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Full text of "The history of the popes from the close of the Middle Ages : drawn from the secret archives of the Vatican and other original sources"

\ *:* 



HISTORY OF THE POPES 

VOL. XV 



PASTOR S HISTORY OF THE POPES 



THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from 
the German of LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR. Edited, as to 
Vols. I.-VI. by the late FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS, and, 
as to Vols. VII.-XXIV. by RALPH FRANCIS KERR, of the 
London Oratory. Vols. XXV.-XXXIV. by Don ERNEST GRAF, 
of Buckfatt Abbey, and Vols. XXXV.-XXXVI. by E. F. 
PEELER. 



Vols. I. and II. 
Vols. III. and IV. 
Vols. V. and VI. 
Vols. VII. and VIII. 
Vols. IX. and X. 
Vols. XI. and XII. 
Vols. XIII. and XIV. 
Vols. XV. and XVI. 
Vols. XVII. and XVIII. 
Vols. XIX. and XX. 
Vols. XXI. and XXII. 
Vols. XXIII. and XXIV. 
Vols. XXV. and XXVI. 
Vols. XXVII. to XXIX. 
Vols. XXX. to XXXII. 
Vols. XXXIII. and XXXIV. 
Vols. XXXV. and XXXVI. 



1305-1458 
1458-1483 
1484-1513 
1513-1521 
1522-1534 
1534-1549 
1550-1559 
A.D. 1559-1565 
A.D. 1566-1572 
A.P. 1572-1585 
1585-1591 
1592-1604 
1605-1621 
1621-1644 
1644-1700 
1700-1740 
A.D. 1740-1774 



A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 



A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 



The original German text of the History of the Popes is published 
by Herder & Co., Freiburg (Baden). 




T H e 

HISTORY OF THE POP 

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES 



DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER 
ORIGINAL SOURCES 



FROM THE GERMAN OF 

LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR 



EDITED BY 

RALPH FRANCIS KERR 

OF THE LONDON ORATORY 



VOLUME XV 

PIUS IV. (1.559-1565) 



LONDON 
ROUTLEDGE & KEGAN PAUL LTD 

BROADWAY HOUSE: 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.G. 4. 

ST LOUIS, MO.: B. HERDER BOOK CO. 

15 & 17 SOUTH BROADWAY. 
1951 



First published in England 1928 
Reprinted 1951 



DEDICATED 
TO HIS DEAR FRIEND 

STEPHEN EHSES 

PRELATE, DR. PHIL. ET THEOL. 

DIRECTOR OF THE ROMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE OF THE 
" GORRES-GESELLSCHAFT " 

WITH SINCERE ESTEEM 

BY 
THE AUTHOR 



Fluctuare potest, demergi nequaquam [Ecclesia], 

Pius IV. to Girolamo Priuli, Doge of Venice, December 3oth, 1560. 

(Papal Secret Archives. Arm. 44, t. 10, n. 420). 



PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY 

LUND HUMPHRIES 
LONDON BRADFORD 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XV. 



PAGE 

Collections of Archives and Manuscripts referred to in 

Volumes XV. and XVI. . . . vii 

Complete Titles of Books frequently quoted in Volumes 

XV. and XVI. . . . . . ix 

Table of Contents ...... xxv 

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix . . xxxvi 

Pius IV, 1559-1565 

Author s Preface ..... xxxvii 

Introduction ... . xxxix 

The Conclave of 1559 . . i 

Previous Life and Character of Pius IV. The beginning 

of his Pontificate . . . . .66 

The Pope s Relatives. Charles Borromeo. Diplomatic 

Relations with the Princes ... 94 

The Fall of the House of Carafa . . 131 

Negotiations for the re-opening of the Council of Trent . 179 
The Mission of Commendone and Delfino to Germany . 216 
Final preparations for the re-opening of the Council . 241 
Re-opening of the Council of Trent. Sessions XVII. to 

XXII. . . . . .264 

The Mission of Morone to Ferdinand I. at Innsbruck, 1562- 

1563 . . . . . -299 

Concluding Sessions of the Council of Trent . . 328 

Significance of the Council of Trent . . . 366 

Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . -379 

Index of Names . . . . - 43 1 



COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND 

MANUSCRIPTS REFERRED TO IN 

VOLUMES XV. AND XVI. 



AREZZO Library of the Con- 

fraternita di 5. Maria. 
AUXERRE Library. 

BASLE Library. 

BERLIN State (formerly Royal] 

Library. 
BOLOGNA State Archives. 

- University Library. 
BREGENZ Museum Archives. 



CARPENTRAS Library. 

CARLSRUHE Library. 

CITTA DI CASTELLO Graziani 
Archives. 

COLMAR State Library. 

COMO Serbelloni-Busca Ar 
chives. 

CORTONA Library. 

FAENZA Communal Archives. 
FLORENCE National Library. 

State Archives. 

FOLIGNO Seminary Library. 

GALLESE Altemps Archives. 
GENOA University Library. 

HOHENEMS Archives of the 
Hohenems family (Wald- 
burg-Zeil). 

INNSBRUCK Vice-regal Ar 
chives. 
University Library. 

LONDON British Museum. 



MANTUA Episcopal Archives. 

Gonzaga Archives. 

MILAN Ambrosian Library. 

Trivulziana Library. 

MODENA State Archives. 
MONTPELLIER Library. 
MUNICH State Library. 

NAPLES State Archives. 

- Brancacciana Library. 

National Library. 

- Oratorian Library. 

- Library of the Societb 
di storia patria. 

OSSEGG Convent Library. 

PARIS Archives of Affaires 
etr anger es. 

- National Archives. 
National Library. 

PARMA Palatine Library. 
PISTOIA Forteguerri Library. 
PRAGUE Nostitz Library. 

ROME 

(a) Archives : 

the Boncompagni. 

the Colonna. 

the Fabbrica di S. 

Pietro. 

the Spanish Embassy. 
Consistorial 1 , of the 

Vatican, 
the Papal Secret 

(Secret Archives of 

the Vatican) 
of the State. 



Under Pius X. included in the Papal Secret Archives. 

vii 



viii ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS IN VOLS. XV & XVI. 



(b) Libraries : 
Altieri. 
Casanatense. 
Chigi. 
Corsini. 
Vallicelliana. 
Vatican. 
Vittorio Emanuele. 

SAN SEVERING (The Marches)- 

Communal Library. 
SIMANCAS Archives. 



STOCKHOLM Library. 
UPSALA Library. 

VENICE State Archives. 

Library of St. Mark. 

VIENNA State Archives. 
Court Library. 

- Liechtenstein Library. 

- Rossiana Library. 
VITERBO Chapter Library. 
VOLTERRA Guarnacci Liorary. 



COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED IN 
VOLUMES XV. AND XVI. 



Albert, E. Le relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti al durante 

il secolo decimosesto. 3 series. Firenze, 1839-1855. 
Alessandri, P. d . Atti di San Carlo riguardanti la Svizzera e 

suoi territorii nei process! di canonizzazione. Locarno, 1909. 
Amabile, L. II. S. Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli. Vol. I., 

Citta di Castello, 1892. 
Ambros, A. W. Geschichte der Musik. Vol. II., III., 3rd ed. ; 

Vol.. IV., 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1881-1893. 
Ancel, R. La secretairerie sous Paul IV. Paris, 1906. 

Le Vatican sous Paul IV. Contribution a 1 histoire du 

palais pontifical. Rev. Benedictine, Jan., 1908, pp. 48-71. 

La disgrace et le proccs des Carafas d apres des documents 

inedits 1559 a 1557. Maredsous, 1909. 

Nonciatures de France. Nonciatures de Paul IV. (with 

the last years of Julius III. and Marcellus IL). Vol. I., Non 
ciatures de Sebastiano Gualterio et de Cesare Brancatio 
(Mai 1554-Juillet 1557), i re et 2ine partie ; Paris, 1909, 
1911. 

Anquetil. L esprit de la Ligue ou histoire politique des troubles 

de France pendant le XVI. e et XVII.e siecle. Nouv. edit., 

Vol. I. Paris, 1818. 
Archivio della Societa Romano, di storia patria. Vols. I. et seqq. 

Roma, 1878 seqq. 
Archivio storico dell Arte, publ. par Gnoli. Vols. I. et seqq. Roma, 

1888 seqq. 

Archivio storico Italiano. 5 series. Firenze, 1842 seqq. 
Archivio storico Lombardo. Vols. I. et seqq. Milano, 1874 seqq 
Archivio storico per le provincie Napolitane. Vols. I. ct seqq. 

Napoli, 1876 seqq. 
Aretin, C. M., Freiherr V. Bayerns auswartige Verhaltnisse seit 

dem Anfang des 16 Jahrhunderts. Vol. I. Passau, 1839. 
Armand, A. Les Medailleurs Italiens des XV.e et XVI.e siecles. 

Vols. IL, III. Paris, 1883, 1887. 
Armellini, M. Le chiese di Roma dalle loro origini sino al secolo 

XVI. Roma, 1887. 
Arte, L . Continuation of the Archivio storico dell Arte. Roma, 

1898 seqq. 
A strain, A., S.J. Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Asistencia 

de Espana. Vols. L, II. Madrid, 1902, 1905. 
Atti e Memorie della r. deputaz. di storia patria per la prov. 

dell Emilia. Prima serie 1-8 ; Nuova Serie, i seqq. Modena, 

1863 seqq. 

ix 



X COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Aumale, Due d . Histoire des Princes de Conde. 8 vols. Paris, 
1869-1895. 

Baguenault de Puchesse, G. Jean de Morvillier, eveque d Orleans. 

Paris, 1870. 

Balan, P. Storia d ltalia. 6 vols. Modena, 1882. 
Baluze, S. Miscellanea ; ed. Mansi. 4 vols. Lucca, 1761. 
Baraccomi, G. J. Rioni di Roma. Terza ristampa. Torino- 
Roma, 1905. 

Bartoli, A. Cento Vedute di Roma antica. Firenze, 1911. 
Bartoli, D. Dell Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu. L Italia, 

prima parte dell Europa. Libro primo e secondo (Opere, 

Vol. 5). Torino, 1825. 
Bascapb .(Carolus a Basilicapetri). De vita et rebus gestis Caroli 

S.R.E. Cardinalis tituli S. Praxedis archiepiscopi Mediolan- 

ensis libri septem. Brixiae, 1602. (Used for the version 

given in the Acta ecclesice Mediolan. 3 vols., Brixiae, 1603). 
Baschet, A . La Diplomatic Venetienne. Les princes de 1 Europe 

au XVI.e siecle . . . d apres les rapports des ambassadeurs 

Venetiens. Paris, 1862. 

Baum, A. Theodor Beza. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1843, 1851. 
Bdumer, S. Geschichte des Breviers. Freiburg, 1895. 
Baumgartner, A. Geschichte der Weltliteratur. Vol. VI. : Die 

italienische Literatur. Frieburg, 1911. 
Bdumker, W. Palestrina. Freiburg, 1877 (a contribution to the 

history of the reform of Church music in Italy in the i6th 

century). 
Beccadelli, L. Monumenti di varia letteratura, tratti dai Mano- 

scritti di Msgr. L. B., ed. Morandi. Bologna, 1797-1804. 
Beccari, C., S.J, Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores occidentales 

inediti saeculo XVI. ad XIX. Vols. V. and X. Romae, 

1907, 1910. 
Bietrdge zur Geschichte Herzog Albrechts V. und der sog. Adels- 

verschworung von 1563. By Walter Goetz and Leonhard 

Theobald. (Brief e und Akten zur Geschichte des 16 Jahr- 

hunderts mit besonderer Riicksicht auf Bayerns Fiirstenhaus. 

Vol. VI.). Leipzig, 1913. 
Bekker, Ernst. Maria Stuart, Darnley, Bothwell. (Giessener 

Studien aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte, Vol. L). Giessen, 

1881. 

- Elisabeth und Leicester, 1560-1562. Giessen, 1890. 
Bellesheim, A. Geschichte der katolischen Kirche in Schottland 

von der Einfiihrung des Christentums bis auf die Gegenwart. 
Vol. II., 1560-1878. Mainz, 1883. 

- Wilhelm Kardinal Allen (1532-1594) und die englischen 
Seminare auf dem Festlande. Mainz, 1885. 

Geschichte der katolischen Kirche in Irland. Vol. II., 

1509-1690. Mainz, 1890. 
Benigni, U. Die Getreidpolitik der Papste. Ed. G. Ruhland. 

Berlin, 1898. 

Benrath, K. Die Reformation in Venedig. Halle, 1887. 
Berliner, A. Geschichte der Juden in Rom von den altesten 

zeiten bis zur Gegenwart. 2 vols. Frankfurt a. M., 1893. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. xi 

Bertolotti, A. Artisti Lombard! a Roma nei secoli XV., XVI. e 
XVII. Studi e ricerche negli archivi Roman! . 2 vols. 
Milano, 1881. 

- Artisti Bolognesi, Ferraresi ed alcuni altri in Roma. 
Bologna, 1885. 

- Artisti subalpini in Roma. Mantova, 1885. 

- Martiri del libero pensiero e vittime della santa Inquisi- 
zione nei secoli XVI., XVII., e XVIII. Roma, 1891. 

Biaudet, H. Les nonciatures apostoliques permanentes jusqu en 

1648 (Annales Academiae scientiarum FennicaR. Series B., 

Vol. II., i). Helsinki, 1910. 
Bicci, Marco Ubaldo, Notizia della famiglia Boccapaduli patrizia 

Romana. Roma, 1762. 
Bobadilla, Nic. Alph. de, Gesta et scripta (Monum. hist. Soc. Jesu). 

Matriti, 1913. 

Boero, G. Vita del P. G. Lainez. Firenze, 1880. 
Bonanni, Ph. Numismata Pontificum Romanorum. Vol. II. 

Roma, 1699. 
Bondonus, Lud., de Branchis Firmanus. Diaria Caerimonialia : 

Merkle, Cone. Trid. II., Frib. Brisg., 1911, pp. 518571. 
Borgatti, M. Castel di S. Angelo in Roma. Roma, 1890. 
Borgia, Sanctus Franciscus, quartus Gandiae dux et Societatis 

Jesu praepositus generalis tertius (Monum. hist. Soc. Jesu). 

Vols. IV., V. (1565-1572). Matriti, 1910, 1911. 
Brosch, M. Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. Vol. I., Gotha, 

1880. 

- Geschichte Englands. Vol. VI., Gotha, 1890. 

Brown, Rawdon, Calendar of State Papers relating to English 

affairs (Venice and North Italy). Vols. VI., VII. London, 

1873-1890. 
Bucholtz, F. B. Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinands I. 9 vols. 

Vienna, 1831-1838. 
Bullarium Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Summorum Rcmanorum 

Pontificum. Taurinensis editio. Vol. VI. Aug. Taurin., 

1860 ; Vol. VII. Neapoli, 1882. 
Burckhardt, J. Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien. 5th Ed., 

Esslinger, 1912. 
Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien. 2 vols., loth Ed. 

by L. Geiger. Leipzig, 1908. 
Burnet, G. The History of the Reformation. 7 vols. London, 

1865. 
Buschbell, G. Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die 

Mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts. Paderborn, 1910. 

Calenzio, G. Document! inediti e nuovi lavori letterarii sul 

Concilio di Trento. Roma, 1874. 
Cambridge Modern History. Vol. III. The Wars of Religion. 

Cambridge, 1904. 
Cancellieri, F. Storia dei solenni Possessi dei Sommi Pontefici. 

Roma, 1802. 
Canisii, Beati Petri, Epistulae et Acta. Collegit, etc. O. Brauns- 

berger, S.J. Vols. I.-V. Frib. Brisg., 1896-1910. 
Cantti, G. Gli Eretici d ltalia. 3 vols. Torino, 1864-1866. 



Xll COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Carcereri, L. Giovanni Grimani Patriarca d Aquileia imputato 

di eresia e assolto dal Concilio di Trento. Roma, 1907. 
Cardella, L. Memorie storiche de cardinal! della S. Romana 

chiesa. Vol. V. Roma, 1793. 
Caro, A. Lettere colla vita dell autore scritta da A. F. Seghezzi. 

3 vols. Milano, 1807. 
Caruso, Giambatt. Discorso istorico-apologetico della Monarchia 

di Sicilia pp. G. M. Mira. Palermo, 1863. 
Cecchetti, B. La repubblica di Venezia e la corte di Roma nei 

rapporti della religione. 2 vols. Venezia, 1874. 
Charriere, E. Negotiations de la France dans le Levant. (Collect. 

des docum. ine"d. pour 1 hist. de France, Vols. L, II.). Paris, 

1848. 
Chattard, G. P. Nuova descrizione del Vaticano. Vols. I.-III. 

Roma, 1762-1767. 
Ciaconius, Alph. Vita et res gestae Pont. Romanorum et S. R. E. 

Cardinalium . . . ab A. Oldoino (S.J.) recognita. Vol. III. 

Romae, 1677. 

Cibrario, L. Lettere di Santi, Papi, Principi, etc. Torino, 1861. 
dementi, F. II Carnevale Romano nelle cronache contemporanee. 

Roma, 1899. 

Condavi de Pontefici Romani. s.l., 1667. 
Condivi, A. Das Leben des Michelangelo Buonarroti. Vienna, 

1874. 
Constant, G. Rapport sur une mission scientifique aux archives 

d Autriche et d Espagne. (Nouv. Arch, des Missions scientif. 

et litter. Vol. XVIII.). Paris, 1910. 
Contarini, N. Antichita di Roma. Venezia, 1569. 
Coppi, A. Discorso sopra le finanze di Roma nei secoli di mezzo. 

Roma, 1847. 
Corpo diplomatico Portuguez . . . desde o seculo XVI., pp. L. A. 

Rebello da Silva, Vols. VIII., IX. Lisbon, 1886 seq. 
Correspondance de Babou de la Bourdaisiere, eveque d Angouleme. 

Reims, 1859. 
Correspondance du cardinal Granvelle ; publ. p. Poullet et Plot. 

12 vols. Bruxelles, 1878-1896. 
Correspondencia de Felipe II. con sus embaj adores en la Corte de 

Inglaterra 1558 a 1584. Vols. IV., V. (Coleccion de docu- 

mentos ineditos para la historia de Espafia, Vols. 91, 92). 

Madrid, 1888. 
Correspondencia diplomatica entre Espafia y la Santa Sede 

durante el pontiricado de s. Pio V. por D. L. Serrano. 3 vols. 

Roma, 1914. 
Cramer, L. La Seigneurie de Geneve et la maison de Savoie de 

1559 a 1603. 2 vols. Geneve, 1912. 
Cupis, C. de. Le vicende dell agricoltura e della pastorizia nell - 

agro Romano e 1 Annona di Roma. Roma, 1911. 
Cyprianus, E. Tabularium ecclesiae Romanae saeculi decimi sexti, 

in quo monumenta restituti calicis Eucharistici totiusque 

concilii Tridentini historiam mirifice illustrantia continentur. 

Francofurti et Lipsiae, 1743. 

Daelli, G. Carte Michelangiolesche inedite. Milano, 1885. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. xiii 

Degert, A. Proces de hint eveques fran^ais suspects de Calvin- 

isme : Rev. des quest, hist., Vol. 76, Paris, 1904, pp. 61-108. 
Dejob. L influence du Concile de Trente sur la litterature et les 

beaux-arts. Paris, 1884. 
Dembinski, B. Wybor Piusa IV. Abhandlungen der Krakauer 

Akademie, Vol. XX., Krakau, 1887, pp. 190-304. 
- Rzym i Europa przed rozpoczciem trzeciego okresu 

soboru trydenckiego. Krakow, 1891. 

Dengel, J. Geschichte des Palazzo di S. Marco. Leipzig, 1909. 
Desjardins, A. Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la 

Toscane. Doc. recueillis par G. Canestrini. Vols. I. seqq. 



Paris, 1859 seqq. 
r, J. Geschi 
Vol. III., 1516-1648. Gotha, 1907. 



Dierauer, J. Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. 



Dispacci di Germania : Ed. by the Histor. Kommission der 
Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Vols. I. -1 1 1., 
ed. by Turba. Vienna, 1889-1895. 

Dollinger, J. J. Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte. 2 vols 
Regensburg, 1843. 

Kirche und Kirchen. Miinchen, 1861. 

Beitrage zur politischen, kirchlichen, und Kulturgeschichte 
der sechs letzten Jahrhunderte. Vols. II., III. Regensburg, 
1863-1882. 

Ungedruckte Berichte und Tagebiicher zur Geshichte des 



Konzils von Trient. 2 vols. Nordlingen, 1876. 
Duhr, B., S.J. Jesuitenfabeln. Freiburg, 1904. 

- Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher Zunge 

im 16 Jahrh. Vol. I. Freiburg, 1907. 
Duruy, G. Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa (1519-1561). Paris, 1882. 

Eder, G. Die Reform vorschlage Kaiser Ferdinands I. auf dem 

Konzil von Trient. Miinster, 1911. 

Egger, H. Romische Veduten. Vienna and Leipzig, 1911. 
Ehrenberg, H. Urkunden und Aktenstiicke zur Geschichte der 

in der heutigen Provinz Posen vereinigten ehemals polnischen 

Landesteile. Leipzig, 1892. 
Ehrle, F., S.J. Roma prima di Sisto V. La pianta di Roma Du 

Perac-Lafrery del, 1577. Roma, 1908. 
Ehses, S. Concilium Tridentinum. Vols. IV., V., VIII. Frib. 

Brisg. 1904-1919. 
Die letzte Berufung des Trienter Konzils durch Pius IV., 

29 November, 1560. Kempten, 1913. 

Der Schlussakt des Konzils von Trient. Koln, 1914. 

Ein papstlicher Nuntius am Rhein vor 350 Jahren : 



Vortrage und Abhandlungen der Gorres-Gesellschaft zur 

Pflege der Wissenschaft im Kathol. Deutschland. Koln, 

1917, pp. 3944. 
Eichhorn, A . Der ermlandische Bischof und Kardinal Stanislaus 

Hosius. 2 vols. Mainz, 1854-1855. 
Eisler, Alex. Das Veto der katholischen Staaten bei der Papst- 

wahl. Vienna, 1907. 
Elkan, A. Ph lipp Marnix von St. Adelgonde. Leipzig, 1910- 

1911. 



XIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Epistolce PP. Paschasii Broeti, Claudii Jaji, Joannis Codurii et 
Simonis Rodericii Soc. Jesu. Matriti, 1903. 

Epistolce P. Alphonsi Salmeronis Soc. Jesu, nunc primum editae. 
Vols. I., II. (1536-1585)- Matriti, 1906-1907. 

Escher, Konrad, Barock und Klassizismus. Leipzig [1910]. 

Fantuzzi, Giov. Notizie degli Scrittori Bolognesi. 9 vols. 

Bologna, 1781-1794. 
Flamini, F. II Cinquecento (Storia lett. d ltalia). Milano 

[1903]- 
Fleming, David Hay. Mary Queen of Scots from her Birth to 

her Flight into England. London, 1897. 
Fontana, B. Renata di Francia, duchessa di Ferrara. 3 vols. 

Roma, 1889-1894. 
Forbes-Leith, W., SJ. Narratives of Scottish Catholics under 

Mary Stuart and James VI. Edinburgh, 1885. 
Forcella, V. Iscrizioni delle chiese e d altri edifici di Roma dal 

secolo XI. fino ai giorni nostri. 14 vols. Roma, 1869-1885. 
Forneron, H. Histoire de Philippe II. Vol. I. Paris, 1881. 
Fouqueray, H. Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus en France. 

Vol. I. (1528-1575). Paris, 1910. 
Frere, W. H. The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth 

and James I. London, 1904. 
Friedberg, E. Die Grenzen zwischen Staat und Kirche und die 

Garantien gegen deren Verletzung. Tubingen, 1872 
Friedldnder, W. Das Casino Pius IV. Leipzig, 1912. 

Gachard, L. P. Correspondance de Philippe II. sur les affaires 

des Pays-Bas. Vol. I. Bruxelles, 1848. 
- Correspondance de Marguerite d Autriche, duchesse de 

Parme, avec Philippe II. Vol. I. Bruxelles, 1867. 
Gams, P. B. Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien. 3 vols., 2nd 

ed. Regensburg, 1879. 
Gamucci, B., di S. Gimignano. Le antichita della citta di Roma. 

2 ediz. corr. da T. Porcacchi. Venetia, 1569. 
Garampi.G. Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche monete 

pontificie. Con appendice di documenti. S.l.et a. [Roma, 

1766]. 
Gatticus, J. B. Acta caeremonialia S. Romanae Ecclesiae ex MSS. 

codicibus. Vol. I. Romae, 1753. 
Gaudentius, P. Beitrage zur Kirchengeschichte des 16 und 17 

Jahrh. Bedeutung und Verdienste des Franziskaner-Ordens 

im Kampfe gegen den Protestantismus. Vol. I. Bozen, 

1880. 
Gaye, E. G. Carteggio inedito d artisti dei secoli XV., XVI. e 

XVII. 3 vols. Firenze, 1840. 
Geymuller, H. von. Michelangelo Buonarroti als Architekt. 

Miinchen, 1904. 
Giannone, P. Istoria civile del regno di Napoli. Ediz. accresciuta 

di note critiche, etc. Vol. IV. Venezia, 1766. 
Giornale Storico della letteratura Italiana. Vols. I. seqq. Roma- 

Torino-Firenze, 1883 seqq. 
Giuliani. Trento al tempo del Concilio. Trento, 1888, 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. XV 

Giussano, G. P. Vita di S. Carlo Borromeo. Roma, 1610. 
Goiter, Emil. Die papstliche Ponitentiarie von ihrem Ursprung 

bis zu ihrer Umgestaltung unter Pius V. 2 vols. Rome, 

1907, 1911. 
Gori, F. Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario della 

citta e provincia di Roma. Vols. I. -IV. Roma e Spoleto, 

1875-1883. 
Gothein, E. Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation. 

Halle, 1895. 

Gothein, M. Geschichte der Gartenkunst. Vol. I. Jena, 1914. 
Gotti, A. Vita di Michelangelo Buonarotti narrata con 1 aiuto 

di nuovi documenti. 2 vols. Firenze, 1875. 
Gotz, W. Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des 16 Jahrhunderts. 

Vol. V., Beitrage zur Geschichte Herzogs Albrechts V. und des 

Landsberger Bundes, 1556-1598. Miinchen, 1898. 
Grimm, H Leben Michelangelos. 2 vols. 5th ed. Berlin, 

1879. 
Grisar, H. Die Frage des papstlichen Primates und des Ursprungs 

der bischoflichen Gewalt auf dem Tridentinum : Zeitschrift 

fur kathol. Theologie, 1884, Innsbruck, pp. 453 seq., 727 seq. 
Jacobi Lainez disputationes Tridentinae. 2 vols. Oeni- 

ponte, 1884. 

Guettee. Histoire de 1 Eglise de France. Vol. VIII. Paris, 1853. 
Guglielmotti, Alb. La guerra dei pirati dal 1500 al 1560. 2 vols. 

Firenze, 1876. 
- Storia delle fortificazioni nella spiaggia Romana. Roma, 

1880. 

Guhl, E. Kiinstlerbriefe. Vol. I. Berlin, 1880. 
Guidus, Ant. De obitu Pauli IV. et conclavi cum electione Pii 

IV. : Merkle, Cone. Trid. II., Frib. Brisg., 1911, pp. 605-632. 
Guillemin, J. J. Le cardinal [Charles] de Lorraine, son influence 

politique et religieuse au i6e siecle. [Reims], 1847. 
Gulik-Eubel. Hierarchia Catholica medii sevi. Vol. III. Mon- 

asterii, 1910. 

Hammer, J. von. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. . . Vol. 

III. Pest, 1828. 
Hansen, J. Rheinische Akten zur Geschichte des Jesuitenordens, 

1542-1582. Bonn, 1896. 
Hauser, H. Les sources de 1 histoire de France. Vol. II., Paris, 

1909. 
Heidenhain, A . Die Unionspolitik Landgraf Philipps von Hessen 

I 557~ I 562. Halle, 1890. 
Helle, Ph. Die Conferenzen Morones mit Kaiser Ferdinand I. 

(Mai, 1563) und ihre Einwirkung auf den Gang des Trienter 

Konzils. Bonn, 1911. 
Henner, K. Beitrage zur Organisation und Kompetenz der 

papstlichen Ketzergerichte. Leipzig, 1890. 
Henry, P. Das Leben Johann Calvins. 3 vols. Hamburg, 

1835-1844. 
Hergenrother, J. Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat. 

Freiburg, 1872. 
Herre, P. Papsttum und Papstwahl in Zeitalter Philipps II. 

Leipzig, 1907. 



XVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Hilgers, J., S.J. Der Index der verbotenen Biicher. Freiburg, 

1904. 

Hilliger, B. Die wahl Pius V. zum Papste. Leipzig, 1891. 
Katharina von Medici und die Zusammenkunst zu Bayonne 

(1565) : Historisches Taschenbuch, 6th series, Vol. XI. 

Leipzig, 1892, pp. 239-317- 

Hinojosa, R. de. Felipe II. y el conclave de 1559. Madrid, 1889. 
Los despachos de la diplomacia pontificia en Espana. 

Vol. I. Madrid, 1896. 
Hinschius, P. System des katholischen Kirchenrechts. Berlin, 

1869. 
Him, J. Erzherzog Ferdinand II. von Tirol. Geschichte seiner 

Regierung und seiner Lander. Vols. I., II. Innsbruck, 

1885, 1887. 
Historisch-politische Blatter fur das katholische Deutschland. Vols. 

1-164. Miinchen, 1838-1919. 
Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft. Vols. 1-39. Miin- 

ster und Miinchen, 1880-1919. 
Holtzmann, R. Kaiser Maximilian II. bis zu seiner Thronbes- 

teigung. Berlin, 1903. 
Hosack, John. Mary Queen of Scots and her Accusers [1542- 

1570]. Edinburgh, 1869. 

Huber, A. Geschichte Oesterreichs. Vol. IV. Gotha, 1892. 
Hubert, F. Vergerios publizistische Tatigkeit. Gottingen, 1893. 
Hubner, A. von. Papst Sixtus der Fiinfte. 2 vols. Leipzig, 

1871. 
Hume, M.A.S. Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State 

Papers . . . England and Spain. Vol. I. (i 55^-1567) . 

London, 1892. 



Janssen, J. Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang 
des Mittelalters. Vols. I.-III., igth and 2oth ed. Freiburg, 



Jorga, N. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. Vol. III. 
Gotha, 1910. 

Karttunen, L. Antonio Possevino. Lausanne, 1908. 
Kassowitz, J. B. Die Reformvorschlage Kaiser Ferdinands I. 

auf dem Konzil von Trient. Vienna, 1906. 
Katholik, Der. Zeitschrift fur kathol. Wissenschaft und Kirch- 

liches Leben. Vols. I. seqq. Strassburg and Mainz, 1820- 

1919- 
Kervyn de Lettenhove. Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de 

1 Angleterre. Vols. II.-IV. (1559-1567). Bruxelles, 1883- 

1885. 
Kirchenlexikon oder Enzyklopadie der kathol. Theologie und ihrer 

Hilfswissenschaften. By H, J. Wetzer and B. Welte. 2nd 

ed. 12 vols. Freiburg, 1882-1901. 
Kluckhohn, A. Briefe Friedrichs des Frommen, Kurfiirsten von 

der Pfalz (1559-1576). 2 vols. Braunschweig, 1868-1872. 
Knopfler, A. Die Kelchbewegung in Bayern unter Herzog 

Albrecht V. Miinchen, 1891. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. Xvii 

Korzeniowski, J. Excerpta ex libris manuscriptis Archivii Con 
sist. Roman! MCCCCIX-MDXC . . . collecta. Cracovise, 
1890. 

Kraus, F. X. Geschichte der christlichen Kunst. 2 vols. 2nd 
ed. by /. Sauer. Freiburg, 1908. 

Kretzschmar , Joh. Die Invasionsprojekte der katholischen 
Machte gegen England zur zeit Elisabeths. Leipzig, 1892. 

Kross, J. Kaiser Ferdinand I. und seine Reformationsvorschlage 
auf dem Konzil von Trient : Zeitschrift fur kathol. Theologie, 
1903, Innsbruck, pp. 455 seqq., 621 seqq. 

Krutli, J. K. Die Eidgenossischen Abschiede, aus dem Zeitraume 
von 1556 bis 1586. Der amtlichen Abschiedesammlung, 
Vol. IV., part 2. Bern, 1861. 

Labanoff, Prince Alex. Lettres, Instructions et Memoires de 
Marie Stuart. Vols. I. -VII. London, 1844 seqq. 

Lacomblet, Th. J. Urkundenbuch fur die Geschichte des Niederr- 
heins. Vol. IV. Diisseldorf, 1858. 

Laderchi, J. Annales Ecclesiastici. Vols. 35-37. Bari Ducis, 
1881-1883. 

Lagomarsini, see Pogiani. 

Laemmer, H. Zur Kirchengeschichte des 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts. 
Freiburg, 1863. 

Meletematum Romanorum mantissa. Ratisbonae, 1875, 

Lanciani, R. Storia degli scavi di Roma. Vols. I .-IV. Roma, 
1902-1910. 

The golden Days of the Renaissance in Rome. London, 

1907. 

Lauchert, F. Die italienischen literarischen Gegner Luthers. 
Freiburg, 1912. 

Laugwitz, Bartholomaus Carranza, erzbischof von Toledo. Kemp- 
ton, 1870. 

Lavisse, E. Histoire de France. Tome VI. Paris, 1904. 

Le Bret, J. F. Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 

I 775- 
Legazioni di A. Serristori, ambasciatore di Cosimo I. a Carlo V. e 

in corte di Roma con note di G. Canestrini. Firenze, 1853. 
Le Plat, J. Monument, ad hist. Concilii Tridentini. 7 vols. 

Lovanii, 1781-1787. 
Letarouilly , P. Le Vatican et la basilique de St. Pierre de Rome. 

Paris, 1878-1882. 

Lettere de principi. 3 vols., 3rd ed. Venezia, 1570-1577. 
Lettres de Catherine de Medicis, publ. par La Fernere et Baguenault 

de Puchesse. Vol. IV. Paris, 1891. 
Leva, G. de. Giovanni Grimani Patriarca d Aquileja (Atti del R. 

Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti : 5th Series, Vol. 

7). Venezia, 1881. 

Lingard, John. A History of England. Vols. VII., VIII. Lon 
don, 1838. 

Literarische Rundschau . . . Aachen-Freiburg, 1875 seqq. 
Litta, P. Famiglie celebri Italiane. Disp. 1-183. Milano e 

Torino, 1819-1881. 
Lessen, see Masius. 

VOL. XV. b 



Xviii COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Lowe. Die Stellung des Kaisers Ferdinand I. zum Trienter Konzil 
vom Oktober 1561 bis Mai 1562. Bonn, 1887. 

Mackowsky, H. Michelanjolo. Berlin, 1908. 

Maffei. Vita di S. Pio V. Roma, 1712. 

Manareus, O., S.J. De rebus Societatis Jesu commentarius. 

Florentiae, 1886 (privately printed). 
Manfroni, C. Storia della Marina Italiana dalla caduta di Con 

stantinopoli alia battaglia di Lepanto. Roma, 1897. 
Manutius, P. Epistolae. Venetiis, 1573. 
Marcks, E. Die Zusammenkunst von Bayonne. Das franzo- 

siche Staatsleben und Spanien in den Jahren, 1563-1567. 

Strassburg, 1889. 

- Gaspard von Coligny. Vol. I. Stuttgart, 1892. 
Marini, G. Degli archiatri pontifici. Vols. I., II. Roma, 1748. 
Martene et Durand. Veterum scriptorum . . . collectio. 9 vols. 

Paris, 1724 seqq. 
Masius, Andreas. Brief e des A. M. und seiner Freunde (1538- 

1573), ed. by Lossen. Leipzig, 1886. 
Massarelli, A. Diarium septimum, ed. Merkle, Concil. trid. II. 

Frib. Brisg., 1911, pp. 245-363. 
M aurenbrecher , W. Archivalische Beitrage zur Geschichte des 

Jahres 1563. Leipzig, 1889. 
Mayer, J. G. Das Konzil von Trient und die Gegenreformation 

in der Schweiz. 2 vols. Stans, 1901, 1903. 
Mazzuchelli, G. M. Gli scrittori d Italia. 2 vols. Brescia, 1753 

seq. 
Meaux, de. Les Luttes religieuses en France au XVI.e siecle. 

Paris, 1879. 
Meister, A . Die Geheimschrift im Dienste der papstlichen Kurie 

von ihren Anfangen bis zum Ende des 16 Jahrh. (Quellen 

und Forschungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte, Vol. 

XL). Paderborn, 1906. 
Melanges d archeologie et d histoire (Ecole fra^aise de Rome). 

Vols. I. seqq., Paris, 1881 seqq. 
Mendofa, Pedro Gonzalez de. Lo sucedido en el concilio de Trento : 

ed. Merkle, Cone. Trid. II. Frib. Brisg, 1911, pp. 633-721. 
Mergentheim, Leo. Die Quinquennalfakultaten " pro foro ex- 

terno." 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1908. 
Merki, Ch. L amiral de Coligny : La maison de Chatillon et 

la revolte protestante, 1519-1572. Paris, 1909. 
Merkle, S. Concilii Tridentini Diariorum, Pars I. et II. Frib. 

Brisg., 1901, 1911. 

Merlet, L. Le Cardinal de Chatillon. Paris, 1884. 
Meyer, A. O. England und die katholische Kirche unter Elisa 
beth Rome, 1911. [English transl. by J. R. McKee (cong. 

orat.)]. 

Mignet. Histoire de Marie Stuart. Vols. I.., II. Paris, 1851. 
Mitteilimgen des Instituts fur osterreichische Geschichtsforschung. 

Vols. L, seqq. Innsbruck, 1880 seqq. 
Mocenigo, Luigi. Relazione di Roma, 1560 : in Alberi, Vol. IV., 

Firenze, 1857. 
Monumenta Ignatiana, Series I., Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Epistolae 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. 

et Instructiones, 12 vols., Matriti, 1903-1911 : Series IV., 

Scripta de Sancto Ignatio, Vol. I., Matriti, 1904. 
Moran, Francis. Spicilegium Ossoriense. Vol. I., Dublin, 1874. 
Moroni, G. Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastico. 109 

vols. Venezia, 1840-1879. 

Muller, Th. Das Konklave Pius IV., 1559. Gotha, 1889. 
Muntz, E. Histoire de 1 art pendant la Renaissance : Italic. 

3 vols., Paris, 1889-1895. 
Musotti, F. Sommario del Concilio Tridentino (in Ddllinger, 

Berichte und Tagebiicher II., Nordlingen, 1876, pp. 1-50). 

Nadal,H.,S.J. Epistolaeab anno 1546 ad 1577. 4 vols. Matriti, 

1898-1905. 
Narducci, H. Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum in Bibliolhcca 

Angelica. Romae, 1893. 
Neher, S. J. Kirchliche Geographic und Statistik. 2 vols. 

Regensburg, 1864. 

Nolhac, P. de. La Bibliotheque de F. Orsini. Paris, 1887. 
Novaes, G. de. Storia de pontefici. Vol. VII. Roma, 1822. 
Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland. Ed. by W. Friedensburg. 

Vols. I.-VI. and VIII -X. Gotha, 1892-1908. 

Opitz, Th. Maria Stuart. 2 vols. Freiburg, 1879. 
Orano, D. Liberi pensatori bruciati in Roma dal XVI. al XVIII. 
secolo. Roma, 1904. 

Pagliucchi, P. I. Castellani del Castel S. Angelo di Roma. Vol. 

I., pars 2, I Castellani Vescovi (1464-1566). Rcma, 1909. 
Palandri, E. P. Les Negociations politiques et religieuses entie 

la Toscane et la France (1544-1580). Paris, 1908. 
Pallavicini, Sf. Istoria del Concilio di Trento. 3 vols. Rcma, 

1664. 
Panvinius, O. De creatione Pii IV. papae : in Merkle, Cone. Trid. 

II., Frib. Brisg., 1911, pp. 575-601. 
Paris, L. Negociations, lettres et pieces diverses relatives au 

regne de Francois II. Paris, 1841. 
Pastor, L. von. Allgemeine Dekrete der Romischen Inquisition 

aus den Jahren 1555 bis 1597. Freiburg, 1912. 
Paulus, N. Hexenwahn und Hexenprozess vornehmlich im 16 

Jahrh. Freiburg, 1910. 
Petramellarius, J. A. Ad librum O. Panvinii de summis pontif. 

et S.R.E. cardinalibus a Paulo IV. ad dementis VIII. 

annum pontificatus octavum continuatio. Bononiae, 1599. 
Petrucelli delta Galtina, F. Histoire diplomatique dcs Conclaves. 

Vol. II., Paris, 1864. 
Philippson, M. Philipp II. von Spanien und das Parsttum : 

Hist. Zeitschrift, 1878, Miinchen, pp. 269-315, 419-457. 
- Westeuropa in Zeitalter Philipps II., Elisabeths und 

Heinrichs IV. Berlin, 1882. 

Histoire du regne de Marie Stuart. 2 vols. Paris, 1891. 

Phillips, Geo. Kirchenrecht. Vols. I.-VIL, Regensburg, 1845- 

1872 ; Vol. VIII., part i by F. H. Venng, 1889. 
Picot. Essai historique sur 1 intiuence de la religion en France 

pendant le XVll.f siecle. Vol. I,, Louvain, 1824. 



XX COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Pierling, P. La Russie et le Saint-Siege. Vol. I., Paris, 1896. 
Pio IV. e Felipe II., 1563-1564 (Coleccion de libros espanoles 

raros y curiosos ; Vol. XX.), Madrid, 1891. 
Piot, see : Correspondance du card. Granvelle. 
Pirenne.H. Geschichte Belgiens. Vol. III. (1477-1567) ; Gotha, 

1907. 
Planck, G. J. Anecdota ad historiam concilii Tridentini per- 

tinentia. Gottingae, 1791-1818. 
Platzhoff, W. Die Theorie von der Mordbefugnis der Obrigkeit 

im 1 6 Jahrh. (Historische Studien, No. 54), Berlin, 1906. 
Plan. Leone Leoni. Paris, 1886. 
Pogiani, Julii. Sunensis epistolae et orationes olim collectae 

ab Ant. M. Gratiano, nunc ab Hier. Lagomarsinio e Soc. 

Jesu adnotationibus illustratae ac primum editae. Vols. 

I. -IV., Romae, 1762-1768. 
Polenz, G. v. Geschichte des franzosischen Calvinismus., Vols. 

II., III., Gotha, 1859. 
Pollen, J. H., S.J. Papal negotiations with Mary Queen of 

Scots, 1561-1567. (Scottish Hist. Society, Vol. 37), Edin 
burgh, 1901. 
Portioli, Attilio. Lettere inedite di Bernardo Tasso. Mantova, 

1871. 

Poullet, see : Correspondance du card. Granvelle. 
Prat, J. M. Maldonat et 1 universite de Paris au XVI.e siecle. 

Paris, 1856. 
Prescott, W. H. History of the reign of Philip II. 3 vols., 

Leipzig, 1856-1859. 
PsalmcBus, Nicol. Fragmenta de Concilio Tridentino : ed. 

Merkle, cone. Trid. II. Frib. Brisg., 1911, pp. 721-881. 

Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Bibliotheken und 
Archiven. Vols. I. seqq. Rome, 1898 seqq. 

Ranke, L. von. Franzosische Geschichte. 2nd ed. Stuttgart, 
1856. 

- Englische Geschichte. Vol. I. Berlin, 1859. 

Die romischen Papste in den laetzten vier Jahrhunderten. 

Vols. L, III., 8th ed. Leipzig, 1885. 
Raynaldus, O. Annales ecclesiastici, vols. XIV., XV. Lucae, 

1755-1756. 
Real-Enzyklopddie fiir protest, Theologie und Kirche : Ed. by 

J. J. Herzog. 23 vols., 3rd ed. by A. Hauck. Leipzig, 

1896-1909. 
Reimann, E. Unterhandlungen Ferdinands I. und Pius IV. 

iiber das Konzil im Jahre 1560 und 1561 : Forschungen zur 

deutschen Geschichte, vol. VI. Gottingen, 1866, pp. 585- 626 - 

- Die Sendung des Nuntius Commendone nach Deutsch- 
land im Jahre, 1561 : Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, 
vol. VII. Gottingen, 1867, pp. 228-280. 

Reinhardt-Steffens, Die Nuntiatur von Giov. Bonhomini, 1579- 
1581. Introduction: Studien zur Geschichte der katholischen 
Schweiz im Zeitalter Carlo Borromeos. Solothurn, 1910. 
Documents, vol. I. : Aktenstiicke zur Vorgeschichte der 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XV. AND XVI. xxi 

Nuntiatur, 1570-1579 ; die Nuntiaturberichte Bonhominis 

und seine Korrespondenz mit Carlo Borromeo aus dem 

Jahre, 1579. Solothurn, 1906. 
Relacye. Nuncyuszow Apostolskich i innych os6b o Polsce od 

roku 1548 do 1690. Ed. E. Rykaczewski. Vol. I. Berlin- 

Posnan, 1864. 
Renazzi, F. M. Storia dell universita degli studi di Roma, delta 

la Sapienza. 2 vols. Roma, 1803-1804. 
Reumont, A. von. Die Carafa von Maddaloni. Vol. I. Berlin, 

1851. 
Beitrage zur italienischen Geschichte. 6 vols. Berlin, 

1853-1857- 

- Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Vol. III. Berlin, 1870. 
Geschichte Toskanas. ist. part. Gotha, 1876. 



Reusch, H. Der Index der verbotenen Biicher. 2 vols. Bonn, 

1883-1885. 

Revue historique. Paris, 1876 seqq. 
Revue des questions historiques. Paris, 1866 seqq. 
Ribier, G. Lettres et Memoires d Estat . . . sous le regnes de 
Francois I., Henri II. et Fra^ois II. 2 vols. Paris, 1666. 
Ricci,C. Geschichte der Kunst in Nord-Italien. Stuttgart, 1911. 
Rieger-Vogelstein. Geschichte der Juden in Rom. 2 vols. 

Berlin, 1895-1896. 
Riess, L. Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten. (His- 

torische Studien, 67). Berlin, 1909. 

Riezler, S. Geschichte Bayerns. Vol. IV. Gotha, 1899. 
Ripoll-Bremond. Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum. Vol. V. 

Romae, 1733. 

Ritter, M. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegen re 
formation und des Dreissigjahrigen Krieges (1555-1648). 

Vol. I. (1555-1586), Stuttgart, 1889. 
Rocchi, E. Le piante iconografiche e prospettive di Roma del 

secolo XVI. colla riproduzione degli studi originali autogran 

di A. da Sangallo il Giovane per le fortincazioni di Roma, etc. 

Torino-Roma, 1902. 
Rodocanachi, E. Le Saint-Siege et les Juifs. Le Ghetto a Rome. 

Paris, 1891. 
Les Institutions communales de Rome sous la Papaute. 

Paris, 1901. 

- Le Capitole Remain antique et moderne. Paris, 1904. 
Le chateau Saint- Ange. Paris, 1909. 



Rohault de Fleury. Le Latran au Moyen-age. Paris, 1877. 

Romische Quartalschrift. Rome, 1887 seqq. 

Rosi, M. La riforma religiosa e 1 Italia nel secolo XVI. Catania, 

1892. 
La riforma religiosa in Liguria e 1 eretico umbro Bartolomeo 

Bartoccio. (Atti della Societa Ligure di storia patria, vol. 24) . 

Genova, 1894. 
Ruble, A. de. Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d Albret. 4 vols. 

Paris, 1897. 

Saftien, K. Die Verhandlungen Kaiser Ferdinands I. mit Papst 
Pius IV. iiber die fakultative Einfiihrung des Laienkelches in 
einzelnen Teilen des deutschen Reiches. Gottingen, 1890. 



XX11 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Sdgmuller, J. B. Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht 

der Exklusive. Tubingen, 1892. 
Sala, A. Documenti circa la vita e le gesta di S. Carlo Borromeo. 

3 vols. Milano, 1857-1861. 

S aimer on, see : Epistolae P. Alph. Salmeronis. 

San Carlo Borromeo nel terzo centenario della canonizzatione. 

Periodico mensile, Nov. 1908 al Dicembre 1910. 
Santori, G. A., cardinale di S. Severino : Autobiografia, ed. 

G. Cugnoni : Archivio della R. Soc. Rom. di storia patria. 

Vol. XII. Roma, 1889. 
Sarpi [Pietro Soave Polano], Historia del concilio Tridentino. 

4 H. Ed. Geneva, 1660. 

Schdfer, H. Geschichte Portugals. 5 vols. Hamburg, 1836-1854 
Schelhorn, J. G. Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhistorie und 

Literatur. 3 vols. Ulm, Leipzig, 1762-1764. 
Schiemann, Th. Russland, Polen und Livland bis zum 17 Jahr- 

hundert. Vol. II. Berlin, 1886. 
Schmid, J. Die deutsche Kaiser und Konigswahl und die romische 

Kurie in den Jahren 1538-1620 (Historisches Jahrbuch der 

Gorres-Gesellschaft, vol. VI.). Miinchen, 1885. 
Segesser, A. P. von. Ludwig Pfyffer und seine Zeit. 2 vols. 

Bern, 1880-1881. 

Sentis, F. J . Die " Monarchia Sicula." Freiburg, 1869. 
Serafini, C. Le Monete e le bulle plumbee pontificie del Medag 

liere Vaticano. Vol. I. Roma, 1910. 
Serristori, see : Legazioni. 
Sickel, Th. Zur Geschcihte des Konzils von Trient. Vienna, 

1872. 

Romische Berichte I.-V. : Sitzungsberichte der Weiner 

Akademie der Wissenschaften, vols. 133, 136, 141, 143, 144. 

Vienna, 1893-1901. 
Sismondi, S. Geschichte der italienischen Freistaaten im Mittel- 

alter. 16 vols. Zurich, 1824. 
Skibniewski, S. L. Corvin von. Geschichte des Romischen Kate- 

chismus. Rom-Regensburg, 1903. 
Soldan, M. G. Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich. 

Vol. I. Leipzig, 1855. 
Soranzo, Giacomo. Relazione di Roma, 1565 : in Alberi, II., 4. 

Firenze, 1857, PP- 129-160. 
Soranzo, Girolamo. Relazione di Roma, 1563, in Alberi, II., 4. 

Firenze, 1857, pp. 67-120. 
Spicilegio Vaticano di documenti inediti e rari estratti dagli 

archivi e dalla bibl. della Sede Apost. Vol. I. Roma, 1890. 
Spillmann, J., S.J. Die englischen Marty rer unter Heinrich VIII. 

und Elisabeth (1535-1583). 2nd Ed. Freiburg, 1900. 
Steinherz, S. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland (1560-1572). 

Vols. L, II., IV. Vienna, 1897-1914. 
Brief e des Prager Erzbischofs Anton Brus von Miiglitz, 

1562-1563. Prag, 1907. 
Steinmann, E. Die Portratdarstellungen des Michelangelo. 

Leipzig, 1913. 

Stevenson, J. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign Series. Elisa 
beth, 1558-1565. Vols. I. -VII. London, 1863-1870. 
Stimmen aus Maria-Laach. Freiburg, 1871 seqq. 



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Studi e documenti di storia e diritto. Pubblic. periodica dell 

Accad. di conferenze storico-giuridice. Roma, 1880 seqq. 
Susta, J. Pius IV. pred pontifikaten a na pocatku pontifikatu. 

Praha, 1900. 
Die romische Kurie und das Konzil von Trient unter 

Pius IV. 4 vols. Vienna, 1904-1914. 
Swoboda, H. Das Konzil von Trient, sein Schauplatz, Verlauf und 

Ertrag. Vienna, 1912. 

Sylvain. Histoire de St. Charles Borromee. 3 vols. Milan, 1884. 
Synopsis Actorum S. Sedis in causa Societatis Jesu, 1540-1605. 

Florentiae, 1887 (for private circulation only). 

Tacchi Venturi, P., S.J. Storia della Compagnia di Gesu in 

Italia. Vol. I. Roma, 1909. 
Taja, Agostino. Descrizione del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano. 

Roma, 1750. 
Theiner, A. Schweden und seine Stellung zum Heiligen Stuhl 

unter Johann III., Sigmund III. und Karl IX. 2 vols. 

Augsburg, 1838. 

- Vetera Monumenta Poloniae et Lithuania . Vol. II. 
Romae, 1861. 

- Acta genuina Concilii Tridentini. 2 vols. Agram, 1874. 
Theologisches Liter aturblatt. Von Prof. F. H. Reusch. 1-12 

Jahrg. Bonn, 1866-1877. 
Thode, H. Michelangelo urtd das Ende der Renaissance. 5 

vols. Berlin, 1902 1908. 
Thompson, J. W. The Wars of Religion in France, I559-I57 6 - 

Chicago, 1909. 
Tiepolo, Paolo. Relazione da Roma in tempo di Pio IV. e di 

Pio V. : in Alberi, II., 4, Firenze, 1857, pp. 169-196. 
Tiraboschi, G. Storia della letteratura Italiana. 10 vols. 

Modena, 1772 seqq. 
Titi, Filippo. Descrizione delle pitture, sculture e architetture 

esposte al pubblico in Roma. Roma, 1763. 
Tomassetti, Gius. La Campagna Romana antica, mediaevale e 

moderna. Vols. I., II. Roma, 1910. 
Torne, P. O. von. Ptolemee Gallic, Cardinal de C6me. Etude 

sur la Cour de Rome, etc. au XVI.e siecle. Helsingfors, 

1907. 

Tresal, J. Les engines du schisme Anglican. Paris, 1908. 
Tubingen Theologische Quartalschrift. Tubingen, 1819 seqq. 
Turba, see : Dispacci di Germania. 
Turgenjew, Alex. Historica Russiae Monumenta. Petropoh, 

1841-1848. 

Uebersberger, H. Oesterreich und Russland seit dem Ende des 
15 Jahrhunderts. Vol. I., 1488-1606. Vienna, 1906. 

Vaissette. Histoire de Languedoc. Vol. V. Paris, 1745. 
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ad Benedictum XIV. Romae, 1744. 



XXIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Verga, Ettore. II municipio di Milano e 1 Inquisizione di Spagna 

1563. Milano, 1897. 
Vertot. Histoire des chevaliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem. 5 

vols. Paris, 1727. 
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Wahrmund, L. Das Ausschliessungsrecht (jus exclusivae) bei 

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formation in Lande unter der Enns. 4 vols. Prag, 1879- 

1884. 

Wotschke. Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. Leipzig, 1911. 
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zur alten Eidgenossenschaft. Stans, 1910. 

Zakrzewski. Powstanie i wzrost reformacyi w Polsce. Lipsk, 

1870. 
Zaleski, K. S. Jesuici w Polsce. Vols. I., IV. Lwow, 1900- 

1905- 
Zeitschrift, Historische. Ed. by H. v. Sybel. Miinchen, 1859 

seqq. 
Zeitschrift fiir katholische Theologie. Vols. 1-44. Innsbruck, 

1877-1920. 
Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte. Ed. by Brieger. Gotha, 

1877 se( H- 
Zinkeisen, J . M. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 

Gotha, 1840 seqq. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XV. 



CHAPTER I. 
THE CONCLAVE OF 1559. 

A.D. PAGE 

1559 Popular outburst at the death of Paul IV. . i 

Reaction against the dead Pope ... 2 

Cardinal Morone released from prison and reinstated 3 
Hatred of the Carafa, who are deprived of the rights 

of citizenship .... 4 
The Cardinals take the part of the Carafa ; Carlo 

Carafa recalled and reinstated . . 5 

Obsequies of the late Pope 5 

The Cardinals go into conclave ... 6 

The number of electors present in Rome . 6 

Paul TV. s attempt to exclude Morone and Este . 7 

Este s hopes of the tiara .... 8 

The wishes of the French Government . . 9 
The aims of Philip II. . . .10 

The candidates supported by Spain . . n 

The representatives of Ferdinand I. and Philip II. n 

Policy of the Duke of Florence . . . 12 

Peculiar party conditions in the conclave . 13 

Decisive influence of the party of Carafa . 14 
Personal aims of Carlo Carafa ; he is supported by 

Farnese ..... 15 

Unsuccessful attempt to elect Carpi by acclamation 16 
The election capitulation . . . .16 
The first scrutiny . . . .17 

Difficulty of deciding upon a candidate . . 18 

Morone offers to withdraw ... 20 

The French attempt to elect Tournon . . 20 

Divisions in the Spanish party . . . 22 

The candidature of Gonzaga . . . 23 
Arrival of the Spanish Ambassador, Francisco de 

Vargas ..... 25 

His feverish activity .... 26 

Failure of the Franco- Spanish alliance . . 27 

Selfish aims of the party leaders . . . 27 

Coolness between Vargas and Sforza . . 28 

Application for further instructions to Philip II. 29 

Fresh attempt to elect Gonzaga ... 29 

Affairs at a standstill in the conclave . . 30 
Indignation in Rome ; the Conservators complain 

to the Cardinals . . . .31 

XXV 



XXVI TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

Non-observance of the enclosure . . . 31 

Philip II. is unwilling to give definite instructions 32 
Complete indecision in the conclave ; the ballots 

a mere matter of form ... 32 

Impatience of Carafa 33 

Who approaches the French party 34 
Vargas, on his own responsibility, gives bribes to 

Carafa ..... 35 
Philip II. shatters the hopes of Carafa, but decides 

against Gonzaga . . . .36 

The indiscretion of Vargas . . . 37 

Carafa makes overtures to the French party . 38 

And seems to hold the election in his hand . 40 

Este believes that his time has come . . 41 
Desperation of Vargas . . . .41 

Unhealthy conditions in the conclave . . 42 
Disturbances in the city . . . .43 

An attempt made to ensure the enclosure . 44 
Interference by the ambassadors ; Vargas rebuked 

by the Dean, du Bellay ... 45 
Dignified message from Philip II., disclaiming all 

wish to interfere .... 45 
Popular fear of a French Pope . .46 

Carafa goes over to the side of Spain . . 47 

The candidature of Gonzaga again put forward . 47 

Attempt to elect Carpi .... 48 

Alliance of Carafa and Sforza ... 49 
The Spaniards and Carafa attempt the election of 

Pacheco ..... 50 
Weariness of the electors . . . -53 
Panvinio s account of the last days of the conclave ; 

the decision lies between Cesi and Medici . 54 

Sudden turn of affairs 55 

The candidature of Medici the only course possible 56 

Guise agrees to this 57 

And at length Alfonso Carafa gives his consent . 58 

Activity of the Duke of Florence . . .59 

The election of Medici practically assured . 60 

The election of Cardinal Medici (Dec. 25th) . 61 

He takes the name of Pius IV. . 62 

Displeasure of Philip II. with Vargas . . 63 



CHAPTER II. 

PREVIOUS LIFE AND CHARACTER OF PIUS IV. THE 
BEGINNING OF HIS PONTIFICATE. 

The Medici of Milan ; not related to the celebrated 

Florentine family .... 66 

1519 The parents of Pius IV. ; death of his father . 67 

Gian Angelo studies jurisprudence at Pa via . 67 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXVii 



A.D. PAGE 

1521 His elder brother, Gian Giacomo, becomes Castellan 

of Musso, and the terror of the neighbourhood 68 

1526 Gian Angelo goes to Rome on a diplomatic mission 69 
1529 The family fortunes decline ; Gian Giaccmo out of 

favour with the Emperor ... 70 

1531 The " Musso War " . . .71 

1532 Gian Giacomo loses his possessions ; he enters the 

service of the Emperor . . . 72 
Gian Angelo returns to Rome ; he obtains the 

favour of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese . 73 

1534 Who is elected Pope as Paul III. . . 73 
1539 Advancement of Gian Angelo ; Governor of Fano 

and Parma ; Commissary with the Papal troops 74 
1545 A matrimonial alliance arranged with the Farnese 74 
Slow advancement of Gian Angelo ; his disappoint 
ment ; a hard but salutary school . . 75 
He becomes Archbishop of Ragusa . . 76 
1547 Vice-legate of Bologna .... 77 

1549 Gian Angelo created Cardinal ... 77 

1550 His influence in the conclave which elected Julius III. 77 
J 553 He is held in high esteem by the new Pope, and 

made Bishop of Cassano and of Foligno (1556) 78 

His knowledge of canon law . . . 78 
1555 He is not in favour with Paul IV., and opposes the 

war with Spain . . . .79 

His relations with the Pope grow more strained . 80 

1558 Cardinal Medici leaves Rome . . .81 
His close relations with Cosimo I., who sees in him 

the future Pope . . . .81 

" The Father of the poor " . . . 82 

1559 He is elected Pope ; joy of the Romans . . 83 

1560 Personal appearance of Pius IV. . . 84 
His extraordinary activity ... 85 
State of his health; his daily life . 87 
His general friendliness and affability 

His knowledge of literature and canon law, but 

lack of deep theological knowledge . . 89 

His statesmanship, and grasp of business matters 90 

His good relations with the ambassadors ; a great 

contrast to Paul IV. . . . 91 

Special value attached by the Pope to the friend 
ship of Venice 92 

CHAPTER III. 

THE POPE S RELATIVES. CHARLES BORROMEO. DIPLOMATIC 
RELATIONS WITH THE PRINCES. 

Few Popes have had so many relatives as Pius IV. 94 

The family of Hohenems .... 94 
The family of Borromeo . . . -95 

The Serbelloni * . 96 



XXV111 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

1560 The Pope s special love for the Borromei ; Charles 

Borromeo summoned to Rome ; a memorable 

day for the Church .... 96 
Rapid promotion of Charles Borromeo ; he is created 

Cardinal ..... 97 
He becomes Archbishop of Milan, and Secretary 

of State ..... 98 
The marriage of Federigo Borromeo and Virginia 

della Rovere ..... 99 

Cosimo I. in Rome ; disappointment of his ambitions 100 

Promotion of the Serbelloni nephews . . 101 
Jealousy of the Hohenems and Serbelloni of the 

Borromei ..... 102 

Mark Sittich von Hohenems created Cardinal, but 103 

The Pope s affections centred in the Borromei . 104 
His choice of Charles as Secretary of State a brilliant 

success, and a decisive factor of his reign . 105 

Dissatisfaction of the diplomatists and officials . 105 
Unimposing personality and excessive reserve of 

Borromeo ..... 105 

The ambassadors come to appreciate him better . 106 
Early days of Borromeo ; his studies and purity of 

life . . . . . .107 

His early talent for administration . . 108 
The Pope bestows many important and lucrative 

offices on Borromeo, but he remains simple and 

unassuming . . . . . 109 

His assiduity and hard work at the Secretariate . no 
The whole of the diplomatic correspondence passes 

through his hands . . . .Ill 

His recreations . . . . .112 

Magnificence of his household, and pride in his 

family . . . . .112 

1561 Federigo Borromeo Captain-General of the Church 114 

1562 Sudden death of Federigo Borromeo . . 114 
Charles Borromeo resolves to renounce all worldly 

ambitions . . . . .116 

1563 He receives Holy Orders . . . .117 
And adopts a stricter manner of life . . 118 
The Pope and the Court displeased at the change 118 

1564 Ascetic life of Borromeo ; he reduces his state, and 

devotes himself to penance . . . 119 

His exemplary life causes general admiration . 121 

Pius IV. s esteem for Cardinal Morone . . 122 
His sense of statesmanship shown in his treatment 

of the princes . . . .123 

1560 He recognizes the Imperial dignity of Ferdinand I. 124 

And fills the nunciatures left vacant by Paul IV. 125 
He again allows the carnival festivities, and limits 

the power of the Inquisition . . . 126 

And mitigates the decrees of Paul IV. . . 127 

But by no means breaks off the work of reform . 128 

Improved condition of the city . . . 129 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxix 



A.D. PAGE 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF CARAFA. 

Hatred of the Carafa in Rome . . . 131 
Renewed arrogance of Cardinal Carlo ; his schemes 

for the restoration of the family fortunes . 133 

Pius IV. looks with favour upon his hopes . 134 
The enemies of the Carafa ; Colonna, Sforza, Mad- 

ruzzo and Gonzaga . . . 135 

1559 The former crimes of the family are renewed during 

the last days of Paul IV. . .136 

The murder of Marcello Capece at Soriano . 137 

The murder of the Duchess of Paliano (August) . 138 

1560 Pius IV. decides to take action against the Carafa 138 
Accusations against the two Carafa Cardinals . 139 
Attitude of Philip II. ; his growing hostility to the 

Carafa ...... 140 

Secret activity of the enemies of the Carafa . 141 

Carlo Carafa blind to his danger . . 142 

The Duke of Paliano returns to Rome (June) . 143 

Arrest of the two Cardinals and the Duke . 144 

Pius IV. s statement to the consistory . . 145 

General approval of the Pope s action . . 146 

Pallantieri and Federicis entrusted with the trial. 147 

The charges against the Carafa . . . 147 

The opening of the trial (July) . . . 148 

Carlo Carafa s trust in Philip II. . . 149 

His arrogant behaviour at the trial . . 150 
His imprisonment made more severe ; he is charged 

with compromising relations with the Turks 

and heretics . . . . .151 

The trial draws to an end (September) . . 152 
The complicity of the Cardinal in the murder of the 

Duchess . . . . .153 

The charges proved, but the trial is conducted in 

a very biased way . . . .154 

The advocates of the Carafa . . . 155 

Many persons intercede on their behalf . . 156 

1561 Consistory to decide the sentences . . 158 
Written confession of the Duke of Paliano (January) 159 
Arrest of Cardinal Rebiba (February) . . 161 
Creation of new Cardinals (February) . . 162 
The intervention of Philip II. now the only hope of 

the Carafa . . . .164 
Embarrassment of the king, but he refuses to inter 
vene ..... 165 
The consistory of March 2nd ; enumeration of the 

crimes of the Carafa . . . .166 
The sentence pronounced (March 4th) ; Carlo 
Carafa, Paliano, d Alife and Cardine con 
demned to death t , 167 



XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS 



A.D. PAGE 

Complete conversion of Giovanni Carafa . . 167 

His farewell letter to his son . . .168 

The execution of Carlo Carafa . . .171 

The execution of Paliano, d Alife and Cardine . 171 

Cardinal Alfonso reinstated, but leaves Rome . 173 

Philip II. contrives to escape odium . . 175 

The conduct of Pius IV. not above reproach . 176 

His own explanation of his motives . . 177 

An effective blow at the old nepotism . . 177 



CHAPTER V. 

NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE RE-OPENING OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

1559 Pius IV. declares his intention of re-opening the 

Council . . . . .180 

1560 Difficulty of securing the support of the princes . 180 
The attitude of Ferdinand I. at first favourable . 180 
Divergent views among the princes become apparent 181 
Philip II. s reluctance to commit himself . ,.. 182 
The attitude of the Emperor and France . 183 
Fear of a national council in France . . 184 
Eagerness of Pius IV. to carry on the work of reform 185 
He emphatically declares his intention of summoning 

the Council before the assembled ambassadors 186 

Philip II. expresses his agreement . . 187 

France continues to make difficulties . . 188 

Hesitating attitude of Ferdinand I. ; he expresses 

his objections in a memorandum . . 189 

This practically negatives the idea of a Council . 1 89 

The Imperial ambassador, Arco, in Rome. . 193 

Diplomatic shrewdness of Pius IV. . . 194 

His replies to Spain, France and the Emperor . 195 

Delfino sent to Ferdinand I. . . . 196 

The Pope s answer to the Emperor s memorand.um 197 

Prospero Santa Croce and Philip II. . . 198 

France refuses to change her attitude . . 199 

Determination of the Pope . . . 200 

Philip II. insists on the Council being declared a 

continuation of the previous assembly . 201 

The Pope decides to summon the Council at all costs 202 

Pius IV. inspired by his high office . . 203 

Delfino in Vienna .... 205 

Ferdinand I. continues to make difficulties . 206 

Divergent views among the Cardinals . . 207 

The advice of Delfino .... 209 
The Emperor and France agree to the summoning 

of the Council to Trent . . . 210 
The Pope orders the drafting of the bull of con 
vocation .... 211- 
Jubilee indulgence proclaimed . 211 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXxi 



A.D, PAGE 

The bull of convocation (November 29th) . 213 

Copies of the bull sent to the prices . . 214 

The word " continuation " avoided . . 215 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE MISSION OF COMMENDONE AND DELFINO TO GERMANY. 

1560 The Council evidently a continuation of the former 

assembly at Trent . . . .216 

The bull of convocation taken to France by Abbot 

Niquet . . . . .217 

Giovanni Commendone chosen to take the bull to 

the Emperor, and to the princes of north 

Germany ..... 218 

Delfino chosen to go to the princes of south Germany 218 

1561 The two nuncios have an audience with Ferdinand I. 220 
The Emperor s advice to the nuncios . . 221 
They visit the Diet of the princes assembled at 

Naumburg ..... 222 
Their invitation to the Council meets with an in 
sulting rejection . . . .223 
Commendone at Leipsic and Magdeburg . . 226 
He proceeds to Berlin ; the Elector Joachim II. of 

Brantienburg . . . .280 

Hildesheim, Paderborn and Miinster . . 228 

Commendone visits the Elector of TrSves . 229 

Commendone in Cologne . . . .231 

He goes to the Netherlands . . . 232 

Proposed visit to Denmark . . . 233 

And to Sweden ..... 234 
He receives orders to return to Rome . . 236 

And visits Nancy, Metz, Mayence and Nuremberg 

on his way . . . . . 237 

Commendone in Bavaria . . . .237 

Delfino in south Germany . . . 238 

His conversation with Vergerio . . . 239 

Duke Albert of Bavaria .... 240 
Neither mission crowned with much success . 240 

CHAPTER VII. 

FINAL PREPARATIONS FOR THE RE-OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. 

1561 Ferdinand I. accepts the Council in principle . 241 * 

But raises many difficulties . . . 242 

The legates for the Council appointed . . 243 

Cardinal Gonzaga, the senior legate, an excellent 

choice ..... 244 
Puteo, Simonetta. Hosius and Seripando his col 
leagues ..... 245 



XXXii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

A.D. 



Officials of the Council appointed . 246 

Indecision of the Emperor . 248 

Difficulties about the bull in Spain . 248 

Philip II. insists on a declaration of " continuation " 249 

The Emperor continues to defer his decision 250 

Papal envoys sent to Russia and Poland . 251 

Welcome zeal of the King of Portugal 251 
Gonzaga and Seripando make their solemn entry 

into Trent (April i6th) 252 

Very few bishops present in Trent 252 

Raverta as nuncio in Spain 253 

A secret " bull of continuation " sent to Philip II. 253 
Who orders the Spanish bishops to prepare to go to 

Trent . . 2 53 

Ferdinand I. still refuses to name a fixed date 254 

The Italian bishops ordered to go to Trent 254 

Nevertheless, the prelates assemble very slowly . 255 

France and the Emperor still delay 256 

The Emperor s representatives chosen (December) 257 

Cardinal Mark Sittich to be legate instead of Puteo 257 

Arrival of Cardinal Simonetta at Trent . 258 
The Pope s instructions : " The Council must be 

opened as soon as possible." . 258 

The Pope s orders as to the work to be taken in hand 259 
The legates decide to postpone the opening until 

January 

Discussions as to procedure 
1562 The first General Congregation held (January) i5th 

Demands of the Spanish bishops . . .263 



CHAPTER VIII. 

RE-OPENING OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. SESSIONS 
XVII. TO XXII. 

1562 The solemn opening of the Council (January i8th) 264 
The envoys received 

Demands of the representatives of the Emperor . 
The XVIIIth Session of the Council (February 26th) 
Further demands of the Imperial envoys . 269 

The Pope orders the Council to proceed to the dis 
cussion of questions of dogma 

Arrival of more envoys . 2 7* 

The controversy as to the divine origin of the duty 

of residence . 

The Papal primacy affected by this question 
Divergent views and heated discussions . 
The question referred to the Pope 
Interference on the part of the envoys 
The French envoys demand a postponement 
The XlXth Session of the Council (May uth) . 277 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXxiii 

A D - , PAGE 

The Pope reserves his decision as to residence . 278 

The Pope s articles of retorm . . .279 

Further legates suggested . . . .280 
The Pope rebukes the legates for their want of unity 281 

Danger of a dissolution . . . 2 82 

The XXth Session of the Council (June 3rd) ! 284 

Communion under both kinds discussed . 285 

The reform libellum of Ferdinand I. . .* 2 86 

The demand for the chalice for the laity . . 289 

The XXIst Session of the Council (July i6th) . 290 

The decrees on Communion . . . 290 

Reform decrees . . . . 290 

Dissensions among the legates . . . 2 gi 

Gonzaga determines to ask for his recall . 292 

Reconciliation of the legates . . -293 
Philip II. orders the Spanish bishops to withdraw 

their demands . . . .294 

Discussion of the question of the chalice for the 

laity. . 295 

Impressive speech by Lainez . . 2-96 
The XXIInd Session of the Council (September lyth) 297 

The decree on the Mass . . . .297 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE MISSION OF MORONE TO FERDINAND I. AT INNSBRUCK. 
T562-3. 

1562 The reform libellum of Ferdinand I. . . 299 
The Spaniards press the ius divinum of the episcopate 301 
Able speech of Lainez against this. . . 301 
Arrival of the French prelates (November 23rd) . 303 
Important position taken by Cardinal Guise 303 
The question of the episcopal office ; . 305 
Danger to the Papal supremacy . . .306 
The next Session repeatedly postponed . . 307 

1563 French reform proposals .... 308 
Ferdinand I. again intervenes with fresh demands 308 
Cardinal Guise at Innsbruck . . . 309 
Suggested coalition of the Catholic powers to 

dominate the Council . . . 309 

Death of Cardinal Gonzaga (March 2nd) . . 310 

Death of Cardinal Seripando (March I7th) . 311 

Reform demands of the Emperor . . 312 

Pius IV. is inclined to suspend the Council . 313 
Imperative need of coming to an understanding 

with the Emperor . . . .314 

Morone to go to the Imperial court . . 315 
Morone and Navagero appointed legates to the 

Council ..... 315 

Morone s pre-eminent qualities for this office . 316 

VOL. XV. C 



XXXiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

A D. PAGE 

Morone arrives in Trent (April loth), and at once 

sets out for Innsbruck 

He at once opens negotiations with the Emperor . 
He realizes the good intentions of Ferdinand . 318 
The advisers of Ferdinand put difficulties in his way 319 
But Morone s skill and personality bring the negotia 
tions to a successful conclusion . - 3 21 
A full agreement reached on most points 
Morone leaves Innsbruck (May I3th) . 3 2 3 
Satisfaction of the Pope at Morone s success 
Disgust of the enemies of Rome . . 3 2 5 
Return of Morone to Trent . . 3 2 7 



CHAPTER X. 

THE CONCLUDING SESSIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

1563 Better relations between the Pope and Philip II. . 3 28 

Vargas is replaced by Requesens . 3 28 

The " right of proposition " at the Council . 33 

The episcopate and the primacy . . 33 2 - 

Lainez defends the rights of the Holy See (June i6th) 

The Spanish bishops and the episcopal power . 334 

Change of front on the part of Cardinal Guise 335 

The XXIIIrd Session of the Council (July 1 5th) . 33 6 
Decree on Holy Orders and the hierarchy of the 

Church ... - 

The education and training of priests 

The close of the Council in sight . 339 

The reform of the princes demanded . 34 

Usurpations of authority by the civil power 34 
A draft of reform decrees presented to the envoys. 

A storm of protest from the powers 343 

The demands of Ferdinand I. . - 344 

Courageous reply of Morone . . 345 

French protests . 

Difficult position of the legates . . 347 

Outburst on the part of du Ferrier, the French 

envoy . ... 

Indignation in the Council 

Cardinal Guise in Rome . 35 
He is treated with great honour by the Pope, and 

an understanding is reached . 35 1 
Pius IV. and the election of Maximilian as King 

of the Romans . 35 1 

Ferdinand I. agrees to the closing of the Council . 

The legates instructed to hasten the proceedings . 353 

Proposals for the reform of the Sacred College 354 

The XXIVth Session of the Council (November I ith) 355 

Decree on Matrimony 355 

Reform decrees , - 35 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV 



A.D. PAGE 

General wish to end the Council . . . 357 

Spain alone holds back .... 358 
The reform proposals modified . . . 359 

News of the grave illness of the Pope . . 361 

Decision to hold the last session at once . . 361 

The XXVth and last Session of the Council (Decem 
ber 3rd) ..... 362 
Dogmatic and reform decrees . . -363 
Decree on indulgences . . . .364 
The close of the Council of Trent . . 365 



CHAPTER XI. 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

The Council had accomplished a mighty work . 366 
No restoration of unity of faith . .366 

The breach now complete, and a new epoch begun 367 
Clearing up of the religious position . . 367 

The Holy Scriptures not the only source of faith . 368 
The decree on Justification . . .368 

The decrees on the Sacraments and the Mass . 369 
The primacy of the Roman See assured but not 

defined ..... 370 

Condemnation of the doctrines of the reformers . 371 
The episcopate and the duty of residence . . 372 

The formation of a good clergy . . . 374 

Removal of abuses . . . . 375 

The Christian family . . . -376 

The secular princes and absolutism . . 377 

The secular priesthood . . . 37& 

The Council a boundary line and a landmark . 378 



LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 
IN APPENDIX. 



ix-x. 

XL 



I. The Scrutinies in the Conclave of Pius IV. 
II. Francesco di Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua 

III. The Dispatches of Marcantonio da Mula 

IV. Cardinal C. Carafa to the Duke of Paliano 
V. Consistory of 7th June, 1560 . 

VI. Giov. Battista Ricasoli to Cosimo I., Duke of 
Florence ..... 
VII. Avviso di Roma of 8th June, 1560 
VIII. Motuproprio of Pope Pius IV. concerning the 
trial of the Carafa .... 
Marcantonio da Mula to Venice 
Marcantonio da Mula to Venice 
XII. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 

XIII. Consistory of 3rd March, 1561 

XIV. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 
XV. Pope Pius IV. to Hannibal von Hohenems 

XVI. Marcantonio da Mula to Venice 
XVII. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 
XVIII. Avviso di Roma of 8th March, 1561 . 
XIX. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 

XX. Avviso di Roma of 6 December, 1561 
XXI. Avviso di Roma of 13 December, 1561 
XXII. Avviso di Roma of 20 December, 1561 
XXIII. Avviso di Roma of 10 January, 1562 . 
XXIV.-XXXIII. Reforming Activity of Pius IV. from 

February to May, 1562 

XXXIV. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 

XXXV. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 

XXXVI. Francesco Tonina to the Duke of Mantua 

XXXVII. Onofrio Panvinio as Biographer of Pius IV. 



PAGE 
382 
3 86 
390 

392 
393 

393 
394 

396 
401 
401 
402 
43 
403 
403 
404 
406 
407 
409 
409 
410 
410 
411 

411 
414 
414 
414 
415 



XXXVI 



AUTHOR S PREFACE. 

AT the present time the attention, not only of Catholics, but 
of the whole world, is more than ever directed to the Holy 
See, which stands out as the one solid rock amid the subversive 
and anarchical tendencies of our day. For the proper under 
standing of this, the most ancient, yet still so vigorous inter 
national power, it is above all necessary fully to understand 
her historical development. To set this forth, since the close 
of the Middle Ages, in accordance with the facts drawn from 
the best authorities, and in the most objective form possible, 
is the task to which I have set myself. For the latter half 
of the XVIth century I have had to make use of unpublished 
documents to an even greater extent than in the preceding 
volumes, since the subject which had to be treated in many 
ways resembled fallow land, which has first to be broken up 
with the plough before its actual cultivation can be begun. 
I have been actively occupied in procuring, examining and 
preparing all the documents available in Archives, and also 
in taking the fullest advantage of the immense amount of 
literature which is to be found in so many publications. The 
material increased to such an extent in this method of dealing 
with it that the original plan of uniting the closely related 
pontificates of Pius IV. and Pius V. had to be abandoned, and 
a division made. Both volumes were almost completed when 
the international war broke out and rendered their publication 
impossible. The literature which has since appeared, though 
not amounting to very much, has been added. 

The dedication of the present volume to the eminent 
historian of the Council of Trent may serve as a remem 
brance of the twenty-five years which we spent in the Eternal 
City in close fraternal research and happy mutual labour in 
the same field. It is also, however, an expression of gratitude 

xxxvii 



xxxviii AUTHOR S PREFACE. 

for the furtherance of my work by many valuable hints and 
suggestions drawn from the literary remains of our mutual 
friend, Professor Anton Pieper, who died so prematurely, 
and whose vast researches afforded important matter, especi 
ally for Pius V. 

In spite of being cut off from Rome by the war, the past 
five years could nevertheless be utilized for the continuation 
of the History of the Popes, as the extracts from archives had 
long been collected. The difficulties resulting from the cir 
cumstances of the times were, however, very great, yet, in 
spite of this, it was possible to bring the description of the 
pontificates of Gregory XIII., Sixtus V., Clement VIII., Paul 
V., and Gregory XV. in all essential points, to completion, so 
that future volumes will follow closely upon one another. 
Should God grant me further life and health I may therefore 
hope for the happy completion of this work, to which I have 
devoted my powers since my youth. May it contribute to 
the resumption of relations with foreign scholars, so rudely 
broken off by the storms of war. Historical science cannot 
forego such an interchange of thoughts and ideas without 
suffering grave and lasting damage. 

PASTOR. 

Innsbruck, Oct. 27th, 1919. 



INTRODUCTION. 

THE restoration of ecclesiastical life in the XVIth century 
arose, as it had done in the days of Gregory VII., from within 
the Church herself, but with this difference, that the first 
incentive thereto was not given by the Holy See and the hier 
archy, as had been the case in the Xlth century, but by various 
individuals inspired by God. These, clinging fast to the 
precious treasure of the old faith, and firmly maintaining 
obedience to lawful ecclesiastical authority, worked, with 
burning zeal and unwearying diligence, first for their own 
sanctification, and only afterwards for the radical reform of 
their contemporaries. It is true that their endeavours for 
reform could only take firm root and permeate the whole 
Church when the Apostolic See took them in hand, and this 
turn of affairs, made possible by the agency of the great Popes 
of the houses of Farnese and Carafa, took place under the 
fourth and fifth Pius. 

The foundation of a Catholic reformation was laid by the 
Council of Trent, which also pronounced so clearly in matters 
of dogma. The completion of the Council was the work of 
Pius IV., who, in spite of the greatest difficulties, succeeded 
in once more opening this general assembly of the Church, on 
which, in the midst of the great apostasy from Rome, all the 
hopes of the faithful were fixed. 1 With unwearied patience 
the Pope held fast to the Council, and steered it with the 
greatest sagacity through renewed troubles both from within 
and without, until he was at last able to bring it to a happy 
conclusion. A clever and sagacious man, he again limited the 
Inquisition to its proper sphere, and at once renewed the 

1 Cf. the pamphlet composed under Pius IV. *De consolatione 
ecclesiae, in the Graziani Archives at Citta di Castello, Istruzioni I., 
102. 

xxxix 



xl INTRODUCTION. 

diplomatic relations with the Imperial court which had been 
broken off by his impetuous predecessor. 

Though personally inclined to a more secular course of 
action, Pius IV., by his confirmation of the decrees of the 
Council, by his appointment of a special congregation to see 
to the carrying out of those decrees, as well as by his continu 
ation of other important undertakings, such as the re 
arrangement of the Index, the compilation of a Catechism, 
and the reform of important liturgical books, proved his com 
prehension of the tasks of the Church, and won an ever last 
ing name by his work for Catholic reform. By confirming 
the decrees of the Council, he for the first time gave to the 
various regulations a legal sanction, while only by his care in 
enforcing their execution could the written law be introduced 
into active life, and the renewal of the ecclesiastical state be 
inaugurated. 

In this manner the Apostolic See proved itself to be, even 
under a Pope in whose character there were many faults, a 
solid foundation and a safe place of refuge for the renewal of 
the prosperity of the Church. Without his intervention the 
entire reform work of Trent would have remained in the con 
dition in which the canons of the previous sessions were at the 
time of the new assembly of the Council in 1562 ; that is to 
say, still awaiting execution because they had not as yet been 
confirmed by the Holy See. 1 

Pius IV. also continued with much greater success than his 
predecessor the regeneration of the Roman Curia, and the 
reform of its tribunals and scholastic institutions. It was, 
it is true, of extreme importance in this respect that his 

x The prelates assembled in Trent complained in 1562, " non 
havendo anco quel che si decret6 intorno alia riforma (in the 
years 1546 and 1547) qualunque si fosse conseguito effecto alcuno " 
(the legates on April gth, 1562, in SUSTA, Kurie, II., 79). The 
Pope replied that there was nothing to be astonished at, the 
Fathers of the Council themselves knew, " che i concilii che non 
sono fmiti ne approbati dai papi, non obbligano altrui ad obser- 
vargli, ne S. S u poteva sforzargli " (ibid., in). 



INTRODUCTION. xli 

nephew and Secretary of State, Charles Borromeo, stood at his 
side as his assistant and adviser, a man who, like Gaetano di 
Tiene, Ignatius Loyola and Philip Neri, embodied the spirit 
of Catholic reformation in its purest form. 

The carrying out of the decrees of the Council and the 
abolition of the manifold abuses which had taken such deep 
root during the period of the Renaissance naturally could not 
be the work of a single pontificate. It was therefore of the 
utmost importance that the right man, in the person of Pius 
V. (1566 1572), should have ascended the throne of St. Peter 
to carry into effect the reform plan of the Council of Trent, 
and to awaken new life in every part of Catholic Christendom. 
In his person the Papacy became the representative and the 
director of the Catholic reformation. This son of St. Dominic, 
a man who was on fire with consuming zeal for the purity of the 
faith., and of morals, and one who was absolutely unyielding 
when ecclesiastical affairs and the rights of the Church were 
in question, knew r neither fear nor consideration for worldly 
interests. Without the faults and weaknesses of Paul IV., 
he yet saw eye to eye with him in so many matters that his 
adherents in Rome could joyfully proclaim that the Theatirie 
Pope had risen again. 1 Their jubilation was well founded. 
Like Paul IV., who with iron hand had demolished deeply 
rooted, inveterate, and apparently ineradicable abuses, Pius 
V. courageously took up the difficult task of reform, and fear 
lessly devoted to it all his powers and all his holy zeal. 

