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109186 


H  I  S-a'-.O  R  Y 


OF   THE 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON 


AT 


ST.  HELENA. 


GENERAL    COUNT    MONTHOLON, 

THE  EMPEROR'S  COMPANION  IN  EXILE, 
AND     TEHTAMENTAKT     EXBCBTOR. 


VOL.  II. 


LONDON: 
HENRY    COLBURN,    PUBLISHER, 

OBKAT    MAELBOBOOGU    8TRBBT. 

«t  Statfow 
184$. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  FRANCE* 

Character  of  France  and  the  French.  Napoleon's  policy  towards 
Franco.  His  aim  of  restoring  peace  to  Europe.  Character 
of  Henry  IV.  and  of  Louis  XIV.  Degeneration  of  the 
national  character.  Durable  monuments  of  the  benefits  of 
Napoluon'a  reign.  Hostility  of  England  to  France.  The 
French  people's  opinion  of  Napoleon.  His  justice.  Abdica- 
tion of  the  King  of  Holland*  His  offers  of  his  services  to 
France,,  when  in  danger,  ..at  a  later  period.  Letters  from 
Napoleon  to  the  King  of  Holland I 

CHAPTER  II. 

SITUATION    OF    ITALY.  IN    THE    SPRING    OF    THE    YEAR     1796, 
NEGOTIATION  WITH   THE   REPUBLIC    OF   GENOA. 

Position  and  strength  of  Genoa,  Negotiations  between  France 
and  Genoa.  An  agreement  signed,  Oct.  6,  1796.  Position 
of  the  King  "of  Ba*dfriia>;  JN|ipoleon's  plan  for  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  Sardinia.  Treaty  signed  at 
Bologna,  March  1,  1797.  Armistice  with  the  Duke  of 
Parma.  Armistice  of  Milan.  Violation  of  the  armistice  of 
Milan,  Negotiations  of  Monsignor  Petrarchi,  ambassador 
of  Borne.  Suspension  of  the  execution  of  the. armistice  of 
Bologna.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  The  King  of 
Naples" ;  bad  faith  of  the  Neapolitan  cabinet.  The  Bnopwor 


VI  CONTENTS. 

of  Germany.  General  Clarke  sent  to  Vienna  with  proposals 
for  an  armistice.  Proposals  rejected  by  the  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiary. Negotiations  of  the  cabinet  of  Luxembourg 
with  the  Emperor  of  Germany.  Disapprobation  of  General 
Bonaparte.  Signing  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace  by  General 
Bonaparte.  Lombardy.  General  Bonaparte's  policy  towards 
Italy.  Proclamation  of  the  Cifpadane  Republic  .  •  28 

CHAPTEH  III. 

TOLKNTINO. 

Cardinal  Busca.  Interception  of  his  courier.  llecal  of  C'aeault, 
French  minister  at  Homo.  Manifesto,  |iuhltahed  by  Napoleon 
at  Bologna.  Agitation  of  the  pnninec  of  Roimigna.  Taking 
of  Faenza.  Liberation  of  prisoners.  The  ('nun  Mwtft  at 
Loretto,  Consternation  of  the  Vatican.  Conclusion  of  a 
treaty  between  the  Pope  and  the  French  Republic  ,  .  34 

CIIAPTKK    IV. 

LKOISKN. 

Consternation  an<l  discontent  caused  at  Vienna  by  Ihc  newH  of 
the  battles  of  Tagliamcnto  and  Turwis,  &e.  £c.  (H'IKTU! 
Bonaparte's  plan  of  the  campaign.  Dilutorincss  of  tlu* 
Directory.  Ovrrlmv  for  n<»gotiutions.  Victories  of  the 
Fivnch.  Negotiations  of  preliminaries  of  pcnc<\  Signature* 
of  the.  preliminaries  by  OcntTul  Bounparti*.  Hwht1. 
Moroau. ?K 

CHAPTER  V. 

VENU*K. 

Origin  and  rise  of  Venice.  Its  govenwwnt  atui  territories*  Con- 
gress of  Milan.  Three  parties  injtintuined  In  it,  Reception 
of  General  Bonaparte  at  Hrweia  and  Vvronn.  InHurmc*lton 
in  Breneia  and  Bergamo.  Discontent  of  the  people  with  t!te 
Venetian  government  Napolctm'g  policy  with  regnrtl  to 
Venice.  His  k»t  effort  to  induce  Venice  to  enter  into  n 
treaty  with  France.  Its  failure.  Movement*  of  the.  Freneli 


CONTENTS.  Vii 

troops.  False  reports  of  their  defeat.  Excesses  of  the  Ve- 
netian oligarchy.  Massacre  of  the  French  at  Verona. 
Terror  of  the  insurgents  at  hearing  the  truth.  General 
Bonaparte's  letter  to  the  senate.  Intrigues  of  the  Venetian 
government.  Defeated  by  Napoleon.  His  declaration  of 
war  against  Venice.  Terror  of  the  oligarchs.  Rising  of 
the  provinces  against  the  capital.  Presentation  of  standards 
to  the  Directory  by  General  Bernadotte  .  .  . '  .  .  97 

CHAPTER  VI. 

NAPOLEON    DURING    1797. 

Montebello.  Serrurier.  Escape  of  Count  d'Entraigues  from 
Venice,  Independent  constitution  of  Genoa.  Necessity  of 
a  change  in  the  constitution.  Nomination  of  a  junta  of  nine 
persons,  to  propose  the  necessary  changes.  Intrigues  of  the 
three  state  inquisitors.  Insurrection  in  Genoa.  Defeat  of 
the  patriots.  Promptitude  of  Napoleon  in  quelling  the  dis- 
turbance. Convention  between  Napoleon  and  the  republic 
of  Genoa,  signed  ut  Montebello.  Insurrection  in  the  valleys 
of  the  Pokeveni  and  Besngno.  Letter  from  Napoleon  to  the 
govrrnmont  of  (rcnoa,  after  the  treaty  of  Ctimpo-Formio. 
False  position  of  the  King  of  Sardinia.  Treaty  negotiated  at 
Bologna.  Refusal  of  the  Directory  to  ratify  it.  Its  sub- 
sequent ratification.  W<wk  conduct  of  the  court  of  Rome. 
The  court  of  Naples.  Its  absurd  conduct.  The  Transpa- 
duno  republic.  Union  of  the  Cispadane  and  Transpadane 
republics,  under  the  name  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic. 
Organization  of  its  government.  The  Valtcline.  Its  sub- 
jection to  the  Grimms.  Its  revolt.  Napoleon's  arbitration. 
Hirt  judgment  in  favour  of  the  Valteline.  Union  of  the 
Valteline  to  the  Cisalpine  republic 123 

CHAPTER  VII. 

PEACE    OF   CAMPO-VOKMIO. 

Exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  preliminaries  of  Le*oben  at 
Montabello,  Question  of  etiquette.  General  Clarke.  Open- 
ingjrf  negotiations  for  a  definitive  peace,  at  Udine,  July  1st. 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

Recall  of  General  Clarke.  Napoleon  sole  plenipotentiary. 
Negotiations  with  Count  Cobentzel.  Wish  of  the  Directory 
that  the  negotiations  should  be  broken  off.  Napoleon's 
reasons  for  adhering  to  his  intention  of  signing  a  peace. 
Particulars  of  the  negotiations.  Signature  of  the  treaty. 
General  Desaix.  Death  of  General  Hoche.  Napoleon's 
farewell  letter  to  the  Italian  people.  His  address  to  the 
soldiers  on  quitting  Milan.  Arrival  at  Rastadt.  Congress 
of  Rastadt.  Napoleon's  resolution  to  retire  into  private  life 
at  Paris 170 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

NAPOLEON    IN    PARIS    AFTER    THK    CAMPAIGN    OF    ITALY. 

His  arrival  in  Paris,  at  the  small  house,  in  the  Rue,  Chantereine. 
Proposal  of  bestowing  the  estate  of  Chambord,  and  a  mag- 
nificent hotel  in  Paris,  upon  him;  withdrawal  of  the  proposal. 
Summary  of  Napoleon's  great  deeds  in  Italy.  His  retired 
mode  of  life  in  Paris.  Public  audience  given  to  him  by  the 
Directory.  Fetes  given  to  him.  Annoyance  and  chagrin  of 
the  Directory  at  the  great  popularity  of  Napoleon.  His 
acceptance  of  the  command  of  the  army  of  Italy,  Affair** 
Switzerland.  Affairs  of  Rome.  Massacre  of  General  I)u 
phot  at  Rome.  The  Roman  republic  re-established.  Ex- 
cesses committed  in  Rome,  General  Bernadotte's  imprudent 
conduct  at  Vienna.  Insults  offered  to  him.  Rage  of  the 
Directory.  Napoleon's  opinion,  lib  proposal  of  counter- 
manding the  English  expedition.  The.  Directory***  urgency 
for  the  prosecution  of  the  expedition.  Unsafe  position  of 
the  Directory.  Napoleon  urged  by  hia  friends  to  make  a 
movement,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  republic.  Hi* 
refusal  Anniversary  of  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI.  In- 
dignation of  Napoleon  at  the  assassination  of  two  young 
men 202 

CHAPTER  IX, 

CONDUCT  0V   NAPOLEON    AS  CONSUL.   (B1CTATIOH.) 

Napoleon's  overture  for  peace  with   England.     lt«  rejection. 
Subsequent  proposals  of  England  to  enter  conjointly  with 


CONTENTS.  ix 

Austria  into  negotiations  with  France.  Particulars  of  the 
negotiations.  Proclamation  of  the  rupture  of  the  peace  of 
Amiens.  Preparations  for  an  invasion  of  England.  Mis- 
taken ideas  of  the  English  ministry  relative  to  the  disposition 
of  the  French  people.  Napoleon's  clemency  to  the  emi- 
grants   224 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE   DUKE   D'ENGHIEN. 

Reason'  of  the  execution  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  Arrest  of 
Pichegru.  Arrest  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  Part  taken  by 
him  in  the  intrigues  carried  on  by  the  agents  of  England. 
Warlike  preparations  of  France  and  England.  Junction  of 
emigrants  in  the  pay  of  England  in  the  Breisgau  and  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Baden.  Discovery  to  the  First  Consul,  by 
Decrfcs,  of  these  plots.  Complaints  of  the  Consul.  Reve- 
lations of  Baron  Dalberg.  Intelligence  respecting  the 
designs  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien.  Extraordinary  council  at 
the  Tuileries.  Forcible  arrest  of  the  Duke  decreed.  Causes 
of  his  death.  The  Emperor's  declaration,  in  his  will,  affirm- 
ing that  he  himself  decreed  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien. 
Freedom  of  Napoleon's  career  from  crime  ....  235 


CHAPTER  XL 

ON   STATE   PBISONS.   (DICTATION.) 

Queen  Caroline  of  Naples.  Her  oifer  of  giving  up  the  Duke 
de  Chartres  to  Napoleon.  The  Emperor's  reply  to  an  Eng- 
lishman who  spoke  with  contempt  of  Louis  XVIII.  Ex- 
aggeration of  the  number  of  priests  arrested.  Persons  con- 
fined in  the  state  prisons.  Decree  of  a  council  of  state  for 
the  establishment  of  eight  state  prisons.  Number  of  state 
prisons  under  the  convention.  Regulation  of  the  police  of 
'toe  prisons.  Privy  council  organized  for  the  judgment  of 
srisoners.  Napoleon's  anxiety  for  the  strict  execution  of 
the  kw.  Civil  liberty  enjoyed  by  France  during  his  reign* 
Formation  of  his  court  .  * 243 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  Xfl. 

HRIKF    VIKW    OF   THK    CONSULAR    PKKfOl*.    ( IHOTATION, ) 

Address  of  the.  legislative  body  to  "Napoleon.  Na}»oleon's  plan 
for  the  landing  in  England.  Hi?*  intentions  with  regard  to 
England 2(>.i 

CHAPTER  XIH. 

GKNKKAL   CONSIDERATIONS     OS     THK     FOMCY     OK     POKKKiN    (JO- 

VKItNMKNTS,    ANT>    KSlMH'I.U.l.Y    OF    TIIO^K    Of-1    t',Xf;!,ANl> 

ANh  Al.'STIUA.    (1WTATION.) 

of  the  public  mind  in  Fnmee*  Paeilie  disposition  of  the 
court  of  Berlin,  Letter  of  the  First  Consul  to  King  George. 
Lord  Grenville's  reply*  Refund  of  the  English  ministry  to 
negotiate  a  peace  until  the  llourhuiis  should  be  restored. 
Overture  of  peiiee  frnin  Att-tria  eonveyed  by  Count  St. 
thilien.  Hatitieation  <»f  the  pri'limtimrteK,  Disavowal  of 
CJuunt  St.  Julien  by  tht*  cabinet  of  Vienna*  Letter  Irom 
Huron  Thugut,  oHerin^  to  i>|>en  new  negotiations,  and  coin-* 
inunicaitin^  the  contents  of  a  letter  from  Lord  Minto,  ex- 
phunin^  the  ground*  on  which  the  Knp:lisit  ministry  was 
equally  well  disposed  to  concur  in  promoting  a  general  peace. 
Offers  of  negotiation  from  England.  Plan  of  u  naval  armis- 
tice. Opening  of  negotiations  'at  Luneville.  Hupture^ 
Scparat«i  p«oce  with  Austria.  Division  between  the  cabinets 
of  EugUnd  and  France,  on  the  question  of  the  right,  arro- 
gated by  the  English  Admiralty,  of  visiting  and  searching  all 
vessels  sailing  under  a  neutral  flag.  Injustice  of  the  pre- 
tensions of  England.  Regulation  published  by  Monsieur 
Castries,  minister  of  marine  in  France.  Part  taken  by  Hol- 
land and  Kuswia  in  these  questions.  Announeentent  of  an 
armed  neutrality.  DiHsatisfaetion  of  Knjrhmd.  Her  renewed 
pretensions.  Means  taken  by  Franee  to  alarm  the  citizenn 
of  London  by  largo  hostile  preparation*.  iVeHrnumriei*  of 
peace  between  England  nnd  France  mgne.tl.  Signature)  of 
the  i*eaee  nt  Amiens,  Violation  of  th«  peace  by  England* 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Fresh  offers  of  peace  from  Napoleon.  Faults  of  the  English 
ministry.  The  national  debt.  Considerations  on  the  con- 
stitution Sec.  of  England  270 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

GENERAL    POLICY   Otf    St'AIN    TOWARDS    VUA.NOK    DURING    THE 
IUSION    01*    FERDINAND. 

Information  received  by  the  newspapers  of  a  proposal  for  bring- 
ing back  the  Emperor  to  Europe.  The  Emperor's  opinion 
on  it.  He-organization  of  the  government  oi  Spain.  King 
Joseph.  Constitution  of  Bayoune.  Negotiation  for  the 
partition  of  Portugal.  Memorial  of  Prince  Talleyrand. 
Fouchd's  mistake.  Letters  from  the  King  and  Prince  of 
Spain,  imploring  Napoleon's  intervention.  Revolution  at 
Madrid;  forced  abdication  of  the  king.  His  protest.  The 
Emperor's  letter  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Berg.  Events  of 
Biiyonnc.  Victories  of  Napoleon  in  Spain.  Ambitious 
projects  of  Prince  Talleyrand.  Re-organization  of  the 
government  of  Madrid.  The  Emperor's  return  to  Paris. 
Dismissal  of  Prince  Talleyrand  from  office.  Recall  of  the 
armies  of  Spain  to  the  Rhine.  Signature  of  the  concordat, 
1813.  Dilatoriness  of  the  French  in  Spain  after  Napoleon's 
departure.  Faults  of  strategy.  Treaty  of  Vale^ay.  The 
Duke  of  San  Carlos's  mission  to  Spain.  Arrival  of  Ferdi- 
nand in  Spain.  Marshal  Suehet 316 

CHAPTER  XV. 

AFFAIRS  OP  ROME,  AND  CONCORDAT  OP  FONTAINEBLEAU. 

(DICTATION.) 

Letters  from  Count  Las  Cases.  Change  for  the  worse  in  the 
limpcror'fi  health.  Complaints  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  con- 
cerning waste  of  firewood.  His  conduct  to  Mr.  O'Meara. 
Napok'on'fl  attention,  in  1796  and  1797,  to  the  affairs  of 
religion.  Discussions  with  the  court  of  Rome.  Napoleon's 
hint  of  following  the  example  of  Henry  VIIL  Alarm  of  the 
court  of  Rome.  Ratification  of  the  concordat.  The  question 
of  divorce  and  that  of  the  marriage  of  priests.  '  Case  of 


XII  CONTENTS. 

Prince  Talleyrand.  Apocryphal  pieces  printed  in  London 
Correspondence  between  the  Pope  and  Napoleon.  Demand 
for  the  arming  of  Ancona.  The  Pope  carried  off  from  Rome. 
The  Bishop  of  Nantes.  Stay  of  the  Pope  at  Savona.  De- 
cree uniting  Rome  to  the  empire.  Proposal  to  tin*  Pope  lor 
his  return  to  Rome.  Personal  friendship  between  Pius  VII. 
and  Napoleon.  Bad  conduct  of  Monsieur  Portalis.  Pius  V 1 1. 'a 
court  at  Fontainebleau.  Personal  interview  of  Napoleon  with 
the  Pope.  Signature  of  the  concordat.  Decree  of  the  25th 
of  March,  1813.  Napoleon\s  intentions  with  respect  to 
curates,  convents,  &c.  The  Jesuits.  The  Jews.  Kclipioiis 
sessions  to  be  held  at  Paris U.V2 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
CORSICA.    (DICTATION.) 

Korly  history.  Rule  of  Pisa.  Rule  of  Genoa.  King  Theodore, 
Pascal  Paoli.  War  between  the,  Comonn.s  and  Genoese. 
Six  French  battalions  sent  to  guard  the  maritime  cities. 
Negotiation  between  the  senate  of  Genoa  and  the  Kreneh 
government  for  the  annexation  of  Corsica,  Resolution  of 
the  people  to  resist  the  French.  Their  obstinate,  resistance.. 
Paoli's  departure  for  England.  Cruelties  committed  by 
Major-General  Sionville.  Beneficent  intentions  of  the  cabinet 
of  Versailles.  Change  of  disposition  in  the  Corsirans  effected 
by  the-  revolution.  Paoli's  return  from  Ku<rhiml,  where  1m 
had  been  living  on  a  pension.  Interference  of  the  Knglihh 
in  the  affairs  of  Corsica.  The  crown  ottered  to  the  king  of 
England,  and  accepted.  Expulsion  of  the  English  from 
Corsica.  Possession  taken  of  it  by  the  French.  Description 
of  the  country 3$)  1 

CHAPTER  XVI  I, 

MEMOIRS    OF   BONAPARTE    WHEN    YOUNti.      <*KOWNK1>    AT   TUB 
ACADEMY   OP    LYONS. 

New  Year's  Day.  Melancholy  recollections.  Arrest  of  flenerul 
Gourgaud,  through  mistake.  The  family  dinner.  Treutistj 
crowned  by  the  Academy  of  Lyons.  First  Part.  Sveutul 
Part 4:>3 


CONTENTS.  Xlil 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OP  RUSSIA.  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  EGYPT.   PAUL  I. 

KLEBER.    (DICTATION.) 

Arrival  of  the  Spey,  with  accounts  of  the  bombardment  of 
Algiers.  The  Emperor's  opinion  on  this  news.  The  Em- 
peror Paul.  His  assassination.  Part  taken  in  it'by  Count 
Pahlen,  chief  director  of  the  police  of  St.  Petersburg.  The 
Emperor  Alexander.  Change  for  the  worse  in  the  Emperor's 
health.  Dictation  of  an  expose  of  all  the  useless  vexations 
to  which  he  was  exposed.  Visit  of  Admiral  Malcolm.  His 
intervention  with  Sir  H.  Lowe.  Journals  and  pamphlets 
from  Europe.  Monsieur  Miot's  work  on  the  campaign  of 
Egypt.  The  Quarterly  Review.  Pillet's  collections.  Accu- 
sation against  the  Emperor  of  having  caused  1500  prisoners 
to  be  shot,  and  of  having  poisoned  those  who  were  suffering 
from  the  plague  at » Jaffa.  The  Emperor's  indignation.  His 
dictation  on  part  of  the  campaign  of  Egypt.  1st,  El'  Arish. 
Blockade  of  the  port  by  Kleber.  Capitulation  of  El'  Arish. 
Difficulties  of  the  French  army.  Secret  armistice  with  the 
Pasha.  Siege  of  Jaffa.  Execution  of  800  men.  2nd,  Hard- 
ships of  the  army  which  had  just  raised  the  siege  of  St.  Jean 
d'Acre.  Ravages  of  the  plague.  Removal  of  the  troops  to 
Damietta,  with  the  exception  of  seven  men.  Consultation 
as  to  whether  opium  should  be  given  them,  as  it  was  im- 
possible to  remove  them.  Rejection  of  the  proposal.  The 
departure  of  the  army  put  off  for  twenty-four  hours.  Con- 
tribution imposed  on  Cairo;  Sheik  Suddah's  refusal  to  pay 
his  share.  His  arrest.  Assassination  of  Kleber.  Sacred 
war  against  Napoleon.  His  life  saved  by  the  Sheiks  . . .  449 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

DETAILS   OF    THE    PRIVATE    LIFE   OF   NAPOLEON 
AT    ST.  HELENA. 

Present  of  coffee  from  Sir  II.  Lowe.  The  cook's  suspicions  re- 
specting it.  Intelligence  of  the  offer  made  to  Prince  Joseph 
by  the  Spanish  Americans.  The  same  offer  made  to  the 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

Emperor,  but  rejected.  Sir  H.  Lowe's  memoir.  Scarcity 
of  water.  Indisposition  of  the  Emperor.  Letters  and  news- 
papers from  Europe.  Mean  conduct  of  Sir  II.  Lowe 
towards  Mr.  O'Meara.  Visit  from  Admiral  and  Lady 
Malcolm.  Tragical  death  of  an  employe  of  the  governor. 
Generous  offer  made  by  Captain  *  *  *  of  aiding  the  Emperor 
to  escape  from  St.  Helena.  The  Emperor's  refusal.  Ar- 
rival of  a  bust  of  the  King  of  Rome.  Unworthy  conduct  of 
Sir  H.  Lowe,  in  reference  to  it.  Present  from  Mr.  Elphin- 
stone.  Anecdote  of  Napoleon's  conduct  to  Captain  Elphin- 
stone,  brother  of  Mr.  Elphinstone.  Discussions  between 
Sir  H.  Lowe  and  the  Grand  Marshal,  as  to  whether  the 
cases  were  to  be  forwarded  to  Longwood  or  not.  Bertrand's 
letter  to  Sir  H.  Lowe.  Sir  H.  Lowe's  reply  .  .  .  470 


CHAPTER  XX. 

LORD     A  M  H  E  R  S  T . 

ui.  ^  *™d  Amherst  and  his  suite.  Lord  Amhcrst's 
offer  to  transmit  to  the  Prince  Regent  any  requests  which  the 
Emperor  might  wish  to  make.  The  Emperor's  complaints. 
Lord  Amherst's  offer  to  intercede  with  Sir  H.  Lowe.  The 
Emperor's  account  of  Lord  Amherst's  mission  to  Pekin. 
Melancholy  of  General  Gourgaud.  The  Emperor's  generous 
conduct  to  him.  Protraction  of  the  affair  of  the  bust.  Sir 
H.  Lowe's  complaints  of  General  Bertrand's  letter,  and 
threats  of  sending  him  from  the  island.  The  Emperor's 
bitter  reply 490 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON 

IN   ST.  HELENA. 

CHAPTER  I. 
GENERAL  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  FRANCE. 

"  FRANCE,  by  her  geographical  situation,  the  fertility 
of  her  soil,  the  energy  and  intelligence  of  her  inha- 
bitants, is  the  arbitress  of  European  states.  She  de- 
parts from,  the  character  assigned  her  by  nature  when 
she  becomes  a  conquering  power.  She  descends  from 
it,  when  she  consents  to  obey  the  obligations  of  any 
alliance  whatsoever.  She  is  among  the  nations  of 
Europe  what  the  lion  is  amongst  the  other  animals 
which  surround  him.  She  cannot  move  without  being 
either  a  protectress  or  a  destroyer.  She  lends  the 
assistance  of  her  arm,  but  never  exchanges  aid  for  her 
own  personal  interest,  or  to  augment  the  weight  of 
her.  influence  in  the  scale  of  nations.  Her  own  force 
is  always  sufficient;  for,  even  when  she  is  momentarily 
affected  by  the  malady  of  nations — intestine  divisions 

VOL.   II.  B 


2  HISTORY  OF  THE 

— slie  recovers,  by  convulsive  efforts,  the  power  of 
pnnishing  her  enemies  for  having  dared  to  provoke  her 
to  the  combat.  In  1793  and  1794,  the  whole  of 
Europe  formed  a  coalition  against  her;  100,000 
fanatical  Vendeans,  armed  and  paid  by  England, 
threatened  Paris  ;  1,300,000  Frenchmen  instantly 
flew  to  arms,  from  the  love  of  their  country,  and  not, 
as  has  been  said,  through  fear  of  the  guillotine. 
Europe  was  conquered — condemned  to  recognise  the 
French  republic,  and  to  submit  to  the  empire  of  those 
principles  of  liberty  and  equality  by  which  France 
had  just  been  regenerated.  There  is  nothing  great  of 
which  the  French  are  not  capable ;  danger  electrifies 
them;  it  is  their  Gallic  inheritance.  The  love  of 
glory  is  with  them  like  a  sixth  sense;  and  when, 
after  many  years  of  peace,  the  wailings  of  a  few 
mothers  shall  no  longer  find  an  echo,  the  conscription 
will  become  a  point  of  honour,  and  the  nation  will  be 
able  to  defy  reverses,  invasion,  and  ages ! 

"  Those  who  are  called  to  hold  the  reins  of  such  a 
kingdom  should  comprehend  the  full  value  and  bear- 
ing of  the  favourable  position  which  France  enjoys, 
and  never  suffer  a  nation  which  was  destined  to  be 
a  sun^  to  degenerate  into  a  satellite. 

"  The  whole  of  my  policy  was  uniformly  directed 
by  this  opinion,  both  during  the  consulate  and  the 
empire.  I  was  ambitious  to  effect  the  fusion  of  all 
the  great  interests  of  Europe,  as  that  of  parties  had 
been  effected  in  France — to  become  the  arbiter  be- 
tween nations  and  their  kings;  but  for  this,  it  was 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  3 

first  necessary  to  gain  the  confidence  and  the  friend- 
ship of  the  latter,  which  could  only  be  acquired  at  the 
expense  of  my  popularity  with  the  former.  I  knew 
it,  but  I  felt  myself  to  be  all-powerful,  and  took  little 
note  of  those  murmurs  which  would  have  been  soon 
replaced  by  gratitude,  had  the  great  work  of  my 
ambition  been  accomplished.  It  was  with  this  view, 
that,  after  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  I  gave  liberty  to 
Alexander,  who,  being  hemmed  in  at  Holichj  asked  it 
of  me,  and  gave  me  his  imperial  word  that  he  would 
lead  back  into  Russia,  by  hasty  marches,  the  shattered 
remnants  of  the  Eussian  army,  and  no  longer  mix 
himself  in  the  quarrels  of  Austria  ;  < —  that  after 
Wagram  I  did  not  partition  Austria;  I  could  have 
done  it — nothing  would  have  been  easier ;  for  one  of  the 
arch-dukes  begged  me  to  separate  the  crowns  of 
Bohemia  and  Hungary  from  that  of  Austria;  and  he 
said  to  me — l  Place  me  upon  the  throne,  I  will  give 
you  every  possible  guarantee  that  you  can  require, 
and  then  only  you  will  have  nothing  to  fear  from 
the  Austrian  power,  whose  policy  is  the  depression  of 
France.  Metternich  is  your  personal  enemy;  my 
brother  suffers  himself  to  be  led  blindfold  by  him;  and, 
whatever  may  be  said,  he  will  still  remain  master 
under  the  reign  of  my  nephew.' 

u  I,  however,  believed  the  protestations  of  the  Em- 
peror Francis.  I  suffered  the  triple  crown  t  remain 
upon  his  head,  but  I  was  wrong.  I  committed  a 
faiilt,  also,  in  marrying  the  arch-duchess"  Marie- 
Louise,  because  from  that  day  I  looked  upon  the 

B  2 


4  HISTORY  OF  THE 

house  of  Austria  as  a  part  of  my  family,  and  if  I  had 
not  been  ruled  by  my  own  impressions  of  the  sacred- 
ness  of  family  bonds,  I  would  have  waited  for  the 
pacification  of  Spain  before  I  engaged  in  the  affairs  of 
the  north,  and  the  re-establishment  of  the  kingdom 
of  Poland.  Had  I  not  reckoned  on  the  integrity  of 
the  Austrian  alliance,  the  war  in  Kussia  would  not 
have  taken  place.  It  could  have  been  avoided  in 
principle.  It  would  have  been  enough  for  that  pur- 
pose not  to  have  interfered  with  the  infractions  of  the 
treaty  of  Tilsit,  and  to  have  allowed  Russia  to  sell  her 
natural  productions  to  England  in  exchange  for  English 
manufactures.  This  was  the  vital  question  of  the 
quarrel. 

"  Each  of  my  victories  was  a  diplomatic  step  in  my 
aim  of  restoring  peace  to  Europe.  After  the  battle  .of 
Marengo,  as  well  as  after  those  of  Austerlitz,  Jena, 
Wagram,  and  Dresden,  I  always  offered  a  general  peace ; 
and  when  400,000  Frenchmen  and  allies  of  France  were 
on  the  banks  of  the  Niemen,  and  whilst  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  and  the  King  of  Prussia  were  waiting  for 
a  friendly  reception  on  my  passage,  I  still  stretched 
out  the  hand  of  a  brother  to  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
and  renewed  to  him  the  solemn  declaration,  that  all 
my  conquests  beyond  the  natural  limits  of  France, 
were  neither  made  nor  retained  for  any  other  pur- 
pose than  that  of  compensation  or  exchange  at  a 
general  peace. 

"  Had  I  reigned  twenty  years  longer,  I  would  have 
shown  the  difference  between  a  constitutional  emperor 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  O 

and  a  king  of  France.  The  kings  of  France  have 
never  done  anything  but  for  the  interests  of  their 
dynasty,  and  with  a  view  of  increasing  their  feudal 
power  by  the  depression  of  the  high  nobility,  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  great  fiefs  and  their  reunion  with  the  crown. 

"  Henry  IV.  was  a  valiant  captain,  but  he  owed 
his  crown  more  to  his  double  abjuration  than  to  his 
victories.  His  memory  is  only  popular,  because  by  a 
bon-mot  he  gave  evidence  of  some  sympathies  for  the 
people.  But,  in  fact,  he  never  did  anything  for  them. 

"  Louis  XIV.  was  a  great  king.  He  did  great 
things,  and  nobly  maintained  the  honour  of  the 
nation,  both  in  his  wars  and  by  his  diplomatic  acts ; 
but  the  whole  spirit  of  his  reign  may  be  compressed 
into  the  single  phrase — c  Uetat  dest  moV  (I  am  the 
state).  All  his  actions  and  thoughts  were  directed 
towards  the  attainment  of  personal  greatness.  He 
acted  and  created  from  pride,  and  not  from  pa- 
triotism. 

"  The  national  character  sank  under  the  reign  of 
the  kings  of  the  third  race :  everything  for  the  moment 
and  the  fancy,  and  nothing  for  the  future;  such  was 
the  principle  and  such  were  the  manners  which  they 
conferred  on  the  French  nation.  I  would  have  changed 
the  face  of  France  and  of  Europe.  Archimedes  pro- 
mised to  move  the  world,  if  they  only  furnished  him 
with  a  fulcrum  for  his  lever ;  I  would  have  made  a 
fulcrum  for  myself,  wherever  I  could  have  placed  my 
energy,  my  perseverance,  and  my  budgets.  With  bud* 
gets  well  employed,  a  world  maybe  regenerated;  with 


6  HISTORY   OF   THIS 

"budgets  squandered,  a  world  may  be  ruined.  Had  the 
city  of  Paris  employed,  in  solid  buildings,  all  the 
money  which  it  wasted  for  ten  centuries  on  structures 
of  wood  and  painted  cloth,  to  feast  its  kings,  Paris 
would  have  been  a  wonder  worthy  of  fabulous  times : 
wherever  my  dominion  has  extended,  there  remain 
durable  monuments  of  its  benefits. 

"  The  magnificent  docks  of  Antwerp  and  Flushing 
are  capable  of  containing  the  most  numerous  fleets  and 
sheltering  them  both  from  the  fury  of  the  tempest  and 
the  attacks  of  enemies — the  hydraulic  works  of  Dun- 
kirk, Havre,  and  Nice — the  gigantic  harbour  of  Cher- 
bourg— the  maritime  works  in  Venice — the  beautiful 
roads  from  Antwerp  to  Amsterdam  — the  plan  and 
commencement  of  the  canal,  intended  to  connect 
Amsterdam  with  Hamburg  and  the  Baltic  —  the 
road  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  —  the  road 
from  Bourdeaux  to  Bayonne — the  passes  of  the  Sim- 
plon,  Mont  Cenis,  Mont  Genevre,  and  the  Corniche, 
which  open  up  the  Alps  in  four  directions,  are  works 
which  exceed  in  boldness,  grandeur,  and  art  anything 
ever  attempted  by  the  Romans.  The  bridges  of  Jena, 
Austerlitz,  Sevres,  and  Tours — that  over  the  Durance — 
those  of  Bourdeaux,  Moissac,  Rouen,  Turin,  and  Lisere 
— the  canal  which  connects  the  Rhine  and  the  Rhone 
by  the  Doubs,  and  unites  the"  German  .ocean  with  the 
Mediterranean — that  which  unites  the  Scheldt  and  the 
Somnie,  and  forms  a  channel  for  commerce  between 
Amsterdam  and  Paris — that  which  joins  the  Ranee 
and  the  Vilaine — the  canal  of  Aries,  that  of  Pavia,  and 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  7 

that  of  the  Rhine — the  draining  of  the  marshes  of  Bour- 
goin,  Cotentin,  and  Rochefort — the  works  undertaken 
for  draining  the  Pontine  marshes,  which  would  have 
been  completed  in  1 820 — the  rebuilding  and  reparation 
of  almost  all  the  churches  in  France,  demolished  or 
injured  in  the  revolution — the  construction,  in  eighty- 
three  departments,  of  buildings,  as  establishments  for 
the  extirpation  of  mendicity,  by  offering  work  and  a 
refuge  to  the  poor  against  the  infirmities  of  age,  and 
the  evils  of  destitution — the  embellishments  of  Paris, 
the  Louvre,  the  Exchange,  the  square  on  the  Quai 
d'Orsay,  the  triumphal  arch  of  the  Barriere  de  TEtoile, 
the  granaries,  the  Madeleine,  the  canal  of  Ourg,  and 
the  subterraneous  channels  for  the  distribution  and 
the  construction  of  sewers — the  restoration  of  the 
monuments  of  Rome,  the  re-establishment  of  the  ma- 
nufactories of  Lyons,  and  the  reconstruction  of  its 
buildings  and  streets  destroyed  in  1793 — the  erection 
of  many  hundred  manufactories  of  cotton,  of  beet-root 
sugar,  or  of  wood,  all  raised  by  the  aid  of  millions 
supplied  from  the  civil  list — 50,000,000  employed  in 
repairing  and  embellishing  the  palaces  of  the  crown — 
60,000,000,- in  furniture  placed  in  the  royal  residences 
in  France,  Holland,  Turin,  and  Rome — 60,000,000,  in 
diamonds  as  a  dotation  to  the  crown  of  France,  all 
purchased  with  my  treasures — the  Musee  Napoleon, 
estimated  at  more  than  400,000,000,  created  by  my 
Victories,  and  containing  nothing  but  objects  legiti- 
mately acquired  by  treaties; — these  are  the  monu- 
ments left  by  my  passage;  and  history  will  record 


8  HISTORY  OF  THE 

that  all  this  was  accomplished  in  the  midst  of  con- 
tinual wars,  without  a  loan,  whilst  the  public  debt 
was  in  the  course  of  extinction  every  year,  with  a 
normal  budget  of  less  than  800,000,000  for  more  than 
40,000,000  of  people  in  the  empire,  and  when  the 
army  amounted  to  600,000  men,  with  the  crews  of 
100  sail  of  the  line. 

"France  was  in  want  of  a  great  naval  harbour 
in  the  channel,  as  was  often  felt  during  the  last  war ; 
Louis  XVI.  had  undertaken  to  form  one  at  Cherbourg, 
which  was  a  gigantic  undertaking  for  the  means  at 
his  disposal  at  that  period,  in  which  the  finances  of  the 
country  were  in  a  deplorable  condition.     The  protec- 
tion of  the  roads  by  a  breakwater  presented  the  great- 
est difficulties;  it  was  suggested  to  employ   cones 
constructed  on  shore,  towed  to  the  spot  destined  for 
the  breakwater,  then  filled  with  stones,  and  sunk  for  a 
foundation;   this  was  extremely  ingenious.     From 
rivalry,  however,  the  project  failed.  The  genius  which 
was  to  have  constructed  defences  on  shore,  which  were 
to  serve  as  auxiliaries  to  those  of  the  dike,  constructed 
them  in  such  a  manner  in  the  Isle  of  Pelet,  and  at 
Fort  Querqueville,  that  the  breakwater  became  no 
longer  the  principal  part,  and  that  which  had  been 
intended  to  cover  and, protect  a  great  navy,  whether 
collected  to  terrify  the  enemy,  or  driven  in  for  refuge 
in  the  chances  of  war,  offered  only  an  asylum  for  a 
small  number  of  ships,  when  it  ought  to  have  contained 
100  at  least.     The  additional  accommodation  might 
have3een  gained  at  a  small  increase  of  expense^  by 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  9 

carrying  tlie  breakwater  further  out  into  the  roads. 
There  was  another  inexcusable  circumstance  con- 
nected with  the  execution  of  these  works,  and  one 
very  characteristic  of  this  period  of  decay.  All  the 
works  connected  with  the  Eastern  entrance  were 
finished  before  it  was  even  thought  necessary  to  try, 
by  actual  soundings,  whether  ships  of  war  could  enter 
at  low  water  without  striking,  and  it  was  discovered 
also  that  the  western  passage  would  be  impracticable 
for  ships  drawing  more  than  eighteen  feet  water,  unless 
they  diminished  the  length  of  the  breakwater,  leaving 
the  passage  2400  yards  wide,  which  would  have  ren- 
dered the  fire  from  Fort  Querqueville  very  uncertain 
in  its  effect. 

"  One  of  my  first  cares  was  to  complete  the  works 
of  Cherbourg.  After  a  long  examination  of  the  whole 
subject,  I  gave  orders  for  the  elevation  of  the  break- 
water, and  for  the  construction  of  three  strong  forts, 
one  at  each  extremity,  and  the  third  in.  the  centre. 
In  less  than  a  year  there  sprang  up,  as  if  by  magic, 
a  real  island,  crowned  with  batteries  of  the  heaviest 
calibre.  Till  this  time,  the  English  merely  laughed 
at  our  efforts,  which  they  believed  would  lead  to  no 
result.  The  cones,  they  said,  would  go  to  pieces  in 
time,  the  stones  would  be  scattered  by  the  force  of 
the  sea,  and  French  fickleness  would  do  the  rest. 
But  now  it  became  another  affair.  The  western  pas- 
sage  was  still  too  wide,  a  cross  fire  could  not  have 
been  maintained  with  effect,  and  a  bold  enemy  might 
have  renewed  the  disasters  of  Aboukir.  I  gave  orders 


10  HISTOEY  OF  THE 

for  the  construction  of  an  enormous  elliptical  fort 
within  the  breakwater.  This  fort  was  at  its  centre, 
designed  for  its  support,  and  commanding  the  central 
battery.  It  was  two  stories  high,  fitted  with  case- 
ments, and  bomb  proof,  mounted  with  fifty  heavy 
guns,  and  twenty  mortars  of  large  dimensions.  The 
docks,  excavated  in  the  granite  rocks,  are  works 
worthy  of  the  greatest  periods  of  Rome,  and  the 
Romans  never  executed  anything  more  magnificent. 
All  these  works  were  completed  in  .18 14.  I  had  thus 
obtained  a  means  of  sheltering  fifty  additional  ships 
of  the  line,  but  this  was  not  enough  to  complete 
my  conception.  I  proposed  to  renew  the  wonders  of 
Egypt  at  Cherbourg.  I  had  built  my  pyramid  in  the 
sea,  and  I  now  wished  for  my  lake  Mceris.  I  was 
desirous  of  concentrating  at  Cherbourg  an  immense 
naval  force,  in  order  to  have  it  always  in  my  power 
to  threaten  England,  and  to  attack  her  with  great 
force  in  case  of  necessity.  I  took  up  a  position  in 
which  the  two  nations  could  fight,  as  it  were,  at  close 
quarters,  and  the  issue  could  not  be  doubtful,  for  it 
wottld  have  been  the  struggle,  hand  to  hand,  of  forty 
millions  of  Frenchmen  against  from  fifteen  to  twenty 
millions  of  Englishmen.  It  would  have  been  termi- 
nated by  a  battle  of  Actium,  and  then  what  would  I 
have  done  with  England  ? — destroyed  her  ?  Certainly 
not.  I  would  only  have  required  from  her  that  the 
term  of  her  naval  domination  should  cease,  that  her 
intolerable  usurpation,  her  enjoyment  of  the  rights 
imprescriptible  and  sacred  to  all,  should  have  an  end* 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  11 

I  would  have  required  the  freedom,  the  liberty  of  the 
seas,  the  independence  and  honour  of  the  flags  of 
all  nations,  and  I  should  have  had  on  iny  side  the 
power,  the  good  rights,  and  the  wishes  of  the  whole 
continent. 

"The  convention  had  no  desire  for  a  war  with 
England,  and  had  a  good  negotiator  in  London ; 
Chauvelin,  the  ambassador,  was  no  longer  recognised, 
but  Maret,  who  then  had  charge  of  foreign  affairs, 
was  directed  to  treat.  He  made  very  reasonable 
overtures,  which  were  rejected.  Having  returned 
with  new  powers,  he  made  important  concessions,  very 
advantageous  both  to  England  and  Holland;  but 
Pitt  dreaded  the  degree  of  power  to  which  France 
might  raise  herself,  if  she  were  allowed  peaceably  to 
establish  her  revolution,  and  he  never  thought  that 
he  would  imperil  the  destiny  of  the  whole  of  Europe 
by  taking  up  arms  against  French  liberty. 

"  The  convention  had  sacrificed  Louis  XVI.  The 
great  crime  was  committed :  but  England  was  the  only 
power  in  Europe  which  had  no  pretence  of  right  to 
punish  them  for  it.  It  was  England,  nevertheless, 
that  undertook  to  perform  an  act  of  vengeance 
which  would  have  been  quite  natural  for  the  houses  of 
Spain  or  Austria.  It  was  evident  that  after  having 
dared  to  commit  such  a  crime,  the  convention  neither 
had  the  inclination  nor  the  power  to  shrink  before  any 
menaces,  nor  to  retrograde  in  its  career.  The  war- 
like enthusiasm,  but,  above  all,  the  revolutionary  en- 
thusiasm, which  had  been  exhibited  in  France  after  the 


12  HISTORY  OF  THE 

battle  of  Jemappes,  ought  to  have  led  men  to  foresee, 
that  in  the  moment  of  the  most  serious  danger,  when 
the  armies  of  Clairfait  and  the  emigres  were  threaten- 
ing the  country,  there  would  be  a  great  national 
demonstration  —  an  unanimous  rising  en  masse 
throughout  the  whole  of  France  for  its  defence. 
England,  however,  which  assumed  the  lead  in 
forming  the  coalition,  knew  well  that  she  would  only 
occupy  the  second  line  in  the  war,  and  would  even 
scarcely  appear  otherwise  than  in  her  subsidies.  It 
was  of  great  importance  to  her,  that  continental 
Europe  should  be  embroiled  in  dangers;  the  supre- 
macy which  she  aimed  at  usurping  would  thus  be- 
come more  certain,  and  she  would  rule  over  Europe 
by  the  evils  which  she  was  instrumental  in  causing — 
she  would  curb  and  delay  the  progress  of  French 
industry,  by  keeping  the  French  people  busy  in  the 
field  of  battle.  She  supported  within  the  republic 
those  factions  which  were  to  tear  it  to  pieces ;  she  re- 
fused to  negotiate  with  the  convention,  and  she  promised 
herself  to  nourish  terror ;  she  wished  to  be  heir  of  the 
death  of  Louis  XYL,  and  dispute  its  results  with  the 
republic.  Chauvelin  was  dismissed  on  the  24th  of 
January,  1793;  Maret  remained  till  February  3rd, 
but  he  also  was  ordered  to  leave  the  country  when 
war  became  imminent ;  he  carried  back  with  him  the 
conviction,  that  Pitt  was  the  irreconcilable  enemy  of 
the  prosperity  of  France.  England  carried  with  her, 
in  her  hatred,  all  Europe,  except  Denmark,  which 
always  remained  faithful  to  France,  and  Tuscany, 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  13 

governed  by  the  wise  and  liberal  Leopold.  This  was 
a  sentence  of  death  to  Holland,  which  was  so  placed  as 
to  receive  the  first  fire  of  the  republic ;  but  William  V. 
who  had  destroyed  that  fine  country,  to  which  his 
ancestors  had  been  invited  with  such  glorious  hos- 
pitality, was,  in  consequence  of  his  eagerness  to  accede 
to  the  wishes  of  England,  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
results  of  his  usurpation  and  his  servility.  The  con- 
vention declared  war  against  England,  and  against 
Holland,  which  had  become  her  satellite. 

"  It  would  be  a  magnificent  .field  for  speculation,  to 
estimate  what  would  have  been  the  destinies  of  France 
and  of  Europe,  had  England  satisfied  herself  with 
denouncing  the  murder  of  Louis  XVI.,  which  would 
have  been  for  the  interest  of  public  morality,  and 
listened  to  the  counsels  of  a  philanthropic  policy  by 
accepting  revolutionized  France  as  an  ally.  Scaffolds 
wouldnotthen  have  been  erected  over  the  wholecountry ; 
kings  would  not  have  shaken  OIL  their  thrones,  bijt 
their  states  would  have  all,  more  or  less,  passed 
through  a  revolutionary  process,  and  the  whole  of 
Europe,  without  a  convulsion,  would  have  become 
constitutional  and  free,  without  jealousy  and  without 
ambition.  The  fancy  of  the  Abbe  de  St.  Pierre 
would  have  been  realized.  The  French  republic  would 
have  felt  secure  in  her  own  resources  and  surrounding 
safety,  and  would  not  have  entertained  the  idea,  or 
felt  the  wish,  of  invading  other  states.  She  would  not 
have  felt  the  necessity  of  victory,  and  the  implacable 
legislation  which  supported  that  necessity  within  her- 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE 

self  would  not  have  shed  those  torrents  of  blood  which 
have  steeped  the  soil  of  France :  no  other  superiority, 
except  that  of  law,  would  have  sprung  up  in  her 
bosom,  and  there  would  have  been  no  room  for  the 
display  of  private  ambition.  Her  whole  glory  would 
have  been  in  her  tribunes  and  on  her  seats  of  justice, 
and  all  her  interests  would  have  constrained  the 
development  and  perfection  of  industry.  Commerce 
and  agriculture,  with  the  arts,  would  have  become 
the  patrimony  of  liberty.  A  single  campaign,  perhaps, 
would  have  taken  place  in  the  commencement,  which 
would  have  fixed  the  limits  of  France  at  the  Rhine, 
the  Alps,  and  the  Pyrenees.  This  would  have  been 
her  only  conquest.  France  would  then  have  been  the 
greatest  miracle  in  civilization;  she  would  have  re- 
vived the  Rome  of  the  Scipios,  and  the  Greece  of 
Miltiades  and  Leonidas.  England  would  have  been 
merely  a  manufactory  and  a  counting-house,  because 
France  would  have  become  the  metropolis  of  the 
world.  The  sentence  of  death  was  passed  upon 
France  by  England,  but  events  seemed  to  arrest  the 
judgment  and  to  give  hopes  of  its  revocation. 

"  A  king  does  not  belong  to  nature,  but  only  to 
civilization,  and  he  must  march  at  its  head.  The 
ancient  crown  of  the  Bourbons  was  broken,  and 
Louis  XVL  brought  to  the  scaffold,  because  royalty 
had  not  kept  pace  with  the  progress  of  civilization. 
The  French  people  said  of  Napoleon,  '  HE  is  OUR 
KING — the  others  are  THE  KINGS  OF  THE  NOBLES/  The 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  15 

confidence  of  the  people  constituted  his  power.  The 
people  were  right;  all  Napoleon's  thoughts  when  on 
the  throne  were  for  France;  all  his  wishes  in  exile 
were  for  her  happiness;  and  if  he  gained  the  affection 
of  the  French  people,  it  was  because  he  deserved  it, 
by  never  promising  anything  which  he  did  not  per- 
form. The  first  duty  of  a  prince  is  to  fulfil  the  wishes 
and  meet  the  expectations  of  his  people,  but  what  the 
people  wish  seldom  corresponds  with  what  they  say ; 
the  wishes  and  wants  of  the  people  are  found  less  in 
their  mouths  than  in  the  heart  of  the  prince.  Every 
system  may  be  maintained,  that  of  affability  as  well 
as  that  of  severity;  both  have  their  chances  of  suc- 
cess and  their  dangers,  I  often  affected  severity  in 
order  to  spare  myself  the  necessity  of  doing  that 
which  policy  demanded.  The  archives  of  my  ministers, 
those  of  my  cabinet,  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  my 
most  implacable  enemies,  and  what  have  they  found 
there  to  impugn  my  justice,  and  the  rigid  probity  of 
my  administration?  Nothing.  Where  is  the  sovereign 
who,  in  my  position,  in  the  midst  of  factions,  distur- 
bances and  unceasing  conspiracies,  would  have  in- 
flicted fewer  punishments,  or  had  less  recourse  to  the 
executioner?  And,  notwithstanding, what  was  the  calm 
which  pervaded  France  on  my  elevation  to  the  head  of 
affairs  as  First  Consul!  All  my  disinterestedness  and 
all  the  inflexibility  of  my  character  were  absolutely 
necessary  to  change  the  modes  of  administration  and 
to  put  an  end  to  that  frightful  spectacle  of  demoraliza- 


16  BISTORT  OF  THE 

tion  organized  in  the  saloons  of  Barras,  which  re- 
called the  monstrous  disorders  of  the  times  of  the 
regency. 

"  Immorality  is,  unquestionably,  the  worst  and  most 
destructive  disposition  which  a  sovereign  can  possess, 
because  it  becomes  the  fashion  and  a  means  of  success 
to  courtiers,  among  whom  all  vices  find  their  natural 
support;  it  poisons  the  very  sources  of  all  virtue,  and 
infects  the  whole  social  body  like  an  epidemic.  It  is, 
in  short,  the  most  dreadful  of  all  national  scourges. 
Public  morality,  on  the  contrary  is  the  natural  com- 
plement of  law,  and  has  an  especial  code  of  its  own. 
There  is  no  doubt,  that  revolutions  regenerate  morals, 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  richest  manure  produces 
the  most  splendid  vegetation. 

"  The  occupation  of  Amsterdam  by  our  troops,  was 
ordered  by  me,  because  of  the  necessity  for  shutting 
all  the  coasts  and  the  ports  of  Holland  against  Eng- 
lish commerce.  I  ordered  the  French  division  ofour 
garrison,  which  was  cantoned  at  Utrecht,  to  guard  the 
coasts  of  the  Zuyder  Zee. 

"  The  king  abdicated.  If  he  had  had  more  con- 
fidence in  me,  he  would  have  remained  King  of 
Holland;  the  Dutch  loved  him,  and  justly,  and  would 
have  preserved  him  at  the  peace  ;  the  esteem  and 
love  of  his  people,  would  have  done  for  him  what  the 
treaty  of  1813  did  for  Murat. 

"  The  dangers  of  France  brought  back  Louis  to 
me ;  he  came  to  offer  me  his  services  like  a  good  brother 
and  a  good  Frenchman. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  17 

"  The  expedition  against  Walcheren  and  against 
Antwerp  was  the  means  of  proving  his  worth  as  a 
king  and  as  a  general.  His  instantaneous  and  ener- 
getic decision  saved  Antwerp;  Holland  was  almost 
destitute  of  troops;  all  the  disposable  forces  of  the 
Dutch  army  were  on  the  Elbe.  Louis  did  not  hesitate 
to  confide  the  crown  to  the  patriotism  of  the  Dutch, 
and  he  arrived  at  the  head  of  the  royal  guards  to  the 
assistance  of  Antwerp ;  he  had  escaped  every  danger, 
and  had  paralysed  the  English  expedition,  when 
Bernadotte  arrived  there.  France  will  acknowledge, 
sooner  or  later,  when  her  hour  of  reverses  shall  come, 
the  good  conduct  of  all  my  brothers.  All  eagerly 
advanced  to  offer  for  her  service  their  persons  and  their 
fortunes;  my  sisters  even  sacrificed  with  joy  their 
jewels  to  pay  for  the  recruiting  of  the  army.  Pro- 
scription and  ruin  are  the  effects  of  French  gratitude 
at  the  present  day." 


It  appears  to  me  that  the  proper  place  for  the  two 
following  letters,  is  at  the  end  of  this  dictation ;  they 
.explain  the  causes  of  the  bad  understanding  between 
the  two  brothers  as  sovereigns : 

"  When  your  majesty  ascended  the  throne  of  Hol- 
land, one  part  of  the  Dutch  nation  wished  for  a  union 
with  France ;  the  esteem  which  history  made  me 
conceive  for  this  brave  nation,  made  me  desirous  that 
it  should  retain  its  name,  and  its  independence.  I 
myself  framed  its  constitution,  which  was  to  form  the 

VOL.  II.  0 


18  HISTORY  OF  THE 

foundation  of  the  throne  of  your  majesty,  and  I  placed 
you  on  it. 

"  I  cherished  the  hope  that  your  majesty,  educated 
according  to  my  principles,  would  have  perceived  that 
Holland,  which  had  been  conquered  by  my  subjects, 
and  which  only  owed  its  existence  and  independence 
to  their  generosity, — that  Holland,  weak,  without 
allies,  without  an  army,  could  be  and  ought  to  be 
conquered  the  very  day  that  she  should  attempt  any 
direct  opposition  against  France, — that  your  majesty 
would  not  separate  your  poltey  from  mine, — that 
Holland,  in  short,  was  bound  by  treaties  to  me.  I 
had  hoped  that  by  placing  on  her  throne  a  prince  of 
my  own  blood,  I  had  found  the  mezzo  termine 
which  would  conciliate  the  interests  of  the  two  states, 
by  uniting  them  in  a  common  interest,  and  in  a  com- 
mon hatred  of  England ;  and  I  was  proud  of  having 
given  to  Holland  a  government  suited  to  it,  as  I  had 
given  one  to  Switzerland  by  my  act  of  mediation. 
But  I  have  not  been  slow  in  perceiving  that  I  de- 
ceived myself  with  vain  hopes ;  my  expectations  have 
been  disappointed ;  your  majesty  has,  on  ascending  the 
throne  of  Holland,  stretched  all  the  springs  of  your 
reason,  and  tormented  the  delicacy  of  your  conscience, 
to  persuade  yourself  that  you  are  Dutch. 

"  I  carry  in  my  heart,  and  I  have  raised  upon  the 
bayonets  of  my  soldiers,  the  estimation  and  honour 
of  the  French  name  too  high,  for  Holland  or  any  one 
to  insult  it  with  impunity. 

"  Of  what  do  the  Dutch  complain?  Have  they  not 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  19 

been  conquered  by  our  armies  ?  Do  they  not  owe  their 
independence  to  the  generosity  of  France,  which  has 
consequently  opened  to  their  commerce  its  rivers,  and 
its  ports,  which  has  only  made  use  of  its  conquest  to 
protect  them,  and  which  has,  till  this  hour,  made  no 
other  use  of  its  power,  than  to  consolidate  their  in- 
dependence ? 

"  You  must  understand  that  I  do  not  separate 
myself  from  my  predecessors,  that  I  consider  myself 
the  representative  of  them  all,  from  Clovis  down  to  the 
committee  of  public  safety,  and  that  the  evil  said  out 
of  pure  gaiety  of  heart  against  the  governments  which 
preceded  me,  I  consider  said  with  the  intention  of 
offending  myself.  I  know  that  it  has  become  the 
fashion  among  certain  persons  to  praise  me,  and  to 
decry  France ;  but  those  who  do  not  love  France,  do 
not  love  me,  and  I  consider  those  my  greatest  enemies 
who  calumniate  my  people. 

"Your  majesty  has  deceived  yourself  respecting 
my  character ;  you  have  a  false  idea  of  my  kindness, 
and  of  my  feelings  towards  yourself. 

"You  have  disarmed  your  squadrons,  dismissed 
your  sailors,  disorganized  your  armies,  so  that  Holland 
is  at  present  without  an  army  and  without  a  fleet, 
as  if  magazines,  merchandise,  and  merchants  could 
consolidate  one's  power:  all  this  constitutes  a  rich 
community,  but  there  cannot  be  a  king  without 
means  of  raising  an  army,  and  without  a  fleet. 

"  The  Dutch  merchants  have  taken  advantage  of 
the  period  when  I  was  engaged  on  the  Continent,  to 

c  2 


20  HISTORf   OF  THE 

renew  their  relations  with  England,  and  thus  to 
defeat  the  only  means  of  injuring  that  nation.  I 
have  clearly  shown  my  dissatisfaction  at  this  conduct 
by  closing  Trance  against  them,  and  I  have  given 
you  to  understand  that  without  any  assistance  from 
my  armies,  and  by  merely  shutting  up  the  Rhine, 
the  Weser,  the  Scheldt,  and  the  Meuse,  as  far  as 
Holland  is  concerned,  I  should  place  her  in  a  more 
critical  position  than  if  I  declared  war  against  her, 
and  that  I  should  isolate  her  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
annihilate  her  utterly. 

"  This  intention  was  known  in  Holland ;  your 
majesty  appealed  to  my  generosity,  to  my  sentiments 
as  a  brother,  in  order  to  change  my  intentions;  I 
considered  that  this  hint  of  my  wishes  would  be  suf- 
ficient, and  removed  the  prohibition  from  my  custom- 
houses ;  but  your  government  has  soon  returned  to  its 
former  system. 

"  All  the  American  vessels  which  presented  them- 
selves at  any  of  the  Dutch  ports,  whilst  they  were 
not  permitted  to  enter  those  of  France,  have  been  re- 
ceived by  your  majesty.  I  was  obliged  a  second  time 
to  close  my  ports  against  Dutch  traders;  certainly  I 
could  not  well  have  made  a  more  definite  declaration 
of  war.  In  this  state  of  things,  we  were  at  liberty 
to  consider  ourselves  as  really  at  war.  In  my  ad- 
dress to  the  legislative  body,  I  partly  expressed  my 
dissatisfaction,  and  I  will  not  conceal  from  you,  that 
it  is  my  intention  to  annex  Holland  to  France,  as 
the  most  dreadful  blow  I  can  give  to  England. 

"  In  fact,  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine  and  that  of  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  21 

Meuse  ought  to  belong  to  us.  The  principle  in 
France,  that  the  Rhine  is  our  natural  limit,  is  a 
fundamental  principle.  Tour  Majesty  writes  to  me, 
in  your  letter  of  the  17th,  that  you  are  certain  of 
being  able  to  hinder  all  commerce  with  England ;  that 
you  can  have  finances,  fleets,  and  armies ;  that  you 
will  re-establish  the  privileges  of  the  constitution,  by 
allowing  of  no  principles  exclusively  belonging  to  the 
nobility,  by  reforming  the  marshals — a  rank  which  is 
nothing  but  a  caricature,  and  which  is  incompatible 
with  a  power  of  the  second  rank;  finally,  that  you 
will  command  the  seizure  of  the  depots  of  colonial 
merchandise,  and  everything  which  has  arrived  in 
American  vessels,  and  which  should  not  have  been 
permitted  to  enter  the  port.  My  opinion  is,  that 
your  Majesty  is  making  engagements  which  you  will 
not  be  able  to  fulfil ;  and  that  the  union  of  Holland 
to  France  is  only  deferred  for  a  time.  I  confess  that 
I  have  no  more  interest  in  uniting  the  right  bank  of 
the  Ehine  with  France,  than  I  have  in  incorporating 
with  it  the  duchy  of  Berg  or  the  Hanseatic  towns. 
I  have  no  objection,  therefore,  to  leave  Holland  in 
possession  of  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine;  and  T 
shall  remove  the  prohibition  given  to  my  custom- 
houses, whenever  the  existing  treaties,  which  shall  be 
renewed,  are  fulfilled.  These  are  my  demands — 

"  '  1.  Interdiction  of  all  commerce  and  of  all  com- 
munication with  England. 

"  *  2.  A  fleet  of  fourteen  ships  of  the  line,  seven 
frigates,  and  seven  brigs  or  corvettes,  armed  and  folly 
equipped. 


22  HISTORY  OF    THE 

"  <  3.  An  army  of  25,000  men. 

"  '  4.  Suppression  of  marshals. 

"  '  5.  Destruction  of  all  the  privileges  of  the  no- 
bility, contrary  to  the  constitution,  which  I  have 
given  and  guaranteed.' 

"Tour  Majesty  can  negotiate  on  these  princi- 
ples with  the  Duke  of  Cadou,  by  means  of  your 
ministers;  but  you  may  be  certain  that  the  first 
packet,  the  first  vessel  of  any  kind  that  is  intro- 
duced into  Holland,  I  shall  re-establish  the  closing  of 
my  ports ;  that  the  first  insult  that  is  offered  to  my 
flag,  I  shall  seize  by  force,  and  have  hanged  at  the 
yard-arm  the  Dutch  officer  offering  the  insult  to  my 
Eagle.  Your  Majesty  will  find  in  me  a  brother,  if  I 
find  in  you  a  Frenchman  upon  the  throne  of  Holland ; 
but  if  you  forget  the  sentiments  which  attach  you  to 
our  common  country,  you  will  not  be  surprised  if  I  also 
forget  those  bonds  which  nature  has  placed  between  us. 
In  a  word,  the  union  of  Holland  with  France  is  that 
which  is  most  useful  to  France,  to  Holland,  and  to  the 
Continent ;  for  it  is  what  would  be  most  injurious  to< 
England.  This  union  may  be  effected  by  mutual 
arrangement,  or  by  force.  I  have  sufficient  cause  of 
complaint  against  Holland  to  declare  war  against  her ; 
but  I  will  place  no  difficulties  in  the  way  of  any 
arrangement  which  will  yield  to  me  the  boundary  of  the 
Rhine,  and  by  which  Holland  will  bind  herself  to 
fulfil  the  conditions  above  stipulated.' 

"  Your  affectionate  brother, 

(Signed)  "  NAPOLEON. 

"  Trianon,  July  21,  1809." 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  23 

"  MON  FRERE, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the 
16th  of  May.  In  the  situation  in  which  we  are,  it  is 
necessary  always  to  speak  openly.  You  know  that  I 
have  heard  of  some  of  your  tricks,  which  were  not 
intended  to  fall  under  my  eyes.  I  know  your  most 
secret  feelings,  and  everything  you  can  say  in  contra- 
diction will  be  of  no  avail.  You  need  not  speak  of 
your  feelings,  and  of  your  childhood;  experience  has 
taught  me  how  much  regard  I  am  to  pay  to  such 
phrases.  Holland  is  in  a  disagreeable  situation,  it  is 
true.  I  can  well  understand  that  you  would  like  to 
be  out  of  it,  but  I  am  surprised  at  your  addressing 
yourself  to  me  on  the  subject.  I  can  do  nothing  in 
the  matter ;  it  is  yourself  and  yourself  alone  who  can 
produce  any  effect.  As  soon  as  you  conduct  yourself 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  persuade  the  Dutch  that  you 
act  according  to  my  advice — that  all  your  proceed- 
ings, and  all  your  feelings  are  in  accordance  with  mine, 
you  will  be  beloved  and  esteemed,  and  you  will 
acquire  the  power  necessary  to  re-constitute  Holland. 
This  illusion  sustains  you  somewhat  even  yet. 

"  Your  late  journey  to  Paris — your  return,  and 
that  of  the  Queen,  and  some  other  circumstances,  have 
made  your  people  believe  that  it  is  still  possible 
you  may  return  to  niy  system  and  to  my  opinions ; 
but  you  alone  can  confirm  this  hope,  and  destroy  every 
doubt  of  such  a  termination.  There  is  not  one  of 
your  actions  which  your  clumsy  Dutchmen  do  not 
weigh,  as  they  would  weigh  matters  of  credit  or  of 
commerce ;  they  know,  therefore,  with  what  they  have 


24  HISTORY   OF   THE 

to  do.  When,  to  be  a  friend  of  France  and  of  me, 
is  sufficient  reason  for  being  in  favour  at  your  court, 
all  Holland  will  perceive  this — all  Holland  will  rejoice 
at  it,  and  will  consider  this  a  natural  situation ;  but 
all  this  depends  upon  yourself,  and  since  your  return 
you  have  done  nothing  to  forward  it.  Do  you  wish 
to  know  what  will  be  the  result  of  your  conduct? 
Tour  subjects,  finding  themselves  tossed  about  from 
France  to  England,  and  from  England  to  France,  not 
knowing  what  hopes  to  form,  what  wishes  to  express, 
will  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  France,  and 
will  loudly  demand  their  union  with  that  country,  as 
a  refuge  against  so  much  uncertainty.  Tour  go- 
vernment aims  at  being  paternal,  and  is,  in  fact,  only 
weak. 

"  Even  in  Zeeland,  where  everything  is  Dutch,  the 
people  are  content  to  be  united  to  a  great  country,  in 
order  to  be  freed  from  this  fluctuation,  which  they 
cannot  conceive. 

"Do  not  deceive  yourself,  every  one  knows  that 
without  me  there  is  no  credit — that  without  me  you 
are  nothing;  if,  then,  the  example  that  you  have 
had  in  Paris — if  the  knowledge  of  my  character, 
which  is,  to  go  straight  to  my  end  without 
allowing  myself  to  be  stopped  by  anything,  has  not 
sufficiently  enlightened  you,  what  would  you  have  me 
do?  Having  possession  of  the  Meuse  and  of  the 
Rhine,  as  far  as  their  embouchure,  I  can  do  without 
Holland;  Holland  cannot  do  without  my  protection. 
If,  subject  to  one  of  my  brothers,  and  only  expecting 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  25 

its  safety  from  me,  it  does  not  see  in  you  my  image ; 
if,  when  you  speak,  it  is  not  I  who  speak,  you  will 
destroy  your  own  sovereignty.  Do  not  believe  that 
you  can  deceive  anybody.  Do  you  wish  to  see  the 
course  which  good  policy  recommends  to  you?  Serve 
France — serve  glory;  it  is  the  only  way  to  remain 
King  of  Holland.  Under  a  king,  the  Dutch  have  lost 
the  advantages  of  a  free  government ;  you  were,  then, 
for  them  a  harbour  of  refuge,  but  you  have  spoiled 
this  harbour ;  you  have  strewn  it  with  reefs,  by  wishing 
to  be  King  of  Holland  before  being  my  brother. 

"Do  you  know  why  you  were  a  harbour  of 
refuge  to  the  Dutch  ?  It  is  because  you  were  the 
pledge  of  an  eternal  union  between  France  and  Holland, 
the  bond  of  a  community  of  interest  between  myself 
and  that  country,  which  had  become,  by  means  of 
you,  a  part  of  my  empire ;  a  province,  moreover,  par- 
ticularly dear  to  me,  because  I  had  given  to  it  a 
prince  who  was  to  me  almost  as  a  son.  If  you  had 
been  what  you  ought  to  have  been,  I  should  take  as 
much  interest  in  Holland  as  in  France ;  its  prosperity 
would  be  a  matter  of  as  much  anxiety  to  me  as  that  of 
France. 

"  If  you  had  understood  me,  you  would  be  at  pre- 
sent king  of  6,000,000  of  subjects.  I  should  have 
considered  the  throne  of  Holland  as  a  pedestal  upon 
which  I  should  have  set  up  Hamburg,  Osnaburg,  and 
a  part  of  the  north  of  Germany :  this  would  have  been 
the  kernel  of  a  people  which  would  have  assisted  in 
destroying  the  national  feeling  of  the  Germans,  which 


26  HISTORY   OF  THE 

is  the  principal  object  of  my  policy.  Far  from  doing 
this,  however,  you  have  followed  a  course  diametri- 
cally opposed  to  it ;  I  have  been  compelled  to  forbid 
you  France,  and  to  take  possession  of  a  part  of  your 
country. 

"  You  do  not  say  a  word  in  your  advices,  or  inform 
me  of  a  single  circumstance,  which  is  not  already 
known  to  me,  which  does  not  turn  to  your  disadvan- 
tage and  injure  you  ;  for,  in  the  mind  of  the 
Dutch,  you  are  a  Frenchman,  in  the  midst  of  them 
for  four  years  only ;  they  only  see  in  you  a  represen- 
tative of  me>  and  the  advantage  of  being  freed  from 
all  subaltern  robbers  and  agitators,  who  have  harassed 
them  since  their  conquest.  If  you  wish  to  make  your- 
self a  Dutchman,  you  would  be  less  to  them  than  a 
Prince  of  Orange,  to  whose  race  they  owe  their  stand- 
ing as  a  nation,  and  a  long  course  of  prosperity  and 
glory.  It  is  proved  to  Holland  that  your  removal 
from  my  policy  has  caused  them  to  lose  advantages 
which  they  would  not  have  lost  under  Schimmelpen- 
nynck  or  a  Prince  of  Orange.  Be  first  the  brother  of 
the  Emperor,  and  you  may  be  sure  that  you  will  be  on 
the  road  to  promote  the  advantage  of  Holland.  But 
to  what  purpose  is  all  this  ?  The  die  has  been  cast ; 
you  are  incorrigible.  Already  you  are  driving  out 
the  few  French  who  remain  with  you;  I  can  no  longer 
give  you  counsel  or  advice,  but  must  make  use  of 
threats  and  force. 

"  What  is  the  use  of  these  prayers  and  mysterious 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  27 

fasts,  which  you  have  ordered.  Louis,  you  do  not 
wish  to  reign  long.  All  your  actions  reveal,  better 
than  your  confidential  letters,  the  secret  feelings  of 
your  soul.  Listen  to  a  man  who  knows  more  of  it 
than  you;  return  from  your  false  course,  and  believe 
me, 

"  Your  affectionate  brother, 

(Signed)      "NAPOLEON." 


28  HISTORY   OF    THE 


CHAPTER  IT. 

SITUATION  OF  ITALY  IN  THE  SPRING  OF  THE  YEAR,  1796. 
— NEGOTIATION  WITH   THE  REPUBLIC   OF   GENOA. 

"  MY  first  acts,  as  General,  after  my  entrance  into 
Milan,  were  the  pacification  and  re-organization  of 
Italy. 

"  The  minority  of  the  aristocracy  which  governed 
the  republic  of  Genoa,  the  majority  of  the  third  class, 
and  the  whole  of  the  population  on  the  shores  of  the 
Ponente,  were  favourable  to  French  ideas.  The  city 
of  Genoa  was  the  only  one  in  this  state  which  had  sta- 
bility; it  was  defended  by  a  double  circle  of  fortifica- 
tions, a  great  number  of  cannon,  6000  regular  troops, 
and  a  national  guard  amounting  to  the  same  number. 

"  At  the  first  signal  from  the  senate,  30,000  men,  col- 
lected from  the  inferior  corporations,  such  as  those  of 
the  colliers  and  porters,  the  peasants  of  the  valleys  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  29 

the  Polcevera,  the  Besagno,  and  the  Fontana-Bona, 
were  ready  to  rise  in  defence  of  their  prince. 

"  An  army  ef  40,000  men,  the  whole  equipage  de 
sidge^  and  two  months'  labour,  would  be  required  in 
order  to  take  this  capital.  In  1794,  1795,  and  the 
beginning  of  1796,  the  Austro-Sardinian  army 
covered  it  on  the  north,  and  communicated  with 
it  by  the  Bochetta ;  the  French  army  covered 
it  on  the  west,  and  communicated  with  it  by  the 
corniche  of  Savona.  Being  thus  placed  between  the 
two  belligerent  armies,  Genoa  was  in  a  position  to 
be  equally  succoured  by  both, — she  held  the  balance 
between  them  ;  the  one  in  whose  favour  she  should 
decide,  would  gain  a  great  advantage ;  she  was,  there- 
fore, in  the  existing  circumstances,  of  great  weight  in 
the  affairs  of  Italy.  The  Genoese  senate  felt  all  the 
delicacy,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  strength  of  this 
position;  it  availed  itself  of  them  to  remain  neuter, 
and  constantly  resisted  the  offers  and  threats  of  the 
coalition.  The  commerce  of  the  town  became  more 
extensive,  and  brought  immense  riches  into  the 
republic ;  but  its  port  had  been  forcibly  entered  by  the 
English  squadron;  the  catastrophe  of  the  frigate  "  La 
Modeste  "  had  deeply  affected  every  French  heart;  the 
convention  had  dissimulated,  but  only  awaited  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  exacting  a  signal  repara- 
tion. Several  noble  families,  who  were  the  most 
attached  to  France,  had  been  banished ;  this  was  a 
fresh,  insult  which  the  government  had  to  redress. 
After  the  battle  of  Loano,  in  the  winter  of  1796,  the 


30  HISTORY   OF  THE 

directory  thought  that  the  favourable  moment  for  its 
purpose  was  now  arrived ;  so  much  the  more  so,  as  the 
penury  which  its  Italian  army  was  then  suffering, 
made  it  attach  great  importance  to  an  extraordinary 
aid  of  five  or  six  millions.  These  negotiations  were 
proceeding  at  the  time  when  Napoleon  was  raised  to 
the  command  of  the  army;  he  disapproved  of  this  sor- 
did policy,  which  could  have  no  success,  and  the  ne- 
cessary effect  of  which  would  be  to  embitter  the  minds 
of  the  inhabitants  of  this  important  capital,  and  render 
them  unfavourable  to  the  French.  '  We  must  either, ' 
said  he,  '  scale  the  ramparts,  establish  ourselves  by  a 
vigorous  stroke,  and  destroy  the  aristocracy,  or  respect 
the  independence  of  the  town,  and  above  all,  leave  it 
its  money.'  A  few  days  afterwards,  the  enemy  having 
been  driven  beyond  the  Po,  and  the  King  of  Sardinia 
having  laid  down  his  arms,  the  republic  of  Genoa  was 
at  the  mercy  of  France. 

"  The  directory  would  have  wished  to  establish  a 
democracy  in  this  state,  but  the  French  armies  were 
already  on  their  way  from  Genoa.  The  presence,  and 
perhaps  the  sojourn  of  a  body  of  15,000  French 
soldiers  under  its  walls,  would  have  been  necessary  to 
secure  the  success  of  such  a  revolution. 

"  The  march  of  Wurmser,  who  was  then  crossing 
Germany  and  entering  the  Tyrol,  was  already  echoed 
on  all  sides.  After  that  time,  the  defeat  of  Wurmser, 
the  manoeuvres  in  the  Tyrol  and  among  the  defiles 
of  the  Brenta,  and  the  movements  made  by  Alvinzi 
for  the  purpose  of  relieving  Wurmser,  who  was  block- 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  31 

aded  in  Mantua,  rendered  it  necessary  that  the  army 
should  be  concentrated  on  the  Adige;  the  army  had 
besides  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Genoese — their 
nobles  were  divided  among  themselves,  and  the  people 
were  favourable  to  the  French. 

"  Girola,  the  imperial  minister,  profiting  by  the 
absence  of  the  French  army,  and  secretly  favoured  by 
the  feudatory  families,  had  kindled  an  insurrection  in 
the  imperial  fiefs,  and  had  formed  bands  composed 
of  Piedmontese  deserters,  of  vagabonds  left  without 
any  employment,  in  consequence  of  the  disbandment 
of  the  light  Piedmontese  troops,  and  of  Austrian 
prisoners,  who  had  been  carelessly  guarded  by  the 
French,  and  had  escaped  on  the  march,  These  bands 
infested  the  Appenines,  and  harassed  the  rear  of  the 
French  army.  Matters  went  so  far,  that  in  the  month 
of  June  it  was  found  absolutely  necessary  to  put  an 
end  to  this  state  of  things ;  a  detachment  of  1200 
men,  and  the  presence  of  the  general-in-chief  at 
Tortona,  sufficed  to  re-establish  order.  Napoleon  gave 
instructions  to  the  French  minister  at  Genoa,  Faypoult, 
to  commence  negotiations,  for  the  purpose  of  increas- 
ing the  influence  of  France  with  the  government,  as 
far  as  this  could  be  done  without  rendering  the 
presence  of  an  army  necessary.  He  required — Istly, 
the  expulsion  of  the  Austrian  minister,  Girola;  2ndly, 
the  expulsion  of  the  feudatory  families,  conformably 
to  one  of  the  statutes  of  the  republic;  and  finally, 
the  recall  of  the  banished  families. 

"  These  negotiations  were  drawn  out  to  a  great 


32  HISTOIIY   OF  THE 

length..  While  they  were  going  on,  five  French  mer- 
chant vessels  were  carried  off  from  the  port  of  Genoa, 
without  any  attempt  being  made  to  protect  them, 
although  they  lay  close  under  the  Genoese  batteries ; 
the  senate,  alarmed  at  the  threats  of  the  French 
agents,  sent  to  Paris  the  senator,  Vincentes  Spinola, 
a  man  very  favourable  to  France,  who,  after  some 
negotiation,  signed,  on  the  6th  of  October,  1796,  an 
agreement  with  Charles  Lacroix,  minister  of  foreign 
affairs.  All  the  complaints  of  France  against  Genoa 
were  sunk  in  oblivion,  the  senate  paid  a  contribu- 
tion of  four  millions,  and  recalled  the  banished 
families;  France  ouglit,  perhaps,  to  have  profited  by 
these  favourable  circumstances,  to  bind  the  republic 
by  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  to  add  the  im- 
perial fiefs  and  Massacli  Carara  to  its  territories,  and 
to  draw  from  it  a  contingent  of  4000  infantry,  400 
cavalry,  and  200  artillery.  But  the  utility  of  this 
system  of  alliance  with  the  oligarchs  was  repugnant 
to  the  democrats  of  Paris. 

"  By  this  agreement,  however,  tranquillity  was  re- 
stored, and  lasted  till  the  treaty  of  Montebello,  in 
1797;  and  during  the  whole  time  that  the  French 
army  was  in  Germany,  no  cause  of  complaint  arose 
from  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Genoa. 

"  The  armistice  of  Cherasco  with  the  King  of  Sar- 
dinia, had  isolated  the  Austrian  army,  and  had  given 
the  French,  an  opportunity  of  expelling  it  from  Italy, 
investing  Mantua,  and  occupying  the  line  of  the  Adige. 

"  The  peace  concluded  at  Paris  in  the  month  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  33 

May  following,  placed  all  the  fortresses  of  Piedmont, 
except  Turin,  in  the  power  of  France.  The  King  of 
Sardinia  thus  found  himself  at  the  disposal  of  the 
republic.  His  army  was  reduced  to  20,000  men; 
his  paper  money  threatened  the  ruin  of  the  private 
gentry,  and  of  the  state ;  his  subjects  were  malcontent 
and  divided — even  French  ideas  had  partisans,  though 
but  few.  Politic  statesmen  would  have  wished  to 
revolutionize  Piedmont,  in  order  to  leave  nothing 
which  might  harass  the  rear  of  the  army,  and  to 
increase  the  means  of  France  against  Austria;  but  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  overthrow  the  throne 
of  Sardinia,  without  intervening  directly  and  with 
imposing  forces ;  while  the  scenes  which  were  passing 
before  Mantua  sufficiently  occupied  all  the  republic's 
Italian  troops ;  and,  besides,  a  revolution  in  Piedmont 
might  lead  to  a  civil  war ;  it  would,  in  this  case,  be 
necessary  to  leave  in  Piedmont,  for  the  purpose  of  keep- 
ing it  in  order,  more  French  troops  than  could  be  sup- 
plied by  Piedmontese  levies ;  and  in  case  of  a  retreat, 
the  population,  which  would  have  been  put  into  a 
state  of  excitement,  would  run  into  inevitable  excesses ; 
and  moreover,  might  not  the  Kings  of  Spain  and 
Prussia  be  alarmed  at  seeing  the  French  republic,  the 
hater  of  kings,  overthrow  with  its  own  hands  a  prince 
with  whom  it  had  but  shortly  before  signed  a  treaty 
of  peace?  These  considerations  determined  Napoleon 
to  come  to  the  same  result  by  an  opposite  road — 
viz.,  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  the 
King  of  Sardinia;  this  plan  united  all  advantages, 

VOL.  II.  D 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE 

and  had  no  drawback.     In  the  first  place,  this  treaty 
would  in  itself  be  a  proclamation,  which  would  re- 
strain the  malcontents ;  they  would  no  longer  be  able 
to  give  credit  to  the  protestations  of  the  democrats  of 
the  army,  who  did  not  fail  to  promise  them  the 
support  of  France;  the  country  would,  therefore,  re- 
main quiet;  2ndly,  a  division -of  fine  old  troops,  of 
10,000    Piedinontese,   would   reinforce    the  French 
army,  and  would  give  it  fresh  chances  of  success; 
Srdly,  the  example  of  the  court  of  Turin  would  have 
a  happy  influence  on  the  Venetians,  and  would  con- 
tribute towards  determining  them    to   seek,  in   an 
alliance  with  France,  a  guarantee  for  the  integrity  of 
their  territories,  and  the  maintenance  of  their  con- 
stitution; at  the  same  time,  the  Piedinontese  troops 
which  were  enrolled  in  the  French  army  would  be- 
come imbued  with  its  spirit,  and  would  be  attached  to 
the  general  who  should  lead  them  to  victory;  in  any 
case,  they  would  be  hostages  placed  in  the  centre  of 
the  army,  and  would  be  guarantees  for  the  disposition 
of  the  Piedmontese,  and  if  it  was  true  that  the  King 
of  Sardinia  could  not  maintain  his  position,  sur- 
rounded as  he  was  by  the  democratic  republics  of 
Liguria,  Lonibardy,  and  France,  his  fall  would  be 
the  result  of  the  nature  of  things,  and  not  that  of  a 
political  act,  of  a  nature  to  alienate  the  other  allied 
kings  from  France. 

"  The  alliance  of  France  with  Sardinia,"  said  Na- 
poleon, u resembles  a  giant  embracing  a  pigmy;  if  he 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  35 

stifles  him,  it  is  against  his  will,  and  solely  the  effect 
of  the  extreme  difference  in  their  bodily  strength." 

The  directory  would  not  understand  the  wisdom 
and  depth  of  this  policy ;  it  authorised  the  opening  of 
the  negotiations,  but  shackled  their  conclusion.  Mon- 
sieur Poussielgue,  secretary  of  legation  at  Genoa,  had 
conferences  at  Turin  during  several  months ;  he  found 
the  court  disposed  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  re- 
public ;  but  this  not  very  skilful  negotiator  allowed  him- 
self to  be  drawn  into  granting  concessions  which  were 
evidently  exaggerated ;  he  promised  Lombardy  to  the 
King  of  Sardinia.  Now,  such  a  project  was  not  at  all 
to  be  brought  into  consideration — to  increase  this 
prince's  territories,  and  give  him  hopes  which  were 
never  to  be  realized;  he  would  reap  sufficient  advan- 
tage from  a  treaty,  in  the  guarantee  that  his  kingdom 
would  be  kept  entire. 

When  Mantua  opened  its  gates,  and  Napoleon 
marched  to  Tolentino  in  order  to  dictate  from  thence 
the  terms  of  peace  to  the  Holy  See,  and  afterwards  to 
proceed  to  Vienna,  he  fully  saw  how  important  it  was 
to  bring  the  affairs  of  Piedmont  to  a  conclusion,  and 
authorised  General  Clarke  to  negotiate  with  Monsieur 
de  Saint  Marson  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance; 
this  treaty  was  signed  at  Bologna,  on  the  1st  of  March, 
1797;  the  King  received  from  the  republic  the  gua- 
rantee of  his  states ;  he  furnished  to  the  French  army 
a  contingent  of  8000  infantry,  2000  cavalry,  and 
twenty  pieces  of  cannon. 

D  2 


36  HISTORY  OF  THE 

The  court  of  Turin,  entertaining  no  doubts  of  the 
ratification  of  a  treaty  set  on  foot  by  the  general-in- 
chief,  hastened  to  assemble  its  contingent,  which  would 
have  rejoined  the  army  then  in  Carinthia;  but  the 
Directory  hesitated  to  ratify  the  treaty,  and  the  con- 
tingent remained  in  Piedmont,  cantoned  near  Novarro, 
during  the  whole  of  the  campaign  of  1797. 

The  policy  to  be  pursued  towards  the  Infant,  the 
Duke  of  Parma,  was  prescribed  by  our  relations  with 
Spain;  an  armistice  was  first  granted,  on  the  9th  of 
May,  1797,  and  some  months  afterwards,  the  Infant 
signed  at  Paris  his  treaty  of  peace  with  the  republic; 
but  the  French  minister  did  not  understand  how  to 
realize  the  aim  which  the  general-in- chief  had  pro- 
posed to  himself.  The  success  of  the  French  army  in 
Italy  had  determined  the  King  of  Spain  to  conclude, 
in  the  month  of  August,  1796,  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive alliance  with  the  republic;  consequently,  it  would 
have  been  easy  to  persuade  the  court  of  Madrid  to 
send  a  division  of  10,000  men  to  the  Po,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  guarding  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and,  by  help  of 
the  bait  of  an  addition  to  the  territories  of  this  prince, 
to  have  enlisted  this  division  under  the  French 
standard.  Its  presence  would  have  awed  Rome  and 
Naples,  and  would  have  contributed,  in  no  small 
degree,  to  the  success  of  all  the  military  movements; 
the  alliance  with  Spain  having  determined  the  English 
to  evacuate  the  Mediterranean,  the  French  and  Spanish 
squadrons  were  masters  of  it,  and  this  facilitated  the 
movements  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  Italy.  The  sight  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  37 

a  Spanish  division  in  the  ranks  of  a  French  army  would 
have  a  fortunate  influence  in  deciding  the  senate  to  form 
an  alliance  with  France,  and  this  alliance  would  bring 
to  the  army  a  reinforcement  of  10,000  Sclavonians. 

The  armistice  of  Milan,  of  the  20th  of  May,  1796, 
had  suspended  the  hostilities  which  had  been  carried 
on  against  the  Duke  of  Modena;  the  French  army 
was  not  large,  and  the  space  of  country  which  it  occu- 
pied, immense;  it  would,  therefore,  have  been  very 
unwise  to  have  taken  a  detachment  of  two  or  three 
battalions  from  it  for  a  secondary  object.  The  armis- 
tice with  Modena  placed  all  the  resources  of  that 
duchy  at  the  disposal  of  the  army,  and  did  not  require 
the  employment  of  any  troops  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  public  tranquillity.  Commander  d7Este,  furnished 
with  powers  from  the  Duke,  commenced  at  Paris  nego- 
tiations for  a  definitive  peace;  the  French  ministry 
acted  wisely,  and  did  not  hasten  to  come  to  any  con- 
clusion. The  Duke,  who  was  entirely  devoted  to  the 
Austrians,  had  retired  to  Venice,  and  the  regency 
which  governed  his  states  had  sent  several  convoys  of 
provisions  into  Mantua,  at  the  moment  when  the 
blockade  was  raised  at  the  end  of  August  and  the 
beginning  of  September ;  as  soon  as  the  general-in-chief 
was  informed  of  this  direct  violation  of  the  armistice, 
he  complained  of  it  to  the  regency,  who  vainly 
attempted  to  justify  itself  on  the  ground  of  the  exist- 
ence of  former  treaties.  In  the  meantime,  however, 
a  detachment  of  the  garrison  of  Mantua,  which  had 
passed  the  Po  at  Borgo-forte,  was  intercepted;  it 


38  HISTORY   OF  THE 

marched  to  Reggio  on  the  20th  of  October,  intending 
to  proceed  to  Tuscany;  the  inhabitants  of  Reggio 
closed  the  gates  of  their  town ;  the  detachment  then 
took  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Monte-Cherisio,  where  the 
patriots  surrounded  it,  and  forced  the  soldiers  to  lay 
down  their  arms:  two  Reggians  were  killed  in  the 
struggle ;  they  were  the  first  Italians  who  sealed  the 
liberty  of  their  country  with  their  blood.  The  pri- 
soners were  conducted  to  Milan  by  a  detachment  of 
the  national  guard  of  Reggio,  and  were  received  there 
in  triumph  by  the  congress  of  Lornbardy,  the  national 
guard,  and  the  general-in-chief ;  and  this  event  was 
the  subject  of  several  civic  fetes  which  contributed  to 
excite  the  imaginations  of  the  Italians.  Reggio  pro- 
claimed its  liberty ;  the  people  of  Modena  wished  to 
do  the  same,  but  were  restrained  by  the  garrison  ;  in 
this  state  of  things,  there  was  but  one  plan  of  action 
to  be  pursued.  The  general-in-chief  declared  that  the 
armistice  of  Milan  had  been  violated  by  the  regency  in 
re- victualling  Mantua;  he  sent  garrisons  to  the  for- 
tresses of  the  three  duchies  of  Reggio,  Modena,  and 
Mirandola;  and,  in  virtue  of  his  right  of  conquest, 
proclaimed  their  independence.  This  revolution 
ameliorated  the  position  of  the  army,  as  a  provisional 
government,  entirely  devoted  to  the  French  cause,  was 
now  substituted  for  the  former  unfriendly  regency; 
national  guards,  composed  of  warm  patriots,  were 
formed  in  every  duchy.  Hostilities  with  Rome  having 
been  suspended  by  the  armistice  of  Bologna,  June 
23rd,  1796,  the  papal  court  sent  Monsignor  Petrarchi 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  39 

to  Paris.  After  passing  some  weeks  in  conferences, 
Petrarchi  sent  to  Rome  a  prospectus  of  the  treaty 
proposed  by  the  directory.  The  assembly  of  cardinals 
gave  their  opinion  that  it  contained  things  contrary 
to  the  faith,  and  was  not  admissible ;  Petrarchi  was 
recalled. '  In  September,  the  negotiations  were  recom- 
menced at  Florence;  the  government  commissioners  then 
with  the  army  were  invested  with  the  powers  of  the 
directory.  After  one  or  two  conferences,  the  com- 
missioners presented  to  Monsignor  Galeppi,  plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  pope,  a  treaty  of  sixty  articles,  as  a 
sine  qua  non,  declaring  that  they  could  make  no 
change  in  any  part  of  it. 

The  cardinals  decided  that  this  treaty  also  con- 
tained things  contrary  to  the  faith ;  and  the  negotia- 
tions were  broken  off,  on  the  25th  of  September.  The 
court  of  Borne,  no  longer  doubting  that  France  was 
bent  upon  its  destruction,  gave  itself  up  to  despair, 
and  resolved  to  ally  itself  exclusively  with  the  court 
of  Vienna.  It  began  by  suspending  the  execution  of 
the  armistice  of  Bologna;  it  had  still  to  pay  sixteen 
millions,  which  were  now  on  the  way  to  Bologna, 
where  they  were  to  be  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the 
army;  these  convoys  of  money  returned  to  Eome; 
their  re-entrance  was  a  triumph.  Monsignor  Albani 
set  out  on  the  6th  of  October  for  Vienna,  there  to 
solicit  the  support  of  the  Austrian  government;  the 
Koman  princes  offered  patriotic  gifts  and  levied 
regiments,  and  the  pope  issued  proclamations  for  the 
purpose  of  kindling  the  holy  war. 


40  HISTORY   OF    THE 

All  the  efforts  of  the  court  of  Rome  were  calculated 
to  be  able  to  raise  an  army  of  10,000  men,  of  the 
most  miserable  troops  possible;  but  it  counted  on 
the  assistance  of  the  King  of  Naples,  who  secretly 
engaged  to  support  it  with  an  army  of  30,000  men ; 
and  although  the  inimical  disposition  and  bad  faith 
of  the  Neapolitan  cabinet  were  well  known  at  the 
Vatican,  the  pope  still  invoked  its  aid. 

"  Any  means  are  welcome  to  them  in  their  delirium," 
wrote  the  minister  Cacault;  "  they  would  cling  to 
red  hot  iron."  This  state  of  affairs  had  a  vexatious 
effect  on  the  whole  of  Italy.  Napoleon  was  in  suffi- 
ciently embarrassing  circumstances  without  this  fresh 
addition;  he  was  already  menaced  by  Alvinzi,  whose 
troops  were  being  collected  in  the  Tyrol  and  on  the 
Piave;  he  reproached  the  French  ministry  for  having 
left  him  ignorant  of  negotiations  which  he  alone  could 
direct.  Had  he  been  entrusted  with  their  direction, 
as  he  ought  to  have  been,  he  would  have  delayed  the 
overture  for  two  or  three  weeks,  in  order  to  have 
received  the  sixteen  millions  owed  by  the  Holy  See,  in 
fulfilment  of  the  armistice  of  Bologna.  He  would  not 
have  allowed  spiritual  and  temporal  affairs  to  have 
been  brought  forward  at  the  same  time  in  the  treaty ; 
for,  let  the  latter,  which  formed  the  essential  part  of 
it,  once  be  arranged,  a  few  months  delay  in  coming  to 
an  understanding  concerning  the  former,  would  have 
been  indifferent;  but  the  mischief  was  done,  and  the 
French  government,  which  now  perceived  it,  invested 
him  with  the  authority  necessary  to  remedy  it,  if  this 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  41 

should  be  possible.  The  essential  thing  was,  to  gain 
time,  to  calm  the  passions  which  had  been  roused,  to 
restore  confidence,  and  to  restrain  within  bounds  the 
alarmed  spirits  of  the  Vatican.  He  commissioned 
M.  Cacault,  the  French  agent  at  Rome,  to  disavow, 
confidentially,  all  the  spiritual  matter  contained  in 
the  negotiations  of  Paris  and  Florence;  and  to  inform 
the  papal  see  that  Napoleon  was  now  charged  with 
the  negotiation,  and  that  it  would  no  longer  have  to 
do  either  with  the  directory  or  the  commissioners, 
but  with  him.  These  overtures  produced  a  good 
effect.  In  order  the  more  to  strike  the  minds  of  the 
people,  the  general  went  to  Ferrara,  on  the  21st  of 
October,  drove  to  the  house  of  Cardinal  Mattel,  arch- 
bishop of  that  city,  and  had  several  conferences  with 
him ;  he  convinced  him  of  his  pacific  intentions,  and 
sent  him  to  Rome  with  a  direct  message  of  peace  to 
the  pope.  The  hopes  to  which  the  army  of  Alvinzi 
had  given  rise  in  Italy,  were,  a  few  days  afterwards, 
extinguished  by  the  battle  of  Arcola.  Napoleon 
thought  this  a  favourable  moment  for  terminating  the 
affairs  of  Rome;  he  went  to  Bologna  with  1500 
French  troops  and  4000  Cispadans  and  Lombards, 
and  threatened  to  march  against  Rome ;  but  this  time 
the  papal  see  laughed  at  his  menaces,  it  was  negotia- 
ting a  treaty  through  its  minister  at  Vienna,  and 
knew  that  two  fresh  and  large  armies  were  advancing 
into  Italy;  the  cardinal  and  the  Austrian  minister  at 
Rome  said,  haughtily — "  Should  it.be  necessary,  the 
pope  will  evacuate  Rome ;  for  the  further  the  French 


42  HISTORY   OF  THE 

general  removes  his  army  from  the  Adige,  the  nearer 
we  shall  be  to  our  safety."  And,  in  fact,  Napoleon, 
being  a  few  days  afterwards  informed  of  Alvinzi's 
movements,  recrossed  the  Po  and  marched  quickly  to 
Verona.  But  the  battle  of  Rivoli,  fought  in  the 
month  of  January,  1797,  destroyed  for  ever  the  hopes 
of  the  enemies  of  France.  Mantua  shortly  after  opened 
its  gates — the  moment  for  chastising  Eome  had  arrived; 
a  small  Gallo-Italian  army  marched  to  the  Appenines. 
All  the  difficulties  between  France  and  the  papal  see 
were  settled  by  the  treaty  of  Tolentino,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  next  chapter. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  was  the  first  prince  in 
Europe  who  acknowledged  the  French  republic.  At 
the  time  when  the  French  army  invaded  Italy,  he  was 
at  peace  with  France,  his  states,  which  lay  beyond 
the  Appenines,  exercised  no  influence  on  the  theatre 
of  the  war.  It  is  true,  that  after  the  investiture  of 
Mantua,  a  French  brigade  marched  upon  Livorno, 
but  this  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  English 
commerce  from  it,  and  facilitating  the  deliverance  of 
Corsica;  in  every  other  affair,  the  states  of  Tuscany 
were  respected.  The  garrison  of  Livorno  was  never 
above  1800  men;  it  was  doubtless  a  sacrifice  to  em- 
ploy three  battalions  for  a  secondary  object;  but  the 
soldiers  employed  in  this  service  were  those  of  the  57th 
half  brigade,  who  had  suffered  much,  and  needed 
repose. 

Manfredini,  the  prime  minister  of  the  grand  duke, 
showed  skill  and  activity  in  removing  any  obstacles 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEOX.  43 

which  might  injure  his  master,  and  to  him  the  duke 
owed  the  preservation  of  his  states.  Three  or  four 
agreements  of  slight  importance  were  signed  between 
the  French  general  and  the  Marquis  Manfredini ;  by  the 
last,  signed  at  Bologna,  it  was  agreed  that  the  French 
garrison  should  evacuate  Livorno;  on  this  occasion 
the  grand  duke,  in  order  to  liquidate  old  accounts, 
put  two  millions  into  the  treasury  of  the  army.  On 
the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio,  this 
prince  preserved  his  states  entire;  he  had  experienced 
some  annoyance,  but  nothing  more  ;  during  the 
Italian  war,  no  injury  was  done  to  him,  partly  out  of 
respect  for  existing  treaties,  and  partly  on  account  of 
the  desire  entertained  by  France  to  soften  the  ani- 
mosity with  which  the  house  of  Lorraine  was  animated 
against  the  republic,  and  to  detach  it  from  England. 
When  the  French  army  had  reached  the  Adige,  and 
central  and  lower  Italy  thus  found  .themselves  cut 
off  from  Germany,  Prince  Pignatelli  came  to  head- 
quarters, and  demanded  and  obtained  for  the  King  of 
Naples  an  armistice,  which  was  signed  on  the  5th  of 
June,  1796.  The  division  of  Neapolitan  cavalry,  con- 
sisting of  2400  horsemen,  which  formed  a  part  of 
Beaulieu's  army,  went  into  cantonment  around  Brescia, 
in  the  centre  of  the  French  army.  A  Neapolitan 
plenipotentiary  was  dispatched  to  Paris,  with  powers 
to  negotiate  and  sign  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  republic;  this  treaty  met  with  difficulties  from  the 
ill-timed  cavils  which  were  carried  on  at  Paris,  and 
from  the  effects  of  the  constant  and  well-known  bad 


44  HISTORY   OF   THE 

faith  of  the  court  of  the  two  Sicilies.  The  directory 
should  have  thought  itself  only  too  happy  in  being 
able  to  make  peace  with  the  King  of  Naples,  since  this 
prince  had  60,000  men  under  arms,  and  had  from  25 
to  30,000  men  at  his  disposal  to  send  to  the  Po. 
Napoleon  incessantly  urged  the  conclusion  of  this 
treaty.  The  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs  de- 
manded from  Naples  a  contribution  of  some  millions, 
which  that  government  refused,  and  with  justice,  to 
pay;  but  in  the  month  of  September,  when  it  was 
acknowledged  by  all  parties  that  the  alliance  of 
Spain  with  France,  and  the  deliverance  of  Corsica 
from  the  English  yoke,  had  determined  the  cabinet  of 
St.  James's  to  recall  its  squadrons  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean, thus  leaving  that  sea  and  the  Adriatic  in  the 
power  of  the  French  squadrons,  the  court  of  Naples, 
alarmed  at  these  events,  subscribed  to  all  the  demands 
made  by  the  directory,  and  the  peace  was  signed  on 
the  8th  of  October. 

But  the  hatred  and  bad  faith  of  this  cabinet,  and 
its  little  respect  for  its  signature  and  its  treaties,  were 
such,  that  it  continued,  long  after  the  peace  had  been 
signed,  to  harass  Italy  by  the  movements  of  troops  on 
its  frontiers,  and  by  menaces  of  attack;  conducting 
itself,  in  fact,  just  as  if  it  had  been  in  a  state  of  war. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  express  the  indignation  excited 
by  this  want  of  all  shame  and  respect,  which  finally 
brought  on  the  ruin  of  this  cabinet.  In  the  beginning 
of  September,  when  the  French  armies  of  the  Ehine, 
Sambre,  and  Meuse,  were  still  in  Germany,  the  French 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  45 

government   instructed   Napoleon    to    write    to   the 
Emperor,  threatening  that  if  he  would  not  consent  to 
peace,  the  French  armies  would  destroy  his  maritime 
establishments  at  Fiume  and  Trieste.     Nothing  was 
to  be  hoped  from  so  inexpedient  a  step.     Afterwards, 
when  the  armies  of  the  Sambre,  Meuse,  and  Ehine  had 
been  thrown  back  into  France,  and  the  bridge-entrances 
of  Kehl  and  Honingen  were  besieged,  Moreau  proposed 
an  armistice,  which  the  arch-duke  refused,  declaring 
that  he  intended  to  get  possession  of  both;  but  as 
Marshal  Wurmser,  with  nearly  30,000  Austrians,  was 
blockaded  in   Mantua,   and   as   Alvinzi's   efforts   to 
relieve  him  had  just  been  defeated  at  Arcola,  the 
directory  conceived  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  accept- 
ance of  a  general  armistice,  which  would  preserve 
Honingen  and  Kehl  to  France,  and  Mantua  to  Austria. 
In  consequence  of  this  project,  General  Clarke  received 
the  necessary  powers,  and  went  to  Vienna  to  propose  this 
armistice,  which  was  to  last  till  the  month  of  June,  1797 ; 
the  sieges  of  Kehl  and  Honingen  were  to  be  raised, 
and  the  statu  qyu..o  established,  as  regarded  Mantua ; 
Austrian  and  French  commissaries  were  to  send  into 
the  town  the  provisions  necessary  for  the  inhabitants 
and  troops.     General  Clarke  arrived  at  Milan,  on  the 
1st  of  December,  in  order  to  arrange  matters  with  the 
general-in-chief,  who  was  commissioned  to  take  the 
necessary  steps  in  order  to  obtain  for  the  plenipo- 
tentiary all  the  passports  which  he  needed.     Napoleon 
said  to  him — "  The  sieges  of  Kehl  and  Honingen  are 
easy  to  raise;   the  arch-duke  has  but  40,000  men 


46  HISTORY   OF  THE 

before  Kehl;  let  Moreau  sally  out  at  break  of  day  from 
his  entrenched  camp  with  60,000  men,  defeat  him, 
take  his  artillery  and  provisions,  and  destroy  all  his 
works;  and  besides,  Kehl  and  Honingen  are  not  equal 
in  value  to  Mantua;  there  would  be  no  means  of 
feeding  the  number  of  inhabitants — men,  women,  and 
children — not  even  that  of  the  garrison.  Marshal 
Wurmser,  by  reducing  all  the  inhabitants  to  half 
rations,  would  in  six  months  save  enough  to  live  on 
for  another  six ;  if  the  government  propose  that  this 
armistice  shall  serve  as  an  opportunity  for  commencing 
negotiations  for  peace,  this  is  an  additional  reason  for 
not  proposing  it  as  long  as  Mautua  remains  in  the 
power  of  the  Austrians ;  we  ought  to  gain  a  battle 
under  the  walls  of  Kehl,  and  await  the  surrender  of 
Mantua,  before  offering  an  armistice  and  peace."  The 
orders  of  the  government  were,  however,  decisive: 
General  Clarke  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  and  sent  him  a 
letter  from  the  directory.  In  consequence  of  this 
proceeding,  Baron  Vincent,  aide-de-camp  to  the  Em- 
peror, and  General  Clarke,  met  at  Victenza,  on  the  3rd 
of  January ;  they  had  two  conferences  there.  Baron 
Vincent  declared  that  the  Emperor  could  not  receive 
at  Vienna  the  plenipotentiaries  of  a  republic  which  he 
did  not  acknowledge;  that,  moreover,  he  could, not 
detach  himself  from  his  allies;  and  that,  finally,  if  the 
French  minister  had  any  communications  to  make, 
he  might  address  himself  to  Monsieur  Giraldi,  the 
Austrian  minister  at  Turin.  Thus,  this  disastrous 
idea  of  an  armistice  was  happily  eluded  by  the  enemy. 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  47 

The  French  minister  had  scarcely  returned  to  the 
Adige,  when  Alvinzi  began  manoeuvring  to  relieve 
Mantua;  this  gave  rise  to  the  battles  of  Rivoli  and 
La  Favorite,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  account  of  the 
Italian  wars. 

The  cabinet  of  Luxembourg,  however,  saw  in  this 
answer  of  Baron  Vincent's,  it  knew  not  why,  an  open 
tendency  towards  negotiations,  and  during  the  month 
of  January,  1797,  it  addressed  to  General  Clarke 
instructions  for  negotiating  a  peace,  which  he  was 
authorised  to  sign — on  condition,  Istly,  that  the  Em- 
peror should  renounce  Belgium,  and  the  province  of 
Luxembourg;  2ndly,  that  he  should  acknowledge  to 
the  republic  the  cession  of  Liege  and  other  small 
enclosures  of  principalities  which  had  been  made; 
3rdly,  that  he  should  use  his  influence  in  order  to 
give  to  the  stadtholder  an  indemnity  in  Germany; 
4thly,  that  the  republic,  on  its  part,  should  restore  to 
Austria  all  its  Italian  states ;  these  conditions  did  not 
obtain  the  approbation  of  Napoleon,  who  thought  that 
the  republic  had  a  right  to  require  the  limits  of  the 
Rhine,  and  a  state  in  Italy,  which  might  nourish 
French  influence,  and  keep  the  republic  of  Genoa,  the 
King  of  Sardinia,  and  the  Pope,  in  their  state  of  de- 
pendence, for  Italy  could  no  longer  be  considered  as  it 
was  before  the  war;  if  the  French  ever  repassed  the 
Alps,  without  leaving  a  powerful  auxiliary  in  Italy, 
the  aristocracies  of  Genoa  and  Venice,  and  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  influenced  by  the  necessity  of  securing 
their  interior  existence  against  democratic  and  popular 


48  HISTORY   OF  THE 

ideas,  would  attach  themselves  to  Austria  by  indis- 
soluble bonds.  Venice,  which,  for  a  century  past,  had 
had  no  influence  in  the  balance  of  Europe,  enlightened 
now  by  an  experience  of  the  dangers  she  had  just  seen, 
would  have  energy,  money,  and  armies,  to  reinforce 
the  Emperor,  and  repress  the  ideas  of  liberty  and 
independence  which  were  nourished  on  the  main  land. 
Pontiffs,  kings,  and  nobles,  would  unite  in  defending 
their  privileges,  and  closing  the  Alps  against  modern 
ideas. 

Three  months  afterwards,  Napoleon  signed  the  pre- 
liminaries of  peace,  on  the  basis  of  the  limits  of  the 
Rhine;  that  is  to  say,  with  an  acquisition  to  the 
republic  of  the  fortress  of  Mayence,  and  a  population 
of  1,500,000  persons  over  and  above  what  the  Direc- 
tory required,  and  the  existence  of  one  or  two  demo- 
cratic republics  in  Italy,  which  communicated  with 
Switzerland,  forming  a  line  across  the  whole  of  Italy 
from  north  to  south,  from  the  Alps  to  the  Po,  sur- 
rounding the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  covering,  along 
the  line  of  the  Po,  the  centre  and  south  of  Italy. 

In  case  of  need,  the  French  armies,  pouring  in 
through  Genoa,  Parma,  Modena,  and  Bologna,  might 
appear  suddenly  on  the  Piave,  having  passed  the 
Mincio,  Mantua,  and  the  Adige.  Genoa,  this  republic 
of  3,000,000  inhabitants,  would  secure  the  French 
influence  over  the  3,000,000  inhabitants  of  the  king- 
dom of  Sardinia,  and  the  3,000,000  of  the  states  of 
the  church  and  Tuscany,  and  even  over  the  kingdom 
of  Naples. 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  49 

The  course  of  conduct  to-  be  pursued  towards  the 
people  of  Lombardy  was  a  delicate  matter;  France 
was  willing  to  conclude  a  peace  as  soon  as  the  Emperor 
should    renounce   Belgium    and   Luxembourg.      No 
engagements   could,    therefore,   be    contracted ;    no 
guarantee  given,  which  was  contrary  to  these  secret 
arrangements  of  the  cabinet.     On  the  other  hand,  all 
the  expenses  of  the  army  had  to  be  borne  by  the 
country,  and  they  not  only  absorbed  the  revenues,  but 
gave  rise  to  an  overplus  of  charges,  greater  or  smaller 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  troops  which  were 
quartered  in  different  places.     In  France,  the  system 
of  indirect  taxation  had  been  suppressed.    The  system 
of  contributions  was  very  insufficient;  the  treasury 
was  not  under  proper  control;  everything  was  con- 
ducted in  an  irregular,  corrupt,  and  unskilful  manner; 
all  the  wants  of  the  army  were  left  unprovided  for;  it 
was  necessary  to  supply  them  by  contributions  raised 
in  Italy ;  considerable  sums  were  sent  from  thence  to 
aid  the  armies  of  the  Rhine,  the  squadrons  of  Toulon 
and  Brest,  and  even  the  administration  of  Paris. 

In  the  meantime  it  became  essential  to  counter- 
balance in  Italy  the  influence  of  the  Austrian  party, 
which  was  composed  of  the  nobility,  and  a  part  of  the 
clergy,  on  whom  the  influence  of  Eome  acted  with 
more  or  less  success.  Napoleon  supported  the  party 
which  wished  for  the  independence  of  Italy,  yet  with- 
out compromising  himself;  and  in  spite  of  the  critical 
state  of  the  times,  he  gained  over  the  opinion  of  the 
majority  of  the  nation.  He  not  only  had  a  great 

VOL.  II.  E 


50  HISTORY   OF  THE 

respect  for  religion,  but  he  neglected  nothing  which 
was  likely  to  conciliate  the  minds  of  the  clergy.  He 
made  use,  at  the  right  moment,  of  the  talismanic  words, 
lilerty  and  national  independence,  which,  since  the 
times  of  Kome,  have  never  ceased  to  be  dear  to  the 
Italians.  He  confided  the  administration  of  the  pro- 
vinces, towns,  and  communes,  to  the  inhabitants,  by 
choosing  from  among  them  such  men  as  were  most  to 
be  recommended,  and  who  enjoyed  the  greatest  propor- 
tion of  popular  favour;  he  appointed,  as  police,  the 
national  guards,  who  were  levied  throughout  the  whole 
of  Lombardy,  in  imitation  of  those  of  France,  under 
the  Italian  colours — red,  white,  and  green. 

Milan  had  been  attached  to  the  G-uelph  party,  and 
such  was  still  the  general  tendency  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  patriot  party  was  daily  increasing  in  number; 
French  ideas  were  daily  making  fresh  progress,  and 
the  state  of  the  public  mind,  after  the  entire  defeat  of 
Wurmser,  was  such,  that  the  general-in-chief  autho- 
rised the  Lombard  congress  to  make  a  levy  of  a  legion 
of  3000  men.  In  the  course  of  November,  the  Polish 
generals,  Zayonyerk  and  Dombrouski,  hastened  from 
Poland  with  a  great  number  of  their  officers,  to  offer 
their  services  to  Italy ;  the  congress  was  authorised  to 
levy  a  legion  of  3000  Poles.  These  troops  were  not 
brought  forward  against  the  Austrians,  but  served  to 
maintain  public  tranquillity,  and  to  restrain  the 
pope's  army.  When  difficult  circumstances  determined 
the  general-in-chief  to  proclaim  the  Cispadan  republic, 
-the  Lombard  congress  was  greatly  alarmed,  but  it 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  51 

was  soon  made  evident  that  this  was  the  effect  of  the 
difference  of  circumstances.  The  army's  line  of  opera- 
tions did  not  pass  through  the  Cispadan  territories; 
and,  in  short,  it  was  not  difficult  to  convince  the  most 
enlightened  members  of  the  assembly,  that,  even  were 
it  true  that  this  proceeding  originated  in  the  desire 
felt  by  the  French  government  not  to  enter  into 
engagements  which  the  issue  of  the  war  might  not 
enable  it  to  fulfil,  this  ought  not  to  be  any  cause  of 
alarm;  for  that,  in  fine,  it  was  evident  that  the  fate 
of  the  French  party  in  Italy  depended  on  the  hazards 
of  the  battle-field ;  and  that,  moreover,  the  guarantee 
which  France  henceforth  gave  to  the  Cispadan  repub- 
lic, was  equally  favourable  to  them ;  since,  if  circum- 
stances should  one  day  oblige  the  French  to  consent  to 
the  return  of  the  Austrians  into  Lombardy,  the  Gispa- 
dan  republic  would  then  be  a  place  of  refuge  for  the 
Lombards,  and  a  central  point  where  the  flame  of 
Italian  liberty  might  be  preserved  and  cherished. 

Reggio,  Modena,  Bologna,  and  Ferrara,  embraced 
the  whole  extent  of  the  country,  from  the  Adriatic  to 
the  states  of  Parma,  by  which  they  were  joined  to  the 
republic  of  Genoa,  and  through  this  to  France. 

