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ANNOUNCEMENT.

N presenting this first volume of the History of the Society of .
Tammany, or Cohimbian Order, to our readers, we desire to
assure them that this is but the beginning of our work.

The records of this great Society, numbering as it does
among its members the most illustrious men in the Demo-
cratic party, are of the greatest importance, and the work of
completing and perpetuating them will be continued until they are as near perfect
as may be.

Particular credit for this work is due to E. Vale Blake, who has gatiieied
and compiled the material for the work and arranged the historical story of tais
the First \'olume.

We desire to recognize the efforts of our friends in contributing to I he
.success of this volume, notably, the Hon. Richard Croker, Grand Sachem
Thomas L. Feitner, Hon. Asa Bird Gardiner, Hon. William Sulzer, Mr. James
.Anderson Russell, Mr. Jon Templeton, as well as Mr. George G. Feigl, who has
hail charge of the arrangement of the biographical sketches of the members of."
the Society who are living at the present day.

( )nr thanks are specially due for documents, to the late Col. Thomas Dun-
lap and also to the Adjutant General of the State for statistical and other in-
formation regarding the Tanmiany troops in the \\"ar of Secession.

Fred. Feigl.

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PREFACE.

I HEN a Society or Institution lias Ijcen in active operation
for o\'er a centur\' it is jjertinent to inquire wherein lies
its vitality.

More particularly is this the case when it exists in

a threat city and is essentially a political ororanization —

;incl is foiuul to ha\e sur\i\ed all other earl\' political orijanizations .

Duriny the existence of the Society of Tamnian)-. or the Colum-

hian ( )r(ler. a large numljer ot these associations ha\e souo^ht the favor

of the peo]jle, with var_\'in<; success, most ot them heing' hut short-lix cd.

I'Vom its original antagonist, the old Federal |xirty, down to the

])resent da\-, the wrecks of defunct political organizations are scattered

along the highway of histor)-. Not only is this true of the large

national parties which have opposed the Democracy, of which the

Tammany Society is still the most prominent organization, such as the

l-'txleralist, the National- Republican, the \\'hig, the Native American

and the present Republican : i)ut in addition to these, which might be

called its natural enemies, the Tammany Societ\- has had constantl) to

contend with foes springing up in its own localit\ . There have been

seasons of eclipse, too, when the star of 'Tamman)- was obscured ; but,

after a time, the clouds rolled bv, and the old Wigwam again came

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prominently into view, in full possession of apparently indestructi
vitalit)-.

In the course ot these pages it will be demonstrated wherein 1
the strength of this redoubtable orsfanization.

It is true there are many persons so greatly under the influenct:
of opposing partisan affiliation that they can scarcely be brought to be-
lieve that there is, or ever was any good thing in this powerful and most
persistent of political organizations ; a little reflection, however, will
convince any candid mind that so considerable a body of citizens as the
members of the Tammany organization could not be held under the
fascinations of an altogether evil power for the space of a hundred years.

E. Vale Bi.akk.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.
CHAiTtR.

1 I'ormation of tlif Taininaiiy Society. 9

II History of Chief Tammany. '-

III Tammany's Gift of Symbols to the Tribes ^5

IV First Officers of the Tammany Society i8

V Affiliated Societies. ^^

VI The Tammany Museum.' ^3

VII Political Influence of the Society. -5

VIII Act of Incorporation of the Society 26

IX Recruits from the Federal Party 27

X Celebrations of the Fourth of July. 29

XI Poets and Literati of Tammany. 32

XII Tammany Versus Aaron I'.urr. . . . • • • 37

XIII The Prison Ship Martyrs. 3^

XIV Building a New Wigwam 42

XV General Jackson at a Tammany Banquet. . _ . . -45

XVI Trinity Church Riot 47

XVII War Governor of 1812. . _ . . . • • • • 5^

XVIII Tammany on Home Industries 55

XIX The Anti-Masonic Party 57

XX The Loco Focos. 5^

XXI Frances Wright. 63

XXII The Patroons. 64

XXIII Tammany and Van Buren. 66

XXIV The Free Soil jNIovement 69

XXV Michael Walsh 7i

XXVI Who Owns Tammany Hall 73

'^'^XXVII Tammany's Attitude During the Civil War . . . .77

XXVIII The Tammany Jackson Guard 81

XXIX The Soldier Poet of the War 85

XXX Fernando Wood 87

XXXI A Peace Meeting During the War 90

CHAPTER.

XXXII Horatio Sevmour

XXXIII Samuel J. Tilden

XXXIV Laying tlie Corner Stone of the New Wigwam
XXXV A Dark Shadow . . . . •.

XXXVI Greely Campaign . . . ...

XXXVII Fourth of July, 1873

XXXVIII John Kelly

XXXIX Political Conditions 1876-79. .

XL Hancock's Nomination for President
XLI The County Democracy ....
XLII Cleveland in 1884 ...

XLIII Cleveland in 1888

XLIV Fire in Tammany Hall . . .
XLV Unveiling of The Tammany Monument
XLVI Richard Croker. . . ; . .

XLVII Presidential Campaign of 1892 .

XLVIII After the Nomination

XLIX Red Letter Day

L The Tariff

LI Constitutional Convention
LII Some Reverses — Parkhurst-Maynard.
LIII National Convention. ....

LIV Advent of the Reformers.
LV Testimonial to Richard Croker .

LVI Consolidation.

LVII Victory of 1897

LVIII Tammany Incidents .....
LIX Improvements in New York City.

LX Embarrassing Results of Consolidation .
LXI Efforts to Destroy the Society .
LXII Grand Sachems From 1789 to 1900.
LXIII Chairman General Committee 1872 to 1900.
LXIV Officers of the Society for 1900.

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CHAPTER I.

CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE FORMATION OF THE TAMMANY

SOCIETY.

N May. 1783, the officers of the American Army, in canton-
ments, on the Ihnlson, under General Washington, having in
view the eventual disbandment of the army after exchange of
ratification of the definite Treaty of Peace, decided to form
a socictv, to perpetuate as well the remembrance of the bloody
conliict of eight years which had established the Colonies as
free, independent and sovereign States, as the m\itual friend-
ships wliich had been formed under the pressure of connnon danger, and in many
instances cemented by the blood of the parties.

Thev accordingly met at the Ver Planck Mansion, the Headquarters of
Major-General Baron de Steuben, near Fishkill, N. Y., and formed themselves
into a Society of Friends, and agreed to an Institution which they declared
should endure as long as they or any of their eldest male posterity remained,
and, in failure tliereof, the collateral branches who should be judged worthy oi
becoming its supporters and members.
In this Institution they set forth that:

"The officers of the American Army having generally been taken from the citizens of
America, possess high veneration for the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius
Quintiuis Cincinnatus; and, being resolved to follow his example by returning to their
citizenship, they think they may with propriety denominate themselves

THE SOCIETY OF CINCINNATI."

The officers of the army were intensely patriotic, and they had undergone
untold sufferings, privations and losses of property, in order to continue in the
service of their country, and bring to a successful termination the war which
secured the independence of the United States.

They keenly appreciated the fatal defects in the Articles of Confederation,
which had not gone into effect until 1781, and under which independence had
almost been lost; and, accordingly, in addition to provisions as to benevolence,
they also incorporated a political principle for a firmer union between the States
and the maintenance of the national honor, then imperilled through interfering
State regulations as to commerce and the absolute worthlessness of the Continen-
tal currency.

In their Institution they said that

"The following principles shall be immutable and form the basis of the Society of the
Cincinnati:

"An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of
human nature for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of
a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing.

"An unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective States
that union and national honor so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future
dignity of the American empire.

"To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers: The spirit
will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substan-
tial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the Society, towards those offlcers and
their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it."

The General Society, for the sake of frequent communications, was
into State Societies, with local ofificers, wherein applications for membershil
received and acted upon.

The Institution prescribed an order by which the members should be kn
and distinguished, which was the Bald American Eagle, with approp
emblems, and the motto

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own
riate

"OMNIA RELIQUIT SERVARE REMPUBLICAM,"

and a ribbon by which" it was suspended from the breast, of deep blue edged
with white, typical of the then alliance between France and America.

Tn November, 1783, the Continental Army was formally disbanded, and the
officers and soldiers again became private citizens.

Much opposition was manifested at first to the Society, because of its sup-
posed aristocratic tendencies, which was in due time dissipated.

The American officers, in providing that the representative membership
should descend through the eldest lineal male descendant, had merely followed
the rule of primogeniture then prevailing throughout the United States, and
probably with the idea that the eldest son, as heir to the estate of his father, would
be better able to do his full share toward the benevolent objects of the Institution.

The members in the Thirteen States began at once to agitate for a more
perfect union, and for the establishment of a national government under a con-
stitution which would give peace and prosperity at home, and protection abroad.

The history of the period of four years from 1783 to 1787, when the Con.sti-
tution of the United States was adopted, and from thence until the inauguration
of the Government under it, in 1789, shows that the influence of the Society of the
Cincinnati was most potential in effecting this great patriotic object.

When the Government of the United States under the Constitution was
finally inaugurated, the General Society, in Triennial Meeting convened, and the
several State Societies, in communications to General Washington, then Presi-
dent of the United States, declared that a good Constitution for their beloved
country was what the officers had contended for, in the field and in council.

The political principle in the Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati
having thereupon become engrafted, with sanctions, in the organic law for the
United States, the political work of the Society of the Cincinnati came to an end,
and thenceforth its members devoted themselves to their domestic concerns, and
to celebrations of Independence Day, as re'='vured by the Institution, and to works
of benevolence, in which, in the course of years, they expended very many
thousands of dollars in relieving the necessities of deserving descendants of
Revolutionary officers.

The political work of the- Cincinnati having thus terminated, it ceased thence-
forward to be a political factor, and, as its membership was restricted, it could
not perform the functions of a great patriotic society to which all citizens should
be eligible, and which should at all times have a potential influence in the direction
of patriotism, and as a conservator of good government.

At this jiinctiiie. 1789, a citizen of the City of New York, William Mooney,
<:onccived the idea of forming just such a great patriotic organization, and. having
communicated his views to other citizens, who enthusiastically approved. "THE
SOCIETY OF TAMMANY," or, "COLUMBIAN ORDER," whose motto is
"FREEDOM OUR ROCK," was established; and for many years, on Inde-
pendence Day, passed the compliments of the day with the New York State
Society of the Cincinnati, and each drank the health of the other.

A considerable number of the earlier members of the new patriotic Society
were also original members of the Society of the Cincinnati.

The first meeting place of the infant Society of Tammany, which was organ-
ized May j^, 1789, was at Barden's, or the City Tavern, located on lower
Broadway, not far from the Bowling Green. Hero, for lack of a m.ore com-
modious place, the new society met until 1798, when they obtained the use of r
Martling's long room; and this has generally been thought to have been the first C/x,<rvnj
wigwam. Mr. Abraham D. Martling kept what would now be called a hotel on nJolA/i-^-
the corner of Nassau and Spruce streets. His office, dining-room and kitchen >' ''''
were located at the front of the house, facing on Nassau street, while the famous^^ '-'^
Long Room was at the rear, running parallel with this street. This room afforded ' ^'^'^
accommodation for either convivial parties or for public meetings, and many a
fine political campaign was there inaugurated and carried through to success, ■'-'-
before the followers of St. Tammany dreamed of erecting a building for their /f^ 77"
sole use. It was, however, little more than a dozen years later before the project
was matured for erecting the ample building, of which the corner-stone was laid
in 181 1, near the site of Martling's old place, on the corner of Nassau and Frank-
fort streets, which was occupied by the Society until the erection of the present
■elegant and substantial building on Fourteenth street.

The meaning of the word wigwam, as is very generally supposed, is not a
terit, but a communal house, such as many of the stationary tribes of our North
American Indians built for the common home, and which were usually large
enough to accommodate from forty to sixty families. Some large tribes l;ad
many wigwams.

In regard to the appellation of "Saint" to Chief Tammany, we believe John
Trumbull, the artist, is to be credited with its bestowal, he thinking that the
monarchial countries of Europe should not have a monopoly of the saints; but he
alone was not of that mind; some early calendars published in Philadelphia give
tiie first of May as the day of St. Tammany, naming him the patron Saint of
.-\merica. There is also a St. Tammany parish in Louisiana, on the northern T
boundary of Lake Ponchartrain.

The Society of Tammany, or the Columbian Order, is nominally, and by
the terms of its incorporation, a social, patriotic and charitable association, and
is practically and really a distinct body from the General Committee of the Dem-
-ocratic party generally understood by the term " Tammany."

CHAPTER II.

PERSONAL HISTORY OP CHIEF TAMMANY.

HERE appears to have been two Saints Tammany — a legendary
one and an historical one — or, rather, either the attributes of
one real person have been magnified into the fabulous, or
there had been an earlier Indian, with superior qualifications,
living long before the chief known to history bearing the same
name.

The historical Tammany, with whom William Penn had dealings, wa&
chief of the Lenni-Lenape tribe of Indians; a native of Delaware, living
in his old age near the Schuylkill River, and at the time of his death resid-
ing some four miles from the present site of Doylestown, in what is, now Bucks
County, Pennsylvania; his burial place being near a spring in that vicinit)'. He
is believed to have been present at the interview with Penn under the great elm-
tree at Shakamaxon, as all the chiefs of the Lenni-Lenape lineage were there, and
so distinguished a member as Tammany could scarcely have been absent. His
name, sometimes written Tammanend, with that of Melamequam, is signed to a
contract giving title to a tract of land lying between Pennepack and Neshamony
Creeks. This paper is dated April 23, 1683.

Penn's "great treaty," so called, through which he acquired title to nearly the
whole of the present State of Pennsylvania, is dated more than two years later,
in May, 1685, when Tammany probably was dead. His precise age is unknown,
but it is certain that his life extended long past the extreme limit of even extra-
ordinary old age. When spoken of by the people of his own or other Indian
tribes, he was usually referred to as "Chief Tammany of many days." William
Penn, in speaking of him, said: "I found him an old man, yet vigorous in mind
and body, with high notions of liberty; not to be imposed upon, yet easily won
by suavity and a peaceable address." At one time his wigwam is said to have
stood on the site now occupied by Princeton College.

Chief Tammany was certainly friendly to the whites. He had the sagacity
to perceive that the knowledge of the arts, of mechanics, and of a superior
agriculture, was a power which gave to the new settlers immense advantages over
his own people; thus he was led to favor peace with them, and he used his great
influence to preserve the tranquillity of the Delaware nation. Fenimore Cooper,
in his popular novel, "The Last of the Mohicans," introduces Chief Tammany in
the scene in which he describes the death of Uncas, making Tammany say: "My
day has been too long. In the morning I saw the sons of Unamies happy and
strong; and yet, before the night has come, have I lived to see the last warrior of
the v\-ise race of the Mohicans."

The Tammany of tradition is a wonderful character; in the folk-lore of his
people all good things are attributed to him. Before the time of De Soto ©r
La Salle, or even the still earlier voyage claimed for Boehm, there was a Chief
Tammany, whose tribe lived west of the Alleghany Mountains, and e-xtended
bcvond the northern bank of the Ohio River. In earlv vouth this chief was noted'

as a skillful hunter and liravc warrior; he was always iiigeiiiuiis in the production
of (luniestic utensils, ohjeets of decoration, and iinplenu-nts for the hunt, for
snaring' animals, and for use in war. .\s he grew tn nianhnod his faini- extended
hevond the J\lississip]ji River to the (ireat Salt i-ake, and his noble tlecds were
talked nf at every couneil-fire in the land. It was this very sn])criority which
excited the env\ and enmity nl' the l''.\il .^])iril. with whuni he had many fearful
cond)ats.

When this terrible tnrm\ saw that J amman\ was leaching his peo])le how
tn cultivate C(jrn and other edible vegetables and fruits, he determined to circuin-
\ cut him and injure his rejjutation with the tribes over which he ruled with a
lirm but fatherh hand. .So the I'.vil S])irit init his ingenuity to work and caused
the land to proiluce ])oison sumach, and stinging nettles, which he hoped the
tribes would attribute to Taniniany. These plants did, indeed, much amio\- and
sometimes injure the lumters, but Tammany was wideawake and contemplated
long how he coidd ritl his iaiul of these no.xious growths. He bided his time;
then at the period of drought he set fire to the ]irairies which they covered, and
the tire was so hot and the heat waves chased each other so rapidly that they
actualh singed and nearK destroyed the Evil Spirit himself, who was spying
round, mourning the destruction of his poisonous creations. After he had some-
what recovered from his injm-ies he plotted more mischief. He made snakes,
which he sent among the ])eo[)le: but Tammany sowed the seed of the ash-tree,
of the seneca-root and the plantain, which speedily cured those who were bitten

X'ext the F.vil One sent a great drove of mammoths and other monstrous
and destructive creatures from beyond the great lakes, to consume the corn and
fruits of the 1 )ela\\ares. Again Tannnany was relietl upon to rid the land of this
|ilague also. He soon found that their hides were too thick to be penetrated bv
arrows, and that some other means must be devised to destroy them. Now these
animals were in the habit of .going down to the "'salt licks;" so Tammany caused
inanv great pits to be dug, which he covered over with branches of trees and
shrubs, completely concealing them, and so these destructive creatures were all
caught and slain in these tra])s, and there it is said that their bones may still be
found.

The f'Ail Spirit was now nearly at his wit's end how to devise some mischief
wdiich the great chief would be unable to overcome. .\t last he bethought him-
.^elf to raise the waters of Lakes Huron and Michigan, and so flood all the south-
ern land where the Delawares dwelt, but Tamman)' was not to be outdone in
ingenuity. He set to work inmieuiately and opened a way for the flooding waters,
by turning them into the Miami, W'abash and Allegheii}' Rivers, and, in addition,
cut new openings into the Ohio. The waters of the lakes receded, but formed on
their exit the Detroit Rapids and the Falls of Niagara — which still remains as
proof of the truth of this legend. Tammany was hailed as the savior of his peo-
ple, as well he might be.

Finding that no natural objects could be successfully used against this noble
chieftain, the Evil One next conceived the idea of raising up enemies against hiw
by instilling enmity toward him among the tribes, his neighbors, dwelling to the
east and north. .\ long war, indeed, followed, but Tammanv took manv prison-
ers, each one of whom expected death as a matter of course, this being the usual
fate of prisoners of war, but Tanmiaii} was endowed with a superior spirit, and

when he heard his vanquished foes singing their sad " death-song," and saw them
cutting themselves, according to the custom of their fathers, and thrusting splin-
ters into their flesh, to show that they could bear pain bravely, he called them
before him, addressed them kindly, spared their lives, and thus sent them back to
their own tribes, devoted friends, instead of enemies. ■

The Wicked Spirit, perceiving all his labors lost, finally came to the conclu-
sion that there was no other way to overcome this wonderful chief than by a per-
sonal encounter — never dreaming for a moment that any mortal being could
successfully contend with the immortal enemy of the human race.

In pursuance of this intent he hid among the bushes in a certain place where
he knew that the chief would pass by. But Tammany perceived this movement,
and. pulling up a hickory sapling, commenced the struggle by attacking his
skulking enemy, giving him a powerful blow on the head. Such a yell as burst
from the surprised traitor not even a whole tribe of Indians could equal. Then
the devil and Tammany clinched, and dreadful was the crashing of timber, whic'n
they trod down, as if it had been mere weeds. Never was such a iight on tlie
earth since the war of the Old. World giants, who piled mountains on one another
in their quarrels in ancient Greece. For many square leagues not a tree was
left standing, and some narrators afifirm that it was through this encounter that
the prairies were originally formed, by the trampling of these strange Western
gladiators — the Mortal Good and the Immortal Evil — striving for supremacy.

The fight is reported to have continued for fifty days, when Tammany, by
a hip-back action, succeeded in throwing his antagonist to the ground, trying at
the same time to roll him into the Ohio River, but a great rock in the way pre-
vented this; then he tried to strangle his nearly vanquished enemy, but his right
wrist and thumb had been so strained with the long struggle that force sufificient
failed him to accomplish this; and at last the great warrior grew faint and
exhausted, which the Evil One, perceiving, managed to slip away — having no
mind to renew the fight.

But Tammany was not quite through with him yet. He banished him from
the country to Labrador and the Hudson Bay region; threatening him with
instant death if he returned to the south of the Great Lakes. So at last Tammany
had conquered a permanent peace, and he was now able to devote himself to the
development of agriculture and such arts as were useful to his people. Then the
tribe rejoiced in plenty, they felt strong, and their cry was always, "Tammanv
and Liberty," for he had won for them freedom from all kinds of injury and
€nmity.

About this time Manco Capac, the great Inca of Peru, the famous descendant
of the Sun, heard of Tammany, and was naturally desirous of meeting such a wise
chief and brave warrior; so he sent a messenger to ask for an interview, suggest-
ing, as a suitable place, a certain location in Mexico, which was about equidistant
from the home of each. The precise object which the Inca desired to consult
Tammany about was the best form of government for Peru. The interview took
place, and passed over very happily; and, with many mutual compliments, each
returned to his own country, well pleased to have met.

As the Inca Manco Capac is considered by historians as the founder of the
Peruvian nation, and lived about the year 1250 a. d., it is obvious that this legend
of Chief Tammany's journey must have had a very ancient origin.

LllAl'il'.K 111.

TAMMANY'S GIFT OP SYMBOLS TO THE TRIBES.

1 ri'.K ilic cliit'f's return from this long jounu\ , wliicli con-
sumed .sc\rral nuinths, Tanunany Icarnctl lli;il tiR' JLvil Spirit
liad taken a(l\ant;ii.'c nt lii^ al)scnce and had entered among his
lHn])le. and iiad made tlum idle and dissipated, and. with
these faidts, disease liad l)re)keu out in the tribe. He began at
once to reform th;s cont'.ition of things, and in great measure
succeeded. In order to stimulate his people and arouse tht-ir llickering
amiiition, he summoned them all before him; and, feeling that his end
was approaching, and that he could not much longer remain with them, he con-
ceived the following plan for keeping them united, at the same time placing upon
all special responsibilities. He divided the whole of his people into thirteen
tribes, assigning separate duties to each, and giving also to each tribe a model,
or s\-ndK)l, to remind them of these duties as follows:

1st. With the symbol of the Eagle he gave to the first division this. advice:
"Children of the 1^'irst Tribe, the Eagle should be }our model. He soars above
the clouds, loves the mountain tops, takes a broad survey of the country round,
and his watchfulness in the day-time lets nothing escape him. From him learn to
direct your thoughts to elevated objects, to rise superior to the fogs of prejudice
and passion, to behold in the clear atmosphere of reason all things in their true
light and posture, and never expose yourself to be surprised, while the sun
shines, in a fit of drowsiness or slumber.

2i\. "Children of the Second Tribe: The Tiger affords a useful lesson for
you. The exceeding agility of this creature, the extraordinary (|uickness of hi-S
sight, and, above all, his discriminating power in the dark, teach you to be stirring
and active in your respective callings, to look sharp to every engagement you
enter into, and to let neither misty days nor stormy nights make you lose sight of
the worthy object of your pursuit.

3d. "Children of the Third Tribe: You are to pay good attention to the
ciualities of the Deer. He possesses uncommon readiness of hearing; can judge
of sounds at a great distance. In like manner, open ye your ears to whatever is
passing: collect the substance of distant rumors, and learn, before dangers sur-
roimd your cornfields and wigwams, what is going on at a distance.

4th. "Children of the Fourth Tribe: There is one quality of tlie \\'o\i to
which I would call your attention. His wide extent of nostrils catches the atoms
floating in the air, and gives him notice of the approach of his prey or his foe.
Thus, when power grows rank, and, like a contagion, sends abroad its pestilent
streams, I see, the wolf, like the myrmidons'* of Tammany, the first to rouse, turn
his head, and snuff oppression in every breeze.

5th. "Children of the Fifth Tribe: You, my children, are to take useful
hints of the Ruftalo. He is one of the strongest animals in the wilderness: but.

* Myrmidons were originally soldiers of .Achilles.

strong as he is, he loves the company of his kind, and is not fond of venturing
upon distant excursions alone. This is wise in the buffalo, and wise it will be in
you to imitate him. Operate in concert, stand together, support one another,
and you will be a mountain that nobody can move; fritter down your strength m
divisions, become the sport of parties, let wigwam be divided against wigwam, and
you will be an ant-hill which a small pappoose can kick over.

6th. "Children of the Sixth Tribe: That social and valuable creature the
Dog offers something for you to profit by. The warmth of his attachment, the
disinterestedness of his friendship, and the unchangefulness of his fidelity, mark
him as the object of yoar kindness and imitation. Do but love each other with
half the warmth, sincerity and steadiness with which these, your constant hunting
companions, love you all, and happiness, comfort and joy will make your land
their dwelling place, and ye shall experience all the pleasure that human nature
■can bear.

7th. "Children of the Seventh Tribe: You are to take pattern after the
Beaver. His industry merits your regard. Forests must be cleared, hills leveled,
rivers ttirned to accomplish your plans. Labor and perseverance overcome all
things; for I have heard old people say that their ancestors assisted in making
the sun, immense as he appears, by collecting into a heap all the iire-liies and
glow-worms they could find, and the moon, whose light is fainter and size smaller,
was in like manner formed by gathering into a pile all the fox-fire, or phosphoric
-decayed wood they could procure.

8th. "Children of the Eighth Tribe: The Squirrel, my children, offers
something profitable to you. It is his practid.. as he has a foresight of winter,
to collect acorns, chestnuts and walnuts, and to carry them in large, quantities
to his hole. .In like manner it becomes you to look forward to the winter of life,
and have some provision necessary for yourselves at that needy time. This you
may enjoj' at your firesides, while all around you frost rends the trees asunder,
^nd the white powder lies so thick upon the ground that you cannot ventiu'e out
without your snow-shoes.

9th. "Children of the Ninth Tribe: You are to learn a lesson from the Fox.
He looks well before him as he travels, examines carefully the ground he treads
upon, and takes good care that his enemies do not come upon him by surprise.
-Such keen examination will guard you from difficulties; and if, in the course of
nature, you shall be, in spite of all this, beset by them, nothing will more effectu-
-allv enable you to extricate yourselves.

loth. "Children of the Tenth Tribe: The Tortoise, who supports on his
back the world we inhabit, offers a world of instruction to you. Were it not for
his benevolence in keeping afloat on the immense ocean in vidiich he swims, this
land we inhabit would soon go to the bottom; and the displeasure he feels when
men lead lives of idleness and vice, when they quarrel and injure their neiglibors
and families, has induced him more than once to dip a part of his shell under the
water and drown a set of wretches no longer fit to live. If, then, you wish to
attain a long life, be honest, upright and industrious.

nth. "Children of the Eleventh Tribe: I recommend to your attention the
wholesome counsel derived by man from the Eel. He was never known to make
a noise or disturbance in the world, nor to speak an ungentle sentence to a living

creature. Slander never proceeded from his mouth, nor doth guile rest under
his tongue. Are you desirous, my children, of modest stillness and quiet? Would
you like to live peaceably among men? If such be your desires, learn a lesson of
wisdom from the Eel, who, although he knows neither his birth nor his parent-
age, but is cast an orphan of creation, yet shows, by his strength and numbers,
the excellence of the mode of life he has chosen.

I2th. "Children of the Twelfth Tribe: I shall point out for your improve-
ment some excellent traits in the character of the Bear. He is distinguished for
his patient endurance of those inconveniences which he finds it impossible to
ward off. 'Ihus, when scarcity threatens your country with famine, when disease
among the beasts strews your hunting-grounds with carcasses, when insects
(lestoy your beans, and worms corrode the roots of your corn, when the streams
refuse their accustomed supplies, or when the clouds withhold their rain, bear
with patience and resignation whatever necessity imposes upon you. Show your-
selves men. for it is adversity which gives scope to your talents.

i.^th. "Children of the Thirteenth Tribe: I call your attention to the econ-
omy of the Bee, You observe among those creatures a discipline not surpassed
hv anvthing the woods afford. Idlers, vagrants and embezzlers of public prop-
erty, have no toleration there. Regularity and method pervade every department
of their government. Borrow from them an idea of arrangement in business, and,
above all, derive from their instructive example that alchemy of mind, which, by
an operation somewhat analogous to the production of nectar from venom, con-
verts private feelings into public advantages, and makes even crimes and vices
ultimately conducive to public good."

Having, in an eloquent speech, such as the Lenni-Lenapi Indians were
renowned for, thus endeavored to distribute among his people these and other
vritues, Tammany felt that his lifework was done; and, in fact, he was very soon
after called to the happy hunting-grounds of his tribe, leaving behind him a repu-
tation above that of any other of his race of whom we have any knowledge, as he
was also more esteemed and beloved than any of his tribe before or since. He is
said to have been buried in the large mound within the ancient Indian fort near
Muskingum, O., which is nearly as large as the most famous of the Egyptian
pyramids.

CHAPTER IV.

FIRST OFFICERS OF THE TAMMANY SOCIETY, AND ITS EARLY

HISTORY.

RAND SACHEM— William Mooney.

Sachems — White Matlock, Phillip Hone, John Campbell,
John Burger, Thomas Greenleaf, Cortlandt Van Beuren,
Oliver Glenn, James Tj;lee, Gabriel Furman, Jonathan Pierce,
Abel Hardenbrook, Joseph Goodwin.
Treasurer — Thomas Ash.

Sagamore — John Pintard.

The most active ahd habitual frequenters of the Wigwam while its meetings
were held at "Martling's" are thus given (in Valentine's Manual of the City of
New York); John Tryson, Wm. H. Ireland, John Targee, Benjamin Romain,
Eldad Holmes, George Buckmaster, Abraham Valentine, Joseph Kimball, Abra-
ham Stagg, John Moss, Abraham Dally, Dr. Prince, John B. Thorp. Augustus
Wright, Lewis Ford, Clarkson Crolius, William Mott, Samuel L. Page, W. J.
Waldron. Among other members were Lieutenant-Colonel Ebenezer Stevens,
Second Regiment Continental Corps of Artillery of the Revolution, who had
been a member of the Boston "Tea Party" of 1773, and was an influential member
of the New York State Society of the Cincinnati, and, in 1814, as Major-GeneraL
commanded all the New York militia in the United States service.

This party had at times very lively contests, with the Federalists and followers
of Alexander Hamilton and other political assailants, but manfully kept together
in solid phalanx to the ever-growing terror of the diminishing Federalists and all
others inclined to disregard the rights of the people.

The actual organization of the Columbian Order, or the Society of Tam-
many, which took place on the 12th of May"", 1789, happened about two weeks
after Washington had taken his initial oath of office as President. It is, therefore,
the oldest political organization in the country, none having held together con-
tinuously for anything like a century. Tammany is now (1899) over one hun-
hundred and ten years old.

The press of 1789 describes the Society- of Tammany as being a national
society consisting of American-born citizens, who are alone eligible to hold any of
its offices, except the merely honorary posts of "Warrior" and "Hunter," which
may be filled by adopted citizens. "It is founded," said the A^cw York Daily
Gazette, "on the true principles of patriotism, and has for its motives, charity and
brotherly love. Its officers consist of one Grand Sachem; twelve Sachems, one
Treasurer, one Secretary, and one Doorkeeper. It is divided into thirteen Tribes,
each severally representing a State of the Union, and each of these tribes has its
own Sachem. The honorary posts are only two in number, tliose of Sagamore
and Wiskinskie."

As warriors and hunters are not practically called for in modern times, the
duties of these officers have naturally become more pacific. That of Sagamore
may now be described, in a general way, as master of ceremonies, and custodian

of the regalia, etc. The regaha collar is of light blue velvet, ornanuiited with
gold. The duties of Wiskinskie include that of a doorkeeper who holds the pass-
word, and, in a measure, he occupies a similar jjosition to that of 'J'yler in a
Masonic Lodge.

The original idea of founding this Society of Tammany is to be credited to a
business man of New York City, named William Mooney, though it was inevit-
able that some such association would be formed: for opposition to the aristo-
cratic tendencies of the Federalists was in the air. and it was believed by many of
the leading citizens to be absolutely necessary to have some organized body, ready
at all times to battle for the preservation of the pure American spirit, and antagon-
ize every symptom of departure from it.

\ViLLi.\M MooxEV was chosen as the first (jrand Sachem. His inmiediate
successor was William Pitt Smith, in 1790; then followed Josiah Ogden Hott-
nian; Di; Witt Clinton being Scribe of the Council.

The Device or Certificate of Membership is quite an elaborate piece of work.
It represents "A pointed arch composed of two cornucopias, resting on tw'O col-
umns, on each side of which are two figures — Liberty and Justice. On a pedestal
bearing the former are the figures 1776 — 1789. Below the foundation on which
the two columns rest is another arch standing upon a rocky base; this arch is
composed of thirteen stones, each bearing the name of one of the original thirteen .
Slates. The keystone is Pennsylvania, and from this fact arose the custom of
Speaking of that State as the 'Keystone State.' Below this arch of rocks is a
view of land and water, containing appropriate symbols of agriculture and
commerce." This expressive device was designed by Dr. Charles Buxton, and
engraved, (3n copper, by Mr. George Graham.

From its first organization the Indian nomenclature was adopted as to
divisions of time, and to indicate the seasons, as well as in the titles of its officials.
The early notices of its meetings were printed in the same symbolic language —
such, for instance, as "tlie month of snows," the "month of flowers," the "month
of fruits," etc.; also using the changes of the moon in the same way, with other
imitations of the aboriginal customs, as calling their places of meeting a "wig-
wam," and their conferences "council fires," and so forth. This probably struck
some of the high-toned Federalists as somewhat puerile, but it was meant ta
emphasize their intense Americanism; and the country soon learned that these
characteristics of the society could be turned to good practical account.

Many eventful historical scenes are connected with the early days of Tam-
many, as for instance, the government's relations with the Creek Indians. Ever
since the peace of 1783 the United States had been periodically troubled with
Indian outbreaks, and had been particularly anxious to conciliate the Creeks,
who then occupied large tracts of land in Florida and Georgia. In 1790 a plan
was devised to get the chief of this tribe, or nation, who was an educated half-
breed, to come to New York with some of his people, in the expectation that the
sights of civilization and of permanent substantial cities would make the red men
feel their weakness, and the impossibility of resisting the supremacy of the "pale-
faces." In the winter of 1790 an agent. Col. Marinus Willett, was sent South to
the Indian country to invite the Chief of the Creeks to come and visit the Great
White Father in New York. The (Expedition was successful, and the following

suinnier, "in the season of flowers," a large delegation from the Creek nation,
under the conduct of their chief, who bore the Scotch name of Alexander McGil-
very, arrived in New York.

This unusual event had been prepared for by the Tammany Society with
extraordinary elaboration. The members of the Society adopted for the occasion
the entire Indian costume, everi to the wearing of the tomahawk and feathers. In
addition, they attached to the back of the head-dress, as an extemporized symbol
of the visiting tribe, a buck's tail; hence arose the popular sobriquet which the
Society long bore, of the "Bucktails." The Tammanv Societv also pitched tents
on vacant lots on the banks of the Hudson River, now one of the busiest sections
of busy New York. When the Creeks were received and welcomed by the "Buck-
tails" they were wonderfully surprised and overjoyed, thinking they had found a
new tribe of red men, giving vent to their excitement in loud whoops, which
greatly startled, if they did not frighten, the Tammany braves.

Among the eminent persons present on this occasion was Thomas Jefiferson,
who was afterward to be President of the United States; Governor George Clin-
ton, of the State of New York; Chief Justice Jay, of the Supreme Court of the
United States; the then Secretary of State, and many other distinguished persons.
The bands of Creeks sang their tribal songs, called the E-tho-song, after which the
Grand Sachem, William Pitt Smith, made them a friendly speech, in the course of
which, appealing to the superstitious nature of his auditors, he assured them that,
though dead, the spirits of the two great chiefs, Tammany and Columbus, were
walking backward ^nd forward in the wigwam.

The Sagamore of the Society then offered the Creek chief the calumet, or
pipe of peace, when immediately one of the Indians bestowed upon the Sagamore
a new name; he called him Tuliva Mico, meaning Chief of the White Town. In
ithe evening all the Indians were taken to the theatre, and for several days they
Avere entertained with bancjuets, "long talks," music, and whatever else could be
•devised to amuse and impress them; the members of Tammany wearing their
Indian costumes so long as the visit of the Creeks lasted. In consequence of this
Triendly and unique reception a treaty was secured — as the aborigines called it,
"a treaty of friendship with Washington, the beloved Sachem of the Thirteen
Fires." The result was a long period of peace with this tribe, which has long
been entirely civilized, and, next to the Cherokees, the most advanced in the arts
of civilization of any of the aborigines within the jurisdiction of the United States.

LiiArriiR \.

AFFILIATED SOCIETIES.

(HERE were other "Tammany" societies funned in tiie several
States about tlie time of the New York organization, anil also
one or two have been formed in recent years. The Tammany
Society of Georgia became one of great political influence.
Although, in its origin, the New York Tammany was ostensi-
bly only a social and benevolent body, that astute -Senator
from Pennsylvania, William Maclay, seems to have penetrated the dis-
guise, for, in his diary, under date of May I, 1789, after describing the
])arade of "the -Sons of Tammany," he says: "There seems to be some kind of
scheme laid, of erecting some kind of order or society, under this denomination,
but it docs nut seem well digested yet." He evidently suspected that there was
some kind of political purpose concealed under the accepted name of the Tam-
many "l)raves."

Just about the same period, in 1789, an organization of a similar nature was
formed in Philadelphia. Some writers claim that it was of earlier date Mian the
New York society, having been organized on the first day of May. Jt certainly
existed for several years, but never exercised any very potent political influence.
As its annual meetings were held on the first of May, it had probably eleven days
precedence as to age. The Philadelphia Tammany Society had two places of
meeting: one in the city in a building known as the London Coffee House, on the
corner of Front and Market streets. This was a general resort of the fashional)le
people of the Quaker City.

It was patronized by I<"ederal judges. Congressmen, naval and military offi-
cers, as well as by wealthy citizens. In the summer the society met in a beautiful
spot on the banks of the Schuylkill, at a place called the Wigwam.

Heckewelder, an interesting chronicler of contemporary events, makes this
reference to them under date of May ist: "Numerous societies of Tammany'=
votaries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their
hats decorated with bucktails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place out of
town, called the Wigwam, where, after a 'long talk,' or Indian speech, had been
delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, thev
spent the day in festivity and mirth."

The Philadelphia society had as its badge the eel, which shows it to have

been the eleventh tribe, as designated by Chief Tammany in his gift of symbols.

In this early period many smaller societies appear to have been organized which

were in some sort auxiliaries to that in New York, which was the second tribe,

or tiger, the first, or eagle, being the insignia of the nation. Little is known of the

other early societies, as but few of them made any mark in politics; they won only

% local reputation, and finally drifted into social associations, as did the more

' V>mising Philadelphia organization. There is, however, one at least in Portland,

j-'e., which gives unmistakable signs of life and activity: but. it is of recent

-in, having been established in 1887, and its rules have been closely copied
onj ' t> / ' .1

r the Tammany organization in this city.

On December 12, 1891, the New York World published the following evi-
dence of its vitality:
To the Editor of the Worl4 :

Tammany Society, of Portland, Ore., solicits your presence as a guest at its annual
banquet, to be given on the evening of the 8th day of January, 1892. The Democracy of
the State of Oregon has been invited to be present, and numerous invitations have been
sent to prominent Democrats from abroad. It is our hope to be able to make the occasion
a memorable one to the Democracy of Oregon.

On the following day, Saturday, January 9th, the State Convention of Democratic
Societies will be held, when the first permanent organization will be perfected.

Trusting that you may be able to participate with us, we are courteously yours,

B. Goldsmith, President.

M. M. Harris, Secretary.

Communications to he addressed to F. A. E. Starr, Chairman Executive Committee,
133 First street, Portland, Ore.

There is one active Tammany society at the present time at Johnstown, Cam-
bria County, Pa., one in Rhode Island, one in Texas, and undoubtedly many
others scattered over the country, but not of sufficient extended influence to
not of sufficient extended influence to require enumeration here.

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CHAPTER VI.

THE TAMMANY SOCIETY AS A CONSERVATOR OF ART - THE

TAMMANY MUSEUM.

[fe^^ • ~^,i"|]^*^^'^^ '""'^ "°^^' probably few persons who criticise the affairs
l/l ifelBF^V li of the Taminany Society who rcahze that at one time it
was the only organized conservator of Art in the coinitry ; and
the centre of archaeological knowledge in the City of New
York. In the same year in which the famous visit of the
Creeks occurred the Tammany Society established a Museum
for the collection and preservation of everything of interest relating to the
anti(|uities and early history of America. A room was allotted, for this
purpose to the use of the Society, in the City Hall, then located in Wall
street, near Nassau. .Mr. Gardiner Baker, a member of Tammany, was
appointed Custodian. The collection of curiosities, principally of Indian
origin, though by no means exclusively so, soon outgrew the limited accom-
modations in the City Hall. and. in 1794, these treasures were removed to
a brick building, then standing in the middle of Wall street, at the junction of
Broad and Pearl streets; it was known as the "Exchange." The lower part of
this building was occupied as a market, but the upper part, having good light on
all sides, proved an e-xceilent place for seeing this art collection, a great portion
of which had been gathered, or otherwise secured, by Mr. Baker, the custodian,
who was an enthusiastic scientist and naturalist: and the following year the whole
contents of the museum were, for a consideration, transferred by the Tammany
Society to this gentleman. He had spent much time and money in making these
collections, on the expectation and ardent desire that these interesting and curious
objects should be forever known as "The Tammany Museum," and with the
condition that the families of the founders of the Society should always have free
access to it.

But Baker was not immortal; and could not control the future fate of his
valuable collection. C)n his death the contents of the museum were sold to a Mr.
W. J. Waldron, and went partly into other hands; later the greater part were sold
to the ".American," or "Scudder's Museum," and, when that was given up, some
of the articles were bought by private parties, but the larger portion eventually
passed into the hands of P. T. Barnum. Probably among the reasons why the
Tamman}- Society had lost its original interest in the collection was the expense
of maintaining it, and the great care required in the preservation of many of the
articles, proving, as it did, a considerable draft upon their then limited funds,
while their outside patrons were few in number, the population of the city being
then so small, and very few being interested irv archaeological studies. Then, also,
when these later transfers took place, the society was greatly interested in secur-
ing official recognition, through an Act of Incorporation, which was not obtained,
however, until 1805.

John W. Fra?jcis, in his interesting "History of Old New York." says of
this matter- "I believe that old Tammany was then (the time of Jay's treaty) too

intent upon obtaining their charter to continue the work they had so well com-
menced of gathering together the relics of Nature and Art to be found in this
country. In this collection were to be seen wampum beads, tomahawks, belts,
earthen jars and pots, w'ith other Indian antiquities; together w'ith all that could
be found of Indian literature, in war songs, hieroglyphic writings on stone, bark
and skins, etc., etc." If this enumeration of curios seem to us now rather
meagre we must remember that it was founded over a hundred years ago.

A recent discovery of a long-lost Washington portrait links the year 1892
with this old Tammany art collector, Gardiner Baker. The Brooklyn (N. Y.)
Eagle, of February 29, 1892, contained the following letter, dated Washington,
D. C:

"Consul-General Sherman, of Liverpool, has informed the State Department of the
discovery in the Isle of Man, of a portrait of Washington, believed to be one of the three
replicas by Gilbert Stuart from his original painting for the Marquis of Landsdowne; and
also believed to be the identical portrait that was intended for the Executive Mansion.
The portrait is now owned by Mr. William Burrows, and is for sale at the price
of $1,000. The size of the canvass is twenty by fifteen inches." Mr. Sherman
adds: "If a genuine Stuart, it would seem that it should be owned by the United
State?." A photograph of the portrait accompanying the dispatch shows it to be
a Stuart beyond any reasonable doubt, and extracts from Black and White, and from the
Whitehall Rcvieir, give an interesting account of the history of the portrait, which is one
of the most singular stories in the history of art, namely, the theft and disappearance of
an authentic portrait of George Washington

"This third portrait was painted for Mr. Gardiner Baker, of New York, an active
member of the Society of St. Tammany, which society, at his suggestion, established a
museum. This museum was. in 1794, made over to Mr. Baker, who added, among other
attractions, this full-length portrait of the General. In 1796 he appears to have gone to
Boston to exhibit the picture, but, dying there of yellow fever, the portrait went to a Mr.
Laing in satisfaction of a claim. After a time the committee at Washington charged
with furnishing the President's house, bought the picture, which was entrusted to one
Winstanly to pack and deliver. He, however, copied the Stuart; delivered the copy and
fled to England with the original. Stuart himself was the first to discover the fraud,
and denounced it. but the false copy still hangs in the White House: while the original
Stuart once owned by Mr. Gardiner Baker, the custodian of the Tammany museum, is now
in the hands of a picture dealer of Douglas, in the Isle of Man."

Besides the creditable record which the Tammany Society made in the
cause of art, it was always ready to lead, or take part, usually to inaugurate all
public movements of a patriotic nature, or to commemorate historical events of
interest. Thus it came about that the Tammany Society has the credit of having
originated the first Columbian celebration. "On the 12th of October 1792 (old
style), the members of the Tammany Society met in their wigwam to celebrate the
discovery of America by Columbus. A monumental obelisk was exhibited in the
Hall, and an eloquent oration on the great mariner was delivered by Brother J.
B. Johnson, one of the original members of the Society." A celebration vvas held
later in Boston, on the 23d of October, but Tammany had set the example.

CHAPTER VII.

PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OP THE SOCIETY.

T. THOUGH the act of incorporation of the Tammany Society
docs not mention any pohtical object as a motive for its
formation, it was from the first an essentially political associa-
tion, though not professedly so, and it was certainly not
])artisan. Keen observers, however, even on the very day
of its founding, "saw something beneath the surface,"
and that "something" very gradually but steadily gained in strength — it was politi-
cal influence. For many years during the first half century of its existence no
other Democratic party was heard of in the City of New York than the party
whoso headquarters were in the Wigwam, called indifferently "Bucktails" or
"Tamnianyites;" and the general principles advocated by the society then, allow-
ing for differences of time and circumstances, were the same as now. Mr. Ham-
mond, in his elaborate work entitled the "Political History of the State of New
York," speaking of Governor Tompkin's embarrassment, between appointing De
Witt Clinton as Mayor of the city (the Mayors of the city being then appointed by
the Governor), and the fear of exciting the displeasure of the Democratic party to
which he owed his own election, says: "The Tammany party in New York, which
then (1815) really constituted the Democratic party, pressed for his removal.
Tompkins was much embarrassed, as he did not want to offend Clinton's friends.
and yet dared not encounter ilie resentment of the New York Tamnianyites.''
The first notice that we finrl of a Democratic State Convention was the intro-
duction of a bill in the Assembly, in 1818, by Mr. Edwards, a Tammany member,
calling for a State convention, to consider the appointment of officers. The
appointment of officers had always previously been arranged in caucus, by the
leaders of both parties, just as national candidates were selected in Congressional
caucus before national conventions were thought of. In 1817 the Democrats
formed their first county conventions through the State (not including New York
City), for the express purpose, as they announced, "to enable the Democrats
living in counties represented in the Assembly by Federalists to have some
voice in nominating the Governor."

In the convention for the revision of the State Constitution, in 1821, the
larger proportion of delegates were Democrats; those named from New York
City were all Tammany men. The Speaker of the Assembly in 1822 was Grand
Sachem Samuel B. Romaine. The only divisions of any account up to this
period were entirely personal, and the friends and enemies of DeWitt Clinton
made nearly all the discordance that materially affected the party in New York.
A little later came divisions, vi'hich will be narrated more fully elsewhere.

But, without following the general political course of the Society further, we
here give a ■zrrbatim copy of the act of incorporation of the original association.

CHAPTER VIII.

ACT OF INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY OF TAMMANY, OR

COLUMBIAN ORDER.

An Act to incorporate the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of
New York. Passed April 9, 1805.

Whereas, William Mooney and other inhabitants of the City of New York have pre-
sented a petition to the Legislature, setting forth that they, since the year 1789, have
associated themselves under the name and description of the Society of Tammany, or
Columbian Order, for the purpose of affording relief to the indigent and distressed' mem-
bers of the said association, their widows and orphans, and others who may be found
proper objects of their charity, they therefore solicit that the Legislature will be pleased
by law to incorporate the said Society for the purposes aforesaid, under such limitations
and resti-ictions as to the Legislature shall seem meet.

Therefore, be it enacted by the people of the State of New York, represented in Senate
and Assembly, That such persons as now are, or shall from time to time become members
of the said Society, shall be, and are hereby ordained, constituted and declared to be a
body corporate and politic, in deed, fact and name, by the name of the "The Society of
Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of New York," mnd that by that name they
and their successors shall have succession, and shall be persons in law, capable of suing
and being sued, pleading and being impleaded, answering and being answered unto, in all
courts and places whatsoever, in all manner of actions, suits, complaints, matters and
causes whatsoever; and that they and their successors may have a common seal, and
change and alter the same at their pleasure; and that they and their successors shall be
persons capable in law to purchase, take, receive, hold and enjoy . to them and their
successors, any real estate, in fee simple of for term of life, or lives, or otherwise; and
any goods, chattels, or personal estate, for the purpose of enabling them the better to
carry into effect the benevolent purposes of affording relief to the indigent and distressed;
provided, that_the_clear yearly^ value of such real and personal estates shall not exceed
the sum of Ave thousand dollars; and that they and their successors shall have full power
and authority to give, grant, selL. lease, devise or dispose of the said real and personal
estates or any part thereof, at their will and pleasure; and that they and their successors
shall have power from time to time to make, constitute, ordain and establish by-laws,
constitutions, ordinances and regulations as they shall judge proper, for the election of
their officers, for the election or admission of new members of the said corporation and
the terms and manner of admission, for the better government and regulation of their
officers and members, for fixing the times and places of meeting of the said corporation,
and for regulating all the affairs and business of the sa'd corporation; provided, that such
by-laws and regulations shall not be repugnant to the Constitution or laws of the United
States, or of this State.

For the better carrying on the business and affairs of the said corporation, there shall
be such numbers of officers of the said corporation, and of such denomination or denomina-
tions, to be chosen in such manner and at such times and places as are now, or shall from
time to time be directed by the constitution and by-laws of the said corporation, made or to
be made for that purpose; and that such number and description of members shall be suf-
ficient to constitute a legal meeting of the said corporation as are now or may hereafter
be directed by the said constitution and bj'-laws of the said corporation.

And be it further enacted. That this Act be and hereby is declared to be a public act,
and that the same be construed in all courts and places benignly and favorably for every
beneficial purpose therein intended.

[Signed] Thomas Tillotson, ^

Secretary of State.

Ai.BANY, February 24. 1807. ,

CHAP'IF.R TX.

RECRUITS FROM THE FEDERAL PARTY.

The Democratic party of Now York, witli the Tammany Society as its
earliest representative, has had the peculiar and pleasant experience of frequently
welcoming back into its ranks, not only individual members who have temptv
rarily declined to act with the majority, but also factional parties who have for a
time acted independently under other names. ( )ne of the most remarkable of
these accessions occurred early in its history, and has not been given that prom-
inence in the political histories of the countr\' which its importance deserves.
This was a sudden desertion of fifty of the leading Federalists of the day from
their own ranks and their application for membership at the Wigwam. This
action excited much interest at the time, including, as it did, the -whole of the
powerful Livingston family in the city, including the renowned Chancellor, he
liaving joined in 1790. It was in 1820 that this body of fifty old-time opponents,
members of the Federal party, publicly announced their withdrawal from their
late associates and their intention to join the Democracy, which, of course, meant
the Tanmiany Society.

In explanation of tliis action, in referring to the documents of that time, we
learn that there was a growing dissatisfaction among the more progressive por-
tion of the I'cderalists, who. in the language of their day. were designated as
"Migh-minded I''ederalists." On the 14th of April. 1820. a number of these put
out a public address, in which they say: "The Federal party no longer exists; as
a party, it is dissolved and annihilated, and even the bonds of nmtual confidence
and private regard are severed, perhaps forever." And again: "The F'ederalists
have now no ground of principle on which to stand." And, therefore, these
gentlemen declare their intention of uniting with the "great Democratic party of
the State and Union." This extraordinary manifesto, which was of considerable
length, was signed by the persons whose names are given below, representing as
iiighly respectable citizens as were then to be found in the city, either in politics
or society.

List of the fifty I'cderalists who amiounccd the death of their party and
joined the Democrats: I'eter Jay Monroe, J- O. Hofifman, Jonathan Hasbrouk,
("leorge D. Wickhani. Morris S. Miller. Melancthon Wheeler. Levi Callender,
Joshua Whitney. John Suydam. R. W. Stoddard, David Hudson, H. Mont-
gomery, H. R. Bender, George W. Tibbits, Thomas Mumford, John Duer, John
A. King, F.lisha P>. Strong, George F. Tallman, Joshua A. De Witt, Charles A.
Foot, James Lynch, Glen Cuyler. John L. Wendell, Charles King, A. B. Has-
brouk. T. S. Morgan, Jeffrey Wisner, James A. Hamilton, Ebenezer Griffin, John
C. Morris. Livingston Billings, Tracey Robinson, Johnson \'erplank. Henry
Brown, Thomas J. Delancy, Thomas G. Waterman, John C. Hamilton, James
Clapp, William A. Duer, William P. Sherman. Isaac Dubois. Zeb. R. Shepherd,
Alanson Austin, Garrit Post. Elisha Ely, H, Vander'yn, W. W. Mumford.

Another party of Federalists had quitted their wonted ranks in 1812, and
joined Tammany. These were called by their contemporaries the "Coody party,"
the name being given in reference to a series of articles published, signed Abime-
lech Coody, the author of which severely attacked the Federalists for their British
affinities and opposition to the war. These letters, as was afterward learned,
were written by Gulian C. Verplanck, and were especially bitter against De Witt
Clinton. Of this set of seceding Federalists the historian Horton says: "The
leaders of the Coody party were Gulian C. Verplanck, Hugh Maxwell, Jacob
Ratclifif, Richard Hatfield, Josiah Heddin and John Hopkins, about forty
altogether;" and he adds, "they rushed into Tammany Hall, claiming to have
become better Democrats than even the old chiefs of the Wigwam. Though a
few of the ancient braves were inclined to be wary, the Coodyites were cordially
received and granted seats 'around the Council Fire.' The sequel is interesting.
Shortly after Ratcliff was made Mayor; Hatfield became Clerk of the Sessions,
and Maxwell was made District Attorney. In retaliation, when De Witt Clinton
became Governor, he removed a number of Tammany men from office; but most
of them were restored by his successor. Governor Joseph C. Yates."

In the course of these pages the fact will be discovered that nearly all the
seceders from Tammany Hall, who have at any time taken the shape of new
parties, have eventually returned to the shelter of the great Wigwam, and have
usually found themselves happier there than in endeavoring to maintain separate
action as Democrats.

CHAPTER X.
EARLY CELEBRATIONS OP THE FOURTH OP JULY.

|T will ])rnl)al)ly be a surjirisc to iiiaii\ people to learn thai for
several years after its formation the Society of Tammany
eclebrated the Fourth of July by a semi-religious service,
listening to a sermon as well as the reading of the Declaration
of Independence. In 1791 the Tammany Society invited the
Rev. Dr. William Linn, of the Middle Reformed Dutch
(.hurcli. to preach before them on the national anniversary. ,\ copy of
this sermon, now over a century rild, is preserved in the collections of
llie Long Island Historical Society. The Tammanyites of that day had
ihe grace not only to thank the preacher in very handsome terms for his
sermon, but they also requested the loan of the manuscript for the purpose of
securing printed copies of the same; of which si.x hundred were ordered. There
were not, of course, any stenographic reporters in those days; nor, if
there had been, any newspapers large enough to have given space to such
lengthy matter. In this sermon the reverend gentleman had dilated at length
upon the great size and geographical advantages of the country, as well as its
political superiority over the nations of Europe, dropping into poetry, by quoting
the well-known lines:

"What is life? ....
'Tis not to stalk and draw fresh air
From time to time, to gaze upon the sun.
'Tis to be free! When liberty is gone
Ijife grows insipid, and has lost its relish."

Music and the reading of a religious and patriotic ode concluded the cele-
bration.

In 1793 the 4th of July was again celebrated by the Tammany Society by
listening to a sermon; this time by a Presbyterian clergyman, the Rev. Samuel
Miller, who took for his general argument the proposition that Christianity is the
surest basis of political liberty.

In explaining his choice of a subject, he said: "To this choice of a subject
am I led bv the recollection that the respected society to which this discourse is
in a particular manner addressed hold up as the great object of their attention
everything that may tend to promote the progress of civil liberty, and to trans-
mit it pure and undefiled to the latest posterity." adding to these noble words
many more complimentary remarks on the patriotism of the Tammany Society.

We will refer to only one more of these early religious celebrations of the
national anniversary by Tammany; this was in 1794, and was conducted by an
Episcopalian, the Rev. Mr. Fillmore. This gentleman struck a more florid style
of oratorv than the society had hitherto been treated to. His especial theme was
unitv, and he thus saluted the members of the Tammany Society before him:
"Hail, patriot leaders of the happy tribes! Raise your banners in the temple of
honor of our Heavenly King! To you, gentlemen, we, and all our citizens, are
much indebted for your encouragement of art, and the science of archaeology, in

the establishment of the museum which arose under your auspices, and which has
already been enriched by your liberality; not only with a choice collection of the
curious productions of nature, but likewise with some of the most masterly pro-
ductions of literature, particularly those treating of the rights of man, which will
happily preserve them from oblivion."

On a later occasion an orator named J. B. Johnson also addressed the society
on the necessity of preserving a strict union, not only among themselves, but a
friendly union between the States. One of his expressions emphasizes strongly
the immense growth of the United States since that day; alluding to the great
size of the country as an additional reason and necessity for unity, he exclaims:
" A land stretching from New Hampshire to Georgia." Not seeing in prophetic
vision the immense expansion which was to come, he still proceeded to argue
that on account of the great size of the United States, and the large number com-
posing the Union, that the sovereignty of each individual State should be care-
fully watched over and maintained. Indeed, this address is one of the
earliest as well as most outspoken appeals in advocacy of State rights, as against
any possible encroachments of the General Government. "How," he asks, "can
one eye, however wakeful and piercing, watch the sacred deposit of the people's
interests with sc5 much safety as the quick and vivid glance of fifteen (Vermont
and Kentucky were then included in the Union) sovereign and United States?"
In concluding his address, he thus compliments the fraternal spirit of the Tam-
many Society: "Suffer me, brothers to ofifer to you the sentiment of my fraternal
affection and regard. Within the walls of your wigwam has my heart often
expanded with genuine delight; there, innocent pleasure wanders free and
unmolested, and smiles on every guest. There friendship, founded on the purest
motives, knits, in the firm knot of Union, the hearts of every true brother; there
the flame of patriotism, kindled by the tongue of eloquence, and the sweet voice
of freedom, darts from soul to soul, and illuminates your peaceful hall. And
there, if I have any love for my country, any ardor in the cause of liberty, any
strong desire for the happiness of mankind, there have these virtues been born,
being also, by your precept and example, exalted and refined. Brothers, keep in
mind that vou are the Union in miniature. Many are your fires, but they all
burn within the same circle. Many are your links, but they all constitute one
bright, strong, and. I trust, enduring chain."

From those early days until the present lime, whether the orator of the day
used the form of a sermon or a simply patriotic address, the Tammany Society
never celebrated the Fourth of July without listening to the reading of the
Declaration of Independence, a custom well worthy of imitation by other asso-
ciations.

In 1813 several societies united with Tammany in celebrating the national
anniversary, including the George Clinton Association. The orator of the day
was Mr. John Rodman. The war with Great Britain was then in progress, and
in the course of his address several of the Eastern States came under the scalpel
of the speaker. He said: "Sons of Tammany, to keep alive the patriot flame is
the object of our association, and the basis of our institution. Under the Tree of
Liberty we have for manv years smoked the Calumet of Peace, and rejoiced at the
prosperity of our country. But now the tliunders of war murmur in our ears,
and while, in some of the States, those who should be active sit supine, others

seem iiiclincil to enci)iiraj;c llu- eiu-niy." In justil'icaliuii <jl such rtiiiarks it will
be reiiuMiihered that many of the inthiential men of New England, the merchai'~s,
mamifaetiirers and shippe' were mainly Feileralists. and, in a measure, for party
reasons, hut still more upon financial considerations, were even then considering
the convening of the famous, or, shall we say infamous, "Hartford Convention,"
which actually took ])lace S(jme five months later. The attitude of the Federalists,
of New l-.ngland at this tune was naturally regarded by all good Democrats as
scmi-traitorons, and very fair subjects for a scathing rebuke on the Fourth of
July. In addition to his criticism on New luigland, Mr. Rodman discussed the
question of the maritime rights of the United States, not failing to denounce, as
the Democrats always had done, "Ja^'s 'JVeaty," which, it is now universally
admitted, surrendered too much to the claims of FIngland. "Our ships,"
exclaimed the orator, "are a part of our territory, and England's non-expatriation
theory can never be admitted."

At a special meeting held on March 31, 1817, to celebrate the twelfth anni-
versary of the incorporation of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order,
over which Samuel Berrian. Esq., presided, the aninuis of the meeting was.
mainly directed against the attempt of Spain to repress, by force of arms, the
rising spirit of liberty which was beginning to show itself in the Spanish colonies
of Central and South .\merica. One of the speakers commented severely on
those members of Congress who had voted to raise their own pay. "Do you
think, or can you imagine." said he, "that any representative will perform his
legislative functions with more al)ility lor this increase of salary? Gold may shed
a factitious splendor over infamy and crime, but gold never did. and never can,
add a single throb to the impulse of integrit}."

We have given considerable space to these early orators of Tammany,
more, perhaps, than is intrinsically interesting, but there certainly seems no better
wav to get at the animating spirit of any set of men. politicians or others, than to
let them speak for themselves at times, and under circumstances, when there was
no motive for suppression or concealment. Tammany shows well under this
retrospective light.

.^2

CHAPTER XI. ^

POETS AND LITERATI OF TAMMANY.

rrjjl (.) those unacquainted with the early history and social standing
of the Tammany Society it may be somewhat of a surprise to
learn how large a proportion of the literary men of the period
were habitual habitues of the Wigwam.

We have elsewhere called attention to the fact that
the Tammany Society was never without a supply of
oratorical and poetical talent more than sufficient to embellish with appro-
priate poems and songs the ceremonies of its anniversaries and other festal
occasions; indeed, it may truthfully be said that for the first eighty years
of Tammany's existence all the best poetry of New York was Democratic;
and nearly all the well-known poets were Tammany men. One of the
earliest of these was Philip Freneau, but a name much better known, because
later, is that of William Cullen Bryant. He is too well known to require any
biographical notice here, but, in evidence of his practical sympathy and cordial
fraternization with the other Tammany poets of his day, we have only to call
attention to his estimation of, and cordial friendship with, the late William Leg-
gett — one of the leaders of the "Loco Foco" party, which temporarily separated
from Tammany Hall, but reunited with the old society after the experience of a

brief independent career.

^ ^ ^

William Leggett, one of the sweetest of American poets, was for a con-
siderable time associated with Bryant in the editorial work of the Evening Post,
and subsequently in the conduct of tht Democratic Review. i[lt was in this latter 'si'
periodical, after Leggett's death, that Bryant wrote that beautiful poetical tribute
to the friend he valued almost above any other, commencing:

"The earth may ring from shore to shore.

With echoes of a glorious name;
But he whose loss our hearts deplore,
Has left behind him more than fame."

Mr. I-eggett himself is best known to lovers of poetry by that most tender

lyric beginning:

"If yon bright stars which gem the night,
Be each a blissful dwelling sphere."

But to politicians his newspaper work furnishes an inexhaustible mine of
elevated Democratic thought and suggestion, which can never be outgrown or
become obsolete.

Philip Freneau was of French Huguenot descent, but came to New York
in 1774 . when the patriot blood of the colonists was in a ferment over the question
of defying British rule and declaring the country independent. He immediately %
identified himself with the interests of America, and became a zealous patriot.
Having mercantile interests in the West Indies, in 1778, he had taken passage for
St. Eustasia, but the vessel had scarcely got beyond the Capes of Delaware when

he was overhauled by a Britisli filtrate and captured Mr. Frcneau, with all on
board, being made prisoners, and brought Iiack to the port of New York, this
city being t'hen in the hands of the enemy. The young Frenchman was first
placed on board of the "prison ship Scorpion," then lying in the North River,
where, falling very ill, he was transferred to the so-called "hospital ship," in the
Wallabout. What he endured in these wretched abodes he has partly succeeded
in telling in a long poem, entitled "The British Prison Ships." It commences
thus: —

"The various horrors of these hulks to tell,"
and goes on to describe, first, his experience on the Scorpion, which appears
bad enough, yet not equal to the misery of the hospital, as to which a victim
already there salutes him with the exclamation: —

"If that was purgatory, this is hell."

By some means now unknown, perhaps by bribing the guard, Mr. Freneau
managed to escape from his captors, and, after peace was proclaimed, he settled
down to literary persuits in New York, where he was recognized as the "Patriot
Poet." As soon as the Tammany Society was formed he was naturally found
fraternizing with the "braves" of the wigwam. He was offered a Government
position by President Jefferson, but declined the honor. He was always greatly
interested in the fate of the American Indians, and one of his longest poems is
called "The Prophecy of King Tammany."

* * *

Fitz-Greene Halleck. A very pleasant name to remember in this con-
nection is that of Halleck — a name known, like Bryant's, to every scholar
throughout Christendom, as well as to every school-boy in the United States.
Though this genial poet was a native of Connecticut, he was for fifty years a
resident of the City of New York. This he considered his home; elsewhere, even'
in his native village, he was but a "guest." That he was an habitual visitor, and
always welcome in the wigwam, we have his own words for, in some verses of
which the following couplet forms part, where, speaking of Tammany Hall, he
says:

"In the time of my youth it was pleasant to call
For a seat and segar 'mid the jovial throng."

It was in his later days that these verses were written, which exhibited the

geniality of his nature and his Burns-like conception of good-fellowship. One of

Mr. Halleck's first literary friendships was formed with that other charming poet,

Joseph Rodman Drake, and it was in memoriam of this gifted friend that he

wrote the oft-quoted lines:

"Green be the turf above thee,
Friend of my better days, etc.

* *

Fitz-Greene Halleck's special forte was undoubtedly that of good-humored
satire, which was as often applied to his friends as his political opponents, of
which Grand Sachem Walter Bowne (who was also Mayor of New York) was
once a victim. At that time, 1820, the Mayor, as a prerogative of his ofiRce, had
been making somewhat of a political sweep of hold-over officials, to the surprise
of some of his adherents and the consternation of others. Very shortly after these
changes had been affected there appeared in one of the city papers an "Address
V to W. . . .r B.w.e.," of which we can make room for a few lines only:

"We do not blame you W B

For a variety of reasons;
You're now the talk of half the town,
A man of talent and renown,

And will be, for perhaps two seasons.
*****
How could you have the heart to strike
Prom place the peerless Pierre Van Wyck.
And the twin Colonels, Haines and Pell,
Squire Fessenden, and Sheriff Bell?

And when you visit us agam,
Leaning at Tammany on your cane,
Like warrior on his battle- blade.
You'll mourn the havoc you have made."

Joseph Rodman Drake was another of the brilliant poetic coterie who
found genial companionship and political sympathy in the Wigwam. His finest
poem, considered as purely literary work, is no doubt "The Culprit Fay," but he
is probably more generally remembered as the author of that soul-stirring pro-
duction:

"When Freedom, fron> her mountain height.
Unfurled her standard to the air," etc.

Washington Irving was one of the famous group of literary friends whose
political affiliations were with Tammany Hall, but from the fact that he spent so
much of his active life abroad his name figures less constantly in the annals of
the society than some of his confreres. The Democratic President, Madison,
offered him a Secretaryship in the Navy, which, however, he declined. He
accepted the appointment of Minister to Spain from President Tyler, remaining
abroad at that time four years. On his return to New York he was welcomed
with the greatest enthusiasm, as one who had done much to elevate the literary
reputation of his native country abroad. His old friends of the Tammany Society
were among the most ardent of his admirers.

At a meeting held in the Wigwam he was named as a candidate for the
Mayoralty, which event the late George William Curtis thus described, in the
course of a lecture given in New York: "Tammany Hall unanimously and
■vociferously nominated him for Mayor, an incident which transcends the most
humorous touch in Knickerbocker's history." That Mr. Curtis should see any-
thing jocose in this perfectly serious nomination by Tammany probably arose
from the fact that, he never realized the intense Americanism of the Tammany
Society. It was not as a literary man 'especially that they desired to honor Mr.
Irving, for they had always plenty of literary timber at hand, but partly for old
association's sake, and from their natural instinct to honor any man who had
brought honor to America.

For several years there was in New York City, dating from the last decade
of" the last century and coming down to comparatively modern times, a some-
what exclusive but very able and interesting group of literary workers, known
as the "Literary Confederacy," nearly all of whom were more or less affiliated
with Tammany, of which association Gulian C. Verplanck was the head. They
were a genial set, and all men of rare talent and wit, as well as patriotic Demo-
crats. Among them was the poet Robert C. Sands, to whom .\ppleton gives an

extended notice in his "Biograpiiical CyclopEcdia." Robert's father had been a
noted hero in the Revolutionary War, and the son was thoroughly imbued with
tiu' spirit of independence. In the winter of 1822-3, '" conjunction witli liis friend
Eastburn (afterward Bishop of Rhode Island), he started a magazine, which he
called the "St. Tammany Magazine," but his periodical had not a very long life;
and, thus when Charles Fenno Hofifman started the "Knickerbocker," he trans-
ferred his talents to that successful magazine. Mis most elaborate poem was on
the great Sachem of the Pequods, entitled "King Philip's War." Mr. Sands had
the peculiar faculty of writing with more facility in the presence of others than
when alone. ,L

Did space permit, we should like to give some account of many more of
the Tammany poets, including Edward Sanford, Attorney-General of the United
States, who assisted materially in the election of Martin Van Buren to the Presi-
dency. Like others of the early American poets, the picturesque natives of the
soil attracted their peculiar sympathy. One of Mr. Sanford's best efforts is
revealed in a poetical address to Blackhawk, commencing:

"There's beauty on thy brow, old Chief."