The spiritual affinity with Paul IV., whom Pius V. venerated 
in many respects as a father, 2 shows itself in no small degree 
in the manner in which he fulfilled his task of guarding the 
treasure of faith in the Church and of protecting her against 
the assaults of the religious innovators. The means he 
employed in so doing were entirely in keeping with the char 
acter of a time when force and compulsion were used to 
subdue spiritual revolt, the strongest measures seeming all 

1 SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 379. 

2 See the letter to King Sebastian of Portugal of October 27, 
1567, in LADERCHI, Annales eccl., 1567, n. 17. 



xlii INTRODUCTION. 

the more necessary as the attacks of the innovators were 
always increasing in violence. 

In the new and ever extending form of Protestantism 
founded by Calvin there existed a far more dangerous, sys 
tematic and consistent enemy than in Lutheranism, which 
was now growing torpid, and was being torn to pieces by 
disputes within itself. Calvinism, with its rigid organization, 
its harsh doctrines, its demand for the bloody extermination 
of Catholics, 1 and its propaganda, was fanning to fever heat 
the lust of Protestantism to attack the old Church. An 
international monument was thereby called into being to 
such an extent that Geneva became almost a second Rome, 
and Calvin another Pope, who carried on a correspondence in 
every direction with the whole of Europe. In Germany and 
Scandinavia, Protestantism in its Lutheran form had already 
gained a firm footing, and Calvinism therefore threw itself 
with all its force upon the west of Europe, in order completely 
to annihilate the Catholic Church beyond the Alps. Together 
with the Germans, the Romans, as well as the Slavs and Mag 
yars were always being more and more involved in the religious 
changes, and led into opposition to the Papacy. A third form 
of Protestantism had at the same time arisen in England, 
in the Episcopal State Church. The one point on which the 
reformers were agreed was the complete subjection and 
eradication of Catholic worship, the practice of which was in 
many places, especially in England, Ireland, Scotland, Den 
mark and Sweden, even punishable by death. 

The Catholics were, therefore, carrying on a war of self- 
preservation when they sacrificed everything to prevent the 

1 Calvin, in his endeavcurs to suppress the Catholic Church 
in foreign countries as well, repeatedly demanded that those 
remaining true to the old faith should be put to the sword. See 
also the passage quoted by PAULUS (p. 250) in his book Protestant- 
ismus und Toleranz im 16 Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1911), and also 
the letter addressed to England in the Corp. Ref., XLL, 81, in 
which the sentence occurs : All Catholics who will not renounce 
their superstition, " merentur gladio ultore coerceri, cum non 
in regem tantum insurgant, sed in Deum ipsum." 



INTRODUCTION. xliii 

inroads of Protestanism, or to drive it out where it had already 
obtained a footing. Pius V., who opposed the enemies of the 
Church with all his power, did not live to see the issue of the 
embittered struggle. 

Whilst this most violent battle was being fought within 
the limits of Christendom, the Church was at the same time 
being threatened by the gravest danger from without by 
Islam, the inveterate enemy of the name of Christ. The 
Papacy has a special claim to glory for having, even at this 
moment of greatest trouble, kept true to its old tradition of 
being the guardian and shield of Christendom and its civiliza 
tion against the approach of danger from the east. 

Even during the period of the Renaissance the Holy See 
had preserved the ideal of the Crusades with regard to the 
increasingly threatening attack of the infidel, and, in propor 
tion to its material power, had done far more towards the 
repulse of the terrible enemy than any other power in Europe. 1 
From Nicholas V. to Paul III. most of the Popes had taken the 
lead whenever it was a question of protecting or defending 
Christendom and the civilization of the west against the power 
of Islam. 

The Holy See was the originator and the active supporter 
of all the coalitions directed against the Turks, 2 while all the 
attempts to rouse Christendom to a common enterprise against 
the infidel found in it a warm ally. Even during the stormy 
period of the apostasy from the faith, Paul III. succeeded in 
1538 in forming a league between the Emperor and Venice 
to avert the Turkish danger. It was only when the powerful 
maritime Republic concluded a peace with the Porte in 1540, 
that other grave religious and political troubles arose for the 
Popes, and drove the thought of the Crusades into the back 
ground. 3 

Twenty-five years now passed without any concerted attack 

1 See previous volumes of this work. 

8 The opinion of HERRE, Europaische Politik im Cyprischen 
Krieg, I., Leipsic, 1902, 30. 

3 See Vol. XI. of this work, p. 272. 



Xliv INTRODUCTION. 

having been made by the Christian states upon the enemy 
in the east. Even during this time, however, Spain and the 
Knights of Malta had received valuable help from the Holy 
See in their resistance to the pressure of the Turks in the 
Mediterranean. Pius IV. shared in the successful re pulse, of 
the dangerous Turkish advance on Malta in 1565. The saintly 
Pius V., in spite of his advanced years, employed all his strength 
with youthful vigour to secure a victory for the Cross over the 
Crescent. 1 While the French government maintained its 
former friendly relations with the Porte, and Elizabeth of 
England concluded a treaty with the infidels, in the interests 
of commerce and for the sake of making common cause with 
them in the struggle against Catholic Spain, the Pope, alone 
in the midst of a Europe torn asunder by political rivalries and 
religious hatred, unselfishly kept in view the great purpose of 
protecting the west and its civilization against the might of 
Islam. 2 As his ecclesiastical policy reminds us forcibly of 
the days of the Middle Ages, so do his attempts at a Crusade, a 
purpose to which he devoted himself with the same fiery zeal 
as that which once armed the nations of Europe for the deliver 
ance of the Holy Sepulchre. Great as the difficulties were he 
never lost courage ; to realize the dream of Pius II. was his 
constant aspiration, and he was destined in the end to 
attain a brilliant success, for, after overcoming indescribable 
difficulties, he succeeded in uniting such opposing elements 
as the Spanish King and the Republic of St. Mark in a great 
combined undertaking against the Turks, and became thereby 
the saviour of Europe. The glorious victory of Lepanto, 
which saved southern Europe from being overrun by Islam, 
and the beautiful basin of the Mediterranean from being 
transformed into a Turkish lake, and inaugurated the downfall 

1 Fachinetti, the nuncio in Venice, says in his report of October 
28, 1570 : "If the Pope had been a native of Venice, he could 
not have done more." VALENSISE, II vescovo di Nicastro poi 
papa Innocenzo IX. Nicastro, 1898, 88 

2 See E. PEARS in the Eng. Hist. Rev., 1893, No. 31, pp. 
439 seq. 



INTRODUCTION. xlv 

of the fleet of the infidels, till then considered invincible, was 
his work. 

The jubilation with which the western world received the 
news of the crushing defeat of the dreaded enemy of Christian 
civilization, was reflected on the Papacy which was being so 
violently challenged and insulted by the religious innovators. 1 

Great, however, as were the merits of Pius V. with regard to 
the repulse of the Turkish danger, and these assure him for 
ever a place of honour among the Popes, the real significance 
of his pontificate lies in the sphere of affairs within the Church. 
Acts of the highest importance, such as the compilation of the 
Roman Catechism, the reform of the Breviary and Missal, 
and the Congregation of the Index, are indissolubly associated 
with his name. But above all, it is as the reformer of eccle 
siastical life that he stands out in majestic grandeur. The 
influence which he exercised over his contemporaries in this 
direction, both at home and abroad, and on the development 
of the Church, has been justly described as immeasurable. 2 

That which the noblest spirits had prayed for and ardently 
desired since the close of the Middle Ages, namely, the reform 
of the Church in its head and in its members, was accomplished 
by him with an iron will and a holy zeal which shrank before 
no difficulties. Everywhere, wherever he found it necessary, 
he laid his reforming hand, in Germany as in Switzerland, in 
France as in Poland, but above all in Rome itself. His decrees 
are more numerous and far-reaching even than those of Paul 
IV. The Papal court, as well as the whole Curia, was reformed, 
the Penitentiary completely transformed, and nepotism swept 
away. The College of Cardinals, the episcopate, the secular 
clergy, the religious orders both of men and women, and the 
laity itself, experienced the zeal with which the aged Pontiff 
carried on his work of reformation. 

Whoever investigates the reign of Pius V. in the light of the 

1 Instances of such insults outside the time of Pius V. in JANNSEN 
PASTOR, VI. 15-16, 45 seq. Cf. also Katholik, 1887, II., 59- 

2 RANKE, Papste, I., 234, and MUNTZ, Hist, de 1 Art pendant 
la Renaissance, III., 242, Paris, 1805, agree in this opinion. 



Xlvi INTRODUCTION. 

original documents must come to the conclusion that this 
Pope was one of those great spirits to whom their own interests 
are as nothing, but the object for which they are striving is 
all in all. In his eyes, his temporal sovereignty was of very 
secondary importance in comparison with his office of supreme 
pastor of the Church. The renewal of all the faithful in Christ 
was the only aim he followed ; all worldly and political inter 
ests were far from his mind, and the salvation of souls alone 
filled his heart. Again and again he repeated that he felt 
responsible before God for the souls of the whole world, and 
that he must therefore keep in view nothing but the leading 
back of those who were straying from the truth, the conversion 
of sinners, and the reformation of the clergy. 1 

Pius V., like the great Popes of the golden age of medieval 
days, presented to the world the noble spectacle of the suc 
cessor of St. Peter, amid the appalling dangers threatening 
them from without, watching over the eternal interests of 
the new converts in distant lands with the same care as he 
devoted to the oppressed Catholics in the different countries 
of Europe. He was indefatigable in sending to the bishops 
of the Old as well as the New World, apostolic words of 
admonition and encouragement, in consoling the missionaries 
as far off as in Abyssinia, and in caring for the newly converted 
Moors in Spain, as carefully as he looked after the needs of 
oriental lands. His pastor; J love embraced without distinction 
all the peoples of Europe : Romans and Germans, as well as 
Slavs. From the height of Peter s throne, he cast the eye of 
an unwearying shepherd over the whole world, and nothing 
of importance escaped his sight. Wherever he perceived any 
deviation from doctrine or ecclesiastical discipline, he inter 
vened to warn or to reprimand, imposing everywhere the 
strictest standard, and vigorously combating every infringe 
ment of ecclesiastical liberty. He greatly valued Philip II. 
as a supporter of the Church, but that did not prevent him from 
opposing the national church policy of that egotistical ruler, 

1 See the letter of Pius V. to Philip II. of January 8, 1567, in 
the Corresp. dipl., ed. SERRANO, II., 7, Madrid, 1914. 



INTRODUCTION. xivii 

while he was also capable of making his will and his position 
effective even hi the case of his most faithful and best fellow 
workers in the cause of reform and renewal. When the 
legislation of the Jesuits did not appear to him quite to coincide 
with that of St. Thomas, he at once took decisive steps and 
changed what his predecessors had allowed. The Capuchin, 
Pistoja, who was in other respects highly esteemed by the 
Pope, must have had a painful surprise when he ventured to 
submit a memorandum concerning matters with which he had 
nothing to do. 1 Free from every trace of favouritism for 
persons or institutions, and free from passing moods or un 
regulated passions, Pius V. weighed all questions solely in 
accordance with ecclesiastical doctrine and canon law. In all 
his actions he stood out as the embodiment of the Catholic 
spirit ; he devoted the revenues of the Apostolic See, which 
so many of the Renaissance Popes had used for the enrichment 
of their relatives or for the piosecution of worldly aims, 
exclusively to the defence of the ancient faith. His reign was 
in all respects a contrast to the outwardly brilliant but worldly 
period of the Rovere, Borgia and Medici Popes. This saintly 
Pontiff, by his simple and ascetic life, made expiation, as it 
were, for all those points in which his predecessors had been 
found wanting. 

Peter Canisius has justly described it as a special dis 
pensation of Divine Providence that in Pius V. a man was sent 
to the assistance of the Church, who with holy assiduity 
entered the lists on behalf of the faith, and sought the reno 
vation of Christendom with burning zeal. 2 As a Pontiff whose 
whole thoughts and aspirations were fixed far beyond earthly 
interests, on the imperishable blessings of eternity, he begins 
that line of pious and able Popes, worthy of all reverence, who 

J He suspended him from saying mass and preaching, " non 
li parendo conveniente, che questi ch hanno cura delle cose 
spiritual!, vogliono ancora governare le temporal!." *Avviso 
di Roma, June 14, 1570, Urb. 1041, p. zgob, Vatican Library. 

2 See CANISII Epist, V., 197. Cf. BRAUNSBERGER, Pius V., 
2, Freiburg, 1012. 



Xlviii INTRODUCTION. 

led the Catholic reformation and restoration from victory to 
victory. A great part of what was accomplished by his 
successors, Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V., was a direct conse 
quence of his glorious achievements. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE CONCLAVE OF 1559. 

THE wild outburst of hatred indulged in by the populace, 
during the course of which Paul IV. closed his eyes in death 
on August i8th, 1559, reached its climax and its conclusion 
in the exciting scenes which took place two days later. The 
statue of the hated reformer of morals lay in pieces, the 
coat-of-arms of the Carafa was everywhere torn down, and the 
prisons of the demolished buildings of the Inquisition lay 
empty. 1 On the morning of the 2ist the fury of the people 

*See Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 414 seqq. The quantity of 
original matter concerning the vacancy in the Papal throne and 
the conclave of Pius IV. is very great. The most important 
sources are : (i) The Diary of Ludovicus Bondonus de Branchis 
Firmanus (in MERKLE, IT., 518-31), who was present in the 
conclave as Master of the Ceremonies (MERKLE, ex). (2) Antonius 
Guidus, De obitu Pauli IV., et conclavi cum electione Pii IV. 
(MERKLE, II., 605-32) ; Guido was in the conclave, probably as 
conclavist of Cardinal Gonzaga (ibid., cxxxv). Cf. also SUSTA, 
Pius IV., 165-6. (3) Onuphrius Panvinius, De creatione Pii IV. 
Papae (MERKLE, II., 575-601). Panvinio first entered the conclave 
December 24, 1559 (ibid., cxxvi., 577), and was therefore an 
eye-witness of the closing scenes. Merkle gives extracts from 
a second edition of Panvinio in the annotations, p. 332 seqq. 
(4) The *Lists of the scrutinies collected by Panvinio in the 
Court Library, Munich (see Appendix, No. i). 

Besides these we have the exceedingly copious diplomatic 
reports and correspondence, (i) the reports of the Spanish 
ambassador, Francisco de Vargas to Philip II. from September 27 
to December 29, 1559, in DO LLINGER, Beitrage, I., 265-328. 
Other sources from Simancas in MILLER, Konklave Pius IV., and 
HINOJOSA, Felipe II. y el conclave de 1559, Madrid, 1889. (2) 
Reports from the French side in RIBIER, II., 824-42. Cf. the 
account of a French Cardinal made use of by RUBLE (Le traite de 

VOL. XV. I 



2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

seemed to be appeased, and quiet was once more restored in 
the city. 

There was, however, still no lack of less violent manifes 
tations against the hated Carafa. Ascanio della Corgna, who 
had been forced to fly before the anger of Paul IV., 1 returned 

Cateau-Cambresis, 100 seq., Paris, 1889. (3) The correspondence 
from the archives of the Dukes of Florence and Ferrara (Modena) 
used by PETRUCELLI, II., 119-70, and by SUSTA, Pius IV., 123 seqq. 
(4) extracts from the correspondence of Ferdinand I. and his 
ambassador in Rome, Francis von Thurm, in SICKEL, Konzil, 
1-14, in S. BRUNNER in the Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem 
Benediktiner-und Zisterzienserorden, VI., 2 (1885), 173-8, 3 8 7 99, 
and in WAHRMUND, Ausschlieszungsrecht, 82-6, 257-65. (5) The 
*letter to the Duchess of Urbino, probably written by the confessor 
of Card. Giulio della Rovere (Vat. 7039, Vatican Library, and 
State Library, Vienna, 6012) first used by DEMBINSKI, p. 292. 
(6) The *reports of the Mantuan agents in the Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, which are for the first time made use of in the present 
work. 

The importance of this long conclave also appears clearly in 
the great number of monographs devoted to it. The most note 
worthy of these is the work composed in the Polish language by 
DEMBINSKI, Wybor Piusa IV., from archival material from 
Florence, Vienna and Rome, published in the transactions 
of the Cracow Academy, XX. (1887), 190-304; this had 
remained unknown to all German investigators of the 
conclave. MULLER S book, Das Konklaves Pius IV., 1559, 
Gotha, 1889, is very thorough, but he knows nothing of the 
treatise used by Dembinski. Susta has, however, made use of 
it in his monograph (Pius IV.) written in the Czech language, 
which deals at considerable length with the vacancy and the 
conclave (pp. 100-52). Susta has unfortunately not been taken 
any notice of in any of the later descriptions of the conclave. 
Of these the following are worthy of mention : RUBLE, loc. cit. 
(often insufficient, see ANCEL, Disgrace, 66 ; DEMBINSKI, Rzym, I., 
237 seq.) ; WAHRMUND, Ausschlieszungsrecht, 77-88 ; SAGMULLER. 
Papstwahlbullen, 46-109 ; HERRE, Papstum und Papstwahlen 
33-64 ; EISLER Veto bei der Papstwahl, 52 seq. ; RIESS, Politik 
Pauls, IV., 379-98. 

1 Cf. Vol. XIV. p. 133, of this work. 



RELEASE OF MORONE. 3 

from banishment on August 2ist, and was again able to appear 
in the streets of Rome as a prince. Marcantonio Colonna, who 
had been declared an outlaw by the dead Pope, and compelled 
to forfeit his estates in favour of Giovanni Carafa, 1 likewise 
reappeared in the Eternal City on August 2ist. The people 
went to meet him, and received him with the liveliest signs 
of joy. Colonna had regained all his former possessions, 
with the exception of Paliano, but he assured the Cardinals 
on August 22nd that he was prepared to obey the commands 
of the future Pope. 2 

The supreme senate of the Church also allowed it to be 
clearly seen that it was not in all matters of one mind with 
its deceased head. Cardinal Morone was, to the great satis 
faction of the whole court, 3 released from his prison in the 
Castle of St. Angelo, in accordance with the decision of the 
majority of the Sacred College, and, contrary to the decree of 
Paul IV., 4 he also received back the passive right of election 
in the approaching conclave. 5 The Cardinals dealt otherwise 
with Alfonso Carafa. This prelate, whom his uncle had 
appointed President of the Apostolic Camera, and, as such, 

1 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 100, 105, in, 121, 167. 

2 Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 335 n. 2., MASSARELLI, ibid., 336 ; 
Gumus, ibid., 608. *Report of G. Aldrovandi dated Rome, 
August 23, 1559 (State Archives, Bologna). 

3 G. Aldrovandi lays emphasis on this in the above mentioned 
*report of August 23. 

4 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 302 seq. 

5 BONDONUS, 518 ; Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 334 n. According 
to MASSARELLI, 334, Morone was set at liberty on August 20. 
This is, however, incorrect. In the codex of the Seminary Library, 
Foligno, the importance of which is made clear by our remarks 
in Vol. XIV., p. 468, of this work, the note is written on the margin 
of the statement of opinion of A. Massa, p. 115, that " die lunae 21 
Augusti secundum hanc inform ationem " was fixed as the day 
that Morone was to be set at liberty, and the work was at once 
set on foot. Thirteen of the Cardinals were in favour of his 
being freed, and eleven against it (PANVINIUS, 334), Puteo was 
among the latter on formal grounds ; see SUSTA, Pius IV., 112, 
n, 2. 



4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had given him equal rights with the Cardinal Camerlengo 1 
during the time of the vacancy in the Holy See, found that he 
could make no use of these rights. At his first" attempt to do 
so, he met with strong opposition from the Cardinal Camer 
lengo, Sforza, of whose opposition the Sacred College fully 
approved. 2 It was Sforza, too, a violent opponent of the 
Carafa, who on August 23rd read to the assembled Cardinals 
a letter of Ascanio della Corgna, containing bitter accusations 
against the late Pope and his nephews, 3 and it would seem that 
not a single voice was raised in favour of the Pontiff who had 
barely closed his eyes in death. 

A fresh incentive was given to the hatred against the Carafa 
when, just at this moment, news was spread of the shocking 
occurrences which had taken place in the family of the Duke 
of Paliano. Giovanni Carafa had, on the confession, under 
torture, of a supposed paramour of his wife, killed him with 
twenty-seven thrusts of a dagger. On August 29th the 
wretched wife followed her supposed seducer into death ; in 
spite of her pregnancy, she was strangled by her own brother 
and another relative. The Roman people saw in this family 
tragedy a Divine judgment on the Duke, who had had so little 
reverence for the honour of women. 4 

Under such circumstances, a speech which Ascanio della 
Corgna made on the Capitol on August 3oth against the Carafa 5 
was bound to make a doubly deep impression. On the follow 
ing day, August 3ist, a popular vote declared the whole of 
the Carafa family, with the exception of the two Cardinals, 
deprived of their civil rights as Roman citizens, and begged, 
in the presence of the former mighty Carlo Carafa, permission 
of the Sacred College to drive the Duke of Paliano, Giovanni 



1 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 216. 
2 Gumus, 607; MASSARELLI, 336. 

3 Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 335, n. 2. 

4 Cf. *Avviso di Roma dated August 12, 1559 (Urb. 1038, 
p. 6gb, Vatican Library). See details concerning this case infra 
cap. IV. 

5 Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 337. 



CARLO CARAFA REINSTATED. 5 

Carafa, and his family out of his towns of Gallese and Soriano 
and from all the States of the Church. 1 

This arrogant demand was received with indignation by the 
Cardinals. When Pirro Taro, the Conservator of the city, 
again appeared on September ist, with the representatives 
of the people, to receive the answer to their request, Cardinal 
Carpi, in the absence of the Dean, du Bellay, gave them a 
severe reprimand on account of the recent excesses, and, at 
the same time, he forbade them to take any proceedings on 
their own authority, and, in fatherly terms, gravely admon 
ished them to keep the peace, and to think of the public weal. 
Taro, in his reply, sought to make excuses for the people by 
expatiating on the burdens of the war and the heavy taxes 
during the late pontificate, and the encroachments of the 
Carafa. 2 The College of Cardinals had already taken the part 
of the Carafa family when Count Giovanni Francesco Bagno 
had attempted to take possession of the little town of Monte- 
bello, of which he had been deprived by Paul IV. in favour of 
Antonio Carafa ; on August 26th the Cardinals had forbidden 
the Duke of Florence to afford any assistance to Count Bagno. 3 
However, all the signs of favour, as well as of hostility, which 
the Carafa family received, were of little account in comparison 
with the fact that, in virtue of a decree of the Sacred College, 
Carlo Carafa was recalled from banishment and again put in 
possession of all the rights of a Cardinal. In view of the mere 
fact of the great number of his adherents, the prediction of 
the French ambassador in Venice that Cardinal Carafa would 
play but an unimportant part in the coming conclave, 4 
appeared to be altogether illusory. 

The regulation of the canon law that after the death of a 
Pope the nine days obsequies should be commenced at once, and 

1 GuiDUs, 609. *Report of Camillo Capilupi dated Rome, 
Sept. 2, 1559 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

GUIDUS, 610. *Report of C. Capilupi of Sept. 2, 1559 (Gon 
zaga Archives, Mantua). 

8 GUIDUS, 609. 

4 Francis de Noailles to the Cardinal of Lorraine, August i, 
1559. RIBIER, II., 825. 



6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

be followed on the tenth day by the opening of the conclave, 
was once more not exactly observed on this occasion. The 
solemn services for the repose of the soul of Paul IV. were only 
begun on August 23rd, and lasted, with breaks on the inter 
vening Sundays and holidays, 1 till September 4th. On the 
following day, after the Mass of the Holy Ghost and the usual 
sermon, preached on this occasion by the well-known humanist, 
Giulio Pogiano, 2 the Cardinals went into the Vatican for the 
conclave, 3 although no one had the least idea that this was 
to last for three months and twenty-one days. 

Many of the Cardinals who were not present in Rome 
arrived in the Eternal City 4 even before the conclusion of the 
obsequies, so that on the morning of September 5th thirty- 
five voters, and on the evening of the same day, yet another 
five were able to repair to the conclave 5 ; Armagnac and 
Capizuchi remained in the city on account of illness. 6 After 
the beginning of the election proceedings several more Cardinals 
arrived in Rome. The original number of forty electors had 



l On August 25, 27 and 29, and Sept. 3 (PANVINIUS, 336 seqq.}. 
A. payment for " Michele Grecco Luchese pittore per pitture 
per le esequie di Paolo IV," is entered on August 21 in the *Conto 
delli Olgiati depositarii de denari spesi in sede vacante di Paolo IV. 
(State Archives, Rome). 

2 BONDONUS, 518. The oration is printed in POGIANI Epistulae, 
I., 310 seq. 

3 See the plan of the conclave (contemporary print of A. Bladus) 
in the Papal Secret Archives, XL, 122 (also in the State Archives, 
Florence, C. Strozz., I., 229, see SUSTA, Pius IV., 116). 

4 On August 1 8, Carlo Carafa, on the 21, Corgna, on the 24, 
du Bellay and Crispi, on the 25, Alessandro Farnese and Simon- 
celli, on the 28, Rovere, on the 29, Cicada, Innocenzo del Monte, 
Gaddi and Armagnac, on the 30, Mercurio (Mamertinus, cf. 
MERKLE, II., 628, 38). Cristoforo del Monte, Madruzzo and 
Este, on the 31, Gonzaga ; on an unknown date, Lenoncourt and 
Capodiferro. Panvinius in MERKLE, 335-7. 

6 Namely Cueva, Medici, Cristoforo del Monte, Ricci and 
Capodiferro. Panvinius, loc. cit., 339 n. 
Ibid. 



NUMBER OF CARDINALS IN CONCLAVE. 7 

been increased by September 28th to forty-seven, 1 but by 
October I2th it had fallen to forty-four, 2 in consequence of 
illness, though it had risen to forty-eight 3 by the 3ist of the 
month. Capodiferro died on December 1st, and Dandino 
on the 4th, while du Bellay and Saraceni returned to the city 
on the advice of their physicians. 4 At the actual election, 
therefore, only forty-four voters took part. Seven Cardinals 
remained absent from the conclave altogether ; these were, 
beside the Spaniard Mendoza and the Portuguese Prince Henry, 
the five Frenchmen, Givry, Vendome, Odet de Chatillon, 
Meudon, who died in November, and Charles of Lorraine who, 
with his brother Francis, was acting as Regent for the king, 
who was a minor. Cardinal Consiglieri had died on August 
25th. 5 

In order to maintain public order 400 men had been levied 
for the defence of the Capitol by the magistrates, on August 
23rd, and on the 24th 3,000 additional soldiers and 300 cavalry 
were appointed to guard the city. G 

Long before the beginning of the conclave attention had 
been directed to the approaching Papal election from many 
different quarters. Paul IV. had especially sought to exclude 
two Cardinals from attaining to the supreme dignity ; the 
highly respected Cardinal Morone, whose faith, in the opinion 
of the Pope, was not above suspicion, and the wealthy Cardinal 
Ippolito d Este, who had great experience in everything 
connected with diplomacy, but who was completely unworthy. 

1 Armagnac arrived on September 7, on the 8, Tournon, on the 
u, Truchsess, on the 14, Strozzi and Guise, on the 18, Ranuccio 
Farnese, on the 28, Capizuchi. BONDONUS, 519 seqq. 

2 On September 20, Armagnac left the conclave, Capizuchi 
on October 2, and Simoncelli on the 12. BONDONUS, 519 seqq. 

3 By the arrival of Bertrand on October 25, and the return of 
Simoncelli, Armagnac and Capizuchi on October 20, 30, and 31. 
BONDONUS, 524 seqq. 

4 Ibid., 526 seqq. Capodiferro died in the conclave, and Dandino, 
who had left it on December i, in the city. 

6 MASSARELLI, 335 ; BONDONUS, 518. 
6 GUIDUS, 609. 



8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In his decrees concerning the Papal election, Paul IV. had 
especially these two Cardinals in mind/ and when he had 
Morone arrested and Este banished 2 he was in no small degree 
led to this step by the fear that one of them might reach the 
Papal throne. 3 He detested Este on account of his simoniacal 
attempts to gain possession of the tiara. He had even 
attacked the Cardinal of Ferrara, declaring him to be a Simon 
Magus, 4 in the very conclave from which he came forth as 
Pope, and on the second anniversary of his election he admon 
ished the Cardinals to allow God to appoint the Pope, and not 
to choose one who had bills of exchange to the value of from 
100,000 to 200,000 scudi in his pocket, and could grant benefices 
worth from 50,000 to 60,000 scudi, like that Simon Magus 
whom they all knew. 5 At the same time Paul IV. s own 
nephew, Cardinal Carafa, was secretly working, with French 
support, even during his uncle s lifetime, for the elevation of 
Este. 6 

The Cardinal of Ferrara had already been the candidate of 
France at three Papal elections, 7 and after the death of Paul 
IV. he was more than ever certain, to continue to be so, as he 
was connected by marriage with the most powerful French 
statesmen, the family of Guise. 8 He himself strove with great 
energy to attain the Papal dignity, although he had small 
prospect of success, on account of his unworthiness. 9 His 



1 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 220. 

2 Ibid, pp. 101, 289. 

3 Ibid, pp. 291, 302 seq. 

4 Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 268, col. i. 

5 Navagero on May 29, 1557, in BROWN, VI., 2, n. 907, p. 1123 
seq. ; cf. Navagero on March 20, 1557, ibid, VI., 3. App . n. 
159., p. 1659. 

6 Navagero on May 30, 1556, in BROWN, IV., i, n. 500. 

7 Cf. Vols. XIII., p. 20, XIV. pp. 2, 57, of this work. 

8 Cf. Lettres de Catherine de Medicis, I., 123 seq. 

9 *" La notte seguente (September 17) Ferrara cominci6 a esser 
dietro alle sue prattiche gagliardamente e per tutto il giorno 
seguente non resto di tempestare benche ogn homo conoscessi 
rimpossibilita " (enclosure in cypher). Thus Francesco di 



THE AIMS OF FRANCE. 9 

boundless riches, the favour of the princes, and the splendour 
of his illustrious family were all as much in his favour as his 
personal qualities. According to Guidus he was possessed 
of a truly terrible vigilance, of incredible persistence, and had 
besides an unusual charm of manner, which won for him all 
he desired. 1 In order not to injure his own prospects he was 
clever enough to arrange that only those Cardinals should be 
put forward as candidates of whose election there was no 
possible chance, and, on the other hand, that those who en 
joyed the favour of many supporters should remain in the 
background. It was he who was chiefly responsible for the 
long duration of the conclave. 

The French government wished Cardinal Tournon to be the 
next Pope, should Este s election not be possible, and after 
him, Cardinal Gonzaga ; there were, besides, several other 
Cardinals, such as Pisani, Armagnac, and du Bellay, who 
would not have been displeasing to the French. Carpi, on 
the other hand, was to be absolutely barred as a candidate. 2 
It was feared that he would, as Pope, endeavour to get back 
the lost principality of Carpi for his family, and thus give rise 
to political complications. 3 In other respects, France no 
longer had the same interest in the election as on former 
occasions. After the death of Henry II., on July loth, 1559, 
Francis II., who was a minor, had ascended the throne, arid 
the regency of the two Guise brothers had to contend with such 
difficulties in their own country that, for the time being, 

Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua on September 20, 1559 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). " Ferrara no entra en el juego, sino es en 
contradecir a Carpo." Vargas to Philip II. on September 28, 
1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 269. Concerning Este cf. 
Requesens to Philip II., on January 5, 1665, ibid., 582. 

1 GUIDUS, 622. 

"Francis II. to his ambassador in Rome on August 27, 1559, 
in RIBIER, II., 830. 

8 MULLER, 60. Fr. v. Thurm to King Ferdinand on November 3, 
1559, in WAHRMUND, 260 : " timet Carpensem Ferrariensis 
propter jura, quae super oppido Carpi praetendit." Carpi lost 
his principality as early as 1527. 



10 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

France could not think of new conquests in Italy. In addition 
to this, French statesmen had come to the conclusion, since 
the last Franco- Spanish war, that it would be much better for 
France to give up the policy of seeking for territory in Italy. 1 
The instructions for the French ambassador in Rome, accord 
ingly, were to the effect that if none of the proposed candidates 
could be pushed through, it would be well to support someone 
else, irrespective of nationality, provided that he were worthy 
of the dignity, and free from ambition. 2 

Spain, too, no longer thought of conquests in Italy. The 
aims of Philip II. were to preserve peace in his own dominions, 
and to strengthen the Catholic Church against the new doc 
trines, and, if only for the latter reason, he was deeply inter 
ested as to who should obtain the tiara. When Philip 
appointed Don Juan de Figueroa as his ambassador in Rome, 
shortly after the war with Paul IV., he impressed upon his 
envoy that his most important task would be his procedure 
at the next Papal election. 3 However anxious Philip may 
have been that no one should be elected to the Papal throne 
who would begin a new war with Spain, Figueroa was never 
theless instructed not to endeavour, in the first place, to gain 
influence in the conclave in any political sense or from a 
political point of view. The king was much more anxious 
to have a Pope " who would be zealous for the service of God, 
and for the well-being and pacification of Christendom, who 
would eradicate religious errors and disputes, and prevent 
their spread, and who would devote himself to the urgently- 
needed work of reform, and who would preserve Christendom, 
and especially Italy, which had been so sorely tried by the war, 

I MULLER, 32. 

2 So writes Francesco di Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua, 
Rome, September, 16, 1559 : *" Giovedi (September 14) sera 
entrorno in conclavi li rev mi Ghisa et Strozzi, con ordine, dicono, 
di non havere rispetto ne a Francesi ne a Imperial! ma solo a far 
un homo da bene et che sia atto a tal carico." (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

3 * Instruction for Figueroa on September 25, 1559 (Simancas 
Archives). Extract in MULLER, 84. 



CANDIDATES OF SPAIN. II 

in peace and unity." Should a candidate possess all these 
qualities, then his readiness to represent the actual interests 
of Spain was not to weigh too much in the balance. As 
desirable candidates Philip then indicated Carpi, Morone, 
Puteo, Medici and Dolera. Morone and Dolera ; who had only 
recently been elevated to the cardinalate, had little prospect 
of being elected, and were only mentioned out of courtesy. 
Este and all Frenchmen were to be excluded. 1 

As far as Figueroa was concerned, these instructions had no 
importance, since Paul IV. would not accept him as ambassador 
on account of a former interference on his part in the rights 
of the Inquisition. 2 When at length the Pope was willing 
to receive him, and Philip repeated his orders in an Instruction 
of July I3th, 1559, 3 Figueroa died on July 28th, 1559, at 
Gaeta. The king then appointed Francisco de Vargas, his 
former representative in Milan. He sailed from Antwerp on 
August 3ist, and reached Rome on September 25th. 4 
Figueroa s instructions were also to be followed by him, 
although he applied them in a much more arbitrary manner. 

Count Francis von Thurm, 5 hitherto the representative of 
Ferdinand, King of the Romans, in Venice, arrived in Rome 
on August 28th as his ambassador. In this office, Thurm 
can hardly be said to have represented an independent policy, G 
but rather to have followed that of Vargas. 7 

1 MULLER, 84 seq. There appears no reason to doubt Philip s 
sincerity, HERRE, 33 seq, Cf. also SUSTA, Pius IV., 79. 

2 MULLER, 40 seq. 

3 MULLER, 85 ; cf. 59, n. i. As to the date see HERRE, 41, n. i. 

4 MULLER, 41; Concerning Vargas see CONSTANT, Rapport, 
1 86 seq. 

6 Concerning him see CONSTANT, Rapport, 2 seq. 

6 Ferdinand remarked that he had never directly (liberamente) 
proposed anyone to the conclave, but only expressed a wish, 
" che eleggano un homo da bene." Giacomo Soranzo on Decem 
ber 2, 1559, in TURBA, III., 125 n. 

7 SICKEL, Konzil, i seqq. S. BRUNNER in Studien und Mitteilun- 
gen aus dem Benediktiner-und Zisterzienserorden, VI., 2 (1885), 
173 seqq. 



12 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Duke Cosimo of Florence, on the other hand, secretly 
endeavoured to obtain a great influence over the proceedings 
of the conclave. It was not enough for him that his two 
envoys, Bongianni Gianfigliazzi and Matleo Concini, were 
present in Rome, but he also sent Bartolomeo Concini there, 
who was initiated into all the secrets of his policy. Two of 
his agents, one of them the adroit Lottino, were admitted to 
the conclave as supposed attendants on Cardinals. 1 Cosimo 
tried himself to win over the electors to his plans by letters, 
and not everyone had the courage, like Cardinal Dandino, to 
reject these letters, 2 or to answer, like Cardinal Scotti, that 
the Duke should attend to the affairs of his dominions and 
leave the Papal election to the Cardinals. 3 For some years 
the Medici family had been connected by marriage with that 
of Este, and it is easy to understand that Cardinal d Este 
should now have sought to approach the Duke, and that this 
ambitious Prince of the Church should have endeavoured to 
win over this powerful ally to the support of his long-cherished 
designs on the tiara. Cosimo pretended to accept his proposals , 
but his concurrence was not sincere. 4 He also promised his 
assistance to the Queen-Mother, Catherine de Medici, when 
she begged for his support for Este, but at the same time he 
offered his services to the Spanish king against the Cardinal, 5 

1 SUSTA, Pius IV., 127. MULLER, 62 seq. 

2 PETRUCELLI, 144. 

3 *Avviso di Roma of September 9, 1559 (Urb. 1030, p. 79, 
Vatican Library). 

4 Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga of Mantua, with whom Este had 
entered into an alliance for mutual support even before the 
conclave of Marcellus II., also appears to have been a party to 
the agreement ; there is reason to believe that a formal compact 
was even made, according to which the Duke and Gonzaga were 
to work for the candidature of Este, while the Duke and Este 
were to render a similar service to Gonzaga. Should, however, 
neither of the said Cardinals gain the tiara, they were all three to 
promote the candidature of Medici. These very conditional 
promises were, from the nature of such transactions, of very 
little value. MULLER, 55 seq. 

5 MULLER, 63 seq. ; cf. also SUSTA, Pius IV., 142 seq. 



PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVE. 13 

and, as a matter of fact, in the conclave he left Este in the 
lurch and worked directly against him. 1 According to Cosimo s 
view, Cardinal de Medici was, as a matter of course, the only 
possible candidate, 2 but this preference, which was well known 
in the conclave from the first, rather prejudiced than helped 
the Cardinal in the eyes of many, for a Pope who had at 
his command the whole influence of the powerful Florentine 
Duke was to be dreaded. 3 Cosimo, however, refrained from 
openly influencing the Cardinals during October and Novem 
ber ; it was only towards the end of the conclave that he 
interfered decisively. 

The peculiar party conditions existing among the electors 
made it possible for diplomacy to play an important part in 
the election, to an even greater extent than was usually the 
case. It is to be ascribed to the confusion and the obstacles 
which were constantly being raised in this way that the Papal 
throne remained unoccupied for more than four months. 
The Cardinals were divided into three almost equal parties. 
The French interests were under the skilful direction of Car 
dinals Ippolito d Este of Ferrara and Louis de Guise, and were 
represented by Cardinals Tournon, du Bellay, Armagnac, 

I MULLER, 57, 62. 

8 Cosimo to Concini on September 21, 15 59, in PETRUCELLI, 129. 
" Quelli che piu di tutti sono in predicamento per il giudicio 
comune sono Carpi, Puteo, Morone et Medeghino," wrote Fra 
Taddeo Perugino to the Archbishop of Salerno as early as August 
25, 1559 (SusxA, Pius IV., 123). Navagero recognised Medici 
as the candidate most likely to be successful as early as 1558 
(see ALBERI, I., 3, 413). 

3 *" Medici e molto favorite dal Duca di Firenze, il cui favore 
in luogo di giovamento gli noce (cf. the statement in SUSTA, 
Pius IV., 127, n. 2), perche la grandezza di quel Duca e molto 
temuta di tutta questa corte et si dubita che havendo un papa 
creatura sua et tanto piu della natura di Medici che sarebbe troppo 
grande." Capilupi on September 2, 15 59 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). Concerning Puteo Capilupi writes that he was held 
" in molta consideratione "in spite of the hostility of Este and 
Farnese. 



14 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Lenoncourt, Bertrand and Strozzi ; the Italians Pisani, Cesi, 
Cristoforo del Monte, Simoncelli and Sermoneta for the most 
part adhered to this party, and to a less reliable degree, Crispi, 
Capodiferro and Dandino. 1 To these sixteen French partisans 
were opposed seventeen adherents of Spain. Their leader 
was Ascanio Sforza di Santa Fiora, as well as the Bishop of 
Trent, Cristoforo Madruzzo. These two were followed by 
Truchsess, Cueva, Pacheco, Carpi, Morone, Puteo, Ricci, 
Coigna, Mercuric, Cornaro, Cicada, Saraceni, Medici, Gonzaga 
and Rovere. 2 

According to the person put forward as candidate, these 
party relations were more or less altered, but each of the two 
parties was strong enough to prevent the election of an 
undesirable candidate, although neither could of itself produce 
the necessary majority of two-thirds of the votes. The 
decision lay therefore with a third party, that of Cardinal 
Carlo Carafa. The thirteen Cardinals created by the deceased 
Pope, with the exception of Strozzi and Bertrand, all belonged 
to it, that is to say, the two relatives of Paul IV., Alfonso and 
Diomede Carafa, the three members of religious orders in the 
Sacred College, the Dominican Ghislieri, the Franciscan 
Dolera, and the Theatine Scotti, and, in addition, Rebiba, 
Capizuchi, Reumano, Gaddi and Vitelli. All these were 
thoroughly ecclesiastically-minded men, which made it all the 
more surprising that they should have allied themselves to 
such an unworthy person as Carlo Carafa. The party of the 
Carafa was also soon strengthened by Alessandro Farnese and 
his three adherents, his brother Ranuccio Farnese, Savelli and 
Innocenzo del Monte. 3 

A letter written in October, 1559, by the Duke of Paliano, 
is characteristic of the position of the Carafa family at the 

1 MiJLLER, 70 seqq. 

2 Ibid., 76 seqq. 

3 Ibid., 90 seqq. A. Farnese assures the king of his devotion 
in letters of September 4 and 5, which are addressed to Arding- 
hello in Spain. After the election he justified his conduct in the 
conclave to the Spanish king, and excused himself at the French 
court. CARO, III., 265 seqq., 273 seqq. 



PARTY OF THE CARAFA. 15 

election. " It is not of the least consequence," writes Giovanni 
Carafa to his brother, " who will be Pope, the only thing that 
is of importance is that he who is chosen should realize that 
he owes the dignity to the Carafa. This house does not enjoy 
any favour with the Spanish or French kings, and everything 
therefore depends on securing the favour of the future Pope, as 
otherwise the ruin of the family is assured." 1 Carlo Carafa 
had completely broken with the French at the beginning of 
the conclave, and was inclined to favour the Spaniards. He, 
as well as his nephew, the Cardinal of Naples, entered the 
conclave with the idea of voting for Carpi, or, should his 
election prove impossible, for Gonzaga. 2 As a reward for his 
services in the conclave Carlo Carafa expected to receive from 
Philip II. an Italian principality, which would compensate 
his family for the forfeited Paliano. 

Carafa s chief adviser was Alessandro Farnese, who had 
already taken part in three conclaves, and had acquired a 
great deal of experience. Even before the death of Paul IV. 
Carafa had addressed himself to Farnese, from Civita Lavinia, 
his place of banishment, and placed himself and the thirteen 
votes of the Cardinals created by the late Pope at his disposal 
for the approaching conclave ; with their united efforts they 
intended to elevate a Cardinal who would show himself 
grateful to the houses of Farnese and Carafa for his election. 3 
Farnese did not appear to take a prominent part in the con 
clave, but in spite of this, his influence as an adviser seems to 
have been very important, and it was especially he who 
" with incredible skill and trouble " 4 held the Carafa party 
together at a critical moment. 

Among the forty e^ctors who entered the conclave on 
September 5th, only eleven favoured the French. The oppos 
ing party therefore thought to make use of their majority at 

1 ANCEL, Disgrace, 66 seq. 

2 Alfonso Carafa, the Cardinal of Naples, *writes to this effect 
to his father, the Marquis of Montebello, on October n, 1559 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 PANVINIUS, 576-7. 

4 " incredi-bili arte et labore " ; ibid., 580, 



l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

once on the evening of the following day, by electing Cardinal 
Carpi as Pope, by paying him general homage and without 
having recourse to formal voting, thus bringing the conclave 
to a speedy conclusion. 1 This plan came to nothing owing 
to the disunion of the Spanish party. Their leader, Sforza, 
was secretly opposed to Carpi, even though he was the principal 
candidate of the Spaniards, and had allowed himself to be 
drawn into a secret agreement by Este, by which he promised 
to prevent Carpi s election, while Este was to work on behalf 
of Medici or Gonzaga, who both also belonged to the Spanish 
party. 2 

The attempt, therefore, to elevate Carpi suddenly was 
bound to be unsuccessful, and they had to content themselves 
with allowing the conclave to proceed in the usual manner. 
The customary election capitulation was drawn up and read 
aloud on the evening of September 8th. 3 It contained, 
besides the declarations constantly recurring in such docu 
ments, distinct allusions to the pontificate of the late Pope. 
The Cardinals, accordingly, had to swear that they would 
undertake no war, and that they would punish in a fitting 
manner the outbreaks which had taken place while the pro 
ceedings in connection with the vacancy in the Papal throne 
were being conducted. The reform of the Church and the 
Curia, as well as the carrying on of the Council, was also 
earnestly enjoined on the Cardinal who should be elected. 4 
On September gth the bull of Julius II. was sworn to. 5 

1 BONDONUS, 519. 

2 Conclavi de Pontifici Romani, s.l. 1667, 160 seqq. The 
report of the " Conclavi " is supported by statements in trust 
worthy sources (MULLER, no seq.}. Sermoneta declared himself 
very decidedly against Carpi ; see **Caligari s letter of September 
12, 1559 (Papal Secret Archives). 

3 BONDONUS, 519. 

*DEMBINSKI, Wybor Pi usa IV., 289-304, in the extract in 
RAYNALDUS, 1559, n. 37 seq. LE PLAT, IV., 612 seq. Cf. SICKEL, 
Konzil, 12 seq., and the analysis in MULLER, 100 seq. See also 
Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Instit., XII., 226. 

5 BONDONUS, 519. 



THE FIRST SCRUTINY. 17 

On the same day the voting began, but at first, at any rate, 
was not taken seriously. Este wrote on the nth that they 
were not as yet thinking seriously of getting a Pope elected, 
and that there was hardly anyone as yet who would allow 
himself to be voted for. 1 The want of unanimity and decision 
in the conclave was so great that a large number of aspirants, 
some twenty or more, could natter themselves with hopes 
of receiving the tiara. 2 The Spanish party also thought it 
well to wait for further indications of the wishes of Philip II. 
It therefore frequently happened in the early days of the con 
clave that a considerable number of votes were given to a 
Cardinal whom no one seriously wished to become Pope, for 
the sole purpose of showing him honour. On September nth 
Cueva received seventeen votes, on the I3th Lenoncourt had 
eighteen, on the I4th the Cardinal-Infante of Portugal had 
fifteen and five accessits* In the case of Cueva they very 
narrowly escaped an unpleasant surprise. The Imperial 
ambassador had been collecting votes for him, so that at 
length thirty-two Cardinals had given him their promise as a 
joke, and without realizing the importance of their action. 
Cueva would have been elected Pope, against the will of the 
whole conclave, had not a fortunate chance revealed the 
mistake shortly before the decisive moment. 4 There was 
great excitement during the night of September 24th when a 
similar danger came to light. Cornaro had obtained for his 

^ETRUCELLI, 132 Seq. 

2 MuLLER, 109. Miiller counts 14 Cardinals "whose candida 
ture had been seriously mentioned." *Scoperti 19 che tutti si 
stimano papabili, il che mette discordi et controversia grande 
fra loro. Avviso di Roma of September 16, 1559 (Urb. 1039, 
p. 83 b, Vatican Library). 

3 See the *List of scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in Ap 
pendix No. i. GUIDUS, 612 ; BONDONUS, 519 seq. Bondonus 
gives 1 8 votes to Cueva. According to the *Avviso di Roma of 
September 16, 1559 (Urb. 1039, p, 83b), he had had 17 and 7 
accessits, " e se per caso Ferrara non scopriva la tram a Farnese, 
lui riusciva papa " (Vatican Library). 

4 GUIDUS, 612 seq. Vargas, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 266-7. 

VOL. XV. 



l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

uncle, Pisani, the only Cardinal of Leo X. who was still 
alive, the votes of thirty-seven electors, though, when the 
matter threatened to become serious, they withdrew their 
promises. 1 

Several more seriously intended attempts and proposals 
were made during the first weeks of the conclave by the Spanish 
party, but their very endeavours clearly showed to what 
straits they were reduced in order to find a candidate against 
whom no objection could be raised. At the beginning of the 
voting Pacheco was the most prominent, having received 
fifteen votes 2 at the first scrutiny and a still greater number 
after September 22nd. 3 Pacheco, however, was a Spaniard, 
and the Italian Cardinals did not wish for him as Pope on 
that account. After him Puteo received most votes in the 
early days, but he had, as later events showed, the powerful 
party of the Carafa against him. 4 Carpi, after the futile 
attempt of September 6th, fell into the background at the 
scrutinies in a marked way, so that of the Spanish candidates 
there only remained Medici, whom Duke Cosimo repeatedly 
and emphatically described as the only possible candidate. 5 
Since 1556 he had had the election of this man, in whom he 
hoped to find an accommodating tool for his political plans, 
in view, and had been secretly working for him, 6 and now he 
championed him almost too openly. 7 Medici was supported 
by Philip II., the Queen-Mother, Catherine de Medici, also 
showing herself, against all expectations, to be well disposed 

: Gumus, 613 seq. 

2 *List of the scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in Appendix 
No. i. 

3 Ibid., and BONDONUS, 520 seq. 

4 MULLER, 141 seq. 

5 See the letter to Concini of September 21, 1559, quoted 
supra p. 13, n. 2, and that to Lottino of September 24, 1559, in 
SUSTA, Pius IV., 125. 

6 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 66 seq., 76 seqq. 

7 Cf. the ""Letter of Caligari of September 12, 1559 (Papal 
Secret Archives). 



CANDIDATURE OF CARPI. IQ 

towards him. 1 In the conclave Farnese and the Carala 
favoured him, 2 while the French had no objection to his 
being elected. From the very beginning of the election 
proceedings, Medici was treated by his colleagues with such 
distinction that his elevation to the Papal throne was expected 
on the evening of September Qth,- 3 but he had a dangerous 
opponent in the powerful and cunning Este, who distrusted 
him on account of his favourable prospects, and who would 
not renounce his own candidature, however unlikely it may 
have appeared ; his aim was to prolong the conclave, the 
better to gain time for his intrigues. On September i6th and 
the following Sunday there was active canvassing for Medici. 4 
In order to bring pressure to bear on Este in favour of Medici, 
Farnese acted as though he wished to support Carpi, his most 
dreaded opponent. Consequently Carpi, who in the first 
week of the conclave had managed to get at mort five or six 
votes, received all of a sudden fourteen and sixteen. 5 On the 
afternoon of September 2oth it was generally believed that the 
idea of his elevation by general homage was really intended, 
many of the Cardinals assembling together, as if with this 
purpose, in the Pauline Chapel. His opponents, however, 
were also present, and persisted in remaining far into the 
night, so that Carpi s favourable prospects again disappeared. 6 

1 *Avviso di Roma of September 23, 1559 ; " Ma si ragiona, 
che Medici habbia d esser propost a tutti per li molti favori, 
che li sono sopragionti contra 1 opinione di tutti della Regina di 
Franza." (Urb. 1039, p. 85, Vatican Library). 

2 C/. the **Letter of Caligari of September 12, 1559 (Papal 
Secret Archives). 

3 *Avviso di Roma of September 9, 1559, loc. cit., p. 79. 

4 Guadagno on September 20 to the Duke of Mantua ; see 
Appendix No. 2. 

5 *List of the scrutinies (State Archives, Munich) in Appendix 
No. i. 

6 BONDONUS, 520. *Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua on 
September 20, 1559 (see Appendix No. 2). Guadagno expressly 
states what Miiller (p. 114) only calls a conjecture, that the whole 
scene was staged only to make an impression on Este : Farnese 
per paura la sera fece mezo segno di voler andare ad adorare 
Carpi per far risolvere Ferrara." 



20 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Spaniards, however, could not this time put forward 
their most able man, Morone. 1 As was currently reported 
in Rome, the Cardinals in the conclave had once more investi 
gated Morone s case, and this had resulted in an acquittal. 
When, on the suggestion of Carafa, Vitelli allowed himself 
to raise an objection, saying that he had on the preceding day 
carefully studied Morone s case and had found many remark 
able things in it, he received a sharp answer from Carpi, in 
which he was supported by Gonzaga. 2 Morone, nevertheless, 
resolved to make a declaration to the College of Cardinals on 
September xyth, through the Dean, du Bellay, thanking them 
for their decision in his case, and for their efforts on his behalf 
with Paul IV. and the princes. As, however, several persons 
were not willing to see him take part in the election, he begged 
them to permit him to withdraw from the conclave. Du 
Bellay would not grant this request, and as the majority of the 
Cardinals persisted in their decision of acquittal, Morone 
withdrew his proposal ; this unselfishness on his part did not 
fail to increase the esteem in which he was held. 3 

After the endeavours of the Spanish party had proved 
unavailing, the French made an attempt to elevate the 
esteemed and generally respected Cardinal Tournon. It is 
true that the Italians did not wish for a Frenchman, but many 
promised a vote of honour, and therefore Tournon received, 
for the scrutiny of September 22nd, a definite promise from 
some twenty-eight Cardinals and a conditional one from about 
four others. 4 Then they thought of the plan of only naming 

1 Moron f u restituido a voz activa y passiva pero non se 
habla, ni hablara del a causa de lo sucedido," writes the Spanish 
ambassador, Vargas, on October 3, 1559, to Philip, in DO"LLINGER 
Beitrage, I., 27. 

2 *Avviso di Roma, September 16, 1559 : " Monsignor, se voi 
1 avete studiat hieri, io 1 ho studiato 30 anni fa, che so quant e 
huomo da ben il Morone e non e d essere trattato com e stato " 
(Urb. 1039, p. 836, Vatican Library). 

3 *Avviso di Roma of September 23, 1559 (Urb. 1039, p. 86b, 
Vatican Library). 

Guise on September 27, in RIBIER, II., 833. 



CANDIDATURE OF TOURNON. 21 

Tournon on twenty-four voting papers, after which the re 
mainder of his friends, as if suddenly inspired, were to agree 
to the election, and thereby carry other Cardinals with them. 
The votes which were still wanting to make up the necessary 
thirty-one were to be supplied by those who had only promised 
their help in case of need. The only thing that brought this 
cleverly thought-out plan to grief was the fact that it had come 
to the ears of Carafa. In order to frustrate it he caused the 
rumour to be spread about that he and his whole party would 
also vote for Tournon. The consequence was that many of 
those who esteemed Tournon, but, nevertheless, did not wish 
to see him Pope, now drew back. Only fifteen voting papers 
contained his name, and it did not help matters when, in 
accordance with the previous arrangement, du Bellay, Armag- 
nac, Crispi, Strozzi and an unknown voter subsequently 
declared themselves for him. No one dared to do anything 
further for Tournon, for fear of driving Carafa to declare 
himself for Pacheco, who in the same scrutiny had received 
eighteen votes and one accessit. 1 This very excited session 
had only proved that the French were as little able as the 
Spaniards to elect a Pope by their own power. Nothing could 
now be done but to make the election possible by an arrange 
ment between the two parties ; the former alliance between 
Este and Sforza now had to come into force. 

After the vain attempt in favour of Tournon, the two leaders 
of the French party, Este and Guise, held a conference with 

iGumus, 613 ; Conclavi, 159. The number of 15 votes and 
5 accessits is certain from the "List of scrutinies (State Library, 
Munich; see Appendix No. i), BONDONUS, 520; GUIDUS, 613; 
the account in the Conclavi is wrong at any rate in this point, 
which is not very clear in Guidus. Guardagno *writes on Septem 
ber 23, to the Duke of Mantua : " Hiera mattina si fecion prattiche 
per Tornone, i Francesi dicevon di havere 34 voti, ma dentro 
facevono conto che non havea piu di 23 o 24, et in scrutinio di 
poi non hebbe piu di 21, per il che pare che i Francesi si sieno 
levati in collera, ne voglion sentir piu parlare di Papa, et dicon, 
che li Italiani non mantengon la fede, e si dubita che le cose non 
vadina in lungo " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



22 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

du Bcllay and Tournon, and it seemed to them as if Gonzaga 
were the man most likely to unite the votes of the French and 
Spaniards upon himself. The Cardinal of Mantua was out 
wardly supposed to be a member of the Spanish party, but 
he had also been designated as an acceptable candidate by the 
French king. After consulting together for several days the 
leaders of the French party went to Sforza on September 25th 
and begged him to propose a Cardinal from his party for 
election. Sforza in his turn named Gonzaga. To attempt, 
however, to effect his elevation in the usual manner, by secret 
ballot, appeared too uncertain, and it was therefore decided 
to summon the Cardinals immediately to the Pauline Chapel 
and to declare Gonzaga Pope by paying him general homage. 1 
This attempt, undertaken with hardly any preparation, not 
only failed completely, but also led to a division of the Spanish 
party. Only nine Cardinals of that party joined the thirteen 
of the French assembled in the Pauline Chapel, the others 
declining to obey their leader Sforza. Whi e Este, Guise, 
Sforza and Sermoneta were endeavouring to collect more 
votes, Madruzzo thought to attain their object in a simpler 
manner by crying out that Gonzaga was already Pope, and 
that he had the necessary number of votes. Only two Car 
dinals, however, allowed themselves to be moved by this to 
join Gonzaga ; most of them remained inaccessible, barred 
in their cells till all was over. Farnese had in the meantime 
assembled his party in the Sistine Chapel ; his brother 
Ranuccio, who was ill at the time, got out of bed and placed 
himself, wrapped in a fur mantle, at the door of the chapel, 
in order to let no one go over to their opponents. The ex 
hortations of Farnese and Carafa to hold out obtained a bril 
liant success for their party. 2 

1 RlBIER r II., 834. 

2 Guidus, 614 seq., Bondonus, 520. Santa Flora and Madruzzo 
to Philip II. on September 25, 1559, in PETRUCELLI, 136 seq. 
" *Se non era la furia di Trento, le cose succedevan felicissamente 
. . . Ferrara. Ghisa, Santa Fiore et Sermoneta eron intorno ad 
alcuni altri che vi mancavano a complir il numero che si ricer^a, 
quar.do Trento troppo amorevole et frettoloso comincio 6 a gridare: 



CANDIDATURE OF GONZAGA. 23 

In reality the attempt to elevate Gonzaga showed the dis 
union of the Spanish party as well as the strong cohesion of 
that of Carafa. Even the Frenchman, Reumano, who owed 
his dignity of Cardinal to Paul IV., remained loyal to Carafa, 
and to the threats of his indignant countrymen answered 
that he would rather lose the whole of his property than break 
his pledged word. 1 Cardinal Vitelli made excuses to Gonzaga 
for having kept in the background at the elevation of a friend, 
by referring to the obligations which bound him to Carafa. 2 

Very probably this attempt on behalf of Gonzaga was not 
seriously meant by Este. According to his agreement with 
Sforza, both were to take steps either for Medici or for Gonzaga. 
Together with Sforza, Este decided in favour of Gonzaga 
because the latter would probably have more difficulty than 
Medici, and pressed for an immediate attempt for the Cardinal 
of Mantua, as the candidature of the more dangerous opponent 
would then be almost without any prospect of success. 3 

In spite of this first failure by Gonzaga, however, his 
adherents remained loyal to him. The party leaders, Este 
and Guise, Sforza and Madruzzo, mutually pledged themselves 
to vote for no one else till all hope of his success had dis 
appeared. Even then they wished to keep together, and work 
in common for the election of the Pope. 4 Farnese and 

Mantova, Mantova, Papa, Papa. Et non vi essendo il numero, 
Farnese et Caraffa hebbon tempo a non lasciare svolger quell: 
pochi che mancavano, et a proporre Pacheco in competentia 
come fece." Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua on September 27, 
1559 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

iGuiDUS, 615. 2 Ibid., 614. MiiLLER, in seqq. 

* Este and Guise to the French King on September 27, 1559 ; 
Guise to Charles and Francis de Guise on September 27, 1559, 
m RIBIER, II., 833, 835. " *Ghisa, Ferrara, Trento et Santa 
Fiore, capi di questa lega, hanno promesso et giurato di non v 
mai dar il voto loro ad altri, che hanno sottoscritto cedole di 
lor mano." Guadagno to the Duke of Mantua on September 27, 
1559 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Also *Avviso di Roma, c 
September 30, 1559 ; the four leaders have given their pledge to 
Mantua, even if they should have to remain ten years in the 
conclave (Urb. 1039, p. 8 7 b, Vatican Library). 



24 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Carafa, however, were just as firmly resolved on the other 
hand, to exclude Gonzaga from the Papacy at all costs. 1 
Both parties were almost equally strong, 2 and in view of 

J Este and Guise wrote on October 18, 1559 (in RIBIER, II., 
835), that Carafa and Farnese sought to keep their adherents 
together by holding out to them hopes of the tiara, and by pro 
curing for them at the voting 18, 20 or 22 votes to keep this hope 
alive. This, however, only relates to the days which immediately 
preceded October 18 ; on October 12 Ghislieri received 20 votes ; 
on the 13, Ranuccio Farnese 21 ; on the 16, Gaddi 14 ; on the 17, 
Savelli 22. Cf. *Lists of the scrutinies (State Library, Munich, 
in Appendix No. i). 

2 Gianfigliazzi writes at the end of September to the Duke of 
Florence that the Farnese-Carafa party had 25 Cardinals, and 
that of Gonzaga 22 (PETRUCELLI, 130). The so-called neutrals 
are here reckoned among the opponents of Gonzaga. According 
to Guadagna (*Letter of October 4, 1559, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua), du Bellay, Tournon, Armagnac, Lenoncourt, Guise, 
Este, Madruzzo, Sforza, Sermoneta, Morone, Medici, Puteo, 
Capodiferro, Cicada, Pisani, Cornaro, Cristoforo del Monte, 
Mercurio, Rovere, Corgna, Simoncelli, Strozzi and Gonzaga 
himself are all for the Cardinal of Mantua. Against him are, 
according to Guadagno : Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese, 
Savelli, Carpi, Saraceni, Carlo Carafa, Scotti, Vitelli, Gaddi, 
Rebiba, Ghislieri, Diomede Carafa, Alfonso Carafa, Innocenzo 
del Monte, Reumano, Capizuchi and Dolera. At the name of 
Dolera there is the remark : " andra a Mantova non mancando 
piu di 2 voti." The neutrals are Pacheco, Ricci, and Crispi, 
Truchsess, Cesi, Dandino and Cueva. Guadagno says of Truchsess, 
Cesi and Dandino : " andranno in Mantova," and of Cueva : 
" andra in Mantova mancando il suo voto." A list which the 
Imperial ambassador, Francis von Thunn, encloses in a letter 
to Ferdinand I. on September 30, 1559 (published by S. BRUNNER 
in the Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem Benediktiner-imd Zister- 
zienserorden, VI., 2, 388 (1885), differs in the following respects 
from Guadagno s list : To the list of friends of Gonzaga it adds 
Saraceni, Cueva and Cesi, but omits Medici and Mercurio (Cueva 
was, according to BONDONUS, 50, among the opponents of Gonzaga 
at the attempted homage on September 25; of. MULLER, 135). 
In the list of the opponents of Gonzaga, Saraceni and Innocenzo 



FRANCISCO DE VARGAS. 25 

the obstinacy with which they opposed one another, it seemed 
as if the election would be indefinitely prolonged. In the 
meantime Spanish diplomacy interfered in the most incon 
siderate manner with the proceedings of the election, and the 
confusion was thus increased to the highest degree. 

The Spanish ambassador, Francisco de Vargas, 1 had arrived 
in Rome on September 25th, and he presented himself before 
the Cardinals on the following day. 2 In his person a diplo 
matist of no ordinary skill and obstinacy appeared upon the 
scene. It annoyed Vargas to hear in Italy that since Clement 
VII. no staunch adherent of Charles V. had ever gained the 
tiara, whereas, on several occasions, a Cardinal who had been 
excluded by the Emperor had succeeded in so doing. 3 Vargas 

del Monte are missing. Thurm also reckons Medici, Innocenzo 
del Monte and Mercuric among the neutrals, but not Cesi and 
Cueva. A *third list in the Avvisi di Roma of October 7, 1559 
(Urb. 1039, Vatican Library) counts 20 friends of Gonzaga ; these 
are the Cardinals given as his friends by Guadagna with the 
exception of Morone, Medici and Mercurio. Among the opponents 
of Gonzaga this third list reckons all those quoted by Guadagno 
as opponents and neutrals, and in addition, Medici and Mercurio. 
Morone is not mentioned at all in this list. According to Vargas 
(letter of November 5, 1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 290) 
Sforza, Madruzzo, Morone, Cicada, Cornarb, Mercurio, Corgna, 
and Puteo, among the Spanish party voted for Gonzaga. 

1 Vargas, a zealous adherent of Ruy Gomez, had in spite of 
Alba s opposition, been appointed principally on the recom 
mendation of Granvelle (HINAJOSA, 49; SUSTA, Pius IV., 129 
seq.}. Susta gives in this connection an able picture of the 
diplomatist Vargas. CONSTANT, Rapport, 186 seq. gives the best 
account of his life, quoting much literature in connection with it. 

2 Vargas to Philip II., on September 27, 1559, in DOLLINGER, 
Beitrage, I., 267. Philip s letter to the Cardinals on September 
9, 1559, which Vargas communicated to them on September 27, 
is printed in SAGMULLER, 93 seq., cf. HERRE, 44. Extract from 
Vargas speech before the Cardinals and du Bellay s reply in 
GUIDUS, 615. 

3 Vargas to Philip II., on January 31, 1560, in DOLLINGER. 
Beitrage, I., 330. 



26 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

made up his mind that this should not be the case under 
Philip II., and he therefore developed a feverish activity in 
order to influence the election in the Spanish interest. 1 He 
proceeded to do this with an incredible want of consideration . 
All the other ambassadors preserved at least the outward 
usages of decorum, but the zeal of Vargas knew no bounds. 
Scarcely a night passed that he did not enter the conclave 
by a window or a breach in the wall, in order to work on the 
Cardinals by promises and threats, often remaining there till 
daybreak. 2 He himself wrote to the king, 3 on November 
5th, 1559, that he had taken more trouble about the conclave 
than in all his former missions together, and that if he did not 
succeed in gaining his end, he believed it would prove his 
death. 

Vargas was not satisfied with the whole tendency and 
development of the proceedings so far. His opinion was that 
if the Cardinals who had Spanish sympathies would only unite 
among themselves they would not need the support of the 
adherents -of the French party, 4 and that it wab a matter of 
honour on their part to bring the election to an end in the 
Spanish sense without the help of a person so " hated by God 
and the Spanish king as Este." 5 The candidature of Gonzaga 
was also not approved of by Vargas, because it was a principle 
of Spanish policy that scions of Italian princely families should 
be kept from the tiara, so as not to endanger the peace of 
Italy, 6 and for the same reason he was at first opposed to 
Medici, as being a dependent of Cosimo I. 7 

1 MCLLER, 196, 198. 

2 Mocenigo in ALBERI, II., 4, 45. Cf., SUSTA, Pius IV., 131. 

3 In DOLLINGER, I., 289. 

4 Vargas on November 6, 1559, in DOLLINGER, I., 291. 

5 Ibid., 292. 

6 Mocenigo (in ALBERI, II., 4, 32^ writes that it was easier to be 
Pope if one did not belong to the nobility, but was of humble 
origin. The Duke of Alba gave it as his opinion with regard to 
Gonzaga that the rule that a man of noble birth was no use as 
a Pope was so general that there were hardly any exceptions to it. 
HINAJOSA, 64; HERRE, 43. SUSTA, Pius IV., 130. 



THE NEW ALLIES. 27 

At his first conference with Sforza, during the night of 
September 27th, Vargas put forward his views with great 
emphasis. In reply to his misgivings about Gonzaga, Sforza 
said that his candidature had no prospects of success, but 
that they must nevertheless appear to support him. 1 It was 
indeed a fact that neither Vargas nor Sforza dared openly to 
oppose a member of the powerful princely house of Mantua. 
Sforza appeared to be ready to enter into the alliance proposed 
by Vargas, and during the night of October 2nd, the three 
party leaders, Farnese, Carafa and Sforza held a meeting, at 
which they were reconciled and mutually promised to work 
in the interests of Philip s candidate. 2 

The Franco- Spanish alliance, the fruit of three weeks of 
endeavour and experience, seemed therefore to have been 
abandoned ; the business of the election had to be undertaken 
once more from the very beginning, and on quite new principles. 
The only drawback was that these principles were not clearly 
established ; the new party was wanting in unity. Each 
of the three leaders, Farnese, Sforza and Carafa, wished the 
election to be decided by himself alone, so that he might 
benefit to the fullest extent from the gratitude of the newly- 
elected Cardinal. 3 It was related of Carafa that half a day 
before the attempted elevation of Gonzaga, he had also con 
ceived the plan, but quite independently of the French, of 
taking up the cause of Gonzaga, but had immediately changed 
his mind on learning that others had already taken the matter 
in hand, so that he himself would only play a secondary part 
in the elevation of that Cardinal. 4 

The new allies were not even of one mind with regard to the 
candidate they wished to support. In their first discussion 
during the night Vargas had dissuaded Sforza from assisting 



1 Vargas on September 28 and October 23, 1559, in DOLLINGER, 
I., 269, 272 ; MULLER, 137. 

2 Vargas on October 3, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 271. 

3 Vargas on October 18 and November 5, ibid., I., 280, 
288. 

4 GUIDUS, 615. 



28 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Carpi and Pacheco, and had recommended Puteo and Medici. 1 
At the meeting between the three leaders, however, Farnese 
and Carafa had definitely refused to support Puteo, 2 and 
remained, as they had been before, in favour, in the first 
instance, of Carpi and Pacheco. 

The uncertainty of the position was very much increased 
by the fact that when Sforza entered into this new compact 
he did not immediately break off his former understanding 
with the French. He could not very well do this, for among 
the adherents who had remained faithful to him at the time 
of the rupture in the Spanish party were many personal friends 
of Gonzaga, whom he dared not offend, 3 and he was, moreover, 
afraid that if he deserted the French, Carafa would at once 
join them and bring the election to a conclusion without his 
help. 4 Sforza, therefore, worked with the French for Gonzaga 
and with his new allies for Carpi and Pacheco, but he was not 
sincere with either party, and, since his double dealing could 
not remain concealed he lost the confidence of his own party 
as well as of the French. 5 A coolness between Sforza and 
Vargas was also growing from day to day. Sforza, as well as 
Madruzzo, was justly indignant at the arrogant manner in 
which the ambassador sought to force his views on them. 6 
The confusion was so great, as Madruzzo wrote to Philip II. 
on October 2oth, that it could not have been worse. 7 

In order to find a way out of this state of confusion the 
divided Spanish party had, above all, to become clear as to 
their attitude towards Gonzaga. No information on this 
point was to be obtained from Vargas, for his instructions on 
this very matter were insufficient. 8 They had, therefore, to 

1 Vargas on September 28, in DOLLINGER, L, 269 seq. ; MULLER, 
140. 

2 Vargas on October 3, in DOLLINGER, L, 271. 

3 MULLER, 146. 4 Ibid, 145. 5 Ibid., 143, 147. 

6 C/., SlJSTA, PlUS IV., 131. WAHRMUND, 82. 

8 MULLER, 129. " De cuantas cartas tenia Don Juan Figueroa 
para en sede vacante, no me he podido aprovechar de ninguna," 
writes Vargas on November 5, 1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 
289. 



CANDIDATURE OF GONZAGA. 2Q 

apply directly to the Spanish king. Towards the end of 
September a number of letters from Gonzaga s friends, as well 
as from his opponents in the Spanish party, were addressed 
to Spain, in order to obtain thence a decision as to this crucial 
question. 1 Farncse wrote to the king that if Gonzaga 
became Pope, Philip could see to it that the Spaniards were 
not driven out of Italy. Sforza, on the other hand, com 
plained of Farnese to the king, saying that he opposed the 
Cardinal of Mantua for private reasons, although he well knew 
the loyalty of the latter to Spain ; 2 the alliance with the French 
could not be evaded, and he begged Philip to order the Spanish 
Cardinals to support Gonzaga. He bitterly complained of 
the insubordination of his party and of Pacheco in particular. 3 
Pacheco, on the other hand, whom Philip had expiessly 
designated as an acceptable candidate, made accusations 
against Sforza, and said that he had left him in the lurch. 4 
Gonzaga himself sent an express messenger to Philip, but 
when he was in Florence he was induced by Duke Cosimo to 
return. 5 Cosimo also addressed himself to the Spanish king 
on September 2Qth ; he explained that a Franco-Spanish 
alliance was the only way of settling the election, and in order 
to maintain it he appeared to support Gonzaga, but in reality 
the only person for whom it would be possible to obtain the 
tiara was Medici. 6 

Gonzaga s friends also sought to obtain letters of recom 
mendation for him from other courts. The King of France 
answered in the most courteous terms, saying that if he were 
a Cardinal he would personally cross the Alps to be able to give 
his vote for Gonzaga. 7 King Ferdinand wrote, at the request 
of the Duke of Mantua and the Imperial ambassador, Francis 



I WAHRMUND, 82, 260 seq. MULLER, 130 seqq. 
*WAHRMUND, 261. 

3 MULLER, 130 seq. 

4 Ibid., 131. 

5 Ibid., 135. 

6 Ibid., 132. 

7 WAHRMUND, 261, 



30 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

von Thurm, to Cardinals Madruzzo, Truchsess and Morone 
that they should support the candidature of Gonzaga. 1 

Considering the means of communication of that time, an 
answer from Spain could not be expected to arrive in Rome 
in less than four weeks so that, as September had passed without 
any result as far as the election was concerned, the like was to 
be expected in October. The parties, as Curzio Gonzaga wrote 
to Mantua on October 4th, were standing firmly opposed to 
one another ; the business of the election could only proceed 
when an answer had been received from the Catholic 
King, 2 

The great consideration extended to the princes gave much 
scandal in Rome, and indeed throughout the whole of Italy. 
The Conservators of the city appeared before the Cardinals on 
October 4th and reproached them for seeking instructions 
from abroad, thereby quite misunderstanding their own 
dignity and position. 3 They begged them to hasten the 
election as much as possible, since public security in Rome 
was so greatly endangered by the long duration of the conclave 
that honest people were no longer sure of their lives. Then 
the Conservators endeavoured to justify the people for an 
occurrence which had taken place during the preceding night. 
The day before, some persons belonging to the French embassy 
had shot a gentleman-at-arms of the prefect of one of the 
districts in the open street because the said prefect had 
deprived one of their number of a prohibited weapon without 
regard for the French privileges. In revenge for this the 
people had, during the following night almost stormed and 
burned down the dwelling of the French ambassador. 4 The 
Conservators concluded by declaring that if a Pope were not 
speedily given to the city they would make use of the authority 

1 Letter of October 14, 1559, -n S. BRUNNER in the Studien 
und Mitteilungen aus dem Benediktiner-und Zisterzienserorden, 
VI., 2, 389 (1885) ; WAHRMUND, 260. Cf. Giacomo Soranzo on 
October 20, 1559, in TURBA, III., 107. 

2 *Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

3 GUIDUS, 617. 

., 616. 



COMPLAINTS OF THE ROMANS. 31 

to which they were entitled, and prevent the Cardinals from 
communicating with the outside world by letter. 

The Cardinal-Dean, du Bellay, dismissed the Conservators 
with a sharp reproof on account of their arrogant language 
and the excesses of the previous night. The complaints were, 
however, only too well justified, and other remonstrances were 
not wanting regarding the general insecurity in Rome. 1 The 
want of order in the conclave itself was so great that the Vene 
tian ambassador, Mocenigo, wrote in 1560 that it was the 
most open and free of which there was any record. 2 On 
October 2nd four Cardinals were appointed, 3 who were to 
confer with the ordinary commission of Cardinals concerning 
a reform of the conclave. They did indeed make various 
regulations, 4 but, as Bondonus says, although these were well 
conceived nobody paid any attention to them. 5 The windows 
and breaches in the walls by which Cardinals and conclavists 
communicated with the outside world were indeed closed, 
but were very soon opened again, 6 and no lasting improvement 
of the conditions took place. 

As a matter of fact, no exhortations or regulations for 
reform could have much success as long as the evil was not 
grasped at the root, and the secular princes deprived of all 

1 The *Avviso di Roma of September 23, 1559, announces 
that many murders take place by day and by night (Urb. 1039, 
p. 85. Vatican Library). Cardinal Cueva spoke to the same effect 
in an address to the conclave on November 12 (Gurous, 619) : 
" Lites non legibus, sed gladiis et caedibus diffiniebantur com 
plained the Conservators on November 3. GUIDUS, 618. Cf. 
SUSTA, Pius IV., 135. 

2 MOCENIGO, 43. Cf. DEMBINSKI, Wybor Piusa IV., 260; 
SUSTA, Pius IV., 134 See ibid, concerning the abuses in the 
matter of wagers as to who should be Pope ; many conclavists 
made these for their own personal gain. 

3 They were Madruzzo, Este, Scotti and Carafa. BONDONUS, 
521- 

4 BONDONUS, 522; GUTDUS 617. 

5 BONDONUS, 522. 

6 MOCENIGO, loc. cit. 



32 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

influence in the Papal election. Nobody, however, had the 
courage to take a step of such decisive importance, for the 
favour of so powerful a monarch as Philip II. must be retained 
for the Church. Nothing else was therefore possible but to 
suffer as before the intercourse with the ambassadors, and to 
await with patience the decision of the Spanish king as to the 
candidature of Gonzaga which had been asked for. 

Philip II. was in no hurry with his reply. It appeared to 
him impossible to declare himself in favour of Gonzaga, yet 
to pronounce against him, the member of so highly esteemed 
a princely family, was both distasteful and dangerous. 1 He 
therefore postponed his answer from week to week, hoping 
perhaps that the Cardinals would understand his silence, and 
at length decide as he wished without express instructions 
from him. This, in fact, was what actually took place. 

The conclave remained for a few weeks completely un 
decided as to the election. As a matter of form, the daily 
voting took place, and Pacheco regularly received from seven 
teen to twenty-two votes, and Cueva from twelve to eighteen. 2 
Cardinals of whose actual elevation no one was really thinking, 
often received an unusual number of votes, merely as a com 
pliment, as, for instance, Saraceni, who on October 5th and 
7th had sixteen and nineteen votes, Rebiba on the 6th no less 
than seventeen, and Ghislieri at a later date twenty. To 
Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese, whose name is otherwise only 
occasionally mentioned, twenty-one votes were given on 
October isth, merely because it was the anniversary of his 
grandfather s election. Similar surprises occurred every 
day. 3 

In the midst of the tedious monotony of the almost sus 
pended proceedings, a little excitement was caused by a 
striking remark made by Cardinal Medici, who, in conversation 
with Cardinal Truchsess said : "As regards the Germans, we 
iCf. Tiepolo to the Signoria of Venice, Toledo, December n; 
1559, in BROWN, VII., n. 117. 

2 Cf. the *List of scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in Appendix; 

No. i. 

Cf. ibid. 



IMPATIENCE OF CARAFA. 33 

should have to summon a Council, to see if some concessions 
could not be made to them with regard to the marriage of 
priests and Communion under both kinds." Such words in 
the mouth of a Cardinal in whom many saw the future Pope , 
caused Truchsess such great scandal that he considered it his 
duty to bring it to the notice of the electors, and as it gave rise 
to considerable comment, he drew up a written report of his 
conversation with Medici on October I3th and another in 
November. 1 The whole affair, however, injured the Cardinal 
of Augsburg rather than the reputation of Medici. 2 

The weary waiting for a reply from Philip at length seemed 
to the Cardinals a burden too great to be borne. The patience 
of the hot-blooded Carafa was the first to give way ; he feared 
that his adherents might not, in the end, withstand the tempta 
tions of the opposite party during this long delay. 3 On October 
nth, he declared to Cardinal Sforza that if he did not break 
off his alliance with the Spaniards within four days, he would 
himself separate from him, and, in conjunction with the 
French, raise Cardinal Tournon to the Papal throne ; he could 
easily bring about this result with the seventeen votes of which 
he had command and those of the French. Sforza begged 
for a delay until October I7th, and this Carafa allowed him. 4 

In the face of this threat, Vargas thought that he ought to 
delay no longer in taking a definite step against Gonzaga, 
and he therefore wrote to Madruzzo, the special friend of 
the latter, saying that it would be as well to refrain from 
supporting Gonzaga any longer, as, under the present circum 
stances there was no hope of his candidature being successful. 5 

1 Too much curtailed in SICKEL, Konzil, 17 seqq, 20, cf. 84 seq. ; 
complete in Urb. 847, Vatican Library. Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 
133 n. i. 

2 Cf. MULLER, 151 seqq. Several days before the election 
Truchsess was reconciled to Medici ; ibid. 224 seq. 

3 Vargas on November 5, 1559 in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 284. 

4 GVIDUS, 617 seq. Vargas on October 13, 1559, in DOLLINGER, 
I., 274. 

6 WAHRMUND, 261. Vargas on October 13 and 18, 1559, in 
DOLLINGER, 1., 275, 276 ; MULLER, 149. 

VOL. XV, 3 



34 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



Madruzzo, however, would not give up the support of Gonzaga. 
He answered the ambassador by saying that he could not 
understand how he could express himself in such terms about 
so good a friend of Spain ; at the same time he wrote to Philip 
II. that the Cardinal of Mantua deserved the Papacy a hun 
dred times, and that he could be of more use to the world as 
Pope than all the others together. 1 

The rest of the Spanish supporters of Gonzaga had pledged 

themselves, with Sforza, to wait until October lyth for the 

courier from Spain, and on that day they extended the period 

by yet another eight or ten days. Sforza only gave way to 

the importunity of Carafa to the extent that he did not renew 

the promise of his friends, as far as he himself was concerned. 2 

This slight concession naturally did not satisfy Carafa. 

He now approached the French who, at his overtures, at once 

despatched a courier to the French king ; the hostility of 

Carafa towards Sforza in the meantime increased from " hour 

to hour." He complained to Vargas that Sforza was his 

enemy, and wished to destroy him and his house ; the King 

of Spain would sacrifice the Carafa without scruple to please 

a Pope elected according to the proposals of Sforza. He would 

therefore support Farnese, as he had promised, and repudiate 

Gonzaga, and for the rest, in spite of his earnest desire to serve 

Philip, he would adopt a neutral attitude between the parties. 

The ambassador sought to dissuade him, but in vain ; Carafa 

adhered to his resolution. 3 Este was jubilant at this success ; 

he now threw off his mask, canvassed for votes for himself, 

made extensive offers and promises, as was his wont, and gained 

ground hour to hour. 4 

Such was the position of affairs when at last, on October 
27th, a letter from King Philip arrived. It bore the dates 
of October 8th and gth, and contained nothing concerning 
Gonzaga s candidature, but, instead, news which could not 
have arrived more inopportunely for Vargas. With regard 

1 Letter of October 20, 1559, in WAHRMUND, 82 seq. 

2 Vargas on October 18, 1559, in DOLLINGER, I., 279 seq. 

3 Vargas on November 5, 1559 ibid., 282 seqq. 

4 Vargas, ibid., 285. 



VARGAS BRIBES CARAFA. 



35 



to the dispute concerning the possession of Paliano, 1 which 
was still going on, Philip chose just this moment to come to 
the decision that Paliano should be restored to its former 
owner, Marcantonio Colonna ; not a syllable as to any in 
demnification for the Carafa was to be found in the letter. 2 
Vargas naturally endeavoured to keep this unlucky news 
secret, but the courier was aware of the orders which he had 
brought and informed everybody of the interesting news. 
Carafa was almost in despair. 3 He complained aloud that 
the king thought nothing of him, that he was insulting him 
at the very moment he was rendering him a great service. 
Vargas was likewise in great perplexity. He took the greatest 
pains in personal conversation, and also through the inter 
vention of friends, either to deny the contents of the dispatch 
entirely, or to represent the order as being founded on sup 
positions which were now obsolete. As Carafa, who had to 
assist so many of his adherents, was in pecuniary difficulties, 
Vargas, " as a kind friend " felt moved to offer him from 
2000 to 3000 scudi, while the Viceroy of Naples, at the instiga 
tion of Vargas, sent an order for 4000 scudi, which he, again 
purely out of " friendship " wished to lend the Cardinal. 
Carafa accepted these gifts, and, naturally, could not im 
mediately separate himself from Spain. 4 

Cardinal Sforza criticised Vargas procedure at this time 
very sharply in a letter to the secretary of the Spanish am 
bassador, Ascanio Caracciolo. He would appeal to the king, 
as judge .between himself and Vargas, writes the leader of the 
Spanish party. It was really too disgraceful that they should 
have to try to gain their ends by offers of money. They 
could have been just as successful without bribes, and without 
acting in any way contrary to the king s wishes, as by making 
use of such means. Carafa was not by any means an im 
portant person ; it would have been of far greater importance 

l Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 212. 

2 Vargas on November 3, 1559, in DOLLINGER, I., 285 seq. 

3 Cf. DEMBI^SKI, Wybor, 239, 

* Ibid., 286-7. 



