their crimes. 

That Tweed was elected to the Senate while these charges were openly made 
is partly explained by the fact that, when first accused by the public prints, a great 
many persons did not believe them to be true,* but regarded them as mere cam- 
paign canards; while, in his own especial district, there lived a large class of 
persons, mechanics and laborers, who had been greatly benefited by the numerous 
public works which he had inaugurated, added to the fact that he was personally a 
generous and kind-hearted man, though proving so utterly unscrupulous in his 
management of the public funds. With his election, Tammany, as a society, had 
nothing to do. 

The tendency of human nature to select from among a combination of crim- 
inals one as a special scapegoat, appears to be inherent in the human race. And 
thus it happened that the name of Tweed has been the representative chosen to 
"bear all the sins of the fraudulent conspirators of 1870-71. It is, however, the 
proper task of the historian to trace effects to their causes, and, as it is self-evident 
that no one man can create legislation to suit himself, without the aid of many 

• That William M. Tweed rated well at this time in public estimation, we refer to 
the fact that he was selected to introduce the Bill Incorporating the LenNox Library, 
January 12, 1870. 


others, we propose to see who those others were. That frauds of more or less 
magnitude had been going on for some time previous to 1870 is tolerably 
certain, but in that year was passed, in the Legislature, at Albany, an " amended," 
or, more truly speaking, an altered charter for the City of New York, since known 
as the " Tweed Charter." Mow was this accomplished? 

The Legislature of 1867, "amended" the City Charter by providing that six 
Supervisors should be chosen by a Board selected from the two political parties. 
To the inexperienced this seemed just and fair; to the astultc politician the 
result was seen to be fatal. It naturally opened the way to vicious deals; 
because neither party could be held responsible for the acts of the Board, 
cutting off at the same time the watchful criticism of opponents. 
If the political complexion of the Board had been wholly or mainly composed of 
one political tint, the city would have been the gainer; for, under the equal divis- 
ion system, whatever was wrongly done, neither party felt disposed to 
bring public censure upon its proceedings. Just at this juncture, Mr. A. Oakey 
Hall was elected Mayor. Tweed was already in the State Senate; and, as subse- 
quently appeared, actually controlled a majority of that body, through the sub- 
stantial considerations he had it in his power to offer. The Charter which he so 
successfully engineered through, gave all the power of the local administration 
into the hands of four persons, viz., the Mayor, the Comptroller, the Commissioner 
of Public Works, and the Commissioner of Parks, not by the title of these offices 
merely, but by name to the persons then in possession of these offices — Hall, Con- 
nolly, Tweed and Sweeney — for periods varying from four to eight years; so, that 
no matter how these departments were conducted, or misconducted, citizens had 
no remedy. 

This charter had passed the Assembly without special trouble, but would 
have been blocked in the Senate, probably as a Democratic measure, had not 
Tweed foreseen and provided for the anticipated obstruction. He simply bought 
up eight Republican Senators, which gave him sufficient votes to get the bill 
through. Most of this venal bargaining was brought about by the promise of 
certain offices being reserved for the unfaithful Republicans. That these facts 
were substantiated at the time of their occurrence, it is only necessary to refer to 
the daily papers of that date to be convinced. The New York Times boldly com- 
mended the Tammany party for its good faith, saying, four days after the division 
of offices had been made: "The Tweed party has not manifested the slightest 
disposition to evade its bargain, or to prevaricate. . . . There was some- 
thing to be bought, and plenty of money to buy it." 

On August 17, 1870, there appeared in the Tivies the following explanation 
of how the charter was obtained: "Tweed and Sweeney had the voles already 
bought up, of all the Republican Senators, only one (Thayer) voted against it." 
Again, the same paper asserted. April 12, 1871, "That but for the aid of the 
Republicans, the Tammany Democracy might have been beaten by Democratic 
resistance," and, later, reiterated that " the charter could not have been passed 
without the help of the Republicans, and that the credit is as much theirs as it is 
that of the Tweed Democracy." In 1870 this same Times had ridiculed the efforts 
 of the Reform Union League, and exulted in Tweed's success. But in 1871 it had 
materially changed its tone, saying, on August 17, 1871: "There were a few 
indignant protests against the scheme, uttered by such high-toned Democrats as 


Samuel J. Tilden, but they were without effect, for Tweed and Sweeney had the 
votes already bought up." Besides this venal Legislature, were not the corrupt 
subsidized judges, the Broadway Bank (which facilitated the operations of the 
ring), and the contractors, manufacturers and mechanics, who were paid fraudu- 
lent and forged bills, all parties to the crimes of Tweed? And does it not present 
a curious condition of partisan feeling and ineradicable prejudice that for over a 
quarter of a century the political opponents of Tammany still continue to refer to 
that single event as a proof that the Democrats of New York city are irretrievably 
corrupt, notwithstanding the fact that it was the most distinguished Democrat in 
the city and State who brought the head conspirator to justice; also persistently 
ignoring the fact that Tammany Hall promptly ejected from its councils and mem- 
bership all concerned in the frauds — continuing to talk, even up to this day, as if 
;he deplorable incident of iS/i was a permanent condition of the Columbian 

To add to the measure of Republican inconsistency, in this respect, it is only 
necessary to recall the immensely greater and more permanently corrupting kinds 
of frauds which have been either excused, tolerated, or applauded by the "party 
of all the virtues." A really amusing confirmation of this statement is furnished 
by that staunch Republican, Stephen M. .\llen. in his book entitled " The Old and 
New Repubhcan parties." On pp. 166-238, he gives an epitome of what each 
administration had done for the country, from Washington's to the end of Ruther- 
ford B. Hayes'; but, apparently appalled at the corruption of Grant's, he does not 
venture to describe that administration, but, instead, gives a sketch of the 
General's personal military career! 

1 1 1 



NE of thtj curious episodes of tiie I'ainiiiany Society's history is 
the part taken by the organization in the National political 
campaign of 1872, in which a large portion of. the Democratic 
forces worked and voted for their life-long opponent and 
former merciless critic, Horace Greely, the sometime Whig, 
and, later, Republican editor of the Tribune. There were two 
potent causes which led to this extraordinary proceeding. The first reason, 
undoubtedly, was that there was no reasonable prospect of the Democracy being 
able to elect a candidate of their own, and the candidate of the Republicans was 
more objectionable than the vituperative editor, who was, at least, honest, and 
fought fair. But a better and affirmative reason was found in the fact that the 
platform adopted by the original Greely men was such as any Democrat could 
support without serious objections. In 1872 the Grant Administration was sG 
strongly entrenched, and was using the opportunities of power with such a lavish, 
not to say unscrupulous hand, that tiie case looked ho])eless of any improvement 
to be expected from his party. But light, at last, broke out from an unlocked 
for quarter: there was actually a revolt among the Republicans themselves. 
Some of the more thoughtful and conscientious among them perceived, with pro- 
phetic vision, the centralizing and corrupting tendencies of the partisan majority 
in Congress, and determined to try and stem the tide of extravagance and cor- 
ruption that threatened to overwhelm the nation. 

The reforming party took the name of Liberal Republicans. Their innne- 
diate object was to bring the people back to a sense of the danger which a 
continued violation of constitutional obligations involved. This was in exact 
accordance with the opinions of all conservative Democrats, and proved a great 
attraction to them. A convention was called to meet at Cinciimati, from whence 
the leaders, in this movement, issued an address, justifying their repudiation of the 
old Republican party. In this address they say: That the administration 
(Grant's) now in power has wantonly disregarded the laws of the land, and 
usurped powers not granted by the Constitution, and has acted as if the laws were 
only made for those governed, and not for those who govern: thus striking at 
the fundamental principles of constitutional government, and the liberty of the 
citizen. The President has used his ofifice for personal ends, has kept about him 
corrupt and unworthy men, and has stinnilated demoralization by rewarding those 
who made him valuable presents, keeping others in office by the unscrupulous use 
of power." The convention invited the co-operation of all patriotic citizens. 

The platform put forth by this body of Liberal Republicans was received with 
great favor by the leading Democrats of the country. Horatio Seymour was one 
of the first to come out publicly in its favor. Its principal features were as fol- 
lows: "The recognition of the equality of all men before the law. The inviola- 
bility of the Constitutional Amendments. Universal amnesty. Local self-gov- 


eminent. Impartial suffrage. The reform of the civil service. The remission 
of the tariff question to the action of Congress. The sacredness of the public 
credit. Opposition to farther land grants to corporations. A dignified, but 
peaceful foreign policy." Such a platform could not fail to receive the approba- 
tion of all liberal Democrats; but that the Liberal Republicans could not find a 
more fit candidate than Horace Greely is one of those political mysteries which 
has never been explained, probably because it is inexplicable, except, possibly, on 
the supposition that all clear-headed politicians knew that electoral success was 
impossible, and the reformers were well aware that all their candidate could be 
was a figure-head, and, therefore, they could get no one else to accept the role 
of standing up merely for the purpose of being knocked down. Probably there 
was not a man in the United States who believed Greely could be elected but 
Horace himself. 

A Liberal Republican and Democratic rally took place at Cooper Institute on 
the first of November, on which occasion Mr. Augustus Schell nominated John 
Kelly for Chairman, as " a sterling Democrat and an honest man." The nomi- 
nees of the Liberal Republicans were adopted at this meeting; they were also 
adopted by Tammany Hall, by the National Reformed Democracy, and, indi- 
rectly, by the Apollo Hall faction, which had some time previously broken away 
from the old Wigwam. It is also to be noted that at this ensuing election Tam- 
many Hall supported, for Judge of the Supreme Court, W. H. Leonard, the judge 
before whom the famous " ring " suits had been tried. 

Greely received a popular vote of 2,834,079. Grant's majority was 762,991. 
A sufficiently crushing defeat, but it was worse in the Electoral College, in which 
Greely received only the vote of five States. He was really the victim of a 
political combination formed under the impulse of the popular saying, " Anything 
to beat Grant," but the movement was defeated, in the main, by the " soldier 
vote," on sentimental rather than on political grounds. Horace Greely died a few 
weeks after his defeat, worn out with mental and physical exertion, increased by a 
domestic calamity, disappointment, and, above and worse than all, the loss of his 
controlling position on the Tribune, which had passed into other hands. It was 
frequently said, publicly, during the exciting contest of 1892, that David B. Hill 
was the first and only aspirant for the Presidency that ever made a personal 
canvas in his own behalf. This is not true. Mr. Greely took the stump for him- 
self and his ticket, going to speak in nearly all of the Eastern, Middle and South- 
ern States. With the most damaging result, as above stated, he had, however, 
the grace to defer this tour imtil after his nomination. 




y 1873 'raiumany had almost I'titirely recovered I'roni the shuck 
iiiHicted upon her by the expelled members, and the annual 
celebration of that year was carried out with a fresh infusion 
of enthusiasm. The marked feature of this occasion was the 
very special interest which was awakened by the reading of 
the Declaration of Independence; a stranger might have 
imagined that, instead of its being a document which they knew by heart, it was 
being listened to for the first time. There was a cause for this. A great many 
Democrats, at that period, felt that the general government was usurping powers 
somewhat after the fashion of royal rulers, and when that portion of the Declara- 
tion was reached containing the colonists' indictment of their oppressor, King 
George, with his unjustifiable taxation, and the annoyance of his meddlesome 
troops, many of those present thought they perceived a striking resemblance m 
the conduct of the Federal government, especially in the partially reconstructed 
States, and the audience manifested this appreciation in a very livelv manner. 

Mr. Clarkson N. Potter was the orator of the day. After referring to the 
material prosperity of the country and its " growing political corruption," as he 
expressed it, he could not forbear reverting to the Society's disaster of the pre- 
ceding year. Among other remarks, he said: "While men without principle, 
seeking personal profit, through political organizations, call themselves Republi- 
cans in Philadelphia, and Democrats in New York, in order to wield the influence, 
and control the patronage of the party, for personal and selfish ends, until only 
now and then some flagrant enormity raises a temporary indignation, and the 
unworthy are driven out — as these walls bear witness, from the power which 
they have abused, and from the shelter of the nariies and the society which they 
liave outraged." He then earnestly besought his audience to revert to the " old 
gospel of government," namely, that this Union of States and its government was 
•created for the benefit of the governed, not for the benefit of the party governing, 
including the theory that power should be legally localized, as likely to be better 
administered thus: for the reason that local authorities were nearer to and better 
acquainted with the needs of the people whom they represented. 
Resenting the charge that Democrats had favored the continuance of slavery, he 
said: "Those Democrats who espoused the cause of the South did so, not 
because they favored slavery, but they favored the States as States which had 
helped to form the Union, and whose rights as States were encroached upon." 

Hon. Abraham Lawrence followed in some very energetic and practical 
remarks, in which he warned the members of the organization that if they would 
-fully recover their standing and perpetuate Democratic principles, they could only 
hope to do so by putting forward as candidates for office, pure, able and honest 
men. who are desirous of giving the city good government, men who believe in 
€conom\' — not meaning by that to stop public works, but to stop squandering 


and extravagance. Hon. S. S. Cox, in his brilliant manner, after other pertinent 
remarks, quoted Governor Dix as affirming that "Democracy and National Free- 
dom are identical." 

Among the many cheering letters received on this occasion we can make 
space for only one from ex-Governor Horatio Seymour. He addressed the 
Grand Sachem thus: " I feel a deep interest in everything which concerns your 
ancient and honorable Society. If at any time its history has been stained by the 
conduct of unworthy men, we must bear in mind that their control was short lived 
in comparison with its long continued and patriotic record. The best and wisest 
citizens of our country have been proud to be ranked among its members. It 
would be a public loss if one of the oldest societies in our country should be 
allowed to lose any of its activity or usefulness, and especially a society which can 
show such a long list of distinguished members, unequaled by any other corpora- 
tion in our land. If at any time it has been perverted from its proper purposes, 
honest and high-toned men must take charge of its management, and restore it to 
its old and honored position. ... I believe your Society is about to enter 
upon a renewed course of usefulness. I know that good citizens of all political 
parties approve of your efTorts to make it again a society which aims to advance 
the welfare of our people, and to uphold good government. 

"I am truly yours, 
" July 2, 1873. " Horatio Sevmour."^ 




MONG the more modern Sachems of the iainmany Society 
none has been more popular, for a time at least, than jolin 
Kelly. He was a native of the City of New York, and early 
identified himself with the Democratic party, which practically 
meant the Tammany Society; for, in his early manhood, there 
was no other organization of any importance calling itself 
I )emocratic. He was a faithful and energetic worker, maintaining his friendly 
relations with the Wigwam until the troublous times of 1871, when he temporarily 
withdrew. For many years Mr. Kelly was always spoken of with the popular 
prefix of " Honest." It was when he was in Congress, in 1857, that this sobriquet 
was first applied to him ; it was the favorite term with which General Lewis Cass 
was accustomed to speak of him. Another of his fellow-Congressmen, and one 
not noted for his love of Northern politicians, had marked the absolute integrity 
of Mr. Kelly's course in Congress. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, said of 
him, after an acquaintance of twenty-five years, addressing a fellow-member: " I 
have often said, and I now repeat it, that I regard John Kelly as the ablest, the 
purest and the truest statesman I have ever met with from New York." Kelly 
made his mark in Congress more especially in his arguments against the pro- 
posed measures of the Know-Nothing party. He had been elected to a second 
term, when, in 1866, he was elected to the lucrative office of Sherifif of New York. 
The meeting at which he was nominated was held in Masonic Hall on November 
i8th, and was presided over by the Hon. Nelson J. Waterbury, who introduced 
him as the " reform candidate." The object of these reforming Democrats was 
to wrest the power from the corrupt junta and their Republican allies at that time 
maladministering the affairs of Tammany, as well as of the city. 

The Republican convention was held the next day, on which occasion the 
members of that party in collusion with the Tweed ring sought to force through 
a straight Republican ticket (knowing that it could not be elected), as the best 
way to secure the election of A. O. Hall. But there were obstacles to this plan; 
for there was a considerable body of reformers at that time in the Repubhcan, as 
well as in the Democratic party. Some of these favored the nomination of Kelly 
for Mayor, but not all. In this muddled condition of affairs the influential Herald 
most unexpectedly came out against Mr. Kelly, on the somewhat illogical, absurd 
ground that he had been sufficiently honored already. The editor, Bennett, who- 
knew John Kelly personally, said, in his paper: "John Kelly is a good citizen,, 
and a respectable man, but he has been elected by the Tammany Democrats, toi 
whom he owes all his past political favors, to the offices of Councilman, Alderman, 
Member of Congress, and twice to the valuable office of Sheriff of New York, 
being the only man, we believe, who has held that office a second time. We 
should think he would be satisfied, and give place to others who have not enjoved 
such good fortune." 


Later, on November 20, 1868, the Herald came out in favor of Mr. Hall for 
Mayor of New York, and wound up this tergiversation by roundly denouncing 
John Kelly for " deserting Tammany Hall, and joining with the enemies of 
Tweed." But the Herald was not exactly omnipotent in the land — the voters had 
something to say. And in the position which Kelly had taken he was supported 
by all the most lespectable Democrats of the country. 

The names of the Sachems in the years 1871 — jz, and a comparison of these 
with those of 1872 — yji- will show plainly enough, to those familiar with New 
York society, the immense change which was involved in the overthrow of the 
former. In 1871 we have the following names of the most influential officers, 
viz., Tweed, Connolly, Sweeney, Hall, Dowling and Garvey, with others. 
In the latter part of 1872 and 1873 we find the Grand Sachem Augustus 
Schell, and of the Sachems such honorable gentlemen as Charles O'Connor, 
Samuel J. Tilden, John Kelly, Horatio Seymour, Sanford E. Church, August 
Belmont, Abram S. Hewitt, and other names of that quality. The Committee of 
Seventy, which began the work of demolition so valiantly, as is usually the case 
where large numbers are concerned, had really left nearly all the practical work in 
a few hands. Tilden and O'Connor manipulated the fine law-points, but it took 
John Kelly to manage the rank and file. 

At this time Kelly could have had any office which he desired, but he would 
accept none, not wishing to give any possible occasion to the thought that he was 
■working against his old associates for personal ends. But he it was who really 
"won the battle in the convention which met to make nominations in 1872. At 
that meeting, on its first session, the hall was crowded with the most noisy, coarse 
and disreputable followers of the old gang; and to overcome this element involved 
the severest political struggle ever fought out in the local politics of the Empire 
State. On this occasion Mr. Kelly had to confront an organization which held 
the enormous influence growing out of the employment of twelve thousand work- 
men, and the disbursement of a revenue of $30,000,000 a year; as also the machin- 
ery which dominated the judiciary, and indirectly influenced the ofificers of elec- 
tion. Here was a combination of forces which might well have appalled the 
stoutest heart. But Kelly did not shrink from the unequal contest. 

Among the obstreperous '' ring " men was one Harry Genet, the leader of a 
"contingent which included a good sprinkling of known gamblers and prize 
lighters. By this unsavory element, Samuel B. Garvey was named for 
the office of District Attorney, amid the vociferous applause of his rowdy follow- 
•ers. Kelly immediately took the floor to oppose him, but was interrupted by 
•<jenet. Turning upon the latter, Mr. Kelly, in the plainest and most scathing 
Hanguage, arraigned both him and his nominee with the most searching severity; 
and, though frequently interrupted by howls and hisses, from the disorderly ele- 
iiment present, he kept the mob well under restraint, until catching the eye of the 
Chairman, Augustus Schell, he moved an adjournment until three o'clock the 
next day. Mr. Schell, understanding that Kelly had some special motive for his 
■motion, put the question at once, and it was carried, in spite of the protest of the 
■Genet men. 

Punctually the next day the same emissaries of the " ring" appeared before 


Taininaiiy Hall in great force, but now, Kelly knowinp^ what to expect, was pre- 
pareil for this kind of gentry, lie had a strong force stationed at the doors, and 
no man not a delegate to the convention, and not provided with a delegate's 
ticket, was allowed to enter the building. The police and the city authorities were 
then on the side of the desperadoes, but not a policeman was admitted within. 
This bold action of Mr. Kelly's had the desired effect. By his personal intrepid- 
ity, his knowledge of the material he had to overcome, and his ample preparation 
to resist attack, he had won the battle, and held the field. None but delegates got 
into the convention; Garvey was defeated, and Charles Donahue was nominated 
for District Attorney, and Abram Lawrence for Mayor. It was in that day's 
fight for supremacy that the spirit of the ring-heelers was quenched beyond 

-So far we have found Mr. Kelly acting for the good of the Democratic party, 
and maintaining the respect of his friends and also of his political enemies. In 
1884, apparently from personal feeling of antipathy — he was charged with having 
hindered, rather than helped, the nominee of the Democartic party, Grover Cleve- 
land. He was always too much inclined to allow his personal feelings to dominate 
his political actions, a bad fault in a great leader. To be permanently suc- 
cessful, a leader of men must always keep his emotional nature in subjection, and 
personal antipathies should have no influence in directing his course. Just here 
is where John Kelly erred. 




PRESIDENTIAL year is, of course, always a busy time for 
those active in political affairs; and Tammany representatives 
were no exceptions to the rule. At this period the Irving 
Hall party was in full bloom, and, during the whole season of 
political activity, both formal and informal attempts were 
made to effect, if not an entire reconciliation, at least some 
kind of accommodation between the old organization and this new claimant for 
Democratic recognition. It was certainly desirable that they should not nullify 
each other's work, to the general detriment of the party they both professed to 
represent in the City of New York. 

As early as February 14th the Tammany General Committee met at the hall, 
with Augustus Schell in the chair. The principal object of this meeting was, 
indeed, to protest against the dilatory measures of the Administration, in failing 
to restore the Southern States to their constitutional place in the Union. But, as 
this matter was so fully taken up and discussed, at their annual meeting in July, 
we refer our readers to the account of that meeting for the full expression of 
Tammany's opinion on that subject. One of the points, however, discussed at 
this meeting challenges special notice. It vi'as concerning a clause in one 
of the resolutions offered, in which a general amnesty for all who had been 
engaged on the Confederate side was advocated — with the sole exception of 
Jefferson Davis. Mr. Abram S. Hewitt opposed the exception, on the sole 
ground that it would, in effect, honor the arch-rebel by distinguishing him above 
all others. It would, he argued, draw attention to him as if he was of more con- 
sequence than all the rest combined, which was not true in fact. Mr. Hewitt said, 
substantially, " let him remain, vmdistinguished among the crowd." The matter 
of securing a union of the Democratic factions was discussed, but no precise plan 
was adopted at this time. Matters looked complicated. 

In addition to the Irving Hall anti-Tammany Democrats, there was also an 
anti-Tammany Young Men's Club, which sometimes met in Union Square. On 
October 12th, there was a prolonged conference between all the opposing forces 
and Tammany. The anti-Tammanyites were led at this time by O'Brien, with 
John Morrissey as second. Committees and sub-committees went back and forth 
between the old Wigwam and the bolters, and, finally, two reports were brought 
in. From the Young Men's meeting O'Brien reported that no arrangement was 
possible, as Tammany's terms could not be accepted; but Morrissey, who was 
also on the conference committee, wanted to get back into the fold, " at any cost." 
At Irving Hall Mr. Ira Shafer reported " that Tammany wanted all the good 
offices," but here, also, Morrissey recommended that Tammany's terms be 
accepted. However, no terms were arrived at, and up to the middle of November 
the Democracy were still disunited. 

It came out that the Irving Hall party asked, as its share, the selection of 
one-third of the Assemblvmen, one-third of the Aldermen and two Cong^ress- 



men. This was flatly refused by the Tammany Committee of Conference, the 
latter finally deciding to refer all the nominations to the District Conventions, 
which were, in fact, elected to nominate for the offices involved in this discussion. 
Subsequently the Irving party attempted to make a deal with the Republicans, 
but this failed. At a meeting which was held in Irving Hall on October 30th 
Mr. Shafer reported " that it was unadvisable to make terms with the Republi- 
cans," Mr. O'Brien adding that "the Republicans had acted very treacherously," 
but he still proposed to scorn the favors of Tammany. Only a partial ticket was 
made up, and that, as one present expressed it, was flexible enough to stretch into 
Tammany Hall, or into the Controller's office at Albany (Lucius Robinson was at 
this time State Controller). 

In the meantime Tammany had independently nominated Smith Ely, Jr., for 
Mayor, Delano C. Calvin for Surrogate, Bernard Reilly for Sheriff, and Henry A. 
Gumblcton. for County Clerk. Mr. Gumbleton was. perhaps, better 
acquainted with the duties of his office than any other man who could at 
that time have been named. He had served in the ofifice for six years as clerk, 
and had then been promoted to the position of Deputy County Clerk, so that his 
nomination was simply in the line of what would now be called " Civil Service 
Reform." When it came in order to nominate a Coroner, the name of Richard 
Croker was among those presented, John Kellv making a strong speech in his 

The early efiforts, in 1875, to procure unanimity between the New York fac- 
tions had not been very successful, but these efforts were more formally renewed 
when it became necessary to consider the selection of delegates to the convention 
to be held in Saratoga in August. With this important matter in view, a meeting 
was held in Tammany Hall to renew consultations on the matter, John Kelly 
presiding. Harmony in the Democratic ranks being especially desirable, in view 
of the approaching Presidential (Tilden's) election. Irving Hall, at this time, 
claimed to control thirty-seven thousand votes. After much parleying, without 
coming to terms, it was simply agreed to turn the nominations over to the 
Assembly Districts, the certificates of which should be received as regular. 

At the summer convention the names of several candidates for Governor 
were freely canvassed, including those of Clarkson N. Potter, Senator Schoon- 
maker, Horatio Seymour and others. To the rank and file of the Democracy Mr. 
Lucius Robinson was considered in the light of a semi-Republican, and to the 
surviving old Hunker veterans he was a rock of offence and thoroughly dis- 
trusted. Even so acute an observer as Thurlow Weed could not overcome his 
prejudices sufficiently to admit that Lucius Robinson was actuated by principle, 
rather than profit in his several changes of front — politically speaking. The 
convention finally met on the 13th of September, Judge Grey in the chair. 
/ Among the prominent persons present and well forward in the middle aisle 
/vvas, of course, John Kelly, and just back of him could be seen the silent manager 
of Kings County poHtics, Hugh McLaughlin; and, near by, Rufus Peckham and 
Judge Hibbard, of Buffalo. One person who attracted considerable attention was 
a Mr. Wilkinson, who was also delegated to the Unitarian Convention, which was 
sitting at the same time in Saratoga. Of him some wicked wit declared, 
"Wilkinson is a Democrat to-day; he will take a bath, and be a Unitarian to- 


On the roll-call John Kelly's name was the first to bring out any applause. 
However, he declined to be put upon the electoral ticket, and ex-Governor Sey- 
mour was substituted. One delegate made himself especially but not 
altogether agreeably, prominent, by exploiting himself, in a very extravagant 
eulogy, on Mr. Kelly, pledging him his everlasting allegiance, and, by his 
uncalled for eloquence, helping to break the unusually serious spirit prevailing in 
this convention. Hope was not exactly the predominant feeling on this occasion. 
There was not a very strong feeling of confidence in the leaders, who had decided 
to bring forward Mr. Robinson's name. In fact, Governor Seymour had been 
privately approached to ascertain if he would accept the nomination, but he had 
positively declined, and to each of the other names suggested there appeared to 
be a lack of enthusiasm in their professed friends. 

To the surprise of many of the delegates, when the call was made, all of the 
first Counties proved to be for Robinson, as was also the important County of 
Kings. The Tammany delegates voted for Clarkson N. Potter, with the excep- 
tion of Peter B. Olney, Edward Cooper and Thomas Mesmer, who voted for 
Robinson. This break from the unit rule was greeted with hearty cheers. Mr. 
Joseph J. O'Donohue shouted out that he voted for a Democrat (Potter), thus 
striving to emphasise his objection to Robinson. He was answered by Emanuel 
B. Hart with the words, " A Democrat? Then vote for Schoonmaker." But 
there was little in this convention of the spirit of fun and gaiety which sometimes 
prevail in political gatherings. The heavy shadow of sixteen years of Republican 
rule, with the possibility of at last breaking it, by the election of Tilden, caused an 
air of seriousness, somewhat unusual to predominate. 

It was soon found out that nearly all the county delegations favo'-^! Robin- 
son; the scattering votes were given up, and Robinson's majority, as first 
announced, was one hundred and ninety-two and a half, one hundred and ninety- 
one only being necessary to a choice. The final result was practically unanimity, 
giving him two hundred forty-three and a half. Nevertheless, the Republicans 
fully expected to defeat Mr. Robinson at the polls, on several grounds. For one 
reason, the powerful canal interest was against him, on account of his favoring 
high tolls; then he had run twice for State offices, and several times for the Legis- 
lature, on the Republican ticket; hence they thought the Democratic Bourbons 
would bolt the nomination. The then editor of the Tribune, Mr. Greely, usually 
well informed as to political outlooks, on receiving the news of the result of the 
Democratic convention, thus wrote, September 13, 1876: "There is not a word 
to be said against Mr. Lucius Robinson. He is recognized as a man of unques- 
tioned ability, of absolute integrity, and of valuable public services, 
but the ticket has no chance of being elected; the present probability is that 
Morgan will go in with an easy majority of from 10,000 to 15,000." When the 
returns came in, after the November election, the editor of the Tribune had the 
chagrin of recording a vote of 519,831 for Mr. Robinson to that of 489,371 for his 
able opponent, Edwin D. Morgan. 

Lucius Robinson was of New England stock, and a direct descendant of that 
historical Rev. John Robinson who accompanied the first band of Pilgrims, flee- 
ing from Holland, to the shores of Massachusetts Bay, some of whose descendents 
settled in Green County, New York, and Lucius was one of that numerous class 


of American boys who come out from the conifiekls and the barnyards sirugRling 
for knowledge and a wider experience, attaining a collegiate education by their 
own exertions, and then using that education for the benefit of their country. Mr. 
Robinson was fortunate in his introduction to the legal profession, by being taken 
into the office of Judge Amasa Parker, then a resident of Delhi, N. Y., Lucius 
paying for his instruction by fulfilling the duties of clerk and general helper. In 
1837 Mr. Robinson was chosen District .\ttorney for Green County, three years 
later coming to New York to practice. In 1843 he was appointed, by Governor 
Bouck, Connnissioner of Chancery, to which position he was reappointed by 
Governor Silas Wright. The office itself was ahulislu'd by I he Constitutional 
Amendments in 1846. 

Mr. Robinson eventually made his home in Chemung Count)-, on acc(junt of 
his heahh. Up to this time he had always acted with the Democratic party, but 
he was strongly opposed to the Missouri Compromise, and was elected to tin- 
Assembly on tliat issue, where he made something more than a " State-wide " 
reputation. He was still a member of the Legislature on the outbreak of the war, 
and was the author of the much-discussed " Peace Resolutions," which were intro- 
duced into the Assembly before the inauguration of President Lincoln, and which 
had the approval of Thurlow Weed, but which were sternly criticised by the ultra 
party leaders. In 1861 Mr. Robinson was a member of the Union convention, 
which met at Syracuse, composed of both Democrats and Republicans — more 
anxious to preserve the Union than their party lines. 

At the close of the war Mr. Robinson felt that the work of the Republican 
party was done, and his original affiliation with the Democracy brought him 
back into their ranks. In 1871 Governor Hoffman had appointed him a member 
of the State Constitutional Commission. In that convention he advocated the 
same principles on which he had acted when Controller. He had been the Demo- 
cratic nominee for Congress in 1870, but, though defeated, he greatly reduced the 
former Republican majority. In 1872 he supported the Liberals. In 1875 he 
was again nominated by the Democrats for State Controller, which he won by a 
handsome plurality. I<"evv men could have made the political changes which Mr. 
Robinson did and, at the same time, retain to so large an extent the respect of 
men of all parties. 

Tanmiany has always been noted for the care with which it looked after 
special classes of voters, not permitting any large body of citizens to pine use- 
lessly for its paternal sympathy. Thus when the upper wards known as the 
Annexed Districts were added to the metropolis, as the Twenty-third and Twenty- 
fourth Wards, they were at first entrusted to the oversight of Colonel E. T. 
Wood, but the party did not prosper greatly, and some dissatisfaction was felt. 
Early in the " eighties " the vote in Wood's district began to grow steadily less, 
while that of the County Democracy was increasing. It is a peculiarity of this dis- 
trict, or was at that time, that a great deal of jealousy was latent, and often came 
unpleasantly to the surface, among the people living in the different villages com- 
posing it. Morrisana and Mott Haven were antagonistic to Fordham and Tre- 
mont. while all of these agreed that Kingsbridge " was of no account." Dividing 
this old district into wards did something towards removing these local jealousies, 
and a change in the leadership helped to largely increase the Tammany influence. 


Another district was for some time a peculiarly baffling one for the Tammany 
leaders to deal with. This was the German district — centering about East Fifth 
street. The reasons which in times past inclined it against the Democratic party 
are not far to seek. It partly grew out of the Civil War; some of it arose out of 
the general opposition to the rule of the Tammany magnates of 1871-72; and still 
more from race antagonism to the Irish-Americans, many of whom had become 
prominent in the city Democracy. Similar reasons having affected the German 
race all over the country. But Tammany found a way to change all this by a 
special effort. Seeking out the most intelligent Germans of this district and 
encouraging their aspirations for political influence, selecting the best of this class 
for nominations to office, in preference to other races. Germans of prominence 
in business were sought out, and advised with, the reforms effected under Tilden's 
lead were made the most of, while the Democratic feeling, always latent, in such 
a population was skillfully developed, which, with the natural trend of that race 
towards free trade and the national policy as represented in the later platforms of 
the Democratic party did the rest. It now appears unlikely that any opponents 
of Democratic principles will possess that field hereafter. 

In regard to the Hebrew race, which has met with scant justice at the hands 
of most politicians, either in this country or any other, Tammany has shown the 
utmost liberality. The position assumed by the General Committee is, and has 
been for many years, that the members of the various races living in this country 
are all an integral part of the American nation, and hence that they should all have 
representation. Of the Hebrew race there are many thousands in the City of 
New York. Complaints have sometimes been made that these have been unduly 
favored by Tammany, but, considering their number, Tammany has accorded 
fair representation to them for several years. 

The year 1879 proved disastrous to Democracy, both in the State and city. 
Immediately after the election of Governor Robinson, the Tilden and Robinson 
interests began a warfare on Tammany Hall, for the purpose of controlling that 
organization. It was then surmised to be in the interest of Andrew H. Green, 
and to make him leader. This aroused antagonism on the part of Mr. Kelly, its 
recognized representative. When the State Convention was held in Syarcuse 
it was determined by the Tilden-Robinson faction to renominate Robin- 
son, notwithstanding the protests of several of the outside State delegates, as well 
as those of New York City, and, ignoring the advice of Tammany Hall, which 
was aided by the influence of such men as Chief Justice Sanford A. Church, David 
Dudley Field, afterwards Chief Justice Ruger, and others of similar character and 
standing. The consequence was that the dissatisfied delegates bolted before 
Robinson was nominated, held a delegation in Shakespeare Hall, and nominated 
John Kelly for Governor. He polled some seventy thousand votes; but the 
practical effect of this diversion was not his own election, but that of the Republi- 
can nominee, Alonzo B. Cornell, who was, in fact, not popular even with his own 
party, running twenty thousand votes behind his ticket. In the city, also this 
action of Tammany Hall was fatal to the success of the local Tammany ticket. 
The nominee of the County Democracy for Sheriff defeating the nominee of 


Tile members of the Legislature elected were divided between the two 
divisions of the Democracy and the Republicans, the latter, naturally, under the 
circumstances of divided opponents, getting the larger share. It was at this time 
that Mr. William W. A.stor reached the State Senate. 



HE tendency to accept military valor as a qualification for civic- 
honors appears to be an inherent trait of average human 
nature. In ancient times the successful generals were fre- 
quently rewarded with civil offices. The natural hero-worship 
of western Europe, including the English race, have always 
reserved their loudest plaudits for the winners of great battles. 
The American people have, to a marked degree, followed in the footsteps of their 
more or less illustrious predecessors. Since our first President, we have had four 
candidates for that high office from the army elected, with a fifth and sixth, 
nominated. Of the successful military candidates Washington was, no doubt, 
eminently fitted, at that time, for the position. General Jackson was a lawyer, as- 
well as a good fighter, and understood constitutional law. General Harrison had 
no special fitness for the office, and was elected solely on his war record. It was- 
of General Taylor, elected President, and inaugurated in 1849, that the great 
constitutional lawyer, Daniel Webster, made the public comment, that " it was a 
nomination not fit to be made," though Taylor was of his own party ; and he was 
right, there was no element of the statesman in Zachery Taylor. General Scott, 
nominated, but not elected, by the Whig party, saved his political reputation by 
that defeat. General Grant's administration is now generally admitted to have 
been the most corrupt which the country has ever seen. Thus the experience of 
the United States shows a balance against the theory that military men are 
necessarily fit for high civic office. 

Yet, the Democratic party made no mistake in 1880, when they selected for 
their candidate General Winfield Scott Hancock, who had served with credit irr 
nearly all the battles in which his military namesake. General Scott, won fame irt 
Mexico; and he had also earned other laurels in frontier duty, and still more 
glory in the civil war. It was not. however, for any of his brilliant military 
achievements that he was selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy. As 
military Governor of the semi-reconstructed States of Louisiana and Texas, 
known officially as the Fifth Military District, he had exhibited marked civic 
ability of a high order. General Hancock had been assigned to this command 
by President Andrew Johnson late in the summer of 1867. The Southern States 
were, at that time, under what has come to be universally known as " carpet-bag 
rule," a phrase aptly indicating that the rulers had no permanent interest in the 
people over whom they were set to govern. All the offices of any importance, 
from the Governors down, were filled, not by election through the people, but by- 
persons appointed either by the President or by Congress, for strictly partisan 
purposes, the subordinate positions being filled by their creatures, the whole 
Southern country being divided into military districts having a United States 
Army General in command, supported by Federal troops. These Generals had 
almost unlimited power over the whole population, including civil officers, and 


even ihc law courts — which, indeed, could scarcely be said to exist, so completely 
were they dominated by military interference, most of the conuiianding generals 
liaving used the extraordinary powers confered upon tlirm to the fullest extent. 

Not so did General Hancock. With the true instinct of a patriot, who 
recognized that the war was over, and with the discrimination of a mature and 
unseltish statesman, he decided not to use tlie arbitrary jjower at his command, 
and plainl)' expressed in his C(fmmission, but to treat the citizens as he would have 
<lone those of any other State, so long as they remained quiet and peaceable, as he 
found them. Accustomed to the sharp rule of (leneral .Sheridan, from wliom thev 
had just been relieved, the people ofthe Fifth District could not, at first, under- 
stand that the new Conunander was a man of very difTerent metal, and that he 
regarded the inhabitants of Louisiana and Te.xas not as conquered rebels, but as 
restored citizens, and that it was his intention to reinstate, so far as possible, all 
the civil functions of these States. 

It took some time for these Southern communities to understand, or put 
i'aith in this professed friendly attitude of a Federal tieneral, and it was really not 
until the publication of his famous " Order No. 40," dated Novemf^er 29, 1867, 
that the people began to realize that they had over them a friend and protector of 
their civil rights, and not a military tyrant. This renowned " Order " clearly 
announced that the people were expected to resume all the civil functions of an 
independent State; to reopen their courts, and resume all the duties and rights of 
Anierican citizens, which their semi-territorial condition permitted, and that he, 
as military commander, was only there to preserve peace and to secure to all the 
inhabitants the equal administration of justice, to support the laws of the State, 
not to supercede them. In fine, he put the civil above the military power. 
Uiider the circumstances, this was a braver and more noble act than any recorded 
of a mere fighter on the battlefield. 