Elsewhere in these pages will be found references to others of the poet class,
with a somewhat more detailed account of one of the more modern, 'Mr. Halpine

John Pintard was one of the "all-round" literary men of the earlier period.
He was Tammany's first Sagamore. , Mr. Pintard was one of those cultivated
men, active in every intellectual work of which the history of the Tammanv
Society furnishes so many examples. When quite a young man John Pintard
served as a clerk in the store of his uncle, the renowned patriot and philanthropist,
Elias Boudinot, President of the Congress, in 1782, and, as such, signer of the
Treaty of Peace with Great Britain. Young Pintard shared with this intellectual
relative not only his taste for history and science, but also his love of country and
of Democratic principles. He had many opportunities, during the War of the
Revolution, to see the cruel treatment of the prisoners held by the British in the
overcrowded prisons of New York, and in later years was often heard to describe
the condition of the old Dutch Church on Nassau street, with its pews and pulpit
torn out, into which was thrust some three thousand prisoners.

He was one of the original organizers of the Tanmiany Society, and, as
stated above, its first Sagamore. He was also an active and zealous promoter of
the Tammany Museum, established in 1791, under the guardianship of Mr. Baker.
Indeed, this Tammany Museum was the forerunner of the New York Historical
Society, of which Mr. Pintard. with other prominent Tammany men, was the
foinider, some dozen years later. It was in 1804 that Mr. Pintard met by appoint-
ment with the following gentlemen in the old City Hall, then in Wall street, for
the purpose of forming the Historical Society of New York. These were Messrs.
Dc Witt Clinton, Peter Gerard Stuyvesant, Anthony Bleecker and some others.
Mr. Pintard* was appointed on the committee to draft a constitution. The old
members of the Tammany Society, who had been interested in the Archseological
Museum, came largely to the support of this new institution, and for some years
the infant Historical Society held its meetings in the same rooms formerly occu-
pied by the Tammany Museum in Wall street. >^^

•Mr. Moncure D. Conway, in his "Life of Thomas Paine," makes the mistake of
naming Pintard as the founder of Tammany.

Mr. Pintard's activities were not limited to the collection of curios or histori-
cal works. He was a practical philanthropist, a prominent member of the Bible
Society, and a trustee of the Sailors' Snug Harbor; he was an early advocate of
the common school system, and encouraged the establishment of savings banks;
and to him we are largely indebted for the sensible system adopted in laying out
the streets and avenues of New York City. Such a man could hardly keep out
of print, having so many practical views to present for the public consideration,
and naturally we find him exploiting many of these in the newspapers of the day,
especially in the Daily Advertiser. He survived until 1844, passing from his many
activities at the ripe age of eighty-six, in the city of his birth, where nearly the
whole of his life was spent, and which still retains so many evidences of his benefi-
cent career.

Of the political writers, their name is legion, who have first or last been
connected with Tammany Hall. They are too numerous to be even named here,
but, as a sample, we would refer the reader to the official documents of William L.
Marcy, Governor of New York in 1833-39, Secretary of War under President
Polk, and Secretary of State under President Pierce. His papers on the Koszta
afifair with Austria would alone immortalize his name in America. His peers, or
approximate peers, if fairly represented by their own writings, would fill many
volumes larger than this.

CHAPTER XII.

TAMMANY VERSUS AARON BURR.

^AMMANY HALL has never had any toleration for traitors, either
national or those working professedly in their own ranks.
For mere seceders and factionists breaking away from the
organization, on the contrary, there is always a way open to
return, if the fight has been an open one and fairly conducted.
lUit when Tammany drops a man for disloyalty to the party
tliat is an end of him. So it proved with that distinguished soldier and early
patriot, Aaron Burr, whose later actions so clouded his better fame that his
patriotic deeds are all forgotten. Yet, until he was nearing fifty years of age, he
was one of the foremost men of his day, as plainly appears from his having been
placed on the Presidential ticket with Jefferson.

Not only was he an astute politician, but, up to a certain point in his career,
he even ranked as a statesman; he was also a brilliant society man, and had in
his horizon as bright possibilities as any man in the country, had he not spoiled
all by that "vaulting ambition which o'erleaps itself," and the lack of patience to
await his time. Having passed through the Revolutionary War with the reputa-
tion of an able and even brilliant officer, in 1788 he commenced the practice of law
in New York City, and having received the appointment of Attorney General for
the State, was subsequently chosen to serve in the State Senate, and was later
elected to the Assembly. On the Democratic ticket for President in 1801 were
the names of Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr — it being well understood that
the higher office was meant for Jefferson, and the Vice-Presidency for Burr.

The mode of election to these offices at that time differed from the present
mode. The custom then was to select the person having the largest number of
votes to fill the ofifice of President, and the next highest number for the Vice-
Presidency, no matter how many candidates there might be. In this case Jeffer-
son and Burr received exactly the same number of electoral votes, namely, 73
each (which shows conclusively the high estimation in which Burr was held).
This threw the election into the House, and immediately Burr and his friends
began to intrigue for the highest place: this displeased all fair-minded people of
all parties, who knew, as did Burr himself, that the voters had not so intended.
The pressure of public opinion, however, forced Burr to withdraw his preten-
ions, but he did not do so until his contest became hopeless; Jefferson was chosen,
and Tammany had no farther use for Aaron Burr.

It was in this campaign that Tammany first assumed a distinctly partisan
political attitude which it has maintained somewhat vigorously ever since.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE PRISON-SHIP MARTYRS. .

UTSIDE of politics, Tammany, as a society, never let anything
of public interest pass without giving to it all the attention
and aid, when necessary, which the subject deserved. In the
Long Island Historical Society, located in Brooklyn, on the
corner of Clinton and Pierrepont streets, may be seen a con-
crete proof of the patriotic feelings and actions of the Tam-
many Society of New York. This interesting object consists of an in-
scribed stone, four feet three inches in height by three feet wide, and is
part of the structure which contained for many years the bones of those men of
the Revolution who were confined as prisoners of war in British ships lying off
^at part of Brooklyn known as Wallabout Bay. They are generally spoken of
as the "Prison-ship Martyrs." These men were offered their liberty if they
would promise not to again take up arms in the American cause ; to a man they
refused to give the promise, and in consequence perished in these prison-ships by
thousands. The inscription on the stone above referred to is as follows:

"In the name of the spirits of the Departed Free. Sacred to the memory of that
portion of American Seamen, Soldiers and Citizens who perished in the cause of the
Liberty of their country, on board the prison ships of the British (during the Revolu-
tionary war) at the Wallabout. This is the corner-stone of the vault which contains their
relics.

"Erected by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, of New York, the ground for
which was bestowed by John Jackson, Nassau Island,* season of Blossoms, year of dis-
covery 316th, of the Institution the 19th, and of American Independence the 32d. April the
6th, 1X08.

Jacob Vandervort,

BURDETT STRYKER,

Robert Townsend,
Samuel Cowdrew,

JoH.M Jackson,
issachar cozzens,
Benjamin Watson,

Wallabout Committee.
William and David Campbell, builders."

The following brief statement in explanation of the action of the Tammany
Society in this matter will, we think, convince any reader that the erection of
this monument, which should have been a national charge, was a most praise-
worthy work for a local society to undertake. There were many old British ships
used as prisons during the Revolutionary War, while the City of New York was
in the hands of the enemy, but the vessel named the "Jersey" seems to have borne
the palm of infamy, among all these amphibious cages full to overcrowding of
patriot Americans.

After the battle of Long Island in August, 1776, and the capture of Fort
Washington in November of the same year, the British prisons in New York City
were overflowing with prisoners of war, and a number of dismantled ships, mostly
transports, many having been used for cattle, were anchored in the Wallabout.
and soon filled with thousands of prisoners, seamen, soldiers, and private citizens,
of the latter alone there were over five thousand. The fateful "Jersey" is described

• Original name given by the Dutch settlers to Long Island.

by a l(H-a] writer as follows: "She was originally a 64-gun ship, she was dis-
mantled in 177O and placed in Wallaboiit Bay, and used as a prison-ship until the
end of the war, when she was abandoned and left to decay. Often as many as a
thousand prisoners were sinuiltancously confined on the "Jersey.' Her crew was
composed of drafted British and Hessian soldiers, who were very cruel to their
prisoners. Many of those confined here were within a stone's throw of their
friends and relatives, and these poor starving prisoners gazed from their prison
port-holes on the neighboring shores, where welcome and plenty awaited them. '
If they could but escape, or would they but promise obedience to the crown, and
they were free. Promises of pardon and of gold were made to them, if they would
submit to 'Good King George,' but they sadly shook their heads. 'Then rot,'
said the British officer. And rot and die they did."

Their bodies wcj'-- taken ashore, and only half buried on the swampy land
bordering on the bay, where their bones long lay utterly neglected, and where
they might have continued to lie for an indefinite period, perhaps forever, if the
Tammany Society of New York had not taken the initiative and determined to
take practical action in regard to this matter. There had been much ineffectual
talk in Brooklyn about the shame of leaving these bodies, the bones of which
might sometimes be seen protruding from the uncared-for earth. In 1792 the
citizens of the then siuall town of Brooklyn met, and resolved that the bones
should be collected and buried in the graveyard of the Dutch Reformed Church,
but the owner of the land on which most of them lay had already gathered a great
many in one spot in order to make way for some improvements, objections of
various kinds were raised, the matter was not energetically pushed, and the sub-
ject was dropped.

But the Taiumany Society, though located in New York, on the opposite
side of the dividing water, (mis-called) the East River, determined that these
patriots' bones should be cared for. On the loth of February, 180.^, tliev
appointed Dr. Sanuiel Mitchell to present an eloquent Memorial to Congress,
inviting the co-operation of patriots m every part of the United States: con-
sidering, as was really the fact, that this was an object of national interest.
Congress did nothing.

The Society made some further efforts to enlist the cornmunity at large, and
met with individual cases of hearty response : but nothing practical resulted from
this either. Then Taiumany resolved to take upon itself the whole of the work.
Mr. John Jackson, being now satisfied that the matter was in the right hands.
A voluntarily presented the Society with a lot of land sufficiently large to contain all
the remains which could be recovered. This land was on Jackson street, adjoin-
ing the Navy Yard. Work was connricnced at once, and on the 13th day of April,
i8o8, the ceremony of laying the corner-stone took place.

A procession was formed at the old Wigwam, in Nassau street. New York,
and having marched through several streets in that city, the Tammany Society,
with numerous friendly adherents, reached the Brooklyn shore near the present
location of the Fulton Ferry. The passage across was made in thirteen large
open boats, representing the thirteen tribes of Tammany, as well as the original
thirteen States. Each tribe brought with them an enormous coffin draped in
black. They landed at Main street, accompanied by a military band, which played
funereal music. .A. striking feature of the procession, which was led bv Major

Ayerigg, was a large truck-carriage, which bore a grand pedestal and monument,
representing black marble, enclosed by a fence. This monument had four panels,
on each of which was a motto, in large letters, as follows : "Americans, remem-
ber the British." "Youth of my Country! Martyrdom prefer to Slavery." "Sires
of Columbia, transmit to posterity the cruelties practiced on board the British
Prison Ships." "Tyrants dread the gathering storm, while Freemen, Freeman's
obsequies Perform." On top of this monument was a staff eighteen feet high,
bearing an American flag, at the apex of which was a globe on which was an
eagle enveloped in black crepe. Preceding this was a young man, dressed in
appropriate costume, representing the "Genius of America." This character was
simulated by Mr. Josiah Falconer, a member of Tammany and the son of a revo-
lutionary patriot. Other young men represented, in character, the Seven Virtues.
Leading the whole procession came, first, the Grand Sachem, the Father of the
Council and other officers of the Society following, accompanied by a herald and
trumpeter. The procession marched through Main, Sands, Bridge, and York
streets, halting at the vault prepared as the receptacle of the honored relics, while
artillery boomed from the neighboring height of Fort Green, where, later, Joseph
D. Fay pronounced a brilliant oration, after the corner-stone had been laid with
the usual ceremonies.

This was a great day, both for New York and for Brooklyn ; the streets were
filled with people, and the river was alive with boats, brilliant with American
flags, as were also many of the houses on the line of the procession. Benjamin
Romaine was at this time Grand Sachem. At the conclusion of the ceremonies,
the Tammany party returned to New York.

The relics of the dead were actually placed in the vault under the structure
built for their reception, on the 26th day of the following May. Eleven thousand
men had died on the prison ship "Jersey" alone ; how many on the other ships
is not accurately known, but the number was proportionately as large — except in
one case, where the officers were endued with some measure of humanity.

Some time after the performance of this national duty by the Society of
Tammany, the land on which the vault was erected changed hands, the grade of
Jackson street was altered, and the lot on which the relics of the martyrs rested
were sold for taxes. Again, it was a Tammany man who came to the rescue.
Benjamin Romaine, the late Grand Sachem, bought it in. He had personally
known what it was to be a British prisoner, having been for many months in une
of the sugar-house prisons in the City of New York. Mr. Romaine subsequently
built an ante-chamber over the vault and otherwise improved and decorated the
building with inscriptions and other adornments. To better ensure its future
preservation, he adopted it for his personal burying-place, and in 1829 had his
own coffin placed therein, properly inscribed, lacking only the date of his decease.
This premature coffin was placed alongside of the monster thirteen receptacles
containing the martyrs' bones. Mr. Romaine was more than once asked to sur-
render this plot to the city, but he persistently refused. He said : "These relics
are my propertv" (he had spent nearly a thousand dollars in improving and caring
for the place above the original price of the lot). He also said: "When I am
placed with them I shall bequeath them to my country, and commend them to the
care of the Government."

This noble man died in 1844, at the ripe aj^e of eif::;Iity-l\vo. The martyrs'
bones, which he had so tenderly cared for, have since been placed within an
eievated terrace, on the westerly side of " Fort Green " (officially natned Wash-
ington Park).

Congress has annually, bnt vainly, for the last twenty years, been besought
to make an appropriation to mark this spot by a suitable mommient.

There is now (1901) in the Uorough of Brooklyn a Society of Ladies, whose
object is to erect the long dclayet! monument by seciu-ing a state appropriation
for that object and by general subscription, with good ])rospect of success.

CHAPTER XIV.
BUILDING A NEW WIGWAM.

N eventful year was 1811 in the annals of the Tammany Society;
for in that year was laid the corner-stone of the first permanent
Wigwam, which was erected on the corner of Nassau and
Frankfort streets — included in what is now called "Printing
House Square." On account of the troublous condition of
the times just preceding the war of 1812, the ceremony was
less elaborate than it would otherwise have been, and the small four-paged papers
of the day had less space to devote to local events that is now imperative ; but we
have a copy of the inscription on the stone, and a full list of the active ofificers of
the Society on that auspicious occasion.

Inscription on the Corner-Stone laid May 12, 1811.

"This stone is laid by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order No. 1, on the 12th day
of May, 1811, and the 21st year of its institution, and the 35th of American Independence,
being the first stone of a building erected for preserving and strengthening that patriotic-
chain which unites its members and for accommodating their Republican* brethren.

Officers of the Society In 1811.

Clarkson Crolius, Grand Sachem.
"William J. Waldron, Treasurer.
Henry Howard, Secretary.

Council of Sachems.

>*■

Garrett Sickles, Father of the Council.

William Mooney, Stephen Allen,

John P. Haff, William Peterson,

Lawrence Meyers, . Peter Embury,

Oliver Drake, Adrian Hageman.

Abraham Stagg, George Buckmaster.

Benjamin Romaine, Jonas Humbert.

Issachar Cozzens, Wiskinskie.

William Mayell, Scribe.

Richad Kipp, Sagamore.

Building Committee — Henry Rutgers, Augustus Wright, William J. Waldron, Matthew
L. Davis, John S. Hunn, James Warner, John Hopper, John Haff, William Jones. Stephen
Allen, Jacob Barker, Clarkson Crolius, John T. Irving.

Masons — William Simons, John O'Blenis.
Carpenter — George B. Thorp.

The work of erection went bravely on, and the building was completed in
time for the officers of the Society to receive and entertain, in their grand new
hall, the most famous naval and military heroes of the war of 1812-15

In later days it was the custom of the Society to celebrate the anniversary of
the battle of New Orleans by a ball, and on these occasions the most distinguished
citizens often took part. Among the favorites of the ballroom at these and other
entertainments was the accomplished and ever graceful "Prince John Van Buren."

• It will be remembered "Republican" then meant Democratic.

son of I'rusiclent Martin \ an Huron, who ol)tainf(l liis ilistniguished sobriquet
from the fact of liis having on one occasion danced with Queen Victoria soon
after her Majesty had become Queen.

l)Ut tlancing and ban(iuets were far from being the chief occupation of the
menibers of Tammany during the early years of their occupation of the new
Wigwam. When the news was received in New York City — January 20. 1812 —
that war iiad been declared against Great Britain, the first call for a public meet-
ing in support of the Administration was issued by the Tammany Society,
inviting the citizens to meet in the City Hall Park on the afternoon of Wednesday,
the 24th. This meeting was presided over by Col. Henry Rutgers as chairman, the
secretary being ex-Mayor Marimis Willetts, both well-known Tammany men.
Henry Rutgers having been one of those who contributed liberally toward the
erection of the Wigwam, lie was the founder of the great Rutgers estate in New
York, and the beneficent patron of colleges, charitable institutions, etc. The city
at this time contained many Federalists, some of whom bitterly opposed the war,
while others of them gave to the Administration but a cold and qualified support.
The whole-souled war men were the Democrats, of whom Governor Daniel
Tompkins was, by nature of his office, the most prominent. His home at this
time was on the Bowery, near Houston street.

Previous to the outbreak of hostilities the Tammany Society, when cele-
brating the Fourth of July by a procession, preceding the ceremonies at the
Wigwam, had continued the use of the bucktail insignia and other Indian decora-
tions, but on account of the alliance of certain tribes of Indians with the British
invaders, and their savage mode of warfare, the (|uestion arose in the Society
whether it would not be better to abandon this usage and to parade in citizens'
dress. Opinion was not unanimous on the point, but the majority -decided in favor
of the latter course, and the annual procession was made without the usual
aboriginal display, preceded only by the handsome large blue standard of
the Columbian Order, emblazoned with a golden eagle on one side, and
the cap of Liberty, surrounded with stars, on the reverse. This year, also,
various new customs seem to have crept in. A special meeting was called to elect
officers, the object apparently being to secure those known to be in favor of
sundry reforms, including the permanent abandonment of the Indian insignia.
-Some fantastic titles seem also to have been temporarily bestowed on individual
members, for what reason does not clearly appear. Thus we find that New York
men are designated as Sachems of other States; as, for instance, Clarkson CroHus,
appears in the journalistic reports of the day as Sachem of North Carolina, or as
representing the Buffalo tribe: Garrett Sickles as Sachem of the Delaware tribe;
Stephen Allen as of the New- Jersey, or Tortoise tribe, the purpose, apparently
being to have all the original thirteen States represented, whether members from
those tribes were personally present or not. At this time Mr. Mooney was again
Grand Sachem, and Peter Embury was Father of the Council.

While the war continued the Tammany Society loyally maintained its origi-
nal position of friend and helper to the Government, taking every opportunity
to honor the gallant men on land and sea w ho were personally meeting the enemy
on the field, on the deck, or in the shrouds of torn and shattered vessels. A
number of its members served in military capacities, among whom may be men-
tioned Clarkson Crolius. who became Major of the Twenty-seventh Regiment,

United States Infantry. A recent writer* has gone so fully into descriptions of
military and civic banquets and honorary receptions at this period that we refer
our readers for such details to his pages, and will give here only one instance of
many such which occurred, in which the Tammany Society either led or took a
prominent part. At the public funeral of Captain James Lawrence and his brave
officer, Ludlow, which took place in September, 1813, the Tammany Society
issued the following call to its members:

September 15, 1813.
Brothers:

You are once more called upon to exhibit public testimonials of respect to the heroic

dead. Local or party distinctions** find no place in the bosom of a single son of the heroic

Tammany on this occasion.

The Society are especially requested to attend at Tammany Hall to-morrow morning

precisely at nine o'clock, with their usual badge of mourning for departed heroes slain in

battle, viz., a red ribbon edged with black, worn on the left arm. The design is to join the

other societies in solemnizing the tribute of funereal respect to these heroes, Captain James

Lawrence and Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow, who fell gloriously in defending their

country's right and the National honor.

The bodies will arrive at the Battery precisely at ten o'clock, under the direction of the

honorable corporation of the city.

By order of the President.

James W. Lent,

Benjamin Romaine.

Abraham Stagg,

Committee of Arrangements^

But it was not alone in funeral ceremonies that Tammany paid its respects to
the heroes of the country. At banquets and balls its members were always ready.
One of the finest entertainments given during this period to civic, military or
naval men was the public dinner given by the Tammany Society to Commodore
Perry, on the lith of January, 1814, at their own hall, which the Commodore
came from Newport specially to attend.

In 1814, at the grand annual festival of the Society, the Vice-President of
the United States, Hon. Elbridge Gerry, was present at the Wigwam. Mr. Rod-
man was the orator of the dav.

* R. S. Gurnsey, in his interesting work, "New York City and "Vicinity in 1812 — 15.'
** Captain Lawrence who was a member of the "Order of the Cincinnati."

CHAPTER XV.

GENERAL JACKSON AT A TAMMANY BANQUET.

, „ CCASIONALLY at some of these baiKiucts unreconciled parti-

U^fr^-^^)w ^^"^ would meet, and curious contretemps were liable to occur
_ ^ >m\ jj ji^p managers of the entertainment were not sufficiently wary.

An amusing instance of this kind happened on one occasion
m which General .A.ndrew Jackson was the principal figure.
This took place after the close of the war, and when General
Jackson's fame rested only on his military achievements, particularly his
grand success in the battle of New Orleans, and before his statesman-like
qualities had been afforded any opportunity for their display. Just at this
time in New York there was, politically speaking, war between the supporters of
De Witt Clinton and the regular Tammany organization, and, as a national elec-
tion was approaching, the feeling of antagonism between the parties became
intensified. On the anniversary of Washington's birthday, February 22d, 1819,
the Tammany men, or "bucktails," as they were still generally called, were indulg-
ing in their annual banquet when General Andrew Jackson happened to visit New
York. He was naturally hailed as the successful connnander who had closed the
war with Great Britain by the most brilliant victory of the whole contest.

His name had not yet, however, become a party war cry, though he was
known to be a whole-souled Democrat, and some of the more astute politicians
were already contemplating the possibility of presenting him in the near future as
a candidate for the highest ofifice in the land. Thus it became a matter of interest
to secure his friendship and the prestige of his name, keeping him away if
possible, from all contamination by the Clintonite faction.

On the day of his arrival in New York he had been greeted with an ot^icial
reception by the civic authorities, and had been formally presented with the free-
dom of the city. Later he was invited and had accepted an invitation to dine at
Tammany Hall, and was received by the assembled company with immense
enthusiasm. The entertainment had been prepared with all the elegance, regard-
less of expense, of which the caterers of those days were capable; in the language
of the local press, "it was superb." As the evening advanced, and toasts were
in order, the following rather high-flown compliment, in the shape of a toast, was
proposed in honor of the distinguished guest: "To General Jackson — 'So long as
the Mississippi rolls its waters to the Ocean, so long may his great name and
glorious deeds be remembered.' "

But what was the chagrin and consternation of the company when the
General, in his most expressive manner and with his clear resonant voice,
responded to the toast by proposing the health of De Witt Clinton, "Governor
of this great and patriotic State of New York!" Jackson, it was clear, had not
been studying the local politics of New York City. The confusion which
followed this malapropos suggestion was so great, the surprise and excitement
so intense, that Jackson, totally unprepared for such a result, incontinentally

withdrew from the banquet and precipitately left the hall. Fitz-Greene Halleck,
the popular poet, and who has through his charming verses descended to our
day, could not resist the temptation, in his semi-comic satirical way, to describe
the contretemps in a sparkling little poem entitled. "The Secret Mine Sprung at
a Late Supper." One verse ran thus:

"The songs were good, for Mead and Hawkins sung them.

The wine went round, 'twas laughter all and joke —
When crack! the General sprang a mine among them,

And beat a sal:e retreat amid the smoke.
As fall the sticks of rockets when we fire them.

So fell the Bucktails at that toast accurst.
Looking like Korah, Dathan and Abirim,

When the firm earth beneath their footsteps burst."

CHAPTER XVI.

began
much
1811

TRINITY CHURCH RIOT.
De Witt Clinton Offends Tammany.

HE relations between Tammany and De Witt Clinton had
formerly been altogether different. Jackson had probably
known of him as an honored member of the Society, which
he was for many years; he had even been Scribe to the
Council, and in 1795 Tammany had publicly supported
him for the Assembly, but about 1810 the ultra-Democrats
to feel that he was exhibiting certain aristocratic tendencies, very

disapproved of by the Democratic spirit inherent in the Order. In
when De Witt Clinton was Mayor of Naw York, the disaf-
fection toward him reached it.s climax, which was greatly intensified
by a peculiar incident which was not indeed a strictly political affair,
but which very clearly brought out the political sympathies and affinities
of all the parties concerned — including De Witt CHnton. This was a College
Commencement, and it has passed into local history as "The Trinity Church
Riot." It appears that in 1796 the Faculty of Columbia College had passed a
resolution obliging students to submit all manuscripts intended for pubhc reading
to the examination of a designated member of the Faculty, but without attaching
any penalty for the infraction of this new rule. On the occasion in question a
young man named J. B. Stevenson, subsequently well known as a successful
medical practitioner, was one of the graduating class, and was appointed one of
the disputants in a political debate forming part of the public exercises, which
were to be held in Trinity Church. Now it happened that the conservative
Reverend Dr. Wilson was of the committee on preliminary examination of
manuscripts, and had objected to the phrase in young Stevenson's paper thus
expressed: "Representatives ought to act according to the sentiments of their
constituents." The Professor required Mr. Stevenson to alter or modify this
sentence. The student strenuously objected, on the ground that in Commence-
ment exercises only correct principles should be delivered. No promises were
made, but on Commencement Day Stevenson read his manuscript as originally
written.

When his name was called to come forward for his diploma, and he had
advanced to receive it, the President refused to give it to him, though he had
been a good student and of exemplary conduct. When this action was perceived
Stevenson was immediately surrounded by his friends, and, prompted by them,
he audibly demanded his diploma as of right. One of the Professors, thinking to
smooth the matter over, or perhaps draw from the young man an apology,
remarked, "You probably forgot it," but Stevenson was no such trimmer as to
avail himself of any such contemptible mode of retreat, and boldly, but respect-
fullv, answered: "No, I did not forget, but I would not utter what I did not
believe." Still the President refused to hand over the diploma. Stevenson,
naturally somewhat irritated, suddenly turned to the audience, and in a clear.

48.

strong voice, exclaimed: "Ladies and gentlemen, I am refused my degree, no:
from any literary deficiency, but because I refused to speak the sentiments of
others as my own." The sensation produced by this simple statement was extra-
ordinary. One 01 the alumni present, Mr. Hugh Maxwell, went on the improvised
stage to defend Stevenson's course, and he condemned the attitude of the
Faculty in terms which to them appeared very offensive language. Then a well-
known citizen, Mr. Verplanck, ascended the platform and asked the provost. Dr.
Mason, "why he refused a degree which had been fairly earned by years of faithful
study?" Dr. Mason replied that it was "because Mr. Stevenson had not complied
with the order of Dr. Wilson to alter his manuscript." "The reason is not satis-
factory, sir," replied Mr. Verplanck. "Mr. Maxwell must be sustained; I move
that a vote of thanks be tendered to Mr. Maxwell for his defense of Mr. Steven-
son and of the right of free speech." The excitement at this point became intense.
Dr. Mason tried in vain to restore order, and he afterward testified that he was
greeted with a hiss, "that in manner and quality would not disgrace a congrega-
tion of snakes on Snake Hill in New Jersey." He had to retire from the platform.
The police finally restored some degree of order, but the exercises were
abruptly concluded amid much confusion. A few days later the Faculty
published what they called a "Vindication" of their course. This
brought out a rejoinder from members of the graduating class and others,
which so exasperated the already infiamed feelings of the Faculty that
they caused a complaint to be laid before the Grand Jury. This led to the
indictment of seven of the persons who had interrupted the College exercises.
Of course, Stevenson, Maxwell and Verplanck were included in the number.

The case was called in the August term of what was then known as the
Mayor's Court, and over which De Witt Clinton ex- officio presided. The charge
against the defendants was "riot." Verplanck and Maxwell defended themselves;
the others employed counsel, including such legal talent as David B. Ogden,
Josiah O. Hofifman and Peter A. Jay. Dr. Mason, the chief complainant, was
perhaps the most popular, as lie was certainly one of the most learned and
eloquent preachers of the day ; and at that period all clergymen were treated with
far more conventional deference than is now customary, so that Dr.
Mason's dignity was terribly hurt by the public rebuff which he had received
from the students, and the sharp rebukes administered by their friends; he
was consequently anxious to secure the conviction of the indicted
parties. The latter were ably defended, but, as the result proved, they
labored before a deeply .prejudiced Judge. Counsellor Jay had argued
that under "Hawkins's (an acknowledged authority) definition," there had
been no "riot," and that in equity, if the F"aculty allowed political debates
by the students, they should be permitted to utter their own thoughts, and
not be compelled to utter the words of others, like parrots; that the college
authorities had, in fact, no case, for the rule to which they referred as having
been broken by Stevenson had no penalty attached, and was for that reason null
and of no effect. In truth, as in public estimation, it was not the students but the
Faculty which was on trial, it was they who had caused the trouble. But all of
Jay's eloquence was in vain. Clinton's sympathies were all on the side of the
college authorities. He declared that Hawkins's definition was bad, that Ver-
planck's moving a vote of thanks to Maxwell was "matchless insolence," and.

after many more severe strictures upon tlie defeiulaiits, he charged the jury to
bring in a verdict of "guilty," which they did. Verplanck and Maxwell were
fined two hundred dollars each, and required to find sureties for their good
behavior, and it was openly said that Clinton had really mediated imposing a sen-
tence of imprisonment, but that a friend, a keen observer of the public tempera-
ment, had assured the Mayor that " the people wouldn't stand it." The public dis-
sent even over the imposihon of such a heavy fine was very freely expressed, espe-
cially among the members of Tammany, and indeed all of the Madisonian
Democrats. Just at this period the country was on the verge of war with Eng-
land. Madison and Clinton were both Candidates for the Presidency. Clinton,
though calling himself a Democrat, was accused of intriguing to procure the aid
of the Federalists, and the course he look as judge in this trial was supposed to
have been dictated by his desire to please that party — particularly some of its
leaders, then including John Jay, Rufus King and Governcur Morris.

Dr. Mason was a Ijigoted Federalist and an active prompter of meetings
between Clinton and the T'ederal leaders; but the main object of these consulta-
tions fell through, in a great measure, on account of John Jay's disgust when he
heard Clinton affirm "that he had never sympathized with the Democrats, but
had always favored the policy of Adams," which statement Jay knew was utterly
false, for Clinton had at one time denounced the Federal leaders as "men who
would rather lead in hell than serve in heaven" — words which, when uttered, had
run throughout the length and breadth of the country like wildfire.

As time went on the breach between Tammany and De Witt Clinton con-
tinued to widen. A newspaper of the day, a year later, published the following:

"A meeting was got up in Martling's Long Room, a public house fronting the park,
called Tammany Hall, which was claimed as the Democratic headquarters for the city of
New York. Mr. Teunis Wortman, who was the protege of Mr. Clinton during the struggle
with Col. Burr, was one of the most busy spirits in gathering and exciting the opposition on
this occasion. At this meeting Mangle Minthorn, the father-in-law of Governor Tompkins,
presided, and John Bingham was secretary. They adopted a preamble, which set forth
that they believed Mr. Clinton was cherishing interests distinct and separate from the
general interests of the Democratic party, and determined to establish in his own person
a pernicious family aristocracy; that devotion to his person had been in a great measure
made the exclusive test of merit, and the only passport to promotion; that the meeting
had strong reasons to believe he opposed the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency of
the United States, and that they could no longer consider him a member of the Demo-
cratic party."

The experiences of the war period, 1812-15, had naturally intensified the
feeling of the Democrats against those who had criticised war measures or shown
themselves in any way friendly to British interests. As a specimen of the lively
partisan appeals in vogue at that day, witness the following appeal issued by the
Taminany party just preceding the spring elections of 181 5: "Democrats, do
you wish again to see this city in the hands of Tories, to be governed by traitors
and cowards? [De Witt Clinton had just been removed from the Mayoralty.]
To behold the trophies which your valor and perseverance have won, in a most
glorious and successful war, transferred to the base hirelings of England? If
you wish to see this, remain at home, indulge in idle repose, and, by your own
mdifrerence and supineness, let the Federal ticket prevail.

"If, on the contrary, you really desire to see Democracy triumphant and the
citv in the hands of firm and decided friends of Liberty and Independence

awake! arouse from your lethargy, and rally all your forces; you have only to
come forth on this day and the election is surely yours. To the polls, then, every
man of you; devote the whole of this last day to the salvation of your country."'

This public impassioned appeal strongly marks the difference in method
which now prevails in getting out a full vote to sustain Tammany Hall nomina-
tions; but that the Democrats were not losing any ground at that time is eviiieni
from the records. Valentine's Manual for 1854, in a reminiscent article, sa>sr
"About 1816 the Federalist party seemed to be almost extinct," and adds, "In
1820 the Bucktails carried every ward in the city."

One of the standing complaints against the Federal party by the Democrats
had been the acceptance by the former of "Jay's Treaty" with Great Britain.
When it was publicly announced that he had surrendered the important point
"that free ships covered free goods," there was strong condemnation of the treaty,,
not only by Tammany Hall, but by all the mercantile interests of the country.
Tammany passed some very strong resolutions on the subject The only excuse
that Jay could offer was, and it was probably correct, that "at that time he could
get no bettter."

Though Tammany's remarkable tenacity of life is shown in its plus-century
of existence, it has for the greater part of that time not only had its external
enemies, but at intervals internal factions and domestic divisions, usually ending.,
however, by a return of the malcontents to the council fires of the old wigwam.
During the first three decades of the present century one of the chief aims of the
Society was to procure the repeal of the law requiring a property qualification in
the voter. After 1821 the law was modified, so as to extend the right of suffrage
to all householders paying rent to the value of twenty-five dollars monthly.

But nothing less than manhood suffrage could satisfy the democratic senti-
ments of' the members of the Columbian Order. They continued to besige the
Legislature, and in 1834 succeeded in procuring the removal of the last vestige
of a money qualification. In this year also, mainly through the efforts of Tam-
many, the people of the State of New York obtained a new constitutional law,,
giving to the people the right to elect some seven thousand State officers, which
were previously appointed by the Governor and Council, including the Mayor
and City Judges. The fact seems almost incredible now that the Mayor of the
Citv of New York was, for the first time, elected by its citizens so late as 1834.
and it was Tammany's nominee, Cornelius W. Lawrence, who was chosen, the
Whig candidate being Mr. Verplanck. For the next succeeding thirty years
Tammany furnished New York with its Mayors, and for the following twenty
years, up to 1880, seven additional, the exceptions being divided between Native-
American candidates, Whigs and Republicans.

The most vehement calumniators must admit, for it cannot be successfully
denied, that in the course of its history Tammany has numbered in its ranks many
of the most distinguished men of the country, and not a few of those who are now
its severest critics do not hesitate to ascribe what they are pleased to call its-
"degeneration" to that extension of the suffrage to non-property holders which
Tammanv was so active in procuring. An eventful rase which occurred in 180 1,
in which Tammany was greatly interested, will illustrate the great injustice which
might and often did happen under the old exclusive laws. Among the members
of Tammany at this time were thirty-nine young men of good character and intel-

5«

ligence, but non-freeholders; they were nearly all students of Columbia College.
They all desired to vote at a certaiin election, but the property qualification stood
in their way. To overcome this difficulty they combined their slender funds and
purchased a piece of real estate, with a modest house upon it, so that each could
truly affirm that he was a freeholder. Their votes were, however, refused at the
polls. New York was not then quite so large as it is now, and the transfer of
even a small piece of real estate was sure to draw the attention of all the idlers
about town. The case, however, was taken to court, but the judges just then
bemg Federalists, naturally decided against the aspiring young men— the name of
one of the latter happened to be Daniel D. Tompkins, afterward Governor of the
State of New York, the "War Governor" during the war of 1812-15, who was
thus disfranchised.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE "WAR GOVERNOR" OF 1812.

HE career of Daniel D. Tompkins was so intimately con-
nected with the afifairs of Tammany that a brief sketch
of his Hfework cannot be out of place here. His manly
and patriotic course is an instructive illustration of the
injustice of requiring of American-born citizens any defin-
ite amount of property as a qualiiication for the exercise
of the franchise. Daniel D. Tompkins was born in Westchester County,
New York, in 1774. He received a good education and graduated with
the highest honors at Columbia College; he was admitted to the bar at
the age of twenty-four, when he commenced the practice of law in the
City of New York. ^He was elected to the State Assembly in 1802 and to Con-
gress two years later. In I805 he was appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court,
and in 1807 was elected Governor of the State, and was successively re-elected to
that office until 1817, when he was elected to the Vice-Presidency before he was
thirty-three years of age. It was while he was Governor of New York that the
War of 1812 was commenced and concluded. New York State was the principal
point of attack of the British, and was the most vulnerable on account of its loca-
tion. Access to its northern and northwestern portions was easy by the lakes
from Canada; its southeastern shores were tempting to a British fleet; while its
eastern borders were threatened by the semi-concealed enemies in the shape of
unpatriotic Federalists, the New England States being then on the verge of seces-
sion, and so friendly with the enemy that Decatur, with his three much-needed
frigates, was kept blockaded in Long Island Sound during nearly the whole period
of hostilities by signals given to the British f^eet lying off New London by
sympathizers on the Connecticut shore, the traitorous "blue lights" informing the
£nemy of every attempt which Decatur made to escape to the open sea. All
khis time the National Government was much embarrassed, not only for men, but
money, and it was to Governor Tompkins that appeals came for assistance, just
a^ at a later day they came to Governor Seymour. Tompkins made almost super-
human efforts, not only to raise a force to repel attacks, but to provide funds.

The banks declined to lend money on either the bonds or Treasury notes of
the National Government. Governor Tompkins had, early in the war, advanced
all his available m.eans for the patriot cause, but was soon called to do more — to
risk his credit to the extent of $500,000. The banks caused the Governor to be
informed that on his security they would advance that sum to the Government
On first hearing this proposition he exclaimed, "But I shall be ruined!" On a
little reflection, however, this unselfish patriot decided to take the risk of bemg
ruined rather than see his country overrun by the British, and perhaps conquered
or divided — a not improbable result, as a large party then in New England were
almost ready to accept a British protectorate. Governor Tompkins signed his
name for the half-million loan, and thus materially strengthened the President's
hands in the most effectual way, and gave new courage to the patriotic party

througliout the coiuitii'. A half iniUion dollars went a great way in those days.
Not only did Governor Tompkins give Iiis money and lend his credit to the
service of his country, but his time and personal attention were not spared. He
traveled through the length and breadth of the State for the purpose of influenc-
ing and encouraging local bodies to do their whole duty in raising men for the
defense of the commonwealth, repulsing attacks or attacking the enemy, as oppor-
tunity ofifered. Nor did he content himself with standing aloof and issuing orders
He was seen more than once "assisting with his own hands in prying from the
mud, wagons loaded with war supplies delayed on the road."

President Madison ofifered Governor Tompkins a seat m the Cabinet as
Secretary of State, but this honorable position he declined. A little later Madison
appointed him (October, 1814) to the command of the Third Military District,
which inchuled New York, in which position he earned great praise for the
executive ability which he displayed, as well as for all the multiplied duties per-
formed in that responsible ofifice; but praise and compliments were all the
recompense he ever received for these and other arduous services faithfully h\i
filled for the benefit of his country. Tompkins was a great favorite with Tam-
many, and it was with the utmost enthusiam that the Society indorsed the Con-
gressional caucus nomination of this patriot son of New York for Vice-President,
in association with that of James Monroe for President. Both of these nominees
were elected, and both re-elected, almost unanimously, in 1821.

To Daniel D. Tompkins, more than to any other one man, the State of New
York was indebted for limiting the injuries inflicted by the British in the War of
1812. With a less energetic or less patriotic Governor the whole State, from the
bay to Lake Erie, would probably have been overrun by the enemy. Daniel X
Tompkins died on Staten Island in the early summer of 1825. Tompkinsville,
on Staten Island, was named in his honor, as was also Tompkins County in the
State of New York, one of the forts at the Narrows, Tompkins Square in New
York City and Tompkins Avenue and Tompkins Square in Brooklyn. It is but
justice to that able and patriotic Federal Senator, Rufus King, of New York, to
here recognize the fact that he cordially supported Governor Tompkins in all of
his war measures.

Next to Governor Tompkins there was no private citizen in the City of New
York that so efficiently aided the Governnu nt in financial matters as did Mr.
Jacob Barker. He was one of the original members of the Tammany Society and
an active member during the whole of his long residence here. His name »s
inscribed on the cornerstone of the old wigwam, erected in 1811, as one of the
building committee. A native of the State of Maine, he came in early youth to
the City of New York and entered into the commission house of Mr. Isaac Hicks,
where his diligence and capacity were so conspicuous that he soon obtained the
opportunity to engage in business on his own account, and before he was twenty-
one he was the owner of five coasting vessels, besides having a large credit in the
mercantile community. But fortune turned against him, and by various mis-
haps he lost nearly all he had made just before the beginning of the present cen-
tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. He succeeded in
obtaining a contract for supplying the Government with oil, of which at that time
tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. He succeeded in
connection with the public service. < )ut of this contract he made very large

profits. When the War of 1812 broke out the Government, as above stated, was
very much embarrassed for money, and in February, 1813, Congress endeavored
to put a loan of $16,000,000 upon the market; tlie banks had refused their assist-
ance, and Mr. Barker undertook the almost hDpeless task of raising this large
sum. He commenced by subscribing $100,000 himself, and finally raised the
whole amount, by the most unwearied efiforts among the merchants and other
citizens of the metropolis. Not content with this grand service to his country,
he subsequently raised an additional $5,000,000, of which he personally took
$435,000, and his friend, the poet, Fitzgreen Halleck, who had then some busi-
ness connection with him, was credited with $288,000, a most opportune help to
the impecunious administration at Washington.

After the close of the war Mr. Barker was elected to the State Senate, and, as
at that period the Senate sat as a judicial court in some cases, there was an oppor-
tunity to show the mental calibre of members quite unknown to our modern
legislators. A legal opinion rendered by Mr. Barker on an insurance case, when
sitting in the Court of Errors, was sustained, though opposed by the great
authority of Chancellor Kent. Jacob Barker was an expert writer of newspaper
articles, and published also many timely brochures, as well as being ever ready for
a speech when called upon. He founded a newspaper called the Union, mainly
for the purpose of assisting the election of Governor Clinton. In 1815 he estab-
lished the Exchange Bank in Wall street, and commenced stock speculations.
This bank failed, but the trust in his integrity was such that other financial insti-
tutions came to his rescue, and all was sDon again serene. He subsequently
removed his business to New Orleans, but died in Philadelphia, at the ripe age of
92. He was the last surviving member of :;he Building Committee on the erection
of the Nassau street Wigwam, to which he was appointed in 1800.

CHAPTER XVIII.

TAMMANY ON HOME INDUSTRIES.

NE of the most curious and interesting episodes in the history of
the ultra-Democratic Society of Tammany was the action

taken l)v it in tlie summer of t8io and which was the result ot
the depressed condition of trade and commerce throughout
the country, which had not yet recovered from the losses and
interruptions incurred during the War of 1812-15, which
inchided the capture of many vessels, with their cargoes, and the still more
injurious efTects of the "embargo." But to the facts; On August 30th.
at a meeting of the Tammany Society, after considerable discussion, was passed
the following resolution: "Resolved to appoint Commissioners to consider and
draft an address on the subject of National Economy and Domestic Manufac-
tures, enforcing the necessity of encouraging such desirable objects, and that
through the public prints the address be sent to the several branches of this
Society throughout the nation."

On tlie next ensuing October 4th the address, which had been drafted by
Brother Woodward was presented to the Society, and duly debated at the meet-
ings. At the second it was adopted, signed by the Grand Sachem, Clarkson
Crolius, printed and put into circulation.

( >n the next ensuing October 4th, the address, which had been drafted by
had partly resulted from excessive importations and recommended the purchase
of home productions only. The curious statement was also made that inferior
goods were manufactured abroad expressly for this market, with intent to dispose
of them in New York by auction, thus underselling our native merchants. Sec-
ondly, the opinion was advanced that Congress ought to entirely prohibit the
importation of all goods "which can on any tolerable terms be made here." And,
"thirdly, if the customs revenue, in consequence, is not sufficient for the purposes
of the Government, let the public lands be appropriated to supply the deficiency."
The concluding argument was that this' course would exclude from the country
foreign agents, "those cormorants" who gather money here only to take it back,
out of tliis country.

Some recommendations were added on the subject of banks and in favor of
common schools, concluding with a somewhat grandiloquent eulogy of the Tam-
many Society, which the author of the address declares "is founded upon the
dignified principle of public liberty. Unlike the associations of the hour, which
have gone down with the causes which created them, this Society has withstood
the revolutions of the passing years uncharacterized by any acts of extravagance
or appearance of dissolution. * * * Its silent intervals have been owing to
the solidity of its principles and the sincerity of its motives. It is a Society of
three tliousand [1819] men in the City of New York alone, principally heads of
families. It can well rest occasionally, quiet on the bosom of public opinion."

Though this address speaks of the "quiet intervals" which Tammany was

wont to indulge in, there was very little going on of any public interest in which
Tammany had not an active share. Thus, on the death of Benjamin Franklin,
though the event occurred in Philadelphia, the Tammany Society held public
ceremonies in honor of the aged patriot, statesman and scientist. In 1824 the
Society took an active and prominent part in welcom.ing the "Nation's Guest,"
Lafavette, to the country he had so nobly helped to render independent. In 1830
the Tammany Society celebrated with considerable eclat the revolution in France
against that Bourbon of the Bourbons, Charles X. A meeting was called at
Tammany Hall on November 25th, at which President Monroe presided, and at
which was present a large number of distinguished citizens, including the able
statesman and eminent anti-Federalist, Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury
under both Jefferson and Madison, with many other persons of approximate
celebritv.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY.

T seems now almost incredible that a political party could be
formed upon the single idea of opposition to an ancient secret
and benevolent society which existed not only in every State
in the Union, but also every portion of the civilized world.
Yet from a single act of violence perpetrated in the State of
New York in 1826, known to history as "the Morgan affair,"
the details of which it is not necessary to repeal here, thousands of persons
deserted the usual political atirdiations and actually inaugurated a new party, with
no other ostensible object than the ostracism of all members of the Ancient Order
of Free and Accepted Masons. This movement was far-reaching, and it could
not fail to have some effect upon the Tammany Society, but events finally proved
that its main strength came from Tammany's opponents. It was through this
new party that William H. Seward was first brought prominently into notice, he
being nominated by and elected to the State Legislature by the Anti-Masonic
vote. The matter was complicated by the fact that De Witt Clinton, the ever-
chronic candidate for some office in the State, and popular with his party, was, in
the very year of this outbreak, High Priest of the General Grand Chapter of the
United States. Andrew Jackson was also a Mason of high order; of course, also
other representative men of all parties and of no party were members of the Order.
I'he excitement spread and grew for several years. In 1828 the Anti-Masons
called a general convention, which met at Le Roy, in the Western part of the
State, in which twelve counties were represented, but there was only one plank in
the platform on which they stood, yet, at the ensuing election for Governor, this
curious party actually cast over 33,000 votes, not enough, however, to defeat the
Tammany candidate, Martin Van Buren, who was elected.

As the Presidential election approached in 1828 the Anti-Masonic party
joined their forces with the National Republicans, and voted for Mr. Adams, who
was not a Mason; but General Jackson received the electoral vote. Though de-
feated in the Presidential contest, in the State election of 183 1 the Anti-
Masons elected nearly thirty members of Assembly, and in 1832 even nominated
a Presidential candidate, William Wirt.

Though the Anti-Masonic party showed wonderful tenacity of life, especially
in the western counties of the State, yet no party can possibly become permanent
resting on mere negations; and the political enemies of the Masonic Order had
no worthy afifirmative principles. Its end was as remarkable as its origin.

When the National Republican party lost its distinctive name, and became
visible only as the Whig organization, the Anti-Masons suddenly disappeared —
the Whigs appeared to have swallowed them. From that time forward the lead-
ers presented no ticket for their whilom followers to sustain, much to the discom-
fiture of the innocent rural population who had followed their leaders in this
Quixotic fight so zealously, and who were not enlightened as to the "arrange-
ment" which involved such a sudden extinguishment of their superior political
ethics.

The first person in New York City to formally introduce the name of "Whig"
for the acceptance of the anti-Democratic politicians was Col. J. Watson Webb,
editor of the Courier and Inquirer, who, at a public meeting in the fall of 1833,
after having dilated, somewhat at length on the meaning and attitude of Whigism
in England, made a motion that the party (National Republican) then and there
accept the name of "Whig" as expressing their disapprobation of the Administra-
tion (Jackson's). The motion was put to the audience and carried in the affirma-
tive, almost unanimously.

Mr. Myron H. Clark, who was elected Governor by a combination of all the
anti-Tammany elements, including the Prohibitionists, has been aptly described
as the '"discovered link," he combining the elements in his career of figuring as
the last of the Whigs and the first of the Republicans.

CHAPTER XX.

THE LOCO FOCOS.

NE of the most singular cases of general misunderstand-
ing, through the misapplication of a grotesque name to
a very earnest and sincere party, is that which developed
at the time of the formation of the "Equal Rights" asso-
jV^^^^^vJI ciation, which for years was called the "Loco Focos."

'^ This meaningless term was ajjplied to certain dissenters

in the Tammany ' Society through a mere incident which occurred at a
meeting in the old Wigwam on Nassau street in 1835, under the follow-
ing circumstances: On the 29th of October a meeting was called to assem-
ble in Tammany Hall for the purpose of making certain nominations. The
doors being open at seven in the evening, a great mass of the usual at-
tendants rushed in and rapidly filled all the available space, but what was
their surprise to find that they were not the first arrivals; the platform
was already filled with those prepared to manage the meeting and secure
the adoption of their own candidates. From the early comers in possession of the
meeting, Isaac L. Yarian was nominated as chairman, and without the question
being properly put, he prepared to take his seat; when, from the floor of the
house, the Equal Rights men nominated Joel Curtis for the chair. At the same
time a broad banner was uplifted on which was the inscription, "Joel Curtis, the
anti-monopolistic Chairman." The confusion caused by this unexpected appari-
tion was so great that Mr. Varian's effort to read the prearranged list of nomina-
tions was futile, so far as the hearing of the names was concerned. While the
•excitement was at its height, the Hall was suddenly immersed in darkness. Each
of the factions present thought the opposition had planned this manoeuvre as a
piece of fine strategy, and the incident has been so represented by some narrators;
but, in fact, it was nothing of the kind, it was only the suddenly inspired trick of
two young lads, one of whom was not more than fifteen years of^age, and both of
whom, now elderly men, are still living (1898) and not averse to telling the story.
.-\t that time the gas-meter was located on the I'rankfort street side of the Hall,
concealed from view by some decorative window drapery, but well known to these
lads. When the lights were extinguished the Varian party got out of the Hall
as quickly as possible, taking the rear egress by which they had entered, retreat-
ing to an adjoining tavern of much local celebrity, known as the "Pewter Mug,"
situated on Frankfort street, and there completed their nominations; while the
Equal Rights party retained possession of the Hall, and in a very few moments,
having produced matches from their pockets, and the janitor being found, they
relit the gas, and the business for which they had assembled was proceeded with.
The next morning the term "Loco Foco" was spontaneously attached to the
party holding the Hall, which name, for a long period, to the uninitiated, served
to describe the whole Tammany Society, just as a local event had in former years
fixed upon tlieni the sobriquet of "Rucktails."

The Equal Rights party was certainly born in Tammany Hall, and for a-
limited time claimed to be the only true representative of that purely Democratic
association: it was, in fact, an ultra development and outgrowth of the "Work-
ingmen's" party, which had broken off from the parent stem in 1828, lasting about
two years. The Equal Rights party arose directly out of the Presidential election
of 1832, when all Democratic candidates were pledged to eternal hostility to-
monopolies of all kinds. Certain members of Tammany had begun to suspect
that their leaders were not seriously maintaining these sentiments, but were, on.
the contrary, acting in a very lenient manner toward certain corporations and
individuals whom the pledges exacted, if fully carried out, would certainly put
under the ban. And, perhaps, they were not altogether wrong. Mr. Varian, above
referred to, was a bank director, and the person who nominated him, Mr. George-
D. Strong was president of the Commercial Bank. It was certainly a new thing-
for Tammany to be charged with favoring monopolists.

Among the persons most influential in this new offshoot from Tammany
were Mr. George Evans, editor of the Workmgman's Advocate, Prof. Gilbert Vale,.
of the Beacon, and William Leggett, then associate editor of the Evening Post.

Sustaining the old Tammanyites at this time were the Albany Argus and:
the New York Times, while the Washington Globe endeavored to read Mr. Leg-
gett cut of the Democratic party, as an agrarian and incipient abolitionist. The
principal objects for which the Equal Rights party contended were — Opposition
to bank charters granted by the States; in favor of a metallic currency; opposition,
to the United States Bank, as unconstitutional; hostility to all kinds of monopo-
lies, favoring one class of people above others; in favor of giving the election of
President and A^ice-President to the direct vote of the people; one Presidential,
term; short terms of all offices, and strict responsibility to the people; the equal
rights of all citizens. The charge which this ultra-reforming party made against
Tammany of becoming aristocratic and favoring rich monopolists reads strangely
as we recall that it was on these very grounds that Tammany repudiated one of
her most distinguished members, De Witt Clinton, when suspected of these faults.. ■>(.

The new party called Equal Rights met in several different localities, but
their more permanent headquarters was at the Military and Civic Hotel, on the
corner of Broome street and the Bowery. The year after their withdrawal from
the Wigwam they made independent nominations, having, at a general meeting:
in January, 1836, thus expressed their reasons for such action, namely: "That
we no longer recognize Tammany Hall as a Democratic temple of true Democ-
racy, nor the Tammany Society as a Democratic body; that the Society exercises-
a political as well as a proprietary control (See Chap. "Who Owns Tannnany
Hall?"), so that only such candidates, such politics and such usages as the
.Sachems approve can be permitted there," etc., etc.

In the charter election next ensuing the Equal Rights party nominated
Alexander Ming, Jr., -for Mayor. There were three other party nominations.
Tammany nominated C. W. Lawrence, the Whigs Mr. Greer, and the Know-
nothings Mr. Morse. The Tammany nominee was elected by a large majority..
• In the State election the Equal Rights party's nominee for Governor was Isaac
S. Smith, who received a total of 3,496 votes, of which about 1,400 were polled in-
the city, some of the nominees of the latter having united with Tammany. In
1837 this party, still usually called Loco Focos, held several meetings in the Citj-

Hall Park, for the purpose of denouncing what they called the bank niunopolies,
and also the forestallers of the necessaries of life. Times were very bad. All kinds
of food, as well as fuel, were extremely deear; a barrel of flour cost $14, and coal
the same amount a ton. It was believed that a ruinous course of legislation had
caused much of the evil, especially the over-issue of paper money, as was tersely
expressed at one of these meetings: "As the currency expands, the loaf con-
tracts." While a meeting in the park was in progress some one, unrecognized at
the time, forced his way among the crowd and shouted out: "Hart's flour store!"
Mr. Hart was a wholesale merchant on Washington street. Nearly a thousand
persons hanging on the margin of the meeting took up the cry and rushed ofif to
tiie place indicated, and then followed the famous "flour riot." Mr. Hart's store
was completely sacked, including the destruction of books and papers, as well as
(|uantities of wheat and flour. Of course, there was an immense hue and cry
raised by a portion of the city press, who were only too glad of the pretext to
attribute the riot to the Loco Focos, some going so far as to charge the late
nominee of that party for Mayor, Col. Ming, with having uttered the words, "Go
to the flour stores. This was utterly false, and was so proven to the satisfaction
of the authorities. Fifty-three of the rioters were arrested, not one of whom
was a member of the Loco P'oco or Equal Rights party. They proved to be
simply idlers and vagrants, such as are always to be found in a large city, hanging
on the outskirts of open-air meetings.

In the Legislative session of 1837, to which the Equal Rights party had suc-
ceeded in electing two members, one of whom was Mr. Clinton Roosevelt, the
latter introduced a motion requesting the appointment of a committee to inquire
into the usurious practices of some of the State banks. Li the course of this
inquiry two members of the Equal Rights party were summoned to Albany to
tes;ify. One of these happened to be named Slam — Levi D. Slam. Thereupon
the New York Herald, with its unique talent for absurd sobriquets, added the
euphonious word "Bang" to this gentleman, and thenceforward always mentioned
the Equal Rights party as the firm of "Slam, Bang & Co.," as many old readers
of the Herald will remember.

But it was about time for this truant faction to think of returning home. Its
absence from Tammany had not been so complete but that many of its members
attended occasionally at the meetings held in the Wigwam, when measures were
to be considered with which these truants sympathized. One of the deserters,
on being challenged on this apparent inconsistency, defended himself and brother
Loco Focos by replying: "It is one of our maxims to go wherever our principles
are maintained." This being so, a reunion could not long be deferred; the
occasion came on the question of the Independent Treasury, as advocated by
President Martin Van Buren. On the 21st of September, 1837, a meeting was
called to take place at Tammany Hall on the 25th, "of all those opposed to the
Message of the President." What was expected of these opponents did not
clearly appear; whatever it was, the result showed that practically there were no
opponents, though the call had been quite numerously signed. The friends of
the President were in such a large majority that resolutions sustaining him were
passed almost unanimously. The Equal Rights men were there and voted, not
only in unity, but somewhat vociferously. Reunion with Tammany now began
to be openly talked of, though the truants proceeded to make up a separate ticket

for the fall elections; but on the 24th of October, at a general meeting, a proposi-
tion was presented, "to effect the united support of the Democratic family in
favor of one ticket."

Though strongly opposed by some members, negotiations were opened, and
brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the Tammany Committee agreeing to
nominate five members of the Equal Rights party on the general ticket. In the
end, at a meeting of the latter, on the 28th of October, the following expression of
opinion was adopted: "That the Equal Rights party have the fullest confidence
in the ticket jointly nominated by the nominating committee at Tammany Hall,
and by the Equal Rights party, and that we, as a party, adopt it as our ticket, and
will use our best exertions to procure its entire election." This was carried by
seventy-one votes to twenty-two. Here, in this early secession movement, and its
end, is displayed one permanent element of Tammany's strength. That Society
has always been ready to welcome its wanderers back ; it never shuts the door in
the face of returning prodigals, no matter how bitterly the latter may have fought
^^ against it during the seperation.

The following persons were those chiefly influential in forming and maintain-
ing the Equal Rights schism: George Evans, William Leggett, Col. Alexander
Ming, Gilbert Vale, Geo. W. Matsell, Isaac S. Smith, Robert Tovrasend, Stephen
Hasbrouck, Dr. A. F. Vache, Dr. Samuel Mitchell, Job Haskell, F. A. Tallmadge,
Tohn Windt and John Commerfort.

FRANCES WRIGHT.

CHAPTER XXI.

PRANCES WRIGHT.

MONG other absurd names which for a while was applied to the
Equal Rights party was that of "Free Trade and Fanny
Wright," which originated in this way: On one of the pre-
election parades in which this faction indulged certain banners
were carried bearing the inscription "Free Trade and Sailors'
Rights." Some wicked wit suggested that it should be "Free
trade and Fanny Wrights." How the name of this brilliant and earnest reformer
came to be connected with a political party is easily explained, as she had just
previously addressed large meetings in Tammany Hall on education, political
economy and kindred topics. As for many years this lady was, in the popular
mind, identified with Tammany Hall, a brief sketch of her life and work will not
be out of place here.

Frances Wright (d'Aurusmont) was a native of Dundee, Scotland; her
father was a Presbyterian clergyman. She was early attracted by the idea of a
free Republic, and in 1820 made her first visit to this country, traveling extensively
through the Northern and Southern States. On her return to Europe, then only
twenty-two years of age, she published a book entitled, "Views of Society and
Manners in America," which gave to Europeans the first really correct idea of life
in the LTnited States at that period, and it was through this work that she acquired
the permanent friendship of Lafayette. In 1833 she returned to New York, and
commenced a series of lectures, being the first woman in this country to address
miblic audiences on political topics. Some of these addresses were given in Tam-
nianv Kail, the churches not then being open to women lecturers. All her pub-
lic speeches were marked by a spirit of liberality of thought, and the desire to
elevate and benefit the masses who came to listen to her. The thinking portion
of her audiences greatly admired the progressive democratic spirit which she
evinced. The rougher portion were often rude in their behavior, not foreseeing
that in a few years women on the platform would cease to be a novelty. Frances
Wright held advanced views on nearly all of the many ethical questions now so
generally adopted by all intelligent people. Her favorite maxim was: "Human-
kind is but one family; the education of its youth should be equal and universal."
It speaks well for the liberality of the Tammany Hall managers of that day that
this brainy woman was granted the use of their platform. Visiting France on the
invitation of Lafayette, she there met and subsequently married M. d'Aurusmont.
Some years later she returned to the United States, and here published a number
of works. Her publisher was a well-known member of Tammany Hall, Mr.
John Windt. Frances Wright was an exceedingly regal-looking woman, very
nearly six feet in height, with a fine intellectual head and features. She spoke,
when very earnest, with a slight Scotch accent. She died in Cincinnati in 1852,
at the ase of fiftv-five.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE PATROONS.

NE of the subjects which greatly interested the Tammany
A UifJ3feSi^[y5iB Society was the feudal tenants' resistance to the collec-
tion of rents by the rich "patroons"' occupying large
estates on the banks of the Hudson River, which they
had received by royal grants — some from the States-Gen-
eral of Holland, others from the British sovereign. The
greater part of these lands lay in the Counties of Albany and Rensselaer, but there
were also large tracts in the Counties of Columbia, Greene, Ulster, Sullivan, Dela-
ware, Schoharie, Otsego, Montgomery and Schenectady; in fact, more or less in _
all of the counties on both easterly and westerly banks of the river. 'Those of these )(
•estates originally received by the proteges of the States-General of Holland, and
now known as the Holland Patent, were re-transferred to the original owners by
the British crown when these lands came into the possession of that government.
The baronial holders let the land, except what they reserved for their own pleas-
ure, to the agricultural population, upon perpetual leases, rents being payable in
produce, poultry and by the rendition of personal service by men and teams. In
brief, a system of ownership and labor such as was usual in the middle ages in
Europe had been transported into, and was perpetuated in, the free republican
State of New York down to 1846-7. Royal privileges were retained bv the
proprietors, who reserved to themselves all mill privileges, mines, minerals, and
even the right of way, and the control of all waterways. And thus over the
immense amount of land occupied by these patroons there could be no transfers
of farm land without their consent, and naturally no increase of population by
new settlers, no inducement to enterprise of any kind.

One of the largest estates of these feudal proprietors was that held by
Stephen Van Rensselaer, which extended over a tract of land twenty-four miles
long and forty-eight miles wide, lying on both sides of the Hudson River.

Others approximated to this in extent. / It was on the occasion of the death ;^
of this proprietor of the Manor of Rensselaefwyck, in 1839, that the Anti-Rent
contest began in earnest. The tenants, most of whom were largely in arrears for
rent, flatly refused to pay, on the ground (learned from their lawyers) that the
leases in perpetuity, or for a certain number of lives, were legally conveyances in
fee — simply encumbered with certain conditions; and that in reality they owned
the land, and were not mere tenants in equity. Thus instructed, th6 desire and
the intention to resist became infectious; and soon the whole tenant class in the
other counties where the patroons ruled were in revolt^ A State Committee was ^
finally appointed to inquire into their grievances, of which Samuel J. Tilden was •
chairman. This course was taken in answer to petitions and memorials which
had been presented to the Assembly. As time wore on without any practical
relief, the disorder in the several counties widened and became more violent.
Men disguised as Indians lay in ambush and waylaid officers who were suspected

of bearing distress warrants. The question entered politics, and the result was
that the Anti-Rent men were elected to the Assembly. Bills and acts intended to
redress the wrongs .said to br im])osed updu the pei)])le by the ruling patroons
began to pour into the Stale J louse at Albany. The questions at issue excited
interest in other States, as well as in the City of New York, and throughout the
length and breadth of the laud. The condition of land titles in the river counties
was certainly opposed to the spirit of American law, which has always discouraged
the entailment of landed property, which the patroon system especially cultivated.

If Tammany holds one democratic princijial dearer than another it is the
preservation of the American spirit, as opposed to everything mcdireval and aris-
tocratic; to antagonize the F.uropeanizing of this coimtry was 'I'annnany born, and
to that work it has always been devoted. ' It may therefore be readily inferred that
.f.,'the Society put all its energy into sustaining the tenant claimants in their demands
fo be put upon an equal footing with other citizens of the State, who were free
from the bondage of these antiquated "customs of the realm," derived from royal
generosity in favor of a special class of settlers in a new country.

It was against the more violent anti-renters, who in some cases had been
accused of incendiarism, that the term "barn-burners" was originally hurled,
though later it was applied to quite another class of politicians.

The anomaly of feudal customs existing in the maintenance of these land
tenures in the United States was finally wiped out by the Legislature by an equit-
able arrangement suggested by Mr. Tilden, which secured satisfactory compen-
sation to the proprietors and left the farms in the hands of the occupants, with
liberty to sell or retain, as they preferred; also to come and go at their own will
and choice, like other agriculturists in the State — the last vestige of patroon right
being abolished under the riovernorship of Silas Wright.

[For full particulars of the legal proceedings in this matter, see Assembly documents
of 1846.J

CHAPTER XXIII.

TAMMANY AND VAN BUREN.

AMMANY'S attitude toward Martin Van Buren varied at dif-
ferent periods. He was at first taken up by the Sachems, some-
what enthusiastically, in 1832, mainly because of the affront
put upon him by the combination formed in Congress against
him by the union of the "Clay Protectionists" and the Calhoun
men, who, in the Senate, had rejected his nomination as
Minister to England, apparently for no better reason than to annoy President
Jackson, and it was largely due to the Tammany Society that Mr. Van Buren was
elected President in 1836.

The principal measure which marked Van Buren's administration was the
passage of the Independent Treasury bill, which was first introduced into the
Senate by that sterling Democrat, Silas Wright, ably supported by Samuel J.
Tilden. This bill was recognized as the favorite measure of the President, and
was cordially indorsed by Tammany Hall. A large meeting of the Democrats of
the county, as well as of the business men of the City of New York was held in the
Wigwam on the 26th of February, 1836, on which occasion Mr Tilden made a
stirring speech, advocating the complete severance of Bank and State. One line
of his argument was that "the Government moneys would be safer in the hands of
officers appointed by the Federal authorit}'- than in the hands of civilians, or
simply business men," giving, in support of his opinion, the fact that "in the-
United States Mint there had not been a dollar lost in the last fifty years."
"Men," said Mr. Tilden, "are more likely to assume debts which they cannot meet
than they are to commit a felony." Tammany was an early and constant sup-
porter of the free banking system. At a meeting, held on the 6th of February,
resolutions were passed in favor of the Independent Treasury Bill, in these words:

"Resolved, That we require in banking no more than in government a monarch and
privileged nobility to regulate our affairs, and that an application to finance of the prin-
ciples of equal liberty, so successfully applied to politics, is imperatively required, etc.

"ResoJved, That a general banking law, constructed on these obvious principles, ought
to be enacted. It will close up the most fruitful source of legislative intrigue and corrup-
tion; it will prevent the fraud and favoritism practiced in the distribution of stock and
remove a monopoly which, to the amount of the extra profit it confers, levies an indirect
tax upon the unprivileged masses for the benefit of the few."

The Independent Treasury Act became a law June 30th, 1837.

x^nother very miportant act, in the interest of the people, was the passage of
the pre-emption law, giving the preference to actual settlers in the sale of the pub-
lic lands — a system always advocated by the Tammany Society.

Later, when the slavery question entered into the practical politics of the
cotmtry, Martin Van Buren lost his hold on Tammany and became the candidate
of the Free Soil wing of the Democracy. From 1850 to i860 Tammany was, in
national politics, mainly occupied in endeavoring "to save the Union." Like the
conservative Whigs, it was willing to sacrifice much to prevent the threatened

secession of the Southern States, but, as will be seen in subsccjuent cliapters, when
that event really took place, none was more prompt in meeting the exigency than
tlie members of the Tammany Society.