36 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to keep on good terms with the influential Gonzaga than to 
gain over Carafa, without any advantage to themselves, and 
by such disgraceful measures. 1 Moreover, according to 
Duke Cosimo s opinion, Este, not Carafa, was the person 
about whom they ought to trouble themselves. Should they 
succeed in inducing the former to give up his hopes of the 
tiara, then affairs would come right of themselves ; on the 
other hand, if they could not succeed in doing this, then they 
were only pouring water into a sieve. 2 

In reality, however, whether he wished it or not, Carafa 
was obliged to keep in with Spain, because it was only from 
Philip that he could expect an Italian principality, and not 
from the French, who had no power in Italy ; it was also 
very doubtful if Carafa s whole party would join him in 
throwing themselves into the hands of the French. 3 

The decision of Philip II. regarding the possession of Paliano 
had shown that he was of the same opinion as Sforza and 
the Duke of Florence with regard to the importance of Carafa, 
and Vargas report from Rome did not succeed in making him 
change his mind. To the oft -repeated request of the am 
bassador that Philip would authorize him to make promises 
to Carafa, he answered nothing further on October 26th 4 
than to say that the former pension of 12,000 scudi 5 granted 
to Carafa should be continued. 

Several days before, on October 2oth, Philip had finally 
given his decision with regard to the candidature of Gonzaga 
for the Papacy. 6 It was to the effect that the election of 
the Cardinal of Mantua was at all costs to be prevented. 
The ambassador, however, was to let no one know this, though, 

1 Letter of November 7, 1559, in PETRUCELLI, 147. 
2 Cosimo I. to Concini on November 4, 1559, in PETRUCELLI, 
145 seq. Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 143. 

3 M T LLER, l6l. 

4 Ibid., 1 68. 

5 C/. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 213. 

6 MuLLER, 136. According to Vargas, Philip s dispatch was 
on October 23 (DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 296) ; the 23rd was the 
day of the departure of the courier (MULLER, 206). 



INDISCRETION OF VARGAS. 37 

in case of extreme need, he might inform Sforza. In other 
respects, however, Vargas was to show himself very attentive 
to Gonzaga, and to assure him of Philip s great esteem. 1 
The king, moreover, was not wanting himself in fair words. 
He regretted to learn, he wrote to the Duke of Mantua, that 
his ambassador should have shown such opposition to Cardinal 
Gonzaga ; he could not, indeed, order anyone to vote for 
him, but should he be elected it would give him great pleasure. 2 

While Philip was proceeding with the greatest caution with 
regard to the influential Gonzaga, his ambassador was acting 
less guardedly in Rome. In a second letter, of October 27th, 
the king had again referred to Gonzaga s exclusion, but this 
time without renewing the order to work secretly towards 
this end. It happened, by accident, that this second letter 
was the first to reach Rome, the first, that of October 2Oth, 
only arriving on November igth, while the second was received 
as early as the nth. 3 Vargas was extremely glad at the 
arrival of this message, the coming of which had been already 
announced from Mantua and Florence. The news caused the 
greatest excitement in the conclave. During the night of 
November i2th, Vargas arranged with Sforza that Gonzaga 
must be informed of Philip s decision, so that he might give 
up all further attempts to obtain the tiara. 4 This, however, 
was by no means in accordance with Philip s wishes, and he 
afterwards sharply reprimanded Vargas for having, by his 
want of prudence and lack of diplomacy, left him to contend 
with the whole of Italy, while there was no end to the com 
plaints which Gonzaga himself and his relatives, the Dukes 
of Mantua and Urbino, had addressed to him concerning his 
ambassador. 5 

Gonzaga, wearied by the long waiting for Philip s answer, 
had himself withdrawn his candidature a few days previously, 
on November 8th, though without the secret endeavours 



136. 

2 Ibid., 175. 

3 Vargas on November 30, 1559, in D&LLINGER, I., 294. 

4 Vargas on November 30, 1559, ibid., 294 seq. 

6 Philip to Vargas on January 8, 1 560, in MULLER, 206. 



38 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on his behalf having in the meantime come to an end, although 
now the hopes of his friends naturally sank very considerably. 
Gonzaga received Sforza s communication with calmness 
and dignity ; the manner, too, in which he had a short time 
before, made his renunciation of his candidature before the 
Cardinals, was calculated to raise him in everybody s esteem. 1 
Vargas plans seemed to have been crowned with success 
by the retirement of Gonzaga. Sforza had broken with the 
French, and the unity of the Spanish party had been outwardly 
restored. The Spaniards could now set to work with reunited 
forces to secure victory for a candidate of their own. On 
November I4th they agreed to make an attempt next with 
Carpi s candidature, and proceeded to do so at once. The 
French, however, proved to be so exceedingly opposed to this 
plan, that Carafa, with Madruzzo, Farnese and Sforza, told 
them, on November igth, that any further attempts would 
prove fruitless. Carpi received this announcement " like 
a saint ; " they must not delay the conclave on his account, 
he said, he did not wish to stand in the way of the most worthy 



man. 2 



In Vargas opinion, the Spaniards should now have con 
centrated on Pacheco. They were, however, unable to do so, 
for, in the meantime, the unity of the Spanish leaders, which 
had only been maintained with considerable difficulty, was 
again broken by the withdrawal of Carpi. 

During the night of November I2th, when Sforza was in 
formed of the exclusion of Gonzaga, a discussion had also 
taken place between the Spanish ambassador and Carafa, 
during which Vargas showed the Cardinal a letter in which 
Philip spoke of the latter with great appreciation, and assured 
him of the continuance of the pension of 12,000 scudi which 
had been previously granted him. Carafa had answered 

1 Vargas on November 30, 1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 
294 ; GUIDUS, 619. 

2 Vargas, loc. cit. 295; GUIDUS, 620. On November n, Carpi 
had 5 votes, on the 17 and 18 he had 12, but they soon sank again. 
See *List of scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in Appendix 
No. i. 



VARGAS AND THE FRENCH PARTY. 39 

that he wished for something more ; on account of the honour 
of his house, he expected from the king the title of prince 
for his brother. Vargas could only reassure him by enlarging 
on the magnanimity and generosity of his master, " a half 
word from whom was of greater value than all the promises 
and assurances of other princes." 1 Soon afterwards, in order 
to offer an equivalent to the offers of the French, 2 he made 
Carafa general assurances and promises, 3 and finally, after 
repeated deliberations with the most important members 
of the Spanish party, he had recourse to the grave measure 
of exceeding his authority and giving Carafa a written promise 
of the desired reward. At the same time, however, he im 
pressed upon him that it would prove far more advantageous 
for him to leave everything to the royal generosity of Philip. 4 
All these efforts, however, were in vain. The French were 
actively soliciting the friendship of Carafa at the same time 
as Vargas, and their leader, Este, was, as described by Philip s 
ambassador, the most formidable opponent in negotiations 
of that kind, that had ever been seen. 5 The French, moreover, 
did not need to limit themselves to vague promises with little 
security behind them. Catherine de Medici had, at their 
request, addressed a nattering letter to Carafa in which she 
expressly assured him that all promises made to him and 
his house would be certain to obtain the approval of the French 
court. 6 Catherine s letter arrived about the same time as 
that of the Spanish king. Carafa, therefore, declared to the 
French that he was for the moment bound by his promise 
for Carpi ; on the very day, however, that Carpi withdrew 
from his candidature he would retire from his adherence to the 

1 Vargas in DOLLINGER, I., 297. 

2 They are said to have already offered him the Marquisate of 
Saluzzo (on the French-Italian frontier) and 30,000 ducats in 
silver, as well as the promise of all his benefices in Italy. Gian- 
figliazzi, in PETRUCELLI, 121 ; cf. 130. MULLER, 147. 

3 Vargas, loc. cit. 
* Ibid., 299 seq. 

5 " el mas terrible hombre que se ha visto ; " ibid., 297. 

6 MULLER, 169 seq. 



40 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Spanish party. On the night of November 26th he made a 
detailed declaration to this effect before Pacheco, Madruzzo, 
Farnese and Sforza, and repeated it even more fully on the 
following night in the presence of Vargas. Now as before, 
he assured them, his own wishes led him to serve the Spanish 
king ; he would, however, pledge himself to nothing, and 
would not be bound by any exclusion on the part of the powers, 
but would give his vote to the candidate who, in hb opinion, 
was the best for Spain. 1 Carafa, therefore, did not dare to 
break completely with his former friends ; indeed he com 
plained that Sforza no longer invited him to the meetings 
of the Spanish party. 2 He wished to make the Spaniards 
realize the value of his friendship by his separation from them. 
Should the king really prove unwilling to grant Carafa s 
wishes after this experience, then he intended to go over 
entirely to the side of the French, and with their assistance 
to elevate a Cardinal from whom he might hope for something 
for his house. 3 He had Carpi, Reumano and Dolera in view. 4 
It also pleased him to be regarded by both Spaniards and 
French as the arbiter of the conclave and to be paid court to 
by them ; at this time he was filled with such arrogance that 
people hardly ventured to address him. 5 

It was true that Carafa now had the election in his hand ; 
to whichever side he, with the sixteen votes of his party of 
firm adherents should incline, there it seemed that the decisive 
power must lie. 

The altered state of affairs found expression in the fact 
that the candidates of the French party now seemed to come 
into prominence in the conclave, while previously there had 
only been question of the endeavours of the Spaniards on 
behalf of the Cardinals who were agreeable to them. Gonzaga s 
adherents took fresh courage, while Este, in particular, thought 

1 Vargas loc. cit., 300 seq. 

2 Ibid., 307. 

a MULLER, 172 seq. 

4 Vargas, loc. cit., 301. 

5 Ibid. Cf. also the *letter of Tonina of January 1 5, 1 561, quoted 
in Chapter IV., p. 132, n. 2 infra (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



ESTE S HOPES OF SUCCESS. 41 

that his own time had come. On the evening of November 
3oth he wished homage to be paid to him as Pope. Great 
excitement thereupon arose in the conclave ; only Sforza 
remained calm and made reply to the agitated Carpi that 
there was a great deal of noise, but that the danger was, 
nevertheless, very slight, and that Vargas would be able to 
write to Philip II. that he had averted a great danger. 1 Ac 
cording to Vargas report, Sforza and the others were half 
dead from fear ; nobody had attempted any resistance until, 
in answer to his entreaties and appeals, Este s opponents had 
again pulled themselves together. 2 Vargas remained standing 
half the night at a breach in the wall of the conclave ; they 
were pursuing a false course, he called out to the Cardinals, 

1 Petrucelli 152. *Hier dopo magnare il Ferrara radoppio 
tanto le sue prattiche che si erano sentite li giorni innanzi che 
fece paura a tutto 1 mondo di havere di riuscire hier notte papa, 
et non solamente a quelli di fuora, ma a quelli di drento, et fu 
di tal sorta la paura, che molti della contraria parte stavano tanto 
sbigottiti, che erano per andarvi, vedendo il Carafa andarci : 
pensando che tutti li suoi anche vi andassero, et vedendo anche 
che una buona parte della fattione del Camerlengo ci andava, 
ancora che lui stesso non ci andasse, pero havevano paura, che 
venendo la cosa alia stretta, che ci andasse. Li ministri cattolici 
furono al conclave et vi stettero fino a 6 hore, Trento si porto 
valorosamente acci6 si scostasse parte de Carafeschi che furono da 
cinque o sei et cosi la cosa si quieto, ancora che havesse 27 voti. 
Non perse pero speranza perch e questa mattina in scrutinio ha 
fatto un altro rumore, et se dubitava che questa notte non volesse 
fare piii sforzo che hier notte. Per6 ci sono avvisi del conclave 
di 3 hore di notte di questa sera, che dicono che non solo si e 
fatto poco, ma niente, et secondo il tenore di questo avviso pare 
che Ferrara voglia renovare le prattiche di Mantova et la oppinione 
di molti e che lo faccia pensando che Farnese per liberarsi della 
paura del Mantova andasse in lui. Dandino is ill, and S. Giorgio 
is likely to die, di modo che la fattione di Ferrara si sminuisse et 
bisognera si risolva. Juan Antonio de Tassis a Mad. Margherita 
d Austria reggente di Fiandra (State Archives, Naples, C. Fames, 

763). 

2 Vargas in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 305. 



4 2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

if they flattered themselves by remembering that Charles V. 
had shown the greatest favour to the very men who had 
formerly been his opponents, but that now they were living 
in a new world. Should Este become Pope, then war, vexation 
and schism would be inevitable, as he was openly purchasing 
the tiara in the most shameful manner. 1 

It is probable, however, that Carafa had only supported 
Este in this attempt in the hope that thereby Sforza would 
be forced to the election of Este s rival, Carpi. As several 
who had at first promised Este their votes did not now keep 
their word, Carafa also drew back, so that the Cardinal of 
Ferrara had far less than the required number of votes. His 
friends, however, did not relax their efforts on his behalf, 2 
and Este spoke to Duke Cosimo of Florence as late as December 
3rd in very optimistic terms about his election. 3 He only 
really abandoned hope in the concluding days of the conclave. 

The principal, reason why Este could no longer put off his 
open canvassing for the tiara was that his two most zealous 
adherents, Cardinals Capodiferro and Dandino, were sick 
unto death and were given up by the physicians. 4 Many 
other Cardinals were also seriously threatened in their health 
by the long confinement in the bad air of a closed apartment, 
over crowded with people. 5 The consequences of the long 

1 Ibid., 306. 

-The highest number of votes gained by Este was at the 
beginning of December (on the i and 4) but they never exceeded 
12 or 13. See *List of- scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in 
Appendix No. i. 

3 PETRUCELLI, 151. 

4 GUIDUS, 623. 

5 " Deinde (November 30) fuerunt intromissi 12 fachini, qui 
deberent purgare conclave, in quo fetor erat insupportabilis, 
et multi cupiebant exire timentes aliquam contagiosam infirni- 
itatem" (BONDONUS, 526). The *Avvisi of December 2 (Urb. 
1039, p. io5b, Vatican Library) notes that many were ill in the 
conclave. "Gran puzzone e in conclavi " : December n, ibid. 
p. io6b. " Dentro hay muchos enfermos " : Vargas on November 
29, 1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 303. Cf. MULLER, 201 ; 
SUSTA, Pius IV., 144. 






DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY. 43 

vacancy were also every day making themselves more un 
pleasantly felt eutside the conclave. The scarcity in the city 
was constantly increasing, 1 while disputes were now settled 
by the sword instead of by proper legal means. 2 General 
indignation prevailed at the delay in the election. 3 On 
November I2th the treasurers informed the Cardinals that 
they could raise no more money to pay the troops. 4 The 
number of soldiers was then reduced, but the officials of the 
Apostolic Camera soon complained that the money was not 
sufficient even for the reduced number. 5 It caused a great 
sensation when several Protestants from Carinihia and 
Switzerland took advantage of the prevailing lawlessness 
to steal into the city in monks habits and to disseminate 
their doctrines in sermons and disputations. 6 The Romans 
felt that their honour was attacked by this occurrence, when 
it was reported that the foreign preachers had explained that 
the destruction of the buildings of the Inquisition, at the 
death of Paul IV., was a sign that there existed leanings 
towards the false doctrines among the Roman people. They 
loudly called for the intruders to be handed over to the people 
for judgment, so that they might vindicate their orthodoxy. 7 
There was no lack of exhortations to the Cardinals to come 
to a decision at last. Cardinal Cueva, for example, made an 
earnest speech on November i2th, immediately after the 
voting, in which he laid stress on the disastrous consequences 
of the dragging on of the conclave. 8 The Conservators of the 

1 Gumus, 621 (on November 27). 
2 Gumus, 618. Cf. supra p. 31, n. i. 

3 Cf. DEMBINSKI, Wybor, 260. 

4 GUIDUS, 619. 

5 BONDONUS, 528. According to the *accounts in the State 
Archives, Rome, the total expenses for the conclave amount ed to 
60,000 ducats ; the mercenaries cost 40,118 ducats. See SUSTA, 
Pius IV., 144, n. 2. 

6 GUIDUS, 618. 

7 Ibid., 618 ; jf. 619, 624. 

8 GUIDUS, 619. Pacheco blamed, so it was stated in Rome 
(*Avviso di Roma of Novemver 18, 1559, Urb. 1039, p. 102, 



44 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

city again made their appearance and renewed their former 
complaints on November 27th. 1 On this occasion they were 
listened to to such an extent that some eighty, 2 or according 
to another report, as many as a hundred and twenty 3 con 
clavists were expelled from the enclosure. On November 
3oth Fabio Cordelia, a Doctor of Law, was appointed Master 
of the Conclave ; he had to see that the order for reform with 
regard to the meals of the Cardinals did not remain a dead 
letter. 4 To the Governor of the Borgo was assigned the duty 
of seeing that all the rooms adjoining or underneath the con 
clave were kept closed, so that communication with outside 
might be lessened. 5 

Representatives of foreign princes frequently appeared 
before the conclave to urge speed in the election. The ambas 
sador of the King of France thus appeared on November I4th, 6 
and on the 25th the Imperial ambassador, Francis von Thurm. 7 
Vargas had already, on September 2yth and again on October 
I3th, addressed the Cardinal in carefully prepared speeches, 
while on December 8th he reappeared before them with a 
letter from his king, 8 and admonished them anew as to the 

Vatican Library) Carafa very much on account of his " strani 
trattati " ; he said to him, which pleased most people very much : 
" che tal cose non eran a far in conclavi, ne tra cardinali, et che 
molto si maravegliava della sua presontion et audatia con tanto 
poco respetto al grado ch hora teniva et al sacro collegio " 

1 GUIDUS, 621. 

2 BONDONUS, 526. 

3 GUIDUS, 622. According to the *Avviso di Roma of Decem 
ber 2, 1 559, 60 conclavists were expelled on Wednesday, November 
29, and many others on the 30 (Urb. 1039, p. 105, Vatican Library). 

4 BONDONUS, 526. Bondonus remarks on December 5 : " obser- 
vatum, quod pro Ill mis non intromitteretur nisi unum ferculum." 

5 Ibid., 526, 529 (on December i and 20^. 

6 Ibid., 525. 

7 Ibid., 526 ; WAHRMUND, 262 ; SUSTA Pius IV., 140. 

8 Of November 16, which reached Rome on December 4. It 
is printed in WAHRMUND, 84 seqq. Cf. MULLER, 182 SAGMULLER, 
100. 



EXTERNAL INTERFERENCE. 45 

necessity of concluding the election at the earliest possible 
moment. The Cardinal Dean, du Bellay, answered him, and 
took the opportunity of including several unpleasant truths 
in his remarks. He drew attention to the fact that the cause 
of the delay was to be attributed, for the most part, to the 
unjustifiable influence which was being exercised from outside ; 
as soon, he continued, as the Cardinals were allowed full 
liberty, the election would quickly be settled, but that it was 
quHe useless to exhort the Cardinals in public to the greatest 
possible haste, and then in secret to do everything possible 
to drag on the election to an interminable length. l 

Du Bellay had given utterance to these hints in a rather 
irritated manner, 2 and Vargas, therefore, naturally endeav 
oured, with the support of Pacheco and Farnese, to defend his 
sovereign from all shadow of blame. 3 To this defence du Bellay 
answered that the Cardinals who were unwilling to obey orders 
were threatened on the part of the Spanish court with, the loss 
of their revenues, whereupon Pacheco twice called out in a 
loud voice that this was not true. 4 Then followed the delivery 
of the royal message, which was drawn up in dignified terms. 5 
The king, it was stated, did not wish to interfere in the election 
in any way likely to hinder it ; it was not his business to lay 
down rules to the Cardinals for the election ; they must only 
keep in view the service of God, and choose, without any con 
sideration for him, the candidate most likely to be useful in 
the present parlous condition of the Church. Du Bellay 
answered Vargas defence in courteous terms, but did not fail 
to express the hope that deeds might correspond to words. 

1 " Si quid nunc ab ipsis peccaretur, tolerabilius videri debeat, 
quod non magis ipsorum culpa accident, quam eorum, qui sese in 
electicnis negotio, quod ad eos nulla ex parte pertineret, immiscere 
tarn sollicite vellent. Nihil enim intra parietes conclavis dissidii 
esse, quod non extrinsecus importaretur." GUIDUS, 624. 

a " non sine stomacho prolata." GUIDUS, 624. 

3 Ibid. 

4 MULLER, 182 seq. Cf. in order to appreciate the accusation, 
ibid., 199, and MERKLE, II., 624, n. 5. 

5 WAHRMUND, 84. 



46 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Farnese, on the other hand, declared that Philip s conduct 
required no justification, and that du Bellay had not, in the 
closing words of his speech, spoken in the sense of the whole 
Sacred College. 1 

On the same day, December 8th, on which Vargas delivered 
this message, the French made an attempt to elevate Reumano 
to the Papal throne. 2 A little time before they had been 
working for Tournon, while Cesi and Pisani had also been 
spoken of about the same time. 3 None of these, however, had 
any prospect of success. The candidature of a native of 
France, as both Reumano and Tournon were, was exceedingly 
unpopular with the people of Rome. The days of Avignon 
had not yet been forgotten, and it was feared that a Frenchman 
might remove the seat of the Papacy from Rome. When a 
rumour got abroad on the night of December 8th, that 
Reumano had nearly been elected, the people rushed to the 
Capitol and threatened to ring the tocsin, and quiet was not 
restored till news arrived that Reumano would not be elected. 4 
The French candidates also met with enemies within their 
own party. Este had not yet given up his own hopes and was 
secretly working against his own party. 5 Carafa, too, was 
now only apparently on the side of the French, but in reality 
he had again been approached by the Spaniards, and had gone 
over to them. 

Vargas, to whom the friendship of Carafa meant everything, 
was now awaiting, with the greatest anxiety, the royal con 
firmation of the extensive promises which he had taken upon 

1 Gumus, 625. 

2 GUIDUS, 625 seq. According to the *Avviso di Roma of 
December n, 1559 (Urb. 1039, p. 106, Vatican Library), work 
was being carried on for Reumano even during the night of the 
10, and on the n, but they did not succeed in getting together 
27 votes. Vargas on December 12, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 310. 

3 PETRUCELLI, 154 seq. Tournon said : " non volere che per 
lui s allonghi il conclave per un giorrro." *Avviso di Roma of 
December n, 1559 (Urb. 1030, p. 106, Vatican Library). 

4 GUIDUS, 626; PETRUCELLI, 154, 

5 MULLER, 190, 



CANDIDATURE OF GONZAGA. 47 

himself upon his own responsibility, to make to Carafa. When 
no such authority had arrived by the beginning of December, 
and a complete breaking away on the part of Carafa seemed 
imminent, he thought that he might venture to do independ 
ently what he believed had only been omitted in Spain through 
a failure to understand the real state of affairs. He therefore 
drew up a document making extensive concessions to Carafa , 
and communicated the contents to the ambitious Cardinal, 
as having been really written by Phillip. 1 Carafa was at once 
won over to Philip s side, although he declared that he could 
not immediately pass over to the Spanish party, but must 
wait for a fitting opportunity. 

Carafa was, however, soon forced to throw off the mask by 
the force of circumstances. The French had been planning 
the election of Gonzaga since the beginning of December. 
Carafa had promised Cardinals Guise, Este and Madruzzo, 
even before the attempted elevation of Reumano, to support 
Gonzaga with seven votes, 2 and thereby assure his election ; 
he requested, however, a further delay in order, in the 
meantime, to honour and please several of his adherents by 
making apparent attempts to secure their election. 3 Finally, 
on December I4th, he definitely agreed to give his support 
to the Cardinal of Mantua. On the isth it was generally 
expected in the city that, in a very short time, a decision 
in favour of Gonzaga would be made ; Madruzzo and others 
had already had their silver removed from the conclave so 
that it might not disappear in the usual plundering after the 
election. 4 

1 Vargas on December 12, 1559 in DOLLINGER, Beitrage I., 
309 : " Accorde sin dar parte a persona formar un capitulo, 
corns que V.M. me lo escribia." 

2 " con sette voti : " *Curzio Gonzaga to the Castellan of 
Mantua on December 15, 1559 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; 
" con seis de sus votos : " Vargas on December 14, 1559, in 
DOLLINGER, I., 314. 

3 *Curzio Gonzaga, loo. cit. According to Curzio the attempt 
for Reumano was only a pretence. 

4 Vargas, loc. cii. 



48 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The old opponents of Gonzaga, Farnese, Sforza and the 
adherents of Carafa had not been idle. On the morning of 
the decisive day, Carafa asked for a further delay from Este 
and Guise until the afternoon ; soon afterwards the whole 
conclave resounded with the cries of " Carpi ! Carpi ! " and 
the latter was proclaimed Pope by many Cardinals instead of 
Gonzaga. The French, however, were not unprepared. 
Carafa had let it be understood that he was only planning 
an apparent attempt on behalf of Carpi, but the French were 
not deceived ; they had, in any case, a more than sufficient 
number of votes ready for the exclusion of Carpi. They 
assembled in a compact body in the Sistine Chapel and mocked 
at Carafa s vain efforts. 1 On the following night there arose 

l The reports in BONDONUS, 528, GUIDUS, 626 seq., of Vargas, 
loc. cit., and Curzio Gonzaga do not agree in all points. The 
account we have given agrees in all essentials with the hitherto 
unpublished *letter of Curzio Gonzaga (see supra p. 47, n. 3) : 
. . . gia piu di otto giorni sono Carafa havea dato la fede sua con 
quelle maggior parole che dir si possono in simili negotii, al cardinale 
di Guisa, a quello di Ferrara et a quello di Trento di venir in 
Mantua con setti voti et di facto papa, perche tanti erano anche di 
soverchio. Ora per questo si tenea la cosa franca, ne si aspettava 
altro che il giorno determinato, perche Carafa havea tolto tempo 
di voler dare qualche sodisfattione ai cardinali dalla sua fattione, 
et cosi se fece quella sborita di Reumani, come dee sapere ; final- 
mente parendo a questi rev 11 " Francesi, che quest uomo la tirasse 
piu in lungo di quello che bisognava, commincioron a dubitare 
et a restringer il negotio et a pregarlo a volerle ormai dar fine, 
tal che esso non sapendo piu come tirarla in lungo, disse che il 
di seguente, che fu ieri, cioe il XIV di questo, senza fallo 1 espediria 
et che 1 allongava questo poto di piu per dar un poco di sodisfatione 
a Carpi et per vedere di vincere un altro voto delli suoi, il che 
intendendo quei signori dubitarono maggiormente, pur non ne 
fecero vista, parendoli pur gran cosa che costui, che fa tanta 
professione di cavaliere, volesse mentire a questo modo. Con 
tutto ci6 per giocar piu cautamente che poterono, si risolsero di 
mettersi in mano 1 esclusione di Carpi per ogni caso che potesse 
occorrere, havendo osservato che il buon Carafa era stato alia 
cella di Carpi et che si havevano fatto un mondo <ii carezze et 



ALLIANCE OF CARAFA AND SFORZA. 49 

a heated altercation between Carafa and Guise, 1 and Carafa 
entered into a formal alliance with Sforza, backed up by his 
signature, by which the two party leaders promised to work 
in union with each other, and Carafa agreed that he would no 
longer promote the election of the Cardinals excluded by 



accoglienze. In somma, venuto il di et 1 hora prefissa al termino 
nostro, il buon Carafa and6 a trovar Ghisa et Ferrara et li disse, 
che li parea meglio a tardar la cosa sin dopo cena a fine che Farnese 
non sturbasse qualche cosa. Intanto si trattava e da Farnesi 
e della banda Carafesca 1 adoratione di Carpi et in un tratto 
s udi una voce per il conclave : Carpi ! Carpi ! con una plena 
di cardinal! alia volta della sua cella, et il buon Carafa, scoperto 
1 assassinamento se ne era andato cola per eondurlo in cappella. 
Gaddi et Vitelli della fattione Carafa c haveano tramato la cosa 
di Mantova et impegnata la lor fede a Ghisa et Ferrara, sentendo 
il rumore et mandati a chiamrae da Carafa per non mancar alia 
fede loro si risolsero di non ci volere andare per modo alcuno, 
talche Carafa li and6 a trovare alia cella et quivi gittandolesi in 
ginocchio li cominci6 a pregare che non volessero mancare all 
obbligo che li haveano et alia fedelta che gli erano obligati di 
portare, ne per ben che li pregasse e scongiurasse mai ci volsero 
andare, et si dice anche che vennero a brutte parole et che Vitelli 
havendoli Carafa detto che 1 assassinava, gli rispose che mentiva. 
In somma non ci fu mai ordine che ci volessero andare, anzi per 
farsi piu fort , si ritirarono alia fattion francese, la quale si stava 
con 1 esclusione di XXVI voti beffandosi et irridendosi di cosl fatta 
sbragata. Ultimamente dicono che Guisa disse di brutte parole 
a Carafa chiamandolo indegno di casa sua et traditore con molte 
vilanie et che esso non li rispose altro che : Signori, non mi toccate 
nell onore. Vero e che non si pu6 ancor sapere ben la cosa precisa, 
perch e vien da varii variamente detta, ma senza dubbio questo 
ch io le scrivo io, e tenuto per certo. Indescribable excitement 
prevailed in the conclave ; Carafa is said to have wept the whole 
night through. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 *Avviso di Roma of December 16, 1559 : " si dissero molte 
villanie et tali che li facchini in ponti a pena potrebbono dirsi 
peggio. . . . Cose in vero vergognose et indegne a quella con- 
gregatione " (Urb. 1039, p. io8b, Vatican Library). Gf. BON- 
DONUS, 528. 

VOL. XV. 4 



50 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Philip ; he also gave the French a plain refusal to work with 
them. 1 

After the defeat of Gonzaga, the French took up the cause 
of the aged Pisani ; the Spaniards, on the other hand, were 
most anxious to attempt the elevation of Pacheco, for Philip 
had written, as early as October 27th, that he would prefer 
him to anyone else. 2 Full of hope, therefore, they met together 
for the voting on the morning of December i8th. As Capodi- 
ferro and Dandino were dead, and du Bellay had left the con 
clave on account of illness, the French party had only thirteen 
Cardinals left, and were no longer of themselves capable of 
excluding Pacheco. The Spaniards, moreover, had succeeded 
in getting so many votes for him, that they believed they had 
one or two more than the necessary number. 3 

In order that no one should prove unfaithful in secret to 
the Spanish candidate, Carafa proposed at the beginning of 
the scrutiny that the votes should be given in an unusual and 
open form. 4 Displeased at this suggestion, the acting dean, 
Tournon, declared that such a course would be uncanonical 
and would invalidate the election. Farnese, however, at once 
replied that nothing but unanimity among the Cardinals was 
required for a Papal election, and that it was of no importance 
in what manner that was secured. 5 

Carpi then rose to put an end to the discussion and praised 
the merits of Pacheco in the most glowing terms, then noisily 
overturning the table which stood before him, he went up 
to the latter and greeted him as Pope by kissing his foot. 
Carafa, Sforza, Farnese and many others 6 followed him ; the 
sick Cardinals, Ghislieri and Saraceni, also came from their 
cells, led by Alfonso Carafa, to strengthen Pacheco s party. 7 

1 Vargas in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 315. 

2 Vargas on November 30, 1559, ibid., 295. 

3 Vargas on December 21, 1559, ibid., 318. 

4 Thurm, in a letter of September 23, to Ferdinand, puts this 
proposal in the mouth of Farnese. WAHRMUND, 263. 
5 GUIDUS, 628. 

GUIDUS, 628; cf. PETRUCELLI, 157. 
7 BONDONUS, 529, 






CANDIDATURE OF PACHECO. 51 

Even a Frenchman, Cardinal Reumano, took part in this 
rendering of homage, and when he was asked why he gave his 
vote to a man who had lately refused to give him his, he 
replied : " Pacheco acted quite rightly in not supporting a 
man who was unworthy, whereas he had no reason for refusing 
his vote on that account to one who was worthy." 1 Savelli, 
on the other hand, took no part in this paying of homage, as 
he thought it was unfitting for a Roman to assist in elevating 
a foreigner without necessity. 2 

In the meantime a loud knocking was heard at the door of 
the conclave ; it was said that Cardinal du Bellay had come 
back and was demanding admission. This was, however, 
only an unworthy and quite unnecessary attempt to disturb 
the election, 3 for when Pacheco s adherents were counted, 
they were found to number only twenty-seven, three votes 
being still wanting for the necessary majority of two-thirds. 4 
Four Cardinals, on whom the Spaniards had counted with 
certainty, Corgna, Mercuric, Cornaro and Savelli, withdrew 
at the critical moment. Vargas was especially angry with 
Corgna, as he believed that if he had voted for Pacheco, the 
others would certainly have followed him. 5 Corgna thought 
it necessary to justify his and Mercurio s attitude towards the 
election of Pacheco, in a letter to Philip II. 6 

1 GuiDus, 629. 

2 GuiDus, 628. THURM, loc. cit., 264. 

3 BONDONUS, 529. 

4 According to BONDONUS, 529, Pacheco received 27 votes 
(Pacheco to Philip II. on December 19, in MULLER, 214 n.) and 
28 according to Giulio de Grandis, Bishop of Anglona, in PETRU- 
CELLI, 157. Vargas, on the other hand, writes on December 21 
" le adoraron hasta veinte y seis de modo que le faltaban tres " 
(in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 318). Alessandro Farnese writes 
to Spain on December 29 that the Cardinals of Philip s party 
had not all voted for Pacheco because he was not an Italian 
(oltramontano) . CARO, III., 269. 

5 Vargas on December 20, 1559, in DOLLINGER, L, 318. 

6 Corgna to Philip II., on December 20, 1 559 (Borghese Archives, 
now in the Papal Secret Archives in Rome, Ser. I, n. 206, p. 123 



52 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In the afternoon they again tried to elevate Pacheco by a 
general act of homage, but this time the number of votes was 
less than in the morning. 1 His adherents, however, did not 
give up hope. Vargas, at the suggestion of Sforza and 
Farnese, endeavoured during the night to win back Mercurio 
to the Spanish party. Then Guise hurried on to the scene 
and reprimanded the ambassador for interfering in the election. 

seqq.) ; cf. MULLER, 218. Tiepolo to the Venetian Senate, Toledo, 
January 30, 1560, in BROWN, VII., n. 127. He would willingly 
have voted for Pacheco, writes Corgna (p. 124), " se non havessi 
giudicato et per la natura sua tarda et per esser vecchio et mal 
sano et per qualche altra causa che io restaro di dire a V.M., che 
fusse poco atto a poter reggere a tanto peso quanto richiede il 
bisogno de tempi presenti et le miserie in che truova la povera 
et afflitta Chiesa. Nel corso poi di questa negociacione le cose 
si sono trattate d un modo che a me non e mai piacciuto, havendo 
veduto le passioni prevalere al debito et all honesto. Finalmente 
si e venuto al punto di proporre le cose di esso Paceccho et fra 
molti che non vi hanno consentito, non e parso ne al card, di 
Messina, ne a me d adherirli, parte per le cause suddette, a parte 
per il modo che si e tenuto. Dalla qual risolutione essendosi 
alterati non solamente il card. Paceccho, ma Vargas ambascia- 
tore di V. M. et vedento non potere colle persuasioni a indurci a 
questo consenso, si son volti alii protesti, havendo esso Vargas 
minacciato Ascanio mio fratello et il povero card, di Messina, 
veramente huomo dabbene, di farli levare tutte 1* entrate, che 
hanno sottoposte a V. M., come se in questo havesse a operarsi 
contro la conscienza propria per timore della pefdita di heni 
temporali. . . . Rendasi pur certa V. M., che se bene le siamo 
devotissini et veri servitori, non possiamo per6 credere, che ella 
sia per desiderare da noi piu oltra di quello, che la conscienza et 
la ragion ci detta." Vargas (on December 21, in DOLLINGER, 
Beit rage, I., 322) denies that he had threatened a Cardinal with 
the withdrawal of his benefices, " sino que es invencion de Perosa, 
por lo que Ascanio so hermano le escribio de suyo, cuando andaba 
lo de Ferrara." 

1 Thurm in WAHRMUND, 264. According to Thurm (ibid.) it 
was " the general opinion " that Sforza, Carafa and Farnese were 
not in earnest about Pacheco, but that they made a show before 
Vargas and Pacheco as a proof of their Spanish leanings. 



WEARINESS OF THE ELECTORS. 53 

A long altercation, kept indeed within the bounds of courtesy, 1 
now took place between the two, owing to which Vargas 
attempts to win over Mercurio were seriously hampered. 
When the ambassador had retired, Guise sent for a workman 
and had the opening in the wall by which Vargas was in the 
habit of communicating with the Cardinals walled up. ? 

Vargas endeavours also proved vain in other directions. 
The last hopes of the Spanish party of being able to decide 
upon a Pope of themselves, and by their own power, was 
shipwrecked with the failure of the candidature of Pacheco. 
It had become clear that the only way of reaching a decision 
was by coming to an understanding with the French. 3 By 
this time most of the Cardinals were so weary of the whole 
affair that, as Vargas said, they would have elected a piece 
of wood as Pope, if only to bring matters to an end. 4 On 
December 22nd and the following days the leaders of the 
Spanish and French parties arranged meetings in order to 
agree upon a common candidate. 5 The decision soon lay only 
between Cesi, who had hitherto not been proposed or rejected, 
and that Cardinal whom the far-seeing had from the first 
looked upon as the only possible Pope, Medici. 6 

1 " citra indignationem tamen, immo cum summa benevolentia " 
(GuiDUS, 629) ; " con todo tiento de ambas partes " (Vargas in 
DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 321). According to Thurm " nonulli 
et communiter omnes " asserted that Guise had said to Vargas 
that he ought to be thrown into the Tiber for having exceeded 
his authority. WAHRMUND, 264. 

2 GUIDUS, 628 seq. BONDONUS, 529. Cf. Vargas in DOLLINGER, 
I., 320 seq., 321 seq. It is not improbable that they had had a 
window walled up before Vargas eyes as early as the middle of 
November. MULLER, 198. Cf. as to this SAGMULLER, 71, n. i ; 
MERKLE, II., 529, n. 3. 

8 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 144. 

4 Vargas on December 20, 1559, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 317. 
Concerning Concini s impatience, see his satirical letter of Decem 
ber 1 6, 1559, in DEMBINSKI, Wybor, 260. 

6 Giulio de Grandis, Bishop of Anglona, on December 23, in 
PETRUCELLI, 158. 

6 Concerning Medici s prospects cf. supra pp. 13, 23 seq., and 
Vargas loc. tit., 279, 319. 



54 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

We possess exact details of the last days of the conclave 
from the pen of Panvinio, who was present at the actual 
election as an eye-witness, and who also reports as to other 
matters as the result of exhaustive enquiries. 1 At the begin 
ning of the conclave Cardinal Diomede Carafa had asked 
Farnese to allow Panvinio to act as his conclavist ; Farnese, 
however, was of the same opinion as many others, and believed 
that the conclave would last such a short time that it was 
hardly worth Panvinio s while to allow himself to be shut 
up there. 2 When Christmas, however, was approaching, and 
many confessors were summoned to the conclave in prepara 
tion for the feast, Farnese arranged that Panvinio should also 
come in on December 24th. 3 

Panvinio found the Cardinals by no means in expectation 
of an election. Carpi, whom he visited first of all, said to him 
that if a Pope were not elected on that day or the next, he 
very much feared that the conclave might last for another six 
months. 4 The negotiations of the party leaders had by this 
time brought about the result that the decision now lay 
between Cesi and Medici, but in other respects very great 
difficulties lay in the way of both of them. 5 The Spaniards 
were on the side of Medici, while the French were more inclined 
to Cesi, although they were not actually averse to Medici. 
Carafa s party could not agree among themselves ; the 
influential Cardinal Vitelli was decidedly in favour of Medici, 
while the Cardinal of Naples was against him and for Cesi ; 
Carafa himself was undecided. 6 

1 Panvinius, De creatione Pii IV. papae, in MERKLE, II., 
575-601. To a certain extent Panvinius agrees exactly with 
Guidus ; e.g. cf. GUIDUS, 630, 5 seq., with PANVINIUS, 581, 41 seq. ; 
Gumus, 630, i, with PANVINIUS, 580, 20 ; GUIDUS, 630, 16, with 
PANVINIUS, 583, i. 

2 PANVINIUS, 577. 

3 Ibid. 

4 Ibid., 578. 

6 " Ingentes etiam nunc difficultates superesse " : GUIDUS, 630 ; 
" ingentes difficultates in utrisque superesse constabat " : PAN 
VINIUS, 580. PANVINIUS, 580. 



SUDDEN TURN OF AFFAIRS. 55 

When Panvinio visited various Cardinals on the afternoon 
of the following day, the feast of Christmas, the position was 
considerably altered. Madruzzo and Truchsess regarded the 
election of Medici, with which they were not particularly 
pleased, as being practically certain, Cesi being no longer 
spoken of. 1 Panvinio believed, nevertheless, that the election 
would still take some time, and in the evening begged Cardinal 
Farnese to allow him to go into the city. Farnese, however, 
encouraged him to remain, as he thought the election was 
actually impending. 2 

Affairs had almost suddenly taken a turn. On December 
2 ist it had been seriously debated whether the conclave 
should not be dissolved before Christmas and only resumed 
after the Epiphany, 3 but as early as the following day the 
decisive moment was approaching. After dinner Carafa and 
Vitelli accidentally met Cardinal Guise, and a conversation 
ensued during the course of which Guise at last asked Carafa 
why the election was being postponed, to which the other 
replied that it was not his fault. Then Guise made the remark 
that as far as he was concerned, who was soon leaving Rome, 
it was immaterial who was Pope, provided that the Cardinal 
elected was fitted for the position ; as, however, the candidates 
proposed by the French had been rejected, the honour of his 
nation made it necessary that they should not accept the 
candidates of the Spaniards, but must give their votes to 
someone else. In saying this Guise had clearly indicated Cesi, 
who had, hitherto, neither been seriously proposed nor rejected. 
Vitelli thereupon remarked that it was not right to reject a 
worthy candidate on such grounds, as it was of no consequence 
to which party he belonged as long as he was worthy. Guise 
answered that he quite understood the meaning of this re 
joinder : Vitelli intended by what he said to recommend 
Medici. He on his side, and as a proof of his good will, would 
propose two candidates on the part of the French, Cesi and 
Medici. Let them select one of these two, and the French 
would vote for him. At the same time, Guise added a con- 

l lbid., 578. 2 Ibid., 579. * Ibid., 580-1. 



56 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

dition to this promise : Alfonso Carafa must also give his 
approval to the candidate upon whom his uncle should decide. 1 
Alfonso had previously played no important part in the 
conclave ; it was only when Carlo Carafa had made himself 
unpopular with his own party, by his perpetual hesitation, 
that Alfonso had risen in the esteem of his adherents. 2 

It was easy to tell in what manner the decision between 
Medici and Cesi would be made. Cesi was thought to have 
French leanings, and this recommended him to the Cardinals 
as little as the fact that he was not particularly agreeable 
to the Spanish king. 3 The case was different with Medici. 
It is true that he had so far come into very little prominence 
in the conclave ; he had been unwell when he arrived and 
he had been confined to his bed almost ever since. 4 He 
received but few votes in the scrutinies, 5 and none of the 
influential Cardinals showed any particular wish for his 
election. On the other hand it was very greatly in his favour 
that he was regarded as an acceptable candidate at both the 
French and Spanish courts, and, finally, his candidature 
was the only measure to which they could now have recourse, 
when all other attempts had failed. Vargas, who was one 
of the most important figures in the negotiations, had written, 
a few days after his arrival in Rome, that they might attempt 
the candidature of Medici when everything else had failed, 
but, he added, he would prefer someone else. 6 Later on he 

*Ibid. f 581. 

2 He is mentioned with distinction side by side with C. Carafa, 
e.g. by Concini on December 16 (PETRUCELLI, 156) by Vargas 
on December 21 (DO"LLINGER, Beitrage, I., 319, 320). 

8 Alessandro Farnese writes on December 29, 1559, that Cesi 
had been put on one side, " per esser nominate da Francesi, e 
perch e per 1 ultima vostra m accennaste che non era servizio di 
Sua Maesta." CARO, III., 270. C/. Vargas on October 18, in 
DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 279. 

4 ALBERI, II., 4, 6l. 

5 See the *List of scrutinies (State Library, Munich) in Appendix 
No. i. 

8 Vargas to Philip II., on September 28, 1559, in DOLLINGER, I., 
270. 



CANDIDATURE OF MEDICI. 57 

was less guarded in his remarks. 1 Alessandro Farnese had 
long ago been pledged 2 by express promises to work for 
Medici ; it was only to protect himself against Gonzaga that 
for a time he kept his wishes in abeyance and followed Carafa s 
lead. Sforza stood firmly on the side of Medici ; as Guise 
and the French now also declared themselves for him, it was 
only necessary that Carlo and Alfonso Carafa should join his 
party to turn the scales. 3 

With the assent of Guise the result of the election was, 
in the opinion of Vitelli, decided in Medici s favour. 4 During 
the last few days Carlo Carafa had leaned strongly to his side, 
while Vargas and Farnese kept putting him forward as well. 5 
It was of decisive importance that Cosimo de Medici now 
judged that the moment had arrived for taking definite steps 
in favour of his candidate. By means of Vitelli the Florentine 
agents caused letters to be shown to Cardinal Carlo Carafa 
in which Cosimo made great promises to the nephews of 
Paul IV. 6 In these he said that he would endeavour to 
obtain for Carafa compensation from Philip II. for Paliano ; 
he also promised that he would remain neutral in the struggle 
going on between the Marquis Antonio Carafa and the Count 
of Bagno concerning Montebello, although he had hitherto 
been against Antonio. On the strength of these promises 
Carlo Carafa went over to the side of Medici. 7 

1 Vargas to Philip on October 18 and December 21, 1559, ibid., 
279, 3*9. 

2 SUSTA, Pius IV., 149, n. i. 

3 Vargas writes on December 21, concerning Medici: " Este 
creo que a esta hora tiene mas derecho, si Napoles se ablanda, y 
Ferrara viene en el de buen pie, que Carafa no esta ya en escluirlo, 
como antes ; " in DO"LLINGER, I., 319. 

4 PANVINIUS, 581. 
6 Ibid. 

6 SUSTA, Pius IV., 149. 

7 According to RIESS, 392, Cosimo .promised Carafa 300,000 scudi 
in the event of Philip refusing him a territorial indemnification 
for Paliano. An " obviously (?) well-informed contemporary " 
according to RIESS, 407, whose anonymous report is dated from 



58 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

It was more difficult for Vitelli to induce the Cardinal of 
Naples, Alfonso Carafa, to join the party of Medici. Alfonso 
was under the influence of his father, Antonio Carafa, Marquis 
of Montebello, who had no confidence in the promises of 
Cosimo, and who therefore recommended his son to support 
Cesi, who had been the confidential friend of the late Pope. 
The latter, moreover, had never cared for Medici. 1 In 
addition to all this there was the decisive fact that Alfonso 
was not convinced of the perfect orthodoxy of Medici, in the 
matter of the concessions to the Protestants. 2 At first 
Vitelli, despite long discussion, could obtain no more than 
the promise that Alfonso would carefully consider the matter. 3 

On the following day, as well, Vitelli accomplished nothing, 
and Alfonso remained firm. On the 24th the plans of Medici s 
friends reached the ears of his opponents, and they at once 
attacked Alfonso Carafa, beseeching him to separate from 
his uncle s party. Carlo Carafa no sooner heard of this than 
he rushed to his nephew and by dint of scolding, imploring 
and threatening him, he worked, with the support of Vitelli, 
on the young Cardinal of Naples in such a way that he at last 
agreed to remain with his party. 4 

In the meantime the interests of Medici were being zealously 
promoted by the Florentine envoys. They promised in the 

Venice, says that the Pope went to law with the Carafa family 
so that Cosimo might regain this written promise and the affair 
not be brought to light. 

1 " Leviusculum, vanum et, ut dicitur, cerebrellinum appellare 
solebat " (PANVINIUS, 582). Paul IV. had openly reprimanded 
Cardinal Medici in consistory because he had endeavoured to 
obtain the archbishopric of Milan by unjustifiable means, (ibid. 
589, n. h.). 

2 " Napoli si e lasciato intendere, che per niuno conto vole dare 
il voto suo a Medici, sendo, come dicono, sospetto di heresia ; 
pare che hebbe questo per ricordo dalla santa memoria di papa 
Paulo IV." Thus writes Caligari, the agent of Carafa, in Novem 
ber, to Antonio Carafa, in SUSTA, Pips IV., 150, n. i. 

3 PANVINIUS, 582. 

4 Ibid. 



MEDICI S ELECTION ASSURED. 59 

name of the future Pope that Montebello and Paliano should 
be entrusted to the sequestrator of the Apostolic Camera until 
the settlement of the dispute, and that the Pope, in union 
with Duke Cosimo, would apply to Philip II. in favour of 
Carafa. Antonio Carafa allowed himself to be won over, 
and now influenced his son Alfonso in the sense desired by 
Cosimo. 1 By this a most important victory had been won 
for Medici. 2 

On the morning of Christmas Day, Vitelli prepared himself 
for another attack on Alfonso Carafa. This time he laid 
before him a letter of recommendation of Medici which Duke 
Cosimo had addressed to the Cardinal of Naples two months 
before, but which Vitelli had intercepted and kept back. 
In this letter the Duke recommended his candidate with great 
urgency and many promises, though he did not go beyond 
mere generalities. 3 When Vitelli showed his want of satis 
faction with this, Cosimo s ambassador, Bartolomeo Concini, 
had recourse, on Vitelli s advice, to similar measures to those 
used by Vargas. He drew up, in the name of the Duke, a 
letter of four pages to Vitelli, 4 in which a promise was made that 
all the possessions of the Carafa should remain under the care 
of the Apostolic Camera until Philip II. had arranged an 
equivalent for them, and Fabrizio di Sangro, a conclavist of 
Carlo Carafa, was to repair as the ambassador of the new 
Pope to Madrid immediately after the election, there to work 
in the interests of the Carafa. 5 It was not generally known 
that Philip II. had already, two months previously, decided 

1 SUSTA, Pius IV., 150. Sebastiano Gualterio received special 
instructions from Vitelli on December 23, as to how he was to 
influence the hesitating Marquis. SUSTA, Kurie, I., Ixxii n. 

2 Concini wrote to Cosimo as early as December 2 : " Farnese 
me fait dire que toute 1 affaire de Medici c est d arranger celle 
de don Antonio Carafa ; " in PETRUCELLI, 153. 

3 PANVINIUS, 582. 

4 Ibid. 

5 SUSTA, Pius IV., 150. Cf. Vargas to Philip II., on December 
2 9 1559, in DGLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 325. See also CARO, III., 
271. 



60 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

concerning Paliano in favour of the Colonna. Alfonso was 
now won over and agreed to the elevation of Medici. Vitelli 
brought the momentous news to Cardinal Guise on the after 
noon of Christmas Day ; thereupon the party leaders, Guise, 
Este, Sforza, Carlo Carafa, and Farnese held a meeting and 
fixed on the following morning for the election of Medici. 1 

Medici was not fully informed of all this until his election 
was practically assured. Vitelli brought him the first definite 
news, 2 and the affair soon became known throughout the 
whole conclave ; the last doubt vanished when, in the evening, 
the Cardinal of Naples, accompanied by Vitelli, paid a visit 
to Medici. A general stir now sprang up in the conclave. 
Carpi still made some attempt to collect votes against Medici, 
but as he had no party leader on his side, he could not count 
on any success. On the other hand a long line of Cardinals 
streamed to Medici s cell, both before and after the evening 
meal ; everyone wished to speak to him and to congratulate 
him. Vitelli came for a long consultation after Alfonso 
Carafa had gone, and Medici expressed a wish to see Guise 
or Este the same evening ; he would not retire to rest before 
he had spoken to one of them. On account of the interchange 
of compliments, however, the appearance of the two Cardinals 

1 GUIDUS, 630 ; PANVINIUS, 582. Several smaller matters 
were arranged without difficulty. Este and Gonzaga were 
promised the red hat for their nephews, Rebiba received the 
assurance that the spoilium of his predecessor in the archbishopric 
should be his, although the brief assigning it to him was of doubtful 
validity, as it was dated the day of the death of Paul IV. SUSTA, 
Pius IV.. 151. 

2 GUIDUS, 630 ; PANVINIUS, 583. Medici, however, said to the 
Duchess of Urbino on December 23, that he thought he would 
certainly be elected, but he did not know if he were capable of 
bearing such a burden (USTA, Pius IV., 150, in Cod. Vat. 7039, 
Vatican Library). Carpi maintained later that Medici had 
bought his election from Alfonso for a large sum of money, and 
that Antonio Carafa had afterwards had a written promise con 
cerning the transaction in his possession. This story proves, 
at all events, the real importance of Alfonso in the election of 
Pius IV. C/. PALLAVICINI, 19, 2, 3. 



ELECTION OF MEDICI. 6l 

was still delayed, which was most unpleasant for Vitelli and 
Medici, as they wished the election to take place immediately 
after the visit of the two leaders. 1 

In the meantime various Cardinals remained standing round 
the cell of the chosen Cardinal until long after midnight. 
Panvinio also remained near at hand to watch the proceedings. 
As Carlo Carafa had engaged the celebrated scholar in con 
versation, Panvinio took the liberty of putting in a word 
and asking when the election would take place. At the 
answer, " Early to-morrow morning," Morone, who was 
rather surprised, asked whether they would really wait so 
long. Panvinio replied in the affirmative, but added politely 
that he really saw no reason why the election should not be 
made at once. Morone was of the same opinion and began 
to exhort the Cardinals to proceed without delay. All agreed, 
and only Carlo Carafa appeared to have a scruple owing to 
the fact that many of the Cardinals had already retired for 
the night. 2 However, they sent to Guise, Sforza and Este 
in order to inform them of the wishes of some twelve electors 
assembled at Medici s cell. Guise soon came with Vitelli 
and entered the cell for a short conversation. In the mean 
time Sforza, Farnese, Este and others whom Panvinio had 
awakened appeared on the scene. Many had already as 
sembled in the place of election, and Madruzzo, who was 
suffering acutely from gout, was carried in a chair. Medici 
was then led in by Alfonso Carafa and Este. The Papal 
throne was placed before the altar and all the Cardinals, 
including Medici, took their places in the usual order of rank. 
The conclavists crowded in and, at Panvinio s request, were 
allowed to remain. 3 The acting dean, Tournon, now arose 

1 PANviNius, 583. 

2 Ibid., 584 ; cf. GUIDUS, 630. BONDONUS, 530 : " Et cum 
omnes certatim properarent in congratulando, ill 10 * cardinalis 
Carafa opposuit se ante portam camerae cardinalis de Medicis 
omnibus venientibus, eosque rogans ne ad praefatum m m um 
accederent, et eum sinerent quiescere. et quod in mane sequenti 
tempus erit ad hoc faciendum." 

3 PANviNius, 584, 



f)2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and declared that he elected Medici as Pope, the others making 
a similar declaration. 1 Then the elected Cardinal was raised 
to the throne, and the usual homage paid to him to the great 
joy of all, even the sick Cardinals having themselves carried 
in to take part in the ceremony. 2 

When Carlo Carafa paid homage, he begged the Pope to 
forgive the Roman people everything they had done against 
Paul IV., and the house of Carafa, as he would himself forget and 
forgive all these occurrences. The Pope at first refused decidedly 
to grant this request, as he must give an example of severity. 
It was only when Sforza and Farnese impetuously supported 
Carafa that he yielded, emphasizing the fact that he did so 
for the sake of Carafa, but that indemnification must be 
made for the damage done. 3 He firmly refused, on the other 
hand, the pardon requested by Sforza for Pompeo Colonna, 
who had murdered his mother-in-law ; the acquittal of the 
murderer of a relative, he declared, should not be the first 
act of his pontificate. 4 

After the ceremony of paying homage was concluded, the 
newly-elected Pope declared, in answer to the question of Este 
and others, that he would take the name of Pius, because 
he wished to be what the name signified. The doors of the 
conclave had, in the meantime, been broken open, and the 
news of the election which had just taken place, spread rapidly 
through the city. On the following morning, December 26th, 
the election was confirmed in the usual way, by a scrutiny, 
and the newly-elected Pope was carried into St. Peter s, 
where the Cardinals again paid him homage. He then repaired 

1 Bondonus had to take note of the votes given by word of 
mouth and to count them. BONDONUS, 530. 

2 PANVINIUS, 585. 

3 Ibid. ; GUIDUS, 631. "Con questo il Carafa tornera in 
gratia de Romani," writes Bart. Ferentillo to Alberico Cybo- 
Malaspina, on January 2, 1560. Archivio storico Lombardo, 
Ser. 3, ann. 23, 161 (1896). 

4 GUIDUS, 631. FERENTILLO, loc. cit. " Questi primi saggi," 
remarks Ferentillo, " dan speranra, che Dio . . . ci habbi dato 
un buon papa." 



PHILIP II. AND VARGAS. 63 

to the Vatican amid such mighty cries of joy that, as Panvinio 
writes, one could scarcely distinguish the thunder of the 
cannon, fired in honour of the occasion, from the acclamations 
of the people. 1 

The election had an unpleasant sequel for Vargas. Philip II. 
was not pleased with the over-zealous proceedings of his 
ambassador, nor with the means which he had employed. 
On January 8th, 1560,2 before the result of the conclave was 
known in Spain, the king commissioned Francisco de Mendoza 
to go to Rome and earnestly urge the Cardinals to hasten 
the election. At the same time he gave him a letter for Vargas. 
Shortly before the departure of Mendoza, that is on January 
8th, the news of the election of Pius IV. arrived, and Mendoza s 
journey was abandoned. The letter for Vargas, however, 
was still sent to Rome. 3 

In this important letter 4 the king first expresses hi* regret 
that in spite of the troubled state of Christendom the election 
of a worthy Pope had not yet taken place. It caused him 
great pain and sorrow that the passions and personal feelings 
of the Cardinals should have entailed such consequences. 
To combat this recourse should not have been had to such 
measures as gifts of money, as had been done by Vargas and 
the Viceroy of Naples, and just as little could the promise of 
indemnification for Paliano be justified. 5 Vargas must never 
again make use of such means, but must rather employ such 
as would not jeopardize the king s good name. If Carafa 
was not satisfied with general promises, such as could be 
given without weighing on one s conscience, then the am 
bassador had no right to give further pledges in the name 

1 PANVINIUS, 586. 

2 Letter of the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, from 
Toledo on January 30, 1560, in BROWN, VII., n. 127, p. 148. 

3 MULLER, 204; SUSTA, Pius IV., 142. 

4 HiNOjosA, joi seqq. ; MULLER, 204 seqq. ; HERRE, 57 seqq. 

Concerning the " Chapter" which Vargas had drawn up in 
the King s name at the beginning of December (supra p. 47), 
Philip as yet knew nothing. Here, therefore, it is a question of 
the earlier promise in the second half of November (supra p. 39). 



64 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of his sovereign. God, Who knew the king s intentions, and 
Who had the situation in His keeping, would find a way out 
of the difficulty, which would be in keeping with the dignity 
of His service. Philip also blamed Vargas for having openly 
opposed Gonzaga and having thereby drawn down upon the 
king the enmity of the Italian princes. He complained of 
the divisions in the Spanish party and of the Cardinals want 
of discretion in openly announcing that they were waiting 
for the royal courier and his decision. Finally, Philip declared 
his fear that the world would accuse him of having been the 
cause of the delay in the election ; it was certainly not his 
wish that the Church should remain any longer without a 
chief pastor because of any special interests of his own. With 
out excluding or naming anyone, he instructed the ambassador 
to exhort and call upon the Cardinals in the king s name to 
choose a good Pope without delay, such a one as the Church 
needed, and who was worthy of such a high office. If they 
acted in this manner the king would be gracious to them, 
and would honour and promote them as persons who perform 
what is required of them for the service of God and the king. 
In the other case, however, the king would be compelled to 
act towards them in a manner that would be most unpleasant 
to himself. 

In the instructions for Francisco de Mendoza, 1 issued at the 
same time, but which were no longer in force since the election 
was already accomplished, the king says that he would, at 
any rate, prefer the exclusion of Gonzaga, but that if this 
could not be carried out, Vargas was to put the general interest 
before the private wishes of the king. A concession of such 
importance goes a long way to prove that Philip was in earnest 
in his oft repeated assurance that in the Papal election he 
had in view, above all things, the well-being of the Church. 
Vargas answered the complaints of the king in a long 
letter of defence, 2 which fc expressed in rather self-assured 

1 See MULLER, 206 seq. 

Printed in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I.. 329-335. Cf. SUSTA, 
Pius IV., 142. 



PHILIP II. AND VARGAS. 65 

terms, drawing attention to the fact that the election was 
actually decided in the sense wished by the king, and for a 
Cardinal belonging to the Spanish party. If he hoped thereby 
to secure for himself a brilliant career he was very much 
mistaken. He had recommended himself very little to his 
sovereign by exceeding his instructions, and failing to under 
stand his intentions. Pius IV. was very indignant when 
Vargas informed him on December 2Qth of the promises 
which he had made to Cardinal Carafa in the name of the 
king, and without his authority. 1 He had also made many 
enemies by his exaggerated zeal during the conclave. His 
position as ambassador in Rome was thus very difficult from 
the first. 

1 Vargas to Philip II. on December 29, 1559, in DOLLINGER, I., 
325. Vargas answered the angry Pontiff that if there had been 
no cheating Pius IV. would not be Pope. 



VOL. XV. 



CHAPTER II. 

PREVIOUS LIFE AND CHARACTER OF Pius iv. THE BEGINNING 
OF HIS PONTIFICATE. 

CARDINAL GIAN ANGELO DE MEDICI who was elected Pope 
after a conclave of three and a half months and was crowned 
on January 6th 1560, l had not up to this time, in any respect, 
played an important part. He was a native of Milan, and was 
born there on Easter Sunday (March 3ist), 1499, being the 
son of Bernardino de Medici and his wife, Cecilia Serbelloni. 
The Medici of Milan, who could trace their history back to 
the XlVth century, belonged to the less important patrician 
families of the capital of Lombardy. Their coat of arms was 
a golden ball on a red field, and they were in no way related to 
the celebrated family of the same name in Florence. Several 
members of the family practised as doctors in Milan, but most 
of them turned their attention to jurisprudence and practised 
as notaries. 2 This was the case with Bernardino de Medici, 

J An *Avviso di Roma of January 6, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 114, 
Vatican Library) announces that Pius IV. wished that the pomp 
should be moderate and the surplus given to the poor. Forty 
persons were crushed to death in the crowds. See the sources 
in CANCELLIERI, 109 ; cf, also the pamphlets : La felice creatione 
et coronatione d. S ta di N.S.Pio IV. con le feste et livree fatte 
dalli sig. Romani (s. 1. et a. , and : Gewisse Zeytung mit was 
Pracht u. Gepreng im Anfang des 1560 Jars zu Rom gekront 
sey der yetsige Pabst Pius IV. (s. 1 et a.). 

2 C/. the work of CALVI : Famiglie Milanesi, IV., Milan 1885, 
and SUSTA, Pius IV., 9 seq., 155 seq., whose details given in the 
Czech language have hitherto been little known, although they 
form the most complete record of the previous history of Pius IV. 
that we possess. Here, too (p. 1 59 seq.} we have the first thorough 
criticism of Panvinius as a biographer of Pius IV. Cf. Appendix 
No. 37. 

66 



FAMILY OF PIUS IV. 67 

who, to distinguish him from the other branches of the family, 
was surnamed " di Nosigia," because he belonged to the parish 
of San Martino di Nosigia. He was known as an industrious 
and honourable man, 1 who by his marriage with Cecilia Ser- 
belloni became the father of fourteen children, of whom ten, 
five sons and five daughters, survived. In order to support 
this numerous family Bernardino de Medici endeavoured to 
increase his income by the farming of the customs. After 
the victory of Francis I. at Marignano, on September i4th, 
1515, had placed Milan in the hands of the French, he lost, as 
an adherent of Maximilian Sforza, not only this concession, 
but also his whole fortune, and was, moreover, thrown into 
prison, from which he was only released through the inter 
cession of a friend, Girolamo Morone. Completely broken 
in health by his misfortunes, Bernardino died in 1519, 2 
leaving his family in very necessitous circumstances. The 
eldest son, Gian Giacomo, a bold and adventurous character, 
who had been obliged to flee from Milan, adopted the career 
of arms. 3 The second son, Gian Angelo, went to Pavia, where 
he at first studied medicine and philosophy, but later, following 
the family tradition, turned his attention to jurisprudence, 
which was, indeed, more suited to his temperament. The 
misfortunes of his father placed him in such dire need, 
that he was thrown on the charity of his fellow students, 
and was thankful, through the influence of the friend of his 

1 GiROL. SORANZO, 68. In Cod. D. 325 of the Ambrosian 
Library at Milan, there is a picture of the house of Bernardino 
de Medici, with the original coat of arms. Cf. BELTRAMI, Sul 
valore dei terreni in Milano al principio del 1500, Milan, 1891, 
and Rassegna d Arte, XIV. 140 seq. (1914). 

8 Cf. Lettere di G. Morone, in the Miscell. di stor, Ital., II., 
713. SUSTA, Pius IV., 10. 

8 The work of his contemporary, Marcantonio Missaglia, 
furnishes reliable statements concerning his adventurous life : 
Vita di Giov. Jacomo Medici, marchese di Marignano, Milan, 1605 
(con noti di M. Fabi, Milan, 1854). Cf. also Giangiacomo de 
Medici Castellano di Musso (1523-32). Saggio bibliografico di 
Solone Ambrosoli, Milan, 1805. 



68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

family, Morone, to accept a free place in the college founded 
by Cardinal Branda. He continued his juridical studies in 
the hope of succeeding in his efforts to obtain a position as 
notary in Milan. 1 His manner of life, however, was com 
pletely altered by the turn of political affairs in the north of 
Italy. 

In consequence of the capture of Milan by the Papal- 
Imperial army on November igth, 1521, and the return of 
Francesco Sforza to his capital, everything was changed. 
Better days had now come for the Medici family, while, more 
important still, Gian Giacomo had won the implicit confidence 
of the all-powerful chancellor, Morone. The reckless soldier 
became a tool in the hands of Morone, and as a reward for a 
political murder he received the fortress of Musso in feudal 
tenure from the Duke . 2 In this eyrie, on the steep western bank 
of the Lake of Como, between Dongo and Rezzonico, of which 
only picturesque ruins now remain, he made the whole neigh 
bourhood unsafe, under the pretence of fighting the French. 
In the confusion which prevailed in the whole district round 
Milan, and protected by Morone, the Castellan of Musso, 
generally spoken of as II Musso, was able to allow himself 
many liberties and became the terror of the neighbourhood. 
His aspirations were plainly directed to the foundation of an 
independent sovereignty. This soldier, now twenty-eight 
years old, thus stands out as a type of those daring, ruthless 
and powerful condottieri, of whom the days of the Renaissance 
offer so many examples. 3 

The prosperity of Gian Giacomo was naturally of the greatest 

1 Cf. Lettere di G. Morone, loc. cit., 690 ; GIROL. SORANZO, 70 ; 
SUSTA, Pius IV., ii. 

2 See MISSAGLIA, 15 seq. The romantic episode included in 
Ranke (Papste, I 6 ., 206) and Brosch (I., 225) in their account 
as to the way in which Gian Giacomo became master of Musso, 
has been shown by Susta (Pius IV., 12) to be a fable, though of 
very ancient date, since it appears in Mocenigo, 50. 

3 Cf. BURCKHARDT, Kultur der Renaissance, I 10 ., 29 and 181, 
Leipsic, 1908, the latter dealing with Gian Giacomo s relations 
with Aretino. 



GIAN GIACOMO DE MEDICI. 69 

advantage to his whole family. Gian Angelo was now in a 
position to complete his legal studies at the University of 
Bologna, where he enjoyed the tuition of the famous Carlo 
Ruini, and in 1525 won his doctor s degree in both branches 
of the law. On his return to Milan he was immediately 
received as a member of the Collegia dei nobili giuresconsulti. 1 
He owed this honour to the influence of Morone, who intended 
to make use of the young man for his secret political plans. 
Gian Angelo, as well as his brother, Gian Giacomo, was 
involved in the plot which Morone had set on foot for 
the liberation of Italy from the Spanish yoke, but the dis 
covery of the conspiracy, which led to the imprisonment of 
Morone, ruined all their hopes. The two Medici, who were 
deeply compromised, fled to Musso, which was strongly 
fortified, and the Spaniards were not powerful enough to take 
energetic measures against them. When the Holy League was 
formed against the Emperor after the Peace of Madrid, Gian 
Giacomo, the skilled soldier, took part in the campaign against 
the Spaniards. 2 A quarrel in which he was involved with 
the commander- in-chief of the Venetians, the Duke of Urbino, 
was the occasion of sending his brother, Gian Angelo, to Rome 
at the end of 1526. 3 While Gian Angelo was diplomatically 
active against the Spaniards, the Castellan of Musso was 
waging a guerilla war against them. This daring soldier gave 
so much trouble to the Imperial leader, de Leva, that the latter 
resolved to make peace with him. Gian Giacomo, who 
always had an eye to his own interests, agreed all the more 
willingly to de Leva s offer as the League was falling to pieces. 
He entered, without scruple, into the service of the Emperor, 
who recognised him by patent, on October 3ist, 1528, as 



1 The Pope in returning thanks for the congratulations of the 
College, referred to this ; see the *brief of March 26, 1560, to the 
Collegium iuriscons. Mediol. (Arm. 43, t. 10, n. 136, Papal 
Secret Archives). Concerning C. Ruini cf. FANTUZZI, VII., 
230 seq. ; SAVIGNY, Gesch. des rom. Rechts, VI., 426, 

2 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 12 seq. 

See ibid., 13-14. Cf. MULLER, 231. 



7O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Marquis of Musso and Count of Lecco. 1 It was only towards 
the north that his sovereignty could be extended, and, there 
fore Gian Giacomo at once sought to secure an alliance by 
marrying his sister Chiara to Count Mark Sittich of Hohenems 
in the Vorarlberg, and at the same time formed other plans 
for the further extension of his power. For his brother, who 
was still in Rome and had become a Protonotary there, he had 
already procured a benefice in commendam at Mazzo in Val- 
tellina, and now Gian Angelo was about to be elevated to the 
bishopric of Chur. The Protestant inhabitants of the Grisons, 
however, accused Abbot Theodore Schlegel, who was governing 
that diocese as vicar-general, of having secretly furthered this 
plan, and caused the unhappy man to be executed, after being 
horribly tortured, and in spite of his repeated protestations 
of his innocence, on January 23rd, 1529. 2 This put an end 
to the plan of Gian Angelo becoming Bishop of Chur. 

Still more painful was the blow which the year 1529 was to 
bring to the Medici family. The Emperor concluded peace 
with Francesco Sforza, and Gian Giacomo repaired personally 
to Bologna for the protection of his interests. Here he learned 
that investiture was to be refused to him, and that his sole 
remaining hope was the intercession of Clement VII. Gian 
Angelo, who had become closely associated with the Pope 
during the terrible days of the sack of the city, was working 
personally for this end in Bologna, but his influence proved 
insufficient, and the treaty of December 23rd, 1529, put an 
end to the sovereignty of Gian Giacomo. 3 The Duke of Milan, 

1 C/. CALVI, Fam. Milan, tav. 3 ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 14-15. See 
also BERRETTA, Gian Giacomo de Medici in Brianza, 1527-31, 
in the Arch. stor. Lomb., XLIII., 1-2 (1916). 

2 Cf. MOOR, Geschichte von Kurratien, II., I, 109 seqq. ; Kath. 
Schweitzer Blatter, I., 227 seqq. ; VII., 432 seq. ; WEISS, Easels 
Anteil am Kriege gegen Gian Giacomo de Medici, 1531-2, 50, 
Basle, 1902 ; J. C. MAYER, St. Luzi bei Chur 1 , 50-62, Einsiedeln, 
1907. 

8 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 16-17. Susta believes that the idea of 
connecting the genealogical tree of the Medici of Milan with that 
of the Florentine family, first arose after the sack of Rome. For 
details see infra p. 77. 






THE MUSSO WAR. 71 

however, had not got the necessary force to compel the Cas 
tellan of Musso to relinquish his possessions. He was still 
less able to do so when Gian Giacomo found a powerful inter 
cessor in Duke Charles III. of Savoy, who succeeded, in 
January, 1531, on the basis of the status quo, in arranging a 
temporary peace between Gian Giacomo and Francesco Sforza. 1 
The Castellan of Musso soon showed that his bold and 
ambitious spirit was still unbroken. The aggravation of the 
differences between the Catholics and those of the new religion 
in Switzerland offered him a favourable opportunity for 
angling in troubled waters. The celebrated " Musso War," 
a prelude to the " Kappel War," began in March, 1531. 2 
In this enterprise Gian Giacomo had only his own personal 
ends in view, which he cleverly sought to disguise under the 
pretence of religious zeal. He assured the Emperor, the Pope, 
and the Italian princes that his intention was to subdue the 
Swiss, who were hostile to the Italians and steeped in abomin 
able heresies. Gian Angelo, who, after the failure at Bologna, 
had left the Curia, was actively working in the same sense, 
and was now serving his brother as chancellor. 3 All efforts, 
however, to interest the Pope and the Catholic powers in the 
struggle in Switzerland were unavailing. The Duke of Milan 
even made common cause with the inhabitants of the Grisons 
and accepted, by the treaty of May 7th, 1531, the command in 
the war, and especially of the seige of Musso. 4 In spite of this 
the experienced condottiere was able to hold his own until 
the following year, and it was only when the mission of Gian 
Angelo, in the winter of 1531, to the conference at Baden, had 
broken down, that no choice remained to him but to accept 
the hard conditions of peace laid down by the conqueror. Gian 



SUSTA, loc. cit., 17. 

2 Cf. ZELLER-WERDMULLER, Der Krieg gegen den Tyrannen 
von Musso, Zurich, 1883 ; JOLLER in the Kath. Scheitzer Blattern, 
IV. (1862) ; GHiNZONiin Bollett. stor. d. Svizz. Ital., XV., 140 seq. 
(1893) ; WEISS, loc. cit. where there are further literary statements. 

3 C/. SUSTA, Pius IV., 17 seq. 

4 See Eidgenossische Abschiede, IV., ib, 977, 563 seq. ; GIUSSANI 
II Forte di Fuentes, 365 seq., Como, 190 5. 



72 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Angelo as the fully authorized representative of his brother, 
signed the treaty of peace with the Duke Francesco Sforza and 
the eight Cantons, on February I3th, 1532 ; Gian Giacomo had 
to relinquish all his possessions in exchange for a money indem 
nity and the title of Marquis of Marignano. 1 The fortress of 
Musso was demolished, and its former master was forced at last 
to give up his ambitious schemes of one day acquiring an inde 
pendent principality. He then went, with his brothers Gian 
Battista and Agosto to Savoy. Gian Angelo returned to Rome, 
where he was soon able to form new ties in addition to the in 
fluential connections which he had already made. It is not, 
therefore, surprising that he succeeded in obtaining a Papal 
brief in July, 1532, which recommended his elder brother to the 
Duke of Savoy. In this document Clement VII. alluded to a 
family connection with the Medici of Milan, probably to win the 
support of the experienced soldier, Gian Giacomo, by the flatter 
ing fiction. 2 In the year 1534 Gian Giacomo served the Duke 
of Savoy against Berne and Geneva, 3 and two years later he 
appears in the pay of the Emperor, who was a brother-in-law 
of the Duke, at the siege of Turin, which the French were 
investing. After the failure of this undertaking, he fell under 
the suspicion of holding a traitorous intercourse with the 
French, whereupon the Imperial Viceroy in Milan, Guasto, 
caused him and his brother Gian Battista to be arrested at 
the end of 1536. The proceedings for high treason which were 
taken against him, however, had no result. 4 

1 See Eidgenossische Abschiede, IV., ib, 1578-83; WEISS, 
loc. cit., 98 seq. 

8 In the *brief, dated Rome, July 27, 1532, to which Susta 
(Pius IV., 22, 157) first drew attention, we read : " Intelleximus 
dil. fil. loannem lacobum Medicem de Mus marchionem Marig- 
nani se istuc in quaedam nobilitatis tuas loca contulisse." He 
rejoices at the kind reception accorded to him : " cum eum 
nostrae familiae addictissimum esse scires, quae quidem necessitu- 
dinis causa ad marchionem ipsum tibi commendandum potissimum 
nos moveret," which however was not at all necessary. (Arch. 
S. Angelo, Arm. n, caps. I., 239, Papal Secret Archives). 

8 Cf. WEISS, loc. cit. t 145. 

4 Cf. MISSAGLIA, 112 seq. ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 24 seq. 



ADVANCEMENT OF GIAN ANGELO. 73 

Gian Angelo de Medici, whose protector, Cardinal Alessandro 
Farnese, had ascended the Papal throne on October i3th, 
1534, now devoted all his powers to procuring the liberation 
of his imprisoned brothers. The new Pope had already in the 
first years of his reign entrusted the administration of Ascoli 
Piceno in the Marches to the astute Lombard, 1 and Gian 
Angelo went to Citta di Castello in 1535, and to Parma in 1536 
in the same capacity. His unwearied efforts for the liberation 
of his imprisoned brothers, to which, among other documents, 
a letter in his own hand of May 24th, 1537, s ttil preserved in 
the Vatican Archives, testifies, 2 were at last to be crowned 
with success. When the meeting of Paul III. and Charles V. 
took place in the summer of 1538 at Nice, Gian Angelo also 
went there, and by the Pope s intercession he succeeded in 
inducing the Emperor to order his brothers to be set at liberty, 
whereupon Gian Giacomo again joined the army of Charles V., 
and won his favour in an increasing degree. 3 

Gian Angelo, meanwhile, still filled the difficult yet by no 
means exalted office of an official in the administration of the 
States of the Church. He was Governor of Fano in 1539, 
and in the following year filled the same office for a second 
time in Parma. His faithful service at length resulted in his 
being appointed in 1542 apostolic commissary to the troops 
which Paul III. sent to Hungary to assist King Ferdinand 
against the Turks. Here he met his brother, Gian Giacomo, 
who was commanding the Danube fleet, but who severely 
criticized the policy of the commander-in-chief, the Elector 
Joachim II. of Brandenburg, in a memorandum which, as the 
complete failure of the enterprise proved, was fully justified. 4 

1 Concerning the slow promotion of Gian Angelo in the Curia 
see Panvinius (cf. Appendix No. 37). 

2 Susta (loc. cit. 24) was also the first to draw attention to this 
*document (Carte Fames. VI., Papal Secret Archives). 

3 See the letter of Charles V. to his brother in the Venetian 
despatches, I., 475, n. 2. See also Navagero in ALB&RI, I., i, 309. 

4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 144, and SUSTA, Pius IV., 25. 
The reports of Gian Angelo are printed in the Mon. Hung, dipl., 
XVI., Budapesth, 1879. 



74 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On his return from Hungary to Italy, Gian Angelo settled 
a boundary dispute between Bologna and Ferrara, and after 
wards again accompanied the troops with which Paul III. 
supported the Turkish war of Ferdinand I., after which the 
Pope invested him with the administration of Ancona and 
gave him the rank of Papal Referendarius. 1 Gian Giacomo 
had in the meantime been rendering the Emperor excellent 
service in the war against Cleves and France, and as a reward 
he was, in January, 1545, invested with Tre Pievi, on the 
lake of Como. 2 

A matrimonial alliance which Gian Angelo successfully 
negotiated with the assistance of the friendly Duke of Florence, 
had a decisive influence on the further advancement of both 
the brothers. 3 While Gian Giacomo was still employed at 
the seat of war, the daughter of Ludovico Orsini, Count of 
Pitigliano, and sister-in-law of the powerful Pier Luigi Farnese, 
was married to him by proxy in October 1545. The result 
was that Gian Angelo at length attained to a higher position. 
When his patron, Alessandro Farnese, had been raised to the 
Papal throne in 1534, Gian Angelo had hoped for speedy 
promotion, but the far-seeing Pope, especially in the early 
years of his reign, had shown scrupulous care in his choice 
of his higher officials, and he had contented himself with 
employing the worldly-minded Lombard, who was also not 
altogether innocent of offences against the moral law, 4 in 

l Cf. GIROL. SORANZO, 71; EHSES, Concil., IV., 332, n. 2, 
350 n. 2. Gian Angelo in 1545 corresponded repeatedly with the 
legates of the Council ; see MERKLE, I., 186, 189, 205, 224, 226. 

2 See SUSTA, Pius IV., 26. Concerning Tre Pievi see Bergmann 
in the treatise X., 172, n. i, mentioned infra, p. 95, n. i. 

3 Cf. GIROL. SORANZO, 171 ; BALAN, VI., 368 ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 
27. 

4 Gian Angelo had several illegitimate children before he 
received the major orders; a son, born either in 1541 or 1542, 
and two daughters ; he had kept his failings secret and endeav 
oured to avoid public scandal (see MOCENIGO, 52, quoted in 
SORANZO, 95; cf. MULLER, 237). The question as to whether 
Gian Angelo de Medici later on, as Cardinal and Pope, was 



DISAPPOINTMENT OF GIAN ANGELO. 75 

assisting him in the department of administration. In this 
position Gian Angelo had the mortifying experience of seeing 
his friends rise to distinguished positions in the Curia, his 
countryman, Girolamo Morone, having been created Cardinal 
in 1542, although he was ten years younger than himself. 
It was a hard, but a salutary school which the young Medici 

guilty of offences against morality, has not hitherto been examined. 
It can neither be affirmed with certainty nor denied. The state 
ment of the by no means trustworthy Panvinius (cf. Appendix 
No. 37) in the third edition of his Vita Pii IV : "in voluptates 
pronus," is in too general a form, and the lampoons after the 
death of Pius IV. (F. Cattaneo sent several of the worst in his 
"reports of December 22 and 29, 1565, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) 
naturally prove nothing for certain. Tiepolo {p. 181) lays stress, 
in his account of the causes of the death of Pius IV. (plainly 
drawn up with distaste) not only on his failings as to diet, but 
also " altri gravi disordini," which cannot be attributed with 
any certainty to offences against morality. A *report of Cusano 
of March 2, 1566, and which was hitherto unknown, states: 
" Papa Pio IV. haveva un medico da buon tempo per i consigli 
del quale vogliano si fusse dato alle cose venere[e], perch egli 
con quanto sia di 65 anni vi attendeva. Hora S.S tSl intendendo 
teneva donna havendo moglie 1 ha fatto metter all inquisitione 
prigione per adultero et si dubita la potra far male essendo caduto 
nelli badi vi sono sopra. E perch a questi di f u spirato il confessor 
di Pio IV. et il Porcillega gran suo cam 10 dicono come consapevoli 
delle cose veneree. Ho[ra] S,S td> fa far grandissima diligenza 
per trovar ch e stato il malfattore per dargli il meritevole castigo " 
(Domestic, Court, and State Archives, Vienna). As nothing 
further is to be found in the State Archives at Vienna or elsewhere 
(in the *Avvisi di Roma of March 2, there is only some talk of 
the proceedings against those who had attacked the confessor 
of Pius IV. [Urb. 1040, p. i88b, Vatican Library]) there is nothing 
to check this communication of Cusano, a thing which in such a 
matter is absolutely necessary. Perhaps the researches under 
taken by the Bollandists in the voluminous Borromeo correspond 
ence in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, may throw some light 
on this mysterious affair ; the Archives of the Inquisition, before 
which the physician of Pius IV. had to justify himself, are un 
fortunately not accessible. 



76 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had to pass through, a school in which he gained a thorough 
knowledge of men and countries, and learned to show adapta 
bility in all circumstances. 1 

After his brother s marriage had connected him with the 
family of the Pope, it was not fitting that Gian Angelo should 
remain in his hitherto modest position, and he was appointed 
Archbishop of Ragusa on December I4th, 1545, in which 
diocese he was represented by a vicar. It is certain that he 
now received the major orders for the first time ; he was 
consecrated bishop in St. Peter s on April 26th, 1546. 2 At 
this time his appointment as nuncio at Vienna seemed certain, 3 
but just at that moment the great crisis in Germany occurred, 
and Charles V., resolved on war against the Schmalkaldic 
League, allied himself with Paul III. on June 26th, 1546. 
The Pope s nephew, Alessandro Farnese, was appointed 
Legate, and his brother Ottavio commander-in-chief of the 
Papal auxiliary forces, 4 the Archbishop of Ragusa accom 
panying them as Commissary General. 5 The future Pope, 
Pius IV. was thus made acquainted with conditions in the 
country where the great schism in the Church had taken its 
origin, his field of vision being thereby substantially extended. 
At the seat of war he met his brother Gian Giacomo who, as 
colonel in chief of the infantry, was attached to the head- 

X C/. SUSTA, Pius IV., 23. 

2 See the Acta consist, in MERKLE, I., 630 ; SUSTA, loc. cit. t 27. 
When Medici was Archbishop of Ragusa the *Dialogus de vita ac 
clericorum moribus auctore Marco Antonio Sacco Cremonense 
flamine, was dedicated to him. In this he is called " ecclesiastic! 
decus ordinis praesulumque gemma," and overwhelmed with 
flattery (Cod. Vat., 5679, Vatican Library). 

8 Cf. the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, VIII., 582-3. 

4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 291 seq. 

6 See the Diary of Viglius van Zwichem concerning the Schmal 
kaldic War on the Danube, published by DRUFFEL, p. 264, Munich, 
1877. Numerous reports from Gian Angelo are made use of 
in the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, IX., 175, 185, 187, 
J 89, 195, 198, 201, 205, 219, 251, 259, 268, 269, 280, 283, 304, 
311, 326. 