But this moral courage and self-abnegation was not in the least appreciated 
1>y Congress; that partisan body was in no hurry to rehabilitate the defeated peo- 
])le of the South, and felt aggrieved at the fact that one whom they had placed as 
ii military satrap over two States, with the express design of prolonging the 
imnecessary probation of the conquered sections, should develop into an ex- 
pounder and defender of the constitutional rights of the States, and the pronuil- 
gator of true Democratic principles. It was, indeed, a novel sight to the whole 
nation to see a man in that era voluntarily put away the power of an autocrat, 
which had been officially bestowed upon him, and proclaim himself a subject, like 
all other citizens, of the civil power. 

General Hancock also declined to send Federal soldiers to watch the polls, 
imless in case of disorder. All this recognition of the people's rights interfered 
•with the Congressional purpose of securing Republican majorities in the States of 
Louisiana and of Texas. In consequence. General Hancock found himself so 
constantly antagonized by the Federal authorities that he asked to be relieved 
from his command on the 27th of February, 1868. It was his wholesome and 
liatriotic course, in endeavoring to re-establish the civil over military rule, which 
■commended him to the consideration of the Democratic party as a candidate for 
the Presidency. 

At the National Convention which met in St. Louis, January 27, 1876, Han- 
cock's name was brought forward by a delegate from the General's native State. 


Pennsylvania. He obtained seventy-five votes, but Tilden secured the nomina- 
tion. In 1868, when the National Democratic Convention met in Tammany Hall, 
General Hancock's name was then introduced with a very sound and eulogistic 
speech by a delegate from Maine; but at this time Tammany had decided on 
Horatio Seymour, and he was nominated. Another opportunity proved more 
favorable. At the Democratic Convention which met in Cincinnati Jime 23, 
1880, General Hancock's name was once more presented, this time by a veteran 
Democrat of Philadelphia — Daniel Dougherty, who had, in 1856, advocated the 
nomination of James Buchanan, and had afterwards voted for Lincoln and Grant, 
but who had returned to his original principles, and once more, after twenty years 
of errancy, made a splendid oration in a Democratic convention. General Han- 
cock received the nomination, which was one eminently " fit to be made," but was 
defeated at the ensuing election by General Garfield, but by a very small majority, 
only 7,018 out of a popular vote of about 9,000,000, all the patronage and 
machinery of the government being in the hands of his opponents. In General 
Hancock's letter of acceptance he made use of essentially the same phrase since 
adopted by Mr. Cleveland — and which, in fact, is established Democratic doc- 
trine — General Hancock said, "Public office is a trust; not a bounty bestowed 
on the holder." 




MONCj the many aiiti-Taniiuaiiy organizations which have 
sprung up, flourished a while, anil then dissolved, or formed 
other combinations, while the elder society went on its wonted 
way, usually to success — less frequently to defeat — the asso- 
ciation calling itself the County Democracy was for some 
years a very formidable rival. It first came into open 
antagonism, under that name, in 1881. The conditions then presented a triangu- 
lar fight, as the Irving Hall party was still an active force. So that Tammany had 
two organized Democratic opponents to meet. Even before 1881 there were fre- 
quently two sets of delegates sent to the Democratic State conventions — always 
one by Tammany, and the others, sometimes simply anti-Tammany, without 
other formal designation, sometimes with a more specific name. Now there 
were two claimants to recognition. The principal movers in this hostile faction 
of 1881 were those who convened on election night before the returns were 
made, when no one except themselves could know what treachery had taken place, 
to try and make it understood and believed that the Tammany men had treacher- 
ously betrayed the late Presidential nominee, General Hancock, by trading the 
national for the city ticket, thus causing the loss to the Democratic party of 
national administration for the ensuing four years. 

Among those prominent in this revolt from machine methods were Abram S. 
Hewitt, Thomas Costigan, James O'Brien and Timothy Campbell. 

It was only a few weeks after the Presidential election that certain members 
of Irving Hall came to the conclusion that their organization was being run in too 
much of a machine fashion, although opposed to Tammany on that very issue, and 
these dissatisfied " Irvingites," as they were often called, fornied a combination 
with a number of Independent Democrats and decided to build up a reformed and 
purified Democracy, based on pure Jefifersonian principles. They went ener- 
getically to work and appointed committees to make an enrollment of Democrats 
of all existing parties or factions, so as to secure a representative organization in 
every election district. An Assembly District Association was also formed, as 
well as a County Committee elected. By these elaborate measures it was 
thought that a truly representative Democratic organization could be sus- 
tained. It was these transcendental philosophers who formed the basis 
of the County Democracy, which was fairly launched into the political 
arena in the spring of 1881. Primary elections were held in each election 
district, and the Democrats whose names had been enrolled chose officers, as also 
delegates, to the County Committee. One reason for selecting the name 
" County " was that throughout the State county committees had previously 
been in existence, while the Democrats of the County of New York had always 

/ 128 

been controlled in their course, either by the Society of Tammany or some off- 
shoot from that association; and it seemed to the reformers that it was altogether 
titting to have an organization in New York County corresponding to the custom 
in general usage throughout the State. 

Among the actual organizers of the new party were Abram S. Hewitt, 
ex-Mayor Edward Cooper, William C. Whitney, E. Ellery Anderson, Hans S. 
Beattie, Maurice F. Powers, Hubert O. Thompson, Nelson J. Waterbury, Frank 
M. Scott, Charles W. Dayton, Henry S. Beekman, Allen Campbell, Francis Lynde 
Stetson, Thomas Costigan, Henry Murray, J. Henry Ford and James McCartney. 
The committee met at 21 West Twenty-fourth street, where the organization pre- 
liminaries were projected; the public meetings and Count}- Committee meetings 
were held in Cooper Union. 

At this time ex-SherifT Peter Bowe, ex-SherifT Alexander Davidson, W. 
Bourke Cockran, Nicholas Haughton, Robert B. Mooney, Edgar L. Ridgeway. 
Judge Erlich, Charles G. Cornell, Hugh H. Moore, and some others, kept up the 
old Irving Hall organization, which, in 1886, united with the "Henry George" 
iabor movement, but most, if not all, of its former leaders, naturally, in time, 
drifted back to their old home — Tammany Hall, some joining the County Democ- 
racy, and some Irving Hall, as a distinctly anti-Tammany force, disappeared from 
city politics, though, in 1879, its delegates had been received as "' regular" at the 
State convention held in Syracuse. 

For several years the County Democracy proved a very successful organiza- 
tion, and at one period obtained control of nearly all the departments and city 
patronage. Hubert O. Thompson was its recognized leader. (It seems they 
could not get along without a " boss.") It was through the efforts of this associa- 
tion, undoubtedly, that Grace was elected Mayor in 1884, though he had the 
support of other Democrats at that time, a sort of three-cornered fight being on 
that year, to the great detriment of the National ticket, which just scraped through 
by a very small majority. Beginning with the purest intentions, the County 
Democracy soon fell into the enticing rut of machine politics; and the wiley 
politician inevitably succeeded to the patriotic organizers. Many of its members 
were Aldermen in 1884, and some of these were indicted for the acceptance of 
bribes. Later, this once immaculate party formed combinations with Republi- 
cans of easy political virtue. The result was a disintegration of its original ele- 
ments. Most of its leaders returned to Tammany Hall, some went into the party 
calling itself the " Voorhis Democracy," but the great body, like so many others 
of the anti-Tammany factions, informally dissolved into its original elements. 
Those who clung to it longest and latest were found, in 1892, still in the role of 
protesters, among the anti-Hill Democrats. The latest notice that we find of any 
remnant of vitality in this as^ciation was that of a meeting held in a small room 
on the second floor of the Cooper Union, on the 23d of May, 1892, when Mr. 
Charles A. Jackson, who had vowed, the year before, that he " would remain a 
true County Democrat, even if he were left alone to turn out the gas," actually 
did so, in the company of some dozen equally devoted followers. 

One of the daily papers, published about the time of the " Mid- Winter Con- 
vention," thus describes the mode sometimes adopted for silencing opposition: 
"The Voorhis faction was finally disposed of in this manner: On the 29th of 


February, 1892, Mayor Grant appointed John R. Voorhis, founder, and for years 
rhe leader, of the so-called New York Democracy, as Police Justice, to succeed 
Mr. Ford, a County Democrat; then, to make all things satisfactory, Aqueduct 
Secretary John C. Sheehan (brother of the Lieutenant-Governor), was appointed 
Police Commissioner to succeed Voorhis, at the nominal sum of $5,000 per 
annum. This kept the Voorhis faction solid for Tammany, and shows why Voor- 
his did not join cither the Sleekier party, or other factionists Mr. 

Voorhis received appointments respectively from Mayors Havemeyer, Cooper 
and Grace. Mr. Voorhis was always a Democrat. He early joined the County 
Democracy, but bolted it in 1890, to set up his own wing, called somewhat 
ostentatiously, the New York Democracy. In the election of 1891 he claimed 
to have carried 20,000 votes." 

One of the spicy episodes illustrative of the contests, and also semi-affiliations 
between Tammany and the Count\; Democracy, took place in the autumn of 1886, 
and related to the nomination of Abram S. Hewitt for Mayor. Tammany had 
previously rejected the nomination of Mr. Hewitt as an unsuitable candidate, for 
Governor, when he was nominated for that oflfice by the County Democracy, and 
was consequently severely criticised by political opponents for its apparently 
inconsistent action in 1886. In the State convention held the previous year, 
when Mr. Hewitt was nominated for Governor, he had received but 33 votes out 
of 384, and the attitude of Tammany was held responsible for this signal failure. 
Greatly chagrined at the result, the County Democracy held a meeting, at which 
the following resolution was passed, Mr. Hewitt being at that time a member of 
that wing of the Demdcracy: 

"Resolved, That it is for the interest of the party, in the City and State, that the con- 
stant deals and disgraceful trades between the rival county conventions and their favorite 
candidates should cease. The issue between Tammany Hall and the New Torlc County 
Democracy is perfectly clear and well defined. In the former the leaders, or bosses, con- 
trol their organization for personal and selfish objects. Tlie issue we make with Tammany 
Hall must be met, and decided. The cause of good government, the cause of honest 
administration of municipal affairs and the cause of the peace of the party itself, 
demand it." 

To this assault, at a meeting held soon after, Taniniany made the following 
■scathing reply: 

"The declaration that disgraceful trades and deals between the rival County Con- 
ventions 'must cease' is at least an admission that these immaculate statesmen have 
invited and participated in such deals during the past; and the assertion that they wero 
'disgraceful' is a cheerful confession of infamy by men who ask public confidence on 
account of the purity of their methods. The sentiments of opposition to 'disgraceful deals 
and bargains,' which the members of the County Democracy profess, are as fervent as 
new-born convictions usually are. Their abortive attempt to induce this organization to 
unite with them in support of a preposterous candidate for Governor, at the last State 
Convention, might be considered an attempt to make a particularly disgraceful bargain or 
deal. . . . The peaceful overtures of this convention have been rejected in the name of 
good government, and sound politics, by a tumultuous disorderly mob of employees fron. 
the city departments, acting under the dictation of a band of political mercenaries, whose 
shameful abuse of public trusts has escaped the corrective process of the criminal courts, 
through the imbecility or connivance of the District Atttorney." 

A principal cause of Tammany's rejection of Hewitt, when nominated for 
Governor, was a speech he made soon after coimecting himself with the County 
Democracy, and which was delivered at Cooper Union. He said: " .-Xs to Tam- 
many Hall and John Kelly, here is to be found the pro.ximate cause of our defeat 


in 1880. Here in the City of New York we had an organization wl.ich expressed 
onl)' the will of one man. To him, covmsel and interference were aHke obnoxious. 
Those who ventured to disagree with him were disciplined and retired, not only 
from office, but were driven from the ranks. Such an organization was offensive 
to the self-respect of intelligent Democrats. . . . Tammany is a machine. 
Its source of power is a secret society. Even in the wisest and best hands it is 
an anomaly which should not be perpetuated or tolerated." 

Nevertheless, Mr. Hewitt, one year later, accepted the nomination of Tam- 
many Hall for the office of Mayor, and was elected. 

The explanation of this change of front all round was simply the fear, not 
of Tammany Hall only, but of all the other parties in the conservative ranks, of 
the increasing strength of the " Henry George " party. Nor was this a vain fear;, 
at the November election of 1886 this Socialistic combination cast 67,699 votes. 
Mr. Hewitt had over 90,000 from the united Democracy — and not a " disgraceful 
deal " on either side. 

One of the unexpected events which happened in the campaign of 1877 was. 
the success of John Morrissey over the Hon. Augustus Schell, the Tammany 
nominee, not only in the East River election districts, but in the most fashionable 
and wealthy sections of the city, including the Eleventh Assembly District, as- 
also the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Eighteenth. How this came about has never 
been fully explained. Why the aristocracy of intelligence and of wealth, in a 
struggle for the United State's Senatorship, should desert one of their own set» 
and vote, for a good man, indeed, but one who certainly made no pretension to 
compete with them on any educational or social point, has always remained 
somewhat of a mystery; for this was not a case in which it was possible to charge 
the improper use of money, seeing that so large a number of voters were not only 
above suspicion morally considered, but the fact was patent, that they had the 
means to buy the candidate, rather than he them. Perhaps it was Morrissey's 
indomitable pluck which pleased them. At a preliminary meeting, where the 
selection of candidates was being discussed, and where some were opposed to 
Morrissey's nomination on the very ground that he could not carry the fashion- 
able districts, he arose, and, in his most serious manner, declared that he " could 
and would carry them." Addressing his opponents, he exclaimed: "This is not 
my fight; it is yours. If I am beaten, you are beaten; but I will not be defeated, 
I will not only carry what you call my districts, but I will carry the silk-stocking 
districts, too"; and he did, much to the surprise of both friends and foes. 

This year, 1877, was prolific in other interesting incidents, one of which was 
the entrance of a member of the wealthy Astor family into politics. Hitherto this 
well-known branch of the money aristocracy had occupied themselves almost 
exclusively in adding to their great inherited fortune, or in social functions; but 
this year one of the younger scions, Mr. William Waldorf Astor, accepted the 
Republican nomination for the Assembly in his own district, the Eleventh. He 
was the first of the very wealthy men of New York to risk their fate at the polls; 
but he courageously set an example which has been successfully followed by 
others. His district was naturally a Republican one, and on this occasion he was 
elected without difficulty. After serving his term in the Assembly, he was, in 
1879, elected to the State Senate, and a prolonged political career appeared to be 
opening before him;- but it was not destined to continue. In October of 1880 he 



was nominated for Congress in the Seventh District of Xew York city. Tam- 
many had for its candidate one of its old time members, Mr. I'hiUip Henry Dugro, 
who defeated Mr. Astor, though not by so kirge a majority as to discourage the 

in the Fall of 1881 Air. Astor again accepted the Kepul>lican nomination for 
Congress, this time for the Ninth District. His opponent was now Roswell P. 
Flower, also a wealthy man, though not having quite so many millions to draw 
upon as William Waldorf Astor. It was reported, though by no means sub- 
stantiated, that money flowed freely on this occasion, being estimated, on Mr. 
Flower's side, at $i6,ooo, and, on Mr. Astor's, at from $25,000 to $30,000. But 
little reliance is to be placed on such estimates — at least, no newly-fledged semi- 
millionaires were observed cropping up in that district after the election. The 
peculiarity of this canvass was the fact that both of these wealthy candidates went 
personally into the work of enlisting voters, making friendly overtures to classes 
of workmen and small dealers whom, under other circumstances, they would not 
have felt called upon to salute so courteously. Mr. Flower carried the day with a 
majority that efTectually extinguished Mr. Astor's desire for further experience in 
the line of American politics. He was, in a measure, consoled for his defeat before) 
the people by the appointment of Minister to Italy, where he pleasantlv and use- 
fully occupied himself in historical researches. He has since domiciled himself 
iii England, became a British subject, and owns the Pall Mall Gazette. 





REAT as was the disappointment of the Democracy at the 
defeat of General Hancock in 1880, it was not deemed expedi- 
ent to renominate him in 1884. At the National convention, 
which 'met in Chicago that year, Governor Grover Cleveland 
of New York was nominated on the second ballot, receiving 
683 votes, 36 more than was necessary to a choice. He was 
not exactly the candidate which Tammany would have preferred, Thomas A. 
Hendricks being their first choice ; but there was no possibility of forcing any 
other name on the convention, and. with their usual tact, the Tammany delegation 
accepted the nominee with good grace; and. as the Fall campaign opened, the old 
Wigwam threw wide its doors for a grand ratification meeting, including the 
organization of a parade. 

There could be no doubt of the genuine enthusiasm of the rank and file, the 
thousands of men who marched on that occasion with banners inscribed, " Cleve- 
land and Hendricks." though some of the ward leaders appeared to be less 
enthusiastic. On the evening of the 21st of October, the great public ratification 
meeting was held in Tammany Hall. The gallery was filled with the men who 
had done and would still do the marching, and also the voting, and who felt that, 
by the numerical display in the streets, they were doing something to help on the 
Democratic restoration to power in the nation, of which they were defrauded in 
1876 by the Electoral Commission. 

Among the speakers at the great public meeting that had been called were 
Senator Thomas F. Bayard, of Maryland; Governor Abbett, of New Jersey, and 
Allen Thurman, of Ohio, with many other distinguished minor statesmen devoted 
to Grover Cleveland. The general theme of the orators was the excessive 
extravagance of the Republican administration. A little later, the County 
Democracy followed Tammany Hall, and, under the lead of Hubert O. Thomp- 
son, all pledged themselves to support the National nominee. 

The canvass was an exceedingly exciting one, but the result, though it 
restored into the hands of the Democrats the National administration after a 
political exile of twenty-four years, was still somewhat disappointing, on accoiuit 
of the small majority which carried Grover Cleveland into the White House, 
though, in the Electoral College, he received 219 votes, as against Mr. 
JBlaine's 182. 

As was quite natural, the Democrats had not forgotten how Mr. Tilden had 
ijeen deprived of the office to which he was elected, and the most careful measures 
liad been taken throughout the State and City of New York to secure an honest 
•count of the votes cast. To ensure this a conference was held by leading Demu- 
■crats at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, where a committee of lawyers was appointed to 
go to the Bureau of Elections and inspect the returns, as they had a legal right 
to do. At this time Mr. John J. O'Brien was Chief Supervisor of the Bureau of 


Elections, and the reported " boss " of the Republican machine in the City of 
New York. The gentlemen composing the conimiUee of inspection were: 
Messrs. Aaron J. Vandeipoel, .Mbert Stickney, General Francis C. Barlow, 
brancis L. Stetson and Charles P. Miller, who were all well-known and respected 
citizens. They were instructed to see " that all was fair." 

On proceeding to the Bureau they found in the office, not the chief, but a 
clerk named Walmslcy, who undertook to answer for him, and who refused to 
allow the returns to be examined. General Barlow, who was prepared for this 
impediment, then read to Mr. Walmsley from the Laws of New York State of 
1882 (Section 1,878), which provides that the election returns " shall at all times, 
during office hours, be open to the inspection, examination, comparison and copy- 
ing of any citizens, or elector, free of any charge whatsoever." Still, Mr. Walms- 
ley declared that he could not and would not allow the papers to be touched, in 
the absence of his chief. Thereupon General Barlow read another section of the 
Laws (Section 1,909), which makes it a felony for any person to wilfully neglect 
or impede the rights of any person secured by the preceding section which had 
been read. The penalty attached was from one to five years in State's prison. 
Still, the courageous clerk did not yield. He appeared shocked at the very idea 
of citizens " wanting to know," and declared that within his experience no one 
ever had asked such a thing. 

The committee now left the Bureau, and went to the Police Commissioner's 
office, over which Fitz John Porter then presided. He declared he could do noth- 
ing without the presence of his colleagues. General Barlow then threatened to 
apply to the Supreme Court for a mandamus, to compel Supervisor O'Brien to 
permit the examination. The situation was becoming dramatic, and to complete 
it — enter John J. O'Brien. 

The case being stated to him, he refused to yield to the request until he had 
consulted counsel. The Commissioners, finally, after a long consultation, con- 
sented to permit the papers tc^be seen, on condition that the examination should 
take place in the presence of the Chief of the Bureau. But all this efifort at 
obstruction was plainly a misdemeanor on the part of these officials, and General 
Barlow was not the man to put up with this sort of treatment. He obtained from 
Judge Barrett an order to show cause why a mandamus should not issue against 
John J. O'Brien. But. finally, without allowing this to come to trial, the papers 
were given over for examination: and the report made was that "they had not 
yet been tampered with." .A.nd so the matter rested. 





HE renomination of Mr. Cleveland, in 1888, was a foregone con- 
clusion. Though he had not succeeded in placating many of 
the influential local politicians in his own State, there was still 
no other available man at that time, within the pale of the 
Democracy, who, on the whole, so well represented the party 
principles. In the previous Cleveland campaign the honest, 
but always unreliable Mu^vunips, had thrown their influence in favor of the 
Democratic candidate, as a rebuke to their own party for nominating the finessing 
Blaine. On this occasion many of them, especially the high protectionists among 
them, became frightened by Mr. Cleveland's very pronounced views on the tariff 
question, and held aloof at the polls. Yet these sentiments of the nominee had no 
terrors for the great body of business men in the great commercial City of New 
York, the very elite of whom marched, in a day parade, with Cleveland banners 
at their head, forming at the foot of Wall street, and filling up their ranks with 
bankers, importers, shipping-merchants, members of the Stock Exchange, and, 
in fact, embodying representatives of all the great material interests of the country. 
No such political procession was ever seen before in the streets of New York. 
Every man carried " respectability " on his face, and hundreds of them " wealth," 
as well. 

On the first day of November the New York Herald reported, " Tammany 
Hall ablaze for Cleveland," adding, " in the presence of a National duty, Tam- 
many Hall has no local divided obligation." On the evening of the same day an 
immense assemblage filled and overflowed the Wigwam in Fourteenth street, 
where Thomas F. Gilroy, then Secretary, read the resolutions of the Tammany 
General Committee approving of the Cleveland administration, and ratifying his 
renomination to the Presidency. 

Tammany has never lacked an abundance of fine orators. On this occasion 
ex-Governor Hoadley, of Ohio, was one of the principal speakers. He was just 
closing his speech, with the following remarks, when the Mayor-elect Hugh J. 
Grant entered, thus making his closing words quite apropos. He said: "We 
have not regretted putting a good Democrat in the White House, and the Demo- 
crats here present will not regret putting an honest man like Hugh J- Grant in the 
Mayor's chair of the City of Nev*' York." Mr. Grant was wildly cheered by the 
immense audience. Being called on for a speech, the chief civic nominee briefly 
responded: " For this your cordial and hearty greeting I am most profoundly 
grateful. I take it not as altogether personal, but as an evidence of your loyalty 
to the great party whose candidate I am. Success in New York ensures it for 
the whole country. Work for the whole ticket, National and State, as well as 
local. Friendship for me can best be shown by earnest and energetic work for 
Grover Cleveland for President, and David B. Hill for Governor." These senti- 
ments were received with tremendous applause. • 




HIS year (1888) was in more than one way disastrous to the 
Society of Tammany. It was while the Democratic National 
Convention was in session at St. Louis that a fire occurred 
which at one time threatened the destruction of their fine build- 
ing in Fourteenth street. This fire did not originate in the 
hall itself, but in a theatre below, which was occupied, at the 
time, by the Tony Pastor Company. The fire had started among the scenery, 
and when discovered, about half past six on the morning of the 6th of June, wa.'; 
located in the northeast corner of the building, with the flames making rapid 
strides towards the roof. Very soon after the first alarm was sounded fifteen 
engines were on the spot, and, as Chief Shay was promptly on the ground, he 
inmiediately sent out calls for extra help, calling upon every fire company within 
the radius of a mile from the corner of Fourteenth street and Irving Place. The 
flames burned through the floor of the large hall and shot up towards the roof 
of the main building. Some Tammany men, who had, fortunately, not gone to 
St. Louis, were quickly on the ground, and braved the perils of fire and smoke 
in rescuing some valuable property belonging to the Society. When the fire 
was extinguished it was found that neither the walls or roof was seriously in- 
jured. The damage to the Society was estimated at $35,000, fully covered by 
insurance; but this did not compensate for the loss of valuable documents, im- 
possible to replace. 





N the 24th of September, 1891, occurred a most interesting 
event in the history of the Tammany Society; as, on that day 
was unveiled, with elaborate ceremonies, the fine granite and 
bronze monument erected to the memory of the fallen heroes 
of the Forty-second New York Volunteer Regiment, better 
known under its popular name of " The Tammanv Regi- 
ment," or " Jackson Guards," which honorably served throughout the war. The 
site selected is about two miles southwest of the village of Gettysburg, near the 
" Bloody Angle," one of the most fatally consecrated portions of the whole 
ground, hallowed by the blood of brave men, dying that their country might be 
" free, indeed." The position is a commanding one, on the south slope of Ceme- 
tery Ridge, and in full view of many other tall shafts erected on the battle-field 
by other associations. 

Of those who attended this celebration and " Unveiling " there were ninety 
surviving veterans, who had taken part in that long drawn-out fight on the soil 
of Pennsylvania. There were also present about three hundred members of the 
Tammany Society, with several hundred visitors from Gettysburg and vicinity, 
nnd other parts of the country. The day was oppressively hot, and nothing less 
interesting could have kept so many people together for the length of time needed 
to complete the ceremonies and listen to the speeches. The proceedings were 
announced to commence at 10 A. M. The veterans of the Forty-second, led by 
Lieut.-Col. J. J. Mooney, carrying the old and tattered regimental flags, were the 
first to arrive in town, and they spent nearly an hour looking over the historical 
ground on which the great struggle, in which they had been personally engaged, 
had been fought out. Some of them had not visited the spot since they were 
carried wounded from the field, twenty-eight years before, on the 3d of July, 1863. 
These ninety veterans were formed in line at the base of the monument, and were 
photographed in that position. The band on this occasion (belonging to Harris- 
burg, Pa.), was the same which had formed the line of battle for General Hancock 
on the last day of the struggle. 

At the hour appointed. Captain Eugene Sullivan, President of the Veteran 
Association of the Forty-second Regiment, called the assemblage to order. 
Prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. W. H. McKnight, President of the Pennsyl- 
vania College, of Gettysburg. The unveiling of the monument followed. This 
act was performed by James E. Mallon. of Brooklyn, N. Y., a son of one of the 
colonels of the regiment (the fate of war had necessitated several) who had led the 
Forty-second on the field at Gettysburg, and elsewhere, and who was killed in 
October of the same year, at the Battle of Bristol Station, 1863. Assisting Mr. 
Mallon was A. J. Zabriskie. the engineer in charge of the erection of the monu- 
ment. When the large American flag, which had concealed the memorial, was 
withdrawn, the crowd was struck with admiration, and cheered most enthusiasti- 



The pedestal, or, rather, broad base, of this fine monument is of granite, 
standing on which, in front, and thirty-one feet high, is an Indian before 
an open tent : the apex of this tent is surmounted by an eagle— all in bronze. On 
tiie facade of the pedestal is a tablet, on which is recited the engagements in which 
the regiment participated, and on the reverse is inscribed its record at Gettys- 
, burg. The Oration was delivered by General Daniel E. Sickles, and consisted 
mainly of a history of the regiment and what it had accomplished, with a touch- 
ing tribute to the memory of those who fell before Pickett's charge. General 
Sickles also referred to an interview which he had with President Lincoln, who 
spoke to him in grateful terms of the generosity and patriotism of the City of New 
York, which had appropriated $1,000,000 to carry on the war. ' 

At the conclusion of the oration, three hearty cheers were given for the 
speaker, who had left a limb on that battle-field. 

The monument was then formally presented to the " Gettysburg Battle- 
field Memorial Association." a brief presentation address being made by General 
Sickles. In response, Edward McPherson. Clerk of the House of Representa- 
tives, as a Director of the Battle-field Association, accepted the monument, in an 
mteresting speech of considerable length. Next in order was read, by the popu- 
lar actor, F. F. Mackay. an original poem, written by Mr. William Geoghegan. 
Colonel Fellows succeeded him with a short speech, in which he awarded equal 
praise, as to bravery, to the Union and Confederate armies. General Martin T. 
McMahon eulogized General Hancock, to whose division the Tammany Regi- 
ment had belonged, and referred, also, with much feeling, to Maj.-Gen. John 
Sedgwick, under whose command the Forty-second Regiment had been during; 
the earlv part of the war. Addresses followed by General Ely S. Parker, Captahi 
J. M. EUendorf and Bartow S. Weeks, Commander-in-Chief of the Sons oi 

At the conclusion of the ceremonies the old veterans and the Tammany dele- 
gation, having partaken of a banquet, returned to the city, arriving in New York 
by the early morning train on the 26th. 




! EW York, long famed for her illustrious sons, has never been 
more justly proud of their great achievements than now. And 
foremost among her citizens, famous at home and abroad, noted 
among the world's greatest leaders, is Richard Croker, Chief oi 

Leaders are born, not made, and Mr. Croker fills the coun- 
sellor's distinguished place with all the ease and dignity, the wisdom and con- 
scious strength that made St. Tammany of former days so famous with the 
Indian tribes. 

His popularity, like patriot Paul Kruger's, is founded on his manly spirit, 
fixed resolve, indomitable will and his unswerving honesty of purpose in his pro- 
tective and aggressive warfare for the people's rights. 

As the illustrious Lincoln, " of and for the people," stood for the cause his 
countrymen entrusted to his care, so Richard Croker, nearer still to those he 
serves, yet battles for the undying principles of " Liberty, Equality and Fratern- 
ity " in the great Empire City of the Free. 

As years of faithful service in the ranks, and in the posts of honor, have fitted 
him for greater tasks, so his success has made him strong to undertake and to 
accomplish them until, to-day, he stands a counsellor without a losing case, a 
commander with no record of defeat, a general who has lead " the greatest 
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE WORLD " to battles without number and with- 
out a Waterloo. 

Political opponents naturally decry the one they cannot conquer, and whose 
unassailable position has so often brought disaster to the combinations they have 
formed to both belie and undermine it. 

But detraction from the honest fame of Richard Croker comes from those 
with malice in their hearts who do not know the man. 

Those who know him best — convinced of his fidelity and honesty — are loud- 
est in his praise and firmest in their friendship for their fellow citizen. 

Honest men — no matter what their politics — are never Mr. Croker's 
enemies; dishonest ones — disloyal to their own, or other parties — can never be 
his friends. 

For nearly forty years, or since the early sixties, when he was elected to the 
Board of Aldermen, Mr. Croker has given to the public an intelligent, untiring, 
faithful service, leading, step by step, to the exalted place he holds in Tammany 
and in the hearts of that Democracy whose triumphant history is inseparably 
associated with his own. 

A vrriter of distinction in The TammXny Times, of July, 1893, eulogizing 
Mr. Croker, said he had reached that enviable position when he might be justly 
called " the Warwick of American politics " — not only, as we judge, for making 
Icings of men, but also for his helpful hand in making men of kings. 



For this has been his trade— so Domocratic and so beneficial to the world — 
to make of all men equals, brothers, friends and fellow patriots in a free land. 

For this j^reat work nature has given him the post of honor, endowing him 
with gifts in keeping- with exalted place. His are the qualities of a superior 
judgment, a wonderful industry, an earnest purpose, unimpeachable integrity, 
the skill of leadership, the power to master means, to mould the masses, marshal 
forces, to carry a great cause to victory. 

Mr. Croker's hi.story. from his birth near L'idiuikilt)', County Cork, Ireland, 
in Xovemher, 1843, "P 'o the present time is of surpassing interest to every one 
who has respect for perseverance, honest work and Democratic faith. 

Coming to America when a mere child, and living with his father — a farmer, 
who served as a Captain in the Sickles Brigade during the Civil War — young 
Croker received a common school education and, when old enough, was appren- 
ticed to a macliinist and learned the trade. For a time he worked in the shops 
of the N'ew York Central Railroad, then, in the old X'olunteer Fire Department, 
he was engineer of the first steam fire engine used in New York, and was fore- 
man of Engine Company No. 28. Through the Fire Department he made his 
entry into politics, being elected and re-elected Alderman from 1867 till 1870, 
when the Tweed ring, to which Mr. Croker was opposed, succeeded in legislating 
him and his associates out of office. 

Under Mayor Havemeyer Mr. Croker was appointed Marshall to secure 
arrears in taxes, and it is said that in four months he succeeded in collecting 
$500,000 due the city. 

In 1873 lis ^'^''is elected Coroner, a position then, as now, worth about $15,000 
a year. To this office he was re-elected in 1876, being then, as for years before, 
an active member of Tammany Hall and friend and favorite of the famous John 

After two terms as Coroner, he was again elected Alderman, and Mayor 
Edson appointed him a Fire Commissioner, to which position he was reap- 
pointed by Mayor Hewitt. 

In 1889 Mr. Croker was made City Chamberlain by Mayor Grant. This 
office gave him a salary of $25,000, his bond being half a million. Ill health com- 
pelled him to resign his position in 1890 and take a trip to Europe to renew the 
vigor lost by overwork. 

On his return — resuming his accustomed leadership of Tanmiany — he 
entered, with the Democratic hosts, on one of the greatest political campaigns 
this country ever witnessed. In the contest of 1892, Richard Croker, at the head 
of the Tammany column, did the most loyal and effective work ever accomplished 
by any political organization in the history of America. 

On this occasion the Tammany delegation to the Chicago Convention stood 
loyally by Senator Hill, but when the nomination w-ent to Mr. Cleveland, Tam- 
many became at once the staunchest advocate of his election, and under Mr. 
Croker's guidance, Democratic victory was assured, and Cleveland and Steven- 
son were triumphant at the polls. 

That this result was due to Tanmiany and to the masterful campaign con- 
■ducted by Chief Croker was everywhere acknowledged. Indeed, it has been 


truly said that a more magnificent organization, or one more wisely handled, had 
never figured in a National election. Mr. Croker's prediction that " the City of 
New York would give Cleveland and Stevenson 75,000 plurality," was more 
than verified by the returns, which gave the Democratic candidates an actual 
plurality of 76,300 votes. 

Of Mr. Croker's chivalrous fidelity in this great campaign it may be said ta 
rival knierhtliest deeds on martial field, and for reward he never asked nor sought 
further recompense than that he found in guiding those for whom he fought and 
in the consciousness of duty well performed. 

The genius for organization shows in his great battles with political giants, 
and Mr. Croker, in the North American Review, remarks on this as follows: 
" Organization is one of the great factors of success and without it there can be 
no enduring result." 

With system as a chief reliance, Mr. Croker has been ever active, earnest, 
fearless, as well as fair and honest with the questions which concern the welfare 
of the people of New York. With him political obligation is a duty, not to be 
evaded or neglected, but in friendly intercourse and in encouragement of those 
who need a friendly word or friendly hand, there is a social side to Mr. Croker's- 
character which has given his magnetic personality its greatest charm. 

Coming now to the last memorable campaigns which have restored a Demo- 
cratic government to Greater New York — replacing the shams of a pretended 
" reform '' — the guiding hand of Mr. Croker is again in evidence to hold in check 
and bring to a deserved defeat the cohorts of the opposition. 

For some years — not from choice, but compelled by the condition of his 
health, as well as to avoid the importunities of friends and politicians — Mr. 
Croker has had a residence abroad. One day, when the mock reformers still 
held power, he returned from England, as Napoleon came from exile, to find the 
Democratic army calling him to lead to a new victory. 

Nothing loath, he took command of Tammany and won the fight against the 
combined forces of Trac}-, Low and George, winning the city's contest by the 
grand plurality of 85,000 votes and restoring Tammany to power. 

Then began the shameful tactics of the up-the-State majority in insulting the 
great City of New York with a partisan committee to reflect on the integrity of 
the officers the people's votes had chosen as their representatives. 

As the city's Democratic leader, Mr. Croker was the target for the opposi- 
tion- — on his head beat the storm. 

B^it to his honor, be it said, that meddling inquisition found in Richard 
Croker a fearless honesty they had not bargained for, or, as was truly said: "A 
foeman worthy of their steel." 

Meeting them face to face, defiantly, he challenged them to show an unlawful 
or unworthy aob, or where a single dollar had been taken or been m^isapplied 
either by himself or by the Democratic officials of the City of New York. 

The end is known to all. The committee was disbanded and discomfitted, 
while their intended victim, Richard Croker, left for his summer trip to Europe 
amid the vivas of the multitude that blocked the streets and steamer wharf. 


Again returning for the 1900 National campaign, Mr. Croker took the 
leader's place in Tammany, and at the two Conventions of the nation and State, 
and in the battle royal following, he fought for the Democratic party with such 
foresio^ht and energy that the harmonized Democracy of the Empire State 
reduced the Republican up-State plurality of 1896, over 100,000 votes, wiped oui 
McKinley's New York city majority of 23,000, and added to those figures over 
27,000 city plurality for Bryan and nearly 50,000 for the candidate for Gover- 
nor — a result which, if applied in equal ratio in the other States, would have made 
Bryan President. 

Such, in brief, is the story of an honest politician's great success. Truly 
the people love him not alone for what he is, but for the work which he has done 
and " for the enemies that he has made." 

Coming contests need not be in doubt while Richard Croker leads. 




HE Presidential campaign of 1892 may be said to have beem 
opened on the part of Tammany Hall, at the State Convention 
held in Saratoga in September, 1891. At that Democratic 
gathering the adherents of Tammany, having the late Gover- 
nor, David B. Hill, at their head, found themselves strong 
enough to exclude the delegates of the County Democracy, 
and did exclude them. It has been truly remarked that when particularly acute 
people make a mistake they are apt to make a very great mistake. Senator Hill 
has been held to be one of the brainiest men in the State, shrewd and far-seeing, 
capable of weighing the present and future effects of political movements with the 
instinct almost of genius, and yet he made the mistake of underestimating the 
resentment of his fellow-Democrats who were deprived of the usual opportunities 
of considering and discussing the political situation, by the unusual action ot 
precipitating a call for the selection of delegates to the national convention several 
months earlier than the custom of the party warranted, thus greatly prejudicing^ 
the verv object which he and his friends most ardently desired. His usual per- 
ception of consequences appeared to be nullified, by the desire to secure, at all 
hazards, the advantage over his most prominent rival. That the early-expressed 
dissent from his measure " would die out before summer " was his opinion. A 
most disasterous conclusion for his hopes to cling to. 

That the able leaders of the Tammany Society should have shared in this 
delusion (if, indeed, they did, and were not influenced by other motives), is most 
remarkable. Strong at Albany, and popular in the metropolis, neither the aspi- 
rant for Presidential honors, nor his friends, seemed to have realized that a 
grievance nourished by them, against Mr. Cleveland, was not necessarily shared 
by all the other States in the Union. That the Tammany delegation bravely 
stood by their colors at Chicago says much for their loyalty, but less for their fore- 
sight. The unoiificial, but numerically strong protesting party, in common par- 
lance, called the " Anti-snappers," who also went to Chicago tO' exert all the 
influence they could command (though they had no votes), against the nominee 
of the Tammany delegation, wisely decided to avoid creating a scandal, bv appear- 
ing as contestants, but did more effectual work by personal effort and appeal, to 
the delegates from other States, many of whom were under ,the impression that 
Mr. Cleveland was unpopular in New York. By this sort of " still hunt " and 
wary tactics they succeeded in dispelling the illusion, and the result was the 
nomination of Mr. Cleveland on the first ballot, and his election by the convention 
by a vote of 617 to 115 for the Tammany candidate, David B. Hill; nine other 
persons being named, who received votes varying in number, from 103 for Gover- 
nor Boise, of Iowa, to one for other " favorite sons." After this experience it is 
probable that forestalling a Presidency will become as unpopular as the fore- 
stalling of wheat or corn. 