In the "forties," and extending into the succeeding decade, there was more
tliaii one disturbing element in city politics. The Native-American party began
to make itself felt. The Tammany Society has always been the strongest possible
advocate of American princiijles. but also opposed the ideas of the Know-noth-
ing, or Native-American party, as understood in politics; that is, the doctrine
that none but native-born Americans should be entrusted with office. This sen-
timent, however, was very strong, not only in New York, but nearly all over
the country, for a limited period. The idea was advocated in Congress. Mem-
bers of Assembly were elected in New York, and in otlier States, to carry out, so
far as they could the measures proposed by this new organization, liven in the
City of New York, in 1844, its advocates were able to elect their candidate for
Mayor, the gentleman chosen being the senior member of the publishing firm of
i iarper Brothers, Mr. James Harper.

But another subject of dissension was rising, destined to extinguish the
Know-nothing and nearly all other questions upon which parties, or individual
statesmen, difYered. This was the question of the extension of slavery, arising
approximately out of the proposition to admit Texas, then an independent Repub-
lic, into the Union as a State. Though Texas had won its practical independence
from Mexico by force of arms, yet Mexico had not acknowledged this independ-
ence or ceased to claim sovereign rights over that lost territory. • Hence to admit
this revolted province of Mexico into the Union of the States must inevitably pre-
cipitate hostilities with this neighboring power; there was, nevertheless, a strong
party which upheld the measure within Congress and out of it.

There was, however, a very strong opposition to it. Nearly all the Northern
statesmen of the Whig side in politics viewed the annexation project unfavorably,
and on this question Van Buren stood on very nearly the same ground as the
conservative Whigs of the New England States. Back'pf the prospective war,
however, was a sentiment stronger than any sense of justice to Mexico or repug-
nance to war; this was opposition to the extension of slavery in the United
States. .\ large and growing party in the North was immovably fixed against
any action by Congress which would increase the area of the slave States, which
It was foreseen the admission of Texas would do.

Of course, the Southern politicians naturally favored it. As Tammany
always took its share in the large questions of the day, it could not ignore this,
and upon it the body of the Society was divided in opinion.

In 1846 adhesion to, or rejection of the "Wilmot Proviso" became the divid-
ing line in the Democratic party in New York, as elsewhere throughout the
States, and also in Congress. The object of this proviso was to prohibit the
introduction of slavery into any territory acquired by purchase or otherwise from
Mexico, which included the present State of California. It was Mr. Van Buren's
attitude on this point which cost him the loss of the Democratic nomination for
President and gave it to James K. Polk, two years previously, in 1844. It was
this question of the extension of slavery which made the first formidable split in
the Tammany Society. Other divisions had been healed without much difficulty,
but this became to that, as to other parties, the "irreconcilable conflict," carrving

out of the Wig^vam some of their most valued members, a number of whom did,
indeed, return after the war, wliile others were permanently lost to the organiza-
tion.

It is worth noting, in this connection, that all the territory added to the
United States since the adoption of the Constitution had been acquired under
Democratic administrations, except Alaska.* So that we are justified in the logi-
cal conclusion that, but for Democratic energy and foresight, the country to-day.
would still consist only of the original thirteen States, with the addition of the
semi-Russianized peninsula in the North Pacific Ocean. The Whig party fought
against the admission of the lands acquired from Mexico, which included Texas
and California, just as the old Federalists contended against Jefferson's purchase
of Louisiana, the boundaries of which then included all the States generally
spoken of as ''the great Northwest."

During this exciting period a powerful auxiliary to the political power of
Tammany Hall existed in an association called the "Empire Club." Its president
and leader was the "undaunted" Isaiah Rynders, who first acquired local fame by
his energetic and effectual work in the Presidential campaign preceding the
election of James K. Polk. This club had rooms at 28 Park Row, and there never
were livelier times around the polls in New York than during the Rynders
regime. He continued as active leader of a powerful following for many years,
giving his best efiforts to the election of Franklin Pierce in 1852 and Buchanan
in '56. He was one of the muscular genus, and did not hesitate to repel force by
force if the circumstances called for it. Mr. Rynders was appointed Marshal for
the Southern District of New York in 1857.

* Up to date of the late war with Spain.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE FREE SOIL MOVEMENT.

URING the political turmoil which preceded the war of secession
the Tammany Society planted itself on strictly constitutional
ground repudiating the "higher law" doctrine of the anti-slavery
party. To the Tamman}' adherents the law of the land was the
law to be recognized, which brought upon them the newly in-
vented sobriquet of ''old hunkers;" and this elegant term was
applied as well to all of the Democratic party who ventured to defend the consti-
tutional rights as guaranteed in the original compact of the States, the Constitu-
tion, at that time clearly recognizing the existence of slavery in several of the
States. These conservative politicians held that the Government had no right to
infringe Article 4th of the Constitution, and in the 3d clause of Section 2, the
rendition of escaping slaves was specially provided for; hence the hunkers did
not wince, nor were their ethics disturbed, when the famous compromise meas-
ures of 1850 included the return of fugitive slaves. But sentiment and humanity
proved stronger than constitutional provisions, and the whole of the decade be-
tween 1850 and i860 may be said to have been consumed in discussing the sub-
ject of slavery by one party and in devising schemes to suppress its discussion by
others.

As this episode in American politics has been treated by many able writers,
from almost every possible point of view, we do tiot think it necessary to give
here opinions on a subject which is now a dead issue, any further than is called
for, to show Tammany's position in the preliminary political skirmishes which
affected the membership of the Society ,ai well as its influence in the community.
In the National Democratic Convention of 1848, which met at Baltimore on May
22d of that year, two delegations, each calling themselves "regular," put in their
claims to recognition, the party being divided into two factions known as
"hunkers" and "barnburners." The hunkers were affiliated with the Tammany
party, and were thus designated by their opponents as resembling the Bourbons,
of whom it is alleged they neither learn anything nor forget anything. The
"barnburners," who eventually merged into the Free soil partv, were thus named
because the old conservatives likened them to the farmer who burned down his
barn to get rid of the rats, the hunkers believing that those so zealous to get rid
of slavery were in danger of destroying the Union at the same time.

The divisions of the Democratic party which grew out of these slavery dis-
cussions were intensified by the tenacity with whicli the "barnburner" wing kept
its loyalty to the fortunes of Martin Van Buren, who, as stated above, had been
sidetracked in the National Convention in 1844 in favor of James K. Polk, who
was elected over the Whig nominee, Henry Clay, by the electoral vote of 170 to
105. The admission of Texas had been effected under President Polk's adminis-
tration in 1845; but the struggle over it had left bitter feelings, i^till active in
minds of the barnburner Democrats, v^-ho shortlv after assumed the name of Free

Soilers. The body calling itself the State Democracy met in convention at Syra-
cuse on the 29th of September and remained in session until the 2d of October,
1847, *l^'s being the hunker wing of the party.

This body issued an address which proved very displeasing to the Van
Buren, or barnburner faction, which incontenintly seceded and called a counter
convention, which v\'as first appointed to be held on the 22d of February, 1848.
but the date was aftervi-ard changed to the i6th of the same month. Selecting
their old favorite, Van Buren, as their candidate for President, though he had
been beaten in the popular vote of 1840 and rejected by the National Convention
of 1844, they still succeeded in drawing off so large a number from the regular
organization as to greatly weaken it before the people.

The hunkers met this movement by a call to their followers to meet at
Albany on the 26th of January, 1848, where they matured plans for the selection
of candidates to represent their views at the National Convention, which body
was to meet at Baltimore in May. The unwisdom of division was soon made
apparent. The Committee on Credentials proposed to the leaders that both wings
of the party from New York should promise to abide peaceably by the decision
of the committee and sup]iort the nominee of the convention, whoever he might
prove to be. The Tammany men agreed to this, but the barnburners would not.
Then the committee agreed to admit both factions on equal terms, but still the
barnburners were obdurate and finally they withdrew from the convention;
and the hunkers, considering themselves insulted by being considered as no bettei
than mere barnburners, though they kept their seats in the convention, took no
part in the proceedings. Thus New York's electoral vote for Lewis Cass, the
nominee of the convention, was lost, and with it the Presidency for the ensuing
four years, the Whig candidate, General Taylor, being elected.

In 1856 there was another disastrous schism, the Democratic party being
now -divided between the "Hards" and the "Softs." New York's electoral vote
was again lost. The separate delegations, each having an equal number of votes,
neutralized each other.

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CHAPTER XXV.
MICHAEL WALSH.

is::^^— -— ^^1 \1".1\V vital personality which once inaiU' an integral part of the
IJiV^^SbIk^B Tannnany Hall political forces was the Hon. Michael Walsh,
hctlcr remembered, perhaps, by his abbreviated name of
"Mike." If he was in active politics now, he would probably
be accused of being a Socialist, so ardent were his feelings in
regard to everything bearing- on the welfare of the working
classes; but in his day the word had not become acclimated in America. Even
the pungent Democracy of Tammany Hall was not broad enough to satisfy his
aspirations after "liberty, fraternity and equality." Mr. Walsh's active career in
politics commenced early in the "40's," a period of intense partisan excitement.
Honorable gentlemen, both in the State Legislature and in Congress, indulged
in an amount and virulence of personalities which would not now be tolerated.

Born and bred in New York City, in the Third Ward, he had all the charac-
teristics of the young American let loose, with the addition of a veritable genius
for effective oratory and a political discernment exceedingly rare in those whose
early years have been largely consumed in manual labor. In later life, Mr. Walsh
became a lumber merchant near the same locality where he had formerly worked
with his hands. His intensity of conviction overcame the lack of scholastic train-
ing, and he became a clear and forcible writer on his favorite topics, as well as a
brilliant orator.

Among his political followers he early attained the unique distinction of
being considered as "always right." This was particularly true of his large con-
stituency in the Fourteenth Ward, in which he resided for many years while in
active politics. His cardinal principle was never to allow his followers to take a
defensive position, but always the aggressive, even if physical force was necessary,
which sometimes happened in those days at the polls, there being then no
registry law and, consequently, many more chances of disorder. His followers
were systematically divided into sections, each having their captain and lieuten-
ant. Among these were Edward Sprague, who was commonly called "Major,"
the two Chanfraus, Henry and Joseph, John Ketcham, George Isaacs, John
.'\ustin and "Governor" McElroy. The discipline of the rank and file was very
efifective. He was sometimes called the "perpetual critic," because he was per-
petually criticising the management of the political leaders in Tammany Hall,
and though a useful and hard-working ally when the need arose, he was apt to be
something of a thorn in the flesh at times.

In 1847, when in the State Legislature, a member from the rural district of
Otsego took advantage on an occasion of Mr. Walsh's absence to make an
unmanly attack upon him, his career and his constituency; going so far as to
describe the latter as "dirty Democrats." Of course, Walsh was informed of
what had taken place. To say that the lion w;is aroused would not begin to
express his state nf mind. Seizing upon the first opportunity which occurred.

Mr. Walsh entered upon a dissection of his assailant, a Mr. Fenno, with such a
verbal avalanche of sarcastic retorts as would have made even Randolph of Roan-
oke pale with envy, and can only be compared in the sharpness of its virus, to the
arraignment of the Duke of Grafton by Junius. Repeatedly Mr. Fenno appealed
to the Chair for protection, but the whole Assembly sympathized with Mr. Walsh,
feeling that Mr. Fenno had brought his punishment upon himself by his unwar-
ranted attack on the New York member, and particularly by the unjustifiable
stigma he had cast on Mr. Walsh's constituency. The Chair declined to inter-
fere until the evident misery of his victim appeared to touch the feelings of even
the angry orator, who had by this time made Mr. Fenno appear absolutely ridicu-
lous, the Assembly having been repeatedly convulsed with laughter. At last Mr.
Walsh, looking his subdued and utterly humiliated assailant in the face, con-
cluded thus: "You can go, but remember, for the future, that bull-frogs should
never undertake to grapple with lions." Nor did any one else attempt to assail
Michael Walsh while he was a member of the State' Legislature, to which after
his first term of service had expired, he was re-elected. Subsequently, when
Walsh was sent to Congress, he had a somewhat similar victorious contest -with
a Western member. On his renomination to Congress, in 1854, he was defeated
by John Kelly, probably the only man at that time in New York who could have
beaten him. Micheal Walsh first won his oratorical spurs in a speech at Tam-
many Hall against the "Know-Nothing" element to which he was most
vehmently opposed, claiming that the sooner foreigners were admitted to the
franchise, the sooner thev became Americanized and good citizens.

DANIKL F. TIEMANX.

CHAPTER XXVI.

WHO OWNS TAMMANY HALL?

>~^ . ^^^^-y^ O MOST outsiders it is more or less of a mystery how a society
rnlll^BR^Vfi incorporated as a purely benevolent association has grown to
represent the most ijermaiient political organization in the
country. .Another query to the uninitiated has been where
to draw the line between the Sachems of the Columbian Order
and the active politicians who run what is i)n])ularly known as
the "Tannnany machine," the same names frequently appearing in both rolls.
The facts are not so difficult of explanation as they appear on the surface.

As stated in Chapter I. the founders of the Tammany Society, though not
all then bearing the name of Democrats (or as they were then called Republicans),
were, in fact, invariably persons imbued with Democratic ideas, as opposed to
Federalism. As time advanced these early intuitions became more fixed and per-
manent. At the time of the incorporation of the Society it had become practically
partisan in its character, though not claiming to be such, but only thoroughly
American. Its form of application to the Legislature, and probably its then
intent, was only for the purpose of looking after the welfare of its own members
and their families, but in politics they were then, nearly all, anti-Federal. For
over twenty years of the early existence of the Society it occupied hired halls and
places of meeting the rent being paid out of the general treasury, but in 1811-12,
when their first permanent building was erected, it became absolute owner of the
same. At first its large hall, particularly the ball-room, was let for temporary
occupancy to various associations and parties, without much attention to the
nature of the occupant's politics, but it was not very long before the question
arose: "Should the Hall, owned by the Columbian Order, be let to political par-
ties opposed to the doctrines of Democracy? Of course, discussion followed,
as, by refusing to so let, a certain loss of revenue must be reckoned on; but prin-
ciple triumphed over financial considerations, and it was finally decided that,
though the Hall might be let for miscellaneous purposes, such as balls, banquets,
etc., of a simply social character, and for lectures on scientific and literary sub-
jects, it should not be let to or allowed to be used by opposing political parties.

A case which occurred in 1853, and therefore well within the memory of
many of our readers, will illustrate, perhaps, better than any other mode of
explanation how the Society, the successors of the original founders, controlled
the use of the building.

In February of 1853, the Grand Council of the Society of Tannnau}- or the
Columbian Order issued a special "Address" on this very subject, and in defence
of a recent decision made by them, "Relative to the Political Use of Tammany
Hall." The Hall was then on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, the
present site of The Sim building. The substance of this address was as follows :

"Brothers, the action of the Grand Council, in a certain case recently decided, has been
assailed. It is right that you should know the facts. You are scattered abroad through
every State of our beloved TJnion, but your hearts are here with us. and our reputation is

dear to you. The event which has caused criticism of our Council cannot be considered of
local interest only; It is of wide concern, because it relates to the character and position
of our Society, and its relation to Tammany Hall. The Tammany Society is now [1853]
two-thirds of a century old, and has for a long time been a centre of Democracy, to some
extent, to the whole country. The unanimity required for the admission of new members
insures the character and standing- of each and all, and yet allows of wide diffusion and
liberality of welcome, excluding only enemies of our political faith.

Our Society Owns Tammany Hall,

and, by its control of it, is abl^e to exert great influence on the Democratic organization.
We have had, and have, as members, nearly all the military and naval heroes of the
country — all 'the favorite sons' of every State in the Union, as well as noble statesmen in
the national councils; the most renowned men from the North, South, East and West,
have all been initiated into our brotherhood."

The use of Tammany Hall is now regaiiated by the lease (of date December
]2, 1842) from the Tammany Society to Joseph W. Howard, under the following
covenant: "And the said party of the second part promise and agree to, with the
said party of the first part [the Society of Tammany], their successors and
assigns, that the present Democratic Republican General Committee of the City
of New York and their successors shall have the privilege of holding all their
political meetings in said Tammany Hall during the continuance of this lease and
the renewal thereof.

'The said lessee also agrees not to let or sub-let to any other political party."

Elijah F. Purdy was Chairman of the Democratic Republican Committee
when this lease was signed, February 4, 1853. It was also provided at this time
that, in case doubt or question arising whether any party desiring to hire the hall
was of the correct brand of Democracy, the matter should be referred in writing
either to the Grand Sachem or to the P'ather of the Council. The final power to
act upon such a case was,. vested in the Grand Council.

At this period a case in point had arisen. At the opening of the year 1853
the Democratic organization of the city found itself in very peculiar circum-
stances. The General Committee for the preceeding year had provided primary
meetings for the election of their successors, but had failed to designate the time
or place of meeting to report on the result. Under ordinary circumstances the
omission would have been comparatively unimportant, as the members would have
arranged it among themselves, and would naturally have chosen Tammany Hall;
but it so happened that united action on this occasion was not possible, as it was
known that, out of the then existing twenty wards, in sixteen the regular nomina-
tions would be contested, and the danger appeared that two organizations might
be formed. The General Committee for 1852 was defunct by lapse of time, and
that for 1853 had yet to be elected. There seemed no way out of the difficulty but
for the Grand Council of the Tammany Society to "mediate;" therefore, con-
tinues this address, "We request the delegates from the wards, elected pursuant
to the call of the late General Committee, to meet at Tammany Hall on the even-
ing of January 13th for organization, the old officers courteously uniting in this
request 'for those having certificates signed by a majority of the Inspectors.' "

On the evening designated those claiming to have been elected as members
of the General Committee for 1853 did meet as invited, when there ensued one ot
the most grotesque entertainments ever offered to the onlookers at a political
gathering.

The hall was crowded with an expectant audience, coinp(jsc(l not only of the
"regulars" and contestants, but of their followers and supporters, as well as a
large number of curious spectators. When it became. necessary to proceed to the
election of a chairman pro tem, Daniel E. Delevan was nominated, api)arenlly
chysen by the majority, and took his seat. Immediately thereupon the contestants
nominated Thomas J. Barr, and, many voices approving, he also took his seat
upon tlie platform, close to Mr. Delevan. The latter received, put and decided
motions by which Mr. George H. Purser and Thaddeus R. Cilover were ap-
pointed tcmj)orar\- Secretaries. Messrs. Grazier and t'olu-n were thereupon
nominated for the same duty by the opposing party, tlu' nintinn for their appoint-
ment being put by Barr, and decided in their favor by him. Things began to look
ridiculous or dangerous, as the spectators \ie\\e(l them nmrc or less seriously.
An animated discussion arose, and a motion was put, first bx- one chairman and
then by the other, that "only those should remain in the hall who held certificates
signed by two-thirds of the Inspectors." This motion was carried. The roll
being called, the ineligible quietly retired, fifty-eight of the sixty members remain-
ing with Delevan as Chairman. Another vote was then taken for Chairman, only
thirty in response voting. Mr. Barr refused to accept this vote, and retired with
his followers to the other side of the room and there formed a separate organiza-
tion, on the ground that parties remaining with Mr. Delevan had been allowed
to vote whose certificates had been signed only by a majority and not by all of the
Inspectors. Those remaining with Delevan elected him, with Messrs. Purser
and Glover as officers of the "regular" organization, lioth parties then adjourned
to meet again at Tammany Hall on the i8th inst. Union was still hoped for, and
on the evening named Delevan and his friends met as usual in the committee
room with open doors, but Mr. Barr and his followers, instead of coming there,
met in a room public to all the guests of the hotel, and there perfected their
organization, adjourning to meet again at Tammany Ilall on the 2otli.

It was now time for the General Council to get in its fine work; a meeting
was called on the afternoon of the loth: ten Sachems being present, after some
little discussion, the decision was rendered that the Delevan party was alone
entitled to the use of Tanmiany Hall; and also that no committee was to meet
until the 21st inst. It was this action of the Grand Council which had called
forth the criticism alluded to in the commencement of this chapter, and was the
occasion of the issuance of the formal address to the general "Brotherliood."'
When the decision of the Council was made known, forty-one members had pub-
lished a call for a meeting hostile to what they deemed "the unprecedented
assumption of the Sachems." But they were not allowed to use the building.
Among these forty-one were Sachem Cornell, and Brothers West, Bogardus and
Connolly, and of these one had voted for the motion carried, as to certificates,
and the others had aided in procuring the action they now condemned.

At the authorized meeting of January 21st a permanent organization was
effected, Lorenzo Slicpard being chosen chairman: Jacob V. Oakley, treasurer;
Thaddeus Glover and Abraham S. Vosburgh, secretaries.

This notable ".A-ddress," in closing, congratulates the Brotherhood on the
result of the recent Presidential election — that of Franklin Pierce. It is dated,
".At the Council ChaniluT of the Great ^^'igwam. at Manhattan, in the season of

Snows, 2d Moon; in the sixty-fifth year of the institution of the Society, and the
seventy-seventh of Independence." (New York, Februarjr 4, 1853.)

Signed by

Elijah F. Purdy,
Andrew H. Mickle,
John Dunham,
Samuel Allen,
Charles A. Denlke,
Thomas Dunlap,

Jacob M. Vreeland,
Andr^ Fremont,
George S. Messerve,
Wm. J. Brown,
Is. V. Fowler,
Stephen H. Feeks.

George Messerve: Father of the Council.
Thomas K. Downey: Scribe.

These proceedings clearly show that the incorporated "Society of Tammany,
or the Columbian Order," are the legal owners and proprietors of the structure
known as Tammany Hall, and that the political organization which has for so
long had their headquarters there, are simply tenants at will of the old Society.
That they have a very secure tenure may be inferred from the fact that all, or very
nearly all, of the officers and members of the latter are also members of the politi-
cal party which is best known to the public as representing "Tammany."

More recent events have shown that the practical control of Tammany Hall
still resides in the Sachems and officers of the incorporated organization. In
November, 1894, among some of the younger men there was considerable talk of
choosing leaders independently of the Sachems. One of the latter put the case
thus to an active malcontent: "Suppose that the young men should reorganize,
and that an attempt was made to reorganize us out of Tammany, what would
happen? Simply that the trustees of the Tamrhany Society would shut the same
young men out of Tammany Hall building. Yours would then be a guerrilla
organization and not Tammany Hall. Would it not?" That view^ of the case
effectually stopped the movement.

ISAAC BELL.

CHAPTER XXVIl.

TAMMANY'S ATTITUDE DURING THE CIVIL WAR.

^ ^ URING llic discussion of the situation preceding the oiUi)i"eak
Inr^V^^^&^li of the Civil War, Tammany, as we have noticed in the previ-
ous chapter, did all that a political party could do to preserve
the integrity of the Union ; but when hostilities had com-
menced by the firing upon Fort Sumter, they promptly took
their place on the side of the (iovcrnment; resolved, if the
Union could not be maintained by peaceable nu-ans, it must be preserved at any
cost, and by all the means in the hands of loyal men.

As illustrating the feelings, not only of the officers and leaders of the Society,
but as also expressing the state of mind of the rank and file of the members, we
cannot do better than give the programme of the proceedings of a meeting held
in the Wigwam on the Fourth of July, 1862.

The following is the official order of the da)' :

"The OfBcers and Sachems are requested to meet at the old Wigwam at 11.30 A. M.
The doors of the large hall will be thrown open to the public at 12 M. precisely.

"From that hour until 1 P. M. the Sicilian brass band will play national airs. The
greneral exercises will be opened by the performance of an overture by the band. The
opening address will be made by the Grand Sachem, Nelson J. Waterbury. Then follows
the National Hymn, 'My Country, 'tis of Thee,' sung by Colburn, assisted by twenty-four
picked boys, with piano accompaniment. The Declaration of Independence will then be
read by Brother George W. McLean. Mr. Colburn will next sing the 'Red. White and
Blue,' with his chorus and accompaniment. The recitation of Eliza Cook's 'Ode to Wash-
ington' is next in order. One of the most stirring songs of the time will then be given, led
by Mr. Colburn and chorus:

•' 'The Drum-tap Rattles Through the Land."
"the audience being invited to join in the chorus. Henry Morford, Esq., will then read his
patriotic poem, entitled, 'Tammany and the Union,' written for the occasion. Then we
shall have a patriotic hymn, written by Grand Sachem Waterbury, entitled, "Forever,"
sung by Colburn and his choristers. The Oration of the Day will be given by the Hon.
Charles P. Daly.

"The ceremonies to conclude with the singing of 'The Star Spangled Banner." The
audience will rise and join in singing the chorus."

One would think that this was a pretty full programme for a hot July day,
but for some hundreds at least that was not the end of the festival. A few modest
lines at the foot of the programme read thus: "The Banquet Rooin will then be
thrown open where the Waters of the Great Spring will flow profusely, and
where distinguished brethren will respond to appropriate sentiments, and patriotic
songs will be given by an efficient glee club.

The Committee of Arrangements on this notable occasion was as follows:

Sachems John A. Dix, Elijah Purdy, Richard B. Connolly, P. B. Sweeney, J .
Kelly, Isaac Bell, James B. Nicholson, Daniel E. Delevan, Thomas Dunlap,
Edward Cooper, Douglas Taylor, C. C. Childs, J. E. Devlin.

Treasurer, George E. Baldwin; Sagamore, G. S. Messerve; Scribe, Richard
Winnie; Wiskinkie, S. C. Diiryea; Father of the Council, Henry Vandewater.

We give below the names of the Committee of Members of the Society, less
for its intrinsic interest than for the purpose of enabling those who still remember
the men of that period, to judge whether or not they compare favorably with the
average composition of such committees made up by other political parties.' Cer-
tainly it would be difficult to find better or more patriotic men than the great

majority of those to be found in this Hst of officers and members of the Tammany
organization of 1862, or who, at least up to that period, stood on a level or above
the representatives of other political parties:

General Committee of the Tammany Society for 1862.

Daniel F. Tieman,
Emanuel B. Hart,
Andrew V. Stout,
M. T. Brennan,
Smith Ely, Jr.,
Anthony L. Robertson
James Murphy,
James Lynch,
C. Godfrey Gunther,
Andrfe Froment,
L. F. Harrison,
Andrew H. Green,
Thomas B. Tappan,
George G. Barnard,
John Y. Savage, Jr.,
Charles J. Chipp,
John T. Hoffman,
John M. Barbour,
Thomas C. Fields,
William Miner,
Henry Hilton,

David A. Fowler,
Thomas W. Adams,
Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr.,
Edward Sanford,
William B. Clarke,
Moses D. Gale,
Edmund L. Hearne,
A. T. Gallager,
William Murphy,
George Smith,
Walter Roche,
Aaron B. Rollins,
John R. Briggs,
Wilson G. Hunt,
William McMurray,
Frederick L. Vultee,
William J. Powers,
Ralph Bogart.
George W. McLean,
William C. Conner,
John Richardson,
Augustus Schell,
Nelson J. Waterbury,

Henry L. Clinton,
Wm. M. Tweed.
John T. Henry,
John S. Giles,
Samuel J. Tilden,
Josiah W. Brown,
Wm. H. Leonard,
Wm. J. Peck,
Thomas Byrnes,
John H. McCunn,
Albert Cardoza,
Michael Connolly,
John Clancy,
George H. E. Lynch,
Robert C. Mclntyre,
Harvey F. Aubrey.
John Fitch,
John Eagan,
Peter Moneghan,
Jefferson Brown,
Joseph D. Baldwin.

Grand Sachem— Nelson J. Waterbury, Secretary — George E. Childs.

On this occasion an unusual amount of decorations were indulged in, includ-
ing a great display of transparencies. General Jackson's portrait was draped with
the national colors. Washington, Lafayette, Jefferson, Polk, Clay and Webster
adorned the walls of the Wigwam. There were estimated to be over two thousand
persons present, more than the old hall could comfortably accommodate. The
Grand Sachem's address was steeped with patriotism. Among other remarks con-
cerning the spirit of the Tammany Society, he said: "Tammany, or the Colum-
bian Order, took root in the pure soil of the Revolutionary era, and still remains
true to the spirit of those early days, devoted now as then to our national
Constitution, to those principles of civil liberty upon which our government is
founded, and upon which alone it can be perpetuated.' .... There never
was a time when it was more incumbent upon every man who loves liberty, who

values the freedom of his country, to recall these principles We

are at a crisis when a wicked rebellion has raised its foul head to overthrow and
destroy the best government the world has ever known." 'Sir. Waterbury then
referred in somewhat passionate language to the unjust treatment of Gen. Geo. B.
McClellan, claiming that he had been willfully betrayed and his success imperiled
by Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of W'ar, in the interest of the Republican party;
"but," he added, "If Gen. McClellan has been compelled to retreat in the face of a
force three to one against him, it is only the more important, the more incumbent
upon every friend of his country to rally to her support, and to do whatever he
can to give success to her cause, and to the brave men who are bound together
upon the battlefield to maintain it. We must do the President [Lincoln] of the
United States the justice to say that he has done well in overruling the proclama-
tions of Fremont and Hunter [prematurely anticipating the President's action in
giving freedom to the slaves]. There is no heart here, I am sure, which does not

accept the following seiitiiuciU with the devotion of life itself; 'The Union of these
States shall remain, now and forever, one and inseparable.' " This sentiment was
received with lond and prolonged cheers. We select one verse from the Grand
Sachem's patriotic hymn, entitled "I-orever," as showing not only the spirit of the
author, but of the great Tannnany meeting which so enthusiastically indorsed it.
The music was by the well-known .American composer, George W. Bristow, and
was rendered with great spirit by popular singers of the day. We select the
second verse as best expressing the predominant feeling of the hour:

"God bless our Union chain.
Each sacred link retain

Forever and forever.
With other links extend it,
Let treason never rend it.
From every foe defend it;

God bless the l_lnion ever.

Forever and forever."

The following verses are from the song most ixipular in Tammany Hall at

that period:

"the drum-tap rattles through the land."
"The drum-tap rattles through the land,

Th.» trumpet calls to arms;
A startled nation stands aghast,

Unused to war's alarms.
Ho! watchman on the outer wall,

What danger do you see?
'To arms! To arms'' the sentry cries,
To arms! if you'd be free.'

'To arms! if you'd be free.' "

The intervening verses describe the assault (ni [-"ort Sumter, etc., and the
uprising of the people. The last verse is solemn in its earnestness:

"God speed our noble, gallant band,

Of heroes true and brave;
March on! march on! till o'er our land

The Stars and Stripes shall wave
Great God of battles, bless our cause,

Bring peace from war's alarms:
Protect and guide us by Thy might

Till vict'ry crowns our arms.

Chorus — "To arms! To arms!" etc.

The orator of the day, Hon. Charles P. Daly, devoted considerable space to
the claims of Virginia, that her colonial stork was superior to that of New Eng-
land or New York, which he emphatically denied. At the close of the oration the
audience were pleasantly surprised by the entrance of General Hiram Walbridge.
who was received with enthusiastic cheers. After a lirief speech, the General
proposed the following resolutions for the acceptance of the meeting:

"Whereas, The United States are engaged in suppressing a wicked and
infamous rebellion against the integrity of the Constitution and the stability of the
Union ; and

"Whereas, Continued intimations reach us of foreign intervention, the
Democracy of the city and county of New York, wiiile comnTemorating the anni-
versary of the birth of our national existence, unanimously declare their adher^
ence, and, if necessary, the armed defense of the principles of the Monroe Doc-
trine, and resolve accordingly."

The third resolution reads as follows:

"Resolved, That actual interference by any foreign power will sow the north-
ern section of the hemisphere with the fabled dragon's teeth, and will bring forth
its' full crop of armed men to resist them."

These resolutions were unanimously adopted.

The General then proceeded to say: "One year ago I stood here and read
to you the President's call for six hundred thousand men. A year has transpired
and Tammany has been vindicated.* But there is no sacrifice too great, none
which we should not most cheerfully make in order to help the Government at
this moment. We want more troops, more money; and we must all be ready for
every sacrifice, and above all to effectively resent all foreign interference."

In the banquet-room, Mr. August Belmont responded to a toast regretting
the war, and hoping for speedy peace. Judge Hilton responded to the toast,
"George Washington, may his name, with that of Jefferson and- Jackson, ever be
talismanic within this hall." In responding to the toast "Thomas Jefferson,"
Gen. Walbridge reverted to the theme he had broached in the Wigwam; he said:
"If intervention must come, let it come. Relying upon our own strong arms, we
will implore the God of battles to smile upon us, as upon our fathers in the dark
days of the Revolution; and we will enter upon the contest, determined that here
Liberty shall build her last entrenchment, and that we shall fight until we spill
the last drop of our blood, in maintaining and preserving free representative,
constitutional government, from the grasping avarice or ambition of any foreign
invaders."

The Grand Sachem then gave the toast, "The Union, the glorious arch that
spans our national horizon, may no Pleiad ever be lost from its constellation."
To this Henry L. Clinton responded: "The Union," he said, "must and shall be
preserved," pointing at the same time to the portrait of President Jackson, the
original framer of the phrase. The reference to Jackson as the author of this
apropos sentiment was received with great enthusiasm. After the prolonged
cheering had subsided. Mr. Clinton resumed. "It is," he said, "no small consola-
tion, for every fair and consistent Democrat, to reflect that the Democratic party
had done all in its power to avert the dreadful catastrophe; but now, the energetic
prosecution of the war was an imperative duty."

To the toast, "The Constitution," R. B. Connolly spoke; and to "Our
Nationality," Hon. Charles P. Daly. To the sentiment, "Abraham Lincoln," the
Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy (whose well-known sobriquet was the "old War-
horse of the Democracy") responded. He said he was so unused to speaking in
praise of any one not a Democrat that he felt strange at the toast awarded him;
and he added, "I am at a loss to express what is really due to the Chief Magis-
trate, who is always to be respected, but I can assure President Lincoln, that as
long as he conducts this war for the suppression of the rebellion and the
supremacy of the law, to restore the Union, and maintain the Constitution, he
will always find a hearty response and cordial support from Democrats, and par-
ticularly from those of Tammany Hall."

Other toasts followed: to Gen. George B. McClellan, to the Navy, to the
State, the City, the Press, to Our Countrywomen, all of which were ably responded
to, but we have aimed only to give sufficient of the remarks made, to indicate the
spirit animating the gathering of "the braves." and need not follow the proceed-
ings farther. It was a great and enthusiastic patriotic meeting, long remembered
by those who had the good fortune to be present.

• Referring to the regiment raised by the Tammany Society.

COLONEL WILLIAM D. KENNEDY.

CHAPTER XXVni.

"THE TAMMANY JACKSON GUARD;" OR. FORTY-SECOND VOLUN-
TEER REGIMENT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK.

[>^^?,^^^^~S^| S SOON as the news of the attack ni)()n l*"ort Sunitcr reached
lnv.^lft,N?i7ff New York City, Tammany Hall took immediate action in
]ilacing- itself on the side of the LJnion; and, at its own expense,
recruited, c(|uipped and sent to the fnmt a full regiment, the
Forty-second, whose record on many a bloody field is unsur-
])assed by any other that fous^ht under the Stars and Stripes
to the end of the war.

Its first Colonel was the Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society at the time
he received his commission as commander of the regiment. During the war, over
seven thousand men fought for the Union under 'I anunany's regimental banner,
and of these thousands less than five hundred returned home. Of the original
twelve himdred. forming the first regiment sent into the field, only two hundred
and fift\ returned. Colonel Kennedy, like ^'osburg and Ellsworth, did not
live to conunand the regiment in battle, for he died of an illness brought on by

^•over-exertion in behalf of his charge, in July of 1861. liy the middle of June the
Tannnany regiment had enlisted one thousand one hundred men, but, when just
ready to start, word was received from Washington "that they had men enough,"
but it was suggested that the regiment be held together until further notice. This
was the illusive period of the inexperienced statesman rule, when Secretary
Seward thought the war would be ended in "sixty days." The Tammany regi-
ment, to the great disappointment of officers and men, was temporarily quartered

^.at Great Neck, Long Islaml, where they were supplied with arms, and received
drill instruction, for which purjiose an oiificer was detailed from West Point. The
importance of accurate instruction in the use of arms and other military tactics
was not at first so thoroughly appreciated as later on in the struggle.

Before leaving Long Island for Washington, the regiment was presented with
the national colors; a regimental standard with State arms, and a guidon bearing
the arms of the Tannnany Society .^

The presentation was made b\- Grand .Sachem Iilijah F. Purdy, who was at
this time chairman of the (ieneral Connnittee of Tannnany Hall, on behalf of a
Joint Committee appointed to this duty by the Society. The flags were received
on the part of the regiment b\- Colonel Kennedy, who briefly and appropriately
responded, expressing hearty thanks of himself, his ofificers and men. .\n elegant
pistol was presented to the gallant Colonel by George W. Roome, and a splendid
sword and sash by John Clancy. These were the gifts of personal friends. The
Colonel then led the delegates through the open ranks of the regiment, which was
pronounced to be equal to the best yet organized at the North; and the state-
ment was freelv made that there were very few which showed such excellent
material in physical appearance. ,

One of the saddest losses, early in the history of this regiment, was the pre-
mature death of their Colonel, William D. Kennedy, who had been one of the

most enthusiastic advocates for raising the regiment. When the proposition to
do so was first made in a meeting at Tammany Hall, the query was put, "If we
raise a regiment, who will command it?" "I will," answered the Grand Sachem,
"if a better commander does not offer." And from that moment all his thoughts,
time and energy were directed to this object, and success came rapidly as to the
enlistment of recruits; then came the delay at Great Neck; the care of hundreds
of men in camp, only a few miles from the city; the ambition to turn out well-
drilled men; the constant desire, thrown back, to start to the front. Colonel
Kennedy knew no rest, but the unwonted physical exertion, and of such a novel
nature, was paid for by a fatal penalty.

The regiment reached Washington on the third Saturday of July, 1861.
Colonel Kennedy, though very unwell, persisted in keeping at the head of his
men when marching through the hot streets of Washington to the camp-ground
assigned to them. Eventually compelled to retire for rest, he never rallied, but
passed away, without having been allowed the satisfaction of a single encounter
with the enemy.*

On receiving the news of their loss, a special meeting of the General Com-
mittee was held at their room in Tammany Hall, on the 24th of July, 1861, where
resolutions of regret for their own loss and condolence with his family were
passed, not in a merely perfunctory style, but, as those who were present will
remember, with a sorrovi'ful tenderness of sympathy and sincere regret which it
would be difficult to find exceeded on any similar occasion. Not content with
verbal expressions only, the committee issued a memorial pamphlet, recording
Colonel Kennedy's service in raising the Forty-second Regiment, and his virtues
as a man and a citizen, as well as a high officer of the Tammany Society. This,
printed memorial is signed:

Elijah F. Puedy, Chairman.

John Hardy and A. B. Rollins, Secretaries.

\/ (This Forty-second Regiment was by no means the only one raised by Demo-

crats, who either were, had been, or became Tammany men. Fernando Wood
raised another, of which John S. Cocks was Colonel,; though at this particular
time Mr. Wood was the leader of the Mozart faction — truants from Tammany.
N Then there was the Sickles Brigade, filled with Tammany men;, in fact, it was-
hard to find a regiment raised in the City of New York during the war in which
there were not many — especially was this true of the brigade raised by General
Francis B. Spinola.

Among other Tammany meii active in promoting recruiting may be named
John Clancy, editor "of the Leader, Judge Moses D. Gale, Colonel Thomas Dun-
lap, Colonel Delevan, Mr. Peter Bowe, Douglas Taylor, Alderman Charles E.
Loew, Nelson J. Waterbury, Isaac Bell, Casper C. Childs, C. L. Monel, John
Houghtaling and others.

It was at the battle of Ball's Bluff, in which the Tammany Regiment was
engaged, when General Baker fell, that Colonel Cogswell ordered his brigade to
cut their way through to Edward's Ferry. In this brigade was a Tammany com-

* The " Kennedy Post," G. A. R., named in his honor, still keeps alive his revered;,
memory In the City of New York.

k pany, headed by Captain Timothy (3'Meara. In the cuniincnccnieni oi the
engagement O'Meara had placed by the side bf the Stars and Stripes the green
flag of his native isle. The twin emblems seemed to inspire the men of this par-
ticular company with redoubled energy and intrepidity, and they charged upon
the enemy with terrible efifect: nor did they give way till all hopes were dead.
Colonel Cogswell and Captain O'Meara were captured, and shared all the lK)rrors
of rebel captivity.

At the battle of Antietam the Tammany ReyimciU lost one hundred and
eighty killed, wounded and missing, out of two luuulred and eighty who went
into the battle. The regiment had to be refilled several times by new enlistments.
In fact, Tammany tiall kept up a permanent recruiting station while the war
lasted.

At Gettysburg Lieutenant Colonel William A. Lynch, a Tammany soldier,
seeing his color-sergeant shot down, and the men wavering under a terrible fire,
sprang from his horse, tore the standard from the hands of the dying sergeant,
and, bearing it to the head of his command, restored the temporarily flagging
hopes of his regiment. This brave man was in many battles, but survived the
war. The Forty-second, or Tammany Regiment, was mustered into the service
of the United States June 22-28, 1861, and was mustered out on the 13th of

X July, 1864.' Those who chose to remain in the military service, with all the new
recruits were transferred to the Eighty-second N. Y. Volunteers.

The official record of the service of the Tammany Regiment In the archives

^ of tile Adjutant-General's office at Albany is the most honorable. The Tammany
Jackson Guards were in the thick of the fight at the battles of Ball's Bluff, York-
town, West Point, Va., Glendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Fredericksburg,
Gettysburg, etc. After the battle of Gettysburg, on the second day of the fight,
the entire weight of the rebel army was thrown against the Second Corps — Gen-
eral Hancock's — in which was the Tammany Regiment. In Townsend's valuable
work entitled, "The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion,"
he thus describes the scene: "This devoted corps [Hancock's] bore the brunt of
the onslaught and merits the honor of the victory. Pickett's splendid division
of Longstreet's Confederate Corps came on in front with the best of Hill's
veterans supporting them. When they were at blank-point range, came the order
for our troops to fire; then from eighteen thousand guns issued a sheet of smoky
flame — a crush of leaden death. The first of the Confederate lines literally
melted away, but the second came resolutely on. Pickett's division now thrust
itself up to the Union line, and the full strength of this attack fell upon the New
York City brigade, which included the Tammany troops." "The movement,"
says the historian Swinton, "was certainly as critical as can well be conceived, but
the coolness and bravery of both officers and men caused the repulse and route of
the assailants; and with that repulse perished the last hope of Confederate vic-
tory," and in the grand result the Tammany Jackson Guards had its full share of
glory — and of loss.

We give here a few of the names of men of the Forty-second which have
received "honorable mention" or other official honors for heroic conduct under
fire:

Lieut. Thomas Abbott was honorably mentioned in Lieut.-Col. Mooney's
report of the battle of Ball's Bluf?, also Major Peter Bowe in the same report.

Col. Milton Cogswell was presented with a sword by the Common Council
of the City of New York, on the scabbard of which was inscribed these words,
which the recipient had used at the battle of Ball's Bluff, suiting the action to the
words: "Men, we'll cut our way through to Edward's Ferry." Colonel Henry
Harrington was also honorably mentioned for brave conduct at Ball's Bluff.

Col. Edward C. Charles was one of the noted heroes of White Oak Swamp,
where he was badly wounded and taken prisoner.

Private D. H. Morgan is commended in the official report as having volun-
teered to advance with the head of the column, and cut down the palisading, at
the time of the assault on Fort Fisher. These are but a few specimens .among
hundreds of others showing the kind of material that did all their duty, and
more, at the seat of war, furnished by the much-vilified Tanmiany Hall, i Let us
say of them in the words of the Rev. Henry W. Bellows: ~

"Rest patriots, rest
Rest within tlie bosom of that earth
Thou didst so much to make
A more worthy residence for thy fellow men."

CHAPTER XXIX.
THE SOLDIER POET OP THE WAR.

HARLES GRAI-IAM IIAI.I'IM': was ainoii- tlie ardent
Idvers of liberty who naturally gravitated towards Tammany
Hall, and who made a record for himself in aidinf^ to preserve
the union of these States, thoutjh not a native of the soil. He
came to this country in 1852. and after some experience in
Boston and elsewhere, settled in New York, and became
known before the war as an able journalist, a gifted i)oet,'a genial member of
society, and he only awaited the opportunity to |iro\e himself a brave and
accomplished soldier. Early in his New York career he was attached to the
editorial staff of the Times newspaper, for which he wrote the famous "Nicaragua
Letters" during the Walker filibustering expedition. The 'I'iiiics was then under
the editorial control of the late Henry J. Raymond. Later Mr. Halpine became
part proprietor and editor of the New York Leader. His associate in this venture
w^as the well-known John Clancy. When Mr. Halpine took hold of this paper it
had but a meagre circulation, which might be counted by hundreds only, but
under the attraction of the new editor's forcible papers and the improved niakc-up
of reading matter, the circulation rapidly increased, until it reached 11,000. Its
influence was marked, and for a while it seemed destined to become the most
popular paper in the city. But Mr. Halpine withdrew from the concern and the
charin seemed to go with him. Subsequently this nian of versatile talents was
connected with the Herald, and also contributed to magazines and other periodi-
cals, apparently possessing the capacity to tmn off unlimited (|uantities of any
sort of literary matter, prose or poetry, just as the occasion demanded. He was
thoroughly Democratic in his principles, though his writings were not limited to
publications of that party.

When the war broke "out Mr. Halpine promptly enlisted in the Sixty-ninth
New York Infantry, abandoning, without hesitation, all his literary engagements,
and the fairest prospects of success, to fight for the preservation of his adopted
country. His unusual mental mobility enabled him to grasp military ideas with
ease, and to so thoroughly adapt himself, to the novel circumstances in which
he found himself placed that he was almost immediately promoted to a position
on the staff of General Hunter as Assistant Adjutant-General with the rank ot
Major. He accompanied General Hunter to Missouri on his expedition to relieve
Fremont, performing very onerous and responsible duties on the occasion.
Later he was transferred to the division of Major-General Halleck,_ with whom
his duties were by no means lightened. Mr. Halpine was one of the few civilians
whom the West Point men admitted to be an able executive officer.

It was while he was stationed at Hilton Head that he assumed the name of
"Miles O'Reilly." thus personating the name of a fictitious private of the Forty-
seventh New York \''olunteers. Many of his effusions under this notti dc plume
were verv amusing, with a strong shade of sarcasm interwoven: b'lt the best of

all, considered as a literary product, was a poem of considerable length on the
proposition to raise a monument to the "Irish Legion," so many of whom lost
->^ their lives in the Union cause. The entire poem is too long for insertion here,
but we give one noble verse, sufficient to show, the style and spirit. Speaking of
them as aliens by birth, received, as all foreigners at that date were, with cordial
hospitality, he says:

"Welcomed they were with generous hand,

And to that welcome nobly true,
When war's dread tocsin filled the land.
With sinewy arm and swinging brand,

These exiles to the rescue flew;
Their fealty to the flag they gave.

And for the Union, daring death,
Foremost among the foremost brave.
They welcomed victory and the grave.

In the same sigh of parting breath."

■ Although Mr. Halpine's military services were so fully recognized by both
General Hunter and General Halleck, the Secretary of War persistently ignored
his merits and his just claims to promotion, leaving him, when peace was pro-
claimed, with the simple rank of Major. Was it because he was a Tammany man.''
No other cause was ever assigned. Certainly he had been actively influential on
the General Committee of that old Democratic society; but surely Tammany had
done its duty, and its full share, even more than its share, in sustaining the Union
forces in the field. And Major Halpine himself was one proof of it.

For a short period after his return to New York he acted as a member of
Gen. Dix's staff, assisting that Commander in arresting a horde of bounty
swindlers, who had infested New York during the latter period of the war. This
was his last military service. He quietly resumed his literary occupations, and
political affiliations. But he did not find all of these working to his satisfaction.
One of the parties whom he immediately antagonized was Fernado Wood, a man
who had in many respects failed to keep the confidence once reposed in him by
a large and effective following. The "Citizens' Association" then existing for
the especial purpose of securing some municipal reforms, was fortunate in secur-
ing Major Halpine as editor of their paper, which they called The Citizen. Of
this sheet he shortly after became sole proprietor, and through its influence
mainly was built up the organization known for a limited time as the Democratic
Union. This paper he edited until his death, which occurred in August, 1868.
Honest in every fibre of his being, with talents so varied that he had scarcely a
peer among his professional contemporaries, he was personally a man universally
liked. It was with deep sorrow that thousands of his fellow citizens bade a final
adieu to the patriot, poet, and brave soldier, on that oppressive summer day.

COLONEL THOMAS DUNLAP.

CHAPTER XXX.

FERNANDO WOOD.

NDIVIDUALS of strong character have always had consider-
able influence in, or on, Tammany Hall, when their talents
were exerted in aid or in opposition to that Society. Among
many eminently picturesque figures who have at times been
supported by and affiliated with Tammany, and again have
violently opposed that association, there has been no more
striking figure tlian tliat of Ff.knando Wood, three times elected Mayor of New
York, and the leader of the Mozart Hall faction, one of the strongest associations
ever made up of disaft'ected Tanuuanyites.

Mayor Wood is probably best remembered in New York for the curious
position which he assumed at the outbreak of the Civil War. He came to this
city from Philadelphia in 1820, and, though in mercantile business, soon began to
interest himself in politics. In 1839 he was Chairman of a young men's political
organization, and in 1840 was elected to Congress, on the Democratic ticket,
serving until 1843, when he was nominated for Mayor of New York by his
friends, who thought him the strongest man to overcome the combined forces of
Whigs and Know-Nothings. He was, however, defeated by them. Nominated
again for that office, in 1845, he was elected, and immediately commenced to
bring order out of the demoralized condition of the city government, which had
been for some time in incompetent hands, and lacked system. He vastly im-
proved the methods, and devised many improvements in municipal management.
His efiforts were very generally appreciated, so that he was re-elected, in 1856, by
the combination of the '"better clement" of both Whigs and Democrats. He was
too able a man to be used by the corrupt conspirators then in their incipiency, he
could not be made a tool of, and was shrewd enough to suspect them, but had not
!the means to effectually oppose them; he was in a measure forced out of the
Wigwam, where he had been a leading spirit, and organized what was afterwards
known as the "Mozart Hall wing" of the Democracy. Two years later Tam-
manv and Mozart Hall, together, controlled five-sevenths of all the votes cast in
the city.

The most exciting episode in Mayor Wood's public career occurred in 1857.
During the winter session of the Legislature, at .\lbany, of 1856-57. a bill was
passed depriving the Mayor of the City of New York of all control over the
Police Department — ^the alleged cause being that Mr. \\'ood had used that Ijody
for partisan political service. Acting upon the advice of the Corporation Counsel
and of Charles O'Connor, the Mayor determined to resist the imposition of the
Metropolitan Police upon the City of New York, by what he deemed the usurped
authority of the Legislature. The Mayor of the citw ft>r two hundred years, had
exercised the prerogative of control over the Department of Police, and Mr.
Wood and his advisers believed the bill which took away this function was uncon-
stitutional (which lawyers still beheve). At this time the Chief of Police in New

York was the somewhat renowned George W. JMatsell, an extremely efficient
officer, as well as an active Democratic politician. He had organized the existing
force of police and had got them in fine working order, and was naturally
incensed at the interference of the Albany politicians. He valiantly came to the
support of the Mayor, in defiance of the Metropolitan intruders. Wood and
Matsell, with their voluntary followers, entrenched themselves in the City Hall.
Here they were besieged by the newly appointed Metropolitan Police Force, who
attacked the City Hall on the i6th of June, but were ignominously repulsed.

The afifair began to look serious, and a riot would almost inevitably have
followed had not the military authorities ordered out the militia, who threatened
to arrest Mayor Wood, on behalf of the State. A parley and armistice followed,
both parties agreeing to abide the decision of the Court of Appeals as to the con-
stitutionality of the Act establishing the Metropolitan Police. On appeal, a
majority o^ the Court decided against the Mayor. At the next election for
Mayor, Wood was defeated, but he soon regained his popularity. He was again
chosen to that office in 1859 and in 1861.

In this eventful period Mayor Wood took an extraordinary attitude. He
proposed that New York City and suburbs should secede, not from the Union,
not to join the Confederacy, but to create a new political division. His idea was
to unite the city with Long Island and Staten Island — neither of which had shown
any inclination in that direction — and that these geographical units should
coalesce, under the name of Tri-Insular, and proclaim themselves an independent
State, thus dividing this section of New York from the old State. His action was
untimely.

The Tanmiany Society, which was always loyal to the Union, repelled this
idea with scorn, and at the first opportunity threw Wood over, electing John T.
Hofifman the next Mayor of the city. This wild dream of Wood's brought him
into great disfavor at that time, so critical for the Union. He went abroad for a
year, when this freak seemed to have been forgotten, and. on his return, he was
elected to Congress, where he remained from 1863 to 1865, and was again chosen
in 1867. The Mozart faction finally joined "the M'Keon Democrats," or most
of them did so, some going over to the "People's Party," others into "Citizen's
Committees," etc., making different combinations, such, for instance, as elected
Godfrey C. Gunther Mayor. After two defeats from rival Democratic factions,
Tammany once more rallied and regained its old supremacy. Mr. Wood was
very anxious for what he called vindication, and published a card in the papers
to the effect that his desires for re-election to Congress was solely for the purpose
of a public refutation of the calumnies heaped upon him by his enemies. There-
upon, in response, appeared the following from the pen of one of the ready
poetasters of the day:

"The royal prince who reigns in hell

Has been maligned in various matters.
And now would have the people tell

How silly they regard such clatters.

"He asks your votes; 'tis not for pelf.

But to rebuke all saints and sages.
Who say the archangels and himself
' Have i»ot been crJ'ies through all ages."

On Madison Square, in New York, there stands a monument to General
Worth, of the United States Army. It was erected under the Mayoralty of
Fernando Wood, and, therefore, very properly, his name was inscribed on one
side of it. When Mayor Wood fell into disfavor, a subsequent Common Council
had the puerile idea of erasing his name from this memorial stone, and actually
did so, substituting, in its place, the rather trite phrase, "Honor the Ikave."
Mr. Wood was not lacking in bravery himself, as his defiance of the State authori-
ties proved. Mr. Wood died in Washington in February, 1881.

CHAPTER XXXI.

A "PEACE" MEETING-AFTER THE WAR.

HEN peace had at last been concluded and the results of the war
had been to some extent realized, 1865-66, the Tammany peo-
ple were, above all, anxious that the "dead past bury its dead."
Though they missed many from their numbers who had fallen
facing the foe, or in the dreary prisons of the South as
prisoners of war, there was no rancor in their hearts against
the "erring sister States," as the speeches and resolutions at their annual cele-
bration witnessed in July of 1866. Over the platform in the Wigwam was
conspicuously placed the bust of Washington draped with the American flag, and
above it the m ottos:

."One Country— One Constitution— One Destiny: 1776—1866.'

On one side was a panel bearing these words: "The Tammany Society,
founded in 1789; in its very foundation identified with the establishment of the
Union. Ever faithful to its obligations; she has added another proof of her
devotion, by sending forth her sons to protect and maintain it." On the opposite
panel were these words:

"The Democratic party: upon its union and success, depend the future of
the Republic. He who would seek to lower its standard of patriotism and prin-
ciples, or to divide its councils, is an enemy to the country."

Around the hall were placed busts of Jackson, Clay, Webster and Franklin,
with decorations and patriotic mottos. One of these was draped in mourning.
It contained these words and names:

"To the memory of the departed braves:
Shepard, Froment,

*Vosburg, • Connor,

Purdy, Kennedy,

Clancy"

An address on this memorable occasion was delivered by the Grand Sachem,
Hofifman, who was at that time Mayor of the city. In the course of his remarks
he said: "During the years of fearful struggle through which the nation has just
passed, old Tammany was thrown wide open as a recruiting place for a class of
patriots who were willing to imperil their lives, as well as to talk for their country.
Brave men went forth from here, who either died upon the battle field or have
returned after an honorable discharge, some whole and well, others with shattered
health, or crippled limbs, but all ready to renew their efforts, and to vote for the
speedy restoration of that Union for which they hazarded their lives.

• This unique and beautiful monument to Col. Vosburg Is In Greenwood Cemetery,
near the tall shaft erected to the memory of the Volunteer Soldiers of N. T. The Iron
fence enclosing: the lot is composed of muskets In reversed position.

"Tammany Hall, true to its ancient record, never faltered in its devotion to
the Constitution ; and, now that peace has come, it demands that with peace shall
also come 'good will to man.' " Mr. Hoffman then went on to argue that the
eleven States, having abandoned the heresy of secession, should be allowed im-
mediate representation in Congress, without any lingering term of probation,
being kept out only for the sake, of radical partisans perpetuating their political
power. "No one can doubt the practical patriotism of this Society," continued
the orator, "which has shown its faith by its deeds. Among others was that
noble brother, William Kennedy, who went forth as the leader of our Tammany
Regiment, and died its representative. Before he went he joined us in placing
in front of the old Wigwam, in bold letters, Jackson's motto: 'The Union, it
must and shall be preserved.' Then there was that whole-souled brother and late
Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy, who died a few months before the close of the
war, who did excellent service in the same righteous cause, with others too
numerous to mention."

At the close of this thrilling address, a long poem, amusing and satirical, was
read, and another by Charles F. Olney, dedicated to the Tammany Society. In
fact, the Tammanyites seem never to have been lacking either for orators or
poets. Mr. Richard O'Gorman, who made a "long talk," commenced by address-
ing his audience as "Brothers of the Eagle Tribe." This, we think, was a rhetori-
cal error. The Eagle being the symbol of the United States, could not properly bq
adopted by a fraction only. Undoubtedly, the insignia of the second tribe, the
Tiger, as expounded by the great Chief Tammany himself, is the original
genuine symbol of the Columbian Order, and has been so regarded for over a
century.

The orator then raised his musical, but Cassandra-like voice, in pessimistic,
threatenings as to the near future of thejiation's fate. He said: "I warn you that
the Republic is still in danger. The worst of the storm has, indeed, blown over.
The ship of State still rides, a proud and gallant sight; but I think she has
escaped, more by God's good providence than by good steering, the Scylla of
Secession; but she is drifting, slowly but surely, into the Charybdis of Centraliza-
tion. Can her course be changed? Is there time still to put her head about and
to escape the dangers ahead? Have you ever thought what centralization really
means? Look back ten or twelve years. Then we in New York scarcely felt the
finger of the Federal Government; it carried our letters, collected certain import
duties to meet the expenses of the Government, which were trifling; for all other
purposes the law of the State of New York was sufficient and supreme. The
finger of the Federal Government is now stronger than the arm of the State. We
have now let loose on us a cloud of assessors, collectors of taxes, Federal officials
of all sorts, prying into every man's transactions, questioning, informing, gather-
ing up the fruit of our industry and pouring it into the central reservoirs at Wash-
ington, from which it flows and percolates in corrupting stearms from end to end
of the land." With much more in the same line of thought did Mr. O'Gorman
continue to expound the views and feelings of the extreme pessimists, so unusual
a tone in Tammany Hall. ' He also expressed his own and the dissatisfaction of
many others with the delay in the readjustment measures in Congress, which
kept the Southern States in a condition of but semi-Union with the victorious
North. He argued that an injury or injustice to any one, or any number of the

States, was an injury to all. "It can never be well with New York," he said,
"while it is ill with South Carolina or Tennessee." The sentiment thus plainly
expressed was the feeling of nearly all Democrats, whether within or outside of
Tammany Hall. .\t the close of the meeting, ex-Judge Pierrepont offered the
following resolution :

"Resolved. Thot when wa entered upon the late war, when we put our money, our
lives, our reputa.tion in the contest to put down the rebellion, we did it for the sake of
preserving the tTni. >n, and not for keeping the States out of the Union." This resolution
was adopted unaimously.

To prove that these sentiments in favor of prompt reconstruction, were-
shared by the larger minded men of even the Republican party, we give a few
specimen letters, out of many others, showing a wide and discriminating sympathy
in the feeling exhibited by Mr. O'Gorman. Of course, those who had participated
personally in the war, and had met these Southern soldiers face to face, were far
more inclined to conciliation than the platform patriots, who had taken excellent
care to keep out of harms way.

Letter from William H. Seward.

July 2d, 1S66.
Executive Mansion.
"To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order.

"Dear Sir — I have the honor to receive your invitation to participate in the celebration
of the National Independence on the approaching 4th of July. T am highly pleased with
the form of the invitation. I like the motto which is placed at its head. 'The Union must
and shall be preserved.' I like the vignette which illustrates it. I like the associated hues-
with which it is colored, namely, the red, white and blue. I like the Temple of Liberty
upon the rock of the Constitution and protected by the Eagle of the American continent.
I like the ships and the railroads, indicative of prosperity and progress. I like the signifi-
cant conjunction of dates, 1776 — 1866, a period of ninety years. ... I have had some
differences with Tammany in my time, but I long ago forgot them all, when I recalled
the fact that the Society has never failed to observe and honor the Anniversary of our
National Independence, and the further fact that during the recent Civil War the Tam-
many Society sent its sons to fight for the Union, and v.'ith unwavering fidelity heartily
supported the Federal Government in its struggles with sedition. In view of these facts,
I hail the Tammany Society as a true Union League. ... I believe, with the Tam-
many Society, that the Union was created to be perpetual; that the States are equal
under the Constitution, and that the restoration of that Unity, disturbed by the recent
war, ought to be acknowledged and recognized by all the departments of the Federal
Government; that a spirit of magnanimity and fraternity should prevail in all our
councils, and that the South, having accepted the lessons of the war and relinquished the
heresies of secession, should, just so far as she comes in the attitude of loyalty and quali-
fied Representatives, be admitted to her Constitutional Representation. I want, hence-
forth and forever, no North, no South, no East, no "West — no divisions, no sections, no-
classes, but one united and harmonious people.

"What I have written, I trust, will satisfy the Society that in spirit I shall always be-
with them when they shall be engaged in renewing and fortifying the National Union.

"I have the honor to be

"Tour very obedient servant,

"William H. Seward."

Letter from General Grant.

"Headqurters of the Army of the U. S.,
"Washington, D. C, June 2S, 1866.
"To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Mayor of New York, and Grand Sachem of the Tammany-
Society.

"Sir — Lieutenant-General Grant directs me to acknowledge receipt of an invitation
from the Tammany Society to take part in their celebration of the approaching Anniver-
sary of American Independence, and his regret that a previous engagement will oblige hint

to decline the honor.

"Adam Bedeau,

"Brevet-Colonel and Military Secretary."

On the day upon wIir-Ii llu- ciTinuiny of la\in>; the coriicT-stoiic of Presi-
•tlent Grant's tomb, at Riverside Park, in New York, was performed by President
liarrison (April 27, 1892), the morning papers printed tiie following item: "A
special meeting of Tanmiany Sachems was held at the Wigwam yesterday after-
noon. General Horace I'orter and General Daniel I'lUtterfield appeared in
behalf of the Grant Monument Association, lloth .-^poke of the readiness which
the Tammany Society had always show'ujn taking part in public enterprises, and
arked their co-operation in erecting the monument. The Saclu-nis. on motion of
Mr. Croker, appropriated $5,000 for the Monument I-'und."

"Washington. July. 1.S66.
•'Td Hon. J(.hn T. Hoffman. Craiid Sarheni. Tammany Society or Columbian Order."
"Gentlemen of the Committee of Tammany Society or Columbian Order:

"I have received your invitation to participate in your celebration of the National
Anniversary.

"To the honor of your Society it has in all tim.-s and under all circumstances, in war
and peace, been faithful to the union of the States and the rights of the States. At no
peiiod since its organization have its teachings and services been more required than at
the present time, when the victorious arms of the Republic, having suppressed the false
theory that the Union can be divided by secession or the voluntary withdrawal of a State
from its Federal relations and obligations, we are now compelled to encounter the opposite
extreme of i-ompiilsunj ci-clKsiiiii, by which the centralists deny to eleven States representa-
tion in Congress, which is guaranteed them by the Constitution. The doctrine of compul-
sory exclusion is scarcely less offensive than that of voluntary secession. Each is fatal to
the perpetuity of the Union. I respond most sincerely to the correct and patriotic views
expressed in your invitation. I respectfully submit the following sentiment:

" 'The union of the States only to be maintamed by a faithful observance of the rights

ot the States.'

"Gideon Wells.

(Secretary of Navy under Lincoln.)

We might till this volume with letters of similar tenor, if that would add
effect to the sentiments so well expressed by these etninent Republicans, but must
content ourselves with giving a partial list of the names of distinguished men of
both parties and non-partisans who sympathized with the views of Tammany in
the matter of prompt reconstruction of the Southern States.

Many of these letters were read. Among the names our readers will recog-
nize some of the most influential and respected statesmen of the period:

President Andrew Johnson.
Gideon Wslls,

Secretary of Navy,
Maj.-Gen. W. S. Hancoclc.
Maj.-Gen. W. B. Franklin.
Brig.-Gen. Barry, U. S. A.
Hon. Nelson Taylor,
Hon. Tunis G. Bergen,
Hon. Samuel J. Tilden.
Hon. Washington Hunt,
Hon. Meyer Strouse,
Hon. Francis Kernan,
Hon. James F. Pierce,
Hon. B. F. Delano,
J. K. Hackett,

Recorder City of N. Y..
W. F. Allen, Esq.,
Wm. T. Odell, Esq.,
J. V. L. Pruyn, Esq.,
James Maurice. Esq.,

Wm. H. Seward,

Secretary of State.
Maj.-Gen. Grant, U. S. A.,
Maj.-Gen. D. E. Sickles,
Maj.-Gen. D. N. Couch,
Maj.-Gen. H. E. Davies,
Hon. J. P. Stockton,
Hon. James Brooks.
Hon. James De Peyster Ogden,
Hon. D. R. Floyde Jones,
Hon. R. W. Peckham,
Hon. Edwin Crosswell,
W. B. Lawrence, Esq.,
H. A. Nelson, Esq.,
J. S. Bosworth, Esq.,
Harmon S. Cutting. Esq.,
Thos. B. Carroll, Esq.,
Richard Varick, Esq..
J. Vanderpool, Esq.

Toward the close of the exercises the following resolution was presented by

Recorder Hackett:

"The Grand Sachem of the United States [Andrew Johnson], may he soon have i\t his
belt all the radical scalps — leaving them their brains; and before another Fourth of July
may he assemble the whole nation around the Council Fire of Old Tammany and smoke
with them the Pipe of Peace."

This was passed amid much laughter and hearty cheers. It was then
announced that the Council of the Wigwam was closed for 1866.

HORATIO SEYJKiCR.

CHAPTER XXXII.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

ORATIO SEYMOUR, usually called "the War Governor,"
was so closely affiliated with Taiimiany in sentiment and feel-
ing, and was also the nominee of the Society for President in
1868, that we feel justified in making special notice of him
here, though his home was in the interior of the State.
Horatio Seymour was a representative Democrat, allowing no
side issues or temporary policies to divert him from the solid principles
of Jeffersonian Democracy, which he had adopted early in life. His first
.entrance into official duties was in 1835, when he became Military Secretary
to that staunch Democrat, William L. Marcy, which office he retained for six
years, or until he was elected to the Assembly in 1841. The following year he
was elected Mayor of.Utica. His suburban estate at Deerfield being near that
enterprising city, he was soon again returned to the .Vsscm'bly. anfl thereafter was
kept almost constantly in some representative or official position. But our inter-
est in him centres mainly in the war period, and we omit the details of intervening
years. Standing on exact constitutional grounds, he was keenly alive to the
necessity of maintaining the Union at any cost. Particularly did he condemn the
action of those who made the election of Mr. Lincoln an excuse for disloyalty.
At a Democratic ratification meeting held in Utica, on October 28, 1861, Mr.
Seymour, after expressing his very natural regret at the failure of his own party
to elect their candidate, said: "Mr. Lincoln was chosen in a constitutional man-
ner, and we wish, as a defeated organization, to show our loyalty by giving him a
just and generous support."

We next find him as an active member of the committee appointed by
Governor Edwin D. Morgan to raise troops in Oneida County; and he not only
freely gave of his valuable services to this patriotic object, but aided with sub-
stantial funds also. In September, 1862, the Democratic convention again
nominated him for Governor. (He had been Governor in 1852.) After a can-
vass, in which he asserted the right to criticise what appeared to him a wrong
policy in the administration of the government, while earnestly sustaining the
national authority, he was elected by a handsome majority over his able and
popular opponent. General James S. Wadsworth. There were not wanting
extremists at this time to charge Governor Seymour with disloyalty. His atti-
tude appeared to be wilfully misunderstood. It was certainly misrepresented.
Some of these rumors reached the ears of President Lincoln, who addressed a
letter to the Governor, on the 23d of March, 1863, gently suggesting that a per-
sonal pledge of loyalty from the Governor of New York would relieve him from
some embarrassment. Taking this communication in the right spirit from the
much tried and perplexed President, Mr. Seymour responded by sending his own

brother to Washington to assure Mr. Lincohi of his loyal support, though
accompanying the assurance with a protest against certain arbitrary arrests which
had lately taken place.

In everything pertaining to the raising of troops Governor Seymour's
administration exhibited great, even conspicuous energy, and especially efficaci-
ous was it, when an enormous effort was made to meet General Lee's invasion of
Pennsylvania, in the early summer of 1863. On the 15th of June the Secretary of
War had telegraplied to Governor Seymour asking for help, and in less than three
days 12,000 State militia, "well-equipped and in good spirits" were on their way
to the capital of the threatened State. Governor Seymour's executive activity
was extraordinary. Both President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton sent him
their personal thanks for his prompt action. On July 2d, Governor Curtin, of
Pennsylvania, also sent to Governor Seymour for aid, and in two days still addi-
tional troops were sent to his relief.