MEDICI CREATED CARDINAL. 77 

quarters of the Emperor. When Alessandro Farnese returned 
to Rome he was accompanied by Gian Angelo, and a brief 
of July 23rd, 1547, decreed his appointment as Vice-Legate 
in Bologna, 1 where his friend Morone held the post of Legate. 
In September of the same year Medici had to hurry from 
Bologna to Parma, on receipt of the news of the murder of 
Pier Luigi Farnese, and it was mainly due to the energetic 
measures adopted by him that the city was saved for the 
Farnese. 2 

Gian Angelo de* Medici was thus obliged to spend fifteen 
years in hard work of many kinds, before he was at last 
assared of the purple, which was only bestowed upon him 
when, on April 8th, 1549, Paul IIJ - neld nis last creation of 
Cardinals. 3 Medici, who as Vice-Legate of Umbria, had 
been in Perugia since the autumn of 1548, 4 now repaired to 
Rome, where he received S. Pudenziana as his titular church. 
Among those who offered him their congratulations was the 
Duke of Florence, who invited the new Cardinal to adopt 
the coat of arms of his house. 5 

In the conclave held after the death of Paul III., Medici 
supported the Imperialist party, and had a decisive influence 
in the election of Julius III. The new Pope gave him his 
confidence and associated him with the preliminary work in 
connection with the reform of the conclave. 6 During the 
war concerning Parma in the summer of 1551, Medici remained 
as legate with the Papal army, his brother, Gian Giacomo, 
being in command of the Imperial troops. At the end of the 
year, the Cardinal legate seems to have been himself res 
ponsible for his recall from his troublesome post, but the 

1 See SUSTA, Pius IV., 28. Cf. MERKLE, I., 670. 
* See GIROL. SORANZO, 71 ; MERKLE, L, 692. Cf. Nuntiatur- 
berichte aus Deutschland, X., 114, 190. 
8 C/. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 443. 

4 See SUSTA, loc. cit., 29, n. 4. Cf. Vol. XL of this work, 
P, 335> n - 4- The people of the Grisons had prevented his 
receiving the bishopric of Como in 1548. See WYMAN, 25 seq. 

5 GIROL. SORANZO, 67-8. Cf. MULLER, 283. 

6 See Vol. XIII. of this work, pp. 41, 159. Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 
3 J > 36. 



78 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Emperor did not prove ungrateful, for Medici received the 
bishopric of Cassano in 1553, and three years later, that of 
Foligno. 1 

Medici was much respected among his colleagues on account 
of his intimate acquaintance with canon law ; he was per 
manent Prefect of the Signatura Gratiae, with Cardinal 
Saraceni, while he often represented Cardinal Puteo in the 
Signatura Justitiae. His principal work, however, was not 
done in the Curia, public opinion placing him among the 
Cardinals of lesser importance, while the people persisted in 
calling him " Medichino " as if the celebrated name of Medici 
was not suitable to him. 2 The Cardinal had his residence 
in the Fieschi palace, while he possessed a Vigna outside the 
Porta S. Pancrazio. 3 In both of these he enjoyed seeing 
himself surrounded by men of letters. In politics, he was, 
as before, an adherent of the Emperor, from whom he enjoyed 
a pension ; 4 he never, however, took any prominent place 
in the party, and associated in a very friendly manner with 
those on the side of France. It was as little to his liking to 
bind himself to either side, as to take a prominent or important 
part in any struggle. He liked to keep on good terms with 
everyone, and the quiet times of Julius III. were very much 
to his taste. 5 The stormy reign of Paul IV. was, therefore, 
all the more painful to him, as he had contributed towards 
his election, as well as to that of Marcellus II. 6 

1 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 132. SUSTA, 32-5. A number 
of letters from Medici to Ferrante Gonzaga about the war with 
Parma are in CAMPORI, CHI. Lettere inedite di sommi pontefici, 
16 seqq. Modena, 1878. 

2 Cf. MULLER, 234 seq. ; SUSTA, 35. Susta forms a fair opinion 
concerning the actual circumstances. The anecdote concerning 
the prediction of the pontificate by young Silvio Antoniano 
(N. ERYTHRAEUS, Pinacotheca, 37 ; cf. CANCELLIERI, Possessi, 
109) with which RANKE (Papste, I 6 ., 205) begins his account of 
the pontificate, is likely to lead the reader astray. 

8 Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 381, and SUSTA, 38. 

4 See the Venetian Despatches, II., 432. 

5 Cf. MOCENIGO, 51, and especially SUSTA, 39. 

6 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 10, 62. 



CARDINAL MEDICI AND PAUL IV. 79 

From an ecclesiastical, as well as from a political point of 
view, the Carafa Pope belonged to an entirely different school 
of thought from that of Medici. Although the latter had 
repeatedly taken part in the reform conferences under Julius 
III. and Marcellus II., 1 he was, nevertheless, as an old curialist 
of the days of the second Medici Pope, little affected by that 
mighty current which, under Paul IV., that inconsiderate 
zealot for the revival of the Church and powerful foe of the 
heretics, swept all before it. Paul IV. on that account, made 
use of him principally in legal matters. 2 The difference 
between them was still more striking with regard to their 
political views, and the fiery, imaginative Neapolitan formed 
an irreconcilable antithesis to the calm and sober Lombard/ 

This appeared when the political horizon grew cloudy. 3 
It is to the credit of Medici that he did not conceal his opinion, 
and pronounced courageously and decisively against the war 
with the world-wide power of Spain. 4 The Cardinal was, 
however, obliged to leave Rome before hostilities broke out, 
for his brother, Gian Giacomo, who, in the struggle against 
Siena had lately given as great proofs 5 of his skill in war as 

1 Cf. Vols. XIII, p. 1-59, XIV., p. 41, of this work. 

2 Cf. MULLER, 235 seq. Medici had been a member of the 
Inquisition since autumn, 1556 (see PASTOR, Dekrete, 20). Con 
cerning his forebodings with regard to the policy of Paul IV. 
see Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 185. 

3 The two * briefs, to loannes lacobus marchio Marignani, of 
August 20, 1555, and to Cosimo I., of August 22, 1555, testify 
to friendly relations. The Cardinal is accredited in the latter, 
and in the former he is even praised. Among other things, we 
read : " Cum idem tuus frater propediem Anconam profecturus 
ad te istuc omnino divertere cogitaret, has ei litteras dedimus, 
ut eae una cum ipso te nostris verbis salutarent et quasi testes 
essent turn multorum erga te apud nos officiorum quae is vere 
fraterna tuaque virtu te ac te digna semper praestitit, turn nostrae 
perpetuae in eum benevolentiae." (Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 216, Papal 
Secret Archives). 

* Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 104. 

5 Cf. REUMONT, Toskana I., 199 seq. The magnificent suit of 
armour of Gian Giacomo is at present in the Castle at Erbach 
in Odenwald. 



8o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of his shocking cruelty and self-seeking, had suddenly died. 
The Cardinal, as head of the family, returned to Milan at the 
beginning of December to see to the inheritance, which duty, 
combined with an attack of gout, kept him there till the 
spring of 1556. l He was back again in Rome in April, where 
he found himself, as an opponent of the war party, in a painful 
and, at last, in a dangerous position. 2 On the other hand, 
his importance was a good deal increased by this, as his friend, 
the Duke of Florence, did not fail to give prominence, at the 
court of Brussels, to the services which Cardinal Medici had 
rendered by his opposition to the war. 3 Medici s relations 
with Paul IV. which had been tolerably friendly 4 at the 
beginning of his pontificate, had now, owing to this attitude, 
become exactly the reverse, and this was not altered after the 
Peace of Cave. The fact that events had proved that his words 
of warning had been justified, did not improve the temper 
of the self-assured Carafa. The strict government of the 

1 C/. SYLVAIN, I., 31; SUSTA, Pius IV., 47. Besides the 
*letters of the Cardinal to C. Carafa and Morone in the *Cod. 
Barb., LXI., 7 (formerly 5698) and *Vat 6407 (Vatican Library) 
cited by Susta, we also find in the Archives of the Count Waldburg 
of Hohenems a series of *original letters from Cardinal Medici 
to the Hohenems family, which are not wholly restricted to 
family matters, e.g. the *letters of January 14, 24, and 25, and 
March 4, 1556. 

2 On August 28, 1556, the Cardinal made his will. In this he 
recommends his soul to God, asserts his Catholic faith, in which 
he wishes to die, and desires to be buried without pomp ; if his 
death takes place in Rome, he wishes to be buried in S. Pietro 
in Montorio, if in Milan, in the Ospedale Maggiore. This hospital 
is named as his residuary legatee. Then follow legacies for his 
brother Agostino (the Castle of Melegnano and its contents), for 
the Altemps, Borromei, Serbelloni, his sister Chiara, etc. An 
addition in his own hand is dated September 14, 1556. I owe 
my knowledge of this will to the Prefect of the Vatican, Mgr. 
Ratti. [Now his Holiness Pope Pius XI. Ed.] 

8 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 48, 58, 62. Concerning Medici s opposi 
tion cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 136. 

4 See SUSTA, 47. 



CARDINAL MEDICI LEAVES ROME. 8 1 

impetuously reforming Pope, which, after the close of the war, 
became painfully evident in its harsh severity, disgusted the 
less strict members of the Curia with their life in Rome, and 
Medici, like many others, left the Eternal City in 1558. The 
voluntary exile which he thus took upon himself was not, 
however, the consequence of any open breach with Paul IV., 
whose nephew, Carlo Carafa, honoured the Cardinal by a visit 
in April ; it was rather a period of leave, which Medici asked 
for in due form in order to undertake a cure for his gout at 
the baths of Lucca, and this Paul IV. graciously accorded to 
him together with a grant of 1000 ducats. This gout trouble, 
for which the damp climate of Rome was most unsuitable, 
was no mere fiction, although there were several other reasons 
which induced the Cardinal to leave the Curia. The strict 
regime in the city, his family affairs, and above all, certain 
ambitious plans which he wished to discuss in person with 
his patron, Cosimo I., all influenced him in coming to this 
decision. 1 

When Medici left Rome on June isth, 1558, he first repaired 
to his episcopal see of Foligno, 2 and in the middle of July 
he proceeded to Florence. The consultations with Cosimo I. 
concerned the next conclave. It was only now, when his 
unruly and adventurous brother was dead, that the Duke of 
Florence could look upon Cardinal Medici as a suitable candi 
date for the tiara. 3 Previously Cosimo had only entertained a 
platonic friendship for Medici, and had curbed his ambition, but 
with the death of Gian Giacomo things had completely changed. 
In 1556 Cosimo seriously took up the Cardinal as a candidate 
for the Papacy, in the hope of finding in him a willing tool 



false and prejudiced statements which Panvinius makes 
in the 3rd edition of his Vita Pii IV. (cf. Appendix No. 37) have 
been for the first time corrected by Susta (Pius IV., 63 seq.). 

8 He *writes from there on June 19, 1558, to Annibale di Ems, 
that he intends for reasons of health to go to Bagni di Lucca 
(Hohenems Arch). 

8 People used therefore to say that Gian Giacomo had procured 
the Cardinal s hat for his brother by his marriage, and by his 
death the tiara. GIROL. SORANZO, 71. 

VOL. XV. 6 



82 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

for the attainment of his ambitious plan of being created 
King of Tuscany. 1 All details were discussed at their meeting 
in July, 1558, in the very probable event of Paul IV., who 
was far advanced in age, soon closing his eyes in death. This 
probability seemed very near its realization when, at the 
end of August, the Carafa Pope was attacked by a very severe 
illness. 2 Medici, who was then at the baths of Lucca, heard, 
as excitedly as his patron, the news from Rome, which, how 
ever, soon announced that the iron constitution of the Pope 
had again surmounted the crisis. Only now did Medici, 
who had hitherto remained in the neighbourhood of Florence, 
betake himself to Milan. In a letter to the Duke of Florence 
at the beginning of October, he laid stress on the fact that all 
his hopes for the future were in the hands of His Highness. 3 
His expectations were not to be disappointed. 

While Cosimo was making his preparations for the next 
conclave, Cardinal Medici remained, from October i8th, 1558, 
till the death of Paul IV., partly in hi* native city of Milan, 
and partly on the beautiful shore* of the Lake of Como. In 
Milan he was occupied with the completion of the palace 
commenced by his brother, while he also distributed alms 
with great generosity from the rich inheritance of Gian 
Giacomo. 4 His works of charity had also won the hearts of 
many in Rome, where he was known as the " Father of the 
poor " 5 

1 Cf. SUSTA, Pius IV., 64 seq. 

2 Of. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 222. 

3 Cf. SUSTA, 67-9. 

* Cf. SUSTA, 95-9 ; here we find for the first time a correct 
account of the efforts of Medici to obtain the archbishopric of 
Milan, a matter that had not yet been settled at the death of 
Paul IV. Concerning the Cardinal s change of residence, see 
his letters in the Hohenems Archives (Jan. 16, 1559, from Como, 
and Feb. 8, and March 22, from Frascarolo). 

5 See PANVINIUS, Vita Pii IV. (first edition, enlarged in the 
second, cf. Appendix No. 37). Gian Angelo de Medici also 
showed his care for the poor when Pope in so many ways that it 
was intended to have a commemorative medal struck (VENUTI, 



JOY AT THE ELECTION OF PIUS IV. 83 

It can easily be understood that the Roman populace should 
have eagerly greeted the elevation of such a man to the throne 
of St. Peter, and great was the jubilation when the new Pope 
announced that he would secure peace, justice, and an ample 
supply of provisions to the Eternal City, which promise he 
confirmed by reducing the price of grain as early as the end 
of December, at the expense of the Exchequer. The state of 
opposition in which Cardinal Medici had stood towards Paul 
IV., and the moderate and sober attitude which he had always 
adopted, gave promise of a peaceful pontificate which would 
heal the wounds inflicted by the war and the exaggerated 
severity of the late Pope. The diplomatists themselves were 
convinced of this, and as neither party had triumphed in the 
elevation of Medici, while neither of them had suffered a com 
plete defeat, the representatives of the rival powers were, 
without exception, satisfied. 1 

Although the new Pope was already over sixty, he was 
possessed of so much vigour that a long reign might be hoped 

115; BONANNI, I., 277). Cf. Constit. archiconfrat. S. Hier- 
onymideurDe, 31, Rome, 1694 ARMELLINI, 7$seq. ; Mitteilungen 
des Osterr. Instit., XIV., 577 ; LANCIANI, III., 211. The attempt 
to put a stop to the scandal of the beggars by the establishment 
of a poor-house was, however, not successful (cf. BONANNI, L, 
285; LANCIANI, Golden Days, 99). Concerning the orphanage 
erected by Pius IV. near SS. Quattro Coronati, see Le cose meravig- 
liose, 28. As to the care of the Pope for the Roman hospitals, 
cf. FORCELLA, VI., 404, 520 ; XL, 128. Nor did Pius IV. forget 
the poor prisoners (see Constit. archiconfraternitat. S. Hieronymi, 
9). 

1 See DEMBINSKI, Wyb6r Piusa IV., 289. Cf. Ricasoli s *report 
of Dec. 26, 1559, in the State Archives, Florence and that of the 
Portuguese ambassador of December 30, 1559, in the Corpo 
dipl. Portug. VIII., 281 ; Canisii Epist., III., 567 seq. In the 
*Avviso di Roma of December 30, 1559, we read : " S ha speranza 
ch el sark Pio di fatti come ha assunto il nome. Ha detto di voler 
pace, giustitia et abondantia " (Urb 1039, p. 112, Vatican Library). 
Concerning the joy of the Emperor, see the Venetian Dispatches, 
III., 131, 133. 



84 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

for. 1 He was of middle height, and had a very healthy colour, 
while his friendly and cheerful countenance showed no trace 
of the severe gravity and unapproachable haughtiness of his 
predecessor. His nose was slightly aquiline, his forehead was 
high, and his short beard was tinged with grey, while his 
brilliant grey-blue eyes told of a sanguine temperament, which 
was clearly shown in his vivacious, impetuous, and often 
precipitate utterances, 2 as well as in his almost incredible 
activity. The impatience with which, in spite of all his 
geniality and kindness, he listened to the explanations of 
others, constantly interrupting them with remarks, was very 

1 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of June 20, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. I76b, 
Vatican Library). Concerning the appearance of Pius IV., and 
his character, cf. MOCENIGO, 61 seq. ; GIROL. SORANZO, 120 seq. 
See also Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 341, and PANVINIUS, Vita Pii 
IV. (last edition ; cf. Appendix No. 37). Of more recent writers 
see MULLER, 234 seqq., 242 ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 36 seqq. ; Kurie I., 
xxx seq. The life size oil painting of Pius IV. which is in the 
possession of the Ambrosiana, is reproduced in San Carlo, 34. 
Another good portrait, which comes from Hohenems, is in the 
Castle of Frischenberg, at Bistrau, in Bohemia. The magnificent 
copper plate engraving (with bust to the right by Ant. Lafreri 
(cf. HARTIG in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXVIII , 299) can probably 
be traced back to a picture of the same period. The copper 
plate engravings by H. Cock and F. van Hiilsen (both busts to the 
right, the former with tiara) as well as those of Nic v. Aelst and 
A. Loemans (both half-length figures turned to the right), of 
which there are excellent examples in the Kaiserl. Familien- 
Fideikommiss Library at Vienna, are good portraits of the Pope. 
The beautiful medal by the Milanese, G. A. Rossi, is well repro 
duced in MUNTZ, III , 242, and that of L. Leone, belonging to the 
first years of the pontificate, in PLON, Leoni, PL 33, No. 5 ; 
cf. p. 268. The bust of Pius IV. is an excellent piece of work. 
Tomb in S. Maria degli Angeli in Rome. Concerning the statue 
of Pius IV. in the Cathedral at Milan, the work of Angelo de 
Marinis, see CALVI, Fam. Milan., PI. 15 ; ESCHER, 176 ; illustrated 
also in RICCI, Kunst in Oberitalien, 198. 

Examples in PALLAVICINI, 17, 3, 7 ; 17 , 8, 8, and SICKEL, 
Konzil, 355. 



ACTIVITY OF THE POPE. 85 

characteristic of him. He himself used often to speak for an 
hour at a time, having a very good opinion of his own abilities, 
which would endure no difference of opinion. 1 

As Pius IV. was inclined to corpulency, he pttached great 
importance to regular and vigorous exercise, beginning and 
ending his day s work with a long walk. None of the Popes 
has been such a great walker as he was, and he was, moreover, 
no friend of stiff ceremonial, but was often to be met almost 
unattended in the streets of Rome, either on foot or on horse 
back. All remonstrances on the score of his dignity or his age 
he ignored, saying " exercise maintains good health and keeps 
away illness, and I do not wish to die in bed." If he was 
attacked by fever one day, the next would find him, contrary 
to the orders of the doctors, again taking his usual walk. 2 

Pius IV. enjoyed living in the palace of San Marco, or in the 
magnificent apartments of the Castle of St. Angelo, especially 
during the first years of his reign. 3 In the July, and again 
in the August of 1560,* he visited the Palazzo Fieschi, in which 
he had resided as Cardinal, accompanied by Cardinals, am 
bassadors and numerous nobles. He went up and down stairs, 
inspecting all the apartments, and at last ascending to the 
tower of the palace, and all the time conversing in the most 
lively manner with those who accompanied him, and showing 
such activity that everyone was amazed. When he was con 
gratulated on his vigour, shortly after his recovery from an 
illness, he remarked : " Nb, no. We do not wish to die so 
soon." He was particularly pleased by a remark of the 

1 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 341. That the Pope constantly 
interrupted the ambassadors is clear from the *report of the 
Obedientia envoys of their first audience, dated Narni, October 
ii, 1560 (State Library, Vienna). The dramatic "report of 
Mula (see Appendix No. 3) of September 24, 1560 (Papal Secret 
Archives) is also characteristic of this trait of Pius IV. 

2 See GIROL. SORANZO, 72-3. 

8 Cf. BONDONUS, 535 ; *Avviso di Roma of May 4, 1560 (Urb. 
1039. Vatican Library). 

4 See *Avviso di Roma of July 10, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 188, 
Vatican Library). 



86 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Venetian ambassador, Mula, who said that there were senators 
in Venice who were twenty years older than His Holiness, yet 
who directed the affairs of State with as great skill as wisdom. 
The Pope himself reminded people that his predecessors had 
been twenty years older than he. 1 

On September 25th, 1560, Pius IV. left the palace of San 
Marco at an early hour, and proceeded, accompanied by eleven 
Cardinals and the Imperial, Portuguese and Venetian ambassa 
dors, to S. Andrea, outside the Porta del Popolo, where he 
heard mass. The adjoining Villa Giulia was then visited, and 
the Pope walked about in the burning sun, without a stick, in 
animated conversation with the Cardinals, full of interest in 
the magnificent fountains and antique statues of the Villa, 
and quoting verses from the Latin poets. The Pope invited 
five Cardinals and the three ambassadors to dine with him, 
and conversed with them, principally on the subject of the 
antiquities of Rome. After dinner the conversation took a 
more serious turn, and dealt with current ecclesiastical and 
political affairs, and lasting so long that Cardinal Cueva, who 
was suffering from gout, had to ask permission to retire. At 
last the Pope also had a siesta, and then, partly on foot and 
partly on horseback, he visited the hilly part of the Villa, 
returning to the Vatican by the Ponte Molle. When they 
arrived there it was already night, but early the next morning, 
he was again going about the Vatican, inspecting the building 
operations which he had ordered. 2 

In the following year the activity of Pius IV. again aroused 
general astonishment, and the Mantuan agent, Francesco 
Tonina, reported on March 2Qth, 1561, that the Pope had 
ascended the cupola of St. Peter s and walked round it, 
a feat, says Tonina, which a man of twenty might have 
hesitated at. This man of sixty-two was, however, so little 
fatigued by it, that he returned again on the same day to the 

1 See the **report of Mula of August 10, 1560 (State Library, 
Vienna). Cf. Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 351. 

2 Cf. the * "Letter of Mula of September 26, 1560 (State Library, 
Vienna). 



DAILY LIFE OF THE POPE. 87 

new building of the basilica, in which he took the greatest 
interest. 1 Taking the same lively interest in all the new 
edifices he was having built in Rome, he appeared now here and 
now there. 2 The reports of the Mantuan ambassador con 
stantly tell in the years 1561 and 1562 how vigorous, energetic 
and cheerful the Pope was. 3 He used to walk so quickly 
that, as Girolamo Soranzo relates, in the year 1563, he tired 
everyone out, no matter how young they might be. When 
he was inspecting the work at the Palazzo Colonna in August, 
1564, this man of sixty-five even climbed the unsteady scaffold 
ing, without the least fear of falling stones. 4 

Gout and catarrh were the only illnesses which troubled 
Piuo IV., and when he was not suffering from these, he almost 
always got up before daybreak. As soon as he was dressed 
he went for a long walk, during which he read his breviary. 5 
During the next two or three hours, the most important 
business was transacted, and then he received the ambassadors. 
After these duties were over, the Pope heard mass, and then, 
if there was time before dinner, His Holiness granted audiences 
to the Cardinals and other persons. He was by no means 
disinclined for the pleasures of the table, 6 although his repasts 

J See last Chapter, Vol. XVI, of this work, the "report of 
Fr. Tonina, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the "report 
of Tonina of December 3, 1561, in App. No. 19. 

2 The Florentine ambassadors "report on August 2, 1561, that 
the Pope walks too much, so that his nephews fear for his health. 
(State Arch., Florence). 

3 See the *reports of Fr. Tonina of July 23 and 27, and August 2, 
1561, March 4 and 18, April 2, May 18, and October 31, 1562 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 See in Appendix No. 36 the "report of Fr. Tonina of August 
12, 1564 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

5 " Quella rnattma," "reports Serristori on June 20, 1561, " sul 
spuntar del sole trovai S.S. diceva 1 offitio nel suo giardino di 
Monte Cavallo." (State Archives, Florence). 

6 Pius IV. ate five times a day ; see the *report of Fr. Tonina 
of July 2, 1562 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). After his illness in 
December, 1563, his appetite failed ; see the *report of Serristori, 
of December 17, 1563. (State Archives, Florence). 



88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

were in no way as splendid as those of his predecessor, who had 
thought it necessary to display the magnificent side of the 
Papacy in this as in other ways. 1 The dishes which appeared 
at the table of Pius IV. were mostly plain and simple, and the 
service was performed by simple grooms of the chamber. 
The official banquets were also simple, the Pope wishing in 
this to set an example for the Cardinals and prelates. The 
Lombard could be recognised in his fondness for heavy dishes, 
especially puddings and pastry, prepared as in his native city, 
and of these Pius IV. partook more freely than was good for 
his health. It was only in 1563, after a long illness, that he 
gave up heavy dishes and wine, a thing which proved very 
beneficial to his health. After dinner he enjoyed a long siesta 
and then recited the remainder of his breviary, and received 
one or more of the Cardinals and ambassadors. A long walk 
in the Belvedere, which lasted till darkness fell in the wmter, 
but in the summer was prolonged until supper time, brought 
his day to a close. 2 

Paul IV. had always invited none but Cardinals and great 
prelates to his table, but such dignitaries were only occasionally 
to be seen at that of Pius IV. His simple and hearty manners 
were reflected in the free and unrestrained intercourse of his 
table. He was very fond of inviting intellectual and witty 
men of letters, but he did not disdain to amuse himself with 
the jokes of the court jesters. 3 The Pope himself had a good 

1 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 66, 68. 

2 Cf. GlROL. SORANZO, 73, 77-8 ; GlAC. SORANZO, 129- Con- 

cerning the " pasto modesto " for the obedientia envoys, see 
ALBERI, II., 4, 15. 

3 See GIROL. SORANZO, 77. Concerning the court jester, 
Moretto, see the *reports of Tonina of January 4 and 8, 1561. 
In the first he says : " Principalmente N.S. il primo dell anno, 
con tutto che sentisse poco de podagra, diede la magnare la 
mattina alii parenti, e perche il Moretto buifone disse e fece molte 
cose a quel desinare, che lo fecero smasceilare di risa, gli don6 
cento scudi d oro, et il s. duca d Urbino gli ne don6 cinquanta, 
et il card le suo fratello 30 " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The 
banquet in honour of Cosimo I., during which Pius IV. joked 



DAILY LIFE OF THE POPE. 89 

knowledge of literature, and had always been interested in the 
works of poets and historians. When he gathered around 
him the most celebrated of the humanists of the time he was 
fond of showing off his excellent memory by quoting whole 
pages from the old writers. When conversing with the am 
bassadors Pius IV. also liked sometimes to introduce a verse 
from Horace, or to cite examples from history. 1 According 
to the learned opinion of Girolamo Soranzo the Pope knew 
Latin so well that he expressed himself in it at the consistories 
with the greatest fluency and pertinency. His handwriting 
was also as clear and decided as his style, 2 although he com 
mitted little more than business communications and legal 
documents to paper, and his knowledge of canon law was as 
wide as it was profound, while he was intimately acquainted 
with everything connected with finance and the conduct of 
affairs. Although he was a master in his understanding of the 
business of the Curia as a jurist and administrator, he had 
little deep theological knowledge. He was perfectly well 
aware of this himself, and left all knotty points in this matter 
for solution by experts. 3 The reproaches levelled against him 
when he was a Cardinal in the conclave, concerning his remark 
with regard to the concessions to be granted to the Germans 
in the matters of communion under both kinds, and the mar 
riage of priests, 4 must be attributed to the want on his part 
of a thorough theological training. Pius IV. himself referred 
openly to his want of theological knowledge, and especially 
when he had promised more than he could perform. This 
frequently happened, because, kind-hearted as he was, he 
found it very hard to refuse requests, 5 and in difficult cases he 

extravagantly with two dwarfs and a favourite of Leo X., " cant6 
certi versi elegi latini sonando poi con la lira," is described by 
Tonina in his "report of November 27, 1560. 

1 Examples in Mula s "reports of September 24 and October 26, 
1560 (State Library, Vienna). 

2 See GIROL. SORANZO, 74 ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 38. 
8 GmoL. SORANZO, 74; GIAC. SORANZO, 129-30. 

4 Cf. supra p. 33. 

6 SUSTA, Pius IV., 39. 



go HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

preferred to take a middle course. His talent was particularly 
shown in the smoothing over and adjustment of conflicting 
interests, and this he was very fond of doing, 1 and therefore 
hated nothing so much as harsh and inconsiderate action. 
His sense of statesmanship, and his grasp of practical questions 
and the needs of the moment were very remarkable. These 
qualities, as well as the absolute independence of his decisions, 
first came to light, it is true, after his elevation to the throne 
of St. Peter. Only then was it understood that the simple 
and shrewd Lombard possessed, if not a very outstanding, 
at least a thoroughly independent personality, and that he had 
made most excellent use of the manifold experience and know 
ledge of different countries which he had acquired during his 
long years of hard and practical work. 2 Full of worldly 
wisdom, he had above all learned from the bitter experience 
oi his predecessor that the respect due to the Holy See could 
not be maintained under strained relations with the Catholic 
princes, and that a moderate and cautious policy should be 
followed. This knowledge restrained his impulsive nature, 3 
and as early as December 26th, 1559, we find Pius IV. saying 
to the ambassadors of Cosimo I. that he wished to be on good 
terms with all the Catholic princes, and to preserve peace. 4 
The ambassadors were better able to understand the gifts 
of statesmanship of the new Pope, his clear grasp of the 
realities of practical political life, and his delicate tact, as his 
intercourse with them grew more unrestrained. Here again 
the difference between him and Paul IV. showed itself in a 

1 His attitude to the Carafa after their fall is characteristic 
of this. Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 227, n. i. 

2 Cf. SUSTA, Kurie, I., xxx, and Pius IV., 36 seq. In the latter 
place it is excellently shown how false was the opinion of the 
superficial or hostile observer who only saw in Cardinal Medici a 
good and simple man, well versed in law, but without any great 
power of imagination, who pretended to be indifferent, in order 
the more surely to attain to the supreme dignity. 

8 Cf. HILLIGER, 4. 

4 See the *report of G. B. Ricasoli of December 26, 1559 (State 
Arch., Florence). 



PIUS IV. AND THE AMBASSADORS. QI 

marked degree, for it was now as easy to penetrate into the 
presence of Pius IV., as it had been in recent times difficult to 
obtain an audience with the head of the Church. 1 None of 
the strict Spanish haughtiness of the Carafa Pope was now to 
be seen ; Pius IV. was simple, kind, and affable to everyone, 
and especially with the ambassadors he laid all ceremony 
aside. 2 It was especially the representatives of Cosimo I. 
and the Venetian Republic who were able to approach him 
at all times, and to whom he showed the greatest favour, and 
they repeatedly relate how the Pope, when about to take his 
walk in the Belvedere, would summon them quite uncere 
moniously to join him, while after their return they would 
accompany him to his private apartments. 3 The kindness and 
condescension of His Holiness was so great, that he excused 
himself if, in consequence of pressing business, the ambassadors 
had to wait for a time. 4 He liked to express his opinion 
in the most detailed way to the Venetian ambassadors, Mar- 
cantonio da Mula 5 and Girolamo Soranzo, of whom he was 
particularly fond. Soranzo writes that his audiences seldom 
lasted less than an hour, and that the confidence which the 
Pope then showed him could not have been greater, while 
Pius IV. himself repeatedly remarked that he told the ambas 
sadors what he had been thinking over during the night. 6 

l Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 210. 

2 See MOCENIGO, 51 ; GIROL. SORANZO, 75 ; "report of the 
Bolognese ambassador of T. Cospi, of July 24, 1560 (State Archives, 
Bologna) . 

3 Cf. the "report of Ricasoli of June i, 1560, and those of 
Saraceni of April 23 and June 20, 1561 (State Ai chives, Florence) 
and the "reports of Mula of November 9 and 16, 1560 (State 
Library, Vienna). 

4 So "reports Mula on June 15, 1560 : " Serenissimo Principe. 
Andai a S.S fca hieri mattina . . . et ella si scus6 d havermi fatto 
aspettare." (State Library, Vienna). Cf. Appendix No. 3. 

5 Cf. especially the "reports of Mula for the years 1560-1 quoted 
(State Library, Vienna), infra cap. IV. See specially "report of 
6 September, 1560. 

8 GIAC. SORANZO, 131. 



Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Pius IV. very clearly showed the great value he attached 
to his relations with Venice at the first appearance of the 
obedientia envoys of the Republic, 1 who were literally over 
whelmed with attentions. This ceremony took place on 
May I3th in the principal hall of the palace of San Marco, an 
honour which hitherto had not been conferred on the repre 
sentatives of Venice. The Pope replied to Mula s address 
himself, repeatedly referring to the Republic by the title of 
" Serenissima," and during the private audience granted two 
days later to the Venetian ambassadors the Pope insisted on 
their being seated and remaining covered. On this occasion 
he praised the services of Venice as the defender of Christendom 
and the Holy See. He spoke so emphatically that the aston 
ished ambassador wrote home : " This Pope will, if we do our 
part, always be on the side of Venice." At the same audience 
the Pope expressed himself, in the most confidential manner 
and in great detail, regarding the attitude which he intended 
taking up with respect to religious and political matters. In 
so doing, he insisted how ardently he desired to live in peace 
with all Christian princes, especially those in Italy, and to 
work for the well-being of the Church, adding that he intended 
again to summon the Council to Trent, and to maintain the 
unity of the faith in Italy. The ambassadors, who were 
treated with the greatest distinction during their stay in 
Rome, once more received similar assurances at their farewell 
audience on May 2oth, 1560. Pius IV. declared that he would 
defend the rights of the Church and the Holy See against all 
encroachments, but in other matters he would not fail to make 
friendly advances in so far as such were possible. 2 These 
peaceful sentiments on the part of the Pope, as well as his 
intention of reforming the Church and continuing the Council, 
are emphasized by the Venetian ambassador, Luigi Mocenigo, 

1 Cf. the report of Melch. Michiel of June 8, 1560, in ALBERI, II., 
4, 4 seq., 7 seq. 

z See M. Michiel, loc. cit., 9 seq., 13 seq., 16 seq. Cf. also Mula s 
*report of May 22, 1560 (State Library, Vienna). Concerning 
the obedientia of the Venetians, cf. BONDONUS, 534. 



PIUS IV. AND VENICE. 93 

in his final report of his embassy, in which he was replaced in 
1560 by Marcantonio da Mula. He was of opinion that only 
two things gave cause for misgiving : the Pope s intimate 
relations with Cosimo I. and the great number of his nephews. 1 

1 See Mocenigo, 51. Cf. P. Pacheco in HILLIGER, 7. 



CHAPTER III 

THE POPE S RELATIVES. CHARLES BORROMEO. DIPLOMATIC 
RELATIONS WITH THE PRINCES. 

IT is indeed a fact that few Popes have been so richly blessed 
with relations as Pius IV., and many of these received so great 
signs of affection that a new reign of nepotism might well be 
feared. The Medici from Milan gave the least cause for 
anxiety ; Gian Giacomo died childless, and of the other 
brothers of the Pope there only remained Agosto. The 
disputes with this sarcastic man over the inheritance had been 
embittered yet more by his intriguing wife, whose reputation 
was none of the best, and the relations between the Pope and 
his brother since then had not been of a friendly nature. At 
the beginning of the pontificate Agosto was not even allowed 
to come to Rome, but when this permission was accorded to 
him in 1562, principally through the intercession of Cosimo I., 
he received indeed a monthly allowance of 200 scudi, but not, 
as he had expected, any influential office, for which, in any 
case, he would not have been suited. 1 

The three youngest of the five sisters of Pius IV. had been 
for years in a convent in Lombardy, 2 while the two others 
were married : Margherita to Gilberto Borromeo, Count of 
Arona, 3 and Chiara to Wolf Dietrich von Hohenems. 

The noble family of Ems had their seat in the Vorarlberg, 
in the Castle of Hohenems, which is situated on a steep rock 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO, 52 ; GIROL. SORANZO, 92 seq. ; SUSTA, Pius IV., 
96. Concerning the intercession of Cosimo I., see the interesting 
*report of Fr. Tonina of January 29, 1563. (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). 

C/". CALVI, Fam. Milan., III. 

3 Concerning the Count of Arona see WYMANN, 31 seq., where 
the voluminous special literature has been made use of. 

94 



THE POPE S RELATIVES. 95 

near Gotzis. They were a war-like race, many members of 
which, with their vassals, had fought on the bloody battle 
fields of Italy, such as Mark Sittich I. at the beginning of the 
XVIth century, and his still more famous cousin, Jakob von 
Ems, who, after a short but victorious career, fell before 
Ravenna on April i4th, 1512. Wolf Dietrich, the second son 
of Mark Sittich (born 1507, died 1538) also distinguished 
himself as a soldier in Italy. 1 By his marriage with Chiara de 
Medici, he had three sons and two daughters : Jakob Hannibal, 
Mark Sittich II., Gabriel, Margaret, and Helena. Cardinal 
Medici took a very lively interest in the children of his sister. 
In the archives of Hohenems there is still preserved a letter in 
which he dissuades the latter from sending the young Gabriel, 
who has no inclination for the priesthood, to the dangerous 
metropolis of Rome. 2 When he was raised to the supreme 
pontificate Pius IV. allowed all three sons to come to his court, 
but he soon had cause to regret this weakness. 

From the marriage of the Pope s elder sister with Gilberto 
Borromeo, there were two sons, Federigo and Carlo. Pius 
IV. distinguished these nephews to such a degree that the 
jealously of those of Ems broke out fiercely. Besides those 

1 See BERGMANN, Die Edlen von Embs zu Hohenembs : Denk- 
schrift der Wiener Akad., Phil-hist., Kl. X., 93 seqq. (1860) 
XL, i seqq. (1861). See also the records from 1315-1537 in the 
archives of the Hohenems family collected by F. JOLLER (Pro- 
gramm des Gymnasiums zu Feldkirch), Freiburg, 1860, as well 
as the treatise " Gli Hohenems cittadini Milanesi " (through 
Charles V., i553) in the Bollett. stor. d. Svizz. Ital., XXVIII 
(1906), and WYMANN, 27 seqq. Cf. also H. WARTMANN, Der 
Hof Widnau-Haslach : St. Gallische Gemeindearchive, 1887, 
S. vii seqq., in the introduction upon Mark Sittich I. 

2 In the characteristic *letter of the Cardinal from Rome of 
June 20, 1556, he says of Gabriel : " . . . il quale non havendo 
inclinatione di esser prete non puo disegnar di acquistar cosa 
alcuna in questa corte, non sia per molto meglio riuscirgli in 
ogn altro luogo che stia d ltalia. Impero che questa e una 
citta piena di tanti sviamenti che insieme con 1 imparar la lingua 
et lo scrivere Italiano impareria facilmente di quelle cose che 
parturirebbono dishonore a lui et a me." (Hohenems Archives). 



96 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

already mentioned there were yet other Milanese relatives on 
his mother s side, the five sons of Gian Pietro Serbelloni, who 
were all struggling for honours and office. The ambassador 
of the Duke of Ferrara announces on January lyth, 1560, that 
the Pope has taken affairs in hand so energetically that hopes 
may be entertained of a better era, and that the number of 
his nephews who are flocking to Rome is constantly increasing ; 
already eighteen or twenty have arrived. A week later the 
same ambassador says that the number of the Pope s relatives 
is still growing. 1 This is not, indeed, matter for surprise, for 
the prospects which opened before them were brilliant. 

Pius IV. showed the greatest favour to the sons of his sister 
Margherita, the two Counts Borromeo. The elder, Federigo, 
had already been present at the Pope s coronation, and soon 
afterwards the younger brother, Charles, also appeared, 2 at the 
express summons of the Pope. 3 It was a memorable day in 
the history of Rome and the Church when this youth of twenty- 

1 See the *letteis of Giulio Grandi of January 7 and 24, 1560, 
in the State Archives, Modena. In the former he says : " *Li 
nipoti suoi ogni di multiplicano da Milano et Germania." See 
also the *Avvisi di Roma of January 6 and 13, 1560. In that 
of the 13 we read : " Et tuttavia vengono delli parenti assai, 
liqual e da credere che vorano per loro se non il tutto, almanco 
la maggior parte al fermo." (Urb. 1039, Vatican Library). 

* According to the *Avviso di Roma of January 6, 1 560, Carlo 
Borromeo and Giov. Batt. Serbelloni were summoned to Rome 
by letter on the day after the election. (Urb. 1039, p. 14, Vatican 
Library) . 

8 The Bishop of Verona, Cardinal Agostino Valiero, wrote the 
earliest biography of Charles Borromeo (Latin, Cologne, 1587, 
Italian, Milan, 1 587) ; perhaps the best was that of the General of 
the Barnabites and Bishop of Navara, Bascape (first pub. Ingold- 
stadt, 1592). Bascape says himself (p. 2): " Eloquentiam 
historiaeque scribendae artem concedens multis, rerum ipsarum 
notitiam veritatemque iure mini vendicare posse videor." On 
the same page he gives as his sources : personal acquaintance 
of many years with Charles Borromeo, information from his 
intimate friends, and countless documents, among which are 
some 30,000 letters from and to Charles. Cf. P. L. MANZINI in 
La Scuola catt., Ser. 4, Vol. XVIII. , 330-7 (1910) ; Analecta 



PROMOTION OF CHARLES BORROMEO. 97 

one made his entrance into the Eternal City. The elevation 
of his uncle to the throne of St. Peter could hardly have had a 
more happy result than that, at a single stroke, it opened the 
way on which he, in the course of a few years, was to become 
the most enlightened guide and the ablest promoter of the 
Catholic reformation. 

Immediately after the arrival of Charles, Pius IV. showed 
his affection for him so plainly that people said he loved him 
as the apple of his eye. 1 He at once invested him with the 
dignity of Protonotary and with various benefices. 2 It was 
at once rumoured in Milan as well as in Rome, that Charles, 
who was so highly esteemed by the Pope, would be raised to 
the purple, 3 and his reception into the Sacred College followed 

Holland., XXII., 121. The most wide-spread and interesting 
description of his life was that compiled for the feast of his canon 
ization, GIUSSANO, Brescia, 1610. ARISTIDE SALA collected 
documents relating to C. Borromeo (three volumes, and Fascicolo 
conclusionale, Milan, 1857-62) as well as his Biografia (Milan, 
1858) provided with " Dissertazioni e note." Much unpublished 
material is made use of by CHARLES SYLVAIN (Lille, 1884) and in 
the publication San Carlo Borromeo nel terzo centenario della 
canonizzazione, Milan, 1908-10. The Bollandists are preparing 
a new and comprehensive collection of documents relating to 
C. Borromeo. In particular, the documents of the Roman 
archives and of the Ambrosian Library in Milan, which P. v. 
Ortroy has collected during long years of devoted work, are to 
be published by them. 

1 It is said of the Pope, writes Ricasoli on January 12, 1560 : 
" *Carlo esser 1 ochio suo diretto." (State Archives, Florence). 

2 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of January 27, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. I22b, 
Vatican Library). 

3 Besides SYLVAIN, I., 50 seq., cf. the "Avviso di Roma of Jan 
uary 13, 1560, according to which the early elevation of Charles 
to the cardinalate was already spoken of (Urb. 1039, p. 117, 
Vatican Library). In the *letter of Giulio Grandi, dated Rome, 
January 17, 1560, it is stated : " Si ragiona che nel concistoro de 
venerdi proximo la S. Sua promover& al cardinalato 1 abate 
Bonromei [sic] suo nipote con darli il suo capello proprio. Questo 
giovane e molto amato dalla S ta Sua et peramente dimostra 
nelle sue attioni esser assai meritevole," (State Arch. Modena). 

VOL. XV. 7 



98 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

very soon. On January 3ist, 1560, Charles Borromeo, Gian 
Antonio Serbelloni, and Giovanni de Medici, the seventeen- 
year-old son of Cosimo I., were created Cardinals. 1 Pius IV. 
soon showered further tokens of his love on Charles. On 
February yth he received the administration of the archbishop 
ric of Milan, and on April 25th the legation of Bologna. 2 Pius 
IV. had intended to give the direction of ecclesiastical and 
political affairs to Cardinal Morone, but the latter declined 
the honour. 3 Thereupon the Pope transferred to Charles 
Borromeo the administration of the Papal States, and installed 
his Cardinal-nephew at the head of the secretariate of state. 4 
In the middle of March this appointment was announced to 
the nuncios, together with the order that in future all instruc 
tions given by the Cardinal Deacon of SS. Vito e Modesto, 5 
for such was the first titular church of Charles, were to be 
regarded as coming from the Pope himself. 6 

Charles only brother, Federigo, was also richly endowed with 
honours and dignities. This nephew, who was aged twenty- 
five, was to found the territorial power of the Borromei by 

1 See Acta consist, in RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 92 ; Massarelli in 
MERKLE, II., 341 ; BONDONUS, 532 . GIACONIUS, III., 889 seq., 
896 seq. ; "report of Ricasoli of January 31,1 560. (State Archives 
Florence) . 

2 See Acta consist, loc. cit. ; MASSARELLI, 344. The brief of 
appointment to Milan of February 23, 1560, in SALA, Fascicolo 
conclus., 12 seqq. A Motu Proprio of February 8, 1560, amplified 
in a brief of May i, 1561, assures to the archbishop the free 
disposal of all the benefices accruing to him. SALA, Document!, I. , 
119 seq., 137 seq. 

8 See the "report of Gian. Batt. Ricasoli of January 8, 1560, 
State Archives, Florence (Medic., 3279). 

4 Cf. BASCAPE, 5 seq. ; GUISSANO, 12 ; Panvinius in MERKLE, 
II- 593 seq. : " Carolum Boromeum [sic] iuris scientia praeditum, 
quem perhumanum, modestum et industrium virum negotiis 
omnibus ecclesiasticis tractandis praefecit." 

5 On September 4, 1560, Borromeo received S. Martino ai 
Monti as his titular church, which he exchanged for S. Prassede 
on November 17, 1564. 

6 See the brief of March 15, 1560, in RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 94. 



FEDERIGO BORROMEO 99 

means of a marriage with a member of a princely house. 1 
The bride chosen for him, as was announced as early as the 
end of February, 1560, was Virginia della Rovere, the daughter 
of Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino. 2 A plan was made to bestow 
Camerino on him, as this was the inheritance of Virginia s 
mother, Guilia Varano, and it was once more to be taken from 
the Farnese family. 3 The betrothal contract was signed on 
May 5th in the apartments of Cardinal Borromeo. Four days 
later Federigo went to Pesaro for the wedding, from whence 
he was to proceed to Milan to be present at the marriage 
of his sister, Camilla, to Cesare Gonzaga of Guastaila, the 
eldest son of Ferrante. 4 On August 3ist Cesare Gonzaga 
came to Rome, where the Pope received him very 

^ee &USTA, Kurie, I., xxxii. G. Grandi "reports on January 
17, 1560, that Federigo Borromeo is to receive the " governo di 
Ancona," and then to be sent to Philip II. (State Archives, 
Modena) ; but on February 10, 1560, the marriage by which 
Camerino was to come into his hands was already being spoken 
of. See the *Avviso di Roma of February 10, 1560. (Urb. 1039, 
p. 127, Vatican Library). 

8 *Avviso di Roma of February 24, 1560. (Urb. 1039, p. 131, 
Vatican Library). 

3 An *Avviso di Roma of April 27, 1560, announces that the 
matter of Camerino has been handed over to the Rota ; that of the 
29 is to the effect that three Cardinals are to discuss the matter. 
(Urb. 1039, p. 151, 176, 218, Vatican Library). On November 23 
(see the *Avviso of that date) the speedy settlement of the matter 
was expected ; Pius IV. already spoke of the " duchessa di 
Camerino, nostra nipote," but prematurely. The question was 
not decided, in spite of the suit which had been begun. See 
SUSTA, Kurie, II., 401, 423, 456, 458, 553 ; III., 429, 446. 

4 According to the *Avviso di Roma of April 27, 1560, Cardinal 
della Rovere left Rome on April 25 to bring the negotiations 
concerning the marriage to a close. After his return on May 5 
the contract was concluded (*Avviso of May n), whereupon 
Federigo left on May 9 ; (Urb. 1039, p. 151, 156). Ibid. 143 and 
*Avviso of March 30 concerning the marriage between C. Gonzaga 
and Camilla Borromeo, who received valuable presents from the 
Pope (Vatican Library), 



100 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

affectionately. 1 In October the wife of Federigo was expected 
in the Eternal City, and apartments were prepared for her in 
the Belvedere, which were so sumptuous that they might 
have served for a king. 2 

The Duke of Urbino himself appeared in Rome on November 
4th, before the arrival of Virginia, and two days later Cosimo 
I. 3 The stay of the latter prince in Rome, which was pro 
longed until December 28th, and the striking marks of honour 
paid to him by the Pope, 4 gave rise to all sorts of lumours. It 
was believed that the Duke had come to receive the title of 
" King of Tuscany," but such an elevation was opposed both 
by Philip II. and Ferdinand I. 5 and the diplomatists of the 
Hapsburgs in Rome were filled with all the greater misgivings 
as Cosimo s dealings with the Pope were kept very secret. 8 
The most various rumours were current, 7 but at last events 
.proved that Cosimo had completely deceived himself in believ- 

1 *Avviso di Roma of August 31, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 194, 
Vatican Library). C. Gonzaga afterwards lived in the Palazzo 
San Marco. 

2 *Avviso di Roma of October 19, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 2iob, 
Vatican Library). 

8 The arrival of both princes is described by Fr. Tonina in his 
*report of November 6 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) and an 
*Avviso di Roma of November 9, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 214, Vatican 
Library). According to the latter the Duke of Urbino was lodged 
in the " stanze nuove del palazzo, che fece fare Julio III." ; 
Cosimo I. and the Duchess " nelle stanze d Innocenzo VIII. 
e di Sisto, restaurate di questo papa con molto ordine." 

4 Cf. Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 348 ; BONDONUS 585 seq. ; 
REUMONT, Toskana, I., 230 seq. ; PALANDRI, 98 seq. 

5 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 83 ; Voss, 95 ; Venetian Despatches, III., 
159, 1 66. Cf. also LE BRET, Gesch. Italiens, VIII., 159 seq. ; 
even before Cosimo I. appeared in Rome the most various con- 
iectures were made as to the reason fcr his arrival ; see the ""report 
of Fr. Tonina of October 30, 1560 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

6 See Mula s *report of November 16, 1560 (State Library, 
Vienna). 

7 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 91, 93, 96, 121, 133. See also the cor 
respondence of Card. O. Truchsess, 229, 231 seq. 



PROMOTION OF THE POPE S NEPHEWS. 101 

ing that Pius IV. would subordinate himself to the carrying 
out of all his schemes. 1 

The Dukes- of Urbino and Florence were still in Rome when, 
on December yth, 1560, Virginia approached the city in 
gorgeous state. Four Cardinals and numerous prelates went 
to meet her at the Prima Porta, where she was also greeted by 
the Roman nobility, and at the Ponte Molle by the diplomatic 
corps. After Virginia had spent the night at the Villa Giulia, 
she made her entrance into the Eternal City on a white palfrey, 
her head covered with a coif gleaming with jewels, while an 
honour was rendered to the young Duchess which had hitherto 
been conferred only upon queens and empresses, for by her 
side rode two Cardinals, Rovere and Borromeo. 2 

Pius IV. made it his business that honours and riches should 
also fall to the lot of his remaining nephews, but he was not 
able to satisfy them to the full. The second of the five 
Serbelloni brothers had been received, as has been already 
stated, into the Sacred College at the same time as Carlo 
Borromeo. Gian Battista Serbelloni had received the office 
of the Captain of the Castle of St. Angelo, while his brother 
Gabrio had become Captain of the Papal guard. 3 Fabrizio 
Serbelloni was sent in October, 1561, to France, to defend the 
city of Avignon, which was being threatened by the Huguenots, 4 

1 See HILLIGER, 7, 25. 

2 See BONDONUS, 537 seq. Cf. MASSARELLI, 349, and "report 
of Fr. Tonina of December n, 1560 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
Concerning the preparations for the reception of Virginia see 
*Avvisi di Roma of November 16 and 23, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 216, 
218, Vatican Library). 

8 See the *report of G. Grandi of January 17,1 560 (State 
Archives, Modena). Cf, PAGLIUCCHI, 138. Ibid. 144, con 
cerning the appointment of Gian Battista to the bishopric of 
Cassano, which took place on September 17, 1562. Gabrio and 
his brother Gian Battista had arrived in Rome on January 4 
(*Avviso di Roma of January 6, 1560, Urb. 1039, p. 114, Vatican 
Library). Gabrio Serbelloni was later on entrusted with the 
superintendence of the fortresses of the States of the Church ; 
Girol. Soranzo praises him (p. 94). 

* See *Avviso di Roma of October 25, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 305, 
Vatican Library). Cf. GIROL SORANZO, 95. 



102 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Gabrio Serbelloni was most dissatisfied with his office, and 
jealousy filled his heart. He complained to the Florentine 
ambassador as early as June, 1560, that the Pope did not make 
independent decisions,. but submitted everything to the judg 
ment of Cardinal Borromeo, 1 and later on the same ambassador 
repeatedly heard bitter complaints from Gabrio, who thought 
himself quite put into the background. 2 

The family of Hohenems was likewise filled with bitter 
jealousy at the signs of favour which were lavished upon 
the Borromei. These warlike German petty nobles had hurried 
to Rome immediately after the election of Pius IV. in order 
to make their fortunes there as nephews of the Pope. They 
were dignified men, as Cardinal Truchsess informed Duke 
Albert of Bavaria, but the Italians laughed at them because 
of their want of culture and their rough and clumsy manners. 3 
They were not, however, lacking in ambition, and were of 
the opinion that one of their number should also be invested 
with the purple. 4 Their aspirations rose yet higher when 
Ferdinand I. raised them to the rank of Counts of the Empire 
on April 2/th, 1560. 5 

The jealousy of his nephews and their quarrels caused the 

1 "Letters in cypher from G. B. Ricasoli of June i, 1560 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

2 See the "letters of G. B. Ricasoli of June 13 and 24, and 
July 8, 1560 (State Archives, Florence). In the "report of June 
24, he says in cypher: "Gabrio si trova assai mal contento 
parendoli il Papa pensi a beneficare ogn altro che lui." 

3 Truchsess on January 20, 1560, in Correspondence of Card. O. 
Truchsess, 128; HILLIGER, 10-11. 

4 When the Mark Sittich received a " commendam " of the 
order of St. James, an "Avviso di Roma of February 24, 1560, 
states that people saw in this the first step towards the cardinalate. 
That Hohenems endeavoured to attain to this is testified by the 
"Avviso di Roma of March 9, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 131, i35b., 
Vatican Library). 

5 See the diploma in BERGMANN, Die Edlen von Emts zu 
Hohenembs: Denkschrift der Wiener Akad., Phil-hist., KL, X., 
1 80 seq. (1860). 



MARK SITTICH VON HOHENEMS. 103 

Pope many hours of anxiety from the beginning of his reign. 1 
Cardinal Madruzzo of Trent interested himself in the German 
nephews to such an extent as to cause the Borromei consider 
able anxiety and displeasure. 2 In order to give the Hohenems 
family satisfaction and to put an end to their intrigues against 
the Borromei, Pius IV. determined to get them out of Rome 
by sending them on honourable missions. 3 Mark Sittich von 
Hohenems was, despite his very worldly inclinations, appointed 
Bishop of Cassano in 1560, and sent in the June of that year to 
the court of Ferdinand I., for which mission he was prepared 
by being first raised to the bishopric of Constance. On 
February 26th in the following year, Mark Sittich, although 
he was by no means fitted for it, received the dignity of 

1 An *Avviso di Roma of January 27, 1560, reports the jealousy 
which the beginnings of the special notice taken of the Borromei 
excited : " II che vedendo 1* altri nipoti di S.S. hanno cominciat a 
murmurar et havute strane parole tra loro, il che ha dato qualche 
travaglio a S.S., massime per quelli d Alemagna ch hanno il 
cervello alquanto gagliardo, et hormai sono comparsi tanti nipoti 
che passano il numero de 15." Cf. further the *Avvisi di Roma 
of February 3 and March 16, 1560 (the German nephews would 
in no way be under the Borromei, and said they wished their 
sisters to be placed just as high, " et cosi ogni di ha S.S ta qualche 
fastidio della competentia et emulutione, che e fra loro "), Urb. 
1039, p. 122, 124, 138, Vatican Library. The continued discord 
between the nephews is dealt with in a *report in cypher of G. 
Grandi of March 13, 1560 (State Archives, Modena). 

See the report of Truchsess of March 16, 1560, in the Corres 
pondence of Card. O. Truchsess, 150. Cf. HILLIGER, 10, who 
according to SUSTA, Kurie, I., xxii, overrates the rivalry. How 
long these disputes continued may be seen from the **report of 
Fr. Tonina of December 29, 1560 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

C/. GIROL. SORANZO, 89 seq. According to an *Avviso di 
Roma of May 25, 1560, thete was talk at that time of marrying 
Hannibal von Hohenems to Giovanna d Aragona, and of buying 
a state for him in Italy. Salerno was mentioned, which was to 
cost 300,000 ducats (cf. *Avvisi di Roma of June i and 8 [settle 
ment of marriage contract] and June 15). Urb. 1039, p. 160, 
163, i65a, lygb, Vatican Library. Cf. MOCENIGO, 53. 



104 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Cardinal. In January, 1562, he was fixed upon as sixth legate 
for the Council of Trent. 1 In all these positions he proved 
his worth as little as did his brother, Jakob Hannibal, in his 
mission to the court of Philip II. of Spain. 2 Gabriel von 
Hohenems was distinguished by being sent on an expedition 
to France, while his sister Margaret was married to a nephew 
of Cardinal Madruzzo. 3 

Neither the Hohenems nor the Serbelloni attained to any 
great importance in Roman affairs in the years which followed, 
the whole of the Pope s affection being centred in the Borromei. 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO, 53-4 J GIROL. SORANZO, 81 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 
47, 230 seq. ; STEINHERZ, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 59, 60, 69, 71, 
72, 74, 96, 100, 128, 266 seq., 303 307, 312 323 seq., 351, 373 ; 
SUSTA, Kurie, I , 99 101, 109, 114, 120 seq., 151, 163 ; II., vi seq. ; 
especially REINHARDT-STEFFENS, G. Fr. Bonhomini, Einl. S. xlii 
seq. and WYMANN, 66 seqq., where there is also other literature. 
Mark Sittich was spoken of as a candidate for the purple in a 
letter of Cardinal Truchsess of May 18, 1 560 (Correspondence, 166) 
and also in the *report of G. Grandi of September 12, 1560 (State 
Archives, Modena). The Altemps, Dukes of Gallese, trace their 
origin from Roberto, the natural son of Mark Sittich, afterwards 
legitimatized (see BERGMANN, loc. cit., XI., 6 seq. ; cf. LITTA, 91). 
With regard to the coat of arms of Cardinal Altemps see Archives 
Heraldiques Suisses, 199 seqq., Zurich, 1913; cf. 1912, p. 153. 
A magnificent chimney piece, with a beautiful bust of Mark 
Sittich, came from the Palazzo Altemps to the Villa Malta, the 
Roman residence of that lover of the arts, Prince Billow. 

2 As an amplification of the details in SUSTA, Kurie, I., 317, 
319, cf. the **letters of Pius IV., to Hannibal von Hohenems, 
dated Rome, January 22, March 5 (App. no. 15) and 31, May 5 and 
21,1 561 , which contain sharp reprimands of Hannibal s behaviour. 
However, when he showed sorrow the Pope forgave him, in a 
*letter of October 8, 1 562. In a *letter of November 26, 1562, the 
Pope orders him to remain in Spain for the present. All these 
letters are to be found in the original in the archives at Hohenems. 
Concerning Hannibal s loss of favour with the Pope, see also the 
**report of Fr. Tonina of July 23, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

3 MOCENIGO, 54. 



CHARLES BORROMEO. 105 

Of this family, Charles, who was born at Arona, on the west 
shore of Lago Maggiore, on October 2nd, 1538, l deserved in 
the fullest degree the affection and confidence which his uncle 
showed him. The choice of this youth of twenty-one to be 
Secretary of State turned out to be a brilliant success. When 
Pius IV. made up his mind to this step he was moved, apart 
from family affection, at first only by the same considerations 
as had induced so many of his predecessors to act in a like 
manner. He believed, in view of the party differences in 
the Curia and the College of Cardinals, that he could only find 
a trustworthy confidant and fellow worker in his own family. 
That his choice fell on Charles Borromeo was a decisive factor 
for his whole reign. He found in him, above all, exactly 
what, as a man of independent character, he sought ; a most 
loyal assistant, who endeavoured, with the greatest devotion, 
with persevering diligence and inexhaustible patience, to carry 
out the instructions of the head of the Church. 2 

The members of the Curia, as well as the diplomatists, were 
little pleased with the new Secretary of State ; they had no 
hope of gaming any influence over the old, experienced Pope, 
through his youthful nephew, and besides this, the strict 
manner of his life, and the thoroughly ecclesiastical sentiments 
of Charles were not at all to the taste of those persons whose 
ideal was still the nepotist type of the Renaissance, and of this 
Charles Borromeo showed not the least trace. His personal 
appearance was neither made attractive by good looks, nor 
imposing by its dignity. 3 His excessive modesty of demeanour 

1 See the illustrations of the former castle and chapel, as well 
as the colossal statue of Charles Borromeo, which now rises 
above the ruins, in San Carlo, n, 14, 27, 28. 

2 See SUSTA, Kurie, I., xxxiii. 

3 Among the many portraits of Cardinal Borromeo, that painted 
by Figini, now in the Pinacotheca Ambrosiana, gives the best 
idea of his features, according to the testimony of Card. Federigo 
Borromeo. A reproduction of it is in San Carlo, 123 ; cf. 136. 
His death mask is now in the possession of the Capuchins of 
Porta Monforte. An illustration, ibid., 520, 521. As an enemy 
of self-glorification, Charles Borromeo, contrary to the habit of 



IO6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had the effect, at first, of concealing his intellectual gifts ; 
his natural tendency to thoroughness and solidity rather than 
to outward brilliancy, did not lead him to any great communi 
cativeness, or to put himself forward in any way. 1 A defect 
in his speech, which caused the words to be uttered too 
quickly, and of which he was only gradually cured, added to 
the unfavourable impression which he made, 2 while his modest 
reserve, as welt as his scrupulous avoidance of benefitting by 
his position to enrich himself, or of enjoying life after the 
manner of the clerics of the Renaissance era, caused him to be 
looked upon at first as being of limited intelligence. 3 In the 
ambassadorial reports concerning the early work of the 
youthful Secretary of State, he is described as a pious and 
good young man, but as possessing few qualities of any im 
portance for the transaction of worldly affairs. 4 In time, 

his contemporaries, set no value on preserving his portrait for 
his successors ; in his extensive correspondence, he only once 
speaks of his portrait, which he sent to his sister, Anna ; see 
WYMANN, 107. 

1 " Ne insignes in literis progressus habere videretur (this refers 
to his time of study at Pavia), ingenii motus ad explicandum 
haud satis expediti faciebant. . . . Earn animi moderationem 
atque aequabilitatem haud maxima praesertim ingenii celeritate 
coniunctam, quidam quasi tarditatem abiectionemque despicere 
videbantur, cum tamen et ipsius adolescentiae acta non obscure 
et posterioris temporis res gestae multo illustrius longe aliter se 
rem habuisse demonstarint." BASCAPE, 4b. 

2 BASCAPE, ya : concisas sententias, immo etiam verba ipsa 
imminuta habitu quodam nimiae celeritatis pronuntiare sole bat. 

8 BASCAPE, 6b ; GIUSSANO, loD. 

*MOCENIGO, 53. In a *report of August u, 1564, Fr. Tonina 
says of Charles Borromeo that he is " di natura freddo et per 
consuetudine timido al papa" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
Requesens to Philip II., on April 30, 1564 : " Es el hombre del 
mundo del menos espiritu y accion para tratar negocios " 
(D5LLINGER, Beitrage, I., 561). Requesens to Philip on January 5, 
1565 (ibid. 581). " Aunque Borromeo es buen hombre y virtuoso, 
pienso que la tendria menos en la eleccion, que jumas tubo sobrino 
de Papa, porque es tan tibio, qui ne el attiende a tenelle, ne se la 
da nada." Requesens had later on an opportunity of becoming 
acquainted with the energy of Borromeo. 



CHARLES BORROMEO. 107 

however, the opinion, even of the Venetian ambassadors, 
became more favourable. 1 Those who were brought into 
closer contact with him could not fail to notice that his intelli 
gence was keen and his judgment clear, 2 and that what he 
lacked in quickness of comprehension or in keenness of per 
ception, he made up by assiduous application. His great 
energy enabled him to consider any important question from 
every point of view, very often for as much as six hours at a 
time, without any feeling of fatigue, before he arrived at a 
definite decision. 3 

His firmness of character, his reliability and his deeply 
rooted piety were beyond all praise, and he had early given 
proofs of these qualities. Charles had been destined for the 
Church from his early youth, and educated to that end by 
a tutor at home, and hardly had he attained the age of fourteen 
in 1552,* when this young scion of the ancient noble family 
of Arona proceeded to the University of Pavia to study law. 
His father had given him a majordomo, but Chailes soon had to 
dismiss him as being unsuitable, 5 and he was therefore thrown 
on his own resources immediately after leaving his father s 
home, and had to follow his own way independently. Filled 
with the thought that he owed it to his family, and especially 
to his two uncles, the commander-in-chief and the Cardinal, 
to distinguish himself, he applied himself with the greatest 
energy to his studies. In 1559, after many interruptions, 
partly caused by overwork, he passed his examinations as 
doctor of law with great distinction. 6 He attended to his 

1 Cf. WYMANN, 97 seq. 

2 ut erat acri ingenio iudicioque ; BASCAP&, iSaa. 
Ibid., i82b. 

4 Concerning the date, see SYLVAIN, I., 19 ; GIROL. SORANZO, 90. 

5 His second steward was hardly better (SYLVAIN, I., 21, 25). 
The opinion which he formed of this steward is characteristic of 
the future administrator ; he writes to his father : " This man 
does not understand how to command." San Carlo, 25. 

6 SYLVAIN, I., 20 ; BASCAP, 5a. Cf. L. GRAMATICA, Diploma 
di laurea in diritto canonico e civile di S. Carlo Borromeo, Milan, 
1917. 



108 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

religious duties most conscientiously and kept himself pure 
and unstained in the licentious university city. 

The distinguishing quality of the future reformer, his 
unusual talent for government and administration, was very 
obvious even during these years of study. In Pavia he had 
to manage his household and superintend his servants, 1 and he 
performed this duty with the greatest skill, in spite of many 
difficulties, and a constant want of money. 2 During the vaca 
tions and the intervals in his studies, with his father s consent, 
he looked after the family estates, 3 and after the death of 
the latter in 1558, his elder brother, Federigo, was quite willing 
that Charles should undertake the management of the family 
and their father s fortune into his already experienced hands. 4 
In accordance with the evil custom of the times, he had 
already, when a child, been appointed abbot in commendam 
of a Benedictine abbey, but the revenue from this he devoted, 
for the most part, and with his father s consent, to the poor. 5 
He also endeavoured successfully to reform the monks, and 
when friendly measures did not avail, he made it his business to 
see that recourse was had to the punishment of imprisonment. 6 

Many other offices were soon bestowed on Charles by Pius 
IV. in addition to those he already held. The Pope appointed 
him Protector of Portugal, Lower Germany and the seven 
Catholic cantons of Switzerland, as well as Protector of the 
Franciscans, Carmelites, Humiliati, the Canons Regular of the 
Holy Cross at Coimbra, and of the orders of St. John and of 
Christ in Portugal. 7 The revenues from these dignities, and 

1 SYLVAIN, I., 25. 2 Ibid., 22 seqq. 3 Ibid., 28, 31. 

4 Rerum familiarium summa propter prudentiam morumque 
gravitatem ad ems iudicium rediit. BASCAP, 4-5. 
6 BASCAP, 4a. 

6 Ibid., 5b : alios victus asperitate, alios arcta custodia punivit 
et in officio continuit, quamquam nullo eius generis tune proposilo 
exemplo. 

7 BASCAP&, 150. He became Protector of the Humiliati on 
February 13, 1560, (SALA, Dissertazioni, 414). The brief ap 
pointing him Protector of Switzerland on March 12, 1560, in 
Raynaldus, 1560, n. 95. Cf. WYMANN, 85. 



CHARLES BORROMEO. IOQ 

from the different abbeys which were entrusted to him in 
commendam, as well as from his family estates, were valued 
by the commercial mind of the Venetian ambassador, Girolamo 
Soranzo, in 1563, at about 48,000 scudi annually. 1 

The foreign ambassadors were filled with wonder that the 
Pope s youthful nephew was not seduced by all these honours 
and riches to give himself up to the pleasures of life. Nor was 
there the least sign of haughtiness about him, and his whole 
manner of life remained, according to the universal testimony 
of his contemporaries, without a stain. 2 He threw himself 
into his work with so much zeal, that at first his attendants 
feared that his health would be impaired. One of his intimate 
friends writes that he hardly allowed himself time to eat or to 
sleep in peace, and begs the uncle of Charles, Count Francesco, 
that he and Count Guido Borromeo would remonstrate with 
their nephew as much as lay in their power, for he was deaf 
to all the expostulations of his servants. 3 Charles himself 



i, II., 4, 92. According to Soranzo, the archbishopri c 
of Milan yielded him 7,000 scudi, the abbey of Arona 2,000, the 
abbeys of Mozzo, della Follina, Colle (in Venetian territory) 3,000, 
Nonantola 3,000, an abbey in the Neapolitan territory 1,000. The 
Spanish King paid him 12,000 scudi, of which he gave up 3,000 
to Card. Altemps The legation of Bologna brought him in 
7,000, that of Ravenna 5,000, and the administration of Spoleto 
3,000 . From four galleys which Federigo had left him, and which 
were in the service of Spain, he drew 1,000 scudi each, and the 
revenues from his father s estates amounted to 4,000 scudi. Bas- 
cape testifies (p. 6b) that many of these benefices were forced on 
him by the Pope. As abbot in commendam, Charles possessed, 
according to Bascape (pp. 15, 16) twelve churches ; his revenues 
occasionally amounted to 90,000 ducats. A pension of 12,000 
ducats, which Philip II. had assigned to him in connection with 
the archbishopric of Toledo, was in reality never paid. GIROL. 
SORANZO, 95. 

GIROL. SORANZO, 91 : " E il Cardinale di una vita mnocen- 
tissima tanto che, per quello che si sa, si pu6 dir che sia netto da 
ogni macchia." GIAC. SORANZO 133 : " La vita sua e innc 
tissima e castissima." 

Ercole Lodi to Count Guido Borromeo on February 17, 1560 
(published by E. MOTTA in the Archivio storico Lombardo, 1900, 



110 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

wrote on January 22nd, 1560, that he was well in health, in 
spite of the " endless strain," but that he found it hard to save 
as much as five or six hours for sleep. 1 Entirely giving up 
his own inclinations and plans, he placed himself altogether 
at the disposal of the Pope, 2 keeping as much at his side as 
possible the whole day long, and going every morning to the 
secretary of the State Chancery, Tolomeo Galli, 3 for a con-r 
ference two or three hours in length, concerning the reports 
and suits which had to be settled. 4 The documents which 
arrived every day in great numbers at the office of the Secre 
tary of State had immediately to be summarized and entered 
on short narrow octavo sheets. These extracts served 
Borromeo and Galli as the basis of their report to the Pope. 
The decisions, to which Pius IV. came very quickly, were often 
noted in short expressive notes in pencil on the reverse side 
of the extracts, and were then made use of for the replies. 
The minutes which had been prepared in the office of the 
Secretary of State were again revised, either by Charles or, 
perhaps, the Pope himself, before a fair copy was finally made, 

352 seq.) : " Resta al presente tanto occupato nelli negocii ch 
apena ci avanza tempo per poter comodamente mangiar e dormire. 
II che a noi altri servitori suoi e di grandissimo scontento per la 
temenza tenemo che . . . finalmente non caschi in qualche 
grave infirmita. ... Si mostra talmente infiamato del ben publico 
et tanto inamorato del negocio che pare in effetto unico." Cf. 
also the *letter of Fr. Tonina of May 14, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). The appointment of Paolo Odescalchi as " assistente 
delle audientie " points to some slight relief for Borromeo. *Non 
havera, says an Avviso di Roma of January 31, 1562, tanti 
fastidii che certo non haveva troppo. (Urb. 1039, p. 33 5b 
Vatican Archives). 

1 SYLVAIN, I., 50. 

2 Ha lasciato tutti gli altri suoi pensieri e piaceri per compiacer 
la Santita Sua. GIROL. SORANZO, 91. 

3 Concerning Tolomeo Galli (born 1526 or 1527 at Como) and his 
position as " secretarius intimus," see SICKEL, Berichte, I., 44 seqq.; 
SUSTA, Kurie, I., xxxiv, and T$RNE, Ptolome e Gallic, 55 seq. 
See also RICHARD in the Revue d hist. eccle"s., XI. (1910), 521. 

Cf. GIROL. SORANZO, 77 ; GIAC. SORANZO, 135, 



ACTIVITY OF BORROMEO. Ill 

and sometimes even these were again examined by the Pope. 
The instructions for the nuncios and legates were always 
drawn up in the name of Borromeo, who often added long 
notes to his signature. The Cardinal also often wrote long 
letters in his own hand ; those drawn up in the name of the 
Pope only dealt with important matters, or when the person 
addressed had to be specially honoured, and in such cases 
Pius IV. often added postscripts in his own hand, and these 
were seldom wanting in precision. 1 

Almost the whole of the diplomatic correspondence passed 
through the hands of Borromeo, so that he was thus engaged 
in all the great questions of European politics, besides those in 
connection with purely ecclesiastical affairs. He also had to 
decide in the matter of petitions for pardon from condemned 
criminals, recommendations for appointments, decrees against 
bandits, letters of complaint, and many other similar matters 
of lesser importance. 2 Besides these exacting duties, the 

1 Concerning the daily routine in the office of the Secretary of 
State, and the staff employed there, see, besides the excellent 
and comprehensive description by SUSTA, Kurie I., xxxiv seq., 
Ixxv., the detailed account in SICKEL, Berichte, I., 44 seqq., 
65 seqq., J2 seqq., 83 seqq. ; II., 15 seqq., 22 seqq., 28 seqq. ; III., 
39 seqq., 99 seqq. See also SICKEL, Ein Ruolo di famiglia des 
Papstes Pius IV., Mitteilungen des Osterr. Instit., XIV., 581 seq., 
and TORNE, 41, 74 seqq. Concerning Borromeo s excellent 
Uditore, G. Fr. Bonhomini, see EHSES-MEISTER, Nuntiatur- 
berichte, I., i, xvi, Paderborn, 1895; REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 
G. Fr. Bonhomini, Einl. p. xxv. Examples of the strictness of 
Pius IV. with regard to his secretaries, in the *Avvisi di Roma 
of April 6 and 13, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. I45b, 147, Vatican Library). 
Cf. also SICKEL, Berichte, II., 61 n. i. 

2 The many documents which Sala (Documenti, Vol. 3) has 
collected, give an idea of these activities. How everyone who 
wished to approach the Pope applied to Borromeo is shown by 
the letter of complaint of Scipione Saurolo against Michelangelo s 
Last Judgment, which is addressed to Borromeo. It is printed in 
SALA, Documenti III., 90 seq. Several of Borromeo s letters to 
Lucca (concerning the repression of heresy, etc.) are published 
by E. LAZZARESCHI in La Scuola catt,, Ser, 4, XVIII,, 279-95 



112 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Cardinal held a conference three times a week with eight 
legal experts, concerning current affairs in connection with the 
administration of the States of the Church. 1 In addition to 
all these duties there were frequent meetings of the congre 
gations of Cardinals, such as that on Thursdays for the reform 
of the Church, at which Borromeo had to be present, 2 while for 
recreation he had the evening discussions in the academy which 
he had founded, under the title of " Vatican Nights," where 
Latin theses were read and discussed. 3 

In spite of these splendid examples of self-sacrificing 
devotion to duty, Borromeo was still far from being the strict 
ascetic of his later years. He was passionately fond of the 
chase, and followed it for the benefit of his health more eagerly 
than his friends thought consistent with the dignity of a 
Cardinal. 4 He paid great attention to the magnificence of 
his household, although he was for those days very moderate 
in his personal requirements, but his court consisted of 150 
persons, who were clothed from head to foot in black velvet. 5 

(1900). (f. also G. CASTELLANI, Una lettera di S. Carlo Borromeo 
[of May 4, 1560] a proposito della sacca di Fano : Rivista Ital. 
di numismatica, 1908. 

1 GlROL. SORANZO, QI ; GlAC. SORANZO, 135. 

2 Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 343. 

GIROL. SORANZO, 91; TIRABOSCHI, VII. , 45, 198; SAXIUS, 
Noctes Vatic. Mediol., 1738; KUNZ, Biblithek fur kath. Pada- 
gogik, L, 20; SPROTTE, Zur Gesch. des hi. Karl Borromaus, 
Oppeln, 1893 ; San Carlo, 61. 

4 Anal. Boll. 25 (1906), 521. The remark of Baseape (p. 6a) 
must refer to this, as well as to the game of ball : " Quotidianas 
etiam oblectationes quasdam sacrae disciplinae non satis con- 
sentaneas admittebat " ; cf. p. ga.: " exercitatione corporis ad id 
tempus valetudinis gratia magnopere delectatus." On December 
4, 1561, Borromeo begs the nuncio Delfino to send him suitable 
sporting dogs from Germany (STEINHEKZ, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 
324). Fr. Tonina speaks of a hunt of Borromeo in a "letter of 
October 22, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

6 GIROL. SORANZO, 92 ; LODI, in the Archivio stor. Lomb., 
1903, 355. The Papal court consisted of 1500 persons; of. 
GIROL. SORANZO, 96. 



PRINCELY STATE OF BORROMEO. 113 

He wished the Borromeo family to make an appearance which 
should correspond in every way with their present princely 
rank. His creation as Cardinal he announced to his family 
in the simplest manner, and he desired that the happy event 
should only be celebrated in Arona, and especially by masses 
of the Holy Ghost. At the same time, however, he desired 
that his sister should have for the future two ladies as com 
panions, and these were to be of noble birth and of good 
reputation. 1 He expressed himself as filled with joy in his 
letters when his sisters, through the efforts of their uncle and 
the zealous co-operation of their brother, made aristocratic 
and wealthy marriages with the Gonzaga, Colonna, Altemps, 
and the princes of Venosa. 2 On the other hand, when a less 
wealthy relative was about to marry beneath her rank, and 
thus lower the dignity of the famity, he showed himself very 
much troubled. 3 

Cardinal Borromeo took a particular interest in the fortunes 
of his only brother, Federigo, who had espoused the daughter 
of the Duke of Urbino, Virginia della Rovere, in 1560. The 
whole Borromeo family was justly proud of this alliance, which 
gave rise to the most flattering hopes. Federigo, on whose 

1 Letter of January 31, 1560, in SYLVAIN, I., 54. 

* San Carlo, II. (1910), 278 seqq. ; SYLVAIN, I., 57 seqq., 73; 
SALA, Document!, III., 13, 17, 22 seq., 325 seq., 328. Camilla, 
Charles sister, in 1560, married Cesare Gonzaga, Count of Guas- 
talla, Duke of Molfetta, Prince of Ariano, who died in 1 573 (CARO, 
III., 284, 287 seq., 290, 292, 297). She died in 1583. A second 
sister, Geronima, married Fabrizio Gesualdo, Prince of Venosa, 
and a third, Anna, married Fabrizio Colonna, in 1562 (died 1580), 
the eldest son of Marcantonio (cf. SUSTA, Kurie, II., 258, 261, 
291, 525; *report of Fr. Tonina of June n, 1562, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). She died in 1582. There was a daughter, 
the issue of a second marriage of Gilberto Borromeo to Taddea 
del Verme, who was married with great pomp to Hannibal von 
Hohenems on January 6, 1565 (cf. SALA, Fascicolo conclus., 47 ; 
San Carlo, loc. <:it. ; WYMANN, 63). An *Avviso di Roma of 
June 28, 1561, announces the arrival of the four sisters of Charles 
Borromeo in Rome (Urb. 1039, p. 283, Vatican Library), 

SYLVAIN, I., 66. 

VOL. XV. 8 



114 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

head fortune seemed to shower her gifts with a lavish hand, 
was of a quiet and retiring temperament, and does not seem 
to have aspired to exercise any influence in. affairs of state. 1 
In spite of this, foreign princes eagerly sought his favour, 
especially Cosimo I., who presented to him the magnificent 
Altoviti palace in December, 1560, as well as a considerable 
sum of money, 2 the relations of the Borromeo family to the 
Duke of Florence being as close as those between father and 
son. 3 

On April 2nd, Pius IV. appointed the youthful head of the 
Borromeo family to be Captain-General of the Church, and 
solemnly presented his beloved Federigo with the Marshal s 
baton, which carried with it a monthly pension of 1,000 
ducats.* On the 22nd of the same month Federigo went to 
Trent as the representative of the Pope, in order to give the 
daughter of the King of the Romans, Ferdinand, the bride of 
the Duke of Mantua, an escort of honour to her new home. 5 
A year later, when Philip II. was preparing to raise Federigo, 
who till now had been a count, to the dignity of Marquis of 
Oria, it really seemed as though the name of Borromeo would 
soon be able to rival that of Farnese or Medici in splendour and 
renown. Unfortunately Federigo quite unexpectedly suc 
cumbed to an attack of fever on December igth, 1562, after 
an illness of only eight days. 6 The magnificent funeral 

1 C/. MOCENIGO, 53; SUSTA, Kurie, I., xxxii seq. 

2 See the*letterof Fr. Tonina of December 14, 1560 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

3 See with regard to this and the later change in the relations, 
the interesting **report of Fr. Tonina of January 29, 1563 (Gon 
zaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 See BONDONUS, 541. 

5 See Massarelli in MERKLE, 355; BONDONUS, 549. Cf. C. 
GIULIANI in the Arch. Trentino, III. (1884), 14 seq. 

6 See BONDONUS, 543, where however, what the otherwise 
careful editor Merkle has overlooked, November 19 is certainly 
correct and not August 19. The former date has various other 
authorities in its support, besides that already cited in SICKEL, 
Berichte, III., 90 seq., and SUSTA, Kurie, III., 89 seq. viz. : (i) 



DEATH OF FEDERIGO BORROMEO. 115 

obsequies which were held for this youth who had been so 
suddenly snatched away from life, almost seemed to be the 
funeral rites for the glory of the house of Borromeo. Cardinal 
Borromeo might well see in the gold-embroidered pall which 
covered the coffin, 1 as it lay in state under a gilded canopy 
at the obsequies on November 25th, a symbol of the splendid 
downfall of his family. 

The sudden death of this much-loved nephew at the early 
age of twenty-seven, filled the Pope with the deepest sorrow. 2 

A letter from Borromeo to Cesare Gonzaga of November 19, 
1562, in SALA, Document!, III., 241. (2) A *letter of Fr. Tonina 
of November 20, 1562 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). (3) A 
*letter of Alf. Roselli of November 19, 1562 (State Archives, 
Modena). Cf. also Borromeo s letters of November 24, 1562 
(with wrong date 1561, as erroneously printed in SALA, Docum., 
III., 99), December 3, 1562, April 5, 1563, September 2, 1564 
(removal of the body to Milan), in SALA, Docum., III., 242, 262, 
308. The news of his having received the marquisate of Oria only 
arrived when Federigo was in his last moments (KERVYN DE 
LETTENHOVE, III., 2.12 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 403). A satirical 
epitaph on F. Borromeo in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXVI., 212. 

I BONDONUS, 544. *Letter of Alf. Roselli of November 25, 
1562 (State Archives, Modena). 

2 On November 18, 1562, when Federigo s state had become 
hopeless, Fr. Tonina reports : " *N.S. ni ha sentito et sente 
infinite dispiacere et questa notte gli and6 a otto hore a vederlo 
et egli poi, o per dispiacere o per il disturbo, si dice che vomit6 
quanto hieri havea magnato et resta anch esso travagliato." 
On November 20 Tonina writes : " * Resta adunque dirle che 
N.S. ha sentito et sente di questa morte infinite dolore, et chi 
fu presente dice che disse, Manus Domini tetigit me, et un altra 
volte disse, orsu bisogna portrala in pace, questi sono i nostri 
peccati." In an *Avviso di Roma of November 21, 1562, it is 
stated : " S.S to quand ebbe tal nuova stava a far segnatura e 
sospese la penna, torn6 a seguirla et prestandogli il card. Borro 
meo disse : Manus Domini tetigit nos " (State Archives, Naples, 
C. Fames.). According to the *report of Tonina of November 
28, 1562, the Pope deplored in the Congregation of Monday, with 
tears in his eyes, the death of this " filius dilectus, solamen suum " 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). According to the ""report of 



Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

He bore it, however, with resignation, for he saw in this 
crushing blow, which destroyed all his plans for the elevation 
of his nephew, a punishment from heaven for the exaggerated 
concessions which he had made to the Spanish king 1 with 
regard to the use of ecclesiastical revenues, with the intention 
of thereby promoting the interests of Federigo. The sudden 
destruction of such brilliant hopes also made a deep impression 
on Cardinal Borromeo, 2 all the more so as, almost at the same 
time as he lost his beloved brother, the young son of the Duke 
of Florence, who had received the Cardinal s hat at the same 
time as himself, suddenly died after a three days illness. 3 

The ascetic nature of Charles had for long resisted making 
any concessions to the more worldly conceptions of life, 4 and 
now that the futility of all merely earthly aspirations was so 
rudely brought before his eyes, he resolved to free himself 
from the last traces of a worldly spirit, and to devote his life 
exclusively to the supreme goal. 

The worldly-minded members of the Curia, and, as was 

Alf. Roselli of November 25, the Pope had then spoken in a 
composed and courageous manner ; on December 5, however, 
the same writer reports : " * II Papa non puo scordarsi la morte 
del conte Federigo Borromeo, massime non sapendo risolversi 
di soggetto per perpetuarvi la casa sua non inclinando al fratello " 
(State Archives, Modena). 

1 It was a question of the heavy tax on church property granted 
for the fleet of Philip II. ; see the *report of Alf. Roselli of Novem 
ber 21, 1562 (State Archives, Modena). Cf. with regard to this 
affair, Vol. XVI. of this work. 

* See his letter to Cosimo in SALA, Docum., III., 241 seq. The 
importance of this death has already been pointed out by Palla- 
vicini (19, 4, 9). Ranke has underestimated it, as SICKEL justly 
remarks (Berichte III., 83). A contemporary portrait of Federigo 
is in the Ambrosiana, and another in the castle of the Borromei 
at Angera. Reproductions in San Carlo, 37, 55. 

8 BONDONUS, 544. " Questi due si gravi colpi . . . erano 
veramente atti ad atterarmi affatto, se hen fossi stato assai piu 
forte di quello ch io sono," writes Borromeo on December 3, 1562, 
to the Duke of Florence. SALA, Docum., III., 242. 
8b. 