Tlie magnificent majority given by the City of New York to the electoral 
ticket for Llfvcland in November, of t)ver 70,000 votes, shows what Tanmiany can 
do, when in dead earnest, e\en lhini,L;li it was not her first choice for wJKim she 

The vote of the City of New ^'ork was as foHows: 

Whule number of vutt-s cast 284,984 

Cleveland 175,267 

Harrison 98,967 

For Mayor — Gilroy, Democrat 173,510 

Einstin, Republican 97,923 

The whole popular vote, in the United States was 5,556,533 

Cleveland's majority 382,956 

Among the most active workers of the protesting ])arty at Chicago was Mr. 
Charles S. Fairchilds. W'itii him worked Wilham R. Lirace, and following near 
was Edward M. Shepard, of Brooklyn; G. F. Peabody, .\lexander E. Orr, Fred. 
R. Coudert. William A. Eeach, E. Ellery .\nderson, Franklin Locke and others. 
Their presence and inflnence was utilized by William C. Whitney and his asso- 
ciates, all working together. 

That Mr. Richard Croker was really pleased with the work of the convention 
he took every means to make apparent. After a very necessary, but brief rest, he 
made the most elaborate and expensive arrangenients for decorating his own 
private residence, as well as influencing other parties to do the same. He also 
arranged for the decoration of the " Sagamore Chib," which is the fashionable 
uptown Tammany club of the Twenty-third Assembly District. It was located in 
a fine five-story brown-stone building, on West 124th street, nearly facing Mount 
Morris Park, and adjacent to the then residence of Mr. Croker. This club had a 
membership of fully one thousand active Democrats, including nearly all the most 
prominent members of the Fourteenth-street Wigwam. Arrangements w^ere 
made with the Edison Company to furnish the large number of 541 incandescent 
lights, naturally (5f the national colors, red, white and blue, with which to illumin- 
ate the front of the club-house. Expense was no olijcct. but the finest and most 
gorgeous decoration obtainable was. Two thousand feet of wire was used in 
putting up these lights. 

It was at this club that Mr. Cleveland was entertained In- the Tammany lead- 
ers after the great " Notification meeting " at the Madison Square Garden, held 
on the evening of July 20th, 1892. 




HE first public meeting of the Tammany Society after the 
nomination of Mr. Cleveland was that held on the national 
anniversary. On this occasion it was commenced somewhat 
informally by a person in the large assembly room of Tam- 
many Hall, before the official time of meeting, arising and 
calling for three cheers for Grover Cleveland. Four thousand 
followers of the Wigwam had gathered there to celebrate Independence Day. 
They responded to the call for cheers with such enthusiasm as to interrupt the 
regular proceedings for fully five minutes. Never, perhaps, in the history of 
Tammany Hall has the mention of a favorite son's name been received with such 
a welcome as that aroused by. the two magic words, " Grover Cleveland." 

The repeated and long-continued outbursts of cheers for the Democratic can- 
didate for President astonished the politicians. Those who are prominent in the 
councils of Tammany Hall and were seated on the platform watched the crowd 
with evident astonishment. Hundreds of men with lusty throats jumped on 
chairs and shouted for Cleveland. As many more threw their hats into the air. 
It was a wonderful Cleveland demonstration — and it occurred in Tammany Hall. 

Congressmen from the Southern and Western States were palpably 
astounded. Several of them, who had favored Cleveland's nomination at Chicago, 
referred to the demonstration in their speeches. They said there could no longer 
be any doubt that Tammany Hall was sincerely enlisted for the 'national ticket. 

The celebration itself was one of the most successful ever held by Tammany 
Hall on the natal day. 

The large assembly room was handsomely decorated, light blue velvet, em- 
broidered with gold stars, was festooned around the platform, gallery and boxes. 
The escutcheons of the various States hung on stafl's along the gallery front, and 
the Star-Spangled Banner was the only flag to be seen. In the centre of the 
platform was a bank of roses. On each side was an immense floral horseshoe 
One of these bore the inscription " 1789," the year of Tammany Society's found- 
ing. The other was florally inscribed with the date " 1892," the ii6th year of 
American freedom. 

There was not even standing space in the assembly room at 10 o'clock. 
Every seat on the floor and in the gallery and boxes had been occupied long 
before the hour set for the beginning of the programme. Bayne's Sixty-ninth 
Regiment Band played popular and patriotic music, while the crowd awaited the 
appearance of the Sachems, the officers of the Society and the orators. 

In the meeting room of the Executive Committee sat Richard Croker. He 
was surrounded by his advisers and district leaders. The Sachems of the Society 
wore huge collars of blue velvet with stripes of gold. Mr. Croker wore one of 


these insignia. While the iiienihcis of tlic Society were reccivinfj red badges to 
pin on the left breast, the Congressional guests arrived in barouches. Congress- 
man Amos J. Cuniniings piloted them through the crowd to the presence of Mr. 
Croker. They were introduced to the Tammany leader and he gave each of theni 
a hearty reception. After the introduction the Congressmen stood around in 
groups. 'I'liey took good looks at the raiiinianv Hall chief they had heard so 
much about. 

^ "It is time we went upstairs," remarked Commissioner Gilroy. 

" Yes," answered Leader Croker. " Form in line and send some one to 
tell the band to strike up a march." 

It was a few minutes after lo when the procession started on its winding 
inarch upstairs. William H. Dobbs, the Sagamore, was in the lead, bearing aloft 
the liberty cap on a six-foot pole. He was followed by Commissioner Gilroy, 
the Grand Sachem. Then came Daniel M. Donegan, the Wiskinkie, carrying a 
tomahawk, and Sachems Croker, Charles Welde, John McQuadc, John J. Gor- 
man, William H. Clark, W. Bourke Cockran, Bernard F. Martin. Henry D. Pur- 
roy, Thomas L. Feitner, John H. \\ Arnold and Maurice F. llolalian, Scribe, and 
John B. McGoldrick, Secretary. They escorted Congressman William J. Bryan, 
of Nebraska; Congressman John O. Pendleton, of West Virginia; Congressman 
Benjamin A. Enloe, of Tennessee; Congressman H. A. Herbert, of Alabama; 
Congressman Adolph Meyer, of Louisiana; Congressman Owen Scott, of Illinois; 
Congressman C. H. Mansur, of Missouri; Congressman J. N. P. Castle, of Minne- 
sota; Delegate W. A. Smith, of Arizona; Mr. S. M. White, of California, and 
ex-Governor Bigg, of Delaware. At the end of the procession came Colonel 
Fellows, Judge Martine, James W. Collier, the theatrical manager, who had 
always been a faithful Wigwamite; Judge Ehrlich, ex-Senator John J. Cullen, 
Police Commissioner Martin, Dock Conmiissioner Cram, James W. Boyle, Wil- 
liam H. Burke, Nelson J. Waterbury, Jr., Nelson Smith and Congressman 

As soon as the procession arrived at the doors of the big hall the crowd set 
up a shout and the band played a grand march. Reaching the platform, the dis- 
tinguished visitors were given front seats and Grand Sachem Gilroy took posses- 
sion of the Chairman's table. 

Senator Daniel, of Virginia, and Congressman Wilson, of West Virginia, 
Permanent Chairman of the Chicago Convention, were to deliver " lono- talks." 
Neither was able to do so. Senator Daniel did not come to New York. Con- 
gressman Wilson arrived Sunday evening, but was taken ill at the Hoffman 

Letters were read from distinguished members of the party who had been 
invited but were unable to attend the celebration. Secretary McGoldrick beo-an 
reading the first letter. 

" Gray Gables," he said, but he had scarcely sounded the last syllable when a 
mighty cheer went up. He was compelled to stop reading bv the continuance of 
the applause. It was at this point that the man in the gallery proposed three 
cheers for Cleveland, and the crowd renewed its enthusiasm for the head of the- 
national ticket. Mr. Cleveland's letter was then read as follows: 



Gray Gables, Buzzard's Bay, Mass., June 29, 1892. 
Hon. Thomas F. Gilroy, Grand Sachem. 

Dear Sir — 1 ackncwledg-e with thanks the courtesy of an invitation to attend the cele- 
bration of the one hundred and sixteenth anniversary of American Independence, by the- 
Tammany Society, on tJie 4th day of July next. 

It will be impossible for me to take part in the interesting exercises you contemplate; 
but I hope the celebration will be abundantly pleasant and profitable to those -who are 
fortunately able to participate. 

I believe that Independence Day should be celebrated with zeal and enthusiasm by 
the old and young in every part of our land and in every condition of American life. No 
man, woman or child within the limits of American citizenship should forget or outgro'W 
the sentiments related to the observance of the Fourth day of July. 

Because there are influences and tendencies abroad which tend to the neglect of this 
anniversary the valuable and patriotic efforts of the Tammany Society to rescue it from 
Indifference ought to be universally applauded. 

I notice that my invitation contains the declaration that the coming celebration by the 
Society " is designed to be of exceptional significance and extended effect." I have no fear 
that this design will miscarry, for I am satisfied that the Tammany Society will not lose 
the opportunity the occasion affords to teach that the Declaration of Independence was a 
movement on the part of the people determined to govern themselves; that the patriotism 
it inspires enjoins unselfish care for our country's welfare; that political endeavor is only 
Bafe and useful when undertaken in the people's interest, and that political organization 
is only effective and successful when approved and trusted by an intelligent popular judg- 
ment. Tours very truly, 

Grover Cleveland. 

This letter, like every other reference to Grover Cleveland, ■was received 'with 
hearty applause. 

A letter 'was then read from Senator David B. Hill, -which -was less unanim- 
ously applauded. In this the following sentiments were expressed: 

" This year's celebration of the anniversary of the country's independence, preceding 
as it does an important political contest involving the supremacy of the essential principles 
of our free government, may appropriately be made the occasion of the renewal of our 
faith in those cherished principles which have been for many years faithfully championed 
by the intrepid Democracy of Tammany Hall. 

"Jn my judgment the hope of the people lies in the success of the Democratic party. 
Better than any other political organization it protects their rights and represents their 
ftest interests. It has always been the defender of constitutional liberty and of the 
reserved rights of the States. It opposes centralization; it boldly maintains the doctrine 
that Federal taxation should be for public rather than private purpose; it advocates 
honest money — the gold and silver currency of our Constitution; it favors home rule for 
States and municipalities; it insists upon an honest and economical expenditure of public 
money; it opposes force bills and Federal interference in domestic affairs of States; it 
antagonizes monopolies; it rejects unjust sumptuary legislation; it is a friend of labor 
and it hates hypocrisy, sham and fraud. • • • 

" The Democracy of New York in the approaching struggle should present a solid front 
■to the common enemy. Loyalty to cardinal Democratic principles and regularly nominated 
•candidates is the supreme duty of the hour. 

" I remain your fellow-citizen, 

" David B. Hill." 

The next letter read was from Gover-nor Flower, of New York. All the let- 
ters received could not be read, so numerous were they from all parts of the 

Congressman Owen Scott, of Illinois, made some highlv interesting remarks, 
and was followed by E. T. Talieferro, of Alabama, who said that he had never 
addressed an audience north of the Ohio River, but he believed that the North 
and South were united and cemented by the bond of brotherhood. 



■• 1 came North several years ago," said he, " and while here attended a Fourth of July 
celebration In Boston. There was the same music, the same enthusiasm that we mani- 
fested in the South. The Ijands played llrst ' Columbia.' then ' Dixie,' and then, sweeter 
than all, came the strains of ' Home Sweet Home.' It was the pleasure experienced In 
that celebration that made me glad to accept the Invitation to come here to-day. I have a 
message to deliver to you. The success of the Democratic ticket In this election means, 
upon the issue of the Force bill, life or death politically to Alabama. Let me carry the 
message back to my people that you will join hands with us in an attack against the 
contests In the past, or her convictions, and of the courage of her convictions 

•• We have heard a great deal about Tammany in the South. We have heard of her 
heard of you. and some look upon you as a tradition or as a legend. During the Chicago 
convention we stood spellbound before the eloquence of your matchless orator, Bourke 
Cockran, and we could do nothing but respect you and love you." (Cheers.) 

Other speakers were S. M. White, of California; II. Mansiir. of Missouri, and 
Congressman Pendleton, of West Virginia. 

The visiting Congressmen who favored Cleveland's nomination were de- 
lighted at the enthusiasm of the Tammanyites for Mr. Cleveland. " Cleveland," 
said Congressman Herbert, of Alabama, " will be supported royally by Tammany 
Hall. Why, the cheering for him here to-day almost e(|uals the cheering he 
received at Chicago when he was nominated." 

" When I go home," said Congressman Bryan, of Nebraska, " I will tell the 
Democrats of Nebraska that New York is all right. Tammany Hall is a great 
urganization, and it is solid for the ticket." 

The regular programme was begun by Grand Sachem Gilroy extending a 
welcome to the visiting Democratic Congressmen and the crowd in general. 
■After the song " Our Glorious Union Forever," by the Tammany Glee Club, 
Commissioner of Accounts Charles G. F. Wahle read the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence in a loud and clear voice. 

Congressman William J. Bryan was introduced as the first speaker. He was 
warmly cheered. Before he began some one proposed three cheers for Mr. 
Wilson, the crovvd thinking Mr. Bryan was the West Virginia Congress- 
man. They were followed with cheers for Tammany Hall and the Demo- 
cratic party. Mr. Bryan was forced to wait several minutes before the cheering 
subsided. Then he spoke for nearly an hour. He was heard throughout the 
hall and his speech was frequently interrupted with applause. 

In concluding, Mr. Bryan said that in his own State of Nebraska, while the 
Democrats were clearly in a majority and had a majority in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, the legislative districts were so divided that the Republican party, 
although in a minority, elected their own Senators. 

" The time is coming." said he. " when the election of United States Sena- 
tors should be taken from our State legislators and placed directly in the hands 
of the people." (Prolonged cheers.) 

No one at this time even dreamed that Congressman Bryan would be the 
Democratic Presidential candidate in 1896 and 1900. 

On the afternoon of the next day, July 5th, a meeting of the Executive Com- 
mittee was held, the ostensible object being to obtain reports from the leaders of 
the twenty-four Assembly Districts, and to consider a proposition to divide the 
city into thirty districts, as could legally be done under the recent Act of the 
Legislature on Reapportionment. The reports were not ready, but the time was 
utilized to very good purpose. A private conference between Messrs. Croker, 


Gilroy and the Corporation Counsel, Mr. Clark, was held, which resulted in the 

presentation of the following resolution to the committee: 

Resolved, That the Tammany organization, in executive meeting assembled, cordially 
indorse the principles enunciated by the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, and 
pledges its earnest and untiring support to the nominees of that convention— Grover 
Cleveland, of New York and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted, Mr. Gilroy (Grand Sachem) pre- 
sided at this meeting. In behalf of the resolution Mr. Croker spoke for the space 
of twenty minutes, a long speech for him. He urged upon the members of the 
Executive Committee the great importance of the coming elections, and the 
necessity for earnest work, explaining, fully, that though the Tammany delegation 
had worked for Senator Hill in the past, it was now their duty to support the 
nominees of the national convention. He said: 

" "We gave Mr. Hill our best, and taking all the circumstances together, we did the right 
thing. But Mr. Hill wasn't nominated and Cleveland was. I am convinced that Mr. 
Cleveland is stronger with the people than Mr. Hill would have been and that the party is 
not weakened by his nomination. I have been looking over the field and I am convmced 
also that Cleveland can carry the State by a larger majority than any Presidential candi- 
date in a generation. It is a rather curious thing — I don't know whether you have noticed 
it or not — but Presidential results in this State alternate. Mr. Lincoln carried the State in 
1864. In '68 Seymour carried it for the Democrats. Then Grant, in '72, brought the State 
to the Republicans. But in '76 again Mr. Tilden carried it, Garfield in '80, Cleveland in 
'84, and Harrison in 1S88. It is swinging toward the Democracy this year. 

" The party will carry the State, and it is our affair to create a majority in New York 
that shall be greater than that of Seymour in 1868, Tilden in 1876 or Clevels^nd's first major- 
ity in 1884. 

"Now I want the district leaders to talk to the district captains and the men upon 
whom ycu depend. Urge them to work harder this year than they ever have done. If 
there is any grumbling against Cleveland stop it. Heal up any little disaffection that may 
exist in your districts and all pull together." 

After some other remarks, all in the same spirit, the district leaders were 
asked to report on the feeling prevailing in their several districts at an early date. 
There seemed to be the best of feeling in the Committee, and perfect confidence 
that they were going to fight for the winning ticket. And their premonitions 
proved to be correct. 

1 40 



■f j— ? _ j^— jjjj HE 8lh of January, 1892, was a rcd-lelter day with Tammany 

lil^^iB^frl ^'''"- '^'^'''^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ anniversary of the battle of New 

Orleans), is always a day of special observance with them, 
nicniorizing a victory won by a Democratic General after their 
own hearts, General Andrew Jackson. But on that particular 
anniversary they had more modern victories to celebrate and 
rejoice over. Not only had the November elections filled their hearts with 
renewed courage, but their already large membership was growing so rapidly that 
the Secretary almost required an assistant to aid him in recording the names of 
returning wanderers, as well as of new recruits. 

On the first of January there w-ere already eight thousand recorded, and each 
dav thereafter added largely to the number; but on the 8th they poured into the 
handsome Wigwam, on Fourteenth street, with a rush. Regiments of politicians, 
who had long been fighting against Tammany, had given up the battle and sur- 
rendered at discretion, ready once more to renew their allegiance, and very glad 
to get back home again. County Democrats, Voorhisites, and even Republicans, 
had abandoned the tepees of the weakened enemy, and made with all speed for the 
shelter of the strong defences of the old W'igwam. There were also a large num- 
ber of young men anxious to cast in their lot with the conquering tribe. All were 
welcomed, the old truants with the new pupils. 

Among some of the well-known names added to the membership was that of 
William S. Andrews, the great " Resolution Draftsman " of the County Democ- 
racy; Jordan L. Mott, a sometime truant; Mr. Charles W. Dayton appeared as a 
debutant. One of those who excited much interest was William J. O'Dair, who 
had just been elected to the Assembly in the Twenty-third District of New York 
as a combined Republican and County Democrat. He was warmly congratulated 
upon getting under the shelter of the Wigwam. One of the candidates for 
Alderman in the Sixth District, who had deserted only a few weeks before, came 
in looking very happy, indeed, to be readmitted; while hundreds, who must here 
be nameless, but who had voted against Tammany in November, joined the crowd 
already anxiously awaiting enrollment at the hands of the .Secretary. Among 
those who could not escape observation, if he would, was the tall President of the 
Brooklyn Bridge, Colonel Alfred Wagstaff. 

At 8 P. M. a general adjournment took place, and the ever-growing crowd, 
leaving the lower ofifices, made their way to the public Hall, where Nelson 
Smith was made Chairman; John R. McGoldrick, Reading Secretary; Joel O. 
Stevens and John G. H. Meyer, Recording Secretaries; John McQuade, Treas- 
urer; Robert Kelly, Sergeant-at-Arms. 

Resolutions were passed in approval of ex-Governor Hill, also affirming the 
Tiecessity of economy in State affairs, and commending the administration of the 


city finances. Mr. Cockran then followed in a very fervid speech in which he 
referred to the fact of the numerous victories of Tanunany and also to the speedy 
recuperation of the party after their occasional defeats. 

'Mayor Gilroy then introduced the following resolution: "That we denounce 
the tyrannical, unchristian, and barbarious persecution of inoffensive Hebrews 
by the Russian Government, and extend to the helpless victims of this ferocious 
oppression our heartfelt sympathy, in the misery under which they suffer." 

This was passed unanimously. 

It was freely, though quietly, stated, on this occasion, that the Society had a 
preference for the nominee at the ensuing Democratic Convention, but that, if 
their preference could not be secured, Tammany would loyally sustain whomso- 
ever the convention should select. Before separating the Executive Committee 
appointed a special committee to visit Washington, on Januan^ 20th, to urge the 
National Democratic Committee to select the City of New York as the place for 
holding the nominating convention the ensuing month of June. 

^ -'fi ^ 

If this was a day of rejoicing, still greater was the jubilation at the close of 
the year 1892, when, after the grand national victory of November had been duly 
celebrated, and the routine business for the coming year provided for by the hold- 
ing of primaries in each of the thirty Assembly Districts of the city, in which, at 
this time, there were no contests of any importance, all was peace and harmony 
in the Wigwam. The only stragglers were those outside, striving to get in ; all 
the once opposing parties seemed of one mind, in this emulation. Scenes of the 
same nature had occurred before in the history of the Society, but on this occasion 
the rush was unprecedented — including not only County Democrats, Anti- 
Snappers, Voorhis men, but also old Republicans, who came in shoals, not for- 
getting a contingent from the old O'Brien faction. Among the notable Republi- 
can converts was John Nugent, a recent leader in the Republican Tenth Assembly 
District. Another of note was Dr. Wicks Washburn. Still another very active 
Republican convert was Mr. James Hart. Then, again, William P. J. Carthy, 
ex- Assemblyman; City Paymaster P. J. Timmerman; H. N. Elliot, and others 
from the County Democracy. 

One of the most interesting converts from the Republican party, who re- 
nounced his old allegiance, and came to cast in his lot with the Democracy, was 
the Rev. Nicholas Bjerring, formerly of the Greco-Russian Church in this 
city, well-known in literary and social circles of the metropolis. 

Among the curiosities of conversion was observed one of John I. Davenport's 
old political employees. 

The only changes in district leaderships for the year were in the First, Third 
and Thirtieth Districts, where Colonel Michael C. Murphy. Assemblyman Timo- 
thy Sullivan and Coroner John B. Shea, succeeded respectively, Frank T. Fitz- 
gerald, Henry C. Miner and Henry D. Purroy. The new General Committee 
had, at that date, a voting membership of 3,539, and an actual membership of from 
12,000 to 15,000. The District Committees averaging about 1,500 each, making' 
a total of 45,000 for the whole city. 

It is one of the most interesting features of the historical Tammany organi- 
zation that it has ever been subjected to alternate periods of virulent attacks by 


its political enemies, interspersed with seasons of special increase in growth, in- 
fluence, and consequent elation of spirits. Ever since the dissolution of the old 
l""cderal party, these contrasts have occurred. Other parties have lived out their 
appointed time, fallen into the senile stage, utterly decayed, and died a natural 
death, while the Tammany Democracy, invariably rallies upon the old battle- 
ground with renewed vigor, after every temporary set back. 

Why this radical difference in the fate of the Tammany Society, and its 
numerous and varied defunct opponents? 

Is it not in great measure from the fact that the Tanunaiiv Society has always 
acted upon broad general principles which every man can understand — such as 
the equality of all classes before the law; the right to freedom of personal action 
up to the limit of non-interference with others; the duty of all citizens to defend 
the integrity of the soil. The right of the States to maintain all the prerogatives 
conceded to them by the Constitution; the right of cities and towns to control 
their own local affairs? 

On the other hand, their opponents have been in the habit of assuming a 
spirit of superior virtue, unaccompanied by any evidence of this possession, with 
a strong tendency to favor classes, and to interfere with the natural rights of indi- 
viduals; in sumptuary matters. 

Particularly of late years it has been very noticeable how largely the Republi- 
can campaigns have been conducted (in this State), on the simple ground of abuse, 
condemnation, and unmitigated slanders against Tammany, without evidence or 
logical argument. Honest people will not bear too much of that sort of thing, 
and the natural impulse is, with those accessible to reason, to resent such whole- 
sale abuse of their fellow citizens and finally to sympathize with and act with 
them. Much of the latter day strength of Tammany is recruited from voters 
fairly driven out of the Republican ranks by their dishonest and unjust treatment 
of their Democratic opponents. 




]HE new year, 1894, opened with the cheering announcement by 
the retiring Democratic Governor, R.oswell P. Flower, that the 
State of New York, for the first time in seventy-five years, was 
free from debt. Has it been free from debt under his RepubU- 
can successors? In this message of the Governor another 
subject of importance to the metropoUs was referred to, as 
" the rising sentiment in favor of consolidation of the neighboring towns and 
cities." At this time the tax-rate of the City of New York was lower than that 
of any large city in the United States, and this was under a Democratic Mayor, 
who was also a Tammany Sachem. 

Early in January it is usually the custom to reorganise the Tammany Hall 
Committees; that is, if changes in the leadership or membership seems best for 
the interest of the Wigwam ; if not required, of course, the status is not disturbed. 
Changes are only made for cause, not arbitrarily. 

The question of the tariff and the " Bland Bill," for the coinage of the silver 
seigniorage in the Treasury, was occupying the attention of Congress, while the 
evil effect of the McKinley bill was pressing upon the business and commercial 
interests of the metropolis, and the suffering, but unthinkine, were clamoring 
against the President for not producing the "good times" which had been hoped 
for, but for the failure of which the administration was in no way responsible — - 
for one reason that his predecessor had left an empty treasury. 

One of the earliest meetings of Tammany's General Committee, in January, 
1895, adopted a resolution expressing the general Democratic sentiment as to the 
desirability of a prompt settlement of the Tariff question, which resolution, infer- 
entially, at least, condemned the Wilson bill as an unconstitutional and undemo- 
cratic measure, which was one of the main causes of delayed prosperity. In fact, 
the recent Congressional elections (special) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Dis- 
tricts were mainly of interest as affecting votes on that half-way and generally 
unsatisfactory bill. 

For seven years the Democratic party had been struggling for a radical 
reform of the tariff. In the House, the Democratic votes had passed the reason- 
able Mills bill, but this was lost in the Republican Senate. Of course, under the 
Harrison administration, no progress could be made; but in 1890 the contest was 
renewed, and the elections of that year showed a popular majority of over 1,300,- 
000 against a high protective tariff, and gave a Democratic majority of 148 in the 
House, but the Senate still stood in the way of relief; and thus the Wilson bill 
was finally accepted by the Democrats, because they could get no better, though 
it was far from meeting the wishes of the party. The later Dingley bill wa-s called 
the " revenue-reducing bill." 

The annual message of the INIayor of New York, Mr. Gilroy, was, or ought 
to have been, a convincing document, disproving the frequent charge against 


Tammany, hv its enemies, of mismanagement and general corruption in the 
administratinii of nuinicipal afl'airs — siunving, as it did, lliat. wiiile the tax-rate 
had been materiallv redneed, most vahial)le imiirovcments liad been carried on; • 
and this in face of the fact that New York city had paid very heavy State taxes, 
out of all proportion to the taxes paid by the country counties. 

During the year just passed tlic city had expended, (ir cnnt;acted, for exten- 
sive dock improvements the sum of $2,750,000; for new school houses, $1,400,000; 
for street repairs, $1,000,000; for Croton water works, including additional high- 
water service, and the sanitary protection of water supply, $3,750,000; for new 
armories, $240,000; for the Museums of Art and Natural History, $196,000. 

Tn addition to these sums, there was expended for new buildings, including 
the splendid new Court House, on Centre street, and a new asylum for the insane, 
in asphalting numerous streets, in rebuilding the interior of Castle Garden and 
establishing the Aquarium there, with other improvements and adornments of 
the city — in all to the amount of $20,850,000. During all the hard winter the 
Mayor was indefatigable in devising means for the employment of men whose 
usual avocations had been interrupted by the general stagnation of business. 

In the spring there was a fresh outburst of anti-Tammany combinations, 
including those chronic factionists, the Steckler brothers; the Michael DufTy 
Association; Walter Bahan's rather limited followers; and some of the "left- 
over" Voorhis party; while the perennial Parkhurst was in full bloom again. 
Later in the season the combination was increased by the organization of the 
redoubtable " Seventy," with which the so-called Good Government Clubs affili- 
ated. It was at this period, April 23d, 1894, that the " Lexow Committee " was 
appointed at Albany to inquire into the charges against the police force of New 
York city, of which all the convictions found were _subsequently quashed in the 
Supreme Court, sitting on May 21, 1896, chiefly on the ground that the witnesses 
produced by the prosecution were of such debased character and criminal record 
as to be unworthy of belief. The lawyer employed on behalf of Parkhurst, the 
chief complainant, was John W. Goff, later Recorder of New York. The 
most despicable means were employed by Parkhurst to try and injure the Tam- 
many organization, even descending to the employment of young boy spies to 
follow and watch respectable citizens (known to be Democrats) on election day. 
A curious instance of how prejudice without knowledge nullifies the reason- 
ing powers is illustrated by a little incident which occurred in the course of the 
charitable work undertaken by Tammany during the winter. One of the " unco 
guid" of the North Baptist Church was the chief performer of the Httle farce. 
Several thousand dollars had been raised by Tammany workers of the Ninth Dis- 
trict, and this money was put into the hands of its leader, Mr. Boyle, for distribu- 
tion. He divided it into smaller sums and sent checks to leading persons in the 
district whom he knew to be trustworthy. Among these was the pastor of the 
church referred to, the Rev. John J. Brouner. Mr. Boyle accompanied the check 
with a kindly note requesting that the money be dispensed for charitable pur- 
poses. When the announcement of the reception of this unsolicited gift was made 
at a church meeting, a Republican deacon arose and vehemently opposed its 
acceptance, on the ground of its "coming from a corrupt source." Fortunately, 
the pastor was endowed with a modicum of common sense, and kept the check, 
subsequently putting the money to good use in his immediate neighborhood. A 


prominent Tammany man remarked, upon a similar incident, "that the descend- 
ants of sucli Pharisees may be found in pohtics," adding, " they are those who- 
thank God that they are not as other men, and straightway go out to form Mug- 
wump circles." 

Early in May, Mr. Croker, whose health had been failing for some time, 
resigned all his political offices which he held in the Tammany organization, 
retaining only simple membership therein. His resignation, which had been fore- 
seen, was accepted by all the members present, with only one dissenting voice. 
No other leader was elected in Mr. Croker's place — a position he had so ably filled-, 
for the nine preceding years, and, in advance of this period, he had rendered fully 
twenty years of faithful work in the interests of the organization. His retirement 
at this time did not result from any loss of interest, but was simply a life-saving- 
necessity, and was insisted upon by his ph3-sician. 

Mr. John McOuade, a man of large business experience, was made Chairman 
of the Finance Committee, but the organization, as a whole, underwent nO' 
material change, every department being in a healthful condition, and well able 
to sustain their several parts in the general management; thus no immediate- 
necessity existed for selecting a special leader. As an old and experienced mem- 
ber remarked: "When a new leader is really needed, one will be developed — • 
Tammany never lacks able men." 

The Fourth of July programme was prepared in ample time, with the usual 
supply of excellent speakers and the unfailing enthusiastic audience, but one- 
event, which had not been announced, was received with a more intense outbreak 
of rejoicing than all the rest of the formal arrangements. This was the unex- 
pected return and appearance on the scene of Mr. Croker, which, to all but a very 
limited number, was wholly unlocked for. His reception was cordial in the- 
extreme, and to a great number of those present would have been ample compen- 
sation, if it had simply been substituted for the usual proceedings. As full 
descriptions have been given in these pages of several of these celebrations, it will' 
not be necessary to go into any detailed description of this one, which so many of 
our readers will personally recollect; and, really, the main event of the day was- 
the sudden return of Tammany's old chief, who, however, took no part in the- 
public proceedings, only greeting the friends who came to him and departing; 
from the hall before the orators commenced their " long talks." 




I HE Constitutional Convention which met this summer (1894), 
largely interested Tammany, as dealing with the question of the 
reapportionment of the Senate and Assembly districts of the 
State, with which, of course, considerable partisan feeling in 
both parties existed. It was not a new question. For the pre- 
ceeding fifteen years it had been the cause not only of serious de- 
bate, but also of not a little ill feeling. The Constitution of the State had pro- 
vided that an enumeration of the population should be taken every ten years, 
and that the legislative districts should be apportioned by the Legislature next 
sitting upon the new enumeration. An enumeration should have been taken in 
1885. At that time David B. Hill was Governor, but the Republicans had con- 
trol of the Legislature. An enumeration bill was passed, but vetoed by the Gov.- 
ernor, on the gorund that it gave to the Republicans control of 
the appointment of the enumerating officers. After the Legislature 
adjourned Governor Hill called an extra session, which reconvened, but 
passed the same bill which had been vetoed. Discrimination was clearly against 
the City of New York. The greatest injury to the Democratic party fell on Kings 
County, now the New York Borough of Brooklyn. Tammany felt somewhat 
relieved when Ithe worst was known. 

The Democratic State Convention, which assembled in Saratoga on Septem- 
ber 29th, again selected David B. Hill as their nominee for Governor, Damel N. 
Lockwood, of Erie County, for Lieutenant-Governor, and William J. Gaynor, of 
Kings County, for Judge of Court of Appeals. Although the last State election 
had not been reassuring, the Democratic party of New York met with brave 
words and good courage to renew the contest lost in 1894. The Committee on 
Credentials inadc its first announcement that the regular delegates from New 
York and Kings Counties would be seated. The Tammany Times, published in 
New York city, which was being distributed by thousands, helped to create a 
furor in favor of Hill, his picture being on the front page, and this was in every 
delegate's hand. When Hill's name was regularly placed before the convention 
and the roll call demanded, there were 383 responses in the affirmative, every 
county in the State having voted for him. On this occasion Mr. Hill was voted 
for in spite of himself. His candidate had been Mr. Thatcher, who was with- 

The platform adopted expressed its condemnation of a single silver standard, 
a worse than war tariff (the McKinley), and satisfaction at the repeal of the Sher- 
man law, adding: " We concur with President Cleveland in re.i;ar(l to the new 
tariff, the Wilson bill, that it does not embody the full measure of tariff reform 
needed." "We reaffirm the declaration of principles contained in the Democratic 
National platform of 1892, in favor of honest money; economy in puldic expenses; 
just and liberal provision for disaliled I'nion soldiers, and the true principles of 


Civil Service reform." This platform repudiated the Ineome Tax; favored all 
just legislation in the interests of labor, and denounced, " as contrary to the spirit 
of our institutions, any display of religious intolerance or political proscription on 
account of any special form of religious belief." 

The clause in the platform referring to labor appeared to have been widely 
read and appreciated by the class most interested. At a meeting in Cooper 
Union, held on October 25th, which was addressed by the nominee for Governor, 
the immense hall was filled by almost exclusivel}^ an audience of workingmen, 
who had come to see and hear the man who had done so much for the industrial 
interests of the community, and was ready to do more. Between forty and fifty 
different trade organizations being represented, including some musical societies 
and other forms of industry not usually classed as labor. At the close of Mr. 
Hill's address, which was vociferously applauded, a representative of Typographi- 
cal Union No. 6, read a list of beneficial laws affecting labor which Mr. Hill, as 
Lieutenant-Governor, and Governor, had secured for the State of New York. 

But enthusiasm does not always elect. And, in truth, it may be said, that no 
political organization in the United States ever had as formidable a combination 
against it as Tammany had at this time. Very shortly after the adjournment of 
the State Convention the experienced leaders had serious consultations how best 
to meet the threatening forces arra)'ed against them, their main efforts being 
directed to securing the right candidate for the office of Mayor of the City of New 
York. Several of the prominent officers of the Wigwam favored the nomination 
of Frederic R. Coudert, which would tmdoubtedly have drawn some of the pro- 
fessed reformers from their new allegiance to strange gods, thus exhibiting great 
magnanimity on the part of Tammany ; for Mr. Coudert had lately been working 
against the organization, but was still recognized as a Democrat untainted with 
Republicanism. Unfortunately, another spirit had been at work among the lead- 
ers of the Assembly Districts, which rendered the nomination of Mr. Coudert 
impolitic, if not impossible. Former Mayor Hugh Grant favored the candidacy 
of Nathan Strauss, and he was finalh' selected, and accepted the nomination, 
which, however, he later resigned, and the name of Hugh Grant was substituted. 

What had given the combined opponents of Tammany the absolute assurance 
that they could secure its defeat was the fact that in the State election of 1893 the 
Democratic candidate for the Court of Appeals had only won in the city by a 
majority of 31,677, and this was taken as a safe estimate of Tammany's strength. 
From this style of arguing the antagonistic element somewhat naturally, though 
erroneously, came to the conclusion, that if all the enemies of 1 armnany could 
be united, in addition to their permanent opponents, tlie Republicans, it would be 
easy work to overcome a matter of 30,000 votes. 

The strongest enemies to be met in the independent camps were undoubtedly 
the State Democracy, and the organization of the "Seventy," which was formally 
launched on the political tide early in September, and with which the lesser anti- 
Tammany associations and clubs were more or less affiliated; but the idea of this 
general combination must, in strict justice, be attributed to Parkhurst, whose con- 
tinuous preaching and personal influence had originally aroused, by his persistent 
assertions of Tammany's wickedness, and his own purity, the animosity of 
thousands of ill-informed but probably honest people: for it is a well understood 
element in uncultured human nature to take persistent assertion for fact and accu- 

satioii for proof. One of llie preacher's favorite topics was that of election frauds, 
which were urged against the police force, including indiscriminately. Republicans 
and Ueniocrats, but which the orators of the former party habitually referred to as 
"Tammany frauds," though, as ex-Mayor Hewitt pointed out, the same stereo- 
typed charges were brought in 1875, when Tammany held no office in the city 
government; and the same occurred under his own mayoralty. The inference 
plainly to be drawn from his published letter is that, in his opinion, wherever there 
were human beings and strong temptations, a certain percentage would fail in 
their duty under the very best conditions. The whole number indicted, out of 
some four thousand, were only seventy-two, of which twenty-nine were dismissed 
as unsustained, a few pleaded guilty; other doubtful cases were suspended, or 
referred to the next session of Oyer and Terminer, hut were not heard of again. 
All the convictions were procured by a Democratic District Attorney, irrespec- 
tive of politics, with no question of what party they belonged to. But out of these 
trials the reformers, in their haste to make political capital, did not 
scruple to throw such dishonor upon their own city that foreign newspapers and 
other distant critics felt justified in speaking of the metropohs of our country as 
if it were a place unfit for habitation — a species of treason which no Democrat 
was ever guilty of. 

One of the worst of these defamers was the Rev. George H. Hepworth, who, 
in his book on Armenia, refers to Tammany in such a malicious and untruthful 
spirit that every intelligent reader naturally asks himself: Is a man thus capable 
of slandering his own fellow citizens a reliable witness on any subject, especially 
the political conditions of a foreign country? 

After the defeat of the Democratic ticket, in 1894, inexperienced people 
began to talk as if the end of Tammany had come, but the old-timers of the Wig- 
wam were not in the least dismayed. They had experienced reverses before, and 
had outlived them, rising from them with renewed strength, like the ancient hero 
of Grecian mythology, Anteus, who, in his struggle with a formidable enemy, was 
reinvigorated every time he touched mother earth. The blow this time was not 
mortal. In the first place, the Tammany people knew that the adverse result had 
been brought about not because they were sinners above all men, but simply from 
the combination of unnatural allies, who, in the nature of things, could not long 
remain in unison, being held together not by any platform of principles, but 
largely by an ardent desire to achieve the handling of the city patronage, and not 
by any recognized historic party who had a future to look to. If these temporary 
allies had been the pure and disinterested men they claimed to be, they would not 
have conducted their campaign on a basis of wild calumny and falsification, as 
they did; and, in view of this, Tammany was satisfied that, with a little time for 
reflection, the mass of honest voters, who had been misled by misstatements and 
the hypocritical pretence of superior purity of motive, would soon see these pre- 
tenders unmasked by their own actions, and the betrayed people would recover 
their second sober thought and come back to the party of less pretence, but more 
habitual honesty of purpose. Besides, the Tammany vote had not been small; 
its candidate for Mayor, Hugh Grant, received 109,000 votes, which was only 
eight thousand less than the vote which had elected him in 1888: so the veterans 
felt; in their hearts, that it would not be long before these deserters would be 
speeding back to their old home, under the permanent shelter of the Wigwam, 



LTHOUGH New York State would have failed of its electoral 
vote for Grover Cleveland without the loyal aid rendered by 
Tammany, that organization stood on its dignity, and made no 
immediate effort to secure recognition at the hands of the 
President, as he had not been their preferred candidate, while 
naturally not averse to accepting any good thing which the 
Administration felt inclined to put in their way; and, while the men from " up the 
State," some of whom had even signed a protest against Cleveland's nomination, 
did not hesitate to make personal application at the White House for a share of 
the spoils, the officers of the Tammany Society checked the inclination to rush 
to Washington, but, instead, agreed among themselves what it was rightly 
entitled to, selected the names of the men for the offices to which they were best 
fitted, and, after waiting a reasonable time, quietly sent them to the Executive 
Mansion. Such was the seemly method employed by Tammany; while from the 
country parts of this State, and from every other State in t1-e Union, the White 
House was besieged with office-beggars of every class and description. 