If  the  French  government  thought  it  should  be 
obliged  to  restore  Lombardy  to  Austria  in  order  to 
facilitate  peace,  it  felt  so  much  the  more  strongly  the 
importance  of  preserving,  on  the  right  shore  of  the  Po, 
a  democratic  republic,  over  which  the  house  of  Austria 
could  establish  neither  right  nor  claim. 

These  four  states  preserved,  for  several  months, 

E  2 


52  HISTORY   OF  THE 

their  independence,  under  the  government  of  their 
municipality;  a  junto  of  general  safety,  composed  of 
the  Capratas,  &c.  &c.,  was  organized  for  the  purpose 
of  concerting  means  of  defence,  and  restraining  the 
malcontents.  A  congress,  composed  of  a  hundred 
deputies,  assembled  at  Modena  during  the  month  of 
November;  the  Lombard  colours  were  there  declared 
to  be  the  colours  of  Italy ;  some  bases  of  a  government 
were  decreed — viz.,  the  suppression  of  feudality  and 
the  equality  of  the  rights  of  man ;  these  small  repub- 
lics formed  a  confederation  for  the  common  defence, 
and  united  to  raise  an  Italian  legion,  containing  3000 
men.  The  congress  was  composed  of 'persons  of  all 
ranks :  cardinals,  nobles,  merchants,  lawyers,  and  men 
of  letters.  Insensibly,  ideas  became  more  enlarged, 
the  press  more  free,  and  at  length,  in  the  beginning  of 
January,  179*7,  after  some  resistance,  the  spirit  of 
locality  was  conquered ;  these  different  republics 
united  themselves  into  one,  under  the  name  of  the 
Cispadan  republic,  of  which  Bologna  was  declared  the 
capital,  and  adopted  a  representative  constitution. 
The  counter-blow  of  this  event  made  itself  felt  at 
Kome. 

The  organization  and  disposition  of  these  new  re- 
publicans formed  an  efficacious  barrier  against  the 
spirit  which  was  being  propagated  by  the  Holy  See, 
and  against  the  troops  which  it  was  collecting  in 
Eomagna.  The  Lombard  congress  formed  a  close 
alliance  with  the  Cispadan  republic,  which  thenceforth 
attracted  the  eyes  of  all  Italy.  Of  all  the  cities  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  53 

Italy,  Bologna  is  the  one  which  has  constantly  exhi- 
bited the  greatest  degree  of  energy  and  of  true 
enlightenment.  In  February,  1797,  after  the  peace 
of  Tolentino,  Eomagna  having  been  ceded  by  the  pope, 
was  naturally  joined  to  the  Cispadan  republic,  and 
increased  its  population  to  nearly  two  millions.  Such 
was  the  state  of  Italy  at  the  end  of  the  year  1796, 
and  the  spring  of  1797,  when  the  French  army 
resolved  to  cross  the  Julian  Alps,  and  march  against 
Vienna. 


54  HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER    III. 
TOLENTINO. 

CARDINAL  BUSCA  had,  six  months  before,  succeeded 
Cardinal  Zelada  in  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  in 
Rome.  He  had  broken  with  France,  and  openly 
formed  a  connexion  with  Austria,  and  laboured  with 
more  zeal  than  success  in  the  attempt  to  form  a  re- 
spectable army.  He  was  anxious  to  restore  those 
times  when  the  pontifical  armies  decided  the  fate  of 
the  Peninsula.  He  had  contrived  to  stimulate  the 
Roman  nobles  to  such  a  degree,  that,  with  greater 
emphasis  than  sincerity,  they  offered  to  provide  regi- 
ments fully  equipped,  horses,  and  armies.  The  car- 
dinal had  great  confidence  in  the  attachment  of  the 
Italians  to  their  religion,  and  in  the  naturally  warlike 
spirit  of  the  people  of  the  Apennines.  Napoleon  had 
dissembled  amid  many  outrages,  and  many  insults ;  but 
the  fall  of  Mantua  placed  him  in  a  situation  to  take 
a  splendid  vengeance. 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  55 

On  the  10th  of  January,  1797,  a  courier  sent  with 
despatches  from  Cardinal  Busca  to  Monsignor  Albani, 
chargti  d'affaires  at  Vienna,  was  intercepted  near 
Mezzolo,  and  the  whole  policy  of  the  Roman  Govern- 
ment was  unveiled.  The  contents  of  these  despatches 
were  as  follow :  "  That  the  French  were  desirous  of 
peace,  and  even  solicited  it  with  importunity;  but 
that  he  would  obstruct  and  prolong  its  conclusion, 
because  the  Pope  had  determined  to  trust  entirely  to 
the  fortune  of  the  house  of  Austria ;  that  the  con- 
ditions of  the  armistice  of  Bologna  neither  had  been 
nor  would  be  executed,  notwithstanding  the  loud 
complaints  of  Cacault,  the  French  minister;  that 
fresh  troops  were  in  the  course  of  being  levied  with 
activity  in  the  states  of  the  church ;  that  his  holiness 
accepted  General  Colli,  whom  the  court  of  Vienna 
proposed,  as  the  commander  of  the  papal  armies; 
that  it  was  necessary  for  this  general  to  bring  with 
him  a  good  number  of  officers,  especially  of  engineers 
and  artillery ;  that  orders  had  been  given  at  Ancona  for 
their  reception ;  that  he  was  sorry  to  see  that  Colli 
would  be  obliged  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
Alvinzi,  with  whose  manoeuvres  he  was  dissatisfied; 
and  that  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  go  and  review 
the  Pope's  troops  in  Romagna,  before  coining  to 
Rome." 

A  courier  was  instantly  dispatched  to  Cacault,  the 
French  minister,  with  orders  to  leave  Eome  "for 
several  months."    Napoleon  wrote  to  him :  "  They . 
have  loaded  you  with  humiliations,   and  have  had 


56  HISTORY   OF  THE 

recourse  to  all  possible  means  to  lead  you  to  depart 
from  Borne.  Now,  resist  all  their  urgent  solicitations 
to  induce  you  to  remain ;  set  out  immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  this  letter." 

Cacault  wrote  to  Cardinal  Busca,  secretary  of 
state,  in  the  following  terms :  "  I  have  been  recalled 
by  my  government,  and  am  obliged  to  set  out  this 
evening  for  Florence,  of  which  I  have  the  honour  to 
give  your  eminence  due  notice,  and  subscribe  my- 
self," &c. 

Busca  kept  up  the  game  till  the  very  last,  and 
replied:  "  Cardinal  Busca  was  far  from  expecting  to 
receive  such  news  as  that  which  the  honourable 
Monsieur  Cacault  has  just  communicated  to  him. 
His  sudden  departure  for  Florence  does  not  allow 
Cardinal  Busca  to  do  more,  than  assure  him  of  his 
profound  esteem." 

At  the  same  moment,  General  Victor  crossed  the 
Po  at  Borgo-Forte,  at  the  head  of  4000  infantry,  and 
600  horse,  and  formed  a  junction  at  Bologna  with 
the  Italian  division  of  4000  men  under  General  Lahoz. 
These  9000  men  were  quite  sufficient  to  conquer  the 
states  of  the  church. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  Napoleon  went  to  Bologna, 
and  published  a  manifesto  in  the  following  terms : 

"  Art.  1.  The  Holy  See  has  formally  refused  Articles 
8  and  9  of  the  Armistice  concluded  at  Bologna,  on 
the  20th  of  June,  under  the  mediation  of  Spain,  and 
solemnly  ratified  in  Eome,  on  the  27th  of  the  same 
month. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  57 

"  2.  The  Koman  government  has  never  ceased  to 
arm  and  excite  the  people  to  war,  by  means  of  mani- 
festoes ;  it  has  caused  the  territory  of  Bologna  to  be 
violated;  its  troops  have  '  advanced  to  within  ten 
miles  of  that  city,  and  threatened  to  occupy  it. 

"3.  His  holiness  has  entered  into  negotiations 
with  the  court  of  Vienna,  hostile  to  France,  as  is 
proved  by  the  letters  of  Cardinal  Busca,  and  the 
mission  of  Bishop  Albani  to  Vienna. 

"4.  He  has  confided  the  command  of  his  troops  to 
Austrian  generals  and  officers,  recommended  and  sent 
by  the  court  of  Vienna.  ^P 

"5.  He  has  refused  to  give  any  reply  to  the  official 
notes  addressed  to  the  Roman  government  by  citizen 
Cacault,  minister  of  the  French  republic,  with  a  view 
of  opening  negotiations  for  a  peace. 

"  6.  The  treaty  of  armistice  has  therefore  been 
broken  and  infringed  by  the  Holy  See,  in  consequence 
whereof,  I  hereby  declare  the  armistice  concluded 
between  the  court  of  Rome  and  the  French  republic 
on  the  20th  of  June,  to  be  at  an  end.' 

In  support  of  this  manifesto,  Cardinal  Busca's  in- 
tercepted letters  were  published,  and  many  other 
documents  might  have  been  added,  but  these  letters 
revealed  the  whole. 

Cardinal  Mattel,  after  having  been  three  months 
in  a  college  at  Brescia,  had  obtained  permission  to 
return  to  Rome.  Availing  himself  of  the  opportunity 
which  he  had  had  of  knowing  the  general,  he  had 
written  to  him  several  times,  and  the  latter  profited 


58  HISTORY   OF  THE 

by  the  circumstance  to  forward  to  this  Cardinal  in 
Rome  the  intercepted  letters  of  Cardinal  Busca.  The 
reading  of  these  communications  filled  the  whole  of 
the  sacred  college  with  'confusion,  and  effectually 
closed  the  mouths  of  that  minister's  partisans. 

On  the  2nd  of  February,  head  quarters  were 
established  at  Iniola,  in  the  palace  of  Bishop  Chera- 
monte,  afterwards  Pope  Pius  VII.  On  the  3rd,  the 
small  French  army  arrived  at  Castel-Bolognese,  in 
presence  of  the  Pope's  army,  which  was  drawn  up  in 
position  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Senio,  in  order  to 
dispute  the  jflksage  of  the  bridge.  This  army  was 
composed  of  from  6  to  7000  regular  troops,  or  pea- 
sants collected  by  the  tocsin,  commanded  by  monks, 
and  inspired  with  fanaticism  by  the  preachers  and 
missionaries.  It  had  eight  pieces  of  cannon.  The 
day's  march  had  been  long,  and  as  the  French  were 
placing  their  guards,  the  bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce 
presented  himself  in  a  burlesque  manner,  and  de- 
clared, on  behalf  of  his  eminence,  the  eardinal-in- 
chief,  that  if  the  French  army  continued  to  advance, 
he  would  fire  upon  them.  This  terrible  menace 
caused  a  fit  of  hearty  laughter.  An  answer  was  re- 
turned, that  there  was  no  desire  to  expose  the  French 
army  to  the  cardinal's  fire,  and  that  the  army 
was  only  taking  up  its  position  for  the  night.  Car- 
dinal Busca,  however,  had  succeeded  in  his  expecta- 
tions. Romagna  was  on  fire,  a  holy  war  had  been 
proclaimed;  the  toscin  had  never  ceased  for  three 
days,  and  the  lowest  classes  of  the  people  were  in  a 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  59 

state  of  frenzy  and  madness.  The  forty  hours'  prayers, 
missions  in  the  public  places,  indulgences,  and  even 
miracles,  had  all  been  put  in  requisition.  Here  were 
martyrs,  whose  wounds  had  bled ;  there  Madonnas 
which  had  shed  tears;  everything  announced  a  fire 
ready  to  consume  that  beautiful  province.  Cardinal 
Busca  had  said  to  Cacault,  the  French  minister:  "We 
shall  make  a  Vendee  of  the  Romagna;  we  shall  make 
one  of  the  high  lands  of  Liguria ;  we  shall  make  one 
of  all  Italy." 

The  following  proclamation  was  posted  at  Imola — 
"  The  French  army  is  about  to  enter  the  Pope's  terri- 
tories. It  will  be  faithful  to  the  maxims  which  it 
professes ;  it  will  protect  religion  and  the  people. 

"  The  French  soldier  carries  in  one  hand  the 
bayonet  as  a  guarantee  of  victory ;  in  the  other,  the 
olive  branch  as  a  symbol  of  peace,  and  the  pledge  of 
protection.  Woe  to  those,  who,  seduced  by  profoundly 
hypocritical  men,  shall  draw  down  upon  themselves 
and  their  houses,  the  vengeance  of  an  army,  which,  in 
six  months  has  made  prisoners  of  100,000  of  the 
Emperor's  best  troops,  taken  400  pieces  of  cannon, 
110  stand  of  colours,  and  destroyed  five  armies." 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  General  Lannes, 
commanding  the  advanced  guard  of  the  small  French 
army,  ascended  the  Senio  for  a  league  and  a  half, 
passed  the  river  at  a  ford  at  daybreak,  and  formed  in 
order  of  battle  in  the  rear  of  the  Pope's  forces,  cutting 
off  their  retreat  to  Faenza. 

General  Lahoz,  supported  by  a  battery,  and  covered 


60  HISTORY   OF  THE 

by  a  line  of  sharpshooters,  passed  the  bridge  in  close 
column.  In  a  moment,  the  whole  of  the  armed  mul- 
titude were  in  disorder,  the  artillery  and  baggage 
were  taken,  and  between  4  and  5000  cut  down. 
A  few  monks,  chiefly  of  the  mendicant  orders,  fell  with 
crucifixes  in  their  hands — almost  all  the  troops  of  the 
line  were  taken  prisoners.  The  cardinal-general 
made  his  escape.  The  battle  did  not  last  an  hour, 
and  the  loss,  on  the  part  of  the  French,  was  very 
small.  On  the  same  day  they  arrived  at  Faenza, 
where  they  found  the  gates  shut  and  the  tocsin  ring- 
ing ;  the  ramparts  were  mounted  by  a  few  pieces  of 
cannon,  and  the  people  in  their  fury  provoked  their 
conquerors  by  every  species  of  insult.  On  being  sum- 
moned to  open  their  gates,  an  insolent  reply  was  re- 
turned from  the  town. 

It  became,  therefore,  necessary  to  break  them  down 
and  to  enter  by  main  force.  "  The  case  is  the  same 
as  that  ofPavia!"  cried  the  soldiers — which  was  a 
request  to  be  allowed  to  pillage.  "No,"  replied 
Napoleon ;  "  at  Pavia,  the  people,  after  having  taken 
an  oath  of  obedience,  revolted,  and  attempted  to  mur- 
der our  soldiers  who  were  their  guests.  These  people 
are  only  mad,  and  must  be  subdued  by  clemency."  A 
few  convents  only  were  maltreated.  This  interesting 
town  being  saved  from  its  own  madness,  the  French 
next  proceeded  to  deliver  the  province.  Agents  were 
sent  throughout  the  country  to  enlighten  the  minds  of 
the  people,  and  to  calm  their  agitation  and  frenzy  which 


CAPTIVITY   OP   NAPOLEON.  61 

were  extreme ;  the  most  effectual  means,  however,  was 
the  restoration  of  the  prisoners  of  war. 

The  prisoners  taken  at  the  battle  of  the  Senio  were 
collected  in  the  garden  of  one  of  the  convents  in 
Faenza.  The  first  moments  of  terror  still  continued, 
and  the  prisoners,  in  fear  of  losing  their  lives,  fell  on 
their  knees,  and  begged  for  mercy  with  loud  cries,  on 
the  approach  of  Napoleon.  He  addressed  them  in 
Italian,  and  said :  "  I  am  the  friend  of  the  whole  people 
of  Italy,  and  particularly  of  those  of  Borne.  I  come 
among  you  for  your  good — you  are  free ;  return  to 
the  bosom  of  your  families,  and  tell  them  that  the 
French  are  friends  of  religion,  of  order,  and  of  poor 
people.'7  Joy  succeeded  consternation — the  unfortu- 
nate prisoners  gave  way  to  their  feelings  of  gratitude 
with  all  that  vivacity  which  belongs  to  the  Italian 
character. 

From  the  garden,  Napoleon  went  to  the  refectory, 
where  the  officers  were  assembled,  of  whom  there  were 
several  hundreds,  and  among  them  some  members  of 
the  best  families  of  Eonie.  He  conversed  with  them 
for  a  long  time,  spoke  of  the  liberty  of  Italy — of  the 
abuses  of  the  pontifical  government — of  those  who 
acted  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the  gospel,  and  of 
the  folly  of  attempting  to  resist  a  victorious  and  well 
disciplined  army,  which  had  seen  so  much  service.  He 
gave  them  permission  to  return  to  their  respective 
homes,  and,  as  the  price  of  his  clemency,  he  requested 
them  to  make  known  the  sentiments  with  which  he  was 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE 

animated  towards  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  especially 
towards  the  people  of  Rome.  These  prisoners  became 
so  many  missionaries,  who  spread  themselves  over  all 
the  states  of  the  church,  and  never  ceased  to  pour  out 
eulogies  upon  the  good  treatment  which  they  had 
experienced.  They  carried  with  them  proclamations, 
which  by  these  means  reached  the  most  remote  villages 
in  the  Apennines.  The  plan  was  successful,  the  public 
mind  underwent  a  complete  change,  and  when  the 
army  arrived  successively  at  Forli,  Casino,  Kimini, 
Pegaro,  and  Sinigaglia,  the  people  showed  themselves 
most  favourably  disposed.  They  had  passed  from  one 
extreme  to  another,  and  now  received,  with  every 
demonstration  of  joy,  those  Frenchmen  whom  a  few 
days  before  they  had  been  taught  to  consider,  and 
did  consider,  as  the  enemies  of  their  religion,  pro- 
perty, and  laws.  The  monks  themselves,  with  the 
exception  of  the  mendicant  orders,  calculating  on 
the  interests  which  they  had  really  at  stake,  seriously 
applied  themselves  to  the  task  of  informing  the 
masses  respecting  the  real  state  of  the  question. 
There  were  among  them  many  men  of  real  merit,  who 
•were  groaning  under  the  follies  of  the  government. 

Colli,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Pope's  army,  had 
commanded  the  Piedmontese  forces  at  Mondovi  and 
Cherasco;  he  knew  whom  he  had  to  deal  with;  and  on 
this  occasion  he  chose  an  excellent  position  on  the 
heights  in  advance  of  Ancona,  and  there  formed  a 
camp  with  the  3,000  men  who  remained  with  him. 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  63 

But  under  various  pretexts,  lie  and  his  Austrian 
officers  retired  to  Loretto  as  soon  as  the  French  army 
appeared.  The  position  occupied  by  the  Romans  was 
excellent.  General  Victor  dispatched  an  officer  with 
a  flag  of  truce,  to  summon  them  to  submit,  and  whilst 
the  conferences  were  taking  place  with  this  view,  the 
French  and  Italian  troops  extended  their  line  to  the 
right  and  left,  surrounded  them,  took  them  prisoners 
without  firing  a  shot,  and  entered  the  citadel  without 
resistance. 

The  same  course  was  pursued  respecting  the  pri- 
soners, as  had  been  adopted  in  the  case  of  those  taken 
at  the  battle  of  the  Senio ;  they  were  sent  home,  well 
supplied  with  proclamations,  and  formed  a  body  of 
new  missionaries,  who  preceded  the  march  of  the 
army.  Ancona  is  the  only  port  in  the  Adriatic  be- 
'tween  Venice  and  Brindisi,  which  is  at  the  extremity 
of  the  most  easterly  point  of  Italy ;  but  it  was  then  in 
such  a  neglected  condition,  that  even  frigates  could 
not  enter  the  harbour.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
Napoleon  perceived  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  to 
fortify  the  place  and  improve  the  port.  Great  works 
were  executed  at  Ancona,  during  the  existence  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy ;  and  now,  ships  of  any  size,  even 
three-deckers,  can  enter  the  harbour  with  safety.  The 
Jews,  who  are  very  numerous  in  Ancona,  as  well  as 
the  Mahometans  of  Albania  and  Greece,  were  there 
subjected  to  ancient  and  humiliating  restrictions,  only 
fit  for  a  barbarous  age.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the 


64  HISTORY  OF   THE 

Emperor  was  to  strike  off  their  bonds  and  set  them 
free.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  presence  of  the  army, 
the  people  ran  in  crowds  to  throw  themselves  at  the  feet 
of  a  Madonna  which  shed  tears.  Some  sensible  citizens 
gave  intelligence  of  this  proceeding,  and  Mcenge  was  sent 
thither.  He  reported  that  in  reality  the  Madonna  did 
weep.  The  chapter  was  ordered  to  bring  her  to  head 
quarters,  and  it  was  discovered  that  the  whole  was  an 
optical  illusion,  very  skilfully  managed  by  the  assist- 
ance of  a  glass.  The  next  day  the  Madonna  was 
replaced  in  the  church,  but  without  the  glass  ;  she 
wept  no  more.  A  chaplain,  who  had  been  guilty  of 
this  piece  of  knavery,  was  arrested.  It  was  regarded 
both  as  an  offence  against  the  army,  and  a  means  of 
bringing  religion  into  contempt. 

On  the  10th,  the  army  encamped  at  the  church  of 
our  lady  of  Loretto.     This  is  a  bishop's  see,  and  the 
seat  of  a  magnificent  convent;  the  church  and  the 
buildings  are  splendid.  There  are  immense  and  beauti- 
fully furnished  apartments  for  the  treasures  of 'the 
Madonna,  and  the  lodgings  of  the  clergy,  the  chapter, 
and  the  pilgrims.  The  church  contains  the  casa-santa, 
or  dwelling  of  the  Virgin  at  Nazareth,  the  very  place 
in  which  she  was  visited  by  the  angel  Gabriel.     This 
dwelling  consists  of  a  small  house,  often  or  twelve  yards 
square,  in  which  there  -is  a  Madonna  placed  under  a 
canopy.     The  legend  says,  that  angels  carried  it  from 
Nazareth  to  Dalmatia,  when  the  infidels  overran  Syria, 
and  from  thence  across  the  Adriatic  to  the  summits  of 


CAPTIVITY  OF  -NAPOLEON.  65 

Loretto.  The  shrine  of  the  Virgin  is  visited  by 
pilgrims  froj#*till  parts  of  Christendom.  Presents, 
consisting  of  diamonds  and  all  sorts  of  precious  stones 
and  metals,  sent  from  various  countries,  formed  her 
treasury,  which  amounted  to  many  millions*  The 
court  of  Rome  no  sooner  knew  of  the  approach  of  the 
French  army,  than  they  ordered  all  the  treasures 
of  Loretto  to  be  packed  up  and  placed  beyond  the 
reach  of  danger;  above  a  million,  however,  was  still 
found  m  gold  and  silver.  The  Madonna  itself  was 
sent  to  Paris  and  deposited  in  the  national  library, 
where  it  was  to  be  seen  for  many  years.  It  was  a 
statue  very  rudely  carved,  which  was  a  proof  of  its 
antiquity.  The  first  consul  restored  this  relic  to  the 
Pope  on  the  conclusion  of  the  concordat,  and  it  has 
been  replaced  in  the  Casa-  Santa. 

Several  thousand  French  priests,  who  had  left  their 
country,  were  now  sojourning  in  Italy ;  and,  in  pro- 
portion as  the  French  army  advanced  into  the  Penin- 
sula, the  tide  was  rolled  back  upon  Rome.     As  soon, 
however,  as  the  army  entered  the  papal  states,  they 
found  themselves  deprived  of  further  means  of  retreat 
or  refuge.     Some  of  the  more  timid  had  crossed  the 
Adige  in  good  time,  and  returned  into  Germany,  for 
Naples  had  refused  them  an  asylum.     The  heads  of 
the  different  convents,  on  whose  resources  they  were  a 
heavy  burden,  seized  upon  the  pretext  of  the  arrival 
of  the  army,  and  affected  to  fear  that  the  presence  of 
the  French  priests  would  draw  down  the  vengeance  of 
the  conqueror  upon  their  convents,  and  they  drove 

VOL.  II.  £ 


66  HISTORY  OP  THE 

away  these  unfortunate  men.  Napoleon  made  a  decree, 
and  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  relieved  the 
apprehensions  of  the  French  priests,  and  commanded 
the  convents,  bishops,  and  chapters,  to  receive  them, 
and  to  furnish  them  with  everything  necessary  for 
their  support  and  comfort.  He  prescribed  to  them  the 
duty  of  looking  upon  those  priests  as  friends  and 
countrymen,  and  ordered  them  to  receive  and  treat 
them  as  such.  The  whole  army  became  animated  by 
the  same  feelings,  and  this  led  to  a  great  number  of 
very  affecting  scenes;  many  of  the  soldiers  recognised 
their  old  pastors,  and  these  unfortunate  old  men,  living 
in  exile  many  hundred  leagues  from  their  own  country, 
received,  for  the  first  time,  marks  of  respect  and  affec- 
tion from  their  countrymen,  who,  until  then,  had 
treated  them  as  enemies  and  criminals.  The  news  of 
this  measure  was  spread  abroad  throughout  the  whole 
of  Christendom,  and  especially  in  France.  Some 
critics  were  unfavourable  to  this  policy,  but  their 
views  were  stifled  by  the  feeling  of  general  approba- 
tion, and  especially  by  that  of  the  directory. 

In  the  meantime,  consternation  reigned  in  the 
Vatican.  One  piece  of  bad  news  rapidly  succeeded 
another.  The  government  first  learned  that  the  papal 
army,  on  which  they  had  placed  such  confidence,  had 
been  completely  destroyed,  without  having  opposed 
the  slightest  resistance.  The  couriers,  who  after- 
wards arrived,  bringing  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of 
the  French  in  the  various  cities,  made  them  acquainted 
with  the  complete  change  of  opinion  which  had  taken 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  67 

place  in  the  public  mind,  and  informed  them  that  senti- 
ments of  friendship  and  a  desire  for  liberty  had  taken 
the  place  of  hatred  and  fanaticism.  Busca  soon  be- 
came convinced  that  a  Vendee  was  not  a  thing  to 
be  created  at  pleasure ;  that  if  extraordinary  circum- 
stances do  create  it,  nothing  but  grave  faults  can 
give  it  consistency  and  duration.  It  was  soon  known 
that  the  French  army  had  taken  possession  of  Ancona, 
Loretto,  and  Macerata,  and  that  the  advanced  guard 
was  already  on  the  summits  of  the  Apennines. 
"  The  French  do  not  march,"  said  the  prelates ;  "  they 


run.9' 


In  the  meantime,  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had 
been  taken  prisoners  and  sent  home  from  Faenza  and 
Ancona,  diffused  the  feelings  of  confidence,  by  which  they 
themselves  were  animated,  throughout  all  the  quarters 
of  Rome.  The  partisans  of  liberty  raised  their  heads, 
and  showed  themselves  openly  in  the  city  itself.  The 
members  of  the  sacred  college,  no  longer  seeing  any 
ground  of  hope,  began  to  think  of  their  own  safety. 
All  the  necessary  preparations  were  made  for  their 
departure  to  Naples.  The  carriages  of  the  court  were 
ready,  when  the  general  of  the  Camaldules  arrived  at 
the  Vatican,  and  prostrated  himself  at  the  feet  of  the 
holy  father.  On  passing  through  Casena,  Napoleon 
had  recognised  him,  and,  knowing  the  confidence  which 
Pius  VI.  had  in  this  monk,  he  commissioned  him  to 
go  and  assure  his  holiness  that  his  life  was  not  in 
danger,  that  the  French  general  would  respect  his 
person  and  office — that  he  .might  remain  in  Rome— 

F2 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE 

that  lie  would  only  have  to  change  his  cabinet  and  to 
send  plenipotentiaries,  with  full  powers,  to  Tolentino, 
to  conclude  and  sign  a  definitive  peace  with  the 
republic.  The  general  of  the  Camaldules  acquitted 
himself  of  his  mission  with  success ;  the  Pope  took 
confidence,  dismissed  the  ridiculous  Busca,  and  called 
Doria  to  the  head  of  .affairs,  who  was  well  known  for 
the  judicious  moderation  of  his  opinions.  He  further 
countermanded  his  departure  from  Borne,  and  named 
plenipotentiaries  to  conclude  and  sign  a  definitive 
peace. 

The  instructions  of  the  directory  were  opposed  to 
all  negotiations  with  Rome,  The  members  were  of 
opinion  that  the  time  was  come  to  put  an  end  to  the 
temporal  reign  of  the  Pope,  and  to  have  no  more 
trouble  on  that  score;  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
find  any  occasion  on  which  the  court  of  Eome  should 
be  more  obviously  in  the  wrong;  and  that  it  was 
nothing  less  than  folly  to  think  of  a  sincere  peace  with 
a  set  of  theologians,  who  were  so  strenuously  opposed 
to  those  principles  on  which  the  new  republics  were 
founded.  Undoubtedly,  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Pope  appeared  incompatible  with  the  prosperity  of 
Italy,  Experience  had  proved,  that  neither  modera- 
tion nor  good  faith  was  to  be  expected  from  that  court ; 
but  Napoleon  was  of  opinion,  that  he  could  neither 
revolutionize  Rome,  uor  unite  its  territory  to  the 
transpadane  republic,  without  marching  upon  Naples 
and  overthrowing  its  throne.  In  Naples,  the  liberal 
party  was  numerous  enough  to  give  considerable  dis- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  69 

quiet  to  the  court,  but  too  weak  to  be  a  support  or 
to  offer  effectual  assistance  to  the  French  army.  The 
court  of  Naples  felt  that  a  revolution  in  Rome  would  be 
the  forerunner  of  its  falL  In  order,  however,  to  under- 
take an  expedition  against  Naples,  an  army  of  at  least 
25,000  men  was  necessary,  and  the  employment  of  so 
great  a  force  in  that  direction  was  not  compatible  with 
the  great  design  of  dictating  the  terms  of  a "  peace 
under  the  walls  of  Vienna. 

The  advanced  guard  of  the  French  army  had 
crossed  the  Apennines.  It  was  within  three  days* 
march  of  Rome ;  and,  on  the  13th  of  February,  the  head- 
quarters were  in  Tolentino.  Cardinal  Mattel,  Monsignoi* 
Galeppi,  the  Duke  of  Braschi,  and  the  Marquis  Massini, 
the  Pope's  ministers  plenipotentiary,  arrived  there 
on  the  14th  ;  Monsignor  Galeppi  conducted  the 
conference.  This  prelate  was  endowed  with  great 
fertility  of  mind,  and  deeply  versed  in  homilatic 
learning ;  but  the  court  of  Rome  was  in  the  wrong,  and 
ought  to  be  punished.  This  could  only  be  done  by 
the  cession  of  the  conquered  provinces,  or  by  contri- 
butions to  an  equal  amount  in  value. 

The  three  legations,  the  Duchy  of  Urbino,  the 
March  of  Ancona,  and  the  districts  of  Macerata  and 
Perugia,  were  conquered.  The  bases  being  thus 
settled,  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  required  only  five 
days'  discussion.  Galeppi,  who  had  said  a  great  deal 
respecting  the  total  ruin  of  the  papal  finances,  found 
resources  wherewith  to  make  compensation  for  the 
conquered  provinces,  or  at  least  to  diminish  the 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE 

number  of  those  which  the  Pope  should  cede.  The 
treaty  was  signed  in  the  convent  occupied  as  the 
head-quarters  of  the  French  army. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  conditions,  and  in 
the  form  following : 

"General  Bonaparte,  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  of  Italy,  and  Citizen  Cacault,  agent  of  the 
French  republic  in  Italy,  plenipotentiaries  furnished 
with  full  powers  by  the  executive  Directory,  and  his 
Eminence  Cardinal  Mattei,  Monsignor  Galeppi,  the 
Duke  of  Braschi,  and  the  Marquis  Massini,  plenipo- 
tentiaries of  his  Holiness,  have  agreed,  and  do  agree, 
-to  the  following  articles : 

"Art.  1.  There  shall l)e  peace,  friendship,  and  a 
good  understanding  between  the  French  republic  and 
Pope"  Pius  VI. 

"  2.  The  Pope  revokes  all  adhesion,  consent,  and 
accession,  whether  open  or  secret,  given  by  him 
to  the  coalition  in  arms  against  the  French  republic ; 
every  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  or  defensive,  with 
all  powers  or  states  whatsoever.  During  the  continu- 
ance of  the  present  war,  as  well  as  in  all  subsequent 
wars,  he  engages  not  to  furnish,  to  any  power  in  arms 
against  the  French  republic,  any  succours  of  any  kind 
or  denomination  whatsoever,  whether  in  men,  ships> 
munitions  of  war,  provisions,  or  money. 

"  3.  Within  five  days  after  the  ratification  01 
the  present  treaty,  his  Holiness  binds  himself  to  dis- 
miss all  levies  recently  raised,  and  to  preserve  only 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  71 

such  regiments  as  existed  previous  to  the  armistice 
signed  at  Bologna. 

"4.  No  ships  of  war,  nor  privateers,  belonging 
to  the  powers  at  war  with  the  French  republic,  shall 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  harbours  or  roadsteads  of  the 
states  of  the  church,  and  much  less  to  remain  in  such 
harbours  or  roads. 

"  5.  The  French  republic,  as  before  the  war,  shall 
continue  to  enjoy  all  those  rights  and  privileges  which 
France  possessed  in  Eome — shall  be  treated,  in  all 
respects,  as  the  most  favoured  nations,  and  especially 
with  respect  to  its  ambassador  or  minister,  consuls, 
or  vice-consuls. 

"  6.  The  Pope  fully  and  clearly  renounces  all 
his  rights  or  pretensions  over  or  to  the  cities  and 
territories  of  Avignon,  the  county  of  Venassin,  and  its 
dependencies ;  and  transfers,  cedes,  and  abandons  the 
said  rights  to  the  French  republic. 

"7.  The  Pope  equally  renounces  for  ever,  cedes, 
and  transfers  to  the  French  republic,  all  his  rights 
to  the  territories  comprised  under  the  names  of  the 
Legations  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Eomagna;  no 
injury  shall  be  inflicted  on  the  Catholic  religion  in  the 
fore-mentioned  legations. 

"  8.  The  town,  citadel,  and  villages,  forming  the 
territory  of  the  city  of  Ancona,  shall  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  French  republic  till  the  conclusion  of  a 
continental  peace. 

"9.  The  Pope  binds  himself  and  his  successors, 
not  to  transfer,  to  any  persons  whatsoever,  any  claims 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE 

or  titles  to  the  lordships  attached  to  the  territories 
ceded  by  this  treaty  to  the  French  republic. 

"  10.  His  Holiness  engages  to  cause  to  be  paid 
and  delivered  at  Foligno,  to  the  paymaster  of  the 
French  army,  on  the  15th  of  Ventose  inst.  (March 
5th,  1797),  the  sum  of  15,000,000  of  livres—  ten 
millions  in  currency,  and  five  millions  in  diamonds 
and  other  valuable  effects  —  in  addition  to  16,000,000 
which  remain  due,  according  to  Article  9  of  the  armis- 
tice signed  at  Bologna,  and  ratified  by  his  Holiness  on 
the  27th  of  June. 

"11.  In  order  fully  to  discharge  the  remainder  of 
the  obligations  contracted  by  the  armistice  signed  at 
Bologna,  his  Holiness  agrees  to  furnish  800  cavalry 
horses  with  their  accoutrements,  800'  draught  horses, 
oxen,  buffaloes,  and  other  objects,  which  are  the  pro- 
duction of  the  states  of  the  church. 

"12.  Independent  of  the  sum  mentioned  in  the 
foregoing  articles,  the  Pope  will  pay  to  the  French 
republic,  in  cash,  diamonds,  and  other  precious  articles, 
the  sums  of  15,000,000  of  livres  tournais*  of  France, 
of  which  10,000,000  shall  be  paid  in  the  course  of 
the  month  of  April  ensuing. 

"  13.  Article  8  of  the  treaty  of  armistice  signed 
at  Bologna,  and  referring  to  manuscripts  and  works  of 
art,  shall  be  executed  in  full,  and  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible. 

"  14.    The  French   army  will  evacuate 


*  The  "livretournaisde  France,"  is  equal  in  value  to  the 
French  franc,  lOd.  English. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  73 

Perugia,  and  Camerino,  as  soon  as  Article  10  of  the 
present  treaty  shall  be  executed  and  fulfilled, 

"15.  The  French  army  shall  evacuate  the  pro- 
vince of  Macerate,  with  the  exception  of  Ancona, 
Fermo,  and  their  respective  territories,  as  soon  as  the 
first  five  millions  of  the  sum  mentioned  in  Article  12  of 
the  present  treaty,  shall  have  been  paid  and  delivered. 

"  16.  The  French  army  shall  evacuate  the  terri- 
tory of  the  city  of  Fano,  and  the  duchy  of  Urbino,  as 
soon  as"  the  second  five  millions  of  the  sum  mentioned 
in  Article  12  of  the  present  treaty  shall  have  been 
paid  and  delivered,  and  Articles  3,  10,  11,  and  12, 
fully  executed. 

"  The  last  five  millions,  constituting  a  part  of  the 
sum  stipulated  by  Article  12,  shall  be  paid  at  latest  in 
the  course  of  the  ensuing  month  of  April. 

"  17.  The  French  republic  cedes  to  the  Pope  all 
its  rights  over  the  different  religious  foundations  in 
the  cities  of  Eome  and  Loretto;  and  the  Pope  cedes 
to  the  French  republic  all  the  allodial  possessions 
belonging  to  the  Holy  See  in  the  three  provinces  of 
Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Romagna,  and  especially  the 
district  of  Mezzola  and  its  dependencies;  in  case  of 
sale,  however,  the  Pope  reserves  one -third  of  the 
amount  of  the  produce  of  such  sale,  to  be  returned  to 
his  permanent  funds. 

"  18.  His  Holiness,  by  his  minister  in  Paris,  shall 
cause  the  assassination  committed  on  the  person  of 
Basseville,  secretary  of  legation,  to  be  publicly  dis- 
avowed. 


74  HISTORY  OP  THE 

"  In  the  course  of  the  year,  the  sum  of  300,000 
livres  shall  be  paid  by  his  Holiness,  to  be  divided 
amongst  those  who  have  suffered  from  this  crime. 

"  19.  His  Holiness  shall  set  at  liberty  all  persons 
who  may  be  detained  in  custody  on  account  of  their 
political  opinions. 

"20.  The  cominander-in-chief  will  set  at  liberty, 
and  enable  to  return  to  their  own  homes,  all  prisoners 
of  war  taken  from  his  Holiness,  as  soon  as  the  ratifi- 
cation of  this  treaty  shall  have  been  received. 

"21.  Pending  the  negotiations  for  a  commercial 
treaty  between  the  French  republic  and  the  Pope,  the 
commerce  of  the  republic  shall  be  placed  on  the  same 
footing  as  that  of  the  most  favoured  nations. 

"  22.  Conformably  to  Article  6  of  the  treaty 
concluded  at  the  Hague,  on  the  27th  Flor^al,  year  3, 
the  terms  of  the  peace  now  concluded  between  the 
French  republic  and  his  Holiness,  are  declared  to  be 
common  to  the  Batavian  republic. 

"23.  The  French  post  shall  be  re-established  in 
Eome,  on  the  same  footing  on  which  it  previously  stood. 

"  24.  The  school  of  arts,  instituted  in  Rome  for  all 
Frenchmen,  shall  be  re-established,  and  continue  to  be 
directed  as  before  the  war ;  the  palace  belonging  to  the 
republic,  in  which  that  school  was  placed,  shall  be  re*- 
stored  without  injury. 

"25,   All  the  articles,    clauses,    and    conditions 
'of  the  present  treaty  are  to  be  of  perpetual  obliga- 
tion upon  his  Holiness  Pope  Pius  VL,  and  all  his 
successors. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  75 

"  26.  The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  with  the 
least  possible  delay. 

"  Done  and  signed  at  the  head  quarters  at  Tolen- 
tino,  by  the  under-mentioned  plenipotentiaries,  on  the 
1st  Ventose,  year  5  of  the  French  republic,  one  and 
indivisible  (Feb.  19th,  1797). 
(Signed) 

"  BONAPARTE,  CACAULT, 
"  CARDINAL  MATTEI,  L.  GALEPPI, 
"  L.  DUCA  BRASCHI-ONESTI,  AND 
"  CAMILLO  MARCHESE  MASSINI." 

Napoleon  insisted,  for  a  long  time,  that  the  court 
of  Rome  should  engage  to  suppress  the  inquisition.  It 
was  represented  to  him,  that  the  inquisition  was  no 
longer  what  it  had  been;  that,  at  present,  it  was 
rather  a  tribunal  of  police  than  of  religious  opinion, 
and  that  autos-da-fe  no  longer  existed.  He  appre- 
ciated these  reasons  at  their  just  value,  and  desisted 
from  pressing  this  article,  out  of  complaisance  to  the 
Pope,  who  was  deeply  affected,  and  opened  up  his 
views  in  his  private  correspondence.  He  satisfied 
himself  with  the  cession  of  the  Legations  of  Bologna, 
Ferrara,  and  Eomagna,  and  the  occupation  of  Ancona 
with  a  garrison :  this  "was  the  consequence  of  the  same 
principle  which  led  him  to  respect  the  temporal  exist- 
ence of  the  Pope.  If,  as  the  patriots  of  the  trans- 
padane  republic  wished,  he  had  increased  the  territory 
of  this  new  republic  by  the  addition  of  the  duchy  of 
Urbino,  and  the  provinces  of  Ferrara  and  Macerata, 


76  SISTORY  OF  THE 

and  had  extended  its  boundaries  to  Otranto  and  the 
Apennines,  it  would  then  have  coine  in  contact  with 
the  kingdom  of  Naples.  War  with  this  court,  would, 
in  that  case,  have  become  the  infallible  consequence, 
and  this  war  would  have  taken  place,  whether  France 
and  the  court  of  Naples  desired  it  or  not. 

The  importance  which  this  court  attached  to  the 
stipulations  of  this  treaty  was  so  great,  that  its 
minister,  Prince  Pignatelli,  followed  the  French  head 
quarters,  which  was  a  striking  proof  of  their  alarm. 
This  prince  was  not  deficient  either  in  intelligence  or 
activity ;  but  he  stopped  at  no  means  to  keep  himself 
well  informed.  Many  times,  but  especially  at  Loretto, 
and  during  the  negotiations  at  Tolentino,  he  was  sur- 
prised listening  at  the  doors,  and  exposed  himself  to 
the  indignity  of  being  driven  away  by  the  porters. 
The  peace  stopped  the  advance  of  the  French  troops. 

After  the  signature  of  the  treaty,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  entrusted  General  Victor  with  the  superin- 
tendence of  its  execution,  sent  his  aide-de-camp, 
Colonel  Yanot,  to  Eome,  as  the  bearer  of  a  respectful 
letter  to  the  Pope,  and  set  out  for  Mantua. 

This  letter,  and  the  Pope's  reply,  which  were  pub- 
lished, formed  a  great  contrast  with  the  language  then 
commonly  in  use,  and  this  peculiarity  was  remarked. 

Mantua  had  now  been  for  a  month  in  the  hands  of 
the  republic ;  the  hospitals  were  still  full  of  Austrians. 
Napoleon  went  to  the  ducal  palace  and  sojourned 
there  for  several  days.  A  very  great  number  of 
beautiful  pictures  had  been  found  in  this  city,  which 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  77 

he  caused  to  be  sent  to  the  museum  in  Paris.  Titian's 
magnificent  frescoes  of  the  war  of  the  Titans,  the 
admiration  of  all  connoisseurs,  were  in  the  palace  of 
the  T.     The  commission  of  artists  submitted  various 
plans  for  their  removal  and  transference  to  Paris,  but 
there  would  have  been  a  great  risk  of  losing  and 
destroying  these  chefs-d'ceuvre.    Napoleon  caused  an 
engineering  arsenal  to  be  established,  and  ordered 
General  Chasseloup,  commanding  the  engineers,  to 
direct  his  attention  to  the  improvement  of  the  forti- 
fications; the  weak  side  at  that  time  was  that  of 
La  Pradella  and  Pietolli.    From  this  moment  for- 
ward, all  his  efforts  were  directed  to  the  establishment 
and  consolidation  of  his  new  creations.  Having  given 
orders  respecting  Mantua,  he  proceeded  to  Milan,  the 
centre  of  the  administration  and  of  Italian  politics. 
Public  opinion  in  the  meantime  had    made  great 
progress. 


78  HISTORY  OP  THE 


CHAPTER  IV 
LEOBEN. 

THE  news  of  the  battles  of  Tagliamento  and  of 
Tarwis,  of  the  combat  of  G-orizia,  and  of  the  entry  of 
the  French  into  Clagenfurt  and  Laybach,  caused  a 
general  consternation  in  Vienna.  The  capital  was 
threatened,  and  destitute  of  any  means  of  effectual 
defence :  the  richest  furniture  was  stowed  away,  and 
all  the  most  important  papers  lodged  in  security. 
The  Danube  was  crowded  with  boats  engaged  in  cori- 
veying  the  valuables  of  the  Viennese  to  Hungary, 
whither  the  young  archdukes  and  archduchesses  were 
also  sent.  Among  the  latter  was  the  Archduchess 
Marie  Louise,  then  about  five  years  and  a  half  old, 
who  afterwards  became  empress  of  the  French. 

Discontent  was  general — "  In  less  than  a  fort- 
night," said  the  Viennese,  "  the  French  will  be  under 
our  walls,  the  ministry  do  not  think  of  making  peace, 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  79 

and  we  have  no  means  of  resisting  -this  terrible  army 
of  Italy!" 

The  armies  of  the  Ehine  and  the  Moselle,  of  the 
Sambre  and  the  Meuse,  were  to  commence  the  cam- 
paign, and  pass  the  Ehine  on  the  same  day  on  which 
the  army  of  Italy  should  pass  the  Piave,  and  thus 
advance  rapidly  into  Germany.     Napoleon,  in  giving 
an  account  of  the  battle  of  Tagliamento,  announced 
that  he  was  about  to  cross  the  Julian  Alps  in  a  few 
days,  and  push  forward  into  the  very  heart  of  Ger- 
many;  that  between  the  1st  and  the  10th  of  April,  he 
would  be  at  Clagenfurt,  the  capital  of  Carinthia — that 
is  to  say,  sixty  leagues  from  Vienna;  that  it  was, 
therefore,  important  to  put  the  armies  of  the  Ehine  in 
motion,  and  inform  them  of  their  line  of  march.    The 
government  replied  to  him  on  the  23rd   of  March, 
complimented  him  on  the  victory  of  Tagliamento, 
made  excuses  for  the  armies  of  the  Ehine  not  having 
already  opened  the  campaign,  and  assured  him,  that 
they  should  be  put  in  motion  without  delay.     Four 
days  afterwards,  however, 'on  the  26th  of  March,  the 
government  wrote  to  him,  that  Moreau's  army  could 
not  commence  the  campaign,  because  it  had  no  boats 
to  enable  it  to  cross  the  Ehine,  and  that  the  army  of 
Italy  could  not,   therefore,  calculate  upon  the  co- 
operation of  the  armies  of  Germany,  but  must  rely 
upon  itself  alone.     Tliis  despatch,  which  arrived  at 
Clagenfurt  on  the  31st  of  March,  gave  rise  to  many 
conjectures.     Was  the  Directory  afraid  that  these 
three  armies,  wMchJconstituted  the  whole  force  of  the 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE 

republic,  if  once  united  under  the  same  general,  would 
prove  too  powerful  ?  Was  it  the  checks  which  these 
armies  had  suffered  in  the  preceding  year,  which  ren- 
dered them  timid?  Or  must  this  strange  pusillanimity 
be  attributed  to  want  of  resolution  and  courage  on  the 
part  of  the  generals?  It  was  impossible  that  the 
government  should  wish  to  destroy  or  sacrifice  the 
army  of  Italy,  as  it  had  wished  to  do  in  June  1796, 
by  ordering  one  half  of  the  troops  to  march  against 
Naples.  Napoleon,  not  being  able  to  calculate  on  the 
co-operation  of  these  two  armies,  could  not  flatter 
himself  with  being  able  to  enter  "Vienna,  because  he 
had  not  cavalry  enough  to  descend  into  the  valley  of 
the  Danube,  although  he  might  reach  the  summit  of 
the  Simmering  without  destruction.  He  thought  it 
his  best  course,  in  the  position  in  which  he  was  placed, 
to  conclude  a  peace ;  which  was  an  object  of  universal 
desire  in  France. 

On  the  31st  of  March,  twelve  hours  after  having 
received  the  despatch  of  the  Directory,  he  wrote  to 
the  Archduke  Charles,  as  follows : — "  Sir,  brave  soldiers 
make  war  and  desire  peace !  Has  not  the  present  war 
now  lasted  six  years?  Have  we  not  killed  enough 
people  and  inflicted  evils  enough  upon  unfortunate 
humanity?  She  utters  complaints  on  all  sides. 
Europe,  which  had  taken  up  arms  against  the  French 
republic,  has  laid  them  down.  Tour  nation  alone 
remains,  and  yet  blood  is  about  to  flow  more  copiously 
than  ever.  This  sixth  campaign  is  announced  by 
sinister  presages.  Whatever  may  be  the  issue,  we 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  81 

shall  destroy,  on  both,  sides,  thousands  of  men,  and  at 
last  be  obliged  to  come  to  an  understanding,  because 
everything  has  its  limits,  even  the  most  hateful 
passions. 

"  The  executive  directory  of  the  French  republic 
has  already  signified  to  his  majesty,  the  emperor,  its 
desire  to  put  an  end  to  a  war  so  ruinous  to  the  people 
of  both  nations.  The  intervention  of  the  court  of 
London  opposed  the  fulfilment  of  the  wish.  Is  there 
no  hope  of  coming  to  an  understanding?  Must  we, 
for  the  interests  and  passions  of  a  nation  removed  from 
the  evils  of  war,  continue  to  slaughter  one  another  ? 
You,  sir,  who,  by  your  birth,  stand  so  near  the 
throne — you,  who  are  the  commander-in-chief,  and 
exalted  far  above  those  low  passions,  by  which  govern- 
ments and  ministers  are  often  animated,  ,are  you 
determined  to  deserve  the  title  of  a  benefactor  of 
humanity  and  to  become  the  true  cfeliverer  of 
Germany? 

"Do  not  suppose,  sir,  that  I  intend  by  this,  to 
say  that  it  is  not  possible  to  deliver  the  country  by 
force  of  arms ;  but  on  the  supposition  that  the 
chances  of  war  should  turn  in  your  favour,  Germany 
will  not  be  the  less  ravaged.  For  myself,  sir,  if  the 
overture  which  I  now  make  to  you  saves  the  life  of 
a  single  man,  I  shall  be  prouder  of  the  civic  crown 
which  I  shall  thus  have  deserved,  than  of  that  melan- 
choly glory  which  is  the  result  of  military  success." 

^.On  the  second  of  April,  Prince  Charles  replied  as 
follows  :   "  Assuredly,  General,   whilst  making  war, 

VOL.  II.  G 


82  HISTORY   OF  THE 

and  obeying  the  call  of  honour  and  duty,  I  desire 
peace  as  much  as  you,  for  the  well-being  of  the  people, 
and  the  interests  of  humanity.  As,  however,  in  the 
position  in  which  I  am  placed,  it  does  not  fall  within 
my  sphere  either  to  discuss  or  terminate  the  quarrels 
of  belligerent  nations,  and  as  I  am  not  entrusted 
with  any  powers  by  his  majesty  to  treat,  you  will  see 
that  I  cannot  enter  into  any  negotiations  on  that 
subject,  and  that  I  must  wait  for  orders  upon  a  point 
of  such  deep  importance,  and  which  is  not  completely 
within  my  power. 

-  "  Whatever  may  be  the  future  chances  of  war  or 
hopes  of  peace,  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  General,  of 
my  esteem  and  distinguished  consideration." 

In  order  to  support  this  overture  for  negotiations, 
it  was  necessary  to  advance,  and  approach  Vienna. 

The  advanced  guard  at  this  time  occupied  St.  Veit, 
and  the  head-quarters  were  in  Clagenfurt.  At  break 
of  day,  on  the  1st  of  April,  Massena  advanced  on 
Friesach ;  in  front  of  the  castle,  he  found  the  enemy's 
rear  guard  in  charge  of  considerable  magazines,  which 
the  archduke  had  caused  to  be  there  collected.  He 
pushed  rapidly  forward,  entered  Friesach  pell-mell 
with  the  enemy's  troops,  seized  upon  the  whole  of  the 
magazines,  and  continued  the  pursuit  as  far  as  Neu- 
markt.  On  approaching  this  town,  he  fell  in  with 
the  archduke,  with  four  divisions  just  arrived  from 
the  Rhine,  those  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  two 
other  generals,  together  with  the  reserve  of  grenadiers, 
and  prepared  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  gorges  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  83 

Neumarkt.  The  conimander-in-chief  immediately 
ordered  Massena  to  collect  the  whole  of  his  division  on 
the  left  of  the  high  road;  he  placed  Guieur's  division 
on  the  heights  on  the  right,  and  kept  the  division 
of  Serrurier  in  reserve.  At  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  the  2nd  regiment  of  light  infantry  belong- 
to  Massena's  division,  charged  the  enemy's  first  line, 
and  covered  itself  with  glory.  This  regiment  was 
just  come  from  the  Shine,  and  the  soldiers,  in  allu- 
sion to  the  troops  of  the  German  princes,  which  were 
not  reckoned  good,  called  it  the  contingent.  The 
soldiers  of  the  2nd,  piqued  by  this  ridicule,  challenged 
the  old  soldiers  of  Italy  to  advance  as  far  and  as  fast 
as  themselves;  they  performed  prodigies  of  valour. 
Prince  Charles  was  present  in  person,  but  to  no  pur- 
pose ;  he  was  driven  from  all  his  positions,  and  lost 
3000  men. 

The  French  troops  entered  Neumarkt  at  night 
mixed  with  the  Austrians,  took  1200  prisoners,  six 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  five  stand  of  colours.  It  was 
still  four  leagues  to  Scheifling,  the  point  at  which 
the  third  -transverse  road  abuts.  The  Austrian  ge- 
neral, not  being  able  to  delay  the  conqueror's  march, 
had  recourse  to  a  stratagem,  in  order  to  gain  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  to  give  time  to  General  Kerpen  to 
form  at  Scheifling.  He  made  a  proposition  for  a 
suspension  of  arms,  in  order  to  enable  him,  as  he 
said,  to  take  into  full  consideration  the  letter  written 
tahim  on  the  31st  of  March.  Berthier  replied,  that 
it  was  possible  both  to  negotiate  and  fight,  but  that 

G2 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE 

no  armistice  could  be  agreed  to,  till  the  French  were 
at  Vienna,  unless  to  treat  for  a  definitive  peace. 

At  day-break,  the  French  advanced  guard  com- 
menced their  march  upon  the  Muer ;  strong  reconnoi- 
tring parties  were  sent  forward  as  far  as  Murau,  to 
meet  the  corps  of  General  Kerpen.  Napoleon  him- 
self marched  thither,  but  that  general  had  retired. 
General  Sporck  only,  who  commanded  his  rear-guard, 
was  slightly  wounded.  The  French  head-quarters 
remained,  on  the  4th  and  5th,  at  Scheifling,  a  castle 
situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Muer. 

The  road  from  Scheifling  to  Knittelfeld  follows  the 
bank  of  the  Muer,  and  passes  through  some  frightful 
gorges.  At  every  step  positions  present  themselves, 
at  which  the  French  army  might  have  been  stopped. 
It  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  archduke  to 
gain  a  few  days,  in  order  that  they  might  come  to 
their  senses  in  Vienna,  and  to  enable  the  troops 
who  were  hastening  from  the  Ehine  to  arrive  and 
cover  the  great  capital.  The  same  reasons  prescribed 
to  the  French  army  not  to  lose  a  moment  in  accele- 
rating its  march.  On  the  3rd,  the  advanced  guard 
fought  a  very  warm  engagement  in  the  gorges  of 
TJnzmarkt,  overthrew  the  enemy  in  spite  of  their 
superiority  in  numbers,  drove  them  from  all  their 
positions  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, .  and  entered 
Knittelfeld.  The  loss  of  the  Austrians  was  consider- 
able— 1500  prisoners  and  four  pieces  of  cannon. 
Colonel  Carr£re,  a  distinguished  officer  in  command 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  85 

of  the  artillery  of  the  advanced  guard,  was  killed, 
deeply  regretted.  He  was  an  excellent  officer  in  the 
field,  and  one  of  the  frigates  at  Venice  was  named 
after  him,  as  a  mark  of  honour.  She  was  one  of  those 
on  board  of  which  Napoleon  returned  from  Egypt, 
and  landed  at  Frejus.  On  the  6th  of  April,  the  head 
quarters  were  at  Judenburg,  the  chief  town  of  one  of 
the  circles  of  Carinthia. 

After  the  affair  of  Unzmarkt,  the  army  met  with 
no  more  resistance,  and  the  advanced  guard  arrived 
at  Leoben,  on  the  7th.  Here,  Lieut.-Gen.  Bellegarde, 
chief  of  Prince  Charles's  staff,  and  General  Meerfeld, 
presented  themselves  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  after  a 
conference  with  the  commander-in-chief,  placed  in  his 
hands  the  following  note :  "General,  his  Majesty  the 
Emperor  and  King  has  nothing  more  at  heart  than 
to  secure  the  repose  of  Europe,  and  to  terminate  a 
war  which  afflicts  both  nations.  In  consequence  of 
the  overture  made  in  your  letter  to  his  Koyal  High- 
ness Prince  Charles,  the  Emperor  has  sent  us  to  you, 
in  order  to  come  to  an  understanding  on  this  most 
important  subject.  After  the  conversation  which 
we  have  just  had  with  you,  and  persuaded  of  the 
goodwill,  as  well  as  of  the  intention  of  the  two 
powers  to  put  an  end  to  this  disastrous  war  as  speedily 
as  possible,  his  imperial  highness  ask^'  for  a  suspen- 
sion of  arms  for  ten  days,  in  order  to  be  able  to  arrive 
at  the  desired  result  without  further  loss  of  time,  that 
all  those  delays  and  obstacles  arising  from  a  state  of 


86  HISTORY   OF   THE 

active  hostilities  may  be  removed,  and  everything 
may  contribute  to  re-establish  peace  between  the  two 
nations." 

The  French  General  replied  on  the  >same  day:  "  In 
the  military  positions  of  the  two  armies,  a  suspension 
of  arms  is  decidedly  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the 
French;  but  should  such  a  suspension  lead  to  a  peace 
so  much  desired,  and  so  useful  to  the  people,  I  con- 
sent without  regret  to  the  proposal.  The  French 
republic  has  often  manifested  to  his  majesty  its 
desire  of  putting  an  end  to  this  cruel  struggle;  it 
continues  to  hold  the  same  sentiments,  and,  after  the 
conference  which  I  have  had  the  honour  to  hold  with 
you,  I  do  not  doubt  that,  in  a  few  days,  peace  between 
the  French  republic  and  his  majesty  will  be  re- 
established." 

The  suspension  of  arms  was  agreed  to,  and  a  paper 
to  that  effect  signed  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening. 
It  was  to  continue  for  five  days.  The  whole  country, 
as  far  as  the  Simmering,  was  now  in  possession  of  the 
French  army.  Grate,  one  of  the  largest  cities  in  the 
Austrian  monarchy,  had  surrendered  with  its  citadel. 
Whilst  at  dinner,  General  Berthier  asked  the  Austrian 
commissary  generals,  where  they  thought  Bernadotte's 
division  was?  "  At  Laybach,"  they  replied.  "  And 
Joubert's ?"  "Between Brixen  and  Miihlbach."  "No, " 
answered  he,  "  both  are  en  echelon;  the  most  distant 
is  a  day's  march  from  this  place."  This  answer 
surprised  them  very  much.  On  the  9th,  head- 
quarters being  at  Leoben,  the  advanced  guard  pushed 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  87 

forward  to  Brack,  sending  detachments  as  far  as  the 
Simmering.  Adjutant-General  Leclerc  was  dispatched 
to  Paris,  to  convey  the  intelligence  to  the  government 
of  an  agreement  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities.  This 
general  was  a  distinguished  officer,  intrepid  on  the 
field  of  battle,  and  well  versed  in  business. 

From  Clagenfurt,  the  commander-in-chief  had,  on 
the  30th  of  March,  sent  his  aide-de-camp,  Lavalette, 
at  the  head  of  a  party  of  cavalry,  as  far  as  Lienz,  to 
meet  General  Joubert.  This  general  had  not,  how- 
ever, arrived  from  the  Tyrol,  and  the  towns-people, 
seeing  that  the  party  consisted  only  of  a  handful  of 
men,  rose  upon  them ;  and  the  detachment  owed  its 
safety  to  the  coolness  and  intrepidity  of  the  aide-de- 
camp who  commanded  it.  One  dragoon  only,  lost  his 
life.  A  few  days  afterwards,  General  Zagoncheck, 
with  some  squadrons  of  dragoons,  took  possession  of 
Lienz,  and  opened  a  communication  with  the  army  of 
the  Tyrol.  The  town  was  disarmed,  and  the  inha- 
bitants punished.  OH  the  8th  of  April,  Joubert 
arrived  at  Spital,  near  Villach,  formed  the  left  of 
the  army,  and  immediately  placed  the  prisoners  in 
the  rear. 

General  Bernadotte,  after  having  organized  Car- 
niola,  received  orders  to  cross  the  Save  and  the  Muer, 
and  to  concentrate  himself  upon  Leoben;  he  left  Gene- 
ral Friaud,  with  a  column  of  1500  men,  to  protect 
the  evacuation  of  Fiume,  and  to  keep  Carniola  in 
.check.  It  was  easy  to  foresee,  that  with  such  a  small 
force,  General  Friaud  might  be  repulsed;  his  orders, 


88  HISTORY   OF  THE 

in  that  case,  were  to  defend  the  Isonzo,  and,  finally, 
to  throw  himself  into  Palma  Nova,  to  complete  the 
garrison  there.  What  had  been  foreseen,  happened; 
a  force  of  6000  Croats  attacked  him  on  the  10th  of 
April;  though  only  one  against  four,  his  troops  re- 
pulsed the  enemy  with  considerable  loss;  but  the 
General  felt  the  necessity  of  evacuating  Fiume;  and 
the  truce  of  Judenburg  found  him,  on  the  19th  of 
April,  at  Materia,  covering  Trieste.  These  events, 
exaggerated  like  those  of  the  Tyrol,  were  repeated  in 
Venice,  and  were  the  principal  cause  of  the  commo- 
tion and  taking  up  arms,  which  caused  the  ruin  of 
that  state.  During  the  five  days  that  the  truce  lasted, 
from  the  7th  to  the  12th  of  April,  the  division  of 
Massena  established  itself  at  Brack,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Simmering,  having  an  advanced  guard  half-way  up  the 
hill,  the  head- quarters  were  at  Leoben,  at  the  bishop's 
palace ;  the  division  of  Serrurier  occupied  the  important 
city  of  Gratz,  and  was  causing  the  castle  to  be  re- 
paired. These  five  days  of  repose  were  necessary  and 
very  useful. 

The  armistice  terminated  on  the  13th;  but  at  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  Comte  de  Meerfeld  arrived 
with  full  power  to  negotiate  the  preliminaries  for 
peace,  conjointly  with  the  Marquis  de  Gallo,  the 
Neapolitan  ambassador  at  Vienna,  who  was  in  high 
favour  with  the  Empress,  whose  influence  in  affairs  of 
state  was  very  decided.  An  agreement  was  signed, 
prolonging  the  armistice  till  the  20th  of  April,  and 
conferences  were  begun  relative  to  the  preliminaries  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  89 

peace.  On  the  16th  of  April,  after  a  long  discussion, 
they  had  determined  upon  three  plans  which  were  dis- 
patched by  them  to  Vienna,  and  to  which  the  French 
plenipotentiary  had  given  his  consent.  On  the  1 7th, 
the  answer  of  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  having  been 
brought  by  the  Baron  Vincent,  aide-de-camp  of  the 
Emperor,  the  preliminary  articles,  public  and  private, 
were  agreed  upon ;  the  secretaries  of  legation  had  ren- 
dered neutral  a  small  country-house,  about  a  league 
from  Leoben,  where  the  preliminaries  were  signed  on 
the  morning  of  the  18th.  General  Clarke,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  provided  with  full  power  by  the  government, 
but  he  was  then  at  Turin.  Some  time  was  necessary 
for  his  arrival ;  and  as  he  was  not  at  head-quarters  on 
the  18th,  Napoleon  went  a  step  further  on  this,  as  on 
several  other  occasions,  and  signed  the  preliminaries 
himself. 

Clarke  arrived  at  head-quarters  a  few  days  after- 
wards. The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  had  thought 
to  do  something  agreeable  to  the  French,  by  putting 
in  the  first  article,  that  the  Emperor  recognised  the 
French  republic.  "  Strike  that  out,"  said  Napoleon ; 
"  the  republic  is  like  the  sun,  which  shines  of  itself: 
it  is  only  the  blind  who  do  not  see  it."  In  fact,  this 
recognition  was  obnoxious,  because,  in  case  the  French 
people  should  some  day  erect  for  itself  a  monarchy,  the 
Emperor  might  say,  that  he  had  recognised  the  repub- 
lic. It  was  stipulated  by  the  preliminaries  that  the 
definitive  peace  should  be  treated  of  at  a  congress  to 
assemble  at  Berne,  and  that  the  peace  of  the  empire 


90  HISTORY   OF  THE 

should  be  the  object  of  another  congress  which  should 
be  held  in  a  German  city.     The  limits  of  the  Ehine 
were  guaranteed  to  France ;  the  Oglio  was  to  be  the 
limit  of  the  house  of  Austria  in  Italy,  and  of  the 
Cisalpine  republic,  which  was  composed  of  Lombardy, 
Modena,  the  Bergomasque,  and  the  Cremasque.     The 
city  of  Venice  was  to  receive  legations  from  Ferrara 
and  from  Bologna;  and  was  to  receive  the  Eomagna, 
as  a  compensation  for  the  loss  of  its  states  on  the  Con- 
tinent,    By  this  treaty,  the  Emperor  was  to  retain 
Mantua,  but  the  French  republic  was  to  obtain  Venice. 
The  French  armies  were  allowed  to  communicate  from 
Milan  to  Venice,  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Po,  to 
pass  out  at  the  Piave,  and  to  render  null  the  lines  of 
the  Mincio,  of  the  Adige,  and  of  Mantua.     No  opposi- 
tion was  offered  to  the  two  republics  forming  one,  if 
they  both  desired  it.     Venice  had  existed  for  nine 
centuries,  without  possessing  any  territory  in  Italy, 
and  had  only  been  a  maritime  state:  this  was  the 
period  of  its  greatest  power;  besides,  it  is  true  that 
the  arrangements  were  made  out  of  hatred  for  the  Ve- 
netians.    It  was  just  at  the  time  when  the  despatches 
of  the  3rd  and  5th  of  April  had  arrived  from  General 
Kilmaine.    The  French  army  were  full  of  indignation 
at  the  description  of  the  murders  committed  on  their 
stragglers.     An  insurrectionary  cockade  had  been  set 
up  at  Venice,  and  the  English  minister  wore  it  in 
triumph,  whilst  the  lion  of  St.  Mark  floated  in  his 
gondola.  This  minister  possessed  very  great  influence. 
On  the  27th  of  April,  the  Marquis  de  Gallo  pre- 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  91 

sented  to  the  general-in-chief,  at  Gratz,  the  prelimi- 
naries, ratified  by  the  Emperor.  If  the  exchange  did 
not  take  place  immediately,  the  reason  was  that  it  was 
necessary  to  wait  for  the  ratification  of  the  executive 
directory ;  but  as  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  they 
would  then  ratify  the  preliminaries,  the  army  evacu- 
ated Styria,  and  part  of  Carniola  and  of  Carinthia. 
Several  overtures  having  been  made  by  the  plenipo- 
tentiaries of  the  Emperor,  the  aide-de-camp,  Lemar- 
rois,  conveyed  the  answers  to  Vienna;  he  was  received 
with  distinction;  it  was  the  first  time  since  the 
revolution  that  the  tri-color  cockade  had  been  seen  in 
that  capital.  It  was  at  one  of  these  conferences  at 
Gratz,  that  one  of  the  plenipotentiaries,  authorised  by 
an  autograph  letter  of  the  Emperor,  offered  Napoleon 
to  obtain  for  him,  at  the  peace,  a  sovereignty  of 
250,000  souls  in  Germany,  for  himself  and  his 
family,  in  order  to  secure  him  against  republican 
ingratitude.  The  general  smiled,  and  commissioned 
the  plenipotentiary  to  thank  the  Emperor,  in  his 
name,  for  this  proof  of  friendship  towards  him,  and  to 
say,  that  he  wished  for  no  greatness,  no  riches,  which 
were  not  given  to  him  by  the  French  people ;  and  he 
is  said  to  have  added — "  And  with  this  support, 
believe  me,  sir,  my  ambition  will  be  satisfied." 

The  adjutant-general,  Dessoles,  was  dispatched  to 
Paris  with  the  news  of  the  opening  of  the  negotiations. 
General  Massena  conveyed  to  the  directory  the  pre- 
liminary treaty ;  he  received  a  formal  audience,  on  the 
9th  of  May.  All  the  generals,  at  all  distinguished 


92  HISTORY  OF   THE 

during  the  campaign  in  Italy,  had  been  dispatched  to 
Paris  with  trophies  of  the  success  of  the  French  arms; 
Massena  alone,  who  held  the  first  place,  by  the  share 
he  had  had  in  the  campaign,  had  not  yet  been  sent  to 
Paris;  it  was  only  just,  therefore,  to  associate  his 
name  with  this  great  national  festival,  since  it  was  the 
result  of  the  intrepidity  and  valour  of  the  French 
arms. 

The  position  of  the  army  of  Italy  was  prosperous ; 
the  account  of  the  19th  of  April  gave  38,500  infantry, 
4,500  cavalry,  and  120  cannons;  on  the  whole, 
43,000  men,  united  in  the  same  field  of  battle,  and 
ready  to  take  up  their  position  in  a  single  march  on 
"the  Simmering.  It  had  experienced  but  very  slight 
losses  since  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  The 
fortresses  of  Palma-Nova,  Clagenfurt,  and  G-ratz, 
were  victualled  and  garrisoned,  and  depots  of  all  kinds 
were  formed  in  these  places.  The  morals  of  the 
French  army  were  at  the  highest  point;  at  the  battle 
of  Neumarkt,  only  a  third  of  the  division  of  Massena 
was  engaged,  and  it  was  sufficient  to  overthrow  the 
elite  of  the  Austrian  army,  though  very  favourably 
posted.  The  army  of  the  archduke,  on  the  contrary, 
was  demoralized;  he  had  scarcely  any  of  the  old 
Italian  army  remaining.  The  six  divisions  which 
had  arrived  from  the  Rhine,  had  been  successively 
and  considerably  broken  ;  they  had  been  much 
diminished.  Napoleon  might  then  have  pushed  for- 
ward to  Vienna,  but  this  would  have  produced  no 
decisive  result;  he  could  not  have  maintained  his 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  93 

position,  because  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  had  not 
only  not  entered  on  the  campaign,  but  had  announced 
that  they  could  not  enter  on  it.  The  opinions  of  the 
directory  were  divided ;  there  was  a  split  even  among 
the  directors  themselves ;  the  government  was  power- 
less :  there  was  no  public  spirit  in  France,  and  the 
finances  were  in  a  deplorable  state.  The  army  of  the 
Ehine  was  without  pay,  and  in  the  greatest  poverty. 
One  of  the  greatest  obstacles  to  his  passage  of  the 
Khine,  was  the  fact,  that  the  treasury  could  not  furnish 
Moreau  with  the  30  or  40,000  crowns  necessary  for  the 
construction  of  the  machinery  of  a  bridge.  The 
regiments  formed  in  La  Vendee  for  the  recruiting  of 
the  Italian  army,  each  about  4000  strong,  by  means 
of  joining  together  several  corps,  arrived  at  Milan, 
from  900  to  1000  strong;  three-quarters  had  deserted 
on  the  road.  The  governor  had  no  means  of  bringing 
back  the  deserters,  or  of  recruiting  the  army. 

From  the  very  first  conferences,  the  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiaries had  granted  the  cession  of  Belgium  and 
of  the  lines  of  the  Rhine;  but  they  required  a  compen- 
sation for  this ;  and  when  this  was  offered  to  them  in 
Germany — in  Bavaria,  for  example — they  added  im- 
mediately that  it  would  be  necessary,  in  that  case,  to 
guarantee  to  the  republic  of  Venice  its  present  con- 
stitution, and  to  consolidate  the  aristocracy  of  the 
golden  book;  not  wishing  to  allow,  under  any  pre- 
text whatever,  that  the  Italian  republic  should  extend 
from  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  as  far  as  the  Isonzo 
and  the  Julian  Alps.  But  this  would  have  been  to  con- 


94  HISTORY   OF  THE 

solidate  the  most  active  and  the  most  constant  enemy 
of  the  republic — an  enemy  which,  perceiving  from  the 
events  which  had  just  happened,  the  dangers  to  which 
it  would  be  exposed,  would  have  henceforth  no  other 
policy  than  to  connect  itself  to,  and  to  make  common 
cause  with  Austria,  which,  in  fact,  would  have 
willingly  entered  into  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  'with  the  Venetian  oligarchy,  against  the 
democratic  Italian  republic.  This,  then,  would  have 
been  to  increase  the  power  of  Austria,  both  by  Bavaria 
and  by  the  Venetian  territory.  In  the  instructions 
given  by  the  directory  to  General  Clarke,  they  had 
authorised  him  to  sign  much  less  advantageous  con- 
ditions. Peace  was  the  will  of  the  people,  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  legislative  body.  Napoleon  signed  the 
preliminaries  of  it. 

Hoche  had  just  been  promoted  to  the  command  of 
the  army  of  the  Sambre  and  Meuse;  he  was  a  young 
man,  full  of  talent,  valour,  and  ambition.  He  had 
under  his  orders  a  splendid  army,  which  he  acknow- 
ledged contained  80,000  men  under  arms;  he  felt 
within  himself  the  strength  to  command  it  well;  he 
stamped  with  impatience  at  every  fresh  account  of 
the  victories  in  Italy.  He  entreated  the  directory,  by 
every  courier,  to  permit  him  to  enter  Germany.  His 
troops  shared  his  ardour;  even  the  inhabitants,  in- 
formed by  their  correspondents  of  the  rapid  march  of 
Napoleon  towards  Vienna,  and  of  the  retrograde 
"^Spvements  of  the  Austrian  armies  on  the  Rhine, 
wky  ^e  French  armies  of  the  Sambre,  Meuse, 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEOX.  95 

and  Rhine  remained  inactive,  and  lost  such  precious 
time? 

On  the  18th  of  April,  Hoche  crossed  the  Rhine  by 
the  bridge  of  JSTeuwied,  while  Championnet,  who  had 
quitted  Diisseldorf,  arrived  at  Turkerath  and  Alten- 
zirchen.  Kray  commanded  the  Austrian  army. 
Hoche  attacked  him  at  Heddersdorf — took  several 
thousand  of  his  soldiers  prisoners — seized  some  of  his 
cannon  and  standards  and  threw  them  into  the  Maine. 
He  had  just  arrived  before  Frankfort,  on  the  22nd  of 
April,  when  the  staff  of  General  Kray  forwarded  to 
him  a  despatch  from  General  Berthier,  announcing  the 
signature  of  the  treaty  of  Leoben.  He  immediately 
concluded  an  armistice,  and  removed  his  head-quarters 
to  Friedberg,  occupying  the  Nidda  and  Wetzlar. 
Moreau  was  at  Paris ;  he  solicited  the  machinery  neces- 
sary for  the  construction  of  a  bridge,  for  the  purpose  of 
crossing  the  Rhine  at  Strasburg ;  but  as  soon  as  Desaix, 
the  commander,  pro  tempore,  of  the  armies  of  the 
Rhine,  learned  that  Hoche  was  engaged  in  battle  with 
the  enemy,  he  threw  a  bridge,  on  the  20th  of  April,  at 
six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  across  the  river,  at  a 
village  several  leagues  below  Strasburg. 

On  the  21st,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
army  crossed  the  Rhine.  Moreau,  who  had  arrived  in 
great  haste  from  Paris,  was  at  the  head  of  the  army 
at  the  moment  when  Sytaray,  who  had  collected 
20,000  men.  and  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  attacked  it. 
The  combat  was  warm :  the  Austrians  were  completely 
defeated ;  they  left  some  prisoners,  and  twenty  pieces 


96  HISTORY   OF  THE 

of  cannon  in  the  hands  of  the  conqueror.  All  the 
baggage  and  equipages  of  the  Austrian  chancery  were 
taken ;  amongst  them,  the  carriage  of  Klinglin,  which 
contained  the  correspondence  between  Pichegru  and 
the  Prince  of  Conde;  Moreau  kept  this  discovery 
secret  for  four  months,  without  giving  any  account  of 
it  to  the  government. 

After  this  victory,  the  army  again  ascended  the 
Rhine,  and  took  possession  of  Kehl.  Its  advanced 
guard  was  already  beyond  Offenburg,  in  the  valley  of 
the  Kiutzig.  Thither,  on  the  22nd,  a  courier  of  the 
Italian  army  brought  the  news  of  the  signature  of  the 
preliminaries  at  Leoben.  Moreau  suspended  hostili- 
ties, and  concluded  an  armistice  with  Sytaray. 

Hostilities  did  not  commence  on  the  Rhine  until 
eight  hours  after  the  treaty  of  Leoben  was  signed, 
and  Napoleon  received  intelligence  of  them  a  week 
after  the  signature  of  the  treaty.  Why  had  they  not 
recommenced  five  days  sooner,  or,  at  least,  why  had 
the  directory  written  that  the  co-operation  of  the 
armies  of  the  Rhine  must  not  be  reckoned  on?  But 
the  affairs  of  the  war  were  directed  without  vigour 
and  without  talent;  the  administration  was  corrupted, 
and  led  to  no  satisfactory  result.  By  one  of  the 
arrangements  of  the  constitution  of  the  year  3,  the 
treasury  was  independent  of  the  government,  a  most 
false  and  disastrous  idea,  and  the  most  absurd  which 
could  have  been  conceived  by  the  metaphysics  of  our 
modern  legislators !  This  alone  was  sufficient  to  com- 
promise the  existence  of  the  republic. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  97 


CHAPTER  Y. 
VENICE, 

VENICE,  founded  in  the  5th  century,  by  some  inha- 
bitants of  the  districts  of  Friuli  and  Padua,  who  fled 
to  the  lagunes  in  order  to  shelter  themselves  from  the 
incursions  of  the  barbarians,  originally  occupied  the 
sites  of  Heraclea  and  Chiozza.  The  patriarch  of  Aquilea 
afterwards  established  himself,  with  his  clergy,  at 
G-rado,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Arian  schism.  Grado 
became  the  capital.  Padua  at  first  gave  laws  and 
consuls  to  the  Venetians.  In  697,  they  first  appointed 
a  doge ;  Pepin,  King  of  France,  built  a  small  fleet  at 
Ravenna,  and  compelled  the  Venetians  to  retreat  to 
Realto  and  the  Sixty  Islands  which  surround  it,  where 
they  found  themselves  protected  by  the  lagunes,  from 
Pepin's  resentment ;  this  is  the  present  site  of  Venice. 
In  830,  the  body .  of  St.  Mark  the  Evangelist  was 
brought  thither  from  Egypt,  and  ha  became  the  patron 

VOL.  II.  H 


98  HISTORY  OP  THE 

saint  of  the  republic.  From  the  year  960,  the  Vene- 
tians were  masters  of  Istria  and  of  the  Adriatic ;  their 
possession  of  Dalmatia  was  still  disputed  by  the  kings 
of  Hungary.  In  1250,  they,  in  conjunction  with  the 
French,  took  Constantinople.  They  had  possession  of 
the  Morea,  and  of  Candia,  up  to  the  middle  of  the  17th 
century.  Italy,  a  prey  to  revolutions,  has  frequently 
changed  its  masters,  but  Venice,  always  free  and  inde- 
pendent, has  never  acknowledged  a  foreign  power ;  she 
has  always  found  means  to  throw  off  the  tyrannical 
yoke  of  the  Peninsula. 

Venice  is  the  best  situated  commercial  port  in 
Italy.  Merchandise  from  Constantinople  and  the 
Levant  arrives  there  by  the  shortest  route,  across  the 
Adriatic,  and  from  thence  is  diffused  over  northern 
Italy,  as  far  as  Turin,  by  the  Po,  and  over  Germany, 
by  being  carried  up  the  Adige  as  far  as  Bolzano,  from 
whence  roads  lead  to  Ulm,  Augsburg,  Munich,  and 
Nuremberg. 

Venice  is  the  sea-port  of  the  Upper  Danube,  the  Po, 
and  the  Adige :  nature  destined  it  to  be  the  storehouse 
of  the  Levant,  Italy,  and  southern  Germany.  Before 
the  discovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Venice  carried 
on  the  commerce  with  India  by  Alexandria  and  the 
Red  Sea,  and  even  struggled  to  intercept  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Portuguese.  It  equipped  a  considerable 
fleet  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  established  an  arsenal, 
watering-places,  and  magazines,  near  Suez;  the  re- 
mains of  these  buildings  are  still  to  be  seen  at  the 
fountains  of  Moses. 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  99 

But  the  Portuguese  defeated  these  fleets,  con- 
structed at  so  great  an  expense;  and  the  state  of 
anarchy  in  which  Egypt  then  was,  finally  closed  this 
route  of  Indian  commerce. 

The  Lagunes  are  formed  by  the  waters  of  the  Piave, 
the  Brenta,  and  the  Livenza ;  they  fall  into  the  sea 
by  three  great  passages,  La  Chioggia,  II  Malamoco, 
and  II  Lido. 

After  the  abolition  of  the  democracy  in  1200,  the 
sovereign  power  was  in  the  hands  of  an  aristocracy 
consisting  of  some  hundreds  of  families,  inscribed  in 
the  Golden  Book,  which  furnished  to  the  great  council 
as  many  as  1200  voters.  The  population  of  the  states 
of  the  republic  amounted  to  three  millions,  and  was 
extended  over  the  rich  districts  and  fertile  plains 
which  surrounded  Venice.  The  following  were  the 
Venetian  territories :  the  districts  of  Bergamo,  Brescia, 
Cremona,  Vicenza,  Padua,  Polesina,  Treviso,  Bassano, 
Cadorino,  Belluno,  and  Friuli,  on  the  peninsula  of 
Italy;  Istria,  Dalmatia,  and  the  Gulf  of  Cattaro,  on 
the  shores  of  the  Adriatic;  and,  lastly,  the  Ionian 
islands.  Its  territories  were  bounded  on  the  north  by 
the  upper  range  of  the  Julian  Alps,  from  the  Adda  to 
the  Isonzo.  This  chain  of  mountains  is  everywhere 
impassable  for  carriages ;  it  forms  the  frontier  on  the 
side  of  Germany,  and  can  only  be  crossed  by  three 
roads,  those  into  the  Tyrol,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola. 
In  1796,  this  republic  had  greatly  fallen  to  decay;  it 
was  but  the  shadow  of  its  former  self.  Three  genera- 
tions had  succeeded  each  other  without  having  been 

S2 


100  HISTORY  OF  THE 

engaged  in  any  war.  The  sight  of  a  gun  made  these 
unworthy  descendants  of  the  Dandolos,  Zenos,  and 
Morosinis  tremble. 

During  the  war  of  the  succession,  and  those  of  1733 
and  1740,  they  had  endured,  with  cowardly  resigna- 
tion, the  insults  and  outrages  of  the  Austrian,  French, 
and  Spanish  armies. 

The  Venetian  navy  consisted  of  a  dozen  of  sixty- 
four-gun  vessels,  as  many  frigates,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  small  ships,  which  sufficed  to  awe  the  barba- 
rians, command  the  Adriatic,  and  defend  the  Lagunes. 
The  army  consisted  of  14,000  men,  was  composed  of 
Italian  jegiments  levied  in  the  provinces,  and  of  Scla- 
vonians  from  Dalmatia;  they  were  brave,  and  very 
much  devoted  to  the  republic,  and  the  Sclavonians 
had  the  advantage  of  being  strangers  to  the  language 
and  manners  of  the  Peninsula. 

Those  families  alone  whose  names  were  inscribed  in 
the  Golden  Book,  had  a  share  in  the  administration ; 
they  exclusively  composed  the  senate,  the  councils, 
the  Council  of  Forty,  and  other  assemblies :  this  dis- 
pleased the  nobility  of  the  main  land,  among  whom 
were  included  a  great  many  rich,  illustrious,  and 
powerful  families,  who,  deprived  of  all  power,  and 
subject  to  the  reigning  class  of  nobles,  passed  their 
lives  without  receiving  distinction  or  honours,  and 
nourished  a  deeply-rooted  jealousy  of  the  sovereign 
nobility.  These  families  were  partly  descended  from 
the  ancient  condottieri,  podesta,  or  other  personages 
who  had  played  a  distinguished  part  in  the  republics 


CAPTIVITY  OF    NAPOLEON.  101 

of  their  towns,  and  whose  ancestors,  after  having  long 
opposed  the  enterprises  of  Venice,  had  at  last  fallen 
victims ;  thus,  to  the  dislike  with  which  the  nature  of 
the  government  inspired  them,  were  added  many  care- 
fully perpetuated  historical  subjects  for  resentment. 

The  people  of  the  provinces  were  in  general  discon- 
tented; most  of  them  made  common  cause  with  their 
nobles.  The  Venetian  nobles,  however,  who  had 
estates  and  establishments  in  almost  every  province, 
had  also  their  partisans.  The  priests  were  without 
credit  and  without  respect  in  this  republic,  which  had 
very  early  freed  itself  as  much  as  possible  from  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope. 

In  the  year  1792,  the  allied  powers  urged  Venice  to 
take  part  in  the  war;  it  does  not  appear  that  any 
serious  discussions  on  this  subject  took  place  in  the 
senate;  the  votes  were  unanimous  in  favour  of  neu- 
trality ;  the  republic  was  so  distant  from  the  theatre 
of  war,  that  it  looked  upon  itself  as  a  stranger  to  the 
affairs  of  France. 

When  the  Count  de  Lille  took  refuge  at  Verona,  the 
senate  only  granted  him  permission  to  remain  there 
by  consent  of  the  committee  of  public  safety,  who 
were  better  pleased  that  he  should  be  at  Verona, 
than  at  any  other  place. 

When  the  French  troops  marched,  in  1794,  towards 
Oneille,  Italy  was  thought  to  be  menaced  with  an  inva- 
sion, and  several  powers  assembled  at  the  congress  of 
Milan ;  Venice  refused  to  send  ambassadors  to  it,  not 
that  she  approved  of  the  French  principles,  but  be- 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE 

cause  she  feared  to  give  herself  up  to  the  mercy  of 
Austria,  and  was  not  willing  to  give  up  that  cowardly 
and  enervated  policy  which  she  had  for  several  genera- 
tions pursued. 

But  when  Napoleon  arrived  at  Milan,  when  Beau- 
lieu  fled  terrified  beyond  the  Mincio,  and  occupied 
Peschiera,  where  he  placed  his  right  wing,  in  the 
hope  of  defending  this  line,  the  uncertainty  and  alarm 
of  the  senate  were  very  great.  The  great  gulf  which  had 
till  then  defended  Venice  from  the  struggle  between  the 
aristocracy  and  the  democracy  was  now  crossed;  the 
war  of  opinion  and  actual  war  arose  in  the  bosom  of 
the  state;  stormy  discussions  agitated  the  councils,  iu 
which  three  different  opinions  were  maintained. 

The  young  oligarchs  demanded  an  armed  neu- 
trality; they  wished  strong  garrisons  to  be  placed 
in  Peschiera,  Brescia,  Legnago,  and  Verona  ;  that 
these  places  should  be  declared  in  a  state  of  siege; 
that  the  army  should  be  increased  to  60,000  men ; 
that  the  lagunes  should  be  put  into  a  posture  of  defence, 
and  covered  with  armed  chaloupes ;  that  a  squadron 
should  be  equipped  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
the  Adriatic;  and  that,  in  this  formidable  attitude, 
the  republic  should  declare  war  against  the  first 
who  should  entrench  on  its  territory.  The  partisans 
of  this  opinion  went  even  further;  they  said:  "If  it 
come  to  the  worst,  there  is  less  shame  in  perishing 
with  arms  in  our  hands.  By  defending  our  territory, 
we  shall  prevent  French  ideas  from  being  propagated 
in  the  large  towns  of  the  provinces  ;  we  shall  obtain 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  103 

the  more  regard  from  the  two  inimical  parties,  as  being 
in  a  condition  to  exact  it.  If,  on  the  contrary,  we 
peaceably  open  our  gates,  the  territories  of  the  re- 
public will  become  the  seat  of  the  war  between  these 
two  powers,  and  from  that  moment,  sovereignty  will 
fall  from  the  hands  of  the  prince.  His  first  duty  is  to 
protect  his  subjects :  if  their  fields  and  lands  become 
the  prey  of  war,  the  unhappy  people  will  lose  all 
respect  and  esteem  for  the  government  which  has 
abandoned  them.  The  causes  of  discontent  which 
already  exist  will  be  increased  to  a  violent  pitch ; 
the  republic  will  expire  without  exciting  a  single 
regret." 

The  partisans  of  the  old  policy  declared  that  they 
ought  not  to  take  any  decisive  line  of  conduct ;  that 
they  ought  to  beat  about  in  order  to  gain  time,  and 
see  how  matters  would  go.  They  confessed  that 
all  these  dangers  did  indeed  exist;  that  they  had 
reason  to  fear  at  once  the  ambition  of  Austria,  and 
the  principles  of  France;  but  that  these  evils  were 
happily  transient;  that  with  management  and  patience, 
the  inconveniences  which  they  feared  might  be  avoided ; 
that  the  French  were  of  a  conciliatory  disposition, 
easily  persuaded  by  caresses ;  that  if  they  proceeded 
aright,  they  could  gain  over  the  minds  of  the  chiefs, 
and  obtain  their  good  opinion ;  that  in  the  present 
state  of  the  public  mind,  an  armed  neutrality  would 
lead  to  war,  which  was  above  all  things  to  be  avoided; 
that  Providence  had  placed  the  capital  in  a  position: 
which  sheltered  it  from  any  insult;  and  that  they 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE 

must  oppose  to  every  difficulty,  patience,  moderation 
and  time. 

Battaglia  said :  "  The  republic  is  truly  in  danger. 
On  one  side  the  French  principles  are  subversive  of 
our  constitution;  on  the  other,  Austria  makes  at- 
tempts against  our  independence.  Of  these  two  in- 
evitable evils,  let  us  choose  the  least;  the  greatest, 
in  my  opinion,  is  Austrian  slavery.  Let  us  increase 
the  list  of  the  Golden  Book — let  us  inscribe  in  it  the 
names  of  such  of  the  provincial  nobility  as  deserve 
that  honour ;  by  this  means  we  shall  conciliate  our 
people,  there  will  no  longer  be  any  opposition  among 
ourselves.  Let  us  garrison  our  strong  places,  levy 
our  army,  equip  our  fleet,  hasten  to  meet  the  French 
general,  and  to  offer  him  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance.  We  shall,  perhaps,  be  obliged  to  make  some 
slight  changes  in  our  constitution,  but  we  shall  save 
our  independence  and  our  liberty.  An  armed  neutrality 
has  been  proposed ;  two  years  ago,  this  plan  would  have 
been  the  best  you  could  have  pursued;  it  would  have 
been  just,  because  equal  towards  both  the  belligerent 
parties ;  it  would  have  been  possible,  because  there  was 
then  time  to  prepare  for  it.  But  now  it  is  otherwise ; 
you  cannot  forbid  the  French  to  do  what  you  have  per- 
mitted or  tolerated  from  the  Austrians ;  this  would 
be  to  declare  war  against  the  French  army,  when  it 
is  victorious,  when  in  a  week  it  will  be  at  Verona, 
and  that  without  your  even  being  secure  of  Austria ; 
but  to  declare  war  two  months  hence  against  so  active 
and  enterprising  an  enemy — this,  of  all  plans  would 


CAPTIVITY  OF  "NAPOLEON,  105 

be  the  worst — it  would  be  precipitating  ourselves  into 
danger,  instead  of  avoiding  it. 

"  The  second  course  of  conduct  which  has  been 
proposed  to  you — namely,  that  of  patience  and  time, 
is  as  bad  as  the  first;  political  circumstances  are  no 
longer  what  they  were,  times  are  greatly  changed,  the 
crisis  in  which  we  now  stand  bears  no  resemblance 
to  any  of  those  in  which  the  prudence  of  our  ancestors 
triumphed.  French  principles  are  in  every  mind, 
and  are  reproduced  under  every  variety  of  form ;  they 
are  a  rushing  torrent,  whose  course  it  would  be  in 
vain  to  attempt  to  arrest  by  patience,  moderation, 
and  cunning.  The  measure  which  I  propose  to  you 
can  alone  save  you  ;  it  is  simple,  noble  and  generous. 
We  can  offer  to  the  French  a  contingent  of  10,000 
men,  and  retain  what  we  require  for  the  defence  of 
our  fortresses.  They  will  soon  have  taken  Mantua, 
and  carried  the  war  into  Germany.  After  the  first  steps 
have  been  taken,  all  will  be  easy,  because  all  the  parties 
who  divide  the  state  will  act  together  in  the  same 
spirit — our  independence  will  be  saved — we  shall  save 
the  great  foundations  of  our  constitution.  Austria  has 
no  influence  over  our  people,  and  lastly,  she  has  no 
fleet,  whilst,  at  any  moment,  the  fleet  of  Toulon  may 
be  signaled  from  the  Lid.o." 

This  opinion  excited  the  passions,  and  struck  every 
intelligent  mind,  but  it  gained  few  suffrages.  Aris- 
tocratic prejudices  got  the  upper  hand  of  the  interest 
of  the  country.  This  resolution  would  have  been 


106  HISTORY  OP  THE 

too  noble  for  degenerate  men,  incapable  of  elevated 
ideas. 

The  proveditor,  Mocenigo,  received  Napoleon  at 
Brescia  with  great  magnificence;  he  expressed  the 
good  feelings  of  the  senate  towards  France.  Splendid 
festivals  established  intimacies  between  the  officers 
of  the  French  army  and  the  principal  families  of  the 
place.  Each  noble  endeavoured  to  become  the  par- 
ticular friend  of  a  French  general.  At  Verona,  the 
proveditor,  Foscarelli,  imitated  this  example,  but  the 
pride  of  his  character  was  unfavourable  to  dissimu- 
lation ;  he  but  ill  disguised  his  secret  sentiments ;  he 
was  one  of  the  number  of  senators  who  were  the  most 
hostile  to  the  new  ideas ;  he  had  not  dared  to  protest 
against  the  entrance  of  the  French  into  Peschiera, 
because  they  succeeded  the  troops  of  Beaulieu;  but 
when  they  demanded  from  him  the  keys  of  the  arsenal, 
for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  ramparts,  and 
set  about  manning  the  galleys,  he  complained  of  this 
violation  of  the  neutrality  of  the  republic.  On  Na- 
poleon's arrival  at  Peschiera,  Foscarelli  endeavoured 
to  dissuade  him  from  marching  to  Verona,  and  even 
threatened  to  order  the  gates  to  be  closed,  and  the  artil- 
lery to  be  brought  into  play.  "  It  is  too  late,"  answered 
the  general;  "my  troops  have  entered  it — I  am 
obliged  to  establish  my  defence  on  the  Adige  during 
the  siege  of  Mantua;  1500  Sclavonians  would  not 
enable  you  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  Austrian 
army ;  neutrality  consists  in  having  the  same  weight, 
and  the  same  measure  for  every  one ;  if  you  are  not 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  107 

my  enemies,  you  ought  to  grant  to  or  tolerate  from 
me,  the  same  as  you  do  from  my  enemies." 

These  various  disputes  being  reported  to  the  senate, 
it  was  decided  to  recall  Foscarelli,  and  to  replace  him 
by  Battaglia,  on  whom  was  bestowed  the  dignity  of 
proveditor  of  all  the  provinces  beyond  the  Adige, 
Verona  included;  Battaglia  was  an  acute,  well-in- 
formed man,  of  mild  manners,  and  sincerely  attached 
to  his  country,  very  favourably  inclined  to  the  France 
of  former  times,  and  preferring  even  republican  France 
to  Austria. 

By  degrees  the  theatre  of  war  extended  over  the 
whole  of  the  Venetian  possessions,  but  it  was  always 
the  Austrians  who  entered  upon  any  new  territory. 
Beaulieu  occupied  Peschiera  and  Verona;  Wurmser 
entered  Bassano,  and  crossed  Vicenza  and  Padua; 
Alvinzi  and  Duke  Charles  occupied  Friuli,  Palma- 
Nova,  and  all  the  country  as  far  as  the  eastern  boun- 
daries of  the  republic. 

Great  agitation  was  manifested  in  the  provinces — 
discontent  was  propagated  with  rapidity ;  to  the  old 
hatred  of  the  oligarchy  was  now  joined  the  attraction 
of  the  new  opinions.  Italy  was  generally  regarded  as 
lost  to  the  Austrians,  and  this  would  bring  with  it  the 
fall  of  the  aristocracy. 

Napoleon  constantly  endeavoured  to  moderate  the 
agitation  which  was  yet  more  excited  by  the  general 
spirit  of  the  army.  When  he  returned  to  Tolentino, 
entirely  occupied  with  his  project  of  inarching  to 
Vienna,  he  saw  himself  constrained  to  pay  attention 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE 

to  this  state  of  things,  which  embarrassed  him.  The 
irritation  had  gone  on  increasing.  Brescia  and  Ber- 
gamo were  in  a  state  of  insuiTection.  The  Fenarolis, 
Maitinengos,  Lecchis  and  Alessandris  were  at  the  head 
of  the  insurgents;  they  belonged  to  the  first  and 
richest  families.  The  municipalities  of  these  two 
towns  exercised  great  authority ;  they  had  the  con- 
trol of  the  finances,  disposed  of  the  revenues,  and  had 
the  power  of  appointing  to  offices.  If  the  lion  of  St. 
Mark  was  still  to  be  seen  in  them,  it  was  rather  in 
deference  to  the  general-in-chief,  than  as  an  act  of 
submission  to  the  sovereignty. 

Continual  and  violent  declamations  against  the 
Venetian  nobles — sometimes  verbal,  sometimes  poured 
forth  through  the  channel  of  the  press,  were  heard  on 
all  sides.     The  injustice  of  their  government  was  de- 
monstrated with  bitterness,  and  by  all  possible  means : 
"  What  right  has  Venice,"  said  they,  "  to  rule  in  our 
cities?    Are  we  less  brave,  less  enlightened,  less  rich, 
less  noble?"     The  pride  of  the  senators  was  deeply 
offended  at  seeing  subjects  who  had  for  centuries  been 
submissive  to  their  government,  forget  the  immense 
distance  which  separated  them  from  their  masters,  and- 
compare   themselves  with  them.     Everything  gave 
warning  of  a  violent  shock.  Battaglia,  in  his  despatches 
to  the  senate,  concealed  as  much  as  possible  the  out- 
rages of  the  Brescians,  and  softened  down  to  the  latter 
the  indignation  and  passion  of  the  senate.     Always 
seeking  to  conciliate,  he  ceased  not,  in  his  frequent  in- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  109 

tercourse  with  the  general-in-chiefr  to  interest  him 
in  the  republic. 

It  would  have  been  dangerous  thus  to  leave,  in  the 
rear  of  the  army,  three  millions  of  people  given  up  to 
disorder  and  anarchy.  Napoleon  did  not  conceal  from 
himself  that  he  had  no  more  influence  over  the  friends 
of  France,  than  over  the  senate  itself.  He  could 
suppress  their  rebellious  movements,  but  he  could  not 
prevent  them  from  speaking  and  writing,  from  irri- 
tating the  prince  by  a  mass  of  details  of  administra- 
tion which  were  strange  to  him.  To  have  disarmed 
the  patriots  of  Brescia  and  Bergamo,  declared  for  the 
senate,  proscribed  the  innovators,  and  filled  the  dun- 
geons of  Venice  with  them,  would  have  been  to  alienate 
from  him  for  ever  the  popular  party,  without  gaining 
the  affection  of  the  aristocracy ;  and  if  this  cowardly 
policy  could  have  found  place  in  his  projects,  its 
final  and  infallible  result  would  have  been,  as  in  the 
case  of  Louis  XII.,  the  rising  of  the  whole  population 
against  the  French  party.  To  persuade  the  senate  to 
attach  itself  to  France,  and  to  modify  its  constitution 
in  order  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  the 
provinces,  was  the  best  and  most  suitable  plan.  This 
was  Napoleon's  constant  aim ;  after  each  fresh  victory 
which  he  gained,  he  renewed  this  proposal,  but 
always  in  vain.  A  third  project  suggested  itself — 
namely,  to  march  upon  Venice,  occupy  that  capital, 
effect  by  force  the  political  changes  which  circum- 
stances rendered  indispensable,  and  entrust  the  govern- 


110  HISTORY   OF  THE 

ment  to  the  partisans  of  France;  but  Venice  could 
not  be  approached  as  long  as  Prince  Charles  kept  his 
position  on  the  Piave ;  it  would,  therefore,  be  necessary 
to  commence  by  defeating  the  Austrian  army,  and  ex- 
pelling it  from  Italy,  and  should  this  end  be  obtained, 
would  it  then  be  well  to  lose  the  fruit  of  the  victory, 
and  delay  the  passage  of  the  Alps,  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  back  the  war  to  Venice?  which  proceed- 
ing would  give  the  archduke  time  to  think  of  himself, 
reinforce  his    troops,   and    create    fresh    obstacles. 
It  was  under  the  walls  of  Vienna  that  Napoleon 
looked  forward  to  the  signing  of  a  peace,  which  should 
crown  so  many  victories.     Venice  was,  besides,  very 
strong ;  she  was  defended  by  her  lagunes,  by  armed 
vessels,  and  by  10,000  Sclavonians;  she  was  misti* 
of  the  Adriatic,  and  could  by  this  channel  recei 
fresh  troops;  and   finally,  she  had  within  her  tl 
moral  strength  of  all  the  ruling  families,  who  woul 
feel  strongly  called  upon  to  struggle  for  their  politics 
existence.      Who    could    calculate     how    long    th 
French  army  would  be  stopped  by  this  enterprise  j 
And  should  the  struggle  be  at  all  prolonged,  what  effec 
might  not  an  active  resistance  have  on  the  rest  o 
Italy? 

This  new  war  could  not  fail  to  meet  great  opposi- 
tion at  Paris;   the  minister  was  very  active;  .the 
legislative  body  was  in  opposition  to  the  directory 
the-4irectory  itself  was  divided.     Should  it  be  con 
suited  on  the  subject  of  the  war  with  Venice,  it  would 
not  reply,  or  would  evade  the  question ;  should  Napo- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  Ill 

leon,  as  he  had  hitherto  done,  act  without  authority, 
he  would  be  reproached,  except  in  case  of  immediate 
success,  with  having  violated  every  principle ;  in  his 
character  of  general-in-chief,  he  only  had  the  right 
to  repulse  force  by  force.  To  undertake  a  fresh  war 
against  an  armed  power,  without  orders  from  his 
government,  would  be  to  render  himself  guilty  of 
usurping  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  and  he  was  already 
but  too  deeply  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  republican 
jealousy. 

The  episode  of  Venice  might  become  the  principal 
affair;  Napoleon,  therefore,  decided  to  take,  with 
regard  to  the  Venetians,  simply  military  precautions ; 
he  was  secure  of  Brescia,  Bergamo,  and  the  whole 
right  shore  of  the  Adige.  He  placed  troops  in  the 
castles  of  Verona,  St.  Felix,  and  St.  Piero,  and  in  the 
Old  Palace ;  this  made  him  master  of  the  stone  bridges. 
The  troops  which  had  been  employed  in  the  expedi- 
tion against  the  Pope,  were  now  on  their  return  to  the 
Adige ;  they  would  form  a  reserve  large  enough  to  awe 
fche  senate.  Arrangements  were  made  that  all  the 
convalescent  and  wounded  who  should  leave  the  hos- 
pitals, were  to  be  organized  into  marching  battalions, 
and  added  to  the  reserve;  but  this,  in  fact,  weakened 
by  so  much  the  acting  army. 

Napoleon  resolved,  however,  to  make  .one  -fresh 
effort.  He  desired  an 'interview  with  Pesaro,  who  at 
that  time  directed  the  affairs  of  the  republic.  Pesaro 
Described  to  him  the  critical  state  of  the  country,  the 
bad  disposition  of  the  people,  the  just  complaints  of 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  senate;  lie  said,  that  these  difficult  circumstances 
required  the  senate  to  take  strong  measures,  and  to 
raise  extraordinary  armaments,  which,  however,  ought 
not  to  give  any  umbrage  to  the  French;  that  the 
senate  was  obliged  to  issue  arrests  at  Venice,  and  in 
the  provinces;  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  consider  as 
rigorous  measures  against  the  partisans  of  France, 
that  which  was  only  a  just  punishment  inflicted  on 
turbulent  subjects  who  were  endeavouring  to  overthrow 
the  laws  of  their  country. 

Napoleon  granted  the  critical  situation  of  Venice, 
but,  without  losing  time  in  discussing  its  causes,  came 
immediately  to  the  point:  "  You  desire,"  said  he,  "to 
arrest  the  proceedings  of  those  whom  you  call  your 
enemies,  but  whom  I  call  my  friends.  You  entrust  the 
administration  to  men  distinguished  by  their  hatred 
to  France — you  raise  fresh  troops.  What  remains  for 
you  to  do,  in  order  to  produce  a  declaration  of  war? 
And  yet  your  ruin  would  in  that  case  be  entire  and 
immediate ;  it  would  be  in  vain  for  you  to  rely  on  the 
assistance  of  the  archduke;  within  a  week  I  should 
drive  his  armies  from  Italy.  There  is  one  way  re- 
maining by  which  you  may  deliver  your  republic 
from  its  present  difficult  situation;  I  offer  you  an 
alliance  with  France ;  I  offer  to  secure  to  Venice  her 
provinces,,  and  even  her  authority  in  Brescia ;  but  I 
demand  in  return  that  she  shall  declare  war  against 
Austria,  and  furnish  to  my  army  a  contingent  of 
10,000  infantry,  2000  cavalry,  and  twenty-four 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEOX.  113 

cannon.  I  think  it  would  be  well  clone,  to  enrol  in  the 
Golden  Book  the  principal  families  of  the  provinces ; 
I  do  not,  however,  make  this  a  sine  qua  non.  Bet-urn 
to  Venice ;  let  the  senate  deliberate  on  these  proposals, 
and  come  back  to  sign  a  treaty  which  alone  can  save 
your  country."  Pesaro  agreed  to  the  wisdom  of  this 
project,  and  set  out  for  Venice,  promising  to  return 
within  a  fortnight. 

On  the  llth  of  March,  the  French  army  was  put 
in  motion  for  the  purpose  of  crossing  the  Piave.  Im- 
mediately on'  the  arrival  of  this  intelligence  at  Venice, 
orders  were  issued  that  fourteen  of  the  principal  inha- 
bitants of  Bergamo  should  be  arrested  and  brought 
before  the  Council  of  Ten.  The  chiefs  of  the  patriotic 
party,  informed  in  time  by  a  Venetian  commissary 
who  was  devoted  to  their  cause,  intercepted  the  courier, 
arrested  the  pro v  editor  himself,  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt,  and  proclaimed  the  freedom  of  Bergamo.  The 
deputies  which  they  sent  to  the  head-quarters  of  the 
French  general,  found  him  on  the  battle-field  of  Taglia- 
mento.  This  event  thwarted  Napoleon's  projects,  but  it 
was  irremediable.  The  Bergamese  had  already  entered 
into  a  confederacy  with  Milan,  the  capital  of  Loin- 
bardy,  and  with  Bologna,  the  capital  of  the  transpadane 
republic.  The  same  revolution  took  place  a  few  days 
afterwards  at  Brescia;  the  two  thousand  Sclavonians 
garrisoned  there,  were  disarmed ;  the  proveditor  Bat- 
taglia  was  respected,  but  sent  back  to  Verona.  The 
Venetian  General,  Fioravante,  marched  against  the 

VOL.  n.  i 


114  HISTORY  OP  THE 

insurgents,  occupied  Salo,  and  threatened  Brescia ; 
Lahoz,  a '  Milanese,  went  to  meet  him,  defeated  his 
troops,  and  expelled  him  from  Salo. 

Pesaro  returned,  as  he  had  promised,  to  the  head- 
quarters, then  at  Goritzia.  The  archduke  had  been 
defeated  at  Tagliamento ;  Palma-Nova  had  opened  its 
gates ;  the  French  standard  floated  over  Tarvis  beyond 
the  Isonzo,  and  on  the  summit  of  the  Julian  Alps. 
"  Have  I  kept  my  word  ?"  said  Napoleon  to  him : 
"  The  Venetian  territories  are  covered  with  my  troops ; 
the  Austrians  flee  before  me.  In  a  few  days  I  shall 
be  in  Germany.  What  is  the  decision  of  your  repub- 
lic? I  have  offered  her  the  alliance  of  France;  does 
she  accept  it?" 

"  Venice,"  answered  Pesaro,  "  rejoices  at  your 
triumphs ;  she  knows  that  she  can  only  exist  by  the 
aid  of  France ;  but,  faithful  to  her  ancient  policy,  she 
is  determined  to  remain  neuter.  Under  Louis  XII. 
and  Francis  I.  her  forces  were  of  some  weight  in  the 
field  of  battle;  but  now,  even  were  the  entire  popu- 
lation in  arms,  of  what  benefit  would  our  assistance 
be  to  you?" 

Napoleon  made  a  last  effort;  he  failed;  and  said  to 
Pesaro,  on  parting,  "  Since  your  republic  is  then  deter- 
mined to  remain  neuter,  so  let  it  be — I  consent;  but 
let  it  cease  raising  armaments.  I  leave  sufficient 
troops  in  Italy  to  support  my  authority  there. 

"  I  am  now  on  my  way  to  Vienna.  What  I  would 
have  pardoned  to  Venice  when  I  was  in  Italy,  will 
become  an  unpardonable  crime  when  I  am  in  Germany. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  115 

Should  my  soldiers  be  assassinated,  my  convoys  ha- 
rassfed,  or  my  communications  interrupted  on  the 
Venetian  territories,  your  republic  will  cease ^to  exist; 
it  will  have  pronounced  its  own  sentence." 

General  Eerpen  had  imitated  the  movement  of 
General  Joubert,  which  had  been  put  into  operation 
on  the  20th  of  March ;  he  had  abandoned  the  Tyrol, 
and  had  passed,  by  Salzburg  and  .Ilottenmann,  into 
the  valley  of  the  Muer,  where  he  hoped  to  rejoin  the 
archduke;  but  having  heard,  at  Scheifling,  of  the 
rapidity  of  the  French  army's  march,  he  re-crossed  the 
mountains,  and  did  not  effect  his  junction  till  some 
time  after,  in  the  plain  of  Vienna.  General  Laudon, 
left  by  him  to  guard  the  Tyrol,  with  only  2000  regular 
troops,  succeeded  in  re-organizing  10,000  Tyrolean 
militia,  who,  discouraged  by  so  many  defeats,  had 
dispersed.  This  reinforcement  gave  him  greatly  the 
advantage  in  numbers  over  the  small  guard  which  had 
been  ordered  by  Joubert  to  cover  the  road  to  Trent. 

General  Serviez  had  about  1 200  men ;  he  evacuated 
the  two  shores  of  the  Tarvis  at  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  and  retreated  to  Monte  Caldo.  Laudon  occu- 
pied Trent.  Being  now  master  of  the  whole  of  the 
Tyrol,  he  inundated  Italy  with  proclamations;  he 
spread  to  Venice,  to  Rome,  to  Turin,  and  to  Naples, 
the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  French.  "  The  Tyrol 
had  been  the  tomb  of  Joubert's  troops;  Napoleon 
had  been  defeated  at  Tagliamento ;  the  imperial  troops 
had  gained  brilliant  victories  on  the  Ehine."  He 
came  down  from  Trent  into  Italy  with  60>OQO  men 

I  2 


]1G  HISTORY   OF  THE 

for  the  purpose  of  entirely  cutting  off  the  retreat  of 
the  wrecks  of  the  army,  which  the  archduke  was  pur- 
suing; and,  finally,  summoned  Venice  and  all  Italy  to 
arms,  and  to  revolt  against  France. 

At  this  news,  the  Venetian  oligarchy  no  longer  kept 
measures.  The  French  minister  attempted  in  vain  to 
show  the  senate  on  what  an  abyss  it  stood ;  lie  denied 
the  pretended  disasters  of  Joubert  in  the  Tyrol,  as 
well  as  those,  quite  as  false,  of  the  Sambre,  Meuse 
and  Rhine;  he  proved  that  hostilities  had  not  yet 
been  commenced ;  he  went  so  far  as  to  communicate 
the  plan  of  the  campaign,  from  which  it  resulted  that 
the  abandonment  of  the  Tyrol  by  Joubert  was  an 
arranged  movement;  that  he  was  at  that  moment 
marching  through  Carinthia  towards  the  Pasterthal ; 
and  that,  far  from  having  lost  his  end,  he  had  attained 
it.  Pesaro  gave  no  credit  to  these  communications ; 
he  too  earnestly  desired  the  disasters  of  the  French. 
The  court  of  Vienna,  on  its  part,  omitted  nothing 
which  might  serve  to  rouse  the  passions  of  the  enemies 
of  France.  It  was  an  essential  part  of  its  plans  to 
organize  insurrections  in  the  rear  of  the  army. 

The  corps-de-reserve,  which  had  been  left  at  Palraa- 
Nova,  the  garrison  of  Osapo,  and  the  prudence  of  the 
proveditor  Mocenigo,  kept  Friuli  tranquil;  perhaps, 
too,  the  inhabitants  of  this  province,  who  were  nearer 
the  theatre  of  action,  were  better  informed  respecting 
the  state  of  affairs. 