BORROMEO RECEIVES HOLY ORDERS. 117 

believed, the Pope himself, drew quite other conclusions from 
these events . It was supposed that the heir of all the Borromeo 
riches would now give up his clerical career, and, in the place 
of his dead brother, carry on the family. l Although Charles 
was already a sub-deacon, and as such had taken a vow of 
chastity, a Papal dispensation did not seem unlikely in his 
case. The Cardinal, however, put an end to any such expec 
tations by receiving holy orders from Cardinal Cesi on July 
I7th, 1563. He took this step with the consent of the Pope, 
who had raised his nephew to the rank of Cardinal-Priest at 
the consistory of June 4th, 1563, and had thereby given him 
the express command to receive holy orders, declaring at the 
same time that he had never intended to force Charles to give 
up the priesthood, and that all rumours to the contrary were 
unfounded. 2 Borromeo was much strengthened in his reso 
lutions by the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola, which 
he made under the direction of the Jesuit, Ribera. 3 He said 
his first mass publicly, and with great solemnity in St. Peter s, 
at the altar of the Confession of the Prince of the Apostles, and 
his second in complete privacy in the chapel which had been 
used by Ignatius of Loyola. 4 

After having received holy orders, Borromeo at first retained 

1 BASCAPE, ga ; KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, III., 212. See the 
report of Arcos of December, 1562, in SICKEL, Konzil, 410. In 
yet another letter from Cardinal Mark Sittich to Hannibal von 
Hohenems, dated May 3, 1563, reference is made to the possibility 
of Cardinal Borromeo marrying (Hohenems Archives). On June 
7, 1563, Cardinal Borromeo was invested with the freedom of the 
city of Rome; see GREGOROVIUS, Kleine Schriften, I., 316. 

2 See Acta consist, in SUSTA, Kurie, IV., 68 n. 3 ; (van Ortroy) 
in the Anal. Boll., XIV. (1895), 436, according to the dispatches 
of the Imperial ambassador in Rome, Prospero d Arco. Cf. 
Borromeo s letter to Cesare Gonzaga of June 5, 1563, in SALA, 
Document!, III., 269. The statement in GUISSANO, 20 seq., 
that Charles had secretly received Holy Orders against the wish 
of his uncle is therefore erroneous. 

3 GiussANO, 21 ; SACCHINI, 8, 12 (p. 406). 
4 SACCHiNi, 7, n (p. 362). SYLVAIN, I., 77. 



Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

his court and state, but was always growing stricter towards 
his own person, and to such a degree that he now denied himself 
even the distraction of a walk. The discussions in his academy 
of the " Vatican Nights " now related more closely to spiritual 
matters, and he also began to fill in the gaps in his theological 
education by having lectures in philosophy and theology 
given to him. For some time he even thought of resigning 
his office of Secretary of State and retiring into the strict order 
of Camaldoli. The Bishop of Braga, however, Bartolomeo 
de Martyribus, dissuaded him from this step during a visit 
to Rome in 1563. 1 Charles repeatedly begged the Pope to 
allow him to visit his archbishopric, 2 at least for a time, and 
to forego a part of the rich benefices which had been assigned 
to him. 

This change in the manner of life of the most important 
and the most highly esteemed Cardinal caused a great sensation 
in Rome, where many considered it worthy of blame, while 
even the friends of ecclesiastical reform were of opinion that, 
as might have been expected from his energetic and strict 
character, in many respects he went too far. Dissatisfaction 
was especially expressed against Ribera and the Jesuits, it 
being said that they had drawn the Cardinal into their nets 
to get money out of him, or even to prevail upon him to enter 
the Society. Similar rumours penetrated even to Pius IV., 
who appears to have given some credence to them, for, accord 
ing to a letter from the Spanish ambassador, Requesens, of 
April 3oth, 1564, the Pope showed great displeasure at the fact 
that Cardinal Borromeo had cut down the service at his table, 
and his whole household, besides having given other signs of 
his contempt for the world. He said that these were melan- 

1 BASCApfe, 9 seq. Cf. San Carlo, I. (1908), 98. He still 
retained later on a predilection for Camaldoli and the Camaldolesi ; 
cf. his letters of May 6, 1564, November 12, 1572 ; December 
13, 1574, m SALA, Docum., III., 298, 442, 560. 

2 The appointment of Charles as Archbishop of Milan took place 
in May, 1 564 ; before that he had only been the administrator. 
He had already been consecrated bishop on December 7, 1563. 
See SALA, Document!, III., 817, 819 seq. 



ASCETICISM OF BORROMEO. IK) 

choly notions savouring of the Theatines, and he commanded 
that the Jesuits and other religious orders should be informed 
that he would punish them if they set foot in the house of the 
Cardinal. 1 The feeling against the Jesuits was so strong and 
so wide-spread that the secretary of the Order, Polanco, 
thought it necessary to send a letter in his own hand to Spain, 
in which he made the matter clear, and denied any responsi 
bility on the part of the members of the Order for the steps 
taken by the Cardinal. 2 

However compliant Charles Borromeo had hitherto been in 
giving way to the wishes of his uncle, he would not make the 
slightest concession to him in the matter of any mitigation 
of his severe rule of life. On the contrary, his strictness con 
tinued to increase, especially after the close of the Council 
of Trent. In June, 1564, his court and state were reduced 
to a great extent ; about eighty persons, who seemed little 
suited for a clerical life, were dismissed and otherwise pro 
vided for, while those who remained were forbidden the use 
of silken garments and other luxuries. On one day in the 
week, the Cardinal took nothing but bread and water ; he 
devoted yet more hours of the day to devotion than before ; 



iRequesens to Philip II. in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 561, 
confirmed by the "reports of Fr. Tonina of April 22 and 29, 1564 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, Appendix Nos. 34 and 35) . Pius IV., 
however, had only forbidden Lainez and Ribera to have access 
to Borromeo, the messenger who delivered the Pope s order 
extended it to all Jesuits. CANISII Epist., IV., 532. 

* Polanco to Araoz on April 28, 1564, printed in ASTRAIN, II., 
208 seq. Cf. CANISII Epist., IV., 531 seq. Polanco as well as 
Bascape (p. Qa) hints that Charles sometimes went too far: 
" Eaque fuit in moribus omnique vitae consuetudine gra vitas, 
ut ad austeritatem quoque perveniret, quemadmodum saepe 
solet initio vitae religiosioris evenire." The thought of even 
denying himself a walk was attributed to Charles by Egidio 
Foscarari, according to Bascape (p. Qa). Ribera received in the 
following year the long sought permission to go to the foreign 
missions. A letter of farewell to him from Borromeo, on February 
3, 1565, in SALA, Documenti, III., 331 seq. 



I2O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and in spite of the difficulty he had to contend with in speaking 
in public, he began to preach, a thing hitherto unknown for 
a Cardinal to do. 1 He performed the most severe penances in 
secret, a scourge with spikes serving the purpose of lacerating 
his tender body, and sometimes he also used a triple chain, 
held together by a knot. The curiosity of his chamberlain, 
Ambrogio Fornero, discovered these instruments of penance, 
when the Cardinal once forgot to remove the key from the 
box in which they were hidden from the gaze of those not 
intended to see them. Soranzo declares in 1565 that Borromeo 
had become extremely thin, through his zeal for work and 
study, as well as his fasts, vigils, and other mortifications. 
Borromeo kept up his strength in a wonderful way, and it 
was only at the end of the reign of Pius V. that a complete 
breakdown of his health took place. 2 

I BASCAPE, 9-10. The date, which is missing, can be seen 
from a letter of Fr. Tonina of June 10, 1564 ; " *I1 card. Borromeo 
ha cassata tutta la famiglia sua, cento boche in poi, et a molti 
anco delli ritenuti ha levata la spesa del cavallo et d un servitore." 
Among those dismissed at that time was Camillo Capilupi (see 
Arch. stor. Lomb., XX. (1893), 697). The undated ""letter of 
Fr. Tonina of 1564, refers to the same, in which he says : " II s. 
card 16 Borromeo ha retirata la sua famiglia in 80 persone et la 
stalla in 20 cavalli, et camina tuttavia restringendosi et due volte 
la settimana ordinariamente si reduce alii Giesuiti a conferire con 
un eccel* 6 theologo che vi si trova, nelle cose di theologia et di 
conscienza, et sopra questo dicono che S.B ne un di disse, non 
vogliamo attender a viver piu che posiamo et alegramente, se 
Mons r Borromei pur si vorrk far frate gli pagaremo li vestimenti 
del nostro, parlando cosi di burla. S. B ne fa ogni instanza a 
quanti pochi vescovi che sono qui che vadino a loro vescovati, 
et de qui nasce che quelle che gli hanno miseri ogni dl rinonciano 
piii presto che andare, come molti hanno fatto " (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). In a *letter of Cardinal Mark Sittich to Hannibal von 
Hohenems, dated June 15, 1564, there are also comments on the 
significant reduction of the court and state of Charles, from 
which people might suppose that he was becoming a fool from 
mere parsimony ; this is the effect of his dealings with the 
" Theatines " (Original in Hohenems Archives). 

a See D ALESSANDRI, 2, 407 seq. ; WYMANN, 95, 108, 118. 



EXEMPLARY LIFE OF BORROMEO. 121 

In time people ceased to find fault with the asceticism of 
Charles, and his example had an effect, even in the case of the 
worldly-minded diplomatists. Their testimony is all the more 
valuable and worthy of credence, as they were in the habit of 
lUthlessly laying bare the human weaknesses of even the 
highest dignitaries. When Girolamo Soranzo gave a report 
of his Roman embassy in June, 1563, he remarked : " The life 
of Cardinal Borromeo is most innocent, and absolutely 
blameless ; by his religious attitude he gives an example which 
could not be surpassed. His exemplary manner of life is 
all the more worthy of praise as he is in the flower of his age, 
and is the very powerful nephew of a Pope, and lives at a court 
where the opportunity of enjoying pleasures of every kind is 
certainly not wanting to him. l Two years later the Venetian , 
Giacomo Soranzo, wrote : " Cardinal Borromeo is only 
twenty-seven, but delicate, as he has impaired his health* by 
study, fasting, vigils and abstinences. He is a doctor of laws, 
but devotes himself to theology with a zeal rare in our days. 
His life is most unworldly, and his zeal for religion is so great 
that one can say with all authority that by his example he is 
of more use to the Roman court than all the decrees of the 
Council. This nephew, so loved by the Pope, still in the 
bloom of youth and at a court full of temptations, who has 
overcome himself and the love of the world, is a rare phenom 
enon. Borromeo is devoted to the Pope, who, for his part 
thinks the world of him and his wishes, as may be seen in 
the last promotion of Cardinals, when only such were chosen 
as he had either proposed or recommended. He and the Pope, 
however, are of two different natures, and Pius IV. would like 
to see him more jovial and less strict in his life and ideas. He 
even said so to the Jesuits, who have a great influence on the 
Cardinal s manner of life, but the latter did not allow himself 
to be diverted from his own way. He is not much loved at 
court, because they are used to other ways there, and they 
complain that the Cardinal asks the Pope for little and gives 

x GiROL. SORANZO, 91. Cf. WYMANN in the Schweiz. Kirchen- 
zeitung, 1910, No. 44, n. 49. 



122 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

little of his own. As to the first, it is with him a matter of 
conscience, while as far as his own is concerned, he uses it for 
alms, for the portions of penniless maidens, and for the pay 
ment of the debts which his brother left." 1 It is clear how 
lavishly Borromeo distributed alms from the fact that at that 
time he spent hardly anything on himself, from the revenues 
which accrued to him from the archbishopric of Milan. 2 The 
Borromeo College in Pavia is a magnificent foundation dating 
from his days in Rome, and which he caused to be erected in 
1564 by the architect, Pellegrino Pellegrini, to protect poor 
students of noble family from the dangers which he had 
learned to know in his own student days. 3 As a striking 
testimony to his benevolence, the table is still preserved in 
S. Prassede, at which he served the poor with food. 4 

Next to Charles Borromeo, Pius IV. greatly valued in the 
early days of his reign, Cardinal Morone, who was a man of 



SORANZO, 133 seq. Cardinal Seripando *writes on 
July 28, 1562, to Trent to Paolo Manuzio concerning Borromeo : 
" E huomo di frutto et non di fiore, de fatti et non di parole " 
(Library at Montpellier) . Bascape also says (p. 66) that Charles 
showed a certain want of generosity at first. This struck people 
more than was perhaps right, as they had been accustomed since 
the time of the Renaissance to see the great nobles scattering gold 
and favours with great prodigality (cf. WYMANN, 98). A proof 
of Borromeo s zeal for study is shown by two tickets, of June 20 
and November 29, 1564, which are still in existence, by which 
permission is given to him to borrow books from the Vatican 
Library, and indeed, in virtue of the second, " volumina etiam 
registra nuncupata, et quae forsan, ne adeo omnibus ostenderentur, 
magis reservata et custodita essent." Mitteilungen des Osterr. 
Instituts, XVII. (1896), 293. 
* BASCAP^, 6-7. 

3 GUISSANO, 22. Concerning the date of the foundation se e 
San Carlo, 209, concerning the college cf. NATALT in Natura ed 
arte, February, 1906. The statutes of the Roman Monte di 
Pieta, of 1565, can probably be traced to Borromeo. DONATO 
TAMILIA, II sacro monte de pietA di Roma, Rome, 1900. 

4 Illustration in San Carlo, 69. 



STATESMANSHIP OF PIUS IV. 123 

very wide experience, especially in affairs relating to Germany. 1 
He gave him, however, as little as to the other Cardinals, a 
decisive influence over his plans. However much the Papal 
court and the diplomatists might wonder, Pius IV. persisted 
in reserving the affairs of state to his own cool judgment. 
He was led to this, not only by his own self-confidence, but 
also by a deep distrust of the Cardinals, of whom hardly one 
was quite independent of the influence of foreign princes. 2 
Girolamo Soranzo thinks that the vaccillating attitude which 
the Pope often displayed is to be attributed to the fact that 
he did not consult with others. " As His Holiness is of a very 
hasty temperament/ the Venetian explains, " even with regard 
to the most important affairs, he comes to a decision very 
rapidly ; should difficulties then arise, he shows no obstinate 
persistence, but alters his decisions quickly and completely." 3 
The sense of statesmanship which, besides the great inde 
pendence of his decisions, was characteristic of Pius IV., 
showed itself especially in his dealings with the secular princes. 
In this respect he followed an exactly opposite policy to that 
of his predecessor. While Paul IV., with a strange want of 
appreciation of the true state of public affairs, imagined that 
he could treat the princes, not as his sons, but as his subjects, 4 
the shrewd Lombard believed that, in view of the great 

1 See MOCENIGO, 40 seq. Cf. *Avviso di Roma of December 
3 *559, and those of January 13 and November 23, 1560, Urb. 
1039 (pp. 112, 117, 218, Vatican Library). See further HILLIGER, 
20 seq. Later, in the summer of 1561, Morone retired ; Mula and 
Navagero then became the confidants of Pius IV. (see SICKEL, 
Konzil, 204). In April, 1561, however, Morone still had great 
influence; see the *report of Saraceni of April u, 1561 (State 
Archives, Florence). Pius IV. had great confidence in Hosius 
in 1561, with regard to German affairs; see *letter of G. A. 
Caligari of to Commendone, dated Rome, September 27, 1561 
(Lett. id. princ., XXIII. , 36, Papal Secret Archives). 

2 See GIROL. SORANZO, 74 ; GIAC. SORANZO, 130 ; P. TIEPOLO, 
178. 

8 GIROL. SORANZO, 75. 

* Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, pp. 69, 74, 



124 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

defections from Rome, the authority of ecclesiastical power 
must be strengthened by the support of the secular princes. 
To this cause is to be attributed his moderation and his con 
ciliatory attitude towards them. 1 

Ferdinand I., whose succession to the Imperial dignity 
Paul IV. had always obstinately refused to acknowledge, was 
the first to experience this conciliatory attitude. 2 It was very 
soon seen that Pius IV. intended, as soon as possible, to put 
an end to this unhappy dispute, which was so hurtful to the 
Catholic cause in Germany. On December 3oth, 1559, the 
Pope declared to the Cardinals that he did not consider it 
of any use to contest Ferdinand s election, for, although non- 
Catholics had taken part in it, the Catholics had done so as 
well. He referred emphatically to Ferdinand s zeal for the 
cause of religion, and to his services as the defender of Christen 
dom in the war against the Turks. All the Cardinals, with one 
exception, agreed to concede the Imperial title to the King of 
Hungary and Bohemia, under the condition, however, that 
Ferdinand should make apologies for having taken possession 
of the Hungarian bishoprics, for the Treaty of Passau, and for 
other decisions made by the Diet. Ferdinand, highly delighted 
at this change of policy in Rome, declared himself ready to 
do so, and at once assured the Pope, through his ambassador, 
Thurm, that he would do his utmost to bring about the return 
of his son, Maximilian, to the Church. As the question, based 
on principle, as to whether Papal recognition was necessary 
for the lawful accession of the Emperor to the throne, was not 
touched upon, the reconciliation with Rome was assured by 
this concession to Ferdinand. 3 

1 See MOCENIGO, 61-2 ; GIROL. SORANZO, 75. Pius IV. em 
phasized the great defection from Rome, and the necessity for 
the reform of ecclesiastical conditions, in the brief by which he 
notified his election (to Philip II., Venice, Portugal, Florence) 
on December 29 and 30, 1559; see Min. brev., Arm., 44, t 10, 
n. 419, 420, 413, 418, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 351 seq. 

3 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 22 seq., 76 seq. ; REIMANN in the Abhand- 
lungen der Schlesischen Gesellschaft fur Kultur, 1871, 37 seq. ; 
SCHMID, Kaiser- und Konigswahl, 35 seq. 



PIUS IV. AND THE NUNCIATURES. 125 

A difficulty which arose at the last moment was ako happily 
removed. The representative of Ferdinand I., Scipione 
d Arco, who had arrived in Rome on February I2th, 1560, 
and had taken up his residence in the Vatican, had orders to 
congratulate the Pope on his accession in a public audience, 
and to assure him of respect and homage in the name cf the 
Emperor. The Pope, however, required in addition the 
oath of obedience. Arco hesitated, and it was only when 
Cardinals Morone and Madruzzo reasoned with him that he 
decided to exceed his authority and comply with the wish 
of the Pope. 1 Thereupon the ceremony of the obedientia by 
the Emperor s representative took place in a public consistory 
in the Sala Regia, on February i7th, 1560.2 The conclusion 
of peace between the two greatest powers of Christendom was 
sealed by the restoration of the nunciature at the Imperial 
court. 

Pius IV. once more filled the nunciatures of Venice and 
Florence, left vacant at the death of Paul IV., and also changed 
the holders of the remaining nunciatures. All this took place 
in the small space of three months. This, and the fact that 
not one of Paul IV. s nuncios was sent to a new post, clearly 
shows that the Pope was acting in pursuance of a carefully 
thought-out plan, by which he removed all the diplomatists 
of his predecessor. The Pope also took steps as early as the 
summer of 1560, to found permanent nunciatures at Turin 
and Florence. The new Swiss nuncio, Giovan Antonio Volpi, 
Bishop of Como, received permission to remain in his diocese, 

1 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 42 seq. ; Correspondence of Card. O. 
Truchsess, 136 ; SCHMID, loc. cit., 36 seq. It was remarkable, as 
Zwiedinek points out in the Archiv fur osterr. Gesch., LVIII, 
176, that Pius IV. did not take exception to the person of Arco, 
as the Popes usually accepted only members of the princely 
houses of the Empire as obedientia envoys. Pius thus proved 
his compliant attitude in this matter. Concerning the plan for 
crowning the Emperor, see Venetian despatches, III., 133 seqq., 
141 ; concerning Scipione d Arco, see CONSTANT, Rapport, 3 seq. 

2 See BONDONUS, 533 ; SCHLECHT in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XIV., 
22 seq. ; SCHMID, loc. "it. 



126 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

from whence he could more easily reach the Catholic parts of 
Switzerland than from Lucerne. The exclusion from the cardin- 
alate of all those nuncios who had been recommended by a 
prince to whom they were accredited, was a most salutary 
proceeding. 1 

The resumption of diplomatic relations which had been 
interrupted during the pontificate of Paul IV., as well as the 
development of the nunciatures, indicate the value which 
the new Pope attached to the keeping up of friendly relations 
with the secular powers. The beginning of the reign of Pius 
IV. also showed a strong contrast to that of his predecessor 
in the Eternal City itself. How the Romans rejoiced when 
the Pope, in February, 1560, again permitted the carnival 
festivities ! At the same time, however, steps were rightly 
taken to prevent abuses. 8 

It was not only the Romans who rejoiced when one of the 
first official acts of the new Pope was to limit once more the 
powers of the Inquisition to its original and proper sphere, 3 
and to mitigate many of the excessively harsh reform decrees 
of Paul IV. This showed itself first in the matter of the 
examination of candidates for bishoprics, as to which, however, 

J See BIAUDET, Nonciatures, 24 seq., 58; 296 seq. Concerning 
Volpi, see REINHARDT-STEFFENS, G. Fr. Bonhomini, Einl., 
p. xxviii, seq. The Florentine nuntiature, as to which Scaduto 
makes misleading statements (see Hist. Jahrbuch, IX., 108) is 
worthy of a special monograph. 

2 Cf. CLEMENTI, 218; RODOCANACHI, Juifs, 209; Arch. stor. 
Lomb., XIX. (1908), 353. Things were already fairly free at 
the carnival of 1561. One of the principal amusements was 
bull-fighting (cf. KOLN. Volkzeitung, 1911, No. 168) against the 
holding of which in the neighbourhood of the Jesuit College 
Lainez made a complaint ; see the **reports of Fr. Tonina of 
January 18 and 29, and February 13 and 19, 1561 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). A new *Bando per le maschere of January 
20, 1564 in the Editti, V., 60 p. 9, Papal Secret Archives. Con 
cerning the Roman theatre at the time of Pius IV., see Giorn. d. 
lett. Ital., LXXIII., 296 seq. 

8 See *Avviso di Roma of January 13, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 117, 
Vatican Library). Cf. Vol. XVI. of this work. 



MITIGATION OF DECREES OF PAUL IV. 127 

the essential points of the reforms of the Carafa Pope were 
retained. 1 Other mitigations of the rigorous decrees of Paul 
IV. soon followed. 2 

One particularly thorny point was how to proceed with the 
carrying out of the severe penalties which the bull of Paul 
IV. of July 20th, 1558, had decreed against the numerous 
monks who were living outside their monasteries, or had 
entered orders which were less strict than their own. 3 A very 
great number of these unfortunate men appeared before the 
Pope and asked for pardon, but this request, even with all due 
regard for mercy, could not be granted without further con 
sideration. Exhaustive discussions followed as to how a 
middle course could be arrived at, which should avoid both 
exaggerated severity and too great clemency. 4 It was clear 
that serious difficulties had arisen in the carrying out of the 
bull of Paul IV. The monks affected by it were too numerous, 
and complaints were made that the constitution did not make 
the necessary distinctions, as many lived outside their mon 
asteries for valid reasons, and with the permission of the 
Apostolic See and the superiors of their orders. Several, 
moreover, had shown themselves ready to obey the command 
of Paul IV., but could not be received back by their former 
superiors ; they therefore lost their means of subsistence and 
were, "by decrees, excluded from the sacraments. Paul IV. 
had also forbidden by a decree, that anyone should give 
shelter to an " apostate " monk, but this order could hardly 
be put into force owing to the great number, and hence arose 
many difficulties of conscience. Pius IV., therefore, on April 
3rd, 1560, absolved all those who, on account of disobedience 
to the decrees of his predecessor, had fallen under censure or 
into irregularity, and repealed the decree itself in so far as it 
went beyond the common law, and at the same time gave 

1 See Acta consist, of January 19, 1560 ; cf. GULIK-EUBEL, 40. 

2 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of January 20, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 120, 
Vatican Library). 

3 See Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 217. 

* Cf. *Avvisi di Roma of January 20, February 24, and March 9, 
1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 120, I28b, I35b, Vatican Library). 



128 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

extraordinary powers to his Vicar in Rome, Cardinal Save Hi, 
and to the bishops and superiors of ord ?rs, to decide in the name 
of the Pope matters in dispute concerning the " apostates " 
and those monks who had entered other orders. These were 
obliged within six months to submit their dispensations to the 
duly qualified judge and obey his decision. 1 

It is characteristic of conditions in the Curia that as soon 
as the pressure exercised by Paul IV. had been removed, the 
evil elements immediately wakened once more into activity, 2 
but if anyone thought that the work of reform had come to a 
standstill under the new Pope, he was grievously mistaken. 
Pius IV. declared quite openly that what had been tolerated in 
the time of Leo X. would no longer be allowed. 3 When he 
confirmed the election capitulation on January i2th, 1560, he 
announced his intention of carrying out as Pope the thing 
that appeared the most necessary to all persons of discernment, 
namely, the taking seriously in hand of the questions of reform 
and the Council. He also spoke to the same effect at his 
first consistory, held on the same day, 4 and announced that 
a commission for the " reform of morals " would be appointed 
even before the meeting of the Council. Of this Cardinals 
Tournon, Carpi, Morone, Madruzzo, Cueva, Saraceni, Puteo, 
Cicada, Dolera, Savelli, Alessandro Farnese, Santa Fiora, 

1 Bullarium Rom., VIII., 15 seqq. To the decrees concerning 
the residence of the bishops, Pius IV. held firmly (of. besides the 
Acta consist., Papal Secret Archives, the *Avvisi di Roma of 
January 27, February 10 and 17, and March 9, 1560, Urb. 1039, 
pp. 122, 127, 128, 132, I35b ; see also Chapter IV. infra], but 
with regard to the Regressi, on the other hand, he showed con 
siderable indulgence. Cf. *Avvisi di Roma of January 13 and 20, 
February 10, and March 2, 1560 (Urb. 1039, pp. 117, 120, 127, 
134, Vatican Library). See also MOCENIGO, 29. 

2 *Avviso di Roma of January 20, 1560 : " Roma torna sa la 
pristina liberta. Le puttane cominciano andar in cocchio al 
solito " (Urb. 1039, p. i2ob, Vatican Library). G/. MOCENIGO, 36. 

8 See DEMBINSKI, Wybor Piusa IV., 286. 

4 See *Acta consist. Cancell., VIII. , i (Consistorial Archives 
of the Vatican). Cf. DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 328, and the 
*report of Ricasoli of January 12, 1560 (State Archives, Florence). 



IMPROVED CONDITIONS IN ROME. I2Q 

Este and Charles Borromeo were members. They were to meet 
every Thursday, and to prepare important changes in the 
Papal tribunals and the conclave. The bishops who were 
lingering at the curia were called upon to fulfil their duty of 
residence, 1 and immediately afterwards three Cardinals 
received orders to take steps to provide Rome with grain. 2 
To the great joy of the Curia, Pius IV. also showed his love 
of peace in the most unequivocal manner, 3 promised to provide 
for strict justice, willingly granted audiences to all, discharged 
business quickly and skilfully, and displayed, in addition, 
great activity in building. 4 A bull of May I5th, 1560, graci 
ously forgave the Romans for the excesses of which they had 
been guilty at the time of the death of Paul IV., 5 and the city 
of Rome, which had suffered so much under the Carafa Pope, 
improved in a remarkable manner, both with regard to its 
prosperity, and also in the number of its inhabitants, which 
rose in 1563 to 80,000. The Venetian ambassador, Girolamo 
Soranzo, describes Rome at this time as the most beautiful 

1 Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 343, without exact date. An 
*Avviso di Roma of February 10, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 127 Vatican 
Library) tells of the appointment of the " congregatione generale 
per la reformatione generale," which Arco announces as impending 
on January 31, 1560 (SICKEL, Konzil, 26). According to MASSAR- 
ELLI, 349, the sessions of this congregation took place in September, 
1560, every Sunday in the presence of the Pope. Cf. EHSES, 
Berufung des Konzils, 2. 

a *Avviso di Roma of February 10, 1560 (/<?;. cit., Vatican 
Library). Cf. BENIGNI, 35 seq., and CUPIS, 147 seq. 

8 When the general in command of the infantry, Torquato 
Conti, was granted an audience on the occasion of his appointment, 
the Pope said to him that he would like to reward him,* " ma 
ch il non vuole ne soldati ne guerra, ma vuole che li contadini 
attendino a cultivare li terreni per il ben di tutti " (Avviso, 
Urb. 1039, p. ii4b, Vatican Library). Cf. MOCENIGO, 51. 

4 Cf. Arch. stor. Napolit., I.. 648. Concerning the rapid 
transaction of business in the Signatura, Ricasoli ""reports as 
early as January 13, 1560, (State Archives, Florence). 

6 The bull is to be found in the *Editti in the Papal Secret 
Archives. 

VOL. XV. Q 



130 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

city of the Appenine peninsula, and praised its international 
character, which had nearly disappeared under Paul IV. 1 
An intimate friend of Cardinal Santa Fiora gave, on October 
25th, 1561, in a letter to Vincenzo Gonzaga, an enthusiastic 
description of Rome under the new pontificate : " The city 
is unfolding itself in its fullest beauty. The Pope promised 
at the beginning of his reign to protect religion, peace, and 
justice, and to provide for the material needs of his capital, 
and he has kept his word. Rome has a superabundance of 
grain, wine, and other necessaries, and the feeling of general 
contentment is universal. Persons of good conduct and 
talent are highly esteemed, and worthless characters have 
either to change their ways or submit to punishment, if they 
do not prefer to go, of their own accord, into banishment. 
Perfect peace prevails in public, as in private life. The Pope 
promotes the affair of the Council by every possible means, 
and knows how to combine clemency with justice." 2 

As a matter of fact, Pius IV. did indeed temper with mildness 
the severity of his predecessor, in all cases where it was 
posstt^e. Only in the matter of the Carafa family did he go 
far beyond what had been done by Paul IV. 

1 GiROL. SORANZO, 83 seq. 

2 Letter of Aurelio Porcelaga in the Lett, de princ., I., 231 seq, 
Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 385, and also the letter of Paulus Manutius 
to J. B. Titius, of December 5, 1561, in the Epist. P. Manutii, 
344 seq., Venice, 1573. An example of the severity shown in the 
administration of justice at the beginning of the reign in the 
*Avviso di Roma of July 5, 1561 : This day " impiccati 14 per 
capparuoli et homicidi," and " circa 25 mandati in galea : cosi 
si va purgando la terra id malfattori " (Urb. 1039, p. 285, Vatican 
Library). Soon, however, rich people could purchase their 
freedom by money (MOCENIGO, 30). This increased later on 
and led to grave evils (see P f TIE POLO, 174). 



CHAPTER IV 

THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF CARAFA 

WHEN, in January, 1559, tne sudden fall of the nephews of 
Paul IV. took place, the Pope had expressed the hope that 
his successor would punish the guilty in a fitting manner. 
There seemed, at first, but little prospect of his hope being 
realized, as Cardinal Carlo Carafa succeeded after the death 
of Paul IV. in again immediately gaining a firm footing in 
the Sacred College. The fierce anger of his enemies stood 
him in good stead in this respect, for even those who, like 
Cardinal Pacheco, were by no means friendly to the Carafa, 
blamed the wild excesses of the Romans, against which 
the Sacred College was bound, in its own interests, to make 
a stand. 

The Romans understood these feelings very well, and 
although they were resolved upon the banishment of the 
secular nephews of Paul IV., they did not dare to proceed 
in a like manner against the two Cardinals, Carlo and Alfonso 
Carafa. 1 The request of the Roman people to be allowed 
to drive the Duke of Paliano, Giovanni Carafa, out of the 
States of the Church, was unanimously rejected by the Sacred 
College. 2 The shrewd attitude taken up by Cardinal Carlo 
Carafa had not been without its influence upon this refusal. 
He declared, before the Cardinals, that if it were for the 
good of the Church, not only his brother, but also he himself 
and Cardinal Alfonso would leave Rome ; they were prepared 
to sacrifice their own personal interests to the public good ; 
but if it were a mere question of satisfying hatred, the Car 
dinals would do well to consider what such a compliance 
with the fury of the populace would entail. In the election 

1 See supra p. 4. 2 See supra p. 5, 



132 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

capitulation, the Cardinals had later expressly resolved that 
the new Pope should severely punish the excesses committed 
during the vacancy in the Papal throne. 1 

Although the influence of Cardinal Carlo was evident in 
these decisions, there could yet be no doubt as to the con 
tinued activity of the former enemies of the family ; should 
these gain the upper hand in the conclave, then a fresh exile, 
and perhaps worse, was to be feared. Fully aware of the 
threatened danger, Cardinal Carlo Carafa did his utmost in 
the negotiations concerning the Papal election to gain a 
decisive influence in the elevation of the new head of the 
Church. The manner in which he set about this shows that 
he had learned nothing during his exile. With incredible 
arrogance, he again displayed his consciousness of his former 
power, and with utter want of consideration treated his 
colleagues as if they had been his servants. 2 He made use 
of every possible means to make his position in the conclave 
appear to be decisive, and to make use of it in the interests 
of his family. It cannot, indeed, be maintained that he was 
prepared to elevate one who was thoroughly incapable to 
the Papal throne, for his candidates, Carpi, Pacheco, Doler? 
and Gonzaga, were worthy men, but in other respects he 
adopted in the conclave a policy merely conducive to his 
own interests. Although formerly his sympathies had been 
on the side of the French, he now declared himself for the 
candidate of the Spaniards, from whom alone he could expect 
a great reward for his family. When Philip II., by restoring 
Paliano to its former possessor, did not seem to appreciate 
his services, he declared himself neutral, probably so as to 
let the Spaniards feel his importance, and had, in fact, the 
satisfaction of seeing both French and Spaniards alternately 
flattering and wooing him, and of standing out as the arbiter 
of the conclave. He again turned to the Spaniards on the 
strength of the promises made to him by the Spanish ambas- 

^ee DEMBI^SKI, \Vyb6r Piusa IV., 302. Cf . supra p. 16. 
8 See infra p. 158, n. 2, the "report of Fr. Toninaof January 15, 
1561 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



PIUS IV. AND CARLO CARAFA. 133 

sador, Vargas, thereby breaking his word to the French 
without scruple, and frustrating the already far advanced 
candidature of Gonzaga. 

It was a severe blow to him when his attempt on behalf 
of Carpi, made at the same time, was a failure, for, as 
Bernardino Pia informs us, Carafa knew well that his cause 
was lost if this candidature, for the sake of which he had 
made so many enemies, did not succeed. 1 There remained, 
indeed, no other course for him but to declare himself for 
Medici, whose election he had hitherto opposed. This 
change, which was by no means voluntary on his part, 
had been effected by means of promises which gave 
Carafa reason to hope that the new Pope would support 
his interests in the matter of Paliano, and induce Philip II., 
at any rate, to keep the fortress in a state of seques 
tration until such time as a suitable indemnity could be 
arranged. 2 

Although Pius IV. clearly understood that the participa 
tion of Carafa in his election had been neither voluntary nor 
disinterested, he nevertheless gave him credit for the great 
services he had rendered him, and showed his gratitude in 
various ways. At the end of December, 1559, the envoy 
sent to Spain was a declared adherent of the Carafa, and had 
instructions to work diligently to obtain compensation for 
Paliano. 3 Cardinal Carafa had all the more reason to look 
for a happy issue to this affair, as Vargas, the representative 
of Philip II. in Rome, was altogether on his side, and urgently 
represented to his master how greatly it was to his own 

*See Pia s letter of December 15, 1550, in ANCEL, Disgrace, 
70, n. 2. 

2 See MULLER, 223 seq. Cf. supra p. 57. 

* See the report of Vargas of December 29, 1 559, in DOLLINGER, 
Beitrage, I., 326 seq. Cf. the *brief to F. a Sanguine, dated Rome, 
January 5, 1560, in which Pius IV. emphasizes how much he has 
the commission of Sanguine at heart (magnae merito no bis curae 
sunt) and that the King should grant his first request (Arm. 
44, t. 19, n. 17 n., Papal Secret Archives). Cf. HINIJOSA, 
120. 



134 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

interests to, fulfil the expectations of Carafa. 1 Duke Cosimo 
I. of Florence, who had made binding promises to Carafa 
during the conclave, 2 was also active in the same sense. The 
enormous importance of the attitude taken up by the Spanish 
king, not only with regard to Paliano, but also for the whole 
future of his family, could not fail to be understood by so 
experienced a politician as Carlo Carafa. He therefore 
caused a special envoy, in the person of Oliviero Sesso, to be 
sent to the court at Toledo, at the beginning of January, 
1560, who was to remind Philip II., in the most discreet 
manner, of the great services which Cardinal Carafa had 
rendered to the Spanish cause during the Papal election. 3 
How great was the desire of Pius IV., at the beginning of 
March, 1560, that the question of compensation for Paliano 
should be settled in a sense favourable to the Carafa, is clear 
from the instructions given to the new nuncio, Ottaviano 
Raverta, then starting for Spain. 4 

1 Besides Vargas report mentioned supra p. 133, n. 3, cf. his 
"instructions for Ascanio Caracciolo (January i, 1560) who was 
returning to Spain (Simancas Archives). Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 72. 

2 See ANCEL, loc. cit. 

3 See *Istrurione data dal card. Carafa al conte Olivien 
espedito al Re cattolico dopo la creazione di Pio IV. (s.d.), Barb., 
5674, p. 162, Vatican Library, used by ANCEL, Disgrace, 73. 

4 There we read : *" Desiderando levar tutte le occasion! che 
possano in alcuna maniera adombrare la serenita degli animi di 
N. Sig 1 " 6 e di S. M ta et che tutta la benvolenza et ottima corris- 
pondenza d ammo si conservi et accreschi, mi conviene per 
espressa commissione di Sua Beat ne far sapere a S. M ta che ha 
risoluto per ogni modo che Paliano si smantelli, conforme a 
1 oblige della capitulatione, "et che 1 artiglieria et munitione 
della Sede Apostolica si restituisca. Nel qual proposito non 
mancherete di far futta quella instanza a nome di S. Beat ue che 
potrete maggiore, acci6 si adempisca la ricompensa promessa a 
li signori Carafi, intendendo prima dal sig Fabritio di Sangro in che 
termini lui habera condutto il detto negotio. Et sopra tutto 
raccomandate la persona et gli interessi di monsignore ill mo Carafa, 
quale N. Sig re ama teneramente et, come V.S. sa, ha causa d 
amarlo." . . . Di Roma a XI. di marzo 1560. Varia polit. 
CXVII. (formerly CXVI), 380-1, Papal Secret Archives. 



ENEMIES OF THE CARAFA. 135 

While, at the beginning of the pontificate of Pius IV., a 
prosperous future seemed to be dawning for the nephews of 
his predecessor, a storm was slowly gathering over their 
heads, which was destined to overwhelm them. 

The despotism which the Carafa had exercised in Rome 
during the period of their unlimited influence over Paul IV., 
had given rise in all quarters to the greatest bitterness and 
hatred against them. Among the numerous enemies whom 
the Carafa had made for themselves, many were persons of 
the greatest influence, who did everything in their power to 
turn the new Pope against them, The most important 
of these were Marcantonio Colonna, and the all-powerful 
Cardinal Camerlengo, Guido Antonio Sforza of Santa Fiora. 
Both had been deeply offended and gravely injured by tfie 
Carafa under Paul IV. In the case of Santa Fiora, the official 
representative of the interests of Philip II., he was not only 
actuated by feelings of revenge, but also by the knowledge 
that the protege of the Spanish king, Marcantonio Colonna, 
could only gain possession of his strongholds by the destruc 
tion of the Carafa. 1 

Cardinal Carafa had also made a very bitter enemy of 
Ercole Gonzaga by his disloyal behaviour in the conclave. 
Unfortunately for Carlo Carafa, Gonzaga and his friends, 
among whom was the powerful Cardinal Madruzzo of Trent, 
had won great influence in the Curia at the very beginning 
of the reign of Pius IV., through the union of their families 
with that of the Pope. 2 While Madruzzo was endeavouiing 
to secure Gallese and Soriano for the Altemps, Ercole Gonzaga 
was seeking, as early as January, 1560, to pave the way for 
himself to the supreme dignity. The Carafa stood in the 
way of both of them, 3 and both, therefore, brought strong 
pressure to bear upon Pius IV. to turn him against the 
nephews of Paul IV. Complaints against that family were 
all the more readily believed by the new Pope, as he had 
belonged to the opposition party during the pontificate of 

1 Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 76 seq. 

a Cf. supra p.p. 99, i4- 

9 Cf. MULLER, 267 seq., and ANCEL, 79 seq. 



136 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Paul IV., which had been fully aware of the faults and blunders 
of the government, and had sharply criticized them. The 
contrast to his predecessor s method of government had 
already been so plainly shown by the new Pope in other 
respects, that one might describe it as a reaction against the 
pontificate of Paul IV. From this reaction the Carafa, who 
had to bear so much of the blame for the mistakes of their 
uncle, could scarcely hope to be spared, and it is, therefore, 
no wonder that even at the beginning of 1560, their position 
threatened to become one of danger. 

Their former guilt was still further increased by a tragic 
event which had taken place before the election of Pius IV. 
Giovanni Carafa, Duke of Paliano, a man who was easily 
roused to anger, and in his rage lost all control of himself, 
had led a brilliant, extravagant and unrestrained life when 
he had been at the height of his power. In spite of his own 
unfaithfulness he loved his wife, the beautiful, gifted and 
cultured Violante d Alife, who had borne him three children. 
She was not unaware of the immoral life led by her husband. 
After the fall of the Pope s nephews, the Duke had betaken 
himself, with Violante, to their possessions on the north 
ern side of the Ciminian hills, between Viterbo and Civita 
Castallana, where they resided in the castles of Gallese and 
Soriano. In that lonely neighbourhood, the rugged character 
of which makes a deep impression on the visitor, an event 
took place during the summer of 1559, while Paul IV. was 
still alive, which was not altogether cleared up even during 
the proceedings which took place later on. 1 

x The older accounts of the death of the Duchess of Paliano 
(DE STENDHAL [Beyle), in the Revue des deux mondes, 1838 ; 
REUMONT, Beitrage, I., 483 seq.}, were superseded by the work 
of GNOLI concerning Violante Carafa in the Nuova Antologia, 
XIX. (1872), 341 seqq., 543 seqq., 799 seqq. Besides this there are 
the documents used by GORI in his Archivio, I., 245 seq. ; II., 
45 seqq. ; 200 seqq. ; 257 seqq. ; which were considerably added 
to by ANCEL (Disgrace, 59 seqq.}. It has not been proved for 
certain that the Duchess was guilty of adultery, nor do we know 
what was the attitude of Paul IV., at that time on his death-bed, 



MURDER OF CAPECE. 137 

The following facts may, however, be taken as certain : 
in the July of that year, tales were brought to the Duke 
of Paliano to the effect that his wife was carrying on illicit 
relations with one of the members of her household, the 
handsome and talented Neapolitan, Marcello Capece. The 
Duke was all the more ready to become suspicious and jealous 
as he knew himself to be guilty of a similar want of fidelity. 
He gave credence to the guilt of Capece and his wife, and took 
a bloody revenge upon both of them. Capece was taken 
to the dungeons of the fortress of Soriano, while the Duchess 
was strictly guarded in the castle of Gallese. The jealousy 
of the Duke was still further inflamed by the false ideas of 
honour then common among the nobles, which taught that 
the adultery of a wife brought such a stain upon the family 
as could only be washed out in the blood of the guilty parties. 
Giovanni Carafa was strengthened in this view, not only by 
his brother, Cardinal Carlo, but also by his brother-in-law. 
Justifying himself on his right, as feudal lord of his subjects, 
to judge and punish them without restraint, he set up a 
secret criminal court, of which he himself, the brother of the 
Duchess, Ferrante, Count d Alife, her uncle, Lionardo di 
Cardine, and a third relative, Gian Antonio Toralto, were the 
members. The investigation, if one can call it such, took 
place in secret, completely ignoring all legal forms, without 
witnesses, defence or notary. The court was held in the 
strong old fortress of the Orsini, which stands high above the 
little town of Soriano. An admission was drawn from 
Capece under torture that he had enjoyed the favour of the 
Duchess ; the Duke, thereupon, seized with ungovernable 
fury, stabbed him on the spot, during the night between 
July 26th and 27th, 1559. In consequence of the excitement, 
and the persistent pressure of his relatives, to cleanse still 
further the supposedly besmirched honour of the family, 
by the blood of the Duchess, the enraged man fell ill, and 

with regard to the matter (ANCEL, 61 n. i). Rmss (p. 378) and 
PARISIO (Arch. Napolit., XII., 838 seq.) consider the Duchess 
guilty, without taking into consideration the weighty arguments 
to the contrary brought forward by GNOH (loc. cit., 814 seq.). 



138 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

although the Duchess was with child, he offered but a feeble 
resistance to their will. The Count d Alife undertook to 
strangle his sister with his own hands, and on August 29th, 

1559, he appeared with Lionardo di Cardine and a band of 
armed retainers at Gallese. They had brought two priests 
with them from the Capuchin convent there, who were to 
prepare the unhappy victim for death. The Capuchins begged 
in vain for a delay in carrying out the deed, in view of the 
condition of the Duchess, but the Count answered that he 
had to go to Rome, and that he could not show himself there 
with this brand upon his brow. Violante was resigned to 
her fate ; she confessed and communicated, and protested 
her innocence with her dying breath. 

This event would have caused a still greater sensation 
had it not taken place during the troubled days of the vacancy 
in the Papal throne, eleven days after the death of Paul IV. 
Nevertheless, the enemies of the Carafa took good care that 
it was not forgotten. A report from Rome on January 6th, 

1560, announces that the Duke of Paliano had arrived at 
the last post station before Rome, at La Storta, where he had 
conferred for three hours with his brother, the Cardinal ; 
" he did not dare to enter the city, for his case looked bad." 
A second report, of January I3th, relates that the Duke had 
begged for mercy from the Pope, but that the latter intended 
to proceed against the murderers. 1 Pius IV. did not hurry 
matters, and it was only at the end of March that clear-sighted 
observers were able to detect signs that a criminal suit against 
the Carafa was impending. 

This decision was certainly not an easy one for Pius IV., 
" but if only to secure order he had no choice but to bring the 
haughty nephews of Paul IV. to submission." 2 He at first 
set to work with great caution. Girolamo de Federicis and 
Alessandro Pallantieri were reinstated on March 27th, 1560, 
in the positions of which they had been deprived by Paul 
IV. ; the former was again appointed Governor of Rome, 

x See *Avvisi di Roma of January 6 and 13, 1560 (Urb. 1039, 
pp. H4b, 117, Vatican Library). 

2 Opinion of BENRATH in Herzogs Realenzyklopadie, XV., 437. 



ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE CARAFA. 139 

and the latter Procurator-Fiscal. 1 Pius IV. issued a decree 
on April 3rd, probably on the advice of Pallantieri, which 
renewed severe penalties against those who had usurped 
Church property. 2 This measure was connected with certain 
accusations which had been made against Cardinal Alfonso 
Carafa, that he had used his influence during the illness of 
Paul IV. to induce the Pope to give him presents. In the 
meantime Pallantieri was hard at work so that the excesses 
of the other members of the family should not remain un 
punished, and the time now seemed to have come when he 
would be able to take revenge for his deposition, and his 
more than two years imprisonment in the Castle of St. 
Angelo. An enterprising and vindictive man, Uke this 
experienced lawyer, was the most suitable person to collect 
from all sources proofs of the excesses of the Carafa. Their 
creditors were next set in motion, and immediately began 
to assail the Pope with their complaints. At the beginning 
of April Pius IV. informed Cardinals Carlo and Alfonso Carafa 
that he must insist on their satisfying their creditors, where 
upon both the Cardinals betook themselves to Gallese to 
discuss with the Duke of Paliano how this was to be effected. 3 
A short time afterwards Cardinal Alfonso was called to account, 
in virtue of the decree of April 3rd. He declared that he 
had received a casket of jewels from the dying Pope as a 
present, and that this had been effected by means of a brief. 
The latter was dated on the day of the death of Paul IV., and 
the enemies of the Carafa said that it was an extortion which 
must be made good. Pius IV. ordered that it must be clearly 
shown how the casket came into the Cardinal s possession, 
as the brief did not appear to be very authentic, and it was 
already reported that the Pope would decide the dispute 
between Alfonso Carafa and the Cardinal Camerlengo in 
favour of the latter. 4 

x See ANCEL, Disgrace, 81. 

2 Bull. Rom., VII., 18 seq. The date given by ANCEL (p. 83) 
viz. April 2, is erroneous. 

3 *Avviso di Roma of April 6, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 1456. Vatican 
Library) . 

4 *Avvisi di Roma of April 13 and 27, 1560, ibid., pp. 149, 151 b. 



140 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In this state of affairs a great deal depended upon the 
attitude of the King of Spain, and he could not think of 
putting the interests of the Carafa before those of Marcantonio 
Colonna, who was entirely devoted to him. Nor was this 
the only thing to be considered. According to the principle 
that unreliable confederates and dangerous opponents should 
be destroyed while there was yet time, the suppression and, 
if possible, the destruction of the family which had brought 
about such a severe struggle with the Holy See under Paul 
IV., seemed to him to be the policy to be followed. 1 
Fabrizio di Sangro and Ottaviano Raverta received undecisive 
answers, which showed plainly enough that the Spanish 
king paid much more attention to the advice of Cardinal 
Santa Fiora than to that of Francisco Vargas. 2 When the 
Count of Tendilla, 3 the ambassador extraordinaiy of Philip 
II., arrived in Rome on May I2th, for the obedientia ceremony, 
the true state of the king s mind was seen even more clearly. 
In contrast to Vargas, who still worked for the Carafa with 
undiminished zeal, Tendilla displayed a marked indifference 
towards the nephews of Paul IV. He had at first taken up 
his residence at the Spanish embassy with Vargas, but after 
wards, at the express wish of the Pope, removed to the Belve 
dere. 4 There he repeatedly had secret conferences with 

1 This is justly pointed out by HILLIGER, p. 15. 

2 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 14, 15, 5 seq. ; DURUY, 410 seq.. ANCEL, 
Disgrace, 83 seq. ; RIESS, 309 seq. 

3 Alba would have liked his son sent to Rome as ambassador. 
Had he succeeded in this the enmity of the Duke for the Carafa 
would have been very disadvantageous to that family, as Giulio 
Grandi points out in his *report of March 13, 1560 (State Archives, 
Modena). Tendilla proved, indeed, just as great an opponent of 
the Carafa ; it was evident that he was acquainted with the secret 
intentions of Philip II. Concerning Tendilla cf. CONSTANT, 
Rapport, 276 seq 

4 Cf. Vargas "reports of May 15 and 20, 1560, used by ANCEL, 
Disgrace, 84. The *Avvisi di Roma of May 17 and 21, announce 
that Tendilla was " allogiato a spese di S.S ta in Belvedere con 
infinite carezze " (Urb. 1039, p. i58b, Vatican Library). Con- 



THE ENEMIES OF THE CARAFA. 141 

Pius IV., and shrewd observers were quick to conclude that 
negotiations prejudical to the Carafa were taking place. 1 There 
can, indeed, be no doubt that not only the enemies of the 
Carafa in Rome, but Philip II. as well, were at that time 
inciting the Pope 2 to take decisive steps against the nephews 
of Paul IV., and that their efforts were meeting with success. 
Pius IV., however, was careful not to let his altered frame 
of mind appear, and he explained this later on by saying 
that he wished to prevent the flight of the Carafa. The 
latter were able, therefore, to lull themselves with a false 
sense of security, indeed, their confidence was so complete 
that they even dared to challenge their enemies, for it can 
only be so described when the Duke of Paliano commenced a 
law-suit in Gallese against Marcantonio Colonna on the 
ground of an alleged attempt at poisoning him. Pius IV. 
appeared to give sanction to this proceeding by ordering 
a commissary to go to Gallese. 3 

Cardinal Carafa had not the slightest idea at the beginning 
of June how near his enemies were to attaining their end, 
although the altered state of affairs did not escape the notice 
of the diplomatists. That keen observer, the Venetian 
ambassador, informed the Doge at that time that Tendilla 
was always conferring in secret with the Pope, without the 
knowledge of Vargas or the Spanish Cardinals, concerning 
the matter of compensation for Paliano, a question which 
was developing to the disadvantage of the Carafa ; that 
Marcantonio was successfully arranging his sister s marriage 
with Annibale Altemps, and that Colonna s mother was 
shortly returning to Rome. To this was added the fateful 
news that Vargas, the friend of the Carafa, was not in favour 

cerning the obedientia ceremony on May 16, 1560, see *Acta consist. 
Cam., IX., 21, in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, ""reports 
of Mula and Mocenigo of May 20, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna), 
and Boss, 66. 

1 Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 85 seq. 

2 Cf. HILLIGER, 15. 

8 Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 88, who justly dismisses the statements 
of Duruy (p. 318) as fanciful. 



142 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

with the Pope nor at the Curia. 1 The Florentine ambassador 
announces at the same time the great zeal shown by Pallan- 
tieri in collecting evidence against the Carafa, " As the 
Imperialists," he adds, "show neither in deeds nor in words 
any consideration for Cardinal Carafa, one cannot but fear 
for his future." 2 

The Cardinal himself feared nothing. He was fully per 
suaded that the Pope would arrange that he should be fully 
compensated, for he owed to him his election. Cardinal 
Carafa, announces Mula, rejoices that Philip II. lent no willing 
ear to his enemies ; he dined with Borromeo on June 3rd, 
and appears in very good spirits. 3 

Cardinal Carlo Carafa s answer to his brother Giovanni, 
dated June ist, when he had consulted him about his return 
to Rome, also expresses great confidence. In this letter 
the Cardinal thinks that although Philip II. has given no 
decisive answer, they may nevertheless hope that the matter 
of compensation will be satisfactorily settled, all the more 
because the Pope shows the greatest desire for this ; the 
Duke is quite at liberty to come to Rome. 4 

The feeling of confidence entertained by Cardinal Carafa was 
not even shaken when Pius IV., after the arrest on May 
2yth of Cardinal del Monte, who had stained his purple with 
blood, made the remark : " We have not yet come to the 
end." 5 This hint inspired Cardinal Carafa with as little 

1 * "Letter of June i, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna). 

2 *Letter of G. B. Ricasoli to Cosimo I. of May 30, 1560 (State 
Archives, Florence), translated in ANCEL, Disgrace, 82. On 
June i, 1560, Ricasoli "announces that Gabrio Serbelloni has told 
him : " che il papa 6 stato come resolute quando fu carcerato 
Monte di darli Carafa in compagnia et che di questo era certo, 
ma di poi a inter ces si one non sa di chi li pare si sia poi mutato " 
(that in italics is in cypher). State Archives, Florence. 

s **R e poft of Mula of June 7, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna). 

4 See the actual text of the letter (Papal Secret Archives) in 
Appendix No. 4. 

6 See the "reports of the Florentine ambassador of May 30 
and June 6, 1 560 (State Archives, Florence) . Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 



PALIANO GETURNS TO ROME. 143 

fear as the fact that the old enemy of his house, Giovanna 
d Aragona Colonna, who had been obliged to fly in disguise 
from Rome four years before, now made a triumphal entry 
into the city, many of the Romans, including the guard and 
the relatives of the Pope, going to meet her. On the following 
day she had an audience of ceremony. l 

On June 6th the Duke of Paliano also leturned to Rome. 
In consequence of favourable news from Spain both he and 
his brother the Cardinal were in the best of spirits ; in the 
evening they amused themselves with music and dancing 
in the company of loose women. 2 

A secret consistory had been arranged to take place in 
the Vatican on the morning of June 7th. 3 This was held 
in the apartment situated between the Appartimento Borgia 
and the Sala Ducale, which is now called the Sala Guardaroba. 
The Cardinals were awaiting the appearance of the Pope 
when Aurelio Spina, a chamberlain of Cardinal Borromeo, 

89 seq. The arrest of del Monte, according to Massarelli, in 
MERKLE, II., 345, was " ob duo homicidia suis manibus perpetrata 
in civitate Nucerina in Umbria, in personam scilicet patris et 
filii ibi magistri cursorum, dum sede vacante Pauli IV. ex Venetiis 
Urbem citatis equis reverteretur." See also Mula s *reports 
of May 27, June i, and July 20, 1560. Cf. further the *Avvisi 
di Roma of June T, 15, and 2g(Urb. 1039, pp. 162, 169, 176, Vatican 
Library) and Mula s ""reports of May 27 and 31, and June i, 1560 
(Court Library, Vienna). 

1 See the *report of G. B. Ricasoli of June 5, 1 560, State Archives 
Florence. *Avviso di Roma of June 8, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. i65a, 
Vatican Library). MASSARELLI, 346. Concerning the flight of 
Giovanna, see Vol. XIV. of this work, p. in. 

8 See in Appendix No. 7, the *Avviso di Roma of June 8, 1560 
(Vatican Library). 

3 See for what follows, Ricasoli s *report of June 7, 1560, in 
Appendix No. 6. Cf. *Acta consist. Cancell., VIII, 38, and 
*Acta consist. Cam., IX., 22b (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, 
Appendix No. 5) further MASSARELLI, 346 ; BONDONUS, 534 seq. ; 
the report of the Portuguese ambassador of June 12, 1560 in 
the Corpo. dipl. Portug., VIII. , 470, seq. : POGIANI Epist , II., 
220 ; correspondence of Card, O, Truchsess, 172 seq. 



144 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

announced to Cardinal Carafa that His Holiness wished to 
speak to him. The Cardinal, in joyful expectation, followed 
the chamberlain by a secret staircase to the Papal Hall of 
Audience, where the groom of the chambers then on duty 
requested him to wait. Soon afterwards Cardinal Alfonso 
Carafa also arrived, whereupon the Captain of the Papal 
Guard, Gabrio Serbelloni, appeared, and announced that 
they were both under arrest. While Alfonso obeyed in 
silence, Carlo cried out boldly : " This is the reward for my 
valuable services ! " Both Cardinals were at once conducted 
by the secret passage to the Castle of St. Angelo. 

The Governor of Rome and the Procurator- Fiscal proceeded 
at the same time, accompanied by numerous police, to the 
Palazzo Carafa in the Piazza Navona, where they presented 
the Duke of Paliano with a warrant for his arrest, and then 
took him also to the Castle of St. Angelo. The same morning 
similar treatment was given to all the intimates and particular 
friends of the two Cardinals. Among the associates of Carlo, 
this fate befell Cesare Brancaccio, his secretary, Urbino, his 
majordomo and four of his attendants, whilst among the 
intimates of Cardinal Alfonso, his secretary, Paolo Filonardo, 
and three other members of his household were anested. 
The Count d Alife and Lionaido di Cardine also fell into the 
hands of the police, but some few, such as the Bishop of 
Civita di Penna, Vico de Nobili, and Matteo Stendardi, 
succeeded in escaping. The Marquis of Montebello was 
in Naples at the time. After the arrests, all the papers 
of the Carafa, even the ordinary housekeeping books, were 
seized ; they filled seven or eight chests. 

When the Florentine ambassador brought the news of 
the arrest of their two colleagues, of which he had been a 
witness, to the Cardinals assembled in the Hall of Consistories, 
there at once arose a murmuring and whispering, while 
astonishment and fear took possession of all present. Several, 
like Cardinal Vitelli, endeavoured to conceal their dismay, 
but Este and others did not hide their displeasure. When 
Pius IV. at last appeared, it could clearly be seen from his 
expression how pleased he was that the affair had succeeded 



THE CRIMES OF THE CARAFA. 145 

so well. The communication which he made to the Cardinals 
concerning what had taken place, was limited to a bare 
statement of facts. On the following day, however, he was all 
the more communicative to the ambassadors, Vargas and 
Tendilia, who had been invited to dine with him, the case 
being discussed both before and after the meal. The Pope 
set forth the crimes of the nephews of Paul IV. in great detail, 
laying special stress on their scandalous and unjust attempt 
to stir up strife against Charles V. The two Spanish ambas 
sadors were invited to convince themselves, by an examination 
of the documents, of the falsity of the accusations made at the 
time, especially of the intrigues set on foot by Cardinal Carafa, 
and of the purely imaginary plot of the Imperialists to poison 
Paul IV., by means of which the Pope was incited to break 
with Spain. The Pope also laid stress on the fact that Cardinal 
Carafa had, besides all this, been guilty of numerous murders, 
violations and other crimes ; that Cardinal Alfonso had 
obtained possession of money and valuables at the time 
of the death of Paul IV. by means of forged briefs ; that the 
Duke of Paliano had committed atrocities, robberies and 
acts of injustice of every kind during his uncle s reign, and 
had murdered his wife duiing the vacancy in the Holy See. 
Such crimes must not remain unpunished. 1 Pius IV. ex 
pressed himself in a like manner to the Venetian and Florentine 
ambassadors. 2 

The greater number of the Cardinals disapproved of the 
strong measures adopted by the Pope against two members 
of the Sacred College, from a feeling of esprit de ;orps. Carpi, 
Este, and Farnese 3 were the most outspoken in expressing 

1 The "reports of Vargas and Tendilia of June 10, 1560, which 
are not given in Dollinger, are in the Simancas Archives, and are 
used by ANCEL, Disgrace, 91 seq. 

1 See the *report of Mula of June 8 (State Archives, Venice), 
and that of Ricasoh of June 10, 1560 (State Archives, Florence). 
Cf. ANCEL, 92. 

8 *Questa cattura di sig. Carafa piu che a tutti gli altri rev 1111 
per varie ragioni e dispiaciuta a Carpi, Ferrara et Farnese. *Report 
of G. B. Ricasoli of June 8, 1560 (State Archives, Florence). 

VOL. XV. I0 



146 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

their displeasure, and on various grounds. They, however, 
were almost alone in taking up this attitude. The Roman 
people, for th^ most part, were of opinion that, in view of the 
undoubted guilt of the Carafa, the Pope was thoroughly 
justified in proceeding thus severely against them ; there was 
a feeling of universal joy that at last punishment was to 
overtake the family. The Carafa, writes Cardinal Truchsess, 1 
have many accusers, but few defenders. Cardinal Alfonso, 
whom most people considered innocent, was the only one 
to receive any sympathy, but the Romans were so filled with 
hatred for the other members of the family that they wished 
to light a bonfire on the Capitol, but this the Pope forbade. 2 
Outside the Eternal City, also, people learned with pleasure 
of the proceedings of Pius IV. against the Carafa. In strictly 
religious circles, people saw in their imprisonment a well- 
deserved punishment from heaven for the grave injury they 
had inflicted on the Church. 3 

1 Besides Ricasoli s "report of June 7, 1 560 (see ANCEL, Disgrace, 
91) of. also the *Avviso di Roma of June 8, which states : " Pochi 
sono che non se rallegrino della prigionia delli Carafi&, massima- 
mente il populo Romano, gia di loro tanto offeso " (Urb. 1039, 
Vatican Library). See also the letter of Camillo Borromeo in 
the Arch. stor. Lomb., XIX. (1903). 357 n - and that of G. Salvage 
in the Atti Lig., XIII, 763, as well as the correspondence of 
Card. O. Truchsess, 172-3. 

2 Giovan Maria Gonzaga writes on June 8 from Rome to the 
Duke of Mantua : *In cam bio di far card 11 hieri S.Sta mand6 
Caraffa et Napoli in castello, et questo fu anche in cambio de fare 
concistorio dove erano venuti ; medemamente vi fu menato il 
ducha de Paliano et quale era in case de Caraffa et vi era venuto 
soramente et senza salvo condotto. Molti signori et dependenti 
di questi sig ri Caram sono stati posti pregione. Hanno scritto 
tutte le robe de li dui rev 1111 , et si dice che in casa de Napoli vi era 
una gran quantita de gioie et da vinti millia scudi. La presa di 
Caraffa piaciuta a tutti generalmente et maxime alii Romani, 
quali se non le fusse stato vietato da S. S ta volevano far fuochi 
in Campidoglio per demostracione de 1 alegrezza. (Gonzaga, 
Archives, Mantua). 

* See Seripando in MERKLE, II. , 460. 



OPENING OF THE TRIAL. 147 

The legal proceedings against the prisoners were entrusted 
to Girolamo de Federicis as Governor of Rome, and to the 
Procurator-Fiscal, Alessandro Pallantieri. Both were de 
clared enemies of the Carafa, and they immediately set to 
work with the greatest zeal. Investigations were carried 
on not only in Rome, but also at Gallese and Naples ; in the 
latter city, two chests of documents, which Cardinal Carafa 
had hidden there, were seized. 1 

The opening of the arraignment, which was based upon an 
examination of the material that had been collected, took 
place, by means of a Papal Motu Proprio, on July ist ; 2 a 
second Motu Proprio, that of July 5th, ordered that Cardinals 
Cesi, Cueva, Saraceni, Puteo, Cicada, Bertrand, Urbino and 
Cornaro should be present at the special inquiry and trial 
of the accused Cardinals, to watch over the proceedings, 
and to see that the proper judicial forms were observed. 8 
The inquiry itself was to be entirely in the hands of Federicis 
and Pallantieri. The notary associated with them was Luys 
de Torres, a Spaniard of the confraternity of S: Girolamo 
della Carita, who had the interests of the accused at heart. 4 

The principal crimes to be laid to the charge of the Duke 
of Paliano were the murders of Capece and the Duchess, 
while Cardinals Carlo and Alfonso we/e accused of having 
promoted the cruel proceedings against Violante by consent 
or incitement. Cardinal Carlo was also accused of several 
murders which belonged in part to the time of his life as a 
soldier, but above all, of having, while he was the director 

X C/. RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 97; ANCEL, Secretairerie, 40, 
Disgrace, 92 seq., and Nonciat. de France, I., viii. 

* See the *original text in the Papal Secret Archives in Appendix 
No. 8. 

* *Motu Proprio Nuper ven. fratri Hieronymo episc. Sagon- 
ensi, dated July 5, 1560 (Lib. iur., 493, Papal Secret Archives). 
Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 96 seq. An *Avviso di Roma of October 19, 
1560, states : "II card. Carafa ha dimandato per suo giudice il 
card. Borromeo havendo per sospetto il governatore et fiscale " 
(Urb. 1039, p. 211, Vatican Library). 

4 ANCEL, Disgrace, 97. 



148 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the policy of Paul IV., induced that Pope, as well as France, 
by means of falsehood and deceit, to wage the unhappy war 
against Spain. All three accused were also charged with 
having been guilty of great frauds in the administration of 
the States of the Church. Carlo and the Duke would also 
have to answer for grave misuse of their authority, especially 
in the administration of justice, and Cardinal Alfonso for 
unlawful personal enrichment at the time of the death of 
Paul IV. 

The trial of the accused began in the Castle of St. Angelo 
on July 8th, and lasted for fully three months. 1 While 

1 The original documents of the proceedings against the Carafa 
were burned after having been revised by Pius V. (detailed 
account in a future volume of this work). No copies are in 
existence. A summary, however, prepared under Pius V., has 
been preserved under the title of *Scripta varia in causa card. 
Carafa [e] in the Papal Secret Archives, Miscell. XI., 114 (copies : 
Vatic., 7450, Barb, lat., 5752, and one in the Library at Cortona). 
Besides these there is the "Liber iurium coram r mo gubernatore 
. . . contra ill. et r mos dom. card. Carolum Carafam, Alphonsum 
Neapolit., Leonardum de Cardine. Ferrant. Garlonium et com 
plices, Papal Secret Archives, Miscell. X., 197 (imperfect copies 
in the State Archives, Rome), which contains the originals of the 
compromising documents which were seized by order of Pius IV., 
and were used in formulating the accusation. The *Lettere 
repetite pro parte card. Caraffe in eius causa contra Fiscum are 
in the Cod. Ottob., 2348, p. 286-427, the *Acta of the defenders 
of the Carafa and their records are preserved in the Papal Secret 
Archives at the end of the Codex Miscell., XL, 114, ibid, in Codex I. 
130, pp. 15-29 of the Fonds Borghese (Scritture dello studio del 
s or Marc Antonio Borghese sulla causa Romana excessum a difesa 
delli cardinal! Carlo et Alfonso Carafa e del duca di Paliano) 
and in the Barb, lat., 3630 (Papers for the defence of Cardinal 
Alfonso Carafa). Cf. ANCEL, Secret., 41 seq. and Disgrace, 3-11, 
and Nonciat. de France, L, x seq. Ancel was the first to give a 
complete survey and a clear description of the material and 
sources, which substantially completes and corrects the very 
incomplete statements of GORI (Archivio II.) DURUY (p. 413 seq.), 
and CRISTOFORI (II pontificate di Paolo IV. ed i Carafa suoi 
nipoti : Miscell. stor. Romana, 1883). The discovery of the 



TRIAL OF THE CARAFA. 149 

Cardinal Alfonso was collected and calm from the first, 1 Carlo 
Carafa displayed all his old arrogance. He was still hoping 
for help from the Spanish king, whose ambassador, Francisco 
Vargas, came forward as his staunch friend. 2 This, however, 
could avail him very little, since Vargas, by his importunate 
and provocative manner, had made himself very unpopular 
with the Pope. 3 The French ambassador interested him 
self on behalf of the Duke of Paliano, whom Vargas had 
deserted. 

The confidence of Carlo Carafa in the Spanish king was by 
no means justified, but all the more zealous were the efforts 
of Vargas on his behalf. 4 This diplomatist, to whom Pius IV. 
had, just at that time, on a certain occasion, markedly shown 

documents in the Papal Secret Archives mentioned above is also 
due to Ancel ; it has, however, escaped him that the Articoji XIV. 
pro fisco contra card. Carafam, which often appear in manuscript 
(e.g. Inf. polit., II., 465 seq. Library, Berlin ; Urb. 853, p. 410 seq., 
Vatican Library ; Cod. 44 B 13 p. 276 seq., Corsini Library, 
Rome, and in an unsigned Codex of the Bibl. d. Soc. stor. patria 
at Naples) had already been printed in 1731 by HOFFMANN, 
Nova script, collectio I., 599 seq., a fact which RANKE (Papste, I., 
209) has also overlooked. The Instrumentum transportations, 
assignationis et quietantiae scripturarum Causae contra Carafen. 
ex officio criminal! rev. d. Urbis gubernat. ad arcem S. Angeli 
de mandate SB 011 Patris, dated January 7, 1562, in the Bolett. 
stor. d. Svizz. Ital., XXXV. (1915), i. 

1 *Napoli si governa con molta prudentia et religione. Avviso 
di Roma of July 20, 1560, Urb. 1039, p. I75b (Vatican Library). 

a C/. Mula s *reports, especially that of June 29, 1560 (Papal 
Secret Archives). 

See the *Avvisi di Roma of May 17 and 24, 1560 (Urb. 1039, 
pp. 274, 276b, Vatican Library). 

* Cf. ANCEL, Disgrace, 140 seqq. Concerning the intercession 
of the French ambassador, see also the * Avviso di Roma of 
August 17, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. igib). An * Avviso of November 
23, 1560, tells of the intercession of Cosimo (Urb. 1039, p. 219). 
Among the other princes who interceded (see * Avviso of September 
28, 1560, Urb. 1039, p. 204b, Vatican Library) was the Duke of 
Bavaria ; see STEINHERZ, II., 397. 



150 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

his disfavour, 1 met with no success, as Cardinal Carafa 
answered all questions merely by protests and denials. As 
to his actions before the time of his cardinalate, lie appealed 
to the brief of absolution of Paul IV., and for his later acts to 
the article of the election capitulation, which only allowed a 
prosecution at law of a Cardinal, in cases of heresy, schism 
or high treason. 2 His attitude was as full of challenge as if he 
had been one of the judges, instead of a prisoner on his trial. 3 
The position of Carlo Carafa was much aggravated by the 
discovery in July of some very compromising documents 
concerning his relations with the Turks and the Lutheran 
Albert Alcibiades of Brandenburg. A Motu Proprio of July 
i8th decreed that the case now fell under the head of heresy. 
Ghislieri was now added to the number of the Cardinals 
acting as assessors, 4 but in consequence of his protracted 

1 It was a question of the protection of a baker, against whom 
proceedings were to be taken for giving false weight. In order 
to pacify Pius IV., as an *Avviso di Roma of July 13 relates, 
Vargas had repeatedly sought an audience. As this was not 
granted him, he threw himself at the Pope s feet when he met him 
by chance, and begged for his blessing. Pius IV. said to him, 
angrily : " Levatevi et aon m impedite la strada." Vargas 
again begged his blessing, and the Pope answered : " Date prima 
in mano della justitia tutti quelli ch hanno fatto quest insulto alia 
corte," whereupon Vargas remarked : " Come lo posso dare se 
sono fuggiti ? " At last the Pope did give him his blessing 
(Urb. 1039, pp. 1816-2, Vatican Library). According to the 
*report of Mula, of July 12, 1560 (Papal Secret Archives), it was 
a case of the protection of a painter. Vargas remained steadily 
in disfavour. On September 12, 1560, Ricasoli states : Tendilla 
is very much liked by the Pope, and his nephew, but the opposite 
is the case with Vargas (State Archives, Florence). 

8 See ANCEL, Disgrace, 98 seq. 

8 See the letter of Gabr. Salvage of July 20, 1560 in the Atti 
Lig., XIII., 762. 

4 *Motu Proprio "Cum nuper," dated July 5, 18, 1560 (Lib. 
iur. p. 495, Papal Secret Archives). See further Mula s *report 
of July 6, 1560 (State Library, Vienna), ahd the *Avvisi di Roma 
of July 20 and 27, 1560 (Urb. 1039, pp. iysb, 184, Vatican Library). 



TRIAL OF THE CARAFA. 151 

absence from Rome, he took no actual part in the trial. 1 
The report that Carlo Carafa would be forced to a confession 
by means of torture was repeatedly current in the Curia, but 
nothing more was done than to make his imprisonment more 
rigorous in the last week of July. Till then he had had two 
rooms at his disposal, and had been allowed to receive numerous 
visits. These privileges were now withdrawn. 2 He then 
sought to obtain a mitigation of his imprisonment by feigning 
illness, but the Papal physician, Simone Pasqua, who was sent 
to him, soon discovered that it was only a case of pretence. 3 
This appears to have somewhat broken down the obstinacy 
of the prisoner. The Venetian ambassador reports on August 
24th : " The process, which the Pope has more at heart than 
anything else, is being carried on with the greatest zeal ; 
interrogations of the prisoners take place every day, morning 
and evening ; the authenticity of the handwriting and seal 
of Albert of Brandenburg have been proved, whereupon 
Cueva has advised Carafa to give up lying, to acknowledge his 
guilt, throw himself on the mercy of the Pope, and think of 
the salvation of his soul." Carafa, as we are informed by 
Mula, now caused Pius IV. to be informed that as a man of the 
world and a soldier, he had been guilty of many things, but 
that he cast himself upon his niercy, and that he had not even 
the means of providing for his bare support. The answer of 
Pius IV. was to the effect that he was now suffering nothing 

1 Ghislieri had betaken himself to his see of Mondovi on June 28, 
1560 (see MAFFEI, 52), and he appears to have remained there 
until the autumn. 

See *Avviso di Roma of July 20, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 1756, 
Vatican Library), and the reports of Ricasoli of July 20 and 21, 
in ANCEL, Disgrace, 100. An *Avviso of September 7, 1560, 
related that Pius IV. had angrily answered a remark of Cardinal 
Puteo to the effect that he did not find it in accordance either 
with law or reason that the corda should be applied in the case 
of Carafa, by saying : " che di qui inanzi non haverebbe pift 
carico d haver il suo esamine et che non se ne dovesse piu im- 
pacciare " (Urb. 1039, p. 198, Vatican Library). 

See the *report of Ricasoli of July 25, 1560 (State Archives, 
Florence). 



152 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

which he had not brought upon himself, that he could promise 
him nothing, but that he would take care that he did not come 
to want. 1 

The Cardinal suffered no torture, either owing to the fact 
that it was considered impossible to force him by that means 
to an admission of his guilt, or because, which is much more 
likely, several of the Cardinals, especially Cueva, protested 
against such a procedure. 2 The prisoner again took courage 
when he escaped torture, and still hoped that the King of 
Spain would save him. In Rome, where the case of the Carafa 
had been the great topic of the day, interest in the long drawn- 
out trial gradually began to flag. 3 

Only at the end of September did the special enquiry 
approach its end. The documents were copied and a special 
envoy was to convey a full summary to Philip II. 4 The 

^ee Mula s "letter of Aug. 24, 1560 (a garbled translation in 
RIESS, 412), Court Library, Vienna. On August 24, 1560, Giulio 
Grand! * wrote concerning the affair of the Carafa : " Tiensi che 
hormai non anderano piu molto alia longa et credesi fermamente 
che Carafa et il duca la fara molto male. Napoli non tanto " 
(State Archives, Modena). The Portuguese ambassador wrote in 
the same sense ; cf. Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 34. See also 
Correspondence of Card. O. Truchsess, 200 seq. Mula "reported 
on August 31 : " D. Geremia [Isachino ; cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, 
p. 223 seg., and Ancel, Disgrace, 141] di Chietini gionse qui gia 4 
giorni et par!6 il giorno stesso che gionse al pontefice et n e 
spedito, dicono che par informatione circa a Caraffa " (Court 
Library, Vienna). 

2 According to an *Avviso of August 31, 1560, Cardinal Carafa, 
when threatened with torture, is said to have answered : " che 
sa molto bene che si vogliono satiar del suo sangue et che faccino 
quello che vogliono, che di lui non caveranno mai altro di piu 
di quello ch anno cavato fin all hora essendo nato cavaliere et 
cardinale d honore ; " therefore they hesitated to apply the 
torture, thinking it would be useless (Urb. 1039, p. 194, Vatican 
Library) . Cf. the "letter of Mula of July 20, 1 560 (Court Library, 
Vienna) ; PALLAVICINI, 14, 15, 13 and infra p. 160. 

3 See the "letters of Mula of September 7 and 14, 1560 (Court 
Library, Vienna). 

4 HINOJOSA, 129 ; ANCEL, Disgrace, 101, 129. 



TRIAL OF THE CARAFA. 153 

results of this special enquiry were as follows : Cardinal 
Alfonso Carafa appears to have enriched himself in an un 
lawful manner, at the expense of the Holy See, at the time of 
the death of Paul IV., and to have had a brief drawn up in his 
favour without the dying Pope having been aware of the 
matter. Moreover, he was accused of having approved of the 
murder of the Duchess of Paliano. This dreadful act was the 
principal accusation against the Duke of Paliano, Lionardo di 
Cardine, and the Count d Alife. The greatest number of 
accusations, no fewer than twenty-two, were those brought 
against Carlo Carafa. Everything had been collected, and 
investigations made as far back as his earliest years. 1 

Carlo Carafa protested against any inquiries being made 
concerning the crimes of his life as a soldier ; he appealed to 
the brief of absolution which Paul IV. had given him before 
his appointment as Cardinal. It was more difficult for him 
to defend himself against those other accusations which 
belonged to the time of his cardinalate, especially that of the 
attempted murder of Domenico de Massimi. No guilt could 
be proved against him as to the murder of Capece ; this 
concerned only the Duke of Paliano and his two accomplices. 
It was otherwise, however, with regard to the murder of the 
Duchess ; as to this it was clearly proved that Carlo had been 
an accessory, still, however crushing the proofs adduced might 
be, he obstinately entrenched himself against them by sys 
tematic lying. Further accusations were to the effect that 
Carlo had been guilty of heresy. The incidents adduced 
against him from the time of his life as a soldier were of no 
account in this respect, but authentic documents proved the 
relations of the Cardinal with the Protestant Margrave, Albert 
Alcibiades of Brandenburg. Carlo had to admit them, but 
maintained that in this case, as well as in his dealings with the 
Turks, he had only acted as the tool of his uncle. He made 
use of a similar defence with regard to other political accusa 
tions, which laid the blame for the whole of the blunders of 
Paul IV. upon his shoulders. All this was, however, of no 

1 See ANCEL, 101 seqq. 



154 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

avail ; although eight items of the prosecution were withdrawn 
in the course of the investigation, there still remained fourteen, 
and those the gravest, to be answered. The root of the 
accusation lay in the wicked and repeated misuse of his 
official position in the field of politics, as well as his conduct 
in the murder of Violante. On the ground of a similar misuse 
of his political influence, the Duke of Paliano was also accused 
of having been guilty of high treason. 1 The fact that this 
aspect of the case was emphasized, caused the whole proceed 
ings to become a political trial, with a very decided bias. 

The choice of prejudiced judges effected the rest, and thus 
it may well have happened that crimes were attributed to the 
accused of which they were innocent. With justice did 
Cardinal Carafa protest against the charge that he had kept 
the secret agreement of Cave from his uncle s knowledge, nor 
was it true when the Procurator Fiscal represented Paul IV. 
as having always been a peaceably disposed Pope. It was 
certainly unjust to attribute the whole responsibility for the 
war-like policy against Spain to Carafa. Nevertheless, a 
great part of the blunders of those days could be traced to him, 
and it was he, too, who had made war inevitable ; while Paul 
IV. was following out idealistic aims, it is beyond doubt that 
his nephew was principally animated by selfish motives. Yet, 
however great may have been the influence exercised by the 
prejudice of the judges during the trial, and although Cardinal 
Carafa may have been accused of things of which he was 
innocent, or only partly guilty, there still remained enough 
to justify very strict measures being taken against him. 2 

On October 5th a copy of the reports of the trial was con 
veyed to Cardinal Carafa. In such cases the law required that 
prisoners on trial should have twenty days to prepare their 
defence, a period which might be extended by fifteen, and 
again by ten days more. For this purpose a copy of the 
minutes of the proceedings must be given them. The prisoners 

1 See the excellent details in ANCEL, loc. at., 102 scq., 118 seq., 
141. 

C/. ANCEL, Disgrace, 180-1. 



ADVOCATES OF THE CARAFA. 155 

were also allowed to hold conversations, not only with their 
defenders, but also with their friends, and to arrange for further 
examinations of witnesses ; all this, however, must be done 
in the presence of a notary. 1 

Among the advocates of the Carafa there was in the first 
place the celebrated Marcantonio Borghese, who had also 
skilfully defended Cardinal Morone against the accusations 
of the Inquisition. 2 Besides him, others were also appointed, 
of whom the Neapolitan, Felice Scalaleone, appears to have 
been the most active and fearless. 3 The detailed legal 
opinions in which these jurists elucidated the accusations 
brought against the Carafa are still in existence,; ten of them 
deal with the defence of each of the two Cardinals, and eight 
others with that of the Duke of Paliano. The easiest defence 
was that of Cardinal Alfonso ; the most that could be proved 
against him was that he had kept silence at the murder of the 
Duchess Violante, the enrichment after the death of Paul IV. 
not having overstepped the limits of what was usual in such 
cases. 4 

As far as the political accusations made against Carlo Carafa 
were concerned, whereby he had jeopardized the highest 
interests of the Church, the efforts of the defence were con 
centrated upon proving that the Cardinal, as the chief minister 
of Paul IV., had only cairied out the Pope s intentions, great 
stress being also laid upon the extraordinarily wide authority, 
free from all control, which " from time immemorial " had 

!See ANCEL, loc. cil., 129 seq. According to an *Avviso di 
Roma of October 5, 1560, seven advocates were appointed for 
Cardinal Carafa (Urb. 1039, P- 2o6b, Vatican Library). 

1 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 305. A letter from Cardinal C. 
Carafa to Bprghese in DURUY, 418. 

*E qui un avvocato di Napoli, huomo di gran stima in quell 
essercitio, il quale scrive et parla as*sai liberamente, reported 
Mula on October 26, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna). At the 
beginning of February, 1561, Scalaleone threatened to go away ; 
see *Avviso di Roma of February i, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 2 4 5b, 
Vatican Library). 

4 See ANCEL, Disgrace, 141 seq. 



156 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

been granted to a cardinal nephew. This point, as well as 
others upon which the defence laid much stress, was open to 
discussion, but all their skill did not succeed in absolving 
Carlo from the guilt of having been an accessory to the murder 
of the Duchess of Paliano. Extenuating circumstances, 
especially the exaggerated ideas of honour prevalent in Naples, 
were brought forward on behalf of the Duke, both for this and 
for the murder of Capece, the guilt of Violante being taken for 
granted, though it was by no means proved, 1 

The advocates were not the only persons who were working 
for the prisoners, several members of the Sacred College taking 
up their case, as for example, Carpi, who, on October 25th, 
at the beginning of the consistory, raised a great many objec 
tions to the proceedings against the Carafa, and loudly 
demanded justice. Pius IV. defended his action in excited 
words. 2 Again, when Cosimo I. came to Rome, and had long 
secret conversations with the Pope, the affair of the Carafa 
is certain to have been discussed. On November loth 
Francesco Tonina definitely informed the Duke of Mantua 
that Cosimo had interceded for the prisoners. 3 In Rome many 
people believed that on this account the trial would end in 

1 See ibid., 131 seqq., 139 seq. 

2 See in Appendix No. 1 1 the *report of Mula of October 26, 
1560 (Court Library, Vienna). Cardinal Cesi had previously 
specially interceded for Carafa ; see Atti Lig., XIII., 762. 

Cosimo, says Tonina s *letter of November 10, 1560, is said 
to have handed the Pope a petition in favour of the Carafa, 
" ma e generale opinione che anzi facci secretamente ufficio con 
loro " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cosimo had in reality done 
nothing of consequence for the Carafa, and indeed had perhaps 
worked definitely against them. Even at that time people were 
inclined to explain this by saying that the Duke sought in this 
manner to evade payment of the sum of money which he is said 
to have promised Cardinal Carafa for the election of Medici. See 
GNOLI, Nuova Antol., XIX. (1872), 816 seq ., and RIESS, 407 seq., 
who, however, goes too far in his deductions. The intercession 
of Cosimo for Cardinal del Monte, in whose behalf he was working 
as early as August, was sincere.; see the "letter of Mula of August 
3, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna). 