The most important event of 1893 and which had a far reaching effect upon 
the Tammany organization was, of course, the State election. Already a num- 
ber of small factions, calling themselves anti-Tammany, and with no other excuse 
for existence, were cropping up, destined, in the end, to extinction, but trouble- 
some for the time they continued, simply seeking their individual interests, 
regardless of the greater interests of the party. Among these events affecting the 
interests of Tammany which burst into sudden prominence this year was that 
outbreak of unrestrained fanaticism which has been called " the Parkhurst 
assault," but though the reverend gentleman's name has been specially identified 
with the attack, ostensibly directed to the New York police force, yet, in intent 
and purpose, meaning injury to Tammany, he was not the originator of the move- 
ment which eventuated in the appointment of the notorious " Lexow Committee 
of Investigation." 

The original instigator was a business man, a cotton broker, named Henry 
Morehouse Taber, who happened to be foreman of the Grand Jury of March, 
1892, and who, in that capacity, made a wholesale charge of corruption against 
the police force and the police courts, acting, in this matter, in conjunction with 
Dr. Parkhurst. Adding his own opinion to the official presentment, he declared 
his belief that the police were paid to protect law-breakers, and that the corruption 
fund existing for this precise purpose amounted to $7,000,000 or $8,000,000! That 
a commission of inquiry into this man's sanity was not immediately instituted 
remains one of the mysteries of that period. This veracious individual indulged 
in other eccentricities of conduct, all of which were not known to the public until 
after his death, when his peculiar will disclosed some of them. During all of his 
adult life Mr. Taber had posed as a devout Christian, being on intimate terms with 


his Presbyterian pastor, acting also as a trustee of tlic clnnxli, and closely con- 
nected with other Christian societies; yet he left a will plainly asserting his total 
•ilisbelief in any and all religions, deeming tlicni all mere superstitions. Of course, 
Mr. Taber, as all others, have the right to believe or disbelieve what they choose, 
but what amount of mental honesty in any matter of moral ethics can exist in a 
mind thus inconsistent with itself? A daily outward appearance, and habitual 
profession of faith in Christianity, while, in reality, at heart a confirmed agnostic. 
While Mr. Taber lived he and Parkhurst worked together — the one a sclf-pro- 
iiounced hypocrite, and the other an impracticable theorist. Their work ending, 
as might have been expected, in a profound fiasco, so far as permanent results 
were concerned, to which farther reference will be made. 

The momentous Democratic State Convention which met this year at Sara- 
toga, on October 5th, met with no pronounced opposition to its nominees until 
the name of Judge Isaac 11. Maynard was presented as the candidate of the con- 
vention for Judge of the Court of Appeals, which drew out some hostile remarks. 
However, the whole ticket presented was accepted by the convention, and ratified 
at a meeting in the Wigwam, in New York, on the evening of the 27th. At this 
meeting Governor Flower presided; many enthusiastic speeches were made, and 
Colonel Fellows took occasion to specially eulogize Judge Maynard; yet, at this 
very time, there was, in the minds of some of the leaders, more than a faint sus- 
picion that the Judge would prove a drag-anchor to the whole of the State ticket, 
which, indeed, it did, as the following figures plainly show: 

Though the Democratic ticket had a majority of 35,066 in the citv, there was 
this difference: The qandidate for Secretary of State, Cord Meyers, received a 
vote of 65,000 throughout the State, while Maynard was simply slaughtered in the 
country towns, and, even in the city, fell some 30,000 below the general ticket; 
and thus, although the victory remained in the city with Tanmiany, there was, a 
reduction in the majorities which gave cause for thought. The falling off was 
universally attributed to Judge Maynard's name on the ticket: \ct he had always 
borne an irreproachable character, and in the opinion of his friends, in the matter 
charged against him, on this occasion, he had only acted on the principle of 
accomplishing an act of practical justice by the use of all the means which a 
fortunate opportunity placed in his way. 

The affair which caused his defeat has passed into history under the name 
of " the Mylod returns," these being the election returns from Dutchess County 
in 1890. In counting the ballots on this occasion it was found that a certain 
number of votes cast for the Republican candidate bore certain private marks, 
which could be easily identified; these, in the first count, were legally and 
properly rejected and thrown out. The political friends of the losing candidate 
commenced a contest for their restoration, and applied to the courts to effect such 
restoration; then followed a long series of law proceedings, "stays," "man- 
damuses," " injunctions," and all the devices known to the law to make the worse 
appear the better cause, on the one side to secure the recognition of the legality 
of the original returns, on the other to enforce the counting of the marked ballots. 
During this contest, by the delay of a mail delivery, Judge Maynard, who was 
acting at the time as counsel to the original board, had the opportunity, and 
availed himself of it, to present the original and correct returns to the State Board 
of Canvassers, and with this, undisputed before them, the Democratic candidate 


(Osborne) was declared duly elected to the Senate, as he had been in fact. The 
accusation against Maynard was that he had acted in defiance of certain legal 
injunctions, which he, as good a lawyer as any of his accusers, claimed were illeg- 
ally issued; but the rage and disappointment of the Republicans, who had thus 
lost a Senator, was unappeasable, and knew no bounds. Even some members of 
the Bar Association met together and formally condemned the position taken by 
Judge Maynard. So much excitement was there that eventually the Legislature 
ordered an inquiry, and a joint committee of both houses was appointed, but it 
soon dropped the whole business; sending in, however, a majority and minority 
report. The Legislature adopted the majority report, which practically exoner- 
ated Maynard; and Governor Flower soon after reappointed him to the honorable 
office of Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals ; but this nomination was not sus- 
tained in the ensuing election, to which Maynard appealed for vindication. 

The lesson of all which is that the people demand that their judges shall not 
only be of the purest integrity, but that it shall be of such a grade and quality as 
to be beyond question, even by their enemies. The writer has seen many political 
campaigns, but never one in which such vicious virulence was indulged in against 
a candidate of long established good reputation as that which pursued Judge 
Maynard. At the same time, it must be admitted that his defense, by his party, 
was very weakly conducted. The Judge died in Albany in June, 1896. 

Though the Democrats had carried the city, the State had gone Republican. 
Some of the causes of this defeat were sutfiiciently obvious, but leading them all 
was the " bad times," which conjunction of ideas and facts is explained by the 
common experience, that there is to be found in all commlmities a large number 
of persons who habitually hold the government responsible for business condi- 
tions, and the times were hard. The President was a Democrat. Hence, in the 
logic of many voters, it must improve matters to change party control. Added 
to this sort of reasoning, was some resentment against the President for certain 
appointments which were distasteful to the many of both parties, particularly that 
of a wealthy gentleman of Rhode Island, who was most widely known as a large 
subscriber to the election fund; then, also, Mr. Cleveland's attitude towards 
Hawaiian affairs, and his semi-support of the dethroned queen was displeasing to 
others. Still more potent was the disappointment over the failure to secure 
satisfactory changes in the tariff. The changes made not being radical, it was 
charged that such as were made were simply disturbing business, though, as 
the Democrats were not at this time a majority in Congress, thev could not 
properly be held responsible for this. Other minor causes added to the feeling of 
desire for a change. The hard times being at the base of all. Tlie Democratic 
victory of 1892 had turned largely on the question of tariff reform, and the reform 
had not materialized. But Tammany was not seriouslv discouraged. It never is. 
Since its leading object is to maintain the great cause of human rights, it is ever 
assured that it must and will prevail in the end, whatever delavs or obstructions 
temporarily intervene. As a means to a desired end, a special effort was made 
this year to increase the number of local Tammany clubs, and towards the end of 
the year, during the latter part of December, an innovation was planned for 
introducing into the organization of the Assembly districts a material change. 

The criticism had often been made that the government of Tammany Hall 
was wholly composed of place-holders, professional politicians. To meet this 


<jbjection, though it was not founded on fact, Mr. Croker conceived the idea of 
connecting with the local leadership a body of men specially selected for their 
business qualities, and their social status as business men, believing that such 
might be valuable aids to the usual leaders and would also add prestige to the 
party in the eyes of the general public. 'J'his plan was announced as experimental 
only, and not necessarily a permanency. Few of the existing leaders were 
enthuiiastic on the suggested change, but no serious opposition was made, and 
the arrangement went into etifect, working well in some districts, but in others 
producing complications; most of the business men themselves eventually with- 
drawing from the arrangement. 

At the late election delegates had been chosen to the Constitutional Conven- 
tion. Among the Tammany men thus honored we find such names as William C. 
Whitney, John Bigelow, De Lancey NicoU, Nelson J. Waterbury, Gideon J. 
Tucker, Charles H. Trua.x, Andrew H. Green and others of equal standing and 

Very shortly after the result of the election was officially made known, a 

systematic and combined efifort was made, by the opposition, to unite all parties, 

great and small, antagonistic to Tammany. What might be called the formal 

inauguration of this movement took place at a meeting on November 21st, at the 

Union Square Hotel. At this time and place the various malcontents assembled, 

and one obscure person offered the following resolution: 

nisohed. That a committee of ten be appointed by the Chairman to arange for a pub- 
lic mass meeting for a union of all anti-Tammany forces in New York. 

No expression of principles, political or otherwise, was offered, or apparently 
expected, thus illustrating the general and habitual attitude of opponents to the 
Tammany Hall organization, who, as a rule, have no other end in view than to 
secure the patronage naturally inherent in the administration of a large munici- 
pality. About the same time a remnant of the old County Democracy met, with 
similar purposes, in the Twelfth District, and one in the Seventh, calling them- 
selves the Citizen's Democracy. Other associations of great prestige were soon 
to follow. The association of the State Democracy was largely composed, at 
first, of the old anti-Snappers, of which faction Charles S. Fairchild was the 
leader. Just at the same time Senator Hill was bravely fighting the Federal Elec- 
tion bill, and Tammany was busy striving to alleviate the distress of the unem- 
ployed poor in the City of New York, by raising large sums of money in all the 
Assembly districts, furnishing fuel and food to thousands thrown out of work by 
the general stagnation of business. 




HE celebration of Tammany's great day, the Fourth of July, 
was not so brilHant as usual, on account of the absence of many 
of the leading men who had gone to the National Democratic 
Convention, which was to meet in Chicago on the 6th; though 
the gathering was interesting and enthusiastic, for, fortunately, 
the assembled patriots had not the prevision to see the perplex- 
ing effect which the nomination for President, made by the convention, would 
produce. Of course, there were individual sympathizers with the silver Bryan- 
ites, but to Tammany, as an organization, the ticket nominated at Chicago fell 
like a wet blanket, and for a time produced almost a sense of stupefaction among 
the most intelligent members of the Democratic party in New York city. The 
question of officially accepting the candidate and the platform was a very serious 
one; but it had to be met. Quite a number, like ex-Governor Flower, Senator 
Hill, Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch, the veteran Tammanyite, General Sickles, 
ex-Mayor Hugh Grant, and scores of others, openly and promptly repudiated 
both the candidate, Mr. Bryan, and certain principles enunciated in the platform, 
on the ground that neither represented true Democracy; yet — there was the 
one Democratic principle which could not be absolutely ignored, that the ma- 
jority should rule, and the Chicago convention represented, through its dele- 
gates, the will of the party. However, distasteful, Tammany decided that to 
retain the prestige of regularity, it would be necessary to formally accept the 
situation and make the best of it. 

Not only in the city, but throughout the State, the condition was a compli- 
cated and very trying one, to those of the party who regarded the action of the 
convention as undemocratic. To the more independent members of Tammany a 
bolt and practical protest seemed the right thing to do; hence the organization 
of the Sound Money party, who put an independent ticket in the field, with. 
Palmer and Buckner, for President and Vice-President, as their nominees; not 
hoping, indeed, to win, but as a rebuke to the Democracy of the West, which had 
controlled the convention. 

It was decided to hold the public ratification meeting at Madison Square- 
Garden on the 1 2th of August; and, although the heat was intense, an immense- 
crowd assembled to greet Mr. Bryan. There had been a marked degree of curi- 
osity to see new style of Dem-ocrat from the West, and it was asserted by old- 
New Yorkers that a large portion of the audience were non-habitues at Democra- 
tic meetings, but was largely made up of the floating population, who had not 
been able to leave the torrid streets and escape to the country. However, this- 
may have been, Mr. Bryan received such a cordial reception as must have given 
him the impression that his friends were largely in the ascendant, his speech being 
frequently punctuated with hearty and apparently sincere applause; though it was 
long enough and serious enough to have wearied any common audience on a less- 
lorrid night. As his arguments have been so widely published, there is no object 
in repeating them here. 



About a month later the Democratic State Convention met at Buffalo. Its 
main business was to endorse the national ticket, which it did, and to nominate 
State officers, including a Governor. Senator Hill's favorite candidate for this 
office wiis John Boyd Thatcher, and for Lieutenant-Governor, Isaac S. Catlin, of 
Kings County, a man who had now, but never previously, bolted a National 
ticket. The silver men were much chagrined to perceive the influence exerted 
by the General's attitude, while Mr. John C. Sheehan branded all sound money 
men as traitors. On this occasion the Hon. D. Cady Herrick, of the Appellate 
Court, took a prominent part. The nominee finally selected was Wilber F. Por- 
ter, of Watertown. The opposing candidate was Mr. Black, who, in the ensuing 
November, was elected. 

The campaign was not very exhilirating to Tammany, on account of the 
falling off of funds; so many of the business people who had been accustomed to 
subscribe liberally became timid over the situation, fearing financial disturbance, 
in case of the success of Mr. Bryan. This feeling was greatly strengthened by 
the daily reports of prominent Democrats having joined the gold monometallists, 
the opposition papers taking particular care to publish such lists as campaign 
weapons. After the election was over, it was estimated that 40,000 Democrats 
voted against Bryan. 

The representation of Tammany men at the convention had been small (only 
208) as compared with previous occasions, as for instance, in 1892, 1,200 attended. 
Mr. Croker was not present when Mr. Bryan was nominated; Mr. Sulzer spoke 
for the Tammany delegation supporting the motion, and, as the unit rule pre- 
vailed, the rest of the delegation was forced to take the same attitude, though, 
personally, so many were dissatisfied with the result. At a conference with the 
district leaders, held on July 21st, Mr. Sheehan, as acting leader of Tammany 
Hall, advised that it was best to ratify the nomination of William J. Bryan. His 
views being accepted, there was no object in delaying the public ratification, and it 
was decided to issue a call for meetings of the Executive and General Commit- 
tees; but Justice Frederick Smyth, who was at this time Grand Sachem, 
declared that he could not vote for Bryan — yet neither would he vote for the 
Republican candidate, Mr. McKinley. 

Some members of Tammany took the stand that the organization should not 
put up any National electoral ticket, but limit themselves to a State ticket. This 
position was taken by ex-Secretary of the Navy, William C.Whitney, but the ques- 
tion of official recognition, as the Democratic party of New York, overbalanced 
this idea. Finally, at a meeting of the Executive Committee, it was voted, by 70 
to 4, to indorse Bryan; but it was well known that the feeling was not nearly so 
unanimous as the vote. " ' Stand by the majority,' is the rule." said Mr. Purroy, 
though he believed in the monetary standard recognized by all the great commer- 
cial nations of the earth, and he added, "though the prevalent Democracy has 
wandered into error, it is far better constituted to act as the great agent for the 
preservation of the sovereignty of the people, far better entitled to my support 
than can ever be its irreconcilable enemy, the Republican party, that organization 
of monopolies and trusts." This argument was good doctrine, but the speaker's 
subsequent action effectually nullified his speech. 

1 64 



S was anticipated by those who knew the recuperative power of 
Tammany, that organization rapidly recovered from the de- 
pressing effect of the defeat of the party in the last State 
election. One of the amusing displays of " reform " claims 
to strength and influence was the ridiculously high figures 
which each and all of these factions put forth by grossly mis- 
statino- the number of votes they controlled, and the consequent recognition due 
to them from the victorious party. As, for instance, the State Democracy had 
claimed that they were absolutely sure of 50,000 votes; the Independent County 
oiganization put their help at 40,000; the German- American Reform had set theirs 
at 75,000; the Anti-Tammany Democracy at another 40,000. These alone cov- 
ered more than the total vote of the opposition: yet where was the vote of the 
redoubtable " Seventy ? " Where that of the Good Government Clubs? and 
all the other brood akin to them, including the much larger body of the regular 
Republican machine adherents? Some of the foes of Tammany, who had boasted 
loudly of their power and numbers before election, made such a poor showing on 
election day as to be simply ridiculous. 

But to the n'ew Mayor these independents of all sorts and sizes became a 
serious annoyance, each and all clamoring for their share of the spoils, while 
Tammany proceeded peacefully and quietly in its regular course, merely chang- 
ing its committees, so far as was required by the re-districting, in accordance with 
the new Constitution adopted at the late election. Biding their time, in the full 
faith of a certain and not distant return to power. 

At the first meeting of the General Committee it was decided that an address 
to the people should be prepared thanking the 109,000 men who had voted the 
Tammany ticket — this, perhaps, just to let their late opponents know that they 
were neither dead nor sleeping. In regard to the reorganization, it was decided, 
at a meeting in February, that to make it thoroughly efficient, it must be effected 
by the Sachems of the Tammany Society, as distinguished from the political 
organization, as these really commission the active leaders of that body, and. in 
aid of this measure, it was decided to elect new members to the Board of Sachems. 
A committee of five was authorized to nominate. The men nominated by this 
committee proved conclusively that Mr. Croker's influence was still potent, as 
the friends of the old chieftain were largely in the majority of those selected. In 
fact, there was not one who could be considered inimical to his leadership. 
Frederick Smyth was chosen Grand Sachem; Charles Welde, Father of the 
Council, and Maurice Holahan as Scribe. 

As the original Indian chief, Tammany, was called, in his old age, " the Chief 
of many days," so the Society which still honors his memory, may truthfully be 
called the Society of many days; for it has outlived all other political organizations 
ever formed in the United States; and, from its very nature and constitution, will 


continue to live long after its present opponents, of whatever name, are moribund, 
dead, or transniig^rated into new forms of existence, as has been the fate of all the 
preceding forms of opposition. Where now are the old Federalists; the Whigs; 
the anti-Masons; the Know-Nothings ; the Free Soilers; the Citizens' Union and 
all their kin? The Republican party, at the present moment, wearing out the 
loyalty of their best friends by endeavoring to conceal, rather than repudiate, the 
wrongdoers in the party? This feature of permanence is annually emphasized by 
Tammany's unremitting recognition of the 4th of July. 

To show the disinterestedness of the professional reformers, it is instructive 
to note tiiat Recorder GofT, the principal " Lexow " lawyer, had scarcely got 
seated in the Recorder's chair than he had the audacity and the greed to 
demand the patronage of four judges all for himself, and, without any rea- 
sonable pretext, asked for a large increase of salary. After the experience 
furnished by the latter-day purifiers of politics, not a few Democrats were tempted 
to apply the same verdict to the average professional " reformer." Mayor 
Strong, tlic so-called non-partisan Mayor, appointed, in May, the following mem- 
bers of the new Bi-Partisan Police Board: Theodore Roosevelt, Fred. D. Grant 
and Andrew D. Parker. Police Commissioner Andrews nominated Roosevelt as 
President of the Board, an office which he subsequently filled in such an arbitrary 
and unreasoning manner that he did much to hasten the return of Tammany to 
power in the city. 

The most striking change in city life, after the advent of Mayor Strong and 
Police Commissioner Roosevelt, was the enormous increase of crime in the form 
of burglary. At first this epidemic was simply wondered at, or feared bv the 
timid, but the reason for it soon became apparent; the policemen, instead of 
patrolling their beats, as formerly, were largely engaged in watching saloons, 
especially on Sundays. Not only that, but spying upon small shopkeepers, to see 
if they sold a loaf of bread, a sheet of letter paper, five cents' worth of milk or of 
ice. Thus burglars had plenty of time to plan and carry out their schemes with- 
out danger of discovery or interruption by the new police. \'iolent crimes of all 
kinds became alarmingly prevalent. This condition of things was so fully recog- 
nized that it even affected the city's credit. A three per cent, loan for onlv 
$2,256,371, absolutely failed and was withdrawn, though, only a few years prev- 
iously, a bond for $9,000,000 was readily taken up, when issued by a Tammany 
civic administration. In fact, the whole reform movement was rapidly proving 
itself a dead failure, because the leaders did not know how to proceed on a line 
with the general sentiment of the community, with which, in fact, thev had no 

The newly ordained Blanket Ballot, by some called the Raines ballot, requir- 
ing long and patient study, perplexing even to the most intelligent, was sprung 
upon the long-sufifering voters this year. The object of its framers seemed to be 
to repel from the ballot-box the poorer class of voters, who had little time to spare 
from their daily avocations in which to study out its complications; but, as usual, 
its framers failed to reckon on the resources of the Tammany leaders, who opened 
special night schools of instruction, in which they familiarized the men of little 
leisure how to safely deal with its intricacies. To begin with, there was, this year, 
on one sheet, nine party emblems, with the nominations of each of these parties 
to be selected from, according to the judgment or wishes of the voter. The 


straight Republican ticket had for its emblem an Eagle; the regular Democratic 
was a Star; the Democratic Reform was a Ship; the Prohibition a Fountain; the 
Socialist Labor party an upraised Arm with Hammer; the People's party (what, 
they wanted it was hard to find out) a Trefoil; Independent Citizens, a Sunrise; 
Citizens' Independent, a Horseshoe; Ninth Senatorial Independent Republi- 
can, a figure of Justice. Was not this medley enough to discourage any but the 
most determined voter from attempting to venture within the voting-booth, 
watched, perhaps, by some personal enemy, or, at least, an enemy to the voter's 

During the summer, while Mr. Croker was absent, what was called by the 
profane " the Steering Committee " of Tammany Hall consisted of Messrs. James 
J. Martin, Lawrence Delmour, George W. Plunkitt and the late Augustus W. 
Peters. The organization had been so constantly annoyed by claims for official 
recognition by small factional parties that Tammany was now seriously consider- 
ing the question of seeking a change in the ballot laws, by which the number 
required for recognition should be raised from 3,000 signatures to 10,000. This 
latter number would certainly have put the State Democracy, the Stecklers and 
others, hors du combat. 

The State Convention met at Syracuse, on September 23d. Senator Hill, 
who was in the lead at this time, was favorably inclined to the admission of most 
of the small factions, feeling that no ofifered addition of strength should be 
rejected. Perry Belmont was made temporary chairman and Roswell P. Flower 
permanent chairman. The majority organization, Tammany, obtained the use of 
the party emblem for their local ticket; the State Democracy, as also the 
Shephard Democracy of Brooklyn, was allowed but a one-third representation. 
As usual, the country counties exhibited their chronic jealousy of Tammany, and 
strove to curtail its influence. Mr. Belmont, speaking on the Excise question, 
condemned the State law, which allowed to country towns local option, but 
denied to the great City of New York one of the essential elements of Home 
Rule, li.e Puritanic Sunday laws and the " Raine's restaurant sandwich " came 
in for a good share of satirical denunciation. 

The ofifer of one-fifth of a vote to the State Democracy, while four-fifths was 
given to Tammany, excited strong indignation among the delegates of the for- 
mer, who finally withdrew from the convention. Some additional contention 
arose over the admission of the followers of ex-Mayor Grace, when Mr. Thomas 
F. Grady remarked that the combined votes of all the opponents of Tammany 
was less than one-fifth of the total Democratic vote. The Grace men thereupon 
left — in no amiable mood. After nominating a State ticket, the chief speeches 
made were directed against sumptuary laws being forced upon the city by non- 
resident legislators, who knew nothing and cared less for its needs, but never 
forgetting to exact a high rate of .State taxation. Senator Hill, in his speech on 
this occasion, coinciding in the views expressed above, added some remarks in 
favor of bi-metallism. 

Of city control from Albany the sentiment e.xpressed bv Mr. Belmont was 
the prevailing spirit of the Tammany delegates, as he had on a previous occasion 
declared: " Under the existing system stability of city government is impossible; 
our cities have no real autonomy; local self-government is a misnomer. All the 
evils of our city government arise from the following causes: First: E.xcessive 


Albany legislation. Second: I''ailure to enact general laws granting larger power 
to cities. Third: Absence of accurate information at .Mbany in respect to cities. 
Home rule is the only solution." 

The platform adopted embraced, in substance, the following principles and 

A Strong stand for Home Rule — no legislative meddling with piirely local 

Economy in public expenses^a strict audit of expenditure; a low tax rate. 

Honesty in public office — no corrupt traffic in legislation. 

Equal enforcement of all the laws; an orderly Sunday: modification or 
repeal of laws unsupported by public opinion; local option on Excise matters; 
no blue laws. 

Equal taxation; no partial legislation; individual liberty. 

Honest elections; official accounting of expenditures. 

Practical and honest reform in Civil Service; intelligent and liberal promo- 
tion of agriculture; improved highways throughout the State. 

Needed legislation for laborers. 

Federal taxation for revenue only; no Government partnership with pro- 
tected monopolies. 

Sound money — gold and silver legal tender; gradual retirement of green- 

Strict construction of the Federal Constitution; No Force bills. 

This platform was unanimously adopted. Mr. Sulzer offered a resolution of 
sympathy with the Cuban patriots, which was received with cheers. The nomina- 
tions having been completed, the convention adjourned sine die. 

As a result of earnest Democratic efifort, with an increasing dissatisfaction 
with Republican management, the former party made a clean sweep in the city at 
the ensuing November elections, the Tammany nominees being elected by a 
majority of 37,800. carrying in every one of its candidates for city and county 
offices, with some State and legislative; namely, three Justices of the Supreme 
Court, two Judges of the Court of General Sessions, the three Justices of the City 
Court, their nominee for Congress, and twenty-six out of the thirty-five Assem- 
blymen, a grand gain over the results of the struggle the previous year. But the 
people had not then suffered a year of Republican tyranny and misrule. It was 
at this election that the people voted the appropriation of $9,000,000 for the 
enlargement and improvement of the Erie Canal, which, later, under the adminis- 
tration of Governor Black, was officially charged by a State Investigating Com- 
mittee with fraud, dishonesty and waste in the expenditure. So clearly were the 
facts established as greatly to injure the Republican campaign of 1898. 



NE of the most interesting social events concerning the Tam- 
many magnates, in recent years, took place at the Hotel Savo> 
on February 8th. This was an entertainment given in honor 
of Mr. Croker. There were one hundred and fifty guests 
present at the dinner, which was very elaborate, and was not 
concluded until lo P. M., when Mr. John C. Sheehan, after 
a neat speech of welcome, called upon Senator Grady to respond to the first toast, 
" Our Guest, Richard Croker." Mr. Grady's reputation for timely oratory makes 
it unnecessary to introduce his discriminating eulogy of the guest of the evening 
here. He concluded by saying: " We do not want this dinner to become simply 
a memory; therefore, we have provided a more substantial testimonial, which will, 
in after years, testify to you (turning to Mr. Croker) and to your descendants our 
hearty affection." Here Mr. Grady presented a beautiful and costly Loving Cup, 
which had been subscribed for by friends present. 

Mr. Croker, responding, said: " This magnificent testimonial of your friend- 
ship I accept, being conscious of the sincerity of the sentiment which occasions 
your assemblage here to-night. I always attributed the success of the organiza- 
tion with which we have been so long identified not to my individual endeavor, 
but to your loyalty and truth, and to the unity and cohesion which marked your 
efforts to promote the prosperity and glory of Tammany Hall, and of the masses 
who were faithful to the doctrines of true Democracy. Now. let me persuade and 
entreat you to a continuance of that cohesion, that truth, that loyalty, and that 
unity among yourselves, at all times and under all circumstances." After some 
farther remarks, Mr. Croker closed his brief address amid loud applause and 
hearty cheers. Other interesting addresses were made, the banquet not closing 
until a late, or, more correctly speaking, an early hour of the next day. 

The Loving Cup presented to Mr. Croker is of silver, of a capacity of two 
gallons. It was designed and made by Tiffany. Its cost was $2,000. Mr. 
Croker sailed for England shortly after this pleasant testimonial to the esteem in 
which he is held by his personal friends and political confreres. One of Mr. 
Croker's sententious sayings about this time was. " That Reform needs Reforma- 
tion," and another, " The bossism of the newspapers is more dangerous than the 
political — the one can be removed, the other cannot." 




HE question of consolidation was beginning to attract more- 
attention as the season advanced. Tlie Tammany people 
were by no means a unit on this subject. Mr. Sulzer, for 
instance, was a strong advocate for it, while Mr. John C. Shee- 
han, in May, publicly praised the twenty-five Assemblymen 
who had voted against that measure. Tlie populous City of 
Brooklyn had sent up to Albany a protest against it, but Governor Morton paid 
no attention to it. The history of this movement was rather peculiar, from the 
fact that from its initiation its friends were incessantly active, while those who 
were opposed to it were absolutely apathetic, not appearing to realize that, if not 
desired, it was something to be vigorously fought; and it was not until after the 
vote upon it had been taken that they awakened to the necessity of action, which 
was then too late to have any staying power. 

When this bill was finally passed in the Assembly, in April — the Senate had 
always been strongly in favor of it — and it was submitted to the mayors of the 
interested cities for their approval or otherwise; both the Mayor of New 
York and that of Brooklyn vetoed it; but the minor and less important 
towns and cities outnumbered these two, and won the victory. The bill 
united under one city government the old City of New York; Kings 
County, including the City of Brooklyn; Richmond County (Staten 
Island); Long Island City; the towns of Newtown, Flushing and Jam- 
aica; and a part of the Township of Hempstead. A commission was 
appointed to prepare a charter for this combined territory. This com- 
mission was composed of Mr. Andrew H. Green, Mr. Strong, Mayor of New 
York; Mr. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; Mayor Gleason, of Long Island City; 
the State Engineer and Surveyor, C. W. Adams; the Attorney-General, Theodore 
E. Hancock; and nine other persons, to be selected by the Governor. These 
were required to make their final report on or before February ist, 1897. This 
Commission was empowered to employ a clerical stafif, to subpoena witnesses, to 
compel the production of public records, or municipal documents, and to admin- 
ister oaths. 

The two men who practically prepared the charter were the Hon. William C. 
De Witt, of Brooklyn, and Mr. David Dean, of New York, for many years con- 
nected with the Corporation Counsel's ofifice in that city. Mr. Dean's continuous 
labor on the charter was the proximate cause of his death. To meet the necessary 
expense, the sum of $25,000 was assigned to be raised by the cities of New York 
and Brooklyn in proportion to each city's valuation of its real estate. The last 
section of the bill provides that the consolidation " shall take cflfect on the first of 
January ,1898." This bill had been repassed by the Assembly in April, over the 
vetoes of Messrs. Strong and Wurster, by a vote of 78 to 69. As it was known 


that the consoHdation of the cities was originally a Republican project, devised 
for the purpose and with the expectation of overcoming the power of Tammany 
Hall, and that most of the commissioners appointed for the preparation of the 
charter were of that mind, the exact nature of that instrument naturally became a 
subject of much interest, and not a little distrust, although the integrity and abil- 
ity of its leading framers was not questioned; yet it was certain that several of 
these were accustomed to look at all matters of a polilitical nature from a different 
standpoint from that of the Tammany magnates. A reform mayor, m a neigh- 
boring city, had just drawn much criticism upon himself by his published expres- 
sion of his personal views as to " How to Govern a Great City," on account of the 
vivid contrast which existed between the conditions of the city, unfortunately, 
under his rule, and the exalted views professed. 

In New York itself, the city, under a " reform mayor," was simply an object 
lesson of discouragement. Probably meaning honestl}' to begin with, but sadly 
incompetent, from lack of experience — Mr. Strong was not a politician, but a 
bank President — his administration was marked with favoritism in appointments, 
free plunging into showy and unnecessary expenses; with a Police Department 
quarrelling among themselves; the head of another commission driving about 
the city in a gaudy brougham, with driver and attendants in livery; a Building 
Superintendant and Dock Commissioners under reproof of the Corpora- 
tion Counsel; a Street Commissioner, working, under such a negligent 
system of payments as eventuall)- to cost the city many thousands of 
dollars in the payment for work which was never done; not to repeat, here, the 
tyrannical application of laws which had wearied the people and made the very 
word " reform " a subject of ridicule. It was no wonder that the practical work- 
ing of the new charter was looked upon with considerable doubt, if not actual dis- 

The much discussed Raine's bill was signed by Governor Morton in the latter 
part of March. As Comptroller Fitch had already warned the Governor, so it 
proved, when put into operation. Mr. Fitch was a man of long experience in 
municipal matters. In the protest which he sent to Albany, he said: " I have never 
known so universal condemnation of any bill among all parties, and all classes of 
citizens, as exists in this city toward this unjust measure." The grounds of its 
unpopularity were numerous, but the fundamental wrong was its audacious 
invasion of the principle of Home Rule. Mr. J- C. Sheehan. acting leader of 
Tammany Hall, in discussing this subject, said: " A meeting should be called in 
every Assembly district, under the auspices of our organization, to denounce the 
Republican party for imposing such an iniquitous measure on the people of this 
State. It robs the charitable institutions of the city of over $500,000 annually. 
It robs the city of over one-third of its just tax, and gives this money to the 
interior counties of the State. It permits the opening of dives of all kinds, while 
closing the decent, quiet German beer saloons, and prohibiting restaurants from 
furnishing wine or beer with meals on Sunday. It will deprive of employment at 
least 50,000 workmen, hop-growers, hop-pickers — both men and women; saloon- 
keepers, cigar manufacturers, butchers, bakers and other industries. It injures 
real estate owners by closing a great number of stores, dependent on early Sun- 
day morning trade. It opens the door to the most gigantic political blackmailing 
machine ever imposed upon a law-abiding community." 



Another leading; Tammany member added: " It is a measure deliberately 
planned witii the clear intention of placing- almost arbitrary pfnver in the hands of 
favored Republicans." 

Commissioner George C. Clausen said: "It is a direct attack upon personal 
liberty; the most intolerant and aggressive measure the Republican party has 
ever dared to thrust upon the people. It will work great injury to the City of 
New York, and is certain to lead to widespread corruption, by putting the 
power of unlimited discrimination in the hands of partisans." 

The official opinion of Corporation Counsel Scott, of New "^'ork city, " that 
■certain provisions of this bill were to go into effect immediately." hurried the 
action of Chief Conlin, of the Police Department, in prohibiting free lunches, and 
in ordering bars to be exposed to view from the street; also inhibiting the sale of 
liquor to any under eighteen years of age. The police force were also informed 
that they might make summary arrests. These rules, however, did not apply to 
private clubs. Thus the rich were favored and allowed to do as they pleased. 



NE of the unprecedented features of the campaign of 1897 was the 
fact that every newspaper in the City of New York with the ex- 
ception of four, and those not of the largest circulation, worked 
against the Tammany ticket, using, instead of argument,, 
unrestrained abuse. Misstatements and tricks of all kinds, 
were resorted to by the combined opposition, with the morti- 
fying result to them that the Tammany nominee for Mayor was elected by the 
large vote of 228,686, being a plurality of over 80,000 over his strongest oppon- 
ent, Seth Low, the nominee of the Citizens' party; which shows that, whatever 
influence the papers have, they cannot crush the people's sense of right by the use 
of invective, against that of natural feeling of self-protection which can discern 
an enemy under the disguise of fine words, fair promises, or even threats of dis- 
aster, when experience has shown that these are false. To use the words of the 
great Lincoln, " You cannot fool all the people all the time." The leading papers, 
boasting of their immense circulation, fell powerless before the discrimination of 
the great majority, which does think for itself, at least when its personal mterests 
are interfered with by demagogues, under false pretences, however much they 
may be depreciated by those who claim to have all the virtue and all the intel- 

Self-congratulation before election had been so prevalent among the Seth 
Low party, who felt assured of victory, that the disappointment was most cruelly 
felt. A specimen of this confidence was presented by an act of the well-known 
lawyer, Joseph H. Choate (now Ambassador in England), who, a few days before 
election, and after prophesying the certain victory of Mr. I,ow. asked the popular 
Episcopal clergyman. Dr. Rainsford, to preach the very best sermon he could orr 
the next Sunday from the text, " Bew-are of false Prophets," meaning, of course, 
the Democratic leaders. When the election returns came in, less than a week 
later, there was no escaping the conclusion that Mr. Choate himself was an illus- 
trious example of the denunciation of the text. 

With the Mayoralty candidate, Robert A. Van Wyck, the whole Democratic 
ticket was successful, not a single Republican being elected in New York city, 
and only four in the Borough of Brooklyn. In the State the Democratic 
majority was some 65,000. Certainly one reason for this signal victory was the 
unexceptional character of the nominees: not the most fastidious of carpers 
could find any personal ground of objection to any name on the ticket. Ex- Jus- 
tice Robert A. Van Wyck is a native of New York city, of Holland stock, edu- 
cated to the profession of Law, and elected to the bench of the City Court in 
1889. His decisions have been almost invariably sustained by the Appellate 
Courts. He had long been a consistent Democrat. \Mien we remember that 
the consolidation movement was a Republican project, with the declared hope of 
destroying Tammany, the test result was, indeed, legitimate cause for extraordin- 
ary rejoicing by the Democracy of the great city. 


The lial)itiial caliuiuiy in vvhicli the opponents of 'raniinaiiv indulge has sel- 
dom had any sfiioiis result, and certainly no permanent effect on tlie organization 
itself, because intelligent voters know that most of tiie accusations are absolutely 
false or wild exaggerations. Uf course, like all human institutions, it is subject to 
nnstakes or temporary errors of ])olicy, but, in the general honesty of purpose to 
do well for the city, it compares more than favorably with its perennial accusers. 

Though this continuous and vicious misrepresentation rarely does damage 
to its specific object, it does great damage in another direction. It injures the 
fair fame of the metropolis of the country. It is treason to all the dwellers in 
the city. Every New Yorker is lowered in the estimation of foreigners. It must 
be so, when Europeans are led to believe that they willingly choose to live under 
an organization which is utterly corrupt, and have done so for over a hundred 
years! And what is the motive of these slanderers of the leading city of the 
nation? Simply to get control themselves of the municipal government, with the 
patronage it implies; and for this they are willing to blacken the character of the 
majority of their own townsmen. English and other foreign editors cannot con- 
ceive of such turpitude in what pass for respectable American papers, and conclude 
that the charges must be true; so they join in the chorus of abuse, and add their 
little mite to the defamation of the metropolis. Every American's moral sta- 
tus abroad is thus wilfully lowered by these conscienceless slanderers of Tammany. 

List of National Parties which Tammany has Outlived. 