The  rising  en  masse  of  the  Veronese  had  long  since 
been  arranged;  more  than  thirty  thousand  peasants 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NATOLEON.  117 

had  received  arms,  and  only  awaited  the  signal  for 
massacre ;  3000  troops,  composed  partly  of  Venetians, 
and  partly  of  Sclavonians,  had  been  sent  to  Verona  to 
form  a  garrison  there.  Einile,  the  proveditor,  who 
was  devoted  to  the  senate,  conferred  with  Laudon; 
lie  informed  him  of  the  weakness  of  the  French  garri- 
son, and,  as  soon  as  he  thought  himself  secure  of  the 
assistance  of  the  Austrian  troops,  gave  the  signal  for 
revolt. 

On  the  17th  of  April,  the  second  day  of  the  Easter 
festival,  after  vespers,  the  tocsin  sounded ;  the  insurrec- 
tion burst  forth;  a  general  massacre  of  the  French 
commenced ;  the  people,  in  their  fury,  even  went  so  far 
as  to  murder  400  sick  people  in  the  hospitals.  General 
Balland  shut  himself  up  in  the  castle  with  the  garrison. 
The  Veronese  authorities,  alarmed  by  the  artillery  of 
the  forts,  which  the  General  directed  against  the  town, 
decided  to  demand  a  parley;  but  the  fury  of  the 
populace  opposed  this  measure;  a  reinforcement  of 
2000  Sclavonians,  sent  from  Vicenza  by  the  proveditor 
Foscariui,  and  the  approach  of  the  troops  of  the  Aus- 
trian General  jSTeiperg,  added  still  more  to  the  madness 
of  the  people,  who  avenged  the  mischief  done  in  the 
town  by  the  bombardment,  by  massacring  the  garrison 
of  La  Chuisa,  who  had  been  obliged  to  capitulate 
before  the  rising  of  the  mountaineers. 

General  Kilmaine,  connnander-in-chief  of  Lornbardy, 
made  arrangements  for  assisting  General  Balland,  on 
the  first  intelligence  which  he  received  of  the  insurrec- 
tion at  Verona*  On  the  21st,  the  first  ranks  of  his 


H8  HISTORY  OF  THE 

army  appeared  under  Yerona.  The  Generals  Chabraud 
and  Chevalier  fought  several  skirmishes,  and  succeeded 
in  investing  the  town  on  the  22nd.  On  the  23rd  the 
signing  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace  with  Austria 
became  known  to  the  insurgents,  and  almost  at  the 
same  moment  they  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  division 
commanded  by  Victor,  which  was  hastening  from 
Treviso.  The  alarm  spread;  their  dejection  was  now 
equal  to  their  former  fury ;  they  demanded  a  capitula- 
tion; they  accepted  on  their  knees  the  conditions 
which  Balland  exacted;  they  gave  hostages,  and 
order  was  again  established. 

The  French  owed  them  a  heavy  debt  of  vengeance ; 
the  blood  of  their  comrades,  ignominiously  murdered, 
still  flowed  in  the  streets;  no  such  vengeance  was, 
however,  taken ;  three  inhabitants  only  were  given  up 
to  justice  ;  the  people  were  all  disarmed,  and  the 
peasants  sent  back  to  their  villages. 

The  oligarchy  of  Venice,  not  less  blind,  allowed  the 
crew  of  a  French  corvette,  which,  pursued  by  an  Aus- 
trian frigate,  had  taken  refuge  under  the  batteries  of 
the  Lido,  to  be  massacred  before  their  eyes.  The 
French  minister  protested  against  this  violation  of  the 
right  of  nations,  and  demanded  that  justice  should  be 
exercised  against  the  assassins.  The  senate  laughed 
at  his  representations  and  his  threats,  and  issued  a 
decree,  by  which  it  granted  rewards  to  such  of  its 
satellites  as  had  taken  part  in  the  massacre  of  Captain 
Laugier  and  his  crew. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  119 

As  soon  as  Napoleon  was  informed  of  the  disorders 
and  murders  which  were  being  committed  in  the  rear 
of  the  army,  he  sent  the  aide-de-camp  Junot  to 
Venice,  charging  him  to  deliver  to  the  senate  the 
following  letter,  dated  from  Judenburg,  the  9th  of 
April : 

"  Throughout  all  the  provinces  the  subjects  of  the 
illustrious  republic  are  in  arms:  their  rallying  cry 
is — Death  to  the  French!  The  number  of  French 
soldiers  who  have  already  fallen  victims  to  their  rage 
amounts  to  some  hundreds.  It  is  in  vain  for  you  to 
affect  to  disavow  the  tumults  which  you  yourselves 
have  raised.  Do  you  think,  that  because  I  am  at  a 
distance,  in  the  heart  of  Germany,  I  shall  not  have 
power  to  enforce  respect  towards  the  soldiers  of  the 
first  nation  in  the  world?  Do  you  think  that  the 
French  legions  will  leave  unpunished  the  assassins 
stained  with  the  blood  of  their  comrades?  There  is 
not  a  man  amongst  them  who,  when  charged  with  this 
vengeance,  will  not  feel  his  courage  and  his  means 
tripled.  Do  you  fancy  yourselves  still  in  the  age  of 
Charles  VIII.  ?  Since  then,  opinions  are  changed  in- 
deed in  Italy !" 

Junot  had  orders  to  read  this  letter  to  the  senate, 
and  to  express  all  the  indignation  of  the  general-in- 
chief ;  but  terror  had  already  seized  on  Venice.  The 
illusion  was  dissipated;  they  now  knew  that  the 
armies  on  the  Rhine  had  not  commenced  hostilities ; 
that  Joubfcrt  was  at  Villach  with  his  body  of  troops; 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE 

that  Victor  was  close  to  Verona;  that  the  French  were 
already  directing  their  march  to  the  lagunes ;  finally, 
that  Napoleon,  victorious  in  every  combat,  had  carried 
terror  to  Vienna  itself;  that  he  had  just  granted  a 
truce  to  the  archduke,  and  that  the  emperor  had  sent 
ambassadors  to  him  to  demand  peace. 

The  French  minister,  L'Allemand,  presented  Junot 
to  the  senate;  he  fulfilled  his  mission  with  all  the 
frankness  and  roughness  of  a  soldier ;  the  senate  was 
humbled,  and  endeavoured  to  make  excuses.  The 
friends  of  liberty  raised  their  heads,  and  foresaw  the 
moment  of  their  triumph.  A  deputation  was  sent  to 
the  general-in-chief,  then  at  Gratz,  and  was  com- 
missioned to  offer  him  any  reparation  which  he  might 
desire;  the  members  of  this  deputation  had  private 
instructions  to  corrupt,  hy  bribes,  all  such  persons  as 
might  have  influence  with  the  general;  but  all  was 
in  vain. 

The  senate  at  the  same  time  dispatched  courier 
after  courier  to  Paris,  and  put  considerable  sums  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Venetian  minister,  in  the  hope  of 
gaming  over  the  leaders  of  the  directory,  and  causing 
such  orders  to  be  dispatched  to  the  general-in-chief  as 
should  save  the  aristocracy.  This  intrigue  succeeded 
in  Paris :  the  distribution  of  ten  thousand  bills  of  ex- 
change gained  for  the  Venetian  minister  the  orders 
which  he  solicited;  but  these  orders  were  not  clothed 
with  all  the  legal  forms.  Despatches  intercepted  at 
Milan,  gave  Napoleon  the  clue  by  which  to  unravel 
this  intrigue;  the  list  of  the  bills  distributed  in  Paris 


CAPTIVITY   Or  NAPOLEON.  121 

was  ill  his  Lands;  lie  annulled  them  all  1>y  his  own 
authority. 

On  the  3rd  of  Ma}7,  he  issued,  from  PalmarXova, 
his  declaration  of  war  against  the  Venetian  republic, 
founding  this  declaration  on  the  principle  of  repulsing 
force  by  force.  This  manifesto  was  couched  in  the 
following  terms : 

u  While  the  French  army  is  engaged  in  the  defiles 
of  Styria,  and  has  left  far  behind  it  Italy  and  its 
principal  warlike  establishments,  where  but  a  few 
battalions  remain,  the  following  is  the  conduct  of  the 
Venetian  government. 

"  It  profits  by  the  Holy  Week  to  arm  40,000 
peasants — adds  to  these,  ten  regiments  of  Scluvonians, 
divides  them  into  bodies,  and  posts  them  at  various 
points,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  communi- 
cations of  the  French  army. 

"  Extraordinary  commissaries,  guns,  ammunition 
of  all  kinds  and  cannon,  are  sent  from  Venice  itself  in 
order  to  complete  the  organization  of  the  different 
corps.  All  persons  in  the  provinces  who  are  favour- 
ably disposed  towards  us,  are  arrested ;  all  those  who  are 
known  to  nourish  a  furious  hatred  against  the  French, 
and  more  especially  the  fourteen  conspirators,  whom 
the  proveditor  Priuli  arrested  three  months  ago,  as 
being  convicted  of  plotting  a  massacre  of  the  French, 
arc  loaded  with  rewards,  and  enjoy  the  whole  con- 
fidence of  the  government. 

"  In  all  market-places,  coffee-houses,  and  other 
places  of  public  resort,  the  French  are  insulted,  called 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Jacobins,  regicides,  atheists ;  they  are  finally  expelled 
and  forbidden  to  re-enter  the  town. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  Padua,  Vicenza,  and  Verona, 
are  ordered  to  take  up  arms,  and  to  second  the  various 
bodies  of  troops — to  commence,  in  short,  these  new 
Sicilian  vespers.  *  It  is  our  business/  say  the  Vene- 
tian officers,  ;  to  verify  the  proverb,  that  Italy  is  the 
tomb  of  the  French.'  The  priests  in  the  pulpit, 
preach  the  crusade;  and  priests,  in  the  Venetian 
states  say  nothing  but  what  the  government  pleases. 
Pamphlets,  perfidious  proclamations,  anonymous  letters, 
are  printed  in  various  towns,  and  begin  to  excite  the 
people ;  and  in  a  state  where  the  liberty  of  the  press 
is  not  allowed,  in  a  government  as  much  feared  as  it 
is  secretly  abhorred,  the  printers  print  nothing,  the 
authors  compose  nothing  but  what  suits  the  senate. 

"  At  first  everything  seems  to  favour  the  treacher- 
ous project  of  the  government;  French  blood  flows  on 
every  side;  convoys,  couriers,  everything  appertaining 
to  the  army  is  intercepted  on  all  the  roads. 

"  At  Padua,  a  commander  of  a  battalion  and  two 
other  Frenchmen  are  assassinated;  at  Castiglione  di 
Mori,  unarmed  soldiers  are  murdered;  and  on  the 
high  roads  between  Mantua  and  Legnago,  Cassauo 
and  Verona,  more  than  two  hundred  French  are  killed. 

"  Two  battalions,  intending  to  join  the  army,  meet 
a  Venetian  division  at  Chiari,  which  endeavours  to 
oppose  their  passage;  an  obstinate  combat  ensues, 
and  our  brave  soldiers  cut  a  passage  over  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  enemies. 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  123 

"  At  Valeggia,  there  is  another  combat;  at  Maleg- 
nana,  they  are  obliged  to  fight  once  more  ;  the 
French  are  everywhere  few  in  number,  but  they  are 
accustomed  not  to  reckon  the  number  of  their 
enemies. 

"  On  the  second  day  of  Easter,  at  the  sound  of  the 
tocsin,  all  the  French  are  assassinated  in  Verona; 
neither  the  sick  in  the  hospitals,  nor  those  just 
recovering,  and  taking  the  air  in  the  streets,  are 
respected;  they  are  thrown  into  the  Adige,  after 
being  pierced  with  a  thousand  stiletto  wounds ;  more 
then  400  soldiers  are  also  massacred.  During  a 
whole  week  the  Venetian  army  besieges  the  three 
castles  of  Verona ;  the  cannons  which  the  Venetians 
place  as  a  battery  are  ta^ken  from  them  at  the  bayonet 
point;  the  town  is  set  on  fire;  and  the  corps-d' ob- 
servation which  arrives  in  the  middle  of  these  doings, 
completely  routs  these  cowards,  and  takes  3000 
prisoners— among  them  several  generals. 

"  The  French  consul's  house  in  Zante  is  burnt  down. 
In  Dalmatia,  a  Venetian  war  ship  takes  an  Austrian 
convoy  under  its  protection,  and  fires  several  times 
upon  the  sloop  Le  Brim.  The  Liberator  of  Italy,  a 
vessel  belonging  to  the  French  republic,  and  only 
carrying  three  or  four  small  pieces  of  camion,  is  sunk 
in  the  port  of  Venice,  by  order  of  the  senate. 

"  The  young  and  interesting  Lieutenant  Laugier, 
commander  of  Jhis  vessel,  as  soon  as  he  sees  himself 
fired  upon  from  the  fort  and  from  the  admiral's  galley, 
being  only  at  the  distance  of  a  pistol  shot  from  each, 


124  HISTOIIY  OF   THE 

orders  his  crew  to  go  down  into  the  hold.  He  him- 
self mounts  the  deck  alone,  amidst  a  shower  of  grape- 
shot,  and  endeavours,  by  speaking,  to  disarm  the  fury 
of  the  assassins ;  but  in  vain — he  falls !  His  crew  throw 
themselves  into  the  water,  and  endeavour  to-escape  by 
swimming ;  they  are  pursued  by  six  chaloupes,  manned 
by  troops  in  the  pay  of  Venice,  who  strike  down  with 
hatchets  the  sailors  who  are  endeavouring  to  find 
safety  in  the  open  sea.  A  boatswain,  wounded,  bleed- 
ing and  exhausted,  has  the  good  fortune  to  gain  the 
shore  and  to  cling  to  a  piece  of  wood  close  to  the 
castle ;  but  the  commandant  himself  cuts  off  his  hand 
with  a  hatchet. 

"  Considering  the  above  grievances,  authorised  by 
cap.  xiL,  art.  328,  of  the  constitution  of  the  republic, 
and  impelled  by  the  urgency  of  circumstances,  the 
geiieral-in-chief  requires  the  French  minister,  now  in 
Venice,  to  quit  the  said  city. 

"He  orders  the  various  agents  of  the  French 
republic  in  Lombardy,  and  in  the  Venetian  provinces, 
to  leave  the  said  provinces  within  twenty-four  hours. 

"  He  further  orders  the  various  generals  to  treat  as 
enemies  the  troops  of  the  republic  of  Venice;  to 
throw  down,  in  all  the  towns  of  the  provinces,  the 
Lion  of  St.  Mark ;  each  general  will  receive  to-morrow 
particular  instructions  for  his  ulterior  military  opera- 
tions." 

On  reading  this  manifesto,  the  arms  fell  from  the 
hands  of  the  oligarchs,  they  no  longer  thought  of 
defending  themselves;  the  great  council  of  the  aristo- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  125 

oracy  assembled,  and  gave  up  the  sovereignty  to  the 
people;  a  municipality  was  the  depository  of  it.  Thus 
•did  these  families,  so  proud  and  so  long  held  in  regard, 
and  to  whom  an  alliance  had  been  offered  in  such 
good  faith,  fall  without  offering  any  resistance.  In 
vain  did  they,  in  their  anguish,  solicit  the  aid  of  the 
court  of  Vienna ;  in  Tain  did  they  entreat  it  to  include 
them  in  the  truce  and  in  the  negotiations  for  peace. 
That  court  was  deaf  to  their  prayers;  it  had  its  own 
views. 

On  the  16th  of  May,  Baragnay  d'Hilliers  entered 
Venice ;  he  had  been  called  upon  by  the  inhabitants, 
who  were  menaced  by  the  Sclayonians.  He  took 
possession  of  the  forts  and  batteries,  and  planted  the 
tri-color  in  the  square  of  St.  Mark.  The  aristocracy 
was  entirely  and  for  ever  overthrown ;  the  democratic 
constitution  of  1200  was  proclaimed.  Dnndolo,  a 
man  of  a  quick,  warm  character,  enthusiastic  in  the 
cause  of  liberty,  a  person  of  integrity,  and  a  dis- 
tinguished lawyer,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
affairs  of  the  city. 

The  Lion  of  St.  Mark  and  the  Corinthian  horses 
were  taken  to  Paris.  The  Venetian  fleet  consisted  of 
twelve  ships  of  sixty-four  guns,  and  as  many  frigates 
and  sloops.  They  were  manned  and  sent  to  Toulon. 

Corfu  was  one  of  the  most  important  strong  places 
of  the  republic  ;  -General  Gentili,  who  had  taken 
Corsica,  approached  it  with  four  battalions  and  a  few 
companies  of  artillery,  on  board  a  squadron  formed  of 
Venetian  vessels.  He  took  possession  of  this  place, 


126  HISTORY   OF  THE 

the  true  key  of  the  Adriatic,  as  also  of  the  other 
Ionian  Islands,  Zante,  Cerigo,  Cephalonia,  St.  Maura, 
(the  ancient  Ithaca),  &c.  &c. 

Pesaro  was  overwhelmed  with  reproaches,  and  took 
refuge  at  Vienna;  Battaglia  sincerely  regretted  the 
fall  of  his  country ;  he  had  long  disapproved  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  senate,  and  had  but  too  well  fore- 
seen this  catastrophe;  he  died  some  time  afterwards, 
sincerely  regretted  by  the  good  and  honourable.  Had 
his  advice  been  followed,  Venice  would  have  been 
saved.  The  Doge  Manini,  at  the  moment  when  he 
was  swearing  allegiance  to  Austria,  fell  dead  into  the 
arms  of  Morosini,  who  had  become  commissary  of  the 
Emperor. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  declaration  of  war  against 
Venice,  all  the  provinces  were  in  arms  against  the 
capital.  Each  separate  town  proclaimed  its  inde- 
pendence, and  constituted  a  government  for  itself.  Ber- 
gamo, Brescia,  Padua,  Vicenza,  Bassano,  Odina, 
formed  themselves  into  separate  republics.  It  was 
this  system  which  had  been  the  origin  of  the  cispadane 
and  transpadane  republics.  They  adopted  the  principles 
of  the  French  revolution,  abolished  convents,  but 
respected  the  religion  and  property  of  the  secular 
priests;  they  constituted  national  domains,  and  sup- 
pressed feudal  privileges.  Chosen  men  from  the 
nobility  and  proprietors  of  land  formed  themselves 
into  companies  of  hussars  and  riflemen,  under  the  title 
of  a  guard  of  honour.  The  inferior  classes  formed 
battalions  of  a  national  guard.  The  colours  of  these 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  127 

new  republics  were  those  of  Italy.  Notwithstanding 
Napoleon's  extreme  vigilance  in  endeavouring  to  pre- 
vent outrages  and  destruction,  more  took  place  at  this 
period  than  at  any  other  during  the  course  of  the  war. 
The  country  was  divided  into  two  very  violent 
factions ;  all  the  passions  of  the  people  were  roused 
to  a  high  pitch;  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of 
Verona,  the  mont-de-piete,  of  that  town,  which  pos- 
sessed from  seven  to  eight  millions  of  francs,  was  des- 
poiled. Bouquer,  the  war-commissioner,  and  Lan- 
drieux,  a  colonel  of  hussars,  were  accused  of  this 
robbery,  the  character  of  which  was  rendered  still 
more  shocking  by  the  other  crimes,  necessary  to  its 
concealment,  which  preceded  and  followed  it.  All 
that  was  found  in  the  houses  of  the  accused  persons 
was  restored  to  the  town,  but  the  loss  was  neverthe- 
less considerable. 

General  Bernadotte  carried  to  Paris  the  standards 
which  had  been  taken,  from  the  Venetian  troops,  and 
also  the  remains  of  those  taken  at  Rivoli  and  in 
Germany  from  Prince  Charles.  He  presented  these 
trophies  to  the  directory  a  few  days  before  the  18th  of 
Fructidor. 

The  frequent  presentations  of  standards  were,  at 
this  period,  very  useful  to  the  government;  these 
manifestations  of  the  disposition  of  the  army  con- 
founded the  malcontents  and  made  them  tremble. 


128  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VI. 


NAPOLEON,  DURING  1797. 

MONTEBELLO  is  a  castle  situated  some  leagues  from 
Milan,  upon  a  hill  which  commands  the  whole  plain 
of  Lombardy.  The  French  head-quarters  were  there 
during  the  months  of  May  and  June.  The  assemblage 
of  the  principal  ladies  of  Milan,  who  came  there  daily 
to  pay  their  respects  to  Josephine ;  the  presence  of 
the  ministers  of  Austria,  of  the  Pope,  of  the  King  of 
the  Two  Sicilies,  and  of  the  republics  of  Genoa  and 
Venice;  those  of  the  "Duke  of  Parma,  of  the  Swiss 
cantons,  and  of  several  princes  of  Germany  ;  the 
numerous  authorities  of  the  cisalpine  republic,  and  the 
deputies  of  cities ;  the  great  number  of  couriers  from 
Paris,  from  Borne,  from  Naples,  Vienna,  Florence, 
Turin,  Venice,  Genoa,  who  came  and  went  at  all  hours, 
— in  a  word,  the  whole  manner  of  life  in  this  castle, 
caused  the  Italians  to  speak  of  it  as  the  court  of 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  129 

Montebello ;  and,  in  fact,  it  was  a  brilliant  court. 
The  negotiations  of  peace  with  the  Emperor — the 
politics  of  Germany,  the  fate  of  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
of  Switzerland,  of  Venice  and  Genoa,  were  settled 
there.  The  court  of  Montebello  made  several  ex- 
cursions to  Lake  Maggiore,  to  the  Borromean  Isles,  to 
the  Lake  of  Como ;  and  passed  several  days  in  the 
different  country-houses  round  these  lakes.  Every 
town — every  village,  wished  to  distinguish  itself  in 
showing  esteem  and  respect  for  the  liberator  of  Italy. 
The  corps  diplomatique  could  not  but  be  surprised  at 
all  they  saw. 

General  Serrurier  conveyed  to  the  directory  the 
last  colours  taken  from  the  archduke  Charles:  "  This 
officer"  (we  quote  from  Napoleon's  letter)  "  has  dis- 
played in  the  two  last  campaigns,  as  much  talent  as 
civism;  his  division  gained  the  victory  of  Mondovi,  and 
contributed  materially  to  that  of  Castiglione,  and  to  the 
taking  of  Mantua.  It  also  distinguished  itself  at  the 
passage  of  the  Tagliamento,  at  the  passage  of  the 
Isonzo,  and  particularly  at  the  taking  of  Gradisca. 
General  Serrurier  is  severe  to  himself;  he  is  so,  some- 
times, towards  others;  a  firm  friend  to  discipline, 
order,  and  the  virtues  most  necessary  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  society;  he  disdains  all  intrigue.  These 
qualities  have  made  him  several  enemies  among  men 
always  ready  to  accuse  of  incivism  those  who  require 
them  to  submit  to  the  laws. 

"  I  consider  him  very  fit  to  command  the  troops 
VOL.  II,  K 


130  HISTORY  OP  THE 

of  the  cisalpine  republic.  I  beg  you,  therefore,  to 
send  him  to  his  post  as  soon  as  possible." 

Serrurier  was  well  received  at  Paris;  the  fraakness 
and  openness  of  his  character  gave  general  satisfaction. 
During  his  residence  in  France,  he  visited  his  native 
department  of  L'Aisne;  he  had  always  been  mode- 
rate respecting  the  principles  of  the  revolution,  but 
when  he  returned  from  France,  he  was  very  warm  in 
favour  of  the  republic,  so  indignant  was  he  at  the  bad 
feeling  he  had  had  occasion  to  remark. 

Just  as  the  French  army  was  entering  Venice, 
Count  d'Entraigues  escaped  from  that  town.  He 
was  stopped  at  the  Brenta  by  the  troops  of,  Berna- 
dotte's  division,  and  sent  to  head-quarters  at  Milan. 
The  Count  d'Entraigues  was  from  Mvernois.  As 
one  of  the  deputies  from  the  nobility  to  the  consti- 
tuent assembly,  he  was  an  ardent  patriot  in  '88  and 
'89 ;  but  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  general 
assembly,  being  a  nephew  of  M.  de  St.  Priest,  he 
changed  sides,  emigrated,  and  was  one  of  the  principal 
agents  of  royalty  in  other  countries,  and  unceasing  in 
his  intrigues.  He  had  been  at  Venice  for  two  years, 
nominally  attached  to  the  English  embassy,  but  in 
fact,  as  minister  of  the  counter-revolution,  and  putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  all  the  plots  for  injuring  or 
rising  against  the  French  army.  He  was  suspected 
of  having  had  a  share  in  the  massacre  at  Verona. 
Generals  Berthier  and  Clarke  searched  his  papers, 
made  a  list  of  all  the  contents  of  his  secretaire,  and 
sent  this  list  to  Paris,  The  French  government  sent 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  131 

an  answer,  ordering  d'Entraigues  to  be  brought  before 
a  military  tribunal,  and  judged  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  republic;  but,  in  the  meantime,  he  had  in- 
terested Napoleon,  who  had  seen  him.  several  times. 
Not  ignorant  of  the  dangers  of  his  position,  he  took 
pains  to  please  him  who  alone  had  power  over  his 
fate ;  he  spoke  to  him  without  reserve,  discovered  to 
him  several  intrigues  then  in  progress,  and  compro- 
mised his  party  much  more  than  he  was  called  on  to 
do.  This  plan  succeeded  ;  -he  was  allowed  to  reside 
in  the  town  on  his  parole,  and  shortly  afterwards 
made  his  escape  into  Switzerland.  So  little  attention 
had  been  paid  to  him,  that  it  was  only  some  six  or 
seven  days  after  his  departure  from  Milan,  that  it 
was  discovered  he  had  broken  his  parole.  Not  long 
afterwards,  a  sort  of  pamphlet  by  him  was  spread  all 
over  Germany  and  Italy,  calumniating  his  benefactor- 
He  described  the  horrible  dungeon  in  which  he  had 
been  immured,  the  torments  which  he  had  suffered, 
the  boldness  which  he  had  displayed,  and  the  risks 
he  had  run  to  obtain  his  liberty.  Every  one  at 
Milan,  where  lie  had  been  seen  in  every  company,  on 
the  public  promenade  and  elsewhere,  was  indignant 
at  this  conduct ;  several  members  of  the  corps  diplo- 
matique shared  the  general  indignation,  and  even 
published  declarations  on  the  subject. 

The  republic  of  C4enoa,  during  the  three  wars  re- 
specting the  succession  of  Parma,  of  Spain,  and  of 
Austria,  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  quarrel ;  its 
little  armies  had  marched  to  the  field  with  those  of 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  crowns  of  France  and  Spain.  In  1747,  the  people 
had  driven  out  of  Genoa  the  Austrian  garrison 
commanded  by  the  Marquis  of  Botta,  and  since 
that  time  the  town  had  sustained  a  long  and  obsti- 
nate siege  from  the  army  of  Maria  Theresa.  In  the 
eighteenth  century,  Genoa  had  carried  on  a  bloody 
war  against  Corsica.  National  antipathy  gave  rise  to 
interminable  skirmishes  between  the  Piedmontese 
and  the  Genoese.  This  continual  recurrence  of  mili- 
tary events  had  contributed  to  keep  alive  among  the 
citizens  of  this  republic,  weak  as  it  was  in  respect  to 
population  and  extent,  an  energy  which  gave  it  quite 
a  different  standing  from  that  of  Venice.  Thus  the 
Genoese  aristocracy  had  successfully  resisted  the 
storm;  it  had  preserved  itself  free  and  independent; 
it  had  allowed  itself  to  be  dictated  to  neither  by  the 
coalition,  nor  by  France,  nor  by  the  popular  party ;  it 
had  preserved,  in  all  its  purity,  the  constitution  which 
Andreas  Doria  had  given  it  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

But  the  proclamation  of  the  independence  of  the 
cispadane  and  transpadane  republics,  the  abdication  of 
the  aristocracy  of  Venice,  the  establishment  of  a  popular 
form  of  government  in  the  whole  of  the  Venetian 
states,  and  the  enthusiasm  inspired  by  the  victories 
of  the  French,  gave  such  an  increase  of  weight  to  the 
popular  party,  that  some  change  in  the  constitution 
became  unavoidable.  France  did  not  believe  itself 
justified  in  placing  any  confidence  in  the  aristocracy ; 
but  it  was  considered  advisable  that  the  revolution 
should  take  place  without  auy  open  interference  on 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  133 

its  part,  and  merely  by  means  of  the  advance  and 
the  force  of  public  opinion.  Fay  poult,  the  French 
minister  at  Genoa,  was  an  enlightened  man,  moderate 
in  his  politics,  and  rather  weak  in  character;  this 
was  an  advantage  in  the  then  state  of  things,  since  he 
rather  restrained  than  increased  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  revolutionary  party. 

Those  who  had  observed  the  course  of  events,  had 
calculated  that  matters  would  come  to  a  crisis  about 
the  end  of  August;  they  did  not  believe  that  the 
aristocracy  could  prolong  its  resistance  beyond  that 
term.  The  revolutionary  spirits  of  the  club  Morandi, 
impatient  at  the  slow  progress  of  events,  and  perhaps 
too,  urged  on  by  secret  agents  from  Paris,  drew  up  a 
petition  in  which  they  demanded  the  abdication  of 
the  aristocracy,  and  the  proclamation  of  independence. 

A  deputation  presented  it  to  the  Doge,  who  did  not 
show  himself  averse  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  peti- 
tioners; he  even  named  a  junta  of  nine  persons, 
amongst  whom,  four  were  to  be  plebeians,  to  propose 
to  him  the  necessary  changes  in  the  constitution. 

The  three  state-inquisitors  or  supreme  censors, 
chiefs  of  the  oligarchy  and  enemies  of  France,  saw  this 
state  of  things  with  grief.  Convinced  that  the  aristo- 
cracy had  but  a  very  little  longer  time  to  exist,  if  they 
allowed  things  to  go  on  as  they  were,  and  did  not 
take  some  means  of  preventing  them,  they  sought  for 
assistance  in  fanaticism  to  gain  over  to  their  side  the 
inferior  corporations.  If  they  could  be  enabled  to 
gain  the  coal -porters  and  the  colliers,  they  would  thus 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE 

acquire  assistance  sufficient  to  keep  all  classes  of  the 
citizens  in  awe.  They  made  use  of  the.  confessional, 
the  pulpit,  sermons  in  the  squares  and  streets,  miracles, 
the  exposition  of  the  holy  sacrament,  even  the 
prayers  during  forty  hours,  in  order  to  obtain  from 
God,  that  he  would  remove  from  the  republic  the 
storm  which  threatened  it;  but  instead  of  avoiding 
the  storm,  they  attracted  it  by  this  imprudent  con- 
duct. On  the  other  hand,  the  Morandi  Club  agitated ; 
they  declaimed,  printed,  excited  the  people  in  a 
thousand  ways  against  the  nobles  and  the  priests,  and 
made  many  proselytes. .  They  soon  considered  the 
moment  favourable,  and  took  up  arms  on  the  22nd  of 
,May;  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  seized  the 
principal  gates,  particularly  those  of  St.  Thomas,  of 
the  arsenal,  and  of  the  port.  The  inquisitors,  terrified 
at  this,  gave  the  signal  agreed  on  to  the  coal-porters 
and  colliers,  who,  conducted  by  their  syndics,  rushed 
with  cries  of  "  Viva  Maria,"  to  the  magazine  of  arms, 
and  declared  in  favour  of  the  aristocracy.  Thus,  in  a  few 
hours,  10,000  men  were  organized  and  provided  with 
arms,  ready  to  defend  the  prince.  The  minister  of 
France,  terrified  at  their  vociferations  against  the 
Jacobites  and  the  French,  proceeded  to  the  palace  and 
endeavoured  to  conciliate  the  hostile  parties.  At  the 
sight  of  these  preparations  on  the  part  of  the  oligarchy, 
and  of  this  great  number  of  defenders,  the  patriots 
felt  their  weakness ;  they  had  reckoned  that  the  mass 
of  the  citizens  would  rise  in  their  favour,  and  that  this 
would  give  them  the  advantage  over  their  adversaries ; 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  135 

but  the  citizens,  terrified  at  the  fury  of  the  coal-porters, 
remained  shut  up  in  their  houses.  The  patriots,  thus 
deceived  in  their  hopes,  could  not  see  any  means  of 
'safety  except  in  adopting  the  French  cockade,  which 
had  very  nearly  produced  fatal  effects  to  several  French 
families  resident  in  Genoa. 

Every  one  ran  to  arms :  the  patriots  were  defeated 
on  all  sides,  and  driven  from  their  positions.  During 
the  night  between  the  23rd  and  the  24th  they  retained 
possession  of  St.  Thomas's  gate;  they  lost  it,  how- 
ever, early  on  the  24th.  The  triumphant  party  com- 
pelled everybody  to  wear  the  Genoese  cockade ;  they 
permitted  the  pillage  of  the  houses  inhabited  by  French 
families ;  and  several  Frenchmen  were  even  committed 
to  prison. 

The  minister  Faypoult  would  certainly  have  been 
insulted  but  for  a  guard  of  honour  that  the  doge  sent 
to  his  hotel,  consisting  of  200  men.  Menard,  the 
commissary  of  the  navy,  a  prudent  man,  who  had  taken 
no  part  in  the  disturbances,  was  dragged  by  the  hair 
to  the  fort  of  La  Lanterne;  the  house  of  the  consul 
Lachaise  was  pillaged;  everything  French  was  obliged 
to  be  prepared  for  insults,  and  even  sometimes  for 
wounds. 

The  citizens  were  indignant,  but  dared  not  make 
any  resistance  for  fear  of  the  conquerors.  From  the 
23rd  to  the  29th,  the  minister  Faypoult  presented 
several  notes  on  the  subject,  without  receiving  any 
satisfaction.  Just  at  this  time,  Admiral  Brueys,  with 
two  men  of  war,  and  two  frigates,  presented  himself  at 


136  HISTORY   OF  THE 

the  port,  on  his  return  from  Corsica.  The  doge 
opposed  his  entrance,  under  the  pretext  that  his  pre- 
sence would  irritate  the  populace,  and  that  they  would 
then  commit  all  sorts  of  excesses  against  the  Trench. 
Faypoult  \vas  weak  enough  to  submit  to  this  measure ; 
he  sent  orders  to  Brueys,  therefore,  to  sail  for 
Toulon. 

When  the  moderate  party  in  the  senate  observed 
upon  the  imprudence  of  this  conduct,  the  oligarchs 
answered,  that  as  the  French  were  engaged  in  negotia- 
tions with  Austria,  they  would  not  dare  to  march  a 
body  of  men  against  Genoa;  that  the  opinions  which 
prevailed  at  Paris  were  not  democratic  ones ;  that  it 
was  known  that  even  Napoleon. disapproved  of  the 
principles  of  the  club  Morandi ;  and  that  he  would 
think  twice  before  exposing  himself  to  the  possibility 
of  blame  from  his  government,  and  to  the  hostility  of 
Clichy's  party,  which  was  the  most  powerful  in  the 
legislature. 

All  tljese  fallacious  hopes  were  soon  dispelled.  As 
soon  ®£  Napoleon  was  informed  that  French  blood  had 
been  shed,  he  dispatched  his  aide-de-camp,  Lavaiette, 
to  G-enoa ;  he  required  from  the  doge  that  all  the 
French  who  had  been  arrested  should  be  immediately 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  French  minister ;  that  the 
coal-porters  and  colliers  should  be  disarmed,  and  the 
inquisitors  arrested ;  declaring,  at  the  same  time,  that 
the  heads  of  the  patricians  should  pay  for  any  French 
lives,  as  well  as  that  the  property  of  the  republic 
should  make  reparation  for  any  damage  done  to  theirs. 
He  desired  the  minister  Faypoult  to  quit  Genoa,  and 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  137 

to  retire  to  Tortona,  with  all  the  French  residents  who 
chose  to  follow  him,  in  case  these  demands  should  not 
be  complied  with  in  twenty-four  hours.  Lavalette 
arrived  at  Genoa  on  the  29th  of  May,  at  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon;  at  six,  he  was  presented  to  the 
senate,  who,  after  having  heard  his  demands,  and  seen 
the  letter  to  the  doge,  promised  to  give  him  an  answer 
the  same  evening.  In  fact,  the  French  were  imme- 
diately set  at  liberty,  and  conducted  to  the  hotel  of 
the  ambassador  in  the  midst  of  an  immense  concourse 
of  people,  who  testified  their  sympathy  for  them.  The 
middle  classes  and  the  populace,  encouraged  by  this 
proceeding  of  Napoleon's,  which  convinced  them  of 
his  protection,  roused  themselves,  and  demanded  with 
loud  cries,  that  the  cut-throats  of  the  oligarchy 
should  be  disarmed.  The  same  evening,  4000 
muskets  were  replaced  in  the  arsenal.  The  discussion 
in  the  senate  was  warm ;  the  aristocratic  party  were 
in  the  minority.  A  division  of  French  troops  had 
been  sent  to  Tortona.  Genoa,  if  besieged  by  sea  and 
land,  would  have  been  promptly  reduced  to  humiliation ; 
it  is  even  probable,  that  the  mere  sight  of  the  French 
troops  would  have  been  sufficient  to  give  to  the  citizens, 
and  to  the  mass  of  the  "  tiers  etat "  power  sufficient  to 
shake  off  the  yoke  of  the  aristocracy. 

In  the  meantime,  the  answer  of  the  aristocracy  was 
not  satisfactory,  being  only  a  sort  of  compromise. 
Faypoult  determined  to  leave  Genoa.  Lavalette  was 
to  remain  there  to  protect  such  French  residents  as 
should  not  leave  with  the  minister.  Upon  the  French 
minister's  demanding  his  passports,  the  doge  assembled 


138  HISTORY  OP  THE 

the  senate,  which  alone  had  the  power  of  granting 
them.  The  senate  was  therefore  obliged  a  second 
time  to  take  into  consideration  the  position  in  which 
the  republic  was  about  to  be  placed.  After  some  dis- 
cussion, the  resolution  of  giving  way  to  the  demands 
of  the  general-in-chief  was  adopted :  it  was  decreed, 
Istly,  that  a  deputation  consisting  of  MM.  Cam- 
biaso,  (doge),  Serra,  and  Carbonari,  should  be  imme- 
diately dispatched  to  Montebello ;  2ndly,  that  the  inq^ii- 
sitors  should  be  placed  in  a  state  of  arrest ;  3rdly,  that 
the  coal-porters  and  colliers,  who  had  only  acted 
according  to  the  orders  of  the  prince,  and  who  in  reality 
had  no  interest  whatever  in  the  affair,  should  Become 
quiet  as  soon  as  submission  was  really  determined  on. 

On  the  6th  of  June,  the  deputies  of  the  senate 
signed  a  convention  at  Montebello,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  constitution  of  Doria,  and  established  at  Genoa 
the  democratical  form  of  government.  This  conven- 
tion was  conceived  in  the  following  terms : 

"  The  French  republic  and  the  republic  of  Genoa, 
wishing  to  confirm  and  consolidate  the  union  and 
harmony  of  feeling  which  have  always  existed  between 
them,  and  believing  that  the  happiness  of  the  Genoese 
people  requires  that  the  sovereign  power  should  be 
restored  to  them :  the  two  states  have  agreed  upon 
the  following  articles. 

u  Art  1.  The  government  of  the  republic  of  Genoa 
recognises  the  principle,  that  the  sovereign  power 
resides  in  the  united  body  of  all  the  citizens  of  the 
Genoese  territory. 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  139 

"2.  The  legislative  power  shall  be  confided  to  two 
representative  councils,  composed,  the  one  of  300, 
the  other  of  150  members.  The  executive  power  shall 
be  delegated  to  a  senate  of  twelve,  presided  over  by  a 
doge.  Both  doge  and  senators  shall  be  chosen  by  the 
two  councils. 

"  3.  Each  commune  shall  have  its  municipality,  and 
each  district  its  administration. 

"  4.  The  mode  of  election  of  all  the  authorities,  the 
divisions  into  districts,  the  portion  of  authority  to  be 
confided  to  each  corporation,  the  organization  of  the 
judicial  authorities,  and  .of  the  military  force,  shall  be 
determined  by  a  legislative  commission,  which  shall  be 
required  to  frame  a  constitution,  and  all  the  organic 
laws  of  the  government:  taking  care  at  the  same 
time  to  do  nothing  contrary  to  the  Catholic  religion ; 
to  guarantee  the  consolidated  debt;  to  preserve  the 
free  port  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  the  bank  of  St. 
George;  and  to  take  measures  for  providing,  as  far  as 
is  possible,  for  the  support  of  the  poor  nobles  at  pre- 
sent in  existence.  This  commission  shall  complete  its 
task  in  one  month,  reckoning  from  the  day  of  its 
appointment* 

"  5.  The  people  being  thus  re-established  in  their 
rights,  every  species  of  privilege  or  of  particular 
organization,  tending  to  destroy  the  unity  of  the  state, 
is,  ipso  facto,  annulled. 

"  6.  The  provisional  government  shall  be  confided 
to  a  commission,  consisting  of  twenty-two  members, 
with  the  present  doge  at  their  head;  and  this  commis- 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE 

sion  shall  date  from  the  14th  of  the  present  mouth  of 
June,  being  the  26th  of  Prairial  of  the  year  5  of  the 
French  republic. 

"  7,  Those  citizens  who  shall  be  called  upon  to 
compose  the  provisional  government  of  the  republic  of 
Genoa,  shall  not  be  permitted  to  refuse  this  office, 
without  being  considered  as  indifferent  to  the  welfare 
of  their  country,  and  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  2000 
crowns. 

"  8.  When  the  provisional  government  shall  be 
formed,  it  shall  determine  the  necessary  rules  respect- 
ing the  form  of  its  deliberations.  It  shall  name,  in 
the  course  of  the  first  week  of  its  appointment,  the 
legislative  commission,  empowered  to  frame  a  constitu- 
tion. 

"9.  The  provisional  government  shall  provide  for 
the  proper  indemnification  of  all  the  French  residents 
who  shall  have  suffered  loss  during  the  days  of  the 
3rd  and  4th  of  Prairial,  (May  22  and  23.) 

"  10.  The  French  republic,  anxious  to  give  a  proof 
of  the  interest  which  it  takes  in  the  happiness  of  the 
people  of  Genoa,  and  desirous  of  seeing  them  united 
and  free  from  factions,  grants  an  amnesty  to  all  [the 
Genoese  of  whom  she  might  have  reason  to  complain, 
whether  on  account  of  the  events  of  the  3rd  and  4th 
of  Prairial,  or  on  account  of  the  several  events  which 
have  taken  place  in  the  various  imperial  feofs. 

"  The  provisional  government  shall  also  endeavour, 
most  anxiously,  to  put  an  end  to  all  factions,  to  unite 
all  the  citizens,  and  to  cause  them  to  see  the  necessity 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  141 

of  rallying  around  the  public  liberty,  granting  further, 
for  this  purpose,  a  general  amnesty. 

"11.  The  French  republic  will  grant  to  the  re- 
public of  Genoa  its  protection,  and  even  the  assist- 
ance of  its  arms,  in  order  to  facilitate,  if  necessary, 
the  execution  of  the  above-named  articles,  and  to 
maintain  the  integrity  of  the  territory  of  the  Genoese 
republic." 

The  people  triumphed  with  that  vivacity  which  is 
the  characteristic  of  a  spirit  of  party  and  of  all 
southern  nations ;  they  even  committed  some  excesses ; 
they  burned  the  Golden  Book,  and  broke  the  statue  of 
Doria.  This  outrage,  offered  to  the  memory  of  so 
great  a  man,  offended  Napoleon ;  he  demanded  of  the 
provisional  governmeni  that  the  statue  should  be 
restored. 

In  the  meantime,  the  exclusives  had  got  the  upper 
hand ;  the  constitution,  therefore,  was  also  of  the  same 
spirit ;  the  priests  were  rendered  disaffected,  and  the 
nobles  exasperated;  they  were  both  excluded  from  all 
offices  of  state.  This  constitution  was  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  assembly  of  the  people  on  the  14th  of 
September;  it  was  printed  and  posted  up  in  all  the 
communes.  Several  of  the  country  communes  de- 
clared that  they  would  not  accept  it;  the  priests  and 
nobles  endeavoured  everywhere  to  rouse  the  peasants. 
At  last,  the  insurrection  broke  out  in  the  valleys  of 
the  Polcevera  and  of  the  Besagno ;  the  insurgents  took 
possession  of  the  three  bastions  of  L'Eperon,  La 
Tenaille,  and  La  Lanterne,  which  latter  commands  the 


142  HISTORY   OF  THE 

port.  General  Duphot,  who  had  been  sent  to  Genoa, 
to  organize  the  troops  of  the  republic,  which  amounted 
to  6000  men,  was  called  upon  by  the  provisional 
government  to  fight  in  their  defence.  He  drove  out 
the  insurgents,  and  recovered  the  two  forts.  On  the 
7th,  tranquillity  was  again  established  in  the  valleys ; 
the  peasants  were  disarmed. 

Napoleon  was  displeased  at  these  accounts.  He  was 
then  entirely  occupied  with  the  negotiations  with 
Austria,  and  had  not  been  able  to  pay  any  very  particu- 
lar attention  to  the  affairs  of  Genoa;  but  he  advised 
them  not  to  displease  the  nobles,  and  to  satisfy  the 
priests.  He  retarded  the  publication  of  the  constitution ; 
he  made  all  the  changes  which  the  priests  and  the  nobles 
required ;  and  thus,  purged  of  the  spirit  of  demagogy, 
with  which  it  had  been  tinged,  it  was  put  into  exe- 
cution, with  the  consent  of  all  ranks.  He  loved  Genoa ; 
he  wished  to  have  gone  there  himself,  in  order  to  unite 
all  parties,  but  circumstances  succeeding  each  other 
with  unexampled  rapidity,  prevented  this  design. 

After  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  on  the  point  of 
quitting  Italy,  on  the  llth  of  November,  1797,  he 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  Genoese  government : 

"  I  will  respond,  citizens,  to  the  confidence  you 
have  reposed  in  me.  You  feel  obliged  to  diminish  the 
expenses  of  your  administration,  in  order  not  to  over- 
tax your  people.  It  is  not  enough  to  act  in  no  respect 
contrary  to  religion ;  you  must  endeavour  moreover  to 
give  no  subject  of  inquietude  to  even  fearful  con- 
sciences, and  no  tool  to  evil-intentioned  persons. 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  143 

"  To  exclude  all  the  nobles  from  any  public 
office  would  be  an  act  of  injustice  in  the  highest 
degree;  you  icould  be  doing  then  what  they  did 
before.  The  free  port  is  an  apple  of  discord  which  has 
been  thrown  in  the  midst  of  you . . .  The  town  of 
Genoa  must  hold  the  freedom  of  its  port  from  the  will 
of  the  legislative  body.  Wliy  is  the  Ligurian 
people  so  changed?  Its  fast  impulses  of  fraternity 
have  been  succeeded  by  fear  and  terror.  The 
priests  had  first  rallied  round  the  tree  of  liberty; 
they  first  told  you  that  the  morality  of  the  gospel  is 
democratic;  but  men,  paid  by  your  enemies,  and 
the  immediate  assistants  of  tyranny  in  all  resolu- 
tions, have  taken  advantage  of  the  faults,  perhaps 
even  the  crimes  of  some  priests,  to  write  against 
religion;  and  the  priests  have  retired. . .  You  have 
proscribed  en  masse,  and  the  number  of  your  enemies 
has  increased . . .  When  in  any  state,  but  particularly' 
in  a  small  state,  one  becomes  accustomed  to  condemn 
ivithout  hearing,  to  applaud  a  discourse  because  it 
is  impassioned,  when  exaggeration  and  madness 
are  called  virtue,  moderation  and  equity  designated 
as  crimes,  that  state  is  near  its  ruin.  Believe 
me  that  wherever  my  duty  and  the  service  of  my 
country  may  call  me,  I  shall  consider  that  one  of 
the  most  happy  moments  of  my  life,  in  which  I  hear 
that  the  people  of  Genoa  are  united  among  themselves 
and  live  happily." 

•A  motion  of  Sieyes,  having  for  its  object  the  banish- 
ment of  all  the  nobles  from  France,  with  an  equivalent 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

compensation  in  manufactured  goods  for  their  losse" 
was  just  at  this  time  under  discussion  in  the  Counc<.! 
of  Five  Hundred,  in  Paris ;  so  that  this  advice  givei*- 
l)y  Napoleon  to  the  republic  of  Genoa,  appears  to  have 
been,  in  fact,  intended  for  the  French  republic.     Af ' 
any  rate,  the  latter  profited  by  it;  for  this  extreme1 
and  terrible  measure,  which  spread  alarm  and  dis-^ 
order  everywhere,  was  abandoned,    and  never  morer 
introduced. 

No  French  battalion  had  passed  Tortona.  The 
revolution  of  Genoa  was  effected  solely  by  the  in- 
fluence of  the  "  tiers  etat ;"  and  had  it  not  been  for  the 
proceedings  of  the  inquisitors  and  the  club  Morandi, 
it  would  have  been  effected  without  any  disorders, 
without  trouble,  and  without  any  even  indirect  inter- 
ference of  France. 

The  King  of  Sardinia  was  placed  in  a  false  position ; 
the  following  treaty,  negotiated  at  Bologna  by  Napo- 
leon, and  signed  at  Turin  by  Clarke,  existed,  yet  did 
not  exist. 

"  The  executive  Directory  of  the  French  republic, 
and  his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia,  wishing  by  all 
the  means  in  their  power,  and  by  a  more  intimate 
connexion  of  their  respective  interests,  to  contribute 
to  bring  about  as  quickly  as  possible,  that  peace  which 
they  both  desire,  and  which  must  assure  the  repose 
and  the  tranquillity  of  Italy,  have  determined  upon 
concluding  a  treaty  of  alliance  offensive  and  defensive ; 
and  have  charged  with  full  powers  to  that  effect — to 
wit,  the  Directory  of  the  French  republic,  General 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  145 

Clarke ;  and  his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia,  the 
Chevalier  D.  Clement  Damian  de  Priocca,  Knight 
Grand  Cross  of  the  orders  of  St.  Maurice  and  St. 
Lazarus,  principal  Secretary  of  State  of  his  majesty 
in  the  Home  Department;  who,  after  having  ex- 
changed their  respective  full  powers,  have  agreed 
upon  the  following  articles : 

"Art.  1.  There  shall  exist  an  offensive  alliance 
between  the  French  republic  and  his  majesty  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  until  a  general  peace. 

"  After  that  time,  the  alliance  shall  be  simply  a  de- 
fensive one,  and  shall  be  established  upon  a  basis  con- 
formable to  the  reciprocal  interests  of  the  two  powers. 

"2.  As  the  present  alliance  has  no  other  object  than 
that  of  hastening  the  conclusion  of  peace,  and  of 
assuring  the  tranquillity  of  Italy,  it  shall  only  be  bind- 
ing during  the  present  war  against  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  being  the  only  one  of  the  continental 
powers  who  continues  to  oppose  such  salutary  inten- 
tions. His  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia  will  remain 
neuter  in  respect  to  England  and  the  other  powers 
still  at  war  with  the  French  republic. 

"  3.  The  French  republic,  and  his  majesty  the 
King  of  Sardinia,  guarantee  to  one  another,  as  far  as 
lies  in  their  power,  all  their  present  possessions  in 
Europe,  during  all  the  time  that  the  present  alliance 
shall  continue  in  force.  The  two  powers  will  unite 
their  forces  against  the  common  enemy  from  without, 
and  will  lend  no  assistance,  direct  or  indirect,  to  an 
enemy  within. 

VOL.  II.  L 


146  HISTOEY  OF  THE 

"4.  The  contingent  of  troops  •which  his  Sardinia! 
majesty  shall  furnish  in  consequence  of  the  present 
alliance,  shall  be  8000  infantry,  2000  cavalry,  anc1 
40  pieces  of  cannon.  In  case  the  two  powers  shal 
think  it  necessary  to  increase  this  contingent,  this  in- 
crease shall  be  agreed  upon  by  commissioners,  withful. 
powers  on  the  part  of  the  executive  directory,  and 
of  his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia. 

"  5.  The  contingent  of  troops  and  of  artillery  shall 
be  ready  and  assembled  at  Novara — to  wit,  500  cavalry,- 
4000  infantry,  and  12  pieces   of  cannon,   on  the 
30th  Germinal  of  the  present  year,  (April  19,  0.  S.) 
the  remainder  fourteen  days  later. 

"  This  contingent  shall  be  kept  at  the  expense  of 
his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  shall  receive 
orders  from  the  general-in-chief  of  the  French  army 
in  Italy. 

"  A  particular  convention  drawn  up  in  concert  with 
the  general,  shall  determine  the  mode  in  which  the 
contingent  shall  serve. 

"6.  The  troops  composing  it,  shall  share,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  actually  under  arms,  in  the 
contributions  imposed  on  the  conquered  countries 
reckoning  from  the  day  on  which  the  contingent  shall 
have  joined  the  armies  of  the  republic. 

"  7.  The  French  republic  promises  to  grant  to, 
his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia,  at  the  general1 
or  continental  peace,  all  the  advantages  that  cir- 
cumstances permit  it  to  procure  for  him. 

"8.  Neither  of  the  contracting  powers  shall  con- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  147 

elude  a  separate  peace  with  the  common  enemy,  and 
no  truce  shall  be  concluded  "by  the  French  republic 
•with  the  armies  at  present  in  Italy,  without  including 
in  it  his  Sardinian  majesty. 

"9.  All  contributions  imposed  in  the  states  of  his 
majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia,  which  have  not  been 
acquitted  or  compensated  for?  shall  cease  immediately 
after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present 
treaty. 

. "  10.  The  various  equipments  which  shall  have, 
been  furnished  in  the  states  of  his  Sardinian  majesty 
to  the  French  troops,  as  also  to  the  prisoners  of  war, 
sent  back  into  France,  as  well  as  those  which  have 
been  the  consequence  of  separate  conventions  on  this 
.subject,  in  so  far  as  they  have  not  been  acquitted  or 
{compensated  for  by  the  French  republic  in  consequence 
iof  the  said  conventions,  shall  be  repaid  in  kind  to  the 
(troops  forming  the  contingent  of  his  Sardinian 
pnajesty;  and  in  case  the  equipments  to  be  restored 
t*hall  exceed  the  wants  of  the  contingent,  the  remainder 
Bhall  be  discharged  in  cash. 

s  "11.  The  two  contracting  powers  shall  immediately 
lame  commissioners  to  negotiate  in  their  names  a 
Commercial  treaty  conformable  to  Art.  7,  of  the  treaty 
Iof  peace  concluded  at  Paris  between  the  French 
Irepublic,  and  his  majesty  the  King  of  Sardinia;  in  the 
sneantime,  the  posts  and  all  commercial  relations  shall 
tbe  re-established  without  delay,  as  they  were  previous 
ato  the  war. 

L  2 


148  •  HISTORY   OF   THE 

"12.  The  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty  shall 
be  exchanged  at  Paris  with  the  least  possible  delay. 

"  Done  and  signed  at  Turin,  the  16th  Germinal, 
year  5,  of  the  French  republic,  one  and  indivisible, 
(April  5,  1797,  O.S.) 

(Signed,)     "M.  CLARKE. 

CLEMENT  DAMIAN." 

The  directory  did  not  avow  its  intentions  openly, 
but  it  was  evident  that  it  did  not  intend  to  ratify  tl*e 
treaty.  On  the  other  hand,  Napoleon  persisted  in  con- 
sidering this  ratification  indispensable.  He  attached 
importance,  as  was  right,  to  a  division  of  veteran  Pied- 
montese  soldiers,  whose  value  he  well  knew.  Consi- 
dering himself  as  personally  engaged  to  the  court -of 
Sardinia,  he  employed  all  his  efforts  to  secure  the  in- 
terior tranquillity  of  the  states  of  the  king.  Mean- 
time, the  Piedmontese  malcontents  became  every  clay 
more  numerous;  they  ran  to  arms  and  were  defeated. 
This  position  was  extremely  delicate;  it  excited  in  the 
highest  degree  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Jacobins  in 
Trance  and  Italy ;  and  when  the  royalist  party  had 
triumphed  at  Turin,  the  arrests  and  vexations  which 
they  allowed  themselves  to  commit  were  a  continual 
source  of  complaint  at  head-quarters. 

At  the  end  of  September,  the  directory,  when  sign- 
ing the  ultimatum  for  the  negotiations  of  Campo- 
Formio,  gave  Napoleon  to  understand  that  they  per- 
sisted in  refusing  'to  ratify  the  treaty  with  Sardinia. 
The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  when  communicating 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  149 

to  him  the  resolution  of  the  directory,  advised  him  to 
cause  the  Sardinian  soldiers  to  be  corrupted  by  some 
of  the  Italian  recruiters,  which  would  enable  him,  he 
said,  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  the  10,000  Pied- 
montese  troops,  without  any  obligation  to  the  court  of 
Turin.  But  the  officer's  list  of  the  troops  was  not  to 
be  corrupted ;  besides  which,  an  operation  of  this  kind 
could  not  be  completed  without  losing  too  much  time, 
for  it  was  necessary  to  commence  the  campaign  imme- 
diately. 

This  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  directory  was  one  of 
the  causes  which  decided  Napoleon  to  sign  the  peace 
of  Campo-Formio,  without  paying  any  attention  to  the 
ultimatum  of  the  29th  of  September,  which,  in  his 
opinion,  could  not  have  been  inserted  in  the  protocol, 
without  causing  a  rupture.  In  the  meantime,  the 
directory  finally  comprehended  the  importance  of  rein- 
forcing the  Italian  army  by  the  10,000  men  of  the 
Piedmontese  contingent;  they  decided  upon  ratifying 
the  treaty  of  Turin,  and  sent  it,  on  the  21st  of  October, 
to  the  legislative  body ;  but  it  was  too  late ;  the  peace 
of  Campo-Formio  had  been  concluded  with  Austria  on 
the  17th. 

Thus,  after  the  campaigns  of  Napoleon  in  Italy,  the 
King  of  Sardinia  preserved  his  throne,  weakened,  it  is 
true,  by  the  loss  of  Savoy  and  Nice,  having  lost  some 
of  his  fortresses,  a  few  of  which  had  been  demolished, 
and  some  garrisoned  by  the  French,  but  having  ac- 
quired the  immense  advantage  of  becoming  the  ally  of 
the  French  republic,  which  guaranteed  to  him  the  in- 


150  HISTORY   OF  THE 

tegrity  of  Iris  states.  This  prince,  however,  did  not 
deceive  himself  as  to  his  position;  he  knew  that  he 
owed  the  preservation  of  his  throne  to  Napoleon,  and 
was  well  aware  how  insincere  was  the  apparent  alliance 
of  the  directory ;  he  had  been  very  near  his  downfall, 
surrounded  as  he  had  been  by  the  French,  the  Ligu- 
rian,  and  the  Cisalpine  democracies ;  he  had  still  to 
contend  against  the  opinions  of  his  people.  The  Pied- 
niontese  called  loudly  for  a  revolution,  and  the  court 
began  to  consider  Sardinia  as  a  haven  of  refuge. 

The  court  of  Koine  had  at  first  faithfully  executed 
the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Tolentino ;  but  in  a 
short  time  it  allowed  itself  to  be  influenced  by  Cardi- 
nal Busca  and  by  Albani.  It  began  again  to  levy 
troops,  and  had  the  imprudence  openly  to  brave  France, 
by  sending  for  General  Provera  to  command  them.  It 
even  refused  to  recognise  the  Cisalpine  republic.  The 
victorious  position  of  the  republic,  and  the  threats  of 
its  ambassador,  promptly  terminated  these  vain  demon- 
strations of  independence.  Provera  only  remained  a 
few  days  at  Rome,  and  then  set  out  for  Austria.  The 
Cisalpine  republic,  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  taking 
possession  of  some  of  the  provinces  belonging  to  the 
papal  dominions,  declared  war  against  the  Vatican* 
At  the  sight  of  the  storm  which  threatened  to  burst 
over  them,  these  weak  and  imprudent  old  men  humbled 
themselveSj  and  gave  to  the  Cisalpine  directory  all  the 
satisfaction  they  demanded. 

If  in  this  conduct  we  find  no  trace  of  that  ancient 
policy  which  rendered  the  Vatican  so  illustrious  during 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  151 

the  last  centimes,  we  must  remember  that  its  govern- 
ment was  worn  out,  and  that  the  temporal  power  of  the 
popes  was  entirely  gone ;  it  ended  as  the  sovereignty 
of  the  ecclesiastical  electors  of  the  empire  also  ended. 

The  court  of  Naples  was  directed  by  the  Queen,  a 
woman  of  remarkable  talents,  but  with  ideas  as  much' 
disordered  as  were  the  passions  which  agitated  her 
heart.  The  treaty  of  Paris  of  the  10th  of  October,  1796, 
had  made  no  change  in  the  dispositions  of  this  cabinet, 
which  did  not  cease  making  preparations,  and  giving 
trouble  during  the  whole  of  the  year  1797 ;  and  yet  no 
treaty  could  be  more  favourable.  It  was  conceived  in 
the  following  terms : 

"  The  French  republic  and  his  majesty  the  King  of 
the  Two  Sicilies,  equally  animated  with  the  desire  of 
causing  the  advantages  of  peace  to  succeed  the  neces- 
sary evils  of  war,  have  named  the  following  persons, 
to  wit,  for  the  executive  directory,  Citizen  Charles 
Delacroix,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and  for  his 
majesty  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  Prince  Belmonte 
Pignatelli,  gentleman  of  the  chamber,  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  his  Catholic  Majesty, 
to  treat  in  their  name  of  the  clauses  and  conditions 
proper  to  re-establish  a  good  intelligence  and  friend- 
ship between  these  two  powers;  which  persons,  after 
having  exchanged  their  full  powers,  have  agreed  upon 
the  following  articles : 

"  Art!  1.  There  shall  be  peace,  friendship,  and  a 
good  understanding  between  the  French  republic  and 
his  majesty  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  In  conse- 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE 

queiice,  all  hostilities  shall  definitely  cease,  reckoning 
from  the  day  on  which  the  ratifications  of  the  present 
treaty  shall  be  exchanged. 

"  In  the  meantime,  and  until  that  period,  the  con- 
ditions agreed  upon  at  the  armistice  of  the  17th 
Prairial,  year  4,  (June  4,  1796,)  shall  continue  fully 
and  entirely  in  force. 

u  2.  Every  prior  agreement,  engagement  or  con- 
vention, on  the  part  of  either  of  the  two  contracting 
parties,  which  may  be  contrary  to  the  present  treaty, 
is  hereby  annulled,  and  is  to  be  regarded  as  non- 
existent; consequently,  during  the  present  war, 
neither  of  the  contracting  powers  shall  furnish  to  any 
enemy  of  the  other,  any  assistance  in  troops,  vessels, 
arms  or  munitions  of  war,  provisions,  or  money,  under 
any  title  or  denomination  whatsoever. 

"  3.  His  majesty  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  will 
observe  the  strictest  neutrality  in  respect  to  all  the 
belligerent  powers ;  he  will,  therefore,  engage  to  refuse 
admittance  into  his  ports  to  all  vessels  armed  for  war 
belonging  to  the  said  powers,  exceeding  four  in  number, 
according  to  the  rules  of  the  above-mentioned  neu- 
trality. All  furnishing  of  ammunition,  or  of  mer- 
chandise known  under  the  name  of  contraband,  shall 
be  refused  to  them. 

"  4.  Every  security  and  protection  against  their 
enemies,  shall  be  afforded  to  all  merchant  vessels  of 
the  French  republic,  in  whatever  number,  in  all  ports 
and  roadsteads  of  his  majesty  the  King  "of  the  Two 
Sicilies,  and  to  all  vessels  of  war  belonging  to  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAFOLEOX.  153 

republic,  not  exceeding  the  number  specified  in  the 
preceding  article. 

"  5.  The  French  republic  and  his  majesty  the  King 
of  the  Two  Sicilies  engage  to  free  from  sequestration 
all  effects,  revenues,  or  goods,  seized,  confiscated  or 
retained  from  citizens  or  subjects  of  either  power,  in 
consequence  of  the  present  war ;  and  to  admit  them 
respectively  to  the  exercise  of  any  rights  or  privileges 
to  which  they  may  have  legal  claim. 

"  6.  All  prisoners  made  on  either  side,  including 
sailors  and  mariners,  shall  be  restored  within  a  month, 
reckoning  from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the 
ratification  of  the  present  treaty,  after  paying  any 
debts  contracted  during  their  captivity;  the  sick  and 
wounded  shall  remain  in  the  hospitals  until  their  re- 
covery, when  they  shall  be  immediately  sent  back. 

u  7.  In  order  to  give  a  proof  of  his  friendship  for 
the  French  republic,  and  of  his  desire  to  keep  up  a 
good  understanding  between  the  two  powers,  his 
majesty  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  consents  to  cause 
to  be  set  at  liberty  every  French  citizen  who  may 
have  been  arrested  within  his  dominions,  on  account 
of  his  political  opinions  in  reference  to  the  French 
revolution;  all  goods  and  chattels,  which  may  have 
been  sequestrated  or  confiscated  for  the  same  reason, 
shall  be  restored  to  their  owners. 

"  8.  Eor  the  same  reason  which  dictated  the  pre- 
ceding article,  his  majesty  the  King  of  the  Two 
Sicilies  engages  to  cause  all  suitable  search  for,  and 
to  deliver  up,  if  possible,  to  the  rigour  of  the  law, 


154  HISTORY  OP  THE 

those  persons  who  stole  the  papers  belonging  to  the 
last  minister  of  the  republic  at  Naples  in  1793. 

"  9.  The  ambassadors  or  ministers  of  the  contracting 
powers  shall  enjoy,  in  the  respective  states,  the  same 
prerogatives  as  they  enjoyed  before  the  war,  with  the 
exception  of  those  which  depended  on  the  alliance  of 
the  ruling  houses. 

"  10.  Every  French  citizen  and  every  member  of  the 
household  of  an  ambassador  or  minister,  consul,  or 
other  agent,  accredited  and  recognised  by  the  French 
republic,  shall  enjoy,  in  the  states  of  his  majesty 
the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  the  same  liberty  of  wor- 
ship as  is  enjoyed  by  the  individuals  of  those  not 
Catholic  nations  most  favoured  in  this  respect. 

"  11.  A  commercial  treaty  shall  be  negotiated  and 
concluded  as  soon  as  possible,  between  the  two  powers, 
founded  upon  the  basis  of  mutual  utility,  and  such  as 
to  secure  to  the  French  nation  advantages  equal  to 
those  which  the  nations  most  favoured  in  this  respect 
enjoy  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Until 
the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  the  commercial  and 
consular  relations  shall  be  reciprocally  established, 
such 'as  they  were  before  the  war. 

"12.  Conformably  to  Art.  6,  of  the  treaty  con- 
cluded at  the  Hague  the  27th  of  Floreal,  year  3  of  the 
republic  (May  16,  1795),  the  same  peace,  friendship 
and  good  intelligence,  agreed  upon  in  the  present 
treaty  between  the  French  republic  and  his  majesty 
the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  shall  be  considered  to 
exist  between  his  majesty  and  the  Batavian  republic. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  155 

"13.  The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified,  imd  the 
ratifications  exchanged  within  forty  days  from  the 
day  of  signature. 

"  Done  at  Paris,  the  19th  of  Vendemiaire,  year  5 
of  the  French  republic,  one  and  indivisible,  corre- 
sponding to  October,  10,  1796,  0.  S. 

(Signed)        "  CHARLES  DELACROIX, 

"  PRINCE  DE  BELMONTE  PIGNATELLI." 

Whilst  Napoleon  was  on  his  march  to  threaten 
Rome,  the  Prince  of  Belnionte  Pignatelli,  the  Neapo- 
litan minister,  who  followed  the  head-quarters,  showed 
him,  in  confidence,  a  letter  from  the  Queen,  in  which 
she  announced  to  him  that  she  was  about  to  march 
30,000  men  to  cover  Rome.  "  I  thank  you  for  this 
confidence,"  said  the  General,  "  and  I  will  return  it 
with  another;"  he  rang  for  his  secretary,  sent  for  the 
Neapolitan  portfolio,  and  took  from  it  a  despatch, 
which  he  had  written  to  the  directoiy  in  the  month 
of  November,  1796,  before  the  taking  of  Mantua,  and 
read:  "  The  embarrassment  which  the  approach  of 
Alvinzi  gives  me,  would  not  prevent  me  from  sending 
6000  Lombards  and  Poles  to  punish  the  court  of 
Rome;  but  as  it  is  to  be  foreseen  that  the  King  of 
Naples  might  march  30,000  men  to  the  defence  of  the 
Holy  See,  I  shall  not  march  upon  Rome  till  Mantua  is 
taken,  and  the  reinforcement  you  are  sending  jne  are 
arrived :  in  order  that  if  the  court  of  Naples  should 
violate  the  treaty  of  Paris,  I  may  be  able  to  dispose 
of  25,000  men,  with  which  I  can  take  possession  of 


156  HISTORY  OF  THE 

their  capital,  and  oblige  them  to  retire  to  Sicily."  An 
extraordinary  courier,  dispatched  in  the  night  by 
Prince  Pignatelli,  was,  no  doubt,  commissioned  to 
inform  the  queen  how  his  insinuation  had  been 
received. 

Since  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the  Neapolitan  legations 
were  generally  more  hostile  and  more  arrogant  towards 
the  French,  than  during  the  time  of  war;  and  the 
Neapolitan  ambassadors  even  asserted  openly  that  the 
peace  would  not  be  of  long  duration.  This  absurd 
conduct  did  not  prevent  the  cabinet  of  Naples  from 
entertaining  ambitious  views ;  during  the  conferences 
of  Montebello,  of  Udine,  and  of  Passeriano,  the  envoy 
of  the  Queen  of  Naples  endeavoured  to  obtain  the 
islands  of  Corfu,  Zante,  Cephalonia,  Santa-Maura, 
the  Marches  of  Macerata,  of  Ferrara,  of  Ancona,  and 
the  duchy  of  Urbino ;  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  ex- 
press a  desire  of  enriching  himself,  at  the  expense  of 
the  Pope  and  'the  republic  of  Venice;  and  these 
acquisitions  the  queen  expected  to  obtain  from  the 
protection  of  France:  and  it  was  especially  by  the 
mediation  of  Napoleon,  that  she  expected  to  obtain 
her  wishes.  The  throne  of  Naples  survived  the  peace 
of  Canipo-Formio ;  it  would  have  maintained  itself 
tranquil  and  happy  in  the  midst  of  the  storms  which 
agitated  Europe  and  Italy,  if  it  had  been  directed  by 
a  sounder  policy. 

It  had  been  found  necessary  to  yield  to  the  wislies 
of  the  Lombards,  and  to  form  them  into  a  democratic 

e,  under  the  name  of  the  Transpadane  republic. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  157 

This  republic  included  all  the  left  bank  of  the  Po, 
from  the  Mincio  to  the  Ticino.  The  Cispadane 
republic  extended  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Po, 
from  the  duchy  of  Parma,  exclusive,  to  the  Adriatic. 

The  constitution  of  the  Cispadane  republic  had  been 
decided  upon  in  a  congress  of  tie  representatives  of  the 
nation,  and  then  submitted  to  the  acceptance  of  the 
people ;  voted  by  an  immense  majority,  it  had  been 
put  in  execution  at  the  end  of  April.  The  nobles  and 
the  priests  had  been  able  to  get  themselves  elected  to 
all  the  offices ;  the  citizens  accused  them  of  not  being 
well-intentioned  to  the  new  order  of  things :  the  dis- 
content was  general.  Napoleon  perceived  the  neces- 
sity of  giving  a  definite  organization  to  these  two 
states. 

Immediately  after  the  refusal  of  the  court  of  Vienna 
to  ratify  the  convention  signed  at  Montebello,  with  the 
Marquis  of  G-allo,  and  which  contained  the  basis  of  a 
definite  peace,  Napoleon  created  the  Cispadane  and 
Transpadane  republics;  which  united  under  the  same 
government  4,000,000  of  inhabitants,  and  composed  a 
force  capable  of  influencing  ulterior  events.  Notwith- 
standing, the  authorities  of  the  Cispadane  obstinately 
refused  a  union  so  contrary  to  all  their  prejudices. 
The  administrations  of  Keggio,  Modena,  Bologna,  and 
Ferrara,  submitted  with  difficulty  to  the  necessity  of 
combining  under  the  same  government.  The  spirit 
of  locality  everywhere  opposed  a  resistance  to  the 
union  of  the  two  nations  on  the  opposite  banks  of  the 
Po;  and  the  probability  is,  that  this  plan  of  union 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE 

would  have  been  wrecked  upon  the  obstinacy  of  the 
people,  if  they  had  not  been  made  to  believe  that  this 
was  only  a  preliminary  to  the  union  of  all  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  peninsula  under  one  government.  The 
desire  which  all  the  Italians  entertain  of  forming  a 
single  great  nation,  overcame  the  petty  jealousies  of 
the  local  administrations.  Two  particular  circum- 
stances assisted  this  general  cause.  Romagna,  which 
the  Pope  had  ceded  by  the  treaty  of  Tolentino,  had 
proclaimed  itself  independent  under  the  title  of  the 
Emilian  republic;  it  had  not  chosen  to  unite  with 
the  Cispadane,  on  account  of  its  antipathy  to  Bologna, 
but  eagerly  embraced  the  idea  of  joining  the  Cisal- 
pine ;  and  by  numerous  petitions  it  solicited  the  for- 
mation of  this  republic.  At  the  same  time,  Venice 
and  the  states  of  the  Continent,  uneasy  at  the 
mystery  of  the  preliminaries,  voted  in  the  popular 
assembly  for  the  formation  of  the  Italian  republic. 
These  two  circumstances  smoothed  down  all  the  diffi- 
culties. The  spirit  of  locality  gave  way  before  public 
spirit,  private  interest  before  general  welfare ;  the 
union  was  decreed  by  common  consent. 

The  new  republic  took  the  name  of  the  Cisalpine 
republic ;  Milan  was  its  capital.  This  was  a  fresh  sub- 
ject of  dissatisfaction  at  Paris,  where  it  was  wished 
that  it  should  have  been  called  the  Transalpine  repub- 
lic; but  the  wishes  of  the  Italians  tending  towards 
Rome,  and  to  the  union  of  the  whole  peninsula  in  one 
state,  the  denomination  of  Cisalpine  was  one  which 
flattered  their  wishes,  and  which  they  decided  on 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  159 

adopting,  as  they  did  not  dare  to  call  themselves  the 
Italian  republic. 

By  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  the  Cisalpine  re- 
public was  increased  by  that  part  of  the  Venetian 
states  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Adige,  which, 
in  addition  to  the  Valteline,  made  for  it  a  population 
of  3,600,000  souls.  These  provinces,  the  richest  and 
most  beautiful  in  Europe,  composed  six  departments. 
They  extended  from  the  mountains  of  Switzerland  to 
the  Tuscan  Apennines,  and  from  the  Ticino  to  the 
Adriatic. 

Napoleon  had  wished  to  give  the  Cisalpine  republic 
a  constitution  differing  in  some  respects  from  that  of 
France.  He  had  requested  some  statesman,  such  as 
Sieyes,  to  be  sent  to  him  at  Milan ;  but  this  idea  did 
not  please  the  directory;  they  required  that  the  Cis- 
alpine republic  should  receive  the  constitution  which 
France  had  adopted  in  1795.  The  first  Cisalpine 
directory  was  composed  of  Serbelloni,  Alessandri,  Para- 
disi,  Moscati,  and  Contarini,  chiefs  of  the  French  party 
in  Italy.  Serbelloni  was  one  of  the  greatest  landed 
proprietors  of  Lombardy.  The  inauguration  took  place 
in  the  palace  of  Milan,  on  the  30th  of  June.  The  in- 
dependence of  the  Cisalpine  republic  had  been  pro- 
claimed on  the  29th,  in  the  following  terms : 

"  The  Cisalpine  republic  has  been  for  a  number  of 
years  under  the  government  of  the  house  of  Austria. 
The  French  republic  has  succeeded  them  by  right  of 
conquest;  but  it  renounces  all  power  over  the  Cis- 
alpine republic  from  this  day,  and  proclaims  it  free 


160  HISTORY   OF  THE 

and  independent.  Acknowledged  as  such  by  France 
and  by  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  it  will  soon  be  so  by 
all  the  powers  of  Europe.  The  executive  Directory  of 
the  French  republic,  not  content  with  having  employed 
its  influence,  and  the  victories  of  the  French  arms,  to 
assure  the  existence  of  the  Cisalpine  republic,  extends 
its  care  still  further ;  and  convinced  that  if  liberty  is 
the  first  of  blessings,  so  a  revolution  which  succeeds 
to  it  must  be  the  greatest  curse ;  it  gives  to  the  Cis- 
alpine people  its  own  constitution,  which  is  the  result 
of  the  knowledge  of  the  most  civilized  nation  of  the 
world.  The  Cisalpine  people  will,  therefore,  pass 
from  a  military  to  a  constitutional  government.  In 
order  that  this  change  may  be  effected  without 
trouble  or  bad  feeling,  the  executive  directory  has 
judged  fit  to  name,  for  this  time  only,  the  members 
of  the  government  and  the  legislative  council;  so  that 
the  people  will  only  have  to  name  the  successors  to 
the  vacant  places  after  the  lapse  of  a  year,  according 
to  the  constitution.  For  a  great  number  of  years,  no 
republic  has  existed  in  Italy.  The  sacred  fire  of 
liberty  has  been  smothered,  and  the  most  beautiful 
part  of  Europe  has  groaned  under  the  yoke  of  foreign 
lords.  It  will  be  the  duty  of  the  Cisalpine  republic 
to  convince  the  world  by  its  wisdom,  its  prudence,  and 
the  good  organization  of  its  troops,  that  modern  Italy 
has  not  degenerated,  and  that  it  is  still  worthy  of 
liberty. 

"  Bonaparte,  general-in-chief,  in  the  name  of  the 
French  republic,  and  in  consequence  of  the  preceding 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON. 

proclamation,  hereby  names  the  following  as  members 

of  the  directory  of  the  Cisalpine  republic viz.    the 

citizens   Serbelloni,    Alessandri,     Moscati,    Paradisi. 
The  fifth  shall  be  named  in  as  short  a  time  as  possible. 
These   four   members  shall  be  installed  to-morrow 
at  Milan." 

A  general  federation  of  the  national  guards  and  of 
the  authorities  of  the  new  republic  took  place  in  the 
Lazaretto  of  Milan.     On  the  14th  of  July,  30,000 
national  guards  and  deputies  of  the  departments  took 
the  oath  of  fraternity.     They  swore  also  to  employ 
all  their  efforts  for  the  recognition  of  liberty  and  of 
their  country.     The  Cisalpine  Directory  named  its 
ministers,  the  administrative  authorities,  constituted 
its  military  commands,  and  governed  the  republic  like 
an  independent  state.     The  keys  of  Milan  and  of  all 
the  strong  places  were  given  up  by  the  French  officers 
to  the  Cisalpine  officers.     The  army  quitted  the  states 
of  the  republic,   and  encamped  in  the  territory  of 
Venice.    From  this  period  dates  the  first  formation  of 
the  army  of  Italy,  which  was  afterwards  numerous  and 
acquired  so  much  glory. 

From  this  moment  the  manners  of  the  Italians 
quite  changed;  some  years  afterwards,  they  were  no 
longer  the  same  nation.  The  cassock,  which  had  been 
the  general  dress  for  young  people,  was  replaced  by  the 
uniform;  instead  of  passing  their  lives  at  the  feet  of 
women,  the  young  Italians  frequented  the  riding- 
schools,  the  fencing-rooms,  and  the  gymnastic  exer- 
cises; the  children  even  ceased  to  play  at  religious 
VOL.  II.  M 


162  HISTORY  OF  THE 

services  ;  they  had  regiments   of  tin  soldiers,   and 
imitated,  in  their  play,  the  events  of  the  war. 

In  plays  or  in  the  pieces  performed  in  the  streets, 
there  was  always  an  Italian  who  was  represented  as 
very  cowardly,  and  a  sort  of  bully  captain,  sometimes 
a  Frenchman,  but  more  often  a  German,  very  foolish, 
very  brave,  but  very  brutal,  who  generally  ended  by 
administering  some  gentle  correction  with  a  stick  to 
the  Italian,  amidst  great  applause  from  the  spectators. 
Now  the  people  would  no  longer  suffer  such  allusion; 
authors  were  obliged,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  public, 
to  represent  the  Italians  on  the  stage  as  brave,  putting 
strangers  to  flight,  in  order  to  uphold  their  honour 
and  their  rights.  The  national  feeling  was  roused 
and  its  spirit  formed.  Italy  had  songs  at  once 
patriotic  and  warlike ;  even  the  women  repulsed  with 
disdain  those  men,  who,  in  order  to  please  them,  affected 
effeminate  manners. 

The  Valteline  is  composed  of  three  valleys.  The 
Valteline,  properly  so  called,  the  Bormio,  and  the  Chia- 
venna;  its  population  is  about  160,000  souls;  the 
inhabitants  profess  the  Eoman-catholic  religion,  and 
speak  Italian.  Geographically  speaking,  it  belongs  to 
Italy;  it  lies  along  the  shore  of  the  Adda,  to  its 
embouchure  into  the  Lake  of  Como,  and  is  separated 
from  Germany  by  the  high  Alps.  It  is  eighteen 
leagues  long  and  sis  wide;  Chiavenna,  its  capital,  is 
situated  two  leagues  from  the  Lake  of  Como,  and  four- 
teen leagues  from  Coire,  from  which  Bormio  is  seven- 
teen leagues.  It  formed  part,  anciently,  of  the  Milanese 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  1G3 

territory,  and  was  given  by  them  to  the  church  at 
Coire,  in  1404.  In  1512,  the  Grisons  were  invested 
with  the  sovereignty  of  the  Valteline  by  Sforza, 
by  means  of  the  capitularies,  for  whom  the  dukes 
of  Milan  were  expected  to  guarantee.  The  Valteline 
was  thus  subject  to  the  three  Grisons,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  mostly  speak  German,  confess  the  Protestant 
religion,  and  are  separated  from  it  by  the  high  chain 
of  the  Alps. 

There  is  no  situation  more  dreadful  than  that  of 
one  nation  subject  to  another.  It  was  thus  that  the 
lower  Valais  was  subject  to  the  higher  Valais,  and 
that  the  Pays  de  Vaud  was  subject  to  Berne.  The 
unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  Valteline  had  long 
complained  of  the  vexations  which  they  experienced, 
and  of  the  humiliating  yoke  to  which  they  were 
obliged  to  submit.  The  Grisons,  poor  and  ignorant, 
came  among  them,  who  were  the  richer  and  more 
civilized,  to  enrich  themselves.  The  poorest  peasant 
of  the  Grison  league  considered  the  same  distance  to 
exist  between  himself  and  the  richest  inhabitant  of  the 
Valteline,  as  between  a  sovereign  and  his  subject. 
Surely,  if  any  situation  can  justify  a  revolution,  and 
seem  to  make  a  change  necessary,  it  is  that  in  which 
the  Valteline  then  was. 

In  the  course  of  May,  1797,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
three  valleys  revolted,  ran  to  arms,  drove  out  the 
representative  of  sovereignty,  and  mounted  the  Italian 
tricolor  flag ;  they  then  proceeded  to  name  a  temporary 
governor,  and  addressed  a  manifesto  to  all  the  powers, 

11  2 


164  niSTOBY  OF  THE 

setting  fortli  their  wrongs,  and  expressing  their  reso- 
lution to  reconquer  those  rights  of  which  no  people 
can  be  justly  deprived.  They  sent  as  deputies  to 
Montebello,  Jiudiconni,  Planta,  and  Paribelli,  men 
of  worth  and  character,  to  demand  the  execution  of 
the  capitulations,  which  the  Grisons  had  violated  in 
every  particular. 

Napoleon  had  a  dislike  to  interfere  in  any  questions 
which  might  have  reference  to  Switzerland,  and  which, 
in  this  point  of  view,  were  of  general  importance. 
However,  having  caused  the  documents  relating  to 
the  affair, to  be  shown  to  him,  which  were  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  Milan,  he  perceived  that  the  Milanese 
government  was  called  upon  to  give  a  guarantee;  and 
as  the  Grison  league  also  solicited  his  protection,  to 
cause  their  subjects  to  re-enter  into  their  allegiance ; 
he  accepted  the  office  of  mediator,  and  ordered  the 
two  parties  to  present  themselves  before  his  tribunal, 
in  the  course  of  the  following  month  of  July,  to 
defend  their  respective  rights.  During  this  delay, 
the  Grison  league  implored  the  assistance  of  the 
Helvetic  body. 

Barthelemy,  the  French  minister  at  Berne,  solicited 
warmly  in  their  favour.  At  length,  after  many  pro- 
ceedings on  both  sides,  Napoleon,  before  giving  a 
final  decision,  advised  the  two  parties  to  have  recourse 
to  an  amicable  arrangement,  and  proposed  to  them, 
as  a  means  of  conciliation,  that  the  Valteline  should 
make  a  fourth  in  the  Grison  league,  equal  in  every- 
thing to  the  three  others.  This  advice  deeply 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  It)  3 

wounded  the  pride  of  the  Grkon  peasants.  Then 
could  not  understand  hoic  a  peasant  icho  drank 
the  waters  of  the  Adda,  could  le  the  equal  of  one 
who  drank  the  waters  of  the  Rhine.  They  were 
indignant  at  such  an  unreasonable  proposal  as  that 
of  equalling  catholic  peasants,  speaking  Italian, 
rich  and  enlightened,  with  protestant  peasants, 
speaking  German,  poor  and  ignorant.  The  ring- 
leaders^did  not  share  these  prejudices,  but  they  were 
led  astray  by  their  interests.  The  Yalteline  was  for 
them  a  very  important  source  of  revenue  and  of 
riches,  which  they  could  not  resolve  upon  giving  up. 
They  intrigued  at  Paris,  at  Vienna,  at  Berne.  Every- 
where they  received  promises;  they  were  advised  to 
gain  time ;  they  were  blamed  for  having  invited  and 
accepted  any  mediation.  They  declined  making  any 
arrangement,  and  did  not  even  send  any  deputies  at 
the  time  appointed  for  discussing,  before  their  me- 
diator, the  question  regarding  the  treaties,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  deputies  of  the  Valteline. 

Napoleon  condemned  the  Grison  league  by  default ; 
and  as  an  arbitrator  chosen  by  the  two  parties,  and 
the  representative  of  the  Milanese  government  which 
had  guaranteed  the  capitulations  of  the  Valtelins,  he 
pronounced  his  judgment  in  these  terms,  on  the  19th 
Vendemiaire,  year  6  (October  10th,  1797)  : 

"  The  inhabitants  of  the  Yalteline,  Chiavenna,  and 
Bonnio,  revolted  against  the  laws  of  the  Grisons,  and 
declared  themselves  independent  during  last  Frairial. 
The  government  of  the  Grison  republic,  after  having 


166  HISTORY  OF  THE 

employed  other  means  to  reduce  its  subjects  to  obe- 
dience, had  recourse  to  the  mediation  of  the  French 
republic  in  the  person  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  sent 
to  him  as  their  deputy,  Gaudanzio  Planta. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  the  Valteline  having  also  de- 
manded the  same  mediation,  the  general-iii-chief  re- 
ceived the  respective  deputations  at  Montebello,  on 
the  4th  of  Mestidor  (June  22nd) ;  and,  after  a  long 
conference,  accepted,  in  the  name  of  the  Frejich  re- 
public, the  office  of  mediator.  He  then  wrote  to  the 
Grisons,  and  to  the  Yaltelins,  to  send  deputies  to  him 
as  soon  as  possible. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  the  Valteline,  Chiavenna,  and 
Bormio  sent  punctually  the  required  deputies. 

"Several  months  have  elapsed,  and  the  Grison 
government  has  not  yet  dispatched  any,  notwithstand- 
ing the  repeated  requests  of  Citizen  Comoyras,  pre- 
sident of  the  republic  at  Coire. 

"On  the  6th  of  last  Fructidor  (August  23),  the 
general-in-chief,  seeing  the  anarchy  in  which  the 
Valteline  was  plunged,  caused  a  letter  to  be  written 
to  the  Grison  government,  desiring  them  to  send 
deputies  before  the  24th  of  Fructidor  (September  10.) 

"  It  is  now  the  19th  of  Venderniaire  (October  10), 
and  the  deputies  fronl  the  Grisons  have  not  made 
their  appearance. 

"  Not  only  have  they  not  appeared,  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that,  in  contempt  of  the  mediation  accepted  by 
the  French  republic,  the  Grison  league  has  prejudged 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  167 

the  question,  and  that  the  refusal  to  send  deputies  is 
the  result  of  powerful  intrigues. 

"  Consequently,  the  general-in-chief,  in  the  name  of 
the  French  republic : 

"  Considering — 1st.  That  the  good  faith,  the  up- 
right conduct,  and  the  confidence  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Valteline,  Chiavenna,  and  Bormio,  in  respect 
to  the  French  republic,  obliges  the  latter  to  reciprocate 
these  qualities,  and  to  assist  them. 

"  2nd.  That  the  French  republic,  in  consequence  of 
the  request  made  by  the  Grisons,  is  become  arbitrator 
and  mediator  between  these  two  nations. 

"  3rd.  That  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Grisons 
have  violated  the  capitulations  which  they  were  bound 
to  observe  in  respect  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Valte- 
line,  Chiavenna,  and  Bormio ;  and  that,  consequently, 
the  latter  have  re-entered  into  the  rights  which  nature 
has  given  all  nations. 

4th.  "  That  one  people  cannot  be  subject  to  another, 
without  violating  the  principles  of  public  and  natural 
law, 

"  5th.  That  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Valteline,  Chiavenna,  and  Bormio  tend  very  decidedly 
to  the  Cisalpine  republic. 

"  6th.  That  the  conformity  of  religion  and  of  language, 
the  nature  of  the  locality,  of  communication,  and  of 
commerce,  equally  authorize  this  union  of  the  Valte- 
line, Chiavenna,  and  Bormio,  with  the  Cisalpine  re- 
public, from  which  it  was  formerly  separated. 


168  HISTORY  OF  THE 

"  7th.  That  since  the  decree  of  the  communes  coin- 
posing  the  Grison  league,  the  proposal  of  organizing 
the  Valteline,  us  a  fourth  component  part  of  the 
Grison  league,  has  been  rejected;  that,  consequently, 
the  Valteline  has  no  other  refuge  against  the  tyranny 
of  the  Grisons,  than  by  a  union  with  the  Cisalpine 
republic; 

"  Decrees,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  with  which 
the  French  republic  is  invested,  by  means  of  the 
request  which  the  Grisons  and  the  Valteline  made  for 
its  mediation,  -  that  the  Valteline,  Chiavenua,  and 
Bormio  are  at  liberty  to  unite  themselves  to  the  Cis- 
alpine republic." 

The  question  was  thus  decided.  Bursts  of  joy  and 
of  enthusiasm  animated  the  unfortunate  inhabitants 
of  the  Valteline;  rage  and  humiliated  pride  produced 
the  contrary  effects  among  the  Grisons. 

Immediately  after  this  decree,  the  Valteline  and 
the  Cisalpine  republics  began  to  negotiate  their 
union.  The  Grisons  then  perceived  their  fault.  They 
wrote  to  Napoleon,  that  their  deputies  were  setting 
out  to  defend  their  rights  before  him,  thus  pretending 
to  be  ignorant  of  what  had  taken  place.  He  answered 
them,  that  it  was  too  late;  that  his  decision  had 
been  given  on  the  10th  of  October,  and  that  the  Val- 
teline was  already  united  to  the  Cisalpine  republic; 
that  the  question,  therefore,  was  set  at  rest  for  ever. 

The  justice  which  had  thus  been  done  to  this  little 
nation,  produced  a  favourable  effect  upon  every 
generous  mind. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  169 

The  principles  upon  which  the  judgment  of  Xa- 
poleon  was  founded,  spread  abroad  throughout  all 
Europe,  and  gave  a  mortal  blow  to  the  usurpation  of 
the  Swiss  cantons,  who  had  nations  for  their  subjects. 
The  aristocracy  of  Berne  should  have  been  enlightened 
by  this  example,  and  should  have  felt  that  the  mo- 
ment was  come  to  make  some  sacrifices  to  the  in- 
creasing light  of  the  age,  to  the  influence  of  France, 
and  its  justice.  But  prejudice  and  pride  never  listen 
to  the  voice  of  reason,  of  nature,  or  of  religion.  An 
oligarchy  only  yields  to  force.  It  was  not  till  many 
years  afterwards  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  higher 
Valais  consented  to  regard  those  of  the  lower  Valais 
as  their  equals,  and  that  the  peasants  of  the  Fays  de 
Vaud  and  of  Aargau  forced  the  oligarchs  of  Berne  to 
acknowledge  their  rights  and  their  independence. 


170  HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VII. 
PEACE  OF  CAMPO-FORMIO. 

THE  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  prelimi- 
naries of  Leoben  took  place  at  Montebello,  on  the 
26th  of  May,  between  Napoleon  and  the  Marquis  de 
Gallo.  A  question  of  etiquette  arose  for  the  first 
time;  the  Emperors  of  Germany  were  not  in  the 
habit  of  giving  the  alternative  to  the  Kings  of  France, 
and  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  was  fearful  that  the  re- 
public would  refuse  to  recognise  this  custom,  and 
that,  in  imitation  of  its  example,  the  other  powers  of 
Europe  would  cease  to  allow  the  Emperor  to  assume 
that  kind  of  supremacy,  which  had  always  been  con- 
ceded to  the  holy  Roman  empire  since  the  days  of 
Charlemagne.  It  was  in  the  first  moments  of  his  joyful 
intoxication,  at  the  acquiescence  of  the  plenipoten- 
tiary of  France  in  this  ancient  usage,  that  the  repre- 
sentative of  Austria  renounced  the  idea  of  a  congress 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  171 

at  Berne,  consented  to  a  separate  negotiation,  and 
agreed  not  to  open  the  congress  of  Eastadt,  with  a  view 
to  the  settlement  of  a  peace  for  the  empire,  till  the 
following  July.  In  a  few  days,  the  contracting 
parties  came  to  an  understanding  on  the  terms  of  a 
definitive  treaty,  on  the  following  basis: — 1st,  the 
Rhine  to  "be  the  boundary  of  France;  2ndly,  Venice 
and  the  river  Adige  to  constitute  the  boundaries  of 
the  Austrian  dominions  in  Italy;  3rdly,  Mantua  and 
the  Adige  to  be  the  limits  of  the  Cisalpine  republic. 
The  Marquis  de  Gallo  declared,  that  by  the  next 
courier  he  had  no  doubt  of  receiving  powers  ad  hoc 
to  sign  a  treaty  founded  on  these  bases.  On  the  6th 
of  May,  Napoleon  and  General  Clarke  had  received 
the  necessary  authority  from  France.  The  conditions 
were  more  favourable  to  France  than  the  directory 
had  dared  to  hope ;  and  the  peace,  therefore,  might  be 
considered  as  concluded. 

At  the  time  of  the  revolution,  Clarke  had  been  a 
captain  in  the  Orleans  regiment  of  dragoons,  and  from 
1789  he  followed  the  party  of  Orleans*  In  1795,  he 
was  called  to  the  aid  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  and  appointed  to  conduct  the  topographical 
department.  Being  specially  protected  by  Carnot,  he 
was  selected  by  the  Directory,  in  1796,  to  make  over- 
tures of  peace  to  the  Emperor,  and  for  this  purpose 
went  to  Milan.  The  real  object  of  the  journey  was 
not  to  open  a  negotiation,  but  to  be  present  at  head 
quarters  as  the  secret  agent  of  the  Directory,  and  to 
exercise  a  species  of  surveillance  over  the  General, 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE 

whose  victories  began  to^ive  some  degree  of  umbrage. 
Clarke  sent  notes  to  Paris  with  his  observations  upon 
the  leading  persons  in  the  army,  which  excited  mur- 
murs, and  exposed  him  to  disagreeable  consequences. 
Napoleon,  convinced  that  government  stood  in  need 
of  instruction,  preferred  confiding  this  secret  mission 
to  a  known  man,  to  entrusting  it  to  subaltern  agents, 
who  are  prone  to  collect  in  the  wine-shops  and  ante- 
chambers the  greatest  absurdities;  he  therefore  pro- 
tected Clarke,  and  employed  him  in  various  negotia- 
tions with  the  King  of  Sardinia  and  the  princes  of 
Italy.  After  the  ISTth  Fructidor,  he  defended  him 
with  warmth,  not  only  because  he  had  found  means  of 
gaining  his  esteem,  but  also  because  he  thought  it 
becoming  his  dignity  to  defend  a  man  with  whom  he 
had  been  long  in  habits  of  daily  intercourse,  and  of 
whom  he  had  no  ostensible  reason  to  complain.  Clarke 
had  not  a  military  mind;  he  was  a  man  of  business, — 
a  careful  and  honourable  worker,  and  a  great  enemy 
to  all  knavery.  He  was  descended  from  an  Irish 
family,  which  had  accompanied  the  Stuarts  in  their 
misfortunes.  Proud  of  his  descent,  he  rendered  him- 
self ridiculous  under  the  empire  by  means  of  genealo- 
gical researches,  which  formed  the  strongest  contrast 
with  the  opinions  which  he  had  professed,  the  career 
he  had  run,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived ;  this  was  an  absurdity.  But  this  failing  did  not 
prevent  the  Emperor  Napoleon  from  entrusting  him  with 
the  portfolio  of  the  war  department,  as  he  considered 
Ijirn  a  good  administrator,  who  ought  to  be  attached 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  173 

to  his  interests  in  consequence  of  the  favours  winch 
had  been  heaped  upon  him.  Under  the  empire  he 
rendered  very  important  services,  by  the  integrity  of 
his  administration ;  and  for  the  sake  of  his  memory  it 
must  ever  be  a  subject  of  regret,  that  at  the  close  of 
his  career  he  formed  part  of  a  ministry  which  must 
for  ever  bear  the  bitter  reproach  of  France,  for  having 
made  her  pass  under  the  Caudine  forks,  by  disband- 
ing the  army  which  had  been  the  glory  of  the  nation 
for  twenty-five  years,  and,  to  the  astonishment  of  her 
enemies,  delivering  into  their  hands  places  which  were 
still  impregnable. 

If,  in  1814  and  1815,  the  royal  confidence  had  not 
been  placed  in  men  whose  souls  were  humbled  by  the 
force  of  circumstances,  or  who,  being  renegades  to 
their  country,  saw  neither  safety  nor  glory  for  the 
throne  of  their  master,  except  under  the  yoke  of  the 
Holy  Alliance — had  the  Duke  of  Richelieti,  whose 
ambition  it  was  to  deliver  the  country  from  the  pre- 
sence of  foreign  bayonets — had  Chateaubriand,  who 
had  just  rendered  such  eminent  services  at  Ghent, 
been  entrusted  with  the  direction  of  public  affairs, 
France  would  still  have  come  forth  powerful  and  ter- 
rible from  these  two  great  national  crises.  Chateau- 
briand had  received  the  holy  fire  from  nature;  his 
works  attest  it,  his  style  is  not  that  of  Eacine,  but 
that  of  a  prophet ;  there  was  no  man  in  the  world, 
except  himself,  who  could  have  ventured  to  say  with 
impunity  in  the  tribune  of  the  Chamber  of  Peers,  that 
if  Bonaparte's  grey  riding-coat  and  his  three- 


174  HISTORY   OF  THE 

cocked  hat  were  placed  upon  a  stick  on  the  coast 
of  Brest,  it  would  cause  all  Europe  to  rush  to 
arms.  Should  he  ever  come  to  the  helm  of  affairs,  it 
is  quite  possible  that  Chateaubriand  may  foil,  as  so 
many  other  great  men  have  done ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  everything  which  is  grand  and  national  ought  to 
harmonize  with  his  genius,  and  that  he  would  repel 
with  indignation  all  inducements  to  perform  those 
infamous  arts  by  which  the  administrations  of  those 
times  disgraced  themselves.  Count  Meerfeld,  the  new 
Austrian  plenipotentiary,  arrived  at  Montebello  on  the 
19th  of  June.  The  cabinet  disavowed  the  Marquis  de 
G-allo,  and  persisted  in  not  treating  for  a  peace  except 
at  the  congress  of  Berne,  and  in  conjunction  with  its 
allies.  Austria  had  evidently  changed  her  system.  Had 
she  become  a  party  to  a  new  coalition  ?  Did  she  place 
her  confidence  in  Eussian  armies?  Was  it  one  of  the 
effects  of  Pichegrti's  conspiracy?  Were  hopes  now 
entertained  that  the  civil  war,  which  then  desolated 
the  west  of  France,  would  spread  over  the  whole 
country,  and  the  power  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  con- 
spirators? 

The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  admitted  that  they 
had  no  answer  to  make,  when  Bonaparte  observed  to 
them  that  England  and.  Russia  would  never  consent 
to  the  Emperor's  indemnifying  himself  at  the  expense 
of  the  ancient  state  of  Venice;  and  that,  to  refuse  to 
negotiate,  except  in  concert  with  these  powers,  was 
iii  effect  the  same  as  to  proclaim  their  intention  of 
once  more  having  recourse  to  the  chances  of  war, 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  175 

The  minister  Thugut  sent  new  instructions ;  he  gave 
up  the  congress  of  Berne,  and  adhered  to  the  principle 
of  a  separate  negotiation. 

The  negotiations  were  opened  at  Udine  on  the  1st 
of  July,  at  which  General  Clarke  alone  was  present  on 
the  part  of  France.  Napoleon  announced  that  he 
would  not  join  in  the  deliberations  till  he  had  seen 
from  the  minutes  of  the  conferences  that  the  Austrian 
ministers  were  really  desirous  of  concluding  a  peace, 
and  empowered  to  bring  it  to  a  conclusion.  A  few 
days  afterwards,  he  left  Montebello  and  proceeded  to 
Milan,  where  he  remained  during  the  months  of  July 
and  August.  Austria  was  watching  with  anxiety  the 
issue  of  the  crisis  which  was  agitating  France,  and 
these  two  months  were  passed  in  useless  conferences. 
The  18th  of  Fructidor,  however,  destroyed  all  their 
hopes,  and  Count  Cobentzel  proceeded  in  all  haste  to 
Udine,  armed  with  full  powers  from  the  Emperor, 
whose  entire  confidence  he  possessed.  The  Marquis  de 
Grallo,  Count  Meerfield,  and  Baron  Engelmann,  took 
part  in  the  negotiation,  but  really  only  figured  there 
for  mere  form. 

Napoleon  went  to  Passeriano,  and  Clarke  having 
been  recalled,  he  found  himself  sole  plenipotentiary  for 
France.  On  the  16th  of  September,  negotiations  were 
commenced  with  Count  Cobentzel.  The  conferences 
were  alternately  held  at  Udine  and  Passeriano. 
The  four  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  occupied  the  one 
side  of  a  rectangular  table,  at  the  ends  of  which  were 
seated  the  secretaries  of  legation,  whilst  the  other  side 


176  HISTORY   OF  THE 

was  occupied  by  the  French  plenipotentiary  alone. 
"When  the  conference  was  held  at  Passeriano,  the 
whole  party  dined  with  Napoleon,  and  when  at  Udine 
they  dined  at  the  quarters  of  Count  Cobentzel. 
Passeriano  is  a  charming  country  house,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tagliamento,  four  leagues  from  Udine,  and 
three  from  the  ruins  of  Aquileia.  After  the  first 
conference,  Count  Cobentzel  disavowed  all  that  his  col- 
leagues had  been  saying  for  four  months  past ;  he  put 
forward  extravagant  pretensions,  and  it  was  found 
necessary  to  recommence  that  system  of  assumption 
and  bullying  which  had  been  exercised  since  the  month 
of  May.  The  course  to  be  pursued  with  such  a  nego- 
tiator was  obvious ;  it  was  necessary  to  retire  as  far 
from  any  just  middle  course  on  the  one  side,  as  he 
continually  did  on  the  other. 

Count  Cobentzel  was  a  native  of  Brussels;  ex- 
tremely agreeable  in  society,  and  of  the  most  refined 
manners,  but  obstinate  and  intractable  in  matters  of 
business.  His  reasoning  was  deficient  in  justness  and 
precision;  he  was  conscious  of  the  deficiency,  and 
attempted  to  supply  the  want  by  pomposity  of  expres- 
sions and  imperious  gesticulations. 

The  Marquis  de  Gallo,  minister  of  Naples  at  Vienna, 
enjoyed  at  the  same  time  the  favour  of  the  Queen  of 
Naples  -and  that  of  the  Empress.  He  was  insinuating 
and  supple  in  his  manner,  but  honourable  in  disposi- 
tion. 

Count  Meerfeld,  colonel  of  a  Hulan  regiment,  had 
attracted  notice,  and  succeeded  in  gaining  the  con- 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  177 

fidence  of  Baron  Tliugut,  the  Austrian  minister.  Engel- 
maim  was  a  man  of  office  and  detail,  of  upright  mind 
and  good  intentions. 

After  the  arrival  of  Count  Cobentzel,  the  progress 
of  the  negotiation  was  such  as  to  leave  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  Austria  was  sincere  in  her  desires  for  a 
peace ;  that  she  had  contracted  no  new  engagements 
with  England  or  Russia.     The  Austrian  negotiators 
having  arrived  at  the  conviction,  that  a  peace  was  not 
to  be  concluded  except  by  the  adoption  of  the  bases 
which   had  been  laid  down  in  the  preliminaries  of 
Montebello,  it  would  have  been  immediately  concluded 
had  not  the  directory  changed  its  policy.     The  18th 
of  Fructidor  blinded  its  members  as   to   their   real 
power,  and   they  thought  they   could   demand   new 
sacrifices   from   the   nation   with   impunity.       They 
caused  it  to  be  insinuated  to  Napoleon,  that  it  would 
be  well  to  break  off  the  negotiations  and  to  re -com- 
mence hostilities,  at  the  same  time  that  the  official 
correspondence  was  always  dictated  in  the  spirit  of 
the  instructions  of  the  6th  of  May.     It  was  evident, 
they  desired  war,  but  wished  to  throw  the  responsi- 
bility  of    the   rupture  upon  the   shoulders   of  the 
negotiator.     When  it  was  seen  that  this  move  was 
completely  unsuccessful,  and  they  believed  their  power 
to  be  consolidated,  they  sent  their  ultimatum  in  a 
despatch,  dated  the  29th  of  September. 

Napoleon  receive:!  the  despatch  on  the  6th  of 
October,  at  Passeriano.  France  was  now  unwilling 
to  cede  to  the  Emperor  either  the  territory  of  Venice 

VOL.    II.  N 


178  HISTORY   OF  THE 

or  the  frontier  of  the  Adige;  this  was  equivalent  to 
a  declaratioa  of  war. 

Napoleon,  however,  had  fixed  ideas  of  his  own  upon 
the  degree  of  obedience  which  he  owed  to  his  govern- 
ment, in  reference  to  the  proper  discharge  of  his 
military  duties.  He  did  not  consider  himself  bound 
to  execute  the  orders  of  the  government,  except  merely 
in  as  far  as  he  thought  them,  reasonable,  and  their 
success  probable.  He  would  have  regarded  himself  as 
guilty  of  a  crime,  if  he  had  consented  to  execute  a 
mischievous  plan,  and,  in  such  a  case,  would  have 
offered  his  resignation,  which  was,  in  fact,  the  course 
which  he  pursued  in  1796,  when  the  directory  was 
desirous  of  sending  a  part  of  his  army  into  the  king- 
dom of  Naples. 

His  ideas  were  not  so  completely  fixed  respecting 
the  degree  of  obedience  which  he  was  bound  to  render 
as  a  plenipotentiary.  Could  he  send  in  his  resignation 
in  the  very  midst  of  a  negotiation,  or  compromise  the 
issue  of  it,  by  executing  orders  with  which  he  could 
not  agree,  and  which  were,  in  fact,  equivalent  to  a 
declaration  of  war?  But  his  principal  character  at 
Passeriano  was  that  of  a  commander-in-chief.  It 
appeared  to  him  absurd  to  declare  war  in  his  character 
of  a  plenipotentiary,  when  he  would,  at  the  same  time, 
feel  himself  constrained,  as  a  general,  to  desert  his 
office,  in  order  not  to  commence  hostilities,  entered 
upon  against  his  judgment. 

The  minister  for  foreign  affairs  delivered  him  from 
his  anxiety.  In  one  of  his  despatches,  he  informed 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  179 

him,  that  the  directory,  in  determining  upon  its 
ultimatum,  had  been  of  opinion  that  the  general-in- 
chief  was  in  a  condition  to  compel  its  acceptance  by 
force  of  arms.  He  reflected  long  and  deeply  on  this 
communication,  and  the  result  was,  a  conviction  that 
he  held  in  his  hands  the  fate  of  France ;  that  peace 
or  war  was  dependent  on  the  course  which  he  chose 
to  pursue.  He  decided  upon  adhering  to  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  6th  of  May,  and  signing  the  peace  upon 
the  bases  agreed  to  at  Montebello,  which  had  been 
approved  of  by  the  government  before  the  18th 
Fructidor. 

The  motives  by  which  he  was  determined,  were — 
Istly.  That  the  general  plan  of  the  campaign  was  faulty. 
2ndly.  That,  not  having  received  the  ultimatum  till  the 
6th  of  October,  the  war  could  not  be  re-commenced 
till  the  15th  of  November,  and  that  it  would  then  be 
very  difficult  for  the  French  armies  to  penetrate  into 
Germany,  whilst  the  season  would  be  favourable  for 
collecting  a  great  number  of  Austrian  troops  in  the 
plains  of  Italy.  Srdly.  That  the  command  of  the  army 
was  entrusted  to  Augereau,  whose  political  aspirations 
had  been  greatly  exalted  by  the  events  of  Fructidor, 
and  his  staff  chiefly  composed  of  Seids  of  the  propa- 
ganda, intoxicated  with  the  principles  of  1793,  which 
was  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  that  agreement 
which  must  necessarily  exist  between  two  armies  en- 
gaged in  the  pursuit  of  the  same  object. 

Napoleon  had  expressed  a  wish  that  the  command 
of  the  army  of  the  Rhine  should  be  given  to  Desaix, 

N2 


180  HISTORY  OF  THE 

on  the  defection  of  Moreau.  4thly.  Because  he  had 
requested  a  re-inforcement  of  12,000  infantry,  and 
4000  cavalry,  which  had  been  refused ;  he  had  only 
in  his  army  50,000  troops  of  the  line,  and  was,  mean- 
time, twenty  days7  Inarch  nearer  Vienna  than  the 
army  of  the  Ehine,  having  to  contend  against  three- 
fourths  of  the  whole  Austrian  forces,  which  covered 
Vienna  on  the  side  of  Italy,  whilst  a  mere  corps  of 
observation  was  opposed  to  the  armies  of  the  Ehine 
and  Moselle,  the  Sambre  and  Meuse.  5thly.  Because 
the  directory,  in  its  madness,  in  the  despatch  of  the 
29th  of  September,  had  announced  its  intention  of 
refusing  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,  which  had  been  concluded  with  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  on  the  5th  of  April  preceding.  By  the 
terms  of  this  treaty,  the  king  had  engaged  to  furnish 
a  contingent  to  the  army  of  Italy,  consisting  of  8000 
infantry,  2000  cavalry,  and  forty  pieces  of  cannon. 
This  refusal  of  the  directory  caused  a  general  con- 
sternation in  Turin ;  the  court  could  no  longer  fail  to 
see  the  design  of  the  French  government ;  it  had  nothing 
more  to  care  for.  It  would  be  necessary,  therefore, 
to  weaken  the  army  of  Italy  to  the  amount  of  10,000 
men,  in  order  to  reinforce  the  garrisons  of  Piedmont 
and  Lombardy. 

On  the  21st  of  October,  the  directory  caused  it  to 
be  made  known,  that,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  comniander-in-chief  in  Italy,  they  had  resolved  to 
reinforce  the  army  in  that  country  by  6000  men 
drawn  from  the  army  of  the  Ehine;  to  modify  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON,  181 

plan  of  the  campaign  according  to  his  desire;  and 
filially,  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,  with  the  King  of  Sardinia;  and  that  they 
had  communicated  their  intentions  to  the  legislative 
body  on  the  same  day — the  21st  of  October. 

The  treaty  of  Campo-Fornrio  had,  however,  been 
signed  three  days  before  this  despatch  was  written, 
and  it  did  not  reach  Passeriano  till  twelve  days  after 
the  signature  of  the  peace.  Had  the  directory  adopted 
this  resolution  on  the  29th  of  September,  the  day  on 
which  it  decided  on  the  terms  of  the  ultimatum, 
Bonaparte  would,  perhaps,  have  decided  on  going  to 
war,  with  a  view  of  delivering  the  whole  of  Italy  as 
far  as  the  Isonzo,  of  which  he  was  more  desirous  than 
any  other  person. 