TRIAL OF THE CARAFA. 157 

their favour. 1 This view, however, soon proved to be errone 
ous. The defence of the Duke of Paliano against the accu 
sation of wife-murder, made by his advocate on November 
i6th, before the Pope and the appointed Cardinals, was a 
complete failure. 2 On November 23rd it was an open secret 
that the attempts to remove the prejudiced Federicis from the 
conduct of the case had proved ineffectual. 3 The wife of 
Cosimo is reported to have said, on her departure from Rome, 
that she was leaving the city in order not to be present at the 
tragedy of the Carafa. On December I4th, Francesco Tonina 
reported, on the strength of a conversation with the Procurator 
Fiscal, Pallantieri, that the decision was imminent ; twelve 
notaries were engaged in copying extracts from the minutes 
of the trial, so that these could be handed to each Cardinal ; 
after Christmas two congregations of Cardinals would be held 
in order to decide the sentence which would be pronounced 
upon the Cardinal and the Duke by the Pope himself, and upon 
the others by the Governor. 4 

1 See the *Avviso di Roma of November 9, 1560 (Urb. 1039, 
p. 214, Vatican Library). 

* *Hoggi si e lungamente udito il governatore com avogadore 
d avanti il pontefice e cardinali deputati, accusando il duca di 
Palliano con assai vive ragioni dell homicidio della moglie, e 
1 avocato del duca rispondendo con assai triste ragioni, per quanto 
intendo ; e si e concluso che si metta in scrittura, accio che il 
mondo intenda sopra la giustitia che si ha da fare ; e del duca 
predetto non se ne pronostica se non male. Mula on November 1 6, 
1560 (Court Library, Vienna). 

*Awiso di Roma- of November 23, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 219, 
Vatican Library). 

4 *Li Caraffi s hanno per ispediti et quest a mattina sendo io 
col fiscale del Palantieri, m ha detto che non s attende ad altro 
che alia ispeditione, et duodeci notari non fanno altro che scrivere 
li sommarii delli processi, de quai sommarii si ne hanno a dare a 
ciascun card le per ciascuno uno, et di qua da Natale s hanno per 
quanto ho inteso da far due congregation!, nelle quali si spediranno. 
Li dui card" sarranno giudicati dal Papa istesso et insieme il duca 
di Paliano, gli altri poi dal governatore, et ancora che si credi che 
si debba commutare la pena della vita in carcere perpetuo, non 



158 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Tonina was very well informed, for the congregations he 
speaks of were held in the second week of January, 1561. 
The Pope, who devoted from three to four hours daily to the 
study of the minutes of the trial, again gave audience to the 
advocates of the Carafa ; the latter appeared to be very much 
depressed, and people in general looked for a result unfavour 
able to the prisoners, even to the Cardinal ; banishment for 
life at the least seemed to be his fate. 1 Owing to his long 
imprisonment, Carlo Carafa was hardly in a position to con 
tinue the payment of his necessary subsistence, as he, like all 
other prisoners of this class, had to support himself. A 
Mantuan correspondent gives details of the miserable condition 
of this once so proud and tyrannical family, and recalls the 
arrogance of the Cardinal during the recent conclave. 2 

At a consistory on January I5th, 1561, the Procurator 
Fiscal, Pallantieri, reported the conclusion of the proceedings, 
and begged the Pope to order the Governor of the city to 
present his final report, at the next consistory, as to the crimes 
of which the accused had been found guilty as a result of the 
investigation : sentence would then follow. Pius IV. agreed, 

di meno si va discorrendo che quella gli debba durar poco, et 
perch& queste cose vengono di bocca et di loro che pu6 saper 
qualche cosa, si giudica che gia sia risoluto il tutto, benche non 
sia antora data la sentenza (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. 
Correspondence of Card. O. Truchsess, 229, 231. 

1 *Avviso di Roma of January n, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 2O4b-i, 
Vatican Library). 

* In Fr. Tonina s "letter to the Duke of Mantua, dated Rome, 
January 15, 1561, he says, concerning the Carafa : " Sono essi 
tutti ridotti a tanta miseria, a quanto questi di mi narrava la 
madre del card le Vitelli,che muoiono di fame, a tale che il card le ha 
venduto la tonicella, et con questi termini si ne passano la vita 
loro, questi che al tempo del zio erano tanto orgogliosi et superbi 
et particolarmente poi intendo il detto card le ch era nel conclave, 
come se li altri cardinal! tutti fussero stati suoi servitori."(Conzaga 
Archives, Mantua). Cf. in Appendix No. 12, the *report of 
Tonina of February 22, 1561. Bondonus relates, moreover, 
(p. 539) that he had visited Cardinal Carafa on January 15, 1561 
and had remained to dinner with him. 



CONFESSION OF PALIANO. 159 

and ordered that no other matter should be placed upon the 
agenda for the consistory, in view of the probable length of the 
report. 1 Almost two whole months passed before this meeting 
was held ; the reason for the delay is to be found in the letters 
which the Duke of Paliano addressed to the Pope from his 
prison in the Tor di Nona. 2 

The first of these letters is dated January lyth, 1561. In it 
the Duke begs for mercy for his young children, and at the 
same time makes certain revelations which he had hitherto 
concealed out of consideration for his brothers. These admis 
sions concern the beginning of the conflict of Paul IV. with the 
Imperialists, 3 the suit against the Colonna, and, above all, the 
tragedy at Gallese. The Duke confesses as follows : "If I 
lemember correctly, the letter brought to me by Captain 
Vico de Nobili, contained the expression that the Cardinal 
had said that he would no longer acknowledge me as his brother 
if I did not clear myself from shame by means of the death of 
the Duchess. I showed this letter to Leonardo de Cardena, 
and we decided between ourselves that he should murder the 
Duchess at Sant Eutichio, on the road from Gallese to Soriano. 
When Don Leonardo arrived at Soriano he found the Count 
d Alife there, who was himself just on the point of carrying 
out the deed, but he prevented him from doing so. They then 
sent Bernardino Olario to me, to whom I made answer as is 
recorded in my first examination. I might have forbidden it, 
but said that I wanted to have nothing to do with the matter. 
It was my own wish to wait for my wife s confinement, and 
what I said was with the object of delaying the deed. Never 
theless, the Duchess was killed. When I learned of her death 
I was exceedingly grieved, and wept bitterly. In order to 
find consolation I sent to my painter, by name Moragna, a 
Spaniard living at Viterbo, and commissioned him to send the 

1 See Acta consist, in GULIK-EUBEL, 38, and ANCEL, Disgrace, 

143- 

8 "Hiera 1* altra, announces Giulio Grandi on January 16, 1561, 
the Duke of Paliano was taken from the Castle of St, Angelo to 
the Tor di Nona (State Archives, Modena). 

Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 94 seq. 



l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

father, Fra Pietro, 1 to me at Soriano, where I lay ill. The 
father came, and I excused myself to him for the death of the 
Duchess by saying that my honour in the eyes of the world 
had caused me to consent. What now follows, I do not say 
to justify myself, but only in the interests of truth. I had not 
ordered the death of the Duchess, but wished everyone to 
believe that I had allowed it to take place, merely out of 
consideration for my honour. I speak freely here, and not 
as one who is before a court of law ; may this be held in my 
favour." The Duke also represented his brother as guilty in 
the matter of the galleys. In a second letter, dated February 
6th, he gave yet further details concerning this affair and the 
law-suit against the Colonna, and here, likewise, he attributed 
all the guilt to the promptings of his brother. In this letter, 
signed merely with the name " Giovanni Carafa " no further 
allusion is made to the murder of the Duchess. 2 According 
to a report of Mula, the Duke, completely broken down by 
his eight months imprisonment, is even said to have expressed 
a wish that his obstinate brother, who still denied everything, 
should be forced to a confession by torture. 3 As a matter 
of fact, the instruments of torture were actually taken to the 
Castle of St. Angelo, but even this did not intimidate Carlo 
Carafa ; his assertions grew bolder and more arrogant than 
ever. 4 

1 One of the Capuchins who gave spiritual consolation to the 
Duchess at the time of her death ; see supra p. 138. 

1 Both letters of the Duke of Paliano to the Pope are in the 
*Liber iurium (Papal Secret Archives; see note I supra p. 148) 
pp. 578-9, and 574-5. The first is printed in the Arch. stor. Ital., 
XII., 456-8, but with a small omission. The second letter, of 
February 6, 1561, is all in his own hand. In the first letter only 
the signature is by the Duke himself, and even this is not certain ; 
perhaps the whole is merely a copy. 

8 According to Mula s *report.of February i, 1561, the Duke 
of Paliano is supposed to have said : " Se il cardinale sar& levato 
quattro dita di terra, confessed ogni cosa " (Papal Secret Archives) 

4 *Fu portata la corda in Castello et ordinato che si fosse 
tormentato il card. Carafa, ma non intendo che sia stato eseguito, 
e quel cardinale parla altamente come prima e piu ancora, reports 



ARREST OF REBIBA. l6l 

The second letter had hardly reached the hands of the Pope 
when another event occurred. During the night between 
February yth and 8th, Cardinal Scipione Rebiba, who had 
enjoyed the special confidence of Paul IV., was arrested. 
He was accused of having grossly neglected his duty during 
his legation in the year 1556 by not having continued his 
journey to Brussels, of having extorted a brief concerning 
certain benefices from the dying Pope, and of having been 
accessory to the murder of the Duchess of Paliano, by sanction 
ing the proceedings of Carlo Carafa. 1 This new arrest caused 
the greatest sensation. Four members of the College of 
Cardinals were now in the Castle of St. Angelo, and it was 
expected that yet other Cardinals and prelates who had played 
an important part under Paul IV. would be called to account. 2 
On February 2ist it was reported that the advocates of the 
Carafa had appeared before the Pope and the Cardinals and had 
spoken with them for several hours. They complained 
bitterly of the biased conduct of the Procurator Fiscal and 
the Governor. Thereupon the Pope decided to go through 
the documents once more, saying that he wished to temper 

Mula, on February 8, 1561 (Papal Secret Archives, loc. cit. 443). 
It is therefore a mistake when Fr. Tonina, in a *letter of January 
29, 1 561 , maintains that the Cardinal had been tortured. (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). An *Avviso di Roma of February 15, 1561 
(Urb. 1039, p. 252b, Vatican Library) makes the same statement. 
It was difficult to know the truth, for everything took place in 
the strictest secrecy ; *Delli Carafa le cose vanno secretissime, 
writes Tonina on February 15, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

1 C/. besides Mula s * "report of February 8, 1561 (Papal Secret 
Archives) the *Avvisi di Roma of February 8 and 15, (Urb. 1039, 
pp. 251, 252b, Vatican Library) and the *letter of Vargas of 
February 15, 1561 (Simancas Archives) translated and com 
mented on in ANCEL, Disgrace, 146 n. 3. See also Massarelli in 
MERKLE, II., 351 ; BONDONUS, 539, and the report of the Portu 
guese ambassador of February 16, 1561, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., 
IX., 184. 

* *Avviso di Roma of February 8, 1561 (Urb. 1039, Vatican 
Library). 

VOL. XV. II 



l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

justice with mercy. 1 The Duke of Paliano was, in the mean 
time, again brought from the Tor di Nona to the Castle of 
St. Angelo, evidently that he might be confronted with his 
brother. It was at once rumoured that two of the guards had 
been arrested, and it occasioned a still greater sensation when 
soldiers were secretly concentrated in the city. 2 

In these days of excitement the great creation of Cardinals 
took place which was connected with the fall of the Carafa. 
For a long time there had been talk of an increase of the Sacred 
College, and this took place quite unexpectedly on February 
26th, 1561. 3 No less than eighteen Cardinals were appointed, 
among them such excellent men as Girolamo Seripando, 
Stanislaus Hosius, Ludovico Simonetta, Marcantonio Mula 
and Bernardo Navagero. These received the purple in con- 

1 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of February 22, 1561 (Urb. 1039, Vatican 
Library) . 

2 Cf. in Appendix No. 12, the *report of Fr. Tonina of February 
22, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

8 See PETRAMELLARIUS, 66 seq. ; GIACONIUS, III., 905 seq. ; 
CARDELLA, V., 9 seq. ; GULIK-EUBEL, 41 seq. Characteristics of 
the persons in question in Cod. Vat. 7248, p. 155 seq., Vatican 
Library. Concerning the consistory, Fr. Tonina ""reported on 
February 26, 1561, that " conflitti et controversie " had arisen 
therein, so that it only ended at the twenty-second hour of the 
night (cf. also Arco s "report in the State Archives, Vienna, 
mentioned by SICKEL, Konzil, 179). On the same day Tonina 
writes : *I1 Papa e stato in pensiero solo di quattro o sei al piu, 
poi di dieci et poi di tredici sino a questa mattina, et ultimamente 
si e risoluto de desdotto, a tal che hieri sera solo si tratto dell 
abate di Gambara, ne prima vi era pensamento alcuno, et tutto 
hieri non si fece altro che far congregation! duplicate sopra il, 
patriarca d Aquileia, il quale fmalmente e stato escluso, sotto 
pretesto che gia fu inquisito d eresia de non so che articolo della 
giustificatione. Si e ragionato tutti di anco che S.S ta si reservava 
in petto rill mo S. Federico nostro fratello di V. Ecc. et alcuni anco 
dicevano che forse 1 haveria potuto publicare, et da ciascuno era 
tenuto che dovesse ispedir prima la causa de Caraffi, come si havea 
ragionato nella congregatione, della causa loro, tutta via quasi 
un subito poi S. S ta si n e spedita (Gonazga Archives, Mantua). 



CREATION OF CARDINALS. 163 

nection with the Council ; in the case of the others, considera 
tions of another kind led to their elevation. The appointments 
of Bernardo Salviati, and of the French ambassador, Babou 
de la Bourdaisiere, were made to please the French govern^ 
ment, while the elevation of Inigo de Avalos de Aragon and of 
Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle testified to a desire to please 
Philip II. It is very remarkable that Cosimo I. only suc 
ceeded in getting a very distant relative, the Spaniard, Fran 
cisco Pacheco, appointed. The lion s share in the creation 
was carried off by the party of the Gonzaga, who were inimical 
to the Carafa. Besides the nephew of Cardinal Ercole, the 
twenty- four-year-old Francesco Gonzaga, the following received 
the purple on February 26th : Ludovico Madruzzo, Luigi 
d Este and the Pope s nephew, Mark Sittich von Hohenems, 
as well as Alfonso Gesualdo and Pier Francesco Ferreri, then 
nuncio in Venice, who were related to the Pope s nephew. On 
the other hand, however, the opponents of Gonzaga, the 
Farnese, who were so powerful owing to their connection with 
the court of Philip, received due consideration. Their 
interests were already served by the appointment of Granvelle 
and Ifiigo de Avalos, but in addition to these, the new Car 
dinals, Girolamo da Correggio and the Bishop of Brescia, 
Francesco Gambara, were also among their faithful adherents. 1 
On February 27th, 1561, the last period allowed by the law 
of those days to the prisoners for their further defence, had 
expired. When the Pope went to the consistory on that date 
an advocate of the Carafa cast himself at the feet of His Holi- 

1 Cf. HILLIGER, 18 seq. ; SUSTA, Kurie, II., 409; HERRE, 
66 seq. ; Q. BIGI, Vita del card. G. da Correggio, 47 seq., Milan, 
1864. The red hat had already been prophesied for Francesco 
Gonzaga in 1558 (see Giorn. ligustico, 1887, 436 seq.). Pius IV. 
had, in an autograph letter, as early as June 18, 1560, secretly 
intimated to Luigi d Este that he would create him cardinal 
(*Original in State Archives, Modena). In Min. bred., Arm., 
44 t. 10, n. 30-40, are the "briefs to the newly appointed cardinals 
dated February 27, 1561 ; in that to Avalos the petition of 
Philip II. is remembered, and in that to Salviati, that of Catherine 
de Medici (Papal Secret Archives). 



164 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ness and begged for mercy for his clients. The answer of 
Pius IV. was to the effect that he had better get out of his way. 1 
At that time, as the Pope expressed it, there were four capital 
C s which gave him great anxiety : the Cardinals, the Carafa, 
the Council, and the Colonna. 2 

There now remained only one hope for the Carafa : the 
intervention of the Spanish king. Cardinal Carafa had 
counted on him from the first, all the more so as all the time 
Vargas had remained his firm friend. When the whole world 
had abandoned the unhappy man, the ambassador had only 
held the more faithfully to Jiim. He even dared, in covert 
terms, to reproach his king for his reserve, 3 but now, as at 
first, Philip took refuge in silence. The way in which he 
determined his attitude is evident from the significant words 
which he wrote to Tendilla on August iith, 1560. In these 
he expresses the impatience with which he was awaiting the 
arrival of Santa Croce, who had started from Rome on July 
I4th, so that he might know what attitude he had better adopt, 
as, however anxious he might be to please the Pope, it would 
not be good policy on his part altogether to abandon Cardinal 
Carafa, lest he should be accused of ingratitude. 4 It was 
evident that the king did not wish to commit himself pre 
maturely. Santa Croce disclosed to Philip II., in the name of 
Pius IV., that Raverta had gone too far in his recommendation 
of the Carafa, and that the Pope had been unable to communi- 

1 Avviso di Roma of March i, 1561, in ANCEL, Disgrace, 146 n. 5. 

2 *Dicono che S.S ta diceva haver quattro C grandi ch l travag- 
liavano la mente cioe : Cardinali, Caraffa, Concilio, Colonnesi. 
Letter of Fr. Tonina of February 28, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

3 See ANCEL, 149-50 ; Ibid., 147, concerning the intervention 
of France for the Duke of Paliano. Albert V. of Bavaria inter 
ceded for both the Cardinal and the Duke ; see Correspondence 
of Card O. Truchsess, 211, 216, 218 seq. t 225 seq., 233. 

4 See ANCEL, 150 n. 4. Concerning the mission of Santa 
Croce cj. Corpo dipl. Portug., VIII., 483 seq. ; IX., 9 seq., 16 seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, 14, 15, 8 ; Miscell. d stor. Ital , V., 526 seq. ; 
HINOJOSA, 121 seq. 



ATTITUDE OF PHILIP II. 165 

cate his real views concerning the family to the Spanish court, 
as the nuncio, as well as Vargas, were adherents of the nephews 
of Paul IV. Santa Croce had also brought with him, from 
the minutes of the proceedings against the Carafa, a collection 
of the criminal statements and calumnies of which Carlo 
Carafa had made use in order to cause deadly enmity between 
Paul IV., Charles V. and Philip II. The further documents, 
relating to Carlo s negotiations with the Protestants and the 
Turks for the overthrow of the Hapsburgs were sent after Santa 
Croce, as he was already on his way. 

Philip II. could now throw aside his reserve, and give free 
play to his old vindictiveness against Cardinal Carafa without 
any danger to himself, although there were still reasons why 
he should not make his real intentions quite public. Vargas 
received orders on September 5th, 1560, to moderate his zeal 
for the prisoners, and he submitted to the wishes of his master, 
writing to him, however, on January 5th, 1561, that he had 
obeyed his instructions, but that His Majesty, by failing to do 
anything for the Carafa, was committing a grave error. 1 

This had not escaped Philip himself, and several of his 
letters testify to the painful state of embarrassment in which 
he found himself. If he requited the services of the Cardinal 
during the conclave by completely abandoning him, not only 
would his reputation be endangered, but his interests as well, 
for the prospects of Cardinal Gonzaga obtaining the tiara would 
thereby be greatly furthered. 2 In the end Philip acted in 
accordance with the advice of the Farnese ; he left the secular 
members of the house of Carafa to their fate, and interceded 
only for the life of the Cardinal. This he did by means of an 
autograph letter written to the Pope on February nth, 1561, 
from Toledo, which reached Rome on Saturday, March ist. 
The consistory at which the decision was to be made was fixed 
for Monday, March 3rd, the letter of intercession thus arriving 
almost at the last moment. It came, however, in time to 
give, to the uninitiated, the appearance that the king was 

1 ANCEL is the first (pp. 150-1) to have brought these letters to 
light and to make use of them. 

See HILLIGER, 17. 



l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

protecting the Cardinal, but much too late to make the Pope 
withdraw from the course he had already entered upon. 
When Vargas handed him the letter on March and, Pius IV. 
answered in general terms that he declined to postpone the 
consistory. 1 The consistory therefore took place on March 
3rd as arranged, and lasted for eight hours. The Governor, by 
order of the Procurator Fiscal, presented a summary of the 
minutes of the proceedings against Cardinal Carlo Carafa, the 
Duke of Paliano, the Count d Alife, and Lionardo di Cardine, 
which took seven hours to read out, and demanded the con 
demnation of the accused. The enumeration of the offences 
made a deep impression, and many Cardinals who had 
intended to say a word in favour of Alfonso or Carlo Carafa 
remained silent. Este alone endeavoured to refute the 
accusation concerning the alliance made with France, a thing 
which he understood perfectly. After the minutes of the case 
had been read out, the Pope handed to the Governor a sealed 
roll of paper, which was only to be opened by special order, 
with the words that he was pronouncing the final sentence. 
Thereupon Cardinals Carpi, Farnese, Este, Crispi and Savelli 
arose, begging the Pope not to show the extremity of severity, 
and to have consideration for the dignity of the Sacred College. 
Their pleading bore as little fruit as did a new attempt on the 
part of Vargas to induce Pius IV. to show clemency. 2 The 
final step was taken on March 4th, when the sealed roll was 
opened in the presence of the advocates ; this contained 

1 Cf. HILLIGER, 17, and ANCEL, Disgrace, 151 seq. The text 
of the letter of Philip II., of February n, 1561, in D^LLINGER, 
Beitrage, I., 353. 

2 The best report of the consistory is in the *letter of Vargas 
of March 14, 1561 (Simancas Archives) used by ANCEL, loo. cit., 
152. Cf. also the report of N. Tiepolo in NARDUCCI, Cat. I., 322, 
the Florentine report in the Arch. stor. Ital., XII., 297, 298 n., 
and the slightly divergent report of Fr. Tonina, of March 5, 1561 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See Appendix No. 14 ; cf. No. 13 
(Acta consist. Cam., Consistorial Archives). The Acta consist, 
in GULIK-EUBEL, 38, report very laconically, as does Massarelli 
(in MERKLE, II., 352). 



THE SENTENCE ON THE CARAFA. 167 

the sentence of death on Cardinal Carlo Carafa, the Duke of 
Paliano, the Count d Alife and Lionardo di Cardine. 1 In any 
case all four had deserved death on account of the murder of 
the Duchess, but the justice of the other accusations, especially 
that of high treason against Giovanni and Car.o Carafa, is 
open to doubt. 2 The estates of the condemned were to be 
confiscated. 3 

When the sentence of death was communicated to Cardinal 
Carafa, he did not say a word ; his companions in misfortune 
were taken from the Castle of St. Angelo back to the Tor di 
Nona. The Count d Alife and Lionardo di Cardine were 
overcome by despair, and the Capuchins who were sent to 
them had a hard task. 4 On the other hand, Giovanni Carafa 
was quite composed ; he had long given up all hope, and had 
prepared himself for death by retreats with the Jesuit, Per- 
uschi. 6 These spiritual exercises had completely changed the 
unhappy man ; religion gave him such power that he went 
joyfully to his death, because it was for him the way of his 

Report of Mula of March 6, 1561 (State Archives, Venice). 
See ANCEL, Disgrace, 153. Cf. also the report of Tiepolo, loc. cit. 

2 Upon the question of guilt cf. GNOLI in the N. Antologia, XIX. 
(1872), 813 seq. Benrath maintains with justice that, even after 
the doubtful accusations had been withdrawn, there remained 
sufficient proof; see HERZOG, Realenzyklopadie, XV 3 , 437 seq. 

The sentence on Cardinal Carafa has not been found up to 
the present ; in all probability it was destroyed when the case 
was revised. The sentence of death on the Duke of Paliano and 
his two companions, dated March 4, 1561, in GORI, Archivio, II., 
260 seq. 

4 Cf. the "report of Fr. Tonina of March 5, 1561 (Gorizaga 
Archives, Mantua). In the book of the *Giustiziati, Vol. 3, in 
the archives of S. Giovanni Decollate (State Archives, Rome), 
there is a note on pp. 167^9 that members of the Misericordia 
were called on March 5 " a un hora mezzo di notte " to " Conte 
d Alifife, ducca di Paliano and L. de Cardine." The Duke be 
queathed to the Confraternity " venti scudi alia capella S. Giovanni 
decollate per mia devotione et elemosina." 

6 See MANAREUS, De rebus Soc. lesu, 126, Florence, 1886. 
Cf. GNOLI, loc. cit., 817. 



l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

salvation. With crucifix in hand, the Duke prepared his two 
companions for their fate, addressing such beautiful Christian 
words to them that it seemed as if he were only fulfilling 
the office of a consoler, and not himself about to be executed. 1 
One cannot but read the letters which Carafa addressed in his 
last hours to his sister and his only son, Diomede, with deep 
emotion. " Praised be the name of Our Lord, Jesus Christ, 
for all eternity," he says in the letter to his son. " This paper 
contains, I believe, the last words and advice I shall be able 
to address to you in this life ; I pray God that they may be 
such as a father should address to his only son. As the first 
and most necessary thing, I must bring to your recollection 
that in all your dealings and inclinations you must prove 
yourself a true servant of God, and show that you love His 
Divine Majesty far above yourself, and set aside your own 
pleasure, satisfaction and will, in order not to offend your 
Creator and Redeemer, even though you were promised 
worldly greatness, honour and happiness. If you follow this 
good and necessary rule of conduct, everything else that you 
do will be well and honourably accomplished. As you must 
be faithful, after God, to the prince whom He has set over us, 
then serve the Majesty of the Catholic King, as becomes a true 
and honourable Christian knight. Flee from sin as it engenders 
death ; choose rather to die than imperil your soul ; be the 
enemy of vice ; seek after honourable and pious company ; 
go often to confession ; receive frequently the holy sacraments, 
which are the medicine of the soul, destroy sin, and preserve 
man in the grace of God ; have compassion on the misery of 
others ; practise works of piety, and flee from idleness, and 
from conversations and pursuits which are not fitting for you ; 
take pains to acquire some knowledge of science and letters, 
for these are very necessary for a true nobleman, especially 
for one who has power and vassals, as well as to be able to 
enjoy the sweet fruits of the Holy Scriptures, which are so 
precious for both soul and body. If you savour such fruits, 

1 Cf. the report of Tiepolo, loc. cit., in which, however, the 
date is wrong. 



LETTER OF GIOVANNI CARAFA. 169 

then you will despise the things of this sorrowful world, and 
find no small consolation in the present life. I wish you to 
show indomitable courage at my death, not behaving like a 
child, but as a reasonable man, and not listening to the 
promptings of the flesh, or to the love of your father, or to the 
talk of the world. For your consolation, ponder well the fact 
that whatever happens is ordained by the decrees of the great 
God, Who rules the universe with infinite wisdom, and, as it 
appears to me, shows me great mercy by taking me hence in 
this manner, rather than in any other way, for which I always 
thank Him, as you also must do. May it only please Him to 
exchange this my life for that other, the false and deceitful 
for the true. Do not be troubled by whatever people may say 
or write ; say to everyone : My father is dead, because God 
has shown him great grace, and I hope He has saved him, and 
granted him a better existence. Therewith I die, but you shall 
live, and bear no one ill-will of my death." 1 

While Giovanni Carafa was writing these lines, the Captain 
of the military police, Gasparino de Melis, proceeded to the 
prison of Cardinal Carafa in the Castle of St. Angelo. 2 When 

J The letter of the Duke of Paliano to his son is printed in 
CACCIAGUERRA, Epist. spirit. (/. NOVAES, VII., 148), again in 
PHIL. HONORII Thesaur. poli., II., 137, and finally in the Arch, 
stor. Ital., XII., 458 seq. (trans, by REUMONT, Carafa, I., 233 seq., 
and Beitrage, I., 505 seq,}, the letter to his sister, the Marchesa 
di Polignano, in FR. CRISTOFORI, II pontificate di Paolo IV. 
(Miscell. Rom. 2, Ser. i, 1888), 131. Both letters had already 
been published in a French translation in a rare pamphlet Sentence 
prononcee contre le card. Carafa etc., Lyons, 1561. The letter 
to his son also appeared in a German pamphlet (Abdruck des 
Herzogen von Paliano schreybens, etc., s. I. 1561) and was widely 
read ; see KLUCKHOHN, Briefe, I., 175. 

* The execution of Carafa is described in various, for the most 
part anonymous accounts, in Italian and Spanish. These accounts 
which agree in essential points, but differ in details, are very often 
to be found in the collections of manuscripts of the XVIth century ; 
in the Vatican Library, Cod. Ottob., 2241, p. 262 seq., and Urb. 
1670, p. 92 seq. ; in the Corsini Library, 44 B 13, p. 355 seq. ; 
in the Casanate Library, E. III., 30 (see GORI.. Archivio, II., 302) ; 



I7O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

he appeared, accompanied by torchbearers, in the antechamber 
of the Cardinal s cell, he was told that the prisoner was asleep. 
When the Captain declared that, in spite of this, he must enter, 
the door was opened. Carafa awoke, raised himself, and asked 
what was wanted. The sentence of death had already been 
announced to him on the previous day, but he did not believe 
that it would ever be carried out. When he now learned that 
there was no longer any hope, he repeated more than ten times : 
" I am to die ! The Pope wishes that I should die ! " Gas- 
in the Capponi Library, now in the National Lib., Florence (cf. 
REUMONT, Beitrage, L, 518) ; in the Royal Library, Berlin, 
Inf. polit., II., 517 seq. (in Spanish, the same in Urb. 853, p. 464 
seq.). One of these reports was already published in PHIL. 
HONORII Thesaur. polit., II., 134 seq. ; CRISTOFORI has printed 
three (L, 102 seq., 145 seq., 149 seq.}, a fourth is in GORI, Arch., II., 
302 seq. ; a fifth (which only refers to the execution of the Cardinal) 
is in Barb. lat. 5674, pp. 170-1, Vatican Library (used by ANCEL, 
Disgrace, 153 n.). All these accounts, which were followed by 
BROMATO, by the editor of NORES (Arch. stor. Ital., XII., 344) 
and also by RANKE (Papste, I 3 ., 209) are more or less highly 
coloured, in part even romantically so. The most authentic 
account was hitherto unknown ; I found it in the Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and it is a *letter of Fr. Tonina, to whom 
Gasparino de Melis himself described the proceedings at the 
execution, and is dated Rome, March 8, 1561 (see Appendix 
No. 17). Good accounts are also given in a letter from Rome 
of March 8, 1 561 , which is given in the above mentioned Sentence, 
the report of Tiepolo in NARDUCCI, Cat. I., 322, the ""report of 
Mula of March 7, 1561, Papal Secret Archives (see Appendix 
No. 16), the letter of Sfrondato of March 15 in Arch. stor. Lomb., 
XXX. (1903), 358, the Letra de Roma of March 7, 1561 in 
Do" LLINGER, Beitrage, L, 354 seq., the *Avviso di Roma of March 8, 
Vatican Library (see Appendix No. 16), and lastly the interesting 
letter which the Dominican Timoteo da Perugia sent on March 9, 
1561, to his brethren at Florence, published by H. GEISENHEIMER, 
Sulla morte del card. Carafa (Estr. dal Rosario), 6 seq., Florence, 
1907 (here too is given the name of the Cardinal s confessor, 
Francesco d Arezzo). Cf. also Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 352 
seq. ; BONDONUS, 540. It is uncertain in what part of the Castle 
of St. Angelo the execution took place ; see BORGATTI, 134 seq. 



EXECUTION OF THE CARDINAL. 171 

parino had difficulty in making the unhappy man understand 
that the hour of his death had now irrevocably arrived, and 
that only a short time remained to him to go to confession, 
and make his final arrangements. With the sorrowful cry : 
" I, who have admitted nothing, am to die ! " the Cardinal 
at length arose and dressed. The biretta was refused to him, 
and thereby he knew that he was deposed from his rank as 
Cardinal Deacon. " O ungrateful Pius ! " he cried, " O King 
Philip ! thou hast betrayed me ! " Then a priest, belonging 
to a religious order, who had been appointed to hear his con 
fession, entered : it lasted for an hour. After this Carafa 
seemed calmer ; he had all the attendants brought in, and 
called upon them to witness that he forgave the Pope, the King 
of Spain, the Governor, the Procurator Fiscal, and all his 
enemies. After he had said the seven penitential psalms, he 
courageously offered his neck to the executioner. When the 
latter drew the knot, the rope broke ; another was taken, 
which also broke, and it was only with the greatest difficulty 
that the executioner was able to complete his work. 1 The 
body of Cardinal Carafa, who was aged only forty-two years, 
was then taken to the still unfinished church of S. Maria 
Traspontina, near the Castle of St. Angelo. 

Gasparino de Melis, with the executioner, hurried away from 
the body of Cardinal Carafa to the Tor di Nona. He found 
the Duke of Paliano, with the Count d Alife and Lionardo di 
Cardine, in the chapel, where, assisted by a Jesuit, they were 
preparing for death. Their Christian resignation, and their 
real contrition moved even the Brothers of the Misericordia 
who were present, though they were used to such scenes. 
The scaffold was erected in the courtyard of the prison, and 
while prayers were being said for them, the three guilty men 
suffered death. Their bodies were publicly exposed on the 
morning of March 6th in the neighbouring square, near the 
Ponte Sant Angelo. The decapitated body of the Duke lay 

1 The horrible incident gave the humanist, Niccol6 Franco, 
occasion to write the following epigram : 

Extinxit laqueus vix te, Carafa, secundus ; 
Tanto enim sceleri non satis unus erit. 



172 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on a little bier, which was covered with a black, gold- 
embroidered cloth, beside the statue to the Apostle St. Paul 
at the entrance to the bridge ; at his right, on the ground, 
on miserable rags, lay his brother-in-law, and at his left, 
Lionardo di Cardine. Only in the evening were the bodies, 
like those of ordinary criminals, taken by the Brothers of the 
Misericordia to S. Giovanni Decollate, and finally buried in 
the church of the Minerva, in the family chapel of the Annun- 
ciata. The body of Cardinal Carafa was also taken later to 
this church, and buried in the same chapel. 1 

A light placed on the summit of the Castle of St. Angelo 
informed Pius IV. of the carrying out of the sentence ; his 
severity caused terror on every side. 2 Many in Rome blamed 
the Pope for having been too harsh ; it was especially found 
fault with that the Cardinal had been put to death like the 
rest, and that the bodies of the three others, though they had 
deserved to die, should have been buried like ordinary 
criminals. 3 For several days fears were entertained for 
the lives of the three other Cardinals who were still in 
the Castle of St. Angelo, 4 but the representative of Cosimo I. 

1 Cf. *Giustiziati, III., p. i6gb, in the Archives of S. Giovanni 
Decollate. There (p. 169) we read concerning the execution : 
*Li retro e sopranominati cioe il sig r ducha di Paliano il sig r 
conte d Aliffe, 1 sig r don Leonardo di Cardines, a uno a uno 
furno condotti da basso nel cortile di Torre di Nona e li talliatoli 
la testa dalle hore nove sino a hore XI incircha giovedi addi 6 di 
marzo e poi furno condotti in Ponte e lassati fino a ore XV incircha, 
e poi si fecieno portare alia nostra chiesia dove venne oltra e 30 
deputati alcuni altri delli nostri fratelli e assai bono numero ; e 
per tale exeque si prese otto preti oltre il nostro capellano (State 
Archives, Rome). 

2 See the dispatches of the ambassadors in ANCEL, Disgrace, 
159 ; Istoria di Chiusi in TARTINIUS, Script., I., 1078. 

8 See Vargas in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 362 ; SFONDRATO, 
loc. cit., 359, and the report of the Portuguese ambassador of 
March 6, 1561, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 195. 

4 See in Appendix No. 17 the *report of Fr. Tonina of March 8, 
1561 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) and the *Avvisi di Roma of 
March 22 and 29, April 18, May 3 and 31, 1561 (Urb. 1039, pp. 
261 b, 2650, 268, 271, 278b, Vatican Library). Cf. BONDONUS, 540. 



CARDINAL ALFONSO CARAFA. 173 



learned on March lyth that they would be pardoned. 1 
The youthful, and absolutely innocent Cardinal Alfonso 
Carafa, aroused great sympathy, 2 and for him the King of 
Spain, the Viceroy of Naples, and the Duke of Florence 
interceded. Alfonso was completely broken down. He 
promised everything they asked ; renunciation of the gifts 
of Paul IV., and of the office of President of the Apostolic 
Camera, as well as the payment of a fine of 100,000 gold scudi. 
On March 24th his pardon was decided on, and on April 4th 
he was released from the Castle of St. Angelo. A bull of Pius 
IV. suppressed the office of President of the Apostolic Camera, 
and Cardinal Alfonso had to confirm this in writing. In 
secret, however, he drew up protests against this, as well as 
against aU the other things which he had been made to pro 
mise. 3 On October loth, 1561, he again appeared, to the great 
joy of everyone, in the consistory. 4 When, in August, 1562, 
fresh suspicion fell upon Alfonso, through the discovery of a 
letter of Cardinal du Bellay, he thought it advisable to retire 
to his archdiocese of Naples, 5 where he died, worn out by 

1 See the *letter of Saraceni of March 17, 1561 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

2 As the Cardinal was not yet 25 years of age, by the *Motu 
Proprio Cum ad aures, of July 26, 1560 (Lib. iur., p. 498, Papal 
Secret Archives) a procurator was appointed for him in the person 
of Cardinal Bertrand. 

3 See MASSARELLI, 354 ; BONDONUS, 541 ; *letter of Saraceni 
of March 21, 22 and 26, 1561 (State Archives, Florence) ; *report 
of G. Grandi of March 26, 1561 (State Archives, Modena) ; GORI, 
Archivio, II., 311 seq., and especially ANCEL, Disgrace, 160 seq. 
Concerning the intercession made in favour of Cardinal Alfonso, 
cf. the brief in RAYNALDUS, 1561 n. 80 and *that to the Viceroy 
of Naples of April 13, 1561, Min. brev. n, n. 51, Papal Secret 
Archives. See also Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 215. Among those 
who efficaciously helped Cardinal Alfonso in the payment of the 
enormous fine was Ugo Boncompagni (see MAFFEI, I., 9). Cf. 
REUMONT, Carafa, I., 238. 

* See the *report of Saraceni of October 10, 1 561 (State Archives, 
Florence). 

6 See the *report of Fr. Tonina of August 22, 1562 (Gonzaga 

Archives, Mantua). 



174 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

grief, on August 2Qth, 1565, aged only twenty-four years. 1 
The Duke of Florence had also interceded for Cardinal del 
Monte, Cardinals Ricci and Cicada likewise taking up his 
cause ; 2 the former, indeed, was very active on his behalf. 3 
Nevertheless, the decision of his case was very long delayed. 
It was rumoured in July, 1561, that del Monte had been 
condemned to pay a fine of 100,000 scudi, and was only to be 
released on the condition that he should forfeit his Cardinal s 
hat at the first offence. 4 His release was delayed until the 
autumn. He had to promise to improve his manner of life, 
to pay the fine and give up his benefices. 5 He was banished 
to Tivoli and two Jesuits were sent to labour for his conversion. 6 
Cardinal Rebiba, for whose life his friends trembled even at 
the end of October, 1561, 7 was only set at liberty on January 
3ist, 1562. The whole CoUege of Cardinals had interceded 
for him. He was again allowed to take part in the consistory 
in March. 8 

1 Cf. GIACONIUS, III., 862 ; GULIK-EUBEL, 39. 

2 See *Avvisi di Roma of March 22 and July 7, 1561 (Urb. 1039, 
pp. 261 b, 286b, Vatican Library) ; *letter of Saraceni of April 4, 
1561 (State Archives, Florence). 

8 See the ""letters of Saraceni of April 30 and June 10, 1561 
(State Archives, Florence). 

4 See *Avviso di Roma of July 12, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 287, 
Vatican Library). 

6 See *Avvisi di Roma of August 2, September 6 and 20, 1561 
(Urb. 1039, pp. 29ib, 298, Vatican Library) ; BONDONUS, 542. 
P. L. Bruzzone has published the confession of del Monte, dated : 
In Castello, 20 Settembre 1561, in the Roman Messagero, 1911, 
No. 198. 

6 *Avvisi di Roma of September 6 and 20, and October n, 
1561 (Urb. 1039, pp. 298, 300, 303, Vatican Library). Saraceni 
""reported on October 10, 1561, that del Monte was at Tivoli 
" con dui preti reformat! quali scrivono che il principio della vita 
del cardinale e buono." (State Archives, Florence). 

7 *Avviso dt Roma of October 25, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 3O5b, 
Vatican Library). 

s *Avvisi di Roma of January 10 and 31, and March 7, 1562 
(Urb. 1039, pp. 330, 33 5b, 343^ Vatican Library). 



ATTITUDE OF PHILIP II. 175 

Philip II. benefited greatly by the downfall of the Carafa ; 
in May, 1561, a bull was expressly issued to protect him against 
the serious allegations made against him by Cardinal Carafa 
in the time of Paul IV. 1 The king s attitude during the whole 
tragedy, had been of such a nature that he attained his object of 
destroying his old enemies without committing himself on 
either side. His share in the fall of the nephews of Paul IV. 
remained the secret of but few people, but the Spanish king 
had been able to keep himself free from all odium by inter 
ceding at the last moment for Cardinal Carlo, again by co 
operating in the release of Cardinal Alfonso, and lastly by 
affording the Marquis of Montebello and the son of the Duke 
of Paliano a refuge in Naples. The circumstance that he had 
persisted in leaving Vargas, the faithful friend of the Carafa, in 
spite of the strong wishes of the Pope, in his position as 
ambassador in Rome, was calculated to dispel any suspicion 
that he had been acting in concert with Pius IV. 2 

The Spanish king proved equally sagacious in the delicate 
question as to what was to be done with the possessions of the 
condemned men ; the same cannot be said of the attitude 
adopted by Pius IV. with regard to this matter. 

As the Carafa had been condemned to death, not only for 
the murder of the Duchess of Paliano, but also expressly for 
high treason and felony, their inheritance fell to the Apostolic 
Camera. Justifying his action on this fact, the Pope seized 
for his nephews, not only the movable goods of the Carafa, 
but also their claims in law. Paliano was only to be handed 
over to the Colohna when Philip II. had granted to the Pope s 
nephews the same annual revenues as had formerly been 
promised to the Carafa ! Philip at first made difficulties ; he 
demanded the immediate enfeoffment of Colonna, and wished 
the sums paid to the relatives of Pius IV. to be treated as a 
favour, but in no sense as an obligation imposed upon him by 
any agreement. This painful affair, in which Pius IV. appears 

*See RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 81. Cf. *Acta consist. Cancel!., 
VIII., on May 9, 1561, and Acta consist. Cam., IX. 42 (Consistorial 
Archives of the Vatican). 

a See HILLIGER, 1 8. 



176 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as an only too greatly interested party, was not settled until 
the spring of 1562. l After the Pope s nephews had been 
satisfied, the restoration of Paliano to the Colonna took place 
on July I7th, 1562, 2 and it remained henceforth in their 
hands. 3 The former political power, however, of the family had 
disappeared, and their wealth had also been seriously dimin 
ished. In order to enable Marcantonio to liquidate the immense 
burden of debt which he found in existence, the Pope dissolved 
for him the entail, with the result that Nemi was sold to the 
Piccolomini, Citta Lavinia and Ardea to the Cesarini, and 
Capranica, Ceciliano, Pisciano and S. Vito to the Massimi. 4 
" An unheard of affair, and an example of Divine justice 
that one should always have before one s eyes " so wrote 
Seripando in his journa 1 after he had heard of the execution 
of the Carafa. 5 The scandalous administration of the family 
during the period of their unlimited power under Paul IV., was 
still so fresh in the memory of the people, that many thought 
no punishment could be too severe, while they shut their eyes 
to the injustice and tyranny which had been displayed during 
the trial, and the political interests and the personal hatred 
which had played their part in it. Pius IV. himself, does not 
appear to have realized that, conducted by such bitter enemies 
of the Carafa as Federicis and Pallantieri, the trial was bound 
to be of a thoroughly prejudiced character. Onofrio Panvinio 6 
relates that Pius IV. had himself said to him that nothing in 

l Cf. SUSTA, Kurie, I., 206 seq., 287 seq,, II., 423 seq. ; ANCEL, 
Disgrace, 164 seq. 

2 See GORI, Archivio, II. , 315., Atti Mod., 3., Ser. II. (1883), 
152 seq. 

3 Cf. TOMASSETTI in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXIX., 336 seq. ; 
CAMPAGNA, III., 551 seq. 

*Cf. REUMONT, Beitrage, V., 95, 103 and Rom. III., 2, 541. 

MERKLE, II., 464. 

6 Vita Pii IV. (of. Appendix No. 37). Compare with this the 
brief in RAYN ALDUS, 1561, n. 80, and the "letter to the Viceroy 
of Naples, dated April 13, 1561, in which, in connection with the 
release of Cardinal Alfonso, it says of the other Carafa : " Molestis- 
simum tulimus, in aliis nimiam atrocitatem criminum et divini 
honoris ac iustitiae zelum obstitisse." (Papal Secret Archives). 



PIUS IV. AND NEPOTISM. 177 

his whole life had been so difficult for him, or had saddened 
him so much, as this sentence of death ; he would gladly have 
shown mercy had this been possible without breaking the 
laws, or if there had been any hope that the Carafa would 
change their manner of life. Finally, the Pope added that he 
had also been obliged to show severity in order to give a warning 
to the relatives of future Popes, so that they might not misuse 
their great position as the Carafa had done. The explanations 
which Pius IV. gave to the Imperial ambassador on March 
I4th, 1561, l and which he again repeated later, as in the 
consistory on June 8th, 1565, and again a few months before 
his death, on October I2th, 1565, 2 are in accordance with 
Panvinio s statement. 

The manner in which Pius IV. justified himself for his action 
against the Carafa can be clearly seen from these explanations. 
He wished, not only to punish their crimes, but also to stig 
matize the whole system. The judgment of March 3rd, 1561, 
was a deadly blow aimed at that form of nepotism which 
consisted in founding principalities ; it condemned not only 
the Carafa, but also the Borgia, Medici and Farnese. There 
was now an end to the elevation of the Pope s relatives to the 
rank of sovereign princes. The founding of such states for 
the Papal nephews had only too often poisoned the political 
activity of the Holy See since the time of Sixtus IV., and had 
paralysed its efforts for reform. Paul IV., after he had learned 
during the last years of his reign to what nepotism might lead, 
had banished the nephews whom his successor had now 
destroyed. This was of inestimable value for the success of 
the Catholic reformation. The warning was efficacious. 3 

1 See SICKEL, Konzil, 184. 

Concerning the explanations of October see ANCEL, Disgrace, 
168 seq. ; those of June 8, 1565, hitherto unknown, in the *Acta 
consist, card. Gambarae, Corsini Library, Rome, 40 G 13. 

8 A medal of Pius IV. bears the inscription : " Discite iustitiam 
moniti " (BONANNI, I., 274). Concerning the effects of the 
tragedy of the Carafa on the letterati see ANCEL, Disgrace, 1 59, 
n. 4. To this belongs the *Capitolo in rima per 1 esecuzione 
dei Carafa, in Cod. 1151 of the Trivulzi Library at Milan. 

VOL. XV. I2 



178 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

From this time forward the efforts of the Papal relatives were 
limited to securing riches, honours, and great positions, and 
to becoming the equals of the old noble Roman families. 
This weakened form of nepotism was, of course, grave enough, 
but it was, nevertheless, far less dangerous for the Church. 1 

1 Cf. RANKE, Papste, I., 209 ; DGLLINGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 
524, 528 ; FELTEN in the Freiburger Kirchenlexikon, IX., 135, 
and especially ANCEL, 182 seq. Ancel (p. 158, n. 3) quotes the 
opinion pronounced by Saraceni on March 7, 1561 : " Et ancho 
si vede aperta una strada non pifr usata da dugenti anni in qua, 
cio6 di rivedere i conti a nipoti di Papi." Cf. also the statements 
in the *Avvisi di Roma of June 8, 1560, and March 8, 1561, 
Vatican Library (see Appendix No. 7 and 18). 



CHAPTER V. 

NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE REOPENING OF THE COUNCIL 
OF TRENT. 

THE most important, as well as the most difficult task which 
the election capitulation had imposed on the new Pope was 
the question of the Council, the means by which a stand was 
to be made against the divisions in the faith and the abuses 
in ecclesiastical affairs. It was not yet decided whether the 
Council, which had been suspended in 1552, should be con 
tinued, or a new one convoked, nor had anything been decided 
as to the time and place of meeting. It was not advisable 
to raise all these critical questions prematurely, and it was 
therefore considered sufficient to give expression, in general 
terms, to the desire of the best elements in the Church. 

As to the question whether the Council of Trent should be 
continued or a new one convoked, the most conflicting views 
were held. While the Protestants, without exception, de 
manded that everything that had been decided hitherto 
should be revoked, and matters gone into again from the 
beginning, strict Catholics insisted, very logically, that the 
dogmatic decrees already issued were unchangeable and 
irrevocable, as were the- canons of all other ecumenical 
councils. The latter view, which was represented most 
strongly among the secular powers by Philip II., was at first 
shared by the Emperor, Ferdinand I. He, however, allowed 
himself to be led away, later on, by consideration for the 
Protestants, and he took up their claim as his own. The 
French government acted in a similar manner, because their 
position with respect to the Huguenots was very similar to 
that of Ferdinand towards the German Protestants. 1 Pius 

1 See EHSES, Schlussakt des Kouzils, 43 seq. 

179 



l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

IV. had, therefore, to be prepared beforehand for the gravest 
difficulties. In spite of this he was quite ready to give effect 
to the intentions of those who had elected him, with regard 
to the matter of the council. Only a few days after his 
election, on December 3ist, 1559, he declared to the Imperial 
ambassador, Francis von Thurm, that it was his desire speedily 
to summon a general Council. 1 He also insisted on his 
determination to do so to the Cardinals, in a Congregation 
on January 4th, 1560.2 He solemnly confirmed and renewed 
the election capitulation in a bull of January i2th. 3 The 
appointment of a reform commission of fourteen Cardinals, 
of which Angelo Massarelli was made the secretary. 4 clearly 
showed the wishes of the Pope with regard to the principal 
task of the Council. Pacheco reports to the Spanish king, 
as early as January i8th, that it was also the Pope s 
intention to confirm the earlier decrees of the Council of 
Trent. 5 

The principal difficulty, now as on former occasions, was 
to secure unanimity of opinion among the most powerful 
Catholic rulers, the Emperor and the Kings of France and 
Spain, before the assembly of the Council. 

The attitude of the Emperor, Ferdinand, at first gave reason 
to hope for the best. His ambassador extraordinary, Count 
Scipione d Arco, who arrived in Rome in February, was 
commissioned to raise the question of the Council. 6 Arco 
obeyed his orders, but at the ceremony of the obedienlia on 
February lyth, 1560, he kept silence on this crucial matter, 
plainly out of consideration for the attitude adopted by the 
Protestant princes at the Imperial Diet of the preceding 

1 Francis von Thurm to the Emperor on January i, 1560, in 
SICKEL, Konzil, 23. 

z See the * reports of Pacheco and Vargas to Philip II., of 
January 7 and 9 (Simancas Archives) used by Voss, 1 5. 

RAYNALDUS, 1559, n. 38. LE PLAT, IV., 613 seqq. Complete 
in the *Regest. Vat. 1918, in EHSES, Concil., VIII., 2 seq. 

4 Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 343. Cf. supra Chapter II. 

6 DO"LLINGER, Beitrage, I., 328. 

6 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 38 seqq. 



DIFFICULTIES WITH THE PRINCES. l8l 

year. 1 Pius IV. expressed his wish to summon the Council 
to the Spanish ambassador, Vargas, over and over again. 
" He repeatedly proposes to do so," wrote Vargas on February 
25th, " and yesterday he assured me in the presence of eight 
Cardinals, that as soon as Your Majesty, the Emperor, and 
the King of France were of one mind on this matter, he would 
decide as to the time and place." In this conversation the 
Pope also gave the assurance that he was not thinking of 
holding the Council in Rome, but in some suitable place 
whither the heretics could come, so that their want of good 
will could be plainly seen if they did not accept the invitation. 2 
At the obedientia ceremony on March Qth, 1560, of the envoy 
of the Polish King, Adam Konarski, Prior of Posen, Pius 
IV. remarked that he was thinking of summoning the Council, 
and he spoke still more plainly in the consistory of March 
I5th, when the embassy of the seven Catholic Swiss Cantons 
made their obedientia* 

Obstacles on the part of Spain and France seemed all the 
less likely as those powers had already adopted an article 
concerning the Council at the peace of Cateau-Cambresis, 
in April, 1559. At the beginning of 1560 Philip II. raised 
the question of the Council at the French court, where it was 
well received. 4 When, however, the actual realization of 
the matter was taken in hand, the widely divergent political 
views and aims of the Catholic princes, and the conflict 
between the actual or supposed interests of the state with 
those of religion, became clearly apparent. 

Even in the case of that power which was purely Catholic, 
and uninflenced by domestic religious differences, even in 
the case of Spain, the interests of the Church occupied, at 

J See Hist. Jahrb., XIV., 22 seq., and EHSES, Berufung des 
Konzils, 2. 

z See the report of Vargas, in Voss, 16. 

3 See EHSES, Berufung, 2-3. The reply of Pius IV. to the 
representative of the King of Poland is also in Cod. 73, p. 223, 
in the Library of the Monastery of Ossegg. 

4 Cf. Voss, 17, 19 seqq. Concerning the articles of peace, cf. 
GACHARD, Corresp. de Marguerite, L, 172. 



l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

first, by no means the first place. It could not escape a 
keen observer that Philip II., whose policy was above all 
directed to procuring and preserving peace, feared fresh 
complications from a general council. He was afraid that 
the peace, which had only recently been concluded at Cateau- 
Cambresis, might be endangered, and Elizabeth. of England 
so embittered against him that he might lose the position of 
arbiter between England and France in the Scottish question. 
The bringing forward, therefore, of the mattei, did not appear 
opportune to the Spanish court, though, as the king was 
dependent on the good-will of the Pope in several other 
matters, he was exceedingly careful, at all events not to 
thwart him in the matter of the Council ; at the same time, 
however, he showed no zeal for that important question, 
but, on the contrary, his efforts were directed to delaying 
any decision with regard to it, as long as possible. 1 

This attitude of reserve on the part of the most important 
power in Europe must have warned the Pope to move very 
cautiously. The Bishop of Terracina, Ottaviano Raverta, 
when he was sent as nuncio to Spain on March nth, 1560, 
was simply commissioned to invite the king to support the 
Pope in once again convoking the Council. 2 Hosius, who 
was sent to Vienna as nuncio at the end of March, 3 was in 
structed to preserve an attitude of reserve in the matter of 
the Council. The Pope wished indeed to hold a General 
Council, but he could do nothing in the matter until the 
French and Spanish ambassadors had expressed themselves 
with regard to it. 4 Vargas informed Philip II. on April 8th 

1 Cf. the exposition by Voss, 24 seqq., and especially that of 
DEMBI^SKI, Ryzm, I., 151. See also EHSES, Berufung des 
Konzils, 3. 

2 See "Varia polit., 116, p. 38oa, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. 
HINOJOSA, 112 seq. ; EKSES, loc. cit., and Concil., VIII., 10 seq. 

3 Concerning the powers conferred on Hosius see the account 
of MERGENTHEIM, I., 244-7. 

4 Hosius had accordingly not spoken with the Emperor about 
the Council until the beginning of May (cf. Voss, 30, 34). He 
did not do so until May 10 (cf. his report of May 13, in STEINHERZ, 



FERDINAND I. 183 

that the Pope had openly declared that he intended to hold 
a Council, and that he would proceed with its promulgation 
as soon as the Emperor, France and Spain were of one mind 
concerning it. On April 26th Francis von Thurm reported 
to the Emperor that he understood from trustworthy sources 
that the Pope would reopen and continue the Council at 
Trent, and that money was already being collected to ensure 
the carrying into effect of its future deliberations. The 
ambassador further states that Cardinals Morone and 
Madruzzo had begged him to ask the Emperor to urge on the 
Pope in the matter, and that he had replied that His Majesty 
had already done so through Count Arco, and that he himself 
would omit nothing that pertained to his office. 1 

On May 2nd, Jean Babou de la Bourdaisiere, the brother 
of the French ambassador, made his obedientia in the name of 
Francis II. In his reply the Pope remarked that he had 
wished to hold the Council since the beginning of his reign, 
and that he now proposed to convoke it in the immediate 
future. 2 He was soon led to adopt a more decided attitude, 

I., 23 seqq.}. The expression used by the Pope to the Polish 
envoy has not the meaning which Voss (p. 30) attributes to it ; 
it does not prove that the Pope s first zeal for the Council had 
" gone to sleep " for the clause " si opus videbitur " does not 
appear in the brief to the King of Poland, of March 22 (THEINER, 
Monumenta Poloniae, II., 597). The supposition of Voss that 
Pius IV. had only occasionally shown an outward zeal, is not in 
keeping with the Pope s continued efforts. Besides this, Voss 
contradicts himself when he writes on p. 32 : " The only thing 
that was still done in Rome on the matter of the Council was 
that they did not let it quite go to sleep." DEMBINSKI (Ryzm, I., 
31) is of opinion that, not only did Pius IV. not wish to evade 
the Council, but that he had already had it in mind before the 
question of the French national council arose. For a criticism 
of Voss see also SAGMI)LLER, Papstwahlbullen, in n. 

1 See Voss, 33 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 40, and especially EHSES, 
loc. cit. 

RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 24. LE PLAT, IV., 624. DEMBINSKI, 
Ryzm, I., 255. Voss, 33. EHSES, VIII., 16. Cf. BONDONUS, 
534. An *Avviso di Roma of May 4, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. i53 



184 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in the direction of a more speedy convocation of a General 
Council of the Church, being moved to this course by the 
disclosures which were made to him concerning the grave 
complications which had arisen in conditions in France. 
The decision of the French Council of State to convene a 
kind of national council of the members of the Gallican Church 
on December loth, was reported to the Pope by Antonio 
Vacca. This decision was calculated to cause the greatest 
displeasure in Rome. The Popes had at all times, and with 
justice, considered a national council as quite inadequate for 
the removal of dogmatic disputes, and as being full of danger, 
on account of ths risk of schism. Pius IV. feared that, 
in view of the ferment then going on in France, and the 
leanings towards a national Church which prevailed there, 
such an assembly might lead to the falling away of that 
country from its obedience to the Holy See ; besides this, 
there was the fact that the assembling of a General Council 
would thereby be rendered much more difficult. The Bishop 
of Viterbo, Sebastiano Gualterio, who was sent to France 
in the middle of May as the new nuncio, and who had pre 
viously filled that office in the latter days of Julius III., 
received strict instructions to prevent the assembly of the 
French clergy, and to declare that the Pope wished for a 
General Council. 1 

How very much the Pope was alarmed at the danger 
threatening in France, and how it forced him to act in a 
decisive manner with regard to the Council without waiting 
any longer for the opinion of the powers, is clear from the 
reports of Mula, the Venetian ambassador in Rome. The 
Pope declared to him in the most definite terms on May 
27th, that he was resolved to prevent the French national 
council by convoking a General Council, and that he intended 

Vatican Library) mentions the congregation of 12 Cardinals 
which deliberated about the Council, after the ceremony of the 
obedientia. 

1 See EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 4 seq. Cf. the *letter of 
Mula of May 25, 1560 (Court Library, Vienna), and EHSES, VIIL, 
20 seq. 



ENERGY OF THE POPE. 185 

to bring the matter before the Cardinals in a few days time, 
at a consistory, and that he would then acquaint the ambas 
sadors with his decision. The suspension must be removed, 
and the Council of Trent continued. He desired to carry 
on the work of reform, even as to his own person and 
his own affairs, but also to safeguard the interests of 
the faith and of the Holy See. The Papal supremacy 
must not be infringed, but he was not disinclined to 
grant reasonable claims. Mula was specially instructed to 
make secret inquiries in Venice as to whether the 
government of the Republic would be prepared, in case 
of need, to place a suitable city in their territory, as for 
example Vicenza, at his disposal for the meeting of the 
Council. 1 

The declarations made by Pius IV. in the consistory on 
May 29th were to a similar effect ; two days later he again 
spoke on the subject to the Venetian ambassador, and 
amplified his previous statements. The Council, he said, 
should undertake the necessary work of reform, including 
his, the Pope s, own affairs, with complete freedom. In 
order that this freedom might be assured, it must not 
assemble at any place which, directly or indirectly, belonged 
to the States of the Church, but neither must it meet in the 
territory of heretics, where the bishops would not be in 
safety. 2 

Pius IV. addressed himself to Ferdinand I. and Philip II. 
in similar terms, and the instructions of Borromeo on May 
25th and 26th, 1560, to the nuncios in Vienna and Madrid, 
had a very determined sound. The Pope, it is stated in the 
letter to Hosius, will anticipate the French national council 
by continuing the Council of Trent, which was only suspended, 

1 Cf, the full *account of Mula of May 27, 1560 (Court Library, 
Vienna, and Papal Secret Archives), from which REIMANN (Unter- 
handlungen, 595) was the first to quote a passage. See also 
EHSES, VIII., 28. 

z Cf. Mula s report of May 31, in REIMANN, loc. cit. ; EHSES, 
VIII., 28. See also DEMBINSKI, Ryzm, I., 35 seq. 



l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

but never closed. Vargas, the representative of Philip IL, 
received a similar declaration. 1 

The solemn meeting of the ambassadors in the presence 
of the Pope, which had been announced, took place on June 
3rd, 1560. The ambassador of the Emperor, and the repre 
sentatives of Spain, Portugal, Florence and Venice, were 
present ; the Polish envoy was absent on account of illness, 
as was the representative of France, on account of a dispute 
about precedence with the envoy of Philip II. The Pope s 
declaration struck a note that was as definite as could be : 
" We wish for the Council, We wish for it emphatically, and 
We wish it to be both free and general ; did We not wish for 
it, the world would delay it for three or four years, on account 
of the difficulties as to the place. In order to avoid all 
disputes as to the place and the manner of holding the Council, 
it is best to continue it in Trent ; later on it can be trans 
ferred, if necessary, to another and more suitable place, 
but it is impossible to spend more time in conferring upon 
that question now, for the progress of heresy, in almost every 
country of Christendom, makes immediate action necessary." 
The envoys might make this decision known to their princes 
by express messenger, and call upon them for their support. 
They have already been informed of it by the Pope, but 
have not yet answered. Should the Pope, contrary to his 
expectations, meet with no response from the princes, his 
decision would nevertheless remain unaltered, especially as 
France was pushing forward a national council. In any case, 
he hoped for favourable replies, and also that the German 
princes would be present ; he believed he could take it for 
granted that the Margrave of Brandenburg would attend. 
" Whatever is decided upon by the Council," the Pope con 
cluded, " your princes must assist us in carrying out. We 
wish the Council to meet as soon as possible, and shall only 

!The letter of Borromeo to O. Raverta in DEMBINSKI, I., 
257 seq., that to Hosius in STEINHERZ, I., 36 ; the declaration to 
Vargas in his report of May 25, in Voss, 44. Cf. also EHSES, 
Berufung des Konzils, 6 and VIII. , 27. 



PHILIP II. AND THE COUNCIL. 187 

wait for the replies of your princes before announcing it 
publicly, and sending the legates." 1 

The desire of Pius IV. to carry this important matter 
through, with the agreement of the Catholic powers, was 
thoroughly justified, for the Holy See would require strong 
support during the Council, while the help of the civil powers 
would be necessary later on, for the carrying into effect of 
the measures decided upon. 

The first satisfactory answer came from the Spanish govern 
ment. Philip II. had postponed a decision in his reply to 
the nuncio, Raverta, even as late as April ist. At the begin 
ning of May he yielded so far as to express his approval of 
the convocation of the Council, but only on the condition 
that the Emperor should also approve. It was only when 
further news arrived from Rome and France that Philip 
finally resolved, in a plenary meeting of his pi ivy council, 
to accept the Council unconditionally. Three days later 
he wrote to Vargas in Rome that, since a national council 
was being threatened in France, a thing which might have 
the gravest consequences, he gave his approval to the decision 
of the Pope to hold a general council. The agreement of 
France and the Emperor, however, was necessary. He 
was glad that the Pope would continue the Council at Trent, 
but the reform of abuses would have to be undertaken. 2 

The answer of the French government was much less 
satisfactory, for the continuation of the Council was not at 

1 Cf. the report of Francis von Thurm to the Emperor of June 3, 
1560, in SICKEL, Konzil, 48, and *that of Mula on the same date, 
used by REIMANN, loc. cit., 594 seq. Reimann rightly notes that 
" Pius IV. took the first step, from which it is evident that he 
was in earnest," and that MOCENIGO (p. 25) is unjust to the Pope 
when he doubts his sincerity. See also DEMBII^SKI, Ryzm, I., 
37 seq. Cf. also the ""letter of G. B. Ricasoli of June 3, 1560 
(State Archives, Florence), and the report of the Portuguese 
ambassador of June 12, 1560, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., VIII., 
464 seq. See also the account in EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 
6 seq., and VIII., 29. 

* Cf. Voss, 47 seq., 49 seq., 51 ; EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 7. 



l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

all in conformity with its policy. On June 2oth Francis II. 
sent the Abbot of Manne to Rome, 1 who was to say that the 
King of France quite approved in principle of the decision 
of the Pope to summon a General Council, but that he must 
pronounce against its being held again at Trent, or being 
regarded as a continuation of the suspended Council, which 
had formerly been held there. The general assembly of the 
Church must on the contrary be convoked anew, and in a 
place to which one could feel sure that the Emperor and all 
the estates of the Empire, Protestant as well as Catholic, 
could repair. The opinion of the Emperor must be ascer 
tained, to which the King of Spain must also submit himself. 
As everything depended on the calming of Germany, the 
French government recommended Constance in particular. 
The Abbot of Manne was also instructed to give tranquillizing 
assurances regarding the plan of a national council. He was, 
at the same time, to let it be understood that the prospect 
of such an assembly could only be given up if the Pope should 
proceed without delay to convene a general council in the 
sense desired by the French king. 2 

The Emperor Ferdinand I. had only given a general answer 
to the nuncio, Hosius, when the latter had first opened the 
subject of the Council on May loth, reserving for a later date 
a decision as to the time and place. When the nuncio, 
after having received his instructions of May i8th, 3 again 
approached the Emperor on June 3rd upon this important 
subject, he once more received an evasive reply. Accord 
ing to his report of June 5th, Hosius seems nevertheless to 

!See the report of G. Michiel in DEMBINSKI, loc. cit., 254. 
Cf. BROWN, VII., n. 174; EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 
ii. 

2 Instruttione del Re Christ mo portata a N.S re dall abbate di 
Manna sopra le cose del concilio, 1560 (Inf. polit., VII., 424 seq., 
Royal Library, Berlin), printed in EHSES, VIII. , 35 seq. Cf. 
REIMANN, Unterhandlungen, 601 ; Voss, 54 seq. ; EHSES, Beru 
fung des Konzils, u. 

3 Printed in CYPRIANUS, 76, and STEINHERZ, I., 31 seq. 



FERDINAND I. AND THE COUNCIL. 189 

have received the impression that Ferdinand was agreeable 
that the Council, after the removal of the suspension, should 
again be summoned to Trent. 1 

On the same day the privy council assembled at Vienna 
in order to come to a final .decision upon the matter. 2 Two 
Austrian statesmen, Georg Gienger, and the vice-chancellor 
of the Empire, Sigmund Seld, had the chief influence there, 
and they, like the great number of the Catholic estates of 
the Empire, held the false view that the decrees of Constance 
and Basle, which were inimical to the Pope, were lawful and 
valid, and that a reform of the Church could only be possible 
on this basis. 3 The Emperor s councillors, as well as Duke 
Albert of Bavaria, who arrived in Vienna on June 8th, 
succeeded in making the most of a threatened invasion of 
the Imperial dominions by the Protestants, in order to prevent 
the Council desired by the Pope. Under the pressure of 
this threat, Ferdinand became more hesitating than ever. 
He who had encouraged the Pope in March, through Scipione 
d Arco, to summon the Council as quickly as possible, now, 
when Pius IV. wished to proceed energetically with the 
matter, did everything to keep him back. He gave his 
approval to a memorandum, 4 drawn up by Gienger, to be 
handed to the nuncio, which made so many leservations, 
and set up so many claims, which were, in part at any rate, 

1 See STEINHERZ, I., 40 seq. 

2 Consultatio quid agendum sit in negocio concilii, in SICKEL, 
Konzil, 49 seq. Cf. EDER, I., 38 seq. 

3 Cf. RITTER, I., 146 ; EDER, I., 36 seq. The attack, in the 
otherwise thorough work of Eder, published in 1911, upon Janssen 
for a false account of the character of Gienger, is obsolete, for the 
passage in question was corrected by me in 1896 in the I5th and 
1 6th editions of the IVth volume. 

4 Scriptum C. M* 18 in negocio concilii nuncio apostolico ex- 
hibitum, in SICKEL, Konzil, 55-69, and EHSES, VIII., 39-5 1 - 
Cf. REIMANN, Unterhandlungen, 596 seq. ; Voss, 58 seq. ; EHSES, 
Berufung des Konzils, 9; EDER, I., 43-7. Eder rightly 
contends against Kassowitz (p. I seq.} that Gienger was the 
author, 



190 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

quite impossible of fulfilment, that the proposal of Pius IV. 
seemed to be altogether negatived. 1 

In the introduction to this very comprehensive document, 
indeed, the Emperor approves of the Pope s decision, and 
he declares himself anxious for its immediate fulfilment. 
He then, however, goes on to explain that on account of 
the importance of the matter, and the differences of opinion 
among the Christian princes, a period of at least a year would 
be necessary for the preparation of the Council. The objec 
tions and difficulties, on the solution of which a successful 
issue depended, were set forth under six heads : 

i. The war between France and England must be brought 
to an end, as general peace among the Christian princes is 
necessary for the holding and carrying out of a General- 
Council. 

a. The Pope must see that all the Christian powers, 
not only Spain, France, Portugal, Scotland, Poland and 
Venice, but also such kingdoms as have already fallen away 
from the Church, such as Denmark, Sweden, and England, 
are represented at the Council, and that all shall obtain a 
hearing. Stress is especially laid upon the difficulty of 
obtaining the participation of the Protestants, whose onerous 
conditions, drawn up at the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 
1559, are appended for general information. Forcible 
proceedings against the Protestants are not advisable, but 
the Emperor promises to do everything in his power to induce 
them to take part in the Council. 

3. The personal attendance of the Pope, whose absence 
was very prejudicial to the former assembly at Trent, is 
stated to be essential. 

4. Doubts are expressed as to whether Trent should be 
chosen as the seat of the Council. The town is too small, 
and since the beginning of the schism a Council has always 
been needed in German territory. The most suitable place 
of all would be Cologne, and after that Ratisbon or Constance. 

1 The opinion of STEIHNERZ I., Ixvii. Cf. EHSES, Berufung 
des Konzils, 10. 



FERDINAND I. AND THE COUNCIL. IQI 

5. The Protestants declare that they were treated too 
severely and harshly at the Council of Trent ; they did not 
receive the letter of safe-conduct in the desired form, and 
were not listened to sufficiently. As their participation 
can be obtained in no other way, all their wishes in this 
respect must be granted. 

6. Great difficulties were created by the Pope s intention 
of continuing the former Council by removing the suspension. 
As far as the Emperor personally is concerned, he has not the 
slightest idea of calling in question the decrees drawn up by 
the Council, but a difficulty in the way of a continuation is 
the fact that the Protestants intend to place the matters 
already dealt with upon the agenda, and various Christian 
princes the allusion is to France will not acknowledge 
the former assembly as a General Council. Finally, reference 
is made to the fact that, instead of the two years for which 
the Council was suspended, eight have already elapsed. 

Therefore, " as it is very evident how difficult the convoca 
tion of the Council is, as its progress must be slow, its results 
uncertain, and the carrying out of its decrees attended with 
much greater danger than was formerly the case," the Emperor 
advises the Pope to have recourse to other means for the 
preservation of the Catholic faith, and the prevention of 
further defections. As such he would propose, before sum 
moning a Council, a thorough reform of the clergy, and, in the 
meantime, to allow the laity the use of the chalice, and to give 
priests permission to marry. 

To this document was attached a memorandum which 
once more briefly recapitulated the attitude of the Emperor 
towards the plan of the Council, and limited the concession 
of the chalice to the laity, and the marriage of priests to 
Germany. These two documents were handed to Hosius 
on June aoth. 1 In the negotiations that followed, the latter 
proved himself by no means capable of fulfilling his duties. 
It would have been easy to show 2 that the realization of 

1 See Hosius to Borromeo, June 21, 1560, in STEINHERZ, I., 

54 se( l 

2 Cf. STEINHERZ, I., Ixiii. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



several of the Emperor s requirements, such as the establish 
ment of a general peace, and the participation of all the 
Christian powers, was really not in the Pope s power, and 
that others, such as the discussion anew with the Protestants 
of points of dogma, which had already been denned in a 
general council, meant nothing less than the overthrow 
of the Church ; none of these points, however, were put 
forward by Hosius. His misgivings only concerned points 
of minor importance, such as several strong phrases or modes 
of expression, certain false arguments, the quotations from 
Scripture in favour of the marriage of priests, and in general 
the theological and biblical proofs upon which the proposed 
concessions were based. The Imperial statesmen made no 
difficulty about taking into consideration objections which 
left the essential points of the memorandum untouched. 1 
The document, altered in the sense demanded by Hosius, 
was handed to the nuncio by the Emperor on June 26th, 
and sent by the former on June 28th to Rome, where it 
arrived on the evening of July I2th. 2 The Imperial ambas 
sador in Rome, Count Prospero d Arco, also received a copy 
of the document, as did Philip II. of Spain. 3 

The replies of the three principal Catholic powers arrived 
in Rome in the course of July, 1560. The Abbot of Manne 
was the first to deliver his letter, which he had received on 
July 4th. On July icth Vargas and Tendilla presented the 
reply from their sovereign, dated June i8th. Pius IV. ex 
pressed to the Spanish envoys his great joy at the decision 
of Philip II., in whom alone he had perfect confidence, and 
at the same time acquainted them with the answer of the 
French government. The Pope complained that the French, 
although they spoke of a general council, obviously did not 
want one. Their intention was to gain time by heaping up 
difficulties and making promises, so that eventually they 

1 Cf. STEINHERZ, I., Ixxi, 55, 63 ; BUCHOLTZ, IX., 678 seq. ; 
SICKEO, Konzil, 70 seq. ; EDER, I., 50 seq. 

2 See EHSES, loc. cit., 9. 

8 See SICKEL, Konzil, 71 seq , 73 seq. 



THE IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR. 



might hold the national council they had spoken of. 1 The 
Pope laid the answers of the French and Spanish governments 
before the Congregation of Cardinals as early as July nth. 2 

On July I4th the Imperial ambassador, Prospero d Arco, 
had an audience in order to submit the views and requirements 
of Ferdinand, which had recently arrived from Vienna, to 
the Pope. The latter, who had already, as a Cardinal during 
the conclave, made known his inclination to grant concessions 
with regard to the chalice for the laity and the marriage of 
priests, 3 again showed himself on this occasion not disinclined 
to make such concessions, at the same time, however, ex 
pressing his doubts as to whether much would be gained 
by such a course. Such permissions, without the decision 
of a Council, also appeared to him to be of doubtful value, 
because difficulties might arise in consequence of them at the 
Council, and others might feel that they too could ask for 
further concessions independently of a Council. 4 The Con 
gregation of Cardinals, to which the Pope had submitted the 
Emperor s reply of July I5th, also declared that the chalice 
for the laity and the marriage of priests could only be granted 
by the Council. Arco, who reports this, adds that the removal 
of the suspension of the Council of Trent is definitely wished 
for in Rome, and that he has it on good authority that if the 
Emperor agrees to this, the Pope will give him an assurance 
that the wished for concessions shall be made. 5 Vargas 

1 See Corresp. de Babou de la Bourdaisiere, 9 ; Vargas in 
DOLLINGER Beitrage, L, 337 seq. Voss, 65 seq. Giov. Franc. 
Canobio had brought to Rome the letter of June 18 ; see BROWN, 
VII., n. 172-3. 

8 See SICKEL, Konzil, 86 n. Cf. the *report of Mula of July 12, 
1560 (Court Library, Vienna, and Papal Secret Archives) ; *Avviso 
di Roma of July 13, 1560 (Urb. 1039, p. 181, Vatican Library). 

3 Cf. supra p. 33. 

4 See Arco s report of July 1.5, 1 560, in SICKEL, Konzil, 84 seq. 
Cf. Voss, 67. 

5 See SICKEL, 85. If Arco further declared that in that case the 
Pope would also allow that they should treat with the Protestants 
upon the " cose determinate in Trento " he was certainly not right. 

VOL. XV. X 3 



IQ4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

reported to Philip II. to the same effect on July i6th, and 
recommended his sovereign to adopt the same attitude. 
He thought that Feidinand I. and Francis II. would give 
way later on, and represent to their subjects that the Pope 
had acted in the matter without their agreement. Pius IV., 
however, was not to be prevailed upon to come to a final 
decision without having an understanding with the two 
princes in question. He intended, before he did anything, 
to send Delfino as ambassador to the Emperor, to write to 
France, and to confer on the whole matter with Spain. 1 

This policy, upon which Pius IV. decided, affords another 
proof of his shrewdness as a statesman. In view of the 
critical position of the Church, he wished, above all things, 
to avoid any conflict with the great Catholic powers, and 
from this came his dread of cutting the Gordian knot. In 
order to bring about the assembly of the Council, in spite of 
all difficulties, he was most careful not to give offence to the 
princes, upon whom, in the first instance, everything depended, 
by any definite decision, or by too great plainness of speech. 
However firmly he was convinced of the necessity of a General 
Council, he nevertheless let as little as possible be known 
of the character of the new assembly, while he especially 
endeavoured to evade the important question of the validity 
of the decrees already issued. If he expressed himself on 
this point in different terms to the French ambassador from 
those he used to the representative of Spain, this did not 
mean that his opinion on this essential matter was not firm 
and clear, but that he desired to offend neither the one nor 
the other by making a categorical pronouncement ; the 
powers were intended to receive the impression that he was 
ready to meet their wishes as far as possible. Even where 
he could make no concessions, as a matter of principle, he 
wished, at any rate in outward form, to accommodate himself 
as far as he could, to the claims made upon him. 2 

1 Vargas "letter on July 16 (Simancas Archives) used by 
Voss, 67 seq. 

2 See the excellent account in DEMBISKI, Ryzm, I., 31-3. 



FRANCIS II. AND FERDINAND I. 195 

Pius IV. spoke most openly to Philip II., whose views 
really approached his own most closely. Prospero Santa 
Croce, who had been appointed nuncio in Portugal, was 
entrusted with the negotiations, and left Rome in the middle 
of July, 1560. 

His instructions about the Council, 1 contained, besides a 
number of other commissions, the following points : He was 
first of all to express to Philip II. the exceeding joy of His 
Holiness at the royal letter of June i8th, and at the same 
time hand him copies of the very unsatisfactory answers of 
Ferdinand I. and Francis II. The instructions emphasize 
the fact that, in spite of this, the Pope held firmly to his 
decision, and admonish Philip II. to do the same. To summon 
the Council elsewhere than at Trent must delay the opening 
and cause the canons already framed by the Council to be 
called in question. As far as the other requests of the 
Emperor are concerned, the Pope has no intention of granting 
the concessions asked for without the authority of a General 
Council. 

The replies to Francis II. and Ferdinand I., whose requests 
were, at any rate in part, impossible of fulfilment, were 
somewhat delayed, owing to an illness of the Pope. The 
first was handed in the middle of August to the Abbot of 
Manne, who returned home a week later. In this the Pope 
declares that he adheres to his determination to come to the 
help of the miseries of Christendom by a General Council 
of the Church, and that as soon as possible. Trent seemed 
to be the best place for this, especially in the interests of a 
speedy opening ; the Pope, however, would make no diffi 
culty, after the Council was opened, about removing it, if 
necessary, to some other city which was safe and not under 
the suspicion of heresy. The King of Spain agreed to t he- 
removal of the suspension, and the continuation of the Council, 

1 Original minute in the *Varia polit., 117, p. 365 seq. (Papal 
Secret Archives), printed in the Miscell. di storia Ital., V., 1013 seq., 
and in part in LAEMMER, Melet., 177 seq. Cf. Voss, 68, n. 128 ; 
DEMBI&SKI, I., 158 seq., and EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 8 and 
VIII., 52 seq. 



196 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and would use his influence with the Emperor in this sense. 
The Pope hoped that the king would do the same, and, 
under the existing conditions, no longer contemplate a national 
council. 1 

Zaccaria Delfino, Bishop of Lesina, a very skilful diplo 
matist, and a great favourite at the court of Vienna, who 
was well acquainted with conditions in Germany from earlier 
days, was entrusted with the difficult and most important 
task of winning over the Emperor to the views of the Pope. 
His appointment as nuncio to Ferdinand I. had already 
been made in July, but his actual mission was so long delayed 
that he only left Rome on September 2nd, and arrived in 
Vienna on the 28th. 2 

The Pope s answer to the Imperial memorandum of June 
26th, which Delfino took with him, bears the date of August 
30th. 3 In this Pius IV. declares, in very decided terms, 
his wish again to assemble the Council at Trent, notwith 
standing the objections raised by the Emperor. In matters 
of religion, he says, one must proceed without secondary 
aims ; it was manifest in Germany that negotiations for 
reunion, prompted by temporal considerations, had always 
resulted in the infliction of grave injury on religion, as well 
as on Germany herself. The Council must therefore be 
opened without hesitation, and with the sole purpose of 
helping the Church to regain her former position. The 
Emperor s doubts and objections are then dealt with one 
by one. The war between England and France is at an end. 
Whether the Pope will be present in person at the Council 

1 See SICKEL, Konzil, 88 seq. ; Corresp. de Babou de la Bour- 
daisiere, 19 seq. ; Voss, 73 seq; ; EHSES, VIII., 55 seq. According 
to the *report of G. B. Ricasoli of August 9, 1560, the reply to 
France was read on the 8 in the " Congregatione della riforma " 
(State Archives, Florence). 

2 See STEINHERZ, I., 98 seq. Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 92 seq. ; 
EDER, I., 55. 

3 Printed in RAYN ALDUS, 1560, n. 56 ; LE PLAT IV., 633 seqq. ; 
EHSES, VIII., 59 seq. Cf. Voss, 75 seq. ; STEINHERZ, I., Ixxix seq. 
The corresponding letter of advice of August 31 in SICKEL, 92, 



DELFINO AND THE EMPEROR. 197 

is a matter for his own judgment. The Protestants who 
appeared at Trent would have no grounds for complaint ; 
they would receive safe-conduct in the most sure and complete 
form, and would be listened to most willingly. The suspension 
of 1552 had only been effected in order to await the end of 
the war ; as universal peace now prevailed, the Council 
could again come into being. The objection that Trent 
was unequal to the task of providing the necessary main 
tenance and accommodation was also disposed of. The 
Emperor must realize that, in the places which he proposed, 
it would be in the power of every reckless prince to suppress 
the Council, but at Trent this would be impossible. His 
Majesty must also remember that Trent had been formerly 
approved of by all the Christian princes, including himself, 
as a suitable place for the meeting of the Council, and that 
those who now raised doubts in his mind had no other object 
in view than to prevent the continuation of the Council. 
An earnest admonition then follows, which implores Ferdinand 
to consider the present state of affairs, and above all the 
conditions in France, which require a speedy assembty of the 
Council, and to agree, without taking into consideration any 
personal advantage, but for the honour of God and the well- 
being of the nations, to the convocation of a General Council 
of the Church at Trent. This would also be in the interests 
of the concessions which he desired, concerning the chalice 
for the laity and the marriage of priests. In conclusion, 
as in the answer to France, reference is made to the possible 
subsequent removal of the Council to some safe place which 
is not under suspicion of heresy. 

Delfino is commissioned, in the very detailed instructions 
which were given to him, and which were certainly drawn 
up by Mo rone, 1 to explain more fully the Pope s answer to 
the Imperial memorandum. The nuncio is to point out, 
with regard to ecclesiastical reform, that the Pope has taken 

i Printed in Pogiani Epist., II., 130, and also in STEINHERZ, I., 
100 seq. ; cf. ibid., Ixxx seq. ; EDER, I., 56. Voss (p. 76 seq.) is 
wrong in doubting the sincerity of Pius IV. 



198 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

it in hand himself, but is also pleased that it shall be dealt 
with in the Council ; he will be willing to submit himself to 
it, should anything which calls for reform be found in his 
own person. If these interior and religious reasons have no 
effect, then the nuncio is to point out to the Emperor how very 
much it is to his own advantage, even on political grounds, and 
especially in order to secure the succession to the Imperial 
dignity for his son Maximilian, that he should agree to the 
holding of the Council at Trent. Should all these considera 
tions have no effect, then Delfino is to declare that, in view 
of the dangers which threatened the Church at that time, not 
only in Germany, but also in other lands, and especially in 
France, the Pope must summon a Council. His Majesty 
should, also, in the event of its being held elsewhere than in 
Trent, at least send his ambassadors and the bishops to it. 
In the extreme case of the Emperor obstinately refusing Trent 
or any of the places in Italy, and maintaining his demand for 
reforms and concessions, Delfino is instructed to propose 
that an assembly of bishops and theologians should deliberate 
on these questions in Rome. 

Prospero Santa Croce, who was detained by illness at 
Avignon, was not able to reach Toledo before August 26th ; 
two days later he had an audience with Philip II., who was 
pleased to receive the communication of the nuncio, and 
declared that he was prepared to send Antonio de Toledo to 
France, to exhort Francis II. to give up the idea of a national 
council. 1 Toledo left the Spanish court as early as September 
4th, with instructions, dated on the 2nd, to the effect that he 
was to make energetic representations at the French court 
in favour of a General Council, and to oppose a national one, 
as being injurious and prejudicial to the interests of Christi 
anity. Philip II. informed the Pope of this step in an auto 
graph letter of September I4th. 2 

1 Santa Croce s report, dated Toledo, August 28, 1560, in the 
Miscell. di storia Ital., V., 1034 seq. Cf. LAEMMER, Melet., 180 seq. 
See also BROWN, VII., n. 194, and EHSES, VIII., 59. 

a C/. LAEMMER, 181 seq. ; Miscell. di storia Ital., V., 1045; 
PALLAVICINI, 14, 16, 8-10 ; Voss, 82 seq. ; EHSES, VIII., 63 seqq. 