Federals — Represented by George Washington and Jolui Adams I78g-i796 

Coalition — John Q. Adams 1824 

National-Republican — Henry Clay 182S-1832 

Anti-Masonic — William Wirt 1832 

Whig — General William H. Harrison 1840 

Liberty Party — James G. Biniey 1844 

Free-Soil — M. Van Buren 1848 

Free Democratic — John P. Hale 1852 

Whig — Winfield Scott 1852 

Native American — Millard Fillmore 1856 

Republican — John C. Fremont 1856 

Conservative Union — John Bell i860 

Independent Democrat — S. A. Douglas i860 

Single Tax — Henry George 

The crop of local opponents now hors dit combat are very lunnerous : most of 
them will be found named in a later chapter. 

Fiat Justitia mat Caelum. 
"Let Justice be done, though the Heavens fail." This appears to have been 
the controlling spirit in which Mayor Robert A. Van Wyck entered upon his newf 
duties, w-hich he had officially accepted in a speech of little more than a single sen- 
tence. In reply to Mayor Strong's address of welcome, holding out his hand to 
the retiring Mayor, he simply said: " I accepted this office at the hands of the 
people, and to them will I answer." The only preceding speech which he uttered, 
during the campaign, was almost equally brief, and was addressed to the members 
of the committee which announced to him his election, and was as follows: 


" Gentlemen of the Tammany Hall Executive Committee, I thank you all kindly 
for the work you did for me on election day, and I hope that I may prove as suc- 
cessful an executive as I was as a candidate." But, though so brief of speech, the 
new Mayor spoke quickly enough by his actions, reminding one of Shakespeare' s- 
"Cordeha," who says: "What I well intend I'll do't before I speak." His views 
upon municipal expenditures he summarized thus: " Increased expenditures 
must be guarded against wherever possible, without interfering with natural 
growth and progress." He believed in attending to one thing at a time. " It is," 
he remarked, " a waste of energy to preoccupy the mind unnecessarily; wait till a 
matter actually comes up for decision; you cannot do justice to what is before 
you, if you are worrying about future contingencies." Again : " I want men 
about me who will confine themselves to the duties of the office they fill." He 
also recognized the necessity of physical health to properly perform mental work. 
Hence, he refused to be hurried, realizing that time was needed to get all the ele- 
ments thus suddenly thrust together into smoothly running order. It was not an 
easy matter in all cases to fix the interpretation of the language of the charter. 

The Civil Service Commissioners, for instance, at a meeting held in Decem- 
ber, indorsed the action of the old New York Board, which declared of the char- 
ter "that where any Board or Department was legislated out of power under the 
new charter, its employees, without further examination, should stand at the head 
of the eligible list for promotion, in any similar department created under the new 
municipal government." This, of course, proved very embarrassing to the new 
administration. The new Civil Service Commissioners, however, took an oppo- 
site view. Messrs. Knox, Dyckman and Deyo thought Governor Black's civil 
service rules became inoperative under the charter. The practical question was, 
" Can the State Board control New York city ? " The charter, having provided 
that " All Acts or parts of Acts inconsistent with it, are to be regarded as 
repealed," the latter would appear to have been the true solution. 

Many other difficulties were encountered on the inauguration of the new gov- 
ernment of the consolidated city, but none occasioned so much perplexity, annoy- 
ance and disappointment as the condition of the finances, all the annexed boroughs 
having so managed, late in the preceding year, to involve their several sections 
deeply in debt, with the expectation that these local claims would be met and paid 
by the greater city. It was an exasperating condition which confronted the new 
Mayor, and drew forth from his closely guarded lips, referring to the largest of 
these boroughs, the expression that " it had left him a legacy of fraud," in that the 
annexed borough had recklessly expended large sums of money for which no 
satisfactory returns were visible, and had contracted heavy debts with the expec- 
tation of foisting the payment upon the consolidated city. As the most serious of 
these maladministrations had occurred in the large Borough of Brooklyn under a 
semi-Reform Republican Mayor, the object lesson of its exposure tended greatly 
to the removal of prejudice against the coming Democratic regeme in the greater 
city. , 




BILL had been introduced into the Ihinscin llic spring of i8y6, 
for the construction of six new naval vessels, but the Senate, 
in its false economy, had cut down the number to four, and 
when the bill was under reconsideration, in the House, a mem- 
ber had suggested the adoption of the Senate's amendment. 
If Mr. Cunmiings had foreseen the war of 1898 he could not 
have contended more vigorously or intelligently for the expansion of the Navy, 
which all can now see was our main strength and reliance against Spain, and that 
with a less forcible Navy than we had the war might have lasted for years. Mr. 
Cummings was Chairman of the Naval Committee of the Fifty-third Congress, 
and had been an influential member of the same in previous years, and had always 
favored the most liberal appropriations for the increase and development of our 
naval strength. 

Considering the honor which the Navy has, by its record of 1898, brought to 
the American nation, it is interesting to recall the fact that the Tanunany repre- 
sentative in the Congress of 1896, Amos J. Cummings, was one of the most per- 
sistent statesmen that had on every opportunity which was offered, during the 
nine years that he had been in the House, urged upon Congress the crying need 
for the construction of more ships. Two years before the proclamation of the 
war against Spain, Mr. Cummings made two most earnest and eloquent speeches 
in favor of increasing the Navy, showing, by historical data, the absolute necessity 
for the better protection of our seaboard and especially the desirability for the 
United States to have the means of protecting its citizens abroad, and the ability 
to meet force with force, if circumstances should require it, on the sea. 

Another eminently useful member of Tammany introduced a bill for the 
better lighting and general arrangements of the Forty-second street tunnel in 
New York, the previous dark condition of which had caused many serious and 
fatal accidents. Mr. William Sulzer, now Congressman (1900), is responsible 
for the Freedom-of- Worship law, (for all public institutions); the amended 
Mechanics' lien law; the Albany Capitol Appropriation law, intended to curb the 
wild expenditures heretofore indulged in on that perennial work; the amended 
law abolishing imprisonment for debt; the ten-hour law for labor; Woman's 
Reformatory law; the anti-Conspiracy law; the Constitutional Celebration law; 
a law for the establishment of the Aquarium in New York city, a valuable, instruc- 
tive resort for the people; with many other lav\s of essential benefit to the com- 
munity which, without his aid, would have failed. 

When Mr. Croker returned from his long absence, toward the end of Novem- 
ber, new life seemed to be infused into Tanunany Hall, and it was decided that a 
general, but gradual and quiet, transformation must take place, weeding out the 
inefficient or useless leaders and members, displacing such of the former as had 
failed in their duties or manifested a lack of zeal; infusing new blood wherever 
needed. Mr. Croker fully recognized the faithful work done during 


Jiis absence, and was not discouraged by the result of the late election. He said: 
" Tn my opinion, Tammany Hall made a gallant fight against great odds. The 
really large vote polled on November 3d in this city may be taken as a presage of 
iuture success. Of next year's municipal control, I can only say I am confident 
of victory. As I take it, there is no intention to fight a Presidential campaign 
during only a municipal one. Next year all Democrats will be together for the 
■common good." This expectation was founded on the belief that the silver ques- 
tion would then be eliminated from the contest. 

The Presidential election being over, Tammany was free to commence its 
work for 1897. The next campaign would be far more vital to the interests of 
the city than the one just passed. The Federal election affected New Yorkers, 
simply as Democrats, equally with all other Democrats throughout the Union, 
neither more nor less, but the municipal election next in view was altogether of 
another character, and one with which the party outside of New York had no 
special interest, but which was of far more importance to Tammany than any 
which had preceded it during its whole existence; for, on this approaching elec- 
tion tiirned the control of the enlarged metropolis for four consecutive years, with 
possibilities of an indefinite extension. 

It was well-known that the original project of consolidation of the neighbor- 
ing towns and cities with old New York had been conceived in the Republican 
brain in the hope and firm expectation that it would thus be able to overcome the 
influence of Tammany; and some even imagined that it could thus actually 
destroy the indestructable. Ex-Governor Black, in speaking of the consolidation 
measure, evidently viewed it from a political and not a municipal standpoint. In 
January, 1897, he said: "The extent of its influence is not safe to predict. Con- 
ditions have arisen more than once in which an entire national policy has 
depended upon this State. When questions of such moment become thus depen- 
dent, the position of the City of New York is commanding and may be decisive. 
Every move upon this subject should result from the utmost caution and study." 
Does not this expression of opinion clearly indicate that Governor Black was 
thinking solely of national politics, rather than of the wellbeing of the community 
for which the charter was at that time being prepared? The clearer such intent 
was developed the more intense grew the feeling in Tammany circles that the city 
must be redeemed and secured for the Democracy. 

At the Tammany Central Club, where Mr. Croker was present, early in 
January, he took occasion to state, anew, his position, which was: First, that he 
had not taken up a residence in England, which had been persistently asserted, 
but that his home was in New York, and always would be, but that he had defin- 
itely withdrawn from mere routine work in Tammany Hall, tliough he had lost 
none of his interest in its success. He next expressed himself in the belief that 
rotation in office was eminently desirable, with the full conviction that when a 
man had been in office three or four years he should resign, and make way for new 
men. This rotation, he added, keeps the blood in circulation, and excites the 
ambition of the younger men, and is an incitement to them to work for the party. 

An amusing incident occurred about this time illustrative of the habit of 
many Republicans of using every opportunity to make a verbal thrust at Tam- 
many, without any special reason for doing so. The event occurred at a social 
meeting of the Colonial Club, at which Stewart L. Woodford, our late Minister to 

Spain, figured, which vividly recalls the /o».v pas made by General Jackson, as 
narrated in a previous chapter.. On this later occasion (Jeneral Woodford 
happened to be present at the club as a substitute speaker for General Tracv, and 
was so led to believe that the Colonial was a Republican club, and, in respondiiis^ 
to the toast " Greater New York," he began a violent attack \.\\w\\ Tammany Hall, 
not apparently having observed the presence of ex-Mayor Gilroy, Colonel William 
L. Brown and other leading Democrats. Commencing his ill-timed tirade, he 
predicted, among other offensive remarks, that " the combined anti-Tammany 
forces would soon throttle Tammany Hall," etc., etc. Colonel Brown could 
endure no more, and rose to fesent the attack. He got no farther than, " I 
denounce," when General Woodford, perceiving his blunder, hastily concluded 
his speech, and left the room, while Colonel Brown's friends ilid all they could tc 
pacify him. The fact was that the Colonial Club was composed of gentlemen be- 
longing to both political parties, and was wholly social in its nature. If this fact 
had been communicated to the General, in time, it would have saved him from a 
very mortifying discomfiture. 

An incident of a different nature, though akin to this as an exponent of ignor- 
ant prejudice, happened in the County Clerk's office in New York. An elderly 
citizen entered to ask some ordinary question which the Deputy Clerk. Mr. Scully, 
courteously answered. On turning to go, the visitor happened to notice on the 
wall the sign, " Smoking prohibited here." " I am glad to see that notice," he 
remarked; " when those Tammany rascals held possession here they would have 
had that down in two minutes, but a citizen can get civilly treated here now," 
etc., etc. Just look round, and see the gentlemanly-looking clerks." " My good 
man," said Mr. Scully, "this office is in charge of gentlemen who are all con- 
nected with Tammany Hall." " What's that ? " exclaimed the astounded citizen. 
" I say," repeated Mr. Scully, " that all the gentlemen at these desks are members 
of Tammany Hall." On comprehending which statement, the bewildered man, 
without another word, beat a masterly, if somewhat hasty, retreat. He, like 
thousands of others, had evidently formed his opinion from some of the vitupera- 
tive Republican orators, or papers, without really knowing anything on which to 
form a just opinion. 

At a meeting of the General Committee in January, 1897, one of the speakers, 
referring to the last election, in the exuberance of his faith, exclaimed: " Tam- 
many Hall serves notice to-night on the ignorant and incompetent administration 
which now governs the city (the Strong and Roosevelt) that it has started a relent- 
less warfare against the ' reform ' cabal, which will not end till that cabal is 
exterminated root and branch, and New York city is redeemed from its domina- 
tion. This ignorant set has made New York city ridiculous in the eyes of the 
world, presenting the picture of Hypocrisy arm in arm with the ghost of assumed 
Virtue; watching Hope die in the arms of official Incompetency." These words, 
extravagant though they might sound, under the circnmstances. were destined to 
be redeemed at the polls within less than a twelvemonth of the time in which they 
were uttered. The only defection of any account at this time was the with- 
drawal of County Clerk Henry D. Purroy, who had been Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Organization. It was not considered remarkable that this self-centred 
person should bolt at any moment, as his proclivity that way had become chronic, 
His action had no observable ill results. 


On the occasion of the celebration of the National Independence, this year, 
Hon. Amos J. Cummings gave the key-note to the general thought. He said: 
" It is time for a declaration of independence on the part of the people of the City 
of New York. Home Rule is what is wanted. The city to-day is simply a 
satrapy of the State. It recalls the situation of the colonies in 1776. The time 
for this new declaration of independence is the coming fall. The result of the 
election then will express the sentiment of the people. If they desire to continue 
to pay 64 per cent, of the State taxes on a one-fourth representation in the Legis- 
lature, they will not vote the Tammany ticket. A vote for the Tammany ticket is 
a declaration of independence on the part of every individual citizen, and the re- 
pudiation of bigotry, intolerance and dishonesty masquerading under the guise of 

Of course, the Republicans, and all monometallists, had been hoping that 
Tammany would fully adopt and support the 16 to i silver heresy; as this attitude 
would have given them the most effective weapon which they could have hoped 
for in the great battle; but, being disappointed in this they still endeavored to 
fix this stigma upon the party, not realizing that the people knew that the National 
campaign was really over, and that silver had nothing to do with the coming 
struggle. One of the clearest statements on this point was made by the 
able editor of the Tammany Times, in the issue of that paper of date May 
15th, 1897. The article is too long for insertion here, but the following are 
the main points of the argument. He asks: "What has the national financial 
question to do with the local government of the City of Greater New York ? The 
opponents of Tammany are trying to 'ring a dead issue into a live campaign.' 
What we want in this great city is Home Rule, pure and simple, in the true sense 
of the word. Under Tammany administration, taxes were lower: the Police 
Department more efficient; every one of the city departments was in better condi- 
tion; all petty differences were not aired before a long-sufifering public through 
sensational newspapers; but were promptly adjusted by the officers of the Tam- 
many organization; and, under that control, how much better were the times 
than under this present ' reform ' administration? Certainly, we had the misfor- 
tune, under the previous Democratic Mayor, to be assailed by a mass of howling 
Dervishes, calling themselves reformers. One Goff, having attained to a place of 
importance, becoming prominent through the Lexow investigation, displayed his 
skill at cross-examination by forcing a reluctant witness to confess that a 
majority of the Republicans holding office in the city were corrupt! This investi- 
gation cost the city many thousands of dollars. Yet there is worse corruption in 
all the reform city departments now (1897) than ever existed under Tammany. 
Even Mayor Strong complimented Tammany and its President of the Board of 
Police, by keeping the incumbent of that office six months under his own 




HAT no false economy but good management accounted for the 
better showing of Democratic rule it is well to remind our 
readers of a few facts of which indeed they can scarcely be ig- 
norant, as that ^luring the six years under consideration thirty- 
three capacious school-houses were built, and at the close of 
Mayor Gilroy's term of office fourteen additional schools and 
annexes were in process of erection. It was Democratic officials who inau- 
gurated the great and much needed work of improving the water-front in the 
early months of 1889. Useless piers were removed; fifty-five substantial, fine 
piers were built, and twenty-three piers extended; nearly 20,000 feet of new- 
bulkhead and crib work were completed, ready for use, greatly to the advantage 
and increase of commerce to this port. Contrast this with the record of the "re- 
form" Dock Commissioners, who neither built nor extended a single pier. 

In the matter of streets, from January ist, 1889, to December ist, 1894, 168 
miles of new pavement were laid, and 250 miles relaid and repaired; and, before 
the close of the second Democratic Mayoralty, 107 miles of new water-mains had 
been laid, and the water supply of the city nearly doubled : and for the sanitary 
improvement of the city many miles of new sewers were not only laid, but car- 
ried far enough out from the ends of the new piers to ensure the contents being 
carried a safe distance from the shore. Among other valuable services rendered 
the community by Tammany, might be mentioned the erection of armories, 
court houses, viaducts, bridges, small parks and other improvements, so numer- 
ous that even the briefest mention of them would be tedious. In view of these 
facts, and many more of a similar nature which may be readily verified at the vari- 
ous departments by those desiriug the truth, there does not seem nuich room for 
charges of misapplication of funds or wasteful extravagance. 

The truth is that, with all the outcry about partisan politics, a body of men 
filling public offices, without an organized party behind them, are the most 
unsafe of municipal managers — not being responsible to any authority, and know- 
ing the unstable tenure of their position, they are under the strongest temptation 
to make the most of their opportunity in grasping at the spoils: while, on the 
contrary, organized, permanent parties have always the future welfare of that 
party to consider, which acts as a wholesome check in causing the officeholder to 
reflect on the bearing any unfaithfulness on his part would have on the future 
success of his party and his own career. 

Mr. Croker arrived from Europe the first week in .September. During his 
absence rumors had been rife as to who would be the permanent leader of the 
organization, which appeared for two or three years to have been open to who- 
ever was best able to fill the position; with a natural supposition that the man 
whom Mr. Croker had designated as his choice, when he resigned the Chairman- 
ship of the Finance Committee, would hold the place permanently; while other 


eminent members of the organization were more specially favored by their per- 
sonal friends. All this mass of conjecture dropped away as if by magic when the 
veteran manager reappeared upon the scene. Within a very brief period, with- 
out any formality or public resumption of his old-time offices, he was practically 
recognized as the dominant mind, and just the man needed for the great struggle 
now within a few weeks of victory or defeat. 

The great Democratic Convention, which was held in the Grand Central 
Palace this fall, was the first lammany meeting which recognized Brooklyn lead- 
ing Democrats as natural colaborers, Messrs. Bernard J. York and Almet F. 
Jenks, with others from that borough, being heartily welcomed to the platform. 
It was at this meeting that the name of Robert A. Van Wyck was first publicly 
mentioned as a fitting candidate for the Mayoralty of the great city so soon to 
commence its chartered existence. The nomination was made by Justice 
McCarthy, of the City Court, which he introduced with a short, but telling speech, 
ex-Judge Troy, of Kings, seconding the nomination. Other municipal officers 
were selected, and a platform naturally followed. This latter emphasized the need 
of those cardinal Democratic doctrines, Home Rule and personal liberty, con- 
demning the Raines law; conspiracies to crush out competition in business; in 
favor of municipal ownership of municipal franchises; reduction, to a reasonable 
rate, of illuminating gas; insisting on the eight-hour law for labor; favoring ade- 
quate school accommodations; the development of rapid transit and public 
improvements of every character. With these plainly expressed aims and pur- 
poses, they asked the people for that support which was, two months later, 
answered with a most emphatic affirmative response. 

By this time the Citizens' Union, with Seth Low for its candidate, was 
engaged in active work. Senator Piatt was urging his candidate, General Tracy, 
on the regular Republican voters. Henry George had gathered quite a numer- 
ous following, while smaller factions of both parties were following with a hue and 
cry — it was Tammany against the field, but, with undaunted courage and feeling 
certain of success, because the community, by this time, had sufficient experience 
of " reform government " to compare its claims with its performance. 

At this point it became important to secure the active co-operation of the 
populous Borough of Brooklyn, which was the stronghold of the Seth Low party; 
and all politicians recognized the fact that the position taken by the trusted and 
experienced leader, Mr. Hugh McLaughlin, would have a decided influence upon 
the voters of that section. Little doubt, however, was entertained that he would 
give his hearty support to the municipal ticket though ever jealous of the honor 
and the just claims of Brooklyn. Those who knew him best felt certain that he 
would not desert the general interests of Democracy, or risk its defeat, out of any 
feeling of uncertainty as to how^ his native borough might fare in the consolida- 
tion of the cities. The event proved that his good common sense and his keen 
political insight could be depended upon to throw his powerful influence in the 
direction of destroying fake reform, and re-establishing an honest and reliable city 
government, so sadly warped from its course of true reform under the control of 
fanaticism, bigotry and extravagance. 

Among all the combinations attempted against Tammany at this time there 
was none more grotesque than one which was made in the Harlem district, to 
effect a union between the Republicans, the Citizens" Union and the Henrv 


i^ieorge League. The Republicans, representing, as they did, strictly machine 
rule, and a " boss " specially execrated by the Citizens' party, the Seth-Lowites 
standing for the money power and as claimants to su])erior virtue; while the 
Henry George party, falsely calling themselves Jefifersonian Democrats (a name 
to which they had not a shadow of rightful claim), and really rc])resenting noth- 
ing but the debasement of our currency and impractical, even fantastic notions, 
such as the single-tax theory. Where was the mental or moral cement which 
could bind together such heterogeneous material? 

Mr. Croker, viewing, with some amusement, the ihwv K-ading opjxinents to 
be met at the polls, sententiously grouped them thus: 

A vote for Benjamin F. Tracy means the rule of Plutocracy. 

A vote for Seth Low means a Dictatorship. 

A vote for Henry George means Socialism. 

A vote for Robert A. Van Wyck means individual freedom and Home Rule. 

He added: "The Democratic organization known as Tanuuany Plall is the 
only party that has always protected the interests of the jjcoplc absolutely, fear- 
lessly and faithfully, as representing the Democratic party." 

It has been sometimes asked: ''IVhy, if Tammany possesses average political 
honesty, arc so many people found prejudiced against itf" There are two 
reasons. One is that its opponents have always dealt largely in vituperation 
rather than argument, and so influenced many who listen to only one side; while 
the Democratic party practice just the reverse, deal in argument and avoid abuse. 

Another reason is that when Tanuuany finds anything going wrong in that 
organization, the Society is the first to expose it and root it out, and secure the 
punishment of the ofifender. Thus the wrong immediately liecomes known, and 
the whole party is blamed, when, indeed, this action is deserving of credit. The 
opponents of Tammany have habitually taken the opposite course — as they have 
so recently exemplified in the matter of army contracts, etc. Their aim uniformly 
is not to expose faults or crimes in their partisans, but to conceal the crime, if 
possible, and shield the criminal, while claiming a monopoly of all the virtues. 
Which is the honester course? 

This is a great cosmopolitan and Democratic city, and should be governed by 
men of Democratic minds. They should not rest until Home Rule is 
secured. They should make their own laws, and not be hampered by 
country gentry who cannot understand the needs of a great metropolis. 
Misrepresentation of Tammany has been so habitual that manv accept the mere 
accusations for truth, mainly from the fact of constant repetition, never taking 
the time or having interest enough to seek out the truth for themselves. An' 
organization which has endured all kinds of assaults for over a century must 
necessarily be honest in its methotls. If unsound in any essential of good govern- 
ment, could it have endured so long in a free Republic? 

At a large and most enthusiastic meeting of the General Committee, held the 
first week in June, the Secretary, John B. McGoldrick, read an elaborate paper 
setting forth the unseemly condition of the reform government of the City of 
New York, of which the following items formed a part : 
k First — The proven fact that every charge against Democratic city officials by 
the Lexow investigating committee, in 1894, was shown to be false; though the 
J sum of $200,000, half of which was authorized by the State Legislature for the 



employment of expert accountants, was expended in the search; and also that 
Democratic officeholders, during their six years in office, handled $250,000,000, of 
which not one dollar was stolen or wasted! 

Secondly — That every contract entered into for public work was awarded to 
the lowest bidder. 

Thirdly — That no public work was paid for until the inspectors and engineers 
of the department had certified that the specifications were strictly carried out, 
and that this was also indorsed by the engineers of the Comptroller's office. 

The annual yearly budget under Mayors Grant and Gilroy, from January 
1st, 1889, to December 31st, 1894, was $34,210,310.33. The budget for 1897, 
under Mayor Strong, was $45,686,297.17. 

Here is a list of the increased amounts in each department under Mayor 
Strong above the expenditures of the last year under Tammany administration: 


Mayor's office and Bureau of License, Common Council $14,155 

Department of Public Works 467,595 

Department of Street Improvements " 420,390 

Department of Health , 156,278 

Police Department 1,844,792 

Street Cleaning 1,130,863 

Fire Department '. 195,529 

Department of Buildings 1,36,085 

Taxes and Assessments 42,500 

Board of Education 1,297,105 

Commissioners of Accounts 27,500 

Sheriff's office 12,050 

Armories and Drill Rooms ... 39,689 

Salaries of Judges 320,070 

Miscellaneous account 397,098 

And yet the cry continued that extravagance, fraud and corruption marked 
Tammany control! 




HE complication of the finances continued for several months, 
mainlv over the question whether county debts could be justly 
charged to the consolidated city, and, also, whether public work 
contracted for, but not accomplished, in some cases not even 
commenced, could properly be reckoned as part of the city 
debt. The various legal opinions uttered upon the question 
whether New York had exceeded its "debt limit" was not finally cleared up, so as 
to give the new administration full liberty of action, until July, 1899, when it was 
clearly demonstrated that the city was well within its legal right to issue new 
bonds, and take up the needed work of improvements; since when, every depart- 
ment has been pushed to its utmost capacity. 

New York city is constantly handicapped by the irritating and unjustifiable 
interference of the State Legislature. The narrow-minded, who appear at present 
to be in the majority, never seem happy unless they are devising some plan to 
interfere with Home Rule in the metropolis — as if the residents of any location 
were not better fitted to judge of their own needs than non-residents can possibly 
be. If this sort of spirit continues to actuate the State government, tfie question 
may very possibly develop as to dniding the State, so as to give to the largest city 
in the United States real Home Rule, of which it is now deprived by the constant 
interference of the Legislature, whose action, instead of striving to benefit the 
metropolis, is ever directed to curtailing its liberties, and making it subordinate to 
outside influence — certainly not superior in intelligence, or any other good qual- 
ity, to the sound Democracy of the Empire City of the whole country. 





I T various times in the life of this Society, numerous efforts were 
made to destroy its existence, as well as to impair its usefulness. 
It being a very strong and powerful Democratic organization, 
based, as is now understood from the preceding pages on the 
Rock of Liberty, it became quite important for its opponents 
to try to weaken its power, and in so doing they have ever freely 
used the unworthy weapons of vituperation and slander, against its representa- 
tives as well as against the Society itself. 

In fact, the opponents of the political faith represented by the Tammany 
organization seem to have made a special point of trying to destroy by defama- 
tion of character both individuals as well as the general good name of the Society, 
believing that that was the best policy to destroy the effectiveness of its organi- 

In 1876, an extraordinary effort was made to abolish the Tammany Society, 
not openly, but under cover of a bill introduced in the State Senate by Senator 
Wooden, a Republican. This bill, as was generally believed and asserted at the 
time, was projected and actually drawn by Dorman B. Eaton, a Republican 
reformer in the City of New York, who appeared before the Judiciary Committee 
ni its support. It was entitled, " An Act to prevent the abuse of corporate fran- 
chise and special privileges conferred by law through their use for corrupt and 
partisan purposes." 

The members of the Legislature saw the dangerous power contained in the 
bill, and also perceived, as the New York Tribune expressed it, that " such a 
sweeping measure might hit where it was not intended." 

The unceasing political feud, always existing in the State of New York, how- 
ever, incited several efforts to control and divert the purposes of the Society, one, 
particularly strong, being in 1879, after the bolting of the Tammany delegates to 
the State Convention and the nomination of John Kelly for Governor. The 
County Democracy, organized under Abram Hewitt, Edward Cooper and others, 
made a tight at the polls of the Tammany Society at its regular meeting that year, 
and were defeated by a large majority. The Board of Sachems favored by Mr. 
Kelly was elected, and his influence and power continued in the Tammany 

Then, and now, the policy of all its opponents has been, as is well known, to 
villify and traduce the Society, while year after year, the confidence of the people 
is attested in its beneficence and usefulness, by the increased majorities at the 




1789 — 90. William Mooney. 

1790 — 91. William I^ht Smith. 

1791 — 92. JosiAH OcDEN Hoffman. 

1792 — 93. John R. U. Rogkus. 

1793 — 94. WiLLL\M I'li'T Smith, 

1794 — 95. J()H.\ I.iTii.i;. 

179s — 96. Peter R. Luingston. 

1796 — 97. Nicholas Evertson. 

1808. Benjamin Romain. 

181 1. Clarkson Crolius. (Major Twenty-seventh Regiment United 
States Infantry.) 

181 1. WiLLL\M Mooxev. 

1819. Clarkson Crolius. 

1820. Walter Bo-.vne (Mayor of New York i 
George Seaman*. 

Samuel D. Romaine. 

Matthew L. Davis. 

Samuel Hawkens. 

Shivers Parker. 

M. M. Noah (Editor National Advocaif\ 

Robert B. Boyd. 

William McMukray. 

William J. Waldron. 

George G. Warner. 

Samuel Hopkins. 
1844 — 45. James Conner. 
1845 — 46. Daniel E. Delevan. 
1846 — 51. Elijah F. Purdv 
185 1 — 54. Daniel E. Delevan 
1854 — 55. Elijah F. Purdy. 
1855 — 56. Lorenzo D. Shepard 
1856 — 58. Daniel E. Delevan. 
1858 — 60. Isaac V. Fowler. 
i860 — 61. James Conner. 
1861 — 62. William D. Kennedy. 
1862 — 63. Nelson J. Waterhury. 
1863 — 66. Elijah F. Purdy. 

1866 — 68. John T. Hoffman (Governor of New Yorki 
1868 — 71. William M. Tweed. 
1871 — 74. Augustus Schell. 
1884 — 85. Charles H. Haswell. 
• Records lost. 


1891— 93- 




P. Henry Dugro (Justice Supreme Couri). 

James A. Flack. 

Abram D. Tappan. 

Thomas F. Gilroy. 

Frederick Smyth (Justice Supreme Court). 

Frederick Smyth (Justice Supreme Court). 

Thomas L. Feitner. 

Thomas L. Feitner. 

Thomas L. Feitner. 

Thomas L. Feitner. 

* Date of term of office uncertain, records being: lost; as also terms of office between 
1797 and 1808. 

Dates of terms of office for certain periods uncertain as many records were lost between 
1808 and 1844. Also In the fire at the Wigwam on Fourteenth street. 

1 87 


(The Political Organization,) From 1872 to 1900. 

1872 — 76. Augustus Schell. 

1877 — 80. Henry L. Clinton. 

1880. Henry D. Purroy. 

1881. Augustus Schell. 

1882. John G. Boyd. 

1883. William Sauer. 

1884. Sidney P. Nichols. 
1885 — 86. Abram D. Tappan. 

1887 — 90. John Cochrane (Brig.-Gen. U. S. Vols., 1860-61). 

1891 — 92. Nelson Smith. 

1893 — 94. Nelson Smith. 

1895 — 99. Augustus Peters. 

1899 — George M. \',-\n Hoesen. 

1900 — George M. Van Hoesen. 




of the 




John Whalen, 
John F. Carroll, 
Daniel F. McMahon, 
John W. Keller, 
John J. Scannell, 
Charles F. Murphy, 

Grand Sachem, 
Thomas L. Feitner. 


Randolph Guggenheimer, 
Maurice Featherson, 
Asa Bird Gardiner, 
George W. Plunkitt, 
George C. Clausen, 
John Fox, 

Thomas J. Dunn. 

Thomas F. Smith. 

Peter F. Meyer. 

John T. Naglfc 

John A. Boyle. 


Grand Sachem. 
















1 98 































































































































1)A\'U) I-: AI'STEN. 



















JAMES D. McClelland. 





































A. O. McCALL. 










26 1 






































































28 1 































LOl'Itf C. liAECrENER. 























Ahrens, Li. W. — Was born in this city and received his early education in the public 
schools. He is a Mason, a prominent member of the Royal Arcanum, and a veteran of the 
Seventy-first Reg-iment, New York State Volunteers. He is a member of the Democratic 
Club, the Pontiac, Nameoki and West End Clubs, and is a member of the Tammany Hall 
General Committee of the Twenty-first Assembly District. He has been a staunch Demo- 
crat all his life, and has always been prominent in the councils of his party. 

Alker, Alphonse Henry — Lawyer, born in New York, October 8th, 1S51. He is a mem- 
ber of the Tammany Society and has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1S73, serving 
on various committees during that time. He is at present a resident of the Twenty-sev_ 
enth Asfemblj' District, where he has many friends. 

Anderson, E. Bllert — Lawyer, born in New York City in 1833; has been a prominent 
figure in Democratic politics since attaining his majority. Has never held public office, 
but has accepted a number of public trusts, such as School Trustee, Rapid Transit Com- 
missioner, and Commissioner in reference to acquiring lands both for the Croton Aqueduct 
and elevated railway. Appointed by Pi-esident Cleveland, in 1SS7, a commissioner to inves- 
tigate the affairs of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific Railway Companies. Served as 
Major in New York State Militia during Civil War. 

Andrews, George P. — Justice of the Supreme Court, born in Maine. After being 
graduated from Yale College, came to New York, in 1859, and was admitted to the New 
York Bar in 1860. He has held the offices of Assistant United States District Attorney of 
the Southern District of New York, Assistant Corporation Counsel, and, later. Corporation 
Counsel of the City of New York. In 1883 he was elected to the Supreme Court Bench and 
re-elected in 1898. Judge Andrews is a strong- and loyal Democrat, and has taken an active 
interest in the affairs of his party. 

Arnold, John Harvey Vincent — Lawyer, ex-Sun-ogate, literateur and art collector, 
born in New York July 23, 1S39. He was educated at public and private schools, 
and took a classical course at the University of the City of New York. In 1889 Mr. Arnold 
was appointed by the Board of Aldermen to be President of that body, to fill the vacancy 
caused by the death of George H. Forster. In the fall of the same year he was nominated 
for the same office and elected to serve until 1S90, and he was then again elected for a two 
years' term. For a year he returned to his law practice, and then he was, in 1893, 
nominated and elected Surrogate for the term of fourteen 5'ears, but he resigned in Feb- 
ruai-y, 1899. Mr. Arnold was one of the Sachems of the Tammany Society. Died 1901. 

Austin, Col. David E. — This distinguished officer and thorough Democratic politician 
was born in New York, at the house of his grandfather on Bowling Green. He has filled 
many important offices and his military record forms a part of the history of the State. 
He is a member of the Tammany General Committee, of the Democratic Club, and the Re- 
gatta Committee and a veteran of the Grand Army of the Republic. 

Bach, Albert — Assistant Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, born in this 
city in 1854; has been active in Tammany circles for many years and is very prominent 
also as a lawyer and author; member of Democratic Club, Continental Whist Club, Royal 
Arcanum and the Order of the American Legion of Honor. 


Batti.k. George Gordon— Born In North CMinllna, Octol)er 26, 1868, was graduated 
from the University of Virginia in 1889, with the degree of Master of Arts. Studied law 
at the University of Virginia under Prof. John B. Minor, and at Columljia Coiiege. under 
Prof. Theodore W. Dwight. Began practice of iaw in New York City in 1890. In 1892 was 
appointed Assistant District Attorney Ijy the then District Attorney, De Lancey Nicoll. 
In 1894 was piaced in charge of thr Bureau of Indictments hy the late Col. John R. Fellows. 
Shortly after the death of Col. Fellows, resigned from the office and entered Into the 
general practice with Bartow S. Weeks, at 100 Broadway, under the firm name of Weeks 
& Battle. The firm name was subsequently changed to Weeks. Battle & Marshall. Mr. H. 
Snowden Marshall liecoming a partner. Is a member of the Bar Association, the Southern 
Society, the Calumet. Military and Seneca Clubs, the Columbian Order, and is a member 
of the General Committee of Tammany Hall in the Twcnty-Hfth .-\ssembly District. 

Bausch. Jacob E.— Coi-oncr Bausch was born in tlic City of New York and received his 
education in Grammar School No. 22. Immediately after leaving school he entered into the 
employ of Palmer & Embury as an apprentice, and learne'd the trade of wood carving. He 
has represented the Wood Carvers' Association as business agent and walking delegate for 
many years. He was elected Coroner in 1897 by a very large majority over his opponent. 
Mr. Bausch is a member of the George Washington Benevolent Society, the Central Labor 
Union, Building Trade Section, Queer Fellows' Association and Compact Social League. 

Beach, Miles— Justice of the Supreme Court, and son of the late Hon. William A. 
Beach, was born in 1833. Educated at Union College, appointed Judge of the Court of 
Common Pleas in 1879, and elected in 1880, and again elected in 1893, and transferred in 
1894, through the consolidation of the courts, to the Supreme Court. 

Beattie, Charles Maitlanml— Charles Maitland Beattie was born in New Y'ork City 
in 1858, where he received his education in the College of the City of New York. He chose 
a professional career, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1882, where he has since 
practiced. His present office is at 116 Nassau street. Mr. Beattie is a member of the Demo- 
cratic Club, the New Y'ork Press Club and the General Cimmiltee of Tammany Hall from 
the Ninth Assembly District. He is an ardent Tammany Hall man. 

Beattie, Hans Stevenson— Was born in Belfast, Ireland, in 1849. He went to London 
at eighteen where he studied stenography and the elements of law. He came to New 
Y'ork when nineteen and entered as a student at the New York University. He was 
admitted to practice in the State and United States Courts, and in 1881 entered the office 
of William C. Whitney, Corporation Counsel, and was afterwards appointed Surveyor of 
the Port by President Cleveland. He was Commissioner of Street Cleaning under Mayor 
Grant, and in 1893 was appointed Treasurer of the Metropolitan Street Railway Comiiany of 
New Y'ork. 

Bell, Isaac— Was born at 14 Greenwich street. New York, 1814. His father and grand- 
father were both Isaac Bells and were distinguished citizens before the Revolution. Mr. 
Bell began his business career in the old firm of Lentilhon & Co., in whose interest he vis- 
ited the South and made several trips to Europe where he met Miss Mott, to whom he was 
afterward married. In 1844. while South, he w^as made a member of the staff of the Gov- 
ernor of Alabama, and in 1848 was elected to Congress from the same State. Coming to 
New York he joined Tammany Hall and was elected to the Board of Supervisors, and, in 
1857, was appointed Commissioner of Charities and Correction. In '69 he was appointed a 
member of the Board of Education in which his broad principles were also conspicuous. 
He was mainly instrumental in founding Bellevue Hospital and in establishing the system 
of hospital ambulances in New York. Mr. Bell organized the Riot Relief Fund of which 
he was custodian until succeeded by his son Edward, a few years ago. During the Rebel- 
lion he provided ways and means for upholding the Union. He was a genial figure in so- 
ciety and a general favorite with everyone. He died in 1897, after a long and useful life. 


Bell, Jajiew D.— Of the Fifth Assembly District of the County of Kings, Brooklyn, 
was born in New York in 1845. He has held many leading positions, among which- 
may be named: Supervisor of Nineteenth Ward, Brooklyn; Chairman of Law 
Commission, Commissioner of Police and Excise, Commissioner and Secretary 
of new East River Bridge, Chairman of Special Committee on Reorganization Democratic- 
party of Kings, Chairman Democratic General Committee, Chairman Committee on Organi- 
zation. First Vice-President, Brooklyn Bar Association: Chairman Law Library, Brook- 
lyn; Chairman, member and ex-Committee, G. A. R., Kings County in 1899, for fourth term. 
It will thus be seen that Mr. Bell is a leader in the many business and political organiza- 
tions of the greater city. 

Belmont, Oliver H. P. — Congressman Belmont, son of the late August Belmont, th& 
banker, was born in the City of New York in 1858, attended school here and at St. Paul's, 
and later went abroad for three years to complete his studies. Returning to America he 
entered the Naval Academy at Annapolis, graduating in 1889, and served two years in the 
Navy. Resigning from the Navy Mr. Belmont became a member of the firm of August 
Belmont. In 1900 he was elected a member of Congress from the Thirteenth New York 
Congressional District. Mr. Belmont is a member of the New York Yacht Club, Democratic- 
Club, and is a Mason and Past Master of St. John's Lodge, A. F. and A. M., No. 1, of New- 
port, R. I. 