It  was  the  interest  of  Napoleon  to  conclude  a  peace. 
The  republicans,  on  their  part,  manifested  extreme 
jealousy — "  So  much  glory,"  they  said,  "  is  incom- 
patible with  liberty."  Had  he  recommenced  hos- 
tilities, and  the  French  armies  gained  possession  of 
Vienna,  the  directory,  persevering  and  zealous  in  the 
spirit  which  had  actuated  its  members  since  the  18th 
of  Fructidor,  would  have  made  the  greatest  efforts  to 
revolutionize  the  empire,  and  this  would  indubitably 
have  led  to  a  new  war  with  Prussia,  Kussia,  and  the 
Germanic  confederation.  The  republic,  however,  was 
ill  governed;  the  administration  was  corrupt,  arid 
inspired  neither  confidence  nor  consideration.  If  he 
broke  off  the  negotiations,  the  responsibility  of  the 
consequences  would  rest  upon  him;  if,  on  the  con- 


182  HISTORY  OF  THE 

trary,  lie  gave  peace  to  his  country,  he  would  add  to 
the  glory  of  a  conqueror  and  pacificator,  that  of  "being 
the  founder  of  two  great  republics ;  for  Belgium,  the 
departments  on  the  Rhine,  Savoy  and  the  county  of 
Nice,  could  not  legitimately  be  incorporated  with 
France,  except  by  means  of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Emperor,  which  was  equally  necessary  for  the  consoli- 
dation of  the  Cisalpine  republic.  Covered  with  laurels, 
and  with  the  olive  branch  in  his  hand,  he  would  then 
retire  with  safety  into  private  life,  with  a  glory  equal 
to  that  of  the  most  renowned  heroes  of  antiquity ;  the 
first  act  of  the  drama  of  his  public  life  would  be  thus 
terminated;  circumstances  and  the  interests  of  the 
country  would  decide  his  subsequent  career ;  glory,  the 
love  and  esteem  of  the  French  people,  were  the  means 
of  arriving  at  everything,  France  wished  for  peace. 
The  struggle  of  kings  against  the  republic  was  a 
struggle  of  principles ;  it  was  the  Ghibellines  against 
the  Griielphs — it  was  the  oligarchs  who  reigned  in 
London,  Vienna  and  Petersburg,  struggling  against 
the  republicans  of  Paris.  The  French  plenipoten- 
tiary conceived  the  idea  of  changing  this  condition 
of  things,  which  always  left  France  alone  against  the 
others  combined — of  throwing  an  apple  of  discord 
among  the  allies;  of  changing  the  state  of  the  question, 
and  creating  new  passions  and  new  interests.  The 
republic  of  Venice  was  completely  aristocratical,  and 
the  courts  of  St.  James  and  Petersburg  took  a  lively 
interest  in  its  fate;  and  the  house  of  Austria,  by 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  183 

seizing  on  Venice  and  its  territory,  would  excite  tlieir 
highest  dissatisfaction  and  jealousy. 

The  senate  of  Venice  had  "behaved  badly  to  France, 
but  very  well  to  Austria.  What  opinion  would  the 
nations  entertain  of  the  morality  of  the  cabinet  of 
Vienna,  when  they  saw  it  appropriate  to  itself  the  states 
of  the  Austrian  allies — above  all,  the  most  ancient  state 
of  modern  Europe,  which  maintained  principles 
strongly  opposed  to  those  of  the  French  democrats; 
and  that  under  the  pretext  of  convenience  alone? 

What  a  lesson  would  this  be  for  Bavaria  and  the 
other  powers  of  the  second  order ;  the  Emperor  would 
be  obliged  to  deliver  up  to  France  the  fortress  of 
Mayence,  which  he  only  held  as  a  deposit ;  he  would 
appropriate  to  himself  the  spoils  of  the  German  princes, 
of  whom  he  was  the  legal  and  constituted  protector, 
and  whose  armies  were  fighting  in  his  ranks.  All 
this  would  exhibit  to  the  view  of  Europe  a  bitter 
satire  on  absolute  governments  and  European  oli- 
garchies— would  make  their  old  age  obvious  to  all, 
and  announce  that  the  time  of  their  decadence  and 
dissolution  had  arrived. 

Austria  would  be  satisfied,  for  if  she  ceded  Belgium 
and  Loinbardy,  she  received  an  equivalent,  if  not  in 
revenue  and  population,  at  least  in  reference  to  geo- 
graphical and  commercial  position.  Venice  was 
bounded  by  Styria,  Carinthia,  and  Hungary.  The 
league  of  the  European  oligarchy  would  be  divided; 
France  would  avail  herself  of  the  opportunity  to  join 


184  HISTORY  01?  THE 

issue  hand  to  hand  with  England,  in  Ireland,  Canada, 
and  the  Indies. 

The  different  parties  into  which  the  Venetians  were 
divided  became  immediately  extinct;  aristocrats  and 
democrats  united  against  the  sceptre  of  a  foreign 
nation.  No  fears  could  be  entertained  that  a  people  of 
such  mild  manners  would  adopt  any  affection  for  a 
German  government;  that  a  great  commercial  city  and 
naval  power  would  sincerely  attach  herself  to  a 
monarchy  foreign  to  the  sea  and  destitute  of  colonies ; 
and  if  ever  the  moment  should  arrive  for  calling  the 
Italian  nation  into  life,  this  circumstance  would  prove 
no  obstacle-  The  years  the  Venetians  would  have 
passed  under  the  yoke  of  the  Austrian  government, 
would  lead  them  to  receive  a  national  government 
with  enthusiasm,  whatsoever  it  might  be,  a  little  more 
or  a  little  less  aristocratic,  whether  the  capital  was 
fixed  at  Venice  or  not. 

The  Venetians,  Lombards,  and  Piedmontese,  the 
Genoese,  with  the  people  of  Parma,  Bologna,  and 
Bergamo ;  the  Ferrarese,  Tuscans,  Romans,  and  Nea- 
politans, all  required  to  be  reduced  to  their  first 
elements  before  they  could  be  converted  into  one 
Italian  state.  It  was  necessary,  so  to  speak,  to  re- 
cast them.  In  fact,  fifteen  years  afterwards,  in  1812, 
the  Austrian  power  in  Italy,  the  throne  of  Sardinia, 
those  of  the  Dukes  of  Parma,  Modena,  and  Tuscany ; 
that  of  Naples  itself,  the  oligarchies  of  Genoa  and 
Venice,  had  all  disappeared.  The  temporal  power  of 
the  Pope,  which  in  all  past  time  had  been  the  cause 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  185 

of  the  division  of  Italy,  was  no  longer  likely  to  be  an 
obstacle.  The  grand  duchy  of  Berg  had  still  remained 
vacant,  and  was  waiting  for  the  court  of  King  Joachim. 
"  I  require,"  Napoleon  had  said,  in  1805,  at  the  council 
of  Lyons,  "  tiventy  years  to  create  the  Italian  nation" 
Fifteen  years  had  sufficed ;  all  was  ready,  and  he  only 
Waited  for  the  birth  of  a  second  son,  to  conduct  him 
to  Rome,  crown  him  King  of  the  Italians,  confer  the 
regency  on  Prince  Eugene,  and  proclaim  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Peninsula  from  the  Alps  to  the  Ionian 
Sea,  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Adriatic. 

The  court  of  Vienna,  worn  out  with  the  bloody 
struggle  which  she  had  sustained  for  several  years,  no 
longer  attached  any  importance  to  Belgium,  which  it 
was  impossible  for  her  to  defend ;  she  considered  her- 
self fortunate,  after  so  many  disasters,  in  obtaining 
indemnities  for  losses  which  were  beyond  recovery, 
and  in  contracting  an  alliance  with  France,  which 
would  guarantee  to  her  advantages  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  German  affairs.  Although,  however,  a  per- 
fect understanding  was  arrived  at  respecting  the  prin- 
ciples, the  contracting  parties  were  far  from  being 
agreed  on  the  mode  in  which  the  execution  was  to  be 
effected.  Count  Cobentzel  said,  "  He  would  have  the 
Adda  for  a  frontier,  or  nothing."  He  supported  his 
pretensions  on  statistical  calculations.  "  You  wish," 
said  he,  "to  re-establish  the  system  of  1756;  for  that 
purpose  it  is  necessary  to  give  us  an  advantageous 
peace,  which  may  be  decided  on,  irrespective  of  the 
events  of  the  war ;  both  powers  have  had  their  glorious 


186  HISTORY  OF  THE 

days  ;  our  armies  ought  mutually  to  esteem  each 
other;  and  a  disadvantageous  peace  for  one  of  the 
powers,  would  prove  nothing  better  than  a  truce.  In 
consenting  to  this  principle,  how  is  it  you  refuse  to 
grant  us  a  complete  and  absolute  indemnity?  What 
are  the  bases  of  power?  Population  and  revenue. 
What  losses  does  the  Emperor  my  master  sustain? 
Belgium  and  Lombardy,  the  two  most  populous  and 
richest  provinces  in  the  world — Belgium,  which  is  of 
double  value  to  you,  because  it  ensures  you  the  pos- 
session of  Holland,  and  will  enable  you  to  close  all  the 
ports  against  England,  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Straits 
of  Gibraltar.  We  consent,  moreover,  to  concede  to  the 
republic,  Mayence,  the  four  departments  of  the  Rhine, 
Savoy,  and  the  county  of  Nice.  What  do  we  ask  of 
you  in  return  for  such  extensive  concession?  Four 
millions  of  Italians — bad  soldiers,  but  inhabiting,  it  is 
true,  a  very  fertile  country ;  we  have,  then,  a  right  to 
look  for  the  valley  of  the  Adda  as  our  frontier.'7 

The  French  plenipotentiary  replied,  "  It  is  an  ad- 
vantage to  Austria  to  be  relieved  of  Belgium,  which 
was  a  burthensome  possession;  England  alone  could 
have  an  interest  in  her  retaining  possession  of  it.  If 
you  calculate  what  that  province  has  cost  you,  you 
will  be  convinced  that  it  has  always  been  an  object  of 
expense  to  your  treasury.  But  in  no  case  can  it  any 
longer  be  of  any  particular  value  to  us,  because  the 
new  principles  which  have  changed  the  state  of 
France  have  been  already  adopted  there.  To  desire 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  187 

to  obtain  in  the  very  frontiers  of  Styria,  Garinthia, 
and  Hungary,  an  indemnity  equal  in  revenue  and 
population  to  a  distant  and  detached  province,  is  an 
exaggerated  pretension;  "besides,  bypassing  the  Adige 
you  will  weaken  yourselves,  and  neither  you  nor  the 
Cisalpine  republic  will  have  a  frontier." 

These  reasonings  probably  produced  a  conviction  in 
the  minds  of  the  Austrian  plenipotentiaries — however 
that  may  be,  they  reduced  their  pretensions  to  the 
line  of  the  Mincio.     "But,"  said  Count  Cobentzel, 
"  that  is  our  ultimatum,  for  were  my  master,  the 
Emperor,  to  consent  to  give  you  up  the  keys  of  May- 
ence,  the  strongest  place  in  the  universe,  without 
exchanging  them  for  the  keys  of  Mantua,  it  would 
entail  dishonour  and  disgrace."   All  the  official  means 
of  protocols,  notes  and  replies,  having  been  exhausted 
without  any  satisfactory  results,  recourse  was  had  to 
confidential  conferences;   at  last,  however,  nothing 
further  could  be  gained  or  conceded  on  either  side, 
and  the  armies  were  put  in  motion. 

The  French  troops,  which  were  cantoned  in  the  dis- 
tricts of  Yerona,  Padua,  and  Treviso,  passed  the 
Piave,  and  established  themselves  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Isonzo.  The  Austrian  army  was  encamped 
upon  the  Drave  and  in  Carniola.  On  their  way  from 
Udine  to  Passeriano,  the  Austrian  ambassadors  were 
obliged  to  traverse  the  French  camp.  They  were 
received  with  the  highest  military  honours,  and  the 
conferences  were  accompanied  by  the  continual  rolling 


188  HISTORY  OF   THE 

of  drums.  Count  Cobentzel,  however,  remained  im- 
moveable.  The  carriages  were  ready,  and  he  an- 
nounced his  departure. 

On  the  16th  of  October,  the  conferences  were  held 
at  Udine,  at  the  quarters  of  Count  Cobentzel.  Napo- 
leon recapitulated,  in  form  of  a  manifesto  to  be  entered 
on  the  minutes,  the  course  of  conduct  pursued  by 
the  French  government  since  the  signing  of  the  pre- 
liminaries of  Leoben,  and  at  the  same  time  renewed 
his  ultimatum. 

The  Austrian  ambassador  made  a  long  reply,  in 
order  to  prove  that  the  indemnities  offered  by  France 
were  not  equivalent  to  the  fourth  of  what  he  had  lost; 
that  the  Austrian  power  would  be  considerably 
weakened,  whilst  the  French  power  would  be  increased 
to  such  a  degree,  as  seriously  to  threaten  the  inde- 
pendence of  Europe;  that  with  the  possession  of  Man- 
tua and  the  Adige  as  a  frontier,  France  would  in 
reality  unite  the  whole  of  Italy  to  the  territory  of  the 
Gauls;  that  the  Emperor  was  irrevocably  resolved  to 
hazard  all  the  chances  of  a  war,  and  to  take  refuge 
even  in  his  capital,  rather  than  consent  to  such  a  dis- 
advantageous peace  ;  that  Russia  offered  him  assist- 
ance, that  her  armies  were  ready  to  march  to  his  aid, 
and  then  it  would  be  seen  what  Russian  troops  were; 
that  it  was  very  evident,  Napoleon  had  sunk  his  cha- 
racter of  a  plenipotentiary  in  that  of  a  general,  and 
did  not,  therefore,  wish  for  peace.  He  added  that  he 
would  take  his  departure  during  the  night,  and  that 
all  the  blood  which  might  be  shed  in  this  new  struggle 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  189 

would  fall  on  the  head  of   the    representative  of 
France.     Then  the  latter,  with   great  coolness,  "but 
deeply  oifended  by  this  outbreak,  rose  from  his  seat, 
and  took  from  a  cupboard  a  small  porcelain  tray, 
which  Count  Cobentzel  liked,  as  having  been  a  present 
from  the  Empress  Catherine;  "  Well!"  said  Napoleon, 
"  the  truce  is  broken  and  war  declared !     But  remem- 
ber, that  before  the  end  of  autumn,  I  will  break  your 
monarchy  to  pieces,  as  I  now  dash  this  porcelain  into 
fragments."  As  he  said  these  words,  he  dashed  the  por- 
celain upon  the  ground,  and  its  fragments  were  strewed 
over  the  floor.  He  saluted  the  congress,  and  departed. 
The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  stood  speechless.     A 
few  moments  after,  they  heard  that  whilst  he  was  get- 
ting into  his  carriage,  he  had  dispatched  an  officer  to 
Prince  Charles,  to  give  him  notice  that  the  truce  was 
broken,  and  that  hostilities  would  re-commence  in 
twenty-four  hours.     Count  Cobentzel,  alarmed  at  the 
prospect,  sent  the  Marquis  de  Gallo  to  Passeriano, 
carrying  with  him  a  signed  declaration,  that  he  con- 
sented to  adopt  the  ultimatum  of  France.    On  the  next 
day,  the  17th  of  October,  the  peace  was  signed,  at  five 
o'clock  in  the  evening.   It  was  on  this  occasion,  that  the 
secretary  who  framed  the  treaty,  having  inserted,  as 
the  first  article,  "  The  Emperor  of  Germany  recognises 
the  French  republic,"  Napoleon  said,  "  Put  out  that 
article ;  the  French  republic  is  like  the  sun ;  he  who  can- 
not see  it  must  be  blind.     The  French  people  are 
masters  at  home;  they  have  created  a  republic— to- 
morrow, perhaps,  it  may  become  an  aristocracy,  and 


190  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  day  after,  a  monarchy.    This  is  its  imprescriptible 
right,  and  the  form  of  its  government  is  a  question  of 
home,  and  not  of  foreign  affairs."     The  treaty  was 
dated  at  Campo-Formio,  a  small  village  between  Pas- 
seriano  and  Ildine,  which  had  been  declared  neutral  by 
the  secretaries  of  legation  for  that  purpose.     It  was 
thought  advisable  to  go  there,  although  there  was  no 
house  fit  to  serve  as  a  lodging  for  the  plenipotentiaries. 
By  this   treaty,   the  Emperor  recognised  to   the 
republic  its  natural  boundaries,  the  Alps,  the  Medi- 
terranean, the  Pyrenees,  and  the  ocean — consented  to 
the  formation  of  the  Cisalpine  republic  by  the  amal- 
gamation of  Lonibardy,  the  duchies  of  Reggio,  Modena, 
and  Mirandola — the  three  legations  (Bologna,  Ferrara, 
and  Rornagna),  the  Valteline,  the  Venetian  states  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Adige  (those  of  Bergamo,  Gremona, 
and  Polesina)  and  ceded  the  Breisgau,  which  removed 
the  hereditary  states  to  a  distance  from  the  French 
frontiers.   It  was  agreed  that  the  fortifications  of  May- 
ence  should  be  put  into  possession  of  the  troops  of  the 
republic,  after  a  military  convention  to  be  agreed 
upon  at  Rastadt,  where  the  French  plenipotentiary 
and  Count  Cobentzel  were  to  meet.    All  the  princes 
deprived  of  their  territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  were  to  receive  indemnities  on  the  right  bank, 
by  the  secularization  of  the  ecclesiastical  states.     The 
peace  of  Europe  was  to  be"  settled  at  Rastadt.     The 
cabinet  of  the  Luxembourg  and  that  of  Vienna  were  to 
co-operate.    The  Prussian  territory,  on  the  left  bank, 
was  reserved;  and  it  was  agreed,  that  it  should  be 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  191 

ceded  to  the  republic  by  the  treaty  of  Rastadt,  but 
with  an  equivalent  in  Germany  for  Austria.  Corfu, 
Zante,  Cephalonia,  Santa  Maura,  and  Cerigo,  were 
ceded  to  France,  which,  on  its  part,  consented  to  the 
Emperor's  taking  possession  of  the  Venetian  states 
situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Adige,  which  would 
add  more  than  two  millions  of  people  to  the  population 
of  the  empire.  By  one  of  the  articles,  the  property 
possessed  by  the  Archduke  Charles,  as  heir  to  the 
Archduchess  Christina  in  Belgium  was  assured  to 
him ;  it  was  in  consequence  of  this  article,  that  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  at  a  later  period,  purchased  for  a 
million  of  francs  the  chateau  of  Laeken,  near  Brussels, 
which  before  the  revolution  constituted  a  part  of  the 
property  of  the  Archduchess ;  the  other  domains  be- 
longing to  the  Archduke  in  the  Netherlands,  were 
obtained  by  the  Duke  of  Saxe-Teschen.  This  stipula- 
tion was  a  testimony  of  esteem  which  the  French 
plenipotentiary  gave  to  the  general  against  whom  he 
had  just  been  fighting,  and  with  whom  he  had  kept 
up  relations  honourable  to  both. 

During  the  conferences  at  Passeriano,  General 
Desaix  came  from  the  army  of  the  Rhine,  to  inspect 
the  battle-fields  which  had  been  rendered  illustrious 
and  memorable  by  the  army  of  Italy.  Napoleon 
received  him  at  his  head-quarters,  and  thinking  to 
astonish  him,  made  him.  acquainted  with  the  light 
which  the  portfolio  of  Entraigues  had  thrown  upon 
the  conduct  of  Pichegru.  "  I  knew  long  ago,"  said 
Desaix,  smiling,  "  that  Pichegru  was  a  traitor  : 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Moreau  found  proofs  of  it  in  the  papers  of  Klinglin,  as 
well  as  the  details  of  the  corruption,  and  of  the  reasons 
by  which  his  military  manoeuvres  were  regulated. 
Moreau,  Regnier,  and  myself  only  were  in  the  secret. 
I  wished  Moreau  immediately  to  give  an  account  of 
it  to  the  government,  but  he  refused.  Pichegru," 
added  he,  "  is  perhaps  the  only  example  of  a  general 
who  purposely  allowed  himself  to  be  defeated."  He 
alluded  to  the  manoeuvre  by  which  Pichegru  removed 
the  principal  part  of  his  forces  to  Rassein  on  the  upper 
Rhine,  in  order  to  cripple  the  operations  before  May- 
ence.  Desaix  visited  all  the  battle-fields,  where  he  was 
received  with  the  greatest  distinction.  It  is  from 
this  period  that  his  intimate  friendship  with  Napo- 
leon dates;  he  loved  glory  for  itself,  and  France 
above  everything.  He  was  a  man  of  a  simple,  active, 
and  prepossessing  character,  and  of  extensive  informa- 
tion; no  man  was  more  thoroughly  acquainted  than 
he  with  the  theatre  of  war  on  the  upper  Rhine, 
Suabia  and  Bavaria.  His  death  caused  tears  to  flow 
from  the  eyes  of  the  conqueror  of  Marengo. 

About  this  time,  General  Hoche,  the  commander  of 
the  army  of  the  Sambre  and  Meuse,  died  suddenly  at 
Mayence.  Many  persons  have  supposed  that  he  was 
poisoned,  but  the  supposition  has  no  foundation  what- 
ever. This  young  general  distinguished  himself  at 
the  lines  of  Weissenburg  in  1794,  gave  abundant 
proofs  of  his  abilities  in  La  Vendee  in  1795  and  1796, 
and  had  the  glory  of  pacifying,  for  a  time,  that  dis- 
turbed province.  Influenced  by  a  noble  patriotism, 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  193 

an  ardent  disposition,  remarkable  bravery,  and  an 
active,  restless  ambition,  lie  did  not  know  how  to 
wait  for  the  course  of  events,  but  always  exposed 
himself  by  premature  enterprises.  By  inarching  his 
troops  to  Paris  at  the  crisis  of  the  18th  Fructidor,  he 
violated  the  constitution,  and  was  very  near  falling  a 
victim  to  his  temerity.  He  attempted  an  expedition 
to  Ireland;  no  one  was  more  capable  of  promoting  its 
success.  On  every  occasion,  he  testified  his  attach- 
ment to  Napoleon.  His  death,  and  the  disgrace  of 
Moreau,  left  both  the  armies  of  the  Rhine,  and  the 
Sambre  and  Meuse,  without  commanders.  The  govern- 
ment united  these  two  armies  into  one,  and  gave  the 
command  of  the  whole  to  Augereau. 

Napoleon  successively  sent  the  principal  generals  to 
Paris  with  stands  of  colours,  which  at  once  served  as 
a  means  of  making  the  government  acquainted  with 
their  persons,  and  of  attaching  them  to  their  cause  by 
suitable  rewards.  He  commissioned  General  Berthier 
to  be  the  bearer  of  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  and 
wishing  at  the  same  time  to  give  a  proof  of  his  respect 
for  science,  he  associated  with  him,  in  the  commis- 
sion, Monge,  who  was  a  member  of  the  commission 
of  the  arts  and  sciences  in  Italy,  and  who  belonged  to 
the  old  Academy  of  Sciences.  The  commander-in- 
chief  took  great  pleasure  in  the  very  interesting 
conversation  of  this  great  geometrician  and  naturalist 
of  the  first  order,  who  was  a  very  zealous  patriot,  but 
always  pure-minded,  sincere,  and  truthful.  Loving 
France  and  its  people  as  if  they  were  his  own  children, 

VOL.  II.  0 


194  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

he  regarded  democracy  and  equality  as  the  results  of 
a  geometrical  demonstration;  lie  was  of  an  ardent 
mind,  but,  whatever  his  enemies  may  have  said,  an 
honest  man;  on  the  invasion  of  the  Prussians  in 
1792,  he  offered  to  give  his  two  daughters  in  marriage 
to  the  first  two  volunteers  who  should  lose  a  limb  in 
the  defence  of  the  territory  of  France,  which  offer  on 
his  part  was  sincere.  He  followed  Napoleon  to  Egypt, 
and  science  is  indebted  to  him  for  his  excellent  work 
on  descriptive  geometry. 

The  treaty  of  Campo-Pormio  took  the  directory  by 
surprise;  it  was  far  from  expecting  such  a  result,  and 
gave  indications  of  its  dissatisfaction.  It  is  confidently 
said,  that  its  members  thought  for  a  moment  of  not 
ratifying  it,  but  public  opinion  was  too  clearly 
pronounced,  and  the  advantages  secured  to  Trance 
by  the  peace  were  too  obvious  to  admit  of  such  a 
course. 

Immediately  after  the  signature  of  the  peace,  Napo- 
leon returned  to  Milan  to  put  a  finishing  hand  to  the 
organization  of  the  Cisalpine  republic,  and  to  complete 
the  administrative  measures  of  his  army.  He  was 
then  to  proceed  to  Eastadt,  in  order  to  terminate  the 
great  work  of  a  general  continental  peace,  and  he  took 
leave  of  the  Italian  people  in  these  words : 

"  Citizens, — Reckoning  from  the  1st  of  Brumaire, 
your  constitution  will  be  in  full  activity ;  your  direc- 
tory, your  legislative  body,  your  court  of  cassation, 
and  other  subordinate  administrative  departments, 
will  be  fully  organized. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  195 

"  You  are  the  first  example  in  history  of  a  people 
who  have  become  free  without  factions,  without  revo- 
lutions, without  internal  commotions. 

"  We  have  given  you  liberty;  study  to  preserve  it. 
After  France,  you  are  the  most  populous  and  the 
richest  of  all  republics ;  your  position  calls  upon  you  to 
play  a  distinguished  part  in  the  affairs  of  Europe. 

"  In  order  to  be  worthy  of  your  destiny,  pass 
nothing  but  wise  and  moderate  laws. 

"Cause  them  to  be  executed  with  energy  and 
power. 

"  Favour  the  propagation  of  knowledge,  and  respect 
religion. 

46  Do  not  fill  your  ranks  with  outcasts  of  society, 
but  with  citizens  who  cherish  the  principles  of  the 
republic,  and  are  intimately  attached  to  its  pros- 
perity. 

"  You  require  to  be  deeply  penetrated  with  a  feel- 
ing of  your  power,  and  of  the  dignity  which  surrounds 
a  free  man. 

"  Divided  amongst  yourselves,  and  subject  for  ages 
to  tyranny,  you  could  not  have  regained  your  liberty ; 
but,  should  you  be  left  to  yourselves  for  a  few  years, 
no  power  on  earth  will  be  strong  enough  to  deprive 
you  of  its  possession. 

"  Till  that  time,  the  great  nation  will  protect  you 
from  the  attacks  of  your  neighbours.  Its  political 
system  will  be  united  to  yours. 

"  Had  the  Roman  people  made  the  same  use  of 
power  as  the  French  people  have  done,  the  Eoman 

02 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Eagle  would  still  have  been  on  the  Capitol,  and 
eighteen  centuries  of  tyranny  and  bondage  would  not 
have  dishonoured  the  human  race. 

"  In  order  to  consolidate  your  liberty,  and  with  the 
sole  view  of  promoting  your  happiness,  I  have  ac- 
complished a  work,  which  only  ambition  and  the  love 
of  power  have  hitherto  prompted  men  to  perform. 

"  I  have  made  appointments  to  a  great  number  of 
places,  and  been  exposed  to  the  danger  of  over- 
looking men  of  integrity,  and  of  nominating  intriguers ; 
but  there  were  still  greater  inconveniences  in  leaving 
you  to  make  these  nominations,  before  you  were 
organized. 

"  I  am  about  to  depart  in  a  few  days.  Only  the 
orders  of  my  government,  and  the  imminent  danger 
of  the  Cisalpine  republic,  will  recall  me  to  the  midst 
of  you. 

"  To  whatever  part,  however,  the  service  of  my 
country  may  call  me,  I  shall  always  take  a  lively 
interest  in  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  your  republic. 

(Signed)  "  BONAPARTE. 

"  Head-Quarters,  Milan,  the  22nd  of  Brumaire, 
year  6,  (Nov.  12th,  1797.)" 

Napoleon  set  out  for  Turin,  where  he  alighted  at 
the  house  of  M.  G-inguene,  the  French  minister,  on 
the  17th  of  November.  The  King  of  Sardinia  wished 
to  see  him,  and  to  give  him  some  public  evidence  of 
his  gratitude.  The  circumstances,  however,  were  al- 
ready such,  that  he  did  not  think  it  right  to  accept 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  197 

these  friendly  demonstrations  of  the  court.  He  con- 
tinued his  route  to  Eastadt,  and  crossed  Mount  Cenis; 
at  Geneva  lie  was  received  as  he  would  have  been  in  a 
French  town,  and  with  all  that  enthusiasm  peculiar 
to  the  Genevese.  On  his  entry  into  the  Pays  de  Yaud, 
three  groups  of  young  and  pretty  girls  came,  at  the  head 
of  the  inhabitants,  to  compliment  him;  one  of  these 
groups  was  dressed  in  white,  the  second  in  blue,  and 
the  third  in  red.  These  young  maidens  presented 
him  with  a  crown,  on  which  was  inscribed  the  famous 
sentence,  in  which  the  liberty  of  the  Yalteline  had 
been  proclaimed;  a  maxim  so  dear  to  the  people  of  the 
Pays  de  Vaud;  "  One  people  ought  not  to  be  subject 
to  another  people."  He  passed  through  several  Swiss 
towns — among  others,  Berne — and  crossed  the  Khine 
at  Basle,  on  his  way  to  Kastadt. 

The  order  of  the  day  on  his  departure  from  Milan, 
contained  the  following  address :  "  Soldiers !  to-morrow 
I  set  out  for  Eastadt.  Separated  from  the  army,  I 
shall  sigh  for  the  moment  when  I  shall  again  be  in 
the  midst  of  it,  ready  to  brave  new  dangers.  What- 
ever post  the  government  may  assign  to  the  soldiers 
of  Italy,  they  will  always  prove  themselves  worthy 
supporters  of  liberty,  and  of  the  glory  of  the  French 
name.  Soldiers !  in  discoursing  of  the  princes  whom, 
you  have  conquered,  the  people  whom  you  have  en- 
franchised, and  the  battles  which  you  have  fought  in 
two  campaigns^  say  to  yourselves — In  two  campaigns 
we  will  do  more  still!" 

On  his  arrival  at  Eastadt,  Bonaparte  found  the 


198  HISTORY   OF  THE 

state-apartments  of  the  palace  prepared  for  him. 
Treilhard  and  Bonniet,  whom  the  directory  had  ap- 
pointed as  his  fellow-commissioners  in  these  negotia- 
tions with  the  Germanic  body,  had  preceded  him. 
some  days.  At  this  congress,  the  aged  Count 
Metternich  represented  the  Emperor  as  the  head  of  - 
the  German  confederated  states,  and  Count  Cobentzel 
represented  him  as  head  of  the  house  of  Austria;  there 
were  therefore  two  legations,  opposed  to  each  other 
both  in  their  interests  and  their  instructions.  Count 
Lehrbach  was  the  representative  of  the  circle  of 
Austria  in  the  Diet.  Count  Metternich  supported  the 
character  of  pomp  and  parade — Cobentzel  conducted 
the  business.  After  having  exchanged  the  ratifications 
of  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio,  the  plenipotentiaries, 
in  execution  of  the  treaty,  signed  the  convention  for 
the  surrender  of  Mayence.  The  Austrian  troops 
were  to  march  out  of  Mayence,  and  to  leave  behind 
merely  the  troops  of  the  elector,  whilst,  at  the  same 
moment,  the  French  were  to  invest  and  take  possession 
of  the  fortress.  2ndly,  the  French  were  to  abandort 
Venice  and  P  alma-Nova,  leaving  behind  Venetian 
troops  only,  and  the  Austrians  were  to  seize  upon 
these  cities,  as  well  as  the  whole  country.  Albini, 
the  minister  of  Mayence,  uttered  the  most  violent 
complaints,  and  all  the  German  princes  gave  way  to 
the  loudest  reproaches.  "Mayence,"  said  they,  "does 
not  belong  to  Austria."  They  accused  the  Emperor 
of  having  betrayed  Germany  for  the  promotion  of  his 
.interests  in  Italy.  Count  Lehrbach,  as  deputy  from 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  199 

the  circle  of  Austria,  was  deputed  to  reply  to  all  these 
complaints  and  protestations;  he  acquitted  himself 
with  all  that  power,  arrogance,  and  irony,  which 
were  natural  to  his  character. 

Sweden  sent  a  representative  to  Rastadt  in  her 
character  of  mediatrix,  and  as  one  of  the  guarantees  of 
the  treaty  of  Westphalia.  Since  the  treaty  of  Teschen, 
Russia  had  arrogated  to  herself  the  same  pretensions, 
but  she  was  at  this  moment  at  war  with  France. 
Since  the  treaty  of  Westphalia,  the  condition  of  the 
states  of  Europe  had  undergone  many  changes; 
Sweden  at  that  time  exercised  a  great  influence  upon 
Germany;  she  was  at  the  head  of  the  Protestant 
party,  and  was  resplendent  with  all  the  glory  of  the 
victories  of  the  great  Gustavus.  Eussia  was  not  then 
European,  and  Prussia  had  scarcely  an  existence. 
These  two  powers  had  made  a  rapid  advance;  whilst 
Sweden  was  falling  into  decay,  and  was  now  sunk 
into  a  power  of  the  third  order.  Its  pretensions, 
therefore,  were  altogether  unreasonable;  and  besides, 
this  court  had  been  foolish  enough  to  appoint,  on  this 
occasion,  Baron  Fersen,  as  its  representative  at  the 
congress  of  Rastadt.  The  favour  which  this  Swedish 
baron  had  formerly  enjoyed  at  the  court  of  Versailles, 
his  intrigues  in  the  constituent  assembly,  and  the 
hatred  which  he  never  failed  to  testify  towards  France, 
rendered  him  the  most  unsuitable  person  on  whom 
their  choice  could  have  fallen;  his  selection  might4 
in  fact,  be  regarded  as  an  insult  to  the  republic. 
When,  as  a  matter  of  etiquette,  he  was  introduced  into 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  apartments  of  the  French  plenipotentiary,  he 
caused  himself  to  be  announced  as  ambassador  of 
Sweden,  and  mediator  at  the  congress.  Napoleon 
told  him  he  could  not  recognise  any  mediator,  and 
that,  besides,  his  former  opinions  disqualified  him  from 
exercising  such  an  office  between  the  republic  and 
the  Emperor  of  Germany;  and  that  he  would  not 
receive  him  again.  Baron  Fersen  was  so  completely 
disconcerted,  and  the  manner  of  his  reception  made 
such  a  noise,  that  he  left  Eastadt  the  next  day. 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Mayence  to  the 
French  troops,  Napoleon  united  in  conference  with 
Treilhard  and  Bonniet,  and  after  having  shown 
them  that  the  instructions  of  the  directory  were  in- 
sufficient, he  declared  his  intention  of  not  remaining 
any  longer  at  the  congress,  and  that  he  was  about  to 
set  out.  The  business  was  more  complicated  at 
Eastadt  than  at  Campo-Fonnio ;  and  it  was  necessary 
to  cut  it  short,  in  order  to  bring  it  to  a  conclusion. 

The  directory  did  not  know  what  course  to  adopt ; 
they  appointed  new  plenipotentiaries,  who  were  to 
join  Treilhard  and  Bonniet.  Bonaparte,  already 
dissatisfied  with  the  foreign  policy  of  France,  deter- 
mined to  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  a  negotiation 
which  would  necessarily  turn  out  badly.  Moreover, 
the  internal  condition  of  the  country  was  presaging 
the  approaching  triumph  of  the  demagogues;  and 
besides,  the  same  reasons  which  led  him  to  decline 
any  public  reception  at  the  court  of  Sardinia,  deter- 
mined him  to  withdraw  from  the  testimonies  of  ad- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  201 

miration  heaped  upon  him  by  the  German  princes. 
He  thought  it  best  to  bring  to  a  close  the  first  act 
of  his  political  life,  by  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio, 
and  to  retire  into  private  life  at  Paris,  as  long  as 
circumstances  would  allow.  During  his  short  sojourn 
at  Rastadt,  he  caused  the  French  plenipotentiaries  to 
be  treated  with  all  that  attention  and  respect  due  to 
the  representatives  of  a  great  nation  from  the  repre- 
sentatives of  foreign  powers,  and  from  that  crowd  of 
petty  German  sovereigns  who  were  present  at  the 
congress.  Before  his  coming,  the  French  plenipo- 
tentiaries had  been  treated  with  some  neglect;  the 
allowances  which  had  been  assigned  them  were  alto- 
gether insufficient.  He  persuaded  the  government  to 
place  very  considerable  sums  at  the  disposal  of  the 
negotiators,  in  order  that  they  might  appear  in  a 
manner  consistent  with  their  rant,  and  this  step  con- 
tributed to  the  manifestation  of  the  consideration 
due  to  the  republic. 


202  HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


NAPOLEON  IN  PARIS  AFTER  THE  CAMPAIGN 
OF  ITALY. 

NAPOLEON  departed  from  Rastadt,  traversed  France 
incognito,  arrived  in  Paris  without  stopping,  and 
alighted  at  his  small  house  in  the  Eue  Chantereine, 
Chaussee  d'Antin.  The  municipal  body,  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  department  and  all  the  public  bodies, 
emulated  each  other  in  presenting  him  with  tokens 
of  the  national  gratitude.  A  committee  of  the  Conseil 
des  Anciens  submitted  a  proposal  to  bestow  upon 
him  the  estate  of  Chambord,  and  a  magnificent  hotel 
in  Paris.  The  directory — it  is  not  easy  to  say  why — 
,  took  alarm  at  this  proposition :  its  confidential  friends 
caused  it  to  be  withdrawn.  By  a  decision  of  the 
municipality  of  Paris,  more  independent  than  the 
councils,  the  name  of  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire  was 
given  to  the  Rue  Chantereine. 

During  the  two  years  in  which  Bonaparte  had  been 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  203 

in  command  in  Italy,  he  had  filled  the  world  with  the 
splendour  of  his  victories,  ~nd  now  the  coalition  of  the 
great  powers  was  broken  up.  The  Emperor  and  the 
princes  of  the  empire  had  recognised  the  republic. 
The  whole  of  Italy  was  subject  to  her  laws.  Two  new 
republics  had  been  created  there  on  the  French  system. 
England  alone  remained  under  arms,  but  even  she  had 
manifested  a  wish  for  peace,  and  if  the  treaty  had  not 
been  signed,  it  was  wholly  owing  to  the  folly  of  the 
directory  after  the  day  of  Fructidor. 

In   addition  to  these  great  results,   obtained   in 
reference  to  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  republic,  there 
were  joined  all  the  advantages  which  she  had  gained 
in  her  internal  administration  and  her  military  power. 
In  no  period  of  the  history  of  the  country  had  the 
French  soldier  more  strongly  entertained  the  feeling 
of  his  superiority  over  all  the  soldiers  of  Europe.     It 
was   owing  to  the  influence  of  the  victories  of  Italy, 
that  the  armies  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  Sambre  and 
Meuse  had  been  able  to  carry  back  the  French  colours 
to  the  banks  of  the  Lech,  where  Turenne  had  been  the 
first  to  raise  our  standards.    At  the  commencement  of 
1796,  the  Emperor  had  180,000  men  on  the  Ehine,  and 
wished  to  carry  the  war  into  France.     The  armies  of 
the  Sambre  and  Meuse,  and  of  the  llhine,  had  no  suffi- 
cient forces   to  offer  resistance;  their  numerical  in- 
feriority was  notorious ;  and  if  the  valour  of  so  many 
brave  men  was  a  guarantee  for  an  honourable  defence, 
the  hope  of  conquest  could  never  have  entered  into  their 
contemplation.     The  days  of  Montenotte,  Lodi,  &c., 


204  HISTORY   OF  THE 

carried  alarm  to  Vienna;  they  obliged  the  Aulic council 
to  recall  successively  Marshal  Wurmser,  the  Archduke 
Charles,  and  more  than  60,000  men  from  the  German 
armies,  which  restored  the  equilibrium  on  that  side,  and 
enabled  Moreau  and  Jourdan  to  take  the  offensive. 

More  than  120,000,000  of  francs  in  the  form  of 
extraordinary  contributions,  had  been  raised  in  Italy; 
60,000,000  had  been  employed  in  paying,  providing 
for,  and  reorganizing  the  army  of  Italy,  whilst  the 
other  60,000,000,  sent  to  the  treasury  of  Paris,  had 
been  applied  to  the  improvement  of  the  internal 
condition  of  the  country,  and  to  the  service  of  the 
army  on  the  Khine.  But  at  that  time,  the  whole 
system  of  the  minister  of  finance  was  so  vicious,  the 
administration  so  corrupt,  and  the  treasury  so  badly 
governed,  that  the  armies  derived  very  little  advan- 
tage from  this  vast  wealth.  Independently  of  this 
important  succour  of  60,000,000,  the  treasury  was 
indebted  to  the  victories  of  Napoleon  for  70,000,000 
of  annual  saving,  a  sum  to  which  the  support  of  the 
armies  of  the  Alps  and  of  Italy  amounted  in  1796. 

Considerable  supplies  ia  hemp  and  timber,  and 
vessels  of  various  kinds,  seized  by  conquest  at  Genoa, 
Leghorn,  and  Venice,  served  to  form  a  very  necessary 
relief  to  the  naval  yards  at  Toulon.  The  national 
museum  was  enriched  with  chefs-d'ceuvre  of  the  arts, 
which  had  embellished  Rome,  Parma,  and  Florence,  and 
which  were  estimated  at  more  than  200,000,000. 

The  commerce  of  Lyons,  Provence,  and  Dauphine 
began  to  revive  from  the  moment  in  which  the  free 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  205 

passage  of  the  Alps  was  opened  to  it.  The  squadrons 
of  Toulon  rode  triumphant  in  the  Mediterranean,  the 
Adriatic,  and  the  Levant.  A  new  era  of  happiness 
and  prosperity  dawned  upon  France,  and  it  was  to  the 
conqueror  of  Italy  that  the  country  was  pleased  to 
owe  these  advantages. 

After  the  arrival  of  Napoleon,  the  chiefs  of  all 
parties  presented  themselves  at  his  house;  he  refused 
to  receive  them.  The  public  was  extremely  curious  to 
see  him;  the  streets  and  squares  through  which  it  was 
thought  he  might  pass,  were  thronged  with  people; 
"but  he  showed  himself  nowhere.  The  Institnt 
having  named  him  a  member  in  the  department  of 
Mechanique,  he  adopted  the  costume  of  the  members 
of  the  body.  As  a  general  rule,  he  received  at  home 
only  a  few  savans — such  as  Monge,  Barthollet,  Borda, 
Laplace,  Prony,  and  Lagrange;  and  some  generals — 
as  Berthier,  Desaix,  Lefebvre,  Caffarelli  Dufalge, 
Kleber ;  and  a  very  small  number  of  deputies. 

He  was  received  in  a  public  audience  by  the  direc- 
tory, which  had  caused  a  great  platform  to  be  erected 
for  the  purpose  at  the  Luxembourg;  the  pretended 
object  was  the  formal  acceptance  of  the  peace  of 
Campo-Formio.  He  avoided  speaking  of  Fructidor, 
of  the  affairs  in  which  the  nation  was  at  the  moment 
engaged,  and  of  the  expedition  to  England.  His 
address  was  simple,  but  at  the  same  time  contained 
numerous  remarks  calculated  to  suggest  various 
reflections.  The  following  observations  fell  from  him 
in  various  parts  of  his  speech :  "  The  French  people, 


206  HISTORY  OF  THE 

in  order  to  secure  their  liberty,  have  had  kings  to 
combat ;  and  in  order  to  obtain  a  constitution  founded 
upon  reason,  they  have  had  the  prejudices  of  eighteen 
centuries  to  subdue.  Religion,  feudality  and  des- 
potismj  have  successively  governed  Europe  for  twenty 
centuries;  but  from  the  peace  which  you  have  just 
concluded  will  date  the  era  of  representative,  govern- 
ments; you  are  now  to  organize  the  great  nation, 
whose  vast  territory  is  circumscribed  by  those  boun- 
daries alone  which  nature  herself  has  prescribed. 

"  I  place  in  your  hands  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio, 
ratified  by  the  Emperor.  This  peace  secures  the 
liberty,  prosperity  and  glory  of  the  republic.  When 
the  happiness  of  the  French  people  shall  be  founded 
upon  the  best  organic  laws,  the  whole  of  Europe  will 
become  free." 

During  this  ceremony,  General  Joubert  and 
Brigadier  General  Andreossi  carried  the  flag  which 
the  legislative  body  had  given  to  the  army  of  Italy,  and 
which  was  covered  with  inscriptions  in  letters  of  gold. 
Some  of  these  were  as  follow : — "  The  army  of  Italy 
has  made  150,000  prisoners,  taken  170  stand  of 
colours,  550  pieces  of  heavy  artillery,  600  field- 
pieces,  five  equipages  de  pont,  nine  ships  of  64 
guns,  twelve  frigates  of  32  guns,  twelve  sloops  and 
eighteen  galleys.  Armistice  with  the  Kings  of  Sardinia 
and  Naples,  with  the  Pope,  with  the  Dukes  of  Parma 
and  Modena.  Preliminaries  of  Leoben.  Convention  of 
Montebello  with  the  republic  of  Genoa.  Treaties  of 
Tolentino  and  Campo-Formio.  Given  liberty  to  the 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEOX.  207 

states  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  Modena,  Massa- Carrara, 
Romagna,  Lombardy,  Brescia,  Bergamo,  Mantua, 
Cremona — part  of  the  Veronese,  of  Chiavenna,  Borrnio, 
and  the  Valteline ;  to  the  people  of  Genoa,  to  the 
imperial  fiefs,  to  the  departments  of  Corcyra,  the 
JEgean  Sea,  and  Ithaca.  Sent  to  Paris  the  chefs- 
(Fceuvre  of  Michael  Angelo,  Guercino,  Titian,  Paul 
Veronese,  Albano,  the  Carracci,  Raphael,  Leonardo 
da  Vinci,  and  others.  It  has  been  victorious  in  eighteen 
pitched  battles,  and  in  sixty-seven  partial  engage- 
ments; 1.  Montebello;  2.  Millesimo  ;  3.  Mondovi  ; 
4.  Lodi;  5.  Borghetto;  6.  Lonato;  7.  Castiglione  ; 
8.  Eoveredo;  9.  Bassano;  10.  St.  George;  11.  Fon- 
tanaviva;  12.  Caldiera;  13.  Arcola;  14.  Ilivoli;  15. 
La  Favorite;  16.  Tagliamento;  17.  Tarwis;  18. 
Neumarkt." 

The  directory,  the  legislative  body,  and  the  minis- 
ter of  foreign  aflairs,  gave  splendid  fetes  to  Napoleon. 
He  appeared  at  them  all,  but  remained  only  for  a  very 
short  time.  That  of  Talleyrand  was  characterized  by 
the  highest  degree  of  good  taste.  A  celebrated  lady, 
determined  to  break  a  lance  with  the  conqueror  of 
Italy,  addressed  him  in  the  midst  of  a  large  circle, 
and  asked  him,  who,  in  his  opinion,  was  the  greatest 
woman  in  the  world,  dead  or  alive?  He  smilingly 
replied,  "  She  who  has  borne  the  most  children." 
The  public  crowded  to  the  sittings  of  the  Institut  to 
see  him,  and  there  he  was  always  to  be  found  seated 
between  Laplace  and  Lagrange — the  latter  of  whom 
was  sincerely  attached  to  him.  When  he  went  to 


208  HISTORY  OF  TEE 

the  theatre  he  sat  in  a  private  box,  and  rejected  deci- 
sively the  application  of  the  managers  of  the  opera, 
who  were  desirous  of  giving  him  a  grand  representa- 
tion. Marshal  Saxe,  Lowendhal,  and  Dumouriez,  had 
all  been  present  at  such  representations  on  their 
respective  returns  from  Fontenay,  Bergen-op-zoom, 
and  Champagne.  When,  on  his  return  from  Egypt, 
on  the  18th  Brumaire,  Napoleon  appeared  at  the 
Tuileries,  he  was  still  unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Paris,  who  exhibited  the  most  eager  desire  to  gratify 
their  curiosity. 

The  directory  treated  him  with  the  greatest  dis- 
tinction ;  when  they  thought  it  their  duty  to  consult 
him,  they  sent  one  of  the  ministers  to  invite  him  to 
be  present  at  the  council.  When  there,  he  sat  be- 
tween two  of  the  directors,  and  gave  his  opinion  upon 
questions  of  importance. 

The  troops,  as  they  re-entered  France,  extolled  him 
to  the  skies  in  their  songs,  and  proclaimed  aloud  that 
it  was  necessary  to  drive  away  the  lawyers,  and  make 
him  a  king.  •  The  directors  affected  the  greatest 
frankness,  and  went  so  far  as  to  show  him  the  secret 
reports  of  the  police,  but  they  were  unable  completely 
to  conceal  the  annoyance  and  chagrin  which  they  felt 
at  so  much  popularity.  Napoleon  fully  appreciated 
the  delicacy  and  embarrassment  of  such  a  situation. 
The  administration  was  badly  conducted,  and  many 
hopes  were  turned  towards  the  conqueror  of  Italy. 
The  directory  wished  him  to  return  to  Eastadt,  but 
he  refused,  on  the  pretext  that  his  mission  in  Italy 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  209 

had  been  concluded  with  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio, 
and  that  it  was  no  longer  suitable  to  his  views  to 
wield  both  the  pen  and  the  sword.  Shortly  after,  he 
consented  to  accept  the  command  of  the  army  of 
England,  in  order  to  impose  upon  Europe,  and  to 
cover  the  design  and  preparations  of  the  expedition 
to  Egypt. 

The  troops  composing  the  army  destined  for  the 
invasion  of  England,  were  cantoned  in  Normandy, 
Picardy,  and  Belgium.  Their  new  general  was  to 
inspect  all  the  points,  but  he  wished  to  traverse  the 
departments  incognito.  These  mysterious  move- 
ments caused  still  greater  uneasiness  in  London,  and 
effectually  masked  the  preparations  going  on  in  the 
South.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  on  his  visit  to 
Antwerp,  that  he  conceived  the  design  of  those  great 
maritime  establishments,  which  he  caused  to  be  put  into 
execution  under  the  empire.  It  was  also  on  one  of  these 
journeys  that  he  perceived  all  the  advantages  which 
St.  Quentin  would  derive  from  the  canal  which  was 
afterwards  opened  under  the  consulate,  and  settled  his 
ideas  as  to  the  superiority  of  Boulogne  for  attempting 
an  enterprise  against  England  simply  with  pinnaces. 

The  principles  which  were  henceforward  to  guide 
the  policy  of  the  republic  had  been  laid  down  by 
Napoleon  at  Campo-Formio,  without  any  regard  to  the 
instructions  of  the  directory ;  the  latter,  in  fact,  had 
remained  wholly  ignorant  of  them ;  besides,  the  mem- 
bers could  not  govern  their  passions  ;  every  new 
incident  influenced  them.  Switzerland  furnished  the 

VOL.  II.  P 


210  HISTORY  OF  THE 

first  example  of  this.  France  had  had  constant  reason 
to  complain  of  the  canton  of  Berne  and  of  the  Swiss 
aristocracy.    All  the  foreign  agents,  whose  business  it 
was  to  agitate  France,  found  a  point  d'appui  in 
Berne.     The  question  was  now  discussed,  whether  it 
would  not  be  wise  to  take  advantage  of  the  great 
influence  which  the  republic  had  just  acquired  in 
Europe,  to  destroy  the  preponderance  of  that  aris- 
tocracy.    Napoleon  strongly  approved  of  this  feeling 
of  indignation   on  the  part   of  the   directory,  and 
thought  with  it,  that  the  moment  was  now  arrived  to 
secure  the  political  influence  of  France  in  Switzerland, 
but  he  did  not  think  it  necessary  for  that  reason  to 
revolutionize  the  country.     It  was  necessary  to  con- 
form to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  and 
to  arrive  at  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  designed, 
with  as  few  changes  as  possible.    His  wish  was,  that 
the  French  ambassador  should  present  a  note  to  the 
Helvetic  diet,  and  that  its  contents  should  be  sup- 
ported by  two  camps,  one  in  Savoy,  and  a  second  in 
Franche-Comte;  that  in  the  note  it  should  be  declared, 
that  France  and  Italy  thought  it  necessary  for  their 
policy  and  safety,  as  well  as  for  the  dignity  of  the 
three  nations,  that  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  Argau,  and  the 
Italian  bailiwicks,  should  become  free  cantons,  in  all 
respects  independent,  and  equal  to  the  others;  that 
they  had  reason  to  complain  of  the  aristocracy  of 
certain  families  in  Berne,  Soleure,  and  Fribourg,  but 
that  they  would  be  disposed  to  forget  all  grounds  of 
complaint,  provided  that  the  peasants  of  these  cantons 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  211 

and  of  the  Italian  bailiwicks  were  restored  to  their 
political  rights. 

All  these  changes  might  have  been  effected  -without 
difficulty  or  having  recourse  to  arms ;  but  Rowbell, 
through  the  influence  of  Swiss  demagogues,  caused  a 
different  system  to  be  adopted,  and  without  regard  to 
morals,  religion,  or  the  localities  of  the  cantons,  the 
directory  determined  to  impose  upon  the  whole  of 
Switzerland  a  uniform  constitution,  similar  to  that  of 
France.  The  small  cantons  were  irritated  at  the  loss 
of  their  liberty,  and  the  whole  country  rose  at  the 
prospect  of  a  change  which  destroyed  all  existing 
interests,  and  kindled  universal  resentment.  It 
became  necessary  for  the  French  troops  to  interfere 
and  to  conquer  —  blood  flowed,  and  Europe  took 
alarm. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  court  of  Rome,  influenced 
by  that  spirit  of  infatuation  by  which  it  was  charac- 
terized, and  embittered  rather  than  corrected  by  the 
treaty  of  Tolentino,  persisted  in  its  system  of  aversion 
to  France.  This  cabinet  of  weak  old  men  without 
wisdom,  excited  a  great  fermentation  in  opinion 
around  them.  It  quarrelled  with  the  Cisalpine  republic, 
and  was  guilty  of  the  great  imprudence  of  appoint- 
ing the  Austrian  General  Provera  to  the  command  of 
its  troops ;  this  General  played  his  part  in  promoting 
the  general  excitement,  and  a  tumult  broke  out.  Young 
Duphot,  a  General  of  the  greatest  promise,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  at  Rome  as  a  traveller,  was  massacred  at 
the  gate  of  the  French  ambassador,  whilst  endeavouring 

p  2 


212  HISTORY  OF  THE 

to  allay  the  spirit  of  disorder.  The  ambassador  retired 
to  Florence.  Napoleon,  when  consulted,  replied  by 
his  usual  adage :  "  That  it  ivas  not  for  events  to 
govern  policy^  but  for  policy  to  regulate  events; 
that,  however  wrong  the  court  of  Rome  might  be,  the 
course  of  conduct  to  be  pursued  towards  it  was  still  a 
very  grave  question ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  correct, 
but  not  to  destroy  it;  that,  by  overturning  the  Holy 
See  and  revolutionizing  Rome,  a  war  with  Naples 
would  l>e  the  necessary  result,  which  ought  to  be 
avoided;  that  the  French  ambassador  ought  to  be 
ordered  to  return  to  Rome,  to  demand  the  punishment 
of  the  ringleaders,  and  to  receive  a  nuncio  from  the 
Pope,  who  would  express  the  regret  of  his  Holiness ; 
to  drive  away  Provera,  to  raise  the  most  moderate 
prelates  to  the  head  of  the  government,  and  to  force 
the  Holy  See  to  conclude  a  concordat  with  the  Cisal- 
pine republic  that  by  these  combined  measures,  Rome 
would  be  tranquillized,  and  unable  to  cause  further 
uneasiness  ;  that  the  concordat  with  the  Cisalpine 
republic  would  moreover  have  the  effect  of  preparing 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  France  for  a  similar  mea- 
sure. Lareveillere,  surrounded  by  his  theophilanthro- 
pists,  was  decidedly  of  opinion  that  measures  should 
be  adopted  against  the  Pope. 

"  The  time  had  now  arrived,"  said  he,  "  to  make 
this  idol  disappear.  The  words  Roman  republic 
would  be  sufficient  to  fill  with  transport  the  ardent 
imaginations  of  the  revolution.  The  general  of  Italy 
had  been  too  circumspect  in  his  time,  and  if  any 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  213 

disputes  or  quarrels  now  arose  with  the  Pope,  it  was 
entirely  his  fault.  But,  perhaps,  he  had  his  particular 
views;  in  fact,  his  conduct  towards  the  Pope,  and 
his  generous  compassion  for  exiled  priests,  had  given 
him.  in  France  many  partisans,  who  were  not  friends 
of  the  revolution." 

As  to  the  fears  expressed  on  the  probability  of  such 
measures  leading  to  a  war  with  Xaples,  he  treated 
that  part  of  the  question  with  great  subtlety.  Accord- 
ing to  him,  France  had  a  numerous  party  in  Naples, 
and  ought  to  entertain  no  fear  of  a  power  of  the  third 
rank.  Berthier  received  orders  to  inarch  with  an 
army  upon  Rome,  and  to  re-establish  the  Roman  re- 
public ;  which  was  done.  The  names  of  consuls  and 
senate,  and  other  offices  and  orders  of  ancient  Rome, 
again  greeted  the  ear.  Fourteen  cardinals  assembled 
in  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  to  chant  a  Te  Deum,  on 
the  re-establishment  of  the  Roman  republic,  and  the 
overthrow  of  the  throne  of  St.  Peter.  The  people,  in- 
toxicated with  independence,  carried  with  them  in  their 
enthusiasm  the  greatest  part  of  the  clergy. 

The  hand  which  had  hitherto  guided  and  restrained 
the  officers  and  administrators  of  the  army  of  Italy, 
was  no  longer  there,  and  in  Rome  they  allowed  them- 
selves to  fall  into  the  most  unpardonable  excesses. 
The  furniture  of  the  Yatican  was  wasted  and  destroyed, 
the  best  works  of  art  and  rarities  of  every  description 
were  seized  upon,  and  a  general  feeling  of  dissatis- 
faction was  raised  among  the  inhabitants.  The  sol- 
diers themselves  protested  loudly  against  the  conduct 


214  HISTORY   OF  THE 

of  some  of  their  generals,  -whom  they  accused  of 
exciting  the  disorder.  This  state  of  things  was 
attended  with  the  greatest  danger,  and  there  was  the 
greatest  possible  difficulty  in  restoring  order.  It  is 
said,  with  good  reason,  that  the  Romans  were  stimu- 
lated by  the  intrigues  of  Neapolitan,  English,  and 
Austrian  agents* 

Bernadotte  had  been  appointed  ambassador  to  the 
court  of  Vienna.  This  appointment  was  bad ;  for  the 
disposition  of  this  General  was  too  excitable  and  warm ; 
his  head  was  not  sufficiently  calm ;  besides,  a  General 
sould  not  be  a  yery  acceptable  ambassador  to  a  nation 
which  had  been  constantly  beaten.  A  civilian  ought 
to  have  been  sent,  but  the  directory  had  not  such  a 
man  at  their  disposal ;  men  of  this  class  were  either 
too  obscure,  or  had  been  alienated  by  the  government. 
However  this  may  be,  Bernadotte  suffered  himself  to 
be  governed  by  his  temper,  and  committed  grave 
faults.  One  day,  without  any  one  being  able  to 
divine  the  reason  of  his  conduct,  he  caused  the 
national  tricolor  to  be  hoisted  on  the  top  of  his  hotel; 
he  had  "been  insidiously  urged  to  this  step  by  agents 
who  wished  to  compromise  Austria.  In  fact,  the 
populace  broke  out  into  disorders,  tore  down  the  tri- 
color, and  insulted  Bernadotte. 

The  directory,  in  its  rage,  called  upon  Napoleon  to 
support  them  by  his  influence  upon  public  opinion. 
They  made  him  acquainted  with  a  message  to  be  sent 
to  the  councils,  in  order  to  lead  to  a  declaration  against 
Austria,  and  with  a  decree,  by  virtue  of  which  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  215 

command  of  the  army  destined  for  Germany  was  to  be 
conferred  upon  him.  This  general,  however,  did  not 
concur  in  the  opinion  of  the  government.  "  If  you 
wish,"  said  he,  "  to  make  war,  you  must  prepare  for 
it,  quite  independently  of  this  incident  respecting  Ber- 
nadotte ;  you  must  not  engage  your  troops  in  Switzer- 
land, in  the  South  of  Italy,  or  on  the  coasts  of  the 
ocean. 

"  It  will  be  necessary  not  to  proclaim  the  intention  of 
reducing  the  army  to  100,000  men,  which  is  not  yet 
executed,  it  is  true,  but  which  is  known,  and  operates 
as  a  discouragement  to  the  troops.  These  measures 
indicate  that  you  have  reckoned  upon  the  continuance 
of  peace.  Bernaclotte  has  been  essentially  wrong,  and 
by  declaring  war,  you  will  play  the  game  of  England. 
It  requires  but  a  very  small  knowledge  of  the  cabinet 
of  Vienna,  and  its  policy,  to  be  certain,  that  if  it  had 
really  wished  for  war,  it  would  not  have  insulted  you, — 
on  the  contrary,  it  would  have  caressed  you,  and  lulled 
your  suspicions,  whilst  the  troops  were  being  prepared 
for  action;  you  would  only  have  discovered  its  real 
intentions  by  the  first  fire  of  its  artillery.  Be  assured, 
that  Austria  will  give  you  satisfaction.  To  suffer  a 
nation  thus  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  such  casual  events, 
is  not  to  have,  or  to  pursue,  any  great  system  of  policy." 
The  power  of  truth  calmed  down  the  indignation  of 
the  government,  and  the  Emperor  gave  ample  satis- 
faction. The  conferences  of  Seltz  took  place,  but  the 
incident  delayed  the  expedition  to  Egypt  for  fifteen 
days. 


216  HISTORY  OF  THE 

In  the  meantime,  Napoleon  began  to  fear,  that  in 
the  midst  of  the  storms  which  the  vacillating  course 
pursued  by  the  government,  and  the  nature  of  things, 
was  every  clay  accumulating,  an  enterprise  to  the 
East  had  become  contrary  to  the  true  interests  of  the 
country.  "  Europe,"  said  he,  to  the  directory,  "  is 
anything  but  tranquil ;  the  congress  of  Rastadt  is  not 
terminated — you  are  obliged  to  keep  your  troops  in  the 
interior  to  secure  the  elections,  and  some  are  necessary 
to  keep  down  the  spirit  of  insubordination  in  the  de- 
partments of  the  West  Would  it  not  be  better  to 
countermand  the  expedition,  and  to  wait  for  more 
favourable  circumstances?" 

The  directory  took  alarm,  and  fearing  that  Napoleon 
would  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  government,  it 
became  the  more  ardent  in  urging  on  the  expedition. 
It  was  not  aware  of  all  the  consequences  of  those 
changes  which  had  taken  place  in  the  political  system 
within  six  months.  According  to  it,  the  events  in 
Switzerland,  far  from  weakening  France,  gave  it  ex- 
cellent military  positions,  and  the  Helvetic  troops  as 
auxiliaries.  Affairs  with  Rome  were  settled,  for  the 
Pontiff  had  already  withdrawn  to  Florence,  and  the 
Roman  republic  was  proclaimed;  the  case  of  Berna- 
dotte  could  not  be  attended  with  any  further  conse- 
quences, for  the  Emperor  had  offered  to  make  repara- 
tion— the  moment,  therefore,  was  more  favourable 
than  ever  for  making  attacks  upon  England  in  Ire- 
land, and  Egypt. 

Napoleon  then  offered  to  leave  Desaix  and  Kleber 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  217 

behind;  their  talents  might  become  useful  to  France. 
The  directory  refused  them ;  it  did  not  appreciate  their 
merits.  "  The  republic,"  said  the  directors,  "  is  not 
dependent  on  these  two  generals,  but  could  find  a 
crowd  of  officers  to  cause  the  country  to  triumph,  if  it 
were  in  danger — soldiers  are  much  more  wanted  than 
generals." 

The  government  was  on  the  very  edge  of  a  preci- 
pice, which  it  did  not  perceive.  Its  affairs  were  badly 
conducted — it  abused  the  victory  of  Fructidor.  It  was 
not  its  good  fortune  to  be  able  to  rally  around  the 
cause  of  the  country  those  who  really  did  not  belong 
to  the  faction  of  foreigners,  but  had  merely  been  drawn 
away  in  its  suite.  It  was  thus  deprived  of  the  ser- 
vices of  a  very  great  number  of  individuals,  who  out 
of  resentment  threw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  the 
opposite  party,  although  both  their  interests  and  their 
opinions  naturally  led  them  to  attach  themselves  to 
that  form  of  government.  The  directory  found  itself 
constrained  to  employ  men  without  character;  and 
hence  a  great  degree  of  public  dissatisfaction,  and  the 
necessity  for  maintaining  large  bodies  of  troops  in  the 
interior,  with  a  view  to  secure  the  elections,  and  to 
keep  down  the  spirit  of  revolt  in  La  Vendee.  It  was 
easy  to  foresee  that  the  new  elections  would  lead  to 
great  agitation.  The  directory  had  no  longer  any 
system  of  administration,  except  in  matters  of  foreign 
policy.  It  went  on,  from  day  to  day,  led  by  the  indi- 
vidual dispositions  of  the  directors,  or  by  the  various 
nature  of  a  government  consisting  of  five  persons.  It 


218  HISTOEY  OF  THE 

neither  foresaw  nor  anticipated  anything,  and  had  no 
perception  of  the  difficulties  which  seriously  obstructed 
its  course.  When  they  were  asked,  "  How  will  you 
make  the  approaching  elections?"  "  We  will  provide 
for  that  by  a  law!"  replied  Lareveillere.  The  result 
showed  what  the  nature  of  the  law  was  of  which  he 
was  thinking.  When  it  was  said  to  them,  "  Why  do 
you  not  recall  all  the  friends  of  the  republic,  who  have 
only  been  led  astray  in  Fructidor?  Why  do  you  not 
recal  Camot,  Portalis,  Marcaire,  &c.,  in  order  to  form 
a  FASCES  against  foreigners  and  emigrants,  of  all  those, 
who  possess  enlightened  and  liberal  ideas?"  They 
made  no  answer — they  could  not  conceive  the  nature 
of  their  solicitude — they  thought  themselves  popular, 
and  believed  their  government  to  rest  upon  a  solid 
foundation. 

A  party  composed  of  influential  deputies  in  the 
two  councils,  the  Fructidorians,  who  sought  for  a 
protector,  and  the  most  observant  and  enlightened 
generals,  long  and  eagerly  pressed  Napoleon  to  make 
a  movement,  and  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
republic;  but  he  refused.  His  time  was  not  yet 
come.  He  did  not  yet  think  himself  sufficiently 
popular  to  be  able  to  stand  alone.  With  respect  to 
the  art  of  governing,  and  to  what  was  necessary  for  a 
great  nation,  he  entertained  ideas  very  different  from 
those  of  the  men  of  the  revolution  and  of  the  assem- 
blies, and  he  was  afraid  of  compromising  his  character. 
He  resolved  to  set  out  for  Egypt,  but  with  the  deter- 
mination of  re-appearing,  as  soon  as "  circumstances 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  219 

should  arise  to  render  his  presence  desirable  or 
necessary,  as  he  foresaw  would  certainly  happen.  In 
order  to  secure  him  the  mastery  of  France,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  directory  should  suffer  reverses  in 
his  absence,  and  that  his  return  should  restore  victory 
and  success  to  our  colours. 

The  government  proposed  to  celebrate  the  anni- 
versary of  the  execution  of  Louis  XVL,  and  it  was  a 
subject  of  earnest  consideration  among  the  directors 
and  the  ministers,  whether  Napoleon  ought  to  l>e 
present  at  this  ceremony  or  not.  It  was  feared,  on 
the  one  hand,  that  it  might  injure  his  popularity  if 
he  did  not  go,  and  on  the  other,  that  if  he  went, 
people  would  forget  the  directory,  and  fix  their 
attention  wholly  on  him.  It  was,  however,  determined 
that,  notwithstanding  this,  his  presence  was  required 
by  policy.  One  of  the  ministers  was  commissioned  to 
arrange  the  affair.  Napoleon,  who  was  desirous  of 
avoiding  all  participation  in  celebrations  of  this  kind, 
observed  that — "  He  filled  no  public  office;  that  per- 
sonally he  had  nothing  to  do  at  this  proposed  fete, 
which,  from  its  very  nature,  could  be  pleasing  to  very 
few;  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  impolitic  things  to 
do,  for  the  event  which  it  commemorated  was  a 
catastrophe  and  a  national  misfortune ;  that  he  could 
very  well  understand  why  the  anniversary  of  the  14th 
of  July  should  be  commemorated,  because  on  it  the 
people  had  won  their  liberty  and  their  rights,  but  that 
they  might  have  been  gained  without  polluting  them- 
selves by  the  execution  of  a  prince  declared  inviolable 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE 

and  irresponsible  by  the  constitution  itself;  that  lie 
would  not  pretend  to  say,  whether  that  event  was  useful 
or  injurious,  but  he  maintained  that  it  was  an  uii: 
fortunate  incident;  that nationalises were  celebrated 
for  victories,  whilst  men  wept  for  the  victims  who 
lay  dead  upon  the  field  of  battle ;  that  the  celebration 
of  the  execution  of  a  man,  could  never  be  the  act  of  a 
government,  but  of  a  faction  or  a  club ;  that  he  could 
not  conceive  how  the  directory,  which  had  caused  the 
clubs  of  Jacobins  and  of  anarchists  to  be  shut,  and 
which  was  now  in  treaty  with  so  many  princes,  did  riot 
perceive  that  such  a  ceremony  made  more  enemies  than 
friends  to  the  republic ;  and  that,  instead  of  conciliating, 
it  alienated — instead  of  softening,  embittered — instead 
of  strengthening,  shook  and  weakened ;  and,  finally, 
that  it  was  altogether  unworthy  of  the  government  of 
a  great  nation."  The  negotiator  on  this  occasion 
employed  all  his  means  of  persuasion.  He  attempted 
to  prove  that,  "  this  fete  was  just  because  it  was 
politic;  that  it  was  politic,  because  all  countries  and 
republics  had  celebrated,  as  a  triumph,  the  fall  and 
overthrow  of  absolute  power  and  the  murder  of  tyrants ; 
that  Athens  had  always  celebrated  the  death  of 
Pisistratus,  and  Eoine  the  fall  of  the  Decemvirs ;  and 
that,  moreover,  it  was  in  accordance  with  the  law  of 
the  land,  and  that  every  man  owed  it  submission  and 
obedience;  and,  finally,  that  the  influence  of  the 
General  of  Italy  upon  public  opinion  was  such  that  he 
ought  to  appear  at  this  ceremony;  and  if  he  did  not 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  221 

appear,  his  absence  would  be  injurious  to  the  interests 
of  the  republic." 

After  several  interviews  and  conferences,  a  mezzo- 
termine  was  hit  upon.  The  Institut,  as  a  body,  was  to 
be  present  at  tliefete;  it  was  agreed  that  Napoleon, 
as  a  member  of  the  Institut,  should  appear  amongst 
its  savans,  and  follow  the  class  to  which  he  belonged, 
thus  discharging  a  corporate  duty,  which  he  did  not 
consider  as  a  voluntary  act.  The  affair  thus  arranged 
was  very  agreeable  to  the  directory.  When,  however, 
the  members  of  the  Institut  entered  the  church  of  St. 
Sulpice,  some  one  who  recognised  Bonaparte  pointed 
him  out,  and  from  that  moment  the  whole  public 
attention  was  fixed  upon  him.  The  thing  which  the 
directory  feared  really  took  place.  Its  members  were 
completely  eclipsed.  At  the  close  of  the  ceremony, 
the  multitude  allowed  the  Directory  to  retire  unat- 
tended, waited  for  him  who  had  been  so  anxious  to 
conceal  himself  amongst  a  crowd,  and  made  the  air 
re-echo  with  the  cries  of — "  Vive  le  General  de  tarmee 
cFItalie!"  so  that  these  events  merely  served  to  in- 
crease the  displeasure  of  the  government. 

About  this  time,  another  circumstance  occurred 
which  imposed  upon  Napoleon  the  disagreeable  neces- 
sity of  blaming,  in  no  measured  terms,  the  conduct  of 
the  directory.  Two  young  persons,  who  frequented 
the  Cafe  Garchi,  and  dressed  their  hair  after  a  par- 
ticular fashion,  were,  under  the  pretext  of  a  political 
movement,  insulted,  attacked,  and  assassinated.  This 


222  HISTORY  OP  THE 

murder  was  committed  according  to  the  orders  of 
Sotin,  the  minister  of  police,  and  executed  by  his 
agents.  The  circumstances  were  now  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  compel  Xapoleon,  although  Hying  in  as  retired  a 
manner  as  possible,  to  direct  his  particular  attention, 
for  the  sake  of  his  own  safety,  to  measures  of  this 
description.  He  loudly  expressed  his  indignation. 
The  directory  took  alarm,  and  commissioned  one  of 
their  ministers  to  go  and  explain  to  him  the  motives 
of  their  conduct.  They  instructed  him  to  say — 
"  That  such  events  were  common  at  critical  periods; 
that  revolutionary  times  were  not  regulated  by  the 
ordinary  methods  of  proceeding;  that  it  was  in  this 
case  necessary  to  place  restrictions  upon  high  society, 
and  to  repress  the  boldness  of  the  salons;  that  this 
was  one  of  that  kind  of  crimes  with  which  the  ordinary 
tribunals  could  not  deal ;  that  they  could  not,  undoubt- 
edly, approve  of  the  lanterne  of  the  constituent 
assembly,  but  that  without  it  the  revolution  never 
would  have  made  progress ;  and,  finally,  that  it  was 
one  of  those  evils  which  it  was  necessary  to  tolerate  in 
order  to  avoid  greater." 

Napoleon  replied — "  That  such  language  might 
have  been  just  endurable  before  Fructidor,  when 
parties  were  drawn  against  each  other,  and  the  direc- 
tory had  been  rather  in  the  position  of  defending  itself 
than  that  of  carrying  on  the  administration;  that 
then,  perhaps,  such  acts  might  have  been  defensible  on 
the  plea  of  necessity ;  but  that  at  present,  the  directory 
found  itself  invested  with  full  powers — no  opposition 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  223 

was  offered  to  the  due  course  of  law — the  citizens,  if 
not  attached,  were  at  least  submissive,  and  such  an 
action  had,  therefore,  become  an  atrocious  crime,  a 
real  outrage  npon  civilization;  that  wherever  the 
words  law  and  liberty  were  named,  all  citizens  be- 
came responsible  for  one  another;  that  here,  with  this 
employment  of  cut-throats,  every  man  must  feel  him- 
self struck  with  terror,  and  be  ready  to  ask,  where  is 
this  to  stop?" 

These  reasons  were  too  cogent  to  need  development 
to  a  man  of  intelligence  like  the  minister,  but  he  had 
a  mission,  and  did  his  best  to  justify  an  administra- 
tion, whose  favour  and  confidence  he  was  anxious  to 
continue  to  enjoy. 


224  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER  IX. 


CONDUCT  OF  NAPOLEON  AS  CONSUL. 

"  As  Consul,  my  first  thought  after  the  battle  of 
Marengo,  was  to  open  negotiations  with  England,  and 
had  Fox  lived,  there  can  he  no  doubt  that  a  permanent 
peace  would  have  been  made  between  England  and 
France,  because  Fox  knew  the  true  interests  of  his 
country.  It  would  hare  been  easy  to  have  inspired 
the  two  nations  with  the  most  friendly  dispositions 
towards  one  another.  The  French  have  always 
esteemed  the  English  and  their  national  qualities; 
wherever  esteem  exists,  there  is  only  a  step  to 
friendship ;  and  had  suitable  measures  been  adopted 
for  the  purpose,  nothing  would  have  been  easier,  than 
to  have  brought  about  this  ia  the  case  of  England  and 
France.  I  have  done  England  great  mischief,  and 
would  have  done  her  more  had  the  war  continued ;  but 
I  have  never  ceased  to  esteem  the  English  people,  and 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  225 

would  have  made  almost  any  sacrifices  to  be  at  peace 
with  them,  except  such  as  would  have  involved  or 
tarnished  French  honour.  On  the  throne,  I  expressed 
a  high  opinion  of  the  English  nation — of  its  liberty, 
policy,  independence,  greatness,  and  generosity.  A 
martyr  to  the  crimes  of  its  ministers,  my  esteem  for 
the  people  still  remains. 

"  In  1800,  as  First  Consul,  I  wrote  as  follows  to 
the  King  of  England : 

" '  Is  the  war,  which  has  now  desolated  the  four 
quarters  of  the  world  for  eight  years,  to  be  eternal  ? 
Are  there  no  means  of  bringing  about  an  understand- 
ing? How  is  it  that  the  two  bravest,  most  powerful, 
and  enlightened  nations  of  Europe  can  sacrifice  to 
ideas  of  vain  glory,  any  longer  than  their  safety  and 
independence  require,  the  advantages  of  commerce, 
internal  prosperity,  and  social  peace?  How  is  it, 
that  they  do  not  feel  that  peace  is  the  first  of  neces- 
sities, as  it  is  of  glories? 

"This  honourable  and  conciliatory  advance  was  re- 
pulsed; six  months,  however,  had  scarcely  elapsed, 
when  Lord  Minto,  the  English  ambassador  at  Vienna, 
sent  a  note,  in  which  he  expressed  a  desire,  on  the 
part  of  the  cabinet  of  St.  James,  to  enter,  conjointly 
with  Austria,  into  negotiations  for  peace  with  France. 
There  was,  however,  great  reason  to  believe  that  this 
overture  was  not  sincere,  and  that  England  only 
wished  to  take  part  in  the  negotiations,  with  a  view  to 
embarrass  and  prolong  their  course,  and  to  find  a 
pretext  for  re-attaching  Russia  to  the  coalition. .  la 

VOL.  II.  Q 


226  HISTORY  OF  THE 

truth,  had  England  wished  for  peace,  there  was  no- 
thing to  prevent  her  from  treating  directly,  and  from 
authorising  Austria  to  conclude  directly  for  herself. 

"  On  presenting  herself  at  Luneville,  and  making 
common  cause  with  the  court  of  Vienna,  was  England 
ready  to  sacrifice  a  portion  of  her  conquests  beyond 
sea,  in  order  to  purchase  back  the  countries  conquered 
by  France  in  Germany  and  Italy?  The  egotism  of 
the  insular  politics  was  too  well  known  to  allow  any 
one  to  deceive  himself  by  such  illusions;  peace  with 
Austria  could  be  easily  concluded,  because  there  was 
a  precedent  in  the  recent  treaty  of  Campo-Formio ; 
peace  with  England,  on  the  contrary,  was  surrounded 
by  difficulties.  The  last  arrangement  was  that  of  the 
treaty  of  1783 ;  since  that  time  everything  had  been 
completely  changed.  To  admit,  therefore,  a  negotiator 
from  England  at  Luneville,  was  to  place  the  shuttle 
and  yarn  in  her  hands,  to  enable  her  to  weave  a  new 
coalition.  The  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries,  however,  in 
order  to  be  better  convinced  of  the  truth  of  its  con- 
jectures, proposed  at  once  to  open  the  negotiations  of 
Luneville  with  the  ministers  of  Austria  and  England, 
on  condition,  that  during  the  continuance  of  the 
negotiations,  hostilities  should  continue  by  sea  and 
land;  which  was  strictly  according  to  the  usage  in 
such  cases.  The  treaties  of  Westphalia,  Utrecht, 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  &c.,  had  been  concluded  in  this 
manner.  The  superiority  of  the  French  armies  was 
too  well  established  to  enable  England,  by  her  in- 
trigues, to  retard  the  progress  of  the  negotiations. 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  227 

Every  new  victory  would  have  merely  served  as  a 
stimulus  to  the  allies  to  bring  them  to  a  conclusion ; 
the  proposition,  therefore,  was  rejected.  It  was  then 
proposed  to  admit  the  plenipotentiaries  to  Luneville, 
and  to  continue  the  armistice  by  land,  provided  that 
it  was  also  extended  to  sea,  that  both  the  allied 
powers  should  be  on  the  same  footing.  Was  it,  in 
fact,  right  that  Austria  should  demand  the  prolonga- 
tion of  the  armistice  in  order  to  negotiate,  and  that 
England  should  be  admitted  to  the  congress  without 
any  cessation  of  hostilities  ?  Had  the  English  minister 
been  sincere  in  his  declarations,  he  would  have  found 
very  little  inconvenience  in  making  some  slight  sacri- 
fices as  a  compensation  to  France  for  the  injury  which 
she  suffered  by  the  prolongation  of  the  armistice  by 
land;  and,  finally,  if  this  second  proposition  was 
rejected,  it  might  then  be  proposed  to  treat  separately, 
but  at  the  same  time,  with  Austria  and  England ; 
with  Austria  by  prolonging  the  armistice,  and  with 
England  during  the  continuance  of  hostilities. 

"  The  English  minister  showed  great  astonishment, 
and  exclaimed  against  the  strange  proposition  of  a 
naval  armistice!  It  was  something  new  in  the 
history  of  the  two  nations ;  but,  at  last,  he  admitted 
the  principle.  Count  Otto,  who  was  in  London,  as  a 
commissioner  to  treat  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
carried  on  the  negotiations  with  Lord  Grenville.  He 
soon  perceived,  however,  that  England,  whilst  con- 
ceding the  principle,  wished  to  refuse  its  consequences, 
and  so  to  fetter  the  conditions  of  the  armistice  as  to 


228  HISTORY  OF  THE 

offer  no  advantage  whatever  to  France.  The  three 
German  cities  -which  were  invested,  received  supplies, 
and  England  consented  to  the  adoption  of  the  same 
course  with  respect  to  Belleisle,  Malta,  and  Alex- 
andria. The  two  last,  however,  were  in  no  want  of 
provisions,  but  could,  on  the  contrary,  furnish  some 
to  England.  The  only  advantage  which  France  could 
derive  from  a  naval  armistice,  was,  that  it  would 
enable  her  to  renew  her  commercial  intercourse  with 
all  the  ports  in  her  colonies.  England  refused  to  con- 
cede this  in  the  case  of  Malta  and  Egypt.  France 
finally  proposed  as  her  ultimatum^  that  instead  of 
raising  the  blockade  of  Alexandria,  six  frigates,  armed 
en  flute,  should  enter  the  harbour  as  cartel-ships ; 
this  would  afford  the  means  offending  an  additional 
force  of  4000  men  to  the  army  of  Egypt,  a  very  small 
advantage  indeed  compared  with  those  obtained  by 
Austria  by  the  prolongation  of  the  armistice,  which 
enabled  her  to  employ  her  vast  English  subsidies  in 
raising  new  troops  and  strengthening  her  means  of 
resistance. 

"  The  negotiations  for  a  naval  armistice  were  broken 
off.  The  fortresses  of  Ulm,  Philipsburg,  and  Ingol- 
stadt,  were  surrendered  by  the  Emperor  to  France, 
as  the  price  of  the  prolongation  of  the  truce  for  six 
weeks. 

"  A  few  months  afterwards,  the  peace  of  Luneville 
saved  the  house  of  Austria,  and  re-established  a  calm 
upon  the  Continent.  And  finally,  shortly  afterwards, 
the  minister  signed  the  preliminaries  of  London,  by 
which  the  English  oligarchy,  baffled  and  confounded, 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  229 

acknowledged  the  democratic  French  republic,  not 
only  increased  by  the  Belgian  provinces,  but  by  Pied- 
mont, Genoa,  and  the  whole  of  Italy. 

"  Fox  came  to  France.  His  journey  was  a  series  of 
acts  of  homage  rendered  by  all  classes  of  the  people. 
Fox  was  the  model  of  a  statesman,  and  his  school, 
sooner  or  later,  ought  to  rule  the  world. 

"  The  void  produced  by  the  French  revolution  in 
the  organic  system  of  ancient  Europe,  was  by  no  means 
filled  in  the  eyes  of  the  oligarchy,  who  felt,  more  strongly 
than  ever,  the  dangers  which  threatened  their  political 
domination.  The  centre  of  action  and  point  d'appui 
of  all  these  plots  against  the  new  order  of  things  in 
France,  was  in  London ;  the  exhaustion  of  the  people 
had  imposed  upon  the  oligarchy  the  peace  of  Amiens ; 
but  a  two  years'  truce  was  too  long  a  tax  upon  the 
hateful  and  irreconcilable  passions  by  which  their 
hearts  were  filled;  all  the  organs  of  the  aristrocracy, 
therefore,  were  set  to  work  to  re-open  the  bloody 
arena,  on  which  two  great  nations,  made  to  be  friends, 
were  about  to  be  condemned  to  a  death-struggle  for 
twelve  years  more. 

"  On  the  20th  of  May,  1803,  a  proclamation,  issued 
by  the  government,  announced  to  France  the  rupture 
of  the  peace  of  Amiens : 

"  c  We  are  forced  to  make  war  to  repel  an  unjust 
aggression ;  we  will  do  so  with  glory. 

" c  If  the  King  of  England  is  resolved  to  keep 
Great  Britain  in  a  state  of  war,  till  France  shall 
recognise  his  right  of  executing  or  violating  treaties 
at  his  pleasure,  as  well  as  the  privilege  of  outraging 


230  HISTORY  OP  THE 

the  French  government  in  official  and  private  publi- 
cations, without  allowing  us  to  complain,  we  must 
mourn  for  the  fate  of  humanity. 

"  4  We  assuredly  wish  to  leave  to  our  descendants 
the  French  name  honoured,  and  without  a  stain. 

" £  Whatever  may  be  the  circumstances,  we  shall, 
on  all  occasions,  leave  it  to  England  to  take  the 
initiative  in  all  proceedings  of  violence  against  the 
peace  and  independence  of  nations ;  and  she  shall 
receive  from  us  an  example  of  that  moderation,  which 
alone  can  afford  any  real  security  for  social  order  and 
the  happiness  of  nations.7 

"  On  his  part,  the  English  minister  made  the  King 
of  England  say,  'that  he  was  about  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  people;  that  France  had  serious 
designs  against  the  constitution,  the  religion,  and  the 
independence  of  the  English  nation;  but  that,  through 
the  measures  which  he  was  about  to  take,  this  same 
France  would  reap  nothing  from  its  project  but  defeat, 
confusion,  and  misfortune.7 

" t  Is  this  indeed,'  cried  the  First  Consul,  'the  lan- 
guage of  the  King  of  England,  the  chief  of  a  nation 
which  is  mistress  of  the  seas,  and  sovereign  of  India? 
Do  those  who  adopt  such  language,  forget  that  Harold, 
the  perjured,  also  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
people?  Are  they  ignorant  that  the  prestiges  of 
birth,  the  attributes  of  sovereign  power,  and  the 
royal  purple,  are  very  fragile  bucklers  in  those  mo- 
ments when  death,  traversing  the  ranks  of  the  com- 
batants, awaits  the  glance  of  the  prince,  and  an 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  231 

unexpected  movement,  in  order  to  choose  the  party 
which  is  to  furnish  his  victims  ?  In  the  day  of  battle, 
all  men  are  equal. 

" '  The  habit  of  fighting,  superiority  in  tactics,  the 
coolness  and  presence  of  mind  of  the  commander, 
make  the  conquerors  or  the  conquered.  A  Septua- 
genarian King,  who  should  for  the  first  time  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  would  only  be  an 
additional  embarrassment  on  the  day  of  battle,  and 
furnish  a  new  chance  of  success  to  his  enemies. 

"  ;  The  King  of  England  speaks  of  the  honour  of 
the  crown,  the  maintenance  of  the  constitution,  of 
religion,  laws,  and  independence.  Would  not  then 
the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all  these  blessings  have 
been  secured  to  the  English  people  by  the  peace  of 
Amiens  ?  What  has  the  rock  of  Malta  to  do  with  the 
religion,  the  laws,  and  the  independence  of  England  ? 
It  does  not  lie  within  the  compass  of  human  prudence 
to  penetrate  the  secret  means  which  the  wisdom  of 
Divine  Providence  will  adopt  for  the  humiliation  of 
perjury,  and  the  punishment  of  those  who  foster 
divisions  and  sow  enmity  between  two  great  nations, 
and  drive  them  to  make  war  under  the  most  miser- 
able pretexts. 

"  *  Defeat,  confusion,  misfortune !  all  these  menaces 
are  absurd,  and  unworthy  of  the  chief  of  a  great 
nation,  even  were  he  an  Alexander,  Caesar,  or 
Frederick;  for  the  more  elated  he  might  be  by  vic- 
tories, the  more  unpardonable  would  he  be  to  forget 
that  the  fate  of  war  and  the  issue  of  a  battle  often 


232  HISTORY  OF  THE 

depend  on  very  trifling  events ;  to  venture  to  predict 
that  the  French  army  would  meet  with  nothing  on 
the  soil  of  England  but  defeat,  confusion,  and  mis- 
fortune !' 

"  Two  hundred  thousand  men  covered,  with  their 
camps,  the  coasts  of  France,  from  Ostend  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Somme.  Measures  were  taken  to  concentrate  all 
the  maritime  resources  of  France,  Spain,  and  Holland, 
with  a  view  of  sweeping  the  channel,  and  facilitating 
and  covering  the  passage  of  thousands  of  gun-boats  and 
barges  which  were  being  built  in  all  the  dock-yards  of 
France  and  Holland,  and  which  were  to  be  collected 
between  St.  Yalery  and  Ostend  for  the  embarkation  of 
the  troops.  On  both  sides  of  the  channel,  nothing  was  to 
be  seen  but  preparations  for  attack  or  defence.  The 
aged  and  venerable  George  III.  left  his  royal  residence, 
to  exchange  his  peaceful  life  for  the  fatigue  of  camps. 

"  The  cabinet  of  St.  James's  omitted  no  means  to 
rouse  that  kind  of  apathetic  indifference  with  which 
the  danger  of  England  was  viewed  at  the  courts  of 
Vienna,  Petersburg,  and  Berlin.  La  Vendee  could 
not  have  frankly  laid  down  arms,  and  attempts  were 
made  to  raise  the  standard  of  insurrection  in  that 
province.  These  attempts  were  useless;  the  concordat 
had  rallied  the  clergy  around  the  government  of 
Napoleon;  the  Veudean  peasant  was  weary  of  war, 
enjoying  with  thankfulness  the  blessings  of  the  paci- 
fication, and  the  gifts  which  the  First  Consul  distri- 
buted with  a  liberal  hand,  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  233 

war,  by  rebuilding  the  churches,  and  repairing  or 
reconstructing  their  habitations. 

"  The  cabinet  of  St.  James's  was  led  into  numerous 
mistakes  by  the  emigrants,  who,  deceived  by  the  illu- 
sions of  their  own  minds,  had  induced  their  protectors 
to  engage  in  many  troublesome  expeditions.  It  had 
a  great  idea  of  the  power  and  means  of  the  Jacobins, 
persuaded  itself  that  a  great  number  of  them  were 
dissatisfied — that  they  were  disposed  to  unite  their 
efforts  with  those  of  the  royalists,  and  would  be 
seconded  by  generals  jealous  of  the  First  Consul.  It 
thought  that  by  systematizing  these  efforts  of  parties 
opposed  to  each  other,  but  united  by  a  common 
passion,  it  might  form  one  powerful  enough  to  create 
an  efficacious  diversion. 

"  During  the  past  four  years,  I  had  reunited  all 
the  parties  into  which  France*  was  divided  before 
my  accession  to  power;  the  list  of  emigrants  was 
closed ;  I  had  at  first  marked,  then  erased,  and  finally 
granted  an  amnesty  to  all  those  who  wished  to  re- 
turn to  their  country ;  all  their  existing  and  unsold 
property  had  been  restored,  with  the  exception  of  the 
forests,  of  which  the  law  assigned  them  the  revenues ; 
there  no  longer  remained  on  that  list  any  names 
except  those  of  persons  immediately  attached  to  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and  who  did  not 
wish  to  take  advantage  of  the  amnesty.  Thousands 
upon  thousands  of  emigrants  had  returned,  and  been 
subjected  to  no  other  conditions  than  the  oath  of 


234  HISTORY  OF  THE 

fidelity  and  obedience  to  the  republic.  I  thus  en- 
joyed the  most  delightful  consolation  which  a  king 
can  enjoy,  that  of  re-organizing  more  than  30,000 
families,  and  of  restoring  to  their  country  all  that 
remained  of  men  who  had  made  France  illustrious  in 
different  ages ;  even  those  who  continued  emigrants 
frequently  received  passports  to  come  and  visit  their 
families.  The  public  altars  were  rebuilt,  the  deserted 
or  exiled  priests  were  restored  to  their  functions,  and 
paid  by  the  republic.  These  laws  effected  great 
amelioration  in  public  affairs.  They,  however,  were  ac- 
companied by  the  inevitable  inconvenience  of  embol- 
dening, by  their  very  mildness  and  indulgence,  the 
enemies  of  the  consular  government,  the  royalist 
party,  and  the  hopes  of  our  foreign  enemies. 

"From  1803  till  180-i,  there  were  five  conspiracies ; 
it  is  to  this  period  that  the  death  of  the  Duke  of 
cl'Enghicn  belongs.77 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  235 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   DUKE    D'ENGHIEN. 

THE  Duke  cVEnghien  lost  his  life  because  lie  was 
one  of  the  principal  actors  in  the  conspiracy  formed 
by  Georges,  Pichegru,  and  Moreau. 

Pichegru  was  arrested  on  the  28th  of  February, 
Georges  on  the  9th,  and  the  Duke  d'Enghien  on  the 
18th  of  March,  1804. 

The  Duke  d'Enghien  took  an  active  part  in  all  the 
intrigues  which  had  been  carried  on  from  1796  by 
the  agents  of  England;  this  is  proved  by  the  papers 
seized  in  the  cartridge-box  of  Klinglin,  and  the  letters 
of  the  19th  of  Fructidor,  1797,  written  by  Moreau 
to  the  directory. 

The  king's  speech,  delivered  to  the  English  parlia- 
ment in  March,  1803,  announced  the  commencement 
of  a  new  war,  and  the  rupture  of  the  peace  of  Amiens. 
The  French  government  indicated  the  design  of  carry- 


236  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ing  the  war  into  England.  During  the  years  1803 
and  1804,  the  whole  sea-coast  at  Boulogne,  Dunkirk, 
and  Ostend  was  covered  with  camps;  formidable 
squadrons  were  prepared  in  Brest,  Rochefort,  and 
Toulon ;  the  whole  of  the  dock-yards  of  France  were 
filled  with  gun-boats,  sloops,  rafts,  and  pinnaces,  and 
thousands  of  men  were  employed  in  excavating  and 
enlarging  the  channel  ports,  to  enable  them  to  contain 
these  numerous  flotillas.  England,  on  her  part,  flew 
to  arms ;  Pitt  relinquished  the  peaceful  occupations 
of  the  exchequer,  put  on  a  uniform,  and  thought 
of  nothing  but  warlike  machines,  battalions,  forts, 
and  batteries;  the  aged  and  venerable  George  III. 
forsook  the  quiet  of  his  palaces,  and  was  daily  en- 
gaged in  reviews ;  camps  were  formed  on  the  heights 
of  Dover,  and  in  the  counties  of  Kent  and  Sussex;  the 
two  armies  were,  in  fact,  in  sight  of  one  another, 
separated  merely  by  the  straits. 

At  the  same  time,  England  neglected  none  of  those 
means  calculated  to  rouse  the  continental  powers ;  but 
Austria,  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Spain,  were  either  allies 
or  friends  of  France,  which  gave  laws  to  the  whole  of 
Europe.  The  attempts  which  were  made  to  re-kindle 
the  war  in  La  Yendee,  were  not  more  successful. 
The  concordat  had  rallied  the  clergy  to  Napoleon, 
and  the  feelings  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province 
had  undergone  a  complete  change,  for  they  contem- 
plated with  gratitude  the  progress  of  his  administra- 
tion. The  great  public  works  which  he  had  decreed 
gave  employment  to  thousands  of  hands;  it  was  de- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  237 

signed  to  connect  the  Vilaine  with  the  Ranee  by  a 
canal,  which  would  enable  the  French  coasters  to  pass 
from  the  coasts  of  Poitou  to  those  of  Normandy  with- 
out the  necessity  of  doubling  Cape  Ushant.  A  new 
city  was  springing  up  in  the  midst  of  La  Vendee, 
and  eight  new  public  highways  were  about  to  traverse 
the  west ;  and  finally,  considerable  sums,  in  the  form 
of  insurances,  were  distributed  among  the  Vendeans, 
in  order  to  enable  them  to  rebuild  their  houses, 
churches,  and  parsonages,  which  had  been  burnt  or 
destroyed  by  order  of  the  committee  of  public  safety. 

All  the  emigrants  who  were  in  the  pay  of  England 
had  received  orders  to  form  a  junction  in  the  Breis- 
gau,  and  in  the  grand  duchy  of  Baden.  Massey,  an 
English  agent  who  corresponded  with  the  govern- 
ment, Drake,  and  Spencer  Smith  had  taken  up  their 
abode  at  Offenburg,  and  furnished  in  profusion  what- 
ever money  was  necessary  for  the  execution  of  all 
these  plots. 

The  minister,  Decres,  who  was  desirous  above  every- 
thing of  gaining  the  favour  of  his  master,  used  every 
possible  exertion,  by  means  of  smugglers,  to  ascertain 
what  was  going  on  in  England,  and  was  the  first  to 
give  information  respecting  the  plots  which  were  being 
woven  in  Germany,  and  in  which  Spencer  Smith  and 
Drake  were  the  chief  instruments. 

The  First  Consul  made  bitter  complaints  to  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  of  the  negligence  displayed 
by  the  French  diplomatic  agents  at  the  German  courts ; 
Monsieur  de  Talleyrand  was  excited  to  action,  and 


238  EISTOEY  OF  THE 

required  explanations  from  Baron  Dalberg,  charge 
d'affaires  of  Baden,  in  Paris,  and  one  of  his  most  in- 
timate acquaintances.  Dalberg  now  saw  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  his  fortune,  and  he  judged  correctly; 
for  it  was  to  this  circumstance  he  was  indebted  for 
being  created  a  duke,  with  a  pension  of  200,000  francs. 
He  did  not  hesitate  to  reveal,  even  to  the  minutest  de- 
tails, all  that  he  knew  of  the  presence  of  the  Duke 
d'Enghien  at  Ettenheim,  and  of  the  attempts  of  the 
English  agents  in  Munich  and  Switzerland. 

Marshal  Moncey,  inspector-general  of  the  Gen- 
darmerie^  and  Count  Schee,  prefect  of  Strasburg, 
confirmed  by  their  reports  the  opinion  that  the  Duke 
d'Enghien  was  the  soul  of  the  conspiracy,  and  had  been 
invested  with  extraordinary  powers  to  enter  France  in 
the  character  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the  kingdom,  in 
the  name  of  the  Pretender,  as  soon  as  the  conspirators 
had  succeeded  in  assassinating  the  First  Consul. 

On  receiving  this  intelligence,  an  extraordinary 
council  was  convoked  at  the  Tuileries.  The  ministers 
and  the  chief  dignitaries  of  the  senate  and  of  the  legisla- 
tive body  were  present,  and  all  were  of  opinion  that 
the  safety  of  the  republic  demanded  the  adoption  of 
extraordinary  measures*  The  forcible  capture  of  the 
Duke  d'Enghien  was  decreed. 

Caulaincourt,  aide-de-camp  of  Napoleon,  was  bound 
to  obey  the  instructions  which  Bertliier  and  Talleyrand, 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  were  desired  to  give 
him,  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  mission  with  which 
he  was  entrusted : 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  239 

1st.  To  confound  the  plots  which  were  laid  by  the 
English  ministers  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

2ndly.  To  make  sure  of  the  persons  and  papers  of 
the  Baroness  de  Reich  and  her  accomplices, -who  were 
busy  at  Offenburg  in  devising  schemes  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  consular  government,  and  the  death  of 
the  First  Consul. 

3rdly.  To  give  explanations  to  the  Court  of  Baden 
respecting  the  violation  of  their  territory,  as  soon  as 
Ordenner  had  seized  upon  the  Duke  d'Enghien. 
-  Ordenner  was  bound  to  obey  his  orders,  to  pass  the 
Rhine  with  300  dragoons,  and  to  carry  off  the  prince ; 
and  a  court-martial  was  bound  to  condemn  him,  if  he 
was  proved  guilty.  Innocent  or  guilty,  Caulain- 
court  and  Ordenner  were  bound  to  obey ;  if  he  were 
guilty,  the  court-martial  was  obliged  to  condemn  him 
— if  innocent,  they  ought  to  have  acquitted  him,  inas- 
much as  no  order  could  justify  the  conscience  of  a 
judge.  There  is  no  doubt,  that  if  Caulaincourt  had 
been  appointed  judge  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien,  he  would 
have  refused;  but  being  charged  with  a  diplomatic 
mission,  he  was  bound  to  obey.  All  this  is  so  obvious, 
that  nothing  but  folly,  or  the  madness  of  party-spirit, 
can  find  anything  to  say  against  it.  It  is  true  that 
such  party-spirit  found  it  easy  to  attack  an  ancient 
name  distinguished  by  new  and  honourable  services, 
and  was  bent  on  calumniating  Caulaincourt  in  this 
case.  This  hatred  and  injustice  were  among  the  causes 
of  his  favour.  Caulaincourt,  being  entrusted  before 
the  time  of  the  Empire  with  one  of  the  departments 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  service  in  the  palace,  bad  afterwards  merely  tlie  title 
of  the  functions  which  he  had  already  filled. 

The  death  of  the  Duke  d'  Enghien  ought  to  he  at- 
tributed to  those  who  in  London  directed  and  com- 
manded the  assassination  of  the  first  consul,  who 
destined  the  Duke  de  Berry  to  enter  France  through 
the  district  of  Seville,  and  the  Duke  cVEnghien  l>y 
Strasburg.  It  ought  to  be  attributed  also  to  those 
who,  by  their  reports  and  conjectures,  forced  the 
council  to  regard  him  as  the  chief  of  the  conspiracy ; 
and  it  ought  to  be  made  a  subject  of  eternal  reproach 
to  those  who,  urged  on  by  a  criminal  zeal,  did  not 
await  the  orders  of  their  sovereign  before  executing 
the  sentence  of  the  court-martial. 

The  Duke  d'Enghien  fell  a  victim  to  the  intrigues 
of  the  time;  and  his  death,  which  has  been  made  a 
matter  of  reproach  to  Napoleon,  was  injurious  to  him, 
and  of  no  political  utility  whatever.  Had  Napoleon 
been  capable  of  decreeing  the  commission  of  such  a 
crime,  Louis  XVIII  and  Ferdinand  would  not  now 
have  been  upon  their  thrones. 

It  is  true  that  the  Emperor,  in  his  will,  has  taken 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  this  act,  which  even 
in  his  eyes  was  not  justified  by  necessity,  had  not  a 
strange  impression  on  his  own  mind  excited  him  to 
one  of  those  passionate  movements  to  which  he  some- 
times yielded,  as  we  shall  see. 

The  Emperor  had  written  and  sealed  up  his  will 
about  twelve  days,  when  he  first  saw,  in  the  European 
papers,  in  relation  to  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien, 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEON".  241 

an  attack  as  unjust  a<  it  was  virulent  against  two 
persons  to  whom  no  bhimo  whatever  attached.  These 
were  the  Dukes  of  Vieenza  and  Ilovigu — *fc  Bring  me 
my  will,"  said  he;  and  having  broken  the  st-al  Ly  a 
convulsive  movement,  he  seized  his  pen,  and  wrote,  in 
characters  scarcely  legible,  Ch  I  decreed  and  deter- 
mined the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien,  because  it 
was  necessary  for  the  safety,  interest,  and  honour  of 
the  French  people,  when  the  Count  d'Artois  main- 
tained sixty  assassins  in  Paris.  Under  the  same  cir- 
cumstances, I  would  act  in  the  same  manner."  An 
hour  after  having  performed  this  act,  he  called  us, 
made  us  seal  up  the  will  and  codicils,  and  place  our 
own  seals  and  signatures  upon  the  envelopes. 

Xapoleon  never  committed  crimes.  What  crime 
would  have  been  more  profitable  to  him  than  the 
assassination  of  the  Count  de  Lille  and  the  Count 
d'Artois  ?  The  proposition  was  often  made  to  him, 
especially  by  *  *  *  and  *  *  *,  and  would  not  have  cost 
him  two  millions.  The  Emperor  rejected  the  proposal 
with  contempt  and  indignation.  During  the  whole  of 
his  reign,  no  attempt  was  ever  made  on  the  lives  of 
these  princes.  When  Spain  was  in  arms  in  the  name 
of  Ferdinand,  this  prince,  and  his  brother,  Don  Carlos, 
the  sole  heirs  of  the  throne  of  Spain,  were  at  Yalencey, 
in  the  heart  of  Berry ;  their  death  would  have  put  an 
end  to  the  affairs  of  Spain.  He  was  advised  to  adopt 
such  a  course,  but  he  regarded  it  as  criminal  and  un- 
just. Were  Ferdinand  and  his  brother,  Carlos,  put  to 
death  in  France  ? 

VOL.  II.  R 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE 

It  would  be  easy  to  quote  many  other  examples,  but 
these  two  may  suffice,  as  being  the  most  striking  and 
conclusive.  Hands  accustomed  to  gain  battles  by  the 
sword,  never  tarnish  themselves  by  the  commission  of 
crimes,  even  under  the  vain  pretext  of  public  utility ; 
this  pretext  has,  in  all  ages,  been  the  frightful  maxim 
of  weak  governments  alone,  which  disavow  all  the 
obligations  of  religion,  honour,  and  European  civiliza- 
tion. 

Napoleon  attained  the  summit  of  human  greatness 
by  direct  paths,  without  ever  having  committed  an 
action  which  morality  ought  to  disavow.  In  this 
respect  his  elevation  is  unique  in  history.  David,  in 
order  to  secure  the  throne,  put  to  death  the  house  of 
Saul,  his  benefactor;  Caesar  kindled  the  flames  of  civil 
war,  and  destroyed  the  government  of  his  country ; 
Cromwell  caused  his  master  to  be  executed  on  the 
scaffold.  Napoleon  was  a  stranger  to  all  the  crimes 
of  the  Revolution.  At  the  time  in  which  he  commenced 
his  political  career,  the  throne  had  crumbled  into  dust. 
The  amiable  Louis  XVI.  had  perished,  and  factions 
were  rending  the  country  to  pieces.  It  was  by  the  con- 
quest of  Italy,  and  by  the  peace  of  Campo-Formio, 
which  ensured  thegreatness  and  independence  of  France, 
that  Napoleon  commenced  his  career;  and  when  he 
assumed  the  supreme  power  in  1800,  he  triumphed 
over  anarchy.  His  throne  was  raised  on  the  unani- 
mous desires  of  the  French  people. 

A  dictation  of  the  Emperor  seems  to  me  to  be  neces- 
sary to  complete  the  foregoing  reflections. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  243 


CHAPTER  XI. 
ON  STATE-PRISONS. 

THE  aged  Queen  Caroline  of  Naples  was  living  in 
Sicily,  overwhelmed  with  vexation,  and  steeped  in 
humiliations.  The  English  had  unworthily  sacrificed 
her  to  their  ambitious  views  upon  Sicily.  She  was 
thirsting  for  vengeance,  and  her  imagination — degraded 
by  all  the  blood  which  she  had  caused  to  be  shed, 
when  the  unskilfulness  of  the  directory  re-opened  to 
her  the  gates  of  Naples — could  not  be  restrained  within 
any  bounds,  when  she  thought  she  saw  a  ray  of  hope. 

The  marriage  of  one  of  her  daughters  with  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  was  made  subservient  to  the  policy 
of  the  moment.  On  the  birth  of  the  Duke  de  Chartres, 
she  conceived  the  infernal  idea  of  offering  him  up  as 
a  holocaust,  in  order  to  buy  back  the  crown  of  Naples. 
"  This  child,"  she  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  "  will  one 
day  become  a  dangerous  rival  of  your  son ;  he  will 


244  HISTORY   OF  THE 

fully  represent  a  principle  of  conciliation  between 
interests  which  you  have  amalgamated  in  appearance, 
but  which  your  death  will  separate  anew.  Restore  to 
me  the  crown  of  Naples,  and  I  will  at  the  same  time 
serve  your  cause,  and  satiate  my  hatred  of  the  English, 
by  new  Sicilian  Vespers,  which  will  swallow  up  a  whole 
race  of  rivals  of  your  dynasty." 

The  Emperor  was  filled  with  indignation,  and 
caused  the  bearer  of  this  execrable  message  to  be 
conveyed  to  a  state-prison ;  there  he  would  have  long 
remained,  had  not  the  events  of  1814  restored  him  to 
liberty. 

It  was  such  men  who  filled  the  state-prisons  of  the 
empire ;  and  everything  which  has  been  said  of  im- 
perial despotism  is  a  calumny, 

THE  EMPEROR'S  REPLY  TO  AN  ENGLISHMAN  wno 

SPOKE  WITH   CONTEMPT   OF  LOUIS   XVIII. 

S  You  are  badly  acquainted  with  the  course  of  events, 
and  are  unjust  towards  Louis  XVIII.  Neither  he 
nor  any  of  the  princes  of  his  family  were  deficient  in 
courage  during  the  events  of  the  Hundred  Days.  It 
was  on  the  first  appearance  of  the  Revolution  in  its 
early  progress  that  they  proved  themselves  wanting  in 
Courage.  Like  princes,  they  should  have  shared  all 
the  dangers  of  the  Vendeans,  in  1815.  They  did  all 
they  could  do — the  whole  people  repudiated  them,  and 
merely  regarded  them  as  kings  of  the  emigrants.  It 
was  impossible  for  the  Bourbons  to  have  prevented  the 
popular  masses  from  carrying  me  off  in  triumph  from 


CAPTIVITY  OF  XATOLEOX.  245 

Cannes  to  Paris.  Mark  what  took  place  at  Lyons: 
the  troops  deserted  the  Count  cTArtuis;  remember 
the  case  of  Xey?  at  Besauyuii.  At  the  cry  of  Vive 
FEmpereur^  his  soldiers  compelled  him  to  recognise 
the  orders  sent  by  me  through  my  aide-de-camp  St. 
Yon,  whilst  he  was  dictating  to  his  staff  plans  for 
opposing  me.  Think  of  the  Duchess  of  Angouleme, 
at  Bourdeaux — she  was  heroic  in  her  resolutions,  but 
not  a  voice  responded  to  her  appeal ;  and  yet  Bour- 
deaux was  the  very  city,  which,  ten  months  before, 
hud  been  the  first  to  raise  the  shout  of  Vive  le  Roi ! 
Think  of  the  Duke  of  Angouleme  in  the  South,  and 
the  Prince  of  Coiule  in  La  Vendee ;  the  magic  of  his 
name  proved  powerless  against  the  impressions  left 
by  niy  reign.  The  Veudcan  peasants  said  to  him : 
*  We  can  do  nothing  against  Napoleon :  he  has  rebuilt 
our  churches  and  our  houses,  he  has  restored  to  us 
our  priests,  and  we  can  have  no  wish  for  civil  war.' 

"  The  Bourbons  have  proved  powerless  in  stopping 
the  reaction  provoked  by  the  madness  of  some  incor- 
rigible emigrants,  and  the  antipathy  against  them 
became  a  complete  epidemic,  which  seized  upon  all 
classed  of  the  nation.  Do  greater  justice  to  the 
Bourbons — they  are  a  race  of  brave  men — cowardice 
among  them  u  but  a  rare  exception — their  fault  con- 
sisted in  being  only  the  representatives  of  superan- 
nuated interests;  and  they  were,  consequently,  repulsed 
by  all  the  interests  of  new  France." 

"  It  has  been  said  that  the  number  of  prie&ts  arrested 


246  HISTORY  OF  THE 

amounted  to  five  hundred.  The  fact  is,  that  there 
never  were  more  than  fifty-three  priests  in  detention, 
on  account  of  secret  correspondence  with  Rome,  and 
they  were  legally  imprisoned.  Cardinal  Pietro,  be- 
cause he  was  at  the  head  of  the  correspondence  with 
the  petite  eglise,  in  order  to  establish  vicars  apostolic, 
which  was  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  Gallican 
church,  and  dangerous  to  the  safety  of  the  state ;  and 
Cardinal  Pacca,  because  he  signed  the  bull  of  excom- 
munication, on  account  of  which  no  ill  will  was  exhi- 
bited towards  the  Pope,  but  the  whole  responsibility 
of  this  act  was  thrown  on  the  minister  who  signed  it. 
The  intention  was,  if  any  person  was  assassinated  at 
Rome  in  consequence  of  this  bull,  to  inflict  punishment 
on  the  Cardinal.  The  bull,  however,  excited  universal 
contempt,  which  was  an  extremely  fortunate  circum- 
stance for  the  Roman  cardinals  and  prelates.  D' Astro, 
vicar  of  Paris,  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Cardinal 
Pietro;  he  had  received,  and  clandestinely  hawked 
about  bulls  unknown  and  not  received  in  France, 
which  was  contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  Gallican 
church,  and  characterized  as  a  criminal  offence  by  the 
penal  code. 

"  How  was  it  possible  that  500  priests  should  have 
been  arrested  for  affairs  connected  with  the  church, 
when  the  whole  number  of  persons,  at  that  time  con- 
fined in  the  eight  state-prisons,  only  amounted  to  243 
individuals,  which  was  composed — 1st,  of  priests  who 
were  imprisoned  for  the  reasons  assigned  above;  of 
emigrants,  whose  names  were  still  retained  on  the  list, 


CAPTIVITY  OF    NAPOLEON.  247 

for  having  tome  arms  against  the  nation ;  of  agents 
of  England  or  foreign  powers,  who  had  violated  their 
oaths,  and  who,  if  they  had  been  judicially  tried,  would 
have  been  immediately  condemned  to  death ;  a  degree 
of  severity  which  there  was  no  desire  to  exercise. 
2ndly,  of  Chouan  chiefs,  or  promoters  of  civil  war, 
condemned  to  death,  but  not  executed,  because  they 
had  given  useful  information  to  the  government,  and 
whose  knowledge  was  important,  either  to  identify  new 
Chouans  who  might  be  arrested,  or  to  furnish  accounts 
of  localities  and  past  events  which  it  was  desirable 
thoroughly  to  understand ;  3rdly,  of  emigrants,  who 
had  received  an  amnesty,  but  were  still  under  the 
inspection  of  the  police,  for  having  been  engaged  in 
conspiracies  against  the  state  and  the  government. 
They,  also,  if  subjected  to  a  judicial  trial,  would  have 
been  condemned  to  death,  but  their  trial  would  have 
contributed  to  keep  alive  the  public  feelings  with 
respect  to  the  danger  to  which  France  was  exposed,  of 
losing  her  chief;  moreover,  some  of  these  plots,  such 
as  that  of  the  Baron  de  la  Rochefoucauld  and  of  Van- 
dricourt,  commissioner  of  war  of  the  army  of  Conde, 
at  the  same  time  that  they  were  criminal,  were  so 
stupid,  that  it  was  quite  sufficient  to  keep  their 
advisers  and  abettors  in  a  state  prison  till  the  peace ; 
4thly,  of  men  of  a  lower  class,  loaded  with  crimes 
cognizable  by  the  inferior  courts,  but  belonging  to 
still  existing  associations  and  societies,  whom  the 
jury,  though  persuaded  of  their  guilt,  would  not  have 
dared  to  condemn,  for  fear  of  their  accomplices.  Their 


248  HISTORY  OF    THE 

detention  was  founded  upon  an  order  signed  by  the 
judge  who  had  presided  at  their  examination,  and  \vho 
testified  the  facts,  supported  by  an  order  signed  by 
the  Prefect  and  the  Council  of  the  Prefecture,  and  which 
required  that  these  persons  should  not  be  set  at  liberty, 
but  kept  in  prison  as  being  dangerous  to  public  tran- 
quillity. Such  were  the  persons  who  made  up  the 
number  of  243,  confined  in  the  eight  state-prisons  of 
a  country  containing  4.0,000,000  of  inhabitants,  and 
emerging  from  the  evils  of  a  horrible  revolution, 
which  had  shaken  the  foundations  of  the  whole  social 
system  of  an  empire  long  agitated  by  civil  discord,  and 
continually  harassed  by  foreign  wars.  There  is  no 
similar  case  to  be  found  in  the  history  of  nations,  for 
there  is  no  country  in  Europe  which  does  not  contain 
a  greater  number  of  persons  pining  in  prisons,  under 
the  warrant  of  various  authorities,  and  under  forms 
approved  by  the  laws.  These  243  individuals,  the 
number  of  whom  continually  diminished,  were  detained 
in  eight  prisons,  of  which  Vincenncs  was  one;  each, 
therefore,  one  with  the  other,  contained  from  thirty  to 
forty  persons. 