It was while nearly all the available militia of New York Cjty and State had
gone to the front that the "draft riots" occurred in the city. What greatly
excited the anger of the poorer people was the commutation clause, which pro-
vided that a drafted man might procure exemption by the payment of $300. This
seemed to many very unjust: as it practically relieved the richer class, while the
poor had no escape. There was also a discrimination against New York in the
quota required from the city. Governor Seymour endeavored to have this injus-
tice corrected, and also to secure a postponement of the draft; but was not able
to efifect this in time to prevent the catastrophy which ensued. The draft began
on the nth of July, 1863. On the following day, being Sunday, the names of
those drafted were published, and the rioting began. The Governor reached the
city that night, and the next day he issued two proclamations — one calling upon
all citizens to retire to their homes, and another declaring the city in a state of
insurrection. He then began enrolling volunteers to aid in restoring peace, and
in getting together the few remaining available troops. On Tuesday he
addressed the mob from the steps of the City Hall, his main object being to
persuade the rioters to disperse, and so to gain time for the concentration of the
force he was collecting to secure order.

In its issue of Wednesday the Tribune charged Governor Seymour with
having addressed the mob as "My Friends." If this had been true, and he had
done so with the intent of securing their attention, this conventional phrase would
have been quite justifiable. But, in fact, he did not use the words thus malici-
ously attributed to him, though for years this falsehood was hurled at him as a
reproach. The Deputy-Sheriff of New York at that time was Colonel Thomas
Dunlap, who introduced the Governor on the City Hall steps to the surging
crowd below. He stood close by his side, and he declares that Governor Sey-
mour addressed the great crowd by these opening words, "Men of New York,"
and bravely went on to condemn all riotous proceedings, warning them of the
fatal consequences which must inevitably follow acts of violence, and finally
dissuadino- them from their intended attack on the Tribune building, and induced
them to disperse peaceably. He had at the same time a small force of L^nited
States troops hidden in the City Hall, which he might have called upon had he

not resolved to avoid bloodshed, if possible. I'.ut tin- wilful misrepresentation of
his speech, on that July day in 1863, no doubt, cost him many votes, when
nominated for President, in Tanmiany Hall, in 1868.

The riot, though continuing but little over forty-eight hours proved a costly
affair both in property and lives. When all was quiet again. Governor Seymour
wrote to the President asking him to have the draft stopped, and proposing to till
New York's quota with volunteers. A Committee of Inquiry was appointed by
the War Department, which subsequently admitted that the Act of March 3d.
1863, was "imperfect, erroneous and excessive, especially with reference to the
cities of New York and Brooklyn." On the 13th of April, 1864, a Republican
Legislature passed a resolution thanking Governor Seymour for his prompt and
efficient efforts in pointing out the errors of the enrollment and procuring its
correction. Mr. Seymour was offered the Presidential nomination in 1864, but
declined it, accepting, however, in 1868. In fact, it was then almost forced upon
him; for he fully understood that the interest in General Grant was at that time
too strong to be overcome. As he anticipated, the General secured a majority
in the Electoral College.

From this time forward ex-Governor Seymour retired from active politics,
declining offers of nomination for Senator and other offices. He died in Febru-
ary, 1886. The most remarkable feature of his political life was the persistent
and wholly unwarranted misrepresentation to which he was subjected by his
political opponents, on the utterly baseless score of disloyalty to the Union.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

yF^ ' ~r11 ^OUGH in no sense a new man or a new politician, Mr. Tilden
f\ Yi^Hl^^V J came into popular repute as the "ring-breaker" in 1872, but
from his youth up he had been a Democratic politician, and
from early manhood merited the title of Statesman. He was
one of those who early broke away from Tammany on the
slavery question. He withdrew from the Baltimore Conven-
tion, in 1848, and joined the Democratic Free-Soilers at Utica, where Mar-
tin Van Buren was nominated for the Presidency. In 1855 Mr. Tilden
was the candidate of the Soft-Shell portion of the Democratic party for the
Attorney-Generalship. It has often been asserted, and as often denied, that
Tilden was "a Tammany man." The facts are that he was at different times the
friend, and then, again, the opponent of Tammany. When that Society was
working on what he thought true Democratic principles he was with it; when
he thought it failed in that respect, or had fallen under the leadership of unworthy
men, he antagonized it. All Democrats in New York City were practically Tam-
many men up to the period of the first great division of sentiment, which came to
a head, politically speaking, in 1848. We do not mean absolutely that there were
no opposing factions, but their numbers were neither large enough, nor their
lease of life long enough, to interfere seriously with the onward march of the old
organization. But the question of free-soil divided the Democracy throughout
the land, as it also shattered — yes, killed, the great Whig party.

In 1872 Mr. Tilden was not only back again as a member of Tammany, but
was a Sachem of the Wigwam. When Tammany was right, he was there; when
he thought it wrong, he was not only out, but in full and open opposition. But
it is not necessary here to describe, in detail, Mr. Tilden's connection with Tam.-
niany; his attitude has been already interwoven in preceeding pages of this his-
tory. We desire, however, to call especial attention to a curious coincidence in
Mr. Tilden's political experiences as a "ring-breaker," which does not and should
not rest upon his action in the New York afifairs of 1871-72. Many years before
he had his eyes opened to the frauds being perpetrated by the "gentlemanly
•gang" who were manipulating the finances of the Erie Canal for their own
especial benefit. These parties "were all honorable men," mostly residing in
Syracuse, the very city in which was held the convention which nominated Mr.
Tilden for Governor in 1874.

The Canal Board was elective, and thus, with proper eiTort, its control could
be wrested from the fraudulent managers, and placed in more honest hands; and
this was the work Mr. Tilden proposed to himself to see done when he became
Governor. He was elected by the handsome majority of over 50,000. His
inauguration took place January i, 1875. His first message has always been
known as the "Canal Message." On close investigation, Mr. Tilden had found
that in this provincial city, over two hundred miles distant from "wicked New

York," almost precisely the same fradulciU modes of deccpUuu and corruption
were in full operation by these supposed innocent rustics of no particular political
faith; ar.d, curiously enough, about the same amount of money, some fifteen mil-
lions, had been wrongfully absorbed and sejuandered by the "canal ring." It
was by the Governor's practical suggestions and inlluence on succeeding legisla-
tion that a salutary change was soon brought about in canal management.

It was in great measure his admirable conduct of State nfTairs which led to
Governor Tilden's nomination for the Presidency in 1876. lly the popular vote,
his majority over Hayes was 252,224; and in the Electoral College he received
184 votes to 165 for Hayes. It is not necessary to repeat here the story of the
great national fraud of our Centennial year. History has judged that act, but
not condoned it — nor ever will.

There is now no doubt that Tammany's full vote was brouglu out in
favor of Tilden. lohii Kelly's choice (he was very iiiHuential then) was Sanford E.
Church, who had been sounded on the subject of accepting the nomination for
the Presidency, which he absolutely declined for himself, under the feeling that
neither he nor any New York man could be elected. He thought the Presidency
should, at that time, "go to some Western man." Yet, though two such astute
politicians as Church and Kelly saw defeat in the nomination, Samuel J. Tilden
was elected not only by a large popular vpte, but also by a more than sufficient
majority in the Electoral College. After Mr. Tilden's death, in the summer of
1886, the following appreciative remarks, from one who knew him well, appeared
in a leading Republican paper of Boston: "If you wish to hear kind things said
of the dead leader of Democracy, go and talk to the people of Gramercy Park, in
New York. They knew the man. He was not the weazened, churlish creature,
clutching his barrel of gold, that those amiable gentlemen, the cartoonists, were
so fond of picturing, while taking a mean delight in making fun of his physical
misfortunes. Plis neighbors do not remember the brutal cartoons, but they have
a warm recollection of a gentle and sunny-tempered old man, who rose superior
to racking and cruel bodily tortures, and presented a smiling front at all times."
By his will Mr. Tilden showed his regard for the City of New York by leav-
ing a bequest of several milhon dollars for the purpose of establishing a free
library. Unfortunately, ignoring the good old rule of Biackstone, that when any
technical or orthographical obscurity occurs in the wording of a will, that "it
should be construed in accordance with the known intention of the testator,"
these millions have been diverted from the objects which Mr. Tilden had so much
at heart — to the great loss of the citizens of New York.

A patriotic niece of Mr. Tilden's has, to the extent of a two million dollar
"gift, endeavored to have this clause in Mr. Tilden's will carried out.

51547

lOO

CHAPTER XXXIV.

LAYING- THE CORNER-STONE OP THE NEW WIGWAM.

N JULY, 1867, the important event of laying the corner-stone
of the imposing new Wigwam, in Fourteenth street, was com-
bined with the usual ceremonies which annually mark the
National Anniversary, so religiously observed by the Tam-
many Society since the year of its foundation. The cere-
monies of the occasion were abundantly chronicled in the
leading daily papers, and brought forth, from the Society, an extra illustrated
pamphlet descriptive of the proceedings, in which was also given a picture of the
old hall, on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, with a lithograph copy
of the corner-stone of the abandoned building. This pamphlet also included Mr.
Horton's interesting historical sketch of Chief Tammany.

As the old hall had been given up and the new was not yet built, the Society,
on this occasion, occupied Irving Hal), on Thirteenth street — a building subse-
quently destined to temporary fame, as the resort of a fraction of disailected
Democrats in opposition to Tammany. Here a procession was formed which,
with flags, banners and music, marched to the site of the new building on Four-
teenth street, adjoining the Academy of Music. The ground, already partly
excavated, sloped inward from the sidewalk, forming a sort of amphitheatre for
the people to occupy, with the stand for the speakers in the centre. There was
an immense assemblage, "on the outer fringe of which were many ladies." A
silver trowel, with ivory handle, made for the occasion, was presented to the
Grand Sachem, John T. Hofifman, which is thus described: "On one side was
engraved an Indian chief, underneath which was the inscription, 'From the Tam-
many Society to Grand Sachem John T- Hoffman; used in laying the corner-
stone of the new hall for the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, July 4th,
1867.' " The other side contained the names of the Grand Sachem and other
ofificers of the Society.

Mr. Hofifman made an eloquent and thrilling address in response to the
presentation, and then proceeded to place in the casket the numerous documents
and objects selected for the purpose— coins, newspapers, some books, Mr. Hor-
ton's historical sketch included; not forgetting a copy of the Declaration of In-
dependence and the Constitution of ithe United States, and, with many modern
records, were also deposited all that had been taken from the old corner-stone
of the abandoned Wigwam.

When these exercises were over the Society, with many invited guests, and
others, returned to Irving Hall. There, as usual, the Declaration of Independ-
ence was read, music performed, and an ode, written by one of the editorial staff
of the World, was read by De Witt Van Buren, Esq. The feature of the occasion,
however, was the appearance of the venerable Tammanyite, the Hon. Gulian C.
Verplanck, as orator. Mr. Verplanck was then ninety years of age; he had been
many years a member of Congress, and had held other honorable positions,.

DEDICATION OF THE PRESENT WIGWAM. NATIONAL DEMO-
CRATIC CONVENTION JULY 4TH, ISfiS.

lOI

federal and civic. There was prohahly imt a man in tlie city more generally
esteemed and respected. Datiiii^ from the preceding century, he had witnessed
Tammany's early history, and had pcrsqiially known all of its distinguished mem-
bers. Realizing that this had probably been one of the reasons why he had been
selected as the orator of the occasion, he announced his intention to make his
address largely reminiscent — pleasant change from the sometimes over fervent
I)atriotism of the ordinary political addresses.

Mr. Verplanck remembered the early Wigwam that was occupied by the
Society, the little wooden building adjoining Martling's tavern on Nassau street,
which was, in 1789, part of the site whereon the large building was erected in
iSii, and which, after an occupancy of sixty-five years, had just been abandoned.
It was located in the present Printing House Square. At that time there was an
open common just beyond where the City Hall, not then built, now stands. It
seems hardly credible to the present generation of New Yorkers that at the period
within Mr. \'erplanck's recollection there were three States which ranked above
New York, both in wealth and population; namely, Virginia, Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts. Though the Tammany Society then occupied very humble
quarters, they had, from their very formation, a marked influence on political
questions, which influence constantly increased with the passing years, and was
most pronounced by 1801. when, it may be said, with truth, that the Tammany
Society secured the election of Thomas Jefferson. For it is certain that if Tam-
many had favored De Witt Clinton, he would have been President, instead of
Jefferson. De Witt Clinton was a member of Tammany, as was the elder Clin-
ton, George, who was also Governor of the State.

Among distinguished men at that time, and later, who were active members
of Tammany was General Horatio Gates, 'Brockholts Livingston, the elegant
scholar and eminent Judge of the Superior Court of New York; Edward Livings-
ton, the distinguished lawyer, literateur and statesman, author of "Livingston's
Code," prepared for the State of Louisiana, at the request of its Legislature.
Another eminent member was Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, the "War Gover-
nor" of 1812; he it was who, in the depression preceeding that war, roused to
action the people of New York, many of whom, as merchants, opposed hostilities
at that time, for financial reasons. Tammany supported him : and soon this
action gave confidence and courage to the whole land. Again, when Jackson
fulminated his proclamation against the incipient secession of South Carolina, in
1832, "It was you," exclaimed Verplanck, as he looked in the faces of the older
Tammany men, "it was you who arose to the occasion, and proclaimed your
allegience to the doctrines announced by the President. From that time," he
added, "vou have gone on. through evil report and good reponi, though assailed
by calumny,_ sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other, uniformly
supporting the just rights of the States and also those of the Federal govern-
ment, and as steadily opposing every usurpation of authority by either."

Resuming his thread of reminiscences, Mr. \'erplanck remarked that, though
manv of their members were hard-handed sons of toil, in the mechanic arts and
other useful labors, the Society had always contained conspicuously able and
talented men, whom the members of other parties were constrained to respect.
He referred to the well-known name of Bloodgood, a successful merchant in the
Swamp, (a section of the city, the centre of the wholesale leather trade): and.

I02

later, a magnate in Wall Street; to John Remniy. a scientific geographer and his-
torian; to James Campbell, for many years Surrogate, a sound la\\n,'er and highly
esteemed citizen; to John T. Irving, for many y^ears Judge of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas, arid a fine scholar; Judge Irving was one of the original founders of
the Society, and an active financial manager in erecting the old hall, in 1811. His
elder brother, William, also a member, was for years a Representative in Con-
gress. He was both a prose writer and a poet.

All the literary people knew James Kirke Paulding, with his record in the
Navy, as well as his valuable writings, a friend and co-laborer with Washington
Irving, and raised to a Cabinet position by President Van Buren. He was a
faithful member of the Tammany Society. One of the best services which he
performed, for literature and the credit of his country, was his pertinent and
forcible response to that crop of traveling English critics, such as Basil Hill, of
the British Navy; Captain Hamilton, of the British Army; the Rev. (?) F. Tidd-
ler, of the English Church, and their lesser imitators, sustained and encouraged
by the then editors of the iamous Quarterly Rei'iew. Among the distinguished
members of Tammany, we must not forget Mayor Stephen Allen, who held the
office of Grand Sachem; a man of stern virtue and sound sense. No "old Roman"
exceeded him in the strictness of his integrity. We can only compare him to a
Cincinnatus or a Fabercius. He was four years in the State Senate, and while
there a watchful and bold guardian of the public welfare. At that period of our
State history Senators were ex-officio members of the Appelate Court, for the
Correction of Errors; and, in this capacity, Mr, Allen greatly distinguished him-
self by the keenness of his insight and his desire to do exact justice. A con-
temporary of the latter, Mr. Gideon Lee, in another direction honored the
membership of the old Wigwam. He had a taste for two different sciences,
chemistry and finance, upon which he gave frequent lectures. In applied chemis-
try, tanning was his pet subject, and in this matter he greatly aided the business,
then comparatively new in New York. His scientific advice often proved of great
value to the old leather merchants of the Swamp, and elsewhere. Mr. Lee also
held, at different times, responsible offices of civic trust. .

j\lr, \'erplanck next referred, in terms of special eulogy, to one of his college
friends, Mr. Alpheus Shuman, a State Senator, and orator of the day on the
occasion of the laying of the corner-stone in 181 1. Of course, Elijah F. Purdy,
"the Old War Horse of Tammany," could not be left out of this long list of
worthies and of Sachems. He was a peer of the active men of Governor Tomp-
kins' time; a man of the utmost integrity, and of a remarkably cheerful, hopeful
temper; but the source of his widespread influence was neither of these qualities,
which were possessed in common with many other of the brethren; but, in a most
remarkable and earnest degree, he had the welfare of the people always upper-
most in his heart. And the people knew it. There was never any danger of
his trimming or shifting to fill his sails with a popular breeze.

Grand Sachem Bowne, who was also Mayor of New York, was highly lauded
by the orator, as also Grand Sachem Romaine, as men of sterling probity and as
Fathers in the Columbian Order. At the conclusion of this interesting address,
a large number of letters, from distinguished invited guests, were read, including
one from the President of the United States, after which the Chairman introduced
to the audience the Hon. S. S. Cox, who commenced his speech with that pleas-

'03

ing familiarity which made him such a universal favorite with the public.
"Brothers of Tammany," he said, "your Society, with its Indian name, is but the
outward symbol of an inward thought. That thought is — Democracy, unap-
palled and defiant. Your traditions, wrapped in aboriginal metaphor, have more
meaning than reach the ear. Your traditions represent your Chief Tammany as
m constant conflict with Evil Spirits, whom he finally drove from the land. He
was also represented as most generous and chivalrous to his enemies, whom,
when victorious, he surprised by his kindness and clemency. Indeed, every
lesson wliicii a State requires is taught by your legends. Allow me to imagine
that his spirit yet lingers on the shores of the beautiful Muskingum — my own
native valley. And there is the wonderful Indian mound, so often described.
Who were these mound-builders, unless they were the early tribes of Tammany?
Certainly, no antiquitarian has had the hardihood to deny that there exists one
grand and particular tumulus, reared with great labor and geometrical propor-
tions, for the immortalization of Tammany.

"Long before I became a citizen of New York I had an instinctive inclination
towards you. Your Society has an influence by no means limited to the City or
State of New York. The Democracy of a nation looks to Tammany to blaze out,
through the political wilderness, its future warpath. New York is the focus of
American civilization. Her destiny is in your keeping. As of old, so now New
York should stand between the sections as arbiter and moderator."

Among the scores of letters which were read on this occasion, we select one
as a specimen of the feeling then prevalent among Democrats of all sections of
the country. It is from the great Virginia orator, Montgomery Blair. It is
dated :

Washington. July 1st, 1867.
Deak Sir:

I thank the Sachems of Tammany for the Invitation to attend the ceremonies of laying
the corner-stone of their new edifice. • • • I feel encouraged by the fact that this
ancient and patriotic Society is about to erect an edifice of massive proportions and endur-
ing strength in the metropolis, which is to be the headquarters of the Democracy of the
Union. It gives promise that the battle for the Union of the States and the rights of the
States is to be continued in earnest, and this I hope will vitalize an organization to which
alone we can loolc for success in that struggle. The men of the school of old Tammany
should go to work earnestly to overthrow the military despotism and corruption of which
Radicalism was born, and on which it lives. • • • Let us pit against this reproduction
of old Federalism, in its worst aspects, the Democracy of old Tammany, which fought
against treason and disunion, but held to the just rights of the States, an honest adherence
to the Constitution and frugal administration of the government. We are sure to win.

M. Blair.

John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem.

John T. Hoffman, who presided throughout these lengthened ceremonies,
is well remembered both as Governor of the State of New York, and as Mayor of
the city. He was also for several years Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society,
and a very influential force in the councils of the Democratic party, not only in
his own State, but wherever the interests of the party called the wisest heads
toeether to consider ways and means — either to carry elections, or to circumvent
objectionable legislation by their political opponents. He had been educated
for the Bar, and had a wide practice in the City of New York, but business could
not consume all his energies and interest. Public affairs always had a natural
charm for him, and nature had endowed him with a good capacity for the exercise

I04

of public functions. He was an excellent speaker and presided with peculiar
grace and efficiency at large public meetings. He first joined the Tammany
Society in 1854, reaching the highly complimentary position of Grand Sachem by
a sort of natural fitness, that could not be overlooked by his fellow members. By
Tammany's aid, he was eledted Recorder in i860. It was while he ■occupied
this judicial position that the terrible "draft riots" took place in New York, and
many of the participants who were arrested were brought before him for trial.
To those clearly convicted of wanton mischief and cruelty, as many were, he
showed no leniency, his sentences were even thought severe, but in every case
they were discriminatingly just. In 1865 Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor of
New York, and re-elected in 1867. In 1866 he had been nominated for Gover-
nor, but was defeated by Mr. Fenton. This, in most cases, would have dis-
couraged the friends of any candidate, but it was not so with the admirers of Mr.
Hoffman; they were so sure that he ought to be Governor, that he was again
selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy, which, in 1870, succeeded in
placing him in the Gubernatorial chair.

Mr. HofTman was so highly esteemed as a judicial officer that many of those
politicians who cared more for the interests of the city than for the advancement
of individual fortunes, were very unwilling to see him exchange the position of
Recorder for any other. Among those anxious to keep him in his judicial seat
was Charles G. Halpine, the ever-ready poet, who harnessed his pen to practical
uses as part of his profession. He thus warns Mr. Hoffman against accepting
the nomination for Mayor, which advice, however, was not regarded:

'^Well, Hoffman, dear, the thing looks queer —

The machine doesn't run to order.
And despite the Ring's views, we're not willing to lose

Tour services as Recorder.
, 'Tis a fine old place, which we think you grace,

Arrayed in the Judge's ermine;
And 'twould make us despair, if we saw you made Mayor,

As the tool of the Lobby-ring vermin.
, And so John T., we will let you be.

Till your term expires as Recorder;
And, when played in that game, we'll examine your claim.

To another position in order."

The poet was wrong this time; Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor, and filled
that office as satisfactorily as he had that of Recorder.

GuLiAN C. Vekplanck, the orator of the day in 1867, is eminenth' worthy of
special notice among the long list of distinguished scholars and statesmen who
have been connected with the Tammany Society. He was one of the leading
literary men of his day in New York. Besides his large work on "The Advantages
and Dangers of the American Scholar," he wrote many valuable essays and deliv-
ered a large number of lectures on most varied subjects, art, education, history,
politics and law. Gulian C. Verplanck was born in the City of New York in 1786;
was a graduate of Columbia College, and was one of those referred to in a
previous chapter, who resented the action of the President of the College in refus-
ing a diploma to a graduate, for the reason that the student had dared to express
his own opinions, instead of those suggested to him by a certain professor. Mr.
Verplanck, with some others, was arrested and fined for having, on that accoimt.

I OS

interrupted the comnienceineiit procredinj^s uliicli were heiiij^^ lield in Trinity
■Church. After his achnission to the P)ar, Mr. \'erplanck spent a considerable
period in European travel; returning to New York, he thenceforward divided his
tune between literature and politics. In the former, he was the leader in a famous
•coterie of authors, and, in the latter, he fisjured as an active member and wise
adviser of Tammany Hall. He was elected to Congress in 1825, and served until
1832. He was for many years President of the Board of Commissioners of
Emigration,

io6

CHAPTER XXXV.
A DARK SHADOW.

S WE approach the seventh decade of the century, we encounter
in the history of the Tammany Society the greatest misfortune
which has ever befallen it. In 1871 the Times, one of the lead-
ing newspapers of the city, commenced the publication of a
series of charges against certain public officials. The leading
persons attacked were A. Oakey Hall, at that time Mayor of
New York; Richard B. Connolly. Comptroller of both C'ty and County; Peter B.
Sweeney, Commissioner of the Public Parks, and William M. Tweed, Commis-
sioner of Public Works. There were other persons involved, but these composed
what was understood by "the ring." The Times had circumspectly gathered all
the necessary facts, and the proofs of the truth of its charges, very adroitly; show-
ing a continued system of defrauding the city of immense sums of money, con-
clusively, in the case of some of the persons, named, constructively, in the case of
others. Altogether, less than half a dozen names were seriously involved; but
the peculations had been enormous. It was evident that no one person could have
carried through these frauds successfully. So clearly was the case made out that
the citizens, who had, at first, been somewhat indifferent over these alleged reve-
lations, finally became aroused to the reality and magnitude of the charges.
Citizens became excited, and, American-like, a public meeting was called, to dis-
cuss the matter. Tweed, with the insolence of success, had sarcastically asked,
" What are you going to do about it?" little thinking, when he propounded that
query, what the response would be.

On the 4th of September, 1871, a public meeting was held in the large hall of
the Cooper Union Building, 'bailed by a committee of seventy leading citizens and
business men, at the head of which was the Hon. William F. Havemeyer. The
hall was packed with an excited, but orderly crowd, including many merchants,
and others of large financial interests, to whom the management of the city fin-
ances was a matter of practical importance.

But while many citizens, including the Committee of Seventy, had not only
been talking, but considering ways and means how best to proceed to a remedy,.
one of the leading Democrats of the country, a most distinguished citizen, not
only of the State of New York, but of the United States, had been quietly at work
preparing the case for legal action. This skillfull lawyer was Samuel J. Tilden,
upon whose affidavit Tweed was finally arrested, on the 26th of October, but, tO'
the surprise of the whole community, the accused was admitted to bail in the
paltry sum of only $1,000, though the values involved amounted to millions. Very
curiously, as it now seems, at the ensuing State election in November, Tweed was-
elected to the State Senate. But this support of his personal followers did not
deter the friends of good government from following up the gT.iiIty official. On

I07

complaints pre'trred, the Grand Jury, on the 6th of December, found a true bill
against William M. 'Ivvced for felony. He was again arrested. Some of his
friends procured a writ of habeas corpus. He was brought before Judge George
G. Barnard, and again released on $5,000 bail. He now, December 29, resigned
his office as Commissioner of Public Works; nor did he venture to take his seat
in the Senate.

The Society of Tammany, as his guilt became apparent, ejected him from its
membership, and elected to his office another of their members, a man of stainless
integrity, and a well-known citizen, Augustus Schell.

The end of Tweed is well known. He was finally convicted of felony, in the
embezzelment of city funds; was sentenced to imprisonment, from which he subse-
quently escaped, and made his way out of the country; was recaptured in Spain
through the aid of General Sickles, and returned to jail, where he died. He was
buried in his beautiful family plot in Greenwood. Mayor A. O. Hall declared
that he had only acted ministerially in signing his name to the fradulentbills.many
of which were absolute forgeries, and claimed that he had no responsibility as to
their correctness: he was indicted, but two successive juries failed to convict him
Shortlv after he left the country and made his permanent residence in London for
many years, having returned (in 1892) to New York. When these investigations
were going on the office of the Comptroller, Connolly, showed a monstrously cor-
rupt condition of affairs. The city debt had more than doubled in less than three
years, being at the time of these evenis $113,000,000, which was $63,000,000 more
than when Mayor Hall, whose appointee he was, took office.

The difficulty of proving many of the charges of peculation against the ring
was immensely enhanced by the discovery, one morning, that three thousand five
hundred vouchers had disappeared from the Comptroller's office, said to have
been stolen. When this was announced Mayor Hall asked Connolly to resign,
but he had the audacity to still cling to his office, until that staunch Democrat.
William F. Havemeyer, made him see its necessity, by indicating the certainty of
his arrest, if he persisted in remaining. Andrew H. Green, another well-known
Democrat, of great financial ability, and as safe as he was able, was made Deputy
Comptroller, and the finances of the city were all put practically under his control.
Mr. Green had been at the head of the Central Park Commission previously. He
it was who subsequently found the ashes of the lost vouchers in an abandoned
attic room in the City Hall. The banks of the city had so much confidence in
Mr. Green's integrity, he being at the time a member of Tammany, that they
voluntarily advanced him $2,000,000 for temporary use. until the finances of the
city could be regulated.

It is rather remarkable, and worth observing, that the most active persons in
unearthing and destroying this corrupt ring of city officials were not only Demo-
crats, but members of the Tammany .Society. Without the "still hunt" and per-
severing labors of Samuel J. Tilden, assisted by the great Democratic Lawyer,
Charles O'Connor, the disclosures of the newspapers and the speeches of excited
citizens would have failed of any practical result. At the time of these occurences
no sensible, clear-headed person thought of accusing the whole Tammany Society
(as has since been done) of participation in these frauds. The wrongs were com-
mitted because the individuals concerned in them were conscienceless rascals, not
because they were of this society or that. If they had been adherents of any other

io8

political party with the same opportunities and temptations before them, the result
would have been the same. The cause was in' the individual nature, and had
nothing to do with political affiliations.

That opposing partisans have seized upon the fact of their connection with
Tammany Hall to throw odium upon all the members of that body shows not only
a disposition to injustice, but that kind of weakness of intellect which mistakes
vituperation for argument. This is npt the writer's opinion only, as may be
learned by reading the proceedings of a meeting held in the Chamber of Com-
merce, on September 23, 1871. The Committee on Address reported thus on the
subject: "We have given all the aid in our power to the honest members of the
party dominant here (the Tammany party), and which is particularly hurniliattd
l»y scoundrels who have misused their official opportunities for their own personal
aggrandizement."

At one of the meetings held at Cooper Union, the Hon. R. B. Roosevelt said:
" I do not know whether it is exactly possible for a man to be born a Democrat,
but I claim to come as near it as any one can. Certainly, from my earliest youth
I have upheld staunchly and unswervingly the great doctrines of Democracy; for
Democracy is like vaccination, when it once takes well hold it lasts a lifetime.
But, as I did not believe disloyalty to mean Democracy during the war, so I do
not believe dishonest)' to mean Democracy now."

■' The- corner-stone of the Democratic faith is the pure, economical adminis-
tration of government. To us Democrats, therefore, comes the charge of corrup-
tion against our rulers with a two-fold force — an especial horror. These
improper Tammany nominees were elected by the evident connivance of Repub-
lican Inspectors of Elections, who were bought up for one or two dollars apiece.
But we must crush this ring, or the ring will crush us."

With much more to the same purport did this eloquent Democrat condemn
the wrongdoers, while sympathising with the party who was suffering from their
ill deeds, though having had no part or lot in their crimes.

That Tweed was elected to the Senate while these charges were openly made
is partly explained by the fact that, when first accused by the public prints, a great
many persons did not believe them to be true,* but regarded them as mere cam-
paign canards; while, in his own especial district, there lived a large class of
persons, mechanics and laborers, who had been greatly benefited by the numerous
public works which he had inaugurated, added to the fact that he was personally a
generous and kind-hearted man, though proving so utterly unscrupulous in his
management of the public funds. With his election, Tammany, as a society, had
nothing to do.

The tendency of human nature to select from among a combination of crim-
inals one as a special scapegoat, appears to be inherent in the human race. And
thus it happened that the name of Tweed has been the representative chosen to
"bear all the sins of the fraudulent conspirators of 1870-71. It is, however, the
proper task of the historian to trace effects to their causes, and, as it is self-evident
that no one man can create legislation to suit himself, without the aid of many

• That William M. Tweed rated well at this time in public estimation, we refer to
the fact that he was selected to introduce the Bill Incorporating the LenNox Library,
January 12, 1870.

I09

others, we propose to see who those others were. That frauds of more or less
magnitude had been going on for some time previous to 1870 is tolerably
certain, but in that year was passed, in the Legislature, at Albany, an " amended,"
or, more truly speaking, an altered charter for the City of New York, since known
as the " Tweed Charter." Mow was this accomplished?

The Legislature of 1867, "amended" the City Charter by providing that six
Supervisors should be chosen by a Board selected from the two political parties.
To the inexperienced this seemed just and fair; to the astultc politician the
result was seen to be fatal. It naturally opened the way to vicious deals;
because neither party could be held responsible for the acts of the Board,
cutting off at the same time the watchful criticism of opponents.
If the political complexion of the Board had been wholly or mainly composed of
one political tint, the city would have been the gainer; for, under the equal divis-
ion system, whatever was wrongly done, neither party felt disposed to
bring public censure upon its proceedings. Just at this juncture, Mr. A. Oakey
Hall was elected Mayor. Tweed was already in the State Senate; and, as subse-
quently appeared, actually controlled a majority of that body, through the sub-
stantial considerations he had it in his power to offer. The Charter which he so
successfully engineered through, gave all the power of the local administration
into the hands of four persons, viz., the Mayor, the Comptroller, the Commissioner
of Public Works, and the Commissioner of Parks, not by the title of these offices
merely, but by name to the persons then in possession of these offices — Hall, Con-
nolly, Tweed and Sweeney — for periods varying from four to eight years; so, that
no matter how these departments were conducted, or misconducted, citizens had
no remedy.

This charter had passed the Assembly without special trouble, but would
have been blocked in the Senate, probably as a Democratic measure, had not
Tweed foreseen and provided for the anticipated obstruction. He simply bought
up eight Republican Senators, which gave him sufficient votes to get the bill
through. Most of this venal bargaining was brought about by the promise of
certain offices being reserved for the unfaithful Republicans. That these facts
were substantiated at the time of their occurrence, it is only necessary to refer to
the daily papers of that date to be convinced. The New York Times boldly com-
mended the Tammany party for its good faith, saying, four days after the division
of offices had been made: "The Tweed party has not manifested the slightest
disposition to evade its bargain, or to prevaricate. . . . There was some-
thing to be bought, and plenty of money to buy it."

On August 17, 1870, there appeared in the Tivies the following explanation
of how the charter was obtained: "Tweed and Sweeney had the voles already
bought up, of all the Republican Senators, only one (Thayer) voted against it."
Again, the same paper asserted. April 12, 1871, "That but for the aid of the
Republicans, the Tammany Democracy might have been beaten by Democratic
resistance," and, later, reiterated that " the charter could not have been passed
without the help of the Republicans, and that the credit is as much theirs as it is
that of the Tweed Democracy." In 1870 this same Times had ridiculed the efforts
■ of the Reform Union League, and exulted in Tweed's success. But in 1871 it had
materially changed its tone, saying, on August 17, 1871: "There were a few
indignant protests against the scheme, uttered by such high-toned Democrats as

Samuel J. Tilden, but they were without effect, for Tweed and Sweeney had the
votes already bought up." Besides this venal Legislature, were not the corrupt
subsidized judges, the Broadway Bank (which facilitated the operations of the
ring), and the contractors, manufacturers and mechanics, who were paid fraudu-
lent and forged bills, all parties to the crimes of Tweed? And does it not present
a curious condition of partisan feeling and ineradicable prejudice that for over a
quarter of a century the political opponents of Tammany still continue to refer to
that single event as a proof that the Democrats of New York city are irretrievably
corrupt, notwithstanding the fact that it was the most distinguished Democrat in
the city and State who brought the head conspirator to justice; also persistently
ignoring the fact that Tammany Hall promptly ejected from its councils and mem-
bership all concerned in the frauds — continuing to talk, even up to this day, as if
;he deplorable incident of iS/i was a permanent condition of the Columbian
Order.

To add to the measure of Republican inconsistency, in this respect, it is only
necessary to recall the immensely greater and more permanently corrupting kinds
of frauds which have been either excused, tolerated, or applauded by the "party
of all the virtues." A really amusing confirmation of this statement is furnished
by that staunch Republican, Stephen M. .\llen. in his book entitled " The Old and
New Repubhcan parties." On pp. 166-238, he gives an epitome of what each
administration had done for the country, from Washington's to the end of Ruther-
ford B. Hayes'; but, apparently appalled at the corruption of Grant's, he does not
venture to describe that administration, but, instead, gives a sketch of the
General's personal military career!

1 1 1

CHAPTER XXXVI.

THE GREELY CAMPAIGN,

NE of thtj curious episodes of tiie I'ainiiiany Society's history is
the part taken by the organization in the National political
campaign of 1872, in which a large portion of. the Democratic
forces worked and voted for their life-long opponent and
former merciless critic, Horace Greely, the sometime Whig,
and, later, Republican editor of the Tribune. There were two
potent causes which led to this extraordinary proceeding. The first reason,
undoubtedly, was that there was no reasonable prospect of the Democracy being
able to elect a candidate of their own, and the candidate of the Republicans was
more objectionable than the vituperative editor, who was, at least, honest, and
fought fair. But a better and affirmative reason was found in the fact that the
platform adopted by the original Greely men was such as any Democrat could
support without serious objections. In 1872 the Grant Administration was sG
strongly entrenched, and was using the opportunities of power with such a lavish,
not to say unscrupulous hand, that tiie case looked ho])eless of any improvement
to be expected from his party. But light, at last, broke out from an unlocked
for quarter: there was actually a revolt among the Republicans themselves.
Some of the more thoughtful and conscientious among them perceived, with pro-
phetic vision, the centralizing and corrupting tendencies of the partisan majority
in Congress, and determined to try and stem the tide of extravagance and cor-
ruption that threatened to overwhelm the nation.

The reforming party took the name of Liberal Republicans. Their innne-
diate object was to bring the people back to a sense of the danger which a
continued violation of constitutional obligations involved. This was in exact
accordance with the opinions of all conservative Democrats, and proved a great
attraction to them. A convention was called to meet at Cinciimati, from whence
the leaders, in this movement, issued an address, justifying their repudiation of the
old Republican party. In this address they say: That the administration
(Grant's) now in power has wantonly disregarded the laws of the land, and
usurped powers not granted by the Constitution, and has acted as if the laws were
only made for those governed, and not for those who govern: thus striking at
the fundamental principles of constitutional government, and the liberty of the
citizen. The President has used his ofifice for personal ends, has kept about him
corrupt and unworthy men, and has stinnilated demoralization by rewarding those
who made him valuable presents, keeping others in office by the unscrupulous use
of power." The convention invited the co-operation of all patriotic citizens.

The platform put forth by this body of Liberal Republicans was received with
great favor by the leading Democrats of the country. Horatio Seymour was one
of the first to come out publicly in its favor. Its principal features were as fol-
lows: "The recognition of the equality of all men before the law. The inviola-
bility of the Constitutional Amendments. Universal amnesty. Local self-gov-

112

eminent. Impartial suffrage. The reform of the civil service. The remission
of the tariff question to the action of Congress. The sacredness of the public
credit. Opposition to farther land grants to corporations. A dignified, but
peaceful foreign policy." Such a platform could not fail to receive the approba-
tion of all liberal Democrats; but that the Liberal Republicans could not find a
more fit candidate than Horace Greely is one of those political mysteries which
has never been explained, probably because it is inexplicable, except, possibly, on
the supposition that all clear-headed politicians knew that electoral success was
impossible, and the reformers were well aware that all their candidate could be
was a figure-head, and, therefore, they could get no one else to accept the role
of standing up merely for the purpose of being knocked down. Probably there
was not a man in the United States who believed Greely could be elected but
Horace himself.

A Liberal Republican and Democratic rally took place at Cooper Institute on
the first of November, on which occasion Mr. Augustus Schell nominated John
Kelly for Chairman, as " a sterling Democrat and an honest man." The nomi-
nees of the Liberal Republicans were adopted at this meeting; they were also
adopted by Tammany Hall, by the National Reformed Democracy, and, indi-
rectly, by the Apollo Hall faction, which had some time previously broken away
from the old Wigwam. It is also to be noted that at this ensuing election Tam-
many Hall supported, for Judge of the Supreme Court, W. H. Leonard, the judge
before whom the famous " ring " suits had been tried.

Greely received a popular vote of 2,834,079. Grant's majority was 762,991.
A sufficiently crushing defeat, but it was worse in the Electoral College, in which
Greely received only the vote of five States. He was really the victim of a
political combination formed under the impulse of the popular saying, " Anything
to beat Grant," but the movement was defeated, in the main, by the " soldier
vote," on sentimental rather than on political grounds. Horace Greely died a few
weeks after his defeat, worn out with mental and physical exertion, increased by a
domestic calamity, disappointment, and, above and worse than all, the loss of his
controlling position on the Tribune, which had passed into other hands. It was
frequently said, publicly, during the exciting contest of 1892, that David B. Hill
was the first and only aspirant for the Presidency that ever made a personal
canvas in his own behalf. This is not true. Mr. Greely took the stump for him-
self and his ticket, going to speak in nearly all of the Eastern, Middle and South-
ern States. With the most damaging result, as above stated, he had, however,
the grace to defer this tour imtil after his nomination.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

FOURTH OF JULY 1873.

y 1873 'raiumany had almost I'titirely recovered I'roni the shuck
iiiHicted upon her by the expelled members, and the annual
celebration of that year was carried out with a fresh infusion
of enthusiasm. The marked feature of this occasion was the
very special interest which was awakened by the reading of
the Declaration of Independence; a stranger might have
imagined that, instead of its being a document which they knew by heart, it was
being listened to for the first time. There was a cause for this. A great many
Democrats, at that period, felt that the general government was usurping powers
somewhat after the fashion of royal rulers, and when that portion of the Declara-
tion was reached containing the colonists' indictment of their oppressor, King
George, with his unjustifiable taxation, and the annoyance of his meddlesome
troops, many of those present thought they perceived a striking resemblance m
the conduct of the Federal government, especially in the partially reconstructed
States, and the audience manifested this appreciation in a very livelv manner.

Mr. Clarkson N. Potter was the orator of the day. After referring to the
material prosperity of the country and its " growing political corruption," as he
expressed it, he could not forbear reverting to the Society's disaster of the pre-
ceding year. Among other remarks, he said: "While men without principle,
seeking personal profit, through political organizations, call themselves Republi-
cans in Philadelphia, and Democrats in New York, in order to wield the influence,
and control the patronage of the party, for personal and selfish ends, until only
now and then some flagrant enormity raises a temporary indignation, and the
unworthy are driven out — as these walls bear witness, from the power which
they have abused, and from the shelter of the nariies and the society which they
liave outraged." He then earnestly besought his audience to revert to the " old
gospel of government," namely, that this Union of States and its government was
•created for the benefit of the governed, not for the benefit of the party governing,
including the theory that power should be legally localized, as likely to be better
administered thus: for the reason that local authorities were nearer to and better
acquainted with the needs of the people whom they represented.
Resenting the charge that Democrats had favored the continuance of slavery, he
said: "Those Democrats who espoused the cause of the South did so, not
because they favored slavery, but they favored the States as States which had
helped to form the Union, and whose rights as States were encroached upon."

Hon. Abraham Lawrence followed in some very energetic and practical
remarks, in which he warned the members of the organization that if they would
-fully recover their standing and perpetuate Democratic principles, they could only
hope to do so by putting forward as candidates for office, pure, able and honest
men. who are desirous of giving the city good government, men who believe in
€conom\' — not meaning by that to stop public works, but to stop squandering

114

and extravagance. Hon. S. S. Cox, in his brilliant manner, after other pertinent
remarks, quoted Governor Dix as affirming that "Democracy and National Free-
dom are identical."

Among the many cheering letters received on this occasion we can make
space for only one from ex-Governor Horatio Seymour. He addressed the
Grand Sachem thus: " I feel a deep interest in everything which concerns your
ancient and honorable Society. If at any time its history has been stained by the
conduct of unworthy men, we must bear in mind that their control was short lived
in comparison with its long continued and patriotic record. The best and wisest
citizens of our country have been proud to be ranked among its members. It
would be a public loss if one of the oldest societies in our country should be
allowed to lose any of its activity or usefulness, and especially a society which can
show such a long list of distinguished members, unequaled by any other corpora-
tion in our land. If at any time it has been perverted from its proper purposes,
honest and high-toned men must take charge of its management, and restore it to
its old and honored position. ... I believe your Society is about to enter
upon a renewed course of usefulness. I know that good citizens of all political
parties approve of your efTorts to make it again a society which aims to advance
the welfare of our people, and to uphold good government.

"I am truly yours,
" July 2, 1873. " Horatio Sevmour."^

JOHN KELLY.

ri5

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
JOHN KELLY.

MONG the more modern Sachems of the iainmany Society
none has been more popular, for a time at least, than jolin
Kelly. He was a native of the City of New York, and early
identified himself with the Democratic party, which practically
meant the Tammany Society; for, in his early manhood, there
was no other organization of any importance calling itself
I )emocratic. He was a faithful and energetic worker, maintaining his friendly
relations with the Wigwam until the troublous times of 1871, when he temporarily
withdrew. For many years Mr. Kelly was always spoken of with the popular
prefix of " Honest." It was when he was in Congress, in 1857, that this sobriquet
was first applied to him ; it was the favorite term with which General Lewis Cass
was accustomed to speak of him. Another of his fellow-Congressmen, and one
not noted for his love of Northern politicians, had marked the absolute integrity
of Mr. Kelly's course in Congress. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, said of
him, after an acquaintance of twenty-five years, addressing a fellow-member: " I
have often said, and I now repeat it, that I regard John Kelly as the ablest, the
purest and the truest statesman I have ever met with from New York." Kelly
made his mark in Congress more especially in his arguments against the pro-
posed measures of the Know-Nothing party. He had been elected to a second
term, when, in 1866, he was elected to the lucrative office of Sherifif of New York.
The meeting at which he was nominated was held in Masonic Hall on November
i8th, and was presided over by the Hon. Nelson J. Waterbury, who introduced
him as the " reform candidate." The object of these reforming Democrats was
to wrest the power from the corrupt junta and their Republican allies at that time
maladministering the affairs of Tammany, as well as of the city.

The Republican convention was held the next day, on which occasion the
members of that party in collusion with the Tweed ring sought to force through
a straight Republican ticket (knowing that it could not be elected), as the best
way to secure the election of A. O. Hall. But there were obstacles to this plan;
for there was a considerable body of reformers at that time in the Repubhcan, as
well as in the Democratic party. Some of these favored the nomination of Kelly
for Mayor, but not all. In this muddled condition of affairs the influential Herald
most unexpectedly came out against Mr. Kelly, on the somewhat illogical, absurd
ground that he had been sufficiently honored already. The editor, Bennett, who-
knew John Kelly personally, said, in his paper: "John Kelly is a good citizen,,
and a respectable man, but he has been elected by the Tammany Democrats, toi
whom he owes all his past political favors, to the offices of Councilman, Alderman,
Member of Congress, and twice to the valuable office of Sheriff of New York,
being the only man, we believe, who has held that office a second time. We
should think he would be satisfied, and give place to others who have not enjoved
such good fortune."

ii6

Later, on November 20, 1868, the Herald came out in favor of Mr. Hall for
Mayor of New York, and wound up this tergiversation by roundly denouncing
John Kelly for " deserting Tammany Hall, and joining with the enemies of
Tweed." But the Herald was not exactly omnipotent in the land — the voters had
something to say. And in the position which Kelly had taken he was supported
by all the most lespectable Democrats of the country.

The names of the Sachems in the years 1871 — jz, and a comparison of these
with those of 1872 — yji- will show plainly enough, to those familiar with New
York society, the immense change which was involved in the overthrow of the
former. In 1871 we have the following names of the most influential officers,
viz., Tweed, Connolly, Sweeney, Hall, Dowling and Garvey, with others.
In the latter part of 1872 and 1873 we find the Grand Sachem Augustus
Schell, and of the Sachems such honorable gentlemen as Charles O'Connor,
Samuel J. Tilden, John Kelly, Horatio Seymour, Sanford E. Church, August
Belmont, Abram S. Hewitt, and other names of that quality. The Committee of
Seventy, which began the work of demolition so valiantly, as is usually the case
where large numbers are concerned, had really left nearly all the practical work in
a few hands. Tilden and O'Connor manipulated the fine law-points, but it took
John Kelly to manage the rank and file.

At this time Kelly could have had any office which he desired, but he would
accept none, not wishing to give any possible occasion to the thought that he was
■working against his old associates for personal ends. But he it was who really
"won the battle in the convention which met to make nominations in 1872. At
that meeting, on its first session, the hall was crowded with the most noisy, coarse
and disreputable followers of the old gang; and to overcome this element involved
the severest political struggle ever fought out in the local politics of the Empire
State. On this occasion Mr. Kelly had to confront an organization which held
the enormous influence growing out of the employment of twelve thousand work-
men, and the disbursement of a revenue of $30,000,000 a year; as also the machin-
ery which dominated the judiciary, and indirectly influenced the ofificers of elec-
tion. Here was a combination of forces which might well have appalled the
stoutest heart. But Kelly did not shrink from the unequal contest.

Among the obstreperous '' ring " men was one Harry Genet, the leader of a
"contingent which included a good sprinkling of known gamblers and prize
lighters. By this unsavory element, Samuel B. Garvey was named for
the office of District Attorney, amid the vociferous applause of his rowdy follow-
•ers. Kelly immediately took the floor to oppose him, but was interrupted by
•<jenet. Turning upon the latter, Mr. Kelly, in the plainest and most scathing
Hanguage, arraigned both him and his nominee with the most searching severity;
and, though frequently interrupted by howls and hisses, from the disorderly ele-
iiment present, he kept the mob well under restraint, until catching the eye of the
Chairman, Augustus Schell, he moved an adjournment until three o'clock the
next day. Mr. Schell, understanding that Kelly had some special motive for his
■motion, put the question at once, and it was carried, in spite of the protest of the
■Genet men.

Punctually the next day the same emissaries of the " ring" appeared before

117

Taininaiiy Hall in great force, but now, Kelly knowinp^ what to expect, was pre-
pareil for this kind of gentry, lie had a strong force stationed at the doors, and
no man not a delegate to the convention, and not provided with a delegate's
ticket, was allowed to enter the building. The police and the city authorities were
then on the side of the desperadoes, but not a policeman was admitted within.
This bold action of Mr. Kelly's had the desired effect. By his personal intrepid-
ity, his knowledge of the material he had to overcome, and his ample preparation
to resist attack, he had won the battle, and held the field. None but delegates got
into the convention; Garvey was defeated, and Charles Donahue was nominated
for District Attorney, and Abram Lawrence for Mayor. It was in that day's
fight for supremacy that the spirit of the ring-heelers was quenched beyond
recuperation.

-So far we have found Mr. Kelly acting for the good of the Democratic party,
and maintaining the respect of his friends and also of his political enemies. In
1884, apparently from personal feeling of antipathy — he was charged with having
hindered, rather than helped, the nominee of the Democartic party, Grover Cleve-
land. He was always too much inclined to allow his personal feelings to dominate
his political actions, a bad fault in a great leader. To be permanently suc-
cessful, a leader of men must always keep his emotional nature in subjection, and
personal antipathies should have no influence in directing his course. Just here
is where John Kelly erred.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN 1876-79.

PRESIDENTIAL year is, of course, always a busy time for
those active in political affairs; and Tammany representatives
were no exceptions to the rule. At this period the Irving
Hall party was in full bloom, and, during the whole season of
political activity, both formal and informal attempts were
made to effect, if not an entire reconciliation, at least some
kind of accommodation between the old organization and this new claimant for
Democratic recognition. It was certainly desirable that they should not nullify
each other's work, to the general detriment of the party they both professed to
represent in the City of New York.

As early as February 14th the Tammany General Committee met at the hall,
with Augustus Schell in the chair. The principal object of this meeting was,
indeed, to protest against the dilatory measures of the Administration, in failing
to restore the Southern States to their constitutional place in the Union. But, as
this matter was so fully taken up and discussed, at their annual meeting in July,
we refer our readers to the account of that meeting for the full expression of
Tammany's opinion on that subject. One of the points, however, discussed at
this meeting challenges special notice. It vi'as concerning a clause in one
of the resolutions offered, in which a general amnesty for all who had been
engaged on the Confederate side was advocated — with the sole exception of
Jefferson Davis. Mr. Abram S. Hewitt opposed the exception, on the sole
ground that it would, in effect, honor the arch-rebel by distinguishing him above
all others. It would, he argued, draw attention to him as if he was of more con-
sequence than all the rest combined, which was not true in fact. Mr. Hewitt said,
substantially, " let him remain, vmdistinguished among the crowd." The matter
of securing a union of the Democratic factions was discussed, but no precise plan
was adopted at this time. Matters looked complicated.

In addition to the Irving Hall anti-Tammany Democrats, there was also an
anti-Tammany Young Men's Club, which sometimes met in Union Square. On
October 12th, there was a prolonged conference between all the opposing forces
and Tammany. The anti-Tammanyites were led at this time by O'Brien, with
John Morrissey as second. Committees and sub-committees went back and forth
between the old Wigwam and the bolters, and, finally, two reports were brought
in. From the Young Men's meeting O'Brien reported that no arrangement was
possible, as Tammany's terms could not be accepted; but Morrissey, who was
also on the conference committee, wanted to get back into the fold, " at any cost."
At Irving Hall Mr. Ira Shafer reported " that Tammany wanted all the good
offices," but here, also, Morrissey recommended that Tammany's terms be
accepted. However, no terms were arrived at, and up to the middle of November
the Democracy were still disunited.

It came out that the Irving Hall party asked, as its share, the selection of
one-third of the Assemblvmen, one-third of the Aldermen and two Cong^ress-

SMITH ELY.

119

men. This was flatly refused by the Tammany Committee of Conference, the
latter finally deciding to refer all the nominations to the District Conventions,
which were, in fact, elected to nominate for the offices involved in this discussion.
Subsequently the Irving party attempted to make a deal with the Republicans,
but this failed. At a meeting which was held in Irving Hall on October 30th
Mr. Shafer reported " that it was unadvisable to make terms with the Republi-
cans," Mr. O'Brien adding that "the Republicans had acted very treacherously,"
but he still proposed to scorn the favors of Tammany. Only a partial ticket was
made up, and that, as one present expressed it, was flexible enough to stretch into
Tammany Hall, or into the Controller's office at Albany (Lucius Robinson was at
this time State Controller).

In the meantime Tammany had independently nominated Smith Ely, Jr., for
Mayor, Delano C. Calvin for Surrogate, Bernard Reilly for Sheriff, and Henry A.
Gumblcton. for County Clerk. Mr. Gumbleton was. perhaps, better
acquainted with the duties of his office than any other man who could at
that time have been named. He had served in the ofifice for six years as clerk,
and had then been promoted to the position of Deputy County Clerk, so that his
nomination was simply in the line of what would now be called " Civil Service
Reform." When it came in order to nominate a Coroner, the name of Richard
Croker was among those presented, John Kellv making a strong speech in his
behalf.

The early efiforts, in 1875, to procure unanimity between the New York fac-
tions had not been very successful, but these efforts were more formally renewed
when it became necessary to consider the selection of delegates to the convention
to be held in Saratoga in August. With this important matter in view, a meeting
was held in Tammany Hall to renew consultations on the matter, John Kelly
presiding. Harmony in the Democratic ranks being especially desirable, in view
of the approaching Presidential (Tilden's) election. Irving Hall, at this time,
claimed to control thirty-seven thousand votes. After much parleying, without
coming to terms, it was simply agreed to turn the nominations over to the
Assembly Districts, the certificates of which should be received as regular.

At the summer convention the names of several candidates for Governor
were freely canvassed, including those of Clarkson N. Potter, Senator Schoon-
maker, Horatio Seymour and others. To the rank and file of the Democracy Mr.
Lucius Robinson was considered in the light of a semi-Republican, and to the
surviving old Hunker veterans he was a rock of offence and thoroughly dis-
trusted. Even so acute an observer as Thurlow Weed could not overcome his
prejudices sufficiently to admit that Lucius Robinson was actuated by principle,
rather than profit in his several changes of front — politically speaking. The
convention finally met on the 13th of September, Judge Grey in the chair.
/ Among the prominent persons present and well forward in the middle aisle
/vvas, of course, John Kelly, and just back of him could be seen the silent manager
of Kings County poHtics, Hugh McLaughlin; and, near by, Rufus Peckham and
Judge Hibbard, of Buffalo. One person who attracted considerable attention was
a Mr. Wilkinson, who was also delegated to the Unitarian Convention, which was
sitting at the same time in Saratoga. Of him some wicked wit declared,
"Wilkinson is a Democrat to-day; he will take a bath, and be a Unitarian to-
morrow."

I20

On the roll-call John Kelly's name was the first to bring out any applause.
However, he declined to be put upon the electoral ticket, and ex-Governor Sey-
mour was substituted. One delegate made himself especially but not
altogether agreeably, prominent, by exploiting himself, in a very extravagant
eulogy, on Mr. Kelly, pledging him his everlasting allegiance, and, by his
uncalled for eloquence, helping to break the unusually serious spirit prevailing in
this convention. Hope was not exactly the predominant feeling on this occasion.
There was not a very strong feeling of confidence in the leaders, who had decided
to bring forward Mr. Robinson's name. In fact, Governor Seymour had been
privately approached to ascertain if he would accept the nomination, but he had
positively declined, and to each of the other names suggested there appeared to
be a lack of enthusiasm in their professed friends.

To the surprise of many of the delegates, when the call was made, all of the
first Counties proved to be for Robinson, as was also the important County of
Kings. The Tammany delegates voted for Clarkson N. Potter, with the excep-
tion of Peter B. Olney, Edward Cooper and Thomas Mesmer, who voted for
Robinson. This break from the unit rule was greeted with hearty cheers. Mr.
Joseph J. O'Donohue shouted out that he voted for a Democrat (Potter), thus
striving to emphasise his objection to Robinson. He was answered by Emanuel
B. Hart with the words, " A Democrat? Then vote for Schoonmaker." But
there was little in this convention of the spirit of fun and gaiety which sometimes
prevail in political gatherings. The heavy shadow of sixteen years of Republican
rule, with the possibility of at last breaking it, by the election of Tilden, caused an
air of seriousness, somewhat unusual to predominate.

It was soon found out that nearly all the county delegations favo'-^! Robin-
son; the scattering votes were given up, and Robinson's majority, as first
announced, was one hundred and ninety-two and a half, one hundred and ninety-
one only being necessary to a choice. The final result was practically unanimity,
giving him two hundred forty-three and a half. Nevertheless, the Republicans
fully expected to defeat Mr. Robinson at the polls, on several grounds. For one
reason, the powerful canal interest was against him, on account of his favoring
high tolls; then he had run twice for State offices, and several times for the Legis-
lature, on the Republican ticket; hence they thought the Democratic Bourbons
would bolt the nomination. The then editor of the Tribune, Mr. Greely, usually
well informed as to political outlooks, on receiving the news of the result of the
Democratic convention, thus wrote, September 13, 1876: "There is not a word
to be said against Mr. Lucius Robinson. He is recognized as a man of unques-
tioned ability, of absolute integrity, and of valuable public services,
but the ticket has no chance of being elected; the present probability is that
Morgan will go in with an easy majority of from 10,000 to 15,000." When the
returns came in, after the November election, the editor of the Tribune had the
chagrin of recording a vote of 519,831 for Mr. Robinson to that of 489,371 for his
able opponent, Edwin D. Morgan.

Lucius Robinson was of New England stock, and a direct descendant of that
historical Rev. John Robinson who accompanied the first band of Pilgrims, flee-
ing from Holland, to the shores of Massachusetts Bay, some of whose descendents
settled in Green County, New York, and Lucius was one of that numerous class

121

of American boys who come out from the conifiekls and the barnyards sirugRling
for knowledge and a wider experience, attaining a collegiate education by their
own exertions, and then using that education for the benefit of their country. Mr.
Robinson was fortunate in his introduction to the legal profession, by being taken
into the office of Judge Amasa Parker, then a resident of Delhi, N. Y., Lucius
paying for his instruction by fulfilling the duties of clerk and general helper. In
1837 Mr. Robinson was chosen District .\ttorney for Green County, three years
later coming to New York to practice. In 1843 he was appointed, by Governor
Bouck, Connnissioner of Chancery, to which position he was reappointed by
Governor Silas Wright. The office itself was ahulislu'd by I he Constitutional
Amendments in 1846.

Mr. Robinson eventually made his home in Chemung Count)-, on acc(junt of
his heahh. Up to this time he had always acted with the Democratic party, but
he was strongly opposed to the Missouri Compromise, and was elected to tin-
Assembly on tliat issue, where he made something more than a " State-wide "
reputation. He was still a member of the Legislature on the outbreak of the war,
and was the author of the much-discussed " Peace Resolutions," which were intro-
duced into the Assembly before the inauguration of President Lincoln, and which
had the approval of Thurlow Weed, but which were sternly criticised by the ultra
party leaders. In 1861 Mr. Robinson was a member of the Union convention,
which met at Syracuse, composed of both Democrats and Republicans — more
anxious to preserve the Union than their party lines.

At the close of the war Mr. Robinson felt that the work of the Republican
party was done, and his original affiliation with the Democracy brought him
back into their ranks. In 1871 Governor Hoffman had appointed him a member
of the State Constitutional Commission. In that convention he advocated the
same principles on which he had acted when Controller. He had been the Demo-
cratic nominee for Congress in 1870, but, though defeated, he greatly reduced the
former Republican majority. In 1872 he supported the Liberals. In 1875 he
was again nominated by the Democrats for State Controller, which he won by a
handsome plurality. I<"evv men could have made the political changes which Mr.
Robinson did and, at the same time, retain to so large an extent the respect of
men of all parties.

Tanmiany has always been noted for the care with which it looked after
special classes of voters, not permitting any large body of citizens to pine use-
lessly for its paternal sympathy. Thus when the upper wards known as the
Annexed Districts were added to the metropolis, as the Twenty-third and Twenty-
fourth Wards, they were at first entrusted to the oversight of Colonel E. T.
Wood, but the party did not prosper greatly, and some dissatisfaction was felt.
Early in the " eighties " the vote in Wood's district began to grow steadily less,
while that of the County Democracy was increasing. It is a peculiarity of this dis-
trict, or was at that time, that a great deal of jealousy was latent, and often came
unpleasantly to the surface, among the people living in the different villages com-
posing it. Morrisana and Mott Haven were antagonistic to Fordham and Tre-
mont. while all of these agreed that Kingsbridge " was of no account." Dividing
this old district into wards did something towards removing these local jealousies,
and a change in the leadership helped to largely increase the Tammany influence.

122

Another district was for some time a peculiarly baffling one for the Tammany
leaders to deal with. This was the German district — centering about East Fifth
street. The reasons which in times past inclined it against the Democratic party
are not far to seek. It partly grew out of the Civil War; some of it arose out of
the general opposition to the rule of the Tammany magnates of 1871-72; and still
more from race antagonism to the Irish-Americans, many of whom had become
prominent in the city Democracy. Similar reasons having affected the German
race all over the country. But Tammany found a way to change all this by a
special effort. Seeking out the most intelligent Germans of this district and
encouraging their aspirations for political influence, selecting the best of this class
for nominations to office, in preference to other races. Germans of prominence
in business were sought out, and advised with, the reforms effected under Tilden's
lead were made the most of, while the Democratic feeling, always latent, in such
a population was skillfully developed, which, with the natural trend of that race
towards free trade and the national policy as represented in the later platforms of
the Democratic party did the rest. It now appears unlikely that any opponents
of Democratic principles will possess that field hereafter.

In regard to the Hebrew race, which has met with scant justice at the hands
of most politicians, either in this country or any other, Tammany has shown the
utmost liberality. The position assumed by the General Committee is, and has
been for many years, that the members of the various races living in this country
are all an integral part of the American nation, and hence that they should all have
representation. Of the Hebrew race there are many thousands in the City of
New York. Complaints have sometimes been made that these have been unduly
favored by Tammany, but, considering their number, Tammany has accorded
fair representation to them for several years.

The year 1879 proved disastrous to Democracy, both in the State and city.
Immediately after the election of Governor Robinson, the Tilden and Robinson
interests began a warfare on Tammany Hall, for the purpose of controlling that
organization. It was then surmised to be in the interest of Andrew H. Green,
and to make him leader. This aroused antagonism on the part of Mr. Kelly, its
recognized representative. When the State Convention was held in Syarcuse
it was determined by the Tilden-Robinson faction to renominate Robin-
son, notwithstanding the protests of several of the outside State delegates, as well
as those of New York City, and, ignoring the advice of Tammany Hall, which
was aided by the influence of such men as Chief Justice Sanford A. Church, David
Dudley Field, afterwards Chief Justice Ruger, and others of similar character and
standing. The consequence was that the dissatisfied delegates bolted before
Robinson was nominated, held a delegation in Shakespeare Hall, and nominated
John Kelly for Governor. He polled some seventy thousand votes; but the
practical effect of this diversion was not his own election, but that of the Republi-
can nominee, Alonzo B. Cornell, who was, in fact, not popular even with his own
party, running twenty thousand votes behind his ticket. In the city, also this
action of Tammany Hall was fatal to the success of the local Tammany ticket.
The nominee of the County Democracy for Sheriff defeating the nominee of
Tammany.

123

Tile members of the Legislature elected were divided between the two
divisions of the Democracy and the Republicans, the latter, naturally, under the
circumstances of divided opponents, getting the larger share. It was at this time
that Mr. William W. A.stor reached the State Senate.

124

CHAPTER XL.
HANCOCK'S NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT.

HE tendency to accept military valor as a qualification for civic-
honors appears to be an inherent trait of average human
nature. In ancient times the successful generals were fre-
quently rewarded with civil offices. The natural hero-worship
of western Europe, including the English race, have always
reserved their loudest plaudits for the winners of great battles.
The American people have, to a marked degree, followed in the footsteps of their
more or less illustrious predecessors. Since our first President, we have had four
candidates for that high office from the army elected, with a fifth and sixth,
nominated. Of the successful military candidates Washington was, no doubt,
eminently fitted, at that time, for the position. General Jackson was a lawyer, as-
well as a good fighter, and understood constitutional law. General Harrison had
no special fitness for the office, and was elected solely on his war record. It was-
of General Taylor, elected President, and inaugurated in 1849, that the great
constitutional lawyer, Daniel Webster, made the public comment, that " it was a
nomination not fit to be made," though Taylor was of his own party ; and he was
right, there was no element of the statesman in Zachery Taylor. General Scott,
nominated, but not elected, by the Whig party, saved his political reputation by
that defeat. General Grant's administration is now generally admitted to have
been the most corrupt which the country has ever seen. Thus the experience of
the United States shows a balance against the theory that military men are
necessarily fit for high civic office.

Yet, the Democratic party made no mistake in 1880, when they selected for
their candidate General Winfield Scott Hancock, who had served with credit irr
nearly all the battles in which his military namesake. General Scott, won fame irt
Mexico; and he had also earned other laurels in frontier duty, and still more
glory in the civil war. It was not. however, for any of his brilliant military
achievements that he was selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy. As
military Governor of the semi-reconstructed States of Louisiana and Texas,
known officially as the Fifth Military District, he had exhibited marked civic
ability of a high order. General Hancock had been assigned to this command
by President Andrew Johnson late in the summer of 1867. The Southern States
were, at that time, under what has come to be universally known as " carpet-bag
rule," a phrase aptly indicating that the rulers had no permanent interest in the
people over whom they were set to govern. All the offices of any importance,
from the Governors down, were filled, not by election through the people, but by-
persons appointed either by the President or by Congress, for strictly partisan
purposes, the subordinate positions being filled by their creatures, the whole
Southern country being divided into military districts having a United States
Army General in command, supported by Federal troops. These Generals had
almost unlimited power over the whole population, including civil officers, and

125

even ihc law courts — which, indeed, could scarcely be said to exist, so completely
were they dominated by military interference, most of the conuiianding generals
liaving used the extraordinary powers confered upon tlirm to the fullest extent.

Not so did General Hancock. With the true instinct of a patriot, who
recognized that the war was over, and with the discrimination of a mature and
unseltish statesman, he decided not to use tlie arbitrary jjower at his command,
and plainl)' expressed in his C(fmmission, but to treat the citizens as he would have
<lone those of any other State, so long as they remained quiet and peaceable, as he
found them. Accustomed to the sharp rule of (leneral .Sheridan, from wliom thev
had just been relieved, the people ofthe Fifth District could not, at first, under-
stand that the new Conunander was a man of very difTerent metal, and that he
regarded the inhabitants of Louisiana and Te.xas not as conquered rebels, but as
restored citizens, and that it was his intention to reinstate, so far as possible, all
the civil functions of these States.

It took some time for these Southern communities to understand, or put
i'aith in this professed friendly attitude of a Federal tieneral, and it was really not
until the publication of his famous " Order No. 40," dated Novemf^er 29, 1867,
that the people began to realize that they had over them a friend and protector of
their civil rights, and not a military tyrant. This renowned " Order " clearly
announced that the people were expected to resume all the civil functions of an
independent State; to reopen their courts, and resume all the duties and rights of
Anierican citizens, which their semi-territorial condition permitted, and that he,
as military commander, was only there to preserve peace and to secure to all the
inhabitants the equal administration of justice, to support the laws of the State,
not to supercede them. In fine, he put the civil above the military power.
Uiider the circumstances, this was a braver and more noble act than any recorded
of a mere fighter on the battlefield.

But this moral courage and self-abnegation was not in the least appreciated
1>y Congress; that partisan body was in no hurry to rehabilitate the defeated peo-
])le of the South, and felt aggrieved at the fact that one whom they had placed as
ii military satrap over two States, with the express design of prolonging the
imnecessary probation of the conquered sections, should develop into an ex-
pounder and defender of the constitutional rights of the States, and the pronuil-
gator of true Democratic principles. It was, indeed, a novel sight to the whole
nation to see a man in that era voluntarily put away the power of an autocrat,
which had been officially bestowed upon him, and proclaim himself a subject, like
all other citizens, of the civil power.

General Hancock also declined to send Federal soldiers to watch the polls,
imless in case of disorder. All this recognition of the people's rights interfered
•with the Congressional purpose of securing Republican majorities in the States of
Louisiana and of Texas. In consequence. General Hancock found himself so
constantly antagonized by the Federal authorities that he asked to be relieved
from his command on the 27th of February, 1868. It was his wholesome and
liatriotic course, in endeavoring to re-establish the civil over military rule, which
■commended him to the consideration of the Democratic party as a candidate for
the Presidency.

At the National Convention which met in St. Louis, January 27, 1876, Han-
cock's name was brought forward by a delegate from the General's native State.