FRANCE AND THE COUNCIL. 199 

This intervention on the part of Spain, however, did not 
succeed in bringing about a change in the policy of France. 
The Abbot of Manne had arrived at the French court on 
September 8th with the Pope s reply. A royal edict of 
September loth, 1560, definitely summoned a national council 
for January loth, 1561. Antonio de Toledo, who reached the 
French court on September 2oth, found himself faced by an 
accomplished fact ; he returned as early as September 27th. 
The answer of Francis II. which he took back to his sovereign, 
renewed, in courteous terms, the previous demands of France, 
and especially the refusal of Trent. 1 

The news which in the meantime had arrived in Rome from 
France, had occasioned increasing uneasiness. At first the 
Pope still hoped to gain something by complaisance, and 
declared himself ready to summon the Council, if necessary, 
to Vercelii, so as to make it possible to hold it more quickly. 2 
When, however, letters from Cardinal Tournon announced on 
September 2ist the convention of the French national council 
for January loth, 1561, Pius IV. felt himself obliged to take 
decisive measures. 3 On September 22nd he conferred with 
the Cardinals, 4 and on the following day he summoned the 

1 Cf. PARIS, Negociat., 544 seq., 594 seq., 615 seq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 
650 seq. ; Voss, 82 seqq., 87 seqq. ; EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 
13 seq., 15, and VIII., 72 seq. 

* Cf. Voss, 96 seq. ; ibid, for Pius IV s endeavours for reform 
at that time, especially with regard to the residence of the bishops. 
Cf. Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 347 seq. ; LAEMMER, Melet, 212 seq. 
and the "reports of G. B. Ricasoli of September 2, 4, 12, and 13, 
1560 (State Archives, Florence) ; the bull de residentia episco- 
porum of September 4, 1560, in the Bull. Rom., VII., 55 seq. 
Concerning the anxiety in Rome of. also the report of the Port- 
guese ambassador of August 22, 1560, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., 
IX., 33, 35- 

The proceedings in France, in the opinion of REIMANN (Hist. 
Zeitsch, XXX, 29) " must have vexed the Curia." 

It was proposed to send Tournon to the French court, to 
give as much help there as he could ; but he was not to appear 
as legate. Voss, 98 ; EHSES, VIII., 58 n. 5. Cf. ibid., 71 seq. 
the letter of Pius IV. to Tournon. 



200 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ambassadors, with the exception of the representative of 
France, 1 to meet him, and then he communicated to them 
the news he had received from Tournon, and declared that 
he was now obliged to remove the suspension of the Council 
of Trent, without making any reference to the validity or 
non-validity of the decrees already issued. Should Trent 
not prove a suitable place, the Council could be moved later 
on to Vicenza, Mantua, or Monferrato. Although he wished 
to deal with those who had fallen away from the faith in a mild 
and friendly manner, they must not be suffered to issue com 
mands to the Holy See in such a matter, but must be prepared 
to receive them from him. The ambassadors were instructed 
to communicate this to their princes, and to exhort them to 
support the Pope. Prospero d Arco, the representative of the 
Emperor, was the only one to raise objections, but the Pope 
rebuked him sternly, and the others acquiesced in a greater 
or lesser degree. 2 In accordance with this decision a new 
commission was sent by Cardinal Borromeo to the nuncio, 
Delfino, on September 24th, by which he was to induce the 
Emperor to agree to the removal of the suspension of the 
Council of Trent. 3 Pius IV. on the same day sternly re 
proached the French ambassador, Bourdaisiere, for the attitude 
of France. He promised, however, at the ambassador s 
request, to wait for another fortnight or month, until Francis 
II. should have spoken to Cardinal Tournon, and conferred 
further with him. 4 The Pope gave the Imperial ambassador, 
Arco, on September 25th, the calming assurance that nothing 
but necessity had forced him to his declaration of the 23rd. 
If the Emperor thought that he could procure a delay of the 
national council from France until he had found out the views 
of the Protestants, he would alter his decision in accordance 

1 On account of the dispute about precedence with the Spanish 
ambassador. 

2 See Arco s report of September 24, in SICKEL, Konzil, 95 
seq. t and the supplementary report of Vargas of the 25, in 
Voss, 98-9. 

3 STEINHERZ, I., 115. 

4 See Voss, 101-2. 



PHILIP II. AND THE COUNCIL. 201 

with his wishes. 1 As a report was current that the Pope 
would remove the suspension without waiting for the answers 
of the princes, Pius IV., in reply to a question from Count 
Arco, assured him that he had not altered his intention of 
waiting until the Emperor and the other princes had answered. 
He again declared himself ready to transfer the Council to 
another place, if His Majesty so desired. 2 On September 
2Qth the Pope revealed his intention of summoning the Council 
in any case by his decision to postpone the enforcement of the 
duty of residence on the part of the bishops, in view of their 
participation in the General Council. 3 

Philip II. of Spain, in contrast to the policy of the Imperial 
and French courts, demanded, not only in a general way that 
the Council should be promulgated, and held as a continuation 
of that formerly assembled at Trent, but also, in a special 
way, that the decrees already published at Trent should be 
declared to be binding. In consideration of the views held 
by the other princes, however, the Pope did not think it 
advisable to make the situation still more difficult in this way 
by any express declaration. In order, however, that no 
doubts as to his own good will in the matter should arise in 
Spain, he informed the king, in a confidential letter of October 
5th, that he had often considered this question, and had at last 
come to the conclusion that it would be best, when summoning 
the Council, neither to confirm the former decrees, nor to declare 
them invalid, but rather to pass lightly over this question 
with merely a few general references to it. To tranquillize 
Philip he told him that he personally considered the Council 
of Trent as good and holy, and that he especially approved 
of the decree on justification, and that he would also declare 
this at a consistory. 4 On the same October 5th, the Pope 

1 See the postscript to Arco s report of September 24 in SICKEL, 
Konzil, 96. 

2 See Arco s report of October 5, in SICKEL, 97 seq. 

3 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 348. 

4 The *letter of Pius IV. of October 5, in the Simancas Archives, 
used for the first time by Voss, ioi. Cf. the letter of Borromeo 
to the nuncio in Spain, in EHSES, VIII., 78 seq. 



202 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

received Philip s letter of September I4th, through Vargas, 
with the news of the mission of Antonio de Toledo to France. 
On the following day he praised the king s good will in a 
Congregation of Cardinals, and once more emphasized the 
necessity of speedily summoning the Council. As almost all 
the Cardinals agreed to the continuation, it was resolved 
to announce the removal of the suspension on the First 
Sunday in Advent, to appoint the legates and to decide 
upon the Festival of Easter as the day of opening. 
Morone and Seripando were chosen as the probable 
legates. 1 

Shortly after this, during the night between October 8th 
and Qth, the news of the non-success of Toledo s mission 
reached Rome. Vargas, who had an audience immediately 
afterwards, announces that he found the Pope much depressed, 
even though he had scarcely expected anything else. Pius 
IV. said to Vargas : "As the French national council is now 
definitely decided upon, I for my part will now delay no longer 
in summoning the General Council. I no longer count on 
France, and believe that the Emperor will continue to hold 
back, from fear of complications in Germany. The Spanish 
king is my only support. I shall therefore request his agree 
ment to the opening of the Council in Trent, as a continuation 
of the former assembly there ; it might then later on be 
removed to a more suitable place, such as His Majesty would 
approve. I hope that after the opening the Emperor and 
others who still hesitate, will give their adherence." In a 
later conversation with Vargas on October loth, the Pope 
declared that he would address an autograph letter to Philip 
II. This letter, dated October nth, declared his unalterable 
determination to proceed to the continuation of th Council 

1 See the report of Vargas in Voss, 101 seq., where the erroneous 
account by Sarpi is corrected. Cf. also the letter of the Portuguese 
ambassador on October 8, 1560, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 
48 seq. Morone had already been appointed as legate at the 
beginning of June, 1560 ; see the report of Vargas in Voss, 45, 
n. 89. 



DETERMINATION OF THE POPE. 203 

of Trent ; it was at once taken to Spain by Gherio, Bishop of 
Ischia, together with that of October 5th. 1 

On October I3th, the Pope also informed the French 
ambassador that he was firmly resolved to continue the Council 
of Trent, and on the same day he discussed the matter in the 
congregation of Cardinals, who almost all voted for the plan 
of opening the synod by the removal of the suspension. 2 
Pius IV. declared to the Imperial ambassador on October I4th 
that he could not delay the removal of the suspension later 
than St. Martin s day ; he anxiously awaited the answers of 
the Emperor and of the Kings of Spain and France before that 
date. 3 

It has been justly remarked 4 how striking a fact it was that 
a person of such sanguine character as Pius IV. should, in 
spite of all resistance, have held firmly to his plan of con 
tinuing the Council of Trent. His high dignity, as the first 
ruler of Christendom, seemed, as it were, to raise Pius IV. 
above himself. It gave him the strength to carry through 
the great task without wavering, in spite of all the difficulties 
which presented themselves. The Council could no longer 
lemain unfinished ; it must be brought to a close, if the Church 
were not to suffer the gravest injury. 

The representatives of the Pope at the court of Philip II., 
Prospero Santa Croce and the nuncio, Ottaviano Raverta, 
made an official communication to the Spanish king on 
October 24th, to the effect that the Pope, after serious consider 
ation, had resolved to lose no more time in the matter of the 
Council. After he had convinced himself that the Emperor 
and the King of France could not be induced to agree to the 
removal of the suspension of the Council of Trent, he wished 
to order it without any further delay, or to remove it to some 

l See Voss, 102 seq. ; EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 15-16, 
and VIII., 86. 

2 See Corresp. de Babou de la Bourdaisiere, 45 ; SICKEL, 
Konzil, 116 seq. Corresp. of Card. O. Truchsess, 215, and the 
report in EHSES, VIII., 88. 

See Arco s report of October 15, 1560, in SICKEL, Konzil, 104. 

4 Voss, 104. 



2O4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

other city, either in Italy, in the dominions of His Majesty, 
or in those of his allies, and in this he begged the king to 
support him. Philip praised the Pope s zeal, and in general 
terms declared his readiness to do so ; the final answer was 
to be given to the nuncios in three or four days time. In the 
meantime, the Spanish king laid the mattei before an assembly 
of theologians for discussion. The latter were, as Santa Croce 
learned, of various opinions ; some spoke in favour of removing 
the suspension, and others for a new convocation of the Council. 
On October 28th, the Duke of Alba addressed the question 
to the nuncios, whether the Pope would prefer to remove the 
suspension cr to summon a new Council, and whether he would 
agree to Besancon as its place of assembly. The nuncios, 
however, could give no definite answer on these two points. 1 
This change of front in the Spanish policy was the result of 
consideration for France, after steps had again been taken 
by the French ambassador to Spain, the Bishop of Limoges, to 
come to an agreement on the matter of the Council. Philip 
II. in his reply to the latter on October 3Oth, promised that 
he would intercede with the Pope, so that the Council should 
be convoked at once, and immediately after it had assembled 
be removed to Besancon or Vercclli. This decision of the 
Spanish king was then handed to the nuncios by Alba on 
October 3ist. 2 On November loth, Gherio left the Spanish 
court for Rome, with an autograph letter from Philip II. to 
Pius IV., in which the king agreed to the continuation of the 
Council of Trent, and did not show himself averse to its subse 
quent removal ; if this course were decided upon, he proposed 
Besancon as a suitable place. In a letter to Vargas, written 
at the same time, he declared that he could only agree if, for 
the time being, all reference to the validity of the former decrees 
of Trent were avoided. 3 

1 See the report of Santa Croce of October 31, 1560, in LAEMMER, 
Melet., 182 seq. ; EHSES, VIII., 92 seq. 

z Cf. ibid., 183 seq. Concerning the secret correspondence 
of the nuncios with Rome, which, according to the wish of Philip II. 
should have ceased, see Voss, no seq. As to this, cf. EHSES, 
VIII., 93, and 118 in- the notes. 8 See Voss, in. 



DELFINO AND THE EMPEROR. 205 

Zaccaria Delfino, who had been entrusted with the mission 
to Ferdinand I., arrived in Vienna on September 28th, and was 
received in audience by the Emperor on the following day. 
Ferdinand greeted him as an old friend, 1 but did not show 
himself inclined to deviate in any essential point from his 
demands. He denned his standpoint in a written reply to the 
Pope, 2 which was expressed, indeed, in polite and submissive 
terms, but in reality made no advances. Now, as before, he 
persisted in his claim that the Council must be convoked as a 
new one, while he still maintained his objections to Trent as 
the place of assembly. Although, for his own part, he had 
nothing to urge against a continuation at Trent, he did this 
out of consideration for the Protestants, who otherwise could 
not be induced to take part in the Council, and also on account 
of those powers, such as France, who did not accept the previ 
ous assembly, or had not been represented at it. In connection 
with his expression of satisfaction at the Pope s reform work 
in Rome, the Emperor, in conclusion, recalled the concessions 
which he desired with regard to the chalice for the laity and 
the marriage of priests. It is true that he declared that 
he was also convinced that these points could best be dealt 
with at a General Council, but in view of the many difficulties 
which in the meantime stood in the way of its convocation, he 
again recommended the consideration of these concessions to 
His Holiness. 

On October 8th the Emperor received the report of his 
ambassador in Rome concerning the declaration made by 
the Pope on September 23rd. At the same time Borromeo s 
instructions to Delfino of September 24th arrived, where 
upon the latter immediately requested an audience for Hosius 

1 Cf. the report of Delfino and Hosius, dated Vienna, October 3, 
1560, in STEINHERZ, I., 123 seq. 

2 Text first published from the papers of Staphylus by SCH EL- 
HORN, Amoenit., II., 479 seq., then in LE PLAT, IV., 637 seqq., 
and from the Papal Secret Archives by EHSES, VIII., 79 seqq. 
Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 98 seq. ; REIMANN, Unterhandlungen, 609 ; 
Voss, 115 seq. ; STEINHERZ, I., Ixxxiii seq. ; EDER, I., 58 ; EHSES, 
Berufung des Konzils, 18. 



206 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and himself. Both nuncios appeared before the Emperor on 
October gih, when they declared to him the Pope s resolve to 
remove the suspension of the Council of Trent, and called upon 
him for his support. Ferdinand handed them his written 
answer to the Pope, adding thereto a declaration concerning the 
whole question of the Council, which was couched in vigorous 
and decided terms. He then pointed out that he gave no orders 
to the Pope, but only wished to fulfil his duty as Emperor, 
when he put forward his views on such important matters. 
As far as he personally was concerned he was prepared to 
accept any decision of the Pope, but he could not fail to sa~ 
clearly and distinctly to His Holiness that, in the event o. 
the continuation of the Council of Trent, the participation of 
the Protestants could in no circumstances be counted on, and 
that they would even rise up in arms against it. As France 
and the other powers also refused to accept the continuation, 
the difficulties of Christendom could only be removed by the 
convocation of a new Council, to which the Pope was, more 
over, bound by the decisions of the Council of Constance, 
He wished to support this good work, and left the question 
of the time to His Holiness ; as far as he himself was concerned, 
he was quite agreeable to Trent, which place was very con 
venient for him, but as this name was hated in Germany, he 
proposed Innsbruck. The Emperor also referred to the 
necessity for the personal attendance of the Pope at the 
Council. Finally he expressed his astonishment that the 
work of reform in Rome was so slow, and carried out with so 
little thoroughness ; he also especially touched upon the abuses 
in the appointment of Cardinals, by which he referred to the 
decisions of the Council of Basle. 1 The satisfaction expressed 

1 Concerning the audience of October 9, two reports were sent 
to Borromeo on October 14 and 15, one from Delfino, and the 
other from Delfino and Hosius together (see STEINHERZ, I., 132 
seq., 135 seq). Cf. also the instructions of Ferdinand I. to Arco 
of October 18, 1560, in SICKEL, Konzils, 109 seq. See EDER, I., 60 
seq. Concerning the delivery of the Emperor s speech and the 
author of the instruction. Eder comes to the following con 
clusion : The influence of the Spanish Franciscan, Francisco di 



VIEWS OF THE CARDINALS. 207 

in the memorandum at the Pope s zeal for reform was, there 
fore, already forgotten ! 

The nuncios could at any rate conclude from these signi 
ficant declarations of Ferdinand, that if the Pope should 
finally decide in favour of Trent, he would not oppose him. 
If Delfino, however, thought that the Emperor, in spite of his 
strong opposition to the continuation of the Council, would 
leave the Pope a free hand in this respect, he was taking a 
much too optimistic view. 

In Rome, this view was not shared. On the arrival of the 
Emperor s answer, Congregations were held on October 27th 
and 28th, in which, an unusual occurrence, almost all the 
Cardinals took part. At these deliberations a great divergence 
of views became apparent. Several very highly respected 
Cardinals, especially Carpi, as well as Cesi, Puteo and Saraceni, 
spoke very decidedly in favour of the continuation of the 
Council of Trent, and against the convocation of a new Council. 
They were able to put forward weighty reasons for their 
opinion ; in the event of a new Council being summoned, it 
was to be feared that the whole of the work accomplished at 
Trent would be lost, while should the decisions of Trent be 
called in question, the same might be done with regard to 
the decrees of previous Councils, and the consequences would 
be incalculable. 1 With regard to the German Protestants, 

Cordova, the confessor of the wife of Maximilian II. "is certain 
in the part about ecclesiastical reform (from about exinde ventum 
to evenit Caraffis). The preceding part cannot be definitely 
shown to have come from him, nor can his influence be admitted 
in the part that refers to the new convocation of the Council." 

x The Portuguese ambassador also pointed out this danger 
in a letter of August 22, 1560 ; see Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 33. 
On November 23, 1560, Hosius wrote to Commendone from 
Vienna : *Si salva nihilominus remancrent concilii Tridentini 
sub Paulo et Julio tertiis habita decreta, non multum, quin etiam 
nihil referre putarem, indiceretur concilium an continuaretur, 
sed si quid latet insidiarum in verbo indictionis, etiam atque 
etiam diligenter considerandum censerem ac omni cura providen- 
dum, ne sic indicatur concilium, ut omnis conciliorum authoritas 
elevata vidiatur (Graziani Library, Citt di Castello). 



208 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

it was of no importance whether the Council were described, 
in accordance with the Emperor s wishes, as a completely new 
one, since they had repeatedly declared, and most recently 
at the Diet of Augsburg in 1559, that they would acknowledge 
no assembly of the Church which was summoned by the Pope. 1 
They arrived, however, at no definite decision, and Madruzzo 
advised them to deliberate further on the matter, to which 
proposal Pius IV. also agreed. 2 

In the Curia much dissatisfaction was felt at the attitude 
of Delfino. In a letter from Cardinal Borromeo, of November 
2nd, reproaches were made to him that he had expressed the 
Pope s intentions to the Emperor with too little vigour. 3 
Delfino defended himself in a detailed letter on November 
I7th. On his arrival in Vienna he had found the situation 
almost hopeless, as the Emperor had been worked upon by 
France to oppose the continuation of the Council of Trent, 
and to agree only to its being held at Spires, Constance, or 
some similar place. He had, however, in a few days, managed 
to win over Ferdinand to submit to the decision of the Pope 
with regard to the time and place of the Council, and even to 
agree to Trent, though he had also proposed Innsbruck. The 
Emperor, therefore, was not in favour of a new Council, and 
against a continuation, because he did not acknowledge the 
assembly at Trent, the decrees of which he personally accepted 
with all faith, but because he saw that France would not agree, 

l See JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV., 15 - 16 , 19 seq., 135. Cf. REIMANN, 
Unterhandlungen, 590. 

2 See. Arco s report of October 30, 1560, in SICKEL, Konzil, 123, 
and the letter of Mula of November i, 1 560, Court Library, Vienna 
(EHSES, VIII., 94). See also the report of Fr. Tonina of Novem 
ber 2, 1560, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf, PALLAVICINI, 14, 
17, i ; REIMANN, loc. cit., 610 seq. Seripando had already been 
summoned by the Pope on October 19, and had conferred with 
him on the 20, and again on the 30 concerning the Council and 
reform. MERKLE, II., 461-2. 

8 The contents of Borromeo s letter, which no longer exists, 
may be gathered from Delfino s reply of November 17 ; cf. 
STEINHERZ, I., Ixxxviii, 157 seq. 



ADVICE OF DELFINO. 2OQ 

and that Germany threatened to take up arms against it. 1 
Delfino allowed it to be plainly seen that, because of these 
weighty reasons, he approved of the Emperor s point of view, 
and would recommend it in Rome. In a later letter, 2 he even 
made proposals in this sense. He said that it would perhaps 
be well to publish no conciliar bull, but rather four briefs 
relating to the Council. The first, addressed to the legates 
of the Council, would contain their appointment and admonish 
them to listen patiently to everyone, and to treat them in a 
friendly manner. The prelates would be summoned and in 
vited by a second brief to the Council, which was to be assem 
bled at Trent ; in this brief no mention would be made, either 
of the summoning of a new Council, or of the continuation of 
the former one ; a remark could at the same time be made to 
the effect that, although the Pope had appointed legates, he 
would appear in person in so far as his health would allow him 
to do so. The third brief, to the Emperor Ferdinand and the 
other Catholic kings and princes, would beg them to support 
the Council, and prevail upon the German piinces to agree to 
it. Finally, the fourth brief would be addressed to the secular 
Electors, and " the other princes of the noble German nation 
who had fallen away from the Catholic faith ; " the Pope 
might say to them that, because of their noble forefathers, 
who had always been shining lights in Christendom, he could 
not believe that they would obstinately resist reunion ; they 
should therefore be invited to the Council, with the promise 
that they should receive safe-conduct, be listened to with 
great patience, and be treated with every consideration. 
However, by the time these two letters from Delfino arrived 
in Rome, the decisive step had already been taken. 

It had certainly not been without influence in bringing 
this about that the French court, in consequence of a letter 
written to the king by Ferdinand, at the instigation of Delfino, 
had suddenly, 3 on October I4th, given way on the question 

1 See STEINHERZ, loc. cit. 

Preserved as a supplement to Delfino s letter to Morone of 
November 18, 1560, in STEINHERZ, I., 162 seq. 
8 See EHSES, VIII., 87 seq. 

VOL. XV, 14 



210 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the Council. On November ist, a courier had been sent 
to Rome with the declaration that France accepted the 
last proposal to summon the Council at Vercelli, or some 
other place in Piedmont, and begged the Pope to communicate 
this to the Emperor and Philip II. ; the national council 
would not be held, but a definite decision of the Pope with 
regard to a general council must be laid before the States 
General, which were to assemble on December loth. 1 

After the departure of the courier news arrived from Vienna 
that the Emperor had given his consent to Trent, and in 
consequence of this a second messenger was sent on November 
2nd to convey to the Pope the agreement of the French 
government to Trent. Francis II. wrote to the Emperor 
on November 6th that he would refrain from assembling a 
national council. 2 

The courier sent by Francis II. on November ist, reached 
Rome on November nth, and the second messenger must 
have arrived shortly afterwards. On November i4th Car 
dinal Borromeo wrote to Santa Croce, the nuncio in Spain, 
" The Emperor and the King of France have decided to 
agree that the Pope shall hold the Council at Trent, but 
desire that it should be summoned anew. As the Pope 
under no circumstances will agree to the Council of Trent 
or its decrees being invalidated, he is having the question 
as to whether the convocation shall take place, without 
prejudice to those decrees, discussed by the Cardinals and 
other theologians. The bull of convocation will accordingly 
be drawn up and published in from ten to twelve days time, 
as is required by our duty to God and the welfare of Christen 
dom ; a longer delay is excluded by the occurrences in France 
and the king s promise to refrain from a national council." 3 
At a consistory of November I5th the Pope announced that 
the princes had agreed to Trent as the seat of the Council, 

1 LE PLAT, IV., 655 seq. 

* See ibid., 657 seq. ; EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 20 seq., 
VIII., 97 seq. 

See EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 21. 



A DECISION ARRIVED AT. 211 

and that the necessary preparations would be undertaken 
with the consent of the Cardinals. Fasts and intercessory 
prayers must be ordered for the whole of Christendom, while 
a special procession and a High Mass at S. Maria sopra 
Minerva would take place in Rome. Cardinals Saraceni, Puteo 
and Cicada, together with several other theologians would be 
entrusted with the drafting of the bull of convocation, and 
their draft would be laid before the Cardinals in consistory. 1 

The decision so suddenly arrived at, after such long dis 
cussion, was soon known in Rome, and caused great 
astonishment. 

The following occurrences clearly showed that they were 
faced with an accomplished fact. The indulgence which 
usually preceded the conciliar bull, was published on Novem 
ber 1 9th, and in this the Pope announced his resolve to 
summon and continue the General Council, in accordance 
with the advice, and with the consent of the Cardinals, in 
the same city of Trent, where his predecessors had already 
held the Council. Fasts, prayers and alms would be ordered 
to implore the Divine blessing, and to the faithful who added 
to these good works a contrite confession and a worthy com 
munion, a plenary indulgence would be granted as in the 
year of Jubilee. 2 

1 There are two reports of the consistory of November 1 5 : 
(i) Acta consist. Cancell. printed in RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 67, and 
LAEMMER, Zut Kirchengeschichte, 73 seq. ; (2) Acta consist. 
Cancell. in EHSES, Berufung des Konzils, 21, where there are 
particulars on the relation between the two accounts. See the 
text of both in EHSES, VIII., 100. Cf. also the letter of Card. O. 
Truchsess of November 16, in his Correspondence, 222 seq., and 
the report of Vargas in Voss, 127. EHSES (p. 23 seq.) completely 
rejects the attempt (Voss, 129) to attribute the decisive influence 
upon the deliberations in the Curia upon the question of the 
Council to Duke Cosimo I. The matter, however, would bear 
further investigation according to the documents in the State 
Archives, Florence. 

2 Concerning the bull of November 1 5, in which the two contrary 
expressions indicere and continuare are simply placed one after 



212 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

This jubilee was closed by the Pope himself with a solemn 
procession, which took place on Sunday, November 24th. 
The grand cortege proceeded from St. Peter s, through the 
Via de Banchi, Monte Giordano, and the Piazza, della Dogana, 
to S. Maria sopra Minerva, where the Cardinal Bishop of Porto, 
Ridolfo Pio di Carpi, celebrated High Mass. In the pro 
cession Pius IV. walked barefoot, accompanied by Cardinals 
Farnese and Santa Fiora, and all the Cardinals then in Rome, 
twenty-one in number, were also to be seen. The ambassadors 
first carried the baldachino over the Pope, and afterwards the 
nobles. All the members of the Curia took part in the pro 
cession, as did also the secular and regular clergy, as well as 
the seventeen secular confraternities of Rome, and the Duke 
of Florence, who walked between the two junior Cardinal 
Deacons, Carlo Borromeo and Giovanni de Medici, his own 
son. 1 The Roman people showed great piety during the 
ceremony, and many communicated in order to gain the 
indulgence. 2 

The publication of the conciliar bull had also been originally 
intended for November 24th, but its appearance was delayed, 
as such great differences of opinion had arisen among the 
Cardinals, canonists and theologians who had been summoned 
to the conference, among whom was the General of the Jesuits, 

the other, by which, however, no deception was intended, and 
still less any solution of the difficulty, see EHSES, Berufung des 
Konzils, 23. The full text, but with wrong date is in the 
Corpo. dipl. Portug., IX., 96 seq. ; also in EHSES, VIII., 
100 seq. 

1 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 349 ; BONDONUS, 537 ; *letter 
of Fr. Tonina of November 27, 1560 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) 
the Portuguese report in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 129. An 
*Avviso di Roma of November 30 states that Vargas had claimed 
that in the procession the ambassadors should walk after the 
bishops and in tront of the Cardinals, and that in the end Pius IV. 
had assigned to the bishops their place behind the balachino. 
The procession was " bellissima et veramente rara." (Urb. 1039, 
p. 228b, Vatican Library). 

See BONDONUS, 537. 



THE BULL OF CONVOCATION. 213 

Lainez, that violent discussions ensued. 1 In consequence of 
this, the bull could only be read in consistory on November 
29th. Before it was read the Pope made a speech in which 
he pointed out the necessity of speedy measures in view of 
the dangerous position of the Church, and the threatened 
national council in France. After the bull -had been read, 
he explained it, and indicated as the tasks of the General 
Council the eradication of heresy, the removal of schism, 
and the reform of the Church. At the end he remarked to 
Cardinal d Este that the national council would thus be 
prevented, to which the Cardinal replied that it was already 
destroyed. 2 

In the bull of convocation, which bears the date November 
29th, 1560, 3 Pius IV. glances back at the history of the Council 
under his predecessors, Paul III. and Julius III., who had been 
unable to bring it to an end owing to the difficulties of the 
times. This account is in such a form as to take it for granted 
that the former acts of the Council, which had been combatted, 
partly by the Imperialists and partly by the French, were 
valid. 4 The Pope then expressed his sorrow at the continued 
spread of heresy. As the good and merciful God had again 
granted peace to Christendom, he now hoped to be able to 
put an end to the great evils of the Church by means of the 
Council. After having fully deliberated on the matter with 
the Cardinals, and communicated his decision to the Emperor 
and the kings and princes, and found them ready to support 
the holding of the Council, he now summons the holy, ecumeni- 

1 Cf. as to this Voss, 131 seq., who uses especially the reports 
of Vargas. See also the "report of Fr. Tonina of November 23, 
1560 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; further DEMBI^SKI, Ryzm, I., 
220 seq., and GRISAR, Disput., II., 9*. 

2 See Acta consist, in DEMBII^SKI, loc. cit., 256 seq., and EHSES, 
VIII., 103. Cf. also Tonina s ""report of November 30, 1560 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

8 Printed in RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 69, and more fully in Bull. 
Rom., VII., 90 seq., and in EHSES, VIII., 103. Cf. Corpo dipl. 
Portug., IX., 99 seq. A facsimile in SWOBODA, 96. 

4 Pallavicini rightly emphasizes this (14, 17, 6). 



214 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

cal and general Council to Trent ; it is to be opened there under 
the repeal of each and every suspension, on Easter Sunday 
next. 1 The patriarchs, archbishops, and all those who, 
according to common law, or privilege, or prescriptive law or 
right, have a seat and vote on the Council, are admonished to 
appear at Trent on the appointed day. A request is addressed 
to the Emperor and the other princes, that if it be impossible 
for them to be present at the Council in person, they shall at 
least send envoys, and see that the prelates undertake the 
journey without delay, and are in a position to fulfil their 
duty. 

On November 3Oth copies of the bull, with the accom 
panying brief, were sent to the Catholic princes. 2 On the 
same date a brief was sent to all the bishops of France, 
containing an invitation to the Council, a special one being 
sent to Cardinal Tournon. 3 On Sunday, December 2nd, 
the bull of convocation was made public, by being read 
in St. Peter s and the Lateran, and by being affixed in the 
usual places. 4 

By the words " under repeal of each and every suspension " 
the bull gives expression to the fact that the Council, in 

1 Sacrum oecumenicum et generale concilium ... in civitate 
Tridentina ad sanctissimum diem Ressurrectionis dominicae 
proxime futurum indicimus, et ibi celebrandum sublata suspensione 
quacumque statuimus et decernimus. 

2 The briefs to the Emperor and Francis II., in RAYNALDUS, 
1560, n. 70 and 71 ; LE PLAT, IV., 663 seq. Besides this brief 
Pius IV. sent to Ferdinand I. on December 4, 1560, an autograph 
letter (SICKEL, Konzil, 147). The brief to the King of Portugal 
in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 107. See also EHSES, VIII., 
in seq. 

8 RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 72. LE PLAT, IV., 664 seq. 

4 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 349 ; BONDONUS, 546. Tonina 
*reported on December 4, 1560 : " Lunedi fu congregatione 
sopro questa cosa del concilio, della quale ancorche gia sia pub- 
licata la bolla . : . stampata et attacata ai muri, nondimeno 
ancora si disputa fra cardinal! il suo tenore essendo sopra quelli 
ale tin i dispiaceri." (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 






CONTINUATION. 215 

accordance with the will of the Pope, shall be a continuation 
of the previous assembly at Trent, but out of considei ation 
for the Emperor and for France, this is put in as reserved a way 
as possible, and with a careful avoidance of the word " con 
tinuation." 



CHAPTER VI. 
THE MISSION OF COMMENDONE AND DELFINO TO GERMANY. 

Pius IV. and his advisers, by their carefully considered and, 
in various points, intentionally vague wording of the bull of 
convocation of November 2gth, 1560, wished, as far as possible, 
to avoid giving offence to the powers, and to evade the danger 
ous controversial question as to the relation existing between 
the Council now summoned to Trent, and the former assembly 
held there. Out of consideration for the Emperor and France, 
the word " continuation " was not used, while, out of con 
sideration for Spain, the convocation of a. new Council was not 
definitely mentioned. As far as principle was concerned, 
however, nothing was yielded by this ; the highly impoitant 
question of the validity of the previous decrees remained only 
in apparent abeyance. The basing of the convocation on 
the historical fact that the Council had already been assembled 
on two occasions, and not brought to a conclusion, but only 
adjourned, as well as the use of the significant expression 
" under repeal of each and every suspension " pointed clearly 
to a continuation, and let k be seen that a renewed discussion 
of decrees already promulgated, contrary as it was to Catholic 
principles, would not be tolerated. On the other hand, the 
words " We summon a Council " made it possible for the 
Emperor and France to see therein a concession to their wishes. 
In this way an attempt was made to do justice to both views, 
although they were incompatible and irreconcilable. 1 

1 See STEINHERZ, I., 172. REIMANN says: "the bull causes 
a very high opinion of the skill of the 3 Cardinals and 12 canonists, 
of whose manifold deliberations it was the result." (Unterhand- 
lungen, 614). Cf. also DEMBII&SKI, Ryzm, I., 228 seq., and EHSES, 
Schlussakt des Konzils, 45. 

2l6 



THE BULL SENT TO FRANCE. 217 

The great question was whether the formal concessions 
adopted by Papal diplomacy, and which attempted to provide 
a middle course between two powerfully opposed attitudes, 
would satisfy the great Catholic powers. It was soon evident 
that this was by no means the case. The long negotiations 
were again renewed, and repeated missions of nuncios 
extiaordinary became necessary in order to secure the 
acceptance of the bull and the bringing into being of the 
Council. 

The delivery of the conciliar bull to France was entrusted 
to the secretary of Cardinal d Este, Niquet, Abbot of St. 
Gildas, who had come to Rome on September 24th, 1560, with 
dispatches from Francis II. to his ambassador, Bourdaisiere. 
When Niquet reached Paris on December I7th, 1560, Francis 
II. was dead, and his younger brother, Charles IX., then only 
ten years old, had succeeded him (December 5th, 1560). 
Affairs of state were now in the hands of the Queen-Mother, 
Catherine de Medici, but the change of government had led 
to no alteration in the question of the Council. People 
appeared to be glad at the idea of a general council being at 
last summoned, but objected to the words " under repeal of 
each and every suspension " and expressed the fear that the 
Protestants, and, out of consideration for them, the Catholics 
of Germany as well, would not acknowledge a council which 
took for granted the validity of the former decrees. It was, 
however, decided to delay making an answer until the 
Emperor s attitude could be ascertained. The French 
ambassador in Vienna, Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, was 
instructed to discuss the matter with him. Should 
Ferdinand not accept the bull, they resolved, in union with 
him, to demand an alteration from the Pope. In this 
event, Bourdaisiere, the ambassador in Rome, was in 
structed to act in concert with the representative of the 
Emperor. 1 

While the French government was raising difficulties because 

1 Cf. LE PLAT, IV., 668 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 15, i, 5 seq. ; 
REIMANN, Unterhandlungen, 614 seq. ; SICKEL, Konzil, 154 n. 



2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the bull pointed to a continuation of the Council of Trent, the 
Spanish king was displeased because the continuation was not 
expressly and clearly proclaimed. Philip II. and his coun 
sellors, in their great zeal for the Catholic faith, feared that 
Pius IV. might give way still further, and, in order to win 
over the Protestants, allow a renewed discussion of the 
decrees already formulated. It was not, however, difficult 
to satisfy Philip II. on this point. The greatest danger for 
Pius IV. lay in the possibility of an understanding between 
the French government and the Emperor, as together they 
might be able to enforce their will upon him in the matter of 
the Council. 1 

As a matter of fact, of all the princes, Ferdinand had the 
least occasion to make further difficulties, as his request that 
the continuation of the Council should not be definitely spoken 
of had been complied with, but the Emperor s constant fear 
of a sudden attack by the Protestants, which caused him to take 
quite exaggerated measures to reassure them, prevented him, 
on this occasion as well, from declaring himself boldly in 
favour of the Council. 2 

Pius IV. chose Giovanni Commendone, Bishop of Zante, 
to deliver the bull of convocation to the Emperor, and he was, 
at the same time, commissioned to announce the Council to 
the ecclesiastical and secular princes in north Germany, 
Belgium and the Rhineland, Zaccaria Delfino, Bishop of 
Lesina, receiving instructions to travel through central and 
south Germany for the same purpose. In order to publish 
the invitation to the Council in the widest manner possible, 
the Pope had thought of allowing his representatives to visit 
the Protestant princes as well, but by so doing he would 
expose himself to the danger of offensive refusals, so he com- 

1 How much the Pope feared this is evident from the * report 
of Cusano of January n, 1560 (State Archives, Vienna). 

*STEINHERZ very justly remarks (I., xci) that nothing was 
more significant of the anxiety with which Ferdinand I. regarded 
the Protestants than the fact that he did not wish to publish 
the indulgence bull of November 15, because there was mention 
in it of the continuation of the Council. 



GIOVANNI COMMENDONE. 

forted himself with the consciousness of having fulfilled his 
duties as chief pastor. 1 

Giovanni Commendone had begun his diplomatic career 
under Julius III. and Paul IV., in many missions, and in 
the office of the Secretary of State. He had also come in con 
tact with that part of north Germany which he was now to 
visit, when he had accompanied the legates Dandino (1553) 
and Rebiba (1556). 2 He left Rome on December nth, 1560, 3 
and arrived in Vienna on January 3rd, 1561. 4 He delivered 
to the Emperor, in addition to the bull of convocation, a brief 
and an autograph letter from the Pope. The brief contained 
an invitation to send envoys to the Council, and a request 
to order the bishops of the Imperial dominions to proceed 
to Trent. The autograph letter assured him once more that 
the Germans invited to the Council would be listened to with 
kindness and charity, and their just demands satisfied. 

1 Cf. Mula s "report of November 18, 1560 (Court Library, 
Vienna) ; SICKEL, Konzil, 149, 148 seq. ; STEINHERZ, I., 171 seq. ; 
EHSES, Ein papstlicher Nuntius, 39. 

2 C/. Vols. XIII., 149, XIV., 119 of this work. 

8 The day of departure, which was not hitherto known for 
certain, is given as December 10 in the *Viaggio, mentioned 
infra p. 225 n. 3 (Chigi Library, Rome). As there only exists 
a copy of this authority, preference must be given to the following 
statement in Fr. Tonina s "report of December u, 1560 : " II 
Commendone e partito hoggi per la corte Ces. con 120 brevi " 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 The "Register of the reports of Commendone from Germany, 
written by Antonio Maria Graziani, is found in the Graziani 
Archives at Citta di Castello, and has been made accessible for 
the first time by the researches of J. Dengel. Afterwards it was 
published in part by Steinherz in the 2nd volume of the 2nd 
section of the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland. A later copy, 
already used by PALLAVICINI (15, 2, 5) is in Cod. Barb., 5798 
(formerly LXIL, 58). Cf. also SUSTA, Kurie, I., 139, 312, 319. 
Finazzi has published part of the letters, but with many errors, 
in the Miscell. di storia Ital., VI., 3 seqq. A splendid new edition 
in EHSES, VIII., n. 80 seqq. The "Viaggio in the Chigi Library, 
Rome, mentioned infra p.225 gives details of Commendone s route. 



220 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On January 5th, 1561, Commendone, as well as Hosius 
and Delfino, had an audience with the Emperor. 1 The latter 
did not conceal his objections to the wording of the Papal 
briefs, but, nevertheless, declared himself ready to further 
the Council. He then recommended the nuncios to proceed 
without delay to the Diet summoned by the Protestant princes 
for January 24th at Naumburg. He requested to be informed 
in writing as to what the Pope wished him to communicate 
to the princes. The nuncios, who had been forbidden to 
undertake written negotiations, so as to avoid protracted 
and dangerous correspondence, had scruples about complying 
with this request. As Ferdinand, however, insisted on having 
at least Commendone s proposal in writing, they felt bound 
to give way, so as not to endanger further negotiations. They 
therefore gave him a note from Commendone, drawn up in the 
shortest possible terms, to which the Emperor, in his turn, 
gave a written reply on January 8th. He praised the Pope s 
resolve to invite the German princes by means of the two 
nuncios ; from the Catholic states of the Empire, and especially 
from the ecclesiastical ones, he thought that the Pope s 
representatives would be sure to meet with ready obedience. 
With regard to the Protestants, he repeated his advice that 
they should visit the Diet at Naumburg, and exhorted them 
to act there in a spirit of clemency ; he intended himself to 
send envoys to Naumburg. 2 

There was no possibility of the nuncios seeking fresh instruc 
tions as to their course of action from Rome, and as the 
Emperor s representations were very urgent, they resolved, 
hoping for subsequent approval, to modify their programme, 
and to repair together to the Diet of the princes at Naumburg, 

*See the report to Borromeo of January 9, 1561 ; January 
9 and 13, 1561, composed by Delfino in the names of Hosius and 
Commendone as well as himself, in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 
20 seq., in EHSES, VIII., 128, n. 80, 131, n. 82. 

2 The note of the 5, and the Emperor s reply of January 8 in 
RAYN ALDUS, 1561, n. 20, more correctly in PLANCK, Anecdota 
fasc. 2i, and EHSES, VIII., 123 seq. Cf. REIMANN, Commendone, 
241. 



ATTITUDE OF FERDINAND I. 221 

proceeding afterwards to the legatine districts prescribed to 
them. At a further meeting on January i2th, the Emperor 
recommended three further points for their consideration. 
First, as the Protestant princes looked upon the Council which 
had been summoned as a continuation of the former one, 
and were therefore full of suspicion, this suspicion must be 
removed. Second, it was necessary to act in a very discreet 
manner when dealing with the Protestants, and to offer them 
safe-conduct in the widest acceptation of the word. Third, 
when at Naumburg, they should accommodate themselves 
to the German usage, and negotiate in writing. To the 
second point, it was possible for Commendone to agree un 
conditionally, but to the first he answered that they were 
not sent to dispute with the Protestants, but only to invite 
them to the Council, where everyone would be able to speak 
freely on all points, and would be listened to in the most 
courteous manner. With regard to the third point, Com 
mendone referred to his instructions, which forbade written 
negotiations in order to avoid useless disputes. 1 

On January Qth Ferdinand replied to the brief, and on the 
I5th to the Pope s letter. Both documents, it is true, gave 
hopes, in general terms, of his supporting the Council, but 
threw no light on the Emperor s own intentions. 2 His idea 
was to make his decision dependent on the answer of the 
Protestant princes assembled at Naumburg. While he 
invited the latter, through his envoys, to send delegates 
to the Council, he at the same time emphasized his firm 
resolve, under all circumstances, to preserve religious 
peace. 3 

Commendone and Delfino left Vienna on January i4th ; 
they travelled as quickly as cold and snow permitted, by 
way of Prague, where they were received by the Archduke 

1 See Commendone s report of January 13, 1561, in the Miscell. 
di stor. Ital. VI., 32 seq., in EHSES, VIII., 131 seq. Cf. PLANCK, 
loc. cit. ; REIMANN, loc. cit. 

* See SICKEL, Konzil, 1 59 seq. 

8 See ibid., 157 seq. 



222 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Ferdinand, and arrived at Naumburg on January 28th. 1 
There, in accordance with their instructions, they en 
deavoured at first to negotiate with the individual princes 
separately, but in this they were not successful, and 
had to make up their minds to appear before all the 
princes assembled in the Diet. This took place on 
February 5th. 2 The nuncios first handed to each prince 
the brief addressed to him, together with a copy of 
the bull of convocation. They then invited the assembled 
princes by word of mouth to participate in the General 
Council. Delfino assured them that the Council would 
not only, and above all, grant them a hearing, but also 
all just demands. As there were almost as many opinions 
concerning religion as there were individuals, and as many 
gospels as teachers, he begged them to send their envoys to 
Trent, who would receive safe-conduct in the fullest form, 
and thus to secure the re-establishment of xeligious unity. 
Commendone pointed out that this was the very moment 
for a Council ; peace now reigned between France and Spain, 
and the present Pope had zealously resolved to abolish all the 
abuses which had crept into the Church and to restore the 
weakened ecclesiastical discipline. They must consider that 
it was a question of the faith and of the salvation of souls ; 
if the foundations of religion were to be destroyed, then the 
kingdoms would also fall to pieces. The assembled princes 
desired the nuncios to give them what they had said in writing, 

1 See Commendone s report in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 
42, 45, 50 seq., and the *Viaggio in the Chigi Library, Rome, 
quoted infra 225, n. 3. 

* Cf. the report of Commendone, composed also in Delfino s 
name, of February 8, 1561, in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 
54 seq., more correctly previously in POGIANI Epist., II., 229 n., 
and also in EHSES, VIII., 149 seq., and the report of Delfino of 
February 9, 1561, published by SICKEL in the Neuen Mitteilungen 
des thiiringisch-sachsischen Vereins, XII. (1869), 531 seq. Cf. 
ibid., a criticism of the reports on the negotiations of the nuncios. 
Concerning the Diet of the princes at Naumberg see JANSSEN- 
PASTOR, IV., 15-16, 138 seq. 



THE NUNCIOS AT NAUMBURG. 223 

but desisted when the latter appealed to their instructions 
to the contrary. 

The nuncios had hardly returned to their temporary lodgings 
when they were subjected to insulting treatment, similar to 
that which had been shown to the envoys of Paul III. at 
Schmalkald. 1 Three of the councillors brought back the 
briefs with the statement that the princes had only remarked 
the address " Beloved son " after they had gone ; as they 
did not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome as their father, 
they must reject the appellation of " sons " as well as the 
documents which had been delivered. The nuncios replied 
that the Pope had made use of the term which had been used 
from time immemorial towards all Christian princes. The 
councillors thereupon laid the briefs upon the table. The 
bull of convocation, however, which was a much more im 
portant document, and brought the Papal authority into 
prominence in quite another manner than did the conventional 
address of the briefs, was not among them ; the answer to 
this arrived two days later. It was not merely a rejection, 
but was couched in rude and offensive terms. The Pope, 
it stated, had no right to summon a Council, or to pose as a 
judge in ecclesiastical disputes, as it was precisely he who 
was the originator of all errors, and who suppressed the truth 
more than anybody else The outstanding work of the 
Popes had been to stir up nation against nation, and to increase 
their own power by weakening that of the people. They 
proceeded with cruelty against all those who would not abase 
themselves to the adoration of their persons and their false 
deities, yet who wished to live in true piety. Then these 
very princes who were just then disputing with each other 
at Naumburg about the true Confession of Augsburg, went 
on to deny the existence of any religious disunion. They 
were unjustly accused, they impudently maintained, of not 
possessing religious unity, yet there was not only their clear 
confession of faith at Augsburg, which had been handed to the 
Emperor in 1530, but various other documents which had 

1 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 88 seq. 



224 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

amplified and spread more widely the true divine doctrine. 
On the other hand the Roman Church was inundated with 
errors and abominable abuses, and the Gospel teaching there 
was so violently distorted, that it resembled heathen idolatry 
rather than a Christian community. The Electors and princes 
had been driven by the stern command of God to avoid 
idolatry, and to separate themselves from the Roman Church, 
and they were by no means willing to allow the Pope to make 
laws for them ; it was Ferdinand, the Roman Emperor, 
who alone was their master, and had the right to summon a 
Council. 

Commendone answered this insulting declaration calmly 
and with dignity : The Pope had summoned the Council in 
the manner which had always been observed in the Church ; 
the Emperor, to whom the princes ascribed the right to 
summon a Council had too much discernment not to see the 
difference between spiritual and temporal authority. The 
Pope had had his attention fixed upon reform ever since he 
ascended the throne, and he had summoned the Council all 
the more gladly as it was precisely in that way that a general 
reformation could best be undertaken. That divisions and 
uncertainty of opinion existed among the followers of the new 
religion was no unjust reproach, but a fact patent to the eyes 
of the whole world ; it was perfectly evident from the writings 
of their theologians, which had been cited by the princes, 
and which were full of many new opinions, all contradictory 
of each other. If the princes maintained that they had 
certainty in their faith, then the novelty, the deviation from 
the rest of the Church, the separation from the ordained power, 
must at anyrate affect this certainty and make them doubtful, 
especially in a matter where it was a question of eternal 
salvation or eternal damnation. St. Paul, the vessel of 
election, who, according to his own testimony, had received 
his gospel, not from men, but by revelation, yet received by 
revelation the command to go to Jerusalem and compare his 
gospel with that of the Apostles, so that he might not run or 
have already run in vain. Commendone further enjoined the 
princes to reflect that from the days of the Apostles all the 



THE NUNCIOS AT NAUMBURG. 225 

ancient fathers had always turned to the Church of Rome 
as their teacher and rule of truth ; the Germans themselves, 
as they must acknowledge, had received Christianity from 
her. They should remember the words of the Gospel : " How 
often would I have gathered together thy children, as the 
hen doth gather her chickens under her wings, and thou 
wouldest not ! " l 

Although the answer of the princes contained no reply to 
the invitation of the nuncios, there could yet be no doubt 
that they rejected the Council. Even Delfino, who com 
forted himself in his sanguine way, recognized how hostile 
those assembled at Naumburg were to the Pope, and feared 
that the other Protestant princes and states would follow 
their example. 2 On February nth he and Commendone 
visited Bishop Julius Pflug, who lived at Zeitz, and who 
promised to come to Trent. The nuncios separated on 
February i3th ; in spite of their different characters they 
had got on well together as Venetians. Delfino, in accord 
ance with his instructions, went to south Germany, while 
Commendone commenced his journey to the north. 3 

1 See REIMANN, Commendone, 247 seq., 273 seq. 

*Cf. Delfino s letter to Ferdinand I. of February 10, 1561, 
in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 673 seq. ; REIMANN, loc. cit., 248. 

8 The principal sources for Commendone s mission are his 
letters, which are now to be found in a good edition, thanks to the 
care of EHSES (cf. supra p. 219 n. 4). There is also a detailed 
description of his whole journey from Venice until his return 
there. This *Viaggio d Alemagna fatto dal cardinale [sic] 
Commendone 1 anno 1560 [until 1561] scritto da S e Fulgenzio 
Ruggieri Bolognese et copiato da Giov. Franc. Scardova Bolognese 
1 anno, 1596, is preserved in Cod. M I 2, p.p 1-68 in the Chigi 
Library, Rome. Heidenheimer has published some notes from 
this in the Korrespondenzblatt der Westdeutschen Zeitschrift 
fur Geschichte und Kunst, XXI., 117 seq. TreVes, 1902, under 
the title of " Ein Italiener des 16. Jahrhunderts iiber Rhein- 
landisches und Westphalisches," but they do not by any means 
exhaust this source, which is so full of interest for the history of 
the Church and of civilization (cf. PASTOR, Eine ungedruckte 
Beschreibung der Reichsstadt Aachen aus dem Jahre 1561, 

VOL. XV. 15 



226 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Commendone refrained from visiting Weimar, as Duke 
John Frederick did not even condescend to give him a direct 
answer, but merely sent him a message that " he had less 
than nothing to discuss with the Roman Bishop ! " The 
Elector Augustus of Saxony had provided the nuncios at 
Naumburg with letters of safe-conduct for his dominions, 
and expressed his regret that he had not met them in a city 
belonging to him, but at an assembly for which he had had 
to show some consideration. Commendone was accordingly 
politely received at Leipsic by the municipal council and the 
university, although the whole city was Protestant. From 
Leipsic he proceeded by Magdeburg to Berlin, which he 
reached on February igth, and where he took up his residence 
for a time. Pius IV. had built great hopes on the Elector 
Joachim II., as he had made his personal acquaintance many 
years before during the Turkish war. Joachim 1 acknow 
ledged this circumstance by an almost oppressive amiability 

verfasst von dem Italiener F. Ruggieri, Aix, 1914). Heiden- 
heimer has also overlooked the fact that a great number of passages 
had already been published in 1746 and 1756 by LAGOMARSINI, 
De scriptis in vita Minerva II., 16 seq., and in POGIANI Epist., 
II., 235 seq. Lagomarsini erroneously ascribes the itinerary to 
Graziani. Concerning the account of Germany, drawn up by 
Commendone after a Venetian model (in BELLINGER, Beitrage, 
III., 310 seq.) cf. SUSTA, Kurie, If., 412. Since, of other accounts, 
the monograph of PRISAC, Die papstlichen Legaten Commendone 
und Cappacini in Berlin (Neuss, 1846) contains nothing new, there 
need only be mentioned REIMANN, Commendone, 250 seq., who 
(p. 273 seq.) contributes a criticism of the articles on the subject 
in earlier works (Raynaldus, Pallavicini, Gratianus) and the 
valuable essay of EHSES, Ein papstlicher Nuntius am Rhein, 
39 seq. 

1 The character sketch of the Prince Elector given by Ruggieri 
in the *Viaggio mentioned in the previous note is printed in 
LAGOMARSINI, De scriptis, II., 21 ; there is also a short description 
of Berlin at that time. Concerning Brandenburg, Ruggieri says : 
*Ci sono alcuni frati Franciscani che dicona la messa et i suoi 
uffitii secretamente in un monasterio, ma ci stanno con gran 
paura (Chigi Library, Rome, loc. cit.). 



COMMENDONE IN BERLIN. 227 

and hospitality towards the Pope s representative. 1 The 
cunning Hohenzollern overwhelmed Commendone with marks 
of attention, assigning him a lodging in the best part of his 
castle, repeatedly inviting him to his table, and holding long 
and confidential theological discussions with him. Com 
mendone might well have great hopes that his mission would 
be successful here, because the Elector received without any 
difficulty the bull of convocation and the brief addressed 
to him ; the answer, however, which he finally received, 
although very courteous, amounted to a refusal. 2 

The brother of the Elector, the Margrave John of Branden 
burg, whom Commendone, while at Berlin, visited at Beeskow, 
also received him with great politeness, giving him, however, 
an answer which was an even more definite rejection than 
that of Joachim II. 3 The son of the Elector of Brandenburg, 
Archbishop Sigismund of Magdeburg, to whom Commendone 
delivered the bull and a brief from the Pope, promised, on 
the other hand, to come soon to Trent ; he would, he said, 
apply to the Pope with the greatest confidence for advice 
and help in his ecclesiastical affairs. The prince who thus 
gave these solemn assurances was already at that time a 
Protestant in secret, and openly adhered to the Augsburg 
Confession before the year was out. 

Commendone s stay in Berlin came to an end on March 
3rd. On his departure Joachim II. handed him a polite 
answer in writing to the Pope s brief. The Elector, whose 
marks of attention were continued to the end, also wished to 
bestow valuable gifts upon the nuncio. Commendone, 
however, begged him to refrain from doing this, and rather 
to grant him two other favours, namely to agree to read 
the controversial work of Hosius, " Confession of the Catholic 
Faith," and to restore to the poor Carthusian monks, who 

1 See EHSES, Ein Nuntius, 40. 

2 Cf. REIMANN, Commendone, 251-9; EHSES, VIII., 171 seq. 

3 The reply of John of Brandenburg, dated February 26, 1561, 
in SICKEL, Konzil, 176 seq. The detour to Beeskow took place 
on February 25 ; on the 26 Commendone started for Frankfort - 
on-Oder, returning to Berlin on the 28 ; see "Viaggio, loo. cit. 



228 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had still managed to maintain themselves near Frankfort on 
Oder, some property which had been taken away from them. 
The Elector promised to grant both requests. 

However greatly Commendone may have appreciated the 
benevolent frame of mind and the good will of Joachim II. 
towards a peaceful settlement of the religious disputes, he 
had no illusions, however, as to the attitude which this prince 
would adopt with regard to the matter of the Council. 1 The 
often repeated claims of the Elector that the Protestant 
theologians should be granted a vote at the ecumenical Council 
could not, in accordance with Catholic principles, be allowed. 

Commendone remained at Wolfenbiittel, with the aged 
Duke of Brunswick, Henry the Younger, from March 8th 
till the I3th. This prince, who had remained true to the 
old faith, declared himself ready to send envoys to Trent. 2 
On the I4th Commendone arrived at Hildesheim, where 
he did not meet the bishop of that place, Burkard von 
Oberg. The Duke Eric II. of Brunswick and the Bishop 
of Osnabriick were also absent, so Commendone delivered 
the Papal invitation to the Council to their councillors. 
At Paderborn, where Commendone arrived on March 
22nd, he at last found a city which still remained entirely 
Catholic. The bishop, Rembert von Kerssenbrock, promised, 
in spite of his great age, to attend the Council. Munster 
was reached on March 26th. In contrast to Paderborn, 
many had fallen away from the church in the diocese 
of Munster, which was certainly in consequence of the 
want of vigilance on the part of the bishops of the 
district. 3 The metropolitan of that time, Bernhard von 
Raesfeld, did not appear to show much zeal in the carrying 
out of his pastoral duties, and his reply was in keeping with 
his conduct : he endeavoured to excuse himself from going 
to Trent, on account of the proximity of the Protestants 
and the disobedience of his subjects. 

1 Cf. the passages from the letters cited by REIMANN, p. 259, n. i. 
*C/. EHSES, VIII., 177. 

8 C/. Ruggieri in the *Viaggio in the Chigi Library, Rome, 
quoted supra, p. 225. n. 3, 



COMMENDONE AND THE ELECTORS. 22Q 

On the way to Cologne Commendone touched on the 
dominions of the Duke of Cleves, where he again found many 
Lutherans. Things looked better in the territory of the 
Elector of Cologne, whose capital the nuncio reached at the 
end of March. There he took up his residence in the Abbey 
of St. Pantaleon. The nuncio and those who accompanied 
him were astonished at the number of churches, said to be 
as many as three hundred, and at the rich treasures of relics 
which the Rhenish metropolis possessed. The city was not 
quite free from heresy, but the zeal with which the people 
frequented the churches made a most favourable impression 
on the Pope s representative. 1 His original intention, of 
spending Holy Week in Cologne, and then carrying out his 
commission, he had to give up on learning that a Diet of the 
German Electors was to be held at Frankfort on the 2Oth. 
He could not fail to take advantage of this favourable oppor 
tunity of furthering the matter of the Council, so he im 
mediately repaired to Briihl to see the archbishop, Johann 
Gebhard of Mansfeld, who was grievously ill. The answer 
which he received there, however, was very unsatisfactory. 
In sending this to Cardinal Borromeo, he wrote : " I do not 
believe that any of the bishops are thinking of coming to 
Trent. The princes of the other religion do all they can to 
prevent their appearance there, and in this manner to weaken 
the authority of the Council." 2 

Commendone visited the Elector of Treves, Johann von 
der Leyen, by making a journey to Coblence. The two pre 
lates understood each other very well, and made friends, 
although, even more strongly than the other bishops, Johann 
insisted on the impossibility of leaving his people or diocese, 
in view of the dangerous position of affairs, and the ex 
periences of 1552. 3 

In his conversations with the Archbishop of Treves, whose 
diocese still remained entirely Catholic, Commendone spoke 

x See Ruggieri, *Viaggio, Chigi Library, Rome. 

2 Letter of April n, 1561, in EHSES, VIII., 18 seq. 

3 See EHSES, Ein Nuntius, 41, and VIII., 193 se< J- 



230 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

with great frankness 1 of the sad experiences he had so far 
had during his journey through north Germany. " Religious 
conditions in Germany," he explained, " are in such a state 
that the application of the remedy must not long be delayed ; 
the longer we hesitate the more difficult and dangerous it 
will become. The number of the heretics increases from day 
to day ; they have not only won over the greater number 
of the secular princes, but the territories of the Catholic 
princes, both ecclesiastical and seculai, are so polluted and 
infected that they can hardly exact service from theii subjects, 
nor the customary taxes and obedience. Still, there is no 
doubt that the power of the Catholic states of the Empire 
is greater than that of the Protestants, and nothing causes 
these last to be so respected and feared as their external unity, 
though at heart they are much divided, and only united 
by their common hatred of the Catholic religion, and their 
greed for the ecclesiastical property that still remains. It is 
therefore most necessary that the Catholic princes should 
at once be truly united and on good terms with each other, 
from which it would become possible to hope for every good, 
and a happy outcome to the Diet, and even without this the 
way would be opened to the Council." Johann von der 
Leyen informed Commendone in confidence of the obstacles 
which had hitherto frustrated the formation of a Catholic 
confederation. Commendone, however, adhered firmly to 
his opinion that, if they did not make up their minds to 
unite the Catholics, and set them free from their state of fear 
and subjection, religious affairs would become almost des 
perate. The Archbishop of Treves himself does not seem 
to have been free from this state of fear, as was shown by his 
pronouncements with regard to the Diet of the Prince Electors 
and his answer in the matter of the Council, that he could 
not appear in person at Trent, on account of the certain 
dangers to which he would expose his territory by his absence. 2 

1 *In questo stato sono manco heretici che negl altri degl 
elettori di Colonia et Moguntia et per tutto si vive catolicamente, 
writes RUGGIERI, loc. cit. 

2 See the letters of Commendone of April 14 and 21, 1561, in 
EHSES, VIII. , 191 and 194. Cf. REIMANN, Commendone, 261 seq. 



COMMENDONE AT COLOGNE. 23! 

On April igih Commendone was once more in Cologne, 
where he received the visit of the Bishop of Osnabriick, 
Johann von Hoya. This prelate, whom in other respects 
Commendone highly praises, also dwelt upon the disturbed 
state of the country, and the dangers which thieatened the 
bishops who should travel to the Council. He proposed that 
the archbishops should be commissioned by the Pope to hold 
provincial synods, and these should appoint several bishops 
to go to the Council, the other bishops remaining behind for 
the protection of their own and the other dioceses. Com 
mendone, however, protested against the dangerous and 
tedious plan of holding provincial synods. 

The answer of the municipal council of Cologne, and of the 
university of that city to the invitation to the Council was 
satisfactory. Commendone, however, did not conceal from 
himself the fact that eve a in Cologne grave dangers threatened 
the Church. He set great hopes on the Jesuits for averting 
these dangers, but the latter had to contend with great diffi 
culties in the Rhenish capital, owing to the jealousy of the 
clergy, and especially of the mendicant orders. The nuncio was 
much grieved by the incredible apathy of so many Catholics. 
" It looks," he wrote, " as if our people were those who believe 
in faith alone without works, so little do they appear to 
trouble about the redress of the present evil conditions. On 
the other hand, those who stand outside the truth and can 
therefore find no real unity, do endeavour to support one 
another and to give an appearance of being united." 1 

Commendone found conditions much worse than in the 
archdiocese of Cologne, when he entered the Duchy of Cleves, 
the capital of which he reached on April 26th. The apostasy 
from Rome had there made great progress, and there were 
many heretics in Cleves. The city of Wesel was almost 
entirely Protestant, at Diisseldorf a declared Protestant was 
teaching five hundred pupils, and the court preacher gave 
the people communion under both kinds. Commendone lost 

letters to Borromeo of April 21 and 25, 1561, in EHSES, 
VIII., 194 seqq. 



232 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

no time in remonstrating with Duke William IV., but was 
very cautious in doing so. This was very necessary, as the 
Duke was out of temper on account of the hesitation of Pius IV. 
to grant permission for the foundation of the university at 
Duisburg. 1 As a change of religion on the part of the Duke 
of Cleves might have incalculable consequences, on account 
of the position of his country, Commendone endeavoured to 
pacify him and advised Rome to make all possible advances. 2 
In the matter of the Council, Duke William showed very good 
will as to the sending of envoys, expressing at the same time 
the wish that the chalice might be granted to the laity, and 
permission given to priests to marry. 3 

From Cleves, Commendone visited the Netherlands, starting 
for Utrecht on April- 29th, where he arrived on the 3Oth. 
Thence he travelled by Dordrecht to Antwerp, which he 
reached on May 3rd, remaining there until the i2th. Here 
he received Cardinal Borromeo s instructions that he should 
also visit the King of Denmark and hand him personally 
the invitation to the Council. 4 If he should be successful in 
winning over this prince, the most powerful in the north,, 
who was also related to the two most important courts of the 

1 Upon this affair cf. SUSTA, Kurie, 109 seq. 

8 The affair dragged on till 1562. On June 15, 1562, the bull 
for the erection of the university of Duisburg was sent to the 
Duke, antedated April loth ; see LACOMBLET, Urkundenbuch, IV., 
n. 564; SUSTA, Kurie, II., 211. 

8 To the accounts already noted, and profitably treated of by 
REIMANN, Commendone, 264 seq., and LOSSEN, Masius Briefe, 
331 seq., must be added the *Viaggio of Ruggieri, where we read 
of the religious conditions of the country : *Quanto alia religione 
il duca non mostra di dissentire in altro della fede cattolica che 
nella communione sub utraque specie ch egli riceve apertamente ; 
la sua corte e quasi tutta lutherana. Nei stati si vive per il piu 
alia cattolica, ma per tutti i luoghi sono molto heretici (Chigi 
Lib., Rome). 

4 *Letter of Borromeo of March 4-7, 1561, Lett, di princ., 
XXII., 113 (Papal Secret Archives). Cf. SUSTA, Kurie, I., 199, 
and EHSES, VIII. , 169 seq. 



COMMENDONE IN THE NETHERLANDS. 233 

German Protestant princes, Brandenburg and Saxony, he 
would indeed have attained a great deal. In view of the 
attitude which the Danish sovereign had hitherto taken up, 
however, there appeared to be very little hope of success. 
In spite of this Pius IV. did not wish to leave any means 
untried. 

In order to cany out this visit to Denmark, Commendone 
required special letters of safe-conduct and recommendation 
from the Emperor, and these could not be obtained very 
quickly. In the meantime the indefatigable nuncio employed 
the interval in carrying on further work in the Netherlands 
to ensure the sending of delegates to the Council. On May I2th 
he proceeded by Malines and Louvain to Brussels, and during 
his stay there (May 22nd) carried on negotiations with Marga 
ret, the Governess of the Low Countries, and with Cardinal 
Granvelle, who both displayed great zeal for the Council. 
They, however, advised Commendone against the journey 
to Denmark, as being dangerous to his own person, and not 
in keeping with the dignity of the Pope. Commendone was, 
however, of opinion that it was the duty of a servant to carry 
out unconditionally the orders of his master, and that he 
should take no thought for his own danger. 1 At Louvain 
the nuncio had made inquiries concerning the theological 
controversies which had been stirred up by the professor 
Michael Baius, who was a lover of innovations ; he reported 
the facts to the Pope, giving him the shrewd advice, which 
Pius IV. followed, to impose silence on both Baius and his 
opponents. 2 

In the person of the Bishop of Liege, Robert van Berghen, 
Commendone made the acquaintance of a prelate who was 
distinguished both for his learning and piety, and who showed 
an ardent zeal for the Council, although he was suffering from 
serious illness. The nuncio left Liege on May 3oth. During 

1 Cf. the letters of Commendone in EHSES, VIII. , 205 seqq. 

9 Cf. ibid., 221 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 15, 7, 7 seq., n seq. ; SUSTA, 
I., 34 seq., 49 seq. The affair of M. Baius will be dealt with later, 
in its proper place. 



234 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

his stay in Belgium he had also been occupied with the matter 
of the recently established bishoprics. 

In the Imperial city of Aix Commendone confirmed the 
municipal council and the citizens in their great zeal for the 
old faith. There was a want of suitable delegates for the 
Council in the city, and therefore the councillors promised 
a strict observance of any decrees which should be issued 
by the Council at Trent. 1 

On June 2nd Commendone left Aix-la-Chapelle on his 
return journey to Antwerp, where he stayed for three weeks, 
waiting for news from Rome. On the 24th he started for 
Amsterdam, from which city he went on to Liibeck, by way 
of Osnabriick. His stay in this entirely Protestant and very 
profligate city, which he reached on July gth, was to last for 
quite two months, and in the end was to prove altogether 
useless. 

While the councillors at Liibeck were still hesitating whether 
they should observe the customary rules of diplomatic courtesy 
towards the representative of the Pope, the Protestant preach 
ers were violently declaiming in their pulpits against the 
demon who had come to unsettle the consciences of the people 
and deceive them with the fable of the Council. The muni 
cipality at length decided not to take the embassy of Com 
mendone into consideration ; 2 this ill success, however, might 
have been endured had not the other and much more important 
mission, to the Danish king, been such a complete failure. 

Full of zeal, Commendone had already declared himself 
willing to deliver the invitation to the Council to King Eric 
XIV. of Sweden as well. Pius IV., who had originally intended 
to entrust this task to Canobio, who was destined for Russia, 
at last decided, on the advice of Hosius, in favour of Com 
mendone. The latter had addressed a letter to the King of 
Denmark, Frederick II., who had not even condescended to 

1 For the stay at Liege and Aix, cf. Commendone s letter in 
EHSES, VIII., 216 seq. Ruggieri s report on Aix has been pub 
lished in the Zeitschrift des Aachener Gesch.-Vereins (cf. supra 225, 

n- 3). 

2 See EHSES, VIII., 233 and 239 seq. Cf. also ILLIGENS, GESCH. 
der lubeckischen Kirche (1896), 149 seq. 



COMMENDONE AND SWEDEN. 235 

send him a direct reply. The king simply wrote on July 
22nd, 1561, to the Imperial commissary, Caspar von Schoneich, 
who accompanied the nuncio to north Germany, that he 
refused the representative of the Bishop of Rome, with whom 
he had no relations, the desired entry into his kingdom. 1 

The long expected answer of the King of Sweden, which 
arrived at the end of August, 1561, not only observed the 
forms of courtesy, but also from its tone held out some hopes. 
Eric XIV. excused his delay by saying that he had not been 
able to decide about his journey to England, but that now 
that he had made up his mind, he left it to the nuncio either 
to seek him there, or to wait for his return to Sweden. A safe 
conduct was attached to the letter. 2 

It was, however, very doubtful whether a journey to 
England would be possible for Commendone, as Queen Eliza 
beth had already forbidden Abbot Girolamo Martinengo, 
who was to take to her the invitation to the Council, to set 
foot in her dominions. 3 

Commendone decided to return to Antwerp, and there 
await developments. In the difficulties of his position it was 
a consolation to him that his friends in Rome, the Jesuits 
and other religious, were praying for him without ceasing. 4 
On September gth he left Liibeck 5 and travelled by way of 

Concerning the plan for the mission to the North, cf. the 
letters of Commendone in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 165, 
168, 171 seq., 176 seq., 178 seq., 181 seq., 186 seq., 190 seq., 197 seq., 
203 seq. ; BIAUDET, Commendones legation till Danmark och 
Sverige, 1561, in FINSKA, Vet. Soc. Forhandlingar, XLV1I., 
No. 1 8, Helsingfors, 1904-5. The brief to the King of Sweden 
and Norway of December 5, 1560, in RAYNALDUS, 1560, n. 74 ; 
LE PLAT, IV., 666. Cf. also EHSES, VIII., 117, n. 70. 

2 Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 233. EHSES, VIII., 252 n. 2. 

8 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 15, 7, 1-2; REIMANN, Commendone, 271; 
SUSTA, I., 196. Cf. Vol. XVI. of this work. 

4 Cf. the *letter of C. A. Caligari to Commendone, dated Rome, 
August 30, 1561, Lett, diprinc., XXIII. , 32 (Papal Secret Archives) . 

6 With the letter dated from Liibeck, September i, 1561, ends 
the impression in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., VI., 235. The other 



236 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Verden, Osnabriick, Minister, Emmerich and Cleves to Antwerp 
which he reached on September 26th. While he was waiting 
for further news there, Eric XIV. gave up his journey to 
England, as Elizabeth had informed his ambassador that 
she was not at present disposed to marry. In the middle of 
November Commendone received in Brussels, where he had 
been arranging the reorganization of the Belgian bishoprics, 
orders from Cardinal Borromeo to return to Rome, and on his 
way to invite Duke Charles II. of Lorraine to the Council. 1 
The zeal which the nuncio had displayed in his legation had 
given universal satisfaction in Rome. 2 

On December 8th Commendone left Brussels and journeyed 
by way of Mons and Rheims to Nancy, to the court of the 
young Duke of Lorraine. There he met Cardinal Guise, and 
conferred with him as to the religious conditions in France 
and Scotland, which was under the rule of Mary Stuart, the 
Cardinal s niece. In the matter of the Council, the Duke 
replied that he would be guided entirely by the Emperor. 3 

Commendone remained at Nancy until January gth, 1562, 
when he set out, by way of Metz, Treves, Coblence and Wies 
baden for Mayence. In this ancient episcopal city he re 
marked, to his great sorrow, that many Lutherans were 
endeavouring to undermine the faith of the inhabitants. 
It was all the greater consolation to him that the Jesuit 
college, founded a short time before by the Elector, Daniel 
Brendel, who supported it from his private means, was in 
structing the young people with great success in the Catholic 

letters, in the copy of the register in Cod. Barb, have been used 
by SUSTA, (I., 138, 312, 319) and as far as they relate to the Council 
have been published by EHSES (VIII. , 252 seq.\. 

x The letter from Borromeo bears the date October 25, 1561 ; 
see SUSTA, I., 312. For the return journey see *Viaggio (Chigi 
Library, Rome), and EHSES, VIIL, 257. 

8 So writes G. A. Caligari to Commendone in a *letter from 
Rome of November i, 1561, Lett, di princ., XXIII., 41 (Papal 
Secret Archives). 

8 See PALLAVICINI, 15, 8, 8. Cf. LAGOMARSINI, De scriptis, II., 
82 seq. 



COMMENDONE IN BAVARIA. 237 

spirit. 1 On January 315! Commendone left Mayence and 
proceeded by way of Frankfort and Aschaffenburg to Wiirz- 
burg. The bishop of that city, Frederick von Wirsberg, 
honoured the Pope s representative in every possible way ; 
in consequence of his great age, however, he was not in a 
position to undertake the journey to Trent. From a religious 
point of view things were not unsatisfactory in the diocese of 
Wurzburg, as the bishop did everything in his power to main 
tain the people in the Catholic faith. The Catholics were 
also in the majority in the diocese of Bamberg, which Com 
mendone visited on February 9th ; the greater part of the 
people were Catholics, but the nobles, on the other hand, 
had gone over to the new doctrines, and because of the unfit- 
ness of the bishop, an aggravation of the evil was to be feared 
in the futurt. 2 

From Bamberg the nuncio went to Nuremberg, where all 
Catholic services were forbidden. After that he once again 
came into Catholic territory. The old church was still un 
shaken at Eichstatt, Ingoldstadt and Freising, but there was 
no lack of the innovators, especially in lower Bavaria. 3 Never 
theless, the Catholic attitude of Duke Albert, who heard mass 
every day, gave reason to hope that no religious upheaval 
would take place there. When Commendone reached Munich 
on February nth, the Duke was at that moment sending an 
envoy to Pius IV., who was to travel by way of Trent. From 

l Cf. HANSEN, Jesuitenorden (1896), 392 ; DUHR, I., 103 seq. 
HEIDENHEIMER, loo. cit. 119 (see supra p. 225, n. 3). As to the 
Elector whom Commendone visited at Aschaffenburg, *Ruggieri 
observes that he was good and Catholic, " ma quasi tutta la sua 
corte e lutherana e massimamente i principal!." The passage 
which LAGOMARSINI (II., 96) cites as coming from Graziani appears 
to be an extract from Ruggieri. 

8 Cf. *RUGGIERI, Viaggio, Chigi Library, Rome; also LAGO 
MARSINI, II., 96 seq. 

* *Quanto a la religione in tutti i.luoghi si celebra la messa et 
si dicono tutti gli altri uffizii, ma per tutto sono heretici et 
nel inferior Baviera ce n e maggior copia. RUGGIERI, loc. 
cit. 



238 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Munich Commendone started upon his return journey to the 
south. 1 

While Commendone was working in the interests of the 
Council, with skill, moderation, and in a spirit of conciliation, 
in the northern and western parts of the Empire, 2 his colleague 
and fellow countryman, Delfino, was showing no less zeal in 
the legatine district assigned to him. 3 He had left Naumburg 
in the middle of February, 1561, and had passed through 
Voightland in Franconia. As an Italian, he suffered a great 
deal from the unaccustomed climate, the roads being soaked 
with snow and rain, so that the journey was very difficult, 
yet in spite of all obstacles, Delfino did everything in his 
power to proceed quickly. He visited Bamberg first, and 
then Nuremberg and Wiirzburg, whence he made a detour 
to Mergentheim to visit the Grandmaster of the Teutonic 
Order. 4 He then proceeded by way of Frankfort, to Mayence, 
Worms, Spires, 5 and at length, at the beginning of May, 
reached Strasbourg. With regard to the Council, he found 
opinion generally agreed as to the necessity for such an as 
sembly, but only very few of those who were invited were 
willing to put in an appearance at Trent. All the bishops, 
it is true, declared that they would submit to the Council, 
yet they were averse to the idea of personally undertaking 
the long journey. Some excused themselves on the ground 
of ill-health, or the weight of years, others by reason of their 

1 According to *RUGGIERI, loo. cit., Commendone left Munich 
on February 27, 1562. After he had made a report to the legates 
of the Council at Trent, he left there on March 1 5, and arrived at 
Mestre- Venice on the 1 7. Commendone s final report to Borromeo 
of March 8, 1562, is printed in EHSES, VIII., 281 seq. 

2 Cf. the opinion of EHSES, Ein Nuntius, 44. 

3 The sources for Delfino s legation are much less full than those 
for Commendone ; they exist, however, in an excellent edition 
in STEINHERZ, I., 341-398. 

4 Cf. the report of Delfino to Card. E. Gonzaga on March 19, 
1561, in STEINHERZ, I., 346. The reply of the council of Nurem 
berg to Delfino in SICKEL, Konzil, 182 seq. 

5 See STEINHERZ, I., 350 seq. 



DELFINO IN SOUTH GERMANY. 239 

poverty, while yet others alleged the dangers to which their 
absence would expose their dioceses. In the Imperial cities 
the customary marks of honour were, indeed, shown to the 
nuncio, but the answers he received were very unsatisfactory, 
several, especially that of the city of Strasbourg, being a curt 
refusal. 1 Delfino took the opportunity while he was in 
Strasbourg, of carrying on negotiations with several Italian 
Protestants, such as Count Thiene, Dr. Massaria and Girolamo 
Zanchi, who had sought refuge abroad. The nuncio also 
had repeated conversations with Vergerio at Strasbourg, 
Zabern and Schwarzach. All these efforts were without 
result ; as was soon realized in Rome, they were to some 
extent even dangerous, for Vergerio certainly " only negotiated 
so as to give vent to his burning hatred against the Papacy, 
and to forge new weapons against it out of any offers which 
might be made for his return to the Church." 2 

From Strasbourg, Delfino travelled by way of Freiburg, 
to the Bishop of Constance, who resided at Meersburg, and 
to the Abbot of Weingarten, both of whom declared them 
selves unable to go to Trent on account of their age. The 
Bishop of Merseburg, who visited Delfino at Ulm, at the end 
of May, made his decision dependent on the attitude of the 
Emperor. The municipal council of Ulm refused to separate 
themselves from the other adherents of the Confession of 
Augsburg ; these last protested that they longed above all 
things for the restoration of religious unity, but in view of 
their cwn powerlessness could only express their earnest wishes 
for its realization. 3 The University of Ingoldstadt, on the 
other hand, promised to send delegates to Trent, as did Duke 
Albert of Bavaria, whose court at Munich Delfino reached 

J The reply of Strasbourg in STEINHERZ, I., 355 seq. The 
brief to Strasbourg of December 13, 1560, in RAYNALDUS, 1560, 
n. 76 ; LE PLAT, IV., 666 seq. 

2 The opinion of STEINHERZ (I., 368) who treats of this in great 
detail (I., 266 seq., 277 seq., 292 seq., 294, 312, 320, 333 seq., 345 seq., 
356 seq., 367 seq., 374 seq., 394). Cf. also HUBERT, 179 seq., and 
SUSTA, I., 29, 39 seq., 96 seq. 

8 Cf. STEINHERZ, I., 370 seq., 375 seq., and EHSES, VIII., 218 seq. 



240 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on June 4th. This prince, as Delfino wrote thence to Rome 
on the loth, surpassed all others in his zeal for the preservation 
of the Catholic faith. Delfino also discussed with Albert 
the religious disunion among the Protestants, and they rightly 
came to the conclusion that the final settlement of religious 
differences lay, not with the theologians, but with the princes. 
Delfino repeated on this occasion, what he had previously 
insisted upon, that too great hopes for the position of the 
Catholic Church in Germany must not be built on the dis 
sensions of the Protestants. The position continued to be 
one of extreme danger, and they must in every way do their 
utmost to induce some of the Protestants to take part in the 
Council. 1 

The result of Delfino s mission was, on the whole, no more 
successful than that of his colleague, Commendone. He 
had, it is true, received promises from several bishops, but 
the Protestant Imperial cities had given him nothing but 
refusals. 

In the same way as in Germany, the Protestant Cantons 
of Switzerland also showed themselves, under various pretexts, 
unfavourable to the Council. The five Catholic Cantons, 
on the other hand, to which the Bishop of Como, Gian Antonio 
Volpi, communicated the conciliar bull, showed themselves 
ready to be represented at the Council by delegates. In a 
short time Freiburg, Soleure and Glarus joined the Forest 
Cantons. 2 

1 See the report to Borromeo on June 10, 1561, in STEINHERZ, I., 
395 seq. 

* Cf. MAYER, I., 37 seqq. ; REINHARDT STEFFENS, G. Fr. 
Bonhomini, introd. p. xxxii seq. ; EHSES, VIII., 265 seq. 



CHAPTER VII. 

FINAL PREPARATIONS FOR THE RE-OPENING OF THE 
COUNCIL. 

THE attitude of the Emperor towards the question of the 
Council was of decisive importance. Hosius made the most 
urgent representations to him, but he could not succeed in 
obtaining Ferdinand s consent to the conciliar bull. At 
the end of January, 1561, the Emperor at length gave up at 
any rate his opposition to the solemn publication of the in 
dulgence in Vienna, whereby he acknowledged in principle 
the Pope s project for a Council. 1 On February I3th, 1561, 
however, when the answer of the Protestant princes arrived 
from Naumburg, the Emperor became more reserved than 
ever, and took up a still more dilatory attitude. Pius IV. 
vainly tried, by making concessions in the matter of the 
visitation of the monasteries, and by sending the Papal 
chamberlain, Canobio, with the consecrated hat and sword, 
to bring about a change in his attitude. When Canobio 
and Hosius were conferring with Ferdinand on February 
I4th about the acceptance of the bull, he remarked that, 
personally, he had always agreed, but that he wished the 
Council to be a success, and to make sure that a war should 
not arise from its convocation ; his care now must be to see 
that the Catholic bishops should be able to attend the Council 
without fear ; it was his intention to make peace with the 
Protestant princes if they would promise this to the bishops 
who were travelling to the Council. Two days later the 
Emperor again declared to Hosius that he was himself in 
favour of the Council, but that for the moment he could 
not promise the appearance of the bishops ; he wished, 

1 Cf. EDER, I., 72 seq. 
VOL. xv. 241 *6 



242 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

therefore, first to consult the Catholic Electors of the Empire. 
Hosius answered that there was danger in delay ; if the 
French, tired of waiting, summoned a national council, and 
went their own way in ecclesiastical matters, the power of 
the Protestants would thereby be strengthened. Regard 
less of this, the Emperor persisted in his opinion that he 
could do nothing until he had conferred upon the subject 
with the Catholic princes, or at any rate with the ecclesiastical 
Electors. 1 The continued efforts of Hosius during the follow 
ing days had no better success, Ferdinand constantly re 
peating that he must await the answer of the ecclesiastical 
Electors. 2 

While these negotiations were taking place, France appeared 
to have given up her opposition to the conciliar bull. At 
the beginning of March the Council of State resolved to 
accept the bull, which fact was communicated to the nuncio, 
Gualterio, and the envoy extraordinary, Lorenzo Lenzi, 
Bishop of Fermo. In an official note of March 3rd, which 
Abbot Niquet was to take to Rome, the participation of 
France in the Council was, it is true, made dependent on 
the consent of Ferdinand I. and Philip II. 3 

Before the news of this reached Rome, however, Pius IV. 
had taken steps to appoint the legates for the Council. In 

1 Cf. STEINHERZ, I., xcix, 215 seq. ; EDER, I., 73. 

2 See STEINHERZ, I., 219 seq. ; ibid., 221 seq., the report of 
Hosius to Borromeo of March 3, 1561, concerning his interview 
with Ferdinand I. on March 2. On the last day of February, 
1561, Hosius wrote to Commendone : *Hic nihil est novi hoc 
tempore. Concilii causa nescio quomodo extrahitur longius. 
Caes. Maiestas non satis suam sententiam explicat ac prius etiam 
rem ad principes ecclesiasticos electores praesertim referri vult 
quam expresse declaret se in concilium consentire. Ego urgere 
npn desino, quantumque periculi sit in mora positum inculco, 
sed non multum proficio. Quid sit fuurum, Deus scit. On 
March 1 1 , Hosius wrote to Commendone : *Adhuc Caes. Maiestas 
deliberat in causa concilii et responsum a catholicis principibus 
ex Germania expectat (Graziani Archives, Citta di Castello). 