"  These  state-prisons  were  established  by  virtue  of  a 
decree  of  the  council  of  state,  of  the  date  of  the  3rd 
of  May,  1810;  it  was  a  liberal  regulation,  and  a 
beneficent  act  of  the  administration,  but  which,  from 
being  ill-understood,  gave  rise  to  the  strangest  ideas 
in  foreign  countries.  Sir  Francis  Burdett,  at  a  meet- 
ing iii  Westminster,  accused  me  of  having  established 
six  Bastilles.  The  decree  was  couched  in  the  following 
terms : 


CAPTIVITY  OF   XAPOLEOX. 

Cb  Wo,  Xapoleon,  Emperor  of  llic  French,  King  of 
Italy,  protector  of  the  confederation  of  the  Rhine, 
mediator  of  the  Swiss  confederation,  &c.,  &c. 

"  On  the  report  of  our  minister  of  general  police, 
considering  that  there  is  a  certain  number  of  our 
subjects  detained  in  state  prisons,  whom  it  would 
neither  be  convenient  to  bring  to  trial  before  the 
ordinary  tribunals,  nor  to  set  at  liberty — that  several 
of  them,  have  at  various  periods,  made  attempts  to  dis- 
turb the  public  peace — that  they  would  necessarily  be 
condemned  to  death  by  the  public  tribunals,  but  that 
superior  considerations  prevent  their  being  sent  to 
trial — that  others,  after  having  been  conspicuous  as 
chiefs  of  revolutionary  bands  in  the  civil  wars,  have 
been  again  seized  in  open  rebellion,  and  that  motives 
affecting  the  general  interest,  are  equally  opposed  to 
their  being  brought  to  trial — that  many  are  either  no- 
torious public  robbers  or  men  addicted  to  crime,  whom 
our  courts  have  not  been  able  to  condemn,  although 
convinced  of  their  criminality,  but  whose  enlargement 
would  be  injurious  to  the  interests  and  safety  of  the 
public — that  a  certain  number,  having  been  employed 
as  agents  of  the  police  in  foreign  countries,  and  failed 
in  their  fidelity,  can  neither  be  set  at  large  nor  brought 
to  trial  without  compromising  the  security  of  the 
state — and,  finally,  that  some  belonging  to  different 
united  countries,  are  men  who  cannot  be  brought  to 
trial,  because  their  crimes  are  either  political  or  ante- 
rior to  the  union,  and  that  they  could  not  be  set  at 
liberty  without  compromising  the  interests  of  the 


250  HISTORY   OF  THE 

state.  Considering,  however,  that  it  is  due  to  our 
justice  to  be  well  assured  that  such  of  our  subjects 
as  are  confined  in  our  prisons  of  state,  are  confined 
for  just  reasons  affecting  the  public  well-being,  and 
not  from  any  private  considerations  or  personal 
causes — that  it  is  proper  to  establish  legal  and 
solemn  forms,  for  the  examination  of  each  particular 
case,  and  by  such  examination  every  year,  to  review 
the  decisions  of  the  privy  council  and  the  causes  of 
detention,  and  to  ascertain  the  propriety  of  its  being 
prolonged,  thus  equally  providing  for  the  security  of 
the  state  and  that  of  its  citizens — by  the  advice  of 
our  privy  council,  have  decreed,  and  do  hereby  decree, 
as  follows : — 

"  CHAP.  I.  —  FORMALITIES  TO  BE    OBSERVED    FOR  THE 
DETENTION  OF  STATE  PRISONERS. 

"  Art.  1.  No  person  shall  be  kept  in  any  state  prison, 
except  by  virtue  of  the  decision  of  the  privy  council, 
founded  upon  a  report  of  our  chief  judge,  minister  of 
justice,  or  our  minister  of  police — such  privy  council 
being  constituted  according  to  the  Act  of  the  16th 
Thennidor,  year  10,  chap,  x.,  art.  86. 

"2.  The  detention  authorised  by  the  privy  council, 
shall  in  no  case  be  extended  beyond  a  year,  unless 
authorised  by  a  new  decision  of  the  privy  council,  in 
the  manner  about  to  be  explained.  3.  In  the  month 
of  December  in  each  year,  the  list  of  aU  state 
prisoners  shall  be  laid  before  us,  at  a  special  privy 
council.  4.  The  list  shall  contain  the  names  of  all 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  251 

the  prisoners,  together  with  their  Christian  name*, 
age,  residence,  profession,  place  of  imprisonment,  its 
period  and  causes,  together  with  the  date  of  the 
decision  of  the  privy  council  or  councils,  by  which  it- 
has  been  authorised.  5.  The  column  for  observations 
shall  contain  an  analysis  of  the  reasons  for  putting  an 
end  to,  or  prolonging,  the  detention  of  each  prisoner. 
6.  Before  the  first  of  January  in  every  year,  the 
decision  of  the  privy  council  affecting  each  prisoner, 
forwarded  by  the  minister  of  state,  and  certified  by 
the  minister  of  justice,  shall  be  sent  to  the  minister 
of  police,  and  to  the  attorney-general  of  the  court  of 
appeal  of  the  district.  7.  The  minister  of  police  shall 
send  to  the  commandant  of  every  state  prison,  a  formal 
document,  certified  by  himself,  and  containing  the 
decisions  of  the  privy  council  concerning  each  of  the 
prisoners.  8.  Each  of  these  decisions  shall  be  copied 
in  a  register  kept  for  that  purpose,  according  to 
the  forms  prescribed  by  law  and  notified  to  every 
prisoner. 

"  CHAP.  II. — OF  THE  INSPECTION  OF  STATE  PRISONS. 

"  Art.  9.  Each  prison  shall  be  inspected  at  least  once 
in  every  year,  previous  to  the  report  of  the  privy 
council,  referred  to  as  above.  Such  inspection  shall 
be  made  by  one  or  more  councillors  of  state,  appointed 
by  us  for  that  purpose  on  the  recommendation  of  our 
minister  of  justice,  and  shall  take  place  before  the 
first  of  September  in  each  year.  10.  Our  commis- 
sioners shall  visit  every  part  of  such  prison,  in  order 


252  HISTORY  OF  THE 

to  Lc  well  assured,  that  no  one  is  detained  contrary 
to  the  prescribed  forms,  and  that  the  means  of  safety, 
order,  cleanliness,  and  health  are  carefully  maintained. 
11.  They  shall  hear  the  complaints  of  each  prisoner 
apart,  his  observations  on  the  change  of  circumstances 
which  may  affect  his  case,  and  his  demands  either  to 
be  brought  to  trial  or  set  at  liberty.  12.  They  shall 
set  at  liberty  all  persons  detained  contrary  to  the  pro- 
visions required  "by  chap.  i.  13.  They  shall  make  a 
report  of  their  mission,  and  give  their  opinion  on  the 
case  of  each  prisoner.  14.  These  opinions  shall  all 
be  laid  before  the  privy  council  referred  to  in  chap,  i, 
art.  3.  15.  Before  the  15th  of  February  in  each 
year,  the  attorney-general  of  the  imperial  court  of  the 
district,  by  means  of  one  of  his  deputies  or  imperial 
attorneys  under  his  orders,  shall  verify  such  reports, 
and  see  that  no  persons  are  detained  in  the  state 
prisons  within  his  jurisdiction,  in  opposition  to  the 
forms  above  prescribed,  and  that  the  registers  are 
regularly  kept.  A  minute  of  this  visit  shall  be  drawn 
up,  which  shall  be  forwarded  to  our  minister  of 
justice,  and  in  case  of  any  contravention  of  this 
decree,  or  of  any  detention  either  illegally  enforced  or 
prolonged,  the  commissioner  charged  with  the  duty  of 
such  visitation  shall  set  all  such  pei'sons  at  liberty. 

"  CHAP.  III. — OF   PEfiSOXS   KEPT   UNDER   SURVEILLANCE. 

"  Art.  16.  The  list  of  all  persons  under  surveillance 
shall  be  laid  before  us  by  the  minister  of  police,  at 
the  annual  special  council,  referred  to  in  art.  3. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAFOLEOX.  2.53 

17.  This  list  shall  he  drawn  up  in  the  f«»rm  pre- 
scribed for  prisoners  of  state,  in  art.  4;  and  instead  of 
the  decision  of  the  privy  council  required  in  the  case 
of  state  prisoners,   the  authority  by  which  the  sur- 
veillance has  been  commanded  shall  he  mentioned. 

18.  The  prolongation  or  cessation  of  the  surveillance 
shall  be  decided  on  by  the  privy  council. 

"  CHAP.  IV. — OF   THE   ADMINISTRATION   OP    STATE 
PRISONS. 

"  SECT.  1. — Of  the  Inspection  of  Prisons. 

"  Art.  19.  The  superintendence  or  administration 
of  every  state  prison,  shall  be  entrusted  to  an  officer 
of  Gendarmerie,  who  shall  have  the  command  of  the 
party  appointed  for  guarding  the  prison,  and  shall 
determine  all  such  measures  of  safety  or  precaution  as 
may  be  necessary  to  prevent  escape.  20.  There  shall 
be  a  jailor  for  the  interior  superintendence,  and  the 
keeping  of  the  registry.  The  jailor  shall  have  under 
his  orders  a  sufficient  number  of  keepers.  21.  The 
military  commandant  shall  be  selected  by  us,  on  the 
recommendation  of  our  minister  of  police,  to  whose 
office  shall  exclusively  belong  everything  relating  to 
the  administration  of  state-prisons,  the  maintenance 
of  the  buildings,  the  food,  clothing,  and  safe  keeping 
of  the  prisoners.  22.  The  jailor  shall  be  nominated, 
and  his  nomination  revocable  at  pleasure,  by  our 
minister  of  police.  23.  The  commandant,  jailor,  and 
keepers,  shall  be  each  of  them  responsible  for  the  safe 
keeping  of  the  prisoners,  as  far  as  his  own  department 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE 

is  concerned.  24.  If  from  negligence,  or  any  other 
cause  whatsoever,  a  prisoner  be  suffered  to  escape, 
they  shall  be  deprived  of  their  situations  and  prose- 
cuted as  the  law  requires.  .  .  . 

"  SECT.  2.— Of  the  Relations  of  the  Officers. 

"  25.  The  jailor  shall  be  subordinate  to  the  com- 
mandant, and  receive  his  instructions  from  him. 
26.  The  commandant  shall  correspond  with  the 
minister  of  police,  and  the  councillor  of  state  of  the 
arrondissement,  and  be  under  the  surveillance  of  the 
prefect. 

"  SECT.  3. — Of  the  Interior  Regulation. 

"  27.  The  governor  shall  keep  an  exact  register  of 
the  prisoners  admitted  and  discharged,  and  copies  of 
the  orders  by  virtue  of  which  they  are  kept  in  confine- 
ment. 28.  Iso  order  for  the  discharge  of  a  prisoner 
can  be  executed,  without  a  notification  to  the  com- 
mandant of  the  decision  of  the  privy  council,  by  which 
such  discharge  has  been  ordered.  29.  Any  governor 
or  keeper  who  shall  be  found  guilty  of  having  favoured 
the  clandestine  correspondence  of  any  prisoner,  ordered 
to  be  kept  au  secret,  shall  be  deprived  of  his  situation, 
and  punished  by  six  months'  imprisonment.  30.  The 
commandant  shall  not,  under  any  pretext  whatsoever, 
allow  the  prisoners  committed  to  his  charge  to  go  out, 
either  with  himself,  the  governor,  or  any  of  the 
keepers.  31.  In  case  of  the  sickness  of  a  prisoner, 
the  commandant  shall  immediately  give  notice  to  the 
officer  of  health,  who  shall  visit  and  treat  the  patient. 
32.  Every  prisoner  who  shall  require  the  same,  shall 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  235 

be  entitled  to  receive  the  sura  of  two  francs  daily,  or 
the  common  allowance,  in  aid  of  his  support.  33. 
Prisoners  shall  retain  the  disposition  of  their  property, 
unless  otherwise  specially  ordered.  34.  Tilth  this 
view,  they  shall  give,  under  the  surveillance  of  the 
commandant,  all  the  necessary  powers  and  receipts. 
And  whatever  sums  they  receive  shall  only  be  given 
them  in  his  presence  and  under  his  authorisation. 

"  Art.  35.  There  shall  be  no  state  prisons-except 
in  the  places  hereinafter  mentioned.  36.  Xo  state 
prisoner  shall  be  confined,  except  temporarily  or  in 
transition,  in  any  other  state-prisons  than  those  ap- 
pointed by  us.  37.  State-prisons  shall  be  established 
in  the  Castles  of  SAUMUR,  HAM,  IF,  LAXDSKROXA, 

PlERRE-C-HATEL,     FEXESTRELLE,     CAMPIANO,    and    YlX- 

CENNES.  38.  Our  ministers  of  justice,  war,  police, 
and  finance  are  commanded,  each  in  his  department, 
to  carry  this  decree  into  effect ;  a  copy  of  which  shall 
be  inserted  in  the  Bulletin  des  Lois" 


"  The  whole  people  of  France  would  have  been 
filled  with  indignation,  had  I  attempted  or  wished  to 
re-establish  Lettres  de  Cachet;  the  forty  magistrates 
composing  the  council  of  state,  would  not  even  have 
entertained  such  a  proposal;  I  should  besides  have 
been  insane,  if,  having  any  design  to  interfere  with 
the  civil  liberties  of  the  people,  I  had  commenced,  as 
I  actually  did,  by  proclaiming  and  causing  to  be  in- 
serted in  the  Bulletin  des  Lois^  regulations  which 
were  guarantees  for  individual  liberty,  and  opposed  to 


256  HISTORY   OF  THE 

all  our  constitutions,  even  to  that  existing  before 
1789,  and  maintained  by  the  parliaments. 

"  Under  the  convention,  the  laws  against  suspected 
persons  and  against  emigration,  had  given  birth  to  a 
great  number  of  state-prisons;  there  were  more  than 
2000  of  them,  containing  as  many  as  60,000  persons; 
during  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  the  Directory, 
this  number  was  greatly  diminished,  and  all  these 
prisons  successively  ceased  to  exist.  The  number  of 
prisoners  of  state  was  gradually  reduced  to  3000; 
they  were  removed  into  the  ordinary  prisons,  and  their 
superintendence  was  in  the  hands  of  the  administra- 
tion, and  especially  of  the  police.  The  commissioners 
of  police  and  the  minister  were  magistrates  of  the 
public  safety,  and  had  authority  to  cause  names  to  be 
enrolled  in  the  jailor's  books.  A  special  article  of  the 
constitutions  of  that  period  conferred  this  right  on  the 
minister  of  police  or  on  the  administration,  in  case  of 
any  plots  or  conspiracies  against  the  well-being  of  the 
state.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  augmented  in 
1799,  after  the  revolution  of  Prairial,  by  the  execution 
of  the  law  of  the  hostages.  There  were  9000  prisoners 
at  the  time  of  the  18th  Brunei  aire;  these  were,  for  the 
most  part,  set  at  liberty,  and  in  the  period  of  the 
empire  scarcely  1200  remained  belonging  to  these 
classes. 

"  The  police  was  accustomed  to  exercise  the  most 
deplorably  arbitrary  rule.  It  was  consequently  found 
necessary  to  transfer  the  surveillance  of  the  prisons  to 
the  tribunals,  to  authorise  the  imperial  attorneys 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  257 

general  to  visit  and  examine  them,  and  to  set  all  those 
at  liberty,  who  were  not  actually  in  the  hands  of 
justice.  The  police  of  the  prisons  was  conferred  on 
the  tribunals;  the  police  was  no  longer  allowed  to 
detain  persons  in  the  common  prisons ;  the  prisoners 
of  state,  to  whom  we  have  already  referred,  were 
placed  under  the  immediate  administration  of  the 
police,  with  power  to  the  imperial  attorneys- general 
to  visit  and  examine  the  list  even  of  the  state 
prisoners,  and  set  all  those  at  liberty  who  had  not 
been  arrested  by  virtue  of  a  decree  of  the  privy 
council,  countersigned  by  the  minister  of  justice. 
From  that  moment,  liberty  was  ensured  in  France. 
Every  prisoner  could  at  once  address  himself  to  the 
magistrates;  the  minister  of  police  and  his  agents 
were  despoiled  of  that  frightful  power  which  enabled 
them  to  arrest  any  man  at  their  discretion,  and  to 
keep  him  in  their  hands  without  his  being  thereby, 
ipso  facto,  amenable  to  the  law  or  under  its  protec- 
tion. Thus,  instead  of  a  committal  emanating  from 
a  mere  commissary  of  police,  a  deliberative  resolution 
of  the  privy  council  became  necessary,  in  order  to 
retain  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  justice.  This  privy 
council,  over  which  I  presided,  was  composed  of  five 
high  dignitaries  and  of  two  ministers,  besides  the 
ministers  of  police  and  justice,  of  two  senators, 
two  councillors  of  state,  the  first  president,  and  the 
imperial  attorney-general  of  the  court  of  cassation. 
In  all,  there  were  sixteen  persons  of  the  highest 
dignity  and  character  in  the  empire,  who  were  ap- 

VOL.    II.  S 


258  HISTORY    OF   THE 

pointed  to  decide  on  cases  of  personal  arrest.  Was 
a  better  guarantee  ever  given  to  the  citizens  of  any 
country?  This  decree  declared,  that  no  prisoner  of 
state  could  be  kept  in  confinement  beyond  the  term 
of  a  year,  and  that  at  the  termination  of  the  year  he 
was  to  be  set  at  liberty,  if  the  privy  council  did  not 
prolong  the  term  of  his  captivity  by  a  new  resolution. 
For  this  purpose,  the  prisons  were  visited  each  year 
by  two  councillors  of  state ;  their  reports,  recommend- 
ing charge  or  discharge,  were  carefully  examined,  and 
measures,  in  accordance  with  the  opinion  of  the 
minister  of  justice,  adopted  by  the  privy  council. 
The  privy  council  delivered  their  votes,  commencing 
with  that  of  the  president  of  the  supreme  court  of 
cassation. 

"  This  decree,  then,  was  a  real  benefit — a  liberal  law 
— a  diapason  to  establish  the  harmony  of  society,  by 
means  of  which  nothing  arbitrary  was  left  in  the 
hands  either  of  the  magistracy,  the  administration,  or 
the  police,  and  a  complete  guarantee  was  given  to  the 
citizens.  There  was  no  councillor  of  state,  appointed 
as  an  inspector  of  prisons,  who  did  not  regard  it  as 
an  honour  to  be  instrumental  in  releasing  as  many 
persons  as  possible.  All  those  who  were  present  at 
meetings  of  the  privy  council,  can  attest  that  these 
councillors  always  acted  as  if  they  had  been  the 
advocates  of  the  prisoners.-  The  prisons  would  have 
disappeared  with  the  circumstances  to  which  they 
owed  their  origin,  with  that  race  of  brigands  which 
had  been  called  into  existence  by  the  civil  wars. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  259 

The  intriguing  priests  of  tlie  pefife  egltse — the  men 
who  were  exasperated  by  the  revolution,  by  the  looses 
which  they  had  suffered,  and  their  prejudices,  were 
continually  engaged  in  devising  assassinations  or 
weaving  plots  for  the  overthrow  of  the  state.  There 
were  200,000  individuals  in  France  who  had  emi- 
grated, or  been  transported,  or  figured  in  the  civil 
wars,  to  whom  I  had  restored  their  country  and  their 
property,  but  under  the  condition  of  their  being  sub- 
jected to  special  surveillance.  It  was  from  this  class 
of  men  that  the  state  prisoners  were  drawn ;  and  the 
right  of  surveillance  was  legalized  conformably  to  the 
liberal  spirit  of  justice,  by  which  all  the  acts  of  the 
council  were  animated. 

"  Whenever  the  fourth  part  of  the  privy  council 
were  of  opinion  that  a  prisoner  might  be  set  at  liberty, 
he  was  immediately  discharged.  Prisoners  thus  ar- 
rested, independently  of  the  right  of  recourse  to  the 
privy  council,  and  to  the  council  of  state,  had  also 
a  constitutional  guarantee  in  the  committee  of  the 
senate  for  the  protection  of  individual  liberty ;  none 
of  them  neglected  to  apply  to  the  committee;  the 
committee  deliberated,  and  asked  for  explanations 
from  the  minister  of  police.  This  body  was  the  means 
of  setting  many  at  liberty ;  it  was  necessary  to  pay 
attention  to  its  demands,  because,  when  its  members 
had  once  given  their  opinion,  if  the  administration 
failed  to  listen  to  it,  they  immediately  made  a  report 
to  the  senate.  Although  this  committee  for  the 
protection  of  individual  liberty  never  made  much 

s  2 


260  HISTORY   OF   THE 

noise,  never  delivered  long  harangues,  nor  exhibited 
any  desire  to  draw  public  attention  to  itself,  yet  it 
was  of  the  greatest  utility.  Had  the  state  prisons, 
like  a  Bastile,  contained  citizens  who  were  merely 
the  victims  of  the  intrigues  or  dissatisfaction  of  the 
prince,  this  intervention  alone  would  have  been  suf- 
ficient to  put  an  end  to  the  abuse.  It  is  equally 
erroneous  to  suppose  that  the  legislative  body  had  no 
share  in  the  formation  of  the  laws;  the  legislative 
committees  discussed  the  substance  of  them  with  the 
councillors  of  state,  and  formed  projects  of  new  laws ; 
their  influence  was  not  tumultuous,  but  it  was  not  the 
less  real. 

"  An  event  which  occurred  at  Dantzig  caused  me 
to  reflect  upon  the  decree  respecting  state  prisons. 
An  old  man  had  been  confined  for  fifty  years  in  the 
castle  of  Weichselmunde,  and  had  lost  his  memory; 
it  was  no  longer  possible  either  to  know  who  he  was, 
or  the  reasons  for  which  he  had  been  imprisoned. 

"  I  was  anxious  for  the  strict  execution  of  the  law, 
which  prescribed,  that  in  all  ordinary  cases,  persons 
should  be  placed  before  a  magistrate  within  twenty- 
four  hours  after  their  arrest;  that  in  extraordinary 
cases,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  circumstances, 
there  should  be  no  greater  exception  to  this  rule  than 
the  space  of  a  year ;  and  that  in  all  such  cases,  the 
sentence  of  detention  should  be  pronounced  by  a  privy 
council  of  sixteen  persons,  and  on  the  report  of  the 
minister  of  justice.  This  regulation  may  have  ex- 
cited foolish  complaints.  In  public  societies,  people 


CAPTIVITY  OF   XAPOLEON*.  261 

talk  idly,  without  any  knowledge  of  the  question. 
The  title,  perhaps,  was  not  well  chosen;  and  it  would 
have  been  better  to  have  called  these  houses,  prisons 
for  the  confinement  of  persons  subjected  fo  general 
surveillance. 

"  Xo  people  ever  enjoyed  a  larger  share  of  civil 
liberty  than  those  of  France  under  my  reign ;  there  is 
no  state  in  Europe  which  has  not  had  a  greater 
number  of  individuals  arrested  and  cast  into  prison 
under  various  titles  or  forms,  or  who  are  not 
actually  engaged  in  suits  pending  before  the  tribunals. 
A  country  in  which  the  insolence  and  injustice  of  the 
press  upon  its  quays  and  public  places,  is  authorised 
by  law,  ought  not  to  boast  of  enjoying  true  civil 
liberty.  Such  liberty  does  not  exist  for  the  common 
people  in  England,  however  real  it  may  be  in  the 
case  of  the  higher  classes.  If  the  criminal  legislation 
of  England  be  compared  with  that  of  France,  who  can 
doubt  the  superiority  of  the  latter,  and  the  compa- 
rative abuses  and  imperfections  of  the  former?  As 
to  the  criminal  legislation  of  Austria,  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  the  other  states  of  Europe,  suffice  it  to  say, 
that  there  is  neither  publicity  nor  confrontation  of 
witnesses.  My  laws  are  highly  esteemed  by  the 
Italians,  and  there  is  no  country  into  which  they 
have  been  introduced,  whose  inhabitants  have  not 
petitioned  for  their  continuance  as  a  favour. 

"  Misfortune  brings  with  it  good  as  well  as  evil;  it 
makes  us  acquainted  with  the  truth.  It  reduces  con- 
victions to  errors,  and  transforms  consequences  into 


262  HISTORY   OF  THE 

the  condition  of  fantastic  dreams.     Now  that  my  head 
no  longer  bears  the  heavy  burthen  of  a  crown,  I  can 
reflect,  like  a  philosopher,  on  the  times  in  which  my 
faults  were  the  work  of  Providence ;  I  recognise  the 
influence  of  chance  in  the  destinies  of  man,  and  in 
those  events  which  are  decisive  of  the  fate  of  empires. 
The  favours  which  I  bestowed  were  most  frequently 
merely  happy  accidents  for  those  on  whom  they  were 
bestowed.     And   yet,  what  king  is  there   who   can 
say  more  conscientiously  than  myself,  that  he  has 
been  anxious  to  disregard  all  intrigue,  and  to  render 
justice  to  his  subjects  ?     Intrigue,  however,  is  so  skil- 
ful, and  merit  so  awkward  and  timid,  extremes  so 
nearly  meet,  and  the  atmosphere  of  courts  is  so  murky, 
that  do  what  one  will,  it  is  impossible  always  to  pro- 
ceed on  the  true  course.     A  good  choice  is  a  mere 
lottery  in  the  case  of  a  sovereign,  and  intrigue  is 
constantly  at  work  to  undermine  the  path  under  the 
feet  of  merit.     Any  errors  which  I  may  have  com- 
mitted in  the  bestowal  of  favours,  have  not,  in  fact, 
been  voluntary,  but  the  results  of  a  vice  inherent  in 
the  very  existence  of  royalty,  and  of  governments  of 
every  description,  by  whatever  name  they  are  called. 
"  When  I  began  to  form  a  court,  I  sought  among  the 
high  officers  of  the  army  for  names  which,  by  their 
recent  and  glorious  celebrity,  might  worthily  replace 
those  which  were  the  most  illustrious  of  the  ancient 
court.     Some  old  names  presented  themselves  to  me; 
the  Duchess  of  Montmorency,  the  Countess  of  Re- 
musat,  the  Count  of  Bearn,  and  Count  Segur,  who 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  263 

had  formerly  been  ambassador  at  Petersburg;  it  was, 

however.  ab?ulute]v  iieee,-*arv  to  ensrraft  tlicf-e  nauu-> 

(,  «.  *_ 

upon  names  in  tlio  siriiiy,u:;d  w3ii-?!i  were  connected  with 
the  revolution,  in  order  to  avoid  provoking  discontent 
and  want  of  confidence  among  the  people.  I  was 
also  desirous  of  having  done  with  the  reasoners  in  the 
army  of  the  IZhine,  by  rallying  around  my  person  the 
most  brilliant  amongst  them.  Caulaincourt  had  long 
served  under  Moreuu,  and  he  was  entrusted  with  the 
task  of  sounding  the  feelings  of  his  old  comrades.  Col. 
Prevail,  formerly  an  adiutant-ireneral,  and  a  verv 

«.  «-'  i-.  I  »t 

distinguished  officer,  was  one  of  those  whom  I  was 
desirous  of  having  about  my  person.  He  belonged  to 
a  military  family,  and  his  fitness  and  abilities  recom- 
mended him  to  my  attention  above  all  others.  I  was 
told  that  he  rejected  the  proposition  wTith  contempt. 
I  was  not  astonished,  for  such,  in  fact,  was  the 
feeling  by  which  all  the  faithful  friends  of  Moreau 
were  at  that  time  influenced.  Well,  nothing  could 
be  more  untrue ! 

"  Ten  years  afterwards,  General  Preval,  whose  per- 
sonal qualities  were  so  worthy  of  admiration,  was 
brought  into  immediate  relation  with  me,  and  I  found 
that  he  had  never  refused,  but  would  have  been 
delighted  to  have  become  a  member  of  my  household. 
It  is  a  subject  of  regret  both  for  him  and  for  me,  that 
he  was  prevented  from  becoming  what  I  desired. 
He  is  an  officer  of  great  merit,  and  had  he  not  been 
kept  at  a  distance  from  me,  I  should  certainly  have 
made  him  minister  of  war;  but  I  should  have  had  to 


264  HISTORY   OF  THE 

begin  by  conferring  upon  him  dignity  and  rank.  Under 
my  reign,  it  was  not  so  easy  to  find  a  suitable 
minister.  No  man  in  France  understood  the  organiza- 
tion and  mechanism  of  armies  as  well  as  General 
Preval.  His  military  conduct  at  Frankfort  was  some- 
thing perfect  in  policy,  and  on  that  occasion,  he 
furnished  me  with  the  standard  of  what  might  be 
expected  from  a  general  who  was  as  intelligent  as  he 
was  brave.  But  I  am  looking  for  examples  of  the 
effect  of  intrigues.  Have  1  not,  by  such  means, 
been  deprived,  in  the  course  of  years,  of  the  services 
of  Macdonald,  Dalmas,  Lecourbe,  Carnot,  and  Des- 
soles?  With  respect  to  the  last,  however,  I  have 
nothing  to  regret,  since  his  treason  in  1814.  In  short, 
let  it  be  proved  to  me,  that  any  sovereign  has  shown 
himself  more  anxious  than  myself  to  do  justice,  or  has 
better  understood  how  to  identify  himself  with  the 
interests  of  his  people,  and  then  I  shall  repent  of  not 
having  done  more.  I  am,  however,  conscious  that 
whilst  on  the  throne,  I  constantly  made  it  my  first 
thought  and  desire  to  realize  my  motto :  'Everything 
for  the  French  people.'  " 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  265 


CHAPTER  XII. 

BRIEF  VIEW  OF  THE  CONSULAR  PERIOD. 

"THE  1st  of  January,  1804,  completes  the  magnifi- 
cent picture  of  tlie  progress  of  the  prosperity  of 
France  during  the  consular  government. 

"  The  legislative  body,  through  the  medium  of  their 
president,  sent  me  the  following  address : 

" '  The  representatives  of  France  offer  you  their 
thanks,  in  the  name  of  the  French  people,  for  all  the 
useful  works  planned  and  executed  in  France,  and  for 
the  improvements  in  agriculture  and  industry,  which 
the  war  has  not  interrupted. 

"  *  The  custom  of  entertaining  great  ideas  sometimes 
causes  superior  minds  to  neglect  the  details  of  admi- 
nistration. Posterity  cannot  reproach  you  with  this 
fault.  The  idea,  and  the  practical  carrying  out  of  it, 
have  always  been  co-existent  during  your  government. 

"* Everything  is  improving;  hatred  is  being  ex- 


266  HISTORY   OF   THE 

tinguished,  opposition  is  giving  way,  and  under  the 
victorious  influence  of  a  spirit  which  bends  all  to  its 
will,  the  circumstances,  the  systems,  and  even  the 
men  who  appear  most  opposed  to  one  another, 
approach  and  unite,  and  together  serve  to  promote 
the  glory  of  their  common  country. 

"  £  Former  customs  and  present  customs  are  begin- 
ning to  agree;  everything  is  preserved  which  should 
maintain  the  equality  of  civil  and  political  rights; 
everything  is  resumed  which  may  tend  to  increase 
the  splendour  and  the  dignity  of  a  great  empire.  All 
these  advantages  have  been  brought  about  in  four 
years.  Those  rays  of  our  national  glory,  the 
brightness  of  which  had  been  diminishing  for  five 
years,  have  regained  all  their  splendour  under  your 
government.' 

"  It  has  always  been  considered  possible  to  have 
effected  a  landing  in  England,  and  when  this  landing 
was  once  effected,  the  question  was  reduced  merely  to 
a  second  battle  of  Austerlitz  or  of  Jena.  Did  Hannibal 
look  behind  him  when  he  crossed  the  Alps?  Did 
Caesar,  when  he  landed  in  Epirus,  look  back?  London 
is  only  a  few  days'  march  from  the  coast  of  the  channel; 
the  army  and  the  militia  of  England  were  extended 
over  a  very  wide  space ;  as  for  the  coast-guards,  it 
would  have  been  impossible  for  them  to  have  united 
at  the  point  of  disembarkation,  or  to  reach  London 
quickly  enough  to  protect  it.  The  place  chosen  for 
the  landing  was  only  known  to  myself.  I  concealed 
it  from  those  most  in  my  confidence;  none  of  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  267 

generals  of  the  army  know  it;  nothing  could  give 
any  idea  of  where  it  would  be.  It  might  be  Hastings, 
Torbay,  or  some  point  M  the  mouth  of  the  Thames. 
It  was  quite  necessary,  therefore,  to  guard  an  extent 
of  coast  more  than  thirty  leagues  long,  and  four  days 
would  be  necessary  to  collect  forces  for  that  purpose  ; 
whilst,  in  two,  or  three  at  the  most,  the  French  army, 
once  disembarked,  might  have  arrived  in  London  with 
a  van-guard  of  50,000  men. 

"  The  flotillas  were  only  to  be  the  means  of  disem- 
barking from  160  to  200,000  men,  in  the  space  of  a 
few  hours,  and  of  taking  possession  of  all  the  maritime 
places.  They  were  to  cross  over,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  a  numerous  squadron,  assembled  at  Martinique, 
and  coming  with  all  speed  to  Boulogne;  and  if  this 
fleet  should  miss  its  object  one  year,  it  might  succeed 
another  time.  Fifty,  sixty,  eighty,  or  a  hundred  sail 
of  the  line,  could  sail  from  Toulon,  from  Brest,  from 
Eochefort,  L'Orient,  Cadiz,  and  unite  at  some  common 
rendezvous  ;  this  fleet  would  then  appear  in  the 
English  Channel  like  a  dreadful  tempest,  whilst  the 
English  squadrons  were  engaged  in  scouring  the  seas 
for  the  protection  of  the  East  and  West  Indies.  Had 
not  the  squadron  of  Toulon,  although  encumbered  by 
500  transport  vessels,  been  able  to  gain  Egypt,  in 
spite  of  the  English  squadron  under  Lord  Xelson? 
At  Paris,  in  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  every  one 
laughed  at  the  project  of  a  landing;  Pitt,  however, 
did  not  laugh  at  it  in  London.  He  seems  to  have 
conceived  almost  all  the  extent  of  the  danger.  He 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE 

therefore  managed  to  clog  France  with  a  coalition,  at 
the  very  moment  when  she  was  about  to  execute  her 
purpose :  the  English  oligarchy  was  never  in  greater 
danger. 

"  I  should  not  hare  entered  London  as  a  conqueror, 
but  as  a  liberator;  I  should  have  acted  over  again 
the  part  of  William  III.,  but  with  more  generosity 
and  disinterestedness.  The  discipline  of  my  army 
would  have  been  as  strict  in  London  as  it  was  in 
Paris.  No  sacrifices,  no  contributions  even,  would 
have  been  exacted  from  the  English.  My  troops 
would  not  have  behaved  like  conquerors,  but  like 
brothers,  who  had  come  to  restore  them  to  liberty  and 
to  their  rights.  I  should  have  told  them  to  assemble, 
and  themselves  to  work  at  their  regeneration ;  I  should 
have  told  them  that  they  were  our  elder  brothers 
in  matters  of  constitution  and  of  political  legis- 
lation; that  we  only  wished  to  take  a  part  in  the 
work  of  their  regeneration;  and  I  should  have  kept 
my  word  faithfully  and  strictly.  Thus,  only  a  few 
months  would  have  elapsed,  before  the  two  nations, 
so  bitterly  opposed  to  each  other,  would  have  become 
completely  identified  in  their  principles,  their  maxims, 
and  their  interests ;  and  I  should  only  leave  England 
in  order  to  complete,  from  north  to  south,  the  work 
of  European  regeneration  under  monarchical  forms. 
This  system  might  have  been  as  liberal  as  the  repub- 
lican system.  Both  aimed  at  the  same  object.  Never 
was  a  more  vast  idea  conceived  in  the  interest  of  the 
progress  of  civilization,  nor  brought  nearer  to  realiza- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  269 

tion ;  it  might  have  been  executed  with  firmness, 
moderation,  and  good  faith.  And  it  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  of  the  obstacles  which  caused  it  to  fail, 
none  took  their  origin  from  men :  they  were  all  caused 
by  the  elements.  In  the  south,  it  was  the  sea;  in  the 
north,  the  burning  of  Moscow  and  the  frost ;  thus,  the 
water,  the  air,  the  fire — all  nature,  and  nothing  but 
nature  was  the  opponent  of  a  regeneration  commanded 
by  nature  itself!  The  problems  of  Providence  are  not 
to  be  solved. 

"  If,  by  events  difficult  to  comprehend,  the  French 
army  had  been  obliged  to  stop  at  the  Medway,  it  would 
have  done,  in  all  the  ports  of  the  Thames  and  in  the 
roadstead  of  Portsmouth,  what  the  English  did  at 
Toulon;  the  arsenals  of  Portsmouth  and  Chatham 
would  have  been  left  in  ruins,  and  for  at  least  twenty 
years,  the  maritime  power  of  England  would  have 
given  no  annoyance  to  France." 


270  IIISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


GENERAL  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  THE  POLICY  OF  FOREIGN 
GOVERNMENTS,  AND  ESPECIALLY  OF  THOSE  OF 
ENGLAND  AND  AUSTRIA. 

THE  incessant  quarrels  with  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  and 
perhaps  also  his  conversation  with  Lord  Amherst, 
had  led  the  Emperor's  mind  to  reflect  on  his  gigantic 
struggle  with  England,  and  the  constant  efforts  which 
he  had  used  to  induce  the  English  ministers  to  see  that 
it  was  the  interest  of  both  nations  to  come  to  a 
good  understanding  with  one  another.  During  the 
whole  day,  the  Emperor  appeared  to  be  labour- 
ing under  a  sort  of  moral  and  physical  depression. 
He  had  scarcely  quitted  his  sofa  or  the  fire-side,  for 
a  moment,  and  his  valet-de-chambre  had  remarked 
that  he  had  only  taken  a  little  soup  and  the  wing  of  a 
chicken  for  his  dinner.  Towards  midnight  he  caused 
me  to  be  sent  for,  and  asked  me,  with  a  smile,  if  I  was 
in  a  humour  to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  night  with,, 
him.  He  then  led  me  into  the  drawing-room,  ancf 


CAPTIVITY   OF  XAPOLEON.  271 

giving  free  course  to  the  impulse  of  his  mind,  he 
dictated  to  me  the  following  note,  as  materials  for  that 
chapter  of  his  memoirs  which  might  treat  of  his 
negotiations  with  England : 

"  When  deplorable  weakness  and  endless  versatility 
manifest  themselves  in  all  the  acts  of  power;  when 
yielding,  sometimes  to  the  influence  of  one  party  and 
sometimes  to  that  of  another,  and  living  from  day  to 
day  without  any  fixed  plan,  or  any  definite  object  in 
view,  its  possessors  have  exhibited  the  clearest  evidence 
of  their  incapacity,  and  the  most  moderate  citizens 
are  compelled  to  agree,  that  the  state  is  not  governed; 
when,  finally,  to  the  incapacity  of  the  administration 
at  home,  it  is  guilty  of  the  greatest  error  which  it  is 
possible  to  commit  in  the  eyes  of  a  proud  nation — viz., 
degradation  in  the  opinion  of  foreign  nations — then  a 
vague  restlessness  begins  to  pervade  the  whole  mass  of 
society.     It  is  deeply  agitated  by  the  fear  of  the  loss 
of  national  reputation  and  honour;  and  turning  its 
eyes  upon  itself,  it  appears  to  seek  for  a  man  capable 
of  effecting  its  deliverance. 

"  Such  a  tutelary  genius  is  always  to  be  found 
within  the  bosom  of  a  populous  nation,  but  some- 
times he  is  slow  to  appear,  and,  in  fact,  it  is  not 
enough  that  he  exists,  he  must  be  known  by  others, 
and  know  himself,  too.  Till  this  happens,  all  attempts 
are  vain,  all  intrigues  powerless;  the  inaction  of  the 
multitude  protects  the  nominal  government,  and,  in 
despite  of  its  incapacity  or  even  its  treasonable  be- 
trayal of  the  national  interests,  the  efforts  of  its 


272  HISTORY   OF   THE 

enemies  do  not  prevail  against  it.  But  no  sooner 
does  this  deliverer,  so  impatiently  expected,  appear, 
and  give  symptoms  of  his  existence,  than  the  national 
instinct  divines  it,  and  calls  him  to  his  post :  obstacles 
disappear  before  him,  and  the  whole  of  a  great  people 
unite,  with  one  accord,  and  seem  to  say — c  This  is  the 
man!' 

"  Such  was  the  state  of  the  public  mind  in  France, 
when  the  nation  confided  its  destiny  to  my  hands. 

"Peace,  without  having  been  gained  in  the  field 
of  battle,  would  have  ruined  the  republic.  War 
was  absolutely  necessary  to  maintain  energy  and  unity 
in  the  state,  as  long  as  its  administrative  machinery 
did  not  work  perfectly.  Peace  would  have  brought,  in 
its  train,  a  reduction  of  taxation  and  a  discharge  of  a 
part  of  the  army.  Many  men  had  been  under  arms 
since  the  levy  en  masse,  in  1792,  and  were  only  raised 
for  the  defence  of  the  country.  To  have  detained 
them  in  service,  when  the  republic  was  at  peace  with 
the  Continent,  would  have  been  to  abuse  their 
patriotism,  and  provoke  dissatisfaction  and  discontent 
amongst  a  great  number  of  families;  and,  under  all 
circumstances,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  give 
them  their  discharge.  The  consequence  would  have 
been  that  France,  after  two  years  of  peace,  would 
have  found  herself  in  a  notorious  and  dangerous 
inferiority  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  of  mon- 
archical Europe,  which  as  necessarily  would  have 
continued  to  be  allied  against  her  republican  institu- 
tions. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  273 

"  I  owed  it,  however,  to  public  opinion  to  open 
negotiations  for  peace ;  and  the  majority  of  the  nation 
wished  ardently  for  it,  and  circumstances  appeared 
favourable  to  its  conclusion. 

"  The  cabinet  of  Berlin  had  just  given  evidence  of 
a  very  pacific  disposition.  Count  Haugwitz,  the  first 
minister,  had  said  to  the  minister  of  France — '  The 
revolution  with  you  has  been  accomplished  from 
below  upwards,  and  by  a  succession  of  the  most 
frightful  storms ;  it  will  proceed  more  slowly  among  us, 
but  will  come,  sooner  or  later,  and  from  above  down- 
wards. The  king  is  a  democrat,  after  his  fashion. 
He  is  an  enemy  to  the  privileges  of  the  nobility,  and 
has  been  born  in  the  school  of  philosophers ;  and  in  a 
few  years,  the  law  will  be  in  Prussia  what  it  has  be- 
come, by  means  of  the  revolution  of  France,  equal  for 
all.  Have  patience,  then,  and,  believe  me,  we  shall  be 
your  allies  by  the  force  of  events,  and  that  will  be  the 
day  on  which  your  government  shall  offer  us  guaran- 
tees of  stability.'  At  the  same  time,  however,  a  Prussian 
corps  (farmee  was  assembling  on  the  Lower  Ehine, 
and  threatening  the  department  of  the  Eoer. 

"Duroc  was  sent  to  Berlin;  the  king  and  the 
queen  showed  him  the  most  marked  attention,  and 
gave  him  various  proofs  of  their  regard.  The  Prussian 
troops  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Ehine,  and  returned 
to  their  usual  quarters,  but  the  cabinet  still  remained 
in  an  expecting  attitude. 

"  After  the  26th  of  December,  1799,  the  FirstConsul 
wrote  to  King  George.  This  unusual  step  produced 

VOL.  II.  T 


274  HISTORY   OF   THE 

very  different  effects  in  England.  The  aristocracy 
merely  regarded  it  as  a  violation  of  royal  etiquette ; 
the  people,  weary  of  the  sacrifices  which  the  war  im- 
posed upon  them,  were  displeased  with  the  insulting 
reply  of  Lord  Grenville.  This  minister  wrote  to 
Monsieur  de  Talleyrand,  that  peace  was  impossible  as 
long  as  France  was  governed  by  a  system,  subversive 
of  all  social  order,  and  as  long  as  the  house  of  Bourbon 
was  not  restored  to  the  throne — an  event  which  would 
restore  her  colonies  to  France,  as  well  as  the  friend- 
ship of  all  Europe.  This  arrogant  minister  allowed 
his  passion  to  impel  him  so  far  as  to  say  to  parlia- 
liament,  c  To  cease  from  fighting  against  a  nation 
which  is  an  enemy  to  all  worship,  all  morality,  and  all 
government,  is  not  to  labour  for  the  common  good, 
but  it  is  rather  to  grow  weary  of  resisting  evil.  It  is 
necessary,  then,  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigour 
against  a  nation  which  is  desirous  of  subjecting  the 
world  to  its  ravages.  I  declare,  in  the  presence  of 
Europe  and  of  England,  that  I  would  prefer  war  and 
all  its  horrors,  as  long  as  France  shall  persist,  as  she 
has  hitherto  done,  in  the  maintenance  of  those  opinions 
and  principles  which  have  led  to  and  effected  the 
revolution :  they  were  Jacobins,  arid  they  are  so  still. 
France  proclaims  war  against  kings ;  she  regards  no- 
thing as  sacred,  and  is  faithless  to  her  treaties.'  The 
courageous  efforts  of  the  Whigs  were  unavailing  to 
defend  the  First  Consul  from  the  furious  assaults  of 
the  Tories,  and  to  prove  to  them  that  to  refuse  peace 
was,  in  fact,  to  deny  the  history  of  their  country,  and 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  275 

to  fight  in  order  to  trammel  the  progress  of  civiliza- 
tion. The  cabinet  of  Vienna  was  in  the  pay  of  Eng- 
land, and  its  refusal  to  treat  on  the  basis  of  the  treaty 
of  Campo-Formio  served  the  policy  of  Xapoleon.  The 
battle  of  Marengo  replaced  France  in  the  position, 
without  which  no  treaty  of  peace  could  have  any 
permanence. 

"  Italy  being  lost — Vienna  menaced — Austria  asked 
for  peace.  Lieut.-General  Count  St.  Julien  arrived  at 
Paris  on  the  21st  July,  1800,  as  the  bearer  of  a  letter 
from  the  Emperor  of  Germany  to  the  First  Consul. 
He  announced  himself  as  a  plenipotentiary,  com- 
missioned to  negotiate,  conclude,  and  sign  the  pre- 
liminaries of  a  peace.  The  Emperor's  letter  was 
precise,  and  contained  full  powers :  '  You  may  place,' 
observes  the  writer,  'full  confidence  in  everything 
which  Count  St.  Julien  may  say  on  my  behalf,  and  I 
will  ratify  all  that  he  may  do.'  I  commissioned 
Monsieur  de  Talleyrand  to  negotiate  with  this  pleni- 
potentiary, and  in  a  few  days  the  preliminaries  were 
arranged.  I  asked  'nothing  which  had  not  been 
already  decided  upon  by  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio, 
for  I  agreed  to  the  Emperor's  receiving  indemnities 
in  Italy  for  his  losses  in  Germany.  I  only  required 
that  the  two  armies  should  remain  in  their  respective 
positions  till  a  definitive  peace  was  signed. 

"  The  Emperor's  letter  could  leave  no  room  to  doubt 
respecting  the  ratification  of  the  preliminaries.  It, 
however,  proved  otherwise ;  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  dis- 
avowed Count  St.  Julien.  Baron  Thugut  wrote  that 

T  2 


276  HISTORY   OF  THE 

the  Emperor,  his  master,  was  bound  to  England  by 
treaties  of  peace,  which  rendered  it  impossible  for  him 
to  ratify  the  treaty,  but  that  he  was,  nevertheless,  dis- 
posed to  open  new  negotiations ;  and  he  communicated 
the  contents  of  a  letter,  in  which  Lord  Minto  ex- 
plained the  grounds  on  which  the  English  ministry  was 
equally  well  disposed  to  concur  in  promoting  a  general 
peace. 

"  The  changes  thus  effected  in  a  few  months  were 
very  gratifying  to  the  self-love  of  France.  Not  long 
before,  France  had  made  the  first  efforts  to  obtain  a 
peace,  to  which  Lord  Grenville  replied  by  torrents  of 
abuse.  Suffering  himself  to  indulge  in  the  most  ex- 
traordinary insinuations,  he  had  expressed  his  desire 
that  the  princes  of  that  race  of  kings  should  be  restored 
to  the  throne  of  France,  without  which  peace  was  im- 
possible; and  now  it  was  the  same  Lord  Grenville 
who  asked  to  treat  with  the  First  Consul,  and  even  to 
buy  the  opening  of  a  negotiation  at  the  price  of  a 
naval  armistice,  which  was  wholly  to  the  advantage 
of  France. 

"  The  best  thing  which  the  republic  could  have  done, 
would  have  been  to  recommence  hostilities.  I  was 
anxious,  however,  to  overlook  no  opportunity  of  re- 
establishing peace  with  England,  and  for  the  attain- 
ment of  that  object,  I  suppressed  the  resentment 
which  I  felt  in  consequence  of  the  insult  offered  to  the 
French  republic  by  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  and  made 
no  allusion  to  it  in  my  reply.  My  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  wrote  to  Baron  Thugut,  that  the  First  Consul 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  277 

was  ready  to  accept  the  proposal  for  a  double  nego- 
tiation and  the  admission  of  an  English  plenipotentiary 
to  the  conferences  at  Luneville,  on  condition  of  an 
armistice  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land ;  and  that  hostilities 
should  recommence  by  land,  if  England  refused  to 
acquiesce  in  a  naval  armistice. 

"  At  the  same  time  a  courier  was  sent  to  Monsieur 
Otto  who  was  then  in  London,  acting  as  French  com- 
missioner for  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  I  directed 
him  to  write,  that  my  wish  was  that  my  ships  and 
neutral  vessels  should  be  allowed  to  convey  succours 
and  provisions  to  Malta  and  Alexandria,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  fortresses  of  Ulm  and  Ingolstadt  were 
to  be  provisioned  and  reinforced  by  the  Austrians. 
On  the  24th  of  August,  M.  Otto  addressed  a  note  to 
Lord  Grenville,  in  which  he  informed  him  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  communication  made  by  Lord  Minto,  the 
English  ambassador  in  Vienna,  in  which  he  signified 
the  desire  of  the  English  government  to  take  part  in 
the  negotiations  which  were  about  to  be  opened  be- 
tween Austria  and  France  for  the  re-establishment  of 
peace,  and  stated  that  the  First  Consul  was  willing  to 
admit  an  English  plenipotentiary  to  the  negotiations, 
but  that  in  this  case,  the  conclusion  of  a  peace  would 
become  more  difficult,  the  interests  to  be  discussed 
more  numerous  and  complicated,  and  the  negotiations 
prolonged,  so  as  to  be  injurious  to  the  cause  of  the 
French  republic,  unless  some  compensation  were  given 
for  the  prolongation  of  the  armistices  of  Marengo  and 
Sarsdorff,  by  a  naval  armistice  with  England. 


278  HISTORY   OF   THE 

"  Lord  Minto'sdespatches  had  not  arrived  in  London. 

"  Lord  Grenville  was  astonished  at  the  receipt  of 
this  note,  and  sent  to  request  M.  Otto  to  communi- 
cate to  him  the  whole  of  the  letter  of  which  he  had 
sent  a  part;  the  latter  immediately  complied.  In  the 
meantime,  Lord  Minto's  courier  arrived  in  London, 
and  Lord  Grenville  said  to  M.  Otto,  that  the  idea  of 
a  naval  armistice  was  something  new  in  the  history  of 
nations — that,  nevertheless,  the  British  ministry 
acceded  to  the  principle,  and  would  send  Mr.  Thomas 
Grenville  as  plenipotentiary  to  the  place  appointed  for 
the  opening  of  the  negotiations.  For  this  purpose,  he 
requested  M.  Otto  to  furnish  him  with  the  necessary 
passports  to  enable  him  to  enter  France  and  reach  his 
destination. 

"  This  was  evidently  a  mere  elusion  of  the  question, 
in  order  to  gain  time  and  to  enable  Austria  to  repair 
her  losses  before  the  resumption  of  hostilities.  It  was 
now  the  end  of  August,  and  M.  Otto  requested  a 
categorical  reply  before  the  3rd  of  September,  because 
the  armistice  with  Austria  expired  on  the  10th  of  that 
month. 

"  On  the  4th  of  September,  Lord  Grenville  con- 
fined himself  to  asking  for  a  written  plan,  as  he  was 
at  a  loss  precisely  to  comprehend  what  France 
intended  by  an  armistice  applicable  to  naval  opera- 
tions. 

"M.  Otto  immediately  forwarded  his  plan,  the 
principal  features  of  which  were:  1st,  that  the  ships 
of  war,  and  the  trading  vessels  of  both  nations,  should 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  279 

enjoy  free  navigation  without  being  subjected  to 
search  or  visitation  ;  2ndly,  that  the  squadrons 
blockading  Toulon,  Brest,  Rochefort,  and  Cadiz  should 
return  to  English  ports;  and,  3rdly,  that  Malta, 
Alexandria  and  Belleisle  should  be  placed  on  the  same 
footing  as  the  fortresses  of  Ulra,  Philippsburg,  and 
Ingolstadt;  and  consequently,  that  all  French  and 
neutral  ships  should  have  free  access  to  these  ports. 

"  On  the  7th  of  September,  Lord  Grenville  replied, 
that  his  Britannic  Majesty  admitted  the  principle  of 
a  naval  armistice ;  although  contrary  to  the  interests 
of  England,  it  was  a  sacrifice  which  she  was  willing  to 
make  in  favour  of  peace,  and  of  her  ally,  Austria ;  but 
that  none  of  the  articles  of  the  French  scheme  were  ad- 
missible; and  he  offered  to  negotiate  the  following 
counter-scheme  as  a  basis : 

"'1st.  Hostilities  shall  cease  by  sea;  2ndly,  sup- 
plies shall  be  granted  to  Malta,  Alexandria,  and 
Belleisle  for  a  fortnight  at  a  time,  according  to  the 
number  of  men  which  the  garrisons  respectively  con- 
tain ;  Srdly,  the  blockade  of  the  harbours  of  Brest, 
Toulon,  and  other  harbours  belonging  to  France  or 
her  allies  shall  be  raised,  but  no  vessel  of  war  which 
shall  be  in  any  of  the  said  harbours  shall  go  to  sea 
during  the  continuance  of  the  armistice,  and  the 
English  squadrons  shall  remain  in  sight  of  these  ports.' 

"  On  the  16th  of  September,  the  French  commis- 
sioner replied  that  his  government  proposed  to  his 
Britannic  Majesty,  that  the  negotiations  should  be 
opened  at  Luneville,  that  the  English  and  Austrian 


280  HISTORY   OF   THE 

plenipotentiaries  should  be  admitted  to  a  joint  nego- 
tiation, and  that  in  the  meantime,  the  war  should  con- 
tinue by  sea  and  land,  or  that  there  should  be  an 
armistice  with  Austria  alone,  and  a  negotiation  with 
Austria  alone ;  and  that,  in  the  latter  case,  negotia- 
tions could  be  carried  on  between  France  and  England, 
either  in  Paris  or  London,  without  any  interruption  of 
the  naval  war. 

"  The  prolongation  of  the  armistice  by  land  would 
give  Austria  time  to  re-organize  her  armies,  seriously 
injured  at  Marengo  and  Maastricht,  would  efface  the 
impressions  produced  upon  the  minds  of  the  Austrian 
soldiers  by  those  two  great  victories,  and  enable  the 
King  of  Naples  to  put  himself  in  a  condition  to  inter- 
fere in  the  affairs  of  Italy;  levies  en  masse  were 
already  in  the  course  of  organization  in  the  Apennines, 
and  the  March  of  Ancona. 

"  A  suspension  of  hostilities  had  only  been  conceded 
to  Austria,  on  her  formal  promise  of  concluding  a  peace 
without  delay,  and  by  means  of  negotiations  inde- 
pendent of  her  treaties  with  England.  The  First  Consul, 
therefore,  felt  himself  perfectly  authorised  to  resume  the 
offensive,  both  on  the  Ehine  and  in  Italy,  on  the  10th 
of  September ;  General  Moreau  did  not,  however,  put 
his  advanced  guard  in  motion  till  the  19th,  and  he 
stopped  almost  immediately,  on  the  request  of  the 
Austrian  general,  and  the  offer  made  to  him,  by  the 
court  of  Vienna,  of  placing  the  fortresses  of  Ulm, 
Ingolstadt,  and  Philippsburg  in  his  hands  as  a  pledge 
of  the  sincerity  of  its  desire  for  peace. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  281 

"  The  First  Consul  acceded  to  this  proposal,  and  a 
prolongation  of  the  armistice  for  forty  days  was 
granted,  reckoning  from  the  30th  of  September.  At 
the  same  time,  he  consented  to  modify  his  first  proposi- 
tion respecting  England,  and  on  the  20th  of  September, 
M.  Otto  wrote  to  Lord  Grenville,  that  1st,  the  French 
government  agreed  that  the  French  or  allied  squadrons 
should  not  leave  their  positions  during  the  continu- 
ance of  the  naval  armistice;  2ndly,  that  only  such 
communications  with  Malta  should  be  authorised,  as 
were  necessary  to  convey  supplies  every  fifteen  days, 
at  the  rate  of  10,000  rations  per  diem;  but  that 
Alexandria  not  being  invested  by  land,  and  having  an 
abundant  supply  of  provisions,  it  required  that  six 
French  frigates  sailing  from  Toulon  should  be  allowed 
free  ingress  and  egress  to  and  from  Alexandria  with- 
out being  disturbed  by  the  English  fleet,  on  the  single 
condition  of  having  on  board  an  English  oflBcer  with 
a  flag  of  truce. 

"  The  only  advantages  which  the  republic  could  have 
obtained  from  a  suspension  of  hostilities  by  sea,  were, 
that  these  six  frigates  armed  enflute^  would  have  been 
able  to  convey  from  3  to  4000  men  as  reinforcements 
to  Egypt,  as  well  as  such  materials  of  war  for  the 
artillery,  as  it  might  stand  in  need  of.  As  soon  as 
the  principle  of  negotiation  was  admitted,  Lord  Gren- 
ville authorised  1L  Amman,  his  under-secretary  of 
state  to  confer  with  M.  Otto,  with  a  view  of  coming 
to  an  understanding.  At  their  first  interview,  the 
under-secretary  proposed  to  M.  Otto,  the  evacuation 


282  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  Egypt  by  the  French  army,  as  a  consequence  of  the 
convention  of  El'  Arish,  concluded  on  the  24th  of 
January  preceding,  but  broken  on  the  18th  of  May 
following,  in  consequence  of  England  not  having 
agreed  to  its  ratification.  Such  a  proposition  could 
not  for  a  moment  be  entertained  ;  M.  Amman  per- 
ceived the  difficulty,  and  relinquished  the  point.  A 
few  conferences  sufficed  to  bring  the  parties  to  a  per- 
fect understanding  on  all  the  points,  except  that  of 
sending  six  frigates  to  Alexandria.  It  was  found  im- 
possible to  come  to  any  agreement  on  a  point  which 
so  nearly  concerned  England  and  her  views  upon 
Egypt,  and  on  the  9th  of  October,  the  English  com- 
missioner declared  the  negotiations  at  an  end. 

"  These  events  led  to  serious  complications;  Malta 
capitulated  towards  the  beginning  of  September,  and, 
on  the  other  side,  a  general  rising  was  organized  in  the 
Apennines,  ready  to  break  out  on  the  arrival  of  10,000 
English  under  General  Abercrombie,  and  of  a  Neapo- 
litan division  which  was  to  pass  the  frontiers  of  the 
kingdom,  as  soon  as  they  were  certain  of  the  landing 
of  the  English  corps. 

"In  a  state  of  things  so  dangerous  to  France,  it 
became  necessary  to  conclude  a  peace  at  any  cost. 

"The  opportunity  appeared  so  much  the  more 
favourable,  as  a  change  of  ministry  had  just  taken 
place  in  Vienna.  Baron  Thugut  was  replaced  by 
Count  Cobentzel,  the  negotiator  of  the  peace  of  Campo- 
Formio,  who  regarded  it  as  an  honour  to  be  called 
a  man  of  peace.  His  first  act  was  to  announce  in 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  283 

Paris,  that  Count  Lerbache  was  about  to  set  out  for 
Luneville  without  delay.  Shortly  after  he  himself  set 
out  for  Paris;  his  secret  purpose  was  to  gain  time. 

"  The  First  Consul  gave  him  a  most  distinguished 
reception,  but  on  the  next  day  the  veil  was  torn  off. 
On  being  requested  by  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  to 
show  his  credentials,  he  hesitated,  and  alleged  that  the 
etiquette  required  the  respective  parties  to  make  a 
regular  exchange  of  powers  at  Luneville,  The  First 
Consul  had  appointed  his  brother  Joseph,  as  his  pleni- 
potentiary at  this  congress,  whom  he  now  ordered  to 
set  out  forthwith  for  Luneville,  and  requested  Count 
Cobentzel  to  proceed  thither  without  delay.  The 
minutes  of  the  proceedings  were  opened  on  the  6th  of 
November,  and  an  exchange  of  powers  took  place,  but 
at  the  first  sitting,  the  Austrian  plenipotentiary  de- 
clared, that  he  could  not  treat  without  the  concur- 
rence of  an  English  plenipotentiary,  and  as  an  English 
plenipotentiary  could  not  be  admitted  without  the 
consent  of  England  to  the  last  conditions  proposed  by 
France,  in  the  question  of  the  naval  armistices,  such  a 
declaration  was  equivalent  to  a  rupture.  On  the  17th 
of  November,  hostilities  recommenced  on  the  Rhine, 
and  in  Italy ;  but  as  the  minutes  were  still  open,  the 
French  plenipotentiaries  at  Luneville  were  ordered  to 
propose  to  Count  Cobentzel  to  sign  a  separate  peace 
with  the  Emperor,  which,  in  case  of  need,  might  be 
kept  secret,  till  negotiations  were  definitively  broken 
off  with  England.  This  peace  was  to  embrace  the 
following  conditions : 


284  HISTORY   OF   THE 

"  c  The  Mincio  as  the  boundary  between  the  Cisal- 
pine republic  and  the  Austrian  states  in  Italy;  the 
duchy  of  Tuscany  for  the  Infant  Duke  of  Parma;  the 
legations  for  the  Archduke  Ferdinand ;  the  restitution 
of  Piedmont  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  with  the  Sezio 
for  its  boundary  on  the  side  of  the  Cisalpine  republic ; 
the  Alps  and  the  Rhine  as  the  frontiers  of  France.  On 
these  conditions  hostilities  were  again  to  cease.' 

"  Austria  refused.  It  was  not  until  the  French  head- 
quarters were  established  at  St.  Piotten,  and  the  ad- 
vanced guard  within  four  leagues  of  Vienna,  that  she 
determined  to  renounce  her  alliance  with  England. 
On  the  19th  of  February,  1802,  she  signed  the  peace  of 
Luneville,  which  was  ratified  by  the  Emperor  in  Vienna 
on  the  7th  of  March  following. 

"  A  very  grave  question  was  at  this  time  agitated 
— the  right  of  search. 

44  In  the  month  of  December,  1800,  a  mutual 
engagement  was  entered  into  by  Sweden,  Denmark, 
Russia  and  Prussia,  to  lend  assistance  each  to  the 
others  against  the  pretensions  of  the  English  admi- 
ralty, which  arrogated  to  itself  the  right  of  visiting  and 
searching  all  vessels  sailing  under  a  neutral  flag. 

"  This  treaty  called  the  quadruple  alliance,  laid 
down,  and  was  formed  to  support,  the  following  prin- 
ciples : 

" c  1st.  The  flag  covers  the  merchandise. 

"  4  2ndly.  All  vessels  under  convoy  of  the  ships  of  a 
neutral  state,  are  ipso  facto,  free  from  visit  or 
search. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON".  283 

iu ;  Srclly.  Munitions  of  war  alone  are  contraband, 
and  subject  to  seizure. 

"  '  4thly.  The  right  of  search  is  not  to  be  employed, 
except  in  cases  where  munitions  of  war  are  on  board. 

"  '  othly.  Neutrality  is  established  in  all  cases  in 
which  the  captain  and  the  half  of  the  crew  are  natives 
of  the  country  under  whose  flag  the  ship  sails. 

"  6  Gthly.  Ships  of  war  belonging  to  the  contracting 
powers,  shall  be  considered  entitled  to  convoy  mer- 
chant vessels  not  only  of  their  own,  but  of  each  of 
the  four  powers  reciprocally. 

"  c  Tthly.  A  Russian,  Danish,  and  Swedish  squadron 
shall  be  continually  at  sea,  to  protect  the  commerce 
of  the  contracting  nations,  and  to  cause  the  principles 
laid  down  in  this  treaty  to  be  respected.7 

"  This  question  had  led  to  a  complete  division 
between  the  cabinets  of  France  and  England,  and  in- 
volved the  necessity  of  war  between  these  two  great 
rivals  for  the  supremacy  of  the  sea.  The  treaty  of 
Amiens  had  decided  nothing  on  this  point;  the  First 
Consul  was  desirous  of  peace,  and  his  plenipotentiaries 
had  orders  not  to  embarrass  or  entangle  the  negotia- 
tion by  the  discussion  of  questions  whose  solution  was 
not  indispensable  to  the  interests  of  the  moment. 

"  During  the  ages  of  barbarism,  the  right  of  nations 
was  the  same  by  sea  and  land.  Individuals  belonging 
to  hostile  nations  were  seized  and  made  prisoners, 
whether  they  were  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
or  not,  and  were  kept  in  bondage  till  an  adequate 
ransom  was  paid.  Their  property  in  money  and 


286  HISTORY   OF   THE 

goods  was  confiscated  in  whole  or  in  part.  The 
influence  of  civilization,  however,  had  effected  a  com- 
plete change  in  this  respect  among  nations  at  war  by 
land,  without  having  produced  the  same  effect  in 
cases  of  vessels  at  sea ;  so  that  matters  are  regulated 
by  two  different  rights,  as  if  there  were  two  kinds  of 
reason  and  justice.  The  right  of  nations  in  war  by  land 
no  longer  justifies  the  spoliation  of  individuals,  nor  any 
change  in  their  personal  condition.  War  only  ap- 
plies to  governments ;  thus  property  does  not  always 
change  hands;  stores  of  merchandise  remain  intact; 
personal  liberty  is  guaranteed.  Those  alone  are  con- 
sidered as  prisoners  of  war,  who  are  taken  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  or  who  form  a  part  of  the  military 
force.  This  change  has  effected  a  vast  amelioration 
of  the  evils  of  war,  rendered  the  conquest  of  nations 
more  easy,  and  war  less  bloody  and  disastrous. 

"  A  conquered  province  takes  an  oath  of  submission 
and  obedience,  and,  if  the  conqueror  requires  it,  gives 
hostages,  surrenders  its  arms,  and  pays  the  usual  taxes 
to  the  credit  of  the  conqueror,  who,  if  he  deems  it 
necessary,  has  and  exercises  the  right  of  imposing  an 
extraordinary  levy,  either  for  the  support  of  his  army, 
or  as  an  indemnity  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  This 
contribution,  however,  has  no  regard  to  the  value  of 
merchandise ;  it  is  only  a  pro  rota  increase  of  the 
ordinary  contributions  to  a  greater  or  less  extent, 
nearly  equal  to  a  year's  revenue,  and  is  imposed  upon 
the  whole  body  of  the  people,  so  that  it  never  involves 
the  ruin  of  individuals. 


CAPTIVITY   01   XAPOLEON.  287 

ifc  The  right  of  nations  which  regulates  maritime 
war  has  still  continued  to  remain  the  same  as  it  was 
in  ages  of  barbarism.  The  property  of  individuals 
is  confiscated,  and  persons  not  engaged  in  actual 
hostilities  are  made  prisoners.  When  two  nations 
are  at  war,  all  vessels  belonging  to  either  one  or  the 
other,  whether  at  sea  or  in  port,  are  liable  to  be 
seized  and  confiscated,  and  the  individuals  on  board 
to  be  made  prisoners  of  war.  Thus,  by  a  manifest 
contradiction  (supposing  France  and  England  to  be 
at  war)  an  English  ship  which  should  be  found  in  the 
port  of  Xantes,  for  example,  at  the  moment  at  which 
the  war  was  declared,  would  be  confiscated,  and  the 
crew  made  prisoners  of  war,  although  not  engaged  in 
hostilities ;  whilst  goods  in  the  same  city,  belonging 
to  an  English  merchant  would  not  be  sequestrated  or 
confiscated,  and  the  merchant  himself  travelling  in 
France  would  receive  the  necessary  passports  to  en- 
able him  to  leave  the  country.  An  English  vessel  at 
sea,  captured  by  a  French  ship,  would  be  confiscated, 
although  the  cargo  belonged  to  private  individuals, 
and  the  crew  would  be  made  prisoners  of  war  although 
not  taken  in  arms,  whilst  a  convoy  of  a  hundred 
waggons  of  merchandise  belonging  to  an  Englishman, 
and  traversing  France  at  the  time  of  a  declaration  of 
war  between  the  two  powers,  would  not  be  seized. 

"  In  a  war  by  land,  even  territorial  properties  pos- 
sessed by  foreign  subjects  are  not  confiscated;  they 
are,  at  most,  placed  under  sequestration.  The  laws 
therefore  which  regulate  war  by  land  are  much  more 


288  HISTORY   OF  THE 

conformable  to  the  spirit  of  civilization,  and  indi- 
vidual safety  and  well-being,  than  those  which  prevail 
in  naval  affairs,  and  it  is  greatly  to  be  desired  that 
a  time  may  come,  when  the  same  liberal  ideas  shall  be 
extended  to  naval  wars;  and  that  the  great  belligerent 
powers  may  carry  on  warlike  operations  against  each 
other,  without  the  confiscation  of  merchant  ships,  or 
treating  their  crews  as  legitimate  prisoners  of  war; 
and  commerce  would  then  be  carried  on,  at  sea,  be- 
tween the  belligerent  parties,  in  the  same  way  as  it  is 
carried  on  by  land,  in  the  midst  of  the  battles  fought 
by  their  armies. 

"  According  to  common  rights,  the  sea  is  the  domain 
of  all  nations ;  it  extends  over  three-fourths  of  the 
globe,  and  forms  a  medium  of  intercourse  among  the 
different  inhabitants  of  the  earth.  A  ship  laden  with 
merchandise,  and  at  sea,  is  still  subject  to  the  civil 
and  criminal  laws  of  the  country  under  whose  flag 
she  sails ;  she  may,  perhaps,  be  considered  as  a  floating 
colony,  inasmuch  as  all  nations  are  equal  sovereigns 
upon  the  sea.  If  merchant  vessels  belonging  to  belli- 
gerent powers  were  allowed  to  navigate  the  ocean 
freely,  much  less  would  there  be  any  reason  for  exer- 
cising any  right  of  search  in  case  of  neutrals ;  but  as 
it  has  become  a  principle  that  merchant  vessels  be- 
longing to  the  states  of  belligerent  powers  are  liable 
to  capture  and  confiscation,  the  result  necessarily  is, 
that  all  ships  of  war  should  have  the  right  of  satis- 
fying themselves  with  respect  to  the  genuineness  of 
the  flags  of  neutral  ships  with  which  they  fall  in  at 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  289 

sea,  for  if,  hi  any  case,  she  proved  to  be  an  enemy's 
vessel,  she  would  be  liable  to  seizure,  hence  the  right 
of  search,  recognised  by  all  the  great  powers  of 
Europe  in  various  treaties:  hence  vessels  of  war  have 
a  right  to  send  out  their  boats,  and  order  an  officer  to 
go  on  board  neutral  vessels,  to  require  the  captain  to 
produce  his  ship's  papers,  and  thus  to  assure  them- 
selves of  the  country  to  which  the  ship  belongs.  The 
exercise  of  this  right  is  recognised  by  all  treaties, 
but  at  the  same  time,  the  greatest  delicacy  is  expected 
and  enjoined  in  the  manner  of  its  exercise ;  it  is  usual 
for  the  armed  ships  to  remain  beyond  the  range  of 
cannon-shot,  and  for  only  two  or  three  persons  to  go 
on  board  the  vessel  visited,  in  order  that  all  appearance 
of  force  or  violence  may  be  avoided. 

"  The  principle  has  been  recognised,  that  a  vessel 
belongs  to  the  nation  under  whose  flag  she  sails,  when 
she  is  furnished  with  proper  papers,  and  the  captain 
and  one-half  of  the  crew  are  citizens  of  the  nation  to 
which  the  vessel  claims  to  belong.  All  civilized 
powers  have  agreed  in  forbidding  their  neutral  sub- 
jects to  carry  on  a  contraband  trade  with  powers 
which  are  at  war.  All  such  articles  as  powder,  balls, 
shells,  guns,  saddles,  bridles,  or  other  munitions  of 
war  whatsoever,  are  reckoned  contraband,  and  vessels 
with  such  articles  on  board  are  supposed  to  have 
transgressed  the  laws  of  their  own  country,  because 
every  sovereign  binds  himself  to  forbid  his  subjects  to 
carry  on  trade  in  such  articles,  and  therefore  all  such 
articles  are  liable  to  seizure  and  confiscation. 
VOL.  TT.  r 


290  HISTORY   OF   THE 

"  The  visit  made  by  a  cruiser  is  not  merely  a  simple 
visit  to  ascertain  the  genuineness  of  the  flag  under 
which  the  ship  visited  sails,  but  the  commander  of 
the  cruiser,  in  the  name  of  the  sovereign  whose  flag 
the  vessel  bears,  exercises  a  new  right  of  search  to 
ascertain  whether  the  vessel  has  any  contraband 
articles  on  board. 

"  Should  there  be  any  soldiers  on  board,  they  too 
are  regarded  as  contraband,  and  this  right  does  not 
at  all  derogate  from  the  principle,  that  the  flag  covers 
the  merchandise. 

"  There  is  still  another  case,  that  in  which  vessels 
belonging  to  neutral  powers  proposed  to  enter  ports 
in  a  state  of  siege,  and  blockaded  by  an  enemy's 
squadron,  such  vessels  being  laden  not  with  munitions 
of  war,  but  with  provisions,  timber,  wine,  or  other 
merchandise,  which  might  be  useful  to  the  besieged, 
and  enable  them  to  prolong  their  defence.  After 
long  discussions  among  the  powers,  it  was  finally 
agreed  and  determined  by  several  treaties,  that 
in  every  case  in  which  a  port  is  really  blockaded 
so  that  there  would  be  manifest  danger  to  a  vessel 
attempting  to  enter  the  harbour,  then  the  commander 
of  the  blockading  squadron  is  empowered  to  interdict 
neutral  vessels  from  entering  the  port,  "and  to  capture 
the  ship,  provided  she  makes  an  attempt  to  violate 
the  blockade,  and  to  sail  into  the  port  either  by  force 
or  stratagem. 

"  Thus  maritime  laws  are  based  upon  these  principles : 
1st.  The  flag  covers  the  merchandise ;  2ndly,  a  neutral 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NMPOLEOS.  291 

vessel  must  submit  to  be  visited  by  ships  of  war  belong- 
ing to  belligerent  nations,  to  ascertain  whether  she  is 
bondjide  a  yes-el  belonging  to  the  country  whose  flag 
she  bears,  and  that  her  cargo  does  not  include  contra- 
band articles ;  3rdly,  contraband  is  restricted  to  muni- 
tions of  war ;  and,  4thly,  neutral  vessels  may  be  prevented 
from  entering  any  harbour  which  is  really  blockaded, 
so  that  there  would  be  manifest  danger  to  any  vessel 
attempting  to  enter  such  port  or  harbour.  These 
principles  form  the  code  of  maritime  law  for  neutral 
vessels,  because  the  different  powers  have  freely,  and 
by  various  treaties,  bound  themselves  to  the  ob- 
servance of  them,  and  to  enforce  that  observance  upon 
their  subjects  in  all  cases  of  necessity. 

"  The  different  maritime  powers — Holland,  Por- 
tugal, Spain,  France,  England,  Sweden,  Denmark, 
and  Russia,  have  at  different  times,  and  in  various 
treaties,  successively  bound  themselves,  each  to  the 
others,  by  the  formal  recognition  of  those  principles 
which  have  been  established  and  published  in  general 
treaties  of  pacification,  sucli  as  those  of  Westphalia 
in  1649,  and  of  Utrecht  in  1712. 

"England  in  the  war  with  America,  in  1778,  pre- 
tended: 1st,  that  all  merchandise  for  ship-building, 
such  as  wood,  hemp,  pitch,  &G.,  were  contraband  of 
war;  2ndly,  that  a  neutral  vessel  had  the  right  to 
proceed  from  a  friendly  to  an  enemy's  port,  but  that 
she  could  not  be  allowed  to  trade  between  one  enemy's 
port  and  another ;  3rdly,  that  neutrals  could  not  sail 
from  the  colonies  of  a  belligerent  power  to  the  mother 

T:   9 


292  HISTORY   OF  THE 

country;  4thly,  that  neutral  powers  had  no  right 
to  send  their  merchantmen  under  convoy  of  ships  of 
war,  or  in  such  case,  that  they  were  still  liable  to 
the  right  of  search. 

"  Xo  independent  power  would  acquiesce  in  these 
unjust  pretensions ;  for  the  sea  being  the  common 
domain  of  nations,  no  one  power  can  have  the  right 
to  regulate  and  establish  a  law  for  what  takes  place 
there.  If  the  right  of  search  be  permitted  in  the  case 
of  neutral  vessels,  it  is  because  the  various  sovereign 
nations  have  recognised  this  right  for  common  conve- 
nience, and  by  special  treaties.  If  munitions  of  war 
are  contraband,  it  is  because  treaties  have  made  them 
so.  If  belligerent  powers  can  seize  them,  it  is  because 
the  sovereign  under  whose  flag  the  neutral  vessel  sails, 
has  bound  himself  not  to  allow  such  a  description  of 
trade.  The  list  of  contraband  articles  cannot,  however, 
obviously  be  extended  at  discretion,  as  was  objected 
to  the  English  claim,  and  no  nation  has  bound  itself 
to  forbid  trade  in  naval  munitions,  such  as  ship 
timber,  hemp,  pitch,  &c. 

"  With  regard  to  the  second  claim — it  is  contrary, 
it  was  said,  to  recognised  usage :  you  cannot  inter- 
meddle with  the  commerce  of  neutral  nations,  further 
than  to  ascertain  the  genuineness  of  the  flag;  you 
have  no  right  to  know  what  a  neutral  ship  is  doing  on 
the  high  seas,  because  such  a  vessel  is  on  her  own 
rightful  element,  and  beyond  your  authority.  She  is 
not  protected,  it  is  true,  by  the  batteries  of  her 


CAl'TIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  293 

country,  but  she  is  su  by  the  moral  power  of  her 
nation  and  of  her  sovereign. 

G 

"  The  third  pretension  has  no  better  foundation. 
A  state  of  war  can,  and  ought  to  have,  no  effect  upon 
neutrals.  They  ought  to  be  able  to  do  in  "war  what 
they  can  do  in  peace.  In  a  state  of  peace,  there 
is  nothing  to  prevent  a  vessel  belonging  to  one 
country  from  trading  between  another  country  and  its 
colonies.  If  foreign  vessels  are  permitted  to  trade 
in  this  way,  this  permission  is  not  founded  upon 
the  law  of  nations,  but  on  municipal  regulations ;  and 
in  all  cases  in  which  a  nation  is  disposed  to  confer 
this  privilege  on  foreign  vessels,  no  other  nation  has 
any  right  to  interfere. 

"  With  regard  to  the  fourth  pretension,  it  was  replied, 
that  as  the  right  of  search  was  instituted  merely  in  order 
to  ascertain  the  genuineness  of  the  flag,  and  whether 
the  cargo  was  composed  of  articles  contraband  of  war, 
an  armed  vessel  under  the  commission  of  the  sovereign 
of  a  neutral  nation  is  a  much  better  assurance  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  flag,  and  of  the  cargoes  not  being 
contraband  of  war,  than  can  result  from  any  search 
whatever;  and  it  would  be  a  consequence  of  such  a 
pretension,  that  a  fleet  of  merchant  vessels,  under 
convoy  of  eight  or  ten  ships  of  the  line,  would  be 
liable  to  have  the  right  of  search  enforced  by  a  brig 
of  war,  or  a  privateer  of  a  belligerent  power. 

"  During  the  American  war  (1778),  Monsieur  de 
Castries,  then  minister  of  Marine  in  France,  published, 


294  HISTORY   OF  THE 

and  caused  to  be  adopted,  a  regulation  relative  to  the 
commerce  of  neutral  powers.  This  regulation  was 
drawn  up  in  conformity  with  the  spirit  of  the  treaty 
of  Utrecht,  and  of  the  rights  of  neutral  nations.  The 
principles  above  mentioned  were  therein  declared  to 
be  inadmissible,  and  that  their  observance  was  only 
to  continue  for  six  months,  after  which,  they  should 
cease  to  be  regarded  by  neutral  nations  which  should 
not  have  made  their  rights  known  by  England. 

"  This  course  was  both  just  and  politic.  It  satis- 
fied all  the  neutral  powers,  and  threw  a  new  light 
upon  this  question. 

"  The  Dutch,  who  then  carried  on  the  largest  trade, 
annoyed  by  the  English  cruisers,  and  the  decisions  of 
the  English  Admiralty,  caused  their  merchant  ships 
to  be  convoyed  by  vessels  of  war,  hoping  that  this 
course  would  at  least  protect  them  against  the  exercise 
of  the  right  of  search.  A  convoy,  escorted  by  several 
Butch  ships  of  war,  was,  however,  attacked,  taken, 
and  carried  into  an  English  harbour,  an  event  which 
filled  the  Dutch  with  indignation,  and  shortly  after, 
Holland  and  Spain  declared  war  against  England. 

"  Catherine,  Empress  of  Russia,  took  such  a  part 
in  these  great  questions  as  the  dignity  of  her  flag  and 
the  interests  of  her  empire  demanded.  The  trade  of 
Kussia  principally  consisted  in  articles  employed  in 
ship-building,  and  this  led  her  to  resolve  to  unite  with 
Sweden  and  Denmark  ra  forming  an  armed  neutrality. 
These  powers  declared  their  determination  to  make 
war  upon  any  belligerent  power  which  should  violate 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEON".  295 

the  following  principles,  which  they  assumed  as  the 
basis  of  their  union:  1st,  that  the  flag  covers  the 
merchandise  ( contraband  esccpted);  2ndly,  that  the 
right  of  search  exercised  by  a  ship  of  war  upon  a 
neutral  vessel,  should  be  exercised  with  the  greatest 
possible  delicacy ;  3dly,  that  munitions  of  war  alone, 
such  as  cinnon,  powder  and  ball,  are  contraband; 
4thly,  that  every  power  has  a  right  to  convoy 
merchant  ships;  and  that  in  this  case,  the  declaration 
of  the  commander  of  the  ship  of  war  is  sufficient  to 
protect  the  flag  and  cargoes  of  the  ships  under  her 
convoy  and  protection;  othly,  that  a  port  cannot  be 
regarded  as  blockaded  by  a  squadron,  except  where 
there  is  manifest  clanger  of  entering  such  a  port — and 
that  a  ship  is  not  to  be  prevented  from  entering  a  port 
previously  blockaded  by  a  force  no  longer  before  it, 
from  whatever  cause  the  absence  of  the  blockading 
squadron  may  have  taken  place,  whether  from  stress 
of  weather  or  from  the  want  of  provisions. 

"  The  armed  neutrality  of  the  northern  powers  was 
announced  to  the  belligerent  powers  on  the  15th  of 
August,  1780.  France  and  Spain,  whose  principles 
were  thus  recognised,  hastened  to  express  their  adhe- 
rence to  these  conditions.  England  alone  testified 
extreme  dissatisfaction,  but  did  not  venture  to  brave 
the  new  confederation.  She  contented  herself  with 
the  non-enforcement  of  her  own  principles,  and  thus 
virtually  renounced  them.  Fifteen  months  afterwards, 
the  peace  of  1782  put  an  end  to  the  maritime  war. 
The  war  between  France  and  England  commenced  in 


296  HiSTonr  OF  THE 

1793;  England  very  soon  became  the  soul  of  the  first 
coalition.  Whilst  the  armies  of  Austria,  Spain, 
Eussia  and  Piedmont  invaded  our  frontiers,  she 
employed  all  possible  means  to  ruin  our  colonies. 
The  taking  of  Toulon,  where  our  squadron  was 
destroyed  by  fire,  and  the  rising  of  the  west,  in  which 
a  great  number  of  sailors  perished,  annihilated  our 
marine,  and  England  no  longer  set  any  limits  to  her 
ambition.  Thenceforth  mistress  of  the  seas,  and 
without  a  rival,  she  thought  the  moment  was  come,  in 
which  she  might  without  danger,  revive  her  former 
pretensions,  which  she  had  tacitly  renounced  in  the 
war  of  1780 — that  is  to  say,  that  materials  for  ship- 
building are  contraband;  that  neutral  powers  have 
not  the  right  to  convoy  their  merchant  ships  by  ships 
of  war,  and  thus  protect  them  from  the  right  of 
search;  and  that  a  blockade  is  to  be  respected  not 
only  when  the  blockading  squadron  is  present,  but 
when  it  is  absent  from  stress  of  weather  or  other 
reasons.  She,  however,  went  still  further,  and  put 
forward  three  new  pretensions:  1st,  that  the  flag 
does  not  cover  the  merchandise,  but  that  the  property 
of  an  enemy  is  liable  to  be  seized  and  confiscated  even 
in  a  neutral  bottom;  2ndly,  that  neutrals  have  not  a 
right  to  carry  on  trade  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country  of  a  beUigerent  nation;  and,  3rdly, 
that  a  neutral  vessel  may  enter  an  enemy's  port,  but 
not  proceed  from  one  enemy's  port  to  another. 

"  The  assassination  of  Paul  L  left  England-  com- 


CAPTIVITY   OF    XAPOLEOX.  207 

plete  liberty  of  action  to  maintain,  with  greater  force 
than  she  had  ever  yet  displayed,  her  pretensions  to 
the  absolute  dominion  of  the  seas.  The  quadruple 
alliance  was  dissolved,  and  Denmark  cruelly  punished 
for  having  dared  to  measure  her  strength  with  Eng- 
land in  a  naval  engagement. 

"  Pitt  had  at  this  time  retired  before  the  ascen- 
dant of  France;  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of  the 
quadruple  alliance,  the  occupation  of  Hanover  by 
Prussian  troops,  and  the  necessity  to  sign  a  peace 
imposed  upon  Austria  by  the  defeat  at  Hohenlinden, 
had  deprived  him  of  all  hope  of  success  in  his  scheme 
of  preventing  any  serious  approximation  to  peace 
between  France  and  England.  Lord  Hawkesbury  had 
replaced  Lord  Grenville  in  the  foreign  office,  and 
hastened  to  renew  the  negotiations  with  Monsieur 
Otto.  There  was  some  reason  to  hope  for  success  on 
this  occasion,  but  on  the  arrival  of  the  news  concern- 
ing the  events  which  had  just  taken  place  at  Peters- 
burg, the  demands  of  England  proved  that  peace 
would  be  impossible  until  some  new  events  should 
constrain  its  adoption. 

"  It  became  necessary,  at  all  costs,  to  alarm  the 
hearts  of  the  citizens  of  London ;  considerable  arma- 
ments were  ordered  to  be  got  in  readiness  on  the 
whole  coast  of  France,  from  the  Gironde  to  the 
Scheldt;  all  the  French  dockyards  were  put  into  a 
state  of  full  activity  in  order  to  construct  a  flotilla  for 
the  conveyance  of  troops  across  the  channel.  The 


298  HISTORY    OF   THE 

English  on  their  side  raised  troops,  threw  up  entrench- 
ments at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  gave  many 
other  proofs  of  their  fear  of  an  invasion. 

"  The  interviews  between  M.  Otto  and  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  had  never  been  discontinued,  and  the  pretensions 
of  the  cabinet  of  St.  James's,  inadmissible  as  they  were, 
had  still  continued  to  be  discussed,  in  the  expectation 
of  the  occurrence  of  some  events  favourable  to  peace, 
when  the  First  Consul,  at  the  propitious  moment, 
caused  a  counter-project  to  be  submitted  through 
M.  Otto  to  the  following  effect : 

"  Istly.  Restitution  of  Egypt  to  the  Grand  Seignor, 
Port  Mahon  to  Spain,  Malta  to  the  Knights  of  St. 
John  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  recognition  of  the  Ionian 
republic. 

"  2ndly.  Ceylon  to  England,  and  the  restoration  of 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  Holland. 

"  Sdly.  Restoration,  by  England,  of  the  colonies 
in  the- West  Indies,  taken  by  her  during  the  war. 

"  4thly.  Restoration  to  Portugal  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Olivenza,  occupied  by  a  Franco-Spanish 
army. 

"  Lord  Hawkesbury  replied,  that  England  was  dis- 
posed to  restore  the  Island  of  Malta  to  the  Knights  of 
St.  John;  that  she  considered  the  Indian  question 
settled  by  the  acquisition  of  Ceylon — that  as  to  the 
question  of  the  Antilles,  she  was  ready  to  restore 
Martinique,  but  must  .retain  possession  of  Trinidad 
and  Tobago,  and  require  that  Demerara  should 
be  a  free  port.  After  long  discussions,  all  these 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  299 

goiuts  were  admitted,  on  condition  that  Spain 
should  retain  the  province  of  Oliveuza  in  lieu  of 
Trinidad  On  the  first  of  October,  1801,  the  pre- 
liminaries of  peace  were  signed  by  II.  Otto  on  these 
bases. 

"  The  joy  consequent  on  the  announcement  of  this 
peace,  was  still  greater  in  England  than  in  France. 
Lauriston,  the  First  Consul's  aide-de-camp,  who  was 
sent  to  England  as  the  bearer  of  the  ratifications  of 
the  treaty,  signed  by  M.  Otto,  was  received  with  the 
most  enthusiastic  ovations,  and  Mr.  Addington?  the 
prime  minister,  said  to  him :  "  This  is  not  an  ordinary 
peace ;  it  is  an  act  of  reconciliation  between  the  two 
most  powerful  nations  in  the  world."" 

"  Conferences  for  a  definitive  peace  were  opened  at 
Amiens.  Lord  Cornwallis  was  the  representative  of 
England;  the  interests  of  Spain  were  entrusted  to 
the  Marquis  d'Azara;  Herr  Schimmelpenynck  ap- 
peared on  behalf  of  Holland;  and  the  First  Consul 
selected  his  brother  Joseph  for  France.  On  the  27th 
of  March,  1802,  the  peace  was  signed. 

"From  this  day  forth,  the  great  object  of  the  English 
Tories  was  a  rupture  of  the  treaty ;  and  in  this  they 
were  aided  and  abetted  by  the  criminal  device  of 
a  body  of  emigres,  who  marched  under  the  banner  of 
the  Count  d'Artois.  The  French  government  had 
nothing  wherewith  to  reproach  itself.  It  did  every- 
thing possible,  consistent  with  French  honour,  to 
preserve  the  peace. 

"  The  cabinet  of  St.  James's,  by  violating  the  peace 


300  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  Amiens,  involved  Europe  in  a  mortal  struggles 
against  the  French  republic,  at  the  very  moment  in 
which  it  offered,  through  M.  Malhouet,  an  emigre^ 
formerly  minister  of  Louis  XVI.,  to  place  at  my 
personal  disposal  30,000,000  of  francs,  and  the  whole 
moral  assistance  of  England,  to  induce  me  to  proclaim 
myself  king  of  the  French,  on  the  sole  condition  of 
ceding  to  England  the  rule  of  the  Mediterranean, 
which  would  ensure  the  markets  of  the  Levant  for 
her  manufactures,  and  sooner  or  later  open  to  her 
the  way  to  India  by  the  Euphrates  or  the  Red 
Sea. 

"  The  reply  to  be  given  to  this  proposal  required  no 
hesitation ;  I  gave  it  myself  to  Lord  Whitworth,  the 
English  ambassador,  in  the  following  terms ;  '  I  wish 
to  owe  nothing  to  strangers  or  to  their  interference ; 
if  ever  the  French  nation  places  the  royal  crown  upon 
my  head,  it  shall  be  of  its  own  free  accord.' 

"  During  the  war  in  Italy,  Austria  had  already 
sought  to  work  upon  my  ambition  by  her  insinuations ; 
the  Marquis  de  Gallo,  the  ambassador  of  Naples  in 
Vienna,  offered  me,  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor,  a 
sovereignty  in  Germany ;  but  then,  as  always,  my  device 
as  well  as  my  life  has  been  TOUT  POUR  LA  FRANCE. 

"  In  1805,  Napoleon,  when  conqueror  of  Austria, 
wrote  anew  to  the  King  of  England :  l  Is  not  the  world 
large  enough  to  hold  our  two  nations ;  andhasnotreason 
power  sufficient  to  suggest  means  of  reconciliation,  if 
both  parties  earnestly  desire  it?  Peace  is  the  wish  of 
my  heart,  though  war  has  never  been  unfavourable  to 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  301 

my  arms.  I  conjure  your  Majesty,  not  to  deny  your- 
self the  happiness  of  giving  peace  to  the  nations.' 

"  Pitt  made  war  to  the  death  upon  the  French  revo- 
lution, because  he  regarded  it  as  a  species  of  mutual 
struggle  for  the  English  aristocracy.  In  1806,  how- 
ever, before  the  battle  of  Jena,  he  would  have  accepted 
the  pacific  offers  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  when 
the  latter  said  to  Lord  Lauderdale : 

a  4  You  would  do  better  to  persuade  your  govern- 
ment to  peace,  for  in  a  month  I  shall  be  master  of 
Prussia.  Prussia  and  Russia,  if  united,  might  oifer 
some  resistance,  and  perhaps  with  some  hopes  of 
success;  but  Prussia  cannot  do  that  alone.  The 
Russians  are  three  months'  march  distant  from  the  first 
battle-field.  The  plan  of  the  Prussian  campaign  is  to 
defend  Berlin,  instead  of  retiring  behind  the  Oder,  and 
there  awaiting  the  Russians  before  risking  a  battle. 
The  Prussian  army  will  be  destroyed,  and  I  shall  be 
in  Berlin  before  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Russians 
shall  have  passed  the  Vistula.  Make  peace,  therefore, 
whilst  the  moral  power  of  the  Prussia  of  Frederick  the 
Great  aids  you  with  its  friendship.' 

"  The  Emperor  of  Austria  offered  to  interpose,  in 
order  to  decide  his  allies.  '  The  English,'  said  he, 
in  the  interview  granted  him  at  Austeiiitz — '  the 
English  are  merchants  ;  they  set  fire  to  the  Continent, 
in  order  to  secure  the  commerce  of  the  world  for  them- 
selves ;  and  France  is  right  in  her  quarrel  with  Eng- 
land.' 

"  Pitt's  death  in  1806,  brought  Fox  to  the  head  of 


302  HISTORY   OF  THE 

affairs,  and  rendered  peace  possible.  It  might  have  been 
expected  that  the  ancient  rivalry  of  two  great  nations, 
worthy  of  mutual  love  and  esteem,  would  have  been 
extinguished;  but  the  day  of  reconciliation  had  not 
yet  arrived.  Fox  died,  and  the  shade  of  Pitt  pro- 
tected the  Tory  ministry,  which  returned  to  power. 
The  English  cabinet,  by  following  Pitt's  principles, 
endeavoured  on  all  hands  to  find  new  enemies  for 
France.  It  sent  a  squadron  to  the  Tagus  to  draw 
Portugal  into  the  war;  threatened  the  Ottoman  Porte 
to  compel  it  to  enter  into  the  coalition ;  intrigued  with 
Russia,  with  a  view  to  change  her  pacific  intentions; 
and  excited  Prussia  against  France,  by  persuading  her 
that  she  would  lose  Hanover,  which  France  had 
suffered  her  to  occupy,  but  which  she  would  not 
guarantee,  except  on  the  condition  of  making  common 
cause  in  compelling  England  to  accept  a  peace.  As 
long  as  Fox  directed  the  negotiations,  they  were 
carried  on  in  an  honourable  and  frank  spirit,  with 
the  view  of  re-establishing  peace ;  after  his  death,  the 
only  object  was  to  break  them  off,  by  all  possible 
means  to  elude  the  responsibility  of  the  rupture,  and 
to  give  the  war  a  spirit  of  greater  violence  than  before, 
in  hopes  that  a  new  coalition  would  be  all  in  favour 
of  the  allies  of  England,  and  would  be  for  her  merely 
an  account  current  at  the  Treasury;  and  finally,  that 
France  would  be  exhausted,  and  finish  by  succumb- 
ing in  this  incessant  struggle  against  the  whole  of 
Europe. 
"  The  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  were  nothing  but 


CAPTIVITY   01   NAPOLEON.  303 

just  reprisals  upon  England  for  the  course  which  she 
had  pursued.  The  continental  system  appeared  like 
the  mere  swagger  of  a  diseased  mind;  no  one  com- 
prehended its  bearings,  and  it  \vas  even  necessary  to 
have  recourse  to  force  to  ensure  its  execution.  The 
tree,  however,  soon  bore  fruit,  and  time  will  do  the 
rest. 

"Had  it  not  been  for  the  treachery  of  1814,  the 
face  of  commerce  would  be  now  changed,  as  well  as 
the  route  of  industry ;  the  impulse  was  immense,  and 
our  manufacturing  interests  and  property  were  in- 
creasing immeasurably;  the  progress  of  knowledge 
was  gigantic;  ideas  were  everywhere  being  rectified, 
and  science  becoming  popular  in  France.  ^  I  have  been 
careful,"  said  Xapoleon  to  his  minister  of  commerce, 
"  not  to  full  into  the  errors  of  men  of  system,  of  prefer- 
ring myself,  and  my  own  ideas,  to  the  wisdom  of  nations. 
True  wisdom  is  the  result  of  experience ;  the  economists 
who  preach  up  freedom  of  trade,  constantly  quote  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  England  as  a  model  for 
imitation ;  but  England  is  the  country  of  prohibitions, 
and,  in  some  things,  she  is  right,  for  protection  is 
always  necessary  to  encourage  rising  industry,  and,  in- 
such  cases,  the  value  of  this  protection  cannot  be  re- 
placed by  customs — smuggling  destroys  the  object  of 
the  law.  Men  in  general  fall  far  short  of  the  truth 
in  the  solution  of  all  these  questions,  so  vital  to 
national  prosperity.  The  truth,  however,  will  be  more 
and  more  approximated  by  taking,  as  the  basis  of  our 
reflections  upon  this  subject,  the  classification  which 


304  HISTORY    OF   THE 

I  have  always  adopted  in  agriculture,  industry,  and 
commerce — objects  which  are  distinct,  and  form  a  real 
gradation : 

"  Istly.  Agriculture  is  the  soul,  the  foundation  of 
all  national  prosperity. 

"  2ndly.  Industry — the  ready  money  and  prosperity 
of  the  people. 

"  3rdly.  Internal  trade — the  profitable  employment 
of  the  products  of  agriculture  and  industry. 

"  4thly.  Foreign  trade — the  profitable  employment 
of  the  surplus  of  the  national  products,  the  super- 
abundance of  property,  but  of  much  inferior  interest  to 
the  others,  to  which  it  is  subservient,  and  not  they  to 
it. 

"  It  was  the  whole  plan  of  the  imperial  administra- 
tion to  promote  these  diverse  interests  according  to 
their  national  rank,  but  it  was  never  successful  in 
satisfying  them  all.  Time  will  tell  what  they  owe  to 
it ;  the  national  resources  which  it  has  created,  and 
the  deliverance  which  it  has  effected  for  them  from  the 
bondage  of  the  merchants  of  the  city.  It  is  now  time 
to  make  known  the  secret  of  the  treaty  of  commerce 
of  1783.  The  English,  imposed  it  under  threats  of  re- 
commencing the  war,  and  this  was  what  they  wished 
to  oil  repeat  the  rupture  of  the  peace  of  Amiens ;  but 
Napoleon  was  possessed  of  gigantic  power,  2^.  felt  that 
he  was  so;  he  replied,  that  he  would  persist  in  refusing, 
even  if  their  armies  were  on  the  heights  of  Montmartre. 
He  has  been  blamed,  and  that  justly,  for  conceding 
licences;  but  this  arose  from  the  necessity  of  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  305 

moment,  and  was  only  a  temporary  resource,  as  the 
whole  continental  system  was  merely  an  arm  of  war. 
It  would  have  been  easy  to  come  to  an  understanding 
concerning  a  peace,  by  a  system  of  reciprocity  in 
customs,  in  accordance  with  the  interest  of  the  two 
great  commercial  prosperities  of  England  and  France. 

"  During  the  interview  with  Alexander  in  Erfurt,  in 
1808,  the  Emperor  induced  him  to  join  in  a  new  at- 
tempt at  reconciliation. 

"  Finally,  in  1812,  when  Xapoleon  was  in  the  apogee 
of  his  power,  he  made  a  fresh  offer  of  peace  to  Eng- 
land, in  concert  with  the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  the 
King  of  Prussia,  who  went  to  Dresden  expressly  to 
visit  him,  and  to  give  him  a  splendid  proof  of  the 
sincerity  of  their  alliance.  The  English  ministry,  and 
the  libels  of  all  the  oligarchs  in  the  world  may  say 
what  they  will,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  always  wished 
for  peace  with  England,  because  he  regarded  a  general 
peace  as  the  first  condition  of  the  regeneration  of 
Europe. 

"  The  cabinet  of  Lord  Castlereagh,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Venetian  aristocracy,  suffered  itself  to  be  ruled  by 
old  women.  The  great  Lord  Chatham  said — '  If 
England  were  to  act  with  justice  towards  France,  for 
twenty-four  hours  only,  she  would  run  to  her  ruin.' 
England  is  indebted  to  Lord  Castlereagh  for  all  the 
embarrassments  of  her  situation,  and  the  crisis  which 
threatened  her.  A  man  must  have  been  blinded  by 
an  absurd  respect  for  the  opinions  of  Lord  Chatham, 
or  by  a  more  absurd  vanity  of  disinterestedness,  worthy 

VOL.  II.  X 


306  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  a  new  Don  Quixote,  to  have  acted  as  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  did   at   the  congress    of  Vienna,  at   a  time 
when  Austria  acquired  10,000,000  of  people;  Russia 
8,000,000;  Prussia  10,000,000;  and  even  Holland, 
Bavaria,  and  Sardinia,  obtained  extensions  of  terri- 
tory.     England  would   not    have  asked  too  much 
as  an  indemnity  for  the  almost  incredible  and  im- 
possible efforts  which   she  had    made,    if    she   had 
demanded  and  required  the  establishment   of  small 
maritime  independent  states  put  under   her  protec- 
tion, such  as  Hamburgh,  Bremen,  Lubeck,  Stralsund, 
Dantzig,  Antwerp,  Genoa,  and  Venice,  to  serve  as 
an  entrepot  for  her  manufactures,  with  secret  stipula- 
tions, which  should  ensure  her  the  means  of  extending 
her  trade  with  a  moderate  competition.  A  still  graver 
fault,  however,  was  committed,  by  suffering  Russia  to 
obtain  the  crown  of  Poland.     It  would  have  been  a 
hundred  times  better  to  have  given  it  to  the  King  of 
Prussia  or  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria ;  nor  should  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  have  been  allowed  to  usurp  the 
protectorate  of  the  four  provinces   on  the  Danube. 
Russia  is  aggressive  by  nature — sooner  or  later  she 
will  make  an  irruption  into  Europe;  and  this,  in  fact, 
is  her  duty  for  advancing  the  progress  of  civilization 
among  the  four-fifths   of  her  population.     Such  an 
irruption  would  be  a  powerful  and  seductive  means  of 
consolidating  her  rule  over  the  numerous  and  valiant 
races  who  dwell  on  her  frontiers.     They  would   be 
drawn  towards  her  by  the  fabulous  tales  of  the  plea- 
sures of  Europe;  all  would  successively  be  grouped  in 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEOX.  307 

the  ranks  of  the  Russian  light  troops.  The  attractions 
of  the  plunder  of  a  city  like  Paris  are  much  more  than 
sufficient  to  induce  all  the  barbarians  of  the  north 
to  unite  in  a  predatory  incursion  into  Europe.  These 
nations  have  all  the  elements  of  success;  they  are 
brave,  active,  and  indefatigable,  insensible  to  changes  of 
climate;  they  subsist  upon  very  little,  and  submit  to 
discipline  like  brutes.  Should  Russia  succeed  in  destroy- 
ing the  nationality  of  Poland,  and  acquiring  the 
fraternity  of  the  Poles,  she  will  then  be  without  a 
rival.  She  will  keep  England  at  bay  by  threatening  her 
possessions  in  the  Indies,  and  hold  Austria  in  check  by 
the  great  moral  superiority  of  her  troops,  and  the  assist- 
ance of  the  members  belonging  to  the  Greek  Church, 
who  are  so  numerous  in  Hungary  and  Gallizia.  Ac- 
cording to  all  appearances,  a  Greek  Patriarch  will  one 
day  officiate  in  St.  Sophia,  and  from  that  moment 
England  will  be  deprived  of  India,  and  Europe  at  the 
mercy  of  the  knout. 

"  Another  fault,  perhaps  not  less  grave,  com- 
mitted by  the  English  ministry,  was  that  of  having 
united  Belgium  with  Holland ;  because  Holland  never 
will  be  strong  enough  to  prevent  France  from  seizing 
upon  Belgium  when  she  pleases,  and  because  Holland, 
not  having  the  manufactures  of  Belgium,  would  again 
become,  in  her  own  interest,  the  entrepot  for  the  most 
important  products  of  the  English  manufactures.  It 
would  have  been  much  better  for  England  to  have 
restored  Belgium  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria. 

"  In  short,  the  cabinet  of  Lord  Castlereagh  is  re- 
x  2 


308  HISTORY   OF  THE 

sponsible  for  all  the  evils  and  all  the  disasters  which 
threaten  England,  for  having  failed  to  take  advantage 
of  the  opportunity  of  ensuring  immense  commercial 
advantages  to  his  country,  and  of  rendering  his  nation 
the  richest  and  the  most  powerful  in  the  world.  He 
signed  the  treaty  of  Paris,  and  conducted  himself  at 
the  congress  of  Vienna,  as  if  England  had  been  con- 
quered. From  being  the  directing  power  of  the  coali- 
tion, as  she  really  was,  he  transformed  her  "into  a  mere 
auxiliary;  hagpj  in  being  able  to  pick  up  a  few 
crumbs  at  the  banquets  of  kings,  instead  of  speaking 
like  a  master,  he  placed  himself  in  the  wake  of  the 
chanceries  of  Vienna,  Petersburg,  and  Berlin,  which 
for  twenty  years  had  all  been  in  the  pay  of  the 
treasury  in  London.  He  left  his  country  oppressed 
by  an  immense  debt,  contracted  mainly  for  the  in- 
terest of  one  family — the  Bourbons — and  of  that  Holy 
Alliance,  now  so  forgetful  of  all  that  England  did  for 
them,  that  they  already  begin  to  close  the  markets  of 
the  Continent  against  her  manufactures,  with  no  less 
rigour  than  was  done  by  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
himself. 

"  The  debt  of  England  is  a  gnawing  worm — the  chain 
of  all  those  embarrassments  which  will  affect  her 
fixture  course;  for,  in  order  to  sustain  this  immense 
weight,  it  will  be  necessary  to  continue,  during  peace, 
the  levy  of  those  extraordinary  taxes  imposed  during 
the  war ;  this  will,  necessarily,  lead  to  an  increase  in 
the  price  of  provisions,  and  insensibly  bring  the  people 
to  the  most  frightful  misery.  One  of  two  things  must 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  309 

happen  :  either  the  wages  of  labour  must  increase 
proportionally,  and  then  the  products  of  English 
industry  will  no  longer  be  able  to  compete  with  the 
productions  of  other  nations  in  the  continental  markets, 
and  the  manufacturers  will  suffer;  or,  the  wages  of 
labour  will  remain  stationary,  to  the  advantage  of  the 
manufacturers,  and  in  this  case  the  labouring  class 
will  not  be  able  to  gain  the  means  of  providing  for  the 
most  necessary  wants. 

"  The  first  element  of  the  well-being  of  a  nation  con- 
sists in  a  just  equilibrium  between  the  amount  of 
taxes  imposed  for  the  maintenance  of  the  public  revenue, 
and  the  surplus  of  the  price  of  its  labour ;  unfortunately, 
however,  the  taxes  are  not  productive  till  they  reach 
the  masses  of  the  people,  and  whenever  they  affect  the 
bread  of  the  people  they  engender  misery  and  all  those 
scourges  which  it  brings  in  its  train. 

"  It  is  imperative  on  England  to  endeavour  to  com- 
bat this  devouring  monster — her  debt — by  all  positive 
and  negative  means — by  the  reduction  of  her  expenses 
and  the  increase  of  her  commerce  with  the  whole 
world.  In  making  reductions,  she  must  be  unspar- 
ing; it  is  necessary  to  cut  to  the  quick,  when  morti- 
fication threatens.  In  the  case  of  sinecures,  salaries, 
and  the  expense  of  her  land-armies,  reforms  must  be 
sweeping.  The  political  greatness  of  England  con- 
sists in  her  navy,  and  not  in  those  small  armies  which 
she  has  sent  to  the  Continent  in  the  train  of  the  large 
armies  of  Russia,  Austria  and  Prussia. 

"  It  is  equally  necessary  for  her  to  have  recourse  to 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE 

a  wise  reform  of  innumerable  abuses,  connected  with 
ecclesiastical  property,  the  position  of  farmers  in 
reference  to  their  landlords,  the  administration  of 
Ireland,  as  respects  the  mother  country,  and  that  kind 
of  social  interdict  which  is  imposed  upon  nearly  one- 
third  of  the  population  of  Great  Britain  in  consequence 
of  their  religious  faith;  and,  finally,  by  a  free  ad- 
mission of  all  those  really  interested  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  electors.  The  present  state  of  the 
electoral  franchise  is  nothing  more  than  a  brilliant 
deception,  which  places  the  majority  of  parliament  in 
the  nomination  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  crown.  As 
to  Ireland,  she  possesses  merely  the  fiction  of  a  repre- 
sentation in  parliament ;  but  it  is  true,  that  she  is,  in 
fact,  a  conquered  country.  It  would  have  been,  in 
reality,  much  better  for  her  to  have  been  treated  as  a 
conquered  country,  and  then  she  would,  at  least,  have 
had  the  advantage  of  not  seeing  her  national  debt 
doubled  by  fusion  with  that  of  England. 

"  In  England  the  aristocracy  are  absolute  masters, 
and  the  moment  that  any  reform  threatens  to  touch 
their  power  or  privileges,  they  have  recourse  to  the 
habitual  cry — l  The  foundations  of  the  constitu- 
tion— touch  the  foundations,  and  the  whole  edifice 
will  fall  into  ruins — and  the  liberties  of  the  nation 
be  destroyed.'  It  is  true,  that,  in  spite  of  its 
monstrous  defects,  when  viewed  in  connexion  with 
the  civilization  of  the  age,  the  English  constitution 
presents  the  curious  phenomenon  of  a  magnificent 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  311 

result;  and  it  is  the  blessings  of  this  result  which 
make  the  people  afraid  of  risking  their  loss;  but 
how  much  more  would  these  advantages  be  felt,  if 
wise  reforms  were  employed  to  facilitate  the  motions 
of  this  grand  and  beautiful  machine ! 