120

Pennsylvania. He obtained seventy-five votes, but Tilden secured the nomina-
tion. In 1868, when the National Democratic Convention met in Tammany Hall,
General Hancock's name was then introduced with a very sound and eulogistic
speech by a delegate from Maine; but at this time Tammany had decided on
Horatio Seymour, and he was nominated. Another opportunity proved more
favorable. At the Democratic Convention which met in Cincinnati Jime 23,
1880, General Hancock's name was once more presented, this time by a veteran
Democrat of Philadelphia — Daniel Dougherty, who had, in 1856, advocated the
nomination of James Buchanan, and had afterwards voted for Lincoln and Grant,
but who had returned to his original principles, and once more, after twenty years
of errancy, made a splendid oration in a Democratic convention. General Han-
cock received the nomination, which was one eminently " fit to be made," but was
defeated at the ensuing election by General Garfield, but by a very small majority,
only 7,018 out of a popular vote of about 9,000,000, all the patronage and
machinery of the government being in the hands of his opponents. In General
Hancock's letter of acceptance he made use of essentially the same phrase since
adopted by Mr. Cleveland — and which, in fact, is established Democratic doc-
trine— General Hancock said, "Public office is a trust; not a bounty bestowed
on the holder."

127

CHAPTER XLI.

THE COUNTY DEMOCRACY.

MONCj the many aiiti-Taniiuaiiy organizations which have
sprung up, flourished a while, anil then dissolved, or formed
other combinations, while the elder society went on its wonted
way, usually to success — less frequently to defeat — the asso-
ciation calling itself the County Democracy was for some
years a very formidable rival. It first came into open
antagonism, under that name, in 1881. The conditions then presented a triangu-
lar fight, as the Irving Hall party was still an active force. So that Tammany had
two organized Democratic opponents to meet. Even before 1881 there were fre-
quently two sets of delegates sent to the Democratic State conventions — always
one by Tammany, and the others, sometimes simply anti-Tammany, without
other formal designation, sometimes with a more specific name. Now there
were two claimants to recognition. The principal movers in this hostile faction
of 1881 were those who convened on election night before the returns were
made, when no one except themselves could know what treachery had taken place,
to try and make it understood and believed that the Tammany men had treacher-
ously betrayed the late Presidential nominee, General Hancock, by trading the
national for the city ticket, thus causing the loss to the Democratic party of
national administration for the ensuing four years.

Among those prominent in this revolt from machine methods were Abram S.
Hewitt, Thomas Costigan, James O'Brien and Timothy Campbell.

It was only a few weeks after the Presidential election that certain members
of Irving Hall came to the conclusion that their organization was being run in too
much of a machine fashion, although opposed to Tammany on that very issue, and
these dissatisfied " Irvingites," as they were often called, fornied a combination
with a number of Independent Democrats and decided to build up a reformed and
purified Democracy, based on pure Jefifersonian principles. They went ener-
getically to work and appointed committees to make an enrollment of Democrats
of all existing parties or factions, so as to secure a representative organization in
every election district. An Assembly District Association was also formed, as
well as a County Committee elected. By these elaborate measures it was
thought that a truly representative Democratic organization could be sus-
tained. It was these transcendental philosophers who formed the basis
of the County Democracy, which was fairly launched into the political
arena in the spring of 1881. Primary elections were held in each election
district, and the Democrats whose names had been enrolled chose officers, as also
delegates, to the County Committee. One reason for selecting the name
" County " was that throughout the State county committees had previously
been in existence, while the Democrats of the County of New York had always

/ 128

been controlled in their course, either by the Society of Tammany or some off-
shoot from that association; and it seemed to the reformers that it was altogether
titting to have an organization in New York County corresponding to the custom
in general usage throughout the State.

Among the actual organizers of the new party were Abram S. Hewitt,
ex-Mayor Edward Cooper, William C. Whitney, E. Ellery Anderson, Hans S.
Beattie, Maurice F. Powers, Hubert O. Thompson, Nelson J. Waterbury, Frank
M. Scott, Charles W. Dayton, Henry S. Beekman, Allen Campbell, Francis Lynde
Stetson, Thomas Costigan, Henry Murray, J. Henry Ford and James McCartney.
The committee met at 21 West Twenty-fourth street, where the organization pre-
liminaries were projected; the public meetings and Count}- Committee meetings
were held in Cooper Union.

At this time ex-SherifT Peter Bowe, ex-SherifT Alexander Davidson, W.
Bourke Cockran, Nicholas Haughton, Robert B. Mooney, Edgar L. Ridgeway.
Judge Erlich, Charles G. Cornell, Hugh H. Moore, and some others, kept up the
old Irving Hall organization, which, in 1886, united with the "Henry George"
iabor movement, but most, if not all, of its former leaders, naturally, in time,
drifted back to their old home — Tammany Hall, some joining the County Democ-
racy, and some Irving Hall, as a distinctly anti-Tammany force, disappeared from
city politics, though, in 1879, its delegates had been received as "' regular" at the
State convention held in Syracuse.

For several years the County Democracy proved a very successful organiza-
tion, and at one period obtained control of nearly all the departments and city
patronage. Hubert O. Thompson was its recognized leader. (It seems they
could not get along without a " boss.") It was through the efforts of this associa-
tion, undoubtedly, that Grace was elected Mayor in 1884, though he had the
support of other Democrats at that time, a sort of three-cornered fight being on
that year, to the great detriment of the National ticket, which just scraped through
by a very small majority. Beginning with the purest intentions, the County
Democracy soon fell into the enticing rut of machine politics; and the wiley
politician inevitably succeeded to the patriotic organizers. Many of its members
were Aldermen in 1884, and some of these were indicted for the acceptance of
bribes. Later, this once immaculate party formed combinations with Republi-
cans of easy political virtue. The result was a disintegration of its original ele-
ments. Most of its leaders returned to Tammany Hall, some went into the party
calling itself the " Voorhis Democracy," but the great body, like so many others
of the anti-Tammany factions, informally dissolved into its original elements.
Those who clung to it longest and latest were found, in 1892, still in the role of
protesters, among the anti-Hill Democrats. The latest notice that we find of any
remnant of vitality in this as^ciation was that of a meeting held in a small room
on the second floor of the Cooper Union, on the 23d of May, 1892, when Mr.
Charles A. Jackson, who had vowed, the year before, that he " would remain a
true County Democrat, even if he were left alone to turn out the gas," actually
did so, in the company of some dozen equally devoted followers.

One of the daily papers, published about the time of the " Mid- Winter Con-
vention," thus describes the mode sometimes adopted for silencing opposition:
"The Voorhis faction was finally disposed of in this manner: On the 29th of

129

February, 1892, Mayor Grant appointed John R. Voorhis, founder, and for years
rhe leader, of the so-called New York Democracy, as Police Justice, to succeed
Mr. Ford, a County Democrat; then, to make all things satisfactory, Aqueduct
Secretary John C. Sheehan (brother of the Lieutenant-Governor), was appointed
Police Commissioner to succeed Voorhis, at the nominal sum of $5,000 per
annum. This kept the Voorhis faction solid for Tammany, and shows why Voor-
his did not join cither the Sleekier party, or other factionists Mr.

Voorhis received appointments respectively from Mayors Havemeyer, Cooper
and Grace. Mr. Voorhis was always a Democrat. He early joined the County
Democracy, but bolted it in 1890, to set up his own wing, called somewhat
ostentatiously, the New York Democracy. In the election of 1891 he claimed
to have carried 20,000 votes."

One of the spicy episodes illustrative of the contests, and also semi-affiliations
between Tammany and the Count\; Democracy, took place in the autumn of 1886,
and related to the nomination of Abram S. Hewitt for Mayor. Tammany had
previously rejected the nomination of Mr. Hewitt as an unsuitable candidate, for
Governor, when he was nominated for that oflfice by the County Democracy, and
was consequently severely criticised by political opponents for its apparently
inconsistent action in 1886. In the State convention held the previous year,
when Mr. Hewitt was nominated for Governor, he had received but 33 votes out
of 384, and the attitude of Tammany was held responsible for this signal failure.
Greatly chagrined at the result, the County Democracy held a meeting, at which
the following resolution was passed, Mr. Hewitt being at that time a member of
that wing of the Demdcracy:

"Resolved, That it is for the interest of the party, in the City and State, that the con-
stant deals and disgraceful trades between the rival county conventions and their favorite
candidates should cease. The issue between Tammany Hall and the New Torlc County
Democracy is perfectly clear and well defined. In the former the leaders, or bosses, con-
trol their organization for personal and selfish objects. Tlie issue we make with Tammany
Hall must be met, and decided. The cause of good government, the cause of honest
administration of municipal affairs and the cause of the peace of the party itself,
demand it."

To this assault, at a meeting held soon after, Taniniany made the following
■scathing reply:

"The declaration that disgraceful trades and deals between the rival County Con-
ventions 'must cease' is at least an admission that these immaculate statesmen have
invited and participated in such deals during the past; and the assertion that they wero
'disgraceful' is a cheerful confession of infamy by men who ask public confidence on
account of the purity of their methods. The sentiments of opposition to 'disgraceful deals
and bargains,' which the members of the County Democracy profess, are as fervent as
new-born convictions usually are. Their abortive attempt to induce this organization to
unite with them in support of a preposterous candidate for Governor, at the last State
Convention, might be considered an attempt to make a particularly disgraceful bargain or
deal. . . . The peaceful overtures of this convention have been rejected in the name of
good government, and sound politics, by a tumultuous disorderly mob of employees fron.
the city departments, acting under the dictation of a band of political mercenaries, whose
shameful abuse of public trusts has escaped the corrective process of the criminal courts,
through the imbecility or connivance of the District Atttorney."

A principal cause of Tammany's rejection of Hewitt, when nominated for
Governor, was a speech he made soon after coimecting himself with the County
Democracy, and which was delivered at Cooper Union. He said: " .-Xs to Tam-
many Hall and John Kelly, here is to be found the pro.ximate cause of our defeat

I30

in 1880. Here in the City of New York we had an organization wl.ich expressed
onl)' the will of one man. To him, covmsel and interference were aHke obnoxious.
Those who ventured to disagree with him were disciplined and retired, not only
from office, but were driven from the ranks. Such an organization was offensive
to the self-respect of intelligent Democrats. . . . Tammany is a machine.
Its source of power is a secret society. Even in the wisest and best hands it is
an anomaly which should not be perpetuated or tolerated."

Nevertheless, Mr. Hewitt, one year later, accepted the nomination of Tam-
many Hall for the office of Mayor, and was elected.

The explanation of this change of front all round was simply the fear, not
of Tammany Hall only, but of all the other parties in the conservative ranks, of
the increasing strength of the " Henry George " party. Nor was this a vain fear;,
at the November election of 1886 this Socialistic combination cast 67,699 votes.
Mr. Hewitt had over 90,000 from the united Democracy — and not a " disgraceful
deal " on either side.

One of the unexpected events which happened in the campaign of 1877 was.
the success of John Morrissey over the Hon. Augustus Schell, the Tammany
nominee, not only in the East River election districts, but in the most fashionable
and wealthy sections of the city, including the Eleventh Assembly District, as-
also the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Eighteenth. How this came about has never
been fully explained. Why the aristocracy of intelligence and of wealth, in a
struggle for the United State's Senatorship, should desert one of their own set»
and vote, for a good man, indeed, but one who certainly made no pretension to
compete with them on any educational or social point, has always remained
somewhat of a mystery; for this was not a case in which it was possible to charge
the improper use of money, seeing that so large a number of voters were not only
above suspicion morally considered, but the fact was patent, that they had the
means to buy the candidate, rather than he them. Perhaps it was Morrissey's
indomitable pluck which pleased them. At a preliminary meeting, where the
selection of candidates was being discussed, and where some were opposed to
Morrissey's nomination on the very ground that he could not carry the fashion-
able districts, he arose, and, in his most serious manner, declared that he " could
and would carry them." Addressing his opponents, he exclaimed: "This is not
my fight; it is yours. If I am beaten, you are beaten; but I will not be defeated,
I will not only carry what you call my districts, but I will carry the silk-stocking
districts, too"; and he did, much to the surprise of both friends and foes.

This year, 1877, was prolific in other interesting incidents, one of which was
the entrance of a member of the wealthy Astor family into politics. Hitherto this
well-known branch of the money aristocracy had occupied themselves almost
exclusively in adding to their great inherited fortune, or in social functions; but
this year one of the younger scions, Mr. William Waldorf Astor, accepted the
Republican nomination for the Assembly in his own district, the Eleventh. He
was the first of the very wealthy men of New York to risk their fate at the polls;
but he courageously set an example which has been successfully followed by
others. His district was naturally a Republican one, and on this occasion he was
elected without difficulty. After serving his term in the Assembly, he was, in
1879, elected to the State Senate, and a prolonged political career appeared to be
opening before him;- but it was not destined to continue. In October of 1880 he

ROSWELL P. FL«J\VEK.

131

was nominated for Congress in the Seventh District of Xew York city. Tam-
many had for its candidate one of its old time members, Mr. I'hiUip Henry Dugro,
who defeated Mr. Astor, though not by so kirge a majority as to discourage the
latter.

in the Fall of 1881 Air. Astor again accepted the Kepul>lican nomination for
Congress, this time for the Ninth District. His opponent was now Roswell P.
Flower, also a wealthy man, though not having quite so many millions to draw
upon as William Waldorf Astor. It was reported, though by no means sub-
stantiated, that money flowed freely on this occasion, being estimated, on Mr.
Flower's side, at $i6,ooo, and, on Mr. Astor's, at from $25,000 to $30,000. But
little reliance is to be placed on such estimates — at least, no newly-fledged semi-
millionaires were observed cropping up in that district after the election. The
peculiarity of this canvass was the fact that both of these wealthy candidates went
personally into the work of enlisting voters, making friendly overtures to classes
of workmen and small dealers whom, under other circumstances, they would not
have felt called upon to salute so courteously. Mr. Flower carried the day with a
majority that efTectually extinguished Mr. Astor's desire for further experience in
the line of American politics. He was, in a measure, consoled for his defeat before)
the people by the appointment of Minister to Italy, where he pleasantlv and use-
fully occupied himself in historical researches. He has since domiciled himself
iii England, became a British subject, and owns the Pall Mall Gazette.

132

CHAPTER XLII.

CLEVELAND IN 1884.

REAT as was the disappointment of the Democracy at the
defeat of General Hancock in 1880, it was not deemed expedi-
ent to renominate him in 1884. At the National convention,
which 'met in Chicago that year, Governor Grover Cleveland
of New York was nominated on the second ballot, receiving
683 votes, 36 more than was necessary to a choice. He was
not exactly the candidate which Tammany would have preferred, Thomas A.
Hendricks being their first choice ; but there was no possibility of forcing any
other name on the convention, and. with their usual tact, the Tammany delegation
accepted the nominee with good grace; and. as the Fall campaign opened, the old
Wigwam threw wide its doors for a grand ratification meeting, including the
organization of a parade.

There could be no doubt of the genuine enthusiasm of the rank and file, the
thousands of men who marched on that occasion with banners inscribed, " Cleve-
land and Hendricks." though some of the ward leaders appeared to be less
enthusiastic. On the evening of the 21st of October, the great public ratification
meeting was held in Tammany Hall. The gallery was filled with the men who
had done and would still do the marching, and also the voting, and who felt that,
by the numerical display in the streets, they were doing something to help on the
Democratic restoration to power in the nation, of which they were defrauded in
1876 by the Electoral Commission.

Among the speakers at the great public meeting that had been called were
Senator Thomas F. Bayard, of Maryland; Governor Abbett, of New Jersey, and
Allen Thurman, of Ohio, with many other distinguished minor statesmen devoted
to Grover Cleveland. The general theme of the orators was the excessive
extravagance of the Republican administration. A little later, the County
Democracy followed Tammany Hall, and, under the lead of Hubert O. Thomp-
son, all pledged themselves to support the National nominee.

The canvass was an exceedingly exciting one, but the result, though it
restored into the hands of the Democrats the National administration after a
political exile of twenty-four years, was still somewhat disappointing, on accoiuit
of the small majority which carried Grover Cleveland into the White House,
though, in the Electoral College, he received 219 votes, as against Mr.
JBlaine's 182.

As was quite natural, the Democrats had not forgotten how Mr. Tilden had
ijeen deprived of the office to which he was elected, and the most careful measures
liad been taken throughout the State and City of New York to secure an honest
•count of the votes cast. To ensure this a conference was held by leading Demu-
■crats at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, where a committee of lawyers was appointed to
go to the Bureau of Elections and inspect the returns, as they had a legal right
to do. At this time Mr. John J. O'Brien was Chief Supervisor of the Bureau of

133

Elections, and the reported " boss " of the Republican machine in the City of
New York. The gentlemen composing the conimiUee of inspection were:
Messrs. Aaron J. Vandeipoel, .Mbert Stickney, General Francis C. Barlow,
brancis L. Stetson and Charles P. Miller, who were all well-known and respected
citizens. They were instructed to see " that all was fair."

On proceeding to the Bureau they found in the office, not the chief, but a
clerk named Walmslcy, who undertook to answer for him, and who refused to
allow the returns to be examined. General Barlow, who was prepared for this
impediment, then read to Mr. Walmsley from the Laws of New York State of
1882 (Section 1,878), which provides that the election returns " shall at all times,
during office hours, be open to the inspection, examination, comparison and copy-
ing of any citizens, or elector, free of any charge whatsoever." Still, Mr. Walms-
ley declared that he could not and would not allow the papers to be touched, in
the absence of his chief. Thereupon General Barlow read another section of the
Laws (Section 1,909), which makes it a felony for any person to wilfully neglect
or impede the rights of any person secured by the preceding section which had
been read. The penalty attached was from one to five years in State's prison.
Still, the courageous clerk did not yield. He appeared shocked at the very idea
of citizens " wanting to know," and declared that within his experience no one
ever had asked such a thing.

The committee now left the Bureau, and went to the Police Commissioner's
office, over which Fitz John Porter then presided. He declared he could do noth-
ing without the presence of his colleagues. General Barlow then threatened to
apply to the Supreme Court for a mandamus, to compel Supervisor O'Brien to
permit the examination. The situation was becoming dramatic, and to complete
it — enter John J. O'Brien.

The case being stated to him, he refused to yield to the request until he had
consulted counsel. The Commissioners, finally, after a long consultation, con-
sented to permit the papers tc^be seen, on condition that the examination should
take place in the presence of the Chief of the Bureau. But all this efifort at
obstruction was plainly a misdemeanor on the part of these officials, and General
Barlow was not the man to put up with this sort of treatment. He obtained from
Judge Barrett an order to show cause why a mandamus should not issue against
John J. O'Brien. But. finally, without allowing this to come to trial, the papers
were given over for examination: and the report made was that "they had not
yet been tampered with." .A.nd so the matter rested.

134

CHAPTER XLIII.

CLEVELAND IN 1888.

HE renomination of Mr. Cleveland, in 1888, was a foregone con-
clusion. Though he had not succeeded in placating many of
the influential local politicians in his own State, there was still
no other available man at that time, within the pale of the
Democracy, who, on the whole, so well represented the party
principles. In the previous Cleveland campaign the honest,
but always unreliable Mu^vunips, had thrown their influence in favor of the
Democratic candidate, as a rebuke to their own party for nominating the finessing
Blaine. On this occasion many of them, especially the high protectionists among
them, became frightened by Mr. Cleveland's very pronounced views on the tariff
question, and held aloof at the polls. Yet these sentiments of the nominee had no
terrors for the great body of business men in the great commercial City of New
York, the very elite of whom marched, in a day parade, with Cleveland banners
at their head, forming at the foot of Wall street, and filling up their ranks with
bankers, importers, shipping-merchants, members of the Stock Exchange, and,
in fact, embodying representatives of all the great material interests of the country.
No such political procession was ever seen before in the streets of New York.
Every man carried " respectability " on his face, and hundreds of them " wealth,"
as well.

On the first day of November the New York Herald reported, " Tammany
Hall ablaze for Cleveland," adding, " in the presence of a National duty, Tam-
many Hall has no local divided obligation." On the evening of the same day an
immense assemblage filled and overflowed the Wigwam in Fourteenth street,
where Thomas F. Gilroy, then Secretary, read the resolutions of the Tammany
General Committee approving of the Cleveland administration, and ratifying his
renomination to the Presidency.

Tammany has never lacked an abundance of fine orators. On this occasion
ex-Governor Hoadley, of Ohio, was one of the principal speakers. He was just
closing his speech, with the following remarks, when the Mayor-elect Hugh J.
Grant entered, thus making his closing words quite apropos. He said: "We
have not regretted putting a good Democrat in the White House, and the Demo-
crats here present will not regret putting an honest man like Hugh J- Grant in the
Mayor's chair of the City of Nev*' York." Mr. Grant was wildly cheered by the
immense audience. Being called on for a speech, the chief civic nominee briefly
responded: " For this your cordial and hearty greeting I am most profoundly
grateful. I take it not as altogether personal, but as an evidence of your loyalty
to the great party whose candidate I am. Success in New York ensures it for
the whole country. Work for the whole ticket, National and State, as well as
local. Friendship for me can best be shown by earnest and energetic work for
Grover Cleveland for President, and David B. Hill for Governor." These senti-
ments were received with tremendous applause. •

135

CHAPTER XLIV.

FIRE IN TAMMANY HALL.

HIS year (1888) was in more than one way disastrous to the
Society of Tammany. It was while the Democratic National
Convention was in session at St. Louis that a fire occurred
which at one time threatened the destruction of their fine build-
ing in Fourteenth street. This fire did not originate in the
hall itself, but in a theatre below, which was occupied, at the
time, by the Tony Pastor Company. The fire had started among the scenery,
and when discovered, about half past six on the morning of the 6th of June, wa.';
located in the northeast corner of the building, with the flames making rapid
strides towards the roof. Very soon after the first alarm was sounded fifteen
engines were on the spot, and, as Chief Shay was promptly on the ground, he
inmiediately sent out calls for extra help, calling upon every fire company within
the radius of a mile from the corner of Fourteenth street and Irving Place. The
flames burned through the floor of the large hall and shot up towards the roof
of the main building. Some Tammany men, who had, fortunately, not gone to
St. Louis, were quickly on the ground, and braved the perils of fire and smoke
in rescuing some valuable property belonging to the Society. When the fire
was extinguished it was found that neither the walls or roof was seriously in-
jured. The damage to the Society was estimated at $35,000, fully covered by
insurance; but this did not compensate for the loss of valuable documents, im-
possible to replace.

136

CHAPTER XLV.

UNVEILING OF THE TAMMANY MONUMENT AT GETTYSBURG,

SEPTEMBER, 1891.

N the 24th of September, 1891, occurred a most interesting
event in the history of the Tammany Society; as, on that day
was unveiled, with elaborate ceremonies, the fine granite and
bronze monument erected to the memory of the fallen heroes
of the Forty-second New York Volunteer Regiment, better
known under its popular name of " The Tammanv Regi-
ment," or " Jackson Guards," which honorably served throughout the war. The
site selected is about two miles southwest of the village of Gettysburg, near the
" Bloody Angle," one of the most fatally consecrated portions of the whole
ground, hallowed by the blood of brave men, dying that their country might be
" free, indeed." The position is a commanding one, on the south slope of Ceme-
tery Ridge, and in full view of many other tall shafts erected on the battle-field
by other associations.

Of those who attended this celebration and " Unveiling " there were ninety
surviving veterans, who had taken part in that long drawn-out fight on the soil
of Pennsylvania. There were also present about three hundred members of the
Tammany Society, with several hundred visitors from Gettysburg and vicinity,
nnd other parts of the country. The day was oppressively hot, and nothing less
interesting could have kept so many people together for the length of time needed
to complete the ceremonies and listen to the speeches. The proceedings were
announced to commence at 10 A. M. The veterans of the Forty-second, led by
Lieut.-Col. J. J. Mooney, carrying the old and tattered regimental flags, were the
first to arrive in town, and they spent nearly an hour looking over the historical
ground on which the great struggle, in which they had been personally engaged,
had been fought out. Some of them had not visited the spot since they were
carried wounded from the field, twenty-eight years before, on the 3d of July, 1863.
These ninety veterans were formed in line at the base of the monument, and were
photographed in that position. The band on this occasion (belonging to Harris-
burg, Pa.), was the same which had formed the line of battle for General Hancock
on the last day of the struggle.

At the hour appointed. Captain Eugene Sullivan, President of the Veteran
Association of the Forty-second Regiment, called the assemblage to order.
Prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. W. H. McKnight, President of the Pennsyl-
vania College, of Gettysburg. The unveiling of the monument followed. This
act was performed by James E. Mallon. of Brooklyn, N. Y., a son of one of the
colonels of the regiment (the fate of war had necessitated several) who had led the
Forty-second on the field at Gettysburg, and elsewhere, and who was killed in
October of the same year, at the Battle of Bristol Station, 1863. Assisting Mr.
Mallon was A. J. Zabriskie. the engineer in charge of the erection of the monu-
ment. When the large American flag, which had concealed the memorial, was
withdrawn, the crowd was struck with admiration, and cheered most enthusiasti-
cally.

THE TA.MMANY MONUMENT AT GETTYSBURG.

137

The pedestal, or, rather, broad base, of this fine monument is of granite,
standing on which, in front, and thirty-one feet high, is an Indian before
an open tent : the apex of this tent is surmounted by an eagle— all in bronze. On
tiie facade of the pedestal is a tablet, on which is recited the engagements in which
the regiment participated, and on the reverse is inscribed its record at Gettys-
, burg. The Oration was delivered by General Daniel E. Sickles, and consisted
mainly of a history of the regiment and what it had accomplished, with a touch-
ing tribute to the memory of those who fell before Pickett's charge. General
Sickles also referred to an interview which he had with President Lincoln, who
spoke to him in grateful terms of the generosity and patriotism of the City of New
York, which had appropriated $1,000,000 to carry on the war. '

At the conclusion of the oration, three hearty cheers were given for the
speaker, who had left a limb on that battle-field.

The monument was then formally presented to the " Gettysburg Battle-
field Memorial Association." a brief presentation address being made by General
Sickles. In response, Edward McPherson. Clerk of the House of Representa-
tives, as a Director of the Battle-field Association, accepted the monument, in an
mteresting speech of considerable length. Next in order was read, by the popu-
lar actor, F. F. Mackay. an original poem, written by Mr. William Geoghegan.
Colonel Fellows succeeded him with a short speech, in which he awarded equal
praise, as to bravery, to the Union and Confederate armies. General Martin T.
McMahon eulogized General Hancock, to whose division the Tammany Regi-
ment had belonged, and referred, also, with much feeling, to Maj.-Gen. John
Sedgwick, under whose command the Forty-second Regiment had been during;
the earlv part of the war. Addresses followed by General Ely S. Parker, Captahi
J. M. EUendorf and Bartow S. Weeks, Commander-in-Chief of the Sons oi
Veterans.

At the conclusion of the ceremonies the old veterans and the Tammany dele-
gation, having partaken of a banquet, returned to the city, arriving in New York
by the early morning train on the 26th.

138

CHAPTER XLVI.

RICHARD CROKER.

! EW York, long famed for her illustrious sons, has never been
more justly proud of their great achievements than now. And
foremost among her citizens, famous at home and abroad, noted
among the world's greatest leaders, is Richard Croker, Chief oi
Tammany.

Leaders are born, not made, and Mr. Croker fills the coun-
sellor's distinguished place with all the ease and dignity, the wisdom and con-
scious strength that made St. Tammany of former days so famous with the
Indian tribes.

His popularity, like patriot Paul Kruger's, is founded on his manly spirit,
fixed resolve, indomitable will and his unswerving honesty of purpose in his pro-
tective and aggressive warfare for the people's rights.

As the illustrious Lincoln, " of and for the people," stood for the cause his
countrymen entrusted to his care, so Richard Croker, nearer still to those he
serves, yet battles for the undying principles of " Liberty, Equality and Fratern-
ity " in the great Empire City of the Free.

As years of faithful service in the ranks, and in the posts of honor, have fitted
him for greater tasks, so his success has made him strong to undertake and to
accomplish them until, to-day, he stands a counsellor without a losing case, a
commander with no record of defeat, a general who has lead " the greatest
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE WORLD " to battles without number and with-
out a Waterloo.

Political opponents naturally decry the one they cannot conquer, and whose
unassailable position has so often brought disaster to the combinations they have
formed to both belie and undermine it.

But detraction from the honest fame of Richard Croker comes from those
with malice in their hearts who do not know the man.

Those who know him best — convinced of his fidelity and honesty — are loud-
est in his praise and firmest in their friendship for their fellow citizen.

Honest men — no matter what their politics — are never Mr. Croker's
enemies; dishonest ones — disloyal to their own, or other parties — can never be
his friends.

For nearly forty years, or since the early sixties, when he was elected to the
Board of Aldermen, Mr. Croker has given to the public an intelligent, untiring,
faithful service, leading, step by step, to the exalted place he holds in Tammany
and in the hearts of that Democracy whose triumphant history is inseparably
associated with his own.

A vrriter of distinction in The TammXny Times, of July, 1893, eulogizing
Mr. Croker, said he had reached that enviable position when he might be justly
called " the Warwick of American politics " — not only, as we judge, for making
Icings of men, but also for his helpful hand in making men of kings.

RICHARD CROKER.

139

For this has been his trade— so Domocratic and so beneficial to the world —
to make of all men equals, brothers, friends and fellow patriots in a free land.

For this j^reat work nature has given him the post of honor, endowing him
with gifts in keeping- with exalted place. His are the qualities of a superior
judgment, a wonderful industry, an earnest purpose, unimpeachable integrity,
the skill of leadership, the power to master means, to mould the masses, marshal
forces, to carry a great cause to victory.

Mr. Croker's hi.story. from his birth near L'idiuikilt)', County Cork, Ireland,
in Xovemher, 1843, "P 'o the present time is of surpassing interest to every one
who has respect for perseverance, honest work and Democratic faith.

Coming to America when a mere child, and living with his father — a farmer,
who served as a Captain in the Sickles Brigade during the Civil War — young
Croker received a common school education and, when old enough, was appren-
ticed to a macliinist and learned the trade. For a time he worked in the shops
of the N'ew York Central Railroad, then, in the old X'olunteer Fire Department,
he was engineer of the first steam fire engine used in New York, and was fore-
man of Engine Company No. 28. Through the Fire Department he made his
entry into politics, being elected and re-elected Alderman from 1867 till 1870,
when the Tweed ring, to which Mr. Croker was opposed, succeeded in legislating
him and his associates out of office.

Under Mayor Havemeyer Mr. Croker was appointed Marshall to secure
arrears in taxes, and it is said that in four months he succeeded in collecting
$500,000 due the city.

In 1873 lis ^'^''is elected Coroner, a position then, as now, worth about $15,000
a year. To this office he was re-elected in 1876, being then, as for years before,
an active member of Tammany Hall and friend and favorite of the famous John
Kelly.

After two terms as Coroner, he was again elected Alderman, and Mayor
Edson appointed him a Fire Commissioner, to which position he was reap-
pointed by Mayor Hewitt.

In 1889 Mr. Croker was made City Chamberlain by Mayor Grant. This
office gave him a salary of $25,000, his bond being half a million. Ill health com-
pelled him to resign his position in 1890 and take a trip to Europe to renew the
vigor lost by overwork.

On his return — resuming his accustomed leadership of Tanmiany — he
entered, with the Democratic hosts, on one of the greatest political campaigns
this country ever witnessed. In the contest of 1892, Richard Croker, at the head
of the Tammany column, did the most loyal and effective work ever accomplished
by any political organization in the history of America.

On this occasion the Tammany delegation to the Chicago Convention stood
loyally by Senator Hill, but when the nomination w-ent to Mr. Cleveland, Tam-
many became at once the staunchest advocate of his election, and under Mr.
Croker's guidance, Democratic victory was assured, and Cleveland and Steven-
son were triumphant at the polls.

That this result was due to Tanmiany and to the masterful campaign con-
■ducted by Chief Croker was everywhere acknowledged. Indeed, it has been

140

truly said that a more magnificent organization, or one more wisely handled, had
never figured in a National election. Mr. Croker's prediction that " the City of
New York would give Cleveland and Stevenson 75,000 plurality," was more
than verified by the returns, which gave the Democratic candidates an actual
plurality of 76,300 votes.

Of Mr. Croker's chivalrous fidelity in this great campaign it may be said ta
rival knierhtliest deeds on martial field, and for reward he never asked nor sought
further recompense than that he found in guiding those for whom he fought and
in the consciousness of duty well performed.

The genius for organization shows in his great battles with political giants,
and Mr. Croker, in the North American Review, remarks on this as follows:
" Organization is one of the great factors of success and without it there can be
no enduring result."

With system as a chief reliance, Mr. Croker has been ever active, earnest,
fearless, as well as fair and honest with the questions which concern the welfare
of the people of New York. With him political obligation is a duty, not to be
evaded or neglected, but in friendly intercourse and in encouragement of those
who need a friendly word or friendly hand, there is a social side to Mr. Croker's-
character which has given his magnetic personality its greatest charm.

Coming now to the last memorable campaigns which have restored a Demo-
cratic government to Greater New York — replacing the shams of a pretended
" reform '' — the guiding hand of Mr. Croker is again in evidence to hold in check
and bring to a deserved defeat the cohorts of the opposition.

For some years — not from choice, but compelled by the condition of his
health, as well as to avoid the importunities of friends and politicians — Mr.
Croker has had a residence abroad. One day, when the mock reformers still
held power, he returned from England, as Napoleon came from exile, to find the
Democratic army calling him to lead to a new victory.

Nothing loath, he took command of Tammany and won the fight against the
combined forces of Trac}-, Low and George, winning the city's contest by the
grand plurality of 85,000 votes and restoring Tammany to power.

Then began the shameful tactics of the up-the-State majority in insulting the
great City of New York with a partisan committee to reflect on the integrity of
the officers the people's votes had chosen as their representatives.

As the city's Democratic leader, Mr. Croker was the target for the opposi-
tion-— on his head beat the storm.

B^it to his honor, be it said, that meddling inquisition found in Richard
Croker a fearless honesty they had not bargained for, or, as was truly said: "A
foeman worthy of their steel."

Meeting them face to face, defiantly, he challenged them to show an unlawful
or unworthy aob, or where a single dollar had been taken or been m^isapplied
either by himself or by the Democratic officials of the City of New York.

The end is known to all. The committee was disbanded and discomfitted,
while their intended victim, Richard Croker, left for his summer trip to Europe
amid the vivas of the multitude that blocked the streets and steamer wharf.

141

Again returning for the 1900 National campaign, Mr. Croker took the
leader's place in Tammany, and at the two Conventions of the nation and State,
and in the battle royal following, he fought for the Democratic party with such
foresio^ht and energy that the harmonized Democracy of the Empire State
reduced the Republican up-State plurality of 1896, over 100,000 votes, wiped oui
McKinley's New York city majority of 23,000, and added to those figures over
27,000 city plurality for Bryan and nearly 50,000 for the candidate for Gover-
nor— a result which, if applied in equal ratio in the other States, would have made
Bryan President.

Such, in brief, is the story of an honest politician's great success. Truly
the people love him not alone for what he is, but for the work which he has done
and " for the enemies that he has made."

Coming contests need not be in doubt while Richard Croker leads.

142

CHAPTER XLVII.

THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OP 1892.

HE Presidential campaign of 1892 may be said to have beem
opened on the part of Tammany Hall, at the State Convention
held in Saratoga in September, 1891. At that Democratic
gathering the adherents of Tammany, having the late Gover-
nor, David B. Hill, at their head, found themselves strong
enough to exclude the delegates of the County Democracy,
and did exclude them. It has been truly remarked that when particularly acute
people make a mistake they are apt to make a very great mistake. Senator Hill
has been held to be one of the brainiest men in the State, shrewd and far-seeing,
capable of weighing the present and future effects of political movements with the
instinct almost of genius, and yet he made the mistake of underestimating the
resentment of his fellow-Democrats who were deprived of the usual opportunities
of considering and discussing the political situation, by the unusual action ot
precipitating a call for the selection of delegates to the national convention several
months earlier than the custom of the party warranted, thus greatly prejudicing^
the verv object which he and his friends most ardently desired. His usual per-
ception of consequences appeared to be nullified, by the desire to secure, at all
hazards, the advantage over his most prominent rival. That the early-expressed
dissent from his measure " would die out before summer " was his opinion. A
most disasterous conclusion for his hopes to cling to.

That the able leaders of the Tammany Society should have shared in this
delusion (if, indeed, they did, and were not influenced by other motives), is most
remarkable. Strong at Albany, and popular in the metropolis, neither the aspi-
rant for Presidential honors, nor his friends, seemed to have realized that a
grievance nourished by them, against Mr. Cleveland, was not necessarily shared
by all the other States in the Union. That the Tammany delegation bravely
stood by their colors at Chicago says much for their loyalty, but less for their fore-
sight. The unoiificial, but numerically strong protesting party, in common par-
lance, called the " Anti-snappers," who also went to Chicago tO' exert all the
influence they could command (though they had no votes), against the nominee
of the Tammany delegation, wisely decided to avoid creating a scandal, bv appear-
ing as contestants, but did more effectual work by personal effort and appeal, to
the delegates from other States, many of whom were under ,the impression that
Mr. Cleveland was unpopular in New York. By this sort of " still hunt " and
wary tactics they succeeded in dispelling the illusion, and the result was the
nomination of Mr. Cleveland on the first ballot, and his election by the convention
by a vote of 617 to 115 for the Tammany candidate, David B. Hill; nine other
persons being named, who received votes varying in number, from 103 for Gover-
nor Boise, of Iowa, to one for other " favorite sons." After this experience it is
probable that forestalling a Presidency will become as unpopular as the fore-
stalling of wheat or corn.

143

Tlie magnificent majority given by the City of New York to the electoral
ticket for Llfvcland in November, of t)ver 70,000 votes, shows what Tanmiany can
do, when in dead earnest, e\en lhini,L;li it was not her first choice for wJKim she
voted.

The vote of the City of New ^'ork was as foHows:

Whule number of vutt-s cast 284,984

Cleveland 175,267

Harrison 98,967

For Mayor — Gilroy, Democrat 173,510

Einstin, Republican 97,923

The whole popular vote, in the United States was 5,556,533

Cleveland's majority 382,956

Among the most active workers of the protesting ])arty at Chicago was Mr.
Charles S. Fairchilds. W'itii him worked Wilham R. Lirace, and following near
was Edward M. Shepard, of Brooklyn; G. F. Peabody, .\lexander E. Orr, Fred.
R. Coudert. William A. Eeach, E. Ellery .\nderson, Franklin Locke and others.
Their presence and inflnence was utilized by William C. Whitney and his asso-
ciates, all working together.

That Mr. Richard Croker was really pleased with the work of the convention
he took every means to make apparent. After a very necessary, but brief rest, he
made the most elaborate and expensive arrangenients for decorating his own
private residence, as well as influencing other parties to do the same. He also
arranged for the decoration of the " Sagamore Chib," which is the fashionable
uptown Tammany club of the Twenty-third Assembly District. It was located in
a fine five-story brown-stone building, on West 124th street, nearly facing Mount
Morris Park, and adjacent to the then residence of Mr. Croker. This club had a
membership of fully one thousand active Democrats, including nearly all the most
prominent members of the Fourteenth-street Wigwam. Arrangements w^ere
made with the Edison Company to furnish the large number of 541 incandescent
lights, naturally (5f the national colors, red, white and blue, with which to illumin-
ate the front of the club-house. Expense was no olijcct. but the finest and most
gorgeous decoration obtainable was. Two thousand feet of wire was used in
putting up these lights.

It was at this club that Mr. Cleveland was entertained In- the Tammany lead-
ers after the great " Notification meeting " at the Madison Square Garden, held
on the evening of July 20th, 1892.

144

CHAPTER XLVIII.

AFTER THE NOMINATIOISr.

HE first public meeting of the Tammany Society after the
nomination of Mr. Cleveland was that held on the national
anniversary. On this occasion it was commenced somewhat
informally by a person in the large assembly room of Tam-
many Hall, before the official time of meeting, arising and
calling for three cheers for Grover Cleveland. Four thousand
followers of the Wigwam had gathered there to celebrate Independence Day.
They responded to the call for cheers with such enthusiasm as to interrupt the
regular proceedings for fully five minutes. Never, perhaps, in the history of
Tammany Hall has the mention of a favorite son's name been received with such
a welcome as that aroused by. the two magic words, " Grover Cleveland."

The repeated and long-continued outbursts of cheers for the Democratic can-
didate for President astonished the politicians. Those who are prominent in the
councils of Tammany Hall and were seated on the platform watched the crowd
with evident astonishment. Hundreds of men with lusty throats jumped on
chairs and shouted for Cleveland. As many more threw their hats into the air.
It was a wonderful Cleveland demonstration — and it occurred in Tammany Hall.

Congressmen from the Southern and Western States were palpably
astounded. Several of them, who had favored Cleveland's nomination at Chicago,
referred to the demonstration in their speeches. They said there could no longer
be any doubt that Tammany Hall was sincerely enlisted for the 'national ticket.

The celebration itself was one of the most successful ever held by Tammany
Hall on the natal day.

The large assembly room was handsomely decorated, light blue velvet, em-
broidered with gold stars, was festooned around the platform, gallery and boxes.
The escutcheons of the various States hung on stafl's along the gallery front, and
the Star-Spangled Banner was the only flag to be seen. In the centre of the
platform was a bank of roses. On each side was an immense floral horseshoe
One of these bore the inscription " 1789," the year of Tammany Society's found-
ing. The other was florally inscribed with the date " 1892," the ii6th year of
American freedom.

There was not even standing space in the assembly room at 10 o'clock.
Every seat on the floor and in the gallery and boxes had been occupied long
before the hour set for the beginning of the programme. Bayne's Sixty-ninth
Regiment Band played popular and patriotic music, while the crowd awaited the
appearance of the Sachems, the officers of the Society and the orators.

In the meeting room of the Executive Committee sat Richard Croker. He
was surrounded by his advisers and district leaders. The Sachems of the Society
wore huge collars of blue velvet with stripes of gold. Mr. Croker wore one of

145

these insignia. While the iiienihcis of tlic Society were reccivinfj red badges to
pin on the left breast, the Congressional guests arrived in barouches. Congress-
man Amos J. Cuniniings piloted them through the crowd to the presence of Mr.
Croker. They were introduced to the Tammany leader and he gave each of theni
a hearty reception. After the introduction the Congressmen stood around in
groups. 'I'liey took good looks at the raiiinianv Hall chief they had heard so
much about.

^ "It is time we went upstairs," remarked Commissioner Gilroy.

" Yes," answered Leader Croker. " Form in line and send some one to
tell the band to strike up a march."

It was a few minutes after lo when the procession started on its winding
inarch upstairs. William H. Dobbs, the Sagamore, was in the lead, bearing aloft
the liberty cap on a six-foot pole. He was followed by Commissioner Gilroy,
the Grand Sachem. Then came Daniel M. Donegan, the Wiskinkie, carrying a
tomahawk, and Sachems Croker, Charles Welde, John McQuadc, John J. Gor-
man, William H. Clark, W. Bourke Cockran, Bernard F. Martin. Henry D. Pur-
roy, Thomas L. Feitner, John H. \\ Arnold and Maurice F. llolalian, Scribe, and
John B. McGoldrick, Secretary. They escorted Congressman William J. Bryan,
of Nebraska; Congressman John O. Pendleton, of West Virginia; Congressman
Benjamin A. Enloe, of Tennessee; Congressman H. A. Herbert, of Alabama;
Congressman Adolph Meyer, of Louisiana; Congressman Owen Scott, of Illinois;
Congressman C. H. Mansur, of Missouri; Congressman J. N. P. Castle, of Minne-
sota; Delegate W. A. Smith, of Arizona; Mr. S. M. White, of California, and
ex-Governor Bigg, of Delaware. At the end of the procession came Colonel
Fellows, Judge Martine, James W. Collier, the theatrical manager, who had
always been a faithful Wigwamite; Judge Ehrlich, ex-Senator John J. Cullen,
Police Commissioner Martin, Dock Conmiissioner Cram, James W. Boyle, Wil-
liam H. Burke, Nelson J. Waterbury, Jr., Nelson Smith and Congressman
Dunphy.

As soon as the procession arrived at the doors of the big hall the crowd set
up a shout and the band played a grand march. Reaching the platform, the dis-
tinguished visitors were given front seats and Grand Sachem Gilroy took posses-
sion of the Chairman's table.

Senator Daniel, of Virginia, and Congressman Wilson, of West Virginia,
Permanent Chairman of the Chicago Convention, were to deliver " lono- talks."
Neither was able to do so. Senator Daniel did not come to New York. Con-
gressman Wilson arrived Sunday evening, but was taken ill at the Hoffman
House.

Letters were read from distinguished members of the party who had been
invited but were unable to attend the celebration. Secretary McGoldrick beo-an
reading the first letter.

" Gray Gables," he said, but he had scarcely sounded the last syllable when a
mighty cheer went up. He was compelled to stop reading bv the continuance of
the applause. It was at this point that the man in the gallery proposed three
cheers for Cleveland, and the crowd renewed its enthusiasm for the head of the-
national ticket. Mr. Cleveland's letter was then read as follows:

146

MR. CLEVELAND'S LETTER.

Gray Gables, Buzzard's Bay, Mass., June 29, 1892.
Hon. Thomas F. Gilroy, Grand Sachem.

Dear Sir — 1 ackncwledg-e with thanks the courtesy of an invitation to attend the cele-
bration of the one hundred and sixteenth anniversary of American Independence, by the-
Tammany Society, on tJie 4th day of July next.

It will be impossible for me to take part in the interesting exercises you contemplate;
but I hope the celebration will be abundantly pleasant and profitable to those -who are
fortunately able to participate.

I believe that Independence Day should be celebrated with zeal and enthusiasm by
the old and young in every part of our land and in every condition of American life. No
man, woman or child within the limits of American citizenship should forget or outgro'W
the sentiments related to the observance of the Fourth day of July.

Because there are influences and tendencies abroad which tend to the neglect of this
anniversary the valuable and patriotic efforts of the Tammany Society to rescue it from
Indifference ought to be universally applauded.

I notice that my invitation contains the declaration that the coming celebration by the
Society " is designed to be of exceptional significance and extended effect." I have no fear
that this design will miscarry, for I am satisfied that the Tammany Society will not lose
the opportunity the occasion affords to teach that the Declaration of Independence was a
movement on the part of the people determined to govern themselves; that the patriotism
it inspires enjoins unselfish care for our country's welfare; that political endeavor is only
Bafe and useful when undertaken in the people's interest, and that political organization
is only effective and successful when approved and trusted by an intelligent popular judg-
ment. Tours very truly,

Grover Cleveland.

This letter, like every other reference to Grover Cleveland, ■was received 'with
hearty applause.

A letter 'was then read from Senator David B. Hill, -which -was less unanim-
ously applauded. In this the following sentiments were expressed:

" This year's celebration of the anniversary of the country's independence, preceding
as it does an important political contest involving the supremacy of the essential principles
of our free government, may appropriately be made the occasion of the renewal of our
faith in those cherished principles which have been for many years faithfully championed
by the intrepid Democracy of Tammany Hall.

"Jn my judgment the hope of the people lies in the success of the Democratic party.
Better than any other political organization it protects their rights and represents their
ftest interests. It has always been the defender of constitutional liberty and of the
reserved rights of the States. It opposes centralization; it boldly maintains the doctrine
that Federal taxation should be for public rather than private purpose; it advocates
honest money — the gold and silver currency of our Constitution; it favors home rule for
States and municipalities; it insists upon an honest and economical expenditure of public
money; it opposes force bills and Federal interference in domestic affairs of States; it
antagonizes monopolies; it rejects unjust sumptuary legislation; it is a friend of labor
and it hates hypocrisy, sham and fraud. • • •

" The Democracy of New York in the approaching struggle should present a solid front
■to the common enemy. Loyalty to cardinal Democratic principles and regularly nominated
•candidates is the supreme duty of the hour.

" I remain your fellow-citizen,

" David B. Hill."

The next letter read was from Gover-nor Flower, of New York. All the let-
ters received could not be read, so numerous were they from all parts of the
country.

Congressman Owen Scott, of Illinois, made some highlv interesting remarks,
and was followed by E. T. Talieferro, of Alabama, who said that he had never
addressed an audience north of the Ohio River, but he believed that the North
and South were united and cemented by the bond of brotherhood.

147

■• 1 came North several years ago," said he, " and while here attended a Fourth of July
celebration In Boston. There was the same music, the same enthusiasm that we mani-
fested in the South. The Ijands played llrst ' Columbia.' then ' Dixie,' and then, sweeter
than all, came the strains of ' Home Sweet Home.' It was the pleasure experienced In
that celebration that made me glad to accept the Invitation to come here to-day. I have a
message to deliver to you. The success of the Democratic ticket In this election means,
upon the issue of the Force bill, life or death politically to Alabama. Let me carry the
message back to my people that you will join hands with us in an attack against the
contests In the past, or her convictions, and of the courage of her convictions

•• We have heard a great deal about Tammany in the South. We have heard of her
heard of you. and some look upon you as a tradition or as a legend. During the Chicago
convention we stood spellbound before the eloquence of your matchless orator, Bourke
Cockran, and we could do nothing but respect you and love you." (Cheers.)

Other speakers were S. M. White, of California; II. Mansiir. of Missouri, and
Congressman Pendleton, of West Virginia.

The visiting Congressmen who favored Cleveland's nomination were de-
lighted at the enthusiasm of the Tammanyites for Mr. Cleveland. " Cleveland,"
said Congressman Herbert, of Alabama, " will be supported royally by Tammany
Hall. Why, the cheering for him here to-day almost e(|uals the cheering he
received at Chicago when he was nominated."

" When I go home," said Congressman Bryan, of Nebraska, " I will tell the
Democrats of Nebraska that New York is all right. Tammany Hall is a great
urganization, and it is solid for the ticket."

The regular programme was begun by Grand Sachem Gilroy extending a
welcome to the visiting Democratic Congressmen and the crowd in general.
■After the song " Our Glorious Union Forever," by the Tammany Glee Club,
Commissioner of Accounts Charles G. F. Wahle read the Declaration of Inde-
pendence in a loud and clear voice.

Congressman William J. Bryan was introduced as the first speaker. He was
warmly cheered. Before he began some one proposed three cheers for Mr.
Wilson, the crovvd thinking Mr. Bryan was the West Virginia Congress-
man. They were followed with cheers for Tammany Hall and the Demo-
cratic party. Mr. Bryan was forced to wait several minutes before the cheering
subsided. Then he spoke for nearly an hour. He was heard throughout the
hall and his speech was frequently interrupted with applause.

In concluding, Mr. Bryan said that in his own State of Nebraska, while the
Democrats were clearly in a majority and had a majority in the House of Repre-
sentatives, the legislative districts were so divided that the Republican party,
although in a minority, elected their own Senators.

" The time is coming." said he. " when the election of United States Sena-
tors should be taken from our State legislators and placed directly in the hands
of the people." (Prolonged cheers.)

No one at this time even dreamed that Congressman Bryan would be the
Democratic Presidential candidate in 1896 and 1900.

On the afternoon of the next day, July 5th, a meeting of the Executive Com-
mittee was held, the ostensible object being to obtain reports from the leaders of
the twenty-four Assembly Districts, and to consider a proposition to divide the
city into thirty districts, as could legally be done under the recent Act of the
Legislature on Reapportionment. The reports were not ready, but the time was
utilized to very good purpose. A private conference between Messrs. Croker,

148

Gilroy and the Corporation Counsel, Mr. Clark, was held, which resulted in the

presentation of the following resolution to the committee:

Resolved, That the Tammany organization, in executive meeting assembled, cordially
indorse the principles enunciated by the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, and
pledges its earnest and untiring support to the nominees of that convention— Grover
Cleveland, of New York and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois.

The resolution was unanimously adopted, Mr. Gilroy (Grand Sachem) pre-
sided at this meeting. In behalf of the resolution Mr. Croker spoke for the space
of twenty minutes, a long speech for him. He urged upon the members of the
Executive Committee the great importance of the coming elections, and the
necessity for earnest work, explaining, fully, that though the Tammany delegation
had worked for Senator Hill in the past, it was now their duty to support the
nominees of the national convention. He said:

" "We gave Mr. Hill our best, and taking all the circumstances together, we did the right
thing. But Mr. Hill wasn't nominated and Cleveland was. I am convinced that Mr.
Cleveland is stronger with the people than Mr. Hill would have been and that the party is
not weakened by his nomination. I have been looking over the field and I am convmced
also that Cleveland can carry the State by a larger majority than any Presidential candi-
date in a generation. It is a rather curious thing — I don't know whether you have noticed
it or not — but Presidential results in this State alternate. Mr. Lincoln carried the State in
1864. In '68 Seymour carried it for the Democrats. Then Grant, in '72, brought the State
to the Republicans. But in '76 again Mr. Tilden carried it, Garfield in '80, Cleveland in
'84, and Harrison in 1S88. It is swinging toward the Democracy this year.

" The party will carry the State, and it is our affair to create a majority in New York
that shall be greater than that of Seymour in 1868, Tilden in 1876 or Clevels^nd's first major-
ity in 1884.

"Now I want the district leaders to talk to the district captains and the men upon
whom ycu depend. Urge them to work harder this year than they ever have done. If
there is any grumbling against Cleveland stop it. Heal up any little disaffection that may
exist in your districts and all pull together."

After some other remarks, all in the same spirit, the district leaders were
asked to report on the feeling prevailing in their several districts at an early date.
There seemed to be the best of feeling in the Committee, and perfect confidence
that they were going to fight for the winning ticket. And their premonitions
proved to be correct.

1 40

CHARTER XLIX.

A RED LETTER DAY.

■fj— ? _ j^— jjjj HE 8lh of January, 1892, was a rcd-lelter day with Tammany

lil^^iB^frl ^'''"- '^'^'''^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ anniversary of the battle of New

Orleans), is always a day of special observance with them,
nicniorizing a victory won by a Democratic General after their
own hearts, General Andrew Jackson. But on that particular
anniversary they had more modern victories to celebrate and
rejoice over. Not only had the November elections filled their hearts with
renewed courage, but their already large membership was growing so rapidly that
the Secretary almost required an assistant to aid him in recording the names of
returning wanderers, as well as of new recruits.

On the first of January there w-ere already eight thousand recorded, and each
dav thereafter added largely to the number; but on the 8th they poured into the
handsome Wigwam, on Fourteenth street, with a rush. Regiments of politicians,
who had long been fighting against Tammany, had given up the battle and sur-
rendered at discretion, ready once more to renew their allegiance, and very glad
to get back home again. County Democrats, Voorhisites, and even Republicans,
had abandoned the tepees of the weakened enemy, and made with all speed for the
shelter of the strong defences of the old W'igwam. There were also a large num-
ber of young men anxious to cast in their lot with the conquering tribe. All were
welcomed, the old truants with the new pupils.

Among some of the well-known names added to the membership was that of
William S. Andrews, the great " Resolution Draftsman " of the County Democ-
racy; Jordan L. Mott, a sometime truant; Mr. Charles W. Dayton appeared as a
debutant. One of those who excited much interest was William J. O'Dair, who
had just been elected to the Assembly in the Twenty-third District of New York
as a combined Republican and County Democrat. He was warmly congratulated
upon getting under the shelter of the Wigwam. One of the candidates for
Alderman in the Sixth District, who had deserted only a few weeks before, came
in looking very happy, indeed, to be readmitted; while hundreds, who must here
be nameless, but who had voted against Tammany in November, joined the crowd
already anxiously awaiting enrollment at the hands of the .Secretary. Among
those who could not escape observation, if he would, was the tall President of the
Brooklyn Bridge, Colonel Alfred Wagstaff.

At 8 P. M. a general adjournment took place, and the ever-growing crowd,
leaving the lower ofifices, made their way to the public Hall, where Nelson
Smith was made Chairman; John R. McGoldrick, Reading Secretary; Joel O.
Stevens and John G. H. Meyer, Recording Secretaries; John McQuade, Treas-
urer; Robert Kelly, Sergeant-at-Arms.

Resolutions were passed in approval of ex-Governor Hill, also affirming the
Tiecessity of economy in State affairs, and commending the administration of the

150

city finances. Mr. Cockran then followed in a very fervid speech in which he
referred to the fact of the numerous victories of Tanunany and also to the speedy
recuperation of the party after their occasional defeats.

'Mayor Gilroy then introduced the following resolution: "That we denounce
the tyrannical, unchristian, and barbarious persecution of inoffensive Hebrews
by the Russian Government, and extend to the helpless victims of this ferocious
oppression our heartfelt sympathy, in the misery under which they suffer."

This was passed unanimously.

It was freely, though quietly, stated, on this occasion, that the Society had a
preference for the nominee at the ensuing Democratic Convention, but that, if
their preference could not be secured, Tammany would loyally sustain whomso-
ever the convention should select. Before separating the Executive Committee
appointed a special committee to visit Washington, on Januan^ 20th, to urge the
National Democratic Committee to select the City of New York as the place for
holding the nominating convention the ensuing month of June.

^ -'fi ^

If this was a day of rejoicing, still greater was the jubilation at the close of
the year 1892, when, after the grand national victory of November had been duly
celebrated, and the routine business for the coming year provided for by the hold-
ing of primaries in each of the thirty Assembly Districts of the city, in which, at
this time, there were no contests of any importance, all was peace and harmony
in the Wigwam. The only stragglers were those outside, striving to get in ; all
the once opposing parties seemed of one mind, in this emulation. Scenes of the
same nature had occurred before in the history of the Society, but on this occasion
the rush was unprecedented — including not only County Democrats, Anti-
Snappers, Voorhis men, but also old Republicans, who came in shoals, not for-
getting a contingent from the old O'Brien faction. Among the notable Republi-
can converts was John Nugent, a recent leader in the Republican Tenth Assembly
District. Another of note was Dr. Wicks Washburn. Still another very active
Republican convert was Mr. James Hart. Then, again, William P. J. Carthy,
ex- Assemblyman; City Paymaster P. J. Timmerman; H. N. Elliot, and others
from the County Democracy.

One of the most interesting converts from the Republican party, who re-
nounced his old allegiance, and came to cast in his lot with the Democracy, was
the Rev. Nicholas Bjerring, formerly of the Greco-Russian Church in this
city, well-known in literary and social circles of the metropolis.

Among the curiosities of conversion was observed one of John I. Davenport's
old political employees.

The only changes in district leaderships for the year were in the First, Third
and Thirtieth Districts, where Colonel Michael C. Murphy. Assemblyman Timo-
thy Sullivan and Coroner John B. Shea, succeeded respectively, Frank T. Fitz-
gerald, Henry C. Miner and Henry D. Purroy. The new General Committee
had, at that date, a voting membership of 3,539, and an actual membership of from
12,000 to 15,000. The District Committees averaging about 1,500 each, making'
a total of 45,000 for the whole city.

It is one of the most interesting features of the historical Tammany organi-
zation that it has ever been subjected to alternate periods of virulent attacks by

151

its political enemies, interspersed with seasons of special increase in growth, in-
fluence, and consequent elation of spirits. Ever since the dissolution of the old
l""cderal party, these contrasts have occurred. Other parties have lived out their
appointed time, fallen into the senile stage, utterly decayed, and died a natural
death, while the Tammany Democracy, invariably rallies upon the old battle-
ground with renewed vigor, after every temporary set back.

Why this radical difference in the fate of the Tammany Society, and its
numerous and varied defunct opponents?

Is it not in great measure from the fact that the Tanunaiiv Society has always
acted upon broad general principles which every man can understand — such as
the equality of all classes before the law; the right to freedom of personal action
up to the limit of non-interference with others; the duty of all citizens to defend
the integrity of the soil. The right of the States to maintain all the prerogatives
conceded to them by the Constitution; the right of cities and towns to control
their own local affairs?

On the other hand, their opponents have been in the habit of assuming a
spirit of superior virtue, unaccompanied by any evidence of this possession, with
a strong tendency to favor classes, and to interfere with the natural rights of indi-
viduals; in sumptuary matters.

Particularly of late years it has been very noticeable how largely the Republi-
can campaigns have been conducted (in this State), on the simple ground of abuse,
condemnation, and unmitigated slanders against Tammany, without evidence or
logical argument. Honest people will not bear too much of that sort of thing,
and the natural impulse is, with those accessible to reason, to resent such whole-
sale abuse of their fellow citizens and finally to sympathize with and act with
them. Much of the latter day strength of Tammany is recruited from voters
fairly driven out of the Republican ranks by their dishonest and unjust treatment
of their Democratic opponents.

152

CHAPTER L.
THE TARIFF— MAYOR GILROY'S MESSAG-E.

]HE new year, 1894, opened with the cheering announcement by
the retiring Democratic Governor, R.oswell P. Flower, that the
State of New York, for the first time in seventy-five years, was
free from debt. Has it been free from debt under his RepubU-
can successors? In this message of the Governor another
subject of importance to the metropoUs was referred to, as
" the rising sentiment in favor of consolidation of the neighboring towns and
cities." At this time the tax-rate of the City of New York was lower than that
of any large city in the United States, and this was under a Democratic Mayor,
who was also a Tammany Sachem.

Early in January it is usually the custom to reorganise the Tammany Hall
Committees; that is, if changes in the leadership or membership seems best for
the interest of the Wigwam ; if not required, of course, the status is not disturbed.
Changes are only made for cause, not arbitrarily.

The question of the tariff and the " Bland Bill," for the coinage of the silver
seigniorage in the Treasury, was occupying the attention of Congress, while the
evil effect of the McKinley bill was pressing upon the business and commercial
interests of the metropolis, and the suffering, but unthinkine, were clamoring
against the President for not producing the "good times" which had been hoped
for, but for the failure of which the administration was in no way responsible — -
for one reason that his predecessor had left an empty treasury.

One of the earliest meetings of Tammany's General Committee, in January,
1895, adopted a resolution expressing the general Democratic sentiment as to the
desirability of a prompt settlement of the Tariff question, which resolution, infer-
entially, at least, condemned the Wilson bill as an unconstitutional and undemo-
cratic measure, which was one of the main causes of delayed prosperity. In fact,
the recent Congressional elections (special) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Dis-
tricts were mainly of interest as affecting votes on that half-way and generally
unsatisfactory bill.

For seven years the Democratic party had been struggling for a radical
reform of the tariff. In the House, the Democratic votes had passed the reason-
able Mills bill, but this was lost in the Republican Senate. Of course, under the
Harrison administration, no progress could be made; but in 1890 the contest was
renewed, and the elections of that year showed a popular majority of over 1,300,-
000 against a high protective tariff, and gave a Democratic majority of 148 in the
House, but the Senate still stood in the way of relief; and thus the Wilson bill
was finally accepted by the Democrats, because they could get no better, though
it was far from meeting the wishes of the party. The later Dingley bill wa-s called
the " revenue-reducing bill."

The annual message of the INIayor of New York, Mr. Gilroy, was, or ought
to have been, a convincing document, disproving the frequent charge against

'53

Tammany, hv its enemies, of mismanagement and general corruption in the
administratinii of nuinicipal afl'airs — siunving, as it did, lliat. wiiile the tax-rate
had been materiallv redneed, most vahial)le imiirovcments liad been carried on; •
and this in face of the fact that New York city had paid very heavy State taxes,
out of all proportion to the taxes paid by the country counties.

During the year just passed tlic city had expended, (ir cnnt;acted, for exten-
sive dock improvements the sum of $2,750,000; for new school houses, $1,400,000;
for street repairs, $1,000,000; for Croton water works, including additional high-
water service, and the sanitary protection of water supply, $3,750,000; for new
armories, $240,000; for the Museums of Art and Natural History, $196,000.

Tn addition to these sums, there was expended for new buildings, including
the splendid new Court House, on Centre street, and a new asylum for the insane,
in asphalting numerous streets, in rebuilding the interior of Castle Garden and
establishing the Aquarium there, with other improvements and adornments of
the city — in all to the amount of $20,850,000. During all the hard winter the
Mayor was indefatigable in devising means for the employment of men whose
usual avocations had been interrupted by the general stagnation of business.

In the spring there was a fresh outburst of anti-Tammany combinations,
including those chronic factionists, the Steckler brothers; the Michael DufTy
Association; Walter Bahan's rather limited followers; and some of the "left-
over" Voorhis party; while the perennial Parkhurst was in full bloom again.
Later in the season the combination was increased by the organization of the
redoubtable " Seventy," with which the so-called Good Government Clubs affili-
ated. It was at this period, April 23d, 1894, that the " Lexow Committee " was
appointed at Albany to inquire into the charges against the police force of New
York city, of which all the convictions found were _subsequently quashed in the
Supreme Court, sitting on May 21, 1896, chiefly on the ground that the witnesses
produced by the prosecution were of such debased character and criminal record
as to be unworthy of belief. The lawyer employed on behalf of Parkhurst, the
chief complainant, was John W. Goff, later Recorder of New York. The
most despicable means were employed by Parkhurst to try and injure the Tam-
many organization, even descending to the employment of young boy spies to
follow and watch respectable citizens (known to be Democrats) on election day.
A curious instance of how prejudice without knowledge nullifies the reason-
ing powers is illustrated by a little incident which occurred in the course of the
charitable work undertaken by Tammany during the winter. One of the " unco
guid" of the North Baptist Church was the chief performer of the Httle farce.
Several thousand dollars had been raised by Tammany workers of the Ninth Dis-
trict, and this money was put into the hands of its leader, Mr. Boyle, for distribu-
tion. He divided it into smaller sums and sent checks to leading persons in the
district whom he knew to be trustworthy. Among these was the pastor of the
church referred to, the Rev. John J. Brouner. Mr. Boyle accompanied the check
with a kindly note requesting that the money be dispensed for charitable pur-
poses. When the announcement of the reception of this unsolicited gift was made
at a church meeting, a Republican deacon arose and vehemently opposed its
acceptance, on the ground of its "coming from a corrupt source." Fortunately,
the pastor was endowed with a modicum of common sense, and kept the check,
subsequently putting the money to good use in his immediate neighborhood. A

154

prominent Tammany man remarked, upon a similar incident, "that the descend-
ants of sucli Pharisees may be found in pohtics," adding, " they are those who-
thank God that they are not as other men, and straightway go out to form Mug-
wump circles."

Early in May, Mr. Croker, whose health had been failing for some time,
resigned all his political offices which he held in the Tammany organization,
retaining only simple membership therein. His resignation, which had been fore-
seen, was accepted by all the members present, with only one dissenting voice.
No other leader was elected in Mr. Croker's place — a position he had so ably filled-,
for the nine preceding years, and, in advance of this period, he had rendered fully
twenty years of faithful work in the interests of the organization. His retirement
at this time did not result from any loss of interest, but was simply a life-saving-
necessity, and was insisted upon by his ph3-sician.

Mr. John McOuade, a man of large business experience, was made Chairman
of the Finance Committee, but the organization, as a whole, underwent nO'
material change, every department being in a healthful condition, and well able
to sustain their several parts in the general management; thus no immediate-
necessity existed for selecting a special leader. As an old and experienced mem-
ber remarked: "When a new leader is really needed, one will be developed — •
Tammany never lacks able men."

The Fourth of July programme was prepared in ample time, with the usual
supply of excellent speakers and the unfailing enthusiastic audience, but one-
event, which had not been announced, was received with a more intense outbreak
of rejoicing than all the rest of the formal arrangements. This was the unex-
pected return and appearance on the scene of Mr. Croker, which, to all but a very
limited number, was wholly unlocked for. His reception was cordial in the-
extreme, and to a great number of those present would have been ample compen-
sation, if it had simply been substituted for the usual proceedings. As full
descriptions have been given in these pages of several of these celebrations, it will'
not be necessary to go into any detailed description of this one, which so many of
our readers will personally recollect; and, really, the main event of the day was-
the sudden return of Tammany's old chief, who, however, took no part in the-
public proceedings, only greeting the friends who came to him and departing;
from the hall before the orators commenced their " long talks."

155

CHAPTER LI.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION AND GOVERNOR HILL-

I HE Constitutional Convention which met this summer (1894),
largely interested Tammany, as dealing with the question of the
reapportionment of the Senate and Assembly districts of the
State, with which, of course, considerable partisan feeling in
both parties existed. It was not a new question. For the pre-
ceeding fifteen years it had been the cause not only of serious de-
bate, but also of not a little ill feeling. The Constitution of the State had pro-
vided that an enumeration of the population should be taken every ten years,
and that the legislative districts should be apportioned by the Legislature next
sitting upon the new enumeration. An enumeration should have been taken in
1885. At that time David B. Hill was Governor, but the Republicans had con-
trol of the Legislature. An enumeration bill was passed, but vetoed by the Gov.-
ernor, on the gorund that it gave to the Republicans control of
the appointment of the enumerating officers. After the Legislature
adjourned Governor Hill called an extra session, which reconvened, but
passed the same bill which had been vetoed. Discrimination was clearly against
the City of New York. The greatest injury to the Democratic party fell on Kings
County, now the New York Borough of Brooklyn. Tammany felt somewhat
relieved when Ithe worst was known.

The Democratic State Convention, which assembled in Saratoga on Septem-
ber 29th, again selected David B. Hill as their nominee for Governor, Damel N.
Lockwood, of Erie County, for Lieutenant-Governor, and William J. Gaynor, of
Kings County, for Judge of Court of Appeals. Although the last State election
had not been reassuring, the Democratic party of New York met with brave
words and good courage to renew the contest lost in 1894. The Committee on
Credentials inadc its first announcement that the regular delegates from New
York and Kings Counties would be seated. The Tammany Times, published in
New York city, which was being distributed by thousands, helped to create a
furor in favor of Hill, his picture being on the front page, and this was in every
delegate's hand. When Hill's name was regularly placed before the convention
and the roll call demanded, there were 383 responses in the affirmative, every
county in the State having voted for him. On this occasion Mr. Hill was voted
for in spite of himself. His candidate had been Mr. Thatcher, who was with-
drawn.