BiEN. Fr.anklix — Member of New York Bar. was born in this citj' January 23, 1853. 
Educated in public schools. Free Academy of the City of New York (now College of the 
City of New York), Columbia Law School. Counsel for many corporations in the United 
States, and has acted as counsel in important questions connected with the Democratic 
party. Never held public office. 

BiRDS.^LL. George W. — Cliief Engineer, Department of Water Supply. Born in New 
York in 1836: appointed Assistant Engineer Department Public "W^orks in 1871; First 
Assistant, 1875: made Chief Engineer in 1879; holding same until 1S98, when appointed to 
present position. 

Blake, Michael P. — Michael F. Blake, Clerk of the Board of Aldermen, was born in 
the Eighteenth Ward. City of New York, August 1, 1857. He was educated in the public 
schools and the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Blake studied law in the ofBce of Ex- 
Supreme Court Justice Abraham B. Tappen and Henry Parsons. He subsequently em- 
barked in journalism and was for many years a writer on the New York Herald. In 1889 he 
resigned from the HcrnJd to accept the position of Deputy Clerk to the Board of A'dernien, 
where he served for some years under Captain Francis J. Twomey. When Captain Twomey 
retired on account of age, Mr. Blake wa.s unanimously elected clerk to the Common Council 
which position he held for many years. In 1898 Mr. Blake was reappointed to the position 
of clerk to the Board of Aldermen, which place he now holds. He is vice-chairman of the 
General Committee of Tammany Hall of the Eighteenth Assembly District and chairman 
of the Law Committee of that District. He is a member of the Democratic. Press and 
Anawanda Clubs. 

Blake, Stephen S. — Assistant District Attorney. Born in Ireland in 1843; came to the 
United States when eight years of age. He entered Niagara College, from which he was 
graduated in 1S65, subsequently pursuing a two-years' course of higher studies at the Col- 
lege of Montreal. Was elected City Clerk of the City of Bridgeport, Conn., and served for 
three years on the Board of Aldermen of that city; was Town Attorney, also Prosecuting 
Attorney of the City of Bridgeport. He v,-as Judge of the City Court of Bridgeport, by 
appointment of the Legislature, for four terms. In 1880 he was the candidate of the 
Democratic party for Secretary of State. In 1881 Mr. Blake removed to this city and was. 
a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1894 and of the Legislature of 1895. 


Blandy, Charles.— Assistant I'oiijcirution Counsel Charles Dlanily was born In Iieland 
in 1S48. He was educated in the public schools and the Worcester College of England. He 
later removed to New York and in 1S67 entered upon the study of law in New York City. 
In 1S72 he was admitted to the bar at General Term and at once began an active practice. 
In 1882 William C. Whitney, then Corporation Counsel, Invited Mr. Blandy to become one of 
his assistants to try Jury oases and he accepted the olllce and held it during all ot Mr. 
Whitney's term as well as that of his successor, afterwards Judge George P. Andrews. In 
1890 William H. Clark became Corporation Counsel and made Mr. Blandy second assistant 
to try the most important cases. John Whalen, Corporation Counsel, made him one of his 
assistants on JaniKu y 1, 1898. 

Bi.UMKNTiiAi., Maurice B.— Former Assistant District Attorney, was born in this city in 
1870, and long' before he reached his majority he interested himself in political affairs and 
became, as he has ever since been, an ardent Democrat. He studied law in the 
University of the City of New York. He placed in nominatiim in the various 
conventions Judge Leonard A. Giegerich and Frederick Smyth ■>!' the Supreme 
Court, and Judge Schuchman ot the City Court. He was named as a Brcsidential Klector 
upon the Democratic ticket of 1856. He is a member of the Tammany Hall Committee on 
Organization, Tammany Society, Progress Club, the Home Social Club, the Seminole Club, 
the Jefferson Club of the Sixteenth Assembly District, the Young Men's Democratic Club, 
the Eleventh Ward League, the Comanche Legion, the Yoiung Men's Hebrew Association, 
the Greater New York Democratic Aliliiance, the Jacksonian Club, the Lone Star Yacht 
Club. Post Graduate's Grammar School No. 13, the Daniel Webster Lodge, and a number 
of other social and fraternal organiza,tions. Resigned from District Attorney's ofBce early 
ir. 1901. 

BOLTE, Hermann — Justice of the Second District Court, is a graduate of Columbia Law 
School, class 1874; afterwards attended University at Heidelberg, Germany, to study civil 
law. In 1893 he was elected Justice of the Second District Court. It is worthy to note that 
out of a registration of over 12,800 votes, he received the largest majority of votes, namely 
10,975, ever cast in the District, and on his re-election, 1899. received over 85 per cent, of the 
entire vote cast in his Judicial District. Judge Bolte has always taken a very deep interest 
in the public schools in this city and in educational matters generally. Through his sole 
endeavors the new schoolhouse. Grammar School No. 1, Henry and Oliver streets, has been 
erected, while acting as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Fourth W^ard, from 
January 1. 1891, until July 1. 1896. 

Bookstaver, Henry W. — Was born in 1835. He received his early education at an 
academy in Orange County, New York, and prepared himself for Rutgers College, from 
which he graduated with high honors. He w'as admitted to the bar in 1861, and later be- 
came a member of the law firm of Brown, Hull & Vanderpoel. Among the official pliices 
he has filled previous to his election to the bench of the Supreme Court are Sheriff's At- 
torney, counsel to the Police Board, and counsel to the Commissioner of Charities and Cor- 
rections. Ex-Judge Bookstaver is one of New York's most eminent lawyers, with a large 
clientele and practice, with offices at 256 Broadway. 

BouKER, DeWitt Clinton, Jr. — Prominent among the contractors of Greater New York 
is D. C. Bouker, Jr., who was born in Greenville, Hudson County, N. J., in 1865. Shortly 
after he was bom his parents removed to Far Rockaway, Queens County, L. I., sin(!e 
which time Mr. Bouker has been a resident of New York and closely identified W'ith the 
business and political affairs of the metropolis; in fact Mr. Bouker is a typical New- 
Yorker and a Democrat. 

B.OYLE, James W. — Was born in New York on May 14, 1845. He was aippointed a Com- 
missioner of Appraisement and Assessment for lands taken for the new aqueduct in 1892. 
Mr. Boyle is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic and New York Athletic Clubs, and 
is also Chairman of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the Seventh Assemljly Dis- 
trict. He has been a member of the Tammany organization ever since he took an interest 
in politics. He was appointed a Commissioner of the new East River Bridge in 1898. 


BoTLE, John Ambrose.— Was born in the City of New York in 1S46; educated in the- 
public schools of this city. He went to the war as a drummer boy with the Sixty-ninth 
Regiment and was a veteran at the age of seventeen.. Mr. Boyle has been employed in the 
Register's office for the last twenty years, having advanced himself to the position of Chief 
Searcher and Examiner. He has also been the Financial Secretary of the old BightentJh, 
now the Twentieth Assembly District, Tammany Hall General Committee, for twenty-five 
years. Mr. Boyle was elected Wiskinkie of the Tammany Society in 1898. 

BR.4DT, John T.— One of the foremost builders and contractors of the City of New York 
is John T. Brady, who was born in Ireland in 1849. Beginning without a dollar capital, toe 
is now at the head, and hundreds of the finest structures in the city attest his capabilities. 
Among these are the residences of B. W. Bliss, Nathan Strauss, Mrs. Kohn, and the public 
buildings, such as the new Surrogate's Court, Thirteenth Judicial District Court and 
Grant's tomb, on Riverside Drive. 

Brady, Thomas J. — Former President Department of Buildings, was born in this city 
in 1854. Became Inspector of the Fire Department in 1SS4; First Department of the Bu- 
reau of Inspection of Buildings in the Fire Department in 1887; Superintendent of Build- 
ings in 1889; appointed President Department of Buildings in 1898; resigned April, 1901. 

Bradley, Thomas J. — Member of Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, was 
born in this city in 1870. He attended the public schools and was graduated from the City 
College in 1887. He taught school at Lenox avenue and 134th street, and in 128th street 
between Lenox and Seventh avenues. In 1891 he was admitted to the bar. Although 
barely of age, he was made an Assistant District Attorney, which position he held until 
1895, when he resigned to practice law. He was nominated for Congress in 1896 against 
"Tim" Campbell, whom he easily defeated, and ran 1,400 ahead of his. ticket. Died 1901. 

Brann. Henry A. — Born in Ireland in 1847; landed in America in 1S50; admitted to the 
bar in 1S68 at Albany; joined Taminany Hall in 1869; has since been a prominent member; 
has served on General and District Committees of the Twenty-third District; has held the 
office of City Magistrate since 1895. 

Brennan, Thomas S. — Deputy Commissioner of Charities, born in this city 1844; 
appointed Warden of .Bellevue in 1866; appointed in 1860 to Bellevue Hospital as Watch- 
man, then Captain of Night Watch; promoted to Island Hospital as Steward in 1864; 
remained as Steward until 1866, then promoted, and in 1875 appointed Cominissioner of 
Public Charities and Correction and twice reappointed. Appointed Street Cleaning Com- 
missioner by Mayor Grant in 1893 and served for one year, resigning to engage in the real 
estajte business. Died in 1901. 

Brice. M. — Councilman Brice was born in Lima, Ohio, in 1870 and received 
his early education in his native city. He removed to New York in 1881 and continued his 
studies in a private school in the metropolis. After two j^ears of this training he entered 
the Philips Academy of Exeter, in the State of New Hampshire. In 1886 he started upon a 
tour around the world. Shortly after returning from his trip, whicii was in 1887. he en- 
tered Harvard. On the completion of his course in Harvard in 1893, he entered upon an 
active business career. He became General Manager of the Daj'ton Natural Gas Com- 
pany, of Dayton, Ohio, and about a year after assumed personal charge of the enormous 
railroad interests of his father. Senator Calvin S. Brice. In 1897 Mr. Brice was elected a 
member of the Council. He is a member of the New York Athletic Club, the Racquet Club, 
the Knickerbocker Club, the Lambs Club and the order of the Elks. 

Britt, Philip J. — Lawyer, born in this city in 1865. Identified with Tammany Hall 
since 1886, and for a number of years Secretary of the Committee on Speakers. Graduate 
of Manhattan College and Columbia University. Searcher of Titles in Register's office. 
1888-1890; appointed Counsel to Sheriff in 1898. Member of Tammany Society since 1888. 

Brodskt, John E. — Born in New York City May 30, 1855. He received his early educa- 
tion in the public schools and [roni priviite teachers. He then went to Columbia Law 
School, and was graduated from that institution in the class of '76. receiving the degree of 
LL. B. He was admitted to the bar in July. 1876. Mr. Brodaky entered politics In 1876. and 
was a pupil and protege of the late John J. O'Brien. He was elected to the Assembly in 
1879, and continued until 1882, when he accepted a Senatorial nomination. Re-elected to 
the Assembly as an Independent in 1891. Mr. Brodsky is an active and prominent member 
of Tammany Hall. He represented the Eighth Assembly District, but now resides in the 
Thirty-first Assembly District. 

Browne. EDW.\Rri. Ex-JrDi;K— was born in Irelaml. but received his early edutation in 
this city. He was elected a Judge of the City Court in ISS:!. Counsel to Excise Board Ave 
years. Judge Browne is a member of the General Committee and Committee on Organiza- 
tion of the Ninth Assembly District of Tammany Hall. He has always been an ardent 
Democrat and a worker for his party. He served in the Civil War in the Army of 
Potomac. Received "Medal of Honor" from United States Congress for bravery at battle 
of Fredericksburg. May. 1863, and brevetted Captain United States Volunteers for gal- 
lantry on field of battle. 

Burr, William P.— Was born in Dublin. Ireland. March :;0. 1857. He received his early 
education in that city under the tuition of Madam Martin, niece of Cardinal Cullin. Coming 
to New York in 1863 he attended the De La Salle Institute and later entered St. James' Col- 
lege, Baltimore. In 1875 he was appointed to the West Point Military Academy, but left 
there in 1877 to enter the Columbia College Law School, w^here he was graduated in 1879, 
and admitted to the Bar the same year. He was a delegate to the New York Constitu- 
tional Convention from the Eleventh Senatorial District, distinguishing himself there by 
his fight against trusts and monopolies. He is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic, 
Law^yers', Narragansett, Sagamore and Harlem Democratic Clubs, State Bar Association, 
Tammany Society and of the Standing Committee of Tammany Hall on Resolution.s and 

Butler, William A. — The Supervisor of the City Record and former Clerk of the 
County of New York, William A. Butler, was born in this city and has been a member of 
Tammany Hall for over twenty year.=. Mr. Butler was elected County Clerk in 1879. He 
is a resident of the Twenty-first Assembly District, and continues Supervisor of the City 
Record at the present time. 

Byrne, Thomas F.— Deputy Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1855. 
Graduated from Manhattan College in 1874 and New Y'ork University Law School in 1877 
He has been an active and influential member of Tammany Hall since 1893. and a member 
of the Tammany Society since 1S97. Resides in the Fifth Assembly District, and has served 
upon the General Committee and Cummittee of Organization. 

Cal\'in, Delano C, L.L. D.— Judge Calvin was born in Clayton. N. Y.. and has be^n 
active in Tammany Hall since 1866. He held the oflice of District Attorney of Jefferson 
County, Commissioner of Education in Watertown, N. Y.. and Surrogate. County of New- 
York, and at present is in legal practice at 58 William street, being largely identified with 
estate cases and practice in the higher courts. In politics he has been a power in the State 
ever since his introduction by Governor Seymour and Senator Kernan, in whose interests, 
and that of faithful Tammany and the regular Democracy, he has so repeated^' and suc- 
cessfully canvassed the city and the State. 

Card, Albert M. — Born in Ancram, N. Y.. July 21, 1845; was educated in the public 
schools and at the Amenia Seminary and Eastman Business College, Poughkeepsie. N. 
Y. He studied law with Hon. Charles Wheaton. of Poughkeepsie, and began the practice 
of law in Duchess County. He has always been a Democrat. Mr. Card was United States 
District Revenue Assessor, with headquarters at Poughkeepsie. and served as School Com- 
missioner of Duchess County. For twelve years he was Judge of Probate for the District 
of Sharon. Conn., and three years member of Assembly in Connecticut. Mr. Card 


Is President of the Village of Sharon; President of the Sharon Casino Company, ana 
a Director of the Sharon Water Company, the Sharon Telephone Company and the Sharon 
Electric Light Company. He is also Commissioner of the Superior Court of Connecticut, 
Vice-President and Secretary of the Salisbury Carbonate Iron Company, and Secretary 
and Treasurer of the Landon Iron Company. He is President and General Manager of the 
Amenia Mining Companj', Secretary of the Kelley Mining Company, and a Director of the 
First National Bank of Amenia, N. T. He is a member of the New York State Bar Asso- 
ciation, the Democratic Club, the Harlem Democratic Club, Tammany Hall and the Old 
Put Club, of Danbury, Conn. 

Carroll, John F. — Has lived all his life in the old Sixteenth, but now divided into the 
Twenty-second and Twenty-fourth Assembly Districts. He was for twenty-five years 
active in politics, and during his administration as Tammany Hall leader he proved an 
able and brilliant campaigner and has scored victory after victory. He has always been 
unswerving in his loyalty to the Tammany Hall organization, and so successful were his 
labors that, under his leadership, a once doubtful district came to the front as a Demo- 
cratic stronghold. As Vice-Chairman of the Committee on Finance of Tammany Hall Mr. 
Carroll retains his connection with the organization, and is welcomed in its inner councils. 
He is a shrewd, level-headed politician, whose intimate knowledge of public men and 
affairs and an experience extending over a quarter of a century give to his opinions on 
matters political very great weight. Mr. Carroll was tirst appointed to public office as 
Clerk to the Grand Jury by the late Supreme Court Justice Frederick Smyth, who was then 
Recorder, in 1S79. His abilities as shown in this position brought the usual reward. He 
was made Clerk of the Seventh District Civil Court, and was subsequently promoted to the 
Clerkship of the Court of Special Sessions. In 1S91 he was unanimously chosen by the 
Judges to the responsible place of Clerk of the Court of General Sessions. 

Chanler, William astor — Was born June 11, 1867, in Newport, E. I., son of John 
Winthrop Chanler, who served several terms in the Legislature of New York State, and 
represented the Seventh Congressional District of that State for three terms; was educated 
at St. John's School, Sing Sing; Phillips' Academy, Exeter, N. H., and Harvard Univer- 
sity, which he left to undertake explorations in Africa, the result of his travels having been 
published in a book; had conferred upon him the degree of A. M. by Harvard University, 
and became a member of two European geographical societies; was elected to the Assetn- 
bly in the New York State Legislature in 1897 from the Fifth district, and was elected to 
the Fifty-sixth Congress, receiving 31,604 votes, to 25,209 for Lemuel E. Quigg, Republican, 
1,307 for Emil Neppel, Socialist Labor, and lOi for Albert Wadhams, Prohibitionist. 

Clausen, George C— President Department of Parks, was born in this city in 1S49. 
Appointed Commissioner of Taxes in 1S93, and made Park Commissioner by Mayor Gilroy 
the same year. Re-appointed to the same position by Mayor Van Wyck in 189S. 

CoLER, Bird S. — Comptroller of the City of New York was born in Champagne, 111., in 
1866. He is the present Chairman of the Finance Committee of the General Committe of 
the regular Democratic organization in Brooklyn, and has made himself felt in the councils 
of the leaders. He became identified with Brooklyn politics in 1S91. 

Conlan, Lewis J. — One of the Justices of the City Court, was born in Camden, Oneida 
County, N. Y., and was educated in the Polytechnic Institute in Troy, and was elected a 
member of the Legislature in 1SS5 and a Judge of the City Court in 1893. He is a member 
of the Manhattan, Catholic, Democratic, Hardware and Press Clubs. 

CosBV, John B. — Health Commissioner, was born in Tennessee and educated in that 
State and in Baltimore Medical College. Coming to New York he became a firm advocate 
of Tammany Hall and was selected for his present position by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898. 

Crabtr'ee, Albert E. — Auctioneer and appraiser. Born in this city in 1861. Resides in 
Thirty-first Assembly District. President of Carondelet Democratic Club, and an energetic 
Tammany worker in his district. 


Grain, T. C. T.— As a thorough Democrat and "Tammany Man," Thomas C, T. Grain la 
known to all New York. He was born In this city, went abroad with his parents at an 
early age. and was educated In Europe. He has been active in the Democratic ranks since 
1S22 and with Judije I'ryor and other men of note, has battled for the maintenance of 
Democratic principles, especially in the Tammany campaigns. From 1S!I0 till isy4 he was 
City Chamberlain. 

Crook, Abel.— Was born in Brooklyn, 1842. Graduated from Williams College in 1S62, 
with degrees of B.A. and M.A.. and from Columbia College law school in 1864. with degree 
of Master of Laws. Since then he has been in active legal practice in New York, an asso- 
ciate with Hon. A. B. Tappen, Hon. J. B. Haskins. Supreme Court Justice Ingraham, 
Bourke Cockran, etc. He is a member of the Democratic Club, the Brooklyn Club. Acco- 
mack, and other important organizations. His legal practice has been extensive, covering 
the most decisive cases before the Supreme Court and high tribunals of the city and State, 
and affecting corporate and legislative interests of the most important character. 

CuMMiNGS, Amos J.— New York's famous Congressman, Amos J. Cummings. was 
born at Conkling, Broome County, New York, in 1841. After many adventures in the South 
he became a compositor on the New York Tribune; after was sargeant major of a regiment 
in the war; was distinguished by a medal for gallantry in action; became an editor of the 
Tribune and later of the Sun; was elected to Congi-ess in 1886 and has been the people's 
chosen representative almost continuously since that time. As a literary man. an orator 
and a statesman he has few peers. 

Curtis, George M. — Was born in Worcester, Mass., in 1843, and pursued his law studies 
with Gen. B. F. Butler, of Lowell, Mass., and Hon. John W. Ashmead, of this city, being 
admitted to practice in the New York courts in 1862. Was a member of the Legislature in 
1864, 1865 and 1866; Assistant Corporation Counsel of the city in 1865-66, and was elected a 
Judge of Marine Court in 1867 and served a full term of six years. Since his seventeenth 
year he has stumped the city for Tammany Hall, and the State and nation for the Demo- 
cratic party. 

Dalton, William— Commissioner of Water Supply, was born in this city about forty- 
five years ago. He entered politics at an early age, and was elected to the State Legisla- 
ture in 1885, serving until 1889. He was appointed Deputy Street Cleaning Commissioner in 
18S9; Excise Commissioner in 1893; Commissioner of Water Supply in 1898. He is the Demo- 
v.'ratic leader of the Eleventh Assembly District. 

Daly, Michael T.— Commissioner Daly, one of New York's popular officals, was born in 
Ireland, in 1841. He came to this city when a mere boy, attended the College of New York- 
first entered political life under Mayor A. Oakey Hall; was for years Chief Clerk of the 
City Court; in 1891 was appointed Commissioner of Public Accounts, and afterwards to the 
responsible post of Commissioner of Public Works, winning great credit in the administra- 
tion of both. He is a chief in local Democracy and a prominent member of Tammany Hall. 

Danforth, Elliott— Is a native of Middleburgh. Schoharie County, where he was born 
March 6. 1850. His father was Peter F. Danforth. a lawyer of prominence, a State Senator, 
and a Justice of the Supreme Court. Mr. Danforth was educated in the public scihools 
and in the Schoharie Academy. He was admitted to the bar in 1872. In 1880 he was a 
delegate to the National Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, which nominated General 
Hancock for the Presidency. He was also a delegate to the Chicago Convention four years 
later, which nominated Grover Cleveland, whom Mr. Danfortih supported in the convention. 
In 1884 Mr. Danforth was appointed Deputy State Treasurer, by Treasurer Fitzgerald. He 
served five years in that capacity, gaining an experience which proved of excessive value 
to him when, in 1889. he was nominated for Treasurer, and elected by a plurality of 13.955 
votes. In 1891 he was re-elected by a plurality of 43.281. thus evincing his popularity. In 
1896 he received the offer of the nomination for Governor upon the retirement of Jolhn 
Boyd Thacher. but declined to serve, preferring to accept the Chairmanship of the State 


Davidson, Louis — LaAvyer and legislator, was born in this city May 2, 1861. He received 
his education in the public schools and at the College of the City of New York, graduating 
from there in 1879. In politics Mr. Davidson was always a true and regular Democrat. In 
1S92 and 1893 he was elected by a large majority to represent the Twenty-sixth Assembly 
-District of New York County. Died in 1901. 

Da VIES, Wu,i,iAM Gilbert — Was born in this city in 1842; educated at Trinity College, 
Hartford, Conn., Leipsic, Germany, Columbia College Law School. Admitted to the Bar 
in 1863. Mr. Davies is a Democrat in politics, and a member of the Union. Century, Uni- 
versity, Manhattan, Democratic, Liederkranz, Tuxedo, Lawyers', Groliers and St. Nicholas 
Clubs, the Sons of the Revolution, the Society of Colonial Wars and the American State, 
and City Bar Associations. 

Davis, Vebnon M. — Was born in this city in 1855. He was educated in the public and 
private schools and the College of the City of New York, graduating from the latter Insti- 
tution in 1876. In 1885 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by Randolph 
B. Martine, and later he was promoted to be Assistant District Attorney, serving as such 
until April 20th, 1897. During the terms of District Attorneys Nicoll and Fellows, Mr. Davis 
was Acting District Attorney, and upon the death of Col. Fellows he became District 
Attorney by the unanimous appointment of the Judges of the Court of General Sessions on 
December 7, 1896, holding the ofBce until the appointment of Mr. Olcott by Governor Black 
fifteen days later. Mr. Davis is now a member of the School Board of the Borough of Man- 
hattan and the Bronx, a member of the Board of Education of the City of New York, and 
Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of the College of the City 
of New York, a member of the Board of Trustees of the Normal College. He is a staunch 
Democrat and a member of the Harlem Democratic, Sagamore and Democratic Clubs. 

Datton, Charles W. — This well-known New York Democrat has been promi- 
nently before the public since his eighteenth year. He was elected to the 'State Legisla- 
ture in 1881: was a presidential elector in 1855; was appointed Postmas'ter of New York by 
President Cleveland in 1893 and in every position has proved his fitness for the conduct of 
public affairs. 

Dessar, Leo C. — Was educated in the public schools and at an academy in Cincinnati, 
and while yet a mere boy during his college days, -he ieft his studies to take part in the 
war for the Union. On his discharge he was graduated from the Columbia College Law 
School, and in 1870, admitted to the New York bar. He at once engaged in practice, while 
at the same time taking a prominent part in the anti-Tweed reform movement, of which 
Samuel J. Tilden was the leader, being one of Mr. Tilden's chief associates in carrying out 
the reform measures. With the nomination of Tilden for Governor of the State in 1874, at 
his request, Mr. Dessar became a candidate for the Assembly, and was elected from the 
Seventeenth District of New York City. In 1884 Mr. Dessar was elected the first civil 
justice of the then newly erected Eleventh Judicial District Court. Upon his retirement 
from the bench. Judge Dessar resumed the practice of his profession. He is the author of 
the famous book "A Royal Endhantress." 

Deyo, Robert E. — Municipal Civil Service Commissioner, born in 1843. Was a member 
of the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and was appointed Civil Service Commissioner in 
the same year. He is and has been for a number of years a member of various committees 
of Tammany Hall. 

DiNNEAN, Thomas P. — Lawyer, was born in this city in 1858. Prominent in political 
circles and a member of Tammany Hall for many years, and associate leader in Sixth 
Assembly Dstrict. 

DivvER, Patrick, — Born in Ireland, in 1845, and coming to America when a mere child, 
Mr. Divver has always made New York his home and has become one of her most popular 
Democratic citizens. He has filled, consecutively, the offices of court officer. Alderman and 
Justice of the Police Court, to the satisfaction of the public and the people he has so faith- 
fully served. 


DdCiiATtTV, AiuiUSTti.s T. — Was Ijoi ii in tlic Cilj uL' Ni-w Ynili aiiil wiis i-diji-at^'cl In the 
public schools and the college of his native city, where his father was noted as a iirofessor 
of mathematics. At the beginning of his successful career he Identified himself with 
Tammany Hall. In 1870 he was appointed clerk in the Comptroller's ofllce; in 1872 he 
became Assistant Secretary of the Board of Apportionment, and afterward Contract Clerk 
in the Department of Public Works, and Deputy Register of the City and County of New 
York In ISSO Tammany Hall Democracy nominated Mr. Docharty for Uegister, and he 
was elected by a larger majority than any candidate on the local ticket that year. Two 
thousand of New York's leading attorneys endorsed his administration of the affairs of 
the oflice. In 1SS9, and until 1895, he was Secretary of the Dock Commissioners, and on the 
first of January, 1898, he was appointed to his present position as Secretary of the Fire 
Department of New York, where his great experience has made his service indispenslble 
and added to his hosts of friends. 

DoEUK, John B. — Was born in I'hiladelphia, Pa., in 1S42. He was educated in the pub- 
lic schools of Philadelphia. He tirst stairted in business with Mr. William Flss in 1879. Mr. 
Doeirr was instrumental in building up an immense trade in the sale of horses. He was 
the pioneer of selling freslh Western horses direct to the halter in New York City. The 
corporation founded by Mr. Doerr in 1895, the Fiss, Doerr & Carroll Horse Company, are 
the largest dtalers in ho'rses in the world. Mr. Doerr was a member of the Democratic 
Club, the Road Drivers' Association, the Dakewood Driving Club, of which he was one of 
I he organizer.-, and an honorary member of the Freehold Driving Club. lie died in 1901. 

Donnelly, Thomas F. — Was born in Spring street, near the Bowery, in 1863, and was 
educated in the public schools am! the College of the City of New York. He is a lawyer in 
active practice, and was graduated from Columbia College Law School with the class of 
1884. He has been aji active member of Tammany Hall for fifteen years, and has repre- 
sented the Thirty-second Assembly District of New York City in the State Legislature 
during the years of 1896, 1897 and 1S9S. In 1898 he was the leader of the Democratic minor- 
ity in the Assembly. Mr. Donnelly was elected to the State Senate from the Twentieth 
District for 1S99-1900. 

DoNOHUE, M.^TTHEW F. — Deputy Commissioner of Sewers, was born in New York in 
1867. Appointed to his present position in 1S98. Although one of the youngest Democratic 
leaders in the Tammany organization, his conduct of the Twenty-first Assembly District 
has earned him the commendation of political friends and foes. 

DowLiNG, Victor J. — ^State Senator, was born in this city in 1866. Mr. Duwling was 
leader of the Twenty-fourtJi District in 1895, 1896, 1897, retiring In 1898. He was one of 
the Secretaa-ies of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall, and is at present a member 
of the Law Committee thereof. He has been a prominent and effectve speaker in all Tam- 
many campaigns. He is a member of the Democratic Club and of the Catholic Club, and 
is also interested in a number of fraternal societies. 

DuGRO, P. Henry— Justice of the Supreme Court, born in this city in 1855; was educated 
at Columbia College, in the class of 1876, and also at Columbia College Law School; elected 
to the Assembly in 1878, wdien twenty-three years of age; elected to Congress in 1880, and a 
Judge of the Superior Court in 1887. Transferred to Supreme Court in 1894. Elected 
Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall in 1885. 

Dunlap, Colonel Thomas. — One of the oldest and most respected members of the Tam- 
many Democracy was lost when Thomas Dunlap died in 1896. Colonel Dunlap had served 
New Y'ork in many of the most important official stations— as Alderman, Naval Officer, 
Deputy Sheriff, Collector, Superintendent of Markets, Warden of Ludlow, etc.— in all of 
which he was conspicuous for honesty and faithfulness to every trust. 

Dunn, Thomas J.— The ex- Sheriff began life on a farm and was educated in the common 
schools. When old enough to learn a trade he chose that of a stone-cutter, and by economy 
and diligent application he saved enough money out of his wages to start in business for 
himself by the time he had reached the age of thirty years. Mr. Dunn's devotion to the 
plain, Democratic principals of Tammany Hall has been life-long. 


EjijiET. W. T.— School Commissioner Emmet is a New Yorker by birth, by education 
and by residence, having been 'born in Westchester County in 1869. He entered Columbia 
College at an early age, graduated from Columbia Law School in 1S90 and began the prac- 
tice of law in this city in 1891. In 1894 he was honored by being elected a delegate to the 
Constitutional Convention at Albany and in 1900 he was appointed School Commissioner by 
Mayor Van Wyck. Mr. Emmet is a member of the Democratic Club, the Metropolitan 
Club, the Down-Town Association and the Bar Association. 

Engel, Martin. — Councilman Martin Engel was born in the City of New York in the 
year 1847. He received his early education in the public schools of this city, graduating 
from TVard School No. 42 at the unusual age of thirteen. Immediately after his gradua- 
tion he went to Europe and attended the University of Berlin for two years. After finish- 
ing his course of study in Berlin, Mr. Engel returned to tljis country and at once entered 
upon an active business career. He became associated with his brother Samuel, and they, 
under the name of Engel Brothers, carried on business for over thirty-five years. In 1896 
Samuel died and Martin has carried on the business since. He has taken an active part In 
politics ever since reaching his majority and has been the leader of the Eighth Assembly 
District since the formation of the same. He was elected Councilman for the First Dis- 
trict in 1897. Mr. Engel is popular socially and is a member of several prominent clubs and 

Elt, Smith — One of the oldest of the living ex-Mayors of New York is Smith 
Ely, who was born in New Jersey in 1825. Mr. Ely is a merchant and politician of promin- 
ence and has been identified with Tammany Hall since 1850. He has also held the offices 
of Supervisor. Trustee of Brooklyn Bridge, State Senator, Commissioner of Education, 
Presidential Elector, Congressman and Park Commissioner of the City of New York. 

Fahpeach, George H. — Deputy County Clerk, born in this city in 1863; appointed 
Recording Clerk, 1886-1888; Chief Application Clerk of the Excise Board, 1888-1890; Equity 
Clerk of the Supreme Court 1890-1S9S, when he was appointed to present position. 

Fairchild, Julian D. — Commissioner of the East River Bridge, born in Stratford, 
Conn., in 1850, and has been prominent in Brooklyn financial and political circles since 1875. 

Fallon, Joseph P. — Justice of the Municipal Court, Ninth District, was born in Ireland 
in 1845, coming to America in 1849. He was educated in the public and Christian 
Brothers schools; elected Judge of the Ninth District in 1887; appointed a School Trustee 
Twelfth Ward, 187.S-187d; elected to the Legislature in 1876; member of Tammany Hall 
General Committee, Catholic, Harlem Democratic, Democratic and Sagamore Clubs. 

Fanning, William J. — Born in Saratoga County, New York, and received his educa- 
tion at the Half Moon Institute, Middletown, N. Y., and the University of the City of New 
York. Mr. Fanning is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Catholic Clubs. 

Farquhar, Percival — Born in York, Pa., and was educated at the York Collegiate 
Institute, and subsequently in Yale College. He was graduated from Yale in 1884, with the 
degree of Ph. B. He then began the study of law at Columbia Law School, being gradu- 
ated with high honors, and was admitted to the bar in 1886. He has always taken an 
active interest in politics, and in 1889 was a candidate for Member of Assembly from the 
Third Assembly District. He was defeated in that campaign, but the following year was 
elected by a majority of 2,000. He was re-elected in 1891 and again in 1892, by a still larger 

Featherson, Maurice — Represents the Eighteenth District in the State Senate. He 
was born in this city in 1862, and was educated in the public schools. At the election of 
1895 he was the candidate of the regular Democratic organization for the senate in the dis- 
trict which he now represents. He received altogether 11,221 votes, as against 5,333 cast for 
J. Philip Berg the Republican candidate; 1,408 for Richard Morton, who was backed by the 
Socialist Labor party, and 603 for James Meehan, who had the backing of the State 


Feitner, Thomas L.— Grand Sachem of Tammany Society, was born In this city In 
1S47; was appointed Commissioner of Taxes by Mayor Rdson In 1883, and r<'appointed by 
Mayor Grant in 1SS9: appointed Police Justice by Mayor Gilroy in 1893 and again appointed 
President Department of Taxes by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898. Mr. Feitner has niled nearly 
every position of importance in the Tammany organization during the last twenty years. 
He has been a Sachem of the Tammany Soriety for ten years and was elected Grand 
Sachem in 1S97. 

Fellows, John R.— A brilliant Democratic leader and Tammany orator was John R. 
Fellows, the able District Attorney of New York, who died in the midst of his usefulness 
as a citizen and a valued and devoted member of Tammany. Mr. Fellows was elected and 
re-elected to Congress; was the first to nominate that great Democrat, Horatio Seymour, 
for President; was a winner in hundreds of famous cases at law and always stood for the 
people, sound money and home rule in the City of New York. 

FiTZGER.sLP, Frank T.— One of the two Surrogates of New York, was the first Surro- 
gate ever elected for a term of fourteen years, was born in the First Ward of this city and 
was educated in St. Francis Xavier's College, in this city, and in St. Mary's College, Niagaia 
Falls. He was graduated from Columbia College Law School in 1ST8, and afterward pur- 
sued his legal studies in the office of Smith M. Weed and the late Gen. James W. Huested. 
He was elected to represent the old Sixth Congressional District in Congress in 18SS, and 
long before his term was completed he was elected Register of the county. This was in 
1889. Judge Fitzgerald was a delegate from the Eighth Senatorial District to the last 
Constitutional Convention, and was a member of the Committee on Cities and Taxation. 
He is a memh?r of the Manhattan, Catholic and Democratic Clubs and Press Club. 

Fitzgerald, James. — Judge of the Supreme Court, was born in Limirick. Ireland, 
forty-seven years ago. He attended the De La Salle Institute for more advanced studies 
and at the age of sixteen he went into the mercantile business. Shortly after reachin.g his 
majority he was elected to the Assembly from the old Sixteenth District. While clerk in 
the County Clerk's office he studied law and later graduated from the Colum.bia Law 
School. In 1883 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney and was Assistant 
District Attorney under District Attorneys Martine and Fellows. In 1889 he was elected 
Judge of the Court of General Sessions, and in 1897 he was elected a Judge of the Supreme 

FiTzPATRiCK, Richard. — Is one of the most popular and most charitable residents of 
the Ninth District. He w'as born on Thirteenth street in 1859 and became the associate 
leader of his ward, and is one of the favorite members of Tammany Hall. 

PiTzsiMONS, James M.— Judge of the City Court, born in this city 1S58; is a graduate ol 
Columbia College Law School; was elected Alderman from Eighteenth District, and in 
1889 served as Vice-President of the Board: appointed Judge of the City Court in 1890, and 
elected to succeed himself in 1891. 

Fox, John— Merchant, born in Fredrickton, New Brunswick, 1835; member of Tam- 
many Hall since 1856, and has served on all principal committees; always a prominent 
and leading figure in Democratic circles. At various times has held the offices of Aldet- 
man. Supervisor, Congressman and Senator. 

Freedman. Andrew.— This thorough New Yorker was born in this city in 1S60 and is 
one of the best-known men of the metropolis. He was educated in our schools, the St. 
Aloysius Academy and College of the City of New York. He is a large dealer in real es- 
tate and an expert in real estate law. His influence has ever been exerted for the Demo- 
cratic cause and he is a leading member of many metropolitan societies such as the Law- 
yers' Club, Democratic Club, president of the New York Baseball Club, and a general 
favorite in political and social organizations. 


Freedman, John J.-Justice of Supreme Court, was born in Nuremberg, German> 
1835- came to New York in 1851; appointed Justice of the Superior Court in 1869; elected in 
1869 for a full term of six years; elected for a full term of fourteen years in 1876, re-elected 
in 1890; transferred by the consolidation, in 1896. to Supreme Court. 


Fromberg, Abraham M.— Was born in Elmira, N. T., in 1872, and received his early- 
education in the Susquehanna Collegiate Institute, Towanda, Pa. He attended the Lehigh 
University for t-\vo years, and then came to this city and read law for four years with 
ex-Judge Van Hoesen. Meantime he attended the New York Law School, being graduated 
with the degree of L.L. B. He was admitted to the bar in 1893. 

Fromme. Isaac. — Register Fromme was born in the City of New York, August 4, 1854; 
was educated in the public schools and graduated from the College of the City of New 
York in 1S74, and two years later from Columbia College Law School. For almost a quar- 
ter of a century he has practiced his profession. Mr. Fromme was one of the organizers of 
the Real Estate Exchange, serving as secretary and director for a number of years. He is 
also examining counsel of the Lawyers' Title Insurance Company. He was made a Mason 
twenty years' ago, and is well and favorably known in Masonic circles as the Past Master 
of, Hope Lodge and one of its trustees. He is Past Grand Master of the Lodge of Per- 
fection and the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite. He is a member of Mount Horeb 
Lodge, Free Sons of Israel, is Past President of the Zion Lodg:e No. 2 of the Independent 
Order of B'nai Brith, and Ex-Governor of the Home of the Aged and Infii-m Hebrews, at 
Yonkers; is a member of the West Side Association and the West End Club; also of Mount 
Sinai Hospital, Monteflore Home, the German Society of New York and the Elizabeth 
Home; also of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order, and the Pontiac and Narragan- 
sett Clubs. Mr. Fromme was elected Register of New York County in 1897 by an over- 
whelming majority. 

Gage, Weli.eslet, W. — Was born in Hamilton. Canada, fifty years ago. After coming 
to the States, Mr. Gage graduated from the Law School at Albany with the degree of 
L.L. B. and was immediately admitted to the Bar in New York and also to the Bar of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Gage is a strong and consistent Tammany Hall 
Democrat, and is a member of the General Committee, as also a life member of the New 
England Society and of the Columbian Order of Tammany. He is a strenuous advocate 
of local self-government, insisting that by home-rule only can true Democracy and a 
Republican foim of government be perpetuated in our cities and the several States. 