"  In  her  foreign  policy,  she  must  know  how  to 
dare  to  exercise,  in  case  of  necessity,  those  rights 
of  sovereignty  by  sea,  which  the  sovereigns  of 
the  Continent  exercise  for  the  protection  of  the 
industry  of  their  subjects;  dare  to  oblige  them  to 
open  their  markets  to  English  products,  under  pain 
of  establishing  a  tariff  upon  the  rights  of  navigation, 
as  a  compensation  for  their  burthensome  or  prohibitory 
duties  on  English  commerce.  Can  it  be  that  a  King 
of  Denmark  has  any  better  right  of  sovereignty  over 
the  Sound  than  a  King  of  England  has  over  the 
Channel  or  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar?  Is  it  that  the 
protection  of  the  English  marine  is  of  no  value  to  the 
trading  vessels  of  most  of  the  Continental  states? 
There  is,  in  fact,  no  want  of  sufficient  reasons  for 
establishing  the  right  of  search  under  any  pretext 
whatever.  In  speaking  to  the  imagination  of  philan- 
thropists of  all  colours,  there  is  no  longer  any  public 
right  to  invoke,  when  the  equilibrium  is  destroyed ;  and 
at  present,  the  dominion  of  the  sea  belongs,  in  fact  and 
incontestably,  to  England — consequently,  she  has  a  right 
to  say  to  the  Continental  states — £  Tour  merchandise 
shall  not  be  allowed  to  pass  over  my  seas,  without 
the  payment  of  the  same  amount  of  customs  which  you 
impose  on  your  Continent — freedom  of  trade  for  my 


312  HISTORY   OF   THE 

merchandise — amen;  but  customs  with  you,  and  not 
with  me — no.7 

"  This,  it  may  be  said,  would  be  war,  but  upon 
whom?  Spain  has  not  three  ships  fit  to  put  to  sea; 
Holland  has  not  four ;  Naples  one  or  two ;  Denmark 
has  none,  since  the  burning  of  her  fleet  at  Copen- 
hagen; Eussia — but  it  would  require  only  the  smallest 
effort  on  the  part  of  England  to  shut  up  the  Russian 
fleet  in  her  ports,  and  burn  her  ships.  As  to  France, 
what  will  her  navy  be  for  twenty-five  years  to  come? 
The  hundred  ships  which  were  built  under  the 
empire,  the  treaty  of  Paris  has  taken  from  her ! — poor 
France ! 

"  The  Continent,  such  as  it  has  been  made  by  the 
treaties  of  1814  and  1815,  will  submit  to  the  law — 
bow  to  the  tariffs  and  open  its  markets ;  for  England 
can  make  war  upon  whom,  she  will  with  impunity, 
whilst  no  continental  power  can  go  to  war  without 
experiencing  great  losses  in  her  commerce;  and  this 
state  of  things  will  continue  till  France  has  again 
assumed  her  proper  rank  of  a  great  nation,  with  a 
hundred  ships  of  the  line,  as  she  had  Binder  Napoleon 
and  Louis  XIV.,  and  500,000  troops  on  &er  frontiers. 
The  disinterestedness  of  England,  in  the  division  of 
the  spoils  of  the  French  empire,  would  be  explicable, 
if  she  had  designed  to  establish  her  empire  on  the 
Continent  by  the  gratitude  of  the  people,  or  if  sfiie 
had  been  seated  in  a  congress  of  kings  as  the  natural 
protectrix  of  constitutional  institutions.  What  would 
the  poor  Poles,  the  poor  Spaniards,  and  the  poor 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  313 

Italians,  not  have  given  to  escape  being  placed  under 
the  iron  yoke  of  tlie  czar,  or  the  inquisition!  What 
a  noble  character !  "What  a  glorious  opportunity  did 
the  morning  after  the  battle  of  Waterloo  afford  for 
opening  the  markets  of  the  -whole  of  Europe  to 
English  commerce!  What  better  could  the  cabinet 
of  St.  James's  have  done  than  to  give  its  hand  to 
those  noble  means  of  modern  regeneration,  which 
sooner  or  later  will  be  effectual,  and  against  which 
kings,  by  right  divine,  and  the  oligarchy,  by  assump- 
tion, may  exhaust  all  their  efforts  in  vain !  It  is  the 
rock  of  Sisyphus  which  they  keep  raised  above  their 
heads,  and  which  will  fall  and  crush  them  when  the 
arm  is  no  longer  able  to  sustain  its  weight.  Xapoleon 
has  planted  the  seeds  of  liberty  with  a  bountiful  hand, 
wherever  the  civil  code  has  been  introduced. 

"  The  English  ministry  which  shall  put  itself  at  the 
head  of  the  liberal  ideas  of  the  Continent  will  receive 
the  blessings  of  the  universe,  and  all  the  heartburnings 
felt  towards  England  will  be  forgotten.  Such  a  course 
would  have  been  quite  in  the  spirit  of  Fox.  Pitt 
would  not  have  undertaken  to  pursue  it.  In  the  case 
of  Fox,  his  heart  warmed  his  genius,  whilst  in  that  of 
Pitt,  his  intellect  withered  up  his  heart. 

"  Whenever  England  shall  undertake  the  regenera- 
tion of  Europe,  she  will  rest  her  efforts  upon  a  founda- 
tion as  deep  as  the  earth;  Napoleon's  foundation 
was  upon  sand.  The  institutions  of  England  are 
those  of  ages ;  England  reigns  over  things  established 
and  immoveable.  Napoleon  had  the  immense  task  of 


314  HISTORY   OF  THE 

establishing  them — of  purifying  a  terrible  and  unex- 
ampled revolution.  He  succeeded  in  subduing  anarchy 
— in  binding  into  a  bundle  the  scattered  elements 
produced  by  the  work  of  the  republicans,  but  he  was 
constantly  obliged  to  surround  this  bundle  with  his 
powerful  arm  to  save  it  from  the  attacks  from  with- 
out, whilst  Europe  was  incessantly  in  arms  to  conquer 
the  principles  which  his  crown  represented  within. 
Factions  attacked  him  with  the  most  opposite  views ; 
he  was  libelled  in  the  time  of  the  directory  for  his 
concessions;  he  would  have  been  the  object,  and 
France  the  victim,  of  a  contre  Brumaire.  In  France, 
the  people  are  by  nature  so  restless,  so  busy,  and  so 
gossiping,  that  there  would  be  twenty  revolutions,  and, 
consequently,  as  many  constitutions,  all  ready  in  the 
portfolios  of  political  constitution -mongers,  of  whom 
there  areas  many  in  France,  as  there  are  bill-discounters 
under  the  pillars  of  the  exchange  in  Amsterdam. 

"  The  conduct  of  the  English  ministry  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  and  the  negotiations  of  the  treaty  of 
1815 ;  its  forgetfulness  of  all  duty  and  patriotism,  can 
only  be  explained  on  the  supposition  of  a  secret 
design,  the  object  of  which  was  to  reduce  the  English 
people  under  the  yoke  of  military  power;  to  forge 
chains  to  fetter  all  their  liberties ;  to  reduce  their 
constitutional  institutions  to  the  shadow  of  their 
former  selves,  and  to  cover  them  with  the  mantle  of 
despotism,  all  which  would  be  in  perfect  accordance 
with  those  principles  which  Prince  Mettermch  wished, 
and  wishes,  to  triumph  as  the  rule  of  European  organiza- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  315 

tion  born  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The  liberty 
of  England  is  a  subject  of  continual  alarm  in  Vienna 
and  Petersburg.  When  the  English  people  feel  the 
royal  yoke  too  heavy  to  bear ;  or  when  their  distress 
becomes  insupportable — the  grape-shot  or  the  cord  of 
the  executioner  are  the  implements  of  justice.  This  is 
possible  as  long  as  the  evil  has  not  penetrated  to  the 
marrow  of  the  masses ;  but  when  it  has  touched  the 
vitals,  then  those  who  were  only  a  mob  in  the  deluded 
eyes  of  power,  become  a  nation;  and  then  it  is  seen 
when  too  late,  that  it  is  indeed  the  masses  which  con- 
stitute the  people,  and  not  a  few  nobles  or  millionaires; 
for  the  rabble  no  sooner  gains  the  ascendancy  than  it 
changes  its  name,  and  calls  itself  the  nation.  If  con- 
quered, a  few  wretches  are  seized — they  are  denomi- 
nated rebels  or  robbers;  and  thus  the  world  goes. 
Mob,  robbers,  rebels,  or  heroes,  according  to  the 
chances  of  the  strife.  Poor  humanity !" 


316  HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

GENERAL  POLICY   OF   SPAIN   TOWARDS   FRANCE  DURING 
THE  REIGN   OF  FERDINAND. 

ABOUT  this  time  the  newspapers  informed  us  that  a 
proposal  had  been  made  to  bring  back  the  Emperor 
to  Europe,  and  to  change  the  damp  residence  of  Long- 
wood  for  the  fine  air  of  Naples.  "We  hastened  to  carry 
this  news  to  the  Emperor ;  but  he  shook  his  head  and 
said :  "  It  is  impossible  ;  as  long  as  the  men  who 
formed  the  Congress  of  Vienna  are  in  power,  the  sight 
of  my  shadow  would  suffice  to  strike  them  with  terror ; 
the  best  plan  for  the  English  government  would, 
doubtless,  be  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  me, 
and  to  receive  my  promise  not  to  leave  Malta,  without 
the  Prince  Regent's  consent,  for  ten  years ;  after  the 
expiration  of  which  period,  I  should  be  hospitably 
received  in  England;  this  plan  would  save  eight  or 
ten  millions  a  year,  a  sum  which  I  uselessly  cost  the 
government  here ;  but  I  repeat,  spare  yourselves  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  317 

pain  of  hope  deceived.  We  have  nothing  to  hope  for 
from  the  oligarchs,  unless  danger  opens  their  eyes, 
and  proves  to  them  that  I  alone  had  the  power  to  keep 
the  entrance-door  of  revolution  closed,  as  well  in  the 
interest  of  kings  as  in  that  of  the  people." 

Sir  Hudson  Lowe  had  now  left  us  for  some  days  in 
tranquillity.  The  Emperor  had  resumed  his  habit  of 
taking  exercise,  and  worked  a  great  deal.  Some  news 
which  he  received  from  his  brother  Joseph  led  him  to 
speak  of  Spain ;  he  told  me  that  during  the  hundred 
days,  the  most  influential  chiefs  of  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz, 
the  guerillas  and  the  army,  had  communicated  with 
him,  and  assured  him  that  an  aid  in  money  would 
enable  them  to  bring  back  lung  Joseph  to  Madrid,  and 
to  effect  in  Spain  what  the  landing  at  Cannes  had 
produced  in  France;  so  deeply  had  an  immense  majority 
of  the  Spaniards  become  aware,  since  the  return  of 
Ferdinand,  of  all  the  benefits  to  Spain  contained  in  the 
constitution  of  Bayonne.  "In  any  other  circum- 
stances," added  the  Emperor,  "  I  would  have  assisted 
them,  but  I  did  not  wish  to  render  my  position  more 
complicated  by  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  others, 
before  having  finished  my  own.  I  could  not  forget 
that  the  misfortunes  of  1813  and  1814,  proceeded 
from  my  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Spain.  It  was 
the  events  of  Bayonne  which  destroyed  my  morality 
in  Europe,  divided  my  forces,  multiplied  my  embar- 
rassments, and  opened  a  school  to  the  English  army ; 
I  committed,  besides,  great  faults  in  the  choice  of  my  in- 


318  H1STOKY   OF  THE 

struments,  for  the   fault  lies    much  more    in    the 
machinery  than  in  the  principle. 

"  Spain  had  long  been  the  subject  of  my  meditations ; 
its  manners ;  its  territorial  divisions ;  its  old  customs, 
on  which  all  Castilian  honour  hangs;  the  ignorant  su- 
perstition of  the  population;  all  were  so  many  obstacles 
which  it  would  be  necessary  to  overcome,  in  order  to 
regenerate  the  Spanish  nation,  which  would  be  grand 
and  powerful  under  the  empire  of  constitutional  insti- 
tutions; but  it  was  impossible  not  to  occupy  myself 
with  its  affairs.  In  the  crisis  in  which  France  then 
stood,  in  the  struggle  of  new  ideas,  in  the  great  cause 
of  the  age  against  old  Europe,  Spain  could  not  be 
left  behind  in  the  social  re-organization ;  it  was  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  carry  it  forward,  nolens  volens,  in 
the  movement  of  France;  the  fate  of  France  demanded 
this,  and  the  code  of  the  safety  of  nations  is  not  always 
that  of  individuals ;  and  besides,  Spain  justified  this 
necessity  by  her  conduct  during  the  war  with  Prussia 
and  with  Poland ;  when  she  at  that  time  considered 
Napoleon  in  peril,  she  had  deserted  the  alliance  which 
her  old  king  had  sworn  to  him;  the  insolent  proclama- 
tion of  the  Prince  of  the  Peace ;  the  sudden  embarkation 
of  the  25,000  men  belonging  to  the  corps  of  La 
Romana,  could  not  be  forgotten.  The  injury  ought 
not  to  have  remained  unpunished ;  it  merited  a  decla- 
ration of  war ;  and  it  was  a  great  misfortune  that  the 
Emperor  did  not  take  this  open  and  honourable  step 
on  his  return  from  Tilsit.  The  issue  could  not  be 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  319 

doubtful;  but  France  had  need  of  repose;  the  war 
with  Spain  had  cost  it  great  sacrifices. 

"  The  nation  despised  its  government,  and  cried 
aloud  for  the  blessings  of  regeneration ;  hopes  might 
be  entertaine-l  of  accomplishing  it  without  shedding 
any  blood ;  the  dissensions  in  the  royal  family  author- 
ised this  hope,  to  which  the  events  of  Bayonne  gave 
all  the  appearance  of  certain  realization. 

"  A  constitution  had  been  freely  accepted  and 
sworn  to  by  all  orders  of  the  nation,  the  new  king  had 
met  with  nothing,  on  his  route  from  Bayonne  to 
Madrid,  but  homage  and  demonstrations  of  satisfaction 
from  the  people,  who  were  grateful  for  their  deliver- 
ance from  servitude  under  superannuated  institutions, 
and  proud  of  the  respect  which  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  testified  for  Spanish  nationality;  in  fact, 
King  Joseph  was  the  only  Frenchman  among  them ; 
he  was  surrounded  entirely  by  Spaniards;  his  minis- 
ters, courtiers,  and  guards,  were  all  Spanish. 

"  The  constitution  of  Bayonne  was  but  a  work  of 
circumstances ;  everything  contained  in  it  which  was 
contrary  to  the  interest  of  the  mass  of  the  people  would 
have  disappeared  from  it  in  time ;  Spain,  like  Poland5 
Germany,  and  Italy,  would  have  been  governed  by  the 
principles  of  the  French  civil  code.  Men  of  talent  of 
all  conditions  would  have  been  appointed  to  the  first 
offices  in  the  kingdom,  and  to  all  public  employments, 
without  distinction  of  birth.  The  choice  of  dynasties 
is,  and  ought  to  be,  but  a  secondary  question :  family 
bonds  are,  doubtless,  of  some  value;  but  this  value  is  so 


320  HISTORY   OF   THE 

transient,  and  so  often  belied  by  history,  that  it  did 
not  at  all  influence  the  Emperor  in  the  choice  of  his 
brothers  as  kings  of  Holland,  Westphalia,  and  Naples ; 
for  in  crowning  them,  he  considered  them,  in  his  own 
mind,  as  viceroys — agents  of  his  policy,  whom  he  would 
recall  into  the  French  ranks,  according  to  the 
exigencies  of  the  definitive  arrangements  of  a  general 
peace,  or  the  re-organization  of  the  Continent  of 
Europe. 

"  It  was  the  mean  intrigues  of  the  princes  of  Spain, 
their  family  quarrels,  their  betrayal  of  all  the  interests 
of  their  country,  and  not  the  ambition  of  placing  the 
crown  of  Spain  on  the  head  of  one  of  the  Emperor's 
brothers,  which  brought  on  the  events  of  Bayonne. 

"  It  was  at  Fontainebleau,  after  the  peace  of  Tilsit, 
that  the  first  idea  of  an  intervention  in  the  affairs  of 
Spain  was  suggested  to  the  Emperor. 

"TThilst  serious  dissensions  were  arising  between 
the  king,  Charles  IV.,  and  his  son,  the  Prince  of 
Asturias,  negotiations  were  being  carried  on  with 
Monsieur  Izquierdo  to  bring  about  the  eventual  par- 
tition of  Portugal,  in  order  to  punish  the  house  of 
Braganza  for  its  submission  to  the  orders  of  the 
cabinet  of  St.  James.  The  Prince  of  the  Peace  endea- 
voured to  avail  himself  of  this  circumstance  to  realise 
the  ambitious  dream  of  the  Duke  of  Alba,  and  to 
obtain  for  himself  the  small  sovereignty  of  Algarve,  as 
a  recompence  for  the  devotedness  which  he  then  testi- 
fied towards  France.  This  was  the  knot  of  the  nego- 
tiation. Izquierdo,  who  was  much  more  the  agent  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  321 

the  favourite  than  that  of  the  old  king,  sacrificed 
everything  to  gain  this  end.  The  negotiation  made 
his  wishes  easy  of  attainment;  the  agreement  was 
signed  on  the  27th  of  October.  Prince  Talleyrand  in- 
formed Count  Elrna,  the  Portuguese  minister  at  Paris, 
of  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty ;  it  commenced  the  era 
of  treason.  The  court  of  Lisbon  prepared  itself  for 
everything;  a  second  treaty,  consequent  upon  the  first, 
was  also  signed  at  Fontainebleau  on  the  27th  of  Octo- 
ber; it  settled  the  respective  forces  which  were  to  be 
employed  in  the  campaign  against  Portugal.  A  French 
corps,  consisting  of  thirty  thousand  men,  was  to  enter 
Spain,  and  inarch  direct  to  Lisbon,  in  concert  with  a 
Spanish  division,  10,000  strong;  a  reserve  of  40,000 
French  was  to  be  in  readiness  to  follow  the  movement 
in  case  the  English  should  interfere. 

"  At  the  same  time  that  France  was  thus  treating 
with  Spain,  and  endowing  the  prime  minister  of 
Charles  IV.,  Prince  Talleyrand,  who,  as  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  had  just  been  carrying  on  the 
negotiations  and  signing  the  treaty,  reminded  the 
Emperor  of  the  more  than  equivocal  conduct  of  the 
cabinet  of  Madrid,  in  the  year  1806,  and  of  the  famous 
proclamation  of  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  dated  the  3rd 
of  October,  1806.  He  drew  up  a  memorial  containing 
the  causes  of  complaint  of  France  against  Spain,  and 
proposed  to  the  Emperor  to  take  decisive  measures 
towards  that  power. 

"  '  There  is  but  one  reigning  branch  of  the  Bourbons 
remaining— that  in  Spain;  if  left  in  our  rear  when  we 

VOL.  II.  Y 


322  HISTORY   OF  THE 

turned  against  the  powers  of  Germany,  this  branch 
would  always  occupy  a  threatening  position,  in  case  of 
any  wars  which  France  might  have  to  sustain,  either 
in  the  north  or  in  Italy ;  it  would  paralyse  a  part  of 
our  forces,  and  it  would  be  a  continual  object  of  uneasi- 
ness ;  accessible  as  it  is  to  the  intrigues  of  England, 
and  always  ready  to  open  its  ports  to  English  mer- 
chandise and  troops,  it  would  render  the  whole  system 
of  peace  and  war  incomplete.  The  moment  is  come 
for  declaring  that  the  last  branch  of  the  house  of 
Bourbon  has  ceased  to  reign. 

"  '  Let  a  prince  of  the  Imperial  house  occupy  the 
throne  of  Spain,  and  the  system  of  the  empire  will  be 
complete :  Prussia  subdued,  Russia  enfeebled  in  men 
and  money  by  an  unfortunate  war,  the  confederation 
of  the  Rhine  consolidated,  the  kingdom  of  Italy 
secured,  the  bonds  of  friendship  with  the  east  drawn 
closer,  leaving  nothing  to  be  feared  from  the  malevo- 
lence of  Austria.  Tour  majesty  has  now  before  you 
time  sufficient  for  attempting  and  concluding  an 
enterprise  which  will  only  require  one  campaign  and 
the  employment  of  an  army  of  30,000  men;  an  army 
which,  it  having  been  stipulated  by  the  treaty  of  the 
27th  of  October,  will  be  levied  and  pass  the  frontier 
without  exciting  any  suspicion.  Spain,  taken  entirely 
by  surprise,  will  offer  no  serious  resistance ;  disgusted 
with  her  government,  prepared  for  necessary  innova- 
tions, she  will  welcome  your  Majesty's  troops  as  libe- 
rators.' " 

This  theme  became  the  subject  of  the  evening  con- 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  323 

ferences  between  the  Emperor  and  Prince  Talleyrand ; 
the  latter  was  urgent,  and  the  Emperor,  who  was  as 
well  pleased  to  talk  of  this  as  of  anything  else,  did 
not  look  upon  the  project  of  conquering  the  Peninsula, 
with  30,000  men,  in  a  serious  light.  He  applied  his 
reasonings  and  calculations  to  the  eventual  cases  of 
a  possible  execution;  he  even  sent  for  Marshal  Moncey 
who  had  conducted  the  war  in  the  Pyrenees,  and 
questioned  him  on  the  different  points  of  stratagem,  of 
which  he  had  made  use  in  1794. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  castle  knew  nothing  of  what 
was  passing;  they  only  remarked  the  length  of  the 
Emperor's  conversations  with  his  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  which  were  sometimes  prolonged  to  a  late  hour 
in  the  night ;  every  one  formed  his  own  conjectures. 

Another  minister,  who  was  roused  by  jealousy,  and 
whose  position  gave  him  pretensions  to,  and  means  of, 
knowing  everything — viz.,  the  minister  of  police — be- 
came uneasy  at  these  new  confidences  to  which  he  had 
not  the  key;  he  at  last  thought  he  had  discovered  it, 
and  his  error  gave  rise  to  a  very  singular  incident. 

Fouche  imagined  that  the  subject  of  their  con- 
ferences must  be  projects  of  divorce,  and  formed  a 
plan  in  his  own  mind  for  cutting  short  the  question 
on  which  they  so  long  deliberated,  feeling  assured  that 
this  service  would  add  to  his  credit,  at  the  expense  of 
a  rival  ambition. 

He  went  directly  to  the  Empress  Josephine.  He 
enlarged  upon  the  interests  of  France,  which  called 
for  a  successor  to  the  empire ;  he  represented  to  the 

Y  2 


324  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Empress  the  glory  which  would  exalt  her  above  all 
other  women,  if  she  made  this  magnanimous  sacrifice. 
Aided  by  the  natural  supposition  that  a  minister 
would  not  dare  to  make  such  overtures  without  being 
authorised,  Fouche  so  far  succeeded  in  persuading 
Josephine,  that  he  ventured  to  bring  her  the  draft  of  a 
letter  which  she  was  to  write  to  the  president  of  the 
senate,  in  which  she  offered  to  the  country  the  relin- 
quishment  of  her  position  as  an  empress  and  a  wife. 
The  Empress,  who  feebly  combated  his  reasons,  put 
off  signing  the  letter  till  the  following  morning. 

One  of  the  ladies  of  the  court,  Madame  de  Eemusat, 
a  woman  of  spirit,  who  had  no  notion  of  descending 
from  her  position  as  the  favourite  of  an  empress,  to  that 
of  lady  of  honour  to  a  fallen  princess,  made  up  her 
mind  to  act  decidedly.  She  waited  for  the  moment 
when  the  Emperor,  having  left  his  cabinet,  was  entering 
his  bedchamber.  It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
She  gave  her  name;  the  Emperor  was  going  to  bed; 
she  was  at  an  equivocal  age,  and  found  it  very  difficult 
to  obtain  admittance :  she,  however,  insisted  upon  it, 
and  said  that  in  the  morning  it  would  be  too  late. 
The  Emperor's  curiosity  was  excited,  and  the  door 
was  opened.  The  thing  was,  in  fact,  curious  enough : 
the  Emperor  learned  that  it  was  all  about  causing  his 
wife  to  divorce  herself.  He  immediately  hastened  to 
her,  undeceived  her,  and  gave  her  the  assurance  that 
if  reasons  of  state  should  ever  cause  him  to  dissolve 
their  marriage,  she  should  receive  the  first  intimation 
of  it  from  himself  alone.  He  kept  his  word. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  325 

Prince  Talleyrand,  who  let  no  opportunity  escape 
of  giving  the  Emperor  pledges  of  his  unbounded 
devotedness  to  his  dynasty,  and  who  had  already 
advised  him  to  seat  one  of  his  brothers  on  the  throne 
of  Naples,  perseveringly  urged  his  project  of  de- 
throning the  Spanish  dynasty  of  the  Bourbons,  which 
would  complete  the  work  of  extinguishing  the  last 
branches  of  the  elder  line  of  Bourbon,  and  he  vainly 
entreated  that  his  plans  should  be  put  into  execution. 
But  instead  of  marching  into  Spain  at  the  head  of 
30,000  men,  the  Emperor  set  out  for  Venice,  without 
even  answering  the  letters  written  to  him  by  the 
princes  of  Spain,  imploring  his  intervention;  these 
letters  are  remarkable : 

«  St.  Laurent,  29th  of  October,  1807. 

"  SIRE  AND  BROTHER, — At  a  moment  when  I  was 
entirely  occupied  in  devising  means  to  aid  in  the 
destruction  of  our  common  enemy — when  I  had 
hoped  that  all  the  plots  of  the  late  Queen  of  Naples 
were  buried  with  her  daughter — I  saw  with  horror 
that  the  spirit  of  intrigue  had  penetrated  even  into 
the  bosom  of  my  palace.  Alas !  my  heart  bleeds  in 
reciting  so  fearful  an  attempt ! — my  eldest  son,  the 
presumptive  heir  of  my  throne,  had  formed  the 
horrible  design  of  dethroning  me;  he  had  gone  so 
far  as  to  make  attempts  against  the  life  of  his  mother. 
Such  a  fearful  attempt  must  be  punished  with  the 
most  exemplary  rigour  of  the  laws.  The  law  which 
called  him  to  the  throne  must  be  revoked;  one  of  his 


326  HISTORY    OF    THE 

brothers  will  be  more  worthy  to  supply  his  place  in 
my  heart  and  on  the  throne. 

"  I  ani  at  this  moment  seeking  for  his  accomplices, 
in  order  to  make  stricter  inquiry  into  this  plot  of  the 
blackest  dye,  and  I  have  not  lost  a  moment  in  sending 
this  information  to  your  majesty,  praying  you  to  aid 
me  with  your  counsel  and  knowledge. 

"  I  pray  God,  my  good  brother,  to  have  your 
majesty  in  his  holy  keeping. 

(Signed)  "  THE  KING." 

"  From  the  EscuriaJ,  Oct.  llth,  1807. 
"  The  fear  of  interrupting  your  imperial  and  royal 
majesty  in  the  midst  of  the  more  important  exploits 
and  affairs  which  incessantly  surround  you,  has 
hitherto  prevented  me  from  gratifying  directly  my 
most  heartfelt  desire,  that  of  expressing,  at  least  by 
writing,  the  sentiments  of  respect,  esteem,  and  attach- 
ment which  I  cherish  towards  a  hero  who  outshines 
all  his  predecessors,  and  who  has  been  sent  by  Pro- 
vidence to  save  Europe  from  the  total  overthrow 
which  menaced  it,  to  steady  its  tottering  thrones,  and 
to  restore  nations  to  peace  and  happiness. 

"Your  majesty's  virtues,  your  moderation,  your 
kindness  even  towards  your  most  implacable  enemies, 
all  these  united  to  make  me  hope  that  the  expression 
of  these  sentiments  would  be  received  by  you  as  the 
effusions  of  a  heart  filled  with  the  sincerest  admira- 
tion and  friendship. 

"  The  position  in  which  I  have  long  stood,  and 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  3^7 

which  cannot  have  escaped  your  majesty's  penetrating 
eye,  has  been  another  obstacle  which  arrested  my  pen 
when  on  the  point  of  expressing  my  wishes  to  you; 
but,  filled  with  the  hope  of  finding  in  your  imperial 
and  royal  majesty's  magnanimous  generosity  the  most 
powerful  protection,  I  determined  nut  only  to  express 
the  sentiments  of  my  heart  towards  your  august 
person,  but  to  pour  my  griefs  into  your  bosom  as 
into  that  of  a  tender  father. 

"  I  am  very  unfortunate  in  being  obliged  by  cir- 
cumstances to  conceal  as  a  crime  an  action  so  just 
and  laudable,  but  such  are  the  fatal  consequences  of 
the  extreme  goodness  of  the  best  of  kings. 

"  Filled  as  I  am  with  respect  and  filial  love  for  him 
to  whom  I  owe  my  existence,  I  can  scarcely  dare  to 
say  to  your  majesty,  that  these  very  qualities,  so  esti- 
mable in  themselves,  but  too  often  serve  as  instru- 
ments to  artful  and  wicked  persons  to  hide  the 
truth  from  the  eyes  of  the  sovereign,  although  sucli 
truth  is  so  analogous  to  characters  like  that  of  my 
revered  father. 

"  If  these  persons,  who  unhappily  exist  here,  would 
allow  him  to  know  your  majesty's  character  as  I 
know  it,  with  what  ardour  would  lie  not  desire  to 
draw  closer  those  ties  which  should  unite  our  houses, 
and  what  means  would  be  more  proper  for  this  object, 
than  to  demand  of  your  majesty  the  honour  of  forming 
an  alliance  between  a  princess  of  your  august  family 
and  myself?  this  is  the  unanimous  desire  of  all  my 
father's  subjects;  and  I  doubt  not  that  it  would  also 


3:28  HISTORY   OF   THE 

be  his,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  a  few  malcon- 
tents, as  soon  as  he  should  he  informed  of  your 
majesty's  wishes ;  this  is  what  my  heart  desires,  but 
it  is  not  the  plan  of  the  perfidious  agents  who  besiege 
him,  and  they  may  in  the  first  moment  surprise  him ; 
such  is  the  ground  of  my  fears. 

"  Your  imperial  and  royal  majesty's  answer  can  alone 
unravel  their  plots,  open  the  eyes  of  my  well-beloved 
parents,  make  them  happy,  and  at  the  same  time 
complete  the  happiness  of  the  nation  and  mine. 

"  The  whole  world  will  more  and  more  admire  your 
majesty's  goodness,  and  you  will  always  have  in  me  a 
most  grateful  and  devoted  son. 

"  I  therefore  implore  with  the  greatest  confidence 
your  majesty's  paternal  protection,  and  that  you 
would  not  only  deign  to  grant  me  the  honour  of  an 
alliance  with  your  family,  but  would  remove  all  the 
difficulties  and  obstacles  which  may  oppose  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  wish  of  my  heart. 

"  This  act  of  kindness  on  the  part  of  your  majesty 
is  so  much  the  more  necessary  to  me,  as  I  cannot 
make  the  least  effort  myself,  since  this  would  be  taken 
as  an  insult  to  paternal  authority ;  I  am,  therefore, 
reduced  to  one  course — namely  to  refuse,  as  I  con- 
stantly do,  to  form  an  alliance  with  any  other  person 
without  the  consent  and  approbation  of  your  majesty, 
from,  whom  alone  I  await  the  choice  of  a  wife.  This 
is  a  happiness  which  I  hope  from  the  goodness  of  your 
majesty,  and  pray  that  God  may  preserve  your  precious 
life  for  many  years. 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEON.  3l>9 

"  Written   and   signed   with   my  own  hand,   and 
sealed  with  my  seal,  at  the  Escurial,  October  llth,  Ib07. 
u  From  your  majesty's  most  affectionate 
servant  and  brother, 

"  FERDINAND." 

The  Emperor  set  out  without  having  seen  Fouche, 
but  he  sent  him  a  message,  enjoining  him  to  interfere 
no  more  in  any  affairs  but  those  of  his  office,  and  to 
silence  the  reports  of  divorce  which  he  had  spread  in 
Paris. 

The  French  troops,  under  the  command  of  Prince 
Marat,  crossed  the  Pyrenees  and  entered  Spain,  con- 
formably to  the  treaty  of  Fontaiuebleau,  without  the 
Emperor's  having  come  to  any  decision  concerning 
the  memorial  which  had  been  submitted  to  him  by 
his  minister  of  foreign  affairs ;  but  events  suddenly 
changed  the  face  of  things;  the  French  ambassador 
at  Madrid  sent  information  that  the  Prince  of  the  Peace 
was  advising  the  King  Charles  IV.  to  retire  first  to 
Seville,  and  then  to  Mexico,  and  to  give  up  the  Penin- 
sula to  England.  This  advice  could  not  be  ex- 
plained, except  by  being  attributed  to  an  infernal 
combination. 

The  French  ambassador  at  Madrid,  soon  afterwards 
announced  the  revolution  of  the  palace  which  had 
placed  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Ferdinand,  and  for- 
warded the  protest  of  the  old  king,  together  with  the 
letter  in  which  he  implored  the  Emperor's  aid^and 
called  for  the  punishment  of  a  parricide  on  the  Prince 


330  HISTORY   OF  THE 

of  Asturias.      Charles  IV.   wrote   from    Aranjuez, 
March  21st,  1808. 

"  SIRE  AND  BROTHER, — You  have,  no  doubt,  received 
information  of  the  events  of  Aranjuez,  and  of  their 
results.  Your  majesty  will  not  look  without  some 
interest  on  a  king,  who,  forced  to  abdicate  his  crown, 
comes  to  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  a  monarch 
his  ally,  placing  himself  entirely  at  his  disposal,  which 
alone  can  bring  happiness  to  himself,  his  family,  and 
his  faithful  subjects. 

"  My  declaration  of  abdication  in  favour  of  my  son 
was  forced  from  me  by  circumstances,  and  by  the 
arms  and  clamours  of  a  rebellious  guard,  which  plainly 
showed  me  that  I  must  choose  between  life  and  death; 
and  my  death  would  have  been  followed  by  that  of 
the  queen.  I  have  been  forced  to  abdicate,  but  being 
now  reassured,  and  full  of  confidence  in  the  magna- 
nimity and  genius  of  a  great  man,  who  always 
showed  himself  my  friend,  I  took  the  resolution  of 
putting  myself  entirely  at  your  disposal,  leaving  in 
your  hands  my  fate,  that  of  the  queen,  and  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Peace. 

"  I  address  to  your  imperial  and  royal  majesty  a 
protest  against  the  events  of  Aranjuez,  and  against  my 
abdication.  I  refer  to  it,  and  confide  entirely  in  your 
majesty's  goodness.  I  pray  God  to  have  you  in  his 
holy  keeping. 

"Your  majesty's  affectionate  brother  and  friend, 

"  THE  KING." 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  331 


"  PROTEST. 


"  I  hereby  protest  and  declare  that  my  decree  of 
the  19th  of  March,  by  which  I  abdicated  the  crown 
in  favour  of  my  son,  is  an  act  to  which  I  was  forced 
in  order  to  prevent  greater  misfortunes,  and  the  shed- 
ding of  the  blood  of  my  well-beloved  subjects ;  it  is 
consequently  to  be  regarded  as  null  and  void. 

(Signed)  "  THE  KING. 

"  Aranjuez,  March  21st,  1808." 

On  the  29th  of  March,  the  Empercr  wrote  as  follows 
to  the  Grand  Duke  de  Berg : 

"  SIR, — I  fear  that  you  have  deceived  me  with 
respect  to  the  situation  of  Spain,  and  that  you  were 
deceived  yourself:  the  affair  of  the  20th  of  March 
has  singularly  complicated  matters;  I  am  in  great 
perplexity. 

"  Do  not  imagine  that  you  are  about  to  attack  a 
disowned  nation,  and  that  your  troops  have  but  to 
show  themselves  to  subdue  Spain.  The  revolution  of 
the  20th  of  March,  proves  that  the  Spaniards  possess 
energy.  You  have  to  do  with  a  new  people ;  they  will 
have  all  the  courage  and  all  the  enthusiasm  which  are 
met  with  in  men  who  have  not  worn  out  their 
political  passions. 

"  The  aristocracy  and  clergy  are  masters  of  Spain ; 
should  they  become  alarmed  for  their  privileges  and 
their  existence,  they  will  raise  against  us  levies  which 
might  eternize  the  war. 


332  [ISTORY   OF   TFTE 

"  I  have  partisans  in  Spain ;  if  I  present  myself  in 
the  character  of  a  conqueror,  I  shall  have  them  no 
longer. 

"  The  Prince  of  the  Peace  is  detested,  because  he  is 
accused  of  having  given  up  Spain  to  France ;  this  is 
the  grievance  which  has  aided  Ferdinand's  usurpation ; 
the  popular  party  is  the  weakest. 

"  The  Prince  of  Asturias  possesses  none  of  the 
qualities  requisite  for  the  chief  of  a  nation ;  this  will 
not  prevent  his  being  made  a  hero  of,  for  the  purpose 
of  opposing  him  to  us.  I  do  -not  wish  any  violence 
to  be  exercised  towards  the  members  of  this  family ; 
it  is  never  of  use  to  render  oneself  odious,  and  to 
inflame  hatred.  Spain  has  more  than  100,000  men 
under  arms.  This  is  more  than  is  requisite  for  main- 
taining an  interior  war  with  advantage;  these  forces, 
separated  into  various  divisions,  and  placed  at  different 
points,  might  bring  about  the  rising  of  the  whole 
monarchy. 

"  I  now  present  to  you  at  one  view,  the  obstacles 
which  are  insurmountable;  there  are  others  which 
you  will  yourself  perceive. 

"  England  will  not  neglect  this  opportunity  of 
adding  to  our  embarrassments;  she  daily  sends  in- 
formation to  the  forces  which  she  maintains  on  the 
coasts  of  Spain  and  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean; she  is  enrolling  regiments  of  Sicilians  and 
Portuguese. 

"  The  Royal  Family  not  having  quitted  Spain  for 
the  Indies,  it  is^only  a  revolution  which  can  change 


CAPTIVITY   OF   XAPOLEOX.  333 

the  state  of  this  country.  This  is  perhaps  the  country 
of  Europe,  which  is  the  least  qualified  for  it;  those 
who  perceive  the  monstrous  vices  of  this  government, 
and  the  anarchy  which  has  supplanted  legal  authority 
are  the  smallest  number :  the  majority  profit  by  these 
vices  and  this  anarchy 

"  I  can,  in  accordance  with  the  interests  of  my 
empire,  do  much  good  to  Spain.  TThat  are  the  best 
means  to  take  for  this  end? 

"  Shall  I  go  to  Madrid?  Shall  I  act  as  great 
Protector,  by  pronouncing  between  the  father  and 
son?  It  seems  to  me  that  it  would  be  difficult  to 
establish  Charles  IV.  on  the  throne;  his  yoke  and 
his  favourite  are  become  so  unpopular,  that  they 
could  not  maintain  themselves  for  three  months. 

"  Ferdinand  is  an  enemy  to  France ;  it  is  for  this 
reason  that  he  has  been  made  king.  To  place  him  on 
the  throne  would  be  to  serve  the  factions  which  for 
twenty-five  years  have  desired  the  annihilation  of 
France.  A  family  alliance  would  be  but  a  weak 
tie;  the  Queen  Elizabeth  and  several  other  French 
princesses  perished  miserably,  when  an  opportunity 
was  afforded  of  sacrificing  them  with  impunity  to 
some  other  vengeance. 

"  My  opinion  is  that  we  must  not  be  precipitate; 
that  we  must  take  counsel  from  tlie  events  which 
follow.  We  must  strengthen  our  army,  keep  it  on  the 
frontiers  of  Portugal,  and  wait. 

"  I  do  not  approve  of  the  plan  whidi  your  highness 
has  pursued,  in  taking  possession  principally  of  Madrid. 


334  HISTORY   OF  THE 

You  should  have  kept  the  army  at  a  distance  of  ten 
leagues  from  the  capital.  You  could  not  be  sure  that 
the  people  and  the  magistracy  would  recognise  Ferdi- 
nand without  any  resistance.  The  Prince  of  the  Peace 
must  have  partisans  among  the  public  officers.  There 
is  besides  a  kind  of  attachment  of  habit  to  the  old 
king,  which  might  produce  some  results.  Your  entry 
into  Madrid,  by  alarming  the  Spaniards,  powerfully 
served  the  cause  of  Ferdinand ;  I  have  ordered  Savary 
to  go  to  the  old  king,  and  'see  what  is  passing ;  you 
will  concert  measures  with  him,  I  will  ultimately 
resolve  on  the  line  of  conduct  which  I  shall  pursue ; 
in  the  mean  time,  this  is  what  I  judge  suitable  to 
prescribe  to  you. 

"  You  will  not  arrange  that  I  shall  have  an  inter- 
view in  Spain  with  Ferdinand,  unless  affairs  appear 
to  you  in  such  a  position  that  I  ought  to  recognise 
him  as  King  of  Spain. 

"  You  will  treat  the  king,  the  queen,  and  the 
Prince  Godoy  well ;  you  will  exact  for  them  and  pay 
to  them  the  same  honours  as  formerly ;  you  will  act 
in  such  a  manner,  that  the  Spaniards  shall  not  be 
able  to  conjecture  what  line  of  conduct  I  shall  pursue ; 
this  will  not  be  difficult,  as  I  have  not  yet  determined 
on  it  myself. 

"  You  will  give  the  nobility  and  clergy  to  under- 
stand, that  should  France  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
Spain,  their  privileges  and  immunities  will  be  re- 
spected. You  will  tell  them  that  the  Emperor  desires 
to  perfect  the  political  institutions  of  Spain,  in  order 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  335 

to  put  that  country  on  an  equality  with  the  actual 
state  of  civilization  in  Europe,  and  to  free  it  from  the 
rule  of  favourites;  you  will  tell  the  enlightened 
magistrates  and  citizens  that  Spain  needs  a  regenera- 
tion of  its  government;  that  it  needs  laws  which 
shall  secure  the  citizens,  from  the  arbitrariness  and 
usurpations  of  feudality,  and  institutions  which  shall 
revive  industry,  agriculture  and  the  arts. 

"  You  will  describe  to  them  the  state  of  tranquillity 
and  ease  which  France  now  enjoys,  notwithstanding 
the  wars  in  which  she  is  always  engaged ;  the  splen- 
dour of  her  religion  which  owes  its  re-establishment 
to  the  concordat  which  I  signed  with  the  Pope ;  you 
will  demonstrate  to  them  the  advantages  which  they 
may  draw  from  a  political  regeneration ;  interior  order 
and  peace,  exterior  respect  and  power.  Such  must  be 
the  spirit  of  your  conversation  and  of  your  letters ; 
precipitate  no  step;  lean  wait  at  Bayonne;  I  can 
cross  the  Pyrenees,  and,  strengthening  myself  on 
the  side  of  Portugal,  carry  on  the  war  in  that  direc- 
tion. 

"  I  will  take  care  of  your  private  interests;  give  no 
thought  to  them  yourself.  Portugal  will  be  at  my 
disposal;  let  no  personal  project  occupy  you  and 
direct  your  conduct;  that  would  injure  you  still  more 
than  it  would  me. 

"  You  go  too  fast  in  your  instructions  of  the  14th. 
The  march  which  you  prescribe  to  General  Dupont 
is  too  rapid,  on  account  of  the  events  of  the  19th  of 
March.  There  are  some  changes  to  be  made  in  your 


336  HISTORY   OF  THE 

instructions  to  the  generals.  Make  new  arrange- 
ments ;  you  will  receive  instructions  from  my  minister 
of  foreign  affairs. 

"  I  desire  that  the  strictest  discipline  may  be  ob- 
served ;  no  pardon  for  any  fault,  however  small ;  the 
inhabitants  will  be  treated  with  the  greatest  con- 
sideration; the  churches  and  convents  will  be  especially 
respected. 

"  The  army  will  avoid  any  rencounter,  either  with 
divisions  of  the  Spanish  army  or  with  detachments. 
No  bait  must  be  offered  either  on  one  side  or  the 
other. 

"  Allow  Solario  to  pass  Badajoz — have  him  well 
watched ;  trace  out  the  marches  to  be  followed  by  my 
army,  in  such  a  manner  as  always  to  keep  it  at  a 
distance  of  several  leagues  from  the  Spanish  divisions. 
Should  the  ivar  be  kindled,  all  would  be  lost. 

"  It  is  for  policy  and  negotiators  to  decide  the  fate 
of  Spain ;  I  recommend  you  to  avoid  an  explanation 
with  Solano,  as  well  as  with  the  other  generals,  and 
the  Spanish  governments. 

"  You  will  send  me  two  expresses  daily;  in  case  of 
any  more  important  event,  you  will  dispatch  an 
officer  of  ordnance  to  me.  You  will  immediately  send 
back  the  chamberlain  Cournan,  who  brings  you  this 
despatch,  committing  to  him  a  detailed  report. 

"  I  pray  to  God  to  have  you  in  his  holy  keeping. 

"  NAPOLEON." 

TVTiat    took   place    at   Bayonne    is   well    known: 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  337 

Charles  IV.  gave  up  all  his  claims  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  Ferdinand  renounced  his,  a  junto  was  formed 
for  deliberating  upon  and  voting  a  constitution,  and 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  being  raised  to  the  throne,  entered 
Spain,  accompanied  by  the  grandees  who  had  accepted 
the  offices  of  his  court. 

Prince  Talleyrand,  who  had  long  been  impatient 
under  the  superiority  of  rank  accorded  to  two  citizens 
like  Cambaceres  and  Lebrun,  had  exchanged  his  office 
of  minister  for  the  honour  of  being  reckoned  among 
the  great  dignitaries  of  the  empire,  retaining  at  the 
same  time  the  office  of  chamberlain,  a  household 
office,  but  with  a  salary  which  was  not  to  be  despised. 
He  approved  what  had  been  done  at  Bayonne,  offered 
his  castle  at  Valen^ay,  and  when  the  princes  of  Spain 
had  been  sent  to  him,  conceived,  and  offered  with  the 
most  meritorious  zeal  to  execute,  the  project  of  making 
them  swear  allegiance  to  the  Emperor. 

After  the  conferences  at  Erfurt,  at  which  the 
Emperor  Alexander  left  the  south  of  Europe  entirely 
at  the  disposal  of  Napoleon,  the  latter  quitted  Paris 
'  for  the  purpose  of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
army  in  Spain.  lie  crossed  the  Pyrenees  with  60,000 
veteran  troops,  composed  of  the  corps  of  Marshals 
Lannes,  Soult,  and  Ney,  and  the  guard ;  but  before 
arriving  at  Madrid,  which  resisted  for  two  days,  lie 
had  to  fight,  and  gain  the  battles  of  Tudela,  Espinosa, 
Burgos,  and  Somnassiesa. 

These  victories  produced  very  various  sensations  at 
Paris.  The  more  easy  the  seizure  of  Spain  had 

VOL.  IT.  z 


338  HISTOEY  OF  THE 

appeared  to  Prince  Talleyrand,  when  he  drew  up  the 
memorial  at  Fontainebleau,  the  more  sure  a  presage 
did  this  obstinate  resistance  now  seem  to  him  of  a 
future  disastrous  to  the  Emperor.  His  old  rancour 
rejoiced  at  this  prospect,  and  his  re-awakened  ambition 
busied  itself  with  calculations  of  the  advantages  which 
it  might  draw  from  these  disasters  and  from  the  errors 
of  public  opinion. 

"  The  Emperor,"  said  he,  "  will  not  return  from 
Spain;"  and  from  that  moment  his  resolution  was 
taken.  He  transformed  into  a  grave  wrong  what 
might  be  considered  as  a  fault,  and  the  echoes  of  his 
saloons  constantly  repeated  that  an  insatiable  ardour 
for  combats  and  power  had  repulsed  the  best  counsels ; 
that  he  had  predicted  to  the  Emperor  what  was  now 
happening  to  him,  and  that  the  reward  of  his  prudent 
and  devoted  skill  had  been  his  being  obliged  to  resign 
his  office  of  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  which  he  had 
done  the  more  willingly  as  he  had  perceived  the  im- 
possibility of  preventing  the  Emperor  from  hastening 
to  his  -destruction.  The  intriguers  of  the  saloons 
formed  the  opinions  of  the  coteries,  and  the  coteries 
that  of  the  capital. 

After  having  re-organised  the  government  at  Madrid, 
and  subdued  the  northern  provinces,  the  Emperor 
was  preparing  to  march  towards  the  south,  when  he 
learned  that  the  English  army,  under  General  Moore, 
was  advancing  from  the  Taragno  towards  Valladolid, 
for  the  purpose  of  interrupting  our  line  of  operations, 
and  cutting  off  our  communication  with  France  j 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  339 

the    Emperor    quitted    Madrid    on    the    24th    of 
November. 

On  receiving  information  of  his  march,  General 
Moore  began  his  retreat.  The  French  who  had  been 
delayed  twenty-four  hours  in  their  passage  of  the 
Gtiadarama  by  a  storm,  rested  every  night  at  the 
place  which  the  English  had  quitted  in  the  morning. 

The  Emperor,  on  his  arrival  at  Astorza,  received  a 
despatch  there,  on  the  2nd  of  January,  informing  him 
that  the  Austrians  were  forming  magazines,  and  were 
collecting  troops  on  the  shores  of  the  Im,  in  order  to 
attempt  an  aggression  unforeseen  and  favoured  by  his 
absence.  He  was,  at  the  same  time,  informed  of  the 
intrigues  of  the  vice-elector,  which  had  already  assumed 
the  appearance  of  flagrant  usurpation. 

Conventicles  had  collected  a  certain  number  of  in- 
fluential members  of  the  senate.  A  ministry  had 
already  been  organised.  Laplace,  Trais,  Garot,  were 
at  the  head  of  the  list.  Clement  de  Kis  omitted  no 
detail  in  his  report;  he  gave  the  names  of  all  the  per- 
sons who  were  to  compose  this  ministry.  All  measures 
had  been  taken  for  attempting  then  what  was  after- 
wards executed  in  1814. 

On  receiving  this  news,  the  Emperor  soon  took  his 
resolution ;  he  left  to  Marshal  Soult  the  mission  of 
driving  the  English  into  the  sea  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Carogna ;  and  set  out,  on  the  3rd  of  January,  for  Vnlla- 
dolid.  As  early  as  1805,  England  had  incited  Austria 
against  us,  in  order  to  ward  off  the  invasion  with  which 
she  herself  was  threatened ;  the  same  means  were  put 

z  2 


340  HISTORY  OF  THE 

into  operation  in  1809,  in  order  to  effect  a  diversion  in 
favour  of  Spain.  The  Emperor,  who  had  intended  to 
pass  from  the  Corogna  into  Portugal,  and  to  return 
by  Cadiz  to  Madrid,  after  having  subdued  the  whole 
Peninsula,  was  now  obliged  to  renounce  this  wise  pro- 
ject. After  having  passed  a  few  days  at  Valladolid, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions for  his  absence  by  organizing  the  army,  and 
placing  it  in  a  position  in  which  it  could  await  his 
return,  he  set  out  suddenly  for  Paris,  and  arrived 
there  a  day  before  the  express  announcing  his  depar- 
ture from  Valladolid. 

"  On  Sunday,  the  23rd  of  January,  the  first  Sunday 
after  his  return,  he  received  at  his  grand  levee,  the 
high  dignitaries  and  officers  of  the  crown,  the  ministers, 
the  high  chancellor  of  the  legion  of  honour,  the  officers 
of  the  senate,  &c.  Before  this  numerous  assembly,  he 
addressed  himself  to  the  high  chamberlain. 

He  reminded  him  of  the  memorial  of  Fontainebleau, 
of  his  endeavours  and  urgent  entreaties  to  persuade  him 
to  commence  the  war  with  Spain.  He  told  him  that 
he  did  not  reproach  him  with  this  as  with  a  fault,  be- 
cause he  had  afterwards  followed  this  advice  given  at  an 
inopportune  time.  He  then  added :  "  You  have  changed 
your  opinion.  When  you  thought  you  foresaw  a  change 
of  fortune,  you  made  a  merit  of  giving  me  advice  exactly 
opposed  to  that  which  you  had  urged  upon  me  for  six 
weeks,  and  turned  it  into  a  fault  on  my  part  not  to 
have  followed  it.  I  know  all ;  I  can  forget  all ;  but 
when  a  person  creates  for  himself  interests  opposed  to 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  341 

mine,  and  acts  against  me,  he  ought  to  have  the 
modesty  to  resign  an  office  so  nearly  attached  to  my 
person." 

The  high  chamberlain,  who  had  remained  silent, 
understood  that  he  was  already  displaced ;  and  it  was, 
in  fact,  the  case:  M.  de  Montesquieu  had  for  two 
hours  had  his  nomination  to  this  high  office  of  the 
crown  in  his  pocket. 

The  disasters  of  the  campaign  of  Moscow  made  it 
necessary  to  recall  the  armies  of  Spain  to  the  Khine. 
The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  the  Duke  of  Bassano, 
proposed  to  the  Emperor,  in  order  to  put  a  term  to 
two  affairs  now  become  very  dangerous,  to  restore  the 
Pope  to  Rome,  which  would  appease  the  religious 
order,  and  to  send  back  Ferdinand  to  Spain,  which 
would  paralyse  the  powerful  action  of  the  Cortes,  and 
would  remove  all  subject  for  fear  on  the  side  of  the 
south,  until  the  conclusion  of  the  struggle  in  which 
the  Emperor  was  now  engaged  with  the  north. 

The  Emperor  at  first  only  admitted  the  first  clause 
of  this  advice.  He  signed  the  concordat  at  Fontaine- 
bleau,  January,  1813.  He  could  not  resolve  to 
renounce  the  great  results  which  he  might  expect  from 
the  immense  sacrifices  which  had  been  making  in  Spain 
since  the  year  1809. 

Spain  was,  doubtless,  conquered,  when  the  hostile 
demonstrations  of  Austria  obliged  him  to  leave  the 
government  of  that  country  to  King  Joseph  and  his 
marshals.  In  less  than  three  months,  four  Spanish 
armies,  amounting  together  to  160,000  men,  had  been 


342  HISTOKY  OF  THE 

defeated  and  dispersed.  Madrid  and  Saragossa  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  The  English 
army  had  been  forced  to  re-embark,  after  having  suf- 
fered immense  losses.  But  a  change  had,  since  then, 
come  over  the  affairs  of  the  Peninsula.  England  had 
made  incredible  efforts  to  rekindle  the  war;  she  had 
lavished  armies  and  treasures  on  this  object.  Spain 
was  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  the  sea ;  the  English 
squadrons  easily  and  suddenly  landed  fresh  troops  at  all 
the  various  points  of  the  coast ;  in  Catalonia,  in  Biscay, 
in  Portugal,  in  the  kingdom  of  Valencia,  and  at  Cadiz. 
The  error  committed  in  Spain,  after  Napoleon's  de- 
parture, was  not  that  of  proceeding  too  quickly,  but 
of  proceeding  too  slowly ;  if  he  had  remained  there  a 
few  months  longer,  he  would  have  taken  Lisbon  and 
Cadiz,  conciliated  parties,  and  pacified  the  country. 
The  guerillas  were  not  formed  till  a  year  after 
Napoleon's  departure,  and  then  solely  through  the 
effects  of  the  pillage,  disorders,  and  abuses,  of  which 
the  marshals  set  the  example,  in  contempt  of  the 
Emperor's  most  decisive  and  strict  commands. 

The  corps  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Suchet, 
which  occupied  the  kingdom  of  Valencia,  never  suffered 
a  want  of  anything;  the  country,  being  well  governed 
by  the  marshal,  supplied  all  the  necessities  of  the 
army;  the  contributions  were  regularly  paid,  and 
war  was  carried  on,  as  it  would  have  been  in  Germany, 
and  all  this  because  the  marshal  set  an  example  of 
severe  probity,  aud  maintained  discipline  among  his 
troops.  Had  all  the  other  marshals  done  the  same, 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  3-13 

the  war  would  have  been  reduced  to  the  chances  of  a 
battle.  Spain  was  lost  after  a  five  years'  struggle 
against  not  only  the  population  of  a  large  and  valor- 
ous kingdom,  but  also  against  the  Anglo-Portuguese 
army  which  had  become  as  skilful  in  manoeuvres  as 
that  of  the  French, 

It  is  difficult  to  find  an  explanation  of  these  false 
manoeuvres,  of  the  faults  of  strategy,  which  brought 
on  the  disasters  of  Talavera,  Salamanca,  and  Vittoria. 
One  cannot  help  calling  to  mind  on  this  occasion,  the 
disgraceful  causes  of  the  affair  of  Beleme.  The  want 
of  fortresses  is  a  false  argument ;  the  French  had  taken 
them  all.  The  true  cause  is  this,  that  the  Spaniards 
offered  the  same  resistance  to  the  French  as  they  had 
done  to  the  Romans.  Conquered  nations  can  only  be- 
come subjects  of  the  conqueror  by  a  mixture  of  policy 
and  severity,  and  by  an  amalgamation  with  the  army. 
Things  failed  in  Spain.  If  the  French  had  amused 
themselves  with  making  establishments  on  the  Ebro, 
instead  of  marching  over  the  Samo-sierra,  and  against 
Madrid  and  Benevente,  for  the  purpose  of  expelling 
the  English  after  the  victories  of  Vittoria,  Espinosa, 
Tudela,  and  Burgos,  they  would  have  had  200,000 
English,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  troops  against  them, 
and  their  army  would,  in  two  months,  have  been  driven 
beyond  the  Pyrenees. 

After  the  Emperor's  departure,  the  pursuit  of  the 
English  army  was  executed  without  vigour;  having 
forced  the  English  to  re-einbark,  the  French  general 
ought  to  have  marched  against  Lisbon,  Cadiz,  arid 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Valencia ;  political  means  would  then  have  done  the 
rest.  No  one  can  deny  that  if  the  court  of  Austria 
had  not  declared  war,  and  had  thus  allowed  Napoleon 
to  remain  four  months  longer  in  Spain,  all  would  have 
been  brought  to  a  termination.  The  presence  of  the 
general  is  indispensable ;  he  is  the  head,  the  guiding 
star  of  an  army ;  it  was  not  the  Roman  army  which  sub- 
dued Gaul,  but  Caesar ;  it  was  not  the  Carthaginian 
army  at  the  gates  of  Eorne  which  made  the  republic 
tremble,  but  Hannibal;  it  was  not  the  Macedonian 
army  which  overturned  the  empire  of  Persia,  but 
Alexander;  it  was  not  the  French  army  which  carried 
the  war  to  the  banks  of  the  Weser  and  the  Im,  but 
Turenne;  it  was  not  the  Prussian  army  which  defended 
Prussia  for  seven  years,  but  Frederick  the  Great. 

After  the  fatal  events  of  Leipzig,  it  was  of  great 
importance  to  the  French  to  put  an  end  without  delay 
to  the  dangers  created  by  the  affairs  of  Spain.  The 
Duke  of  Bassano  received  instructions  to  send  the 
Duke  of  San  Carlos  to  Valencjay,  with  proposals  to 
Ferdinand  to  return  to  his  kingdom;  Count  Lafaresfc, 
who  was  living  on  his  estate  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Tours,  received  at  the  same  time  orders  to  go  secretly 
to  Valen9ay,  under  the  name  of  Don  del  Basca,  and 
negotiate  the  treaty  which  should  restore  the  Prince 
of  Asturias  to  liberty  and  his  crown. 

Ferdinand  had  always  shown  the  greatest  aversion 
to  the  Cortes.  The  Spaniards  long  regretted  the  con- 
stitution of  Bayonne;  had  it  triumphed,  they  would 
no  longer  have  had  an  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  345 

secular  affairs,  no  more  feudal  service,  no  interior 
barriers.  Their  national  domains  would  not  have  re- 
mained uncultivated  and  useless  to  the  state  and 
nation.  They  would  have  had  a  secular  clergy — a  no- 
bility enjoying  no  feudal  privileges  or  exemptions  from 
contributions  and  public  expenses ;  they  would  now  be 
a  different  people. 

Ferdinand  had  often  said  that  he  preferred  remain- 
ing at  Yalen^ay  to  reigning  in  Spain  with  the  Cortes  j 
nevertheless,  when  Napoleon  proposed  his  remounting 
the  throne,  in  1813,  he  did  not  hesitate.  Count 
Lafarest  was  sent  to  him  to  negotiate  this  affair. 
The  treaty  was  soon  drawn  up ;  no  conditions  were 
imposed  on  Ferdinand ;  for  the  engagement  which  he 
entered  into  to  ratify  the  sales  of  national  domains 
made  during  his  absence,  and  not  to  call  any  of  the 
persons  who  had  held  public  employments  to  account, 
cannot  be  regarded  as  a  condition.  Ferdinand  at 
this  time  loudly  manifested  his  resolution  of  taking 
things  in  Spain  as  he  found  them,  and  reigning  like 
a  constitutional  king.  As  soon  as  the  treaty  was 
concluded,  he  again  proposed  to  contract,  by  a  mar- 
riage, a  closer  alliance  with  Napoleon;  this  request 
was  neither  refused  nor  accepted*  The  reply  given 
was,  that  the  moment  for  agreeing  to  it  was  not  yet 
come ;  that  when  Ferdinand  was  reseated  on  his 
throne,  if  he  renewed  his  request  from  Madrid,  it 
should  then  be  received  as  it  ought  to  be. 

The  treaty  of  Valen<jay  had  been  negotiated  with 
the  greatest  secrecy;  it  was  important  that  it  should 


346  EISTOBY  OF  THE 

not  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English;  they  would 
have  thwarted  a  proceeding,  the  result  of  which  was 
to  be  to  leave  the  army  free  to  arrive  in  the  plains  of 
Champagne  in  time  for  the  campaign  of  1814. 

The  events  which  were  being  brought  about  at 
Paris  settled  things  otherwise.  The  party  which  was 
struggling  to  overthrow  Napoleon,  succeeded  in  dis- 
covering this  secret  negotiation;  they  attempted  to 
persuade  him  that  a  regard  for  his.  glory  ought  not 
to  suffer  him  to  renounce  Spain,  and  to  secure  his 
rejection  of  the  treaty  of  Valengay. 

Not  having  succeeded  in  their  purpose,  they  pub- 
lished the  existence  of  the  treaty,  and  employed  all 
the  resources  of  intrigue  to  delay  Ferdinand's  de- 
parture, and  thus  retard  the  return  of  the  army  to 
France.  Ferdinand  was  to  have  quitted  ValenQay  in 
the  course  of  November,  1813,  and  yet  he  did  not 
cross  the  Pyrenees  till  the  month  of  March,  1815. 

While  this  negotiation  was  being  opened  with  Fer- 
dinand, Mons.  Fallat  de  Beaumont,  former  archbishop 
of  Bourges,  received  instructions  to  go  to  Fontaine- 
bleau,  with  full  powers  to  treat  with  the  pope  respect- 
ing his  return  to  Eome. 

In  the  meantime,  the  intrigues  of  the  former 
high  chamberlain,  to  whose  counsels  fate  willed  that 
the  Emperor  should  again  listen,  effected  a  change 
in  the  cabinet.  The  report  of  Count  St.  Aignous, 
on  his  arrival  from  the  head  quarters,  was  the  occasion 
and  pretext  of  this  change;  the  office  of  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  was  entrusted  to  the  Duke  of  Yicenza. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  347 

The  Emperor,  however,  by  a  formal  and  unusual 
exception,  left  to  the  Duke  of  Bassano  the  care  of 
pursuing  the  two  negotiations  which  he  had  opened. 
The  treaty  of  Yalenqay  was  signed  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1813,  and  the  pope,  although  he  would 
not  subscribe  to  any  written  engagement,  was  restored 
to  his  states.  One  thing  alone  was  reserved  to  Fer- 
dinand, who  demanded  the  hand  of  one  of  the  Em- 
peror's nieces.  It  was  agreed  that  this  demand  should 
be  listened  to  when  it  was  renewed  from  Madrid. 
It  had  been  calculated  that  the  first  columns  of  the 
veteran  army  of  Spain  might  be  drawn  up  in  line  on 
the  1st  of  March. 

The  secret  of  the  treaty  was  now  known  to  all 
enemies  at  home  and  abroad.  Constantly  renewed 
intrigues  retarded  its  execution.  The  ratification  of 
it  was,  however,  signed ;  but  precious  days  had 
already  been  lost.  Such  a  desire  was  felt  at  Yalengay, 
as  at  the  Tuileries,  to  make  provision  for  all  diffi- 
culties, that  it  was  agreed,  that  if  the  least  opposition 
to  the  execution  of  all  the  conditions  of  the  treaty 
was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Cortes  at  Madrid,  it 
should  only  be  looked  upon,  in  case  of  need,  as  tin 
engagement  destined  to  become  a  public  treaty  when 
the  prince  should  have  resumed  his  power,  and  in 
opportune  circumstances. 

The  Duke  of  San  Carlos  had  been  dispatched  to 
Madrid,  three  days  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty. 
The  king  was  to  follow  him  without  delay. 

But  through  an  unpardonable  fault  of  the  Duke  of 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Sueldre,  minister  of  war,  the  King  of  Spain  could  not 
quit  Valenq-ay  till  the  13th  of  March. 

The  king  was  to  be  received  at  the  frontier  by 
Marshal  Suchet,  whose  head-quarters  had  just  been 
established  at  Figuieres.  The  Duke  of  San  Carlos 
informed  the  marshal  of  this  arrangement  on  his  way 
to  Madrid,  and  spoke  to  him  at  great  length  of  the 
constitutional  fidelity  of  the  king. 

The  secrecy  which  it  had  been  wished  to  maintain 
concerning  the  treaty  of  Valencjay,  and  the  prompti- 
tude of  its  execution,  were  of  immense  importance. 

They  would  have  been  the  only  means  of  prevent- 
ing the  English  cabinet  from  acting  on  the  spirit  of  the 
Spanish  government,  and  thus  preparing  the  reception 
given  by  it  to  King  Ferdinand  and  his  envoy. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Duke  of  San  Carlos  at  Madrid, 
the  regency  listened  to  him  with  coldness,  and  after 
having  heard  the  object  of  his  mission,  asked  him 
what  he  had  been  doing  at  the  time  when  the 
Spaniards  were  fighting  desperately  for  their  king, 
and  suffering  the  fatigues,  privations,  and  dangers  of 
war.  It  reproached  him  with  his  pleasures  at  Paris, 
with  his  luxury  and  dissipation,  and  even  with  his 
love  affair  with  the  Princess  Talleyrand. 

As  regarded  his  mission,  it  declared  that  the  king 
should  be  received  as  king  when  he  had  taken  his 
oaths  in  the  presence  of  the  Cortes;  that,  till  then,  he 
should  only  receive  the  honours  due  to  him  as  Prince 
of  Asturias;  that  the  necessary  orders  should  be 
given  along  a  certain  route,  that  of  Burgos,  that  he 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  349 

might  at  each  station  find  an  escort  of  sixty  men,  and 
that  the  authorities  might  be  instructed  as  to  the 
conduct  they  were  to  pursue. 

General  Elliot  and  Monsieur  de  Zagas,  nephew  of 
General  Ofaril,  formerly  minister  of  war  under  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  were  successively  dispatched  to  Madrid  by 
the  king,  on  missions  similar  to  that  of  the  Duke  of  San 
Carlos,  and  were  treated  in  the  same  manner  by  the  re- 
gency— with  pride  and  disdain;  it  found  subjects  for 
criticism  in  some  details  of  their  personal  conduct ;  re- 
proached General  Elliot  with  having  allowed  himself 
to  be  defeated  at  Valencia;  and,  in  short,  its  whole 
conduct  announced  that  when  the  king  should  have 
remounted  the  throne,  the  credit  of  the  Duke  of  San 
Carlos,  Elliot,  and  de  Zagas  would  not  last  long,  should 
his  majesty  be  guided  by  the  spirit  of  the  regency. 

Ferdinand  at  last  arrived,  on  the  19th  of  March, 
at  Perpignan,  and  on  the  22nd,  at  the  head-quarters 
at  Figuieres,  where  he  was  to  await  the  return  of 
General  Elliot  from  Madrid;  his  whole  conversation 
showed  that  he  felt  a  deep  sense  of  what  he  owed  to 
the  regency,  to  the  Cortes,  and  to  the  nation. 

"  He  only  desired  to  reign,"  he  said,  "  by  the  laws 
which  his  victorious  people  had  made  for  themselves." 

He  communicated  to  Marshal  Suchet  the  proclama- 
tion which  he  was  about  to  publish,  declaring  his  sen- 
timents, and  he  asked  his  advice,  believing  that  what 
he  was  going  to  do  would  be  in  perfect  accordance 
with  what  he  ought  to  do.  Marshal  Suchet,  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  state  of  Spain,  entirely 


350  EISTOEY  OP  THE 

approved  of  the  proclamation,  which  contained  the  most 
explicit  and  candid  declarations ;  he  only  requested, 
with  a  delicate  feeling  of  propriety,  that  the  king 
should  insist  still  more  strongly  on  the  praise  merited 
by  the  Spanish  army.  The  Marshal  breakfasted  and 
dined  every  day  with  the  king,  who,  until  the  return 
of  Messrs.  Elliot  and  Zagas,  still  testified  the  same 
disposition. 

But  it  was  soon  changed.  On  the  arrival  of  these 
gentlemen,  they  both  advised  him  to  throw  off  at  once 
the  yoke  which  the  regency  wished  to  impose  on  him, 
and  to  travel  to  Madrid  by  a  different  route  from 
that  pointed  out  by  the  regency.  They  persuaded 
him  to  pass  through  Saragossa,  in  order  to  see,  in  the 
ruins  of  this  great  and  illustrious  city,  the  sad  proofs 
of  the  courage  of  his  subjects.  They  sent  emissaries 
into  the  country  around  to  excite  the  people  to  assemble 
in  masses  along  the  route  to  be  taken  by  the  king. 
They  intoxicated  him  with  the  enthusiasm  of  which 
he  was  the  object,  and  which  burst  forth  with  especial 
strength  at  Saragossa. 

From  that  moment,  Ferdinand's  wise  resolutions 
were  banished.  The  regency,  informed  of  these  pro- 
ceedings, uttered  threats;  General  Elliot  began  to 
collect  armed  forces,  and  finding  himself  at  the  head 
of  about  10,000  men,  marched  towards  the  capital. 
The  regency  sent  a  few  battalions  to  oppose  him;  he 
soon  put  them  to  rout;  Ferdinand  entered  Madrid  as 
a  conqueror,  and  the  counter-revolution  was  made. 
Marshal  Suchet  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  that  on  the 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  351 

first  news  of  the  treaty  of  Valengay,  the  regency, 
happy  at,  and  proud  of,  a  deliverance  which  it 
regarded  as  its  work,  had  manifested  the  intention  of 
proceeding  to  the  frontier,  to  be  the  first  to  salute 
with  its  acclamations  the  return  of  the  constitutional 
king  to  Spain  ;  but  that  inexplicable  delays  had 
excited  distrust,  and  changed  these  dispositions. 
"  Had  the  treaty  been  executed  two  months  earlier,'7 
said  he,  "Spain  would  have  warded  off  the  catas- 
trophes which  await  her,  and  France  would  have  been 
saved." 


352  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XV. 

AFFAIRS  OF  ROME  AND  CONCORDAT  OF 
FONTAINEBLEAU. 

DURING  these  occurrences,  letters  from  Las  Cases 
gave  us  hopes  of  seeing  him  again.  He  had  obtained 
permission  to  return  to  England,  and  was  to  pass  by 
St.  Helena.  Without  doubt,  our  reason,  our  know- 
ledge of  the  character  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  had 
already  convinced  us  that  we  should  not  be  permitted 
to  take  a  last  farewell  of  this  so  devoted  friend  of  the 
Emperor;  but  hope  is  the  support  of  the  suffering 
soul,  and  we  hoped  in  spite  of  ourselves. 

The  health  of  the  Emperor  continued  to  get  worse 
and  worse.  I  saw  him  more  frequently  than  any  one, 
and  consequently  I  was  better  able  than  any  one  else 
to  trace  the  causes  of  the  malady  which  was  manifested 
so  often,  and  under  such  different  forms.  His  chest 
could  not  endure  the  effect  of  the  moist  atmosphere  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  353 

Longwood,  and  still  less  the  sudden  changes  of  tem- 
perature to  which  it  was  subject.  In  fact,  the 
thermometer  at  St.  Helena  varies  10°  per  day,  accord- 
ing as  the  sun  is  above  or  below  the  horizon. 

I  have  remarked  that  great  heat  produces  no  effect 
on  the  Emperor;  he  had  already  been  accustomed  to 
it  in  Egypt  ;  but  moisture  of  climate  exercises  a 
terrible  influence  on  bis  health.  I  have  frequently 
seen  him,  after  coming  in  from  a  ride  at  night,  suffer 
from  attacks  of  cough  so  violent  as  not  to  cease  till 
vomiting  ensued. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  new  apprehensions  for 
the  health  of  the  Emperor,  that  Sir  Hudson  Lowe 
presented  himself  before  me,  to  complain  that  we 
consumed  too  much  fire- wood;  and  that  it  was  un- 
reasonable for  the  Emperor,  under  the  tropics,  to 
have  a  fire  every  day  in  his  bedroom.  He  even 
asserted  that  this  could  only  arise  from  a  wish,  on  his 
part,  to  cause  more  expense  to  England. 

I  recalled  to  his  recollection  that  it  was  not  long 
since  the  boards  of  the  bedroom  had  sunk,  and 
suddenly  a  gush  of  stagnant  water  sprang  from  a  sort 
of  marsh  which  extended  along  two-thirds  of  the  room. 

"  But/7  said  he,  "  since  I  have  hud  thu  boards 
repaired,  and  the  water  emptied  out,  it  seums  to  me 
that  there  is  no  further  occasion  for  a  fire." 

"  In  that  room,  certainly,"  answered  I  ;  "  but 
what  do  you  say  respecting  the  others,  where  the 
boards  are  rotten,  and  the  walls  covered  with  mois- 
ture?7 

VOL.  II.  A  A 


354  HISTORY   OP  THE 

And  at  the  same  time  I  pointed  out  to  him  with . 
ray  finger  proofs  of  what  I  advanced. 

However,  Sir  Hudson  was  uneasy  on  account  of 
the  Emperor's  state  of  health,  and  he  proposed  to  the 
grand  marshal  to  have  one  of  those  wooden  barracks, 
which  can  be  set  up  and  taken  down  at  pleasure, 
erected  for  him,  at  the  end  of  the  library,  "  in  order," 
said  he,  "  that  General  Bonaparte  may  be  able  to 
take  exercise  without  being  exposed  to  the  sun  and 
the  rain."  When  this  proposal  was  repeated  to  the 
Emperor,  he  merely  shrugged  his  shoulders,  and 
murmured  between  his  teeth,  "  Disgusting  irony !" 

The  Emperor  at  last  decided  upon  addressing  to 
Lord  Liverpool  a  long  memorandum,  in  the  form  of 
observations  on  the  bad  treatment  he  had  expe- 
rienced. The  grand  marshal  committed  this  sealed 
despatch  to  the  officer  on  duty. 

The  bad  temper  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  increased 
continually,  and  at  last  became  such,  that  Bertrand 
and  I  did  not  know  what  means  to  use,  so  that  the 
Emperor  might  not  hear  of  his  outrages.  Poor 
O'Meara,  on  his  part,  was  exposed  to  all  his  ill- 
humour.  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  wished  him  to  issue 
bulletins  after  his  fashion ;  the  Emperor  heard  of 
this,  and  refused  O'Meara's  assistance,  however  much 
he  might  have  need  of  it.  Long  and  painful  discus- 
sions followed;  Sir  Hudson  at  length  yielded,  and  it 
was  settled  that  no  bulletin  should  be  issued  without 
having  been  previously  shown  to  Bertrand  or  myself; 
and  in  order  to  avoid  any  occasion  for  an  insult, 


CAPTIVITY  OF    NAPOLEON.  35.") 

it  was  settled  that  the  Emperor  should  merely  he 
designated  as  the  patient. 

This  simple  announcement  of  a  fact  will  say  niuri: 
than  any  commentary ! 

The  arrival  of  a  vessel  from  Europe  gave  an  agree- 
able diversion  to  all  these  ignoble  plots  during  some 
time.  We  received  pamphlets  and  some  books  on  the 
subject  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor.  I  profited  by 
them  to  awaken  the  recollection  of  it  happier  timr, 
and  he  dictated  the  following  note  on  the  affairs  of 
Rome: 

AFFAIRS  OF  ROME. 

"  Napoleon  had  given,  in  the  years  1796  and  1707, 
in  Italy,  particular  attention  to  affairs  of  religion. 
This  knowledge  was  necessary  to  a  conqueror  and  to 
the  legislator  of  the  Transpadane  and  Cispadane  re- 
publics, in  the  same  way  as,  when  in  Egypt,  he 
studied  the  Koran, because  it  was  necessary  for  him  t«> 
be  acquainted  with  the  principles  of  Islamigm,  tin* 
government,  the  opinions  of  the  four  sects,  and  their 
relations  to  Constantinople  and  Malta.  His  pro- 
found knowledge  of  each  religion  contributed  to 
captivate  the  affection  both  of  the  Italian  clergy  and 
of  the  Ilemas  of  Egypt. 

"  He  never  repented  of  having  signed  the  concordat 
of  1801;  the  expressions  put  into  his  mouth  <>n  that 
subject  are  false;  he  never,  said,  that  the  concordat 
ivas  the  greatest  error  of  his  reign.  The  disputes 


356  HISTORY  OF  THE 

which  he  had  with  Rome  proceeded  from  the  abuse 
made  by  this  court  of  the  mixture  of  spiritual  and 
temporal  power. 

"  This  may  have  occasioned  him  some  moments  of 
impatience:  it  was  the  lion  stung  by  flies;  but  nothing 
ever  altered  his  feelings,  either  with  regard  to  the 
principles  of  his  religion,  or  the  great  act  which  has 
had  such  important  results. 

The  concordat  of  1801  was  necessary  to  religion, 
to  the  republic,  to  the  government;  the  temples  of 
worship  were  closed,  the  priests  persecuted ;  they  were 
divided  into  three  sects — the  constitutional  priests,  the 
vicars  apostolic,  and  the  bishops  who  had  emigrated  to 
England.  The  concordat  put  an  end  to  these  dis- 
cussions, and  raised  the  Roman-catholic  apostolic 
church  from  its  ruins;  it  was  facilitated  by  the 
favourable  disposition  of  the  venerable  Pius  VII., 
who,  immediately  on  hearing  the  proposal  of  it, 
hastened  to  reply:  "  Assure  the  First  Consul,  that  I 
shall  willingly  enter  into  a  negotiation,  the  aim  of 
which  is  so  praiseworthy,  so  suitable  to  my  holy 
office,  and  so  conformable  to  the  wishes  of  my  heart." 
The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Holy  See  were,  Cardinal 
Spina,  and  a  celebrated  theologian ;  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
Cretel,  a  state  councillor,  and  Bermir,  then  a  rector, 
formerly  a  chief  of  the  Vendean  army,  were  invested 
with  powers  by  France. 

"  One  would  be  inclined  to  think,  that  the  immense 
interest  which  the  Holy  See  had  in  seeing  the  altars 
of  Christ  again  raised  in.  France,  would  have  over- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  XAPOLEOX.  357 

ruled  all  secondary  questions ;  but  with  Koine  the  con- 
trary always  happens. 

"  Canonical  institutions,  the  admission  of  the  priests 
who  had  taken  their  oaths  in  the  re-organisation  of 
the  French  church,  the  consecration  of  the  goods  of 
the  church,  gave  rise  to  acrimonious  debates,  while 
the  subject  of  divorce  presented  no  difficulty,  and  the 
Roman  negotiators  declared  that  they  would  consent 
to  admit  the  marriage  of  priests,  if  the  First  Consul 
would  consent  to  yield  to  the  Pope  the  right  of 
adjourning  indefinitely  canonical  institution,  which 
consent  would  have  been  equal  to  a  renunciation  of 
the  right  possessed  by  the  chief  of  the  state  to  nomi- 
nate bishops. 

"  But  it  was  necessary  to  bring  these  discussions  to 
a  close;  the  French  negotiators  and  the  ambassador 
of  France  at  Rome,  received  instructions  to  declare, 
that  if  the  Holy  See  did  not,  within  the  space  of 
three  days,  accede  to  the  offers  of  France,  and  sign 
the  concordat,  the  negotiations  should  be  looked  upon 
as  broken  off,  and  the  First  Consul,  desirous,  above 
every  other  consideration,  of  bringing  back  the  French 
nation  to  religious  sentiments,  would  consider,  in  his 
wisdom,  whether  or  not  he  would  fulUrw  the  example 
of  Henry  VIII. 

"  The  venerable  Pius  VII.  was  troubled  by  this 
declaration,  the  sacred  college  trembled.  Cardinal 
Gonzalve  set  out  in  haste  for  Paris;  all  difficulties 
were  smoothed  down,  the  concordat  was  signed  at 


358  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Paris  on  the  loth  of  July,  1801,  and  the  Holy  Sec 
ratified  it  in  the  course  of  the  same  month,  as  well  as 
the  decree  issued  by  the  First  Consul,  which,  under 
the  title  of  "  Regulations  for  the  execution  of  the 
Concordat"  settled  the  organic  articles. 

"  The  question  of  divorce  and  that  of  the  marriage 
of  priests,  are  the  two  great  social  questions  which  have 
escaped  the  shipwreck  of  the  supreme  jurisdiction  of 
the  catholic  church;  this  is  not  the  opinion  main- 
tained by  the  ignorant  fanatics  of  the  profanations  of 
the  holy  sacrament.  Councils  have  always  admitted 
the  dissolution  of  marriage.  The  council  of  Trent 
fixed  rules  for  it;  it  appointed  thirteen  cases  in  which 
a  nuptial  benediction,  given  in  contempt  of  the  ob- 
servance of  any  one  of  these  thirteen  conditions  of 
the  nullity  of  a  marriage,  should  be  dissolved  and 
declared  null.  To  discuss  the  rupture  or  nullity,  to 
cavil,  is  not  a  principle;  to  render  the  bond  of  a 
marriage  indissoluble,  is  to  provoke  crime,  is  to  place 
the  curate  of  a  village  above  the  power  of  the  law. 

"  A  separation  in  mezzo  termine  can  only  be  put  in 
practice  among  the  higher  classes;  the  mass  of  the 
people  can  find  no  protection,  they  are  obliged  to 
groan  during  their  whole  lives  under  the  evil  conse- 
quences of  one  day,  or  to  rush  to  crime,  in  the  hope  of 
an  impunity  which  should  secure  the  return  of  calm 
to  their  homes. 

"  Henry  IV.  possessed  the  religious  right  of  divorce, 
and  that  during  the  reign  of  a  religious  fanaticism, 
which  had  condemned  him  to  choose  between  an  ab- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLECLY.  35  <j 

jimitiou  and  a  throne;  and  to  debar  a  simple  citizen 
from  any  means  of  breaking  the  tie  which  bind*  1dm 
to  a  barren  woman,  to  a  Messalina.  or  to  a  shrew,  is  to 
establish  an  inequality  in  the  face  of  the  law  between 
men  of  the  same  nation,  is  to  place  ourselves  again 
under  the  empire  of  feudal  distinctions,  is  to  retro- 
grade to  the  middle  ages,  to  an  order  of  things  which 
was  destroyed  from  the  very  root  by  the  revolution  of 
1789.  It  is  true  that  marriage  is  both  a  civil  and  a 
religious  contract;  and  as  the  law  declares  that  it 
can  only  be  legally  contracted  by  being  performed  in 
presence  of  the  municipal  officer  appointed  to  execute 
the  commands  of  the  law,  it  must  also,  in  order  to  obtain 
validity  in  the  sight  of  religion,  be  subjected  to  the 
formalities  imposed  by  it,  in  order  that  the  priest 
may  give  the  nuptial  benediction.  The  rupture  of 
marriage  ought  then  necessarily  to  be  doubly  pro- 
nounced, by  the  natural  judges  of  all  questions  of  re- 
ligious belief, — viz.,  the  metropolitan  authorities. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  equally  suggested  by  reason 
to  the  legislator,  and  by  faith  to  the  pious  man,  per- 
fect equality  before  the  law  for  all  men,  entire  liberty 
to  have  a  marriage  dissolved,  whatever  may  be  the 
religion  of  the  person  requiring  it,  catholics  and  pro- 
testants  would  be  under  the  dominion  of  the  same 
law,  while  on  the  contrary,  since  the  abolition  of 
divorce  by  the  effects  of  a  senseless  reaction,  the  in- 
equality between  the  catholic  and  the  protestant  is 
flagrant.  The  former  cannot  dissolve  his  marriage, 
while  to  the  latter  it  is  easy,  for  a  protestant  has 


360  HISTORY   OF   THE 

only  to  acquire  the  right  of  citizenship  in  a  protestant 
village  on  the  frontiers  of  France,  to  be  able  legally  to 
divorce  his  wife. 

"  The  celibacy  of  priests  is  only  a  perfection  of 
holiness,  the  councils  declared  this;  and  this  truth 
cannot  be  disputed,  for  these  same  councils  delegated 
to  the  Pope  the  power  of  releasing  a  priest  from  his 
vows,  and  permitting  him  to  marry. 

"  M.  de  Talleyrand,  minister,  of  foreign  affairs  dur- 
ing the  negotiations  for  the  concordat,  had  been  Bishop 
of  Autun  before  the  French  revolution ;  but  consider- 
ing himself  free,  like  every  French  citizen,  through 
the  effects  of  the  laws  of  the  republic,  to  contract  a 
marriage,  he  wished  to  marry  a  Dutoh  woman.  The 
Pope  released  him  from  his  vows,  and  Madame  Gramt 
became  Princess  Talleyrand,  and  not  even  the  most 
ardent  defender  of  the  canons  ventured  to  raise  his 
voice  against  this  marriage. 

"  Xapoleon  rebuilt  the  altars,  put  an  end  to  all  dis- 
orders, desired  the  faithful  to  pray  for  the  republic, 
dissipated  all  the  scruples  of  the  purchasers  of  national 
domains,  and  broke  the  last  thread  by  which  the 
ancient  dynasty  still  communicated  with  the  country 
by  depriving  of  their  places  the  bishops  who  had  re-: 
nmined  faithful  to  it,  denominating  them  rebels,  who 
had  preferred  the  affairs  of  the  world  and  terrestrial 
interests  before  the  affairs  of  heaven  and  the  cause  of 
God. 

"  It  has  been  said, '  Napoleon  ought  not  to  have  inter- 
fered in  religious  affairs,  but  to  have  tolerated  religion 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  361 

in  practising  its  worship;'  but  what  worship?  Restore 
its  temples ;  but  to  whom  ?  To  the  constitutional  party, 
to  the  clergy,  or  to  the  papist  vicars  in  the  pay  of 
England  ?  It  was  proposed  to  Napoleon,  in  the  con- 
ferences for  the  negotiation  of  the  concordat,  to  assign 
a  delay  in  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  instituting 
bishops,  conferred  on  the  Pope ;  but  he  had  already 
made  great  concessions ;  he  consented  to  the  suppres- 
sion of  those  dioceses  whose  sees  dated  from  the  birth 
of  Christianity;  he  deprived  a  great  number  of 
ancient  bishops,  by  his  own  authority,  of  their  places, 
and  sold,  without  giving  any  indemnity,  four  hundred 
millions'  worth  of  goods  belonging  to  the  clergy. 

"  It  was  decided,  that,  even  as  regarded  the  interests 
of  the  republic,  new  stipulations  which  would  have 
favoured  the  ultra-moutanes,  ought  not  to  be  exacted. 
It  was  in  one  of  these  conferences  that  Napoleon  said ; 
4  If  the  Pope  had  not  existed,  he  must  have  been 
created  for  this  occasion,  as  the  Roman  consuls  created 
a  dictator  in  difficult  circumstances.' 

"  It  is  true  that  the  concordat  acknowledged  the 
existence  in  the  state  of  a  foreign  power,  which  was 
likely  to  trouble  it  one  day,  but  it  did  not  introduce 
it — it  had  always  existed. 

"  Being  master  of  Italy,  Napoleon  considered  himself 
master  of  Home,  and  this  Italian  influence  served  him 
as  a  means  for  counteracting  the  English  influence. 

"  The  pieces  printed  at  London,  concerning  the  dis- 
cussions between  the  court  of  the  Tuileries  and  that  of 
Rome,  are  apocryphal  j  they  have  never  been  avowed. 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE 

The  effect  hoped  for  from  their  publication  was  that  of 
exalting  the  imaginations  of  the  Spaniards  and  those  of 
the  saints  of  Christendom:  the  Petite  Eglise  pub- 
lished them  about  with  furious  zeal.  Some  of  these 
pieces  are  false,  the  others  are  more  or  less  falsified.  It 
is  to  be  lamented  that  they  should  have  found  place 
in  an  important  work ;  it  would  not  have  been  diffi- 
cult to  prove  their  falsity.  Istly,  the  court  of  the 
Tuileries  never  promised,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
to  allow  legations,  and  the  Pope  looked  upon  this  con- 
dition as  the  price  of  his  journey  to  Paris.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  he  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of  obtaining 
Romagna,  in  which  lay  Casena,  his  native  country, 
from  the  gratitude  of  the  Emperor;  it  is  possible  that 
during  his  stay  in  Paris,  he  spoke  of  this  desire  directly 
to  the  Emperor;  but  it  was  very  slightly,  and  with- 
out hopes  of  success.  2ndly.  How  could  it  be  sup- 
posed that  the  court  of  Rome  had  been  requested  to 
establish  a  patriarch  in  France  ?  A  patriarch  would 
only  have  possessed  influence  in  France,  while  the 
Pope,  who  was  the  patriarch  of  the  great  empire, 
possessed  an  influence  over  the  whole  universe. 
France  would  then  have  lost  by  the  change !  Srdly. 
How  could  the  Emperor  have  demanded  the  acceptance 
of  the  civil  code?  Did  not  the  Napoleon  code  rule  in 
France  and  Italy?  Did  he  require  the  assistance  of 
the  court  of  Rome  to  frame  laws  for  his  own  subjects? 
4thly.  Why  should  he  have  demanded  liberty  of  wor- 
ship ?  Was  not  this  a  fundamental  law  of  the  French 
constitution.  Had  this  law  more  need  of  the  sanction 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEOX.  363 

of  the  Pope,  than  of  that  of  Maron  the  minister,  and  the 
consistory  of  Geneva  ?  Sthly.  How  could  he  have  de- 
manded the  reform  of  the  too  numerous  bishoprics  in 
Italy?  Had  not  the  concordat  of  Italy  provided  for 
this  ?  It  is  true  that  some  negotiations  were  carried 
on  respecting  the  bishoprics  of  Tuscany  and  Genoa, 
but  in  the  form  established  for  these  kind  of  affairs. 
Gthly.  What  interest  could  he  have  in  wishing  the 
pontifical  bulls  relating  to  the  bishoprics  and  benefices 
in  Italy  to  be  abolished  ? — was  not  all  this  regulated 
by  the  concordat  of  Italy?  Tthly.  Why  should  he 
have  demanded  the  abolition  of  religious  orders? — were 
not  these  orders  already  abolished  in  France  and  Italy? 
How  could  it  be  supposed,  that,  engaged  as  he  was  in 
discussions  with  the  court  of  Rome,  he  would  demand 
freedom  of  marriage  for  the  priests,  which  would  have 
been,  in  all  gaiety  of  heart,  to  give  his  enemies  an  ad- 
vantage? What  did  the  celibacy  of  the  priests  matter 
to  him !  Had  he  any  time  to  lose  in  theological  dis- 
cussions? 9thly.  What  interest  could  he  have  in  wish- 
ing Joseph  Bonaparte  to  be  consecrated  King  of  Naples 
by  the  Pope?  Had  the  Pope  wished  to  do  so,  Napo- 
leon would  have  opposed  his  desire,  for  fear  that  he 
should  afterwards  put  forward  a  claim  to  be  suzerain 
of  Naples. 

"  The  direct  correspondence  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  Pope,  from  1805  to  1809,  remained  secret;  it 
solely  concerned  temporal  affairs,  regarding  which  he 
needed  neither  the  consent  nor  the  advice  of  his 
bishops;  but  in  1809,  when  the  Pope,  relying  on  a 


364  HISTORY   OF  THE 

passage  in  the  proceedings  of  the  .council  of  Lyons, 
endeavoured,  by  the  brief  of  Savona,  addressed  to  the 
chapter  of  Florence  and  to  that  of  Paris,  to  interfere 
with  the  duties  of  capitular  vicars,  during  the  vacancies 
of  the  sees,  the  discussions  began  to  refer  to  spiritual 
matters.  The  Pope  then  felt  the  need  of  the  counsel 
and  intervention  of  the  clergy — he  established  a 
council  of  theologians.  The  choice  which  he  made  was 
fortunate;  the  Bishop  of  Xantes,  who  had  for  half  a 
century  been  one  of  the  oracles  of  Christendom,  was 
the  soul  of  the  council ;  from  this  time,  all  the  discus- 
sions became  public. 

"  Fox,  conversing  with  Napoleon  after  the  treaty  of 
Amiens,  reproached  him  with  not  having  obtained 
freedom  for  the  priests  to  marry :  Napoleon  replied : 
"  I  had  and  have  need  of  using  pacifying  measures; 
it  is  with  water,  and  not  with  oil,  that  theological 
volcanoes  must  be  calmed;  it  would  have  given  me 
less  trouble  to  have  established  the  confession  of 
Augsburg  throughout  my  empire." 

"  Ever  since  the  coronation,  discussions  had  been 
carried  on  concerning  the  cardinals7  hats,  some 
expressions  which  the  Pope  had  allowed  himself  to 
use  in  his  harangues  on  the  organic  laws,  and  the 
briefs  relating  to  the  penitentiary  tribunal;  as 
also  concerning  some  circumscriptions  of  the  bishop- 
rics of  Tuscany  and  Genoa,  and  some  secret  affairs 
relative  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy;  but  none  of 
these  discussions  directly  occupied  the  two  sovereigns; 
they  were  constantly  abandoned  to  the  care  of  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  365 

chanceries,  which  treated  all  these  affairs  with  mode- 
ration and  wisdom. 

"  The  carrying  off  the  Pope  was  neither  foreseen 
nor  ordered  by  the  Emperor;  it  was  a  personal  act 
of  General  Miollis,  an  old  republican  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  troops  stationed  in  the  states  of  the 
church. 

u  The  disputes  between  the  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries 
and  that  of  the  Holy  See  were  never  caused  by  any 
religious  question;  they  were  entirely  political,  and 
date  from  the  year  1805 — a  period  at  which  the 
squadrons  of  the  coalition  threatened  the  shores  of 
Italy  with  an  Anglo-Prussian  debarkation. 

"  The  arming  of  Ancona  was  included  in  the  general 
plan  for  the  defence  of  Italy.  The  Emperor  com- 
missioned his  ambassador  at  Uome  to  demand  it  from 
the  Holy  See.  He  made  offers  of  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  between  the  king  of  Italy  and  the 
court  of  Home.  The  Pope  refused,  and  answered: 
4  that  as  father  of  the  faithful,  he  could  enter  into  no 
league  against  his  children,  and  neither  could  nor 
would  make  war  against  any  one.7  The  Emperor 
replied  :  c  The  history  of  the  Popes  is  full  of  accounts 
of  their  leagues  with  the  emperors,  the  kings  of  Spain, 
and  the  kings  of  France.  Julius  II.  commanded 
armies:  in  1797,  I,  General  Bonaparte,  defeated  the 
army  of  Pius  YL,  which  was  fighting  among  the 
ranks  of  the  Austrians  against  the  French  republic, 
and  since,  in  our  days,  the  banners  of  St.  Peter  could 
float,  without  any  derogation  to  their  sanctity,  beside 


366  HISTORY  OP  THE 

the  eagles  of  Austria;  they  may  well  float  over  the 
walls  of  Ancona,  as  allies  of  the  eagle  of  France.  Never- 
theless, out  of  respect  to  the  scruples  of  the  holy 
father,  I  consent  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  shall  be 
confined  to  the  case  of  an  attack  from  the  infidels  or 
heretics.' 

"  Events  succeeded  each  other  rapidly  in  this  time  of 
deadly  struggle  between  England  and  France.  Ancona 
must  be  occupied  at  any  price;  the  safety  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy  depended  upon  this  being  done; 
General  Miollis  received  orders  to  garrison  it,  and 
was  charged  with  the  defence  of  the  marches  and 
legations.  The  nuncio  quitted  Paris  immediately  on 
hearing  of  this  arrangement,  and,  though  minister  of 
the  smallest  existing  temporal  power,  unhesitatingly 
declared  war  against  the  colossal  French  Empire. 
The  cabinet  of  the  Tuileries  affected  not  to  consider 
itself  at  variance  with  Rome,  and  instructed  its  am- 
bassador to  make  no  change  in  his  diplomatic  relations 
with  the  Holy  See. 

"  The  battle  of  Esling  for  a  moment  revived  the 
hopes  of  the  coalition. 

"  The  exasperated  feelings  of  the  people  manifested 
themselves  very  strongly  in  several  districts  of  the 
states  of  the  church,  and  General  Miollis  with  alarm 
saw  himself  exposed  to  the  fanaticism  of  a  people 
roused  by  the  holy  name  of  religion.  His  troops, 
extended  along  a  line  of  sixty  leagues  in  extent, 
amounted  to  scarcely  6000  men,  and  in  Rome  itself 
he  had  less  than  1500  to  keep  that  great  city  under 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  367 

authority.  His  position  was  very  critical.  He  re- 
collected the  sinister  examples  of  the  massacres  of 
Verona,  in  1707,  and  of  Rome,  in  1798,  when  General 
Duphot  fell  under  the  daggers  uf  the  dregs  of  the 
populace,  who  had  been  exasperated  by  the  priests; 
and  he  saw  no  prospect  of  safety  but  in  one  of  those 
extraordinary  and  unforeseen  measures  which  are 
sometimes  taken.  General  Miollis  did  not  recoil  from 
the  fearful  responsibility  of  violating  the  supreme 
majesty  of  the  Pope ;  yet  he  was  still  hesitating,  when 
he  received  a  letter,  signed  by  the  queen  of  Naples, 
advising  and  even  authorising  him  to  adopt  this 
measure;  from  this  moment  his  hesitation  vanished — 
he  carried  off  the  Pope  in  the  middle  of  the  night, 
and  sent  him  to  Florence.  The  effect  of  this  measure 
was  sudden  as  a  thunderbolt — a  most  profound  stupor 
reigned  throughout  the  town  and  in  the  mountains, 
instead  of  the  threatening  effervescence  of  the  previous 
evening. 

"  The  Grand  Duchess  of  Tuscany  was  not  a  little 
astonished  that  a  general  should  dare  to  act  thus 
without  the  Emperor's  orders,  and  became  naturally 
alarmed  at  the  part  of  the  responsibility  which  would 
rest  on  her,  if  the  Pope  remained  in  Tuscany ;  she 
sent  courier  after  courier  to  the  imperial  head- 
quarters, requiring  General  Miollis  to  send  the  cortege 
along  the  sea-shore  into  the  states  of  Genoa.  The  Pope 
was  conducted  to  Savona. 

'"Nothing  could  equal  the  displeasure  of  the  Emperor; 
he  immediately  understood  all  the  difficulties  which 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE 

would  arise,  and  his  first  act  was  to  order  the  Pope  to 
be  taken  back  to  the  Vatican.  But  all  the  dreams 
of  General  Bonaparte,  all  the  projects  of  the  Emperor 
concerning  Italy  received  from  this  carrying  off  of 
the  Pope  the  possibility  of  being  realized.  Of  the 
three  obstacles  which  had  always  been  opposed  to  the 
unity  of  Italy  ^  two  had  disappeared,  by  the  will  of 
the  Emperor;  the  third,  the  only  one  which  his 
thoughts  had  but  timidly  approached,  the  residence 
of  the  vicars  of  Jesus  Christ  at  Borne,  was  now  re- 
moved by  one  of  those  inexplicable  combinations  of 
destiny  which  sometimes  occur,  and  which  now  trans- 
ported the  chair  of  St.  Peter  from  the  banks  of  the 
Tiber  to  those  of  the  Seine.  Paris  would  be  the 
capital  of  the  great  empire,  and  the  residence  of  the 
sovereign  pontiff  of  80,000,000  catholics.  The  spi- 
ritual power  of  the  Popes  would  naturally  be  strength- 
ened by  the  support  of  the  great  temporal  power  of 
the  Emperor;  the  golden  days  of  the  church  would 
be  revived.  The  removal  of  tlie  Popes  was  a  fact 
gained  to  the  fortune  of  the  empire;  Napoleon  ac- 
cepted it ;  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  wrote  to 
the  Abbe  Duvoisin,  Bishop  of  Nantes,  whose  great 
merit  he  held  in  high  estimation,  and  with  wliom  he 
corresponded,  in  the  following  words : 

"  *  Let  your  mind  be  perfectly  easy ;  the  policy  of 
my  state  is  intimately  connected  with  the  maintenance 
of  the  Pope's  power :  I  must  make  him  more  powerful 
than  ever :  he  will  never  have  as  much  power  as  my 
policy  would  lead  me  to  give  Mm/" 


CAPTIVITY"    or    XAPOLEUX.  ;J60 

The  Bishop  of  Xantes  preached  the  catholic  re- 
ligion by  the  wisdom  of  his  reasonings  and  the  excel- 
lence of  the  morality  which  he  profes^d.  In  his 
discussions,  he  abandoned  everything  which  it  was 
difficult  for  reason  to  admit,  and  thus  placed  himself 
on  an  excellent  ground  on  which  to  argue  with  his 
adversaries.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Diderot, 
of  D' Alembert,  and  of  the  philosophers  of  this  period, 
and  had  endeavoured,  and  with  success,  to  combat 
their  opinions;  he  had  gained  the  esteem  and  confi- 
dence of  the  Emperor,  who  consulted  him  in  all 
questions  relating  to  the  church.  The  carrying  off  if 
the  Pope  was  not  an  act  of  the  Emper»»r's  will,  but  one 
of  those  accidents  which  often  happen  in  politics  a^  well 
as  in  the  course  of  life.  The  whole  of  the  Imperial 
Palace  at  Turin  was  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  Pope. 
At  Savona  he  was  lodged  in  the  archbishop's  palace, 
which  afforded  him  every  convenience ;  the  intendant 
of  the  civil  list  and  the  Count  Salmatori  provided 
abundantly  for  everything  necessary. 

He  remained  there  for  several  months,  during  which 
time  proposals  were  made  to  him  to  return  to  Rome, 
if  he  would  agree  not  to  disturb  public  tranquillity, 
to  recognise  the  government  established  in  that  capital, 
and  only  to  occupy  himself  with  spiritual  affairs; 
but,  perceiving  that  they  wished  to  weary  him  out, 
and  that  the  world  went  on  without  him,  he  addressed 
briefs  to  the  metropolitan  chapters  of  Florence  and 
Paris,  to  disturb  the  administration  of  the  dioceses 
during  the  vacancies  of  the  sees,  at  the  same  time 

VOL.  II.  B  B 


370  HISTORY   OF   THE 

that  Cardinal  Pietro  sent  vicars  apostolic  into  the 
vacant  dioceses.  Then,  first,  did  the  discussions, 
which  had  been  carried  on  for  five  years,  lose  their  tem- 
poral character,  and  begin  to  take  concern  in  spiritual 
matters;  and  this  gave  rise  to  the  first  and  second 
assemblies  of  bishops,  to  the  council  of  Paris,  to  the 
bull  of  1811,  and  finally,  to  the  concordat  of  Fontaine- 
bleau,  in  1813.  Nothing  was  yet  settled  concerning 
the  temporal  affairs  of  Rome ;  this  uncertainty  encou- 
raged the  resistance  of  the  Pope;  the  Emperor,  who 
had  been  harassed  for  five  years  by  the  most  pitiful 
arguments,  arising  from  the  mixture  of  temporal  and 
spiritual  power,  decided  at  length  to  separate  them 
for  ever,  and  no  longer  to  allow  the  Pope  to  be  a 
temporal  sovereign.  Jesus  Christ  had  said :  "  My 
kingdom  is  not  of  this  world;"  though  heir  to  the 
throne  of  David,  he  had  wished  to  be  pontiff  and  not 
king. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1810,  Napoleon  passed 
a  decree  uniting  Rome  to  the  empire.  He  made 
arrangements  on  the  most  liberal  scale  for  everything 
relating  to  the  temporal  concerns  of  the  Pope  and 
cardinals,  and  caused  the  senate  to  issue  the  following 
decree : 

"CLAUSE  I. — Concerning  the  Annexation  of  the  States  of 
Rome  to  the  Empire. 

"  Istly.  The  state  of  Rome  is  annexed  to  the  empire, 
and  forms  an  integral  part  of  it.  2ndly.  It  will 
form  two  departments,  that  of  Rome,  and  that  of 


CAPTIVITY    01T   NAPOLEON.  371 

Trasimene.  3rdly.  The  department  of  RHIIIC  will 
send  seven  deputies  to  the  legislative  body,  that  of 
Trasimene  four.  4thly.  The  department  nf  Home 
will  he  classed  in  the  first  series,  that  of  Trasimene  in 
the  second.  5thly.  A  senatorship  will  he  established 
in  the  departments  of  Rome  and  Trasimene.  Gthly. 
The  city  of  Rome  is  the  second  city  in  the  empire. 
The  mayor  of  Rome  will,  on  his  appointment,  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Emperor;  he  will  thus, 
as  well  as  the  deputies  of  the  city  of  Rome,  rank  on 
all  occasions  next  after  the  mayors  and  deputies  of 
Paris.  Tthly.  The  heir-apparent  of  the  Imperial 
Crown  will  bear  the  title  of  King  of  Rome,  and  receive 
the  honours  due  to  this  rank.  Sthly.  There  will  be 
at  Rome  a  prince  of  the  blood,  or  a  high  dignitary  of 
the  empire,  who  will  hold  the  court  of  the  Emperor. 
9thly.  The  estates  wrhich  will  form  the  dotation  of 
the  Imperial  Crown,  conformably  to  the  decree  of  the 
30th  of  January  last,  will  be  regulated  by  a  special 
.decree.  lOthly.  The  emperors,  after  having  been 
crowned  in  the  church  of  Xotre  Dame,  in  Paris,  will 
be  crowned  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  in  Rome,  before 
the  tenth  year  of  their  reigns,  llthly.  The  city  of 
Rome  will  enjoy  such  particular  privileges  and  im- 
munities as  shall  be  determined  by  the  Emperor 
Napoleon. 

<•  CLAUSE  II. — Concerning  the  Independence  of  the  Imperial 
Throne  of  all  other  Authority. 

"  12thly.  Any  temporal  sovereignty  is  incompatible 
B  B  2 


372  HISTORY   OF   THE 

with  the  exercise  of  spiritual  authority  in  the  interior 
of  the  empire.  13thly.  Immediately  on  their  eleva- 
tion to  the  chair  of  St  Peter,  the  popes  will  take  an 
oath  never  to  oppose  in  any  way  the  four  propositions 
of  the  Gallican  church,  decreed  in  the  assembly  of  the 
clergy,  in  1682.  14thly.  The  four  propositions  of 
the  Gallican  church  are  declared  common  to  all  the 
Catholic  churches  of  the  empire. 

"  CLAUSE  III. —  Concerning  the  Temporal  Affairs  of  the  Pope. 

"  15thly.  Palaces  will  be  prepared  for  the  Pope  in 
the  various  places  of  the  empire  where  he  may  wish  to 
reside;  he  will  necessarily  have  one  at  Paris,  and  one 
at  Rome.  16thly.  A  re  venue  of  two  millions  of  francs, 
arising  from  rural  possessions,  and  free  of  all  impost, 
and  six  millions  in  various  other  parts  of  the  empire, 
will  be  assigned  to  the  Pope.  17thly.  The  expenses  of 
the  sacred  college,  and  of  the  propaganda,  are  declared 
imperial.  ISthly.  The  present  organic  decree  will 
be  transmitted  to  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  and  King." 

During  all  this  time,  the  deputations  of  bishops 
had  always  instructions  to  make  proposals  to  the 
Pope  for  his  return  to  Rome,  provided  he  would 
acknowledge  the  temporal  government  which  had 
been  established  there,  and  would  occupy  himself 
solely  with  spiritual  affairs;  but  he  constantly  re- 
fused. 

Napoleon  understood  the  interests  of  the  church; 


CAPTIVITY   OF    XAPOLEON.  373 

they  were  constantly  united  in  his  thoughts  with  those 
of  the  crown ;  and  to  him  the  catholic  church  owes 
the  power  which,  during  the  last  forty  years,  it  has 
regained  in  France.  The  concordat  of  1801  excited 
violent  passives  against  the  First  Consul;  celebrated 
generals  raised  their  voices,  and  accused  him  of 
betraying  the  republic ;  one  of  them,  the  general  who 
commanded  the  Grenadiers  of  the  guard,  dared  to 
carry  his  reproaches  even  into  the  palace;  but  his 
excitement  soon  vanished,  as  by  magic,  before  the 
paternal  mildness  with  which  Xapoleun  listened  to 
him;  and  that  very  evening  he  set  out  on  some 
diplomatic  mission  for  Lisbon.  Madame  de  Stael  had 
placed  herself  at  the  head  of  the  saloon  malcontents, 
and  said  at  the  same  time  to  the  republicans :  "  You 
have  but  a  moment ;  to-morrow,  the  tyrant  will  have 
40,000  priests  for  his  Seides." 

Napoleon  showed,  in  his  disputes  with  the  Holy 
See,  more  patience  than  accorded  with  liis  situation 
and  character,  and  if  he  sometimes  employed  sarcasm 
in  his  correspondence  with  the  Pope,  he  was  always 
provoked  to  it  by  the  bitter  style  of  the  Roman 
chancery,  which  expressed  itself  in  the  same  manner 
as  might  have  been  used  in  the  time  of  Louis  le 
Debonnaire,  or  of  the  emperors  of  the  house  of 
Swabia ;  a  style  so  much  the  more  out  of  place  as  it 
was  addressed  to  a  man  eminently  well-informed  con- 
cerning the  wars  and  affairs  of  Italy,  and  who  knew 
all  the  temporal  intrigues  of  the  popes  by  heart.  The 
court  of  Kome  might  have  avoided  all  these  disputes, 


374  HISTORY   OF    THE 

by  frankly  annexing  itself  to  the  great  system  of 
France,  closing  its  ports  against  tlie  English,  sum- 
moning some  French  battalions  to  the  defence  of 
Ancona,  and,  in  short,  maintaining  tranquillity  in 
Italy. 

As  regards  spiritual  questions,  no  others  were  dis- 
cussed between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  except 
those  laid  down  in  the  two  verbal  processes— that  of 
the  two  ecclesiastical  commissions,  and  that  of  the 
council  of  Paris;  the  only  important  question  was 
that  concerning  the  bishops. 

The  Pope  rendered  him  justice;  and  when  he  heard 
of  the  disembarkation  at  Cannes,  he  said  to  Prince 
Lucien,  with  a  manner  that  marked  his  confidence — 
"The  Emperor  having  disembarked  and  arrived, 
you  will  go  to  Paris.  This  is  well ;  make  my  peace 
with  him;  I  am  at  Rome;  he  shall  never  have  any 
annoyance  from  me." 

Man,  launched  into  life,  asks  himself — "  Whence  do 
I  come?  What  am  I?  Whither  do  I. go?"  Myste- 
rious questions,  which  draw  him  towards  religion ;  we 
all  hasten  towards  it — our  natural  inclination  urges 
us  so  to  do.  We  believe  in  the  existence  of  God,  be- 
cause everything  around  us  proclaims  it;  the  greatest 
minds. have  believed  in  it — Bossuet,  Newton,  Leibnitz. 

We  have  need  of  believing,  and  without  doubt 
believe  most  frequently  without  exercisifig  our  reason ; 
faith  becomes  wavering,  as  soon  as  we  begin  to  reason ; 
but  even  then  we  say  in  our  hearts — "  Perhaps  I  shall 
again  believe  blindly;  God  grant  it!"  For  we  feel 


CAPTIVITY   OF    NAPOLEON'. 

that  this  must  be  a  great  happiness,  an  immense  o,n- 
solation  in  adversity  and  in  great  trials,  and  even 
in  accidental  suggestions  of  immorality. 

The  virtuous  man  never  doubts  of  the  exigence  uf 
God ;  for,  if  his  reason  does  not  suffice  tu  comprehend 
it,  the  instinct  of  his  soul  adopts  the  belief.  Every 
intimate  feeling  of  the  soul  is  in  sympathy  with  the 
sentiments  of  religion. 

When  Napoleon  received  the  supreme  power,  his 
mind  became  occupied  with  the  great  elements  of  the 
social  body;  he  recognised  all  the  importance  uf 
religion — he  resolved  to  re-establish  it ;  but  it  would  be 
difficult  to  believe  all  the  resistance  he  had  to  over- 
come in  order  to  attain  his  object,  and  to  re-erect  the 
altars  of  Catholicism.  The  council  of  state  was  not 
favourable  to  the  concordat.  The  greater  part  of  its 
members,  those  who  held  the  highest  places  in  public 
esteem,  only  gave  way  after  taking  a  resolution  to 
become  Protestants,  in  order  tp  remain  independent 
of  Rome,  if  the  church  again  took  up  the  sceptre 
•which  the  revolution  had  broken. 

The '  disposition  of  the  public  inind  was  then  tend- 
ing strongly  towards  reform.  But  besides  that  the 
First  Consul  himself  firmly  maintained  his  natal 
religion,  the  highest  political  motives  for  re-establish- 
ing it  existed.  TThat  advantage  would  he  have  gained 
by  proclaiming  Protestantism?  He  would  have 
awakened  religious  fanaticism  and  created  new  parties, 
when  the  first  aim  of  his  ambition  was  to  abolish  them 
in  France,  and  rally  the  French  people  beneath  the 


376  HISTORY  OF    THE 

banner  of  national  interest.  Parties,  under  whatever 
denomination  they  may  rank,  weaken  the  social 
system,  and  give  favourable  opportunities  to  the  in- 
trigues of  foreigners.  None  of  these  dangers  were  to 
be  feared  from  the  re-establishment  of  Catholicism. 
Catholicism  had,  besides,  the  great  advantage  of 
gaining  the  favour  of  the  Holy  See;  and  from  that  time 
what  an  influence  would  it  have ! — what  a  lever  of 
opinion  on  eighty  millions  of  catholics !  During  his 
disputes  with  the  Vatican,  Napoleon  had  never,  either 
as  First  Consul  or  as  Emperor,  touched  upon  points 
of  dogma.  The  Pope  had  dispensed  the  Emperor 
from  public  communion,  and  by  this  determination 
showed  him  the  value  of  the  sincerity  of  his  religious 
faith.  A  council  of  cardinals  had  been  held  on  this 
subject ;  the  most  of  them  had  strongly  insisted  on  his 
receiving  the  communion  in  public,  and  said,  that  his 
example  would  be  of  great  importance  to  the  church, 
and  that  he  ought  to  give  it.  The  Pope  answered, 
that  if  he  only  performed  this  action  as  he  would  a 
part  of  a  ceremonial,  it  would  be  a  sacrilege :  "  I  can- 
not desire  that  he  should  do  this — my  conscience 
opposes  it.  Napoleon  is  not,  perhaps,  favourably 
disposed  to  it.  A  time  will  doubtless  come,  when 
faith  will  urge  him  to  perform  this  act  of  devotion. 
In  the  meantime,  let  us  not  load  either  his  conscience 


or  our  own." 