The platform adopted expressed its condemnation of a single silver standard,
a worse than war tariff (the McKinley), and satisfaction at the repeal of the Sher-
man law, adding: " We concur with President Cleveland in re.i;ar(l to the new
tariff, the Wilson bill, that it does not embody the full measure of tariff reform
needed." "We reaffirm the declaration of principles contained in the Democratic
National platform of 1892, in favor of honest money; economy in puldic expenses;
just and liberal provision for disaliled I'nion soldiers, and the true principles of

156

Civil Service reform." This platform repudiated the Ineome Tax; favored all
just legislation in the interests of labor, and denounced, " as contrary to the spirit
of our institutions, any display of religious intolerance or political proscription on
account of any special form of religious belief."

The clause in the platform referring to labor appeared to have been widely
read and appreciated by the class most interested. At a meeting in Cooper
Union, held on October 25th, which was addressed by the nominee for Governor,
the immense hall was filled by almost exclusivel}^ an audience of workingmen,
who had come to see and hear the man who had done so much for the industrial
interests of the community, and was ready to do more. Between forty and fifty
different trade organizations being represented, including some musical societies
and other forms of industry not usually classed as labor. At the close of Mr.
Hill's address, which was vociferously applauded, a representative of Typographi-
cal Union No. 6, read a list of beneficial laws affecting labor which Mr. Hill, as
Lieutenant-Governor, and Governor, had secured for the State of New York.

But enthusiasm does not always elect. And, in truth, it may be said, that no
political organization in the United States ever had as formidable a combination
against it as Tammany had at this time. Very shortly after the adjournment of
the State Convention the experienced leaders had serious consultations how best
to meet the threatening forces arra)'ed against them, their main efforts being
directed to securing the right candidate for the office of Mayor of the City of New
York. Several of the prominent officers of the Wigwam favored the nomination
of Frederic R. Coudert, which would tmdoubtedly have drawn some of the pro-
fessed reformers from their new allegiance to strange gods, thus exhibiting great
magnanimity on the part of Tammany ; for Mr. Coudert had lately been working
against the organization, but was still recognized as a Democrat untainted with
Republicanism. Unfortunately, another spirit had been at work among the lead-
ers of the Assembly Districts, which rendered the nomination of Mr. Coudert
impolitic, if not impossible. Former Mayor Hugh Grant favored the candidacy
of Nathan Strauss, and he was finalh' selected, and accepted the nomination,
which, however, he later resigned, and the name of Hugh Grant was substituted.

What had given the combined opponents of Tammany the absolute assurance
that they could secure its defeat was the fact that in the State election of 1893 the
Democratic candidate for the Court of Appeals had only won in the city by a
majority of 31,677, and this was taken as a safe estimate of Tammany's strength.
From this style of arguing the antagonistic element somewhat naturally, though
erroneously, came to the conclusion, that if all the enemies of 1 armnany could
be united, in addition to their permanent opponents, tlie Republicans, it would be
easy work to overcome a matter of 30,000 votes.

The strongest enemies to be met in the independent camps were undoubtedly
the State Democracy, and the organization of the "Seventy," which was formally
launched on the political tide early in September, and with which the lesser anti-
Tammany associations and clubs were more or less affiliated; but the idea of this
general combination must, in strict justice, be attributed to Parkhurst, whose con-
tinuous preaching and personal influence had originally aroused, by his persistent
assertions of Tammany's wickedness, and his own purity, the animosity of
thousands of ill-informed but probably honest people: for it is a well understood
element in uncultured human nature to take persistent assertion for fact and accu-

satioii for proof. One of llie preacher's favorite topics was that of election frauds,
which were urged against the police force, including indiscriminately. Republicans
and Ueniocrats, but which the orators of the former party habitually referred to as
"Tammany frauds," though, as ex-Mayor Hewitt pointed out, the same stereo-
typed charges were brought in 1875, when Tammany held no office in the city
government; and the same occurred under his own mayoralty. The inference
plainly to be drawn from his published letter is that, in his opinion, wherever there
were human beings and strong temptations, a certain percentage would fail in
their duty under the very best conditions. The whole number indicted, out of
some four thousand, were only seventy-two, of which twenty-nine were dismissed
as unsustained, a few pleaded guilty; other doubtful cases were suspended, or
referred to the next session of Oyer and Terminer, hut were not heard of again.
All the convictions were procured by a Democratic District Attorney, irrespec-
tive of politics, with no question of what party they belonged to. But out of these
trials the reformers, in their haste to make political capital, did not
scruple to throw such dishonor upon their own city that foreign newspapers and
other distant critics felt justified in speaking of the metropohs of our country as
if it were a place unfit for habitation — a species of treason which no Democrat
was ever guilty of.

One of the worst of these defamers was the Rev. George H. Hepworth, who,
in his book on Armenia, refers to Tammany in such a malicious and untruthful
spirit that every intelligent reader naturally asks himself: Is a man thus capable
of slandering his own fellow citizens a reliable witness on any subject, especially
the political conditions of a foreign country?

After the defeat of the Democratic ticket, in 1894, inexperienced people
began to talk as if the end of Tammany had come, but the old-timers of the Wig-
wam were not in the least dismayed. They had experienced reverses before, and
had outlived them, rising from them with renewed strength, like the ancient hero
of Grecian mythology, Anteus, who, in his struggle with a formidable enemy, was
reinvigorated every time he touched mother earth. The blow this time was not
mortal. In the first place, the Tammany people knew that the adverse result had
been brought about not because they were sinners above all men, but simply from
the combination of unnatural allies, who, in the nature of things, could not long
remain in unison, being held together not by any platform of principles, but
largely by an ardent desire to achieve the handling of the city patronage, and not
by any recognized historic party who had a future to look to. If these temporary
allies had been the pure and disinterested men they claimed to be, they would not
have conducted their campaign on a basis of wild calumny and falsification, as
they did; and, in view of this, Tammany was satisfied that, with a little time for
reflection, the mass of honest voters, who had been misled by misstatements and
the hypocritical pretence of superior purity of motive, would soon see these pre-
tenders unmasked by their own actions, and the betrayed people would recover
their second sober thought and come back to the party of less pretence, but more
habitual honesty of purpose. Besides, the Tammany vote had not been small;
its candidate for Mayor, Hugh Grant, received 109,000 votes, which was only
eight thousand less than the vote which had elected him in 1888: so the veterans
felt; in their hearts, that it would not be long before these deserters would be
speeding back to their old home, under the permanent shelter of the Wigwam,

158

CHAPTER LII.
SOME REVERSES -PARKHURST—MAYNARD.

LTHOUGH New York State would have failed of its electoral
vote for Grover Cleveland without the loyal aid rendered by
Tammany, that organization stood on its dignity, and made no
immediate effort to secure recognition at the hands of the
President, as he had not been their preferred candidate, while
naturally not averse to accepting any good thing which the
Administration felt inclined to put in their way; and, while the men from " up the
State," some of whom had even signed a protest against Cleveland's nomination,
did not hesitate to make personal application at the White House for a share of
the spoils, the officers of the Tammany Society checked the inclination to rush
to Washington, but, instead, agreed among themselves what it was rightly
entitled to, selected the names of the men for the offices to which they were best
fitted, and, after waiting a reasonable time, quietly sent them to the Executive
Mansion. Such was the seemly method employed by Tammany; while from the
country parts of this State, and from every other State in t1-e Union, the White
House was besieged with office-beggars of every class and description.

The most important event of 1893 and which had a far reaching effect upon
the Tammany organization was, of course, the State election. Already a num-
ber of small factions, calling themselves anti-Tammany, and with no other excuse
for existence, were cropping up, destined, in the end, to extinction, but trouble-
some for the time they continued, simply seeking their individual interests,
regardless of the greater interests of the party. Among these events affecting the
interests of Tammany which burst into sudden prominence this year was that
outbreak of unrestrained fanaticism which has been called " the Parkhurst
assault," but though the reverend gentleman's name has been specially identified
with the attack, ostensibly directed to the New York police force, yet, in intent
and purpose, meaning injury to Tammany, he was not the originator of the move-
ment which eventuated in the appointment of the notorious " Lexow Committee
of Investigation."

The original instigator was a business man, a cotton broker, named Henry
Morehouse Taber, who happened to be foreman of the Grand Jury of March,
1892, and who, in that capacity, made a wholesale charge of corruption against
the police force and the police courts, acting, in this matter, in conjunction with
Dr. Parkhurst. Adding his own opinion to the official presentment, he declared
his belief that the police were paid to protect law-breakers, and that the corruption
fund existing for this precise purpose amounted to $7,000,000 or $8,000,000! That
a commission of inquiry into this man's sanity was not immediately instituted
remains one of the mysteries of that period. This veracious individual indulged
in other eccentricities of conduct, all of which were not known to the public until
after his death, when his peculiar will disclosed some of them. During all of his
adult life Mr. Taber had posed as a devout Christian, being on intimate terms with

'5l>

his Presbyterian pastor, acting also as a trustee of tlic clnnxli, and closely con-
nected with other Christian societies; yet he left a will plainly asserting his total
•ilisbelief in any and all religions, deeming tlicni all mere superstitions. Of course,
Mr. Taber, as all others, have the right to believe or disbelieve what they choose,
but what amount of mental honesty in any matter of moral ethics can exist in a
mind thus inconsistent with itself? A daily outward appearance, and habitual
profession of faith in Christianity, while, in reality, at heart a confirmed agnostic.
While Mr. Taber lived he and Parkhurst worked together — the one a sclf-pro-
iiounced hypocrite, and the other an impracticable theorist. Their work ending,
as might have been expected, in a profound fiasco, so far as permanent results
were concerned, to which farther reference will be made.

The momentous Democratic State Convention which met this year at Sara-
toga, on October 5th, met with no pronounced opposition to its nominees until
the name of Judge Isaac 11. Maynard was presented as the candidate of the con-
vention for Judge of the Court of Appeals, which drew out some hostile remarks.
However, the whole ticket presented was accepted by the convention, and ratified
at a meeting in the Wigwam, in New York, on the evening of the 27th. At this
meeting Governor Flower presided; many enthusiastic speeches were made, and
Colonel Fellows took occasion to specially eulogize Judge Maynard; yet, at this
very time, there was, in the minds of some of the leaders, more than a faint sus-
picion that the Judge would prove a drag-anchor to the whole of the State ticket,
which, indeed, it did, as the following figures plainly show:

Though the Democratic ticket had a majority of 35,066 in the citv, there was
this difference: The qandidate for Secretary of State, Cord Meyers, received a
vote of 65,000 throughout the State, while Maynard was simply slaughtered in the
country towns, and, even in the city, fell some 30,000 below the general ticket;
and thus, although the victory remained in the city with Tanmiany, there was, a
reduction in the majorities which gave cause for thought. The falling off was
universally attributed to Judge Maynard's name on the ticket: \ct he had always
borne an irreproachable character, and in the opinion of his friends, in the matter
charged against him, on this occasion, he had only acted on the principle of
accomplishing an act of practical justice by the use of all the means which a
fortunate opportunity placed in his way.

The affair which caused his defeat has passed into history under the name
of " the Mylod returns," these being the election returns from Dutchess County
in 1890. In counting the ballots on this occasion it was found that a certain
number of votes cast for the Republican candidate bore certain private marks,
which could be easily identified; these, in the first count, were legally and
properly rejected and thrown out. The political friends of the losing candidate
commenced a contest for their restoration, and applied to the courts to effect such
restoration; then followed a long series of law proceedings, "stays," "man-
damuses," " injunctions," and all the devices known to the law to make the worse
appear the better cause, on the one side to secure the recognition of the legality
of the original returns, on the other to enforce the counting of the marked ballots.
During this contest, by the delay of a mail delivery, Judge Maynard, who was
acting at the time as counsel to the original board, had the opportunity, and
availed himself of it, to present the original and correct returns to the State Board
of Canvassers, and with this, undisputed before them, the Democratic candidate

i6o

(Osborne) was declared duly elected to the Senate, as he had been in fact. The
accusation against Maynard was that he had acted in defiance of certain legal
injunctions, which he, as good a lawyer as any of his accusers, claimed were illeg-
ally issued; but the rage and disappointment of the Republicans, who had thus
lost a Senator, was unappeasable, and knew no bounds. Even some members of
the Bar Association met together and formally condemned the position taken by
Judge Maynard. So much excitement was there that eventually the Legislature
ordered an inquiry, and a joint committee of both houses was appointed, but it
soon dropped the whole business; sending in, however, a majority and minority
report. The Legislature adopted the majority report, which practically exoner-
ated Maynard; and Governor Flower soon after reappointed him to the honorable
office of Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals ; but this nomination was not sus-
tained in the ensuing election, to which Maynard appealed for vindication.

The lesson of all which is that the people demand that their judges shall not
only be of the purest integrity, but that it shall be of such a grade and quality as
to be beyond question, even by their enemies. The writer has seen many political
campaigns, but never one in which such vicious virulence was indulged in against
a candidate of long established good reputation as that which pursued Judge
Maynard. At the same time, it must be admitted that his defense, by his party,
was very weakly conducted. The Judge died in Albany in June, 1896.

Though the Democrats had carried the city, the State had gone Republican.
Some of the causes of this defeat were sutfiiciently obvious, but leading them all
was the " bad times," which conjunction of ideas and facts is explained by the
common experience, that there is to be found in all commlmities a large number
of persons who habitually hold the government responsible for business condi-
tions, and the times were hard. The President was a Democrat. Hence, in the
logic of many voters, it must improve matters to change party control. Added
to this sort of reasoning, was some resentment against the President for certain
appointments which were distasteful to the many of both parties, particularly that
of a wealthy gentleman of Rhode Island, who was most widely known as a large
subscriber to the election fund; then, also, Mr. Cleveland's attitude towards
Hawaiian affairs, and his semi-support of the dethroned queen was displeasing to
others. Still more potent was the disappointment over the failure to secure
satisfactory changes in the tariff. The changes made not being radical, it was
charged that such as were made were simply disturbing business, though, as
the Democrats were not at this time a majority in Congress, thev could not
properly be held responsible for this. Other minor causes added to the feeling of
desire for a change. The hard times being at the base of all. Tlie Democratic
victory of 1892 had turned largely on the question of tariff reform, and the reform
had not materialized. But Tammany was not seriouslv discouraged. It never is.
Since its leading object is to maintain the great cause of human rights, it is ever
assured that it must and will prevail in the end, whatever delavs or obstructions
temporarily intervene. As a means to a desired end, a special effort was made
this year to increase the number of local Tammany clubs, and towards the end of
the year, during the latter part of December, an innovation was planned for
introducing into the organization of the Assembly districts a material change.

The criticism had often been made that the government of Tammany Hall
was wholly composed of place-holders, professional politicians. To meet this

i6i

<jbjection, though it was not founded on fact, Mr. Croker conceived the idea of
connecting with the local leadership a body of men specially selected for their
business qualities, and their social status as business men, believing that such
might be valuable aids to the usual leaders and would also add prestige to the
party in the eyes of the general public. 'J'his plan was announced as experimental
only, and not necessarily a permanency. Few of the existing leaders were
enthuiiastic on the suggested change, but no serious opposition was made, and
the arrangement went into etifect, working well in some districts, but in others
producing complications; most of the business men themselves eventually with-
drawing from the arrangement.

At the late election delegates had been chosen to the Constitutional Conven-
tion. Among the Tammany men thus honored we find such names as William C.
Whitney, John Bigelow, De Lancey NicoU, Nelson J. Waterbury, Gideon J.
Tucker, Charles H. Trua.x, Andrew H. Green and others of equal standing and
intelligence.

Very shortly after the result of the election was officially made known, a

systematic and combined efifort was made, by the opposition, to unite all parties,

great and small, antagonistic to Tammany. What might be called the formal

inauguration of this movement took place at a meeting on November 21st, at the

Union Square Hotel. At this time and place the various malcontents assembled,

and one obscure person offered the following resolution:

nisohed. That a committee of ten be appointed by the Chairman to arange for a pub-
lic mass meeting for a union of all anti-Tammany forces in New York.

No expression of principles, political or otherwise, was offered, or apparently
expected, thus illustrating the general and habitual attitude of opponents to the
Tammany Hall organization, who, as a rule, have no other end in view than to
secure the patronage naturally inherent in the administration of a large munici-
pality. About the same time a remnant of the old County Democracy met, with
similar purposes, in the Twelfth District, and one in the Seventh, calling them-
selves the Citizen's Democracy. Other associations of great prestige were soon
to follow. The association of the State Democracy was largely composed, at
first, of the old anti-Snappers, of which faction Charles S. Fairchild was the
leader. Just at the same time Senator Hill was bravely fighting the Federal Elec-
tion bill, and Tammany was busy striving to alleviate the distress of the unem-
ployed poor in the City of New York, by raising large sums of money in all the
Assembly districts, furnishing fuel and food to thousands thrown out of work by
the general stagnation of business.

l62

CHAPTER LIII.

RATIFICATION OF NATIONAL CONVENTION.

HE celebration of Tammany's great day, the Fourth of July,
was not so brilHant as usual, on account of the absence of many
of the leading men who had gone to the National Democratic
Convention, which was to meet in Chicago on the 6th; though
the gathering was interesting and enthusiastic, for, fortunately,
the assembled patriots had not the prevision to see the perplex-
ing effect which the nomination for President, made by the convention, would
produce. Of course, there were individual sympathizers with the silver Bryan-
ites, but to Tammany, as an organization, the ticket nominated at Chicago fell
like a wet blanket, and for a time produced almost a sense of stupefaction among
the most intelligent members of the Democratic party in New York city. The
question of officially accepting the candidate and the platform was a very serious
one; but it had to be met. Quite a number, like ex-Governor Flower, Senator
Hill, Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch, the veteran Tammanyite, General Sickles,
ex-Mayor Hugh Grant, and scores of others, openly and promptly repudiated
both the candidate, Mr. Bryan, and certain principles enunciated in the platform,
on the ground that neither represented true Democracy; yet — there was the
one Democratic principle which could not be absolutely ignored, that the ma-
jority should rule, and the Chicago convention represented, through its dele-
gates, the will of the party. However, distasteful, Tammany decided that to
retain the prestige of regularity, it would be necessary to formally accept the
situation and make the best of it.

Not only in the city, but throughout the State, the condition was a compli-
cated and very trying one, to those of the party who regarded the action of the
convention as undemocratic. To the more independent members of Tammany a
bolt and practical protest seemed the right thing to do; hence the organization
of the Sound Money party, who put an independent ticket in the field, with.
Palmer and Buckner, for President and Vice-President, as their nominees; not
hoping, indeed, to win, but as a rebuke to the Democracy of the West, which had
controlled the convention.

It was decided to hold the public ratification meeting at Madison Square-
Garden on the 1 2th of August; and, although the heat was intense, an immense-
crowd assembled to greet Mr. Bryan. There had been a marked degree of curi-
osity to see th.is new style of Dem-ocrat from the West, and it was asserted by old-
New Yorkers that a large portion of the audience were non-habitues at Democra-
tic meetings, but was largely made up of the floating population, who had not
been able to leave the torrid streets and escape to the country. However, this-
may have been, Mr. Bryan received such a cordial reception as must have given
him the impression that his friends were largely in the ascendant, his speech being
frequently punctuated with hearty and apparently sincere applause; though it was
long enough and serious enough to have wearied any common audience on a less-
lorrid night. As his arguments have been so widely published, there is no object
in repeating them here.

WILJ^IAM JKXX1X<;S HRYAX.

i63

About a month later the Democratic State Convention met at Buffalo. Its
main business was to endorse the national ticket, which it did, and to nominate
State officers, including a Governor. Senator Hill's favorite candidate for this
office wiis John Boyd Thatcher, and for Lieutenant-Governor, Isaac S. Catlin, of
Kings County, a man who had now, but never previously, bolted a National
ticket. The silver men were much chagrined to perceive the influence exerted
by the General's attitude, while Mr. John C. Sheehan branded all sound money
men as traitors. On this occasion the Hon. D. Cady Herrick, of the Appellate
Court, took a prominent part. The nominee finally selected was Wilber F. Por-
ter, of Watertown. The opposing candidate was Mr. Black, who, in the ensuing
November, was elected.

The campaign was not very exhilirating to Tammany, on account of the
falling off of funds; so many of the business people who had been accustomed to
subscribe liberally became timid over the situation, fearing financial disturbance,
in case of the success of Mr. Bryan. This feeling was greatly strengthened by
the daily reports of prominent Democrats having joined the gold monometallists,
the opposition papers taking particular care to publish such lists as campaign
weapons. After the election was over, it was estimated that 40,000 Democrats
voted against Bryan.

The representation of Tammany men at the convention had been small (only
208) as compared with previous occasions, as for instance, in 1892, 1,200 attended.
Mr. Croker was not present when Mr. Bryan was nominated; Mr. Sulzer spoke
for the Tammany delegation supporting the motion, and, as the unit rule pre-
vailed, the rest of the delegation was forced to take the same attitude, though,
personally, so many were dissatisfied with the result. At a conference with the
district leaders, held on July 21st, Mr. Sheehan, as acting leader of Tammany
Hall, advised that it was best to ratify the nomination of William J. Bryan. His
views being accepted, there was no object in delaying the public ratification, and it
was decided to issue a call for meetings of the Executive and General Commit-
tees; but Justice Frederick Smyth, who was at this time Grand Sachem,
declared that he could not vote for Bryan — yet neither would he vote for the
Republican candidate, Mr. McKinley.

Some members of Tammany took the stand that the organization should not
put up any National electoral ticket, but limit themselves to a State ticket. This
position was taken by ex-Secretary of the Navy, William C.Whitney, but the ques-
tion of official recognition, as the Democratic party of New York, overbalanced
this idea. Finally, at a meeting of the Executive Committee, it was voted, by 70
to 4, to indorse Bryan; but it was well known that the feeling was not nearly so
unanimous as the vote. " ' Stand by the majority,' is the rule." said Mr. Purroy,
though he believed in the monetary standard recognized by all the great commer-
cial nations of the earth, and he added, "though the prevalent Democracy has
wandered into error, it is far better constituted to act as the great agent for the
preservation of the sovereignty of the people, far better entitled to my support
than can ever be its irreconcilable enemy, the Republican party, that organization
of monopolies and trusts." This argument was good doctrine, but the speaker's
subsequent action effectually nullified his speech.

1 64

CHAPTER LIV.

ADVENT OF THE " REFORMERS."

S was anticipated by those who knew the recuperative power of
Tammany, that organization rapidly recovered from the de-
pressing effect of the defeat of the party in the last State
election. One of the amusing displays of " reform " claims
to strength and influence was the ridiculously high figures
which each and all of these factions put forth by grossly mis-
statino- the number of votes they controlled, and the consequent recognition due
to them from the victorious party. As, for instance, the State Democracy had
claimed that they were absolutely sure of 50,000 votes; the Independent County
oiganization put their help at 40,000; the German- American Reform had set theirs
at 75,000; the Anti-Tammany Democracy at another 40,000. These alone cov-
ered more than the total vote of the opposition: yet where was the vote of the
redoubtable " Seventy ? " Where that of the Good Government Clubs? and
all the other brood akin to them, including the much larger body of the regular
Republican machine adherents? Some of the foes of Tammany, who had boasted
loudly of their power and numbers before election, made such a poor showing on
election day as to be simply ridiculous.

But to the n'ew Mayor these independents of all sorts and sizes became a
serious annoyance, each and all clamoring for their share of the spoils, while
Tammany proceeded peacefully and quietly in its regular course, merely chang-
ing its committees, so far as was required by the re-districting, in accordance with
the new Constitution adopted at the late election. Biding their time, in the full
faith of a certain and not distant return to power.

At the first meeting of the General Committee it was decided that an address
to the people should be prepared thanking the 109,000 men who had voted the
Tammany ticket — this, perhaps, just to let their late opponents know that they
were neither dead nor sleeping. In regard to the reorganization, it was decided,
at a meeting in February, that to make it thoroughly efficient, it must be effected
by the Sachems of the Tammany Society, as distinguished from the political
organization, as these really commission the active leaders of that body, and. in
aid of this measure, it was decided to elect new members to the Board of Sachems.
A committee of five was authorized to nominate. The men nominated by this
committee proved conclusively that Mr. Croker's influence was still potent, as
the friends of the old chieftain were largely in the majority of those selected. In
fact, there was not one who could be considered inimical to his leadership.
Frederick Smyth was chosen Grand Sachem; Charles Welde, Father of the
Council, and Maurice Holahan as Scribe.

As the original Indian chief, Tammany, was called, in his old age, " the Chief
of many days," so the Society which still honors his memory, may truthfully be
called the Society of many days; for it has outlived all other political organizations
ever formed in the United States; and, from its very nature and constitution, will

>65

continue to live long after its present opponents, of whatever name, are moribund,
dead, or transniig^rated into new forms of existence, as has been the fate of all the
preceding forms of opposition. Where now are the old Federalists; the Whigs;
the anti-Masons; the Know-Nothings ; the Free Soilers; the Citizens' Union and
all their kin? The Republican party, at the present moment, wearing out the
loyalty of their best friends by endeavoring to conceal, rather than repudiate, the
wrongdoers in the party? This feature of permanence is annually emphasized by
Tammany's unremitting recognition of the 4th of July.

To show the disinterestedness of the professional reformers, it is instructive
to note tiiat Recorder GofT, the principal " Lexow " lawyer, had scarcely got
seated in the Recorder's chair than he had the audacity and the greed to
demand the patronage of four judges all for himself, and, without any rea-
sonable pretext, asked for a large increase of salary. After the experience
furnished by the latter-day purifiers of politics, not a few Democrats were tempted
to apply the same verdict to the average professional " reformer." Mayor
Strong, tlic so-called non-partisan Mayor, appointed, in May, the following mem-
bers of the new Bi-Partisan Police Board: Theodore Roosevelt, Fred. D. Grant
and Andrew D. Parker. Police Commissioner Andrews nominated Roosevelt as
President of the Board, an office which he subsequently filled in such an arbitrary
and unreasoning manner that he did much to hasten the return of Tammany to
power in the city.

The most striking change in city life, after the advent of Mayor Strong and
Police Commissioner Roosevelt, was the enormous increase of crime in the form
of burglary. At first this epidemic was simply wondered at, or feared bv the
timid, but the reason for it soon became apparent; the policemen, instead of
patrolling their beats, as formerly, were largely engaged in watching saloons,
especially on Sundays. Not only that, but spying upon small shopkeepers, to see
if they sold a loaf of bread, a sheet of letter paper, five cents' worth of milk or of
ice. Thus burglars had plenty of time to plan and carry out their schemes with-
out danger of discovery or interruption by the new police. \'iolent crimes of all
kinds became alarmingly prevalent. This condition of things was so fully recog-
nized that it even affected the city's credit. A three per cent, loan for onlv
$2,256,371, absolutely failed and was withdrawn, though, only a few years prev-
iously, a bond for $9,000,000 was readily taken up, when issued by a Tammany
civic administration. In fact, the whole reform movement was rapidly proving
itself a dead failure, because the leaders did not know how to proceed on a line
with the general sentiment of the community, with which, in fact, thev had no
sympathy.

The newly ordained Blanket Ballot, by some called the Raines ballot, requir-
ing long and patient study, perplexing even to the most intelligent, was sprung
upon the long-sufifering voters this year. The object of its framers seemed to be
to repel from the ballot-box the poorer class of voters, who had little time to spare
from their daily avocations in which to study out its complications; but, as usual,
its framers failed to reckon on the resources of the Tammany leaders, who opened
special night schools of instruction, in which they familiarized the men of little
leisure how to safely deal with its intricacies. To begin with, there was, this year,
on one sheet, nine party emblems, with the nominations of each of these parties
to be selected from, according to the judgment or wishes of the voter. The

i66

straight Republican ticket had for its emblem an Eagle; the regular Democratic
was a Star; the Democratic Reform was a Ship; the Prohibition a Fountain; the
Socialist Labor party an upraised Arm with Hammer; the People's party (what,
they wanted it was hard to find out) a Trefoil; Independent Citizens, a Sunrise;
Citizens' Independent, a Horseshoe; Ninth Senatorial Independent Republi-
can, a figure of Justice. Was not this medley enough to discourage any but the
most determined voter from attempting to venture within the voting-booth,
watched, perhaps, by some personal enemy, or, at least, an enemy to the voter's
party?

During the summer, while Mr. Croker was absent, what was called by the
profane " the Steering Committee " of Tammany Hall consisted of Messrs. James
J. Martin, Lawrence Delmour, George W. Plunkitt and the late Augustus W.
Peters. The organization had been so constantly annoyed by claims for official
recognition by small factional parties that Tammany was now seriously consider-
ing the question of seeking a change in the ballot laws, by which the number
required for recognition should be raised from 3,000 signatures to 10,000. This
latter number would certainly have put the State Democracy, the Stecklers and
others, hors du combat.

The State Convention met at Syracuse, on September 23d. Senator Hill,
who was in the lead at this time, was favorably inclined to the admission of most
of the small factions, feeling that no ofifered addition of strength should be
rejected. Perry Belmont was made temporary chairman and Roswell P. Flower
permanent chairman. The majority organization, Tammany, obtained the use of
the party emblem for their local ticket; the State Democracy, as also the
Shephard Democracy of Brooklyn, was allowed but a one-third representation.
As usual, the country counties exhibited their chronic jealousy of Tammany, and
strove to curtail its influence. Mr. Belmont, speaking on the Excise question,
condemned the State law, which allowed to country towns local option, but
denied to the great City of New York one of the essential elements of Home
Rule, li.e Puritanic Sunday laws and the " Raine's restaurant sandwich " came
in for a good share of satirical denunciation.

The ofifer of one-fifth of a vote to the State Democracy, while four-fifths was
given to Tammany, excited strong indignation among the delegates of the for-
mer, who finally withdrew from the convention. Some additional contention
arose over the admission of the followers of ex-Mayor Grace, when Mr. Thomas
F. Grady remarked that the combined votes of all the opponents of Tammany
was less than one-fifth of the total Democratic vote. The Grace men thereupon
left — in no amiable mood. After nominating a State ticket, the chief speeches
made were directed against sumptuary laws being forced upon the city by non-
resident legislators, who knew nothing and cared less for its needs, but never
forgetting to exact a high rate of .State taxation. Senator Hill, in his speech on
this occasion, coinciding in the views expressed above, added some remarks in
favor of bi-metallism.

Of city control from Albany the sentiment e.xpressed bv Mr. Belmont was
the prevailing spirit of the Tammany delegates, as he had on a previous occasion
declared: " Under the existing system stability of city government is impossible;
our cities have no real autonomy; local self-government is a misnomer. All the
evils of our city government arise from the following causes: First: E.xcessive

i67

Albany legislation. Second: I''ailure to enact general laws granting larger power
to cities. Third: Absence of accurate information at .Mbany in respect to cities.
Home rule is the only solution."

The platform adopted embraced, in substance, the following principles and
policy:

A Strong stand for Home Rule — no legislative meddling with piirely local
afifairs.

Economy in public expenses^a strict audit of expenditure; a low tax rate.

Honesty in public office — no corrupt traffic in legislation.

Equal enforcement of all the laws; an orderly Sunday: modification or
repeal of laws unsupported by public opinion; local option on Excise matters;
no blue laws.

Equal taxation; no partial legislation; individual liberty.

Honest elections; official accounting of expenditures.

Practical and honest reform in Civil Service; intelligent and liberal promo-
tion of agriculture; improved highways throughout the State.

Needed legislation for laborers.

Federal taxation for revenue only; no Government partnership with pro-
tected monopolies.

Sound money — gold and silver legal tender; gradual retirement of green-
backs.

Strict construction of the Federal Constitution; No Force bills.

This platform was unanimously adopted. Mr. Sulzer offered a resolution of
sympathy with the Cuban patriots, which was received with cheers. The nomina-
tions having been completed, the convention adjourned sine die.

As a result of earnest Democratic efifort, with an increasing dissatisfaction
with Republican management, the former party made a clean sweep in the city at
the ensuing November elections, the Tammany nominees being elected by a
majority of 37,800. carrying in every one of its candidates for city and county
offices, with some State and legislative; namely, three Justices of the Supreme
Court, two Judges of the Court of General Sessions, the three Justices of the City
Court, their nominee for Congress, and twenty-six out of the thirty-five Assem-
blymen, a grand gain over the results of the struggle the previous year. But the
people had not then suffered a year of Republican tyranny and misrule. It was
at this election that the people voted the appropriation of $9,000,000 for the
enlargement and improvement of the Erie Canal, which, later, under the adminis-
tration of Governor Black, was officially charged by a State Investigating Com-
mittee with fraud, dishonesty and waste in the expenditure. So clearly were the
facts established as greatly to injure the Republican campaign of 1898.

CHAPTER LV.

TESTIMONIAL TO RICHARD CROKER.

NE of the most interesting social events concerning the Tam-
many magnates, in recent years, took place at the Hotel Savo>
on February 8th. This was an entertainment given in honor
of Mr. Croker. There were one hundred and fifty guests
present at the dinner, which was very elaborate, and was not
concluded until lo P. M., when Mr. John C. Sheehan, after
a neat speech of welcome, called upon Senator Grady to respond to the first toast,
" Our Guest, Richard Croker." Mr. Grady's reputation for timely oratory makes
it unnecessary to introduce his discriminating eulogy of the guest of the evening
here. He concluded by saying: " We do not want this dinner to become simply
a memory; therefore, we have provided a more substantial testimonial, which will,
in after years, testify to you (turning to Mr. Croker) and to your descendants our
hearty affection." Here Mr. Grady presented a beautiful and costly Loving Cup,
which had been subscribed for by friends present.

Mr. Croker, responding, said: " This magnificent testimonial of your friend-
ship I accept, being conscious of the sincerity of the sentiment which occasions
your assemblage here to-night. I always attributed the success of the organiza-
tion with which we have been so long identified not to my individual endeavor,
but to your loyalty and truth, and to the unity and cohesion which marked your
efforts to promote the prosperity and glory of Tammany Hall, and of the masses
who were faithful to the doctrines of true Democracy. Now. let me persuade and
entreat you to a continuance of that cohesion, that truth, that loyalty, and that
unity among yourselves, at all times and under all circumstances." After some
farther remarks, Mr. Croker closed his brief address amid loud applause and
hearty cheers. Other interesting addresses were made, the banquet not closing
until a late, or, more correctly speaking, an early hour of the next day.

The Loving Cup presented to Mr. Croker is of silver, of a capacity of two
gallons. It was designed and made by Tiffany. Its cost was $2,000. Mr.
Croker sailed for England shortly after this pleasant testimonial to the esteem in
which he is held by his personal friends and political confreres. One of Mr.
Croker's sententious sayings about this time was. " That Reform needs Reforma-
tion," and another, " The bossism of the newspapers is more dangerous than the
political — the one can be removed, the other cannot."

i6<)

CHAPTER LVI.

CONSOLIDATION.

HE question of consolidation was beginning to attract more-
attention as the season advanced. Tlie Tammany people
were by no means a unit on this subject. Mr. Sulzer, for
instance, was a strong advocate for it, while Mr. John C. Shee-
han, in May, publicly praised the twenty-five Assemblymen
who had voted against that measure. Tlie populous City of
Brooklyn had sent up to Albany a protest against it, but Governor Morton paid
no attention to it. The history of this movement was rather peculiar, from the
fact that from its initiation its friends were incessantly active, while those who
were opposed to it were absolutely apathetic, not appearing to realize that, if not
desired, it was something to be vigorously fought; and it was not until after the
vote upon it had been taken that they awakened to the necessity of action, which
was then too late to have any staying power.

When this bill was finally passed in the Assembly, in April — the Senate had
always been strongly in favor of it — and it was submitted to the mayors of the
interested cities for their approval or otherwise; both the Mayor of New
York and that of Brooklyn vetoed it; but the minor and less important
towns and cities outnumbered these two, and won the victory. The bill
united under one city government the old City of New York; Kings
County, including the City of Brooklyn; Richmond County (Staten
Island); Long Island City; the towns of Newtown, Flushing and Jam-
aica; and a part of the Township of Hempstead. A commission was
appointed to prepare a charter for this combined territory. This com-
mission was composed of Mr. Andrew H. Green, Mr. Strong, Mayor of New
York; Mr. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; Mayor Gleason, of Long Island City;
the State Engineer and Surveyor, C. W. Adams; the Attorney-General, Theodore
E. Hancock; and nine other persons, to be selected by the Governor. These
were required to make their final report on or before February ist, 1897. This
Commission was empowered to employ a clerical stafif, to subpoena witnesses, to
compel the production of public records, or municipal documents, and to admin-
ister oaths.

The two men who practically prepared the charter were the Hon. William C.
De Witt, of Brooklyn, and Mr. David Dean, of New York, for many years con-
nected with the Corporation Counsel's ofifice in that city. Mr. Dean's continuous
labor on the charter was the proximate cause of his death. To meet the necessary
expense, the sum of $25,000 was assigned to be raised by the cities of New York
and Brooklyn in proportion to each city's valuation of its real estate. The last
section of the bill provides that the consolidation " shall take cflfect on the first of
January ,1898." This bill had been repassed by the Assembly in April, over the
vetoes of Messrs. Strong and Wurster, by a vote of 78 to 69. As it was known

I/O

that the consoHdation of the cities was originally a Republican project, devised
for the purpose and with the expectation of overcoming the power of Tammany
Hall, and that most of the commissioners appointed for the preparation of the
charter were of that mind, the exact nature of that instrument naturally became a
subject of much interest, and not a little distrust, although the integrity and abil-
ity of its leading framers was not questioned; yet it was certain that several of
these were accustomed to look at all matters of a polilitical nature from a different
standpoint from that of the Tammany magnates. A reform mayor, m a neigh-
boring city, had just drawn much criticism upon himself by his published expres-
sion of his personal views as to " How to Govern a Great City," on account of the
vivid contrast which existed between the conditions of the city, unfortunately,
under his rule, and the exalted views professed.

In New York itself, the city, under a " reform mayor," was simply an object
lesson of discouragement. Probably meaning honestl}' to begin with, but sadly
incompetent, from lack of experience — Mr. Strong was not a politician, but a
bank President — his administration was marked with favoritism in appointments,
free plunging into showy and unnecessary expenses; with a Police Department
quarrelling among themselves; the head of another commission driving about
the city in a gaudy brougham, with driver and attendants in livery; a Building
Superintendant and Dock Commissioners under reproof of the Corpora-
tion Counsel; a Street Commissioner, working, under such a negligent
system of payments as eventuall)- to cost the city many thousands of
dollars in the payment for work which was never done; not to repeat, here, the
tyrannical application of laws which had wearied the people and made the very
word " reform " a subject of ridicule. It was no wonder that the practical work-
ing of the new charter was looked upon with considerable doubt, if not actual dis-
trust.

The much discussed Raine's bill was signed by Governor Morton in the latter
part of March. As Comptroller Fitch had already warned the Governor, so it
proved, when put into operation. Mr. Fitch was a man of long experience in
municipal matters. In the protest which he sent to Albany, he said: " I have never
known so universal condemnation of any bill among all parties, and all classes of
citizens, as exists in this city toward this unjust measure." The grounds of its
unpopularity were numerous, but the fundamental wrong was its audacious
invasion of the principle of Home Rule. Mr. J- C. Sheehan. acting leader of
Tammany Hall, in discussing this subject, said: " A meeting should be called in
every Assembly district, under the auspices of our organization, to denounce the
Republican party for imposing such an iniquitous measure on the people of this
State. It robs the charitable institutions of the city of over $500,000 annually.
It robs the city of over one-third of its just tax, and gives this money to the
interior counties of the State. It permits the opening of dives of all kinds, while
closing the decent, quiet German beer saloons, and prohibiting restaurants from
furnishing wine or beer with meals on Sunday. It will deprive of employment at
least 50,000 workmen, hop-growers, hop-pickers — both men and women; saloon-
keepers, cigar manufacturers, butchers, bakers and other industries. It injures
real estate owners by closing a great number of stores, dependent on early Sun-
day morning trade. It opens the door to the most gigantic political blackmailing
machine ever imposed upon a law-abiding community."

171

Another leading; Tammany member added: " It is a measure deliberately
planned witii the clear intention of placing- almost arbitrary pfnver in the hands of
favored Republicans."

Commissioner George C. Clausen said: "It is a direct attack upon personal
liberty; the most intolerant and aggressive measure the Republican party has
ever dared to thrust upon the people. It will work great injury to the City of
New York, and is certain to lead to widespread corruption, by putting the
power of unlimited discrimination in the hands of partisans."

The official opinion of Corporation Counsel Scott, of New "^'ork city, " that
■certain provisions of this bill were to go into effect immediately." hurried the
action of Chief Conlin, of the Police Department, in prohibiting free lunches, and
in ordering bars to be exposed to view from the street; also inhibiting the sale of
liquor to any under eighteen years of age. The police force were also informed
that they might make summary arrests. These rules, however, did not apply to
private clubs. Thus the rich were favored and allowed to do as they pleased.

CHAPTER LVII.

THE VICTORY OF 1897.

NE of the unprecedented features of the campaign of 1897 was the
fact that every newspaper in the City of New York with the ex-
ception of four, and those not of the largest circulation, worked
against the Tammany ticket, using, instead of argument,,
unrestrained abuse. Misstatements and tricks of all kinds,
were resorted to by the combined opposition, with the morti-
fying result to them that the Tammany nominee for Mayor was elected by the
large vote of 228,686, being a plurality of over 80,000 over his strongest oppon-
ent, Seth Low, the nominee of the Citizens' party; which shows that, whatever
influence the papers have, they cannot crush the people's sense of right by the use
of invective, against that of natural feeling of self-protection which can discern
an enemy under the disguise of fine words, fair promises, or even threats of dis-
aster, when experience has shown that these are false. To use the words of the
great Lincoln, " You cannot fool all the people all the time." The leading papers,
boasting of their immense circulation, fell powerless before the discrimination of
the great majority, which does think for itself, at least when its personal mterests
are interfered with by demagogues, under false pretences, however much they
may be depreciated by those who claim to have all the virtue and all the intel-
ligence.

Self-congratulation before election had been so prevalent among the Seth
Low party, who felt assured of victory, that the disappointment was most cruelly
felt. A specimen of this confidence was presented by an act of the well-known
lawyer, Joseph H. Choate (now Ambassador in England), who, a few days before
election, and after prophesying the certain victory of Mr. I,ow. asked the popular
Episcopal clergyman. Dr. Rainsford, to preach the very best sermon he could orr
the next Sunday from the text, " Bew-are of false Prophets," meaning, of course,
the Democratic leaders. When the election returns came in, less than a week
later, there was no escaping the conclusion that Mr. Choate himself was an illus-
trious example of the denunciation of the text.

With the Mayoralty candidate, Robert A. Van Wyck, the whole Democratic
ticket was successful, not a single Republican being elected in New York city,
and only four in the Borough of Brooklyn. In the State the Democratic
majority was some 65,000. Certainly one reason for this signal victory was the
unexceptional character of the nominees: not the most fastidious of carpers
could find any personal ground of objection to any name on the ticket. Ex- Jus-
tice Robert A. Van Wyck is a native of New York city, of Holland stock, edu-
cated to the profession of Law, and elected to the bench of the City Court in
1889. His decisions have been almost invariably sustained by the Appellate
Courts. He had long been a consistent Democrat. \Mien we remember that
the consolidation movement was a Republican project, with the declared hope of
destroying Tammany, the test result was, indeed, legitimate cause for extraordin-
ary rejoicing by the Democracy of the great city.

173

The lial)itiial caliuiuiy in vvhicli the opponents of 'raniinaiiv indulge has sel-
dom had any sfiioiis result, and certainly no permanent effect on tlie organization
itself, because intelligent voters know that most of tiie accusations are absolutely
false or wild exaggerations. Uf course, like all human institutions, it is subject to
nnstakes or temporary errors of ])olicy, but, in the general honesty of purpose to
do well for the city, it compares more than favorably with its perennial accusers.

Though this continuous and vicious misrepresentation rarely does damage
to its specific object, it does great damage in another direction. It injures the
fair fame of the metropolis of the country. It is treason to all the dwellers in
the city. Every New Yorker is lowered in the estimation of foreigners. It must
be so, when Europeans are led to believe that they willingly choose to live under
an organization which is utterly corrupt, and have done so for over a hundred
years! And what is the motive of these slanderers of the leading city of the
nation? Simply to get control themselves of the municipal government, with the
patronage it implies; and for this they are willing to blacken the character of the
majority of their own townsmen. English and other foreign editors cannot con-
ceive of such turpitude in what pass for respectable American papers, and conclude
that the charges must be true; so they join in the chorus of abuse, and add their
little mite to the defamation of the metropolis. Every American's moral sta-
tus abroad is thus wilfully lowered by these conscienceless slanderers of Tammany.

List of National Parties which Tammany has Outlived.

Federals — Represented by George Washington and Jolui Adams I78g-i796

Coalition — John Q. Adams 1824

National-Republican — Henry Clay 182S-1832

Anti-Masonic — William Wirt 1832

Whig — General William H. Harrison 1840

Liberty Party — James G. Biniey 1844

Free-Soil — M. Van Buren 1848

Free Democratic — John P. Hale 1852

Whig — Winfield Scott 1852

Native American — Millard Fillmore 1856

Republican — John C. Fremont 1856

Conservative Union — John Bell i860

Independent Democrat — S. A. Douglas i860

Single Tax — Henry George

The crop of local opponents now hors dit combat are very lunnerous : most of
them will be found named in a later chapter.

Fiat Justitia mat Caelum.
"Let Justice be done, though the Heavens fail." This appears to have been
the controlling spirit in which Mayor Robert A. Van Wyck entered upon his newf
duties, w-hich he had officially accepted in a speech of little more than a single sen-
tence. In reply to Mayor Strong's address of welcome, holding out his hand to
the retiring Mayor, he simply said: " I accepted this office at the hands of the
people, and to them will I answer." The only preceding speech which he uttered,
during the campaign, was almost equally brief, and was addressed to the members
of the committee which announced to him his election, and was as follows:

174

" Gentlemen of the Tammany Hall Executive Committee, I thank you all kindly
for the work you did for me on election day, and I hope that I may prove as suc-
cessful an executive as I was as a candidate." But, though so brief of speech, the
new Mayor spoke quickly enough by his actions, reminding one of Shakespeare' s-
"Cordeha," who says: "What I well intend I'll do't before I speak." His views
upon municipal expenditures he summarized thus: " Increased expenditures
must be guarded against wherever possible, without interfering with natural
growth and progress." He believed in attending to one thing at a time. " It is,"
he remarked, " a waste of energy to preoccupy the mind unnecessarily; wait till a
matter actually comes up for decision; you cannot do justice to what is before
you, if you are worrying about future contingencies." Again : " I want men
about me who will confine themselves to the duties of the office they fill." He
also recognized the necessity of physical health to properly perform mental work.
Hence, he refused to be hurried, realizing that time was needed to get all the ele-
ments thus suddenly thrust together into smoothly running order. It was not an
easy matter in all cases to fix the interpretation of the language of the charter.

The Civil Service Commissioners, for instance, at a meeting held in Decem-
ber, indorsed the action of the old New York Board, which declared of the char-
ter "that where any Board or Department was legislated out of power under the
new charter, its employees, without further examination, should stand at the head
of the eligible list for promotion, in any similar department created under the new
municipal government." This, of course, proved very embarrassing to the new
administration. The new Civil Service Commissioners, however, took an oppo-
site view. Messrs. Knox, Dyckman and Deyo thought Governor Black's civil
service rules became inoperative under the charter. The practical question was,
" Can the State Board control New York city ? " The charter, having provided
that " All Acts or parts of Acts inconsistent with it, are to be regarded as
repealed," the latter would appear to have been the true solution.

Many other difficulties were encountered on the inauguration of the new gov-
ernment of the consolidated city, but none occasioned so much perplexity, annoy-
ance and disappointment as the condition of the finances, all the annexed boroughs
having so managed, late in the preceding year, to involve their several sections
deeply in debt, with the expectation that these local claims would be met and paid
by the greater city. It was an exasperating condition which confronted the new
Mayor, and drew forth from his closely guarded lips, referring to the largest of
these boroughs, the expression that " it had left him a legacy of fraud," in that the
annexed borough had recklessly expended large sums of money for which no
satisfactory returns were visible, and had contracted heavy debts with the expec-
tation of foisting the payment upon the consolidated city. As the most serious of
these maladministrations had occurred in the large Borough of Brooklyn under a
semi-Reform Republican Mayor, the object lesson of its exposure tended greatly
to the removal of prejudice against the coming Democratic regeme in the greater
city. ,

'75

CHAPTER LVIII.

SOME TAMMANY MEN -SOME TAMMANY INCIDENTS.

BILL had been introduced into the Ihinscin llic spring of i8y6,
for the construction of six new naval vessels, but the Senate,
in its false economy, had cut down the number to four, and
when the bill was under reconsideration, in the House, a mem-
ber had suggested the adoption of the Senate's amendment.
If Mr. Cunmiings had foreseen the war of 1898 he could not
have contended more vigorously or intelligently for the expansion of the Navy,
which all can now see was our main strength and reliance against Spain, and that
with a less forcible Navy than we had the war might have lasted for years. Mr.
Cummings was Chairman of the Naval Committee of the Fifty-third Congress,
and had been an influential member of the same in previous years, and had always
favored the most liberal appropriations for the increase and development of our
naval strength.

Considering the honor which the Navy has, by its record of 1898, brought to
the American nation, it is interesting to recall the fact that the Tanunany repre-
sentative in the Congress of 1896, Amos J. Cummings, was one of the most per-
sistent statesmen that had on every opportunity which was offered, during the
nine years that he had been in the House, urged upon Congress the crying need
for the construction of more ships. Two years before the proclamation of the
war against Spain, Mr. Cummings made two most earnest and eloquent speeches
in favor of increasing the Navy, showing, by historical data, the absolute necessity
for the better protection of our seaboard and especially the desirability for the
United States to have the means of protecting its citizens abroad, and the ability
to meet force with force, if circumstances should require it, on the sea.

Another eminently useful member of Tammany introduced a bill for the
better lighting and general arrangements of the Forty-second street tunnel in
New York, the previous dark condition of which had caused many serious and
fatal accidents. Mr. William Sulzer, now Congressman (1900), is responsible
for the Freedom-of- Worship law, (for all public institutions); the amended
Mechanics' lien law; the Albany Capitol Appropriation law, intended to curb the
wild expenditures heretofore indulged in on that perennial work; the amended
law abolishing imprisonment for debt; the ten-hour law for labor; Woman's
Reformatory law; the anti-Conspiracy law; the Constitutional Celebration law;
a law for the establishment of the Aquarium in New York city, a valuable, instruc-
tive resort for the people; with many other lav\s of essential benefit to the com-
munity which, without his aid, would have failed.

When Mr. Croker returned from his long absence, toward the end of Novem-
ber, new life seemed to be infused into Tanunany Hall, and it was decided that a
general, but gradual and quiet, transformation must take place, weeding out the
inefficient or useless leaders and members, displacing such of the former as had
failed in their duties or manifested a lack of zeal; infusing new blood wherever
needed. Mr. Croker fully recognized the faithful work done during

176

Jiis absence, and was not discouraged by the result of the late election. He said:
" Tn my opinion, Tammany Hall made a gallant fight against great odds. The
really large vote polled on November 3d in this city may be taken as a presage of
iuture success. Of next year's municipal control, I can only say I am confident
of victory. As I take it, there is no intention to fight a Presidential campaign
during only a municipal one. Next year all Democrats will be together for the
■common good." This expectation was founded on the belief that the silver ques-
tion would then be eliminated from the contest.

The Presidential election being over, Tammany was free to commence its
work for 1897. The next campaign would be far more vital to the interests of
the city than the one just passed. The Federal election affected New Yorkers,
simply as Democrats, equally with all other Democrats throughout the Union,
neither more nor less, but the municipal election next in view was altogether of
another character, and one with which the party outside of New York had no
special interest, but which was of far more importance to Tammany than any
which had preceded it during its whole existence; for, on this approaching elec-
tion tiirned the control of the enlarged metropolis for four consecutive years, with
possibilities of an indefinite extension.

It was well-known that the original project of consolidation of the neighbor-
ing towns and cities with old New York had been conceived in the Republican
brain in the hope and firm expectation that it would thus be able to overcome the
influence of Tammany; and some even imagined that it could thus actually
destroy the indestructable. Ex-Governor Black, in speaking of the consolidation
measure, evidently viewed it from a political and not a municipal standpoint. In
January, 1897, he said: "The extent of its influence is not safe to predict. Con-
ditions have arisen more than once in which an entire national policy has
depended upon this State. When questions of such moment become thus depen-
dent, the position of the City of New York is commanding and may be decisive.
Every move upon this subject should result from the utmost caution and study."
Does not this expression of opinion clearly indicate that Governor Black was
thinking solely of national politics, rather than of the wellbeing of the community
for which the charter was at that time being prepared? The clearer such intent
was developed the more intense grew the feeling in Tammany circles that the city
must be redeemed and secured for the Democracy.

At the Tammany Central Club, where Mr. Croker was present, early in
January, he took occasion to state, anew, his position, which was: First, that he
had not taken up a residence in England, which had been persistently asserted,
but that his home was in New York, and always would be, but that he had defin-
itely withdrawn from mere routine work in Tammany Hall, tliough he had lost
none of his interest in its success. He next expressed himself in the belief that
rotation in office was eminently desirable, with the full conviction that when a
man had been in office three or four years he should resign, and make way for new
men. This rotation, he added, keeps the blood in circulation, and excites the
ambition of the younger men, and is an incitement to them to work for the party.

An amusing incident occurred about this time illustrative of the habit of
many Republicans of using every opportunity to make a verbal thrust at Tam-
many, without any special reason for doing so. The event occurred at a social
meeting of the Colonial Club, at which Stewart L. Woodford, our late Minister to

Spain, figured, which vividly recalls the /o».v pas made by General Jackson, as
narrated in a previous chapter.. On this later occasion (Jeneral Woodford
happened to be present at the club as a substitute speaker for General Tracv, and
was so led to believe that the Colonial was a Republican club, and, in respondiiis^
to the toast " Greater New York," he began a violent attack \.\\w\\ Tammany Hall,
not apparently having observed the presence of ex-Mayor Gilroy, Colonel William
L. Brown and other leading Democrats. Commencing his ill-timed tirade, he
predicted, among other offensive remarks, that " the combined anti-Tammany
forces would soon throttle Tammany Hall," etc., etc. Colonel Brown could
endure no more, and rose to fesent the attack. He got no farther than, " I
denounce," when General Woodford, perceiving his blunder, hastily concluded
his speech, and left the room, while Colonel Brown's friends ilid all they could tc
pacify him. The fact was that the Colonial Club was composed of gentlemen be-
longing to both political parties, and was wholly social in its nature. If this fact
had been communicated to the General, in time, it would have saved him from a
very mortifying discomfiture.

An incident of a different nature, though akin to this as an exponent of ignor-
ant prejudice, happened in the County Clerk's office in New York. An elderly
citizen entered to ask some ordinary question which the Deputy Clerk. Mr. Scully,
courteously answered. On turning to go, the visitor happened to notice on the
wall the sign, " Smoking prohibited here." " I am glad to see that notice," he
remarked; " when those Tammany rascals held possession here they would have
had that down in two minutes, but a citizen can get civilly treated here now,"
etc., etc. Just look round, and see the gentlemanly-looking clerks." " My good
man," said Mr. Scully, "this office is in charge of gentlemen who are all con-
nected with Tammany Hall." " What's that ? " exclaimed the astounded citizen.
" I say," repeated Mr. Scully, " that all the gentlemen at these desks are members
of Tammany Hall." On comprehending which statement, the bewildered man,
without another word, beat a masterly, if somewhat hasty, retreat. He, like
thousands of others, had evidently formed his opinion from some of the vitupera-
tive Republican orators, or papers, without really knowing anything on which to
form a just opinion.

At a meeting of the General Committee in January, 1897, one of the speakers,
referring to the last election, in the exuberance of his faith, exclaimed: " Tam-
many Hall serves notice to-night on the ignorant and incompetent administration
which now governs the city (the Strong and Roosevelt) that it has started a relent-
less warfare against the ' reform ' cabal, which will not end till that cabal is
exterminated root and branch, and New York city is redeemed from its domina-
tion. This ignorant set has made New York city ridiculous in the eyes of the
world, presenting the picture of Hypocrisy arm in arm with the ghost of assumed
Virtue; watching Hope die in the arms of official Incompetency." These words,
extravagant though they might sound, under the circnmstances. were destined to
be redeemed at the polls within less than a twelvemonth of the time in which they
were uttered. The only defection of any account at this time was the with-
drawal of County Clerk Henry D. Purroy, who had been Chairman of the Com-
mittee on Organization. It was not considered remarkable that this self-centred
person should bolt at any moment, as his proclivity that way had become chronic,
His action had no observable ill results.

178 ■

On the occasion of the celebration of the National Independence, this year,
Hon. Amos J. Cummings gave the key-note to the general thought. He said:
" It is time for a declaration of independence on the part of the people of the City
of New York. Home Rule is what is wanted. The city to-day is simply a
satrapy of the State. It recalls the situation of the colonies in 1776. The time
for this new declaration of independence is the coming fall. The result of the
election then will express the sentiment of the people. If they desire to continue
to pay 64 per cent, of the State taxes on a one-fourth representation in the Legis-
lature, they will not vote the Tammany ticket. A vote for the Tammany ticket is
a declaration of independence on the part of every individual citizen, and the re-
pudiation of bigotry, intolerance and dishonesty masquerading under the guise of
reform."

Of course, the Republicans, and all monometallists, had been hoping that
Tammany would fully adopt and support the 16 to i silver heresy; as this attitude
would have given them the most effective weapon which they could have hoped
for in the great battle; but, being disappointed in this they still endeavored to
fix this stigma upon the party, not realizing that the people knew that the National
campaign was really over, and that silver had nothing to do with the coming
struggle. One of the clearest statements on this point was made by the
able editor of the Tammany Times, in the issue of that paper of date May
15th, 1897. The article is too long for insertion here, but the following are
the main points of the argument. He asks: "What has the national financial
question to do with the local government of the City of Greater New York ? The
opponents of Tammany are trying to 'ring a dead issue into a live campaign.'
What we want in this great city is Home Rule, pure and simple, in the true sense
of the word. Under Tammany administration, taxes were lower: the Police
Department more efficient; every one of the city departments was in better condi-
tion; all petty differences were not aired before a long-sufifering public through
sensational newspapers; but were promptly adjusted by the officers of the Tam-
many organization; and, under that control, how much better were the times
than under this present ' reform ' administration? Certainly, we had the misfor-
tune, under the previous Democratic Mayor, to be assailed by a mass of howling
Dervishes, calling themselves reformers. One Goff, having attained to a place of
importance, becoming prominent through the Lexow investigation, displayed his
skill at cross-examination by forcing a reluctant witness to confess that a
majority of the Republicans holding office in the city were corrupt! This investi-
gation cost the city many thousands of dollars. Yet there is worse corruption in
all the reform city departments now (1897) than ever existed under Tammany.
Even Mayor Strong complimented Tammany and its President of the Board of
Police, by keeping the incumbent of that office six months under his own
administration."

\yq

CHAPTER LIX.

IMPROVEMENTS IN NEW YORK CITY.

HAT no false economy but good management accounted for the
better showing of Democratic rule it is well to remind our
readers of a few facts of which indeed they can scarcely be ig-
norant, as that ^luring the six years under consideration thirty-
three capacious school-houses were built, and at the close of
Mayor Gilroy's term of office fourteen additional schools and
annexes were in process of erection. It was Democratic officials who inau-
gurated the great and much needed work of improving the water-front in the
early months of 1889. Useless piers were removed; fifty-five substantial, fine
piers were built, and twenty-three piers extended; nearly 20,000 feet of new-
bulkhead and crib work were completed, ready for use, greatly to the advantage
and increase of commerce to this port. Contrast this with the record of the "re-
form" Dock Commissioners, who neither built nor extended a single pier.

In the matter of streets, from January ist, 1889, to December ist, 1894, 168
miles of new pavement were laid, and 250 miles relaid and repaired; and, before
the close of the second Democratic Mayoralty, 107 miles of new water-mains had
been laid, and the water supply of the city nearly doubled : and for the sanitary
improvement of the city many miles of new sewers were not only laid, but car-
ried far enough out from the ends of the new piers to ensure the contents being
carried a safe distance from the shore. Among other valuable services rendered
the community by Tammany, might be mentioned the erection of armories,
court houses, viaducts, bridges, small parks and other improvements, so numer-
ous that even the briefest mention of them would be tedious. In view of these
facts, and many more of a similar nature which may be readily verified at the vari-
ous departments by those desiriug the truth, there does not seem nuich room for
charges of misapplication of funds or wasteful extravagance.

The truth is that, with all the outcry about partisan politics, a body of men
filling public offices, without an organized party behind them, are the most
unsafe of municipal managers — not being responsible to any authority, and know-
ing the unstable tenure of their position, they are under the strongest temptation
to make the most of their opportunity in grasping at the spoils: while, on the
contrary, organized, permanent parties have always the future welfare of that
party to consider, which acts as a wholesome check in causing the officeholder to
reflect on the bearing any unfaithfulness on his part would have on the future
success of his party and his own career.

Mr. Croker arrived from Europe the first week in .September. During his
absence rumors had been rife as to who would be the permanent leader of the
organization, which appeared for two or three years to have been open to who-
ever was best able to fill the position; with a natural supposition that the man
whom Mr. Croker had designated as his choice, when he resigned the Chairman-
ship of the Finance Committee, would hold the place permanently; while other

i8o

eminent members of the organization were more specially favored by their per-
sonal friends. All this mass of conjecture dropped away as if by magic when the
veteran manager reappeared upon the scene. Within a very brief period, with-
out any formality or public resumption of his old-time offices, he was practically
recognized as the dominant mind, and just the man needed for the great struggle
now within a few weeks of victory or defeat.

The great Democratic Convention, which was held in the Grand Central
Palace this fall, was the first lammany meeting which recognized Brooklyn lead-
ing Democrats as natural colaborers, Messrs. Bernard J. York and Almet F.
Jenks, with others from that borough, being heartily welcomed to the platform.
It was at this meeting that the name of Robert A. Van Wyck was first publicly
mentioned as a fitting candidate for the Mayoralty of the great city so soon to
commence its chartered existence. The nomination was made by Justice
McCarthy, of the City Court, which he introduced with a short, but telling speech,
ex-Judge Troy, of Kings, seconding the nomination. Other municipal officers
were selected, and a platform naturally followed. This latter emphasized the need
of those cardinal Democratic doctrines, Home Rule and personal liberty, con-
demning the Raines law; conspiracies to crush out competition in business; in
favor of municipal ownership of municipal franchises; reduction, to a reasonable
rate, of illuminating gas; insisting on the eight-hour law for labor; favoring ade-
quate school accommodations; the development of rapid transit and public
improvements of every character. With these plainly expressed aims and pur-
poses, they asked the people for that support which was, two months later,
answered with a most emphatic affirmative response.

By this time the Citizens' Union, with Seth Low for its candidate, was
engaged in active work. Senator Piatt was urging his candidate, General Tracy,
on the regular Republican voters. Henry George had gathered quite a numer-
ous following, while smaller factions of both parties were following with a hue and
cry — it was Tammany against the field, but, with undaunted courage and feeling
certain of success, because the community, by this time, had sufficient experience
of " reform government " to compare its claims with its performance.

At this point it became important to secure the active co-operation of the
populous Borough of Brooklyn, which was the stronghold of the Seth Low party;
and all politicians recognized the fact that the position taken by the trusted and
experienced leader, Mr. Hugh McLaughlin, would have a decided influence upon
the voters of that section. Little doubt, however, was entertained that he would
give his hearty support to the municipal ticket though ever jealous of the honor
and the just claims of Brooklyn. Those who knew him best felt certain that he
would not desert the general interests of Democracy, or risk its defeat, out of any
feeling of uncertainty as to how^ his native borough might fare in the consolida-
tion of the cities. The event proved that his good common sense and his keen
political insight could be depended upon to throw his powerful influence in the
direction of destroying fake reform, and re-establishing an honest and reliable city
government, so sadly warped from its course of true reform under the control of
fanaticism, bigotry and extravagance.

Among all the combinations attempted against Tammany at this time there
was none more grotesque than one which was made in the Harlem district, to
effect a union between the Republicans, the Citizens" Union and the Henrv

i8i

i^ieorge League. The Republicans, representing, as they did, strictly machine
rule, and a " boss " specially execrated by the Citizens' party, the Seth-Lowites
standing for the money power and as claimants to su])erior virtue; while the
Henry George party, falsely calling themselves Jefifersonian Democrats (a name
to which they had not a shadow of rightful claim), and really rc])resenting noth-
ing but the debasement of our currency and impractical, even fantastic notions,
such as the single-tax theory. Where was the mental or moral cement which
could bind together such heterogeneous material?

Mr. Croker, viewing, with some amusement, the ihwv K-ading opjxinents to
be met at the polls, sententiously grouped them thus:

A vote for Benjamin F. Tracy means the rule of Plutocracy.

A vote for Seth Low means a Dictatorship.

A vote for Henry George means Socialism.

A vote for Robert A. Van Wyck means individual freedom and Home Rule.

He added: "The Democratic organization known as Tanuuany Plall is the
only party that has always protected the interests of the jjcoplc absolutely, fear-
lessly and faithfully, as representing the Democratic party."

It has been sometimes asked: ''IVhy, if Tammany possesses average political
honesty, arc so many people found prejudiced against itf" There are two
reasons. One is that its opponents have always dealt largely in vituperation
rather than argument, and so influenced many who listen to only one side; while
the Democratic party practice just the reverse, deal in argument and avoid abuse.

Another reason is that when Tanuuany finds anything going wrong in that
organization, the Society is the first to expose it and root it out, and secure the
punishment of the ofifender. Thus the wrong immediately liecomes known, and
the whole party is blamed, when, indeed, this action is deserving of credit. The
opponents of Tammany have habitually taken the opposite course — as they have
so recently exemplified in the matter of army contracts, etc. Their aim uniformly
is not to expose faults or crimes in their partisans, but to conceal the crime, if
possible, and shield the criminal, while claiming a monopoly of all the virtues.
Which is the honester course?

This is a great cosmopolitan and Democratic city, and should be governed by
men of Democratic minds. They should not rest until Home Rule is
secured. They should make their own laws, and not be hampered by
country gentry who cannot understand the needs of a great metropolis.
Misrepresentation of Tammany has been so habitual that manv accept the mere
accusations for truth, mainly from the fact of constant repetition, never taking
the time or having interest enough to seek out the truth for themselves. An'
organization which has endured all kinds of assaults for over a century must
necessarily be honest in its methotls. If unsound in any essential of good govern-
ment, could it have endured so long in a free Republic?

At a large and most enthusiastic meeting of the General Committee, held the
first week in June, the Secretary, John B. McGoldrick, read an elaborate paper
setting forth the unseemly condition of the reform government of the City of
New York, of which the following items formed a part :
k First — The proven fact that every charge against Democratic city officials by
the Lexow investigating committee, in 1894, was shown to be false; though the
J sum of $200,000, half of which was authorized by the State Legislature for the

l82

employment of expert accountants, was expended in the search; and also that
Democratic officeholders, during their six years in office, handled $250,000,000, of
which not one dollar was stolen or wasted!

Secondly — That every contract entered into for public work was awarded to
the lowest bidder.

Thirdly — That no public work was paid for until the inspectors and engineers
of the department had certified that the specifications were strictly carried out,
and that this was also indorsed by the engineers of the Comptroller's office.

The annual yearly budget under Mayors Grant and Gilroy, from January
1st, 1889, to December 31st, 1894, was $34,210,310.33. The budget for 1897,
under Mayor Strong, was $45,686,297.17.

Here is a list of the increased amounts in each department under Mayor
Strong above the expenditures of the last year under Tammany administration:

INCREASE.

Mayor's office and Bureau of License, Common Council $14,155

Department of Public Works 467,595

Department of Street Improvements " 420,390

Department of Health , 156,278

Police Department 1,844,792

Street Cleaning 1,130,863

Fire Department '. 195,529

Department of Buildings 1,36,085

Taxes and Assessments 42,500

Board of Education 1,297,105

Commissioners of Accounts 27,500

Sheriff's office 12,050

Armories and Drill Rooms ... 39,689

Salaries of Judges 320,070

Miscellaneous account 397,098

And yet the cry continued that extravagance, fraud and corruption marked
Tammany control!

i83

CHAPTER LX.

SOME EMBARRASING RESULTS OF CONSOLIDATION.

HE complication of the finances continued for several months,
mainlv over the question whether county debts could be justly
charged to the consolidated city, and, also, whether public work
contracted for, but not accomplished, in some cases not even
commenced, could properly be reckoned as part of the city
debt. The various legal opinions uttered upon the question
whether New York had exceeded its "debt limit" was not finally cleared up, so as
to give the new administration full liberty of action, until July, 1899, when it was
clearly demonstrated that the city was well within its legal right to issue new
bonds, and take up the needed work of improvements; since when, every depart-
ment has been pushed to its utmost capacity.