Gardiner, Col. Asa Bird — Was born in this city in 1S39. He is a member of the 
Union, the Metropolitan, the Manhattan, the Democratic, West Point, Seventh Regiment 
Veteran, and Delta Kappa Epsilon Clubs. The Colonel is also a simon-pure Democrat, 
and as siich, is in succession to his father and grandfather, a member of Tammany Hall 
General Committee for the First Assembly District. He is also a member of and Sachem 
in the Tammany Society. 

Gerry, Commodore Eldridge T. — Born in New York, 1837; a graduate of Columbia Col- 
lege; a lawyer of great prominence; founder of "The Gerry Society" for the prevention of 
cruelty to children; Commodore of the New York Yacht Club, Eldridge T. Gerry is a con- 
spicuous figure in the history of New York. His life-work in behalf of the children of the 
poor is an evidence of his humanity and Democracy as well. 

Gildersleeve, Henry Alger— Soldier, Jurist, sportsman, and, at one time, the finest 
rifle shot in America, was born in Dutchess County, New York, on August 1. 1840. In 
1875 he was elected Judge of the Court of General Sessions. His term expired in 1889. But 
in 1891 he was called back to the bench by Governor Hill, who appointed him a Justice 
of the Superior Court. In the fall of the same year he was elected to succeed himself for 
the full term of fourteen years, from January, 1892. Under the Constitution of 1894 he 
was transferred to the Supreme Court, and there presides at the present time. 

GiLON, Col. Edward — Was born in New York City August 11, 1838, and was educated 
In the common schools of his native city. Col. Gilon has held several important posi- 
tions, among others that of Alderman. From 1876 to 1880 he held the important office 
of Collector of Assessments and Clerk of Arrears. From 1880 to 1894 he was Chairman of 
the Board of Assessors. In February, 1894, he was returned to the duties he had so 
capably fulfilled, and was appointed to his old position which he now fills so creditably, 
that of Collector of Assessments and Clerk of Arrears. Col. Gilon has been for many 
years identified with the Democratic party in this city, and has done much to advance 
its cause. 


GoLDFOOLE, Henry M.— Municipal Court Justice, was horn in this city in lSn6. While 
taking an active interest in politics and always recognized as an ardent Democrat, Judge 
Goldfogle never held any office, other than one on tlve bench, though on various occa- 
sions he was proffered the nominations for Assembly and Congress, which he declined. 
He has been a delegate to every Democratic State Convention since 1877. and was an 
alternate to the National Convention which last nominated Mr. Cleveland for the Presi- 
dency, and also a delegate to the Nationiil Convention of the Democracy at Chicago In 

Gordon. J.\mes Linds.\t. — Ex-Deputy Assistant District Attorney, born in Virginia; has 
practiced law in New York since 1893. and is a member of the General Committee of Tam- 
many Hall for the Twenty-fifth District. 

Grace. William R. — Former Mayor Grace was born in Irel.and in 1833 and came 
to America al the age of fourteen. He became prominent as a business man, and. later, as 
a politician, and in 1880 was elected to the Mayor's office to which he was also re-elected 
in 1SS4. For years be was the acknowledged head of the Democratic party of New York. 

Grady. Thomas Francis— Senator Thomas Francis Grady, the noted politician and 
successful lawyer, was born in New York City in November, 1853. He was elected a mem- 
ber of the Tammany Society in 1877, ind has been a leading and conspicuous member of 
Tammany Hall since 1875, serving on Committees of Organization, Resolutions and Cor- 
respondence and Committee on Law and Executive Affairs. Senator Grady's district is 
the Twentieth — formerly the Second — and he has been member of Assembly, 1877 to 1879; 
Senator, 1SS2, 1883, 1889. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1S99 and 1900, as well as Police Justice. 1891 to 1895. 
He is a celebrity who has been prominent in every Presidential and State campaign since 
he became of .ige. Tammany Hall and Grady have always led to victory. 

Grell. William F. — Sheriff Grell was born in Germany in 1852. His residence during 
liis business and social career has been in New York City. Solely by his own efforts Mr. 
Grell has attained his present high standing in the community. He is widely-known in 
the business and social circles throughout the city. Mr. Grell's fitness for public office has 
been proved by his record in office as a Tax Commissioner. To the untiring efforts of Mr. 
Grell is due the establishment of that splendid monument of German generosity, the "Alt- 
enheim" (Home for the aged), which from the top of the Palisades overlooks New York as 
well as New Jersey. Mr. Grell is as prominent in social circles as he is in the political 
world. _He is a member of the Eichenkranz. Amt Hadler Club, the Amt Achin Club and 
the New York Schutzen Corps, and about 150 other societies and clubs. He was elected 
Sheriff of New York County in 1899. 

Green, Andrew H. — Andrew Haswell Green is a native of Worcester. Mass.; a student 
of law. and partner with Samuel J. Tilden in New York, and held some of the highest of- 
fices in the city, as president of the Board of Education, Park Commissioner. Comptroller, 
president of the commission for the creation of Greater New York, of which for years he 
was the advocate and the acknowledged "Father." Mr. Green is also a director of the 
Metropolitan Museum of Art. the New York Historical Society, the State Bar Association, 
and many more of like importance. 

GuGGENHEiMER. RANDOLPH — President of the Council, New York City, was born in 
Lynchburg, Va., in 1848. and came here when a boy. Educated in the public schools, he 
completed his studies privately, and finally graduated from the Law School of the Univer- 
sity of New York. He was admitted to the bar in 1869. In 1888 Mr. Guggenheimer was 
appointed a member of the Board of Education. He was elected to his present position 
in 1897. 

GuMELETON, Henry A. — Was horn in the City of New York September 14. 1846. He has 
at -various times held imponant positions in the public service; he was elected County Clerk 
in 1876, was a Sachem of the Tammany Society for several years prior to 1886, and was 
a member of the Board of Assessors. He is a lawyer and has been engaged in the active 
practice of his profession for the last sixteen years. 


Gut, Charles L,.— Ex-State Senator, lawyer, orator, club man, was born in New York 
and received the earlier part of his educational training in the public schools of this city; 
attended the College of the City of New York, after which he studied medicine in the Col- 
lege of Physicians and Surgeons, and later got his legal training in the Columbia College 
Law School and the law offices of Elihu Root. After admission to the bar in 1881, Mr. 
Guy was appointed law assistant to the Surrogate of New York County, but resigned in 
1893, having been elected to the Senate from the Thirteenth District. An active Democrat 
since 1877, Senator Guy has always taken an enthusiastic interest in local. State and 
national Issues. 

HABERM.-iN, Frederick. — From the Twenty-ninth Assembly District of New 
York, has been a Democrat ever since he was naturalized in 1864. He is a Bavarian by 
birth, but came to New York when a boy, was an apprentice at the tinner's bench, and 
rose to be head of a manufacturing establishment employing fifteen hundred men. 

Happen, Louis F.— President of the Borough of the Bronx, was born in 1854 in Mel- 
rose, Westchester County. He graduated from Columbia College School of Mines as 
Civil Engineer in 1879. He studied previously at St. John's College, Fordham, N. Y., and at 
Niagara College, receiving the groundwork of his education at a German private school 
and the local public school. He entered the active practice of civil engineering after fin- 
ishing at Columbia College, and in a staort time made a practicaJl study of mines in Colo- 
rado, California and Arizona. On his return to New York he resumed the work of a city 
surveyor and civil engineer in Melrose. He afterward became Superintendent of Parks of 
the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards. In 1893 he was appointed Commissioner of 
Street Improvements of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards by Mayor Gilroy, and 
in the fall of that year was elected to the same position. He held the office of Commis- 
sioner of Street Improvements until December 31, 1897 when it was abolished. In 1897 he 
wias elected President of the Borough of the Bronx. 

Hanneman, Louis — Ex-Corporation Attorney oZ the City of New York, was born in 
1858 in this city. Mr. Hanneman has always been actively identified with the Democratic 
party, and for many years, until 1886, he was Secretary of the Tammany Hall General 
Committee. He is a member of the Committee on organization. He is a member of the 
Tammany Club, the Gravesend Bay Yacht Club, the Masonic Ordgr, Odd Fellows, Knights 
of Pythias, Royal Aroanum, Eichen-Kranz Singing Society, Municipal Art Society and the 
Columbian Order. 

Hardy, Charles J. — Lawyer, has been a member of Tammany Hall for the past ten 
years, and was elected a member of Tammany Society in 1899. Is also a member of Demo- 
cratic, Liederkranz and Catholic Clubs, and of a number of college societies. 

Harris, Sidney — Was born in New York City in 1866; son of Miriam Coles Harris, 
a.uthor of "Rutledge," eltc, and the late Sidney S. Harris; educated at St. Paul School, 
Concord, N. H., and Columbia College; admitted to the bar in 1889. Member of the Union 
Club, St. Anthony Club and Democratic Club. 

Hascall. Theodore F. — Justice of the City Court, was born at Leroy, Genesee County, 
thlE State. Mr. Hascall — who has always been a stanch Democrat — became connected with 
Tammany Hall in 1876 and has since continuously served upon its various committees in 
the Seventh, Third, Tenth and Twenty-fifth Districts. He was elected to the City Court 
in 1898. 

H.-iS.SETT, Edward — Lawyer, received his education in the public schools of Bath, N. 
Y., and was admitted to the bar of the State of New York at Rochester in 1882. Since his 
establishment in the metropolis, Mr. Hassett has been connected with and engaged in 
litigation involving very large and valuable interests. He is a member of the Bar Asso- 
ciation of the City of New York, and a prominent member of several other associations and 
clubs in the city. 

Hayes, Nicholas J.— First Deputy City Clerk, was born in Troy, N. Y.. in 1854; edu- 
cated at Bryant & Stratton's Business College and St. Francis Xavier College; appointed 
Clerk of the Superior Court in 1886, transferred to Supreme Court 1896, and appointed to 
his present position in 1898: is a member of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall. 


Hays, Daniel P.-I.aivyer. liorn in Wrst^-hpst.'r County In ISM; has always b^f-n an 
«.ctlve Democrat, and in 1893 was appointed Commissioner of Appraising, relative to the 
changing of grades in the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards, and the same year 
was made Civil Service Commissioner, and elected Chairman of the Board. He Is a mem- 
ber of the Democratic, Lawyers', Reform, Sagamore and Harlem Democratic Clubs, being 
President of the latter organization for two years, 

Herti.k. JdHN C— CommiiiFioner Hertle is a native of New Ynrlt and Is of German par- 
entage. After completing his common school education in New Torlc City, he entered and 
graduated from one of our best business colleges of which he was afterwards principal. 
Later he went into the mercantile business. In 1.S98 Mayor Van Wyck appointed him to 
the very important office of Commissioner of Accounts. Mr. Hertle is a member of the 
Tammany Society and the Democratic Cluh. 

Hill, Gkorge.— Was born May 5th, 1S4S. at Rochdale. England. He came to New York 
City in 1.S53. Was prepared for college at Phillip's Exeter Academy in Exeter. N. H.. grad- 
uating in the class of 1865. He then entered Harvard College and there graduated in the 
class of 1S69. Subsequenty he took up a course in Harvard Law School. Since 1S70 he 
"has been a resident of this city. On January 1st. 1871 he became managing clerk for the 
law firm of Devlin, Miller & Trull, and remained in that position until May, 1875. when he 
started a law practice of his own, having been admitted to the bar in February, 1872. He 
was afterwards admitted to practice in the United States Courts for the Southern District 
of New York and the Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Hill became a member of 
Tammany Hall and the Columbian Order in 1SS4. He was appointed by Hon. John Whalen 
in February, 1898, to the office of Assistant Corporation Counsel, which office he =till holds. 
He is a member of the Executive Committee in the Twenty-fifth District. 

Hoes, M'm. M.— Public Administrator of the County of New York, born in this State; at 
Kinderhook, Columbia County. 1840; educated at Kinderhook Academy and Williams Col- 
lege and Columbia Law School; member of the Holland Society, Down-Town, Manhattan, 
Democratic and University Clubs, Bar Association of the City of New York, American 
Geographical Society. Williams College Alumni Association and Past Master of Kane 
Lodge, Free and Accepted Masons. 

Hoffman, Benjamin— Member of the Assembly froi., the Sixteenth Assembly District, 
■was born in the Eleventh Ward, this city, in 1862. He attended Grammar School No. 15, 
and after being graduated therefrom took a law course and entered the law office of 
Judge Alfred Sleekier. He then formed a partnership with his brother. Charles L. Hoff- 
man, under the firm name of Hoffman & Hoffman. In Tammany circles. Mr. Hoffman 
holds a prominent position. Mr. Hoffman has Ijeen a member of Assembly for five terms, 
and at the recent election was elected without opposition as Justice of the Municipal Court, 
Fifth District. He has been Secretary of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the o'd 
Sixth Assembly District. He is also a member of the Eleventh Ward League, Democratic 
Club, Tammany Society, the Jefferson Club, the Seminole Club and the John F. Ahearn 
Association. Besides these social and political clubs, he is also a prominent and active 
member of the Gad Lodge. I. O. O. F. ; the Gottlieb Lodge, A. I.; Max Kahn Lodge, I. O. 
S. B.; American Star Lodge, the American Legion of Honor, Adelphi Lodge 23, F. A. M. 

Hoi.AHAN. Maurice F. — President Board of Public Improvements, was born in 1S48; 
has been in both branches of the State Legislature^as a member of the lower house and 
Clerk of the Senate; Chief of Customs in the Treasury Department; Chief Special Agent 
of the Treasury Department for New York. Connecticut and New Jersey; appointed Com- 
missioner of Accounts of the city in 1889. and Deputy Commissioner Public Works in 1890. 
Mr. Holahan has been a member of Tammany Hall for twenty-five years, and for many 
years was Scribe of Tammany Society. 

Holly, Willis. — Was born July 4th. 1854. in Stamford. Conn. In early life he was a 
prominent newspaper man. First office held in New York was that of Secretary and Chief 
Clerk in Mayor's office, to which he was appointed in 1891 by Mayor Grant, and in which 
Tie continued under Mayor Gilroy. Was appointed Secretary of Park Board in 189S. He 
is a member of Tammany Society, of General and Executive Committees, being at present 
a member or" the Executive Committee in the Twenty-fifth District. 


Hopper, Isaac A.— A stanch and loyal Democrat, who has engaged 'in the erection of 
some of the largest buildings in the city, among them being the Emigrant Savings Bank, 
Carnegie Hall, Academy of the Sacred Heart, the New Netherlands Hotel, the Third Ave- 
nue Bridge, the three power-houses of the Third Avenue Cable Road, the Commmercial 
Hotel and the Spingler Building at Union Square. He also constructed the three and one- 
half miles of cable road for the Third Avenue Company, the lattter involving an expendi- 
ture of more than a million dollars. Mayor Grant appointed Mr. Hopper a member of 
the Board of Education in 1S91, but finding that his health was not of the b^st and his 
business engagements too pressing, he resigned in 1893. Tammany leader in the Thirty- 
first Assembly District; is now President Twelfth Ward Bank and the Empire City 
Savings Bank. 

HORWiTz, Otto — "Was born in Berlin, Germany, and educated there and at the New 
York City College, this city. He has long taken an active interest in Democratic politics 
in this city and is a member of numerous clubs and associations. 

HoTCHKiss, Henry D. — Was born at Albany, N. Y. He began the study of law in the 
oflice of David B. Hill, at Elmira. Subsequently came to the city of New York and 
entered the office of James C. Carter. Was elected to Assembly from Eleventh District of 
Kings in 1S86, winning by a plurality of 221 over Republican opponent in a total vote of 
22,000. the normal Republican majority being about 4.000. Declined a renomination. Wa& 
a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1894. 

HoTTENROTir, Adolph C. — Member of the City Council from the Borough of the Bronx, 
City of New York and the New York University, and is a member of the law firm of Gum- 
bleton & Hottenroth. In 1894 Mr. Hottenroth was one of the youngest members of the 
Constitutional Convention, representing practically the same district that he now repre- 
sents in the Municipal Council of Greater New York, besides the Counties of Westchester 
and Putnam. 

Jackson, Charles A. — Was born in New York City in 1843. He was educated in the 
Fishkill Academy, Fishkill, N. Y., and Columbia College Daw School. He graduated in 
1859, was admitted to the bar in 1863 and has practiced law in this city ever since. In 1879- 
he was nominated for State Senator against William Waldorf Astor and was defeated, but 
he succeeded in cutting down a Republican majority of 10,000 to 4,000. In 1881 he was of- 
fered the nomination for Surrogate on the City Democracy ticket but declined it. He was 
appointed Inspector of Schools by Mayor Grace. In 1899 he was appointed Commissioner 
of Change of Grade by Mayor Van Wyck. He has been a member of the Tammany So- 
ciety for twenty-five years and the Society of Cincinnati for ten years. Mr. Jackson is; 
a member of the Democratic and Manhattan Clubs and a member of the General Commit- 
tee of Tammany Hall from the Twenty-seventh Assembly District. 

Jenkins. William T., M. D. — Health Commissioner, was born in Holly Springs, Miss.,_ 
October 25. 1855; educated at the University of Mississippi and University of Virginia; 
came to New York in 1S7S; has served as Coroner's Physician from ISSO to January, 1892; 
Health Officer of Port from February, 1892, to Januarj'. 1895; Health Commissioner and. 
Chairman of Sanitary Committee, of Board of Health, member State Board of Health by 
appointment of Governor Theodore Roosevelt. January, 1899. 

Joseph, Herman.— Judge, lawyer and good Democrat, born in this city in 1858, and re- 
ceived his early education in the public schools and tJh« University of New York, graduat- 
ing from the latter institution with the class of '77. He is a brother-in-law of Judge John 
H. McCarthy, and has always been a Democrat in politics. 

Kearney, Edward.— Mr. Kearney, who was born in Ireland, 1830, was educated in New 
York, and throughout his life was prominent in the business and political life of New York. 
He made a fine record as a soldier, as a successful business man and as a favorite member 
of Tammany Hall. He was Richard Croker's lieutenant in the Eighteenth Assembly Dis- 
trict, and as a Democrat and a man was respected for his integrity and ability. 


Keaunky. JAMKs-Lawy.r. in the new St. Paul IBuilciiiiR. Mr. Kcainc-y has many 
friends and is a wtil known maii in l.uth social and lega) clrck-s. 

Keenan, Patrick— Was b.,ni in c-..unly Tyrone, Inland, in ls:iT. The fascination of 
politics seized upon Mr. Keenan when young. He has always been a stanch Democrat. 
He became a member of the County Democracy in ISSO. and continued until IS'JO, when he 
Joined Tammany Hall. He has been leader of the Sixteenth District ever since. His first 
official position was attained in 1872. when he was thirty-Hve years old, beine then elected 
to the Board of Assistant Aldermen, and he continued to be a member of that body until 
it was abolished in 1874. Subsequently, in 1875, he was elected to the Board of Aldermen, 
and he served for six years, until 1S8:;, when he attained a still higher office by his election 
to County Clerk. Mr. Keenan was appointed to his present position. City Chamberlain, 
fn 1898. 

Keller. John W.— President Board of Charities, born in Kentucky in 1856; educated 
at Tale College; came to New York in 1879;journalist by occupation; ex-President New 
York Press Club; President Democratic Club; appointed to present position in 1S98. Member 
of Executive Committee of Tammany Hall and Chairman of C<immittee on Printing. He 
is a Sachem of the Tammany Society, 

Kennelly, Bryan L.— Real estate auctioneer and appraiser, was horn in New Yorl< 
City in 1865. Mr. Kennelly was the founder of the first Democratic club on the West Side, 
between Fifty-ninth and One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Streets, which was organized in 
Ninety-fifth street, in 1890; afterward being instrumental in amalgamating said club into 
what is now the celebrated Pontiac Club, the Tammany Hall club of the district, of which 
club he has been Vice-President. He represented Tammany Hall from the Nineteenth 
Assembly District on Adjutant-General Josiah Porter's staff at the inauguration of (Jrover 
(Cleveland in Washington, March 4, 1893. He is a member of the Colonial Club, New York 
Athletic Democratic and Catholic Clubs, arrd Friendly Sons of St. Patrick. Pontiac Club of 
the Nineteenth Assembly District, and the West End Association. 

Kenny, Willum John Knight — This popular editor and political manager was born In 
New York, in 1851. He is President of the Securities Advertising Agency and has been 
prominently identified with Tammany Hall politics for fifteen years, serving on Organiza- 
tion. General and District Committees and as Supervisor of the City Record. He assisted 
in managing the Mayoralty campaign of Hugh J. Grant and Robert A. Van Wyck, and has 
been at different periods city editor New York HcruJd. law reporter and political writer 
New York rimes, city editor Joiinial and New York Presn. In 1898 Mr. Kenny managed the 
campaign which resulted in the election of William Astor Chanler to Congress. v 

King, Vincent C. Sr.— A life-long member of the Tammany Society, born in Wilton, 
Saratoga County, N. Y., and came to New York at the age of two years. Entering the 
employ of his father in the manufacture of plaster, he remained in the same business 
under the firm name of V. C. & C. V. King until his death in 18gC. Mr. King was a pioneer 
Democrat of the old Ninth Ward, a foreman of No. 23 Voluineer Hose, a member of the 
Legislature and a Commissioner of the New York Fire Department. His son Vincent C. 
King, Jr., continues the business. 

Knox. Charles H.— President of the Municipal Board of Civil Service Commissioners, 
was born in this city, and is now in his forty-sixth year. He is a lawyer and the senior 
member of the law firm of Knox and Woodward. In 1S84 he ran for Judge of the Court of 
Common Pleas, but was defeated. In 1891 he was appointed by Mayor Grant as a School 
Commissioner, and was reappointed by Mayor Gilroy in 1894. In January, 1894, the Board 
of Education chose him as President, and again in 1895. He resigned in July. 1895. In 1896 
he became a member of Tammany Hall. Mr. Knox was appointed Civil Service Commis- 
sioner by Mayor Van Wyck, and is President of the Board. 

La Fetra, Edward B.— Lawyer, born in Eatontown, N. J., in 1866, and has been a 
member of Tammany Hall for twelve years, serving on Committee on Organization and 
General Committee; member of Assembly from Eighteenth Assembly District in 1S94-95. 


Lane, Smith B. — Born in this city in 1829; was educated at the University of the 
City of New Torlc, and admitted to the bar in 1852. Has been actively engaged in politics 
since 1852 with the Democratic party, frequently a delegate to the State Conventions, an 
old member of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, and a member of the Tam- 
many Hall General Committee for thirty years. Appointed a Park' Commissioner in 1878 
for five years, and in 1898 appointed Commissione'- of the new East River Bridge, subse- 
quently being elected Secretary. 

Lantrt Francis J. — Has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat. He was elected 
Alderman in the year 1892. and was re-elected two years later; at the expiration of his 
second term he was appointed by Mayor Van "Wyck Commissioner of Correction. He was 
born January 8, 1859, and was formerly connected with the meat industry. He was Master 
Workman of Local Assembly 9,797, and was Delegate to District Assembly 49 for three 

Lardner, William J. — was born in this city in 1858, received his education at St. 
Francis Xavier College and the University of the City of New Tork. Mr. Lardner cast his 
first vote in 1S79 for the late John Kelly, Democratic candidate for Governor, and has 
since been a strict Tammany Hall man. He has been on the General Committee of the 
Sixteenth Assembly District (now the Eighteenth). He never held public ofBce, except 
that of Deputy Attorney-General conferred upon him as a personal compliment by Mr. 

Leventritt, David — Justice of Supreme Court, born in South Carolina in 1845; came to 
New Tork in 1854; has been a prominent member of Tammany Hall for many years and a 
lawyer of national reputation; elected Justice of Supreme Court in 1898. 

Levet. Edgar J.— Was born in this city in 1863: graduated from Columbia College 
In 1883 and from Columbia Law School in 1886; appointed Secretary to the Comptroller In 
1891; Assistant Deputy Comptroller in 1893. and Deputy Comptroller in 1898. 

Lewis. John M.— Born in Maiden, N. T.. in 1837. and educated at Phillips Academy, 
Andover, Williams College, and New Tork University; admitted to the bar in 1858; 
appointed Assistant District Attorney in 1894. He served in the War of the Rebellion and 
is a member of Lafayette Post, G. A. R., Manhattan Club, Larchmont Tacht Club, Grand 
Lodge and Grand Chapter of Connecticut, and the Veteran Association and Society of War 
Veterans of the Seventh Regiment. Mr. Lewis has been for many years a member of the 
General Committee of Tammany Hall. 

LOG.AN, "^^''ALTER S.— Was born at Washington, Conn., in 1847. Graduated from Tale in 
Class of 1870; from Harvard Law School in 1871, and from Columbia Law School, 1872, 
being one of the few holding sheepskins from three of our great universities. Began prac- 
tice of law in office of James C. Carter, assisting Charles O'Connor in the famous Jumel 
case, and prizes his association with these great lawyers 'beyond measure. Mr. Logan has 
been engaged in many noted litigations in the State and United States Courts, and is 
President of the New Tork State Bar Association and Chairman of Committee on Com- 
mercial Law of American Association, and member of numerous literary, social and 
political organizations. 

Lydecker. Charles Edward.— This popular lawyer was born in New Tork City, 1851; 
was educated in the City College and graduated from the Columbia College Law School in 
1871 and was admitted to the bar in 1873. He has tried many important cases and is a mem- 
ber of the Manhattan, Reform, Lawyers', Underwriters', Bar Association, and life member 
of the State Bar of New Tork. In military life he held rank of Major in the Seventh Regi- 
ment, of which he was a member twenty-seven years. 


Martin, Bernard F.— State Senator Beinaid F. Martin was born In Ireland In 184'. and 
came to New York in 1849. He received his early education In the public schools ol this 
city and immediately after leaving school he entered upon an active business career, be- 
ginning as an employee in the office of Isaac Lohman, wholesale commission merchant. In 
liBl, at the first call for volunteers, he responded nobly, enlisting in the Thirty-seventh 
New Vork. After the war Mr. Martin took a position with the New York News Company 
as manager of the wholesale department, which position he occupied until 1870. He w'as 
clerk of the Health Department from 1S75 to ISSO. In that year he became leader of what 
was then the Seventh District. He was then successively Alderman, Coroner, Order of Ar- 
rest Clerk, Deputy Commissioner of Public Works, Commissioner of Jurors, Police Justice 
and then Senator. He is still leader of his district, now the Firth. 

McAda.m, David— One of the best known Judges of the Supreme Court, was t>orn in 
this city in ISoS; admitted to the bar in 1859, and elected upon the Democratic ticket as 
Justice of the Marine Court in 1873, and re-elected in 1S79 and 1885. In 1890 he was elected 
a Judge of the Superior Court, now the Supreme Court, where he still presides. He is an 
eloquent speaker and lecturer, and has given valuable aid to the party, both on the plat- 
form and as an adviser. 

McAdam, Thomas. — Lawyer, born in this city in 1863, son of Hon. David McAdam, of 
the Supreme Court bench; takes an active interest in politics, and for a number of years 
was a member of Tammany Hall General Committee from the old Thirteenth District. 

McCall, a. O.^Clerk of the Supreme Court, Mr. A. O. McOalll, was born in the City of 
Albany on the 14th day of July, 1865. He received his primary education in the public 
schools of Albany and graduated from the Albany High School, class of 1SS5. Immediately 
after his graduation Mr. McCall began the study of law in the ofBce of Hon. D. Cady Her- 
rick now a Justice of the Supreme Court, and subsequently studied in the offices of Peck- 
ham, Rosendale & Hessberg. After two years' course in the New York University he re- 
ceived the degree of L.L.B. from that institution. In 1889 County Clerk Edward Reilly ap- 
pointed Mr. McCall a clerk of the Supreme Court. The Appellate Division subsequently re- 
appointed him, and he still holds that important position. 

McCall Edward E. — Was born in Albany, the ciipital city, in January. 1863, and has 
been a resident of this city for the past twenty years. He attended the University of the 
City of New York and graduated from the law school of that college. Mr. McCall has the 
reputation of being one of the best real estate lawyers in the United States, hiiving had 
the distinction of being connected with three of the largest insurance companies in the 
world, and in each of the three being in charge of the real estate interests. He w-as first 
connected with the Mutual, then w'ith the Equitable, and latterly with the New York Life 
Insurance Company. Mr. McCall is a member of various social and political organizations 
and is a member of the Tammany Society. 

McCarthy, John Henry — Judge of the City Court; was a member of the Assembly in 
1880 and also in 1881, and he was the only Democrat on three committees, the Judiciary, 
second highest committee in 1880 and 1881, the Committee on Two-Thirds Bills, composed 
of the Speaker, Husted, and the leading members of the Assembly, and Trades and Manu- 
factures. In the fall of 1SS9 he again ran against Timothy J. Campbell, who was then Con- 
gressman, and who had the Republican and Democratic nominations for the Fifty-flrst 
Congress, which was presided over by Speaker Reed, and was elected by over 5. 800 major- 
ity. In 1891 he was appointed by Governor Hill as City Court Judge, and elected in 
1892 and again re-elected in 1S97 for ten years, receiving the largest majority on the ticket, 
except Dunn, who ran for Sheriff, who received about 1.500 votes more. McCarthy's major- 
ity was over 91,000. He was the only one from New Y'ork on the Joint Committee in the 
Legislature on the first street cleaning law, which was passed while Grace was Mayor. 
He was also all through the Conklin and Piatt contest in January. 1881. which lasted from 
January of that year to July of the same. 

McCartney, James— Was born in the old Twenty-first Ward in 1858, and educated in 
the public schools; appointed Superintendent of Engineering Department of the Depart- 
ment of Public Works by Allen Campbell; was appointed Street Cleaning Commissioner in 
1897 by Mayor Van Wyck. Died in 1900. 


McClelland, James D. — Ex- Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1843; edu- 
cated in public schools; graduated from Mount Washington Colleg-iate Institute and New 
Yorli University; has devoted himself to the practice of criminal law, and toas, as a legis- 
lator, introduced many reforms into the Criminal Codes, notably the amendment providing 
for bail at station houses at all hours of the night. He has been an active worker in the 
interests of Tammanj- Hall for many years. Served in the Legislature 1882-83. 

McClure, David— Was born at Dobbs Ferry, Westchester County, N. Y., in 1848. He 
studied law and was admitted to the bar at about the time he reached his majority, in 1869, 
and has been engaged in the active practice of his profession for thirty years. Mr. 
McClure is a popular club man, being a prominent member of the Manhattan and Demo- 
cratic Clubs, and also of the Bar Association. 

McInttre, John F. — Ex- Assistant District Attorney, was born in this city in 1855. His 
education was obtained in the public schools and in St. Francis Xavier's College. Being 
graduated from the latter in 1877 with iiigh honors, he immediately entered public life, and 
in 1886 he was elected to the Legislature from the old Twenty-second Assembly District. 
On his return from his legislative services at Albany, Mr. Mclntyre became cousel to the 
Comptroller of New York City, and upon the election of Delancy Nicoll to the District 
Attorney's office he was appointed by Nicoll as his assistant, and subsequently he was 
reappointed by Col. John R. Fellows and Col. Gardiner. Mr. Mclntyre has been an active 
member of Tammany Hall for a number of years, and has been a delegate to all of the 
Democratic State Conventions and to two National Conventions of the party. He is a 
member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Algonquin Clubs and of many Irish societies. 

McKeax, John Bell. — Justice McKean was born in Belfast, Ireland, in 1838. Coming 
to New York when fifteen he engaged in mercantile pursuits for some years, when he was 
-appointed Clerk of the Supreme Court Circuit, Part I. While serving in this capacity he 
was admitted to the Bar in 1864. Was afterwards appointed Clerk in Police Court, where 
he served many years, until Governor Hill, in 1889, appointed him Justice of the Seventh 
Judicial District Court. One year thereafter the people elected him to fill the unexpired 
term of Justice Monell by a plurality of 2,010 votes, and re-elected him in 1893 by a plural- 
ity of 6,589. In 1899 he was appointed Justice of Special Sessions, First Division, which 
position he now holds. The Judge is an old and honored member of Tammany, of the 
Democratic, Algonquin and other clubs and benevolent and social organizations. 

McQuade, John — Forty-eight years a Tammany man, former Police Justice, fornier 
chief of Tammany Hall, former Alderman, was born in Ireland on Christmas Day, 1827. 
His parents brought him to America two years later. He was the Father of the Council 
and a Sachem of the Tammany Society for many years. When Mr. Richard Croker re- 
signed the Chairmanship of the Finance Committee of that body, Mr. McQuade was chosen 
(to succeed him. In 1868 he was elected, ,and in 1869 re-elected, as Alderman from the 
Yorkville district, where he still resides. From 1870 to 1872 he served as Police Justice, 
until legislated out of office. He was leader of the old Twenty-second Assembly District, 
.and as such organized the Jefferson, now the Algonquin Club, of which he is still a mem- 
ber. He was elected Treasurer of the Tammany organization in 1890. 

Meter, Cord, Jr. — As a successful business man and Democratic politician the name 
of Cord Meyer is a household word in New York. He was born at Newtown in 1854 and is 
a resident of Maspeth, L. I. He has been a leader in State politics, a member of the State 
Executive Committee, and held various high offices as a tribute from his friends, the people. 

Meyer, Peter F. — ^Was born in New York in the year 1842. He received a limited 
school education and began life as a Central Park water boy. In 1862 Mr. Meyer started 
in the real estate business at 111 Broadway, and has remained there since. Mayor Van 
Wyck appointed him Commissioner of Docks and Ferries in 1897. Mr. Meyer is treasurer 
of the Tammany Society, a member of the New York Athletic, Democratic, Olj'rapic and 
Sagamore Clubs. 


MiNSKY, Louis.— Louis Minsky was born in Germany, but came lo America while yet a 
youth. He is a graduate of both a German school and a Hebrew college, and thoroughly 
versed in the literature of both these languages, in addition to his perfect acquaintance 
with Knglish letters. Karly trained to business habits by his father, a successful mer- 
chant in Germany, Mr. Minsky, with a small capital united with untiring energy, began 
business tor himself in ISSO, and by perseverance and the exercise of good practical ideas 
lius built Ills business to a great success. Mr. Minsky is a supporter and director in many 
charitable societies including the Monlefoire Home for Aged Hebrews, Mt. Sinai Hospital, 
Lebanon Hospital, Beth Israel Hospital, Hebrew Charities and Correction, Hebrew Gemi- 
leth Chasodin Association, Hebrew Orphan Asylum and Malboth Arumim. 

Mitchell, Hichaud H.— State Senator liuni the Twenty-first District, was born in this 
city and was educated at the College of the City of New Vork and Columbia Law School. 
For the last six years Mr. Mitchell has taken an active part in politics. He is, and always 
has been, a Democrat. 

Mitchell, William F. — The printer, was born in this city in August, 1846. He was 
educated in the public schools and the College of the City of New York, fi'rom l&Tti to j.580 
he was Clerk of the Fourth District Court, and in ISSU he was appointed JExcise Commis- 
sioner, and served for three years as President of the Board. He served an additional 
term of three years as Commissioner. He was a member of the Democratic State Com- 
mittee from ISisO to ISis-i, and for twenty-two years has been Chairman of the Tenth 
Assembly District, Democratic General Committee. He is a member of the General Com- 
mittee of Tammany Hall from the Tenth District, the Democratic and Occidental Clubs of 
the City of New York. 

Moeuus, Ajgust — Park Commissioner Borough of the Bionx, was born in this city in 
1850. Has always been a stanch Democrat and a member of the Tammany Hall organiza- 
tion for twenty-six years; elected a member of the Board of Aldermen in ISaO and ISyi. 

MuONiii', Jlihn H.— Kxpert Accountant for CJueens County, among many other public 
offices of trust held by Mr. Mooney was that of Commissioner of Accounts of this city. 
Mr. Mooney is acknowledged to be one of the best accountants in the United States. 

Moobe, William F.— Judge Third District Municpal Court, was born in 1855; ap- 
pointed to present position in 1890; elected in 1891, and again in 1893 and in 1900; is a mem- 
ber of Tammany Society, and Chairman of Tammany Hall General Committee in the Fifth 

Morgan, Rollin M. — Was born in Mt. Vernon, Ohio, in 1857. Came to New Y'ork 
in 1878, and is a graduate of the Colunibia Law School. He is a prominent Democratic 
politician; a lawyer of marked ability; a member of many clubs, including the Commercial, 
the Manhattan, Democratic, and the Ohio and Tammany Societies. 

Moriarty, Thaddeus — Native of Ireland. He came to New Y'ork, however, at the age 
of eight years, and received his primary education in the schools of this city. In 1875 he 
was appointed School Trustee, representing the Seventh Ward. In 1878, Mayor Smith Ely 
appointed him School Commissioner. He was reapointed to the Commissionership, suc- 
cessively, by Mayor Hugh J. Grant and Mayor Thomas F. Gilroy. He is a member of the 
Tammany Society and of the Catholic and Sgamore Clubs. Mr. Moriarty was again 
appointed School Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyck in 1899. 

Motley, Thornton N. — Mr. Motley is a well-known merchant of New York, who was 
born in this city in 1859. He has been a member of Tammany Hall about six years and has 
served on General Committees and in the organization work of the various Democratic 
campaigns, in which he has shown his faithfulness to party and to friends. In public 
office he has been Commissioner of the Bureau of Statistics, and in private life is highly 


MuLQUEEN, Michael J.— Born in the Seventh Ward in 1857. He attended Public School 
No. 2, and continued his studies at Cooper Union and the Columbia College Law School, 
and then read law in the office of Judge A. J. Dittenhoefer, and was admitted to the bar 
in 1883. In 1894 Mr. Mulqueen was elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. He 
is a Tammany Hall Democrat, a member of the General Committee of the Thirty-flrst 
Assembly District and a member of the Committee on Organization. He belongs to the 
Manhattan, Democratic, Catholic and Sagamore Clubs. 

MuNDORP, George H.— Was born in 1860 in the City of New York. He received his 
early education in the public schools of this city, and later graduated from the College of 
the City of New York. He entered into active business life in 1SS7, succeeding his father 
in the w-hlolesale and retail grocery business. Mr. Mundorf has always taken an active 
interest in politics. In 1897 he was nominated by the Democratic party for Alderman and 
made a good race in a dlistrict which was almost hopelessly Republican. In 1898 he was 
appointed Councilman, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Charles F. Allen. 

MuBPHT, Charles P. — Mr. Murphy, one of the successful Democratic leaders of the 
Eighteenth Assemlbly District, is one of the popular members of Tammany Hall. He 
was born in New York in 1858 and has lived in his district all his life. He was selected as 
leader in 1892, and was appointed Dock Commissioner in 1898. 

Murphy, Col. Michael. — Ex-President of the Health Board and Police Commissioner, 
was born in Limerick, Ireland, in 1841. In the fall of 1866 Col. Murphy was elected to tne 
Legislature, and after that he rapidly added political reputation to previously acquired 
military fame. Always popular among his constitutents, he was repeatedly re-elected, and 
continued to represent the 'lower part of the city in the Assembly and Senate for fourteen 
years. The Colonel has never livid out of the First Assembly District. He has been a 
member of Tammany Hall since the disbandment of the County Democracy. He has been 
an Excise Commissioner, Clerk of the First District Civil Court, and was appointed on the 
Health Board in 1898. He is a member of Shiloh Post, G. A. R., the Loyal Legion, Presi- 
dent of the "Hickory Club," and is the possessor of the most highly prized "Congressional 
Med^l of Honor" for gallantry in action. 