Pius  VII.  was  personally  attached  to  the  Emperor ; 
their  private  intimacy  was  never  interrupted  by  their 
disputes  as  sovereigns;  and  to  this  esteem  and  this 


CAPTIVITY   OF    XAPOLEOX.  377 

mutual  affection  must  be  attributed  the  concluding 
of  the  concordat  of  Fontainebleuu,  by  which  the  Pope 
renounced  all  temporal  sovereignty. 

The  Pope  left  Paris  after  the  coronation,  without 
having  obtained  the  reward  which  he  thought  he  had 
merited.  He  demanded  the  execution  of  the  famous 
donation  of  Countess  Matilda,  and  showed  the  Emperor 
some  letters,  written  by  Louis  XIV.,  who,  in  the  last 
years  of  his  reign,  had  thus  compromised  the  honour 
of  the  crown  of  France.  The  Emperor,  after  having 
read  the  letters,  threw  them  into  the  fire,  instead  of 
giving  them  back  to  the  Pope,  who  stuod  in  amaze- 
ment at  this  act  of  power. 

To  have  executed  the  donation  would  have  been  to 
sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  empire  in  order  to 
pay  a  debt  of  personal  gratitude;  and  that  nothing 
in  the  world  could  have  persuaded  Napoleon  to  do. 
The  sacred  college  became  hostile  to  him,  and  Borne 
was  thenceforth  the  centre  of  all  the  plots  woven 
against  him. 

Fanatic  priests  proclaimed  in  the  senate  bulls  and 
letters  of  the  Pope;  they  represented  the  Emperor  as 
excommunicated  by  the  vicar  of  Jesus  Christ.  A 
Monsieur  Franchet,  director  of  the  posts  in  a  depart- 
ment on  the  frontiers  of  Savoy,  was  the  intermediate 
link  of  all  these  clandestine  webs ;  and  the  son  of  a 
former  minister  of  religious  affairs,  who  was  him* 
self  a  councillor  of  state,  charged,  per  interim, 
with  their  administration,  knew  all,  without  in- 
forming the  Emperor  of  it.  The  prefect  of  Lyons 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE 

was  the  first  who  gave  him  any  intimation  of  these 
proceedings.  It  was  necessary  to  give  some  example 
which  should  stop  these  madmen;  the  Emperor 
wished  to  give  it  paternally;  he  could  not  resolve 
to  punish  as  he  deserved,  the  son  of  a  virtuous  man, 
whom  he  had  numbered  among  his  friends. 

But  when,  at  the  next  sitting  of  the  Council  of 
State,  he  saw  Monsieur  Portalis  enter  and  take  his 
seat  as  if  he  had  nothing  to  reproach  himself  with, 
Napoleon  could  not  restrain  his  indignation.  "  Mon- 
sieur Portalis,57  said  he,  "  is  it  your  religious  prin- 
ciples which  have  induced  you  to  betray  your  duty  to 
your  sovereign?  But  should  this  be  so,  why  come  • 
and  seat  yourself  in  my  council  of  state  ?  I  do  violence 
to  the  conscience  of  no  one ;  did  I  force  you  to  become 
one  of  my  councillors  of  state?  Was  it  not  rather  a 
signal  favour  which  you  solicited  from  me?  You  are 
the  youngest  here,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  without 
personal  claims;  I  only  saw  in  you  the  heir  to  your 
father's  services.  You  swore  allegiance  to  me.  How 
can  your  religion  accord  with  the  flagrant  violation  of 
an  oath?  Speak,  however;  you  are  here  as  in  a 
family  circle;  your  colleagues  will  judge  you.  Your 
fault  is  great — very  great !  A  murderous  conspiracy 
is  rendered  abortive  as  soon  as  we  seize  the  poniard  in 
the  hand  of  the  assassin;  but  a  moral  conspiracy  is  a 
train  of  powder. 

"  I  have  surrounded  myself  with  men  of  all  parties; 
I  have  even  placed  near  my  person  emigres,  men 
from  the  army  of  Conde ;  and  I  have  done  this  because 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  379 

I  have  confidence  in  French  honour,  and  in  serving  iw 
they  swore  allegiance  to  me.  Since  1  have  bet.-n  at 
the  head  of  affairs  you  are  the  first  person  who  has 
betrayed  me.1'  Monsieur  Portalis  had  nothing  to  say, 
but  stammered  out  some  unmeaning  excuses. 

The  Emperor  said — "  Leave  the  room,  sir;  you  are 
no  longer  a  councillor  of  state." 

Pius  VII.  had  been  for  six  months  at  Fontainebleau ; 
his  court  was  composed  of  the  Cardinal  of  Bayonne,  Car- 
dinals Buffo,  Rovende,  Doria,  and  Agnani;  the  Bishop 
of  Edessa;  several  almoners,  and  a  staft*  of  physicians; 
some  French  prelates,  and  some  from  the  kingdom  of 
Italy,  such  as  Monsieur  de  Basal,  Archbishop  of  Tours, 
Cardinal  Mancey,  called  Archbishop  of  Paris,  the 
Bishops  of  Xantes,  Treves,  Evreux,  Plaiseur,  Ideltre, 
and  Faenza. 

Independently  of  the  great  question  of  the  temporal 
sovereignty  of  the  Popes,  questions  of  comparatively 
secondary  importance,  but  grave  in  themselves,  were 
in  discussion,  and  appeared  insoluble  in  the  state  of 
exasperation  in  which  the  sacred  college  had  for  three 
years  been.  It  was  impossible  to  obtain  bulls  of 
consecration  for  the  bishops  who  had  been  appointed 
to  vacant  sees;  and  what  was  still  more  important, 
the  Pope  obstinately  refused  to  sanction  the  establish- 
ment of  the  bishoprics  created  by  the  Emperor  at 
Hamburg,  Amsterdam,  and  Diisseldorf,  for  the  pro- 
pagation and  glory  of  Catholicism. 

The  Emperor  demanded,  for  the  interest  of  religion, 
that  the  Holy  See  should  be  obliged  to  publish  the 


380  HISTORY   OF  THE 

bulls,  as  well  as  the  concordat  of  1801,  within  a  given 
time,  and  that  the  sovereign  should  have  a  right, 
during  a  limited  period,  of  nominating  to  the 
bishoprics. 

The  Pope's  resistance  to  such  just  demands  at 
length  appeared  to  be  weakened ;  the  ill-will  on  the 
part  of  the  cardinals  had  sensibly  diminished,  as 
letters  from  the  Bishop  of  Nantes  announced.  The 
Emperor  resolved  upon  taking  a  personal  step  in 
order  to  accomplish  a  complete  reconciliation,  which 
was  rendered  so  desirable  by  the  interests  of  his  policy 
and  by  his  religious  sentiments ;  he  relied,  arid  with 
reason,  on  the  friendship  and  esteem  which  the  Pope 
had  never  ceased  to  exhibit  towards  him,  notwith- 
standing their  disputes  as  sovereigns. 

He  demanded  of  the  Prince  of  Neufchatel  to  hold  a 
coursing  chase  on  his  estate  of  Gros  Bois,  near  Melun. 
While  the  chase  was  yet  being  actively  carried  on, 
he  set  out  for  Fontainebleau,  arrived  there  quite 
unexpectedly,  and  presented  himself  to  the  Pope,  who, 
moved  by  this  unhoped-for  homage,  received  him  with 
great  kindness,  and  testified  a  lively  and  friendly 
pleasure  at  his  visit.  Their  interview  lasted  for 
several  hours;  and  from  this  moment  the  Pope's 
resistance  was  vanquished.  The  conversation  was 
carried  on  in  Italian,  and  bore  the  kindly  stamp  of 
the  names  by  which  they  addressed  each  other — 
"father,"  and  "son."  The  Pope  agreed  provisionally 
to  the  residence  at  Avignon,  and  without  totally 
renouncing  his  temporal  sovereignty  over  Kome,  he 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  381 

consented  to  come  to  arrangements  respecting  com- 
pensation, and  agreed  to  the  fixing  of  a  limited  time 
for  the  expediting  of  the  bulls.  These  bases  being 
agreed  upon,  the  Emperor  immediately  dictated  the 
new  concordat  to  which  they  gave  rise.  The  Pope 
was  present ;  he  expressed  his  approbation,  either  by 
words  or  signs,  of  every  one  of  the  stipulations.  The 
cardinals  were  commissioned  finally  to  draw  up  the 
document;  they  were  occupied  four  days  in  fulfilling 
this  charge.  On  the  25th  of  January,  1813,  the 
concordat  was  signed,-*  in  presence  of  the  whole  court 
of  France,  which  had  united  itself  to  that  of  the  holy 
father,  in  order  to  give  the  greatest  possible  solemnity 
to  this  ceremony.  The  Empress  was  present.  All 
the  actions  and  words  of  the  Pope  were  so  many  testi- 
monies of  the  joy  and  serenity  of  his  mind;  he  seemed 
happy,  in  short,  to  see  a  good  understanding  re-esta- 
blished between  himself  and  the  Emperor. 

The  Cardinals  of  the  household  received  magnificent 
presents.  The  Emperor  loaded  them  with  benefits ;  he 
pardoned  the  fourteen  cardinals  who  were  either 
prisoners  or  exiles,  and  the  reconciliation  appeared 
complete ;  on  his  side  it  was  so. 

The  concordat  of  Fontainebleau  being  signed,  the 
Pope  had  a  prospect  of  finding,  in  riches,  homage,  and 
royal  pomp,  more  than  a  compensation  for  the  loss  of 
his  temporal  power.  The  Emperor  desired  to  make 
an  idol  of  him.  Paris  was  to  become  the  capital  of 
the  Christian  universe,  the  centre  of  action  and 
direction  of  the  religious  as  of  the  political  world. 


382  HISTORY   OF  THE 

This  would  be  a  great  means  of  drawing  closer  the  ties 
of  the  federative  parties  of  the  empire. 

"  CONCORDAT   OF  FONTAINEBLEAU. 

"  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  and  King,  and  his  Holiness 
the  Pope,  wishing  to  put  a  term  to  the  differences 
which  have  arisen  between  them,  and  to  provide 
for  difficulties  which  have  arisen  concerning  several 
affairs  of  the  church,  have  agreed  to  the  following 
articles,  which  are  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  a  definite 
arrangement : 

"Art.  1.  His  holiness  will  exercise  the  office  of 
pontiff  in  France,  and  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  in  the 
same  manner,  and  with  the  same  forms  as  his  prede- 
cessors. 

"  Art.  2.  The  ambassadors  and  ministers  of  foreign 
powers  at  the  court  of  the  Pope,  and  the  ambassadors, 
ministers,  or  charges  d'affaires  of  the  Pope,  who  may 
be  at  foreign  courts,  will  enjoy  the  same  immunities 
and  privileges  as  were  'enjoyed  by  the  diplomatic 
body. 

"  Art.  3.  The  domains  of  the  holy  father  which  have 
not  been  alienated,  will  be  exempt  from  all  kinds  of 
imposts;  they  will  be  administered  by  his  agents  or 
charges  d'affaires.  Those  which  have  been  alienated 
will  be  replaced  by  a  revenue  of  two  millions  of  francs. 
"Art.  4.  During  the  six  months  following  the 
usual  notification  of  the  nomination  by  the  Emperor 
to  archbishoprics  and  bishoprics  of  the  empire,  and 
of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  the  Pope  will  give  the  canonical 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  383 

institution,  conformably  to  the  concordats  antl  in  virtue 
of  this  present.  The  previous  inquiry  will  be  nutJe 
by  the  metropolitan  bishop.  Should  the  six  months 
elapse  without  the  Pope's  having  granted  the  institu- 
tion, the  metropolitan,  or,  in  default  of  him,  the  oldest 
bishop  of  the  province,  will  proceed  to  consecrate  the 
nominated  bishop,  so  that  by  this  means  a  see  may 
never  be  vacant  longer  than  a  year. 

"  Art.  5.  The  Pope  will  have  the  right  of  nomination 
to  ten  bishoprics,  either  in  France  or  in  the  kingdom 
of  Italy ;  these  ten  will  be  afterwards  agreed  upon. 

"Art.  6.  The  six  suburban  bishoprics  will  be  re-es- 
tablished. The  Pope  will  have  the  right  of  nomination 
to  them.  Their  existing  possessions  will  be  restored, 
and  measures  will  be  taken  with  regard  to  such  as 
have  been  sold.  On  the  decease  of  the  bishops  of 
Agnani  and  Blete,  their  dioceses  will  be  annexed  to 
the  said  six  bishoprics,  conformably  to  an  arrangement 
which  will  be  made  between  his  majesty  and  the 
holy  father. 

"  Art.  7.  With  regard  to  those  bishops  of  the  Eoman 
states,  who  may  from  circumstances  be  absent  from 
their  bishoprics,  the  holy  father  may  exercise  in  their 
favour  his  right  of  giving  bishoprics  in  partibus. 
A  pension  equal  to  the  revenue  which  they  enjoyed 
will  be  given  them,  and  their  vacant  sees,  either  in 
France  or  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  may  be  filled. 

"  Art.  8.  His  majesty  and  his  holiness  will  come  to 
an  agreement  at  an  opportune  time,  concerning  the  re 
duction  to  be  made,  if  necessary,  in  the  bishoprics  o 


384  HISTORY  or  THE 

Tuscany  and  Genoa,  as  well  as  concerning  the 
bishoprics  to  be  established  in  Holland,  and  the 
Hanseatic  departments. 

"  Art.  9.  The  propaganda,  the  penitentiary's  court, 
and  the  archives,  will  be  established  in  the  place  of 
residence  of  the  holy  father. 

"  Art.  10.  His  majesty  restores  to  his  favour  those 
cardinals,  bishops,  priests,  and  laymen,  who  have 
incurred  his  displeasure  during  the  present  events. 

"  Art.  11.  The  holy  father  gives  his  approbation  to 
the  above  articles  through  consideration  of  the  present 
state  of  the  church,  and  confidently  relies  on  his 
majesty's  powerful  aid  in  administering  to  the  many 
necessities  of  religion  in  the  times  in  which  we  live. 
(Signed)  "  NAPOLEON. 

"  POPE  Pius  VII. 

"  Fontainebleau,  January  25th,  1813." 

"DECREE  OF  THE  25iH  OF  MARCH,  1813. 

"  Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French,  King  of  Italy, 
Protector  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine, 
Mediator  of  the  Swiss  Confederation,  &c.,  &c. 

"  We  have  decreed,  and  decree,  as  follows : 
"Art.  1.  The  concordat  signed  at  Fontainebleau, 
which  regulates  the  affairs  of  the  church,  and  which 
was  published  as  a  law  of  the  state,  on  the  13th  of 
February,  1813,  is  obligatory  upon  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  chapters  of  France,  who  will  be  bound 
to  conform  to  it. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  385 

"  Art.  2.  As  soon  as  we  shall  have  nominated  any 
ecclesiastic  to  a  vacant  bishopric,  and  shall  have  made 
known  our  nomination  to  the  holy  father,  in  the  form 
laid  down  by  the  concordat,  our  minister  of  religious 
affairs  will  send  an  announcement  of  the  nomination 
to  the  metropolitan,  or,  in  default  of  him,  to  the  oldest 
bishop  of  the  ecclesiastical  province. 

"  Art.  3.  The  person  whom  we  shall  have  nominated 
will  address  himself  to  the  metropolitan,  who  will  make 
the  necessary  inquiries,  and  will  inform  the  holy 
father  of  the  result. 

"  Art.  4.  Should  the  person  nominated  come  under 
the  head  of  some  ecclesiastical  exclusion,  the  metropo- 
litan will  immediately  send  us  information  of  the  fact ; 
but  in  case  no  such  motive  of  exclusion  exists,  if  the 
institution  has  not  been  accorded  by  the  Pope  within 
six  months  after  the  notification  of  our  nomination, 
the  metropolitan,  conformably  with  the  terms  of  Art.  4 
of  the  concordat,  will  be  bound  to  institute  the  said 
person  in  his  bishopric,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
bishops  of  the  province. 

"Art.  5.  Our  imperial  courts  of  justice  will  take 
cognisance  of  all  affairs' known  under  the  name  of  c  ap- 
peals against  abuses,7  as  well  as  of  all  such  as  result 
from  the  non-execution  of  the  laws  of  the  concordats. 

"  Art.  6.  Our  chief  judge  will  present,  to  be  discussed 
in  our  council,  a  plan  for  a  law  which  shall  determine 
the  legal  procedures  and  punishments  applicable  to 
these  matters. 

"  Art.  7.  Our  kingdoms  of  France  and  Italy  are 

VOL.  II.  C  C 


386  HISTORY  OF  THE 

charged  to  execute  this  present  decree,  which  will  be 
inserted  in  the  archives  of  the  laws. 

(Signed)  "  NAPOLEON." 

The  Emperor  wished  to  give  great  importance  to 
the  curates ;  he  wished  to  render  them  useful  in  for- 
warding the  development  of  social  intelligence.  The 
more  enlightened  and  well-informed  they  are,  the 
less  do  they  seek  to  abuse  their  ministry.  To  their 
course  of  theology,  the  Emperor  would  have  added 
elementary  courses  of  agriculture,  of  the  useful  arts, 
and  of  a  practical  knowledge  of  medicine  and  law. 
They  would  then  truly  have  been  a  providence  to 
their  flocks ;  and  as  he  would  have  made  them  entirely 
independent  with  respect  to  fortune,  they  would  have 
formed  a  very  respectable  and  worthy  class  of  society, 
and  would  have  enjoyed  great  consideration;  they 
would  not  have  possessed  the  power  of  the  feudal 
seignorial  clergy,  but  they  would  have  possessed,  and 
that  without  danger,  all  its  influence.  A  curate 
would  have  been  the  natural  mediator  of  peace,  the 
true  moral  head,  who  would  have  directed  the  lives  of 
his  parishioners. 

If  we  remember  that  in  addition  to  the  instruction 
thus  acquired  at  the  seminaries,  the  priests  would 
have  to  pass  through  their  probation  and  noviciate, 
which,  in  some  measure,  guarantee  the  vocation, 
and  suppose  good  dispositions  of  heart  and  mind,  we 
are  inclined  to  declare  that  such  a  class  of  pastors 
distributed  among  the  people,  would  have  brought 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  387 

about  a  moral  revolution  entirely  to  the  advantage 
of  civilisation.  The  Emperor  had  already  several 
times  expressed,  in  the  council  of  state,  an  opinion 
that  it  would  be  well  to  abolish  the  council  of  the 
ministers  of  religious  affairs,  and  had  exposed,  in 
order  to  strengthen  his  argument,  the  impropriety 
of  placing  the  priests  in  a  position  in  which  they 
were  obliged  to  bargain  about  the  sacred  and  yet 
indispensable  acts  of  their  office.  He  wished  to  re- 
place their  casual  income  by  a  great  increase  of 
salary.  A  curate  would  have  had  at  least  6000  francs 
income.  To  mate  up  for  this,  however,  the  number 
would  have  been  reduced,  and  the  small  parishes, 
which  are  for  the  most  part  only  so  in  name,  would 
only  have  had  chapels  of  ease. 

To  have  rendered  the  offices  of  religion  gratuitous, 
would  have  been  to  increase  its  dignity  and  its 
charitable  nature,  and  to  do  much  for  the  mass  of  the 
people.  All  are  born,  many  marry,  all  die.  Why, 
then,  should  not  the  expense  of  religious  assistance  in 
these  various  phases  of  life  be  looked  upon  as  a  charge 
of  the  state,  and  be  included  in  the  list  of  general 
taxes? 

In  principle,  convents  are  useless,  and  are  examples 
of  debasing  indolence.  There  are,  however,  certain 
things  to  be  said  in  their  favour ;  therefore,  to  tolerate 
them,  to  restrict  them  to  a  useful  number,  and  only 
to  permit  annual  vows,  is  the  best  policy  for  France 
in  this  respect ;  for  an  empire  like  that  of  France  can 
and  ought  to  have  Trappists.  No  law  could,  without 

c  c  2 


388  HISTORY   OF  THE 

revolting  tyranny,  enforce  the  practices  which  they 
observe,  "but  these  very  practices  sometimes  form 
the  delight  of  him  who  voluntarily  imposes  them  on 
himself.  The  monastery  on  Mount  Cenis  was  re- 
established by  the  First  Consul,  because  the  monks 
were  found  useful,  and  heroic  in  their  efforts  for  the 
safety  of  travellers.  The  monks  would  perhaps  be 
by  far  the  best  of  the  instructing  bodies,  if  they  could 
be  properly  kept  in  check. 

But  there  is  a  religious  society,  the  tendency  of 
which  is  highly  dangerous,  and  which  should  never 
have  been  admitted  into  the  territories  of  the  empire — 
viz.,  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Its  doctrines  are  subversive 
of  all  monarchical  principles.  The  General  of  the 
Jesuits  desires  to  be  sovereign  master,  the  sovereign  of 
sovereigns.  Everywhere  that  the  Jesuits  are  tolerated, 
they  strive  for  power,  at  any  price.  Their  society  is 
by  nature  fond  of  ruling,  and  nourishes,  therefore,  an 
irreconcilable  hatred  of  all  existing  power.  Any 
action,  any  crime,  however  atrocious  it  may  be,  is 
meritorious,  if  committed  for  the  interest  of  the 
society,  or  by  the  orders  of  its  General.  The  Jesuits 
are  all  men  of  talent  and  learning.  They  are  the  best 
existing  missionaries,  and  would  be,  were* it  not  for 
their  ambition  of  ruling,  the  best  instructing  body, 
for  the  propagation  of  civilisation  and  the  develop- 
ment of  its  progress.  They  may  be  of  service  in 
Russia  for  some  years  longer,  because  the  first  need  of 
that  empire  is  civilisation. 

Another  religious  interest  had  attracted  the  atten- 


CAPTIVITY   OF    XAPOLEU.V.  389 

tion  of  the  Emperor,  because  it  might  have  been 
brought  to  have  an  influence  on  the  increase  uf 
national  riches.  Millions  of  Jews  were  scattered 
over  the  earth — their  riches  were  incalculable ;  France 
might  hope  to  attract  them  to  her  dominions  by 
giving  them  equal  rights  in  the  empire  with  the 
catholics  and  protestants,  and  by  rendering  them  good 
citizens;  the  reasoning  on  this  subject  was  simple. 
Their  Eabbins  taught  them  that  they  should  not 
practise  usury  in  transactions  with  their  own  people, 
and  that  it  was  only  permitted  to  exercise  it  towards 
the  Christians ;  the  moment  they  were  placed  on  an 
equality  of  rights  with  the  other  subjects  of  the 
Emperor,  they  would  regard  him  as  they  would  have 
done  Solomon  or  Herod,  as  the  chief  of  their  nation, 
and  consider  the  rest  of  his  subjects  as  brethren,  of 
tribes  similar  to  theirs;  they  would  enjoy  all  the 
rights  of  the  country,  and  would  think  it  but  just  that 
they  should  share  the  charge  of  paying  the  imposts, 
and  submit  to  conscription.  The  Emperor  realised 
his  projects  on  this  point. 

The  French  army  gained  many  good  soldiers,  great 
riches  poured  into  France,  and  much  more  would  have 
been  brought  to  it,  had  it  not  been  for  the  events  of 
1814,  because  the  Jews  would  all  have  successively 
come  and  established  themselves  in  a  country  where 
equality  of  rights  was  secured  to  them,  and  where  the 
door  to  honours  was  open  to  their  ambition.  The 
Emperor  wished  to  tolerate  all  religions;  he  wished 
every  one  to  think  and  believe  in  Ms  own  way,  and 


390  HISTORY   OF  THE 

that  all  his  subjects — protestants,  catholics,  Mahomet- 
ans, and  even  deists — should  enjoy  equal  privileges,  so 
that  a  man's  religion  might  in  no  way  influence  his 
public  fortune. 

The  Emperor  proposed  to  hold  religious  sessions  in 
the  same  manner  as  he  held  legislative  ones.  The 
councils  of  Paris  would  be  the  representatives  of  the 
whole  of  Christendom;  the  Pope  would  preside  over 
them,  but  the  Emperor  would  open  them — their 
sessions  would  be  convoked  and  closed  by  his  decrees, 
and  their  decisions  would  be  approved  and  published 
by  him  as  they  would  have  been  by  the  Emperor 
Constantine  or  by  Charlemagne,  Borne  had  thrown 
off  the  yoke  of  imperial  supremacy  solely  through  the 
fault  of  the  emperors,  who  had  allowed  the  popes  to 
reside  at  a  distance  from  the  seat  of  the  empire. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  391 


CHAPTER  XYL 

CORSICA. 

THE  Emperor  was  in  the  mood  for  work;  I  availed 
myself  of  it  to  remind  Mm  of  his  history  of  Corsica, 
written  under  the  impressions  of  a  young  man  of 
twenty,  and  proposed  to  him  to  re-write  it,  under 
those  of  his  experience  of  things  and  of  men;  he 
laughed  at  this  courtierlike  criticism,  and  answered : 
"  Very  well;  go  and  find  it,  and  we  will  set  to  work." 
I  give  it  here  as  he  dictated  it  to  me. 


"  The  history  of  Charlemagne  is  full  of  absurdities, 
which  even  the  most  learned  critics  have  not  been 
able  to  clear  up.  It  would,  then,  be  superfluous  to 
attempt  to  discover  the  events  which  took  place  in 
Corsica  during  the  time  of  that  prince.  Philippi,  the 
author  of  the  most  ancient  chronicle  of  the  island. 


392  HISTORY   OF   THE 

lived  in  the  15th  century;  he  was  archdeacon  of 
Aleria.  Lampridi  wrote  at  Rome,  towards  the  end 
of  the  last  century,  a  very  voluminous  history  of  the 
revolutions  of  this  country ;  he  was  a  man  of  talent, 
and  distinguished  for  literary  acquirements.  At  the 
same  period,  several  histories  were  published  in  Tus- 
cany and  other  parts  of  Italy.  We  have,  in  France, 
a  great  number  of  writings  on  Corsica,  under  the 
titles  of  journeys,  memoirs,  revolutions,  histories,  &c., 
&c.  Public  curiosity  was  excited  by  the  continued 
struggles  of  this  people  to  free  themselves  from  oppres- 
sion, and  to  declare  and  maintain  their  independence. 

"  The  African  Arabs  ruled  for  a  long  time  in 
Corsica.  The  arms  of  this  kingdom  are  still  a  death's 
head,  with  a  band  over  the  eyes,  on  a  white  ground. 
The  Corsicans  distinguished  themselves  at.  the  battle 
of  Estie,  where  the  Saracens  were  defeated,  and 
obliged  to  renounce  their  designs  upon  Rome.  There 
are  some  who  think  that  this  shield  was  given  them 
by  Pope  Leo  II.,  as  a  testimony  of  their  valour. 

"  Corsica  is  said  to  have  formed  a  part  of  the 
dotation  of  Constantine,  and  of  that  of  Charlemagne ; 
but  what  is  more  certain,  is,  that  it  formed  a  part  of 
the  Countess  Matilda's  inheritance.  The  Colonnas 
of  Rome  affirm,  that  in  the  9th  century,  one  of  their 
ancestors  wrested  Corsica  from  the  hands  of  the 
Saracens,  and  became  its  king.  The  Colonnas  of 
Istria  and  Cuierca  have  been  acknowledged  by  the 
Colonnas  of  Rome  and  by  the  genealogists  of  Versailles ; 
but  the  historical  fact  of  the  sovereignty  of  a  branch 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  393 

of  the  Colonna  family  in  Corsica,  is  not  the  less  a 
problem.  This  much,  however,  is  certain,  that 
Corsica  formed  the  twelfth  kingdom  recognised  in 
Europe,  a  title  of  which  these  islanders  were  ex- 
tremely proud,  and  which  they  never  would  renounce. 
It  was  in  virtue  of  this  title  that  the  Doge  of  Genoa 
wore  the  royal  crown ;  and  at  the  moment  when  they 
were  the  most  zealous  for  their  liberty,  they  reconciled 
these  opposite  ideas  by  proclaiming  the  Holy  Virgin 
their  queen. 

"  We  find  traces  of  this  in  the  deliberations  of 
several  councils,  among  the  rest,  in  that  which  was 
held  at  the  Convent  de  la  Yinsalosea. 

"  Like  the  rest  of  Italy,  Corsica  was  under  the  rule 
of  the  feudal  system ;  every  village  had  its  superior 
lord :  but  the  enfranchisement  of  the  commonalties  in 
this  island  preceded  the  general  movement,  which  took 
place  in  Italy  in  the  llth  century,  by  fifty  years. 

44  There  are  still  to  be  seen,  on  steep  rocks,  ruins  of 
castles  which  tradition  points  out  as  the  places  of 
refuge  of  the  superior  lords  during  the  war  of  the 
commonalties,  in  the  12th,  13th,  14th,  and  15th 
centuries.  The  district  called  that  of  the  Liamone, 
and  especially  the  province  of  La  Rocea,  exercised  the 
principal  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  island. 

"  But  during  the  16th,  17th  and  18th  centuries,  tfce 
parishes  called  the  districts  of  the  commonalties,  or 
otherwise  of  the  Castagnichia,  in  their  turn  prepon- 
derated in  the  councils  or  assemblies  of  the  nation* 
"  Pisa  was  the  nearest  town  of  the  mainland  to 


394  HISTORY   OF  THE 

Corsica;  it  was  the  first  which  carried  on  commerce 
with  this  island,  established  settlements  there,  insen- 
sibly extended  its  influence,  and  finally  brought  the 
whole  island  under  its  government.  Its  administra- 
tion was  mild,  and  suited  the  wishes  and  opinions  of 
the  islanders,  who  served  it  with  zeal  in  its  wars 
with  Florence.  The  enormous  power  of  Pisa  was 
destroyed  by  the  battle  of  Malaria.  On  its  ruins 
arose  the  power  of  Genoa,  which  inherited  the  com- 
merce of  Pisa.  The  Genoese  established  themselves 
in  Corsica  ;  this  was  the  commencement  of  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  country,  which  constantly  increased. 

"  The  senate  of  Genoa  not  having  found  the  way  of 
engaging  the  affection  of  the  inhabitants,  sought  to 
weaken  and  divide  them,  and  to  keep  them  in  igno- 
rance and  poverty. 

"  The  picture  drawn  by  the  Corsican  historians  of 
the  crimes  of  the  administration  of  the  oligarchs  of 
Genoa,  is  one  of  the  most  hideous  presented  by  the  his- 
tory of  mankind;  and  there  are,  therefore,  but  few 
examples  to  be  found  of  a  hatred  and  antipathy  equal 
to  that  nourished  by  the  islanders  against  the  Genoese. 

u  France,  though  so  close  a  neighbour  to  Corsica, 
never  made  any  claims  to  it.  It  has  been  said,  that 
Charles  Martel  sent  one  of  his  lieutenants  thither  to 
fight  the  Saracens ;  but  this  is  very  apocryphal.  It 
was  Henry  II.  who  first  sent  an  army  there,  under 
the  command  of  Marshal  Cherusco7  of  the  celebrated 
San  Pietro  Ornano,  and  of  one  of  the  Unsins,  but 
they  only  remained  a  few  years  in  the  island. 


CAPTIVITY  OF   XAPOLEOX.  393 

"  Andreas  Doria,  although  very  aged,  having  passed 
his  85th  year,  recovered  the  island  for  his  country. 

"  Spain,  divided  into  several  kingdoms,  and  solely 
occupied  with  its  war  against  the  Moors,  had  no 
designs  upon  Corsica  till  very  lately ;  and  was,  even 
then,  diverted  from  them  by  its  wars  in  Sicily. 

"  The  parishes  of  the  districts  of  the  commonalties, 
Rostino,  Campagnani,  Orezza,  and  La  Peuta,  were 
the  first  to  revolt  against  the  government  of  Genoa ; 
the  other  parishes  of  La  Castagnichia,  and  insensibly 
all  the  other  provinces  of  the  island  followed  their 
example.  This  war,  which  commenced  in  1729,  was 
terminated  in  1769,  by  the  annexation  of  Corsica  to 
the  French  monarchy ;  the  struggle  lasted  forty  years. 
The  Genoese  levied  Swiss  armies,  and  had  several  times 
recourse  to  the  great  European  powers,  by  taking 
auxiliary  troops  into  their  pay.  It  was  thus  that  the 
Emperor  of  Germany  first  sent  Baron  TTachtendorf 
into  Corsica,  and  afterwards  the  Prince  of  Wurtem- 
berg ;  and  that  Louis  XV.  sent  Count  Boissieux,  and 
afterwards  Marshal  Maillebois,  thither.  The  Genoese 
and  Swiss  armies  suffered  defeats.  Wachtendorf  and 
Boissieux  were  also  defeated;  the  Prince  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  and  Maillebois  obtained  some  victories,  and  sub- 
dued the  country ;  but  they  left  the  spark  among  the 
ashes ;  and  immediately  on  their  departure,  the  war 
broke  out  with  fresh  fury.  The  old  Giafferi,  the 
Canon  Orticone,  a  cunning  and  eloquent  man,  Hya- 
cinthe  Paoli,  Cianaldi,  Gaforio,  were  successively  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  which  they  conducted  with  more  or 


396  HISTORY   OF   THE 

less  success,  but  always  with  fidelity,  and  under  the 
inspiration  of  the  most  noble  sentiments.  The  sove- 
reign power  was  in  the  hands  of  a  council  composed 
of  deputies  from  the  parishes.  This  council  deter- 
mined war  and  peace,  and  decreed  the  taxes  and 
levies  of  militia;  no  paid  troops  were  maintained; 
but  all  citizens  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  inscribed 
in  three  lists  in  every  commonalty;  they  marched 
against  the  enemy  at  the  summons  of  their  chief. 
Each  individual  supported  the  expenses  of  his  own 
arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions. 

"  It  is  difficult  to  understand  the  policy  of  Genoa  at 
this  period.  Why  such  obstinacy  in  a  struggle  which 
was  so  burdensome  to  her?  she  ought  either  to  have 
renounced  Corsica  or  have  contented  its  inhabitants. 

"  If  she  had  inscribed  the  principal  families  of  the 
island  in  the  Golden  Book,  and  had  adopted  a  system 
entirely  opposed  to  that  in  which  she  succeeded  so  ill, 
and  which  she  was  not  sufficiently  powerful  -to  main- 
tain, she  would  have  conciliated  the  Corsicans  and 
attached  them  to  her  government.  This  opinion  was 
often  expressed  in  the  senate :  '  The  Corsicans  are 
-  more  in  a  condition  to  take  possession  of  Genoa,  than 
you  are  to  take  possession  of  their  mountains.  Attach 
these  islanders  to  you  by  a  just  government ;  flatter 
their  ambition  and  their  vanity;  you  will  by  this 
means  have  a  seminary  for  good  soldiers,  who  will  be 
useful  in  guarding  your  capital,  and  you  will  preserve 
settlements  so  advantageous  to  your  commerce.' 

"  The  proud  oligarchy  replied : '  We  cannot  treat  the 
Corsicans  more  favourably  than  the  two  nations  of  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  397 

two  rivers ;  the  Golden  Book  would  become  princi- 
pally filled  with  the  names  of  provincial  families.  This 
would  be  a  total  subversion  of  our  constitution ;  in 
proposing  it,  you  propose  to  us  to  abandon  the  heritage 
of  our  fathers.  The  Corsicans  are  not  formidable ;  it 
is  to  our  errors  that  they  owe  all  their  success;  with 
more  wisdom,  it  will  be  an  easy  matter  for  us  to  sub- 
due this  handful  of  rebels,  who  have  neither  artillery, 
discipline  nor  order.' 

"  In  all  the  councils,  (there  were  some  years  in  which 
several  were  held,)  the  Corsicans  published  mani- 
festoes, in  which  they  detailed  their  causes  of  com- 
plaint, both  old  and  new,  against  their  oppressors; 
their  object  was  to  interest  Europe  in  their  cause,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  excite  the  patriotism  of  the  people. 

"  Several  of  these  manifestoes,  drawn  up  by  Orti- 
cone,  are  full  of  energy,  good  reasoning,  and  the  most 
noble  and  elevated  sentiments. 

"  False  ideas  are  entertained  respecting  King  Theo- 
dore. Baron  Neuchoffwas  a  Westphalian ;  he  landed 
on  the  toast  of  Aleria,  bringing  four  transport  vessels 
laden  with  guns,  powder,  and  shoes.  The  expenses 
of  this  store  were  borne  by  Dutch  private  persons  and 
speculators.  This  unexpected  aid,  arriving  at  a 
moment  when  the  Corsicans  were  discouraged,  seemed 
to  descend  from  heaven.  The  chiefs  proclaimed  the 
German  baron  king,  and  represented  him  to  the 
people  as  a  prince  of  Europe,  who  was  a  guarantee  to 
them  of  the  powerful  aid  which  they  would  receive. 
This  proceeding  had  the  desired  effect,  it  influenced 
the  multitude  for  eighteen  months ;  its  influence  was 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE 

then  spent,  and  Baron  Neuchoff  returned  to  the  Conti- 
nent. He  re-appeared  several  times  on  the  coast, 
bringing  important  aid,  which  he  owed  to  the  court  of 
Sardinia  and  the  Bey  of  Tunis. 

"  This  is  a  curious  episode  of  this  memorable  war, 
and  shows  what  various  resources  were  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  leaders  of  the  Corsicans. 

"In  the  year  1775,  Pascal  Paoli  was  declared  first 
magistrate  and  general  of  Corsica.  He  was  the  son  of 
Hyacinthe  Paoli,  had  been  educated  in  Naples,  and 
was  now  a  captain  in  the  service  of  the  King  Don 
Carlos. 

"  The  parish  of  Eostino  named  him  its  deputy  to 
the  council  of  Alesani.  His  family  was  very  popular. 
He  was  tall,  young,  well-made,  well-informed,  and 
eloquent.  The  council  was  divided  into  two  parties ; 
the  one  proclaimed  Paoli  chief  and  general;  this  party 
was  composed  of  the  warmest  patriots,  and  those  who 
were  the  most  disinclined  to  any  accommodation.  The 
more  moderate  party  supported,  in  opposition  to  him, 
Matras,  deputy  of  Fiumarbo.  The  two  deputies 
quarrelled  on  the  subject  and  fought;  Paoli  was 
defeated,  and  obliged  to  shut  himself  up  in  the  con- 
vent of  Alesani.  His  cause  seemed  to  be  lost ,  he 
was  surrounded  by  the  partisans  of  his  rival.  But  as 
soon  as  the  news  of  Paoli's  situation  arrived  in  the 
parishes  of  the  commonalties,  all  the  mountain-tops 
were  immediately  lighted  up  with  alarm-fires;  the 
caverns  and  forests  resounded  with  the  terrible  blasts 
of  the  trumpet;  this  was  the  signal  of  war.  Matras 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  399 

attempted  to  get  the  start  of  these  formidable  troops ; 
lie  assaulted  the  convent;  being  himself  of  an  im- 
petuous character,  he  advanced  in  the  foremost  rank, 
and  fell,  mortally  wounded.  From  this  moment,  all 
parties  united  in  acknowledging  Paoli;  a  few  months 
afterwards  the  council  of  Alesani  was  acknowledged 
by  all  the  parishes.  Paoli  displayed  talent;  he  con- 
ciliated the  minds  of  the  people;  he  governed  by  fixed 
principles,  established  schools  and  a  university,  and 
gained  the  friendship  of  Algiers  and  of  the  people  of 
Barbary ;  he  formed  a  navy  of  light  vessels ;  had  corre- 
spondents in  the  maritime  towns;  and  took  possession 
of  the  island  of  Capraja,  from  which  he  expelled  the 
Genoese,  who  were  not  without  some  fears  that  the 
Corsicans  would  land  on  the  banks  of  their  river.  He 
did  all  that  it  was  possible  to  do  under  existing  circum- 
stances, and  among  the  nation  which  he  ruled.  He 
was  about  to  take  possession  of  the  five  ports  of  the 
island,  when  the  senate  of  Genoa,  in  alarm,  had  again 
recourse  to  France.  In  1764,  six  French  battalions 
were  sent  to  guard  the  maritime  cities,  and  under  their 
aegis,  these  places  continued  to  recognise  the  authority 
of  the  senate. 

"  The  French  garrisons  remained  neuter,  and  took  no 
part  in  the  war,  which  continued  to  be  waged  between 
the  Corsicans  and  the  Genoese.  The  French  officers 
loudly  expressed  opinions  greatly  favourable  to  the 
islanders  and  opposed  to  the  oligarchs,  and  this  cir- 
cumstance completed  the  alienation  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  cities  from  the  Genoese.  In  the  year  1768,  the 


400  HISTORY   OF  THE 

French  troops  were  to  return  to  France ;  this  moment 
was  awaited  with  impatience ;  no  trace  of  the  authority 
of  Genoa  remained  in  the  island;  when  at  this 
juncture  the  Duke  of  Choiseul  conceived  the  idea  of 
annexing  Corsica  to  France.  This  acquisition  appeared 
to  him  important,  as  being  a  natural  dependence  of 
Provence,  and  as  being  fitted  to  protect  the  commerce 
of  the  Levant,  and  to  favour  the  future  operations  of 
the  French  in  Italy. 

"  After  long  deliberation,  the  senate  consented  to  this 
measure,  and  Spinola,  the  Genoese  ambassador  at 
Paris,  signed  a  treaty,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that 
the  King  of  France  should  subdue  and  disarm  the 
Corsicans,  and  govern  them  until  such  time  as  the 
republic  should  be  able  to  repay  him  the  advances 
which  this  war  would  have  cost  him.  Now,  more 
than  30,000  men  would  be  required  in  order  to 
subdue  and  disarm  the  island,  and  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  maintain  numerous  garrisons  there  for  several 
years;  and  the  expense  of  all  this  would  necessarily 
amount  to  a  sum  which  the  republic  of  Genoa  would 
neither  be  able  nor  willing  to  repay. 

"  Both  the  contracting  parties  were  well  aware  of 
this  fact;  but  the  oligarchs  thought  by  this  stipula- 
tion to  save  their  honour,  and  to  ward  off  the  odium 
which,  in  the  eyes  of  all  Italy,  was  thrown  upon 
them  by  their  so  lightly  yielding  a  part  of  their  terri- 
tory to  a  foreign  power.  Choiseul  saw,  in  this  turn  of 
the  affair,  a  means  of  deluding  England,  and  of 
retracing  his  steps,  if  necessary,  without  compromis- 


CAPTIVITY   OF  XAPOLEOX.  401 

ing  the  honour  of  France.    Louis  XV.  wished  to  avoid 
a  war  with  England. 

"  The  _  French  minister  opened  a  negotiation  with 
Paoli ;  he  demanded  of  him  that  he  should  persuade 
his  countrymen  to  acknowledge  themselves  subjects 
of  the  French  king,  and  that  he  should,  conformably 
to  a  wish  which  had  been  sometimes  expressed  by 
former  councils,  freely  acknowledge  Corsica  to  be  a 
province  of  the  kingdom.  In  return  for  this  con- 
descension, he  offered  Paoli  fortune  and  honours ;  and 
the  noble  and  generous  character  of  the  French 
minister  could  leave  the  Corsican  no  cause  of  uneasi- 
ness on  this  point.  Paoli  rejected  these  offers  with 
disdain ;  he  convoked  the  council,  and  exposed  to  its 
members  the  critical  state  of  affairs;  he  did  not 
conceal  from  them  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
resist  the  arms  of  France,  and  that  but  a  vague 
hope  existed  of  the  interference  of  England.  There 
was  but  one  cry  in  the  assembly  —  Liberty  or 
death  !  Paoli  exhorted  them  not  to  engage  rashly  in 
this  affair,  demonstrating  that  such  a  struggle  should 
not  be  undertaken  without  reflection  and  in  a  fit  of 
enthusiasm.  A  young  man  of  twenty,  a  deputy  in 
the  council,  made  a  speech  full  of  energy,  which  com- 
pleted the  already  enthusiastic  tendency  of  the 
assembly.  He  had  just  come  from  Rome  and  Pisa, 
and  was  filled  with  the  enthusiasm  which  is  aroused 
by  reading  the  ancient  classical  authors,  and  which 
reigned  in  these  schools :  *  If,  to  be  free,  it  were 
sufficient  to  desire  it,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 

VOL.  II.  D  D 


402  HISTORY   OF  THE 

would  be  so.  And  yet  but  few  of  them  have  attained 
to  the  blessings  of  liberty,  because  but  few  have  pos- 
sessed the  necessary  energy,  courage,  and  virtue.' 
Others  added,  that,  brought  up  as  they  had  been  for 
forty  years  among  arms,  they  had  seen  their  parents 
and  their  children  perish  in  the  struggle  for  the 
independence  of  their  country,  a  blessing  bestowed  on 
them  by  nature,  which  had  isolated  them  from  all 
other  nations. 

"  They  all  seemed  indignant  that  France,  which  had 
so  often  acted  the  part  of  a  mediator  in  their  quarrels 
with  Genoa,  and  had  always  professed  the  most  dis- 
interested motives,  should  now  come  forward  as  a 
party  in  the  affair,  and  pretend  to  believe  that  the 
government  of  Genoa  could  sell  the  Corsicans  like  a  herd 
of  cattle,  and  against  the  tenour  of  thereto  conventa. 

"  Maillebois  had,  in  the  year  1738,  levied  the  royal 
Corsican  regiment,  formed  of  two  battalions,  and  con- 
sisting entirely  of  Corsicans.  The  French  carried  on  a 
communication,  through  the  officers,  with  the  principal 
chiefs  of  this  regiment.  Many  of  them  showed  them- 
selves above  corruption ;  but  some  yielded,  and  made 
a  merit  of  advancing  to  meet  a  domination  which  was 
henceforth  inevitable. 

"  In  order  to  justify  themselves  and  to  make  prose- 
lytes, they  said — c  Our  ancestors  struggled  against 
the  tyranny  of  the  oligarchs  of  Genoa;  but  we  are 
now  at  length  delivered  from  it  for  ever.  If  Giafferi, 
Hyacinthe  Paoli,  Gaforio,  Ortecone,  and  all  the  great 
men  who  died  in  the  defence  of  our  rights,  could 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  403 

now  see  their  native  country  become  an  integral  part 
of  the  most  splendid  monarchy  of  Europe,  they  would 
rejoice,  and  would  not  regret  the  blood  which  they 
shed  in  its  cause!  Open  your  records;  you  have 
always  been  the  sport  of  the  Pisans  or  the  Genoese — 
nations,  in  reality,  much  less  powerful  than  your  own. 
All  the  ports  of  Provence  and  Languedoc  will  now  be 
opened  to  you ;  you  will  be  respected  by  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Barbary ;  you  will  be  an  object  of  jealousy  to 
Tuscany,  Sardinia,  and  even  to  Genoa  itself;  calling 
yourselves  Frenchmen,  you  may  show  yourselves  with 
pride  in  any  part  of  Europe.  You  say,  that  by 
following  this  plan  we  should  acknowledge  that  Genoa 
had  the  right  to  sell  us — this  is  not  so.  The  treaties 
concluded  between  the  two  powers,  in  the  secrecy  of 
the  cabinet,  do  not  •  concern  us.  Let  us  fulfil  the 
wish  of  the  council  of  Calca-Sana,  and  spontaneously 
request  the  King  of  France  to  include  us  in  the 
number  of  his  children;  he  will  acknowledge  us  by 
this  name.  Beware  of  the  delusion  of  your  passions ; 
you  cannot,  without  betraying  the  interests  of  your 
countrymen,  engage  in  such  an  unequal  contest.  If 
you  wish  that  the  King  of  France  should  question  you, 
he  will  do  so ;  but  it  will  then  be  too  late  to  stipulate 
for  your  privileges,  or  to  claim  your  rights.  You  will 
be  slaves,  by  the  incontestable  right  which  governs  the 
world,  that  of  force  and  conquest.  France  is  a  col- 
lection of  small  states ;  Provence  is  not  governed  like 
Languedoc.  nor  Bretagne  like  Lorraine.  You  may, 
then,  unite  all  the  advantages  of  liberty  and  independ- 

DD2 


404  HISTORY   OF  THE 

ence  with  those  attached  to  a  union  with  the  most 
enlightened  nation  of  Europe,  and  to  the  protection  of 
the  most  powerful  monarch.' 

"  The  patriots  and  the  mass  of  the  people  neither 
read  the  writings  nor  listened  to  -  the  speeches  of  the 
advocates  of  this  course  of  proceeding:  '"We  are 
invincible  in  our  mountains ;  we  have  defended  them 
against  the  auxiliary  troops  of  Genoa,  against  the 
imperial  army,  and  against  the  forces  of  France  itself; 
let  us  sustain  the  first  shock,  and  England  will  inter- 
fere. You  speak  of  the  advantages  we  should  gain  by 
declaring  ourselves  subjects  of  the  King  of  France;  we 
wish  for  none  of  them ;  we  will  be  poor,  but  masters 
in  our  own  land,  governed  by  ourselves,  and  not  the 
sport  of  a  commissary  from  Versailles.  You  speak  of 
stipulating  for  our  privileges :  but  the  French  mon- 
archy is  absolute ;  it  is  founded  on  the  principle — 
as  the  king  wills,  so  the  law  wills;  we  should,  then, 
find  no  safe-guard  in  it  against  the  tyranny  of  a  sub- 
altern. Liberty  or  death  /' 

"  The  priests  and  monks  were  the  most  enthusiastic. 
The  mass  of  the  people,  and  above  all  the  mountaineers, 
had  no  idea  of  the  power  of  France.  Accustomed 
frequently  to  fight  and  repulse  the  feeble  troops  of 
Counts  Boissieux  and  Maillebois,  nothing  that  they 
had  yet  seen  had  alarmed  them.  They  mistook  these 
weak  detachments  for  French  armies.  The  council 
was  almost  unanimous  in  favour  of  war ;  the  people 
shared  the  same  feelings. 

"  The  treaty  by  which  Genoa  was  to  cede  Corsica  to 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  405 

the  king,  excited  a  general  feeling  of  reprobation  in 
France.  When  it  became  known,  from  the  resolutions 
of  the  council,  that  France  was  to  make  war,  and  to 
put  part  of  its  forces  in  motion  against  this  small 
nation :  the  injustice  and  ungenerous  character  of 
this  war  moved  all  minds. 

"  The  guilt  of  all  the  blood  which  was  about  to  be 
shed  was  attributed  entirely  to  Choiseul :  4  What 
need  have  we  of  Corsica?  None.  Has  it  only  now 
come  into  existence?  And  why  is  it  only  now  that 
France  turns  her  thoughts  to  it?  We  have  but  one 
interest  in  the  matter — viz.,  that  England  should  not 
establish  its  power  in  Corsica ;  everything  else  is 
indifferent  to  us.  But  if  this  war  is  not  prescribed 
by  necessity,  it  is  still  less  so  by  justice.  Genoa 
herself  has  no  right  to  the  island ;  and  if  she  had,  she 
could  not  transfer  this  right  to  a  foreign  power. 
When  Francis  I.,  by  the  treaty  of  Madrid,  ceded 
Burgundy  to  Charles  V.,  the  whole  province  revolted, 
and  declared  that  the  King  of  France  had  no  right  to 
alienate;  and  yet  this  was  as  early  as  the  sixteenth 
century.  What !  can  men,  then,  be  sold  like  herds  of 
cattle !  Grant  to  the  oppressed  party,  in  this  struggle 
between  Genoa  and  Corsica,  a  protection  worthy  of 
the  exalted  greatness  of  the  king;  this  will  attach 
this  people  to  you  by  the  bonds  of  gratitude ;  it  will 
spare  you  an  act  of  injustice,  a  costly  war,  and  the 
trouble  of,  for  years,  keeping  under  subjection  a  country 
discontented  and  ill-disposed  towards  your  government, 
and  which  would  writhe  under  the  hand  that  oppressed 


406  HISTORY   OP   THE 

it.   Are  our  finances  in  too  good  a  condition ;  or  are  the 
imposts  which,  now  weigh  upon  the  people  too  light  ? ' 

"  This  reasoning  was,  however,  in  vain ;  it  did 
not  arrest  the  proceedings  of  the  cabinet.  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Chauvelin  landed  at  Bastia,  with 
12,000  men  under  his  command.  He  published  pro- 
clamations, intimated  his  orders  to  the  commonalties, 
and  commenced  hostilities.  But  his  troops,  defeated 
at  the  battle  of  Borgo,  and  repulsed  in  all  their 
attacks,  were  compelled,  at  the  end  of  the  campaign 
of  1768,  to  shut  themselves  up  in  the  fortresses,  and 
only  communicated  with  each  other  by  the  help  of  a 
few  cruising  frigates.  The  Corsicans  thought  them- 
selves saved ;  they  did  not  doubt  that  England  would 
interfere.  Paoli  shared  this  illusion ;  but  the  English 
ministry,  uneasy  at  the  agitation  which  was  beginning 
to  show  itself  in  the  American  colonies,  had  no  desire 
to  declare  war  with  France.  It  transmitted  a  feeble 
note  to  Versailles,  and  contented  itself  with  the  yet 
more  feeble  explanations  which  were  given.  Some 
London  clubs  sent  arms  and  money  to  the  Corsicans ; 
the  court  of  Sardinia  and  some  Italian  societies 
secretly  sent  them  aid;  but  these  were  but  feeble 
resources  against  the  formidable  armament  which  was 
being  prepared  on  the  shores  of  Provence.  The 
check  experienced  by  Chauvelin  had  been  seen  with 
satisfaction  throughout  the  whole  of  Europe,  and 
especially  in  France.  The  French  people  had  the  good 
sense  to  see  that  their  national  glory  was  not  at  all 
compromised  in  this  struggle  with  a  handful  of  moun- 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  407 

taineers.     Even  Louis  XV.  himself  expressed  senti- 
ments favourable  to  the  Corsicans;   he  was  by  no 
means  desirous  of  having  this  new  crown  placed  on  his 
head;  and  the  promoters  of  the  scheme  were  obliged, 
in  order  to  determine  him  to  order  preparations  for  a 
second  campaign  to  be  made,  to  speak  to  him  of  the 
joy  which  would  be  felt  by  the  philosophers,  at  seeing 
their  great  king  defeated  by  a  free  people,  and  com- 
pelled to  retreat  before  them.    The  influence  of  this  on 
the  king's  authority,  said  they,  would  be  great ;  there 
were  fanatics  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  who  would  see 
miracles  in  the  success   of  so   unequal   a   struggle. 
The  monarch  no  longer  deliberated.     Marshal  Yaux 
set  out  for  Corsica;  he  had  30,000  men  under  his 
command,  and  the  ports  of  the  island  were  inundated 
with  troops.     The  islanders  defended  themselves,  how- 
ever, during  a  part  of  t&e  campaign,  but  without 
hopes  of  success.     The  population  of  Corsica  then 
amounted,   at   the    most,   to   150,000    inhabitants; 
30,000  were  taken  up  by  the  forts  and  the  French 
garrisons;  there  remained  20,000  men  fit  to  carry 
arms,  but  from  these  must  be  taken  all  those  who 
served   under  such  chiefs   as   had  treated  with  the 
agents  of  the  French  ministry. 

"  The  Corsicans  fought  obstinately  at  the  passage 
of  the  river  Golo.  Not  having  had  time  to  destroy 
the  bridge,  which  was  of  stone,  they  made  use  of  the 
bodies  of  those  who  had  been  killed  to  form  an  in- 
trenchment.  Paoli,  driven  to  the  south  of  the  island, 
embarked  in  an  English  vessel  at  Porto- Vecchio, 


408  HISTORY   OF  THE 

landed  at  Livorno,  traversed  the  Continent,  and 
arrived  in  London.  He  was  everywhere  received,  by 
sovereigns  and  people,  with  the  greatest  marks  of 
admiration, 

"  It  was  not  possible,  without  doubt,  to  resist  the 

army  of  Marshal  Vaux.     And  yet  there  was  a  moment 

when  he  had  scattered  all  his  troops;  when  he  had 

deceived  himself,    believing  that  the    country   was 

subdued  and  disarmed;  but  the  fact  was  that  none  but 

old  men,  women,  and  children  had  remained  in  the 

villages,  and  that  only  old  guns  had  been  given  up  to 

him  on  his  landing.    All  the  strong  and  brave  men  of 

the  island,  inured    to   civil  wars  which  had  lasted 

for  forty  years,  were  wandering  among  the  woods 

and  caverns,    and  on   the  tops  of  the  mountains. 

Corsica  is  a  country  so  extraordinary,  and  so  difficult 

of  access,  that  a  San  Pietro,  in  these  circumstances, 

would  have  fallen  separately  on  all  the  divisions  of 

the  French  army,  hindered  them  from  rallying,  and 

compelled  them  to  shut  themselves  up  in  the  fortresses ; 

which  event  must  assuredly  have  obliged  the  court  of 

Versailles  to   change  its   system.      But   Paoli  had 

neither  the  quick  sight,  the   promptitude,  nor  the 

military  vigour  required  for  the  execution  of  such  a 

plan.     His  brother,  Clement,  had  he  had  more  talent, 

would  have  been  suited  to  the  duty  by  his  warlike 

virtues.     Four  or  five  hundred  patriots  followed  Paoli, 

and  emigrated;  a  great  number  of  others  abandoned 

their  villages  and  houses,  and  continued  for  many  years 

to  carry  on  a  desultory  kind  of  war,  intercepting  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEOX.  409 

passage  of  the  convoys,  and  of  all  isolated  soldiers. 
The  Corsicans  called  them  'patriots,'  the  French 
named  them  c  bandits.'  They  merited  the  latter  ap- 
pellation by  the  cruelties  which  they  committed,  though 
never  upon  their  countrymen. 

"In  the  year  1774,  five  years  after  the  subjection 
of  the  island,  some  refugees  returned  thither,  and 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  in  the  district  of  Nivlo, 
a  parish  lying  on  the  highest  mountain.  The  Count  of 
Narbonne-Fritzlar,  lieutenant-general  and  commandant 
of  the  island,  marched  against  the  mountaineers  with 
the  greatest  part  of  the  garrisons.  He  dishonoured 
his  character  by  the  cruelties  which  he  committed. 
Major-general  Sionville  rendered  himself  odious  to 
the  Corsicans;  he  burnt  the  houses,  cut  down  the 
olive  and  chesnut  trees,  and  tore  up  the  vines;  and 
committed  all  these  ravages  not  only  on  the  property 
of  the  bandits,  but  on  that  of  their  relations  to  the 
third  degree.  The  country  was  a  prey  to  terror ;  yet 
the  inhabitants  still  secretly  nourished  a  silent  dis- 
content. 

"  Notwithstanding  all  this  ravage  and  destruction, 
the  intentions  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  were  bene- 
ficent :  it  granted  to  the  Corsicans  freedom  to  have 
provincial  assemblies  or  states,  composed  of  three 
orders — the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  tiers  etat. 
It  re-established  the  magistracy  of  twelve  nobles, 
which  the  Corsicans  had  always  claimed;  this  was  a 
Pisan  institution,  a  kind  of  intermediary  commission 
of  the  states,  which  regulated  the  taxes,  and  the  in- 


410  HISTORY   OF  THE 

terior  government  of  the  province.  At  the  time  of  each 
sitting  of  the  states,  a  bishop,  a  deputy  of  the  nobility, 
and  a  person  selected  from  the  tiers  6tat^  were  re- 
ceived at  the'  French  court,  bringing  directly  to  the 
king  a  summary  of  the  complaints  of  the  country. 
Encouragement  was  given  to  agriculture.  The  African 
company  of  Marseilles  was  compelled  to  recognise 
some  ancient  customs  favourable  to  the  Corsican 
fishermen,  with  regard  to  the  fishing  for  coral.  Fine 
roads  were  cut  through  the  country,  and  marshes 
drained.  An  attempt  was  even  made  to  form  colonies, 
consisting  of  inhabitants  of  Lorraine  and  Alsace,  in 
order  to  give  the  Corsicans  models  of  agriculture. 

"  The  taxes  were  not  heavy,  the  schools  were  en- 
couraged; the*  children  of  the  principal  families  were 
invited  to  France  to  be  educated  there.  It  was  in 
Corsica  that*  the  political  economists  made  the  trial  of 
the  taxation  paid  in  the  produce  of  the  land  instead 
of  in  money. 

"  During  the  twenty  years  which  passed  between 
1769  and  1789,  the  island  gained  a  great  deal.  But 
all  these  beneficent  measures  did  not  touch  the  hearts 
of  the  Corsicans,  who,  at  the  time  of  the  revolution, 
were  as  far  as  possible  from  being  Frenchmen. 

"  A  lieutenant-general  of  infantry,  crossing  the 
mountains,  was  once  talking  to  a  peasant  ~  of  the  in- 
gratitude of  his  countrymen ;  he  recounted  to  him  all 
the  good  measures  of  the  French  administration :  '  In 
your  Paoli's  time/  added  he,  '  you  paid  double  what 
you  do  now/  '  Yery  true,  sir,  but  then  we  gave, 


CAPTIVITr   OF  NAPOLEOX.  411 

now  you  take.'  The  natural  wit  of  these  islanders 
exhibited  itself  in  all  circumstances.  A  thousand  of 
their  repartees  might  be  cited;  we  take  one  at 
random.  Some  titled  officers,  travelling  in  the  Nivlo, 
said  one  evening  to  their  host,  one  of  the  poorest 
inhabitants  of  the  district:  *  Look  at  the  difference 
between  us  Frenchmen  and  you  Corsicans;  see  how 
we  are  supported  and  clothed!'  The  peasant  rose, 
looked  at  them  attentively,  and  asked  each  one  his 
name.  One  was  a  marquis,  another  a  baron,  the  third  a 
chevalier.  *  Bah ! '  replied  he ;  'it  is  true,  I  should 
like  to  be  clothed  like  jou;  but  is  every  one  in 
France,  a  marquis,  a  baron,  or  a  chevalier?7 

"  The  revolution  changed  the  disposition  of  the 
Corsicans;  they  became  Frenchmen  in  1790;  Paoli 
quitted  England  where  he  had  been  living  on  a 
pension,  granted  him  by  the  parliament,  but  which 
he  now  resigned.  He  was  received  by  the  Consti- 
tuante,  by  the  national  guard  of  Paris,  and  even  by 
Louis  XVI.  His  arrival  in  Corsica  caused  a  general 
rejoicing.  The  whole  population  hastened  to  Bastia 
to  see  him.  His  memory  was  extraordinary;  he 
knew  the  names  of  all  the  families,  though  it  ivas  with 
the  previous  generation  that  he  had  to  do.  In  a 
few  days  his  influence  was  as  powerful  as  ever.  The 
executive  council  appointed  him  general  of  a  division, 
and  commander  of  the  troops  of  the  line  in  the  island. 

"  The  corps  of  national  guards  conferred  the  com- 
mand on  him ;  the  electoral  assembly  made  him  pre- 
sident. He  thus  united,  in  his  own  person,  all  the 


412  HISTORY   OF  THE 

offices  of  powSr.  This  proceeding  of  the  executive 
council  was  by  no  means  politic;  but  it  must  be 
attributed  to  the  spirit  which  then  reigned.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  Paoli  faithfully  served  the  revolu- 
tion till  the  10th  of  August.  The  execution  of 
Louis  XVI.  completed  his  rising  disgust  for  the  re- 
volutionary government.  He  was  denounced  by  the 
popular  societies  of  Provence,  and  the  convention, 
whose  proceedings  no  consideration  could  arrest, 
summoned  him  to  appear  at  the  bar;  he  was  ap- 
proaching his  eightieth  year ;  this  was  desiring  him 
to  lay  his  own  head  on  the  scaffold ;  he  had  no  re- 
source but  to  appeal  to  his  countrymen;  the  whole 
island,  excited  by  him,  rose  in  insurrection  against 
the  convention. 

"  The  commissaries,  representatives  of  the  people, 
who  were  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  decree, 
arrived  at  this  moment :  all  they  were  able  to  do  was 
to  retain,  by  the  help  of  a  few  battalions,  the  fortresses 
of  Bastia  and  Calvi.  Had  the  decision  of  the  course 
to  be  taken  by  Corsica  depended  on  an*  assembly  of 
the  principal  families,  Paoli  would  not  have  succeeded. 
The  excesses  committed  in  France  were  generally 
blamed  by  these  persons,  but  th£y  thought  that  they 
were  transient,  that  it  was  easy  to  defend  themselves 
from  them  in  Corsica,  and  that  it  would  not  be  well, 
in  order  to  obviate  the  evils  of  the  moment,  to  en- 
danger the  happiness  and  tranquillity  of  the  country. 
Paoli  was  astonished  at  the  little  influence  he  had  in 
private  conferences.  Several  even  of  those  who  had 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  413 

accompanied  him.  to  England,  and  who  had  passed  the 
last  twenty  years  in  cursing  France,  were  now  the  most 
averse  to  his  designs,  among  others  General  Gentili; 
among  the  mass  of  the  population,  however,  at  the 
appeal  of  their  old  chief,  there  was  but  one  cry.  In  a 
moment  the  flag  with  the  death's  head  was  hoisted  on 
every  tower,  and  Corsica  ceased  to  be  French.  A 
few  months  afterwards,  the  English  seized  Toulon; 
when  they  were  expelled  from  it.  Admiral  Hood  cast 
anchor  at  SanFiorenza  ;  he  landed  12,000  men  there, 
and  placed  them  under  the  command  of  Nelson; 
Paoli  added  a  reinforcement  of  6000  men.  They  in- 
vested Bastia ;  Lacombe,  St.  Michel,  and  Gentili  de- 
fended the  town  with  the  greatest  intrepidity ;  it  only 
capitulated  at  the  end  of  a  four  months'  siege.  Calvi 
resisted  forty  days  of  open  trenches.  General  Dundas, 
who  commanded  an  English  corps  of  4000  men,  and 
who  was  encamped  at  St.  Fiorenza,  refused  to  take 
part  in  the  siege  of  Bastia,  not  wishing  to  com- 
promise his  troops  without  a  special  order  from  his 
government. 

"  And  now  was  to  be  seen  a  strange  spectacle;  the 
King  of  England  placing  on  his  head  the  crown  of 
Corsica,  which  was  no  doubt  much  surprised  at  find- 
ing itself  side  by  side  with  the  crown  of  Fingal. 

"  In  the  month  of  June,  1794,  the  council  of  Cor- 
sica, at  which  Paoli  presided,  declared  that  the 
political  ties  of  that  country  with  France  were  broken, 
and  that  the  crown  should  be  offered  to  the  King  of 
England.  A  deputation  composed  of  the  following 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE 

persons — viz.,  the  president  Galeazzi ;  Filippo,  a  native 
of  Vescovato ;  Negroni,  of  Bastia ;  and  Cesare  Rocea, 
of  the  district  of  Rocea,  proceeded  to  London,  and  the 
king  accepted  the  crown.  He  named  Lord  Gilbert 
Elliot  viceroy.  The  council,  at  the  same  time  that  it 
had  determined  on  offering  the  crown  to  the  King  of 
England,  had  desired  a  constitution,  which  secured 
the  liberties  and  privileges  of  the  island;  it  was 
modelled  after  that  of  England. 

"Lord  Elliot  was  a  man  of  merit;  he  had  been 
viceroy  in  India;  but  he  very  soon  quarrelled  with 
Paoli.  The  old  man  had  retired  into  the  mountains ; 
he  now  testified  his  disapprobation  of  the  conduct  of 
the  viceroy,  who  was  influenced  by  two  young  men, 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  and  Colonna;  the  one  was  in  his 
service  as  a  secretary,  the  other  as  an  aide-de-camp. 
Paoli  was  reproached  with  being  of  a  restless  character, 
with  not  being  able  to  resolve  to  live  as  a  private 
person,  and  with  always  endeavouring  to  take  the  state 
of  master  of  the  island  upon  himself.  Tet,  the  influ- 
ence which  he  had  in  Corsica,  and  which  was  never 
contested,  the  services  which  he  had  rendered  to 
England  in  the  late  affair,  and  all  the  honourable  and 
worthy  points  of  his  career  and  of  his  character,  led 
the  English  minister  to  act  towards  him  with  circum- 
spection and  respect.  Paoli  had  several  conferences 
with  the  viceroy  and  the  secretary  of  state.  It  was 
at  one  of  these  that,  piqued  by  some  observations,  he 
said  to  them:  "  Here  I  am  in  my  kingdom;  I  made 
war  for  two  years  against  the  King  of  France;  I 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  415 

expelled  the  republicans;  and  if  YOU  violate  the 
privileges  and  rights  of  the  country,  I  can  still  more 
easily  expel  your  troops."  A  few  months  after  this, 
the  King  of  England  wrote  him  a  letter,  suitable  to 
the  circumstances,  in  which,  expressing  the  interest 
he  felt  in  his  tranquillity  and  happiness,  he  advised 
him  to  come  and  finish  his  days  in  a  country  where 
he  was  respected,  and  where  he  had  been  happy.  The 
secretary  of  state  took  this  letter  to  Paoli,  then  at 
Porto  Vecchio.  Paoli  felt  that  this  was  a  command ; 
he  hesitated;  but  nothing  then  announced  that  the 
Reign  of  Terror  in  France  was  about  to  come  to  an  end. 
The  army  of  Italy  was  still  in  the  province  of  Nice.  By 
declaring  war  against  the  English,  Paoli  would  have 
exposed  himself  to  the  attacks  of  both  the  belligerent 
parties.  He  submitted  to  his  fate,  and  went  to  London, 
where  he  died  in  the  year  1807.  We  must  do  him 
the  justice  to  say,  that  in  all  his  letters  from  England, 
during  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life,  he  advised  his 
countrymen  never  to  separate  themselves  from  France, 
but  to  associate  themselves  with  the  good  and  evil 
fortunes  of  that  great  nation.  He  left  a  considerable 
sum,  by  will,  to  be  appropriated  to  the  foundation  of 
a  university  at  Corte. 

"  If  the  English  wished  to  preserve  their  influence 
in  Corsica,  they  should  have  acknowledged  its  indepen- 
dence, consolidated  the  power  of  Paoli,  and  granted 
some  slight  subsidies,  for  the  purpose  of  retaining  a 
kind  of  supremacy,  as  well  as  the  privilege  of  anchoring 
their  squadrons  in  the  principal  roads,  especially  that 


416  HISTORY   OF  THE 

of  S.  Fiorenza.  They  would  then  have  had  a  point 
of  rest  in  the  Mediterranean,  would  have  been  able, 
in  case  of  need,  to  levy  an  auxiliary  body  of  from 
5000  to  6000  brave  troops,  which  might  be  employed 
in  that  sea;  the  ports  of  Corsica  would  have  been  at 
their  service.  The  numerous  refugees  who  were  in 
France  would  insensibly  have  rallied  round  a  national 
government ;  and  France  itself  would  easily  have  been 
brought,  at  the  peace,  to  recognise  a  state  of  things 
which  opinion  had  recommended  to  Choiseul.  The 
Corsicans  were  extremely  dissatisfied  with  the  English 
governors;  they  did  not  understand  their  language, 
their  habitual  gravity,  or  their  way  of  living.  Men 
continually  at  table,  almost  always  somewhat  in- 
toxicated, and  not  at  all  communicative,  formed  a 
strong  contrast  with  the  Corsican  manners.  The 
difference  of  religion  was  also  a  cause  of  repugnance. 
This  was  the  first  time,  since  the  birth  of  Christianity, 
that  Corsica  had  been  profaned  by  a  heretical  worship ; 
everything  they  saw  confirmed  them  in  their  pre- 
judices against  the  Protestant  religion.  This  worship, 
devoid  of  ceremony,  these  bare  and  melancholy  temples 
could  not  accord  with  southern  imaginations,  excited 
as  they  were  by  the  pomp  of  the  catholic  worship,  its 
beautiful  churches,  adorned  with  paintings  and 
images,  and  its  imposing  ceremonies. 

"  The  English  scattered  their  gold  lavishly  around ; 
the  Corsicans  received  it,  but  it  inspired  them  with 
no  feelings  of  gratitude. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEOX.  417 

"  At  this  period.  Napoleon  entered  Milan,  took 
possession  of  Livorno,  and  collected  all  the  Corsican 
refugees  there,  under  the  orders  of  Gentili.  The 
excitement  of  the  mountaineers  became  extreme.  At 
a  grand  fete,  at  Ajaccio,  the  young  Colonna,  the 
viceroy's  aide-de-camp,  was  accused  of  having  in- 
sulted a  bust  of  Paoli ;  he  was  incapable  of  such  an 
action.  The  insurrection  broke  out;  the  inhabitants 
of  Bogognano  intercepted  the  communications  between 
Bastia  and  Ajaccio,  and  surrounded  the  viceroy, 
who  had  marched  against  them  with  a  body  of  troops ; 
he  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  two  favourites,  and 
send  them  from  his  camp.  Disguised,  and  escorted 
by  their  relations,  they  went  to  Bastia,  by  cross 
roads,  and  arrived  there  before  the  viceroy.  Elliot 
saw  that  it  was  impossible  to  maintain  his  position  in 
Corsica;  he  sought  a  refuge,  and  took  possession  of 
Porto-Ferrajo.  Gentili  and  all  the  officers  landed,  in 
October  1796,  in  spite  of  the  English  cruisers.  They 
organised  a  general  rising  of  the  population.  All  the 
crests  of  the  mountains  were  covered  at  night  with 
alarm  fires;  the  harsh  sound  of  the  mountain-horn, 
the  signal  of  insurrection,  was  heard  in  all  the 
valleys.  They  took  possession  of  Bastia  and  of  all 
the  fortresses.  The  English  hastily  embarked,  and 
left  many  of  their  prisoners  behind,  The  king  of 
England  wore  the  crown  of  Corsica  but  two  years; 
and  the  affair  only  served  to  unveil  the  ambition  of 
his  cabinet  and  throw  ridicule  on  himself.  This 

VOL.   II.  E  E 


418  HISTORY   OF  THE 

fancy  cost  the  treasury  five  millions  sterling.  The 
treasures  of  John  Bull  could  not  have  been  worse 
employed. 

"  Corsica  formed  the  third  military  division  of  the 
republic.  General  Vaubois  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  it.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1797, 
some  ill  disposed  persons,  under  pretext  of  religion, 
raised  an  insurrection  in  a  part  of  Fiumarbo;  and 
wishing  to  give  the  weight  of  a  great  name  to  their 
enterprise,  placed  General  Giafferi  at  their  head. 
General  Vaubois  marched  against  them,  and  took 
Giafferi  prisoner;  he  was  ninety  years  old,  and 
entirely  ruled  by  his  confessor.  He  had  been  edu- 
cated at  Naples,  where  he  had  served,  and  had  at- 
tained the  rank  of  major-general;  he  had  for  eight 
years  previous  to  this  affair  enjoyed  a  pension  and 
had  lived  peaceably  in  retirement;  Vaubois  had  him 
taken  before  a  military  committee,  which  condemned 
him  to  death :  he  was  shot.  This  catastrophe  drew 
tears  from  every  Corsican ;  he  was  the  son  of  the  ce- 
lebrated Giafferi  who  had  led  them  during  thirty 
years  in  the  struggle  for  their  independence;  his  name 
was  eminently  national.  The  old  man  should  have 
been  considered  as  in  his  second  childhood,  and  the 
punishment  should  have  been  made  to  fall  on  the 
hypocritical  monk  who  guided  him. 

"  Corsica  lies  at  a  distance  of  twenty  leagues  from 
the  coast  of  Tuscany,  forty  from  that  of  Provence,  and 
sixty  from  that  of  Spain.  Geographically  regarded,  it 
belongs  to  Italy ;  but  as  this  peninsula  does  not  form  a 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  419 

power,  Corsica  is  very  naturally  an  integral  part  of 
France.  Its  extent  is  about  500  leagues  square ;  it  has 
four  maritime  towns,  Bastia,  Ajaccio,  Calvi,  and  Boni- 
faccio,60  dales  or  valleys,  450  villages  or  hamlets,  and 
three  large  roads,  capable  of  containing  the  largest  fleets 
— San  Fiorenza,  Ajaccio,  and  Porto- Vecchio.  The 
island  is  mountainous ;  it  is  traversed  from  the  north- 
west to  the  south-east  by  a  high  range  of  granite 
mountains,  which  divides  the  island  into  two;  the 
highest  peaks  are  always  covered  with  snow.  The  three 
largest  rivers  are,  the  Golo,  the  Liamone  and  the 
Tavignano.  From  the  high  mountains  there  flow 
rivers,  or  torrents,  which  empty  themselves  into  the 
sea  in  all  directions;  at  their  mouths  there  are  small 
plains  of  one  or  two  leagues  in  circumference.  The 
coast  on  the  side  next  Italy  from  Bastia  to  Aleria  is 
a  plain,  twenty  leagues  long,  and  three  or  four  broad. 
The  island  is  wooded;  the  plains  and  hills  are,  or  may 
be,  covered  with  olive-trees,  mulberry-trees,  fruit-trees, 
orange  and  pomegranate  trees.  The  backs  of  the 
mountains  are  covered  with  woods  of  chestnut-trees, 
in  the  midst  of  which  lie  villages  which  are  naturally 
fortified  by  their  position.  On  the  tops  of  the  moun- 
tains are  forests  of  pines,  fir-trees,  and  green  oaks. 
The  olive-trees  are  as  large  as  those  in  the  Levant ;  the 
chestnut  trees  are  of  enormous  size,  and  the  fruit  is  of 
the  largest  kind ;  the  pines  and  fir-trees  are  not  infe- 
rior to  those  of  Kussia  in  height  and  size ;  but  when 
used  as  masts,  they  are  only  serviceable  for  three  or 
four  years ;  at  the  end  of  this  time  they  have  become 

E  E  2 


420  HISTORY   OF  THE 

dry  and  brittle,  whereas  the  pines  of  Russia  always 
retain  their  elasticity  and  suppleness ;  oil,  wine,  silk, 
and  wood  for  building  are  four  great  branches  of  ex- 
portation which  contribute  to  enrich  this  island.  The 
population  amounts  at  the  least  to  180,000;  the 
country  produces  corn,  chestnuts,  and  cattle,  sufficient 
for  their  wants.  Before  the  invasion  of  the  Saracens, 
the  sea-shore  was  all  peopled :  Aleria  and  Mariana, 
two  Eoman  colonies,  were  two  great  towns,  containing 
each  a  population  of  60,000  souls;  but  the  incursions 
of  the  Mussuhnen,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries, 
and  afterwards  that  of  the  people  of  Barbary,  drove 
the  Corsicans  to  the  mountains;  the  plains  became 
uninhabited,  and  consequently  unhealthy. 

"  Corsica  is  a  fine  country  in  the  months  of  January 
and  February,  but  in  the  dog-days  the  drought  is  felt; 
a  scarcity  of  water  occurs,  especially  in  the  plains ; 
and  the  Corsicans  are  fond  of  residing  on  a  declivity, 
from  whence  they  descend,  in  winter,  to  the  marshes,  to 
pasture  their  cattle  or  to  cultivate  their  plains. 

"  San  Fiorenza  is  designed  by  nature  for  the  capital  of 
the  island,  the  bulwark  of  its  defence,  and  the  centre 
of  all  the  government  magazines,  because  its  roads  are 
the  largest  in  the  island  and  the  nearest  to  Toulon. 
This  point  ought  to  be  regularly  fortified;  in  all  the 
other  towns,  only  side-batteries  ought  to  be  maintained. 
"  The  air  of  San  Fiorenza  is  in  the  present  day  insa- 
lubrious— not  in  the  roads,  but  at  the  place  where  the 
little  town  is  situated ;  yet  it  would  not  be  difficult  to 
drain  the  marshes.  A  part  of  the  population  of  Bastia, 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  421 

which  is  but  a  few  leagues  distant,  would  naturally 
go  to  this  new  town.  In  default  of  San  Fiorenza, 
Ajaccio  should  be  the  capital,  the  centre  of  adminis- 
tration and  of  defence,  because  it  is  the  second  road 
on  the  side  towards  Toulon,  and  the  nearest  to  it  after 
S.  Fiorenza.  An  Italian  interest  predominated  in  the 
choice  of  Bastia  as  a  capital,  because  it  is  the  town 
which  lies  the  nearest  to  Italy;  the  direct  communi- 
cation from  thence  with  France  is  difficult;  the  inhabit- 
ants are  obliged  to  double  Cape  Corso;  this  town, 
besides,  has  no  roads,  and  its  port  can  only  receive 
merchant  vessels. 

"  To  fortify  any  other  town  except  S.  Fiorenza  or 
Ajaccio  would  be  useless,  since  it  could  not  be 
defended  against  an  enemy  who  was  master  of  the  sea, 
and  since  the  national  guard  would  suffice  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  interior  of  the  island.  In  case  of  an 
attack,  the  troops  of  the  line  should  collect  in  one 
maritime  town,  in  order  to  prolong  their  defence  and 
await  succour. 

"  The  most  urgent  wants  of  Corsica  are  the  following : 
Istly,  a  good  rural  code  which  should  protect  agri- 
culture against  the  incursions  of  cattle,  and  ordain  the 
destruction  of  goats;  2ndly,  the  draining  of  the 
marshes,  in  order  gradually  to  bring  back  the  popula- 
tion to  the  sea  shore ;  Srdly,  premiums  for  the  pur- 
pose of  encouraging  the  plantation  and  grafting  of 
olive  and  mulberry  trees ;  they  should  be  double  for 
the  plantations  made  on  the  sea-shore;  4thly,  a  just 
but  severe  police ;  a  general  and  absolute  privation  of 


422  HISTORY  OF  THE 

all  arms,  large  and  small,  such  as  stilettoes,  poniards, 
&c. ;  5thly,  200  places  reserved  exclusively  for  young 
Corsicans,  in  the  lyceums,  military  schools,  seminaries, 
veterinary  schools,  schools  of  agriculture,  the  arts  and 
trades  in  France;  6thly,  a  regular  exportation  for  the 
royal  navy  of  building  timber;  and  advantage  should 
also  be  taken  of  this  circumstance  to  found  hamlets  on 
the  sea-shore,  and  on  the  skirts  of  the  forests;  for  all 
the  endeavours  of  the  government  should  tend  towards 
drawing  the  population  down  into  the  plains." 


CAPTIVITY   OP   NAPOLEON.  423 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


MEMOIRS   OF  BONAPARTE   WHEN  YOUNG — CROWNED  AT 
THE  ACADEMY   OF  LYONS. 


THE  1st  of  January,  1817,  arrived,  yet  more 
melancholy  than  the  1st  of  the  January  preceding 
had  been.  The  departure  of  Count  Las  Cases  had 
left  painful  impressions  on  us  all. 

There  are  some  anniversaries  more  dreary  than  all 
others,  because  they  naturally  bring  back  a  series  of 
recollections  which  force  one  to  compare  the  past  with 
the  present.  The  1st  of  January — this  family  festival, 
at  which  the  Emperor  at  the  Tuileries  was  first 
saluted  by  a  wife  whom  he  adored — by  a  son,  who 
was  his  hope — by  a  people  whose  happiness  was  his 
principal  occupation — by  four  beings  who  were  his 
brothers  by  blood — and,  finally,  by  ten  or  twelve 
more  who  called  themselves  his  brothers  in  affection — 
presented  itself  this  time  as  a  dreary  gateway  to  a 
year  still  more  dreary  than  that  which  had  just  passed. 


424  HISTORY   OF  THE 

Instead  of  the  Tuileries,  our  miserable  habitation; 
instead  of  our  France,  so  often  regretted,  St.  Helena, 
so  often  lamented;  instead  of  the  caresses  of  a  family, 
the  congratulations  of  courtiers,  the  shouts  of  a  nation, 
and  the  homage  of  Europe — the  good  wishes,  though 
without  hope,  of  some  companions  in  captivity,  whose 
numbers  might  at  any  moment  be  diminished  by  the 
caprice  of  an  odious  gaoler.     The  Emperor  received 
with  kindness  our  good  wishes  and  our  homage.     "  I 
believe  you,"  said  he  to  us;  "  but  I  only  expect  from 
fate  that  death,  which  will  terminate  my  misfortunes. 
You  yourselves  see  that  every  day  is  marked  by  some 
new  outrage ;  I  pity  you,  for  the  more  proofs  you  give 
me  of  your  devotion,  the  more  you  must  feel  my  suffer- 
ings.    Let  us  hope,  at  least,  that  Mr.  Lowe  will  allow 
me  to  pass  this  day  without  condemning  me  to  remain 
shut  up  in  my  room  to  avoid  meeting  him  in  the  garden. 
"  Your  children  shall  dine  with  me.     I  wish  their 
joy  to  be  complete.     Come,  Hortense,  you  shall  have 
the  first  present." 

The  hopes  of  the  Emperor  were  not,  however,  to 
be  realised;  and  the  insult  would  forcibly  have 
brought  back  his  thoughts  to  his  cruel  position,  had 
not  General  Gourgaud  kept,  till  the  next  day,  the 
secret  of  the  pretended  mistake,  which  caused  him  to 
remain  for  an  hour  the  prisoner  of  a  sentry. 

One  of  the  sentries  of  Hut's-gate  interpreted  his 
orders  wrong,  and  arrested  General  Gourgaud,  who 
was  only  set  free  at  the  expiration  of  this  sentry's 
guard  by  the  corporal  who  relieved  him.  The  grand 


CAPTIVITY    OF   NAPOLEON.  425 

marshal  hastened  to  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  to  complain, 
but  obtained  no  other  answer  than  the  general  one, 
that  it  was  an  error  which  should  not  be  repeated ; 
and  yet  a  week  afterwards  the  same  error  occurred. 
How,  indeed,  could  it  be  otherwise,  when  a  sentry, 
who  interpreted  his  orders  in  our  favour,  received  a 
hundred  lashes,  whilst  the  interpreting  them  against 
us  was  merely  considered  as  an  excess  of  zeal,  a  proof 
of  fidelity,  a  mark  of  bad  intentions  towards  us.  We 
learned  on  this  occasion  that  Sir  Hudson  very  fre- 
quently gave  orders  to  the  sentries  during  his  rides, 
without  the  commanders  of  the  detachment  knowing 
anything  of  them,  except  by  the  report  of  the  corporal 
who  had  relieved  the  sentinel  to  whom  such  extra- 
ordinary orders  had  been  given,  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  rules  of  military  service. 

We  heard  also,  that  the  soldier  who  had  arrested 
General  Gourgaud,  had  received  from  Sir  Hudson 
positive  orders  to  arrest  any  Frenchman  who  should 
present  himself  at  Hut's-gate  to  pass,  except  he  were 
accompanied  by  an  English  officer,  even  if  it  should 
be  General  Bonaparte  himself.  But  Hut's-gate 
was  within  our  limits,  which  extended  for  more  than  a 
mile  beyond  this  in  two  directions;  in  the  third 
direction  alone,  Hut's-gate  formed  the  boundary. 

The  dinner  was  really  a  family   dinner;  all  the 

expenses  were  borne    by   our  children,   and    their 

childish  happiness   awakened   in   the  Emperor   the 

.remembrance  of  his  youth;  his  first  love  and  his  first 

meditations  on  happiness  returned  to  his  recollection. 


426  HISTORY  OP  THE 

He  took  pleasure  in  repeating  to  us  his  long  conversa- 
tions with  the  Abbe  Raynal,  in  speaking  to  us  of 
his  correspondence  with  this  celebrated  man,  and  of 
what  he  had  written  under  his  inspiration.  The 
correspondence  of  the  Emperor  with  the  Abbe  Kaynal, 
and  the  manuscript  of  his  first  literary  work,  had 
been  confided  by  him  to  an  inhabitant  of  Lyons,  whose 
name  he  had  forgotten.  He  related  this  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  in  one  of  his  after-dinner  chats  with  him 
under  the  shade  of  that  beautiful  allee  of  horse- 
chestnut  trees,  which  began  at  St.  Cloud,  just  opposite 
to  his  cabinet,  and  he  witnessed  some  regret  at  not 
being  able  to  see  again  these  first  impressions  of  his 
youth.  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  too  good  a  courtier  to 
let  such  a  good  opportunity  of  doing  something  agree- 
able to  his  master  escape  him.  He  said  nothing,  but 
his  first  care  on  returning -to  Paris  was  to  send  for  M. 
Derenade,  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  and  the  most 
suitable  man  in  France,  by  reason  of  his  acuteness, 
his  general  information,  and  his  literary  connexions, 
to  discover  the  person  with  whom  the  manuscript  had 
been  deposited.  A  fortnight  had  not  elapsed  when 
M.  de  Talleyrand  presented  himself  at  St.  Cloud, 
having  carefully  placed  in  his  portfolio,  as  minister  of 
foreign  affairs,  the  packet,  which  he  had  received  from 
Lyons  the  evening  before.  The  Empetor  eagerly 
looked  through  it,  and  found  there  to  his  great  sur- 
prise, some  fragments  of  letters  to  M.  Butafoco,  and 
a  republican  profession  of  faith,  under  the  title  of 
'  Souper  de  Beaucaire.' 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  427 

These  writings  bore  the  impression  of  the  excite- 
ment produced  in  the  head  of  a  young  man  by  the 
events  of  the  revolution.  He  committed  them  to  the 
flames ;  but  he  preserved,  notwithstanding  their  quite 
as  republican  tendency,  a  history  (partial)  of  Corsica, 
and  a  memorial  of  the  sentiments  which  it  was  most 
necessary  to  impress  upon  men  for  their  happiness. 
The  Academy  of  Lyons  had  rewarded  this  treatise 
with  a  gold  medal,  and  this  homage  from  a  learned 
body  was  a  precious  souvenir  of  his  youth. 

The  manuscript  concerning  Corsica  served  him  as  a 
basis  for  his  history  of  Corsica,  which  I  shall  mention 
further  on.  I  give  here  the  treatise  crowned  by  the 
Academy  of  Lyons : 

"  Literary  societies  ought  never  to  have  been  ani- 
mated by  any  other  feeling  than  the  love  of  truth  and 
honour;  but  there  is  no  truth  without  prejudice. 
There  are  no  men  where  kings  are  despotic;  there 
is  only  the  slave  oppressor,  still  more  vile  than  the 
slave  oppressed.  This  explains  why  literary  societies, 
since  the  beginning  of  time,  have  offered  the  melan- 
choly spectacle  of  flattery  and  the  most  disgraceful 
adulation. 

"  This  explains  why  the  really  useful  sciences, 
those  of  morals  and  of  politics,  have  been  suffered  to 
languish  in  oblivion,  or  have  been  lost  in  a  laby- 
rinth of  obscurity.  They  have,  however,  made  rapid 
progress  in  latter  times.  This  has  been  owing  to 
some  men  of  spirit  who,  urged  forwards  by  their 
genius,  have  feared  neither  the  thunder  of  a  despot. 


•128  HISTORY   OF   THE 

nor  the  dungeons  of  a  bastile.  These  rays  of 
light  illumined  the  atmosphere;  threw  a  new  light 
upon  public  opinion,  which,  proud  of  its  rights, 
destroyed  the  enchantment  which  had  bound  the 
world,  as  by  a  spell,  for  so  many  centuries.  Thus 
was  Einaldo  restored  to  virtue  and  to  himself,  as  soon 
as  a  courageous  and  friendly  hand  held  up  to  him  the 
buckler,  in  which  were  traced,  at  the  same  time,  his 
duties  and  his  apathy. 

"  To  what  can  we  with  more  propriety  compare  the 
immortal  works  of  these  great  men,  than  to  the  divine 
buckler  of  Tasso? 

"  The  liberty  thus  acquired  after  an  energetic 
struggle  of  twenty  months,  and  the  most  violent 
exertions,  will  be  for  ever  a  glory  to  France,  to  phi- 
losophy, and  to  literature.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  academy  proposes  to  determine  those  truths  and 
feelings  which  it  is  most  necessary  to  inculcate  upon 
man  for  his  happiness.  This  question,  really  worthy 
of  the  consideration  of  the  free  man,  is  in  itself  an 
eulogy  on  the  sages  who  have  proposed  it.  None  is 
more  likely  to  answer  the  purpose  of  the  founder. 

"Illustrious  Raynal!  if,  in  the  course  of  a  life 
harassed  by  prejudice,  and  the  great  whom  thou  hast 
unmasked,  thou  hast  ever  been  constant  and  im- 
movable in  thy  zeal  for  suffering  and  oppressed 
humanity,  deign  this  day,  in  the  midst  of  the  applause 
of  an  immense  nation,  which,  called  by  thee  to  liberty, 
renders  to  thee  its  first  homage,  deign  to  smile  upon 
the  efforts  of  a  zealous  disciple,  whose  feeble  attempts 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  429 

thou  hast  been  kind  enough  sometimes  to  encourage. 
The  question  which  I  am  about  to  consider  is  worthy 
of  thy  pencil;  but  without  aiming  at  possessing  its 
power,'  I  have  exclaimed  to  myself  with  courage,  4  / 
too  am  a  painter.'' 

u  It  is  indispensably  necessary,  in  the  first  place, 
to  fix  clearly  our  ideas  of  happiness. 

"  Man  is  born  to  be  happy.  Nature,  a  beneficent 
mother,  has  endowed  him  with  all  the  organs  necessary 
to  this  first  design  of  his  creation.  Happiness,  then, 
is  nothing  more  than  that  enjoyment  of  his  life,  which 
is  most  conformable  to  his  organisation.  Men  of  all 
climates,  of  all  sects,  of  all  religions — are  there  any 
among  you,  the  prejudices  of  whose  dogmas  should 
prevent  them  from  acknowledging  the  truth  of  this 
principle?  Let  such,  if  any  there  be,  place  their 
right  hands  on  their  hearts,  their  left  on  their  eyes, 
let  them  enter  into  themselves,  let  them  consider  truly 
and  honestly — and  then  let  them  say  whether  they  do 
not  believe  with  me  in. this. 

"  We  must  live,  then,  in  a  manner  conformable  to 
our  organisation,  or  we  can  enjoy  no  happiness. 

"  Our  animal  organisation  feels  certain  indispensable 
cravings ;  those  of  eating,  drinking,  of  procreation ; 
nourishment,  therefore,  a  lodging,  a  covering,  a  wife, 
are  indispensably  necessary  to  our  happiness. 

"  Our  intellectual  organisation  gives  rise  to  demands 
no  less  imperious,  and  the  satisfaction  of  which  is 
much  more  precious.  It  is  in  their  full  development 
that  happiness  is  really  to  be  sought.  Perception  and 


430  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  reasoning  powers  form  the  essence  of  man.  These 
are  his  titles  to  the  supremacy  which  he  has  acquired, 
which  he  retains,  and  will  retain  for  ever. 

"  Our  feelings  revolt  against  restraint,  render  dear 
to  us  the  beautiful  and  the  just,  and  disagreeable  to 
us  the  oppressor  and  the  wicked.  Woe  to  him  who 
does  not  acknowledge  these  truths !  He  knows  nothing 
of  life  but  the  shade;  he  knows  no  pleasures  but  the 
enjoyments  of  sense. 

"  Our  reasoning  powers  lead  us  to  make  com- 
parisons. From  reasoning  arises  perfection,  as  fruit 
from  the  tree.  Keason,  the  inexorable  judge  of  our 
actions,  ought  also  to  be  their  invariable  guide.  The 
eyes  of  reason  preserve  man  from  the  precipice  of  his 
passions,  in  the  same  way  as  its  decrees  modify  even 
the  feeling  of  his  rights.  Feeling  gives  rise  to  society ; 
reason  maintains  it  entire. 

"  It  is  necessary  for  us,  therefore,  to  eat,  to  drink, 
to  procreate,  to  feel,  and  to  reason,  in  order  to  live 
like  a  man ;  that  is,  in  order  to  be  happy. 

"  Of  all  the  legislators  whom  the  esteem  of  their 
fellow-citizens  has  raised  up  to  give  them  laws,  none 
appear  to  have  been  more  convinced  of  these  truths 
than  Lycurgus  and  Paoli.  It  was  by  very  different 
courses,  however,  that  they  have  put  them  in  practice 
in  their  legislations. 

"  The  Lacedaemonians  enjoyed  an  abundance  of 
food,  they  had  convenient  habitations  and  dress,  their 
wives  were  robust,  they  reasoned  in  their  social  meet- 
ings, and  their  government  was  a  free  one.  They 


CAPTIVITY  OF  KAPOLEON.  431 

enjoyed  their  strength,  their  skill,  their  glory,  the 
esteem  of  their  countrymen,  the  prosperity  of  their 
country.  These  were  all  means  of  gratifying  their 
feelings.  Their  affections  were  excited — their  families, 
their  emotions  roused  by  the  varied  views  and  the 
beautiful  climate  of  Greece :  but  it  was  principally 
at  the  sight  of  strength  and  of  virtue  that  they  felt 
moved.  Virtue  consisted  in  courage  and  strength. 
Energy  is  the  life  of  the  soul,  as  well  as  the  main- 
spring of  reason. 

"  The  actions  of  a  Spartan  were  those  of  a  strong 
man ;  the  strong  man  is  good,  the  weak  man  wicked. 
The  Spartan  lived  in  a  manner  conformable  to  his 
organisation :  he  was  happy. 

"  But  all  this  is  but  a  dream.  On  the  banks  of 
the  Eurotas,  at  the  present  day,  resides  a  pasha  of 
three  tails;  and  the  traveller,  grieving  over  this 
sight,  retires  affrighted,  almost  doubting,  for  a  moment, 
the  goodness  of  the  governor  of  the  universe. 

"  But  to  conduct  men  to  happiness,  must  they  then 
be  equal  in  means?  To  what  point  must  the  love  of 
an  equality  of  faculties  be  inculcated  upon  them? 
Since  feeling  is  necessary  to  a  happy  life,  what  are 
the  feelings  with  which  they  should  be  inspired? 
What  are  the  truths  which  ought  to  be  explained  to 
them?  You  say,  without  reasoning  no  happiness  can 
exist. 


432  HISTORY   OF  THE 

"FIRST  PART. 

"  Man  at  his  birth,  brings  with  him  into  the  world 
a  right  to  that  portion  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
necessary  for  his  subsistence. 

"  After  the  buoyancy  of  childhood  comes  the  com- 
mencement of  passion.  He  chooses  from  among  the 
companions  of  his  sports  her  who  is  to  be  the  com- 
panion of  his  destiny.  His  vigorous  arms,  in  con- 
nexion with  his  wants,  demand  labour;  he  casts  a 
glance  around  him ;  he  sees  the  earth,  divided  among 
a  few  possessors,  affording  the  means  of  luxury  and  of 
superfluity.  He  asks  himself,  by  what  right  do  these 
people  possess  all  this?  Why  is  the  idler  everything,, 
the  labourer  almost  nothing?  Why  have  they  left  to 
me  nothing  of  all  this — to  me  who  have  a  wife,  an 
aged  father  and  mother  to  maintain? 

"  He  runs  to  the  minister,  the  confidant  of  his 
secrets ;  he  explains  to  him  his  doubts :  c  Man/ 
answers  the  priest,  '  never  reflect  upon  the  existence 
of  society — God  conducts  all — abandon  yourself  to 
Providence — this  life  is  only  a  passage — all  things  are 
disposed  by  a  justice,  the  decrees  of  which  we  should 
not  seek  to  explain — believe,  obey,  never  reason,  and 
work :  these  are  your  duties.' 

"  A  proud  soul,  a  sensitive  heart,  a  natural  reason, 
cannot  be  satisfied  with  this  answer.  He  wishes  to 
communicate  his  doubts  and  his  inquietude,  and  goes 
to  the  wisest  man  of  the  country — a  notary.  '  Man 
of  wisdom/  he  says,  *  they  have  divided  the  goods  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  433 

the  country  and  have  given  me  nothing.'  The  wise 
man  laughs  at  his  simplicity,  takes  him  into  his  study, 
leads  him  from  act  to  act,  from  contract  to  contract, 
from  testament  to  testament,  and  proves  to  him  the 
legitimacy  of  the  division  of  which  he  complains. 

"  *  What!  are  these  the  titles  of  these  gentlemen?' 
he  exclaims,  indignantly;  '  mine  are  more  sacred, 
more  incontestable,  more  universal ;  they  are  renewed 
with  my  breathing,  circulate  with  my  blood,  are 
written  on  my  nerves  and  in  my  heart;  they  are  the 
necessity  of  my  existence,  and  above  all,  of  my 
happiness.'  And  with  these  words  he  seizes  these 
papers,  and  casts  them  into  the  flames. 

"  He  immediately  begins  to  fear  the  powerful  arm 
called  Justice ;  he  flees  to  his  hut,  and  throws  himself 
in  violent  emotion  on  the  cold  body  of  his  father. 
This  venerable  old  man,  blind  and  paralysed  by  age, 
seems  only  still  to  live  by  the  forgetfulness  of  the 
great  tyrant  Death.  c  My  father !'  he  cries,  4  you  gave 
me  life,  and  with  it  a  lively  desire  for  happiness; 
and  now,  my  father,  robbers  have  divided  everything 
among  themselves.  I  have  but  my  arms  left;  for 
those  they  could  not  take  from  me.  I  am  condemned, 
then,  to  the  most  ceaseless  labour,  to  the  most 
degrading  toil  for  money.  Neither  under  the  sun  of 
August,  nor  during  the  frosts  of  January,  will  there  "be 
any  repose  for  your  son.  And  as  the  reward  of  such 
great  labour,  others  will  gather  the  harvest  pro- 
duced by  the  sweat  of  my  brow!  And  if  I  could 
even  supply  all  that  is  necessary  I  I. must  feed,  clothe, 

VOL.  II.  F  F 


434  HISTORY  OF  THE 

lodge,  and  keep  warm  a  whole  family.  We  shall  be  in 
want  of  bread,  my  heart  will  be  torn  at  every  moment, 
my  sensibility  will  be  blunted,  my  reason  will  be 
obscured.  Oh,  iny  father !  I  shall  live  stupid  and 
miserable,  and  perhaps  wicked.  I  shall  live  unhappy. 
Was  I  born  for  this?' 

"  c  My  son/  answers  the  venerable  old  man ;  *  the 
sacred  characters  of  nature  are  traced  in  your  bosom 
in  all  their  energy ;  preserve  them  carefully,  in  order 
to  live  happy  and  strong ;  but  listen  attentively  to  what 
the  experience  of  eighty  years  has  taught  me.  My  son, 
I  reared  you  in  my  arms,  I  witnessed  your  young  years ; 
and  now,  when  your  heart  begins  to  palpitate,  your 
nerves  are  doubtless  accustomed  to  labour,  but  to  mo- 
derate labour,  which  refreshes  the  body,  excites  the  feel- 
ings, and  calms  the  impatienthnagination.  My  son,  have 
you  ever  wanted  for  anything?  your  dress  is  coarse, 
your  habitation  rustic,  your  food  simple:  but  once 
more  I  ask,  have  you  ever  had  a  desire  unsatisfied? 
Your  sentiments  are  pure  as  your  sensations,  as  your- 
self. You  wished  for  a  wife;  my  son,  you  have  chosen 
one.  I  aided  you  with  my  experience  to  direct  your 
youthful  heart.  Oh !  my  tender  friend,  why  do  you 
complain?  You  fear  for  the  future;  act  always  as  you 
have  hitherto  done,  and  you  need  not  fear  it. 

" '  My  son,  if  I  had  been  among  the  number  of  those 
miserable  men  who  possess  nothing,  I  should  have 
trained  your  body  to  the  animal  yoke;  I  should  my- 
self have  stifled  your  feelings  and  your  ideas;  I  should 
have  made  you  the  first  of  the  animals  in  your  shed. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  435 

Bent  under  the  dominion  of  habit,  you  would  have 
lived  tranquil  in  your  apathy,  contented  in  your 
ignorance — you  would  not  have  been  happy,  oh  my 
son!  but  you  would  have  died  without  knowing 
that  you  had  lived;  for,  as  you  yourself  say,  in 
order  to  live  it  is  necessary  to  feel  and  reason; 
and  then,  not  to  be  weighed  down  by  physical 
wants.  Yes,  good  young  man,  let  this  information  re- 
fresh and  console  you ;  calm  your  inquietude ;  these 
fields,  this  hut,  these  cattle  are  ours.  I  have  pur- 
posely kept  you  in  ignorance  of  this;  it  is  so  happy 
and  so  sweet  to  rise,  so  hard  to  descend ! 

"  *  Your  father  will  soon  be  no  more ;  he  has  lived  long 
enough,  he  has  known  true  pleasures,  and  now  feels  the 
greatest  of  all,  since  he  once  more  presses  you  to  his 
bosom.  Impress  one  thing  on  your  heart,  my  son,  if 
you  wish  to  imitate  him ;  your  soul  is  ardent;  but  your 
wife,  this  sweet  gift  of  love,  and  your  children,  what 
objects  are  these  with  which  to  fill  the  void  in  your 
heart — do  not  nourish  a  cupidity  of  riches.  Riches 
only  influence  happiness,  in  as  far  as  they  procure 
or  refuse  physical  necessaries.  You  have  these  neces- 
saries, and  with  them  a  habit  of  labour ;  you  are  the 
richest  man  in  the  country;  bridle,  then,  your  disor- 
dered imagination :  you  require  but  to  call  reason  to 
your  aid. 

" '  Are  the  rich  happy?  They  have  it  in  their  power 
to  be  so,  but  not  more  than  you  have ;  they  have  it  in 
their  power,  I  say;  for  they  are  rarely  happy. 

F  F  2 


436  HISTORY   OF  THE 

Happiness  resides  especially  in  your  station  of 
life,  because  it  is  that  of  reason  and  feeling.  The 
station  of  the  rich  is  the  empire  of  a  disordered 
imagination,  of  vanity,  sensual  enjoyments,  caprice, 
and  fantasy — never  envy  it;  and  even  should  all  the 
riches  of  the  country  be  offered  you,  cast  them  far 
from  you;  except  indeed  you  should  receive  them 
for  the  purpose  of  dividing  them  immediately  among 
your  fellow  citizens.  But,  my  son,  this  struggle  of 
strength  of  mind  and  magnanimity  is  only  fitting  for  a 
god.  Be  a  "man,  but  a  true  one;  live  master  of  your- 
self. Without  strength  of  mind,  there  is  neither 
virtue  nor  happiness.' 

•  "  I  have  thus  demonstrated  the  two  extremities  of 
the  social  chain ;  yes,  gentlemen,  let  the  rich  man  be 
the  one,  I  consent  to  this ;  but  let  not  the  miserable 
man  be  the  other ;  let  it  be  the  small  proprietor,  or 
small  merchant,  or  the  skilful  artisan,  who  may,  by 
moderate  labour,  feed,  clothe,  and  lodge  his  family. 
You  will  recommend  then  to  the  legislator,  not  to  esta- 
•blish  the  civil  law  under  which  a  few  men  might  possess 
-everything.  He  must  resolve  his  political  problem  in 
such  a  manner  that  even  the  least  may  have  some- 
thing. He  will  not  by  this  means  establish  equality ; 
for  the  two  extremes  are  so  distant,  and  the  latitude 
so  great,  that  inequality  may  exist  in  the  intervening 
ranks ;  man  can  be  happy  in  the  hut  as  well  as  in  the 
palace,  covered  with  skins  as  well  as  clothed  in 
embroidery  from  Lyons ;  at  the  frugal  table  of  Cincin- 
natus,  as  well  as  at  that  of  Yitellius;  but  then,  he 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  437 

must  have  this  hut,  these  skins,  this  frugal  table. 
How  can  the  legislator  bring  this  about?  How  can 
he  resolve  his  political  problem  in  such  a  manner  that 
even  the  lowest  may  have  something?  The  difficulties 
are  great,  and  I  know  of  no  one  who  understands 
better  how  to  overcome  them  than  Monsieur  Paoli. 

"  M.  Paoli,  whose  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of 
humanity  and  of  his  fellow-countrymen  is  his  distin- 
guishing characteristic;  who  for  a  moment  revived  in 
the  middle  of  the  Mediterranean  the  splendid  days  of 
Sparta  and  of  Athens ;  M.  Paoli,  full  of  those  feelings  and 
of  that  genius  which  nature  sometimes  unites  in  one  man 
for  the  consolation  of  nations,  appeared  in  Corsica,  and 
drew  the  eyes  of  Europe  upon  himself.  His  fellow- 
citizens,  tossed  hither  and  thither  by  wars  at  home  and 
abroad,  recognised  his  ascendant,  and  proclaimed  him 
nearly  in  the  same  manner  as  the  citizens  of  Athens 
formerly  did  Solon,  or  those  of  Eome  the  triumvirs* 

"  Affairs  were  in  such  disorder  that  a  magistrate 
clothed  with  great  authority,  and  possessing  transcen- 
dent genius,  alone  could  save  his  country. 

"  Happy  the  nation  in  which  the  social  chain  is  not 
firmly  enough  riveted  to  cause  fear  of  the  conse- 
quences of  such  a  rash  step ! — happy,  when  it  produces 
men  who  justify  this  unbounded  confidence,  who  ren- 
der themselves  worthy  of  it ! 

"  Placed  at  the  helm  of  affairs,  and  summoned  by 
his  countrymen  to  give  them  laws,  M.  Paoli  esta- 
blished a  constitution,  founded  not  only  on  the  same 
principles  as  the  existing  one,  but  even  on  the  same 


438  HISTORY  OF  THE 

administrative  divisions ;  there  were  municipalities,  dis- 
tricts, procurators,  and  a  syndic  of  the  procurators  of 
the  community.  He  overthrew  the  clergy,  and  appro- 
priated the  property  of  the  bishops  to  the  nation.  In 
short,  the  course  of  his  government  was  almost  that  of 
actual  revolution.  He  found,  in  his  unequalled  activity, 
in  his  warm  and  persuasive  eloquence,  and  in  his  pene- 
trating and  supple  genius,  means  of  protecting  his  new 
constitution  from  the  attacks  of  the  malicious  and 
of  his  enemies,  for  Corsica  was  then  at  war  with 
Genoa. 

"But  M.  Paoli's  principal  merit  in  our  eyes  is 
that  he  seemed  convinced  of  the  principle,  established 
by  civil  law,  that  the  legislator  should  assure  to 
every  man  such  a  portion  of  property  as  would  suffice, 
with  moderate  labour,  for  his  support.  For  this  pur- 
pose, he  separated  the  territories  of  each  village  into 
two  kinds ;  those  of  the  first  order,  plains  fit  for  sow- 
ing or  for  pasture  land;  and  those  of  the  second  order, 
mountains,  fit  for  the  cultivation  of  olive  trees,  chest- 
nut trees,  and  trees  of  all  kinds.  The  lands  of  the 
first  order,  called  pasture-ground,  became  public  pro- 
perty ;  but  the  temporary  use  of  them  was  enjoyed,  by 
individuals.  Every  three  years  the  pasture-ground 
of  each  village  was  divided  among  the  inhabitants. 
The  lands  of  the  second  order,  susceptible  of  peculiar 
cultivation,  remained  under  the  inspection  of  indivi- 
dual interest. 

"  By  this  wise  arrangement,  every  citizen  was  born 
a  proprietor,  without  destroying  industry,  or  injuring 


CAPTIVITY  OF   NAPOLEON.  439 

the  progress  of  agriculture ;  in  short,  without  having 
helots. 

"  But  all  legislators  have  not  found  themselves  in 
the  same  circumstances ;  they  have  not  all  been  able 
to  manage  affairs  and  to  conduct  them  to  such  a 
happy  issue;  but  yet,  pressed  by  the  principle,  they 
have  rendered  homage  to  it  by  excluding  from  society 
all  those  who  possessed  nothing,  or  did  not  pay  a  cer- 
tain tax.  Why  this  second  injustice?  Because  the 
man  whom  the  laws  have  not  enabled  to  be  happy, 
cannot  be  a  citizen;  because  the  man  who  has  no 
interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the  civil  law,  is  its 
enemy ;  a  portion  of  property  ought  to  have  been  secured 
to  him,  in  order  to  interest  him  in,  and  attach  him  to 
this  law,  but  in  default  of  this,  it  has  been  necessary 
to  exclude  him,  as  a  degraded,  dull  creature,  and  as 
such  incapable  of  exercising  a  portion  of  the  sove- 
reignty. These  are  doubtless  the  political  reasons — 
but"  what  are  they  in  the  eyes  of  morality,  of 
humanity !  When  I  see  one  of  these  unfortunate  crea- 
tures transgress  the  law  of  the  state,  and  suffer  for  it, 
I  say  to  myself:  *  It  is  the  strong  making  the  weak 
their  victim.'  I  imagine  I  see  the  American  perishing 
for  having  violated  the  law  of  the  Spaniard. 

"  After  having  persuaded  the  legislator  that  he 
should  care  equally  for  the  fate  of  all  ranks  of  citizens 
in  the  reaction  of  his  civil  law,  you  will  say  to  the 
rich  man:  'Your  riches  constitute  your  misfortune: 
remain  within  the  limits  of  your  senses;  you  will  then 
no  longer  be  uneasy  or  fantastical.  How  many  young 


440  HISTORY  OF  THE 

housekeepers  run  to  ruin,  because  they  are  in  want  of 
the  very  thing  which  makes  you  so  uneasy ;  you  have 
too  much,  and  they  have  not  enough.  Your  lot  is  the 
same,  with  this  difference,  that  you  being  wiser  might 
remedy  it,  whilst  they  can  only  groan.  .  .  Man  of  ice, 
does  your  heart,  then,  never  beat?  I  pity  you,  I  ab- 
hor you ;  you  are  unhappy,  and  the  cause  of  unhappi- 
ness  in  others!1 

"  Without  marriage,  we  have  said  there  is  neither 
health  nor  happiness;  you  will,  therefore,  teach  the 
numerous  class  of  advocates  of  celibacy  that  their 
pleasures  are  not  true  ones;  except  you  find  that, 
convinced  that  they  cannot  live  without  wives,  they 
seek  in  those  of  other  men  the  gratification  of  their 
appetites;  you  will  then  publicly  denounce  them. 
You  will  denounce  the  extravagant  presumption  of 
the  minister  of  Brahma;  you  will  teach  him  that 
the  happy  man  alone  is  worthy  of  his  Creator;  that 
the  Fakir  who  mutilates  himself  is  a  monster  of  de- 
pravity and  folly. 