New York city is constantly handicapped by the irritating and unjustifiable
interference of the State Legislature. The narrow-minded, who appear at present
to be in the majority, never seem happy unless they are devising some plan to
interfere with Home Rule in the metropolis — as if the residents of any location
were not better fitted to judge of their own needs than non-residents can possibly
be. If this sort of spirit continues to actuate the State government, tfie question
may very possibly develop as to dniding the State, so as to give to the largest city
in the United States real Home Rule, of which it is now deprived by the constant
interference of the Legislature, whose action, instead of striving to benefit the
metropolis, is ever directed to curtailing its liberties, and making it subordinate to
outside influence — certainly not superior in intelligence, or any other good qual-
ity, to the sound Democracy of the Empire City of the whole country.

l84

CHAPTER LXI.

EFFORTS TO DESTROY THE SOCIETY.

I T various times in the life of this Society, numerous efforts were
made to destroy its existence, as well as to impair its usefulness.
It being a very strong and powerful Democratic organization,
based, as is now understood from the preceding pages on the
Rock of Liberty, it became quite important for its opponents
to try to weaken its power, and in so doing they have ever freely
used the unworthy weapons of vituperation and slander, against its representa-
tives as well as against the Society itself.

In fact, the opponents of the political faith represented by the Tammany
organization seem to have made a special point of trying to destroy by defama-
tion of character both individuals as well as the general good name of the Society,
believing that that was the best policy to destroy the effectiveness of its organi-
zation.

In 1876, an extraordinary effort was made to abolish the Tammany Society,
not openly, but under cover of a bill introduced in the State Senate by Senator
Wooden, a Republican. This bill, as was generally believed and asserted at the
time, was projected and actually drawn by Dorman B. Eaton, a Republican
reformer in the City of New York, who appeared before the Judiciary Committee
ni its support. It was entitled, " An Act to prevent the abuse of corporate fran-
chise and special privileges conferred by law through their use for corrupt and
partisan purposes."

The members of the Legislature saw the dangerous power contained in the
bill, and also perceived, as the New York Tribune expressed it, that " such a
sweeping measure might hit where it was not intended."

The unceasing political feud, always existing in the State of New York, how-
ever, incited several efforts to control and divert the purposes of the Society, one,
particularly strong, being in 1879, after the bolting of the Tammany delegates to
the State Convention and the nomination of John Kelly for Governor. The
County Democracy, organized under Abram Hewitt, Edward Cooper and others,
made a tight at the polls of the Tammany Society at its regular meeting that year,
and were defeated by a large majority. The Board of Sachems favored by Mr.
Kelly was elected, and his influence and power continued in the Tammany
organization.

Then, and now, the policy of all its opponents has been, as is well known, to
villify and traduce the Society, while year after year, the confidence of the people
is attested in its beneficence and usefulness, by the increased majorities at the
polls.

>85

CHAPTER LXII.

GRAND SACHEMS.- FROM 1789 TO 1899.

1789 — 90. William Mooney.

1790 — 91. William I^ht Smith.

1791 — 92. JosiAH OcDEN Hoffman.

1792 — 93. John R. U. Rogkus.

1793 — 94. WiLLL\M I'li'T Smith,

1794 — 95. J()H.\ I.iTii.i;.

179s — 96. Peter R. Luingston.

1796 — 97. Nicholas Evertson.

1808. Benjamin Romain.

181 1. Clarkson Crolius. (Major Twenty-seventh Regiment United
States Infantry.)

181 1. WiLLL\M Mooxev.

1819. Clarkson Crolius.

1820. Walter Bo-.vne (Mayor of New York i
George Seaman*.

Samuel D. Romaine.

Matthew L. Davis.

Samuel Hawkens.

Shivers Parker.

M. M. Noah (Editor National Advocaif\

Robert B. Boyd.

William McMukray.

William J. Waldron.

George G. Warner.

Samuel Hopkins.
1844 — 45. James Conner.
1845 — 46. Daniel E. Delevan.
1846 — 51. Elijah F. Purdv
185 1 — 54. Daniel E. Delevan
1854 — 55. Elijah F. Purdy.
1855 — 56. Lorenzo D. Shepard
1856 — 58. Daniel E. Delevan.
1858 — 60. Isaac V. Fowler.
i860 — 61. James Conner.
1861 — 62. William D. Kennedy.
1862 — 63. Nelson J. Waterhury.
1863 — 66. Elijah F. Purdy.

1866 — 68. John T. Hoffman (Governor of New Yorki
1868 — 71. William M. Tweed.
1871 — 74. Augustus Schell.
1884 — 85. Charles H. Haswell.
• Records lost.

1885—87.
1887—89.
1889—91.

1891— 93-

i89S-
1896.

1897.
1898.
1899.
1900.

186

P. Henry Dugro (Justice Supreme Couri).

James A. Flack.

Abram D. Tappan.

Thomas F. Gilroy.

Frederick Smyth (Justice Supreme Court).

Thomas L. Feitner.

* Date of term of office uncertain, records being: lost; as also terms of office between
1797 and 1808.

Dates of terms of office for certain periods uncertain as many records were lost between
1808 and 1844. Also In the fire at the Wigwam on Fourteenth street.

1 87

CHAPTER LXIII.

CHAIRMEN OP THE GENERAL COMMITTEE OP TAMMANY HALL
(The Political Organization,) From 1872 to 1900.

1872 — 76. Augustus Schell.

1877 — 80. Henry L. Clinton.

1880. Henry D. Purroy.

1881. Augustus Schell.

1882. John G. Boyd.

1883. William Sauer.

1884. Sidney P. Nichols.
1885 — 86. Abram D. Tappan.

1887 — 90. John Cochrane (Brig.-Gen. U. S. Vols., 1860-61).

1891 — 92. Nelson Smith.

1893 — 94. Nelson Smith.

1895 — 99. Augustus Peters.

1899 — George M. \',-\n Hoesen.

1900 — George M. Van Hoesen.

i88

CHAPTER LXIV.

OFFICERS

of the

SOCIETY OF TAMMANY

COLUMBIAN ORDER FOR 1901.

John Whalen,
John F. Carroll,
Daniel F. McMahon,
John W. Keller,
John J. Scannell,
Charles F. Murphy,

Grand Sachem,
Thomas L. Feitner.

Sachems,

Randolph Guggenheimer,
Maurice Featherson,
Asa Bird Gardiner,
George W. Plunkitt,
George C. Clausen,
John Fox,

Thomas J. Dunn.

Secretary,
Thomas F. Smith.

Treasurer,
Peter F. Meyer.

Sagamore,
John T. Naglfc

Wiskinkie.
John A. Boyle.

191

THOMAS L. FEITNER,
Grand Sachem.

192

JOHN J. SCANNELIi.
Sachem.

193

CHARLES F. MURPHY.
Sachem.

194

GEORGE C. CLAUSEN,
Sachem.

t^Ji-%c":d

195

RANDOLPH GUGGENHEIMER,

Sachem.

196

ASA BIRD GARDINER,
Sachem.

197

THOMAS J. DUNN,
Sachem.

1 98

JOHN F. CARROLL,,
Sachem.

190

JOHN WHALEN,
Sachem.

200

JOHN W. KELLER,
Sachem.

20I

MAURICE FEATHERSON,
Sachem.

202

GEORGE W. PLUNKITT,
Sachem.

203

JOHN FOX,
Sachem.

204

PETER F. MEYE'R,
Treasurer.

205

JOHN T. NAGLE.
Sagamore.

206

THOMAS F. SMITH,
Secretary.

207

JOHN A. BOYLE,

Wiskinkie.

NEW YORK DEMOCRATS

AND MEMBERS OF THE

TAMMANY SOCIETY.

211

ROBERT A. "^'AN WVCK.

212

JOHN B. SEXTON.

PATRICK KBENAN.

213

JOHN McQUADE.

214

AUGUSTUS T. DOCHARTY.

215

VERNON M. DAVIS.

GEORGE M. VAN HOESEN.

WILLIAM T. JENKINS. M.D.

JOHN B. COSBY. M.D.

2l6

GEORGE P. ANDREWS.

217

WILLIAM DALTON.

GEOROE F. SCANNELL.

BERNARD F. MARTIN.

LAWRENCE DELMOUR.

DAVID McADAM.

219

HKNRY W. r.OOKST.WKi:-

CHARLKS i:. TRUAX^

DAVID LEVENTRl'J-.

JAMES A. O'GORMAN.

220

MAURICE UNTERMYER.

221

OLIVER H. P. BELMONT.

WILLIAM ASTOR CHANLER.

ELBRIDGE T. GERRY.

LEWIS NIXON.

222

M. WARLET PLATZEK.

223

FRANCIS J. LANTRY.

JOHN T. OAKLET.

PATRICK J. :(CULLY.

NICHOLAS J. HAYES.

224

JOHN J. FREEDMAN

JOHN F. McINTTRE.

2.-5

LOUIS F. HAFFEN.

AUGUST MOEBUS.

THOMAS F. DONNELLY.

JOHN B. MrKEAN.

NATHAN STRAUS.

227

WILLIAM K. GRELL.

ISAAC FROMME.

MICHAEL T. DALY.

THOMAS S. BliKXXAN.

228

THOMAS E. CRIMMINS.

W. J. K. KENNEY.

229

MATHEW F. DONOHUE.

JOHN J. RYAN.

JAJIES J. PHELAN.

PATRigK KEAHON.

230

LOUIS J. CONLAN.

JAMES M. FITZSIMONS.

JOHN HENRY MCCARTHY.

JOHN P. SCHUCHMAN.

2.3'

p. HENRY DUGRO.

232

CHARLES H. KNOX.

233

WILLIAM WARNER PENFIELD. BENJAMIN HOFFMAN.

JOHN M. TIERNEY.

HERMANN BOLTB.

234

FRANCIS M. SCOTT.

235

CHARLES E. SIMMS, JR.

HENRY A. BRANN.

HERMAN JOSEPH.

WILLIAM F. MdORE.

236

WILLIAM GILBERT DAVIES.

237

JAMES J. MARTIN.

CORD MEYER.

EDWARD OWEN.

JOHN C. HBRTL.E.

238

DAVID McCLURE.

■.VI

STEWART M. BRICE.

BARTuW W. WEEKS.

JAMES L. GORDON

GEORCE G. BATTLE.

240

ANDREW FRBEDMAN.

241

MARTIN ENGEL.

THOMAS C. T. CRAIN.

PATRICK DIVVER.

1)A\'U) I-: AI'STEN.

242

MILES M. O'BRIEIy,

243

ALBERT M. CARD.

JULIAN D. FAIRCHILD.

SMITH E. LANE

JOHN N. LEWIS.

244

THOMAS J. BRADY

WILLIS HOLLY.

245

WII.I.IAM J. FRYER.

THOMAS L. WATT.

MILTON ROBLEE.

WILLIAM C. TOWEN.

JACOB RUPPERT. JR.

247

WILLIAM E. STlLLlXr.S,

JAMES D. McClelland.

JOHN A. SfLLIVAN.

THEODORE W. MYERS.

248

WILLIAM H. ROWE.

249

CHARLBS P. WBLDE.

JOSEPH H. STEINER.

HENRY D. HOTCHKISS.

VICTOR J. DOWLING.

250

THOMAS P. GRADY.

^51

ANTdNIO ZUCCA.

WILI.IAM A. mTTI.ER.

THADDBIIS MORIARTY.

LEO C. DESSAR.

252

JAMES D. BELL.

253

GEORGE HILL.

JOHN H. MOONEY.

MAURICE J. POWER.

GEORGE L. STERLING.

254

WILLIAM SULZER.

-JO

GEORGE LIVINGSTON.

CLINTON H. SMITH.

JOHN T. BRADY.

FLORENCE J. SULLIVAN.

256

WILLIAM SOHMER.

257

VINCENT C. KING.

DELANO C. CALVIN.

WILLIAM M. HOES.

A. O. McCALL.

258

AMOS J. CUMMINGS.

259

GEORGE F. SPINNEY.

WILLIAM J. FANNING.

WILLIAM P. MITCHELL.

WILLIAM T. E.MMETT.

26o

BIRD S. COLBR.

26 1

CHARLES BLANDY.

JOSEPH P. FALLON.

EDWARD GILON.

CHARLES G. F. WAHLE.

262

JOHN Q. UNDERHILL.

263

FRANKLIN BIBN.

CHARLKS W. DAYTON.

JAMES W. OSBORNE

GEORGE MUNDORF.

264

FRANK T, FITZGERALD.

265

MAURICE B. BLUMKNTHAL.

ADOLPH C. HOTTENROTH.

HENRY A. GUMBLETON,

MTRON H. OPPENHEIM.

266

ISAAC A. HOPPER.

267

HENRY W. UNCER.

JACOB E. BAUSCH.

THORNTON' N. MOTLEY.

HANS S. BEATTIE.

268

JOHN H. V. ARNOLD.

269

GEORGE ED. HARDING.

GEORGE M. CURTIS.

ALBERT E. CRABTREE.

JAMES W. BOYLE.

270

NELSON SMITH.

271

DANIEL P. HAYS.

ANTONIil RASINES.

GEORGE H. TOOP.

JOHN B, DOERR.

272

JAMES W. O'BRIEN.

ROLLIN M. MORGAN.

273

THOMAS McADAM.

WELLESI.EY W. GAGE.

WALTER S. LOGAN.

THOMAS P. DINNEAN.

274

EDWARD SHEEHT.

275

WILLIAM A. SWKKTSER.

WILLIAM P. BURR.

'^BKL CROOK.

JOHN E. BRODSKT.

276

WILLIAM R. GRACE.

277

FREDERICK HABERMAN.

GEORGE F. ROESCH.

PHILIP J. BRITT.

THOMAS F. BYRNE.

CHARLES D. OHLENDORF.

279

CHARLES A. JACKSON.

HENRY M. GOLDPOGLE.

DANIEL J. RIORDAN.

RICHARD H. MITCHEL.

28o

WILLIAM J. LARDNER.

28 1

CHARLES L. GtTY.

WILLIAM H. PAGE, JR.

OTTO HORWITZ.

ALPHONSE H. ALKER.

282

LOUIS DAVIDSON.

THOMAS J. BRADLEY.

JAMES KEARNEY.

STEPHEN S. BLAKE.

283

LOl'IS HANNEMAN.

RASTUS S. RANSOM.

BRYAN L. KENNELLY.

GEORGE FAHRBACH

284

RICHARD FITZPATRICK.

LAWRENCE W. AHRENS.

CHARLES J. HARDY.

ABRAHAM M. FROMBERG.

28s

EDWARD KEARNEY.

286

C. E. LYDECKER.

EDWARD HASSETT.

SIDNEY HARRIS.

TERRY SMITH.

287

WILLIAM L. TURNER.

SHERIDAN S. NORTON.

THEODORE F. HASCALL.

LOl'Itf C. liAECrENER.

2SR

EDWARD B. LaFETRA.

AUSTIN E. PRESSINGER.

LOUIS MINSKY.

LEON SANDERS.

28i:

OSWALD OTTENDORFER.

2QC

ANDREW H. GREEN.

291

E. ELLERY ANDERSON.

292

JOHN J. QUINN.

C. M. BEATTIE.

JOHN HENRY ROGAN.

JOHN H. PATRICK.

BIOGRAPHIES

NEW YORK DEMOCRATS

AND MEMBERS OF THE

TAMMANY SOCIETY.

294

Ahrens, Li. W. — Was born in this city and received his early education in the public
schools. He is a Mason, a prominent member of the Royal Arcanum, and a veteran of the
Seventy-first Reg-iment, New York State Volunteers. He is a member of the Democratic
Club, the Pontiac, Nameoki and West End Clubs, and is a member of the Tammany Hall
General Committee of the Twenty-first Assembly District. He has been a staunch Demo-
crat all his life, and has always been prominent in the councils of his party.

Alker, Alphonse Henry — Lawyer, born in New York, October 8th, 1S51. He is a mem-
ber of the Tammany Society and has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1S73, serving
on various committees during that time. He is at present a resident of the Twenty-sev_
enth Asfemblj' District, where he has many friends.

Anderson, E. Bllert — Lawyer, born in New York City in 1833; has been a prominent
figure in Democratic politics since attaining his majority. Has never held public office,
but has accepted a number of public trusts, such as School Trustee, Rapid Transit Com-
missioner, and Commissioner in reference to acquiring lands both for the Croton Aqueduct
and elevated railway. Appointed by Pi-esident Cleveland, in 1SS7, a commissioner to inves-
tigate the affairs of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific Railway Companies. Served as
Major in New York State Militia during Civil War.

Andrews, George P. — Justice of the Supreme Court, born in Maine. After being
graduated from Yale College, came to New York, in 1859, and was admitted to the New
York Bar in 1860. He has held the offices of Assistant United States District Attorney of
the Southern District of New York, Assistant Corporation Counsel, and, later. Corporation
Counsel of the City of New York. In 1883 he was elected to the Supreme Court Bench and
re-elected in 1898. Judge Andrews is a strong- and loyal Democrat, and has taken an active
interest in the affairs of his party.

Arnold, John Harvey Vincent — Lawyer, ex-Sun-ogate, literateur and art collector,
born in New York July 23, 1S39. He was educated at public and private schools,
and took a classical course at the University of the City of New York. In 1889 Mr. Arnold
was appointed by the Board of Aldermen to be President of that body, to fill the vacancy
caused by the death of George H. Forster. In the fall of the same year he was nominated
for the same office and elected to serve until 1S90, and he was then again elected for a two
years' term. For a year he returned to his law practice, and then he was, in 1893,
nominated and elected Surrogate for the term of fourteen 5'ears, but he resigned in Feb-
ruai-y, 1899. Mr. Arnold was one of the Sachems of the Tammany Society. Died 1901.

Austin, Col. David E. — This distinguished officer and thorough Democratic politician
was born in New York, at the house of his grandfather on Bowling Green. He has filled
many important offices and his military record forms a part of the history of the State.
He is a member of the Tammany General Committee, of the Democratic Club, and the Re-
gatta Committee and a veteran of the Grand Army of the Republic.

Bach, Albert — Assistant Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, born in this
city in 1854; has been active in Tammany circles for many years and is very prominent
also as a lawyer and author; member of Democratic Club, Continental Whist Club, Royal
Arcanum and the Order of the American Legion of Honor.

295

Batti.k. George Gordon— Born In North CMinllna, Octol)er 26, 1868, was graduated
from the University of Virginia in 1889, with the degree of Master of Arts. Studied law
at the University of Virginia under Prof. John B. Minor, and at Columljia Coiiege. under
Prof. Theodore W. Dwight. Began practice of iaw in New York City in 1890. In 1892 was
appointed Assistant District Attorney Ijy the then District Attorney, De Lancey Nicoll.
In 1894 was piaced in charge of thr Bureau of Indictments hy the late Col. John R. Fellows.
Shortly after the death of Col. Fellows, resigned from the office and entered Into the
general practice with Bartow S. Weeks, at 100 Broadway, under the firm name of Weeks
& Battle. The firm name was subsequently changed to Weeks. Battle & Marshall. Mr. H.
Snowden Marshall liecoming a partner. Is a member of the Bar Association, the Southern
Society, the Calumet. Military and Seneca Clubs, the Columbian Order, and is a member
of the General Committee of Tammany Hall in the Twcnty-Hfth .-\ssembly District.

Bausch. Jacob E.— Coi-oncr Bausch was born in tlic City of New York and received his
education in Grammar School No. 22. Immediately after leaving school he entered into the
employ of Palmer & Embury as an apprentice, and learne'd the trade of wood carving. He
has represented the Wood Carvers' Association as business agent and walking delegate for
many years. He was elected Coroner in 1897 by a very large majority over his opponent.
Mr. Bausch is a member of the George Washington Benevolent Society, the Central Labor
Union, Building Trade Section, Queer Fellows' Association and Compact Social League.

Beach, Miles— Justice of the Supreme Court, and son of the late Hon. William A.
Beach, was born in 1833. Educated at Union College, appointed Judge of the Court of
Common Pleas in 1879, and elected in 1880, and again elected in 1893, and transferred in
1894, through the consolidation of the courts, to the Supreme Court.

Beattie, Charles Maitlanml— Charles Maitland Beattie was born in New Y'ork City
in 1858, where he received his education in the College of the City of New York. He chose
a professional career, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1882, where he has since
practiced. His present office is at 116 Nassau street. Mr. Beattie is a member of the Demo-
cratic Club, the New Y'ork Press Club and the General Cimmiltee of Tammany Hall from
the Ninth Assembly District. He is an ardent Tammany Hall man.

Beattie, Hans Stevenson— Was born in Belfast, Ireland, in 1849. He went to London
at eighteen where he studied stenography and the elements of law. He came to New
Y'ork when nineteen and entered as a student at the New York University. He was
admitted to practice in the State and United States Courts, and in 1881 entered the office
of William C. Whitney, Corporation Counsel, and was afterwards appointed Surveyor of
the Port by President Cleveland. He was Commissioner of Street Cleaning under Mayor
Grant, and in 1893 was appointed Treasurer of the Metropolitan Street Railway Comiiany of
New Y'ork.

Bell, Isaac— Was born at 14 Greenwich street. New York, 1814. His father and grand-
father were both Isaac Bells and were distinguished citizens before the Revolution. Mr.
Bell began his business career in the old firm of Lentilhon & Co., in whose interest he vis-
ited the South and made several trips to Europe where he met Miss Mott, to whom he was
afterward married. In 1844. while South, he w^as made a member of the staff of the Gov-
ernor of Alabama, and in 1848 was elected to Congress from the same State. Coming to
New York he joined Tammany Hall and was elected to the Board of Supervisors, and, in
1857, was appointed Commissioner of Charities and Correction. In '69 he was appointed a
member of the Board of Education in which his broad principles were also conspicuous.
He was mainly instrumental in founding Bellevue Hospital and in establishing the system
of hospital ambulances in New York. Mr. Bell organized the Riot Relief Fund of which
he was custodian until succeeded by his son Edward, a few years ago. During the Rebel-
lion he provided ways and means for upholding the Union. He was a genial figure in so-
ciety and a general favorite with everyone. He died in 1897, after a long and useful life.

296

Bell, Jajiew D.— Of the Fifth Assembly District of the County of Kings, Brooklyn,
was born in New York in 1845. He has held many leading positions, among which-
may be named: Supervisor of Nineteenth Ward, Brooklyn; Chairman of Law
Commission, Commissioner of Police and Excise, Commissioner and Secretary
of new East River Bridge, Chairman of Special Committee on Reorganization Democratic-
party of Kings, Chairman Democratic General Committee, Chairman Committee on Organi-
zation. First Vice-President, Brooklyn Bar Association: Chairman Law Library, Brook-
lyn; Chairman, member and ex-Committee, G. A. R., Kings County in 1899, for fourth term.
It will thus be seen that Mr. Bell is a leader in the many business and political organiza-
tions of the greater city.

Belmont, Oliver H. P. — Congressman Belmont, son of the late August Belmont, th&
banker, was born in the City of New York in 1858, attended school here and at St. Paul's,
and later went abroad for three years to complete his studies. Returning to America he
entered the Naval Academy at Annapolis, graduating in 1889, and served two years in the
Navy. Resigning from the Navy Mr. Belmont became a member of the firm of August
Belmont. In 1900 he was elected a member of Congress from the Thirteenth New York
Congressional District. Mr. Belmont is a member of the New York Yacht Club, Democratic-
Club, and is a Mason and Past Master of St. John's Lodge, A. F. and A. M., No. 1, of New-
port, R. I.

BiEN. Fr.anklix — Member of New York Bar. was born in this citj' January 23, 1853.
Educated in public schools. Free Academy of the City of New York (now College of the
City of New York), Columbia Law School. Counsel for many corporations in the United
States, and has acted as counsel in important questions connected with the Democratic
party. Never held public office.

BiRDS.^LL. George W. — Cliief Engineer, Department of Water Supply. Born in New
York in 1836: appointed Assistant Engineer Department Public "W^orks in 1871; First
Assistant, 1875: made Chief Engineer in 1879; holding same until 1S98, when appointed to
present position.

Blake, Michael P. — Michael F. Blake, Clerk of the Board of Aldermen, was born in
the Eighteenth Ward. City of New York, August 1, 1857. He was educated in the public
schools and the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Blake studied law in the ofBce of Ex-
Supreme Court Justice Abraham B. Tappen and Henry Parsons. He subsequently em-
barked in journalism and was for many years a writer on the New York Herald. In 1889 he
resigned from the HcrnJd to accept the position of Deputy Clerk to the Board of A'dernien,
where he served for some years under Captain Francis J. Twomey. When Captain Twomey
retired on account of age, Mr. Blake wa.s unanimously elected clerk to the Common Council
which position he held for many years. In 1898 Mr. Blake was reappointed to the position
of clerk to the Board of Aldermen, which place he now holds. He is vice-chairman of the
General Committee of Tammany Hall of the Eighteenth Assembly District and chairman
of the Law Committee of that District. He is a member of the Democratic. Press and
Anawanda Clubs.

Blake, Stephen S. — Assistant District Attorney. Born in Ireland in 1843; came to the
United States when eight years of age. He entered Niagara College, from which he was
graduated in 1S65, subsequently pursuing a two-years' course of higher studies at the Col-
lege of Montreal. Was elected City Clerk of the City of Bridgeport, Conn., and served for
three years on the Board of Aldermen of that city; was Town Attorney, also Prosecuting
Attorney of the City of Bridgeport. He v,-as Judge of the City Court of Bridgeport, by
appointment of the Legislature, for four terms. In 1880 he was the candidate of the
Democratic party for Secretary of State. In 1881 Mr. Blake removed to this city and was.
a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1894 and of the Legislature of 1895.

297

Blandy, Charles.— Assistant I'oiijcirution Counsel Charles Dlanily was born In Iieland
in 1S48. He was educated in the public schools and the Worcester College of England. He
later removed to New York and in 1S67 entered upon the study of law in New York City.
In 1S72 he was admitted to the bar at General Term and at once began an active practice.
In 1882 William C. Whitney, then Corporation Counsel, Invited Mr. Blandy to become one of
his assistants to try Jury oases and he accepted the olllce and held it during all ot Mr.
Whitney's term as well as that of his successor, afterwards Judge George P. Andrews. In
1890 William H. Clark became Corporation Counsel and made Mr. Blandy second assistant
to try the most important cases. John Whalen, Corporation Counsel, made him one of his
assistants on JaniKu y 1, 1898.

Bi.UMKNTiiAi., Maurice B.— Former Assistant District Attorney, was born in this city in
1870, and long' before he reached his majority he interested himself in political affairs and
became, as he has ever since been, an ardent Democrat. He studied law in the
University of the City of New York. He placed in nominatiim in the various
conventions Judge Leonard A. Giegerich and Frederick Smyth ■>!' the Supreme
Court, and Judge Schuchman ot the City Court. He was named as a Brcsidential Klector
upon the Democratic ticket of 1856. He is a member of the Tammany Hall Committee on
Organization, Tammany Society, Progress Club, the Home Social Club, the Seminole Club,
the Jefferson Club of the Sixteenth Assembly District, the Young Men's Democratic Club,
the Eleventh Ward League, the Comanche Legion, the Yoiung Men's Hebrew Association,
the Greater New York Democratic Aliliiance, the Jacksonian Club, the Lone Star Yacht
Club. Post Graduate's Grammar School No. 13, the Daniel Webster Lodge, and a number
of other social and fraternal organiza,tions. Resigned from District Attorney's ofBce early
ir. 1901.

BOLTE, Hermann — Justice of the Second District Court, is a graduate of Columbia Law
School, class 1874; afterwards attended University at Heidelberg, Germany, to study civil
law. In 1893 he was elected Justice of the Second District Court. It is worthy to note that
out of a registration of over 12,800 votes, he received the largest majority of votes, namely
10,975, ever cast in the District, and on his re-election, 1899. received over 85 per cent, of the
entire vote cast in his Judicial District. Judge Bolte has always taken a very deep interest
in the public schools in this city and in educational matters generally. Through his sole
endeavors the new schoolhouse. Grammar School No. 1, Henry and Oliver streets, has been
erected, while acting as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Fourth W^ard, from
January 1. 1891, until July 1. 1896.

Bookstaver, Henry W. — Was born in 1835. He received his early education at an
academy in Orange County, New York, and prepared himself for Rutgers College, from
which he graduated with high honors. He w'as admitted to the bar in 1861, and later be-
came a member of the law firm of Brown, Hull & Vanderpoel. Among the official pliices
he has filled previous to his election to the bench of the Supreme Court are Sheriff's At-
torney, counsel to the Police Board, and counsel to the Commissioner of Charities and Cor-
rections. Ex-Judge Bookstaver is one of New York's most eminent lawyers, with a large
clientele and practice, with offices at 256 Broadway.

BouKER, DeWitt Clinton, Jr. — Prominent among the contractors of Greater New York
is D. C. Bouker, Jr., who was born in Greenville, Hudson County, N. J., in 1865. Shortly
after he was bom his parents removed to Far Rockaway, Queens County, L. I., sin(!e
which time Mr. Bouker has been a resident of New York and closely identified W'ith the
business and political affairs of the metropolis; in fact Mr. Bouker is a typical New-
Yorker and a Democrat.

B.OYLE, James W. — Was born in New York on May 14, 1845. He was aippointed a Com-
missioner of Appraisement and Assessment for lands taken for the new aqueduct in 1892.
Mr. Boyle is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic and New York Athletic Clubs, and
is also Chairman of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the Seventh Assemljly Dis-
trict. He has been a member of the Tammany organization ever since he took an interest
in politics. He was appointed a Commissioner of the new East River Bridge in 1898.

298

BoTLE, John Ambrose.— Was born in the City of New York in 1S46; educated in the-
public schools of this city. He went to the war as a drummer boy with the Sixty-ninth
Regiment and was a veteran at the age of seventeen.. Mr. Boyle has been employed in the
Register's office for the last twenty years, having advanced himself to the position of Chief
Searcher and Examiner. He has also been the Financial Secretary of the old BightentJh,
now the Twentieth Assembly District, Tammany Hall General Committee, for twenty-five
years. Mr. Boyle was elected Wiskinkie of the Tammany Society in 1898.

BR.4DT, John T.— One of the foremost builders and contractors of the City of New York
is John T. Brady, who was born in Ireland in 1849. Beginning without a dollar capital, toe
is now at the head, and hundreds of the finest structures in the city attest his capabilities.
Among these are the residences of B. W. Bliss, Nathan Strauss, Mrs. Kohn, and the public
buildings, such as the new Surrogate's Court, Thirteenth Judicial District Court and
Grant's tomb, on Riverside Drive.

Brady, Thomas J. — Former President Department of Buildings, was born in this city
in 1854. Became Inspector of the Fire Department in 1SS4; First Department of the Bu-
reau of Inspection of Buildings in the Fire Department in 1887; Superintendent of Build-
ings in 1889; appointed President Department of Buildings in 1898; resigned April, 1901.

Bradley, Thomas J. — Member of Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, was
born in this city in 1870. He attended the public schools and was graduated from the City
College in 1887. He taught school at Lenox avenue and 134th street, and in 128th street
between Lenox and Seventh avenues. In 1891 he was admitted to the bar. Although
barely of age, he was made an Assistant District Attorney, which position he held until
1895, when he resigned to practice law. He was nominated for Congress in 1896 against
"Tim" Campbell, whom he easily defeated, and ran 1,400 ahead of his. ticket. Died 1901.

Brann. Henry A. — Born in Ireland in 1847; landed in America in 1S50; admitted to the
bar in 1S68 at Albany; joined Taminany Hall in 1869; has since been a prominent member;
has served on General and District Committees of the Twenty-third District; has held the
office of City Magistrate since 1895.

Brennan, Thomas S. — Deputy Commissioner of Charities, born in this city 1844;
appointed Warden of .Bellevue in 1866; appointed in 1860 to Bellevue Hospital as Watch-
man, then Captain of Night Watch; promoted to Island Hospital as Steward in 1864;
remained as Steward until 1866, then promoted, and in 1875 appointed Cominissioner of
Public Charities and Correction and twice reappointed. Appointed Street Cleaning Com-
missioner by Mayor Grant in 1893 and served for one year, resigning to engage in the real
estajte business. Died in 1901.

Brice. Stew.art M. — Councilman Brice was born in Lima, Ohio, in 1870 and received
his early education in his native city. He removed to New York in 1881 and continued his
studies in a private school in the metropolis. After two j^ears of this training he entered
the Philips Academy of Exeter, in the State of New Hampshire. In 1886 he started upon a
tour around the world. Shortly after returning from his trip, whicii was in 1887. he en-
tered Harvard. On the completion of his course in Harvard in 1893, he entered upon an
active business career. He became General Manager of the Daj'ton Natural Gas Com-
pany, of Dayton, Ohio, and about a year after assumed personal charge of the enormous
railroad interests of his father. Senator Calvin S. Brice. In 1897 Mr. Brice was elected a
member of the Council. He is a member of the New York Athletic Club, the Racquet Club,
the Knickerbocker Club, the Lambs Club and the order of the Elks.

Britt, Philip J. — Lawyer, born in this city in 1865. Identified with Tammany Hall
since 1886, and for a number of years Secretary of the Committee on Speakers. Graduate
of Manhattan College and Columbia University. Searcher of Titles in Register's office.
1888-1890; appointed Counsel to Sheriff in 1898. Member of Tammany Society since 1888.

Brodskt, John E. — Born in New York City May 30, 1855. He received his early educa-
tion in the public schools and [roni priviite teachers. He then went to Columbia Law
School, and was graduated from that institution in the class of '76. receiving the degree of
LL. B. He was admitted to the bar in July. 1876. Mr. Brodaky entered politics In 1876. and
was a pupil and protege of the late John J. O'Brien. He was elected to the Assembly in
1879, and continued until 1882, when he accepted a Senatorial nomination. Re-elected to
the Assembly as an Independent in 1891. Mr. Brodsky is an active and prominent member
of Tammany Hall. He represented the Eighth Assembly District, but now resides in the
Thirty-first Assembly District.

Browne. EDW.\Rri. Ex-JrDi;K— was born in Irelaml. but received his early edutation in
this city. He was elected a Judge of the City Court in ISS:!. Counsel to Excise Board Ave
years. Judge Browne is a member of the General Committee and Committee on Organiza-
tion of the Ninth Assembly District of Tammany Hall. He has always been an ardent
Democrat and a worker for his party. He served in the Civil War in the Army of
Potomac. Received "Medal of Honor" from United States Congress for bravery at battle
of Fredericksburg. May. 1863, and brevetted Captain United States Volunteers for gal-
lantry on field of battle.

Burr, William P.— Was born in Dublin. Ireland. March :;0. 1857. He received his early
education in that city under the tuition of Madam Martin, niece of Cardinal Cullin. Coming
to New York in 1863 he attended the De La Salle Institute and later entered St. James' Col-
lege, Baltimore. In 1875 he was appointed to the West Point Military Academy, but left
there in 1877 to enter the Columbia College Law School, w^here he was graduated in 1879,
and admitted to the Bar the same year. He was a delegate to the New York Constitu-
tional Convention from the Eleventh Senatorial District, distinguishing himself there by
his fight against trusts and monopolies. He is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic,
Law^yers', Narragansett, Sagamore and Harlem Democratic Clubs, State Bar Association,
Tammany Society and of the Standing Committee of Tammany Hall on Resolution.s and
Correspondence

Butler, William A. — The Supervisor of the City Record and former Clerk of the
County of New York, William A. Butler, was born in this city and has been a member of
Tammany Hall for over twenty year.=. Mr. Butler was elected County Clerk in 1879. He
is a resident of the Twenty-first Assembly District, and continues Supervisor of the City
Record at the present time.

Byrne, Thomas F.— Deputy Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1855.
Graduated from Manhattan College in 1874 and New Y'ork University Law School in 1877
He has been an active and influential member of Tammany Hall since 1893. and a member
of the Tammany Society since 1S97. Resides in the Fifth Assembly District, and has served
upon the General Committee and Cummittee of Organization.

Cal\'in, Delano C, L.L. D.— Judge Calvin was born in Clayton. N. Y.. and has be^n
active in Tammany Hall since 1866. He held the oflice of District Attorney of Jefferson
County, Commissioner of Education in Watertown, N. Y.. and Surrogate. County of New-
York, and at present is in legal practice at 58 William street, being largely identified with
estate cases and practice in the higher courts. In politics he has been a power in the State
ever since his introduction by Governor Seymour and Senator Kernan, in whose interests,
and that of faithful Tammany and the regular Democracy, he has so repeated^' and suc-
cessfully canvassed the city and the State.

Card, Albert M. — Born in Ancram, N. Y.. July 21, 1845; was educated in the public
schools and at the Amenia Seminary and Eastman Business College, Poughkeepsie. N.
Y. He studied law with Hon. Charles Wheaton. of Poughkeepsie, and began the practice
of law in Duchess County. He has always been a Democrat. Mr. Card was United States
District Revenue Assessor, with headquarters at Poughkeepsie. and served as School Com-
missioner of Duchess County. For twelve years he was Judge of Probate for the District
of Sharon. Conn., and three years member of Assembly in Connecticut. Mr. Card

300

Is President of the Village of Sharon; President of the Sharon Casino Company, ana
a Director of the Sharon Water Company, the Sharon Telephone Company and the Sharon
Electric Light Company. He is also Commissioner of the Superior Court of Connecticut,
Vice-President and Secretary of the Salisbury Carbonate Iron Company, and Secretary
and Treasurer of the Landon Iron Company. He is President and General Manager of the
Amenia Mining Companj', Secretary of the Kelley Mining Company, and a Director of the
First National Bank of Amenia, N. T. He is a member of the New York State Bar Asso-
ciation, the Democratic Club, the Harlem Democratic Club, Tammany Hall and the Old
Put Club, of Danbury, Conn.

Carroll, John F. — Has lived all his life in the old Sixteenth, but now divided into the
Twenty-second and Twenty-fourth Assembly Districts. He was for twenty-five years
active in politics, and during his administration as Tammany Hall leader he proved an
able and brilliant campaigner and has scored victory after victory. He has always been
unswerving in his loyalty to the Tammany Hall organization, and so successful were his
labors that, under his leadership, a once doubtful district came to the front as a Demo-
cratic stronghold. As Vice-Chairman of the Committee on Finance of Tammany Hall Mr.
Carroll retains his connection with the organization, and is welcomed in its inner councils.
He is a shrewd, level-headed politician, whose intimate knowledge of public men and
affairs and an experience extending over a quarter of a century give to his opinions on
matters political very great weight. Mr. Carroll was tirst appointed to public office as
Clerk to the Grand Jury by the late Supreme Court Justice Frederick Smyth, who was then
Recorder, in 1S79. His abilities as shown in this position brought the usual reward. He
was made Clerk of the Seventh District Civil Court, and was subsequently promoted to the
Clerkship of the Court of Special Sessions. In 1S91 he was unanimously chosen by the
Judges to the responsible place of Clerk of the Court of General Sessions.

Chanler, William astor — Was born June 11, 1867, in Newport, E. I., son of John
Winthrop Chanler, who served several terms in the Legislature of New York State, and
represented the Seventh Congressional District of that State for three terms; was educated
at St. John's School, Sing Sing; Phillips' Academy, Exeter, N. H., and Harvard Univer-
sity, which he left to undertake explorations in Africa, the result of his travels having been
published in a book; had conferred upon him the degree of A. M. by Harvard University,
and became a member of two European geographical societies; was elected to the Assetn-
bly in the New York State Legislature in 1897 from the Fifth district, and was elected to
the Fifty-sixth Congress, receiving 31,604 votes, to 25,209 for Lemuel E. Quigg, Republican,
1,307 for Emil Neppel, Socialist Labor, and lOi for Albert Wadhams, Prohibitionist.

Clausen, George C— President Department of Parks, was born in this city in 1S49.
Appointed Commissioner of Taxes in 1S93, and made Park Commissioner by Mayor Gilroy
the same year. Re-appointed to the same position by Mayor Van Wyck in 189S.

CoLER, Bird S. — Comptroller of the City of New York was born in Champagne, 111., in
1866. He is the present Chairman of the Finance Committee of the General Committe of
the regular Democratic organization in Brooklyn, and has made himself felt in the councils
of the leaders. He became identified with Brooklyn politics in 1S91.

Conlan, Lewis J. — One of the Justices of the City Court, was born in Camden, Oneida
County, N. Y., and was educated in the Polytechnic Institute in Troy, and was elected a
member of the Legislature in 1SS5 and a Judge of the City Court in 1893. He is a member
of the Manhattan, Catholic, Democratic, Hardware and Press Clubs.

CosBV, John B. — Health Commissioner, was born in Tennessee and educated in that
State and in Baltimore Medical College. Coming to New York he became a firm advocate
of Tammany Hall and was selected for his present position by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898.

Crabtr'ee, Albert E. — Auctioneer and appraiser. Born in this city in 1861. Resides in
Thirty-first Assembly District. President of Carondelet Democratic Club, and an energetic
Tammany worker in his district.

.^"1

Grain, T. C. T.— As a thorough Democrat and "Tammany Man," Thomas C, T. Grain la
known to all New York. He was born In this city, went abroad with his parents at an
early age. and was educated In Europe. He has been active in the Democratic ranks since
1S22 and with Judije I'ryor and other men of note, has battled for the maintenance of
Democratic principles, especially in the Tammany campaigns. From 1S!I0 till isy4 he was
City Chamberlain.

Crook, Abel.— Was born in Brooklyn, 1842. Graduated from Williams College in 1S62,
with degrees of B.A. and M.A.. and from Columbia College law school in 1864. with degree
of Master of Laws. Since then he has been in active legal practice in New York, an asso-
ciate with Hon. A. B. Tappen, Hon. J. B. Haskins. Supreme Court Justice Ingraham,
Bourke Cockran, etc. He is a member of the Democratic Club, the Brooklyn Club. Acco-
mack, and other important organizations. His legal practice has been extensive, covering
the most decisive cases before the Supreme Court and high tribunals of the city and State,
and affecting corporate and legislative interests of the most important character.

CuMMiNGS, Amos J.— New York's famous Congressman, Amos J. Cummings. was
born at Conkling, Broome County, New York, in 1841. After many adventures in the South
he became a compositor on the New York Tribune; after was sargeant major of a regiment
in the war; was distinguished by a medal for gallantry in action; became an editor of the
Tribune and later of the Sun; was elected to Congi-ess in 1886 and has been the people's
chosen representative almost continuously since that time. As a literary man. an orator
and a statesman he has few peers.

Curtis, George M. — Was born in Worcester, Mass., in 1843, and pursued his law studies
with Gen. B. F. Butler, of Lowell, Mass., and Hon. John W. Ashmead, of this city, being
admitted to practice in the New York courts in 1862. Was a member of the Legislature in
1864, 1865 and 1866; Assistant Corporation Counsel of the city in 1865-66, and was elected a
Judge of Marine Court in 1867 and served a full term of six years. Since his seventeenth
year he has stumped the city for Tammany Hall, and the State and nation for the Demo-
cratic party.

Dalton, William— Commissioner of Water Supply, was born in this city about forty-
five years ago. He entered politics at an early age, and was elected to the State Legisla-
ture in 1885, serving until 1889. He was appointed Deputy Street Cleaning Commissioner in
18S9; Excise Commissioner in 1893; Commissioner of Water Supply in 1898. He is the Demo-
v.'ratic leader of the Eleventh Assembly District.

Daly, Michael T.— Commissioner Daly, one of New York's popular officals, was born in
Ireland, in 1841. He came to this city when a mere boy, attended the College of New York-
first entered political life under Mayor A. Oakey Hall; was for years Chief Clerk of the
City Court; in 1891 was appointed Commissioner of Public Accounts, and afterwards to the
responsible post of Commissioner of Public Works, winning great credit in the administra-
tion of both. He is a chief in local Democracy and a prominent member of Tammany Hall.

Danforth, Elliott— Is a native of Middleburgh. Schoharie County, where he was born
March 6. 1850. His father was Peter F. Danforth. a lawyer of prominence, a State Senator,
and a Justice of the Supreme Court. Mr. Danforth was educated in the public scihools
and in the Schoharie Academy. He was admitted to the bar in 1872. In 1880 he was a
delegate to the National Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, which nominated General
Hancock for the Presidency. He was also a delegate to the Chicago Convention four years
later, which nominated Grover Cleveland, whom Mr. Danfortih supported in the convention.
In 1884 Mr. Danforth was appointed Deputy State Treasurer, by Treasurer Fitzgerald. He
served five years in that capacity, gaining an experience which proved of excessive value
to him when, in 1889. he was nominated for Treasurer, and elected by a plurality of 13.955
votes. In 1891 he was re-elected by a plurality of 43.281. thus evincing his popularity. In
1896 he received the offer of the nomination for Governor upon the retirement of Jolhn
Boyd Thacher. but declined to serve, preferring to accept the Chairmanship of the State
Committee.

302

Davidson, Louis — LaAvyer and legislator, was born in this city May 2, 1861. He received
his education in the public schools and at the College of the City of New York, graduating
from there in 1879. In politics Mr. Davidson was always a true and regular Democrat. In
1S92 and 1893 he was elected by a large majority to represent the Twenty-sixth Assembly
-District of New York County. Died in 1901.

Da VIES, Wu,i,iAM Gilbert — Was born in this city in 1842; educated at Trinity College,
Hartford, Conn., Leipsic, Germany, Columbia College Law School. Admitted to the Bar
in 1863. Mr. Davies is a Democrat in politics, and a member of the Union. Century, Uni-
versity, Manhattan, Democratic, Liederkranz, Tuxedo, Lawyers', Groliers and St. Nicholas
Clubs, the Sons of the Revolution, the Society of Colonial Wars and the American State,
and City Bar Associations.

Davis, Vebnon M. — Was born in this city in 1855. He was educated in the public and
private schools and the College of the City of New York, graduating from the latter Insti-
tution in 1876. In 1885 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by Randolph
B. Martine, and later he was promoted to be Assistant District Attorney, serving as such
until April 20th, 1897. During the terms of District Attorneys Nicoll and Fellows, Mr. Davis
was Acting District Attorney, and upon the death of Col. Fellows he became District
Attorney by the unanimous appointment of the Judges of the Court of General Sessions on
December 7, 1896, holding the ofBce until the appointment of Mr. Olcott by Governor Black
fifteen days later. Mr. Davis is now a member of the School Board of the Borough of Man-
hattan and the Bronx, a member of the Board of Education of the City of New York, and
Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of the College of the City
of New York, a member of the Board of Trustees of the Normal College. He is a staunch
Democrat and a member of the Harlem Democratic, Sagamore and Democratic Clubs.

Datton, Charles W. — This well-known New York Democrat has been promi-
nently before the public since his eighteenth year. He was elected to the 'State Legisla-
ture in 1881: was a presidential elector in 1855; was appointed Postmas'ter of New York by
President Cleveland in 1893 and in every position has proved his fitness for the conduct of
public affairs.

Dessar, Leo C. — Was educated in the public schools and at an academy in Cincinnati,
and while yet a mere boy during his college days, -he ieft his studies to take part in the
war for the Union. On his discharge he was graduated from the Columbia College Law
School, and in 1870, admitted to the New York bar. He at once engaged in practice, while
at the same time taking a prominent part in the anti-Tweed reform movement, of which
Samuel J. Tilden was the leader, being one of Mr. Tilden's chief associates in carrying out
the reform measures. With the nomination of Tilden for Governor of the State in 1874, at
his request, Mr. Dessar became a candidate for the Assembly, and was elected from the
Seventeenth District of New York City. In 1884 Mr. Dessar was elected the first civil
justice of the then newly erected Eleventh Judicial District Court. Upon his retirement
from the bench. Judge Dessar resumed the practice of his profession. He is the author of
the famous book "A Royal Endhantress."

Deyo, Robert E. — Municipal Civil Service Commissioner, born in 1843. Was a member
of the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and was appointed Civil Service Commissioner in
the same year. He is and has been for a number of years a member of various committees
of Tammany Hall.

DiNNEAN, Thomas P. — Lawyer, was born in this city in 1858. Prominent in political
circles and a member of Tammany Hall for many years, and associate leader in Sixth
Assembly Dstrict.

DivvER, Patrick, — Born in Ireland, in 1845, and coming to America when a mere child,
Mr. Divver has always made New York his home and has become one of her most popular
Democratic citizens. He has filled, consecutively, the offices of court officer. Alderman and
Justice of the Police Court, to the satisfaction of the public and the people he has so faith-
fully served.

3"3

DdCiiATtTV, AiuiUSTti.s T. — Was Ijoi ii in tlic Cilj uL' Ni-w Ynili aiiil wiis i-diji-at^'cl In the
public schools and the college of his native city, where his father was noted as a iirofessor
of mathematics. At the beginning of his successful career he Identified himself with
Tammany Hall. In 1870 he was appointed clerk in the Comptroller's ofllce; in 1872 he
became Assistant Secretary of the Board of Apportionment, and afterward Contract Clerk
in the Department of Public Works, and Deputy Register of the City and County of New
York In ISSO Tammany Hall Democracy nominated Mr. Docharty for Uegister, and he
was elected by a larger majority than any candidate on the local ticket that year. Two
thousand of New York's leading attorneys endorsed his administration of the affairs of
the oflice. In 1SS9, and until 1895, he was Secretary of the Dock Commissioners, and on the
first of January, 1898, he was appointed to his present position as Secretary of the Fire
Department of New York, where his great experience has made his service indispenslble
and added to his hosts of friends.

DoEUK, John B. — Was born in I'hiladelphia, Pa., in 1S42. He was educated in the pub-
lic schools of Philadelphia. He tirst stairted in business with Mr. William Flss in 1879. Mr.
Doeirr was instrumental in building up an immense trade in the sale of horses. He was
the pioneer of selling freslh Western horses direct to the halter in New York City. The
corporation founded by Mr. Doerr in 1895, the Fiss, Doerr & Carroll Horse Company, are
the largest dtalers in ho'rses in the world. Mr. Doerr was a member of the Democratic
Club, the Road Drivers' Association, the Dakewood Driving Club, of which he was one of
I he organizer.-, and an honorary member of the Freehold Driving Club. lie died in 1901.

Donnelly, Thomas F. — Was born in Spring street, near the Bowery, in 1863, and was
educated in the public schools am! the College of the City of New York. He is a lawyer in
active practice, and was graduated from Columbia College Law School with the class of
1884. He has been aji active member of Tammany Hall for fifteen years, and has repre-
sented the Thirty-second Assembly District of New York City in the State Legislature
during the years of 1896, 1897 and 1S9S. In 1898 he was the leader of the Democratic minor-
ity in the Assembly. Mr. Donnelly was elected to the State Senate from the Twentieth
District for 1S99-1900.

DoNOHUE, M.^TTHEW F. — Deputy Commissioner of Sewers, was born in New York in
1867. Appointed to his present position in 1S98. Although one of the youngest Democratic
leaders in the Tammany organization, his conduct of the Twenty-first Assembly District
has earned him the commendation of political friends and foes.

DowLiNG, Victor J. — ^State Senator, was born in this city in 1866. Mr. Duwling was
leader of the Twenty-fourtJi District in 1895, 1896, 1897, retiring In 1898. He was one of
the Secretaa-ies of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall, and is at present a member
of the Law Committee thereof. He has been a prominent and effectve speaker in all Tam-
many campaigns. He is a member of the Democratic Club and of the Catholic Club, and
is also interested in a number of fraternal societies.

DuGRO, P. Henry— Justice of the Supreme Court, born in this city in 1855; was educated
at Columbia College, in the class of 1876, and also at Columbia College Law School; elected
to the Assembly in 1878, wdien twenty-three years of age; elected to Congress in 1880, and a
Judge of the Superior Court in 1887. Transferred to Supreme Court in 1894. Elected
Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall in 1885.

Dunlap, Colonel Thomas. — One of the oldest and most respected members of the Tam-
many Democracy was lost when Thomas Dunlap died in 1896. Colonel Dunlap had served
New Y'ork in many of the most important official stations— as Alderman, Naval Officer,
Deputy Sheriff, Collector, Superintendent of Markets, Warden of Ludlow, etc.— in all of
which he was conspicuous for honesty and faithfulness to every trust.

Dunn, Thomas J.— The ex- Sheriff began life on a farm and was educated in the common
schools. When old enough to learn a trade he chose that of a stone-cutter, and by economy
and diligent application he saved enough money out of his wages to start in business for
himself by the time he had reached the age of thirty years. Mr. Dunn's devotion to the
plain, Democratic principals of Tammany Hall has been life-long.

304

EjijiET. W. T.— School Commissioner Emmet is a New Yorker by birth, by education
and by residence, having been 'born in Westchester County in 1869. He entered Columbia
College at an early age, graduated from Columbia Law School in 1S90 and began the prac-
tice of law in this city in 1891. In 1894 he was honored by being elected a delegate to the
Constitutional Convention at Albany and in 1900 he was appointed School Commissioner by
Mayor Van Wyck. Mr. Emmet is a member of the Democratic Club, the Metropolitan
Club, the Down-Town Association and the Bar Association.

Engel, Martin. — Councilman Martin Engel was born in the City of New York in the
year 1847. He received his early education in the public schools of this city, graduating
from TVard School No. 42 at the unusual age of thirteen. Immediately after his gradua-
tion he went to Europe and attended the University of Berlin for two years. After finish-
ing his course of study in Berlin, Mr. Engel returned to tljis country and at once entered
upon an active business career. He became associated with his brother Samuel, and they,
under the name of Engel Brothers, carried on business for over thirty-five years. In 1896
Samuel died and Martin has carried on the business since. He has taken an active part In
politics ever since reaching his majority and has been the leader of the Eighth Assembly
District since the formation of the same. He was elected Councilman for the First Dis-
trict in 1897. Mr. Engel is popular socially and is a member of several prominent clubs and
organizations.

Elt, Smith — One of the oldest of the living ex-Mayors of New York is Smith
Ely, who was born in New Jersey in 1825. Mr. Ely is a merchant and politician of promin-
ence and has been identified with Tammany Hall since 1850. He has also held the offices
of Supervisor. Trustee of Brooklyn Bridge, State Senator, Commissioner of Education,
Presidential Elector, Congressman and Park Commissioner of the City of New York.

Fahpeach, George H. — Deputy County Clerk, born in this city in 1863; appointed
Recording Clerk, 1886-1888; Chief Application Clerk of the Excise Board, 1888-1890; Equity
Clerk of the Supreme Court 1890-1S9S, when he was appointed to present position.

Fairchild, Julian D. — Commissioner of the East River Bridge, born in Stratford,
Conn., in 1850, and has been prominent in Brooklyn financial and political circles since 1875.

Fallon, Joseph P. — Justice of the Municipal Court, Ninth District, was born in Ireland
in 1845, coming to America in 1849. He was educated in the public and Christian
Brothers schools; elected Judge of the Ninth District in 1887; appointed a School Trustee
Twelfth Ward, 187.S-187d; elected to the Legislature in 1876; member of Tammany Hall
General Committee, Catholic, Harlem Democratic, Democratic and Sagamore Clubs.

Fanning, William J. — Born in Saratoga County, New York, and received his educa-
tion at the Half Moon Institute, Middletown, N. Y., and the University of the City of New
York. Mr. Fanning is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Catholic Clubs.

Farquhar, Percival — Born in York, Pa., and was educated at the York Collegiate
Institute, and subsequently in Yale College. He was graduated from Yale in 1884, with the
degree of Ph. B. He then began the study of law at Columbia Law School, being gradu-
ated with high honors, and was admitted to the bar in 1886. He has always taken an
active interest in politics, and in 1889 was a candidate for Member of Assembly from the
Third Assembly District. He was defeated in that campaign, but the following year was
elected by a majority of 2,000. He was re-elected in 1891 and again in 1892, by a still larger
majority.

Featherson, Maurice — Represents the Eighteenth District in the State Senate. He
was born in this city in 1862, and was educated in the public schools. At the election of
1895 he was the candidate of the regular Democratic organization for the senate in the dis-
trict which he now represents. He received altogether 11,221 votes, as against 5,333 cast for
J. Philip Berg the Republican candidate; 1,408 for Richard Morton, who was backed by the
Socialist Labor party, and 603 for James Meehan, who had the backing of the State
Democracy.

305

Feitner, Thomas L.— Grand Sachem of Tammany Society, was born In this city In
1S47; was appointed Commissioner of Taxes by Mayor Rdson In 1883, and r<'appointed by
Mayor Grant in 1SS9: appointed Police Justice by Mayor Gilroy in 1893 and again appointed
President Department of Taxes by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898. Mr. Feitner has niled nearly
every position of importance in the Tammany organization during the last twenty years.
He has been a Sachem of the Tammany Soriety for ten years and was elected Grand
Sachem in 1S97.

Fellows, John R.— A brilliant Democratic leader and Tammany orator was John R.
Fellows, the able District Attorney of New York, who died in the midst of his usefulness
as a citizen and a valued and devoted member of Tammany. Mr. Fellows was elected and
re-elected to Congress; was the first to nominate that great Democrat, Horatio Seymour,
for President; was a winner in hundreds of famous cases at law and always stood for the
people, sound money and home rule in the City of New York.

FiTZGER.sLP, Frank T.— One of the two Surrogates of New York, was the first Surro-
gate ever elected for a term of fourteen years, was born in the First Ward of this city and
was educated in St. Francis Xavier's College, in this city, and in St. Mary's College, Niagaia
Falls. He was graduated from Columbia College Law School in 1ST8, and afterward pur-
sued his legal studies in the office of Smith M. Weed and the late Gen. James W. Huested.
He was elected to represent the old Sixth Congressional District in Congress in 18SS, and
long before his term was completed he was elected Register of the county. This was in
1889. Judge Fitzgerald was a delegate from the Eighth Senatorial District to the last
Constitutional Convention, and was a member of the Committee on Cities and Taxation.
He is a memh?r of the Manhattan, Catholic and Democratic Clubs and Press Club.

Fitzgerald, James. — Judge of the Supreme Court, was born in Limirick. Ireland,
forty-seven years ago. He attended the De La Salle Institute for more advanced studies
and at the age of sixteen he went into the mercantile business. Shortly after reachin.g his
majority he was elected to the Assembly from the old Sixteenth District. While clerk in
the County Clerk's office he studied law and later graduated from the Colum.bia Law
School. In 1883 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney and was Assistant
District Attorney under District Attorneys Martine and Fellows. In 1889 he was elected
Judge of the Court of General Sessions, and in 1897 he was elected a Judge of the Supreme
Court.

FiTzPATRiCK, Richard. — Is one of the most popular and most charitable residents of
the Ninth District. He w'as born on Thirteenth street in 1859 and became the associate
leader of his ward, and is one of the favorite members of Tammany Hall.

PiTzsiMONS, James M.— Judge of the City Court, born in this city 1S58; is a graduate ol
Columbia College Law School; was elected Alderman from Eighteenth District, and in
1889 served as Vice-President of the Board: appointed Judge of the City Court in 1890, and
elected to succeed himself in 1891.

Fox, John— Merchant, born in Fredrickton, New Brunswick, 1835; member of Tam-
many Hall since 1856, and has served on all principal committees; always a prominent
and leading figure in Democratic circles. At various times has held the offices of Aldet-
man. Supervisor, Congressman and Senator.

Freedman. Andrew.— This thorough New Yorker was born in this city in 1S60 and is
one of the best-known men of the metropolis. He was educated in our schools, the St.
Aloysius Academy and College of the City of New York. He is a large dealer in real es-
tate and an expert in real estate law. His influence has ever been exerted for the Demo-
cratic cause and he is a leading member of many metropolitan societies such as the Law-
yers' Club, Democratic Club, president of the New York Baseball Club, and a general
favorite in political and social organizations.

Freedman, John J.-Justice of Supreme Court, was born in Nuremberg, German>
1835- came to New York in 1851; appointed Justice of the Superior Court in 1869; elected in
1869 for a full term of six years; elected for a full term of fourteen years in 1876, re-elected
in 1890; transferred by the consolidation, in 1896. to Supreme Court.

3o6

Fromberg, Abraham M.— Was born in Elmira, N. T., in 1872, and received his early-
education in the Susquehanna Collegiate Institute, Towanda, Pa. He attended the Lehigh
University for t-\vo years, and then came to this city and read law for four years with
ex-Judge Van Hoesen. Meantime he attended the New York Law School, being graduated
with the degree of L.L. B. He was admitted to the bar in 1893.

Fromme. Isaac. — Register Fromme was born in the City of New York, August 4, 1854;
was educated in the public schools and graduated from the College of the City of New
York in 1S74, and two years later from Columbia College Law School. For almost a quar-
ter of a century he has practiced his profession. Mr. Fromme was one of the organizers of
the Real Estate Exchange, serving as secretary and director for a number of years. He is
also examining counsel of the Lawyers' Title Insurance Company. He was made a Mason
twenty years' ago, and is well and favorably known in Masonic circles as the Past Master
of, Hope Lodge and one of its trustees. He is Past Grand Master of the Lodge of Per-
fection and the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite. He is a member of Mount Horeb
Lodge, Free Sons of Israel, is Past President of the Zion Lodg:e No. 2 of the Independent
Order of B'nai Brith, and Ex-Governor of the Home of the Aged and Infii-m Hebrews, at
Yonkers; is a member of the West Side Association and the West End Club; also of Mount
Sinai Hospital, Monteflore Home, the German Society of New York and the Elizabeth
Home; also of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order, and the Pontiac and Narragan-
sett Clubs. Mr. Fromme was elected Register of New York County in 1897 by an over-
whelming majority.

Gage, Weli.eslet, W. — Was born in Hamilton. Canada, fifty years ago. After coming
to the States, Mr. Gage graduated from the Law School at Albany with the degree of
L.L. B. and was immediately admitted to the Bar in New York and also to the Bar of the
Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Gage is a strong and consistent Tammany Hall
Democrat, and is a member of the General Committee, as also a life member of the New
England Society and of the Columbian Order of Tammany. He is a strenuous advocate
of local self-government, insisting that by home-rule only can true Democracy and a
Republican foim of government be perpetuated in our cities and the several States.

Gardiner, Col. Asa Bird — Was born in this city in 1S39. He is a member of the
Union, the Metropolitan, the Manhattan, the Democratic, West Point, Seventh Regiment
Veteran, and Delta Kappa Epsilon Clubs. The Colonel is also a simon-pure Democrat,
and as siich, is in succession to his father and grandfather, a member of Tammany Hall
General Committee for the First Assembly District. He is also a member of and Sachem
in the Tammany Society.

Gerry, Commodore Eldridge T. — Born in New York, 1837; a graduate of Columbia Col-
lege; a lawyer of great prominence; founder of "The Gerry Society" for the prevention of
cruelty to children; Commodore of the New York Yacht Club, Eldridge T. Gerry is a con-
spicuous figure in the history of New York. His life-work in behalf of the children of the
poor is an evidence of his humanity and Democracy as well.

Gildersleeve, Henry Alger— Soldier, Jurist, sportsman, and, at one time, the finest
rifle shot in America, was born in Dutchess County, New York, on August 1. 1840. In
1875 he was elected Judge of the Court of General Sessions. His term expired in 1889. But
in 1891 he was called back to the bench by Governor Hill, who appointed him a Justice
of the Superior Court. In the fall of the same year he was elected to succeed himself for
the full term of fourteen years, from January, 1892. Under the Constitution of 1894 he
was transferred to the Supreme Court, and there presides at the present time.

GiLON, Col. Edward — Was born in New York City August 11, 1838, and was educated
In the common schools of his native city. Col. Gilon has held several important posi-
tions, among others that of Alderman. From 1876 to 1880 he held the important office
of Collector of Assessments and Clerk of Arrears. From 1880 to 1894 he was Chairman of
the Board of Assessors. In February, 1894, he was returned to the duties he had so
capably fulfilled, and was appointed to his old position which he now fills so creditably,
that of Collector of Assessments and Clerk of Arrears. Col. Gilon has been for many
years identified with the Democratic party in this city, and has done much to advance
its cause.

307

GoLDFOOLE, Henry M.— Municipal Court Justice, was horn in this city in lSn6. While
taking an active interest in politics and always recognized as an ardent Democrat, Judge
Goldfogle never held any office, other than one on tlve bench, though on various occa-
sions he was proffered the nominations for Assembly and Congress, which he declined.
He has been a delegate to every Democratic State Convention since 1877. and was an
alternate to the National Convention which last nominated Mr. Cleveland for the Presi-
dency, and also a delegate to the Nationiil Convention of the Democracy at Chicago In
1806.

Gordon. J.\mes Linds.\t. — Ex-Deputy Assistant District Attorney, born in Virginia; has
practiced law in New York since 1893. and is a member of the General Committee of Tam-
many Hall for the Twenty-fifth District.

Grace. William R. — Former Mayor Grace was born in Irel.and in 1833 and came
to America al the age of fourteen. He became prominent as a business man, and. later, as
a politician, and in 1880 was elected to the Mayor's office to which he was also re-elected
in 1SS4. For years be was the acknowledged head of the Democratic party of New York.

Grady. Thomas Francis— Senator Thomas Francis Grady, the noted politician and
successful lawyer, was born in New York City in November, 1853. He was elected a mem-
ber of the Tammany Society in 1877, ind has been a leading and conspicuous member of
Tammany Hall since 1875, serving on Committees of Organization, Resolutions and Cor-
respondence and Committee on Law and Executive Affairs. Senator Grady's district is
the Twentieth — formerly the Second — and he has been member of Assembly, 1877 to 1879;
Senator, 1SS2, 1883, 1889. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1S99 and 1900, as well as Police Justice. 1891 to 1895.
He is a celebrity who has been prominent in every Presidential and State campaign since
he became of .ige. Tammany Hall and Grady have always led to victory.

Grell. William F. — Sheriff Grell was born in Germany in 1852. His residence during
liis business and social career has been in New York City. Solely by his own efforts Mr.
Grell has attained his present high standing in the community. He is widely-known in
the business and social circles throughout the city. Mr. Grell's fitness for public office has
been proved by his record in office as a Tax Commissioner. To the untiring efforts of Mr.
Grell is due the establishment of that splendid monument of German generosity, the "Alt-
enheim" (Home for the aged), which from the top of the Palisades overlooks New York as
well as New Jersey. Mr. Grell is as prominent in social circles as he is in the political
world. _He is a member of the Eichenkranz. Amt Hadler Club, the Amt Achin Club and
the New York Schutzen Corps, and about 150 other societies and clubs. He was elected
Sheriff of New York County in 1899.

Green, Andrew H. — Andrew Haswell Green is a native of Worcester. Mass.; a student
of law. and partner with Samuel J. Tilden in New York, and held some of the highest of-
fices in the city, as president of the Board of Education, Park Commissioner. Comptroller,
president of the commission for the creation of Greater New York, of which for years he
was the advocate and the acknowledged "Father." Mr. Green is also a director of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art. the New York Historical Society, the State Bar Association,
and many more of like importance.

GuGGENHEiMER. RANDOLPH — President of the Council, New York City, was born in
Lynchburg, Va., in 1848. and came here when a boy. Educated in the public schools, he
completed his studies privately, and finally graduated from the Law School of the Univer-
sity of New York. He was admitted to the bar in 1869. In 1888 Mr. Guggenheimer was
appointed a member of the Board of Education. He was elected to his present position
in 1897.

GuMELETON, Henry A. — Was horn in the City of New York September 14. 1846. He has
at -various times held imponant positions in the public service; he was elected County Clerk
in 1876, was a Sachem of the Tammany Society for several years prior to 1886, and was
a member of the Board of Assessors. He is a lawyer and has been engaged in the active
practice of his profession for the last sixteen years.

3o8

Gut, Charles L,.— Ex-State Senator, lawyer, orator, club man, was born in New York
and received the earlier part of his educational training in the public schools of this city;
attended the College of the City of New York, after which he studied medicine in the Col-
lege of Physicians and Surgeons, and later got his legal training in the Columbia College
Law School and the law offices of Elihu Root. After admission to the bar in 1881, Mr.
Guy was appointed law assistant to the Surrogate of New York County, but resigned in
1893, having been elected to the Senate from the Thirteenth District. An active Democrat
since 1877, Senator Guy has always taken an enthusiastic interest in local. State and
national Issues.

HABERM.-iN, Frederick. — From the Twenty-ninth Assembly District of New
York, has been a Democrat ever since he was naturalized in 1864. He is a Bavarian by
birth, but came to New York when a boy, was an apprentice at the tinner's bench, and
rose to be head of a manufacturing establishment employing fifteen hundred men.

Happen, Louis F.— President of the Borough of the Bronx, was born in 1854 in Mel-
rose, Westchester County. He graduated from Columbia College School of Mines as
Civil Engineer in 1879. He studied previously at St. John's College, Fordham, N. Y., and at
Niagara College, receiving the groundwork of his education at a German private school
and the local public school. He entered the active practice of civil engineering after fin-
ishing at Columbia College, and in a staort time made a practicaJl study of mines in Colo-
rado, California and Arizona. On his return to New York he resumed the work of a city
surveyor and civil engineer in Melrose. He afterward became Superintendent of Parks of
the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards. In 1893 he was appointed Commissioner of
Street Improvements of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards by Mayor Gilroy, and
in the fall of that year was elected to the same position. He held the office of Commis-
sioner of Street Improvements until December 31, 1897 when it was abolished. In 1897 he
wias elected President of the Borough of the Bronx.

Hanneman, Louis — Ex-Corporation Attorney oZ the City of New York, was born in
1858 in this city. Mr. Hanneman has always been actively identified with the Democratic
party, and for many years, until 1886, he was Secretary of the Tammany Hall General
Committee. He is a member of the Committee on organization. He is a member of the
Tammany Club, the Gravesend Bay Yacht Club, the Masonic Ordgr, Odd Fellows, Knights
of Pythias, Royal Aroanum, Eichen-Kranz Singing Society, Municipal Art Society and the
Columbian Order.

Hardy, Charles J. — Lawyer, has been a member of Tammany Hall for the past ten
years, and was elected a member of Tammany Society in 1899. Is also a member of Demo-
cratic, Liederkranz and Catholic Clubs, and of a number of college societies.