Nagle, Dr. John T. — Chief of the Bureau of Municipal Statistics, was born in 1843; 
appointed Assistant Sanitary Inspector in 1869; promoted to Sanitary Inspector, Deputy 
Register of Records and Register of Records, Bureau of "Vital Statistics, in succession; 
appointed to present position in 1898. Dr. Nagle has been a member of Tammany Society 
for many years, and is Sagamore of same. 

Nixon, Lewis — Commissioner of the new East River Bridge, is a graduate of the 
United States Naval Academy, and is one of the ablest naval constructors in the woiid. 
He is a thorough Democrat and an indefatigable worker for the party. 

Norton, Sheridan S.— A. B., A. M., L. L.B., was born in New York City in 1874, and 
educated in St. Francis Xavier College and Columbia Law School; admitted to Bar in 1896. 

Oaklet, John T. — Councilman Oakley is a native of New York, having been born in 
this city in 1863. He received his early education in the public schools. Soon after gradua- 
ting from them he entered the College of the City of New York. At an early age he entered 
into active business association with his father, with whom he was in partnership. In 1895 
his father retired, and Mr. Oakley has since conducted the business alone. When but 
twenty-one years of age he was appointed index clerk in the Register's office by Register 
Reilly. Since then he has held the responsible positions of clerk in the law divisions of the 
Custom House, deputy clerk of Internal Revenue under President Cleveland's first admin- 
istration, and complaint and correspondence clerk in the Department of Street Cleaning. 
In 1892 he was persuaded to resign this position and accept the nomination for Alderman 
and was elected by a majority of 3,700. In 1894 he was again nominated and elected Alder- 
man, and in 1897 he was elected Councilman in the First District. Mr. Oakley has been 
leader of the Fourteenth District for the past six years. 

O'Brien, Miles M. — School Commissioner, born in Ireland in 1851. One of Tammany 
Hall's most influentiafl members for many years, and has taken a leading part in munici- 
pal affairs; member of H. B. Claflin Co., dry goods merchants. Is president of the board 
of School Commissioners. 


O'Brien. John P.— Graduated In ISHl fidtii thr Holy Cross Collese. In Worcester, Mass.. 
with the degree of A.B., ajnd afterward took a post-graduate course In the Georgetown 
University, receiving the degree of A.M., In 1895. He graduated with honors in both Insti- 
tutions. He later attended the (ieorgrtown University Law School and tooic the degree of 
L.L. B. in 1S97. During the law school course he taught a class in the preparatory depart- 
ment of the University. In 1898 he was admitted to the bar and took up the practice of 
law in this city. Mr. O'Brien is president oi' the lyco Club, is a member of the Society of 
Georgetown Alumni in New York and Knights of Columbus. He is greatly intere.sted in 
the College Men's Democratic Club, having been made an honorary vice-president of the 
organization. Mr. O'Brien is secretary of the Speakers' Club of the Twenty-first Assembly 
District and a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee. 

O'Brien. J.\mes W.— Editor and publisher, born in Ireland. 1846; resides in the Seven- 
teenth Assembly District, and has been a member of Tammany Hall for fifteen years, 
serving on various committees; elected a member of Tammany Society in 1897. 

O'Hkikn. Morg.\n J.— Justice of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, born iii 
New York in 1S52; made Corporation Counsel of the city in 1887, and elected Justice of the 
Superior Court in 1888; appointed Justice of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, in 1895. 

O'DWYER, Edward F. — Judge of the City Court, was born in New York in 1860; elected 
Alderman in 1884; elected to the City Court Bench in 1895 and re-elected in 1897. Has been 
Vice-President of the Democratic Club for eight years. 

O'GoRM.iN, James A. — Justice of the Supreme Court, born in the City of New York on 
May 5, 1860; was educated in the public schools, the College of the City of New York and 
the Law- Department of the New York University, from which institution he was 
graduated in May, 1882. In the same month he was admitted to the bar; was elected 
Justice Municipal Court in 1893, and Justice of the Supreme Court in 1S99. He was a dele- 
gate to the National Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1896, and was a loyal and active 
supporter of the Bryan and Sewall ticket. He is a member of the Democratic Club, the 
Tammany Society, the Catholic Club, the New York Athletic Club and numerous fraternal 
and patriotic organizations. 

Olendorf. Charles Dewey — Born in Otsego County in 1856 and received his early 
education at the Academy in Cooperstown. While there, Mr. Olendorf read law with 
Judge Harris and was admitted to the bar at Albany in 1879. Mr. Olendorf was appointed 
Assistant Counsel to the City Corporation in July 1889. and since that time has been at the 
head of the Condemnation Bureau of the office, where all matters pertaining to the acquisi- 
tion of land for public purposes, such as public parks, school, engine, station and court 
house sites are transacted. 

Oppenheim. Myron H. — Lawyer, born in Albany, N. Y., 1859; graduate of Columbia 
College; has been a member of Tammany Hall and Tammany Society for a number of 
years and has served on General Committee most of the time; member of Democratic, 
Narragansett, Lambs. West End. Pontiac, Dry Goods. Wool Club, Wwight ,\lunini. Albany 
Society and many other clubs. 

OsBOKNE, James W. — Assistant District Attorney Osborne was born in Charlotte, N. C. 
in 1859, is a graduate of Davidson College and of the Law School of Columbia College, New 
York. His experience has been great, being assistant of Delancy Nicoll, Colonel John R. 
Fellows. Olcott, Colonel Asa Bird Gardiner, and of the present incumbent. He is a staunch 
Democrat and prominent member of all Democratic clubs. 

O'SuLLivAN, William Joseph, M. D. — Medico-legal specialist, was born in the city of 
Cork, Ireland, June 1, 1858, son of William Murtagh, M. D.. and Monicia (O'Bryan) O'Sulli- 
van. He was educated at St. Fin Barr's Seminary, Cork, and the universities of Edinburgh 
and London, and having taken both medical and veterinary degrees, in 1SS2 he came to the 
United States. In this country lie continued his professional studies at Yale, entered the 
mediical school of that university, in which he graduated with the degree of Doctor of Medi- 
cine in 1888, and pursuing a course in the law school received the degree of Bachelor of 
Laws in 1890. With this equipment Dr. O'Sullivan entered upon the practice of law, first 
in Connecticut where he was admitted to the bar late in 1890, and subsequently in New- 
York in 1S91, where he came prominently into public notice by his masterly handling of the 
expert chemical testimony in the Buchanan poison case. He has been identified with Tam- 
many Hall ever since his residence in New Yoik. and is also a member of the Tammany 


Ottendorfer. Oswald— }3orn February 26, 1S26, in Zwittau, County of Mehren, Austria. 
Educated at the University of Vienna, from whicli he went to Prague to study law. Came 
to America, where he found himself in New York friendless, penniless and without a 
knowledge of the English language. Subsequently he obtained a clerkship in the office of 
the Stoats Zeitung, where by industry and ability he was promoted until he became its 
chief editor. The Staats Zeitung is now a stock company, and a controlling interest in the 
paper is held by Mr. Ottendorfer's family. He was a member of the Committee of 
Seventy in 1872, and at one time held the position of a member of the Board of Aldermen. 
He was a member of the Manhattan, City, Century, Reform, Commonwealth and Patria 
Clubs, the Lieder Kranz and American Geographical Societies and the chief organizer and 
leader of the German-American Reform Union. Died in 1900. 

Owen, Edward. — Was born of Southern parents in Cincinnatti, Ohio and was educatea 
in the schools of that city and in Kenyon College. He was a gallant soldier during the 
war. and since his residence was established in New York has been conspicuous as Com- 
missioner of Accounts, where his record has been of the best, and he has been retained for 
many terins at the ui-gent requests of prominent citizens. Mr. Owen is a model Democrat 
as well as a favorite ofHcial. 

Page, Wili.iaim H., Jr. — Born in Paris, France, of American parents, then traveling 
abroad, in 1861; resides in the Twenty-first Assembly District, and has been a member of 
Tammany Hall and Tammany Society since 1897. 

Patrick, John H. — AVas born at Albany, and was educated in the public schoo's of 
New Y'ork. He joined the Tammany Society in 1876 and was elected Sachem for 1895, 1896 
lind 1897. Was also Chairman of the present Twenty-second, and former Twentieth 
Assembly District for over fifteen years, and now resides in the Twenty-third. Mr. 
Patrick has been a New York merchant for forty years, and is now President and Treas- 
urer of the American Tool Chest Company, located at 200 AVest Houston street. 

Penfield, William AA^abneb — Justice of the Municipal Court of the First District of 
the Bronx, was born in New Rochelle in 1858. His early education was received in the 
public schools of his native place. He later entered Yale College, being graduated from 
there, with the highest honors in 1879. South Mount Vernon, now known as Wakefield, 
owes most of its growth to the efforts of Mr. Penfield; and the people of that place have 
repeatedly shown their appreciation of his worth by conferring on him all the honors in 
their power to give — the Presidency, the Chieftainship of the Fire Department, the respon- 
sible office of Corporation Counsel, and many others. 

Penny, William N. — Clerk of the Court of Genera/I Sessions. In 1883 he resigned the 
city editorship of the Daily Kens to accept the appointment of private secretary to that 
worthy exponent of Democracy, John McKeon, then District Attorney, of this city. He 
retained this position, earning a high reputation for tact, capacity and honesty, under Mr. 
McKeon's successors, Messrs. Olney, Martine and Fellows. AVhen Judge James Fitzgerald 
was elected to the bench of the Court of General Sessions, Mr. Penny resigned from the 
District Attorney's office to become Clerk of that court. Mr. Penny has always been a 

Phelan, James J. — Born in the old Ninth Ward in March, 1847. He received his early 
education in the public schools of this city, then attended St. Francis Xavier College. Mr. 
Phelan, in connection with ex-Mayor Grant, Judge D. F. McMahon, Alderman Burke, 
Judge Dresser and Sheriff John B. Sexton organized the Narragansett Club, which was the 
first club of that nature to start in this city. Mr. Phelan was elected its Treasurer. 

Platzek, M. Warlet — Lawyer, born in North Carolina in 1854; educated in Virginia 
High School and under the immediate tutelage of Professor Witherow, of South Carolina. 
When he reached his majority be was chosen Assessor and Treasurer of Marion, South 
Carolina. In 1875 he came to this city and entered the New York Universitv l^aw School, 
from which he graduated one year later with distinguished honors. He takes an activi: 
interest in politics, being a Governor of the Democratic Club of the City of New York. 
ex-President of the Progress Club and of the Young Men's Hebrew Association of this 
city, and also belongs to the Reform, Jefferson and Mohican political clubs and many 
prominent social clubs and benevolent associations. He was a delegate from the Tenth 
Senatorial District in New York City to the Constitutional Convention of the State of 
New York in 1894. 


PowEH. Mauiucb J.— Aqueduct Commissicmcr. was l)cirn In Cork, Ireland, In 18;i6; 
appointed Justice ot Police Court in IS80, servinR for tiMi years; made United States 
Shipping Commissioner for the Port of New Vorlt in lS!i:!; appointed Aqueduct Commis- 
sioner in 1897 and re-apjiointed by Maycn- Van Wyek In 1S9S. JudRe Pi.wer was a iiolltical 
proteg-e c\f the late Samuel J. TiKliii, anil has always lieen held in liish I'St.'eni by the 

Pressinger, Austin R— Lawyer, graduate of Columbia College Law School; member 
of the Democratic and Century Cycling Clubs, First Lieutenant Company E, Seventh Regi- 
ment: i-esiiles in the 'Pwenty-first Assembly District. 

R.AEGENER, Louis C. — Was born in New Ycn-k City Aiiril 29, 18.")G. and was ednacted in 
the New York public schools. He graduated with honors from Columbia College in 1876 
and received the degree of A.M. He also graduated from the Columbia Law School in 1878, 
wias admitted to the bar in the same year, and has practiced law ever since in New York 
City. His first partner was Judge P. Henry Dugro. wnth whom he practiced for several 
years. When Judge Dugro was elevated to the bench he formed a partnership with Paul 
Goepel, Esq., under the firm name of Goepel & Raegener, and remained a member of that 
firm until January 1, 1901. when he joined the firm of Dickerson & Brown, under the firm 
name of Dickerson, Brown & Raegener, with offices at 141 Broadn-ay. Mr. Raegener is a 
member of the Tammany Society and has been for more than fifteen years. He is a mem- 
ber of the Democratic Cluli. of the New York Bar Association and of the German Club. 
For meritorious services rendered to the Venezuelan Reiniblic in lSi)4 he received the decor- 
ation of "Busto del Libertador." 

Ransom, Rastus S. — Lawyer; born in Mount Hawley, 111., in 1839; closely identified 
with Tammany Hall since 1877; served on General Committee, Committee on Organization 
and other committees; ex-Surrogate County of New York. 

Rasines. Antonio— One of the founders of the Twelfth Ward Bank and Twelfth Ward 
Savings Bank in Harlem; Director and Vice-President of Twelfth Ward Bank for many 
years, and President Savings bank, born in this city in 1847; resides in the Nineteenth 
Assemljly District, and has been prominently identified with Tammany Hail for many 
years; was School Trustee Tw'elfth Ward for eleven years, and is now Commissioner 
Municipal Statistics. Member New York Athletic. Democratic and Aldine Clubs. Member 
Tammany Hall and Tammany Society. 

RiORDAN. Daniei> J. — This tliorough New Yorker was born in the Eighth District 
in 1869, received his education in the public schools and graduated from Manhattan Col- 
lege in 1S90, with high honors. He w'as the regular Democratic nominee for Congress from 
the Eighth: is a meml>er of the Democratic Club; President of the Patrick J. Divv'er Asso- 
ciation and an influential and popular Inisiness man and politician. 

RoEscii. George F. — Judge of the Muiiiciiial Court for the Fourth District of the 
Borough of Manliattan, was born in this city on June 19, 1S55, and was educated in St. 
Nicholas' Parochial School, De La Salle Institute of the Christian Brothers and Columbia 
Law University, and admitted to the bar on October 30, 1876. He has always been a Tam- 
many Hall Democrat and has been a speaker for his party in both the English and 
German languages since 1874. He was for three years the member of the Tammany Hall 
Executive Committee from his district. He was a member of Assembly in 1S83, 1885, 1888 
and 1889, and a Senator from 1890 to 1894. He was Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Com- 
mittee in 1892 and 1893. 

Roblee. Milton.— Was born in Saratoga, 1863. He is a graduate of the University of 
Syracuse. Mr. Roblee is a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee and the 
Democratic Club. He is the well-known proprietor of the Hotel Bartholdi. 


RoGAN, John H.— Was born in New York in 1863, and after receiving a public school 
education studied law in the office of John McKeon and the late Justice Frederick Smyth. 
He was admitted to the bar at the age of twenty-one years. His association with these 
eminent lawyers was of great value to him. As both Mr. McKeon and the late Justice 
Frederick Smyth were men of rare legal attainments. After Justice Smyth's elevation to 
the Supreme Court bench in 1895, Mr. Rogan successfully continued the latter's law busi- 
ness and also continued a large practice of his own. Mr. Rogan is a Democrat, having 
been a member of the General Committee of Tammany Hall for many years, but has never 
held political office. In addition to belonging to the Tammany Society, he is a member of 
the Society of Medical Jurisprudence, the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, the Driving Club 
of New York and the Jefferson Club of the Sixteenth Assembly District, of which he is 

Rogers, John Henry — Mr. Rogers was born in the City of New York in 1863. He is 
prominent as a lawyer and active as a Democratic politician and counselor for various 
societies. He has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1884, and of the Tammany Society 
since 1898, and has served on the General and Organization Committees and in other places 
and positions of important trust. 

RowE, Col. Wm. H., Jr.— Merchant, born in Troy, N. Y. ; appointed Assistant Quarter- 
master-General of New York State in 1894 by Governor Flower; member of the firm of 
W. H. Rowe & Son, of New York, one of the largest commission firms in knit goods in the 
United States; one of the leading Democrats of New York State, but has never held pub- 
lic office. 

RUPPERT, Jacob, Jr. — Col. Jacob Ruppert, Jr., is one of New York's famous men; a 
graduate of the Columbia Grammar School; a popular politician, and Congressman from 
New York, and one of the most successful business men of the metropolis. He is a stal- 
wart Democrat and staunch supporter of Tammany Hall, and is deservedly prominent in 
official and commercial life. 

Sanders, Leon — Born in Odessa, Russia, May 25, 1867. On being admitted to the bar of 
New York with honorable mention, on the 8th -day of November, 1895, he resigned his 
clerkship in Commissioner of Jurors' office, where he had served for five years. He is 
well known as one of the leaders of Tammany Hall in the Twelfth Assembly District. He 
was this year member of the Assembly from the Twelfth Assembly District. He is a 
member of Perfect Ashlad Lodge, No. 604, F. and A. M.; Script Lodge, Knights of Pythias; 
Emanuel Pisco Lodge, I. O. B. A.; the Leon Sanders Association (which, named after him, 
occupies the handsomely furnished clubhouse at No. 255 East Fourth Street) ; Tammany 
Hall General Committee: Thomas Jefferson Association; a number of the Hebrew charity 
societies, and the Columbian Club, of which he is President. 

Scannell, George Florence— Leader Twenty-fifth Assembly District, was born in this 
city in 1860, and has been a prominent figure in Democratic circles since 1881, serving on 
many important committees; clerk in Fire Headquarters for a number of years and for 
past twelve years in Surrogate's office. 

Scannell, John J. — Fire Commissioner and Sachem of Tammany Society, was born in 
this city in 1840. Ml-. Scannell is a lifelong Democrat, has been for twelve years the Tam- 
many Hall leader of what is now the Twenty-fifth District. He was appointed one of the 
Commissioners of the Mulberry Bend Park by the Supreme Court, and was unanimously 
elected President of the Board by the other members, who were politically opposed to him. 
•He was appointed by Mayor Gilroy to fill a vacancy in the Fire Board January 1, 1893, 
and shortly after resigned and was then elected by his colleagues President of the Board. 
Reappointed Fire Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898 for the whole of Greater 
New York. 

SCHDCHMAN, John P.— This well-known East Side Democrat was born in Hesse-Darm- 
stadt, Germany, in 1851. where he graduated from the Technical College. 1868. the year he 
came' to New York, and has been a resident of the Fourteenth Assembly District ever since. 
He has held many offices; is a capital lawyer and a general favorite in political and social 
circles. He is now Judge of the City Court. 


Scott, Francis M.— Born in the City of New York March 14, 1848. He attended the 
Thirteenth Street Grammar School, the well-known No. 35, and was graduated from the 
College of the City of New York in 1S67. He then attended the Columbia ColleRe Law 
School, from which he was graduated with the degree of LL. B. in 1869, and was admitted 
to the bar, since which time he has steadily practiced his profession in this city. In 1884 
he was extremely active in promoting the election of President Cleveland and Mayor Wil- 
liam R. Grace. In 1885, Mr. Scott, for the first time accepted public office, being appointed 
Assistant Counsel to the Corporation by the then Corporation Counsel, Henry Lacombe. 
In this position he served under Mr. Lacombe. Mr. Morgan J. O'Brien and Mr. Henry R. 
Beekman, with all of whom his relations were close and confidential. Mr. Scott was 
appointed Counsel to the Corporation of/the City of New York in 1895, and remained In 
ofRce until his election as a Justice of the Supreme Court, in 1897. 

Scully, P. J.— The Tammany leader in the Twelfth Assembly District since 1893, an 
enthusiastic and hard-working Democrat. He is a life-long member of Tammany, and 
has devoted the energies of his best years to hard work in its behalf. Born in New Y'ork 
City in 1855. Entering upon a business career, Mr. Scully connected himself with the com- 
mercial house of Augustus Taber & Brother, where he r.^mained for nearly twenty years. 
At the expiration of that time he was employed at the Custom House as Assistant Cashier, 
a position which he resigned in ISSS to accept th-.' Dfpiity Clerkship in the County Clerk's 
office. He was appointed City Clerk in 1898. 

Sheehy. Edward C. — Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments Edward C. Sheehy. is a 
thorough New Yorker. He was educated in the public schools of this city and after grad- 
uation entered the real estate business in which he has continued these thirty years past, 
and during his time has conducted some of the most important and biggest deals ever re- 
corded on the Exchange. He was elected a member of the Executive Committee of Tam- 
many Hall in 1871. In 1881 the judges of the Supreme Court appointed him a member of 
the East River Park Commission. Mr. Sheehy has served a term in the Assembly, and in 
1S89 Mayor Grant appointed him Commissioner of Charities and Corrections. He was ap- 
pointed Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments in 1897 by Mayor Van Wyck. 

Sickles, General Daniel E. — Famous among the many Tammany officers in the War, 
the veteran soldier and statesman, Daniel E. Sickles, is known to all. He is a native of 
New York, was educated in the City University and was admitted to the Bar in 1844. 
From Colonel of the "Excelsior Brigade," he rose to the rank of Brigadier, and afterward 
to a Major-Generalship, for conspicuous gallantry. He has since served as our Minister 
to Spain and president of the Tammany Monument Board for suitably marking the field of 
Gettysburg, which he with Tammany, did so much to win. 

SIMMS, Charles E., Jr.— City Magistrate, born in this city in 1S61; appointed Assistant 
District Attorney in 1891; appointed Police Justice 1893; appointed City Magistrate in 1895. 
Member of Tammany Hall. Democratic Club. Morris and County Cycle Clubs. Indian Har- 
bor Yacht Club: President of Associated Cycle Clubs of the City of New York. 

Smith, Clinton H.— Is a New Yorker; was born in the Eleventh Ward, where the 
family has resided for nearly five generations. He resides at present in the Thirty-first 
Assembly District, and is a member of the General Committee, as also Assistant Secretary 
of the Park Board, which department he entered in 1879. at the age of eighteen, and in 
which he has served continuously ever since. Mr. Smith is a member of several clubs, in- 
cluding the Democratic and other social and political organizations. 

Smith, Nelson— Member of the New York bar. was born in Middleton. N. Y.; educated 
at Delaware Academy and in this city; has been a life-long member of and active worker 
m the interests of the Democratic party, having been elected Presidential Elector in 1892. 
a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and for four years, 1890-94, Chairman 
of the General Committee of Tammany Hall. 

Smith. Terry— Lawyer. World Building. New York City, born in Houston. Tex.. Sep- 
tember 9. 1865; has been a member of Tammany Hal) for past five years, and served on 
General Committee; graduate of Columbia College Law School; member of Association of 
the Bar. Western Society and a Master Mason. 


Smith, Thomas F.— Thomas F. Smith, clerk of the City Court, was born in New York 
City July 24, 1865. He attended the public schools and St. Francis Xavier's and Manhattan 
College and was subsequently employed by the Western Union Telegraph Company as clerk 
and was later promoted to the position of operator and manager. Later he became a news- 
paper reporter, working on the World, Journal and Tribune, and at various times for the 
United Press, up to the time of its dissolution. He was appointed stenographer to the 
Building Department in 1S92, and two years' later he was appointed to the stenographer- 
ship of the Eighth District Court which position he held until April 1S98, when he was made 
Chief Clerk of the New York City Court. Hon. Richard Croker made Mr. Smith his private 
secretary in 1899, subsequently making him secretary to the Tammany Society and the 
Tammany Hall General Committee and the Executive Committee. He was one of the 
founders and the first president of the Tenderloin Club, which was organized some years 
ago by newspaper men. He is a trustee of the New York Press Club, and a member of the 
following organizations: The Democratic Club, the State Stenographers' Association, the 
Telegraphers' Club, the Excelsior Council, C. B. L., and the Knickei-bocker Council, Knights 
of Columbus. 

SOHMEK, William. — County Clerk, born at Wurtenberg, Germany, May 26, 1852. Mr. 
Sohmer's entrance into the field of active politics dates back to 1889, when he was made the 
candidate for the Assembly in the Tenth District, being elected by a splendid m.ijority. 
Mr. Sohmer served three successive terms in the Assembly. At the expiration of his third 
term he was made a Deputy Tax Commissioner. He held the office until 1896, when he 
resigned to accept the nomination for the office of Register, to which he was elected. Mr. 
Sohmer was Chairman of the Committee on Organization during* the years 1896-97, and was 
also a Sachem of the Tammany Society in 1896, 1897 and 1898. He was elected Vice-Chair- 
man of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall in 1899, and was re-elected in 1900. 

Spinney, George F. — This popular newspaper man, for years the Democratic editor of 
the New York Times, was born at Great Falls. N. H., in the forties and graduated from the 
High School at Lawrence, Mass. He was first with the Brooklyn Argus, then with the New 
York Sun. The Times was at its best under Mr. Spinney's management. 

Steiner. Joseph H. — Was born in New York City in 1839. He attended the public schools 
and was in 1857 graduated from the Free Academy. After graduating he accepted a posi- 
tion as reporter on the New York Sun. In 1859 he commenced the study of law, and was 
gradiiated from the New York University as Bachelor of Laws. In 1861 he was admitted 
to the bar. "WTien the war broke out he was made Captain of a company in the Ninth 
Regiment, New York Volunteers, and was subsequently promoted to Major in the Fifty- 
ninth Regiment. Judge Steiner was also a member of the Fire Department, belonging to 
Engine Company No. 18. He was commander of the Phil Kearney Post. G. A. R., and is 
still a member of that post. In 1893 he was elected civil justice in the Eighth Judicial Dis- 
trict of the city and county of New York, 

Sterling, George Loomis— Was born of Scotch-English ancestry, at Trumbull, Conn., 
1855. Graduated from Yale, 1876; Yale Law School, ISSO, and admitted to New York 
Bar, 1881, since which time he has practiced law in this city and been Assistant Corpora- 
tion Counsel since 1885. Was identified with Codification of Laws of State of New York 
and with preparation of Charter of Greater New York, and in the different city adminis- 
trations for fifteen years. Mr. Sterling is a member of many important clubs, the Bar 
Association, Yale Club, Seawanhaka, Corinthian Yacht Club. St. George's, the Democratic 
Club, Senaca Club, Twenty-fifth Assembly District and General Committee of Tammany 


Stillings, William E.— Was born March 28, 1857, in the Twenty-first Ward of the City 
of New York. He acquired his education in the New York public schools, at Claverack 
Academy, and at the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Stillings is a member of the 
Society of the Sons of the Revolution, the New York Athletic, the Democratic Club and 
many other metropolitan clubs, an enthusiastic Democrat, having become a member of the 
Tammany Hall General Committee in 1880. and a member of the Executive Committee of 
Tammany Hall in 1892. 

Strai-s, Nathan— Ex-Sachem of Tammany Society, was born in Ottenburg, Germany; 
came to America in 1855, and settled in New York shortly after the close of the War of the 


Sullivan, Florence J.— Was hnin In Iielaml. Aupust 23, 1863. He has been a resident 
of New York since he came to America, and he was then only three months old. He waa 
educated in the pul)lic schools of this city. Mr. Sullivan Is a first cousin of Senator Tim- 
othy D. Sullivan. He was appointed by Police Commissioner Martin January 8, 1887, to the 
police force where he made an exceptional record. He was named by unanimous consent 
for the office which he now holds, that of Superintendent of Incumbrancfs, 

SuLLU AN. John A.— This ardent and conspicuous Democrat was horn at Kondout. N. 
v.: graduated from the Kingston Academy; was appointed Internal Revenue Collector by 
President Cleveland, and was re-appointed at the expiration of his term, since which time 
he has been General Manager of the Security Company of Philadelphia, in the City of New 

SuLZER, Wii.i.iA.M— Burn in Elizabeth, N. J., March 18, 1863. Educated in the public 
schools; admitted to the bar in 1SS4; was a member of the New York Legislature in 1S89, 
18?0, 1891, 1892. 1893, and 1894: Speaker of the Assembly in 1893; was elected to 54th Con- 
gress as a Democrat, and re-elected to the 55th Congress: was a delegate to the National 
Convention at Chicago, in 1896. He was educated in the public schools and at Columbia 
College, and was admitted to the bar as soon as he attained his majority. He quickly 
achieved distinction in his profession and as a political orator. He stumped the States of 
New York. New Jersey and Connecticut for the Democratic National Committee in 188* 
and 1883. In 1SS9 Mr. Sulzer was elected to the State Legislature, where his force and 
merit speedily found recognition. Not even the most implacable foe of Tammany Hall 
ever aspersed his integrity, his generosity or his ability, and when the Democrats cap- 
tured a majority of the Assembly in 1893, nobody was surprised to see him installed by the 
unanimous vote of his party colleagues in the Speaker's chair, the youngest man to whom 
such an honor had been accorded. Re-elected to Congress in 1898 and in 1900. 

SwEETSEE, W. A. — Was born in Brooklyn, near the entrance to the East River bridge. 
He first attended the public schools Nos. 12 and 1, St. Francis' and St. John's Colleges in 
Brooklyn, and later, until 1S73, St. Lament's College in Montreal, Canada. Elected presi- 
dent of the alumni of St. John's College in 1879. After a short experience in the commer- 
cial line he studied law in Brooklyn and wias admitted to the bar in 1879, and opened an 
office. Mr. Sweetser has always been a Democrat, but took no active part in polities 
until 1S8S, when Hon. Hugh J. Grant was elected Mayor. On July 3d, 1889. the late Hon. 
William H. Clark, who had been appointed counsel to the corporation, named Mr. Sweetser 
as one of his assistants in that office, which office he held until the Hon. Francis M. Scott 
was made Corporation Counsel. Mr. Sweetser, at the request of Mr. Scott, accepted the 
position of clerk in the proceeding to open, widen and extend Elm street. In 1898 Mr. 
Sweetser received the regular Democratic Tammany Hall nomination for member of As- 
sembly in the Nineteenth Assembly District, one of the strongest Republican districts at 
that time in the city. Mr. Sw'eetser made a great fight but was beaten by Robert Mazett 
by a small majority. He has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat and joined that or- 
ganization in 1888, becoming a member of the Narragansett Club and later the Pontiac 
Cluli in the Nineteenth District. 

Tierney, John M. — Justice of the Municipal Court for the Second District of the Bor- 
ou^'h of the Bronx, was born in the City of New York October 14. 1860, and was educated in 
thi' public schools. In 1892 Mr. Tierney for a short time was Assistant Attorney to the 
Fii e Department, and from June. 1S92, to April, 1895, was Assistant Counsel to the Depart- 
ment of Buildings. 

Toop, George H. — Born in England in 1836. Mr. Toop was the associate leader of Tam- 
many Hall, with Hon. Rollin M. Morgan, of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District, and has 
been connected with political affaiis in the up-towr section for the last thirty years, 
though never having held any office except that of School Inspector, tn whiib he was 
appointed by. Mayor Grant. This position he held for five years. 

Towen, William C— Now resides in the Eleventh Assembly District: was a ret-ident of 
Bedford Park. Bronx Borough, and foi many years has been prominently identified with 
every progressive movement in that locality. He is a member of the Tammany Hall Com- 
mittee of the Eleventh Assemljiy District Committee and of many other organizations, 
among them the Democratic Club, Bedford Park Taxpayers' Association, the Tammany 
Society, Army and Navy Association, League of American Wheelmen, the Pavonia and 
Atlantic Yacht Clubs, and President New York State "Good Roads League." 


Truax, Charles H.— Justice of the Supreme Court, was born in 1S46; elected Justice 
Supreme Court in ISSO; re-elected in 1895; was delegate to the Constitutional Convention 
in 1894. 

Turner, "William L.— Lawyer. Born June 5. 1860, in New York City. Educated at 
the College of the City of New York and at the Columbia Law School. Upon graduating 
was admitted to the bar, and has since been engaged in the practice of his profession in 
this city. He was Secretary to Mayor Grace in 188.5 and 1886, and Assistant Counsel to the 
Corporation of the City of New York from 1886 to May. 1889, and In March, 1895, was again 
appointed Assistant Corporation Counsel. He is identified with the New York State 
Democracy organization, and is a member of the University. Reform and Manhattan Clubs, 
the Bar Association, Society of Medical Jurisprudence, and various city college clubs and 

Underhill, John Quincy — Representative in Congress, for the Sixteenth District, ia 
one of the prominent Democratic leaders of the Empire State. In his district, which 
comprises the County of Westchester and the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth Assembly 
Districts of New York City, he is well known and universally liked. Mr. LTnderhill was 
born in New Rochelle, "Westchester County, February 19, 1848. He has served several terma 
as Trustee and President of the village of New Rochelle, and for ten years was President 
of the Board of Commissioners of Sewers and Drainage of said village. He is a member of 
the Larchmont Yacht Club, the New York Athletic Club, the New Rochelle Yacht Club, 
the Democratic Club and Manhattan Club. 

Unger, Henry "W. — Former Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1863; ap- 
pointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by De Lancey Nicoll in 1891; retained by 
Colonel Fellows and reappointed, in 1891. by Colonel Gardiner. 

Untermter, Maurice. — Born at Lynchburg. "Va., 1860; came to New York when nine 
years of age. attending Grammar School 35. then entering classes in City College and School 
of Mines, Columbia College. Determining on the legal profession, he graduated at Columbia 
Law School in 1882, and opened a branch office of the old firm of Guggenheimer & Unter- 
myer In 125th street, where he formed many valuable connections, and became one of the 
organizers of the Harlem Democratic Club, exercising a leading influence in the council 
of Democratic organizations and being chosen delegate to National and State Conventions. 
The present law firm of Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall is one of the leading ones 
of the world, conducting the legal business of largest companies and corporations. Mr. 
Untermyer is one of the founders of the Hebrew Infant Asylum, a member of Tammany 
Society, Democratic. Knickerbocker Athletic, Press, Criterion, Harlem and Progress Clubs, 
Geographical Society, Medical Jurisprudence, Freundschiaft Societies and one of the leading 
Masons of the State of New York. 

"\^\N HOESEN. George M.— "Was born in the City of New York. He was graduated 
at the University of the City of New York and afterwards at the State and National Law 
School at Poughkeepsie. In 1875 was elected a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for 
the City and County of New York, in which capacity he served for fourteen years. He has 
been President of the Holland Society. President of the Association of the Alumni of the 
University of the City of New York, and for three terms was Chairman of the Memorial 
Committee, an association of all the Grand Army of the Republic posts of the City of New 

"Van "Wtck, Robert A.— Judge Robert A. "Van "Wyck, so well-known as the first 
Mayor of Greater New York, is a New Yorker whose prominence is well-deserved, and who 
has given to Democracy the straight proofs of his devotion to the people's interests. He 
was graduated from the Columbia Law School at the head of his class, and, in and out of 
politics, he Jias maintained his leading position and the confidence and support of the 
public. He has been appropriately described as "A Democrat among Democrats, a man 
among men." 

"Wahle, Charles G. F.— Lawyer "Wahle was born in this city in 1866. He has been a 
member of Tammany Hall for twelve years a.nd of the Tammany Society since 1889. Mr. 
Wahle resides in the Thirty-fifth Assembly District, and has always been an active worker 
in the interests of the Democratic party. He served on General and Organization Commit- 
tees, and has held the office of Inspector of Public Schools and Commissioner of Accounts. 
1890-1894, besides in many offices of honor and of trust. 


Walters, Richard M.— Mr. Walters is a well-known piano manufacturer, who was 
born in New York, and is a resident of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District. He has been 
a prominent figure in Tammany Hall for many years. He was Chairman of the first Music 
Trade Convention in the United States and organized the Piano and Organ Manufacturers' 
Association, of which he was First Vice-President. He is now Vice-President of the Mer- 
chants' and Manufacturers' Board of Trade of the City of New York. 

Weeks. Bartow S.— Born in New York City April 25. 1861. He was educated in the- 
public schools of thi.s city, graduated from the New York College in 1879, and from the 
■Columbia Law School in 1883. He was appointed to his first official position as Assistant 
District Attorney in January. 1891. by De Lancey Nlcoll, and reappointed by Colonel Fel- 
lows. He is a member of Tammany Hall General Committee. 

Welde, Charles— Commissioner of Jurors, was born in Germany in 1843; is the former 
Tammany leader of the Thirty-first District, and has always taken a deep interest in and 
been an active worker for the party. He was a Police Justice for twelve years, a Sachem 
of Tammany Society for eighteen years, and has been a member of the Finance Commit- 
tee of Tammany Hall for ten years. 

Whalen, John — Sachem of Tammany Society and Corporation Counsel of the City of 
New York, was born in this city in 1854, and admitted to the bar in 1877; has always been 
an ardent Tammany Hall Democrat. 

ZuccA. Antonio, — Was born in Trieste, Austria, and passed his youth in Italy. Coming 
to America, he espoused the people's cause, becoming an active member of the General 
Committee of Tammany Hall. He has long been President of the United Amercan Italian 
Societies, of the Latin American Democratic Union, and has held many positions of honor 
and of trust in this city where he is so well and favorably known. 


AMERICAN ^zi^^ American People 



new Vork lournal 

and jldvertiser. 








Tt means Sotnetbing 

to be the best dressed paper in 
all New York. It means that 
to make-op out of the ordinary- 
is bound to be more inviting: 
to the eye, that the reader is 
bound to see more of the 
general contents, that the ad- 
vertisements get more atten- 
tion, that the advertiser gets 
more publicity, and that the 
everyday and Sunday editions 


give an advertiser the sat- 
faction he wants, at a price 
he is satisfied to pay. THE 
costs you five cents a copy, 
and an army of buyers 
at that price means that an 
army of intelligent persons 
consider it worth more than 
any other newspaper in New 
York. Apart from its novel, 
vigorous, fearless handling of 
the general news of the day, it 
is noted for special features 
and exclusive items un- 
obtainable elsewhere. 

Rates and olher details from advertis- 
ing agencies, or from the publishers, 



^ A«^AAt^4'^'*'A* 

■l"t •!- -1- 1- -1- -i- ■!• i- •!• •■■ b ■■• i- -i- ■!> -b .t * * >!• 


Used by Over 900 Physicians is Guaranty 


of their Purity and Wholesomeness || 










I ^''"^^'""' Tel., 142 Madison Square. 4^1-444 I'irsl .\ venue, Xcvv V,,rk. f 

the Brun$wick-Bdlke°€ollcnaer €o., 

The Most Extensive Manufacturers of Billiard and Pool Tables in the World. 

Xew and Handsome Desiirns ; also Second 
Hand Tables. All tables fitted with the une- 
i|Ualled Monarch (Juick Cushions, Billiard and 
Pool Balls, Cloth, Cues, &c. 

Sole Manufacturers of the 



wood «»r tile lined, for household and other 
BowIid;; Alleys and Supplies 

tuves, Keer Coolers and Saloon 

: Bar Fix- 



Cliica.^-o. Cincinnati. St. Louis, San Francisi.'O. 


ESSRS. REED c\: BARTON, Silver.smiths, 
call attention to their wares in 


made under personal supervision of the Artists 
who designed them, by skilled silver- workers : thus 
each piece is perfect and each set is in absolute 
harmony. These wares embrace many useful and 
decorative pieces especially appropriate as 


and everything needful for use at home. 

/T\edals, (?ijp5 ar)d Jropt^ies for all 5porl:5. 

REED & BARTON, Silversmiths, 








Columbus Ave. and 108th St., 



^ n. a. ^ 


Constructed under the Ti^ 

[EWELL, Warren, Continental, Hyatt and other Patents. ^^ 

Adopted In the N'ewest^ 
Lavi^e Office BuiUlmi>s, ^ 
Hotels, etc., hi the Um= (g 
ted States. rs 

^ ^ II Mfcl ■llltlllll —1 ■.■■'.LIIMC W.TK 


^^ 25 Broad Street 40-42 West Quincy Street, 1,J^ 



in f 




fi!.> 'ill: 
;ii\ .■.■!i 
what ii 

in U: 
wilb ; 
low ;): 


This book is 


under no circumstances to be 
ten from the Building 





f'TlH 410