"  You  will  laugh  with  indignant  disdain,  when  they 
endeavour  to  persuade  you  that  perfection  consists 
in  celibacy.  You  have  opened  the  great  book  of 
reason  and  feeling,  and  will,  therefore,  disdain  to 
answer  the  sophisms  of  prejudice  and  hypocrisy. 

"Let  the  civil  law  secure  to  every  one  physical 
necessaries ;  let  the  inextinguishable  thirst  for  riches 
be  replaced  by  the  consoling  feeling  of  happiness* 
At  your  voice  let  the  old  man  be  the  father  of  all  his 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  441 

children ;  let  liim  divide  his  property  equally  among 
them;  and  let  the  pleasant  sight  of  eight  happy 
households  cause  the  barbarous  law  of  primogeniture 
to  be  for  ever  abhorred.  Let  man,  in  short,  learn 
that  his  true  glory  is  to  live  as  a  man;  and  at  this 
voice  let  the  enemies  of  nature  be  silent,  and  bite 
their  serpent  tongues  with  rage.  Let  the  minister 
of  the  most  sublime  of  religions,  who  should  bring 
peace  and  consolation  to  the  wounded  souls  of  the 
unfortunate,  learn  to  know  the  sweet  emotions  of  love ; 
let  the  nectar  of  pleasure  make  him  sincerely  sensible 
of  the  greatness  of  the  Author  of  his  being;  then, 
truly  worthy  of  public  confidence,  he  will  be  a  man  of 
nature,  and  an  interpreter  of  her  decrees;  let  him 
choose  a  companion;  that  day  will  be  the  triumph 
of  morality,  and  the  true  friends  of  nature  will  cele- 
brate it  heartily.  The  minister,  awakened  to  a  feeling 
of  those  new  joys,  will  bless  the  age  of  reason  as  he 
tastes  its  first  benefits. 

"  These,  gentlemen,  are  the  truths,  as  far  as  regards 
animal  necessities,  which  must  be  taught  to  men  for 
their  happiness* 

"SECOND  PART. 

"  What  is  sentiment  ?  It  is  the  bond  of  life,  of 
society,  of  love,  of  friendship !  It  is  that  which  unites 
the  son  to  the  mother,  the  citizen  to  his  country;  it  is 
especially  powerful  in  the  child  of  nature;  dissipation 
and  the  pleasures  of  sense  destroy  its  delicacy  and 


442  HISTORY  OF  THE 

refinement,  but  in  misfortune  man  always  finds  it 
again;  it  is  that  spirit  of  consolation  which  never 
abandons  us  but  with  our  lives. 

"  Are  you  not  satisfied?  climb  to  one  of  the  peaks 
of  Mont  Blanc ;  watcli  the  sun  emerging  by  degrees, 
bringing  consolation  and  warmth  to  the  hut  of  the 
labourer.  Let  the  first  beam  which  he  sheds,  dwell 
and  be  remembered  in  your  heart.  Bear  in  mind  the 
pleasure  you  enjoy. 

"  Descend  to  the  coast  of  the  sea;  observe  the  god 
of  day  sinking  majestically  into  the  bosom  of  infinity ; 
melancholy  will  overpower  you — you  will  abandon 
yourself  to  its  impression ;  no  one  can  resist  the  me- 
lancholy of  nature. 

"  Stand  under  the  monument  of  St.  Eemi — contem- 
plate its  majesty;  the  finger  of  these  proud  Romans 
traced  in  past  ages,  transports  you  into  the  society  of 
Emilius,  Scipio,  and  Fabius;  you  return  to  yourself 
to  gaze  on  the  mountains  at  a  distance  covered  with 
a  dark  veil,  crowning  the  immense  plain  of  Tarascon, 
where  a  hundred  thousand  Cimbrians  lay  buried. 
The  Rhone  flows  at  its  extremity  more  rapid  than 
an  arrow;  a  road  lies  upon  the  left,  a  small  town  in 
the  distance,  a  flock  in  the  meadows;  you  dream, 
without  doubt — it  is  the  dream  of  sentiment. 

"Wander  abroad  into  the  country;  take  shelter  in 
the  miserable  cabin  of  a  shepherd;  pass  the  night 
stretched  upon  sheepskins,  with  your  feet  to  the  fire* 
What  a  situation! — midnight  strikes;  all  the  cattle  of 
the  neighbourhood  go  forth  to  pasture,  their  lowings 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  443 

commingle  with  the  voices  of  their  conductors.  It  is 
midnight — forget  it  not ;  this  is  the  moment  to  hold  deep 
communion  with  yourself ;  to  meditate  on  the  origin 
of  nature,  and  to  taste  its  most  exquisite  delights. 

"  On  your  return  from  a  long  walk,  you  are  over- 
taken by  the  night ;  you  arrive  by  the  light  of  the 
silvery  rays  in  the  perfect  silence  of  the  universe; 
you  have  been  oppressed  by  the  burning  heat  of  the 
dog-star ;  you  taste  the  delights  of  the  evening  fresh- 
ness, and  the  salutary  balm  of  meditation. 

"  Your  family  is  gone  to  bed,  your  lights  are  ex- 
tinguished, but  not  your  fire ;  the  cold  and  frosts  of 
January  obstruct  vegetation  in  your  garden.  What 
do  you  do  there  for  several  hours?  I  do  not  suppose 
that  you  wander  forth  possessed  with  the  passion  or 
ambition  for  wealth;  in  what  are  you  engaged?  You 
commune  with  yourself. 

"You  know  that  the  metropolitan  church  gf 
St.  Peter's  in  Rome  is  as  large  as  a  town;  a  single 
lamp  burns  before  the  great  altar.  You  enter  there 
at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  grope  your  way; 
the  feeble  light  does  not  enable  you  to  see  anything 
but  itself;  you  believe  you  are  only  entering,  when 
the  morning  has  already  arrived ;  Aurora  sheds  her 
light  through  the  windows,  and  the  paleness  of  the 
morning  succeeds  to  the  darkness  of  the  night;  you 
at  length  begin  to  think  of  retiring,  but  you  have 
been  there  six  hours !  Could  I  have  written  down  your 
thoughts,  how  interesting  to  morality  would  they  have 
been! 


444  HISTORY   OF  THE 

"  Curiosity,  the  mother  of  life,  has  led  you  to  em- 
bark for  Greece;  you  are  driven  by  the  currents  on 
the  isle  of  Monte-Christo, — at  night  you  seek  for 
shelter;  you  traverse  the  little  rock,  and  you  find 
one  upon  a  height,  in  the  midst  of  the  ruins  of  an 
old  monastery,  behind  a  crumbling  wall  covered  with 
ivy  and  rosemary ;  you  arrange  your  tent ;  you  are 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  mighty  sea,  and  the 
hoarse  roaring  of  its  waves  as  they  dash  against  the 
rocks,  suggests  to  you  the  idea  of  this  element  so 
terrible  to  the  feeble  voyager.  A  light  covering  and 
a  wall  fifteen  centuries  old  form  your  shelter  ;  you  are 
agitated  by  the  agitation  of  sentiment. 

Are  you,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  the 
midst  of  flowery  thickets,  or  in  a  vast  forest,  during 
the  season  of  fruit  ?  Are  you  asleep  in  a  grotto  sur- 
rounded by  the  waters  of  the  Dryads,  during  the  raging 
heat  of  the  dog  star  ?  You  will  pass  whole  hours  alone, 
unable  to  tear  yourself  away  from  the  scene,  or  to 
bear  the  intrusion  of  those  who  come  to  interrupt 
your  enjoyment. 

"  He  is  not  human  who  has  not  experienced  the 
sweetness,  the  melancholy,  the  thrill  which  most 
of  these  situations  impart.  How  deeply  do  I  pity 
him  who  cannot  comprehend,  or  has  never  been  af- 
fected by  the  electricity  of  nature!  If  sentiment 
made  us  experience  these  delightful  emotions  only, 
it  would  even  then  have  done  much  for  us,  it  would 
have  afforded  us  a  succession  of  enjoyments  without 
regret,  without  fatigue,  without  any  kind  of  violent 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  445 

excitement;  these  would  have  been  its  precious 
gifts,  had  not  patriotism,  conjugal  affection,  and 
divine  friendship  been  also  amongst  the  number  of 
its  bounties. 

"  You  return  to  your  country  after  many  years 
of  absence;  you  traverse  the  scenes  of  your  youth, 
which  were  witnesses  to  the  agitation  which  the 
first  knowledge  of  men,  and  the  morning  of  passion 
produced  in  your  senses.  In  a  moment  you  live 
through  the  life  of  your  youth,  and  participate  in 
its  pleasures.  You  say  you  have  a  father,  an  affec- 
tionate mother,  sisters  still  innocent,  brothers,  at  the 
same  time  friends;  oh,  happy  man !  run,  fly,  lose  not  a 
moment!  Should  death  stop  you  on  the  way,  you 
will  not  have  known  the  delights  of  life,  those  of 
sweet  gratitude,  of  tender  respect,  and  of  sincere 
friendship.  But  you  say,  I  have  a  wife  and  children. 
A  wife  and  children  I  It  is  too  much,  my  dear  friend ; 
it  is  too  much;  never  leave  them  more,  pleasure 
would  overwhelm  you  on  your  return,  grief  oppress'you 
at  your  departure — a  wife  and  children,  father  and 
mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  a  friend !  And  yet  we 
complain  of  nature,  and  say  why  were  we  born?  we 
submit  with  impatience  to  the  transitory  evils  of  life, 
and  run  with  wild  impetuosity  after  emptiness  of 
vanity  and  riches.  What  then,  oh!  unfortunate  mor- 
tals, is  the  depraving  draught,  which  has  thus  altered 
the  inclinations  inscribed  in  your  blood,  your  nerves, 
and  your  eyes?  Had  you  a  soul  as  ardent  as  the  fires 
of  Etna,  if  you  had  a  father,  a  mother,  a  wife  and 


446  IISTORY  OF  THE 

children,  you  have  no  reason  to  dread  the  anxieties 
and  wearisomeness  of  life. 

"  Yes,  these  are  the  only,  the  real  pleasures  of  life, 
from  which  nothing  can  distract  you,  of  which  nothing 
can  deprive  you.  It  is  vain  for  man  to  surround 
himself  with  all  the  blessings  of  fortune — as  soon  as 
these  sentiments  fly  from  his  heart,  tedium  seizes  upon 
him;  sadness,  gloomy  melancholy,  and  despair  succeed; 
and  if  this  condition  continues,  he  relieves  himself 
by  death. 

•  "  Pontaveri  was  torn  away  from  Tahiti,  conducted 
to  Europe,  watched  with  care,  and  loaded  with  atten- 
tions; no  means  of  distraction  were  forgotten  or  neg- 
lected. One  single  object  attracted  his  attention,  and 
snatched  him  from  the  arms  of  grief.  It  was  the 
mulberry  tree;  he  embraced  it  with  transport,  ex- 
claiming :  4  Tree  of  my  country !  tree  of  my  country !' 
All  that  the  court  of  Copenhagen  could  offer  was 
lavished  in  vain  on  five  Greenlanders;  anxiety  for 
their  country  and  their  family  brought  on  melancholy, 
and  melancholy  was  the  precursor  of  death.  Instead 
of  this,  how  many  English,  Dutch,  and  French  are 
there  who  live  among  savages !  These  unhappy  men 
were  degraded  in  Europe,  the  sport  of  the  passions, 
and  the  melancholy  refuse  of  the  great,  whilst  the 
man  of  nature  lives  happily  in  the  bosom  of  sentiment 
and  natural  reason. 

"  We  have  now  seen  how  sentiment  enables  us  to 
enjoy  ourselves,  nature,  our  country,  and  those  who 
-surround  iis,  It  remains  to  observe  how  it  makes  us 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  447 

thrill  at  the  contemplation  of  the  different  vicissitudes 
of  life.  Here  we  become  convinced  that  if  it  makes 
us  friends  of  what  is  lovely  •  and  just,  it  fills  us  with 
repugnance  towards  the  oppressor  and  the  wicked. 

"  A  young  beauty  has  just  entered  her  sixteenth 
year;  the  roses  on  her  cheek  are  changed  for  the  lily, 
the  fire  of  her  eyes  is  extinguished;  the  vivacity  of 
her  graces  degenerate  into  the  languor  of  melancholy : 
she  loves.  Does  she  inspire  you  with  respect,  with 
confidence?  it  is  the  respect,  the  confidence  of 
sentiment.  Does  she  inspire  you  with  contempt  for 
her  weakness  ?  Be  it  so,  but  never  utter  it,  if  you 
value  my  esteem. 

"Nina  loved;  her  well-beloved  died;  she  would 
have  died  with  him — she  survived  him  long,  but  only 
to  remain  faithful  to  him.  Nina  knew  well  that  the 
object  of  her  affections  was  dead,  but  sentiment  could 
not  conceive  his  annihilation.  She  waited  for  it 
always,  she  would  wait  for  it  still.  You  complain 
contemptuously  of  her  folly — harsh  man !  Instead  of 
that,  feel  esteem  for  her  constancy  and  the  tenderness 
of  her  heart.  This  is  the  esteem  and  tenderness  of 
sentiment. 

"  An  adored  wife  has  died — she  was  the  wife  of 
your  enemy.  The  unfortunate  husband  is  overwhelmed 
with  his  loss.  He  flees  from  the  society  of  men;  the 
drapery  of  mourning  replaces  the  garments  of  rejoicing. 
Two  torches  are  upon  the  table — despair  in  his-heart. 
Thus  he  passes  the  languishing  remnant  of  his  life. 
With  a  good  soul  you  feel  your  hatred  appeased — you 


448  HISTORY  OF  THE 

run  to  her  tomb,  and  lavish  upon  it  marks  of  the 
reconciliation  of  sentiment. 

"  You  have  read  Tacitus;  which  of  you  has  not 
cried  out  with  Cato  the  younger,  '  Let  some  one  give 
me  a  sword,  that  I  may  kill  this  monster/  Now,  at 
the  expiration  of  two  thousand  years,  the  recital  of 
the  deeds  of  Marius,  Sylla,  Nero,  Caligula,  and 
Domitian,  excite  feelings  of  apathy  and  repugnance. 
Their  memory  is  that  of  hatred  and  execration." 


It  was  thus,  that  those  days  which  were  a  kind  of 
living  ephemeris,  led  the  Emperor  by  the  subtle  and 
capricious  thread  of  memory,  sometimes  to  the  days  of 
his  youth;  obscure,  indeed,  but  always  laborious — 
sometimes  to  the  years  of  his  triumphal  consulate,  and 
sometimes  to  the  more  gloomy  and  stormy  period  of 
his  imperial  power. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  449 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  RUSSIA — RECOLLECTIONS  OF  EGYPT. 
PAUL  I. KLEBER. 


IN  the  meanwhile,  the  Spey  arrived  with  despatches 
and  news  from  England.  She  brought  accounts  of 
the  bombardment  of  Algiers  by  Lord  Exmouth.  This 
event  made  an  impression  upon  the  Emperor :  "  The 
destruction  of  these  barbarian  powers,"  he  said  to  us, 
as  soon  as  he  heard  the  details  of  the  news,  "  was  one 
of  my  projects;  I  have  never  been  able  to  understand 
how  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe  could  submit  to 
these  corsairs.  During  the  peace  of  Amiens,  I  pro- 
posed to  England  to  put  an  end  to  them,  and  I  do  not 
at  this  moment  recollect  what  prevented  us  from 
coming  to  an  understanding  on  the  subject.  At  a  later 
period,  I,  at  several  times,  gave  orders  to  the  minister 
of  marine  to  study  the  question  of  Algiers ;  I  do  not 
think  that  England  has  adopted  the  best  method  by 

VOL.  II.  G  G 


450  HISTORY   OF  THE 

attacking  their  batteries  by  force ;  this  was  exposing 
their  ships  to  almost  certain  destruction;  a  rigid 
blockade,  or  the  landing  of  a  few  thousand  men,  and 
an  attack  by  land,  would  appear  to  me  likely  to  have 
produced  a  more  certain  result  than  could  be  obtained 
by  the  other  course,  and  without  the  useless  exposure 
of  brave  men  to  such  a  canaille.  And  besides,  what 
would  Lord  Exmouth  have  done,  if,  on  the  next  day 
after  the  bombardment,  the  Dey  of  Algiers  had 
refused  to  consent  to  any  one  of  the  conditions  which 
England  imposed  upon  him?  it  would  have  been 
impossible  for  him  to  renew  the  combat  with  his  shat- 
tered vessels ;  he  would  have  been  obliged  to  change 
his  tone,  to  await  the  arrival  of  a  new  squadron, 
or  to  depart  without  having  accomplished  anything, 
and  to  have  all  the  disgrace  of  failure. 

"  If  the  Algerines  are  really  struck  with  terror,  and 
if  they  execute  the  treaty  which  Lord  Exmouth  has 
dictated  at  the  cannon's  mouth,  England  will  have 
rendered  a  signal  service  to  humanity;  I  cannot, 
however,  believe  that  it  will  be  so ;  and  besides,  these 
barbarians  do  not  alter  their  practice  with  respect  to 
their  prisoners,  and  will  only  treat  them  the  more 
cruelly,  because  they  have  no  longer  any  hope  of 
obtaining  a  ransom. 

"  The  order  of  Malta  entertained  a  noble  thought, 
and  had  the  English  faithfully  executed  the  treaty  of 
Amiens,  the  Emperor  Paul  would  certainly  have  re- 
stored this  order  to  its  former  importance.  This  prince 
attached  great  importance  to  the  title  of  Protector  of 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  451 

Malta;  his  chivalrous  spirit  was  pleased  with  the 
design  of  the  flag  of  the  order  again  becoming  the 
terror  of  the  barbarians,  and  the  protection  of  com- 
merce in  the  Mediterranean.  When  he  heard  of  the 
refusal  of  the  English  minister  to  deliver  Malta  into 
his  hands,  his  anger  knew  no  bounds;  he  is  said  to 
have  driven  his  sword  through  the  despatch  which 
conveyed  the  intelligence,  and  to  have  ordered  his 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  to  send  it  back  directly  to 
London. 

"  Paul  was  a  man  who  had  a  soul,  and  was  accessible 
to  noble  resolutions,  but  all  his  moral  faults  were 
concentrated  by  the  restless  forebodings  of  that  animal 
instinct  which  I  have  so  often  observed  in  some  of  my 
bravest  soldiers:  Lasalle,  for  example,  who  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  wrote  to  me  from  bivouac  on 
the  battle-field  of  Wagram,  to  ask  me  to  sign  imme- 
diately the  decree  for  the  transmission  of  his  title  and 
his  majorat  of  Count  to  his  wife's  son,  because  he 
felt  that  he  was  about  to  fall  in  the  battle  on  the 
ensuing  day ;  and  the  unfortunate  man  was  right. 
Cervoni,  who  stood  near  me  at  Eckmuhl,  and  now 
faced'  cannon  for  the  first  time  since  the  war  in  Italy, 
said  to  me,  *  Sire,  you  forced  me  to  quit  Marseilles, 
which  I  loved,  by  writing  to  me  that  the  Cross  of  the 
Legion  of  Honour  was  only  to  be  won  by  soldiers  in  the 
presence  of  the  enemy.  Here  I  am — but  this  is  my 
last  day.'  A  quarter  of  an  hour  afterwards,  a  ball 
carried  away  his  head.  Paul  I.  was  constantly 
dreaming  of  conspiracies  and  assassination.  He  had 

G  G  2 


452  HISTORY   OF   THE 

brought  a  skilful  mechanic  from  abroad,  in  order  to 
make  him  a  number  of  secret  passages  by  which  he 
might  escape  from  the  different  chambers  which  he 
most  frequently  used  in  his  palace.  There  was 
one  man  alone  who  had  his  entire  confidence,  and 
that  was  Count  Pahlen,  governor  of  St.  Petersburg, 
and  chief  director  of  the  police.  He  was  at  supper 
with  the  general  the  night  before  his  assassination, 
when  he  received  a  letter  revealing  to  him  to  the 
most  minute  details,  the  whole  scheme  of  the  con- 
spiracy, naming  Count  Pahlen  as  the  chief,  and  warn- 
ing him  that  the  plot  was  completely  ripe  for  execu- 
tion. Some  fatality  prevented  him  from  breaking  the 
seal,  and  he  thought  no  more  of  it  when  he  retired  to 
his  private  apartments.  Had  he  opened  the  letter, 
he  would  have  been  saved ! 

"  On  the  evening  before,  he  had  received  a  similar 
warning,  and  having  immediately  commanded  the  pre- 
sence of  Count  Pahlen,  the  following  singular  con- 
versation ensued ; '  There  is,'  said  the  Emperor, '  a  plot 
against  my  life.  The  English  ambassador  is  the  prime 
mover ;  the  consultations  take  place  at  the  house  of 
Madame  de  Gerbsdorf,  and  Prince  Sabof  is  one  of  its 
most  zealous  promoters.' 

" c  I  believe  it,'  replied  Count  Pahlen.  <  My  son 
Alexander  is  inleague  with  the  conspirators.'  'I  believe 
it,'  Pahlen  again  laconically  replied.  '  But  you  your- 
self are  concerned  in  it.'  '  If  I  had  not  been,'  said 
Count  Pahlen,  interrupting  him,  '  how  could  I  have 
found  it  out  and  saved  you  ?'  This  sang-froid  im- 


CAPTIVITY    OF   XAPOLEON.  453 

posed  upon  the  unfortunate  Paul  the  First.  Count 
Pahlen  having  perceived  that  the  handwriting  on  the 
letter  delivered  during  supper  was  the  same  as  that 
of  the  informer  of  the  evening  before,  no  sooner  left 
the  supper  table,  than  he  ran  directly  to  Prince  Sabof, 
Count  Orloff,  and  General  Benigsen  to  inform  them 
of  their  impending  danger.  The  whole  four  went 
immediately  to  the  house  of  the  grand  Duke  Alex- 
ander, whose  hesitation  was  likely  to  compromise 
them  all.  They  said  to  him,  4  It  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  finish  the  affair  this  very  night;  the  Emperor, 
within  these  twenty-four  hours,  has  received  two  im- 
portant revelations ;  to-morrow  your  head  and  ours  will 
fall  upon  the  scaffold,  if  to-morrow  Russia  does  not 
salute  you  as  her  Emperor.'  c  Save  the  life  of  my 
father!'  cried  Alexander;  covering  his  face  with  his 
hands.  '  The  will  of  G-od  be  done  !'  replied  the  con- 
spirators, and  they  quitted  him  to  proceed  to  the 
house  of  the  grand  Duke  Michael,  where  the  Emperor 
was  then  residing. 

"  Prince  Sabof,  being  commander-in-chief  of  the 
guards,  all  the  doors  were  opened  to  him,  but  the 
Cossack  who  was  on  duty  at  the  door  of  the  Emperor's 
chamber  refused  him  permission  to  enter.  The  con- 
spirators could  not  hesitate;  they  rushed  upon  him, 
and  entered  by  force.  Paul,  terrified  by  the  clash  of 
arms,  lost  his  presence  of  mind,  and  attempted  to 
escape  by  the  secret  passage ;  but  whilst  he  was  trying 
to  open  the  door,  the  conspirators,  conducted  by 
General  Benigsen,  surrounded  him,  and  one  of  them, 


454  HISTORY   OF  THE 

Prince  Sabof,  presenting  an  act  of  abdication  for  his 
signature,  said  to  him — '  Sire,  I  arrest  you,  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor  Alexander/  On  his  refusing  to 
sign  and  attempting  to  defend  himself  against  his 
assassins,  they  fell  upon  him  and  strangled  him ;  it  is 
said  that  the  General  was  the  one  who  inflicted  the 
mortal  blow.  The  name  of  Benigsen  reminds  me, 
that  after  the  battle  of  Friedland,  an  exchange  of  the 
cordon  of  our  orders  took  place  between  Alexander 
and  myself,  and  he  asked  me  to  bestow  the  cross  of  the 
Legion  of  Honour  on  this  same  general,  which  I  refused, 
from  the  recollection  of  his  crime.  I  said  to  him,  c  I 
will  bestow  it  with  pleasure  on  the  soldier  whom  you 
shall  point  out  to  me  as  the  bravest  in  your  army ; 
but  I  must  refuse  it  to  a  general  who  laid  the  hand  of 
an  assassin  on  his  sovereign.' 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander retained  the  conviction  up  till  the  last  moment, 
that  the  Emperor  Paul  would  abdicate  and  save  his 
life;  but  he  ought  to  have  delivered  up  the  assassins 
of  his  father  into  the  hands  of  justice;  the  bonds  of 
nature  imposed  this  upon  him  as  a  sacred  duty ;  and 
if  it  be  true,  unfortunately  for  him,  that  the  con- 
spiracy imposed  upon  him  a  yoke  of  iron  during  the 
first  years  of  his  reign,  he  ought  to  have  recollected 
that  the  hand  which  directed  all,  did  not  protect  the 
murderers.  It  was  of  little  consequence  to  the 
cabinet  of  St.  James's  what  became  of  the  Emperor's 
murderers — what  they  desired  they  purchased  at  the 
price  of  a  great  crime,  and  that  was,  a  complete 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEOX.  455 

change  in  the  policy  of  the  cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg. 
Alexander  might,  without  fear,  have  avenged  the 
death  of  his  father,  by  the  exemplary  punishment  of 
the  assassins,  on  the  day  on  which  lie  broke  with  me, 
and  placed  the  whole  power  of  Russia  at  the  disposal 
of  England.  The  Empress-mother  was  inflexible  in 
the  pursuit  of  vengeance,  and  never  suffered  the  con- 
spirators to  approach  her  person." 

In  the  meantime,  the  insult  offered  to  General 
Gourgaud,  by  the  sentinel  at  Hut's  gate,  could  not  be 
long  concealed  from  the  Emperor.  These  repeated 
shocks  affected  his  health,  so  that  he  always  remained 
shut  up  for  several  days  in  his  miserable  apartments, 
and  on  each  occasion,  it  was  a  species  of  diplomatic 
victory  on  our  part,  to  prevail  on  the  Emperor  to  agree 
to  take  the  fresh  air ;  and  we  only  succeeded,  when  the 
want  of  exercise  produced  serious  effects,  and  mani- 
fested itself  by  the  swellings  of  his  legs  and  pains  in 
his  head.  The  Emperor  always  persuaded  himself 
that  a  bath  of  some  hours  and  working  by  night, 
were  specific  remedies  against  the  discomforts  arising 
from  want  of  exercise.  It  is  certain  he  often  found 
them  to  produce  salutary  effects. 

The  Emperor  conceived  the  hope  of  obtaining  from 
the  Prince  Regent,  some  modification  of  the  despotic 
power  exercised  by  Sir  Hudson  Lowe.  He  could 
never  bring  himself  to  believe  that  a  King  of  Eng- 
land, had  no  other  power  than  that  of  naming  his 
ministers.  He  dictated  to  me  a  long  expost  of  all 
the  useless  vexations  of  which  he  was  daily  made  the 


456  HISTORY   OP  THE 

•victim,  but  this  labour  was  laid  aside,  up  till  the 
moment  when  it  served  as  a  basis  for  the  observa- 
tions of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  on  the  speech  of  Lord 
Bathurst. 

A  visit  made  by  Admiral  Malcolm  gave  new  life  to 
the  negotiations  for  a  better  understanding,  which 
some  concessions  on  the  part  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe, 
seemed  at  length  to  render  possible.     He  came  per- 
sonally to  the  house  of  the  grand  marshal  to  inform 
him,  that  henceforward,  the  free  enjoyment  of  the 
road  from  Miss  Masson's  cottage  and  Woody  Eange 
would  be  restored  to  us,  as  before  the  restrictions  of 
the  9th  of  October.     On  the  next  morning,  however, 
all  was  changed.  The  restless  and  tormenting  humour 
of  Sir  Hudson  had  resumed  its  empire,  and  taking  his 
text  from  the  observations  made  by  the  grand  marshal 
on  the  restrictions  of  the  9th  of  October,  he  said  to 
him,   that  "  the  person  who   had  dictated   to  him 
observations  couched  in  such  terms  and  containing  so 
many  falsehoods,  could  not  have  been  guided  by  any 
desire  of  conciliation,  and  that  he  had  decided  on  not 
doing  anything  which  would  be  regarded  as  a  conces- 
sion on  his  part  to  such  observations ;  that  in  conse- 
quence, he  had  returned  to  his  determination  of  the 
preceding  evening,  and  that  things  should  remain  as 
they  had  been  prescribed  by  the  restrictions  of  the 
9th  of  October,  —  that  he  thought  the  person  who 
offered  his  mediation  only  did  it  with  a  view  of  pre- 
viously obtaining  an  excuse,  rather  than  in  any  hope  of 
gaining  concessions." 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  457 

44  Let  General  Bonaparte,"  he  added,  "  send  me  his 
proposals  by  Admiral  Malcolm,  and  I  will  give  him 
an  answer."  In  the  meantime,  the  admiral  came  to 
Longwood,  and  the  Emperor,  after  having  received 
an  assurance  from  him  of  his  confidence  in  Sir  Hudson 
Lowe's  desire  to  put  an  end  to  those  quarrels  which 
closed  the  doors  of  the  audience  room  at  Longwood 
against  him,  authorised  him  to  say  to  the  governor 
that  he  would  receive  with  pleasure  any  explanations 
transmitted  through  the  mediation  of  the  admiral, 
and  that  if  he  would  re-establish  all  things  on  the 
footing  on  which  they  stood  in  the  time  of  Sir  George 
Cockburn,  all  should  be  forgotten. 

Journals,  pamphlets,  and  letters  received  from 
England  by  way  of  the  Cape,  put  an  end,  for  some 
days,  to  these  painful  discussions.  M.  Miot's  work 
on  the  Campaign  in  Egypt,  as  well  as  the  articles  in 
the  Quarterly  Keview,  and  Fillet's  collections  upon 
the  same  subject,  attracted  the  Emperor's  attention. 
The  accusation  of  having  caused  1500  prisoners  to  be 
shot,  and  especially  that  of  having  poisoned  those  who 
were  suffering  from  the  plague,  at  Jaffa,  excited  his 
indignation,  and  he  passed  a  considerable  part  of  the 
night  in  dictating  to  me  the  following  remarks : 

"1st.  El'Arish,  the  first  port  in  Egypt,  is  a  poor 
village  in  the  desert  which  separates  Africa  from 
Asia.  Five  or  six  springs,  furnishing  the  quantity  of 
water  necessary  for  an  army  of  30,000  men,  are 
there  found  in  the  midst  of  a  wood  of  palm-trees, 
and  it  isf  to  this  circumstance  that  the  village  and 


458  HISTORY    OF   THE 

port  of  EF  Arish  are  indebted  for  their  existence; 
4000  men,  under  the  command  of  Djezzar  Pasha,  the 
new  Seraskier  of  Egypt,  were  in  possession  of  this  im- 
portant position,  when  Napoleon  was  crossing  the 
desert  to  occupy  Syria.  Orders  were  issued  to 
General  Eegnier  to  make  himself  master  of  El'  Arish ; 
on  the  9th  of  February,  he  attacked  the  village, 
drove  out  the  Turks,  and  took  300  prisoners ;  2000 
Arnauts  succeeded  in  shutting  themselves  up  in  the 
fort;  these  troops  were  commanded  by  chiefs  inde- 
pendent of  one  another;  their  cavalry,  1500  strong, 
retired  half  a  league  from  the  fort,  and  took  up  a 
strong  position  with  a  view  to  protect  the  road  to 
Syria.  Eegnier  had  only  900  hussars,  and  could  not 
therefore  venture  to  assail  the  Turkish  cavalry,  which 
were  thus  able  to  wait  tranquilly  for  the  army  of 
Abdalla.  On  the  first  news  of  the  presence  of  the 
French  at  El' Arish,  this  army  commenced  its  march, 
consisting  of  from  five  to  six  thousand  men,  infantry 
as  well  as  cavalry,  among  whom  were  the  Mamelukes, 
with  twelve  pieces  of  cannon.  On  the  evening  of 
the  12th,  this  force  pitched  its  camp  within  1500 
toises  of  EP  Arish,  which  would  have  rendered  General 
Eegnier's  position  very  critical,  had  he  not  been 
joined  at  break  of  day  on  the  13th,  by  Kleber's  divi- 
sion, and  300  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  Murat. 
"  Kleber  undertook  the  blockade  of  the  fort,  and 
Eegnier  posted  his  division  on  the  sides  of  the  ravine, 
or  hollow  way,  in  order  to  keep  the  Turkish  army  in 
check.  He  remained  in  this  position  during  the  13th 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  459 

and  14th,  and  on  the  night  between  the  14th  and 
15th,  he  quitted  his  camp,  ascended  the  hollow  way 
a  league,  and  then  crossed  it.  His  diTision  was  com- 
posed of  three  regiments  of  infantry  which  he  drew  up 
in  order  of  battle,  changed  his  front,  his  right  in  ad- 
vance, and  his  left  resting  on  the  ravine.  His  order  of 
battle  was  formed  in  three  close  columns  at  a  sufficient 
distance  to  be  able  to  extend  their  ranks.  Two 
hundred  paces  in  advance  of  each  column,  he  placed 
the  grenadiers  and  light  company  of  each  regiment, 
forming,  in  all,  about  150  men,  and  sixty  men  of  the 
cavalry.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when 
he  was  a  little  distance  from  the  enemy's  camp,  he 
ordered  a  halt,  arranged  his  men,  marched  forward 
with  the  advanced  guard  of  the  three  columns,  and 
dashed  into  the  midst  of  their  camp  on  three  different 
sides.  This  produced  the  greatest  confusion  among 
the  Turks;  he  marched  directly  to  the  tent  of  the 
Pasha,  who  had  only  time  to  escape  on  foot  half 
dressed.  The  whole  army  was  dispersed,  and  aban- 
doned their  tents,  baggage,  artillery,  and  provisions, 
with  about  150  killed,  and  more  than  1200  prisoners, 
1000  saddle  and  draft  horses,  and  500  camels.  The 
fugitives  did  not  begin  to  rally  till  they  reached 
Kanzouses.  On  the  next  morning  at  day-break, 
Napoleon,  who  had  crossed  the  desert  in  all  haste 
upon  a  dromedary,  arrived  and  summoned  the  garrison 
of  EPArish,  which  returned  a  haughty  reply  of  defi- 
ance. A  battery  of  4 — 12  was  erected  by  means  of 
a  quantity  of  stones,  which  lay  at  about  a  pistol  shot 


460  HISTORY   OF  THE 

from  the  fort;  a  partial  breach  was  soon  effected,  and 
then  the  four  chiefs  proposed  a  parley.    With  this 
view,  they  came  to  the  tent  of  the  general- in- chief, 
asked  an  armistice  of  fifteen  days,   and  offered  to 
surrender,   if  they  were  not  relieved   in  the  mean- 
time.    At  the  end  of  two  hours'  useless  discussion, 
during  which  these  four  chiefs,  who  exactly  resembled 
four  leaders  of  brigands,  appeared  very  resolute,  and 
confident  of  being  relieved,  the  conference  was  broken 
up.     The  success  of  an  assault  was  infallible,  but  it 
would  probably  have  cost  from  six  to  seven  hundred 
men,  wherefore  the  artillery  was  again  directed  against 
the  fort,  and  the  fire  was  kept  up  with  such  spirit 
and  precision,  that  800  bombs  were  thrown  in  the 
course  of  the  morning,  the  greatest  number  of  which 
burst  in  the  fort.  As  it  was  very  small,  they  committed 
fearful  destruction,  and  covered  it  with  dead  bodies 
and  streams   of  blood.     The  garrison  lost  courage, 
new  parleys  took  place,  and  the  four  chiefs  signed  a 
capitulation.     The  fort  was  surrendered  at  the  break 
of  day,  the  enemy  marched  out  with  the  honours  of 
war,  laid  down  their  colours  and  arms,  and  took  an 
oath  not  to  carry  arms  against  the  French,  but  to 
return  to  Bagdad,  and  not  to  set  foot  in  Syria  for  a 
year.     Three  hundred  of  them  (Maugrabins)  volun- 
teered to  join  the  French  army,  500  had  been  either 
killed  or  wounded,  and   3200  were  escorted  by  a 
detachment,  two  days'  march  into  the  desert  in  the 
direction  of  Bagdad. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  461 

"  c  CAPITULATION   OF   EL5ARISH. 

"  c  The  Commandant  of  the  Fort  of  El1  Arish,  and  the 

other  Commanders  of  the  troops  to  the  General- 

in-chief. 

" '  We  have  received  the  terms  of  capitulation,  which 
you  have  addressed  to  us ;  we  agree  to  surrender  the 
fort  of  Er Arish,  and  will  return  to  Bagdad  by  the 
desert.  Herewith  we  send  you  the  list  of  Agas  in 
the  fort,  who  promise  and  swear,  for  themselves  and 
their  soldiers,  not  to  serve  in  the  army  of  Djezzar,  and 
not  to  re-enter  Syria  for  a  year  from  this  date.  "We 
shall  receive  a  passport  and  colours  from  you,  and 
will  leave  in  the  fort  all  the  ammunition  which  is 
there.  All  the  Agas  who  are  in  the  fort  solemnly 
swear  hy  God,  Moses,  Abraham,  and  the  Prophet, 
(to  whom  may  God  be  gracious!)  and  by  the  Koran, 
to  execute  faithfully  all  these  articles,  and  especially 
not  to  serve  under  Djezzar.  The  Most  High  and  the 
Prophet  are  witnesses  of  our  sincerity. 
(Signed) 

" '  IBRAHIM,  Commandant  of  the  fort  of  EP  Arish. 

" *  EL  HADJT  MAHOMMED,  Col.  of  Maugrabins. 

"  '  EL  HADJY,  Aga  of  the  Arnauts. 

"  '  MOHAMMED,  Aga,  Chief  Commissary.' 

"  There  were  found  in  the  fort — three  pieces  of 
cannon,  200  horses,  several  hundred  camels,  and 
great  quantities  of  provisions. 

"  On  the  22nd  of  February,  two  hours  before  day, 
Kleber  formed  the  advanced  guard  of  the  army,  and 


462  HISTORY   OF  THE 

marched  towards  Syria,  with  orders  to  advance  on 
Kanzouses,  although  the  distance  was  equal  to  twelve 
leagues.  Napoleon  set  out  with  one  hundred  drome- 
daries and  one  hundred  cavalry,  to  join  his  advanced 
guard ;  he  proceeded  at  a  trot,  "but  as  he  passed  by 
Santon  Caaba,  he  remarked,  with  astonishment,  that 
the  ditches  in  which  the  Arabs  concealed  their  straw, 
their  corn,  and  occasionally  their  roots,  had  not  been 
plundered  by  his  soldiers.  He  found  no  sledges, 
which  however  was  not  extraordinary,  as  the  fear  of 
the  Arabs  prevented  them  from  having  any  in  the 
army.  Having  arrived  at  the  sources  of  the  Rapho, 
where  the  two  columns  stand  which  mark  the  limits 
between  Asia  and  Africa,  he  was  surprised  to  find  no 
traces  of  spilled  water,  as  the  advanced  guard  must 
have  passed  the  place  about  two  hours  previously. 
He  was  only  then  about  two  leagues  distance  from 
Kan-zouses,  he  continued  his  march,  and  arrived  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  village  towards  the  close 
of  the  day.  The  Chasseurs  of  the  advanced  guard 
fired  two  shots,  and  immediately  afterwards  a  very 
fine  camp,  belonging  to  the  Turkish  army,  appeared  in 
sight,  and  the  Turks  instantly  flew  to  arms.  What, 
then,  became  of  Kleber  and  the  advanced  guard?  A 
hasty  retreat  was  determined  on,  although  the  horses 
were  fatigued,  and  the  French  arrived  at  the  sources 
of  the  Lawi,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night,  after  having  been 
pursued  by  the  Turkish  cavalry  for  more  than  half 
a  league.  The  night  having  become  dark,  the  Pasha 
became  afraid  of  an  ambuscade,  and  returned  to  the 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  463 

camp.  For  several  hours  the  detachment  was  a  prey 
to  a  thousand  gloomy  reflections,  and  seemed  to  have 
no  resource  from  despair.  However,  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  a  detachment  of  dromedaries  returned 
which  had  been  in  a  direction  in  which  they  hoped  to 
m6et  with  a  miserable  hut  occupied  by  Arabs  who  pos- 
sessed some  herds  of  camels;  they  brought  back 
intelligence  that  a  French  army,  as  numerous  as  the 
stars  of  the  firmament,  or  the  sands  of  the  desert,  had 
taken  the  route  of  Kanzouses. 

"Napoleon,   guided    by   an    Arab,   mounted  his 
dromedary  and  set  out  at  day -light.     He  soon  fell  in 
with  some  dragoons,  who  appeared  worn  out   with 
fatigue,  and  from  them  he  learned  that  Kleber  had 
mistaken  his  way,  and  that  the  soldiers,  surprised  at 
not  having  arrived    at  Santon    Caaba,   where,   ac- 
cording to  what  had  been  told  them,  they  were   to 
find  the  ditches  filled  with  roots,  began  to  suspect 
that   they  had  missed  their  way ;  that   Kleber   had 
ordered  a  halt,  and  that  there  was  no  more  water 
than  was  sufficient  to  make  soup;  that  in  consequence 
of  the  original  project,  according  to  which  the  ad- 
vance-guard was  to  avail  itself  of  the  wells  of  Rapho, 
and  would  arrive  at  Kan-zouses  in  a  day,  they  had 
taken  supplies  of  water  merely  for  a  day.     Two  hours 
afterwards  Napoleon  came  up  with  the  division,  and 
as  soon  as  the  soldiers  saw  him,  they  uttered  shouts 
of  joy.     Worn  down  with  fatigue,  and  dying  of  thirst, 
their  spirits  were  completely  broken;  and  some  of 
the  young  soldiers,  in  their  despair,  had  even  pro- 


464  HISTORY   OF   THE 

ceeded  to  break  their  firelocks.  Hope,  however, 
returned  at  the  sight  of  their  General,  who  collected 
them  and  addressed  them  in  the  following  terms : — 
4  There  are  on  the  way  several  camels  loaded  with 
water,  which  will  arrive  in  less  than  three  hours.  I 
admit  that  there  is  still  a  great  distance  to  march, 
but  if  it  be  necessary,  learn  how  to  die  with  honour 
and  without  complaint.'  In  fact,  they  did  not 
arrive  at  Jassy  till  midnight,  where  they  met  the 
detachment  and  the  camels  laden  with  skins  of  water. 
Napoleon  now  proceeded  on  the  march,  with  Lasne's 
division,  and  arrived  at  Kan-zouses  on  the  24th, 
from  whence  the  Turkish  army  Ead  departed.  The 
armies  did  not  meet  till  they  were  near  Gaza.  The 
Turks  did  not  resist  the  charge  of  the  French  for  a 
moment ;  the  fort  and  city  of  Gaza  were  taken.  On 
the  1st  of  March,  the  French  head- quarters  were 
established  at  Azola,  and  on  the  2nd,  at  Kumste.  An 
advanced-guard  was  pushed  forward  towards  Jeru- 
salem, where  multitudes  of  Christians  were  in  irons 
and  in  momentary  dread  of  the  poniards  of  the  Turks. 
Napoleon,  however,  secretly  concluded  an  armistice 
with  the  Pasha,  and  finding  all  thus  tranquil  on  his 
right  flank,  on  the  4th  he  marched  to  Jaffa,  which  was 
regularly  invested,  and  several  batteries  of  12-pounders 
made  ready  for  action.  Jaffa  was  only  fortified  by 
a  wall,  but  it  contained  a  garrison  of  from  6000 
to  7000  men,  among  whom  were  a  body  of  artillery 
sent  from  Constantinople,  and  trained  by  French 
officers.  As  soon  as  the  batteries  were  ready  to  play, 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  465 

a  cartel  was  sent  to  summon  the  place ;  a  quarter  of 
an  hour  afterwards,  the  army  saw  the  head  of  the  un- 
fortunate bearer  stuck  on  a  pike,  and  his  dead  body 
was  thrown  over  the  wall.  This  was  the  signal  for 
attack;  in  three  hours,  a  breach  was  effected  in  one  of 
the  towers,  forty  or  fifty  grenadiers  and  a  dozen  of  sappers 
made  good  a  lodgment;  the  column  followed,  and  the 
town  was  carried  by  assault.  Nothing  could  arrest 
the  fury  of  the  soldiers ;  every  person  who  came  in 
their  way  was  killed,  and  the  place  delivered  up  to 
plunder.  During  the  night  the  disorder  was  terrible, 
and  order  could  not  possibly  be  restored  even  at  day- 
light. All  that  were  saved  of  that  unfortunate  garrison 
were  sent  prisoners  to  Egypt,  with  the  exception  of  800 
men  who  were  shot.  These  800  were  the  remnant  of 
the  garrison  of  EF  Arish,  who,  after  having  proceeded 
three  days'  march  in  the  direction  of  Bagdad,  had 
changed  their  route,  violated  the  terms  of  their  capitu- 
lation, and  thrown  themselves  into  Jaffa.  Prudence 
did  not  allow  them  to  be  sent  to  Cairo.  Accustomed 
to  the  desert,  they  would  have  found  means  to  escape 
on  the  way,  and  they  would  have  been  found  again  in 
Acre.  About  4000  Turks  perished  at  Jaffa,  and 
nearly  3000  were  saved.  Of  these,  1200  were  sent 
prisoners  to  Egypt ;  1300  soldiers  and  servants,  natives 
of  Egypt,  were  set  at  liberty  as  countrymen,  and  500 
were  sent  to  carry  and  diffuse  the  news  of  the  victories 
of  the  French,  to  Damascus,  Jerusalem,  Aleppo,  &c, 

"  2nd.  The  army  which  had  just  raised  the  siege 
of  St.   Jean  d'Acre  was  destitute  of  the  means   of 

VOL.  II.  H  H 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE 

transport.  Its  general,  nevertheless,  succeeded  in 
conducting  it,  without  loss,  as  far  as  Jaffa;  a  thou- 
sand sick,  and  about  the  same  number  who  had  been 
wounded  during  the  siege.  On  his  arrival  at  Jaffa, 
he  caused  them  to  be  put  on  board  ship  for 
Damietta,  as  well  as  all  the  sick  who  were  in  the 
military  hospital,  which  he  had  taken  care  to  establish 
at  Jaffa.  At  this  time  the  plague  was  making  the 
most  frightful  ravages  in  the  French  hospitals :  five 
or  six  daily  fell  as  victims  to  this  dreadful  scourge. 
Those  of  the  sick  who  were  the  strongest  were  sent 
away  first,  as  soon  as  the  vessel  was  loaded.  The  next 
vessel  contained  those  of  whose  recovery  there  was  but 
little  hope.  Napoleon  gave  orders  for  the  departure 
of  the  army  on  the  27th  of  May,  and  on  the  26th, 
according  to  custom,  he  sent  one  of  his  aides-de- 
camp (Lavalette)  to  visit  the  stores  and  hospitals,  and 
to  see  that  his  orders  had  been  punctually  observed 
and  executed.  The  aide-de-camp  reported  that  the 
whole  had  been  removed,  with  the  exception  of  seven 
men,  of  whom  the  officers  of  health  despaired,  and 
who  could  not  be  removed,  because  they  would  infect 
with  the  plague  all  those  whom  they  approached; 
that  some  of  these  unfortunates,  seeing  themselves  thus 
about  to  be  abandoned  to  their  unhappy  fate,  earnestly 
entreated  to  be  put  to  death,  crying  out  that  the 
Turks,  on  their  arrival,  would  inflict  upon  them 
unheard-of  cruelties.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  custom  of 
these  barbarous  monsters  horribly  to  mutilate  the 
persons ;  to  slit  the  noses  and  pull  out  the  eyes  of 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  467 

those  who  had  the  misfortune  to  fall  into  their  hands. 
The  surgeons  on  duty  asked  permission  of  the  aide- 
de-camp    to    gratify  their  desires   by  giving  them 
opium,  at  the  last  moment,  for  it  would  have  been 
horrible  and  inhuman  thus  to  have  abandoned  these 
unfortunate  men  in  this  condition ;  the  maxim — "  Do 
unto  others,  as  ye  would  they  should  do  unto  you" 
ought  here  to  be  applied.  Napoleon  sent  for  Desguettes, 
the  physician-in-chief,  and  Larrey,  the  surgeon-in- 
chief,  in  order  to  learn  with  certainty  whether  it  was 
impossible  to  convey  these  unfortunate  men ;  he  recom- 
mended that  they  should  be  put  on  horseback,  with 
others  to  lead  the  horses,  and  offered,  in  fact,  his  own 
saddles.     The  medical  officers  assured  him,  that  it 
was  impossible,  and  observed  that  these  men  could  not 
survive  four^and-twenty  hours.    During  this  consulta- 
tion on  the  possibility  of  removing  them,  they  added, 
that  they  had  consulted  on  the  proposition  of  allowing 
opium  to  be  administered,  but  that  Desguettes  said, 
that  his  profession  being  to  cure,  he  could  not  give 
his  authority  to  such  a  measure.   After  this,  Napoleon 
put  off  the  departure  of  the  army  for  twenty-four 
hours.     There  was  nothing  urgent  in  the  case ;  he 
was  master  of  the  country,  and  Djezzar  Pasha  had 
not  set  out  from   Acre.     The  rear-guard,  consisting 
of  800    cavalry,   did  not  leave   the    town  till  the 
next  day  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  twenty-four 
hours  after  the  aide-de-camp's  visit  to  the  hospitals, 
and  only  after  being  informed  that  the  seven  patients 
were  all  dead- 

HH  2 


468  HISTORY  OF  THE 

"  This  circumstance,  which  has  been  so  grossly  mis- 
represented by  libellers  and  enemies,  is,  in  reality,  a 
proof  of  Napoleon's  humanity,  and  of  his  solicitude 
for  his  soldiers.  All  of  them  regarded  him  as  a  father, 
and  they  were  right,  for  he  loved  them  as  if  they  had 
been  his  own  children, 

"  After  the  battle  of  Heliopolis  and  the  re-taking  of 
Cairo,  in  the  months  of  March,  April,  and  May, 
Kleber  imposed  a  contribution  of  six  millions  of 
francs  upon  that  city.  Sheik  Suddah,  who  was 
descended  from  a  relation  of  the  prophet,  and  very 
highly  revered  in  the  East,  was  taxed  at  a  very  con- 
siderable sum,  which  he  refused  to  pay.  Although 
the  evil  disposition  of  this  sheik  towards  the  French 
was  very  well  known,  Napoleon  was  accustomed  to 
manage  and  flatter  him,  for  which  he  was  often  even 
blamed  by  many  persons  in  the  army.  It  happened 
that  this  Suddah  was  guilty  of  some  acts  of  imperti- 
nence, for  which  Kleber  caused  him  to  be  arrested  and 
conducted  to  the  citadel,  where,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  country,  he  was  punished  by  the 
bastinado.  This  caused  a  great  noise  in  the  city, 
and  the  Ulemas  were  extremely  indignant  at  his  being 
exposed  to  such  treatment.  Some  weeks  afterwards, 
a  person  named  Soliman,  a  native  of  Aleppo,  was 
sent  from  Gaza  by  the  Aga,  who  was  with  the  grand 
vizier,  to  wage  a  SACRED  WAR  against  Kleber.  This 
man  established  himself  at  the  Mosque  of  Semil  Azar, 
and  it  was  confidently  said,  that  the  sheiks  were 
informed  of  his  intentions,  but  that,  being  offended  at 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  469 

the  treatment  inflicted  on  the  Sheik  Suddah,  they  did 
not  interfere  to  prevent  him. 

The  assassin,  seizing  upon  a  favourable  moment, 
when  Kleber  was  walking  in  his  garden,  advanced, 
and  presented  a  petition;  and  whilst  he  was  reading 
the  papers,  plunged  his  kandjar  into  his  body ;  he  was 
condemned  and  executed  together  with  four  sheiks, 
his  accomplices.  Before  this,  several  persons  had 
been  dispatched  in  1798  and  1799,  by  Djezzar  Pasha, 
to  wage  sacred  war  against  Napoleon,  but  as  the 
latter  was  a  very  great  favourite  with  the  sheiks,  they 
opposed  these  designs,  and  thus  saved  his  life.97 


4.70  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTEK  XIX. 


DETAILS  OF  THE  PRIVATE  LIFE  OF  NAPOLEON 
AT  ST.  HELENA. 


THINGS  had  just  taken  place  which  cast  a  fresh 
portion  of  acrimony  into  the  disputes  between  us  and 
the  governor  of  St.  Helena,  when  Sir  Hudson  Lowe 
adopted  the  very  inexplicable  idea  of  performing  an 
act  of  politeness,  and  sent  to  General  Bonaparte  a 
small  case  of  superior  Bourbon  coffee  for  his  personal 
use,  expressing  his  desire  that  this  offer  should 
be  accepted  as  a  testimony  of  his  respect,  and  of  the 
anxiety  which  he  felt  to  anticipate  the  smallest  wishes 
of  the  general.  This,  I  repeat  it,  was  an  inexplicable 
circumstance,  considering  those  feelings  of  irritation 
which  prevailed  in  all  our  relations  to  one  another, 
and  above  all,  the  sinister  impressions  which  his 
visits  and  expressions  had  left  upon  the  Emperor's 
mind.  I  hesitated  to  convey  this  strange  message,  so 
much  was  I  convinced  that  the  answer  would  be 


CA2TIVIT5T  OJP  NAPOLEON.  471 

throwing  oil  upon  the  fire,  but  to  my  great  astonish- 
ment, the  Emperor  merely  said,  "  Cause  the  case  to  be 
carried  to  the  pantry — good  coffee  is  a  precious  thing 
in  this  horrible  place."  Cipriani  thought  me  mad, 
when  I  put  the  case  into  his  charge  to  be  used  by 
Pierron,  the  chief  cook.  I  was  obliged  to  repeat  the 
Emperor's  order,  before  he  would  consent  to  obey, 
declaring  to  me  over  and  over  again,  that  he  would 
first  of  all  submit  it  to  a  variety  of  trials  before  he 
allowed  any  of  it  to  be  served  up  to  his  master.  In 
short,  the  coffee  was  excellent. 

The  weather  had  now  become  fine;  the  Emperor 
went  out  and  terminated  his  walk  by  a  visit  to  the 
grand  marshal;  he  had  not  put  his  foot  out  of  doors 
for  forty-three  days.  On  the  next  day,  he  complained 
of  violent  sickness,  and  remained  four  hours  in  the 
bath. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  offers  made  to  his 
brother  Joseph  by  the  Spanish  Americans.  The  news 
of  this  offer  was  agreeable  to  him;  he  said,  however, 
on  hearing  of  it,  "Joseph  will  certainly  refuse ;  although 
possessing  the  mind,  talents,  and  all  the  qualities 
necessary  to  make  a  nation  happy,  he  loves  his  liberty 
and  the  enjoyments  of  social  life  too  much  to  have 
any  wish  a  second  time  to  launch  into  the  storms  of 
royalty.  His  acceptance  would  be  useful  to  these 
unfortunate  people  by  saving  them  from  the  calamities 
of  a  long  civil  war,  and  would  be  also  very  advan- 
tageous to  England,  because  she  would  acquire  all  the 
commerce  of  Spanish  America.  Joseph  neither  tould 


472  HISTORY  OF  THE 

nor  would  have  any  diplomatic  connexion  Avith  the 
kings  of  France  and  Spain ;  and  as  Spanish  America 
could  not  do  without  European  productions,  it 
would  become  necessary  that  all  her  markets  should 
be  supplied  with  English  merchandise.  Moreover, 
Joseph  loves  me  sincerely,  and  he  would  avail  himself 
of  this  new  means  to  obtain  from  the  English  ministers 
some  change  in  my  position.7' 

Some  months  afterwards,  the  crown  refused  by 
Prince  Joseph  was  offered  to  the  Emperor  himself  and 
rejected.  The  leader  of  the  Spanish  Americans, 
whose  message  reached  Longwood,  had  foreseen  all 
the  obstacles  resulting  from  the  Emperor's  captivity, 
and  forgotten  nothing  to  ensure  the  success  of  their 
design;  but  that  great  mind,  which  had  twice 
laid  down  the  crown  of  France  rather  than  be  in- 
debted for  its  preservation  to  a  civil  war,  could  not 
possibly  accept  the  sceptre  offered  to  him  by  a  people 
at  war  among  themselves  and  with  the  mother 
country,  had  not  even  a  regard  for  his  own  dignity 
dictated  a  refusal. 

Sir  Hudson  thought  to  make  sure  of  victory  in  our 
incessant  disputes,  by  inditing  a  voluminous  memoir, 
justifying  his  conduct,  and  throwing  the  whole  blame 
upon  Las  Cases,  the  grand  marshal,  and  myself.  We 
had  misrepresented  everything — words,  writings, 
actions;  he  was  the' best  man  in  the  world,  and  the 
most  desirous  of  softening  the  rigours  of  the  Emperor's 
captivity,  and  we  were  execrable  calumniators* 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  473 

The  Emperor  indignantly  did  justice  to  this  mean 
accusation  against  us  by  throwing  it  in  the  fire. 

This  document  contained  one  very  remarkable 
passage.  "  Neither  in  the  instructions  given  to  me, 
nor  in  those  given  to  Sir  George;  Cockburn,  have  his 
majesty's  ministers  entered  into  any  details.  They 
have  referred  these  to  my  own  judgment,  and  I  am  at 
liberty  to  take  such  precautions  as  may  seem  to  me 
desirable,  and  to  do  as  I  please.  I  have  received,  in 
general  terms,  the  order  to  take  the  necessary  pre- 
cautions to  prevent  General  Bonaparte's  escape,  as  well 
as  not  to  allow  any  correspondence  to  reach  him  which 
does  not  pass  through  my  hands.  The  rest  depends 
upon  me."  "  All  that,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  is  a  mass 
of  absurd  and  infamous  insinuations.  I  maintain  that 
the  acts  of  this  man  are  worse  than  those  put  in  force 
in  Botany  Bay ;  for  even  there,  the  convicts  are  not 
forbidden  to  speak.  The  man  must  be  a  fool  to  pre- 
tend to  persuade  me,  that  he  has  not  treated  us  badly; 
we  are  neither  fools  nor  ordinary  persons,  to  suffer 
ourselves  to  be  imposed  on  by  such  gilded  phraseology. 
There  is  assuredly  no  free  born  man  living  whose  hair 
would  not  stand  cfn  end  with  indignation,  on  finding 
himself  made  the  butt  of  such  disgraceful  proceed- 
ings as  those  which  restrain  us  from  addressing  such 
persons  as  we  may  accidentally  meet  with  in  the  narrow 
limits  destined  fop  our  promenade. '  It  is  merely  adding 
wrong  to  barbarism,  to  pretend  that  such  measures  as 
these  are  adopted  from  any  feeling  of  their  necessity. 
Am  I  deceived  when  I  see  in  this  man  an  exe- 


474  HISTORY  OF  TEE 

cutioner  sent  to  assassinate  me,  a  man  wholly  without 
a  heart,  and  merely  capable  of  discharging  the  office 
and  duties  of  a  gaoler?" 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  great  lack  of  water 
to  which  we  were  exposed.  There  was  no  sufficient 
supply  for  the  Emperor's  bath,  and  the  governor 
caused  some  to  be  carried  to  Longwood  in  casks  used 
for  providing  water  for  ships;  but  this  water  exhaled 
such  an  unhealthy  smell  in  the  course  of  being  warmed, 
as  made  its  use  unfortunately  impossible ;  and  the  works, 
commenced  with  a  view  of  providing  an  adequate  sup- 
ply for  Longwood,  were  yet  far  from  being  finished. 
When  I  complained  to  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  he  replied, 
"  that  he  would  accelerate  them  as  much  as  possible," 
and  excused  himself  by  saying,  "  that  he  was  not, 
hitherto,  at  all  aware,  that  General  Bonaparte  had  any 
need  of  being  boiled  in  hot  water  for  several  hours 
every  day."  This  strange  pleasantry  gives  a  complete 
picture  of  the  man ! 

At  length  a  store-ship  arrived  with  the  famous  iron 
grating,  so  long  and  so  impatiently  expected  by  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe.  One  hundred  and  thirty- five  sentinels 
were  insufficient  to  calm  his  nocturnal  terrors,  and  he 
must  have  a  grating  by  which  we  should  be  as  it  were 
hermetically  sealed,  and  the  key  at  night  under  his 
pillow. 

The  sudden  variations  of  temperature  always 
affected  more  or  less  the  Emperor's  health,  but  these 
effects  had  hitherto  given  us  no  serious  uneasiness. 
Oa  this  occasion,  it  was  different.  Symptoms  of 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  475 

dysentery  appeared,  and  we  knew  too  well  by  daily 
experience,  what  were  the  dangers  of  this  disease  in 
the  burning  climate  of  St.  Helena.  For  three  days 
our  uneasiness  was  extreme,  although  the  disease  did 
not  increase,  but  there  was  danger  as  long  as  the 
calomel  did  not,  as  the  physicians  say,  produce  its 
effect.  At  length,  on  the  5th,  improvement  became 
sensible,  and  on  the  8th,  the  Emperor  felt  himself  suf- 
ficiently recovered  to  wish  to  breathe  the  fresh  air  in 
the  garden.  As  soon,  however,  as  he  perceived  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe,  accompanied  by  two  or  three  officers,  at 
full  gallop  towards  our  residence,  he  precipitately  re- 
turned into  his  chamber. 

Two  Vessels,  arrived  from  Europe  and  the  Cape, 
brought  us  newspapers,  pamphlets  and  letters.  We 
heard  the  contents  of  our  letters  from  the  officers  of 
the  camp,  who  being  persuaded  that  we  had  read  them, 
spoke  to  us  on  the  subject  of  their  contents;  they  had 
been  on  the  preceding  evening  at  a  ball  given  by 
Lady  Lowe. 

Among  the  number  of  our  pamphlets,  there  was  one 
written  by  Dr.  Warden,  surgeon  of  the  Northumber- 
land, which  the  Emperor  read  with  interest,  and  to 
which  he  dictated  in  reply,  eight  or  ten  letters  sup- 
posed to  be  written  from  the  Cape.  The  notes  which 
he  had  previously  dictated  to  me  on  Egypt,  were  used 
in  these  letters.  This  was  an  occasion,  which  he  did 
not  wish  to  allow  to  pass  by  without  refuting  some  of 
those  odious  calumnies.  Count  Las  Cases,  to  whom 
those  letters  from  the  Cape  were  attributed^  has  denied 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE 

being  their  author,  and  has  published  notes  or  obser- 
vations on  this  subject  during  his  exile  in  Germany, 
which,  like  all  his  actions,  are  a  proof  of  his  fidelity 
and  attachment  to  the  Emperor. 

Notwithstanding  the  pains  taken  by  Sir  Hudson 
Lowe  to  envelope  Longwood  in  an  impenetrable  veil, 
the  Emperor's  attack  of  dysentery  became  known  in 
the  island.  The  commissioners  were  alarmed,  called 
for  official  communications  respecting  the  Emperor's 
health,  and  renewed  their  importunities  to  be  allowed 
to  see  him.  The  governor  did  not  yield  upon  the 
question  of  free  communication  with  Longwood,  but 
he  consented  to  give  a  copy  of  the  physician's  bulletin, 
which  he  received.  This  circumstance  was  the  com- 
mencement of  his  serious  and  personal  disputes  with 
Dr.  O'Meara.  He  wished  the  medical  attendant  to 
perjure  himself;  to  prepare  bulletins  according  to  his 
convenience — or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  to  write  them 
under  his  dictation.  The  bulletin  of  health  would  fur- 
nish him  with  an  opportunity  of  making  a  report  of  all 
that  he  had  seen,  heard  or  learnt  from  the  Emperor  or 
concerning  the  Emperor  during  the  course  of  the  day. 
He  wished  to  make  the  physician  a  spy. 

About  this  time  the  Emperor  received  a  visit  from 
Admiral  and  Lady  Malcolm,  and  saw  again  with  great 
pleasure,  Mr.  Mackenzie,  an  officer  of  the  navy,  who 
served  on  board  the  Indomitable,  when  she  was  at  the 
isle  of  Elba. 

The  tragical  death  of  an  employe  of  the  governor, 
and  one  who  possessed  his  fullest  confidence,  was  for 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  477 

some  days  the  subject  of  universal  conversation  on  the 
island.  It  was  wrongfully  said  that  this  man  had 
hung  himself,  because  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  had  disco- 
vered that  he  had  betrayed  him,  by  sending  to  me 
some  copies  of  all  the  despatches  from  the  ministry,  as 
well  as  bulletins  of  all  the  news  which  he  wished  to 
conceal  from  us. 

Several  ships  arrived  from  India  and  the  Cape,  and 
almost  all  the  officers  of  these  vessels  obtained  permis- 
sion to  be  presented  at  Longwood.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  Captain  *  *  *  availed  himself  of  the  op- 
portunity to  place  his  services  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Emperor,  and  offered  to  conduct  him  wherever  he 
pleased.  He  said  that  this  feeling  was  inspired  by  his 
strong  indignation  at  the  conduct  pursued  by  the 
English  government,  and  above  all,  at  that  of  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe — an  indignation,  he  added,  which  was 
shared  by  all  classes  in  England,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  private  friends  of  the  ministers. 

The  Emperor  listened  with  the  kindest  interest  to 
this  noble  and  generous  offer — but  refused  to  accept 
it.  It  was  about  the  same  period,  that  one  of  the 
officers  of  the  garrison  conceived  a  plan  of  escape, 
the  success  of  which  was  almost  certain.  His*  plan 
was  to  reach  the  shore  at  a  point  of  the  coast  opposite 
to  James'  Town,  which  was  guarded  merely  by  a 
post  of  infantry;  small  boats  alone  could  approach  the 
shore  at  this  place,  but  a  boat  well  provided  with  rowers 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  enable  the  fugitives  to 
reach  the  vessel  appointed  to  receive  them.  This 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE 

point  was  only  an  hour's  walk  distant.  But  whether 
the  Emperor  at  this  time  had  relinquished  all  idea 
of  desiring  to  escape,  or  whether  he  doubted  the 
sincerity  of  the  offers  which  were  made  to  him,  or  the 
possibility  of  their  success,  he  refused  to  accept  them. 
In  its  proper  place,  I  will  record  another  offer  of  a 
more  serious  kind,  which  I  was  commissioned  to  make 
to  him,  and  the  reasons  which  he  assigned  for  its  re- 
fusal. Two  ships  just  arrived,  the  one  from  India, 
and  the  other  from  China,  brought  to  Longwood  new 
subjects  for  grave  disputes  with  Sir  Hudson  Lowe;  a 
master  gunner  had  been  commissioned  to  present  the 
Emperor  with  a  beautiful  marble  bust  of  the  King  of 
Rome,  made  at  Florence,  and  which  was  said  to  have 
been  made  in  compliance  with  the  orders  of  the  Empress 
Maria-Louisa,  to  be  presented  to  the  father  and  hus- 
band as  a  testimony  of  her  affectionate  remembrances. 
But  what  consequences  might  not  such  a  message 
produce,  according  to  the  imagination  of  Sir  Hudson 
Lowe !  It  was  perhaps  all  a  conspiracy !  The  bust 
might  contain  a  correspondence  of  the  very  highest 
political  interest !  Not  to  suffer  it  to  go  to  Longwood, 
and  to  break  it  in  pieces,  was  in  his  opinion  the  advice 
of  sound  reason ;  but  what  recriminations,  and  what 
an  echo  would  these  recriminations  find  in  public 
opinion,  should  we  become  acquainted  with  these  facts, 
and  happen  to  divulge  them !  When  you  are  in 
doubt,  abstain,  says  the  proverb,  and  Sir  Hudson  Lowe 
followed  its  advice.  Six  days  were  allowed  to  pass 
without  the  bust  being  brought  to  Longwood,  although 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  479 

on  the  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  Baring,  we  had  been 
informed  of  the  gunner's  commission.     At  length,  on 
the  llth,  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  came  to  the  grand  mar- 
shal's house,  and  told  him,  with  an  air  of  extreme  em- 
barrassment, that  a  statuary  in  Leghorn  had  made  a 
bad  bust  of  the  son  of  the  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa, 
and  had  sent  it  to  St.  Helena  by  the  ship  Baring,  ac- 
companied by  a  letter  in  which  he  states  that  the  bust 
has  been  already  paid  for,  but  that  he  hopes  the  Em- 
peror's generosity  will  lead  him  to  send  an  additional 
100  Louis-d'ors;  a  claim  which  in  his,  Sir  H.  Lowe's 
judgment,  appeared  exorbitant — so    exorbitant,  he 
added,  as  to  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  not  accepting 
the  bust — as  it  was  evidently  a  shameful  speculation  of 
some  inferior  Tuscan  sculptor.     The  grand  marshal 
did  not  suffer  himself  to  be  imposed  upon  by  the  cun- 
ning governor,  and  assured  him  that  the  Emperor  was 
all  eagerness  and  joy  at  the  hope  of  seeing  again  the 
features  of  his  son,  and  he  begged  him  earnestly  to 
send  it  that  evening  to  Longwood.    He  did  not,  how- 
ever receive  it  till  the  next  day.     So  much  cunning 
and  malevolence  of  purpose  cruelly   wounded  the 
Emperor.    He  dictated  the  following  letter  to  the 
grand  marshal,  to  be  sent  to  the  gunner  of  the  Baring. 

"  MR.  KADWICK. 

"  Sm, — I  have  received  the  marble  bust  of  the 
young  Napoleon,  and  given  it  to  his  father.  Its  re- 
ception has  given  him  the  most  lively  satisfaction. 

"  I  regret  that  it  is  not  in  your  power  to  come  and 


480  HISTORY  OP  THE 

see  us,  and  communicate  to  us  details  which  would 
have  the  greatest  interest  for  a  father,  and  especially 
for  one  placed  in  such  circumstances  as  he  is. 

"  According  to  the  letters  forwarded  to  us,  the 
artist  values  his  work  at  £100  sterling.  The  Em- 
peror has  commanded  me  to  put  into  your  hands  the 
sum  of  £300  sterling;*  the  overplus  is  intended  to 
indemnify  you  for  the  losses  to  which  you  have  been 
exposed  in  the  sale  of  your  merchandise,  by  not  having 
been  allowed  to  send  your  goods  on  shore,  and  for 
the  prejudice  which  that  event  may  have  raised  against 
you,  but  which  will  secure  you  the  esteem  of  every 
gallant  man. 

ii  "  Have  the  goodness  to  transmit  to  the  persons  who 
have  paid  him  this  obliging  attention,  the  Emperor's 
best  thanks.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c., 

"  COUNT  BERTRAND. 

"  P.  S. — I  beg  you  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
the  enclosed  letter  of  credit." 

This  precious  article  was  succeeded  by  other  pre- 
sents not  less  unexpected.  The  honourable  Mr. 
Elphinstone,  with  a  view  of  discharging  a  debt  of 
gratitude  to  the  Emperor,  sent  to  St.  Helena  several 
small  cases,  containing  a  set  of  chessmen  in  ivory, 
of  marvellously  beautiful  workmanship,  a  box  of  dice, 
another  of  counters,  and  two  magnificent  baskets  of 

*  In  consequence  of  some  unworthy  manoeuvres  the  poor 
gunner  did  not  receive  his  money  till  nearly  two  years  after- 
wards. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  481 

large  dimensions,  all  exqiiisitely  carved.  Each  of 
these  objects  was  ornamented  with  the  imperial  crown 
— eagles  and  letter  N.  We  have  already  said,  that 
this  was  an  act  of  grateful  homage  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Elphinstone,  which  arose  from  the  following  circum- 
stances. 

On  the  evening  before  the  battle  of  Waterloo, 
Captain  Elphinstone,  brother  of  the  gentleman  in 
question,  had  been  grievously  wounded,  and  was 
lying  stretched  on  the  field  in  a  hopeless  condition. 
The  Emperor  happened  to  pass  near  him,  observed  his 
situation,  and  sent  the  surgeon  in  attendance  on  his 
person,  to  make  the  necessary  application  to  staunch 
his  wounds,  from  which  the  blood  was  copiously 
flowing.  His  natural  goodness  towards  the  wounded, 
prompted  him  also  to  give  him  some  wine  from  the 
silver  flask  which  one  of  the  chasseurs  of  the  guard 
always  carried  on  service  near  his  person,  in  case  of  a 
halt  or  bivouac.  This  providential  assistance  saved 
Captain  Elphinstone's  life.  These  presents,  as  well  as 
some  others,  gave  rise  to  very  lively  discussions 
between  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  and  the  grand  marshal, 
whilst  more  than  a  month  elapsed  between  their 
arrival  at  St.  Helena  and  their  being  delivered  to  the 
Emperor.  Mr.  Manning,  who  had  received  the  com- 
mission to  deliver  them,  yielded  to  the  wish  of  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe,  of  leaving  us  in  ignorance  of  the  fact, 
and  left  the  boxes  at  James  Town,  in  order  to  wait 
for  the  decision  of  the  government,  as  to  whether  they 
should  be  delivered  to  the  Emperor  or  not. 
VOL.II.  1 1 


482  HISTORY  OF  THE 

This  conduct  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  gave  rise  to  the 
following  correspondence : 

"  TO  THE  GOVERNOR. 

«  SIR, — I  have  received  the  five  cases  which  you 
have  taken  the  trouble  to  send  me,  containing  a  set 
of  chessmen,  a  box  of  counters,  and  two  carved 
caskets  in  ivory,  sent  from  Canton  by  Mr.  Elphin- 
stone.  The  Emperor  was  surprised  to  see  by  your 
letter  that  you  thought  it  would  have  been  your  duty 
not  to  have  transmitted  these  articles  to  Longwood. 
<  Did  I  act,'  you  say,  <  in  entire  conformity  with 
the  established  regulations,  I  ought  not  to  forward 
them.7  In  this  case,  sir,  you  would  have  acted  politely 
to  keep  them. 

"  But  to  what  does  this  apply  ?  Did  not  these  articles 
arrive  through  the  channel  of  the  ministry?  It  is 
indeed  ordained  in  the  minister's  restrictions  that  all 
letters  must  come  through  this  channel;  but  not 
articles  of  dress,  busts,  furniture,  &c.  We  have  fre- 
quently received  from  the  Cape  articles  which  have 
been  sent  us.  And  besides,  Lord  Bathurst,  in  his 
speech,  and  you  in  your  letters,  indignantly  denied 
that  letters  which  came  here  through  the  post,  or 
other  opportunities,  had  been  sent  to  London,  to 
return  to  St.  Helena.  Your  instructions  therefore 
could  not,  nor  cannot,  authorise  you  to  keep  back  such 
articles  as  busts,  furniture,  books,  or  any  other  effects 
which  have  no  connexion  with  the  security  of  the 
Emperor's  detention, 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  483 

44  Is  it  because  there  is  a  crown  on  each  of  the 
counters?  But  no  regulation  can  exist  without  our 
knowledge ;  now,  we  are  not  aware  that  we  may  not 
be  permitted  to  possess  any  article  on  which  there  is 
a  crown ;  if  so,  it  would  also  be  necessary  to  make 
new  packs  of  cards,  because  there  are  crowns  on  those 
which  are  now  used.     The  Emperor's  linen,  and  the 
small  quantity  of  plate  stilt  in  his  possession,  are 
often  taken  to  the  town ;  they  are  marked  with  a  crown. 
"  But  from  whom  did  this  regulation,  which  you 
say  is  in  force,  emanate?     From  your  government, 
which  alone,  by  passing  a  bill,  has  a  right  to  make 
regulations?  Your  minister  declared,  in  open  parlia- 
ment, that  no  restrictions  had  been  made  since  those 
which  had  been  printed  and  communicated  to  Europe, 
which  your  predecessor  had,  and  which  he  delivered 
over  to  you ;  he  added,  that  you  had  no  restriction, 
but  had  only  taken  measures  of  execution.     In  fact, 
then,  you  have  no  right  to  make  restrictions. 

"  The  Emperor  wishes  for  favour  from  no  one,  and 
will  have  nothing  from  the  caprice  of  any  person 
whatever ;  but  he  has  a  right  to  know  the  restrictions 
which  are  imposed  on  him.  Tour  government,  the 
parliament,  and  all  nations  have  the  same  right;  I 
beg  you  then,  sir,  to  communicate  to  us  these  fresh 
restrictions ;  if  such  as  these  did  exist,  they  would 
be  in  contradiction  of  Lord  Bathurst's  assertion, 
*  that  the  only  aim  of  the  restrictions  was  to  secure 
the  Emperor's  safe  detention/ 

"  The  Emperor  charges  me  to  protest  against  the 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE 

existence  of  any  restriction  or  regulation  which  shall 
not  have  been  legally  notified  to  him  before  being  put 
into  execution. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
"  &c.,  &c.,  &c., 

"  COUNT  BERTRAND." 

THE  GOVERNOR'S  ANSWER  TO  THE  FOREGOING  LETTER. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  your  letter,  dated  the  9th 
instant.  The  frequent  use  which  you  make  in  it  of 
the  title,  of  '  Emperor/  and  the  tone  in  which  you 
express  your  feelings  to  me  when  you  employ  it, 
would  sufficiently  authorise  me  to  be  silent  respecting 
its  contents,  as  having  been  addressed  to  me  under 
an  inadmissible  form,  and  to  refer  you  to  my  letter 
of  the  30th  of  August,  1816,  addressed  to  Count 
Montholon.  I  will  not,  however,  avail  myself  of  these 
motives  to  refuse  to  reply  to  them. 

"  The  only  object  which  I  had  in  writing  to  you 
on  the  8th  of  this  month  was,  to  prevent  a  belief  from 
being  entertained  that  I  tacitly  acknowledged,  or 
approved  of,  the  imperial  rank  being  recognised  in 
the  crown  placed  everywhere  above  the  initial  letter 
of  Napoleon,  in  presents  sent  to  St.  Helena,  particu- 
larly by  an  English  subject,  and  coming  from  an 
English  factory. 

"  If  I  had  forwarded  these  articles  without  any  re- 
mark, it  would  necessarily  have  been  taken  for 
granted  that  I  saw  nothing  improper  in  this;  and 
I  know  but  too  well  how  far  this  precedent  would 


CAPTIVITY'   OF   NAPOLEON.  485 

have  been  used  at  any  future  departure  from  it,  had 
I  not  explicitly  declared  the  motives  which  induced 
me,  on  this  occasion,  to  allow  these  articles  to  "be 
forwarded  to  you. 

"The  person  who  sent  these  presents  has  his  personal 
opinions,  but  I  have  the  right  of  exercising  my  judg- 
ment in  not  permitting  him  to  express  them  through 
me;  and  in  forwarding  the  presents  to  their  destina- 
tion, without  any  other  remarks  than  those  contained  in 
my  letter,  I  did  the  utmost  which  could  be  required 
of  me  by  the  respect  which  the  wishes  or  expectations 
of  General  Bonaparte  demand  from  me.  You  ask 
me,  sir,  c  whether  these  articles  did  not  come  through 
the  channel  of  the  ministry  ?'  &c.  &c. 

"  I  should  have  considered  myself,  according  to 
the  general  tenour  of  my  instructions,  and  even  with- 
out reference  to  the  decorations  of  these  presents, 
fully  justified  in  retaining  them  until  I  received  from 
my  government  express  orders  to  transmit  them — 
except  I  made  use  of  my  discretionary  power  in  ex- 
amining them,  and  convincing  myself  that  they  con- 
tained no  means  of  communication  which  might  serve 
for  a  clandestine  correspondence.  The  letter  which 
I  sent  you,  even  before-  the  articles  were  disem- 
barked, is  a  sufficient  proof  that  the  latter  alternative 
was  that  on  which  I  was  always  ready  to  act,  instead 
of  awaiting  the  arrival  of  instructions  from  England. 

"  You  remark,  sir,  that  I  repulsed  with  indignation 
the  accusation  of  having  sent  back  to  London,  to  be 
re-sent  to  St.  Helena,  letters  which  had  come  through 


486  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  post,  or  by  private  opportunities.  I  did  without 
doubt,  sir,  indignantly  repulse  this  accusation,  as 
well  as  the  reflections  to  which  it  had  given  rise, 
because  they  contained  neither  truth  nor  justice;  be- 
cause I  was  disgusted  at  the  feeling  which  turned 
into  sources  of  vexation  and  reproach,  the  marks  of 
attention  which  I  had  shown,  (for  on  seeing  their 
family  letters,  I  had  used,  in  favour  of  the  persons 
who  applied  to  me,  &  discretionary  power  not 
authorised  by  my  instructions;)  but  I  did  not  admit 
that  I  had  not  a  right,  and  was  not  perfectly  autho- 
rised, to  return  letters  to  England,  if  I  thought  fit, 
when  they  came  through  irregular  channels.  Presents 
may  be  as  contrary  to  the  safety  of  General  Bona- 
parte's detention  as  a  letter,  and  might  be  liable 
to  an  examination  which  would  entirely  prevent 
their  serving,  in  any  way,  either  for  ornament  or 
utility,  A  letter  can  be  concealed  in  the  square  of 
a  chess-board,  or  under  the  binding  of  a  book,  as  well 
as  in  the  lining  of  a  flannel  waistcoat ;  and  I  am  not 
obliged  to  confide  in  the  person  who  sends  them, 
whoever  this  may  be.  If  I  have  allowed  articles  to 
be  forwarded  to  you,  it  f  was  because  I  was  persuaded 
that  they  were  not  of  a  reprehensible  nature ;  and 
you  have  certainly,  sir,  no  reason  to  complain  of  the 
manner  in  which  I  have  used  my  discretionary  power, 
by  consenting,  as  a  general  principle,  to  the  trans- 
mission of  all  articles  arriving  here,  and  even  by 
forwarding  several  others  which  arrived  under  cover 
to  me,  and  the  transmission  of  which  was  left  by  the 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  487 

persons  sending  them,  through  delicacy,  entirely  to 
my  choice. 

"  You  observe,  sir,  *  Is  it  because  there  is  a  crown 
on  each  of  the  counters  ?'^&c.  &c.,  and  ask  whether 
there  exists  any  regulation  forbidding  you  to  have  in 
your  possession  any  article  on  which  there  is  a  crown? 

"Without  doubt,  sir,  there  does  not  exist  any 
special  and  written  regulation,  forbidding  any  article 
surmounted  with  a  crown,  to  be  forwarded  to  Long- 
wood,  or  preventing  you  from  possessing  any  effects 
adorned  with  one;  but,  in  the  present  case,  we  find 
the  imperial  crown  above  the  initial  letter  of  Napoleon, 
cut  and  gilded,  or  engraved,  and  placed  on  every 
article.  His  abdication,  the  treaty  of  Paris,  and  the 
acts  of  the  English  parliament,  render  useless  the 
existence  of  any  regulation  on  this  point.  The  effects 
surmounted  with  an  imperial  crown  now  at  Longwood, 
bore  this  mark  before  the  abdication.  I  have  never 
disputed  the  possession,  nor  the  satisfaction  they  may 
procure. 

"  As  regards  the  passage  which  you  quote  from  the 
debates  of  parliament,  allow  me  to  observe  that  it  is 
inexact,  according  to  all  the  newspapers  which  I  have 
seen.  The  papers  themselves  do  not  agree ;  one  speaks 
of  regulations,  another  of  instructions,  not  restrictions, 
as  being  the  same,  at  least  without  any  substantial 
change,  as  those  before  prescribed. 

"  You  say,  sir,  <  You  have  no  right  to  make  re- 
strictions.' 

"  The  act  of  parliament,  the  commission,  and  the 


488  HISTORY   OF  THE 

instructions  with  which  I  am  provided,  are,  sir,  my 
surest  guides  in  this  respect.  I  shall,  however,  be 
allowed  to  add,  that  the  first  instructions  which  you 
demand  should  be  my  only  rule,  have  received  a  more 
ample  interpretation  than  their -strict  and  literal 
sense  would  seem  to  bear,  relative  to  the  degree  of 
exemption  from  personal  constraint  which  General 
Bonaparte  now  enjoys. 

"  You  add — '  The  Emperor  wishes  for  no  favour,' 
&c.  &c. 

"  I  have  not  the  presumption  to  grant  a  favour  to 
General  Bonaparte,  and  still  less  the  arrogance  to 
subject  him  to  any  act  of  niy  caprice.  He  is  sub- 
jected to  no  restriction  with  which  the  government  is 
not  acquainted,  and  which  the  whole  world  may  not 
know. 

"  I  will  take  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  recall 
to  your  mind,  that  General  Bonaparte,  himself,  in  two 
interviews  which  I  had  with  him,  told  me  that,  as  a 
general  officer,  I  ought  to  act  according  to  my  in- 
structions, and  not  like  an  officer  on  duty ;  but  it  seems 
that  now  he  wishes  me  to  fulfil  it  like  one.  Another 
time  he  declared  that  he  would  not  recognise  any 
direct  or  public  surveillance.  How  do  these  sug- 
gestions agree  with  the  narrow  limits  within 
which  you  now  seek  to  restrain  the  exercise  of  my 
duties? 

"  The  views  which  you  have  expressed  coincide  the 
most  with  mine,  (seeing  that  all  exercise  of  my  dis- 
cretionary power,  even  when  I  endeavour  to  act  most 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  489 

favourably,  only  brings  on  new  discussions);  but 
when  none  but  such  opposite  sentiments  are  mani- 
fested, you  will  acknowledge,  sir,  the  difficulty  of 
reconciling  them. 

"  You  say,  *  The  Emperor  charges  me  to  protest 
against  the  existence  of  any  restriction,7  &c.  &c. 

"  It  is  essentially  my  duty,  whenever  circumstances 
permit,  to  pay  attention  to  any  communication  made 
to  me  in  the  name  of  the  person  you  thus  designate. 
It  would,  however,  be  impossible  to  notify  a  regula- 
tion called  for  by  a  sudden  occurrence,  before  the  cir- 
cumstance which  gives  rise  to  it  has  taken  place.  The 
measure  of  which  you  speak  was  not  of  a  nature  to  be 
communicated  beforehand,  but  I  venture  to  affirm, 
that  it  was  not  put  into  execution  before  information 
had  been  given  of  it. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c.  &c. 
"  H.  LOWE,  Lieutenant-General." 


490  HISTOEY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XX. 
LORD  AMHERST. 

EVERYTHING  had  been  prepared  for  Lord  Amherst's 
audience,  as  it  had  been  for  that  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe 
on  his  arrival  in  St.  Helena.  The  presentation  was 
to  be  performed  by  the  grand  marshal,  one  of  us  was 
to  be  in  the  topographic  cabinet,  which  would  serve 
on  this  occasion  as  an  ante-room,  and  the  valets-de- 
chambre,  St.  Denis  and  Noverras,  were  to  be  stationed 
at  the  doors  of  the  ante-room  and  of  the  saloon  in 
which  the  Emperor  was.  The  suite  of  Lord  Amherst 
were  not  to  be  presented  till  after  the  audience. 
Everything  was  done  as  had  been  arranged;  and  if 
Lord  Amherst  and  his  embassy  had  been  received  at 
the  Tuileries,  in  the  most  splendid  days  of  the  empire, 
they  could  not  have  been  more  courteous  and  respect- 
ful, in  manner  as  well  as  speech. 

The  mission  of  this  ambassador  formed  the  first 


CAPTIVITY  OP  NAPOLEON.  491 

subject  of  the  conversation,  and  politics  would  not, 
probably,  have  been  introduced  at  all,  had  not  Lord 
Amherst  offered  to  take  charge  of,  and  transmit  to  the 
Prince  Eegent,  the  requests  which  the  Emperor  might 
have  to  make  to  him. 

This  offer  aroused  in  the  Emperor's  mind  the  recol- 
lection of  the  perpetual  outrages  which  daily  poisoned 
his  life* 

"Neither  your  king  nor  your  nation  have  any 
right  over  me,"  said  he,  in  a  tone  of  deep  suffering. 
"  England  sets  an  example  of  twenty  millions  of  men 
oppressing  one  individual.  Sylla  and  Marius  signed 
their  decrees  of  proscription  in  the  midst  of  combats, 
and  with  the  still  bloody  points  of  their  swords ;  but 
the  bill  of  the  llth  of  April  was  signed  in  the  midst 
of  peace,  with  the  sceptre  of  a  great  nation,  and  in  the 
sanctuary  of  the  law. 

"  The  right  of  nations  should,  at  least,  have  been 
the  law  of  your  ministers ;  but  it  would  have  paralysed 
the  savage  hatred  of  some  of  them;  they  wanted  the 
arbitrary  right;  they  lied  to  the  parliament;  they 
pushed  the  audacity  of  falsehood  so  far  as  to  say,  that 
they  demanded  the  right  of  regulating  my  captivity, 
in  order  to  treat  me  with  more  liberality  than  it  was 
usual  to  grant  to  prisoners  of  war ;  and  what  use  have 
they  made  of  it?  They  have  delegated  this  dis- 
cretionary power  to  a  man  chosen  ad  hoc  amongst  men 
of  a  character  known  by  their  preceding  missions,  and 
have  said  to  him — "  If  your  prisoner  escape,  your 
career  and  your  fortune  are  lost"  Is  not  this  telling 


492  HISTORY   OF   THE 

him  to  abuse  his  power?  Does  not  this  interest  all 
that  is  dear  to  man?  A  gaoler  in  Europe  cannot 
impose  restrictions  according  to  his  own  caprice  or 
panic  terrors,  on  the  prisoner  entrusted  to  his  charge ; 
he  is  obliged  to  confine  himself  to  the  execution  of  the 
regulations  established  by  the  laws  or  magistrates. 
There  is  but  one  means  of  taking  from  a  prisoner  all 
chance  of  evasion — to  enclose  him  in  a  coffin.  The 
parliament  which  gave  Charles  I.'s  head  to  the  axe — 
the  convention  which  condemned  Louis  XVI.  to  die 
by  the  hand  of  the  executioner,  found  excuses  for 
their  crimes  in  national  interest;  the  bill  of  the  llth 
of  April  only  serves  the  purposes  of  personal  hatred ; 
it  will,  sooner  or  later,  be  the  shame  of  England ;  the 
parliament  which  voted  it  forgot  its  sacred  character, 
and,  as  a  legislative  body,  committed  a  crime  against 
English  honour.  I  am  not  allowed  to  leave  this  un- 
healthy hut,  unless  accompanied  by  a  guard;  I  am 
forbidden  to  receive  letters  from  my  wife,  my  mother, 
or  my  family,  except  they  have  been  read  and  com- 
mented on  by  my  gaoler. 

"  But  of  what  use  are  these  odious  restrictions  here  ? 
What  man  of  sense  can  admit  the  possibility  of  my 
escape,  when  numerous  cruising  vessels  hover  round 
the  island;  when  posts  are  established  at  all  points; 
when  there  are  signals  always  ready  to  correspond 
with  each  other;  when  no  vessel  can  approach  or  leave  St. 
Helena  without  having  been  visited  by  the  Governor's 
agents;  and,  finally,  when  hundreds  of  sentinels  are 
posted  round  the  limits  of  this  place,  from  six  in  the 
evening  till  six  in  the  mornine-? 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  493 

"  But  they  do  still  more,  if  possible ;  they  want 
me  to  deny  a  glorious  fact — to  acknowledge  the  shame 
of  my  country.  They  will  have  it  that  France  had 
no  right  to  place  the  imperial  crown  on  my  head; 
and  pretend  to  wash  away,  by  a  decree  of  Sir  Hud- 
son Lowe's,  the  holy  oil  with  which  the  vicar  of  Jesus 
Christ  anointed  my  forehead.  The  name  of  General 
Bonaparte  was  the  one  which  I  bore  at  Campo-Formio 
and  at  Luneville,  when  I  dictated  terms  of  peace  to 
the  Emperor  of  Austria;  I  bore  it  at  Amiens,  when  I 
signed  the  peace  with  England;  I  should  be  proud  to 
bear  it  still,  but  the  honour  of  France  forbids  me  to 
acknowledge  the  King  of  England's  right  to  annul 
the  acts  of  the  French  people.  My  intention  was  to 
take  the  name  of  Duroc;  your  ministers,  and  their 
hired  assassin,  Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  oblige  me,  by  their 
ignoble  intrigues  on  this  subject,  to  retain  the  title  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon. 

"  If  your  government  denies  my  right  to  this  title, 
it  acknowledges  implicitly  that  Louis  XVIII.  reigned 
in  France  at  the  time  when  I  signed  the  peace  of 
Amiens,  and  when  the  Lords  Lauderdale  and  Castle- 
reagh  negotiated  with  my  plenipotentiaries.  It  does 
more:  it  acknowledges  that  the  Cardinal  of  York 
reigned  in  England  when  George  III.  signed  the 
peace  of  1783,  at  Versailles ;  and  denies  the  royalty 
of  Charles  XIII.  of  Sweden.  To  assert  this  'opinion 
would  be  to  give  instability  to  all  thrones,  and  to  pro- 
pagate the  germ  of  revolution  in  every  monarchy. 

"  Tour  ministers  were  not  contented  with  giving 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE 

parliament  false  information  respecting  my  position ; 
one  of  them  said,  in  a  numerous  assembly  in  Ireland, 
that  I  had  only  made  peace  with  England  for  the 
purpose  of  deceiving,  surprising,  and  destroying. 
Such  calumnies  against  a  man  suifering  under  their 
oppression,  and  held  by  the  throat  to  prevent  his 
raising  his  voice,  must  be  disapproved  by  all  men  of 
truth  and  honour. 

"  I  always  desired  peace,  and  sincere  peace,  with 
England;  and  I  know  of  no  rivalries  which  should 
prevent  two  great  nations  from  coming  to  an  under- 
standing with  each  other,  and  from  advancing  con- 
jointly towards  the  end  aimed  at  by  my  government. 
I  wished  to  fill  up  the  abyss  of  revolutions,  and  to 
re-construct,  without  shaking,  the  European  edifice, 
to  the  advantage  of  all,  by  employing  kings  to  bestow 
on  continental  Europe  the  blessing  of  constitutions, 
a  blessing  which  your  country,  as  well  as  mine,  only 
acquired  'at  the  price  of  a  fearful  social  commotion. 
England  had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  me,  as  soon 
as  she  would  listen  to  me.     If  Pox  had  lived,  the  face 
of  Europe  would  have  been  changed — his  genius  and 
his  patriotism  understood  me — every  great  and  na- 
tional idea  vibrated  in  his  soul.  He  died,  unfortunately 
for  England,  unfortunately  for  the  world.     Not  a 
cannon-shot  would  have  been  fired  on  the  Continent 
after  the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  if  Lord  Lauderdale's 
negotiations  had  been  continued.     I  repeat,  that  I 
always  desired  peace;  I  only  fought  to  obtain  it.  The 
congress  of  Vienna  thinks  it  will  secure  this  blessing 


CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON.  495 

to  Europe;  it  is  deceived.  -War,  and  a  terrible  war, 
is  being  hatched  under  the  ashes  of  the  empire. 
Sooner  or  later,  nations  will  cruelly  avenge  me  of  the 
ingratitude  of  the  kings  whom  I  crowned  or  pardoned. 
Tell  the  Prince  Regent — tell  the  parliament  of  which 
you  are  a  principal  member,  that  I  await,  as  a  favour, 
the  axe  of  the  executioner,  to  put  an  end  to  the  out- 
rages of  my  gaoler." 

Lord  Amherst  had  heard  with  emotion  these  corn- 
plaints  of  a  great  and  deeply  wounded  soul;  he  did 
not  seek  to  conceal  the  interest  which  he  felt  in  them. 
He  promised  to  tell  all  to  the  Prince  Regent;  and  re- 
spectfully offered  his  services  to  intervene  with  Sir 
Hudson  Lowe. 

"  It  would  be  useless,"  said  the  Emperor,  interrupt- 
ing him;  "  crime,  and  hatred  towards  me  are  equally 
in  this  man's  nature.  It  is  necessary  to  his  enjoy- 
ment to  torture  me;  like  the  tiger,  who  tears  with 
his  claws  the  prey  whose  agonies  he  takes  pleasure  in 
prolonging." 


The  evening  after  this  audience,  the  Emperor  said 
to  us :  "  Lord  Amherst  has  failed  in  his  mission,  but 
he  is  nevertheless  a  diplomatist  of  talent  and  skill. 
The  precedent  of  Lord  Macartney's  embassy  was  an 
insurmountable  obstacle  at  the  moment  when  Lord 
Amherst  determined  not  to  submit  to  the  Ko-tou.  It 
appears  that  the  ministers  had  foreseen  this  exaction 
of  the  Court  of  Pekin,  but  that  bad  counsels  had 


496  HISTORY  OP  THE 

determined  Lord  Amherst  to  use,  in  refusing  to  sub- 
mit to  it,  all  the  latitude  left  him  by  his  instructions. 
An  ambassador  is  not  the  sovereign,  whatever  the  old 
diplomacy  may  say.     No  king  ever  regarded  the  am- 
bassador of  another  king  as  his  equal.     The  last 
prince  of  the  royal  blood  takes  precedence  of  the  am- 
bassador of  the  first  king  in  Europe*     The  erroneous 
idea  that  an  ambassador  stands  in  the  place  of  his 
sovereign,  is  a  feudal  tradition;  because,  when  the 
feudal  system  was  in  operation,  if  a  great  vassal  found 
himself  unable  to  render  oath  and  homage  in  person 
to  his  suzerain,  he  sent  an  ambassador  as  his  repre- 
sentative,, and  to  him  all  the  honours  due  to  his 
master  were  paid.     The  character  of  an  ambassador 
is,  in  relation  to  that  of  a  plenipotentiary  minister, 
what  the  character  of  this  latter  is  to  that  of  an 
envoy — it  is  a  hierarchy  of  rank;  the  ambassador 
in  the  first  rank,  the  minister  in  the  second,  the 
envoy  in  the  third;    as  negotiators,  they  all  three 
have  the  same  rights,  their  signatures  are  equally 
good,  and  must  equally  acquire  their  definitive  value 
by  the  ratification  of  the  sovereign.     The  difference 
between  these  three  diplomatic  degrees  of  rank,  only 
exists  as  far  as  regards  the  honours  to  which  they  give 
a  right.     An  ambassador,  for  example,  has  a  right  to 
be  treated  with  all  the  honours,  and  to  be  granted  all 
the  privileges,  allowed  to  men  of  the  highest  rank  in 
the  state;  the  ministers  have  a  right  to  be  treated  as 
the  chief  nobility  of  the  court  would  be ;  and  the  envoy 
has  a  right  of  .precedence  over  the  social  masses. 


CAPTIVITY   OF   NAPOLEON.  497 

The  charges-d 'affaires  are  merely  accredited  agents 
sent  to  tlie  minister  of  foreign  affairs. 

"  Lord  Aniherst  recognised  the  truth  of  this  diplo- 
matic position ;  but  he  affirmed,  that  from  this  situa- 
ation  evidently  resulted  his  right  to  exact  that  a 
deputy,  of  a  rank  equal  to  his  own,  should  perform 
before  the  portrait  of  the  King  of  England  the  cere- 
mony of  the  Ko-tou,  which  he  would  then  himself 
perform  before  the  Emperor  of  China,  unless  the 
Emperor  signed  a  declaration  that  if  he  sent  an 
ambassador  to  England,  this  ambassador  should  per- 
form the  Ko-tou  before  the.  King  of  England.  This 
demand  was  refused,  and  with  justice ;  the  same  things 
could  not  be  exacted  from  a  Chinese  ambassador  in 
London,  as  were  exacted  from  other  ambassadors. 

"  Lord  Amherst  demanded  that  the  Emperor  of 
China  would  at  least  accept,  as  a  compromise,  the 
etiquette  of  presentation  at  the  English  court,  which 
requires  the  ambassador  to  put  one  knee  to  the  ground 
at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  and  present  his  letters  of 
appointment. 

"  The  court  of  Pekin  persisted  in  its  rejection  of 
any  modification  of  the  Ko-tou. 

"  Lord  Amherst  did  not  comprehend  all  the  force 
of  the  only  reasonable  objection  against  the  Ko-tou, 
which  was,  the  representing  it  as  a  religious  act,  a  cere- 
mony of  paganism,  which  his  religion  forbade  him  to 
perform;  he  combated  but  feebly  the  demands  of  the 
mandarins,  who  displayed  in  this  discussion  much 
cunning  and  spirit  of  chicanery.  .And  in  short,  this 

VOL.  II.  K  K 


498  HISTORY   OF  THE 

embassy  will  have  cost  a  great  deal  of  money,  and 
have  only  served  to  increase  the  unpleasantness  of  the 
relations  between  the  two  countries. 

"  Mr.  Ellis,  secretary  to  the  embassy/'  added  the 
Emperor,  "  interested  me  deeply  by  the  details  which 
he  gave  me  of  the  intrigues  at  the  court  of  Persia,  at 
the  time  when  I  sent  General  Gardanna  thither ;  Mr. 
Ellis  was  then  the  charge-d'affaires  at  this  court  on 
the  part  of  England." 


General  Gourgaud  meanwhile  was  melancholy; 
some  letters  which  he  had  received  from  his  mother 
had  deeply  affected  him ;  the  Emperor  had  perceived 
his  sadness,  but  tried  in  vain  to  learn  the  cause  of  it. 
Two  or  three  days  passed  thus.  A  vessel  was  about 
to  sail  for  Europe.  The  Emperor  sent  for  Gourgaud, 
and  put  into  his  hands  an  open  letter,  commissioning 
him  to  forward  it  to  Paris,  and  giving  him  permission 
to  read  its  contents.  It  was  a  bill  for  a  pension  of 
12,000  francs,  to  be  paid  to  M.  Gourgaud,  and 
transferred,  at  his  death,  to  his  son;  this  manner  of 
proving  to  his  officers  the  interest  which  he  took  in 
them  was  a  custom  of  the  Emperor's;  I  have  often 
experienced  it. 

The  affair  of  the  bust  was  not  yet  terminated,  and 
was  fated  to  give  rise  to  more  vexations  to  the  Em- 
peror. Sir  Hudson  Lowe  sent  him  information,  that 
General  Bertrand's  letter  was  the  most  impertinent 
he  had  ever  received  in  his  life;  that  General  Bona- 


CAPTIVITY   OF  NAPOLEON.  499 

parte  must  keep  in  mind  in  future,  that  General 
Bertrand  only  remained  on  the  -island  through  the 
favour  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe;  and  that  if  he  again 
committed  such  a  fault,  he  should  immediately  be 
sent  to  the  Cape ;  and  begged  General  Bonaparte  to 
inform  him"  who  was  the  author  of  the  infamous 
calumny  which  accused  him  of  having  intended  to 
break  the  bust,  and  of  having  hindered  the  gunner 
of  the  Baring  in  the  sale  of  his  venture. 

The  Emperor  replied :  "  The  gunner  himself  said 
this  to  the  grand  marshal.  The  governor  complains 
of  the  letters  which  I  caused  to  be  written  to  him; 
let  him  fully  understand  that  I  wish  to  be  under  no 
obligations  to  him;  if  he  is  not  authorised  by  his 
instructions  to  let  me  purchase  the  bust  of  my  son, 
and  to  allow  me  to  receive  the  presents  offered  me  by 
Mr.  Elphinstone,  in  gratitude  for  my  having  saved 
his  brother's  life  on  the  eve  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo, 
why  did  he  forward  these  articles  to  Longwood? 
But  where  are  these  pretended  restrictions,  and  why 
has  he  never  communicated  them  to  us  ?  The  fact 
is,  that  they  do  not  exist;  and  I  protest  against  any 
restraints  on  my  liberty  of  action,  which  shall  not 
have  been  communicated  to  me  before  being  put  into 
execution.  Lord  Bathurst  declared  in  parliament 
that  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  had  no  right  to  add,  in  any 
way,  to  the  established  restrictions,  which  have  been 
communicated  to  me.  If  by  chance  he  took  a  fancy 
to  protest  against  the  crowns  on  the  chess-men,  why 
did  he  not  do  it?  I  should  have  laughed  heartily 


500  CAPTIVITY  OF  NAPOLEON. 

at  it ;  but  no ;  what  lie  wanted  to  do  was  simply  to 
torment  me  by  quoting  the  tenour  of  imaginary  regu- 
lations, in  order  to  have  an  opportunity  of  insinuating, 
that  it  is  to  his  extreme  goodness  that  I  owe  the  bust 
of  my  son,  and  some  articles  of  Chinese  workmanship. 
A  man  becomes  accustomed  to  the  dungeon  of  a 
prison,  even  if  he  has  irons  on  his  feet  and  hands,  but 
never  to  the  caprice  of  his  gaoler.  I  wish  for  no 
favour  from  him;  the  only  thing  now  wanting  to  his 
pretensions  is  that  he  should  exact  that  I  should  write 
to  him  every  day,  to  thank  him  for  the  air  I  breathe. 
Sir  Hudson  Lowe  fatigues  me  with  his  insinuations ; 
he  is  killing  me  by  pin-wounds,  morally  as  well  as 
physically;  an  executioner  would  kill  me  with  one 
blow ;  the  governor's  conduct  is  in  'everything  crooked 
and  mysterious;  it  is  the  way  the  petty  tyrants  of 
Italy  act :  crime  alone  walks  in  darkness ;  sooner  or 
later,  his  king  and  his  nation  will  be  informed  of  his 
unworthy  conduct,  and  if  he  escapes  the  chastisement 
of  the  laws  which  he  is  violating,  he  will  not  escape 
the  decree  of  infamy  and  reprobation  which  will  be 
pronounced  on  him  by  all  enlightened  and  humane 
men;  he  is  an  unfaithful  deputy;  he  deceives  his 
government; — the  twenty  falsehoods  contained  in 
Lord  Bathurst's  speech,  are  an  incontestable  proof  of 
this.  His  conduct  with  regard  to  the  bust  of  my  son, 
is  odious,  and  worthy  of  all  his  acts  since  his  arrival 
here." 

END  OF  VOL.  II. 


T.  C.  Savffl,  Printer,  4,  Chandos  Street,  Covent  Garden. 


MR.  COLBUKN'S  STANDARD  WORKS. 


DEDICATED,  BY  PERMISSIONjXTO  H.  B.  H.  PRINCE  ALBERT. 


Now  in  course  of  Publication,  in  about  Four  Volumes,  8vo.,  price  155.  each,  to 
range  with  the  WELLINGTON  DISPATCHES.    (Vols.  I.  and  II.  are  now  ready.) 

THE  LETTERS  MD  DISPATCHES 


OF 


ADM1EAL  LORD  VISCOUNT  NELSON, 

EDITED    BY  SIR   HARRIS   NICOLAS,  G.C.M.G. 


OPINIONS  OF  THE  PRESS. 

"  We  were  rejoiced  at  the  announcement  of  the  intended  publication  of  Lord 
Nelson's  Letters  and  Dispatches,  and  we  confess  that  we  have  not  been  disap- 
pointed by  the  editor's  performance  of  his  task.  This  collection  promises  to  be 
the  most  genuine  and  true  portrait  of  a  great  public  character  which  the  world 
has  ever  seen."—  Times. 

"  The  Letters  of  Nelson*  just  given  to  the  public  by  the  industry  of  Sir  Har- 
ris Nicolas,  will  hereafter  be  the  manual  of  the  sailor,  as  the  sister  service  has 
found  a  guide  in  the  Dispatches  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  All  that  was  to  be 
expected  from  the  well-known  talent  of  the  Editor,  united  to  an  enthusiasm  for 
his  hero,  which  has  carried  him  triumphantly  through  the  extraordinary  labour  of 
investigating  and  ascertaining  every  fact  in  the  slightest  degree  bearing  upon  his 
subject,  is  to  be  found  in  this  volume,  in  which,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end, 
by  a  continued  series  of  letters,  Nelson  is  made  his  own  historian." — Blackwood's 
Magazine. 

"  Sir  Harris  Nicolas  has  imposed  a  great  obligation  upon  the  country  by  this 
publication.  The  collection  is  a  model  in  its  kind.  The  family  that  shall  want 
this  book  must  be  ungrateful  to  the  memory  of  Nelson." — Standard.  * 

"  This  Publication,  in  its  idea  and  execution,  is  very  honourable  to  all 
engaged  in  it.  Sir  Harris  Nicolas  has  entered  on  his  worthy  task  in  the  best 
possible  spirit.  Nor  will  it  be  possible  to  imagine,  when  completed,  a  nobler 
national  trophy.  There  is  no  warrior  or  statesman  in  our  history,  from  Alfred 
downwards,  of  whom  England  has  so  many  reasons  to  be  proud,  as  Nelson. 
This  Collection  is  enriched  with  Letters  hitherto  imprinted,  to  an  extent  the  most 
sanguine  could  hardly  have  looked  for." — Examiner. 

«  Had  we  such  collections  as  the  present  important  publication  in  sufficient 
abundance,  the  history  of  the  past  might  be  rewritten,  with  its  anomalies  re- 
conciled, and  its  blanks  supplied."— Atfienceum. 

"  The  Dispatches  of  Nelson  will  range  side  by  side  with  those  of  Wellington. 
Englishmen  will  associate  their  heroic  deeds,  and  point  their  sons  to  these  kin- 
dred works  as  the  best  memorials  of  their  services."— Globe. 

HENRY    COLBURN,    PUBLISHER, 
&  13,  GEEAT  MAELBOBOUGH-STREET,  LONDON. 


MR.  COLBURN'S  STANDARD  WORKS. 


CHEAP  LIBKAEY  OP  ENTEETAINMENT. 

Elegantly  bound  in  Sixteen  Volumes,  price  only  65.  each,  (any  of  which  may  be 
.  bad  separately,)  printed  uniformly  with  Byron  and  Scott,  and  beautifully  em- 
bellished with  the  Portraits  of  the  Authors,  and  other  Engravings,  by  the 
Tindens  and  other  eminent  Artists, ' 

COLBURFS  STANDARD  NOVELS; 

A  SELECT  COLLECTION  OF 

Clje  6*st  asaorfcs  af  ^Fiction 

OF  THE  MOST  DISTINGUISHED  ENGLISH  WRITERS,  WHICH  CANNOT  BE 

'PROCURED  IN  ANY  OTHER  COLLECTION. 

No  composition  of  inferior  or  ephemeral  character  will  be  admitted  into  this 
collection;  but  those  works  alone  which  have  received  the  stamp  of  unequivocal 
public  approbation,  and  which  maybe  read  from  time  to  time,  with  still  recurring 
pleasure  and  profit,  will  constitute  the  Series. 

CONTENTS. 


SIR  E.  L,  BDLWER'S  PELHAM. 
SIR  E.  L.  BULWER'S  DISOWNED. 
SIR  E.  L.  BULWER'S  DEVEREUX. 


MB  WAim'*  TKF1WATWV  ME«  HOOK'S  SAYINGS  AND  DOINGS. 

IKB.  WARD  s  TREMAIKL.  (Second  Series') ;  comprising  the  Suther- 


MR.  SMITH'S  BRAMBLETYE  HOUSE. 

MR.  SMITE'S  ZELLAH. 

MR.  LISTER'S  GRANBY. 

LADY  MORGAN'S  O'DONNEL. 

LADY  MORGAN'S  FLORENCE  MACARTHY. 

CAPT.  MARRYAT'S  PRANK  MILDMAY. 

MR.  HOOK'S  GURNEY  MARRIED. 


MR.  HOOK'S  SAYINGS  AND  DOINGS. 

(First  Series);  comprising  DaiiverSj  The 
Friend  of  the  Family,  Merton,  &c. 


lauds,  the  Man  of  Many  Friends,  Doubts 
and  Fears,  and  Passion  and  Principle. 
MR.  HOOK'S  SAYINGS  AND  DOINGS. 

(Third  Series) ;  comprising  Cousin  Wil- 
liam and  Gervase  Skinner. 
MR.  JAMES'S  RICHELIEU. 
MR,  GLEIG'S  CHELSEA  PENSIONERS. 


OPINIONS  OF   THE   PRESS. 

"  '  Colburn's  Standard  Novelists5  presents  a  series  of  those  works  of  fiction 
that  have  most  tended,  with  the  writings  of  Sir  Walter  Scott,  to  elevate  this 
description  of  literature.  This  publication  presents  a  concentration  of  imagina- 
tive genius."—  Globe. 

"  This  collection  continues  to  realise  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  that 
large  class  of  readers  who,  with  ourselves,  were  anxious  to  have  all  the  best 
modern  works  of  fiction  brought  out  on  the  plan  which  Mr.  Colburn  has  so 
judiciously  adopted,  and  in  which  elegance  and  economy  are  so  happily  com- 
bined."— Sunday  Times. 

"  A  truly  popular  undertaking.  The  series  so  got  up  and  embellished,  and 
so  cheap,  must  extend  the  fame  even  of  the  author  of  '  Pelham.' " — Literary 
Gazette. 

"  We  earnestly  press  this  cheap  and  elegant  publication  of  Mr.  Colburn's  on 
the  notice  of  our  readers,  under  a  sincere  conviction  that  we  are  doing  them  a 
service." — Scotsman. 

"  Thousands,  and  tens  of  thousands,   will    patronise  this  undertaking." 

"  What  an  admirable  opportunity  is  here  presented  to  such  as  are  about  to 
form  a  select  library  of  fiction !"— Sun. 

HENRY  COLBURN,  PUBLISHER, 

13,  GKEAT  MABLBOROUGH-STREET,  LONDON. 

Agents:  for  Scotland,  Bell  and  Bradfute,  Edinburgh  5  for  Ireland,  John  Gum- 
ming, Dublin.    Orders  received  by  all  Booksellers.