Harris, Sidney — Was born in New York City in 1866; son of Miriam Coles Harris,
a.uthor of "Rutledge," eltc, and the late Sidney S. Harris; educated at St. Paul School,
Concord, N. H., and Columbia College; admitted to the bar in 1889. Member of the Union
Club, St. Anthony Club and Democratic Club.

Hascall. Theodore F. — Justice of the City Court, was born at Leroy, Genesee County,
thlE State. Mr. Hascall — who has always been a stanch Democrat — became connected with
Tammany Hall in 1876 and has since continuously served upon its various committees in
the Seventh, Third, Tenth and Twenty-fifth Districts. He was elected to the City Court
in 1898.

H.-iS.SETT, Edward — Lawyer, received his education in the public schools of Bath, N.
Y., and was admitted to the bar of the State of New York at Rochester in 1882. Since his
establishment in the metropolis, Mr. Hassett has been connected with and engaged in
litigation involving very large and valuable interests. He is a member of the Bar Asso-
ciation of the City of New York, and a prominent member of several other associations and
clubs in the city.

Hayes, Nicholas J.— First Deputy City Clerk, was born in Troy, N. Y.. in 1854; edu-
cated at Bryant & Stratton's Business College and St. Francis Xavier College; appointed
Clerk of the Superior Court in 1886, transferred to Supreme Court 1896, and appointed to
his present position in 1898: is a member of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall.

309

Hays, Daniel P.-I.aivyer. liorn in Wrst^-hpst.'r County In ISM; has always b^f-n an
«.ctlve Democrat, and in 1893 was appointed Commissioner of Appraising, relative to the
changing of grades in the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards, and the same year
was made Civil Service Commissioner, and elected Chairman of the Board. He Is a mem-
ber of the Democratic, Lawyers', Reform, Sagamore and Harlem Democratic Clubs, being
President of the latter organization for two years,

Herti.k. JdHN C— CommiiiFioner Hertle is a native of New Ynrlt and Is of German par-
entage. After completing his common school education in New Torlc City, he entered and
graduated from one of our best business colleges of which he was afterwards principal.
Later he went into the mercantile business. In 1.S98 Mayor Van Wyck appointed him to
the very important office of Commissioner of Accounts. Mr. Hertle is a member of the
Tammany Society and the Democratic Cluh.

Hill, Gkorge.— Was born May 5th, 1S4S. at Rochdale. England. He came to New York
City in 1.S53. Was prepared for college at Phillip's Exeter Academy in Exeter. N. H.. grad-
uating in the class of 1865. He then entered Harvard College and there graduated in the
class of 1S69. Subsequenty he took up a course in Harvard Law School. Since 1S70 he
"has been a resident of this city. On January 1st. 1871 he became managing clerk for the
law firm of Devlin, Miller & Trull, and remained in that position until May, 1875. when he
started a law practice of his own, having been admitted to the bar in February, 1872. He
was afterwards admitted to practice in the United States Courts for the Southern District
of New York and the Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Hill became a member of
Tammany Hall and the Columbian Order in 1SS4. He was appointed by Hon. John Whalen
in February, 1898, to the office of Assistant Corporation Counsel, which office he =till holds.
He is a member of the Executive Committee in the Twenty-fifth District.

Hoes, M'm. M.— Public Administrator of the County of New York, born in this State; at
Kinderhook, Columbia County. 1840; educated at Kinderhook Academy and Williams Col-
lege and Columbia Law School; member of the Holland Society, Down-Town, Manhattan,
Democratic and University Clubs, Bar Association of the City of New York, American
Geographical Society. Williams College Alumni Association and Past Master of Kane
Lodge, Free and Accepted Masons.

Hoffman, Benjamin— Member of the Assembly froi., the Sixteenth Assembly District,
■was born in the Eleventh Ward, this city, in 1862. He attended Grammar School No. 15,
and after being graduated therefrom took a law course and entered the law office of
Judge Alfred Sleekier. He then formed a partnership with his brother. Charles L. Hoff-
man, under the firm name of Hoffman & Hoffman. In Tammany circles. Mr. Hoffman
holds a prominent position. Mr. Hoffman has Ijeen a member of Assembly for five terms,
and at the recent election was elected without opposition as Justice of the Municipal Court,
Fifth District. He has been Secretary of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the o'd
Sixth Assembly District. He is also a member of the Eleventh Ward League, Democratic
Club, Tammany Society, the Jefferson Club, the Seminole Club and the John F. Ahearn
Association. Besides these social and political clubs, he is also a prominent and active
member of the Gad Lodge. I. O. O. F. ; the Gottlieb Lodge, A. I.; Max Kahn Lodge, I. O.
S. B.; American Star Lodge, the American Legion of Honor, Adelphi Lodge 23, F. A. M.

Hoi.AHAN. Maurice F. — President Board of Public Improvements, was born in 1S48;
has been in both branches of the State Legislature^as a member of the lower house and
Clerk of the Senate; Chief of Customs in the Treasury Department; Chief Special Agent
of the Treasury Department for New York. Connecticut and New Jersey; appointed Com-
missioner of Accounts of the city in 1889. and Deputy Commissioner Public Works in 1890.
Mr. Holahan has been a member of Tammany Hall for twenty-five years, and for many
years was Scribe of Tammany Society.

Holly, Willis. — Was born July 4th. 1854. in Stamford. Conn. In early life he was a
prominent newspaper man. First office held in New York was that of Secretary and Chief
Clerk in Mayor's office, to which he was appointed in 1891 by Mayor Grant, and in which
Tie continued under Mayor Gilroy. Was appointed Secretary of Park Board in 189S. He
is a member of Tammany Society, of General and Executive Committees, being at present
a member or" the Executive Committee in the Twenty-fifth District.

310

Hopper, Isaac A.— A stanch and loyal Democrat, who has engaged 'in the erection of
some of the largest buildings in the city, among them being the Emigrant Savings Bank,
Carnegie Hall, Academy of the Sacred Heart, the New Netherlands Hotel, the Third Ave-
nue Bridge, the three power-houses of the Third Avenue Cable Road, the Commmercial
Hotel and the Spingler Building at Union Square. He also constructed the three and one-
half miles of cable road for the Third Avenue Company, the lattter involving an expendi-
ture of more than a million dollars. Mayor Grant appointed Mr. Hopper a member of
the Board of Education in 1S91, but finding that his health was not of the b^st and his
business engagements too pressing, he resigned in 1893. Tammany leader in the Thirty-
first Assembly District; is now President Twelfth Ward Bank and the Empire City
Savings Bank.

HORWiTz, Otto — "Was born in Berlin, Germany, and educated there and at the New
York City College, this city. He has long taken an active interest in Democratic politics
in this city and is a member of numerous clubs and associations.

HoTCHKiss, Henry D. — Was born at Albany, N. Y. He began the study of law in the
oflice of David B. Hill, at Elmira. Subsequently came to the city of New York and
entered the office of James C. Carter. Was elected to Assembly from Eleventh District of
Kings in 1S86, winning by a plurality of 221 over Republican opponent in a total vote of
22,000. the normal Republican majority being about 4.000. Declined a renomination. Wa&
a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1894.

HoTTENROTir, Adolph C. — Member of the City Council from the Borough of the Bronx,
City of New York and the New York University, and is a member of the law firm of Gum-
bleton & Hottenroth. In 1894 Mr. Hottenroth was one of the youngest members of the
Constitutional Convention, representing practically the same district that he now repre-
sents in the Municipal Council of Greater New York, besides the Counties of Westchester
and Putnam.

Jackson, Charles A. — Was born in New York City in 1843. He was educated in the
Fishkill Academy, Fishkill, N. Y., and Columbia College Daw School. He graduated in
1859, was admitted to the bar in 1863 and has practiced law in this city ever since. In 1879-
he was nominated for State Senator against William Waldorf Astor and was defeated, but
he succeeded in cutting down a Republican majority of 10,000 to 4,000. In 1881 he was of-
fered the nomination for Surrogate on the City Democracy ticket but declined it. He was
appointed Inspector of Schools by Mayor Grace. In 1899 he was appointed Commissioner
of Change of Grade by Mayor Van Wyck. He has been a member of the Tammany So-
ciety for twenty-five years and the Society of Cincinnati for ten years. Mr. Jackson is;
a member of the Democratic and Manhattan Clubs and a member of the General Commit-
tee of Tammany Hall from the Twenty-seventh Assembly District.

Jenkins. William T., M. D. — Health Commissioner, was born in Holly Springs, Miss.,_
October 25. 1855; educated at the University of Mississippi and University of Virginia;
came to New York in 1S7S; has served as Coroner's Physician from ISSO to January, 1892;
Health Officer of Port from February, 1892, to Januarj'. 1895; Health Commissioner and.
Chairman of Sanitary Committee, of Board of Health, member State Board of Health by
appointment of Governor Theodore Roosevelt. January, 1899.

Joseph, Herman.— Judge, lawyer and good Democrat, born in this city in 1858, and re-
ceived his early education in the public schools and tJh« University of New York, graduat-
ing from the latter institution with the class of '77. He is a brother-in-law of Judge John
H. McCarthy, and has always been a Democrat in politics.

Kearney, Edward.— Mr. Kearney, who was born in Ireland, 1830, was educated in New
York, and throughout his life was prominent in the business and political life of New York.
He made a fine record as a soldier, as a successful business man and as a favorite member
of Tammany Hall. He was Richard Croker's lieutenant in the Eighteenth Assembly Dis-
trict, and as a Democrat and a man was respected for his integrity and ability.

3'i

Keaunky. JAMKs-Lawy.r. in the new St. Paul IBuilciiiiR. Mr. Kcainc-y has many
friends and is a wtil known maii in l.uth social and lega) clrck-s.

Keenan, Patrick— Was b.,ni in c-..unly Tyrone, Inland, in ls:iT. The fascination of
politics seized upon Mr. Keenan when young. He has always been a stanch Democrat.
He became a member of the County Democracy in ISSO. and continued until IS'JO, when he
Joined Tammany Hall. He has been leader of the Sixteenth District ever since. His first
official position was attained in 1872. when he was thirty-Hve years old, beine then elected
to the Board of Assistant Aldermen, and he continued to be a member of that body until
it was abolished in 1874. Subsequently, in 1875, he was elected to the Board of Aldermen,
and he served for six years, until 1S8:;, when he attained a still higher office by his election
to County Clerk. Mr. Keenan was appointed to his present position. City Chamberlain,
fn 1898.

Keller. John W.— President Board of Charities, born in Kentucky in 1856; educated
at Tale College; came to New York in 1879;journalist by occupation; ex-President New
York Press Club; President Democratic Club; appointed to present position in 1S98. Member
of Executive Committee of Tammany Hall and Chairman of C<immittee on Printing. He
is a Sachem of the Tammany Society,

Kennelly, Bryan L.— Real estate auctioneer and appraiser, was horn in New Yorl<
City in 1865. Mr. Kennelly was the founder of the first Democratic club on the West Side,
between Fifty-ninth and One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Streets, which was organized in
Ninety-fifth street, in 1890; afterward being instrumental in amalgamating said club into
what is now the celebrated Pontiac Club, the Tammany Hall club of the district, of which
club he has been Vice-President. He represented Tammany Hall from the Nineteenth
Assembly District on Adjutant-General Josiah Porter's staff at the inauguration of (Jrover
(Cleveland in Washington, March 4, 1893. He is a member of the Colonial Club, New York
Athletic Democratic and Catholic Clubs, arrd Friendly Sons of St. Patrick. Pontiac Club of
the Nineteenth Assembly District, and the West End Association.

Kenny, Willum John Knight — This popular editor and political manager was born In
New York, in 1851. He is President of the Securities Advertising Agency and has been
prominently identified with Tammany Hall politics for fifteen years, serving on Organiza-
tion. General and District Committees and as Supervisor of the City Record. He assisted
in managing the Mayoralty campaign of Hugh J. Grant and Robert A. Van Wyck, and has
been at different periods city editor New York HcruJd. law reporter and political writer
New York rimes, city editor Joiinial and New York Presn. In 1898 Mr. Kenny managed the
campaign which resulted in the election of William Astor Chanler to Congress. v

King, Vincent C. Sr.— A life-long member of the Tammany Society, born in Wilton,
Saratoga County, N. Y., and came to New York at the age of two years. Entering the
employ of his father in the manufacture of plaster, he remained in the same business
under the firm name of V. C. & C. V. King until his death in 18gC. Mr. King was a pioneer
Democrat of the old Ninth Ward, a foreman of No. 23 Voluineer Hose, a member of the
Legislature and a Commissioner of the New York Fire Department. His son Vincent C.
King, Jr., continues the business.

Knox. Charles H.— President of the Municipal Board of Civil Service Commissioners,
was born in this city, and is now in his forty-sixth year. He is a lawyer and the senior
member of the law firm of Knox and Woodward. In 1S84 he ran for Judge of the Court of
Common Pleas, but was defeated. In 1891 he was appointed by Mayor Grant as a School
Commissioner, and was reappointed by Mayor Gilroy in 1894. In January, 1894, the Board
of Education chose him as President, and again in 1895. He resigned in July. 1895. In 1896
he became a member of Tammany Hall. Mr. Knox was appointed Civil Service Commis-
sioner by Mayor Van Wyck, and is President of the Board.

La Fetra, Edward B.— Lawyer, born in Eatontown, N. J., in 1866, and has been a
member of Tammany Hall for twelve years, serving on Committee on Organization and
General Committee; member of Assembly from Eighteenth Assembly District in 1S94-95.

312

Lane, Smith B. — Born in this city in 1829; was educated at the University of the
City of New Torlc, and admitted to the bar in 1852. Has been actively engaged in politics
since 1852 with the Democratic party, frequently a delegate to the State Conventions, an
old member of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, and a member of the Tam-
many Hall General Committee for thirty years. Appointed a Park' Commissioner in 1878
for five years, and in 1898 appointed Commissione'- of the new East River Bridge, subse-
quently being elected Secretary.

Lantrt Francis J. — Has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat. He was elected
Alderman in the year 1892. and was re-elected two years later; at the expiration of his
second term he was appointed by Mayor Van "Wyck Commissioner of Correction. He was
born January 8, 1859, and was formerly connected with the meat industry. He was Master
Workman of Local Assembly 9,797, and was Delegate to District Assembly 49 for three
years.

Lardner, William J. — was born in this city in 1858, received his education at St.
Francis Xavier College and the University of the City of New Tork. Mr. Lardner cast his
first vote in 1S79 for the late John Kelly, Democratic candidate for Governor, and has
since been a strict Tammany Hall man. He has been on the General Committee of the
Sixteenth Assembly District (now the Eighteenth). He never held public ofBce, except
that of Deputy Attorney-General conferred upon him as a personal compliment by Mr.
Croker.

Leventritt, David — Justice of Supreme Court, born in South Carolina in 1845; came to
New Tork in 1854; has been a prominent member of Tammany Hall for many years and a
lawyer of national reputation; elected Justice of Supreme Court in 1898.

Levet. Edgar J.— Was born in this city in 1863: graduated from Columbia College
In 1883 and from Columbia Law School in 1886; appointed Secretary to the Comptroller In
1891; Assistant Deputy Comptroller in 1893. and Deputy Comptroller in 1898.

Lewis. John M.— Born in Maiden, N. T.. in 1837. and educated at Phillips Academy,
Andover, Williams College, and New Tork University; admitted to the bar in 1858;
appointed Assistant District Attorney in 1894. He served in the War of the Rebellion and
is a member of Lafayette Post, G. A. R., Manhattan Club, Larchmont Tacht Club, Grand
Lodge and Grand Chapter of Connecticut, and the Veteran Association and Society of War
Veterans of the Seventh Regiment. Mr. Lewis has been for many years a member of the
General Committee of Tammany Hall.

LOG.AN, "^^''ALTER S.— Was born at Washington, Conn., in 1847. Graduated from Tale in
Class of 1870; from Harvard Law School in 1871, and from Columbia Law School, 1872,
being one of the few holding sheepskins from three of our great universities. Began prac-
tice of law in office of James C. Carter, assisting Charles O'Connor in the famous Jumel
case, and prizes his association with these great lawyers 'beyond measure. Mr. Logan has
been engaged in many noted litigations in the State and United States Courts, and is
President of the New Tork State Bar Association and Chairman of Committee on Com-
mercial Law of American Association, and member of numerous literary, social and
political organizations.

Lydecker. Charles Edward.— This popular lawyer was born in New Tork City, 1851;
was educated in the City College and graduated from the Columbia College Law School in
1871 and was admitted to the bar in 1873. He has tried many important cases and is a mem-
ber of the Manhattan, Reform, Lawyers', Underwriters', Bar Association, and life member
of the State Bar of New Tork. In military life he held rank of Major in the Seventh Regi-
ment, of which he was a member twenty-seven years.

313

Martin, Bernard F.— State Senator Beinaid F. Martin was born In Ireland In 184'. and
came to New York in 1849. He received his early education In the public schools ol this
city and immediately after leaving school he entered upon an active business career, be-
ginning as an employee in the office of Isaac Lohman, wholesale commission merchant. In
liBl, at the first call for volunteers, he responded nobly, enlisting in the Thirty-seventh
New Vork. After the war Mr. Martin took a position with the New York News Company
as manager of the wholesale department, which position he occupied until 1870. He w'as
clerk of the Health Department from 1S75 to ISSO. In that year he became leader of what
was then the Seventh District. He was then successively Alderman, Coroner, Order of Ar-
rest Clerk, Deputy Commissioner of Public Works, Commissioner of Jurors, Police Justice
and then Senator. He is still leader of his district, now the Firth.

McAda.m, David— One of the best known Judges of the Supreme Court, was t>orn in
this city in ISoS; admitted to the bar in 1859, and elected upon the Democratic ticket as
Justice of the Marine Court in 1873, and re-elected in 1S79 and 1885. In 1890 he was elected
a Judge of the Superior Court, now the Supreme Court, where he still presides. He is an
eloquent speaker and lecturer, and has given valuable aid to the party, both on the plat-
form and as an adviser.

McAdam, Thomas. — Lawyer, born in this city in 1863, son of Hon. David McAdam, of
the Supreme Court bench; takes an active interest in politics, and for a number of years
was a member of Tammany Hall General Committee from the old Thirteenth District.

McCall, a. O.^Clerk of the Supreme Court, Mr. A. O. McOalll, was born in the City of
Albany on the 14th day of July, 1865. He received his primary education in the public
schools of Albany and graduated from the Albany High School, class of 1SS5. Immediately
after his graduation Mr. McCall began the study of law in the ofBce of Hon. D. Cady Her-
rick now a Justice of the Supreme Court, and subsequently studied in the offices of Peck-
ham, Rosendale & Hessberg. After two years' course in the New York University he re-
ceived the degree of L.L.B. from that institution. In 1889 County Clerk Edward Reilly ap-
pointed Mr. McCall a clerk of the Supreme Court. The Appellate Division subsequently re-
appointed him, and he still holds that important position.

McCall Edward E. — Was born in Albany, the ciipital city, in January. 1863, and has
been a resident of this city for the past twenty years. He attended the University of the
City of New York and graduated from the law school of that college. Mr. McCall has the
reputation of being one of the best real estate lawyers in the United States, hiiving had
the distinction of being connected with three of the largest insurance companies in the
world, and in each of the three being in charge of the real estate interests. He w-as first
connected with the Mutual, then w'ith the Equitable, and latterly with the New York Life
Insurance Company. Mr. McCall is a member of various social and political organizations
and is a member of the Tammany Society.

McCarthy, John Henry — Judge of the City Court; was a member of the Assembly in
1880 and also in 1881, and he was the only Democrat on three committees, the Judiciary,
second highest committee in 1880 and 1881, the Committee on Two-Thirds Bills, composed
of the Speaker, Husted, and the leading members of the Assembly, and Trades and Manu-
factures. In the fall of 1SS9 he again ran against Timothy J. Campbell, who was then Con-
gressman, and who had the Republican and Democratic nominations for the Fifty-flrst
Congress, which was presided over by Speaker Reed, and was elected by over 5. 800 major-
ity. In 1891 he was appointed by Governor Hill as City Court Judge, and elected in
1892 and again re-elected in 1S97 for ten years, receiving the largest majority on the ticket,
except Dunn, who ran for Sheriff, who received about 1.500 votes more. McCarthy's major-
ity was over 91,000. He was the only one from New Y'ork on the Joint Committee in the
Legislature on the first street cleaning law, which was passed while Grace was Mayor.
He was also all through the Conklin and Piatt contest in January. 1881. which lasted from
January of that year to July of the same.

McCartney, James— Was born in the old Twenty-first Ward in 1858, and educated in
the public schools; appointed Superintendent of Engineering Department of the Depart-
ment of Public Works by Allen Campbell; was appointed Street Cleaning Commissioner in
1897 by Mayor Van Wyck. Died in 1900.

314

McClelland, James D. — Ex- Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1843; edu-
cated in public schools; graduated from Mount Washington Colleg-iate Institute and New
Yorli University; has devoted himself to the practice of criminal law, and toas, as a legis-
lator, introduced many reforms into the Criminal Codes, notably the amendment providing
for bail at station houses at all hours of the night. He has been an active worker in the
interests of Tammanj- Hall for many years. Served in the Legislature 1882-83.

McClure, David— Was born at Dobbs Ferry, Westchester County, N. Y., in 1848. He
studied law and was admitted to the bar at about the time he reached his majority, in 1869,
and has been engaged in the active practice of his profession for thirty years. Mr.
McClure is a popular club man, being a prominent member of the Manhattan and Demo-
cratic Clubs, and also of the Bar Association.

McInttre, John F. — Ex- Assistant District Attorney, was born in this city in 1855. His
education was obtained in the public schools and in St. Francis Xavier's College. Being
graduated from the latter in 1877 with iiigh honors, he immediately entered public life, and
in 1886 he was elected to the Legislature from the old Twenty-second Assembly District.
On his return from his legislative services at Albany, Mr. Mclntyre became cousel to the
Comptroller of New York City, and upon the election of Delancy Nicoll to the District
Attorney's office he was appointed by Nicoll as his assistant, and subsequently he was
reappointed by Col. John R. Fellows and Col. Gardiner. Mr. Mclntyre has been an active
member of Tammany Hall for a number of years, and has been a delegate to all of the
Democratic State Conventions and to two National Conventions of the party. He is a
member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Algonquin Clubs and of many Irish societies.

McKeax, John Bell. — Justice McKean was born in Belfast, Ireland, in 1838. Coming
to New York when fifteen he engaged in mercantile pursuits for some years, when he was
-appointed Clerk of the Supreme Court Circuit, Part I. While serving in this capacity he
was admitted to the Bar in 1864. Was afterwards appointed Clerk in Police Court, where
he served many years, until Governor Hill, in 1889, appointed him Justice of the Seventh
Judicial District Court. One year thereafter the people elected him to fill the unexpired
term of Justice Monell by a plurality of 2,010 votes, and re-elected him in 1893 by a plural-
ity of 6,589. In 1899 he was appointed Justice of Special Sessions, First Division, which
position he now holds. The Judge is an old and honored member of Tammany, of the
Democratic, Algonquin and other clubs and benevolent and social organizations.

McQuade, John — Forty-eight years a Tammany man, former Police Justice, fornier
chief of Tammany Hall, former Alderman, was born in Ireland on Christmas Day, 1827.
His parents brought him to America two years later. He was the Father of the Council
and a Sachem of the Tammany Society for many years. When Mr. Richard Croker re-
signed the Chairmanship of the Finance Committee of that body, Mr. McQuade was chosen
(to succeed him. In 1868 he was elected, ,and in 1869 re-elected, as Alderman from the
Yorkville district, where he still resides. From 1870 to 1872 he served as Police Justice,
until legislated out of office. He was leader of the old Twenty-second Assembly District,
.and as such organized the Jefferson, now the Algonquin Club, of which he is still a mem-
ber. He was elected Treasurer of the Tammany organization in 1890.

Meter, Cord, Jr. — As a successful business man and Democratic politician the name
of Cord Meyer is a household word in New York. He was born at Newtown in 1854 and is
a resident of Maspeth, L. I. He has been a leader in State politics, a member of the State
Executive Committee, and held various high offices as a tribute from his friends, the people.

Meyer, Peter F. — ^Was born in New York in the year 1842. He received a limited
school education and began life as a Central Park water boy. In 1862 Mr. Meyer started
in the real estate business at 111 Broadway, and has remained there since. Mayor Van
Wyck appointed him Commissioner of Docks and Ferries in 1897. Mr. Meyer is treasurer
of the Tammany Society, a member of the New York Athletic, Democratic, Olj'rapic and
Sagamore Clubs.

315

MiNSKY, Louis.— Louis Minsky was born in Germany, but came lo America while yet a
youth. He is a graduate of both a German school and a Hebrew college, and thoroughly
versed in the literature of both these languages, in addition to his perfect acquaintance
with Knglish letters. Karly trained to business habits by his father, a successful mer-
chant in Germany, Mr. Minsky, with a small capital united with untiring energy, began
business tor himself in ISSO, and by perseverance and the exercise of good practical ideas
lius built Ills business to a great success. Mr. Minsky is a supporter and director in many
charitable societies including the Monlefoire Home for Aged Hebrews, Mt. Sinai Hospital,
Lebanon Hospital, Beth Israel Hospital, Hebrew Charities and Correction, Hebrew Gemi-
leth Chasodin Association, Hebrew Orphan Asylum and Malboth Arumim.

Mitchell, Hichaud H.— State Senator liuni the Twenty-first District, was born in this
city and was educated at the College of the City of New Vork and Columbia Law School.
For the last six years Mr. Mitchell has taken an active part in politics. He is, and always
has been, a Democrat.

Mitchell, William F. — The printer, was born in this city in August, 1846. He was
educated in the public schools and the College of the City of New York, fi'rom l&Tti to j.580
he was Clerk of the Fourth District Court, and in ISSU he was appointed JExcise Commis-
sioner, and served for three years as President of the Board. He served an additional
term of three years as Commissioner. He was a member of the Democratic State Com-
mittee from ISisO to ISis-i, and for twenty-two years has been Chairman of the Tenth
Assembly District, Democratic General Committee. He is a member of the General Com-
mittee of Tammany Hall from the Tenth District, the Democratic and Occidental Clubs of
the City of New York.

Moeuus, Ajgust — Park Commissioner Borough of the Bionx, was born in this city in
1850. Has always been a stanch Democrat and a member of the Tammany Hall organiza-
tion for twenty-six years; elected a member of the Board of Aldermen in ISaO and ISyi.

MuONiii', Jlihn H.— Kxpert Accountant for CJueens County, among many other public
offices of trust held by Mr. Mooney was that of Commissioner of Accounts of this city.
Mr. Mooney is acknowledged to be one of the best accountants in the United States.

Moobe, William F.— Judge Third District Municpal Court, was born in 1855; ap-
pointed to present position in 1890; elected in 1891, and again in 1893 and in 1900; is a mem-
ber of Tammany Society, and Chairman of Tammany Hall General Committee in the Fifth
District.

Morgan, Rollin M. — Was born in Mt. Vernon, Ohio, in 1857. Came to New Y'ork
in 1878, and is a graduate of the Colunibia Law School. He is a prominent Democratic
politician; a lawyer of marked ability; a member of many clubs, including the Commercial,
the Manhattan, Democratic, and the Ohio and Tammany Societies.

Moriarty, Thaddeus — Native of Ireland. He came to New Y'ork, however, at the age
of eight years, and received his primary education in the schools of this city. In 1875 he
was appointed School Trustee, representing the Seventh Ward. In 1878, Mayor Smith Ely
appointed him School Commissioner. He was reapointed to the Commissionership, suc-
cessively, by Mayor Hugh J. Grant and Mayor Thomas F. Gilroy. He is a member of the
Tammany Society and of the Catholic and Sgamore Clubs. Mr. Moriarty was again
appointed School Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyck in 1899.

Motley, Thornton N. — Mr. Motley is a well-known merchant of New York, who was
born in this city in 1859. He has been a member of Tammany Hall about six years and has
served on General Committees and in the organization work of the various Democratic
campaigns, in which he has shown his faithfulness to party and to friends. In public
office he has been Commissioner of the Bureau of Statistics, and in private life is highly
esteemed.

3i6

MuLQUEEN, Michael J.— Born in the Seventh Ward in 1857. He attended Public School
No. 2, and continued his studies at Cooper Union and the Columbia College Law School,
and then read law in the office of Judge A. J. Dittenhoefer, and was admitted to the bar
in 1883. In 1894 Mr. Mulqueen was elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. He
is a Tammany Hall Democrat, a member of the General Committee of the Thirty-flrst
Assembly District and a member of the Committee on Organization. He belongs to the
Manhattan, Democratic, Catholic and Sagamore Clubs.

MuNDORP, George H.— Was born in 1860 in the City of New York. He received his
early education in the public schools of this city, and later graduated from the College of
the City of New York. He entered into active business life in 1SS7, succeeding his father
in the w-hlolesale and retail grocery business. Mr. Mundorf has always taken an active
interest in politics. In 1897 he was nominated by the Democratic party for Alderman and
made a good race in a dlistrict which was almost hopelessly Republican. In 1898 he was
appointed Councilman, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Charles F. Allen.

MuBPHT, Charles P. — Mr. Murphy, one of the successful Democratic leaders of the
Eighteenth Assemlbly District, is one of the popular members of Tammany Hall. He
was born in New York in 1858 and has lived in his district all his life. He was selected as
leader in 1892, and was appointed Dock Commissioner in 1898.

Murphy, Col. Michael. — Ex-President of the Health Board and Police Commissioner,
was born in Limerick, Ireland, in 1841. In the fall of 1866 Col. Murphy was elected to tne
Legislature, and after that he rapidly added political reputation to previously acquired
military fame. Always popular among his constitutents, he was repeatedly re-elected, and
continued to represent the 'lower part of the city in the Assembly and Senate for fourteen
years. The Colonel has never livid out of the First Assembly District. He has been a
member of Tammany Hall since the disbandment of the County Democracy. He has been
an Excise Commissioner, Clerk of the First District Civil Court, and was appointed on the
Health Board in 1898. He is a member of Shiloh Post, G. A. R., the Loyal Legion, Presi-
dent of the "Hickory Club," and is the possessor of the most highly prized "Congressional
Med^l of Honor" for gallantry in action.

Nagle, Dr. John T. — Chief of the Bureau of Municipal Statistics, was born in 1843;
appointed Assistant Sanitary Inspector in 1869; promoted to Sanitary Inspector, Deputy
Register of Records and Register of Records, Bureau of "Vital Statistics, in succession;
appointed to present position in 1898. Dr. Nagle has been a member of Tammany Society
for many years, and is Sagamore of same.

Nixon, Lewis — Commissioner of the new East River Bridge, is a graduate of the
United States Naval Academy, and is one of the ablest naval constructors in the woiid.
He is a thorough Democrat and an indefatigable worker for the party.

Norton, Sheridan S.— A. B., A. M., L. L.B., was born in New York City in 1874, and
educated in St. Francis Xavier College and Columbia Law School; admitted to Bar in 1896.

Oaklet, John T. — Councilman Oakley is a native of New York, having been born in
this city in 1863. He received his early education in the public schools. Soon after gradua-
ting from them he entered the College of the City of New York. At an early age he entered
into active business association with his father, with whom he was in partnership. In 1895
his father retired, and Mr. Oakley has since conducted the business alone. When but
twenty-one years of age he was appointed index clerk in the Register's office by Register
Reilly. Since then he has held the responsible positions of clerk in the law divisions of the
Custom House, deputy clerk of Internal Revenue under President Cleveland's first admin-
istration, and complaint and correspondence clerk in the Department of Street Cleaning.
In 1892 he was persuaded to resign this position and accept the nomination for Alderman
and was elected by a majority of 3,700. In 1894 he was again nominated and elected Alder-
man, and in 1897 he was elected Councilman in the First District. Mr. Oakley has been
leader of the Fourteenth District for the past six years.

O'Brien, Miles M. — School Commissioner, born in Ireland in 1851. One of Tammany
Hall's most influentiafl members for many years, and has taken a leading part in munici-
pal affairs; member of H. B. Claflin Co., dry goods merchants. Is president of the board
of School Commissioners.

317

O'Brien. John P.— Graduated In ISHl fidtii thr Holy Cross Collese. In Worcester, Mass..
with the degree of A.B., ajnd afterward took a post-graduate course In the Georgetown
University, receiving the degree of A.M., In 1895. He graduated with honors in both Insti-
tutions. He later attended the (ieorgrtown University Law School and tooic the degree of
L.L. B. in 1S97. During the law school course he taught a class in the preparatory depart-
ment of the University. In 1898 he was admitted to the bar and took up the practice of
law in this city. Mr. O'Brien is president oi' the lyco Club, is a member of the Society of
Georgetown Alumni in New York and Knights of Columbus. He is greatly intere.sted in
the College Men's Democratic Club, having been made an honorary vice-president of the
organization. Mr. O'Brien is secretary of the Speakers' Club of the Twenty-first Assembly
District and a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee.

O'Brien. J.\mes W.— Editor and publisher, born in Ireland. 1846; resides in the Seven-
teenth Assembly District, and has been a member of Tammany Hall for fifteen years,
serving on various committees; elected a member of Tammany Society in 1897.

O'Hkikn. Morg.\n J.— Justice of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, born iii
New York in 1S52; made Corporation Counsel of the city in 1887, and elected Justice of the
Superior Court in 1888; appointed Justice of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, in 1895.

O'DWYER, Edward F. — Judge of the City Court, was born in New York in 1860; elected
Alderman in 1884; elected to the City Court Bench in 1895 and re-elected in 1897. Has been
Vice-President of the Democratic Club for eight years.

O'GoRM.iN, James A. — Justice of the Supreme Court, born in the City of New York on
May 5, 1860; was educated in the public schools, the College of the City of New York and
the Law- Department of the New York University, from which institution he was
graduated in May, 1882. In the same month he was admitted to the bar; was elected
Justice Municipal Court in 1893, and Justice of the Supreme Court in 1S99. He was a dele-
gate to the National Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1896, and was a loyal and active
supporter of the Bryan and Sewall ticket. He is a member of the Democratic Club, the
Tammany Society, the Catholic Club, the New York Athletic Club and numerous fraternal
and patriotic organizations.

Olendorf. Charles Dewey — Born in Otsego County in 1856 and received his early
education at the Academy in Cooperstown. While there, Mr. Olendorf read law with
Judge Harris and was admitted to the bar at Albany in 1879. Mr. Olendorf was appointed
Assistant Counsel to the City Corporation in July 1889. and since that time has been at the
head of the Condemnation Bureau of the office, where all matters pertaining to the acquisi-
tion of land for public purposes, such as public parks, school, engine, station and court
house sites are transacted.

Oppenheim. Myron H. — Lawyer, born in Albany, N. Y., 1859; graduate of Columbia
College; has been a member of Tammany Hall and Tammany Society for a number of
years and has served on General Committee most of the time; member of Democratic,
Narragansett, Lambs. West End. Pontiac, Dry Goods. Wool Club, Wwight ,\lunini. Albany
Society and many other clubs.

OsBOKNE, James W. — Assistant District Attorney Osborne was born in Charlotte, N. C.
in 1859, is a graduate of Davidson College and of the Law School of Columbia College, New
York. His experience has been great, being assistant of Delancy Nicoll, Colonel John R.
Fellows. Olcott, Colonel Asa Bird Gardiner, and of the present incumbent. He is a staunch
Democrat and prominent member of all Democratic clubs.

O'SuLLivAN, William Joseph, M. D. — Medico-legal specialist, was born in the city of
Cork, Ireland, June 1, 1858, son of William Murtagh, M. D.. and Monicia (O'Bryan) O'Sulli-
van. He was educated at St. Fin Barr's Seminary, Cork, and the universities of Edinburgh
and London, and having taken both medical and veterinary degrees, in 1SS2 he came to the
United States. In this country lie continued his professional studies at Yale, entered the
mediical school of that university, in which he graduated with the degree of Doctor of Medi-
cine in 1888, and pursuing a course in the law school received the degree of Bachelor of
Laws in 1890. With this equipment Dr. O'Sullivan entered upon the practice of law, first
in Connecticut where he was admitted to the bar late in 1890, and subsequently in New-
York in 1S91, where he came prominently into public notice by his masterly handling of the
expert chemical testimony in the Buchanan poison case. He has been identified with Tam-
many Hall ever since his residence in New Yoik. and is also a member of the Tammany
Society.

3i8

Ottendorfer. Oswald— }3orn February 26, 1S26, in Zwittau, County of Mehren, Austria.
Educated at the University of Vienna, from whicli he went to Prague to study law. Came
to America, where he found himself in New York friendless, penniless and without a
knowledge of the English language. Subsequently he obtained a clerkship in the office of
the Stoats Zeitung, where by industry and ability he was promoted until he became its
chief editor. The Staats Zeitung is now a stock company, and a controlling interest in the
paper is held by Mr. Ottendorfer's family. He was a member of the Committee of
Seventy in 1872, and at one time held the position of a member of the Board of Aldermen.
He was a member of the Manhattan, City, Century, Reform, Commonwealth and Patria
Clubs, the Lieder Kranz and American Geographical Societies and the chief organizer and
leader of the German-American Reform Union. Died in 1900.

Owen, Edward. — Was born of Southern parents in Cincinnatti, Ohio and was educatea
in the schools of that city and in Kenyon College. He was a gallant soldier during the
war. and since his residence was established in New York has been conspicuous as Com-
missioner of Accounts, where his record has been of the best, and he has been retained for
many terins at the ui-gent requests of prominent citizens. Mr. Owen is a model Democrat
as well as a favorite ofHcial.

Page, Wili.iaim H., Jr. — Born in Paris, France, of American parents, then traveling
abroad, in 1861; resides in the Twenty-first Assembly District, and has been a member of
Tammany Hall and Tammany Society since 1897.

Patrick, John H. — AVas born at Albany, and was educated in the public schoo's of
New Y'ork. He joined the Tammany Society in 1876 and was elected Sachem for 1895, 1896
lind 1897. Was also Chairman of the present Twenty-second, and former Twentieth
Assembly District for over fifteen years, and now resides in the Twenty-third. Mr.
Patrick has been a New York merchant for forty years, and is now President and Treas-
urer of the American Tool Chest Company, located at 200 AVest Houston street.

Penfield, William AA^abneb — Justice of the Municipal Court of the First District of
the Bronx, was born in New Rochelle in 1858. His early education was received in the
public schools of his native place. He later entered Yale College, being graduated from
there, with the highest honors in 1879. South Mount Vernon, now known as Wakefield,
owes most of its growth to the efforts of Mr. Penfield; and the people of that place have
repeatedly shown their appreciation of his worth by conferring on him all the honors in
their power to give — the Presidency, the Chieftainship of the Fire Department, the respon-
sible office of Corporation Counsel, and many others.

Penny, William N. — Clerk of the Court of Genera/I Sessions. In 1883 he resigned the
city editorship of the Daily Kens to accept the appointment of private secretary to that
worthy exponent of Democracy, John McKeon, then District Attorney, of this city. He
retained this position, earning a high reputation for tact, capacity and honesty, under Mr.
McKeon's successors, Messrs. Olney, Martine and Fellows. AVhen Judge James Fitzgerald
was elected to the bench of the Court of General Sessions, Mr. Penny resigned from the
District Attorney's office to become Clerk of that court. Mr. Penny has always been a
Democrat.

Phelan, James J. — Born in the old Ninth Ward in March, 1847. He received his early
education in the public schools of this city, then attended St. Francis Xavier College. Mr.
Phelan, in connection with ex-Mayor Grant, Judge D. F. McMahon, Alderman Burke,
Judge Dresser and Sheriff John B. Sexton organized the Narragansett Club, which was the
first club of that nature to start in this city. Mr. Phelan was elected its Treasurer.

Platzek, M. Warlet — Lawyer, born in North Carolina in 1854; educated in Virginia
High School and under the immediate tutelage of Professor Witherow, of South Carolina.
When he reached his majority be was chosen Assessor and Treasurer of Marion, South
Carolina. In 1875 he came to this city and entered the New York Universitv l^aw School,
from which he graduated one year later with distinguished honors. He takes an activi:
interest in politics, being a Governor of the Democratic Club of the City of New York.
ex-President of the Progress Club and of the Young Men's Hebrew Association of this
city, and also belongs to the Reform, Jefferson and Mohican political clubs and many
prominent social clubs and benevolent associations. He was a delegate from the Tenth
Senatorial District in New York City to the Constitutional Convention of the State of
New York in 1894.

319

PowEH. Mauiucb J.— Aqueduct Commissicmcr. was l)cirn In Cork, Ireland, In 18;i6;
appointed Justice ot Police Court in IS80, servinR for tiMi years; made United States
Shipping Commissioner for the Port of New Vorlt in lS!i:!; appointed Aqueduct Commis-
sioner in 1897 and re-apjiointed by Maycn- Van Wyek In 1S9S. JudRe Pi.wer was a iiolltical
proteg-e c\f the late Samuel J. TiKliii, anil has always lieen held in liish I'St.'eni by the
organization.

Pressinger, Austin R— Lawyer, graduate of Columbia College Law School; member
of the Democratic and Century Cycling Clubs, First Lieutenant Company E, Seventh Regi-
ment: i-esiiles in the 'Pwenty-first Assembly District.

R.AEGENER, Louis C. — Was born in New Ycn-k City Aiiril 29, 18.")G. and was ednacted in
the New York public schools. He graduated with honors from Columbia College in 1876
and received the degree of A.M. He also graduated from the Columbia Law School in 1878,
wias admitted to the bar in the same year, and has practiced law ever since in New York
City. His first partner was Judge P. Henry Dugro. wnth whom he practiced for several
years. When Judge Dugro was elevated to the bench he formed a partnership with Paul
Goepel, Esq., under the firm name of Goepel & Raegener, and remained a member of that
firm until January 1, 1901. when he joined the firm of Dickerson & Brown, under the firm
name of Dickerson, Brown & Raegener, with offices at 141 Broadn-ay. Mr. Raegener is a
member of the Tammany Society and has been for more than fifteen years. He is a mem-
ber of the Democratic Cluli. of the New York Bar Association and of the German Club.
For meritorious services rendered to the Venezuelan Reiniblic in lSi)4 he received the decor-
ation of "Busto del Libertador."

Ransom, Rastus S. — Lawyer; born in Mount Hawley, 111., in 1839; closely identified
with Tammany Hall since 1877; served on General Committee, Committee on Organization
and other committees; ex-Surrogate County of New York.

Rasines. Antonio— One of the founders of the Twelfth Ward Bank and Twelfth Ward
Savings Bank in Harlem; Director and Vice-President of Twelfth Ward Bank for many
years, and President Savings bank, born in this city in 1847; resides in the Nineteenth
Assemljly District, and has been prominently identified with Tammany Hail for many
years; was School Trustee Tw'elfth Ward for eleven years, and is now Commissioner
Municipal Statistics. Member New York Athletic. Democratic and Aldine Clubs. Member
Tammany Hall and Tammany Society.

RiORDAN. Daniei> J. — This tliorough New Yorker was born in the Eighth District
in 1869, received his education in the public schools and graduated from Manhattan Col-
lege in 1S90, with high honors. He w'as the regular Democratic nominee for Congress from
the Eighth: is a meml>er of the Democratic Club; President of the Patrick J. Divv'er Asso-
ciation and an influential and popular Inisiness man and politician.

RoEscii. George F. — Judge of the Muiiiciiial Court for the Fourth District of the
Borough of Manliattan, was born in this city on June 19, 1S55, and was educated in St.
Nicholas' Parochial School, De La Salle Institute of the Christian Brothers and Columbia
Law University, and admitted to the bar on October 30, 1876. He has always been a Tam-
many Hall Democrat and has been a speaker for his party in both the English and
German languages since 1874. He was for three years the member of the Tammany Hall
Executive Committee from his district. He was a member of Assembly in 1S83, 1885, 1888
and 1889, and a Senator from 1890 to 1894. He was Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Com-
mittee in 1892 and 1893.

Roblee. Milton.— Was born in Saratoga, 1863. He is a graduate of the University of
Syracuse. Mr. Roblee is a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee and the
Democratic Club. He is the well-known proprietor of the Hotel Bartholdi.

320

RoGAN, John H.— Was born in New York in 1863, and after receiving a public school
education studied law in the office of John McKeon and the late Justice Frederick Smyth.
He was admitted to the bar at the age of twenty-one years. His association with these
eminent lawyers was of great value to him. As both Mr. McKeon and the late Justice
Frederick Smyth were men of rare legal attainments. After Justice Smyth's elevation to
the Supreme Court bench in 1895, Mr. Rogan successfully continued the latter's law busi-
ness and also continued a large practice of his own. Mr. Rogan is a Democrat, having
been a member of the General Committee of Tammany Hall for many years, but has never
held political office. In addition to belonging to the Tammany Society, he is a member of
the Society of Medical Jurisprudence, the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, the Driving Club
of New York and the Jefferson Club of the Sixteenth Assembly District, of which he is
treasurer.

Rogers, John Henry — Mr. Rogers was born in the City of New York in 1863. He is
prominent as a lawyer and active as a Democratic politician and counselor for various
societies. He has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1884, and of the Tammany Society
since 1898, and has served on the General and Organization Committees and in other places
and positions of important trust.

RowE, Col. Wm. H., Jr.— Merchant, born in Troy, N. Y. ; appointed Assistant Quarter-
master-General of New York State in 1894 by Governor Flower; member of the firm of
W. H. Rowe & Son, of New York, one of the largest commission firms in knit goods in the
United States; one of the leading Democrats of New York State, but has never held pub-
lic office.

RUPPERT, Jacob, Jr. — Col. Jacob Ruppert, Jr., is one of New York's famous men; a
graduate of the Columbia Grammar School; a popular politician, and Congressman from
New York, and one of the most successful business men of the metropolis. He is a stal-
wart Democrat and staunch supporter of Tammany Hall, and is deservedly prominent in
official and commercial life.

Sanders, Leon — Born in Odessa, Russia, May 25, 1867. On being admitted to the bar of
New York with honorable mention, on the 8th -day of November, 1895, he resigned his
clerkship in Commissioner of Jurors' office, where he had served for five years. He is
well known as one of the leaders of Tammany Hall in the Twelfth Assembly District. He
was this year member of the Assembly from the Twelfth Assembly District. He is a
member of Perfect Ashlad Lodge, No. 604, F. and A. M.; Script Lodge, Knights of Pythias;
Emanuel Pisco Lodge, I. O. B. A.; the Leon Sanders Association (which, named after him,
occupies the handsomely furnished clubhouse at No. 255 East Fourth Street) ; Tammany
Hall General Committee: Thomas Jefferson Association; a number of the Hebrew charity
societies, and the Columbian Club, of which he is President.

Scannell, George Florence— Leader Twenty-fifth Assembly District, was born in this
city in 1860, and has been a prominent figure in Democratic circles since 1881, serving on
many important committees; clerk in Fire Headquarters for a number of years and for
past twelve years in Surrogate's office.

Scannell, John J. — Fire Commissioner and Sachem of Tammany Society, was born in
this city in 1840. Ml-. Scannell is a lifelong Democrat, has been for twelve years the Tam-
many Hall leader of what is now the Twenty-fifth District. He was appointed one of the
Commissioners of the Mulberry Bend Park by the Supreme Court, and was unanimously
elected President of the Board by the other members, who were politically opposed to him.
•He was appointed by Mayor Gilroy to fill a vacancy in the Fire Board January 1, 1893,
and shortly after resigned and was then elected by his colleagues President of the Board.
Reappointed Fire Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898 for the whole of Greater
New York.

SCHDCHMAN, John P.— This well-known East Side Democrat was born in Hesse-Darm-
stadt, Germany, in 1851. where he graduated from the Technical College. 1868. the year he
came' to New York, and has been a resident of the Fourteenth Assembly District ever since.
He has held many offices; is a capital lawyer and a general favorite in political and social
circles. He is now Judge of the City Court.

3-2'

Scott, Francis M.— Born in the City of New York March 14, 1848. He attended the
Thirteenth Street Grammar School, the well-known No. 35, and was graduated from the
College of the City of New York in 1S67. He then attended the Columbia ColleRe Law
School, from which he was graduated with the degree of LL. B. in 1869, and was admitted
to the bar, since which time he has steadily practiced his profession in this city. In 1884
he was extremely active in promoting the election of President Cleveland and Mayor Wil-
liam R. Grace. In 1885, Mr. Scott, for the first time accepted public office, being appointed
Assistant Counsel to the Corporation by the then Corporation Counsel, Henry Lacombe.
In this position he served under Mr. Lacombe. Mr. Morgan J. O'Brien and Mr. Henry R.
Beekman, with all of whom his relations were close and confidential. Mr. Scott was
appointed Counsel to the Corporation of/the City of New York in 1895, and remained In
ofRce until his election as a Justice of the Supreme Court, in 1897.

Scully, P. J.— The Tammany leader in the Twelfth Assembly District since 1893, an
enthusiastic and hard-working Democrat. He is a life-long member of Tammany, and
has devoted the energies of his best years to hard work in its behalf. Born in New Y'ork
City in 1855. Entering upon a business career, Mr. Scully connected himself with the com-
mercial house of Augustus Taber & Brother, where he r.^mained for nearly twenty years.
At the expiration of that time he was employed at the Custom House as Assistant Cashier,
a position which he resigned in ISSS to accept th-.' Dfpiity Clerkship in the County Clerk's
office. He was appointed City Clerk in 1898.

Sheehy. Edward C. — Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments Edward C. Sheehy. is a
thorough New Yorker. He was educated in the public schools of this city and after grad-
uation entered the real estate business in which he has continued these thirty years past,
and during his time has conducted some of the most important and biggest deals ever re-
corded on the Exchange. He was elected a member of the Executive Committee of Tam-
many Hall in 1871. In 1881 the judges of the Supreme Court appointed him a member of
the East River Park Commission. Mr. Sheehy has served a term in the Assembly, and in
1S89 Mayor Grant appointed him Commissioner of Charities and Corrections. He was ap-
pointed Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments in 1897 by Mayor Van Wyck.

Sickles, General Daniel E. — Famous among the many Tammany officers in the War,
the veteran soldier and statesman, Daniel E. Sickles, is known to all. He is a native of
New York, was educated in the City University and was admitted to the Bar in 1844.
From Colonel of the "Excelsior Brigade," he rose to the rank of Brigadier, and afterward
to a Major-Generalship, for conspicuous gallantry. He has since served as our Minister
to Spain and president of the Tammany Monument Board for suitably marking the field of
Gettysburg, which he with Tammany, did so much to win.

SIMMS, Charles E., Jr.— City Magistrate, born in this city in 1S61; appointed Assistant
District Attorney in 1891; appointed Police Justice 1893; appointed City Magistrate in 1895.
Member of Tammany Hall. Democratic Club. Morris and County Cycle Clubs. Indian Har-
bor Yacht Club: President of Associated Cycle Clubs of the City of New York.

Smith, Clinton H.— Is a New Yorker; was born in the Eleventh Ward, where the
family has resided for nearly five generations. He resides at present in the Thirty-first
Assembly District, and is a member of the General Committee, as also Assistant Secretary
of the Park Board, which department he entered in 1879. at the age of eighteen, and in
which he has served continuously ever since. Mr. Smith is a member of several clubs, in-
cluding the Democratic and other social and political organizations.

Smith, Nelson— Member of the New York bar. was born in Middleton. N. Y.; educated
at Delaware Academy and in this city; has been a life-long member of and active worker
m the interests of the Democratic party, having been elected Presidential Elector in 1892.
a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and for four years, 1890-94, Chairman
of the General Committee of Tammany Hall.

Smith. Terry— Lawyer. World Building. New York City, born in Houston. Tex.. Sep-
tember 9. 1865; has been a member of Tammany Hal) for past five years, and served on
General Committee; graduate of Columbia College Law School; member of Association of
the Bar. Western Society and a Master Mason.

322

Smith, Thomas F.— Thomas F. Smith, clerk of the City Court, was born in New York
City July 24, 1865. He attended the public schools and St. Francis Xavier's and Manhattan
College and was subsequently employed by the Western Union Telegraph Company as clerk
and was later promoted to the position of operator and manager. Later he became a news-
paper reporter, working on the World, Journal and Tribune, and at various times for the
United Press, up to the time of its dissolution. He was appointed stenographer to the
Building Department in 1S92, and two years' later he was appointed to the stenographer-
ship of the Eighth District Court which position he held until April 1S98, when he was made
Chief Clerk of the New York City Court. Hon. Richard Croker made Mr. Smith his private
secretary in 1899, subsequently making him secretary to the Tammany Society and the
Tammany Hall General Committee and the Executive Committee. He was one of the
founders and the first president of the Tenderloin Club, which was organized some years
ago by newspaper men. He is a trustee of the New York Press Club, and a member of the
following organizations: The Democratic Club, the State Stenographers' Association, the
Telegraphers' Club, the Excelsior Council, C. B. L., and the Knickei-bocker Council, Knights
of Columbus.

SOHMEK, William. — County Clerk, born at Wurtenberg, Germany, May 26, 1852. Mr.
Sohmer's entrance into the field of active politics dates back to 1889, when he was made the
candidate for the Assembly in the Tenth District, being elected by a splendid m.ijority.
Mr. Sohmer served three successive terms in the Assembly. At the expiration of his third
term he was made a Deputy Tax Commissioner. He held the office until 1896, when he
resigned to accept the nomination for the office of Register, to which he was elected. Mr.
Sohmer was Chairman of the Committee on Organization during* the years 1896-97, and was
also a Sachem of the Tammany Society in 1896, 1897 and 1898. He was elected Vice-Chair-
man of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall in 1899, and was re-elected in 1900.

Spinney, George F. — This popular newspaper man, for years the Democratic editor of
the New York Times, was born at Great Falls. N. H., in the forties and graduated from the
High School at Lawrence, Mass. He was first with the Brooklyn Argus, then with the New
York Sun. The Times was at its best under Mr. Spinney's management.

Steiner. Joseph H. — Was born in New York City in 1839. He attended the public schools
and was in 1857 graduated from the Free Academy. After graduating he accepted a posi-
tion as reporter on the New York Sun. In 1859 he commenced the study of law, and was
gradiiated from the New York University as Bachelor of Laws. In 1861 he was admitted
to the bar. "WTien the war broke out he was made Captain of a company in the Ninth
Regiment, New York Volunteers, and was subsequently promoted to Major in the Fifty-
ninth Regiment. Judge Steiner was also a member of the Fire Department, belonging to
Engine Company No. 18. He was commander of the Phil Kearney Post. G. A. R., and is
still a member of that post. In 1893 he was elected civil justice in the Eighth Judicial Dis-
trict of the city and county of New York,

Sterling, George Loomis— Was born of Scotch-English ancestry, at Trumbull, Conn.,
1855. Graduated from Yale, 1876; Yale Law School, ISSO, and admitted to New York
Bar, 1881, since which time he has practiced law in this city and been Assistant Corpora-
tion Counsel since 1885. Was identified with Codification of Laws of State of New York
and with preparation of Charter of Greater New York, and in the different city adminis-
trations for fifteen years. Mr. Sterling is a member of many important clubs, the Bar
Association, Yale Club, Seawanhaka, Corinthian Yacht Club. St. George's, the Democratic
Club, Senaca Club, Twenty-fifth Assembly District and General Committee of Tammany

Hall.

Stillings, William E.— Was born March 28, 1857, in the Twenty-first Ward of the City
of New York. He acquired his education in the New York public schools, at Claverack
Academy, and at the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Stillings is a member of the
Society of the Sons of the Revolution, the New York Athletic, the Democratic Club and
many other metropolitan clubs, an enthusiastic Democrat, having become a member of the
Tammany Hall General Committee in 1880. and a member of the Executive Committee of
Tammany Hall in 1892.

Strai-s, Nathan— Ex-Sachem of Tammany Society, was born in Ottenburg, Germany;
came to America in 1855, and settled in New York shortly after the close of the War of the
Rebellion.

.^23

Sullivan, Florence J.— Was hnin In Iielaml. Aupust 23, 1863. He has been a resident
of New York since he came to America, and he was then only three months old. He waa
educated in the pul)lic schools of this city. Mr. Sullivan Is a first cousin of Senator Tim-
othy D. Sullivan. He was appointed by Police Commissioner Martin January 8, 1887, to the
police force where he made an exceptional record. He was named by unanimous consent
for the office which he now holds, that of Superintendent of Incumbrancfs,

SuLLU AN. John A.— This ardent and conspicuous Democrat was horn at Kondout. N.
v.: graduated from the Kingston Academy; was appointed Internal Revenue Collector by
President Cleveland, and was re-appointed at the expiration of his term, since which time
he has been General Manager of the Security Company of Philadelphia, in the City of New
York.

SuLZER, Wii.i.iA.M— Burn in Elizabeth, N. J., March 18, 1863. Educated in the public
schools; admitted to the bar in 1SS4; was a member of the New York Legislature in 1S89,
18?0, 1891, 1892. 1893, and 1894: Speaker of the Assembly in 1893; was elected to 54th Con-
gress as a Democrat, and re-elected to the 55th Congress: was a delegate to the National
Convention at Chicago, in 1896. He was educated in the public schools and at Columbia
College, and was admitted to the bar as soon as he attained his majority. He quickly
achieved distinction in his profession and as a political orator. He stumped the States of
New York. New Jersey and Connecticut for the Democratic National Committee in 188*
and 1883. In 1SS9 Mr. Sulzer was elected to the State Legislature, where his force and
merit speedily found recognition. Not even the most implacable foe of Tammany Hall
ever aspersed his integrity, his generosity or his ability, and when the Democrats cap-
tured a majority of the Assembly in 1893, nobody was surprised to see him installed by the
unanimous vote of his party colleagues in the Speaker's chair, the youngest man to whom
such an honor had been accorded. Re-elected to Congress in 1898 and in 1900.

SwEETSEE, W. A. — Was born in Brooklyn, near the entrance to the East River bridge.
He first attended the public schools Nos. 12 and 1, St. Francis' and St. John's Colleges in
Brooklyn, and later, until 1S73, St. Lament's College in Montreal, Canada. Elected presi-
dent of the alumni of St. John's College in 1879. After a short experience in the commer-
cial line he studied law in Brooklyn and wias admitted to the bar in 1879, and opened an
office. Mr. Sweetser has always been a Democrat, but took no active part in polities
until 1S8S, when Hon. Hugh J. Grant was elected Mayor. On July 3d, 1889. the late Hon.
William H. Clark, who had been appointed counsel to the corporation, named Mr. Sweetser
as one of his assistants in that office, which office he held until the Hon. Francis M. Scott
was made Corporation Counsel. Mr. Sweetser, at the request of Mr. Scott, accepted the
position of clerk in the proceeding to open, widen and extend Elm street. In 1898 Mr.
Sweetser received the regular Democratic Tammany Hall nomination for member of As-
sembly in the Nineteenth Assembly District, one of the strongest Republican districts at
that time in the city. Mr. Sw'eetser made a great fight but was beaten by Robert Mazett
by a small majority. He has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat and joined that or-
ganization in 1888, becoming a member of the Narragansett Club and later the Pontiac
Cluli in the Nineteenth District.

Tierney, John M. — Justice of the Municipal Court for the Second District of the Bor-
ou^'h of the Bronx, was born in the City of New York October 14. 1860, and was educated in
thi' public schools. In 1892 Mr. Tierney for a short time was Assistant Attorney to the
Fii e Department, and from June. 1S92, to April, 1895, was Assistant Counsel to the Depart-
ment of Buildings.

Toop, George H. — Born in England in 1836. Mr. Toop was the associate leader of Tam-
many Hall, with Hon. Rollin M. Morgan, of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District, and has
been connected with political affaiis in the up-towr section for the last thirty years,
though never having held any office except that of School Inspector, tn whiib he was
appointed by. Mayor Grant. This position he held for five years.

Towen, William C— Now resides in the Eleventh Assembly District: was a ret-ident of
Bedford Park. Bronx Borough, and foi many years has been prominently identified with
every progressive movement in that locality. He is a member of the Tammany Hall Com-
mittee of the Eleventh Assemljiy District Committee and of many other organizations,
among them the Democratic Club, Bedford Park Taxpayers' Association, the Tammany
Society, Army and Navy Association, League of American Wheelmen, the Pavonia and
Atlantic Yacht Clubs, and President New York State "Good Roads League."

324

Truax, Charles H.— Justice of the Supreme Court, was born in 1S46; elected Justice
Supreme Court in ISSO; re-elected in 1895; was delegate to the Constitutional Convention
in 1894.

Turner, "William L.— Lawyer. Born June 5. 1860, in New York City. Educated at
the College of the City of New York and at the Columbia Law School. Upon graduating
was admitted to the bar, and has since been engaged in the practice of his profession in
this city. He was Secretary to Mayor Grace in 188.5 and 1886, and Assistant Counsel to the
Corporation of the City of New York from 1886 to May. 1889, and In March, 1895, was again
appointed Assistant Corporation Counsel. He is identified with the New York State
Democracy organization, and is a member of the University. Reform and Manhattan Clubs,
the Bar Association, Society of Medical Jurisprudence, and various city college clubs and
societies.

Underhill, John Quincy — Representative in Congress, for the Sixteenth District, ia
one of the prominent Democratic leaders of the Empire State. In his district, which
comprises the County of Westchester and the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth Assembly
Districts of New York City, he is well known and universally liked. Mr. LTnderhill was
born in New Rochelle, "Westchester County, February 19, 1848. He has served several terma
as Trustee and President of the village of New Rochelle, and for ten years was President
of the Board of Commissioners of Sewers and Drainage of said village. He is a member of
the Larchmont Yacht Club, the New York Athletic Club, the New Rochelle Yacht Club,
the Democratic Club and Manhattan Club.

Unger, Henry "W. — Former Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1863; ap-
pointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by De Lancey Nicoll in 1891; retained by
Colonel Fellows and reappointed, in 1891. by Colonel Gardiner.

Untermter, Maurice. — Born at Lynchburg. "Va., 1860; came to New York when nine
years of age. attending Grammar School 35. then entering classes in City College and School
of Mines, Columbia College. Determining on the legal profession, he graduated at Columbia
Law School in 1882, and opened a branch office of the old firm of Guggenheimer & Unter-
myer In 125th street, where he formed many valuable connections, and became one of the
organizers of the Harlem Democratic Club, exercising a leading influence in the council
of Democratic organizations and being chosen delegate to National and State Conventions.
The present law firm of Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall is one of the leading ones
of the world, conducting the legal business of largest companies and corporations. Mr.
Untermyer is one of the founders of the Hebrew Infant Asylum, a member of Tammany
Society, Democratic. Knickerbocker Athletic, Press, Criterion, Harlem and Progress Clubs,
Geographical Society, Medical Jurisprudence, Freundschiaft Societies and one of the leading
Masons of the State of New York.

"\^\N HOESEN. George M.— "Was born in the City of New York. He was graduated
at the University of the City of New York and afterwards at the State and National Law
School at Poughkeepsie. In 1875 was elected a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for
the City and County of New York, in which capacity he served for fourteen years. He has
been President of the Holland Society. President of the Association of the Alumni of the
University of the City of New York, and for three terms was Chairman of the Memorial
Committee, an association of all the Grand Army of the Republic posts of the City of New
York.

"Van "Wtck, Robert A.— Judge Robert A. "Van "Wyck, so well-known as the first
Mayor of Greater New York, is a New Yorker whose prominence is well-deserved, and who
has given to Democracy the straight proofs of his devotion to the people's interests. He
was graduated from the Columbia Law School at the head of his class, and, in and out of
politics, he Jias maintained his leading position and the confidence and support of the
public. He has been appropriately described as "A Democrat among Democrats, a man
among men."

"Wahle, Charles G. F.— Lawyer "Wahle was born in this city in 1866. He has been a
member of Tammany Hall for twelve years a.nd of the Tammany Society since 1889. Mr.
Wahle resides in the Thirty-fifth Assembly District, and has always been an active worker
in the interests of the Democratic party. He served on General and Organization Commit-
tees, and has held the office of Inspector of Public Schools and Commissioner of Accounts.
1890-1894, besides in many offices of honor and of trust.

325

Walters, Richard M.— Mr. Walters is a well-known piano manufacturer, who was
born in New York, and is a resident of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District. He has been
a prominent figure in Tammany Hall for many years. He was Chairman of the first Music
Trade Convention in the United States and organized the Piano and Organ Manufacturers'
Association, of which he was First Vice-President. He is now Vice-President of the Mer-
chants' and Manufacturers' Board of Trade of the City of New York.

Weeks. Bartow S.— Born in New York City April 25. 1861. He was educated in the-
public schools of thi.s city, graduated from the New York College in 1879, and from the
■Columbia Law School in 1883. He was appointed to his first official position as Assistant
District Attorney in January. 1891. by De Lancey Nlcoll, and reappointed by Colonel Fel-
lows. He is a member of Tammany Hall General Committee.

Welde, Charles— Commissioner of Jurors, was born in Germany in 1843; is the former
Tammany leader of the Thirty-first District, and has always taken a deep interest in and
been an active worker for the party. He was a Police Justice for twelve years, a Sachem
of Tammany Society for eighteen years, and has been a member of the Finance Commit-
tee of Tammany Hall for ten years.

Whalen, John — Sachem of Tammany Society and Corporation Counsel of the City of
New York, was born in this city in 1854, and admitted to the bar in 1877; has always been
an ardent Tammany Hall Democrat.

ZuccA. Antonio, — Was born in Trieste, Austria, and passed his youth in Italy. Coming
to America, he espoused the people's cause, becoming an active member of the General
Committee of Tammany Hall. He has long been President of the United Amercan Italian
Societies, of the Latin American Democratic Union, and has held many positions of honor
and of trust in this city where he is so well and favorably known.

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to make-op out of the ordinary-
is bound to be more inviting:
to the eye, that the reader is
bound to see more of the
general contents, that the ad-
vertisements get more atten-
tion, that the advertiser gets
more publicity, and that the
everyday and Sunday editions
of THE MORNING

TELEGRAPH

give an advertiser the sat-
faction he wants, at a price
he is satisfied to pay. THE
MORNING TELEGRAPH
costs you five cents a copy,
and an army of buyers
at that price means that an
army of intelligent persons
consider it worth more than
any other newspaper in New
York. Apart from its novel,
vigorous, fearless handling of
the general news of the day, it
is noted for special features
and exclusive items un-
obtainable elsewhere.

Rates and olher details from advertis-
ing agencies, or from the publishers,

DAILY TELEGRAPH CO.,

I 16 NASSAU STREET,
NEW YORK CITY.

^A«^AAt^4'^'*'A*

■l"t •!- -1- 1- -1- -i- ■!• i- •!• •■■ b ■■• i- -i- ■!> -b .t * * >!•

CARL H. SCHULTZl

Used by Over 900 Physicians is Guaranty

CARL H. SCHULTZf

of their Purity and Wholesomeness ||

CARL H. SCHULTZ

1
•s

•s

•6

•e

•5

-s
•s
•s

•8
•g

I U CARL H. SCHULTZf

I ^''"^^'""' Tel., 142 Madison Square. 4^1-444 I'irsl .\ venue, Xcvv V,,rk. f

the Brun$wick-Bdlke°€ollcnaer €o.,

The Most Extensive Manufacturers of Billiard and Pool Tables in the World.

Xew and Handsome Desiirns ; also Second
Hand Tables. All tables fitted with the une-
i|Ualled Monarch (Juick Cushions, Billiard and
Pool Balls, Cloth, Cues, &c.

Sole Manufacturers of the

CELEBRATED WICKES

PATENT REFRIGERATORS

wood «»r tile lined, for household and other
purposes.
BowIid;; Alleys and Supplies

tuves, Keer Coolers and Saloon

: Bar Fix-

l-'ixturei.

227-229 FOURTH AVENUE AND NINETEENTH STREET, NEW YORK.

Cliica.^-o. Cincinnati. St. Louis, San Francisi.'O.

ESSRS. REED c\: BARTON, Silver.smiths,
call attention to their wares in

STERLING SILVER

made under personal supervision of the Artists
who designed them, by skilled silver- workers : thus
each piece is perfect and each set is in absolute
harmony. These wares embrace many useful and
decorative pieces especially appropriate as

GIETS rOR WEDDINGS

and everything needful for use at home.

/T\edals, (?ijp5 ar)d Jropt^ies for all 5porl:5.

REED & BARTON, Silversmiths,

41 UNION SQUARE,
6 TvlAIDEN LANE,

sNEW YORK.

f?\

<vv\

wm€

BERNHEIMER Sr SCHMIB,

LIOM BRElVEJir,

Columbus Ave. and 108th St.,

MEW YORK

i GRAVITY and PRESSUREm

^ n. a. ^

FILTERS. I

Constructed under the Ti^

[EWELL, Warren, Continental, Hyatt and other Patents. ^^

Adopted In the N'ewest^
Lavi^e Office BuiUlmi>s, ^
Hotels, etc., hi the Um= (g
ted States. rs

^ ^ II Mfcl ■llltlllll —1 ■.■■'.LIIMC W.TK

p NEW YORK CONTINENTAL JEWELL FILTRATION CO., R

^^ 25 Broad Street 40-42 West Quincy Street, 1,J^

•^ NEW YOKK, CHICAGO. >^

in f

!\iOS

MRS.

StO!

fi!.> 'ill:
;ii\ .■.■!i
what ii

Publis:
vulnm-
in U:
wilb ;
low ;):
7-Lifr):t-

THE NEV
BEF

This book is
tal

/ YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY
ERENCE DEPARTMENT

under no circumstances to be
ten from the Building

;'!-P

f'TlH 410

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Full text of "History of the Tammany society from its organization to the present time"

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