3 See SUSTA, I., 170; SICKEL, Konzil, 186 n. ; EDER, I., 74: 
EIISES, VIII., 167. 



LEGATES FOR THE COUNCIL APPOINTED. 243 

doing this he wished to give unmistakable proof that he 
was in earnest about the holding of the Council. He had 
already announced his intention of appointing Morone as 
a legate at the end of June, 1560. x In October a report was 
current in Rome that Seripando and Gonzaga had been 
chosen to represent the Pope at the Council, in addition to 
Morone ; the Spanish ambassador, Vargas, was working 
against Morone and Seripando. 2 At the beginning of Decem 
ber, Morone formally declined the Pope s request ; 3 Cardinal 
Ercole Gonzaga also refused, but on Pius IV. insisting, gave 
his consent on February 6th. 4 Pius IV. thereupon appointed 
him and Puteo legates to the Council in the consistory of 
February I4th, 1561. 5 Three further legates were chosen 

1 See the report of Vargas in Voss, 63. 

2 Cf. DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 340 seq., 346 seq. ; SUSTA, I., 
xlviii seq. 

3 See SUSTA, I., xlviii. 

* See ibid., xlviii-xlix. In a *report of Fr. Tonina of January i, 
1561, we read : " Da persona che mi dice haverlo da altro che 
gli disse haverlo del Papa esso vuole per ogni modo che mons. di 
Mantova sia il legato del concilia " (the italics are in cypher). 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the report of the Portuguese 
ambassador of January 26, 1561, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 
162 seq. 

5 See Massarelli 351. Mula reported on November 14, 1561 : 
*Et ella [Sua S td< ] si avvio verso Belvedere, dicendo che, se non 
m aggravava il caminare, io la seguisse, e tal volta mi chiamava 
colla mano dicendo qualche parola e tra le altre che haveva fatto 
duoi legati per il concilio e domandando, che me ne pareva, laudai 
grandemente 1 uno e 1 altro. Ella soggiunse : Ne faremo tre 
altri, e se non ne havemo de fatti cardinal! che siano al proposito, 
gli faremo di nuovo, teologi e legisti che siano da bene, e se non 
bastaranno quelli, ne faremo degli altri e ci andaremo ancora noi, 
quando conosceremo che sia bisogno. E dicendo io che 1 impresa 
e grande e che bisogna che Sua Santita sia correttore degli errori 
del tempo passato, ella sospirando pregava Dio che Io potesse 
fare e che non mancheria di tutto quello che si sapesse immaginare 
e che tutti dovessero pregare Dio che 1 aiutasse in questa difficil- 
issima impresa (Papal Secret Archives). 



244 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on March loth, from among the new Cardinals created on 
February 26th, namely Seripando, Hosius and Simonetta. 1 

The Cardinals chosen to represent the Pope were in the 
highest degree suited for their distinguished position. 2 At 
their head, as the president of the legatine college, stood 
Ercole Gonzaga, Cardinal of Mantua, who had been invested 
with the purple by Clement VII., a man who was distinguished 
in many ways, and prominent on account of his great personal 
qualities. Even though his eager striving for the tiara had 
cast a shadow on his character, yet the son of the celebrated 
Isabella d Este, on account of his varied experience extending 
over many years, his wide knowledge, his zeal for reform, his 
princely rank and his relationship to the Emperor, can only 
be described as an able and worthy representative of the 
Pope. 

Ercole Gonzaga was above all things a diplomatist, and 
was not a learned theologian. What was lacking to him in 
this respect was possessed in full measure by the other legates ; 
Simonetta, Puteo, Seripando and Hosius. Ludovico Simon 
etta, who belonged to a humanist family of Milan, held with 
Gonzaga the chief position, although in point of rank he 
was the junior of the legates, having only been appointed 
Cardinal on February 26th, 1561. A clever canonist, he 
appears as the real confidant of Pius IV., whose rights he 
always defended with fiery zeal and great skill. It is a signifi- 

1 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 351. Cf. BONDONUS, 546; 
SERIPANDI Comment., 464 ; letter of the Portuguese ambassador 
of March 14, 1561, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 196 seq. ; 
* report of Saraceni of March 14 and 18, 1561 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

2 For what follows cf. the excellent account of SUSTA, I., xliii 
seq. ; Ivi seq. See also SICKEL, Berichte, V., 65 seq. ; SOL, II 
card. Simonetta, in the Arch. Rom., XXVI., 185 seq. ; EDER, I., 
119 seq. ; LAUCHERT, 536 seq. For Seripando cf. Vols. XL, XII. 
of this work, and for Puteo Vols. XIII., XIV. The monograph of 
Giov. DREI, La politica di Pio IV. e del card. E. Gonzaga, 1 559-60, 
in the Arch d. Soc. Rom., vol., 40, was unfortunately not accessible 
to me f 



THE CARDINAL LEGATES. 245 

cant fact that, with the exception of the president, Simonetta 
alone had a code at his disposal for his correspondence with 
Rome. 

Giacomo Puteo, a Cardinal since 1551, had rendered 
important services to the Church under Julius III. and 
Paul IV. Like Simonetta, he was possessed of a thorough 
and comprehensive knowledge of canon law. This made 
both men peculiarly suited to maintain the rights of 
the Holy See in the face of the prejudices against the 
Council. 

Hosius and Seripando were distinguished in a similar 
manner by their theological learning, but their characters 
were as different as their origin. Girolamo Seripando, who 
belonged to a noble Apulian family, was undoubtedly the 
most distinguished man of whom the order of Augustinian 
Hermits could at that time boast. Paul III. had appointed 
this native of southern Italy, who was distinguished as 
preacher, theologian, Ciceronian, Greek scholar, and above 
all as a friend of Catholic reform, to be their Prior General 
in 1538. In this capacity Seripando displayed burning zeal, 
working especially to bring about a thorough reform of his 
order and to purge it of the Lutheran elements which had 
penetrated into it. During the first period of the Council of 
Trent, Seripando had played a most distinguished part. 
His views had given occasion for the searching deliberations 
on the subject of justification, in the course of which the 
well-meant but mistaken theory of compromise which he 
maintained had been repudiated. From that time Seripando 
had been mistrusted by the strict conservative party, headed 
by Carafa. Hostility on the part of the latter, as well as 
constant illness caused him, in 1551, to resign his position 
as General of his order, and also prevented any further par 
ticipation in the deliberations of the Council of Trent, which 
had again been opened by Julius III., and he devoted himself 
to his studies at Naples. His appointment as Archbishop 
of Salerno in the year 1554, enabled him to live in his diocese, 
and far from Rome, during the pontificate of Paul IV., who 
was prejudiced against him. The new Pope called to mind 



246 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the refined and sober minded scholar, summoned him to 
Rome, and on February 26th, 1561, admitted him into the 
Sacred College. 

Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Ermland, a scholar like 
Seripando, was of quite a different nature. He had already 
rendered distinguished service to the Catholic restoration as 
the leader of the bishops of his native land, Poland, against 
the encroachments of Protestantism at various diets, as well 
as by his effective book " Confession of the Catholic Faith," 
when Pius IV. appointed him as nuncio to Ferdinand I. 
His energetic, if at times harsh nature, as well as his somewhat 
clumsy person, rendered him, however, little suited for diplo 
matic negotiations. Pius IV. nevertheless honoured his 
services and his learning when, at the great creation of Feb 
ruary, 1561, he summoned him to the supreme senate of 
the Church. 

The bull of appointment for the five legates of the Council 
is dated March loth, 1561. l The special position which 
Ercole Gonzaga was to occupy as president of the legatine 
college, is not mentioned in this ; it was, however, sufficiently 
expressed by the consistent preference shown him by the 
Holy See. 2 

In the appointment of the officials of the Council, which 
took place as early as January, Pius IV., to a great extent, 
reappointed those persons who had worked so successfully 
in a similar capacity under Paul III. and Julius III. Gian 
Tommaso Sanfelice, Bishop of La Cava, was appointed com 
missary ; he left Rome on January 26th, 1561, and reached 

x ln RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 2 ; LE PLAT, IV., 697 seq. ; EHSES, 
VIII., 176. Cf. Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 353 ; THEINER, I., 
666; SICKEL, Konzil, 184. 

2 See SUSTA, I., 4. Here also concerning Gonzaga s private 
secretariate, which developed into the real presidential office for 
the whole legation. Puteo was originally intended for first 
president ; it was only after his serious illness that Gonzaga took 
the first place. In the acts the presidents are always named 
exactly in the order of their bulls of appointment, Gonzaga first, 
Seripando second, Hosius third, and Simonetta fourth. 



OFFICIALS OF THE COUNCIL. 247 

Trent on February 24th. 1 The important position of secre 
tary of the Council was entrusted once more to Angelo 
Massarelli, Bishop of Telese ; his appointment followed on 
February 2nd, and he left Rome on March nth, reaching 
Trent on the 26th. 2 

The legates then in Rome, Seripando and Simonetta, 
received the legatine cross in a secret consistory of March 
I7th. 3 In the same consistory the Pope exhorted all the 
bishops to repair to Trent. 4 The bull of appointment was 
sent to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga on March 22nd, with in 
structions to proceed immediately to Trent. 5 On March 
I5th, Cardinal Borromeo informed Hosius by letter of his 
appointment as. legate, instructing him to do everything in 
his power to induce the Emperor to send representatives to 
the Council, and then to go himself without delay to Trent. 6 

1 See Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 350 ; BONDONUS, 546 ; THEINER 
I., 666 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 15, n, 2; SICKEL, Berichte, I., 21. 
Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of January 25, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 244, 
Vatican Library). On March 5, 1561, Antonio Manelli was ap 
pointed " depositario del s. concilio Tridentino ; " his *Libro 
delle spese del s. concilio di Trento is in the Vallicella Library, 
L 40 ; see CALENZIO, Docum. sul concilio di Trento, xii seq., 
Rome 1874, and SUSTA, I., 53 seq. ; ibid., 27 seq., concerning the 
secret fund coexisting with the other, and administered by the 
president, Ercole Gonzaga. Cf. also Cerasoli in the Arch. stor. 
Ital. 5th series, VIII., 289 seq. 

z See MASSARELLI, 351, 353 ; BONDONUS, 547 ; SICKEL, Berichte, 
I., 21 ; SUSTA, L, 6. 

3 Puteo was then seriously ill. Cf. BONDONUS, 547 ; THEINER, 
L, 667. According to a "report of Fr. Tonina of March 22, 1561, 
Seripando received 1,000 scudi for his journey to Trent (Gonzaga 
Arch. Mantua). 

4 *Report of Tonina of March 19, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). PALLAVICINI, 15, IT, 2. 

6 The Cardinal was allowed, in accordance with his request, 
to spend the Easter festival at Maguzzano. Brief of Pius IV., of 
March 22, 1561, in SUSTA, L, i seq. 

6 STEINHERZ, L, 226 seq. ; ibid., 233, the repetition of the order 
to start as soon as the Emperor should have signified his willingness 
to send envoys to the Council, dated March 23, 1561. 



248 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On March 2ist Pius IV. granted an indulgence to all those 
who, after receiving the sacraments, were present at the 
entry of the legates, and prayed for the successful issue of the 
Council. 1 Seripando started for Trent on March 26th, and 
had a long conference with the Pope before he set out. 2 

Ferdinand I., in his conferences with Hosius on March 
l8th and igth, had replied to the earnest request for his 
decision by reproaching the Pope with having occasioned the 
delay, since he had not yet answered the Emperor s question 
as to what he intended to do with regard to the reply of the 
Protestant princes assembled at Naumburg. Ferdinand, 
however, had already been informed of the Pope s intentions 
in a letter from Arco, which arrived on March i8th. Pius IV. 
had answered the ambassador, when he had handed him the 
documents from Naumburg, that, as the Council was sum 
moned for Easter, he must send his legates to Trent, but 
that these would, in the meantime, hold no sessions with the 
bishops who were there ; the Pope would await the decision 
of the Catholic princes of Germany. In spite of this, 
Ferdinand, when he was again urged by Hosius to appoint 
his representatives, kept repeating that he was waiting for 
the decision of the Pope, which was evidently a mere excuse 
to conceal his own indecision. 3 

In the meantime, great difficulties in the way of the accept 
ance of the conciliar bull had also arisen in Spain. The 
theologians there objected to the evasion of the question as 
to whether the Council was a new one or a continuation of 
th2 former one, and insisted that the latter view must be 
definitely expressed. 4 The Spanish bishops attached great 
importance to this question, because they wished to be sure 
that the decree of the Council concerning the subordination 
of the cathedral chapters would be upheld. 5 The repre- 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 4 ; LE PLAT, IV., 698 seq. 

2 See MASSARELLI, 353 ; SERIPANDI Comment., 464. 

3 Cf. STEINHERZ, I., ci seq., 228 seq., 235 seq. 

4 Cf. DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 348, and Colecci6n de docum. 
ined., IX., 97. 

8 See SICKEL, Konzil, 185, 189, 209 seq. 



PHILIP II. AND THE COUNCIL. 249 

sentations of the theologians were listened to the more favour 
ably by Philip II. as relations between the Pope and the king 
had been somewhat strained since the end of 1560, and the 
favourable opportunity of bringing pressure to bear on Pius 
IV. could not be foregone by the Spanish privy council. 1 

After Philip had refrained from giving a decisive answer 
in the month of February, he at last declared to the nuncio 
on March i2th, that he had decided not to accept the bull 
immediately nor to send his prelates, but to wait and see how 
things turned out in Germany and France, and that in the 
meantime he would lay his wishes for the alteration of the 
bull before the Pope. 2 For this purpose Don Juan de Ayala 
was sent to Rome in March. He was ordered to ask from 
the Pope an express declaration that no new Council, but a 
continuation of the Council of Trent was convoked by the 
bull of November 29th, 1560, as the king had taken this for 
granted all through his negotiations. 3 De Ayala arrived in 
Rome on April i6th, 1561, and had an interview with the 
Pope on the following day. 4 

As the appearance of the Spanish bishops was impossible 
before an understanding had been arrived .at with Philip II., 
and a delay in the opening of the Council had thus become 
imperative, Hosius received fresh instructions on April i6th, 
no longer to urge the Emperor to the immediate dispatch of 
his representatives to Trent, but only to hold them in readiness 
to go as soon as the Spanish bishops should have started for 
Trent. 5 Canobio, who was again sent to Vienna with similar 
instructions on April i6th, was entrusted with further negotia- 

l Cf. REIMANN, Unterhandlungen, 619 seq. ; SUSTA, L, 15 seq., 
172. 

2 D6LLINGER, I.. 355 seq. 

8 See the Instruction secreta a D. J. de Ayala of March 13, 1561, 
in DOLLINGER, I., 358 seq. ; cf. Coleccion de docum. ined., IX., 94. 

4 See *Avviso di Roma of April 18, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 268, 
Vatican Library). Cf. Cal. of State Papers, Foreign, 1561-1562, 
64 ; SUSTA, I., 16. 

6 Borromeo to Hosius, in STEINHERZ, L, 243 seq. Cf. the 
letter of Borromeo to E. Gonzaga in SUSTA, I., 14. 



250 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

tions. 1 Hosius was immediately to inform the Emperor that 
the Pope, in order to comply with the latter s wishes, was 
prepared to proceed to the Council, together with the whole 
College of Cardinals, as soon as he considered it fitting and 
necessary. As this, however, was not possible at the present 
moment, he proposed that after the opening of the Council 
he himself should take up his residence at Bologna, and the 
Emperor at Innsbruck, so as to be nearer to the seat of the 
Council, and to support it. Canobio handed this proposal to 
the Emperor in writing. In his answer on May 6th, Ferdinand 
referred to his efforts with the Protestants, and declared that 
he had neglected nothing in the matter which was incumbent 
on him as Emperor ; that he had already appointed envoys 
for the Council, whom he would send to Trent as soon as 
possible. In the event of the Pope going to Trent, he promised 
that he would not only proceed to Innsbruck, but that he 
would even go himself to the seat of the Council. By this 
Ferdinand had declared his acceptance of the conciliar bull. 
The untiring eloquence of Hosius had been to a great extent 
decisive in overcoming the objections of the Emperor, and in 
gaining his agreement to the appointment of the envoys. 2 
Encouraged by the success he had already met witn, the 
nuncio made an impcrtant request on May 8th and i8th, 
namely that Ferdinand should send a representative to Trent 
immediately. The Emperor, however, would not agree to 
this, although he promised that his representatives should be 
the first to appear at Trent, but that he would not send his 
envoys until the other powers had given orders to their repre 
sentatives to start. 3 The Emperor was strengthened in this 
resolve by a report from Arco, which arrived on May 25th, 
and conveyed to him the Pope s wish that he should act in 
this way, without paying attention to the piessure of Hosius. 4 

1 See STEINHERZ, I., ciii. seq, t 251 seq. 

2 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 191 seq., 194 seq. ; STEINHERZ, I., civ., 
252 ; EHSES, VIII., 200, 204 seq. 

3 See STEINHERZ, I., civ., 249, 254 seq. 

4 See STEINHERZ, I., civ. seq. For the Pope s reasons cf. the 
report of the Portuguese ambassador of May 2, 1561, in the Corpo 
dipl. Portug., IX., 236. 



RUSSIA, POLAND AND PORTUGAL. 251 

Canobio also informed the Emperor that the Pope had 
resolved to convey to the Russian Tsar, Ivan Wassiljewicz, 
as well as to the King of Poland, a conciliar bull and a brief 
(of April I3th, 1561) just as his predecessors had invited the 
Greek Emperor to general councils. Ferdinand agreed to 
this mission, and Hosius decided that Canobio should under 
take its discharge. When Canobio reached the court of the 
Polish King, Sigismund Augustus, the latter declared himself 
quite ready to support the Council, but he refused to allow 
the journey to Russia through his kingdom. 1 Pius IV., 
however, would not give up his purpose of negotiating 
with the Russian Tsar, and without the knowledge of the 
Polish King or the Emperor, he appointed a new envoy to 
Russia in the person of Giovanni Geraldi, whose journey, 
however, ended in a Polish prison ; he only succeeded in 
regaining his liberty in 1564.2 

One of the few countries from which gratifying news arrived 
was Portugal, the king of which country, Sebastian, was 
full of zeal for the Council. On March lyth, 1561, the nuncio, 
Prospero Santa Croce, reported to Borromeo from Lisbon : 
" It is the firm resolve of the king that all the prelates of his 
kingdom shall attend the Council, and in view of the im 
portance of the matter, no excuses will be accepted. The 
king will send his envoy to Trent as soon as he has heard of 
the appointment of the legates." The Pope praised the zeal 
of the king in a brief of April 26th, 1561. 3 

1 C/. SICKEL, Konzil, 192, 195; STEINHERZ, }., 243, 245; 
SUSTA, I., ii ; PALLAVICINI, 15, 9, 4; PIERLING, I., 369 seq. ; 
OBERSBERGER, I., 348. The brief to the Tsar in RAYNALDUS, 
1561, n. 17 ; LE PLAT, IV., 700 seq. For the great difficulties 
which, in spite of the acceptance of the conciliar bull on the part 
of the King, arose in Poland on the question of the appointment 
of delegates for the Council, see SUSTA, I., 121. 

8 Cf. PIERLING, Rome et Moscou, 53 seq. t Paris, 1883 ; PIERLING, 
373 5e 4- SUSTA, I., 285 seq. ; TURGENIEV, Russiae Monum., I., 
181 seq. ; OBERSBERGER, I., 349. 

8 Cf. LAEMMER, Melet., 184 ; STEINHERZ, I., 247 ; RAYNALDUS, 
1561, n. 14 ; LE PLAT, IV., 702 ; Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 235; 
SUSTA, I., 24; EHSES, VIII., 175, 198. 



252 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On April 6th, the Easter Sunday of 1561, on which day the 
Council should have been opened, there were only four bishops, 
but none of the legates, present in Trent. 1 On April i6th 
Cardinals Gonzaga and Seripando made their solemn entry into 
the city of the Council, being welcomed only by the Bishop 
of Trent, Cardinal Madruzzo, and nine other bishops. 2 The 
indulgence of March 2ist had been previously promulgated 
on April I2th. There could be no question of opening the 
Council at once, for the number of prelates at Trent increased 
but slowly during the following months. 3 On April 2ist 
the legates wrote to Borromeo that the Pope again should 
exhort the prelates in Rome to start soon, so that those in 
other countries might the more quickly make up their minds. 4 
The arrival, on May i8th, of the distinguished Archbishop of 
Braga, Bartolomeo de Martyribus, as the " first born of the 
ultramontane nations " was joyfully acclaimed ; he informed 
the legates that three or four more bishops from Portugal, 
and the envoy of the king, would soon follow. 5 The Pope 
was particularly touched and gladdened at this news. 6 

The negotiations with the powers were still going on. As 
the discussions with Don Juan de Ayala in Rome had led to no 
result, the Bishop of Terracina, Ottaviano Raverta, who had 

1 See THEINER, I., 667, 668. The first bishop who arrived 
at Trent was Nic. Sfondrato of Cremona, afterwards Pope Gregory 
XIV. 

2 Cf. MASSARELLI, 354; BONDONUS, 547 seq. ; SUSTA, I., 7; 
GIULIANI, Trento al tempo del Concilio (extract from the Arch. 
Trid., 1888), 88 seq. Gonzaga resided, as did Morone later on, 
in the palace of Sigismund Thun (now the Municipio) in the Via 
Larga ; see SWOBODA, 23. Here there are also some reproduc 
tions of the many pictures which represent the sessions of the 
Council. See also GALANTE, Kultur-histor., Bilder vom Trienter 
Konzil, Innsbruck, 1912. 

8 See THEINER, I., 667-8. 

4 SUSTA, I, 12. 

6 MASSARELLI, 356; SUSTA, I., 24. The date "April 18 " in 
THEINER, I., 668, is wrong. 

6 Cf. the report of the Portuguese ambassador of June 18, 
1561, in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 273. 



PHILIP II. 253 

previously been nuncio in Spain, and was much beloved 
there, was sent to Philip II. on May 23rd. He took with him 
important concessions on the points at issue with the Spanish 
government. He was authorized, with regard to the Council, 
to offer the king that he should be sent a secret brief, design 
ating the bull of November the i8th as a " bull of contin-" 
uation." 1 When Raverta reached the Spanish court on 
June I3th, Philip had already given way in view of the grave 
development in affairs in France, and in order to gain the 
assistance of Pius IV. against the Turks. 2 The nuncio, 
Giovanni Campegio, Bishop of Bologna, had learned this at 
the beginning of June, and had at once informed Rome of it. 3 
The official announcement took the form of a royal circular 
on June I3th, which summoned all the bishops to prepare 
for their journey at the beginning of September ; the number 
of those who were to go to the Council, and the definite time 
of their departure, was to be decided later. 4 The brief which 
Philip II. desired, containing the declaration concerning the 
continuation of the Council of Trent, was drawn up on July 
iyth, and was immediate!} dispatched, together with an 1 
autograph letter of the Pope of July i6th, declaring the 
validity of the decrees of the Council of Trent. 5 

By this act of compliance on the part of Philip II. the 
most dangerous rock was avoided, and the meeting of the 
Council was assured. 6 On July 2nd, the official announcement 
of this favourable turn of affairs, which had so far only been 
known privately, arrived in Rome. 7 Three days later the 

1 See SUSTA, I., 31 seq., 204. 

3 Cf. SUSTA, I., 194, and STEINHERZ, I., 274. 

3 See his report of June 5, 1561, in SUSTA, I., 193. 

4 See GACHARD, Corresp. de Marguerite, I., 291 ; SUSTA, L, 194. 
EDER (I., 78) is wrong in giving the date of the circular as June 3. 

5 One of the documents in SICKEL, Berichte, II., 107, the other 
in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 366. Cf. EHSES, VIII., 279. 

6 The opinion of STEINHERZ, I., cix. 

7 Sse Borromeo s letter to Hosius of July 2, 1561, in STEINHERZ, 
I., 273 seq., and that of the same date to the legates of the Council 
in SUSTA, I., 44 seq. 



254 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Pope communicated the news to the Emperor and exhorted 
him no longer to delay in appointing his prelates and envoys. 
A letter to the same effect was immediately sent to King 
Charles IX. of France, while the other Catholic powers, such 
as the Signoria of Venice, also received news of the- same 
important event. 1 

When Hosius delivered the Papal letter to the Emperor 
on July i8th, the latter repeated the answer that he had 
already given to Canobio, namely that he had already resolved 
to send his envoys to Trent, but that he could not as yet 
name any fixed date for their departure. Even the successor 
of Hosius, the persuasive Delfino, after repeated exhortations, 
could only get the same answer, that the envoys of the Em 
peror would reach Trent before those of the Spanish king. 2 

Hosius, who had long wished to go to Trent, left Vienna 
on July 2gth ; he reached the seat of the Council on August 
aoth, refusing, in his retiring way, any solemn reception. 3 

At midsummer Pius IV. was still working zealously on 
behalf of the Council. The legates, Puteo and Simonetta, 
received instructions in July to hold themselves in readiness 
for the journey. 4 The nuncios were commissioned to see 
to the sending of the delegates to the Council, while the 
Pope himself attended to this in Italy. On August ist 
briefs to this effect were addressed to all the bishops of the 
peninsula, on the 3rd to those of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica 
and Dalmatia, and on the Qth to the Archbishops of Cyprus 
and Crete. The prelates who were in Rome were repeatedly 
admonished to start for Trent, but some delay was allowed 
to them as it was evident that the Spanish bishops could 
not reach Trent before October. 5 When threatening news 

1 See SICKEL, Konzil, 205; SUSTA, I., 48 seq., 219. 

2 See STEINHERZ, I., cv. seq. 

8 See STEINHERZ, I., 290 ; MASSARELLI 357. 

4 *Avviso di Roma of July 12, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 287, Vatican 
Library). 

6 See the letters from Borromeo of July 26, and August 2 and 20, 
1561, in SUSTA, I., 64 seq., 69, 71 seq., 73 seq. Cf. *Avviso di 
Roma of August 9, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 224, Vatican Library), 



THE ITALIAN BISHOPS. 255 

arrived from France, Pius IV. declared to the Imperial 
ambassador on August 23rd, that he would irrevocably open 
the Council, even should Ferdinand I. be unable to take 
part in it. On the following day the Pope decided in con 
sistory that all the Italian bishops were to repair to Trent 
within eight days. Many of those who were resident in 
Rome resisted even now, so that the number of prelates at 
the seat of the Council increased but slowly. 1 

Nevertheless, at first it was only Italians who were present 
at Trent ; the arrival of the bishops from other countries, 
with the exception of the Portuguese who were already there, 
was still delayed. On September 26th the Bishop of Vich 
arrived, as the first of the Spaniards, 2 but for the most part, 
it was November before the others one by one reached Trent. 3 
Philip II., after repeated exhortations from the nuncio, 

and the Portuguese reports in the Corpo dipl. Portug., IX., 287, 
318. The Portuguese ambassador undertook to see that the 
letter of Pius IV. of August 20, 1561, to the Negus Minas of 
Abyssinia, in which he was invited to send envoys to Trent, 
reached him (printed in BECCARI, Rerum Aethiop. Script, 
occid., X., 125) ; the letter never reached the Negus (see ibid., 
125 n.). 

1 See MASSARELLI, 356 seq. ; THEINER, I., 670 seq. ; SUSTA, I., 
75 seq., 77 seq., 90. An *Avviso di Roma of September 6, 1561, 
states that the Pope had ordered 25 bishops to go to the Council, 
and that they were starting (Urb. 1039, p. 298, Vatican Library). 
Cf. also the "letter of G. A. Caligari to Commendone, dated Rome, 
September 13, 1561 (Lett, di princ., XXIII. , 34, Papal Secret 
Archives). On October 13, 1561, Serristori *writes that the Pope 
insisted that all the bishops should go to the Council (State 
Archives, Florence). But again on November 8, it is reported 
that the Pope had urged the bishops to go there, that 7 had 
started yesterday, but that many refused (*Avviso di Roma of 
November 8, 1561, Urb. 1039, p. 308, Vatican Library) ; the 
Pope, nevertheless, remained firm on the point that with a few 
exceptions all must start out on their journey (*Avvisi of December 
20, 1561, and January 3, 1562, loc. cit., pp. 3i9b, 329). 

2 Cf. MASSARELLI, 358; THEINER, I., 670; SUSTA, I., 78, 80. 

3 MASSARELLI, 258 seqq. Cf. SUSTA, I., 90. 



256 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had decided to send several bishops at once ; the choice of 
the others who were to go to the Council was only made in 
September. 1 The appointment and sending of an envoy 
was deferred until later. 

The nuncio, Gualterio, had in September little to report 
from France that was gratifying, as far as the prospects of 
the departure of the envoys for the Council was concerned. 
The attitude of the French government towards this impor 
tant question was now, as before, very ambiguous. 2 On 
October 8th, indeed, Borromeo was able to write to the 
nuncio that he had heard that the Queen Regent proposed 
to send her orators and prelates ; that, however, had been a 
vain hope, and had not been fulfilled, for the French coun 
cil did not believe in the usefulness of an ecumenical synod, 
but hoped to be in a position to enter into a compromise 
with the Huguenots, by means of a religious conference and 
certain concessions on the part of the Pope. 3 The decision 
arrived at by twenty-five of the bishops at the end of October, 
by which six of them were to proceed at once to San Martin o, 
was not taken seriously. 4 It was also most unfortunate that 
the Emperor proved himself so little desirous of keeping 
his promise, and of sending his envoys and the bishops of his 
hereditary dominions to the Council. He was indeed resolved 
to do so, as he had said, but he wished to wait as long as 
possible before sending the envoys, as he feared lest his repre 
sentatives might airive too soon at Trent, and have to remain 
there alone. 5 He hesitated to give a definite answer till 
winter had actually arrived, and it was only when he had 
learned from his ambassador, Arco, that the Pope had given 

1 See SUSTA, I., 78, 80, 257. 

3 See SUSTA, I., 248 seq. ; cf. 181 seq., 215 seq. On September 
13, 1561, G. A. Caligari *wrote from Rome to Commendone : 
" Si dice che le cose di Francia vanno molto male e seguitano il 
loro conciliabolo." Lett, di princ., XXIII., 34 (Papal Secret 
Archives) . 

3 Cf. SUSTA, I., 87 seq., 290. 

*Cf. SUSTA, I., 290. 

6 See STEINHERZ, I., cvi. 



THE EMPEROR S REPRESENTATIVES. 257 

orders for the opening of the Council, 1 that he promised 
Delfino, in a binding form, on Decembei ist, that his envoys 
would certainly be in Trent by the middle of January. Delfino 
reported this on December ist to the legates at Trent, and 
to Borromeo in Rome. 2 There were also difficulties with 
regard to the persons who were to be sent, but these were all 
settled by the end of December as follows : Ferdinand was 
to be represented as Emperor by two envoys by an 
ecclesiastic, the former Bishop of Vienna, and Archbishop 
designate of Prague, Anton Brus von Miiglitz ; and by a 
layman, Count Sigismund von Thun ; as King of Hungary 
he was to be represented by the Bishop of Fiinfkirchen, 
Georg Draskovich. 3 In this way the remainder cf the 
year 1561 passed away, without the Council having been 
opened. 

In a consistory of November loth, Mark Sittich von 
Hohenems was appointed legate to the Council in the place 
of the invalid Puteo, who was unable to travel, and it was 
further resolved that the departure of the fourth legate, 
Simonetta, for Trent, which had been expected for months, 
but always postponed, should now take place at once. The 
choice of Mark Sittich, which had been made principally on 
account of his relationship to the Pope, was not a fortunate 
one ; he may also have been chosen because, by his birth, 
and by reason of his bishopric of Constance, he belonged to 
the German nation. 4 On November I5th, the indulgence 
bull for the happy issue of the Council was published ; it 

x See Arco s report of November 22, 1561, in SICKEL, Konzil, 
235- 

2 See the report of Delfino in STEINHERZ, I., 325 seq. Cf. 
SUSTA, I., 124. 

3 See STEINHERZ, I., cvi, 339 ; KASSOWITZ, 37 seq. 

4 Concerning the choice of Mark Sittich, well known for his 
want of education, and the ill feeling aroused thereby in Catholic 
circles, cf. SUSTA, I., 101. Of Puteo an *Avviso di Roma already 
reports on August 30, 1561, that the Cardinal will not go to Trent, 
being old and very much needed in Rome (Urb. 1039, p. 296, 
Vatican Library). 

VOL. XV. 17 



258 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

announced that the Pope intended to hold a solemn pro 
cession from St. Peter s to S. Maria del Popolo on November 
23rd. 1 

Cardinal Simonetta, who had been detained in Rome by 
the important affairs of the Dataria, left on November 2oth 
and arrived in Trent on December gth. 2 In the credentials 
for the other legates, which were entrusted to him, the Pope 
declares his wish, now that he had waited long enough for 
all the princes, that the Council should no longer be delayed, 
but opened at once, and proceeded with as quickly as possible. 
In a postscript in his own hand, the Pope says : " We are 
not in the habit of using many words, but rather prefer 
deeds. Hitherto we have waited sufficiently long for all 
the princes and the matter can itherefore no longer be delayed, 
but the Council must be opened as soon as possible, and 
continued with all speed ; the former Council of Trent will 
once more be resumed, nor may it be repudiated in any of 
its parts. We wish, as a man of honour, as a good Christian, 
and as a good Pope, that a good Council shall be held, and 
that its one aim be directed to the service of God, of the faith, 
and of religion, to the universal well-being of the whole of 
Christendom, as well as to the honour of the Holy See. We 
have made it our object to finish this Council, to confirm it 
and carry it into effect, and by it We desire the union of all 
good Catholics, and enduring peace through the whole of 
Christendom, so that We may serve God in concord, and be 
able to use all our strength against the infidel and the enemies 
of the Christian name. When this object is attained, We 

x The bull (in RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 10 ; LE PLAT, IV., 735; 
and EHSES, VIII., 256 seq.} was published in Trent on November 
29 (see MASSARELLI, 361). Concerning the procession in Rome 
and the arrival of Mark Sittich there on November 28, cf. the 
*Avviso di Roma of November 29, 1561 (Urb. 1039, p. 3i4b, 
Vatican Library). See also the Portuguese report of November 
27, 1561, in the Corpo. dipl. Portug., IX., 406. 

2 Cf. SUSTA, I., 114 seq. ; SICKEL, Konzil, 235; THEINER, I., 
672. Simonetta took up his residence in the Palazzo Geremia, 
in the Via Larga, facing the Palazzo Thun ; see SWOBODA, 41. 



THE POPE S INSTRUCTIONS TO SIMONETTA. 259 

shall willingly and gladly die." 1 A second autograph letter 
from the Pope, accrediting Cardinal Simonetta, was addressed 
to the Cardinal of Mantua alone, in order to emphasize the 
peculiar position of that prelate as head of the legates, and 
the first in point of rank. 2 

In the instructions given to Simonetta, the intentions of 
the Pope, as to which the legate was to inform his colleagues, 
were set forth in greater detail. They were to the following 
effect : immediately after his arrival, the Council was to be 
opened, and the work taken in hand by the prelates who 
were present. The Council was to be principally engaged 
in finishing the little that still remained to be dealt with as 
regards dogma, especially the doctrine of the Sacraments ; 
this was the most important thing. The reform of abuses 
was already settled, or at least so far advanced that it could 
easily be brought to a close. In this connection it was taken 
for granted that only such reforms were to be dealt with at 
Trent as did not affect the Roman court, for the Pope looked 
upon these as his own prerogative. 3 As far as the question 

l The credentials, dated November 19, 1561, in part in PALLA- 
VICINI, 15, 13, 2, and complete in SUSTA, I., 113 seq. ; in San 
Carlo, 89, they are given in phototype from the original. 

2 The letter, dated November 20, 1561, in SUSTA, I., 115. 

3 Cf. EDER, I., 121 seq., who rightly remarks that the work of 
reform which had at that time been energetically undertaken 
in Rome aimed at withdrawing from the Council the " Reformatio 
Capite." For this reform work cf. SICKEL, 242 ; SUSTA, I., 
119; *Avvisi di Roma of December 6, 13, and 20, 1561, and 
January 10, 1562 (Urb. 1039, pp. 3iyb seq., 3igb, 325^ 310, 
Vatican Library). On December 20, 1561, Tonina gives the 
following account of this work : *Sopra la bolla del conclave, 
del qual S. S t& ad ogni hora ragiona, non vi e cardinale che concorri 
nella opinione sua, di farlo in Castello, patendo questa sua opinione 
molte contrarieta che si adducono de incomodi, pericoli, et che 
anco il luoco non sia capace, per6 si crede che non se ne fara 
altro. Circa la bolla della riforma a questa si attende et si crede 
pure che in ci6 si fara qualche profitto, ancora che portara tempo, 
perch e dovendosi reformare ogniuno in casa sua ci bisognano 
molte consideration!, molto tempo et molto che fare, in riandare 



260 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of continuation was concerned, Simonetta was authorized 
by his instructions, in the event of any dispute arising, to 
declare openly that the Council was a continuation of the 
previous one ; the decrees of Trent, published under Paul 
III. and Julius III., were to be regarded as valid, and under 
no circumstances to be called in question. The legates were 
to prevent the question of the Pope s supremacy over the 
Council from being made the subject of discussion, especially 
as the former Council had accepted the Papal supremacy 
without question. Should matters, however, go so far, 
that the prelates were not to be turned from the treatment 
of this article, then the legates were to suspend the Council, 
and inform the Pope by courier ; he would then take further 
measures, and either remove the Council to another place 
or dissolve it altogether. 1 

Two further documents for the legates were probably 
taken to Trent by Simonetta : a brief of September 22nd, 
1561, which authorized the legates, in case of need, to remove 
the Council at their own discretion to another city, and 
another brief of the same date which decided that if the Pope 
should die during the Council, the choice of his successor 
was not to belong to the Council, but to the Cardinals. 2 

Shortly before the arrival of Simonetta, during the night 
between December 8th and 9th, the report of Delfino had 
reached Trent, that in accordance with his promise, the 
Emperor s envoys would arrive by the middle of January. 
The legates at once informed all the prelates present, and 
resolved, in consideration of this news, to postpone the opening 
of the Council until January i5th ; Delfino was informed of 

una strada tanto invecchiata et bisognando quasi passare da un 
estremo all altro. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 The instruction, according to the minute of the private 
secretary, T. Galli, in SUSTA, I., 116 seq. 

2 Both documents in RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 7-9 ; LE PLAT, IV., 
721 seq., and EHSES, VIII., 179 seq., 248. Cf. SUSTA, I., 118 seq. 
See also the Acta consist, of November 19, 1561, in LAEMMER, 
Melet., 213, and EHSES, VIII., 121. Cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen, 1 1 8, 



DISCUSSION AS TO PROCEDURE. 261 

this on December gth. In a letter to Borromeo, dated 
December nth, the legates gave their reasons for thus de 
viating from the expressed will of the Pope, and begged 
for his approval. This was granted them through Borromeo 
on December 2Oth, and it was added that should the arrival 
of the Imperial envoys, or the representatives of any other 
great power, still be imminent, then a further shoit post 
ponement would be allowed. 1 

Immediately after the arrival of Simonetta, the legates 
consulted together as to what matter they should deal with 
first ; they decided that it would be best to commence with 
the Index of forbidden books, so as to avoid bringing up the 
question of the continuation at the very outset, by going on 
with the doctrine of the Sacraments. Simonetta commu 
nicated this intention to Rome on December ith, and the 
Pope consented. 2 Before the answer arrived, however, the 
legates returned to the question on December i8th, paying 
special attention to the objections and difficulties, and changed 
their proposal in such a way that they now decided that it 
would be advisable to put the question to the assembled 
prelates in the first congregation after the opening, as to 
whether they thought it best to continue to deal with the 
articles not yet decided, or to deliberate upon new ones ; 
they were of opinion that everyone would accept the con 
tinuation, and that in this way nobody would be able to say 
anything against the Pope, as the Council itself would have 
declared its opinion. To this they received an answer from 
the Pope, through Borromeo, on December 27th, that His 
Holiness left it entirely to their discretion to act as they 
thought best. 3 On January 3rd the legates, who had been 

1 SUSTA, I., 122 seq., 139. Borromeo had previously (to Ercole 
Gonzaga, December 15, 1561) recommended the Epiphany as a 
suitable da}>- for the opening of the Council. Pius IV. also decided 
in favour of that day in the consistory of December 17 ; see 
SUSTA, I., 132 seq., 134. 

2 Borromeo to the legates on December 20, 1561, in SUSTA, I., 
139. 

3 SUSTA, I., 129 seq., 143. 



262 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

busily employed during these days with the preliminary 
work of the Council, sent to Rome a draft of a decree for 
the first session, which had been drawn up by Seripando. 1 

In a consistory on December lyth, the Pope, who, in spite 
of the difficulties which still existed, was firmly resolved 2 on 
a speedy opening of the Council, bestowed the legatine cross 
on Mark Sittich. The departure of the Cardinal, however, 
was delayed until the new year, and he did not reach Trent 
until January 30th, I562. 3 

The Pope, as he informed the legates through Cardinal 
Borromeo on December 3ist, 1561, had chosen January i8th, 
1562, a Sunday, on which day the feast of St. Peter s Chair 
fell, for the opening day of the Council. 4 On the receipt of 
Delfino s information that the Imperial envoys would hardly 
be in Trent before the end of January, it was left to the 
legates, on January yth, to postpone the opening for another 
eight or ten days. 5 

As there were already about a hundred prelates assembled 
at Trent, the legates resolved to keep to January i8th. On 
the I5th the first preparatory General Congregation assembled. 
It was held at the residence of Cardinal Gonzaga, who, as 
first legate, opened it with an address and prayer. Then 
the secretary of the Council, Massarelli, read aloud the decrees 
arranged for the inaugural session, and a Papal brief, by 
which, in order to avoid disputes concerning precedure, 
the order of rank among the Fathers of the Council was 
decided. According to this the patriarchs were to come first, 
the archbishops second, and the bishops third ; the primates, 
on the other hand, were to have no precedence over the other 
archbishops ; within the various ranks, the fathers were 

1 SUSTA, I., 144 seq. ; ibid., 146 seq. the draft of the decree. 

2 Cf. in Appendix No. 19 the *report of Fr. Tonina of December 
3, 1561 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 *Report of Tonina, dated Rome, December 17, 1561 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). Cf. SUSTA, I., 134, 151, II., 14 seq. ; STEIN- 
HERZ, III., i ; THEINER, I., 680 ; EHSES, VIII., 122. 

4 SUSTA, I., 151. 
6 Ibid., 156. 



DEMANDS OF THE SPANISH BISHOPS. 263 

to be arranged according to the date of their appointment. 1 
Before the meeting of the General Congregation, the legates 
had been successful in settling a difficulty which might have 
proved very dangerous for the Council which was on the 
point of being opened. On January 5th, the Archbishop 
of Granada, Pedro Guerrero, had gone to Seripando to demand, 
in the name of the Spanish bishops, that every ambiguity 
should be avoided at the opening, and that the Council should 
be clearly and definitely designated as a continuation of 
the former one. On January nth Guerrero repeated his 
demand in the presence of the four legates and Cardinal 
Madiuzzo, and threatened to make a protest. The legates 
did everything they could to avoid this, and at the last 
moment their efforts were crowned with success. The arch 
bishop withdrew his request, after having been assured by 
the legates that no expression would be used at the opening 
of the Council which could be taken as a declaration against 
continuation ; the Council would be opened exactly in accord 
ance with the text of the bull of convocation, the declaration 
of continuation would follow at the fitting time, and at the 
close, the earlier decrees, drawn up under Paul III. and 
Julius III. together with the new decisions, would receive 
the confirmation of the Pope. 2 

l See THEINER, I., 673 seq. ; PALEOTTO, ibid., II., 530 seq. ; 
RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 3 seq. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 15, 15, 6 seq. ; 
Musotti in DOLLINGER, Konzil, II., 5. The brief concerning 
precedence, dated December 31, 1561, in RAYNALDUS, 1561, n. 12 ; 
LE PLAT, IV., 755; EHSES, VIII., 271. The bull Ad universalis 
bears the same date of December 31, 1561, which decides that 
the right of voting can only be exercised by those who are present 
in person, and not by proxies. EHSES, VIII., 269 seq. 

2 Besides the letters from the legates to Borromeo of January 
12 and 15, 1562, in SUSTA, I., 152 seq., 158 seq., cf. Musotti in 
DOLLINGER, Konzil, II., 4 seq. ; SERIPANDI Comment., 470 seq. ; 
Paleotto in THEINER, II., 530, and the report of Pedro Gonzalez de 
Mendoca, Bishop of Salamanca, who acted as mediator, in DOLLIN 
GER, loc. cit., 64 seq. Cf. the letters of the Bishops of Sutri-Nepi 
and Modena to Morone of January 15, 1562, in EHSES, VIII., 
279 seq. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

REOPENING OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. SESSIONS XVII TO 

XXII. 

Two complete years, full of work and anxieties, had been 
necessary, in order to overcome the " sea of difficulties " 
which the reopening of the Council had had to face. The 
satisfaction of Pius IV. was therefore great and fully justified 
when, at the end of the third year of his pontificate, he at 
last saw all his efforts crowned with success. 1 

It was a momentous day for the Church and the Papacy 
when all the members of the Council present in Trent assembled 
in the ancient church of S. Peter, on the morning of January 
1 8th, 1562, in order to proceed in procession to the neigh 
bouring Cathedral for the purpose of the solemn opening of 
the General Council of the Church. The members of the 
secular and regular clergy of the city formed the head of the 
procession, and these were followed by the mitred abbots, 
ninety bishops, eleven archbishops, and three patriarchs. 
Then followed the Duke of Mantua, the nephew of the Cardinal, 
who had come to Trent for the solemnity, Cardinal Madruzzo, 
and the four Papal legates, Gonzaga, Simonetta, Seripando 
and Hosius, whose dignity was denoted by an infula of gold 
material. The secular ambassadors should have followed 
the legates, but none had as yet arrived. Four generals of 
orders followed, with the Auditor of the Roman Rota, the 
Consistorial Advocate, the Promoter of the Council, and 
lastly the magistrates of Trent and other lay persons of 
distinction. 

1 The Pope expressed his j oy at the opening of the Council in a 
consistory on January 28, 1562. See Acta consist, in LAEMMER, 
Melet., 213 seq., and EHSES, VIII., 271. Cf. also Borromeo s 
letter to Simonetta in SUSTA II., 18. 

264 



OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. 265 

Cardinal Gonzaga celebrated High Mass, and the sermon 
was delivered by the Archbishop of Reggio, Gaspare del Fosso. 
After the usual ceremonies, the Secretary of the Council read 
the Bull of Indiction, and the Archbishop of Reggio the two 
decrees which had been accepted in the General Congregation 
of January 15th, 1 which were now approved. Four Spaniards 
however, led by the Archbishop of Granada, Pedro Guerrero, 
protested against the decision that the Council was to act 
under the presidency, and to follow the proposals, of the 
legates. 2 During the session the Bishop of Fiinfkirchen, 
Georg Draskovich, one of the orators of the princes, arrived; 
he was to represent Ferdinand I. as King of Hungary. 3 

For the moment, the question of the continuation was 
only. evaded. The legates resolved, in view of the widely 
divergent views and demands of the powers, and in order not 
to impede the course of the Council, to deal at first with 
matters of secondary importance. In the General Congrega 
tion of January 27th, they submitted three articles for dis 
cussion at the next Session ; these concerned prohibited 
books, and the drawing up of a letter of safe-conduct for the 
Protestants. 4 It was further decided to add four more 
prelates, who were to examine the mandates of the procurators 
of the bishops who were prevented from coming. The articles 
submitted were dealt with in ten General Congregations. 5 
On January 3Oth, Mark Sittich, the long expected fifth legate, 
arrived ; he brought the decision of Pius IV. on the much 

1 See supra p. 262. 

2 Cf. THEINER, I., 676 ; PALEOTTO ibid., II,, 533, ; RAYNALDUS, 
1562, n. 5-8; BONDONUS 554 seq, ; Musotti in DOLLINGER, 
Konzil, II., 5 ; report of the legates to Borromeo on January 19, 
1562, in SUSTA, I., 163-6. Cf. PALLAVICINI 15, 16. 

3 Cf. FRAKN6i, A magyar fogapok a trienti zinaton, Estergom, 
1863 ; KASSOWITZ, 38 and viii seq. ; SUSTA, I., 164. 

4 Cf. THEINER, I., 677 ; RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 9 ; LE PLAT, V., 
17 seq.; MENDO^A, 636; MUSOTTI, loc. "At., 6 seq. (January 20 
is an error for 27 ; so is 28 in THEINER, loc. cit.}. 

5 See THEINER, I., 678 seq. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 15, 19. For the 
revision of the Index see Vol. XVI. of this work, Chap. I. 



266 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

debated question as to whether the city of the Council should 
have a protective foice of Papal troops. The Pope decided 
that the defence of the Council should be entrusted to Cardinal 
Madruzzo, as the temporal lord of the district, and that a 
monthly allowance of 200 scudi should be assigned to him 
from the treasury of the Council. 1 

The Bishop of Fiinfkirchen had at first to remain inactive, 
as he had arrived in Trent without mandate or instructions. 2 
It was only on January 3ist, when the Archbishop of Prague, 
Brus von Miiglitz, one of the envoys who was to represent 
Ferdinand I. as Emperor, had arrived, that both the repre 
sentatives of the Hapsburg were solemnly received in the 
General Congregation on February 6th. 3 The Portuguese 
envoy, Fernando Martinez de Mascareynas, arrived in Trent 
on February 7th. 4 In order to avoid disputes between the 
ecclesiastical and secular representatives of the princes, such 
as had already arisen between the Spanish and Portuguese 
envoys, the legates issued a table of precedence on February 
8th. 5 The Portuguese envoy, who soon proved himself a 
loyal friend to the legates, was introduced at the General 
Congregation on the following day, and the second Imperial 
envoy, Sigismund von Thun, who had now also arrived, was 
introduced on February ioth. 6 

On February i3th the three representatives of Ferdinand I. 
handed to the legates a memorandum, 7 in which, in accordance 

1 Cf. BONDONUS, 556; SICKEL, Beochte, I., 125; SUSTA, II., 
M-5- 

2 See SUSTA, II., 17; KASSOWITZ, 39. 

8 See SICKEL, Konzil, 229 ; THEINER. I., 680 ; RAYNALDUS, 
1562, n. 10 ; LE PLAT, V., 19-22; BONDONUS, 557. Cf. PALLA- 
VICINI, 15, 20. 

4 See THEINER, I., 681 ; BONDONUS, 557 ; GIULIANI, loc. cit., 
107 seq. ; SUSTA, I., 95. 

6 RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. n ; LE PLAT, V., 22 seq. ; THEINER, I., 
68 1 seq. 

RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 12-14 LE PLAT, V., 23-30 ; THEINER, I. 
682-3 BONDONUS, 557. 

7 In RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 15-6 ; LE PLAT, V., 33-5. 



THE XVIIIth SESSION. 267 

with their instructions of January ist, 1 the following requests 
were set forth : In order to avoid giving offence to the Pro 
testants, it was desired that no pronouncement as to the 
continuation of the Council should be made at present ; that 
the next Session should be postponed as long as possible ; 
that questions of dogma should in the meantime be adjourned, 
and less important matters dealt with ; a condemnation of the 
Confession of Augsburg should be avoided in drawing up the 
Index ; the Protestants must receive safe-conduct in the 
widest sense of the term, and in the form which they them 
selves wished. The provisional reply of the legates to these 
demands was drawn up in very conciliatory terms. 2 

On February iyth the legates admonished the fathers 
of the Council to keep secret the questions submitted to them 
for consideration ; they were only to be made known when 
the decrees had been drawn up and published in the public 
Session. 3 

At the General Congregation of February 24th the Bishop 
of Fimfkirchen delivered his mandate as Hungarian envoy. 4 
On the same day the Jubilee indulgence granted by the Pope 
in a brief of February I4th, was published. 5 

The XVIIIth Session, the second under Pius IV., was held 
on February 26th. 6 The five legates were present, with 
Cardinal Madruzzo of Trent, three patriarchs, sixteen arch 
bishops, a hundred and five bishops, four abbots, five generals 
of orders, fifty theologians and four orators. High Mass 
was celebrated by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Antonio Elio, 
after which a sermon was preached by Antonio Cauco, Arch- 

1 Printed in SICKEL, Konzil, 252-60. Cf. KROSS, 455 seq. ; 
KASSOWITZ, 30 seq. ; EDER, I., 107 seq., 114 seq.. 127. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 17; LE PLAT, V., 35 seq. Cf. 
SUSTA, II., 23 seq. ; SICKEL, Konzil, 269 ; EDER, I., 128. 

3 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 18 ; LE PLAT, V., 36 ; THEINER, I., 
686 seq. 

4 See LE PLAT, V., 37-43 ; THEINER, I., 690. 

6 THEINER, I., 689. The Papal brief in LE PLAT, V., 43. 
6 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 19-21 ; THEINER, I., 691 ; Musotti, 
in DOLLINGER, Konzil, II., 9 seq.; cf. PALLAVICINI, 15, 21. 



268 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

bishop of Patras. Two decrees were published : one which 
announced the reform of the Index, and dealt with the in 
vitation of all to the Council (De librorum delectu et omnibus 
ad concilium fide publica invitandis) ; in its second part it 
contained an invitation to the Protestants to present them 
selves at Trent, which was expressed in a noble spirit 
of peace ; J by the second decree, the next Session of the 
Council was, in accordance with the wishes of the Emperor, 
postponed till May I4th. In order that the letter of safe- 
conduct for the Protestants should be granted as soon as 
possible, it was resolved that a General Congregation should 
have the power to issue this with full validity. They acted 
on this decision on March 2nd and 4th, and on the latter day 
the letter of safe-conduct was solemnly granted, which fact 
was made public on the 8th, by a notice affixed to the doors 
of the Cathedral in Trent. The designation " heretic " was 
in this replaced by the milder description " those who do not 
agree with us in faith, and believe otherwise than the Holy 
Roman Church teaches." 2 

Pius IV. was most anxious that the Council should quickly 
be brought to completion by the immediate treatment of 
dogmatic questions. It was only after a consultation with 
five Cardinals that he had yielded to the request of the 
Emperor to postpone the next Session of the Council to a later 
date. A letter from Borromeo of February 2Oth gave per 
mission for the next Session to be postponed till the beginning 
of May at the latest ; in the meantime, in order to meet the 
wishes of the Emperor in this respect as well, they should not 
deal with dogma, but only with letters of safe-conduct and 
similar matters, as well as with several general points of 
reform ; the Pope would himself undertake the reform of the 



opinion of KN^PFLER in the Freiburger Kirchenlex, XI., 
2090. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 22-3 ; THEINER, I., 692 ; Paleotto, 
in THEINER, II., 545 seq. ; MUSOTTI, loc. cit., 10 seq. ; report 
of the legates of March 9, in SUSTA, II., 46 ; Cf. PALLAVICINI, 



DEMANDS OF THE EMPEROR. 269 

Curia. 1 After the legates had received these instructions on 
February 24th, .they resolved, in the General Congregation of 
the 25th, to fix the next Session for May I4th. 2 At the same 
time as they informed the Pope of this, they made him a 
proposal that a special envoy should be sent to the Emperor, 
in order to prevent further delays. 3 The Pope agreed to this, 
and suggested that Commendone might ba entrusted with this 
mission, when he came to Trent after the completion of his 
journey through Germany. 4 Commendone, who reached 
Trent on March 7th, was prepared to undertake this new task, 
but wished first to go to Venice for a few days. 5 

The position, however, had in the meantime been altered 
by the new demands presented by the Imperial envoys on 
March 5th the reform of the German clergy was to be taken 
in hand at once, and a solemn invitation to the Council 
addressed to the Protestants. 6 The legates, in their reply, 7 
made very reasonable objections to these demands ; 8 the Pope 
also wished to refuse them, and was specially averse to the 
second one, for an invitation of the Protestants to the Council, 
which they did not recognize as such, would only lead to a 
further delay in its activities, without being of any other use, 
as the Protestants had already received an invitation, which 
they had only disregarded and despised. As it was now 
feared that the proposed envoy from the Council to the 
Emperor might be won over by the latter to his views, the 
Pope thought it wiser that the whole mission should if possible 

I See SUSTA, II., 31 seq. ; ibid., 32 seq., the more confidential 
instructions to Simonetta. Cf. EDER, I., 129 seq. 

2 THEiNER, I., 690. 

3 Letter of the legates of February 25, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 37. 

4 Borromeo to the legates on March 8, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 
48 seq. Cf. STEINH.ERZ, III., 26. 

5 See SUSTA, II., 52, 412. 

6 LE PLAT, V., 102 seq. Cf. STEINHERZ, III., 26. For the date, 
March 5 (instead of 6) see EDER, I., 136 n. i, and 147 seq., as 
against LOWE, 87 seq. 

II Of March 9, in LE PLAT, V., 103. 

8 See EDER, I., 136. Cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 122. 



270 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

be given up. 1 This in fact was done ; the legates resolved 
to make their representations to the Emperor, which were to 
have been entrusted to Commendone, through the nuncio, 
Delfino. However, before the letter to Delnno, drafted on 
April 2nd, was dispatched, a report from the nuncio, of March 
30th, arrived in Trent on April 6th, which announced that the 
Emperor had withdrawn his demand for a postponement of 
the proceedings of the Council. 2 On March 2gth the Pope 
gave instructions to the legates through Borromeo that they 
were no longer to delay the deliberations. Beginning with 
the next Session, they were to proceed to the treatment of 
questions of dogma, and thereby, though tacitly, and without 
any express declaration, the continuation would become an 
actual fact ; the Spaniards would certainly be pleased to have 
this as an accomplished fact, while on the other hand all 
unnecessary offence would be avoided. The Pope also 
declared that, in the event of its being necessary, the highly 
controversial question whether the bishops duty of residence 
was of divine or human institution, was admissible. 3 This 
difficult point had been raised when the legates, without 
waiting for the Pope s reply, had, on March nth, begun the 
treatment of questions of reform by submitting twelve 
articles. 4 

At first it was only private discussions in which this import 
ant controversy came into the foreground, but soon it was being 
discussed with much heat in the widest circles. 6 Cardinal 

1 Borromeo to the legates on March 14, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 59. 

2 See STEINHERZ, III., 32-3. 

3 SUSTA, II., 71 seq. Already on March 18, Borromeo had 
given the legates instructions, so as to prevent unpleasantness, to 
avoid from any dispute about the " ius divinum residentiae," 
ibid., 65. 

4 For the story of the origin of the important 12 articles on 
reform (in THEINER, I., 694 ; LE PLAT, V., 104) see SUSTA, II., 47. 
Cf. ibid., 52 seq. for the proceedings of the legates, which could 
not be brought into accordance with the instructions received 
on March 12. See also EDER, I., 136 seq. 

5 Cf. Paleotto in THEINER, I., 550 seq. 



ARRIVAL OF MORE ENVOYS. 271 

Simonetta stood out from the first as the strong opponent of 
any definition of a divine law of the duty of residence ; he 
stood above all his colleagues in knowledge of canon law, 1 and 
he clearly recognized the danger which this vexed question 
concealed ; however, the wishes of Ferdinand s envoys 
weighed more in the end than these fears. 2 

In the latter half of March the real business of the Council 
had to a certain extent to give way to the solemn receptions 
and to the ceremonies of Holy Week. 3 On March i6th the 
envoy of the Spanish king, Fernando Francisco de Avalos, 
Marquis of Pescara, was received in the General Congregation ; 4 
on March i8th, the envoy of the Duke of Florence, Giovanni 
Strozzi ; 5 on March 2Oth, the envoys of Catholic Switzerland, 
Melchior Lussy, chief magistrate of Unterwalden, as orator of 
the seven Catholic cantons, and Abbot Joachim Eichhorn of 
Einsiedeln, as procurator of the prelates and clergy of the seven 
cantons ; 6 on April 6th, the procurators of the prelates and 
clergy of the kingdom of Hungary, Johann di Kolosvary, Bishop 
of Csanad, and Andreas Sbardelato Dudith, Bishop of Knin. 7 

The discussion, at first only of the first four reform articles, 
was now begun in the General Congregation of April yth. 8 

1 Cf. SICKEL, Berichte, I., 57 

2 See EDER, I., 137-8. 

3 See SUSTA, II., 53, 64. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 16, 4, 2. 

4 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 32-4; LE PLAT, V., 105-10. Cf. 
THEINER, I., 694 seq. ; BONDONUS, 558-9. See also SUSTA, I., 
313, on the provisional appointment of Pescara. 

5 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 35-7; LE PLAT, V., uo-6. Cf. 
THEINER, I., 695; SUSTA, II., 53 seq. 

8 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 38-9; LE PLAT, V., 116-24. Cf. 
THEINER, I., 695 ; MAYER, Konzil und Gegensreformation, I., 
50 seqq. 

7 See LE PLAT, V., 138-46. Cf. THEINER, I., 696 ; SUSTA, II., 
74 seq. On April 25 the envoys of the Republic of Venice, Niccolo 
da Ponte and Matteo Dandolo, were received. See RAYNALDUS, 
1562. n. 42 ; LE PLAT, V., 159-62. Cf. THEINER, I., 714 ; SUSTA, 
II., 61. 

8 See THEINER, 1., 696 seqq. ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 552 seg. 
Cf. PALLAVICINI, 16, 4 seg. ; SUSTA, II., 77 seq. 



272 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

It then happened that, at the first article, the Archbishop of 
Granada, Pedro Guerrero, who was the principal spokesman of 
the Spaniards, asked for a decision of the question which was so 
variously interpreted by theologians, whether the duty of 
residence had its origin in divine or in human law. Whoever 
voted on this question with the Archbishop of Granada, in 
favour of the divine law, at the same time pronounced in favour 
of the opinion that in the episcopal consecration there was 
immediately conferred by God a certain though still indeter 
minate power of government, while the Pope, in conferring a 
bishopric, did no more than designate the person to whom 
this power of government was applied. This, however, was 
contested by many, and on account of the deeply-rooted 
differences of opinion, the discussions proved to be as long as 
they were stormy. 1 In the discussions most of the Spaniards, 
filled with zeal for the defence and consolidation of the epis 
copal dignity, spoke in favour of the divine right ; they hoped 
from this to be able to gain a strengthening of episcopal 
jurisdiction as against the central power of the Pope and a 
limitation of Roman dispensations. Beyond this practical 
object the matter had also a very wide importance on the 
ground of principle. It was not only a question of words, 
as some later believed who had only considered the matter 
superficially. 2 What was being discussed was rather a matter 
of profound theology, upon the answer to which the most 
important consequences depended. The controversy affected 
the innermost constitution of the Church, and involved in 
itself the old antithesis between the Papal and episcopal 
systems. Cardinal Simonetta saw very clearly the weapon 

1 Hitherto the General Congregation had been held at the 
residence of Cardinal Gonzaga, the Palazzo Thun ; the much 
greater number of those taking part, as well as the increasing 
heat of the season, were the reasons why, after April 13, the 
church of S. Maria Maggiore was chosen for the place of meeting. 
GIUILANI, 96. Cf. also EHSES, VIII. , 440 n. 2, and 513 n. 2. 
From April 25 to May 26,, 1 562, the Congregations were held in the 
Cathedral. 

* Cf. GRISAR, Frage des papstl. Primates, 454 seq., 784. 



THE QUESTION OF RESIDENCE. 273 

against the Papal primacy contained in the theory of the 
Spaniards, as well as the danger which would follow an 
affirmative decision. A definition of the divine right, so he 
feared, would not only give the Protestants an opening for 
fresh attacks upon the Curia, but would also injure important 
interests of the Holy See, both in reality and in theory ; it 
would bind the hands of the Pope and would create an import 
ant prejudice in favour of the superiority of the Council. 
Because he did not wish to see the ancient and essential 
rights of the Roman primacy lessened, Simonetta did every 
thing in his power to avert this danger. 1 His forebodings 
were only shared by Hosius, and not by Gonzaga and Seri- 
pando. For the rest, it was almost entirely Italian prelates 
who were on his side, and their authority was weakened by the 
fact that, on account of their poverty, they received pecuniary 
support from the Curia, in consequence of which they did not 
appear to be independent. 2 

How greatly the views on this subject, which, in default of 
any binding definition on the part of the Church, was still an 
open one, were in need of being cleared up, appeared in the 
voting which took place in the General Congregation on April 
2oth, on the question whether the duty of residence was to be 
denned as being based on divine institution. It had been 
settled that the question was to be answered by a simple 
" yes " or " no." As many did not keep to this, a confusion 
arose which is reflected to this day in the very discrepant 
statements given by the various authorities. According to 
the notes made by Seripando, 67 fathers answered with a 
simple " yes," and 33 with a simple " no ; " 38 gave a con 
ditional vote ; some of these voted in the affirmative, if the 
Pope were first asked for his opinion, others in the negative, 
if the Pope were not asked ; Cardinal Madruzzo remarked 
that he would abide by what he had said in a previous session ; 
the Bishop of Budua said that he approved of its publication. 

l Cf. SUSTA, II., 70, 89, 124 seq. ; EDER, I., 142. See also 
Paleotto in THEINER, II., 555. 
8 See EDER, I., 142. 

VOL. XV. 1 8 



274 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Benedictine Abbots answered in various ways, the question 
then arising as to whether they were to have only one vote, 
as in the time of Paul III. 1 The result therefore was simply 
that a bare majority would come to no decision until the Pope 
had given his opinion on the question. The session had been 
more excited than any held so far. The noise and strife, said 
Musotti, was so great that the avoidance of a schism could 
only be ascribed to a miracle. 2 

The confusion was still further increased by disunion among 
the legates. After the voting, Cardinal Gonzaga was inclined 
to count the votes of those who said " yes, with the assent of 
the Pope," with the votes of those who wished for a definition 
of the divine right unconditionally, and then to proceed 
without further ceremony, but as Cardinals Simonetta and 
Hosius justly protested, he was obliged to give up the 
idea. 3 

The legates sent a petition to the Pope on the very day of 
the session, that in view of the divergence of opinion, he would 
decide the matter himself. 4 Three days later, Gonzaga and 
Seripando sent a kind of minority vote to Rome, in which the 
sending of such messages to the Pope was deprecated, because 
the idea that there was a want of freedom in the Council 
would be strengthened among the Protestants as well as among 
many Catholics. Gonzaga and Seripando therefore advised 
that the Pope should refrain from making a decision, and should 

1 SERIPANDI Comment., 484-5. Concerning the different 
computations in other authorities, cf. DRUFFEL in the Theol. 
Lit.-Blatt., 1876, 484. MERKLE, who has discovered the manu 
script remains of Paleotto (see Rom. Quartalschrift, XL, 335 seq,} 
in the Isolani Archives at Bologna, promises (ConciJ., II., 639) 
an exact edition of each voting from the original diary of Paleotto. 
See also the complete conciliar Ada from April 7 to 20, together 
with numerous original votes, hitherto unknown, in EHSES, VI II., 
402-65. 

2 DOLLINGER, Tagebiicher, II., 12. See also Paleotto in 
THEINER, II., 554 seq. 

3 See SUSTA, II., 90, 

88, 



INTERFERENCE OF THE ENVOYS. 275 

admonish the prelates to settle the matter according to their 
consciences. 1 

On the same April 2oth a commission was appointed to draw 
up a decree embodying the points of reform already dealt with. 
From April 2ist to the 24th, six more of the twelve articles 
were discussed. On April 28th, a letter from the French envoy, 
Lansac, was read, in which he announced his arrival, but 
begged that the Session of May i4th might be postponed, as he 
could not be in Trent by then. 2 Almost all the Spanish 
prelates protested against a postponement of the Session, but 
they were by no means in the majority. At length a way was 
found to please both parties ; it was resolved on April 3oth 
to hold the Session fixed for May i4th on that day, but only 
to read the mandates of the newly arrived envoys ; the publi 
cation of the decrees already determined on was to take place 
at a Session to be held eight days later. 3 

About this time various circumstances contributed to render 
the position of the Council exceedingly difficult, not the least 
of which were the many acts of interference on the part of the 
princes and their representatives. The matter of the con 
tinuation on the one hand, and the question as to the duty 
of residence on the other, were the subjects which disturbed 
the peaceful carrying on of the deliberations. 

The Spanish ambassador in Rome, Vargas, had handed an 
autograph letter from his master to the Pope on April iQth, 
making at the same time a protest, both verbally and in writing, 
against the exclusive right of the legates to bring forward 
proposals, and against the postponement of the explicit 
declaration of continuation. 4 Cardinal Borromeo informed 

x The letter of Gonzaga and Seripando of April 23, 1562, un 
fortunately only preserved in a summary, in SUSTA, II., 90 seq. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 44 ; LE PLAT, V., 162. (./. THEINER, 
I., 714 seq. 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 16, 5, 13. All the material concerning the 
Congregations and Sessions down to the XXIInd. on September 17, 
1562, is now in a detailed edition in EHSES, VIII. 

* See DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 415; Colleccion de docum. 
ined., IX., 141. The autograph letter of Philip II., of March 30, 
1562, in SUSTA, II., 94 seq. 



276 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the legates of this on April 25th, and three days later Pius 
IV. wrote to them that he had given the Portuguese ambassa 
dor, Lorenzo Perez, who was returning home, a commission to 
Philip II. to vindicate the Papal policy with regard to the 
Council. 1 The legates, on their part, drew up for Philip II. 
on May 7th, a detailed memorandum of vindication concerning 
the questions contested by Spain. 2 They also informed Car 
dinal Borromeo on May 7th that they had intended to declare 
the continuation explicitly at the next Session, but that as 
the Imperial envoys had urgently protested against this only 
the day before, they were still undecided what course to 
pursue. 3 The representatives of Ferdinand I. again protested 
on May 8th against the words in the draft of the decree of 
prorogation fixed for the next Session, which they thought 
might be understood as a declaration of continuation. A 
corresponding alteration was accordingly made. 4 On May 
loth the Spanish envoy, the Marquis of Pescara, had returned 
to Trent ; he brought fresh instructions from Philip II. which 
urgently demanded an explicit declaration of continuation. 
The Imperial envoys were equally insistent on the other side. 
On May I2th it was agreed that in the Session immediately 
following (May I4th), they would merely publish a decree 
postponing the next Session from May 2ist to June 4th ; they 
must abstain from any declaration of continuation, but the 
legates must give the Spanish envoy hopes of this being made 
in the Session in June. By this postponement of the Session 
the Imperial envoys gained time to seek further instructions 
from Ferdinand I. 5 

In Rome, on May I2th, the French ambassador, in con 
junction with Abbot Niquet of St. Gildas, who had arrived 
from France, presented to the Pope from their government a 
fresh request for the postponement of the proceedings of the 

1 See SUSTA, II., 93 seq., 98 seq. 

2 Collecci6n de docum. in6d., IX., 161 seq. Cf. also SUSTA, II., 
102 seq. 

8 SUSTA, II., 101 seq. 

4 SUSTA, I., 104 seq. 

8 See SUSTA, II., 123 seq. ; EDER, I., 147. 



THE XlXth SESSION. 277 

Council. 1 The Pope was unwilling to agree to this, and since 
he was being continually urged by the Spanish ambassador 
to proclaim the continuation, z he instructed the legates on May 
I3th to proceed with the discussion in the Council of matters of 
dogma and reform as an express continuation of the Council 
of Trent, without paying any attention to the remonstrances 
which were to be expected from France and elsewhere. 3 

At Trent, on May I4th, in the XlXth Session, the third 
under Pius IV., as had been agreed, nothing was don* beyond 
the publication of the decree of postponement to the 4th of 
June, and the reading of the mandates. The legates, Cardinal 
Madruzzo, three patriarchs, eighteen archbishops, a hundred 
and thirty-one bishops, two abbots, four generals of orders, 
twenty-two theologians and eight orators (among them the 
envoy of Duke Albert V. of Bavaria, who had arrived on May 
ist) were present. 4 

Three days before the XlXth Session the developments 
in the controversy as to the duty of residence had led the Pope 
to make an important pronouncement. 

Since they were not in possession of sufficient information 
for the treatment of the questions of reform, the legates had 
already, on April nth, sent to Rome a confidential messenger 
in the person of Federigo Pendaso, who was to find out the 
wishes of the Pope, especially in the matter of the duty of 
residence. 5 Pendaso had arrived in the Eternal City on April 
2Oth, 6 but his return was so long delayed that reports were 

J See SUSTA, II., 155. 

2 See Vargas to Philip II. on May 4, 1562, in DOLLINGER, 
Beitrage, II., 415 seq. 

8 SUSTA, II., 155. " Le cose del concilio la (S. S u ] travagliano 
anco molto," *reports Fr. Tonina on May 13, 1562 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

* See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 44 ; THEINER, I., 717. Concerning 
the Bavarian envoys, Dr. Augustin Paumgartner and Jean 
Couvillon S. J. see KNO.PFLER, Kelchbewegung, 100 ; RIEZLER, 
IV., 513 ; CANISII Epist., 450, 562. 

6 Cf. SUSTA, 11., 78-82, and MERKLE, II., 483 seq. 

6 See Arco s report in SICKEL, Konzil, 293. 



278 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

current of the imminent translation of the Council, or of its 
sudden ending. 1 No such plans, however, were contemplated. 
The cause of the delay was the embarrassment of the Pope 
as to the attitude he should adopt with regard to the question 
of the duty of residence, as to which such great differences of 
opinion prevailed among the fathers. In view of the great 
number who held that opinion, and the attitude of Vargas, a 
plain rejection of the divine authority for the duty of residence 
did not seem to be opportune, especially because many saw in a 
declaration of the divine right one of the most efficacious means 
of restoring ecclesiastical discipline, now so fallen into decay, 
and thus they would incur the suspicion that the Curia was 
seeking to thwart the work of reform. Above all, however, the 
most vital interests of the Holy See were involved in the ques 
tion. If he gave way, he would have to bear in mind that 
those fathers who had spoken out openly against the definition, 
thinking thereby to render an important service to the Pope, 
must not lightly be thrown over. A hurried definition was 
therefore to be avoided, because the laying down of an article 
of faith called for complete security, and of that, in the face 
of such violent opposition, there could be no question. 2 

On account of the difficulties which stood in the way of a 
definite decision, either in one sense or the other, Pius IV. 
thought it best to leave the question open for the time being, 
and to send Pendaso back to Trent only with decisions as to 
the reforms that were to be undertaken (May 3rd). 3 When he 
was near Mantua, Pendaso injured himself by a fall from his 
horse to such a degree that he was unable to continue his 
journey. He therefore dictated to Giovanni Francesco 
Arrivabene, who had been sent to meet him by the legates, 
his instructions, which were to the following effect : the Pope 
is resolved on the reform of the whole Church, and especially 
of the Roman Curia. That of the Penitentiaria is already in 
hand, and that of the other offices will follow, in spite of the 
financial losses involved. The Pope earnestly admonished the 

1 See Colleccion de docum. ine"d., IX., 151. 

2 Of. PALLAVICINI, 16, 5. 

3 See SUSTA, II., 108. 



THE POPE S ARTICLES OF REFORM. 279 

legates to proceed with all possible moderation, lest the move 
ment for reform within the Church, instead of contributing 
to the salvation of Christendom, should degenerate into a mere 
upsetting of the existing order ; they were not lightly to lend 
an ear to every claim and request, bat to proceed in agreement 
with the head of the Church. With regard to the question 
of residence, the Pope still reserved a decisive definition ; 
in view of the differences of opinion among the fathers, and 
the prevailing excitement, it would be better to wait for a 
more favourable and a calmer time. 1 

Besides these instructions, Pendaso was the bearer of 95 
articles of reform, furnished with notes by the Pope himself, 
which had been drawn up by the private secretary of Pius IV., 
on the basis of the reform libellum of the Spanish prelates, 
which had been sent to Rome by Simonetta on April 6th. 2 
In the meantime, Simonetta, by his expostulations, had been 
successful in inducing his colleagues to leave on one side the 
question of residence, and to treat of it only in connection with 
the discussion of the Sacrament of Holy Orders. This was 
reported to Cardinal Borromeo by the legates on May nth. 3 

But in the meantime a change of opinion had been brought 
about in the mind of Pius IV. Reports from various corre 
spondents painted the disunion and confusion at Trent in 
such vivid colours that the whole Curia was stirred to its 
depths. The Pope s mind was disturbed more and more by 
the secret warnings which reached him in great numbers, 

1 See SUSTA, II., 109 seq. Concerning the reforms at Rome, 
which related especially to the Penitentiaria and the Apostolic 
Camera, see, besides SICKEL, Konzil, 298 seq., 310, and SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 128, the *statements of Tonina (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua) and the *Avvisi di Roma (Vatican Library) 
in Appendix Nos. 20 33. For the constitution of May 4, 
1562 (Bull. Rom., VII., 193 seq.), which was the first attempt to 
alter the Penitentiaria, and to limit its powers, see G$LLER, II., 
113 seq. 

8 Published in accordance with a manuscript of Seripando, in 
SUSTA, II., 113 seqq. 

8 SUSTA, II., 121 seq., 126. 



280 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

which came to him partly directly, and partly through Borro- 
meo, from fathers of the Council who were known to be zealous 
partisans of the Holy See. A profound impression was made 
by several reports from Simonetta, who had from the first 
been definitely opposed to the declaration that the duty of 
residence was founded on divine right. The zeal of the Car 
dinal, as well as his wide knowledge of canon law, were bound 
to place his opinion above suspicion, and to give real justi 
fication to his apprehension of dangers, which the eyes of the 
oth6r legates had not detected. In addition to this there had 
come to Rome other communications, which not only exagger 
ated, but even distorted occurrences which had taken place 
in Trent ; among these there were even angry calumnies 
against Cardinals Gonzaga and Seripando. 1 

Pius IV. considered the matter of such grave importance 
that, contrary to his usual custom, he sought counsel from 
the Cardinals. He formed six of them into a special commis 
sion, 2 and a consultation with them led to the conclusion that 
the Pope could no longer maintain his former attitude of 
reserve. 3 A resolution was therefore come to, to avert the 
dangers that threatened at Trent by an extraordinary step : 
to associate with the legates who were there thiee new ones ; 
Cardinals Cicada, de la Bourdaisiere, and Navagero were 
proposed for this office. Cicada seemed to be especially suited 
for the defence of the rights of the Holy See, as not only was 
he distinguished for his great knowledge of canon law, but 
also for his great intrepidity. Bourdaisiere, as Bishop of 
Angouleme, had always shown great zeal for religion, and as 
the ambassador of France to the Holy See he had won in a 
high degree the good-will and confidence of the Pope ; he 
would be in a position to render valuable services in averting 
the difficulties which were to be feared from the French 
government. Navagero, too, possessed, in addition to a truly 

*See the testimony of Borromeo in his letter to Gonzaga of 
May n, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 140, and Paleotto in THEINER, II., 
558-9. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 16, 5 and 8. 

2 See Paleotto, loc. cit., 559. 

3 See EDER, I., 145. 



FURTHER LEGATES SUGGESTED. 28l 

ecclesiastical spirit, great diplomatic skill, of which he had 
given proofs as Venetian ambassador at different courts,and 
finally in Rome. It might therefore be hoped that he would 
be successful in restoring harmony among the legates. 1 

Pius IV., in his own vigorous way, informed the legates of 
his intention on May nth. He did not refrain from making 
bitter reproaches to them on account of their want of unity 
in treating the question of the duty of residence. They should 
have prevented this complicated question, which had already 
been postponed in the time of Paul III. from being made a 
subject of discussion, especially as they themselves were not 
of one mind regarding it. " Remember," he wrote, " that 
you are all legates together, and that you must proceed in 
complete agreement, instead of causing scandal by disunion." 
In addition to this exhortation to harmony, he repeated in 
his letter the declaration that the matter of the duty of resi 
dence must be adjourned for the present, and the treatment 
of dogma and reform proceeded with instead, without delay. 2 

The legates, who received this letter on May I5th, answered 
two days later ; they would do their utmost, and hoped to 
succeed in postponing the question of the duty of residence 
at least until the treatment of Holy Orders ; against the re 
proach of disunion they attempted to justify themselves. 3 
Cardinals Gonzaga and Seripando, who understood quite well 
that the reproaches of the angry Pope were chiefly directed 
against themselves, addressed special letters of justification 
to Cardinal Borromeo on May i6th and I7th, which left 
nothing to be desired from the point of view of frankness. 4 
Cardinal Gonzaga at the same time announced his intention of 
leaving Trent as soon as Cicada, to whom, because of his 
seniority, the presidentship of the legatine college must 

1 See PALLAVICINI, 16, 8, 12. 

2 SUSTA (IL, 134 seq.) by making use of the previous drafts 
has cleared up in a masterly way the genesis of the Papal letter 
of May n, 1562. 

8 See SUSTA, II., 152. 

* Gonzaga s letter in SUSTA, II., 143 seqq., that of Seripando 
in SICKEL, Berichte, II., 108 seq. 



282 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

belong, had arrived. It was only after the Pope had given 
up the proposed mission of new legates, that the deeply 
offended Cardinal of Mantua allowed himself to be persuaded 
to remain for the time being. 1 

On May 25th the legates submitted to the fathers of the 
Council, as the result of the deliberations which had taken place 
so far, the draft of a decree, in nine reform canons, to be 
published at the next Session. 2 On the same day they 
reported to Rome the ill-success of their negotiations with 
the Spaniards, who demanded that the question of the duty 
of residence should be decided at the next Session, or, if that 
were not possible, either that the Session should be delayed, 
or that they should have a promise that the matter should 
be decided at the following one. 3 It was only with great 
difficulty that Mendo$a, Bishop of Salamanca, who, by ar 
rangement with the legates, had undertaken the task of 
mediation, succeeded hi dissuading the leader of the Spanish 
prelates, the Archbishop of Granada, from his purpose of 
making a protest against the postponement of the question. 4 
Besides this the Spaniards insisted, as they had done previ 
ously, that the Council should be expressly declared to be a 
continuation of the former Council of Trent. In this connec 
tion the situation was further aggravated by the unmannerly 
attitude taken up by the French envoys, whose leader, de 
Lansac, the confidant of Catherine de Medici, reached Trent 
on May i8th. A few days later, his two colleagues, Arnaud 
du Ferrier, President of the Parliament of Paris, and Gui 
du Faur de Pibrac, Chief Justice of Toulouse, both of whom 
were suspected of heresy, also arrived. 5 The representatives 
of France were received at a General Congregation on May 
26th ; they came with a demand that the Council should be 

l Cf. SUSTA, II., 180. 

2 See THEINER, I., 718-22 ; LE PLAT, V., 186-9. 

8 SUSTA, II., 161 seq. 

* See MENDO^A, 642 seq. 

6 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1562, n, 44-6 ; LE PLAT, V., 175-85 ; THEINER 
I., 720 seq.; BONDONUS, 560; PALLAVICINI, 16, 10 and n ; 
BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 63 seq. 



DANGER OF A DISSOLUTION. 283 

expressly declared to be a new one, and not a continuation. 
At the same time a letter, dated May 22nd, arrived from 
Ferdinand I. to his envoys, and another from Delfino to the 
legates, announcing that the Emperor not only refused his 
consent to an express declaration of continuation, but threat 
ening, if this were made, to recall his representatives. 1 

The legates, who reported the attitude taken up by the 
Emperor to Rome on May 26th, 2 had reason to fear the disso 
lution of the Council. While they were still seeking to find 
a way out of this exceedingly difficult position, they received, 
on the evening of June 2nd, a letter from Pius IV., dated JMay 
3Oth, 3 which filled them with dismay, for it contained express 
orders that, in accordance with the promise made to the 
Spanish king, they were to hold to the express declaration 
of continuation which had already been ordained. The legates 
were convinced that the carrying out of this command would 
not only lead to the dissolution of the Council, but would also, 
since the representative of Spain, the Marquis of Pescara, had 
agreed to a postponement, throw the whole blame for this 
upon the Pope. 4 They therefore resolved not to carry out 
the order, which had been issued under the influence of Vargas, 5 
and to justify this step in Rome through Cardinal Mark 
Sittich. His mission, however, was not required, as, on the 
following day, a second letter from the Pope arrived, dated 
May 3ist, which revoked the first one, and left it to the 
discretion of the legates to refrain from making an express 
declaration of continuation at the next Session, so long as 
the actual carrying on of the labours of the Council was taken 
in hand. 6 

VSee SICKEL, Konzil, 314; STEINHERZ, III., 52 seq. 

2 SUSTA, II., 164 seq. 

8 SusxA, II., 175 seq. Cf. SICKEL, Berichte, III., 131. 

4 See SERIPAND i Comment., 467 ; MUSOTTI, I., 15 seq. ; Paleotto 
in THEINER, II., 560. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 16, 12, 2 and 3. See 
also SICKEL, Berichte, III., 138 seq. 

6 Cf. Collecci6n de docum. ine"d., IX., 232 seq. ; SUSTA, II., 178. 

6 See SUSTA, II., 180 seq., 183, 471. Tonina *reported on 
May 20, 1562, that the Pope held congregations about the Council 
every day (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



284 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

After the necessary preparations had been made in the 
General Congregation of June 3rd, the XXth Session, the 
fourth under Pius IV. was held on June 4th. At this assembly, 
all the legates, with the exception of Gonzaga, were present, 
as well as Cardinal Madruzzo, two patriarchs, eighteen arch 
bishops, a hundred and thirty-seven bishops, two abbots, four 
generals of orders, twenty-eight theologians, and eleven 
orators. High Mass was celebrated by Bishop Mendo9a of 
Salamanca, and the sermon was preached by the Bishop of 
Famagosta, Girolamo Ragazzoni. On account of the diffi 
culties caused by the questions of residence and continuation, 
nd .decrees were published, only the mandates of the Swiss, 
Salzburg, and French orators and procurators being read, 
and a decree of prorogation, which fixed the next Session for 
June i6th. The greater number of the fathers accepted this 
decree, but thirty-eight raised an objection to the omission 
of any mention of the duty of residence and continuation. 1 

In the General Congregation of June 6th, Cardinal Gonzaga 
submitted, as the subject of the next dogmatic decree, five 
articles on Communion in both kinds, and the Communion of 
children. 2 Thirty-one bishops declared their agreement to 
this proposal, but only on condition that the duty of residence 
should also be dealt with. The same minority also addressed 
a very outspoken petition to the Pope on the same day, in 
which they defended their position with regard to the duty of 
residence as a divine command, and protested against the 
tendency ascribed to them of intending to undermine the 
authority of the Holy See. 3 Pius IV. replied on July 1st that 
it was his desire that freedom of speech and discussion should 
exist in the Council, but at the same time he warned the 
fathers against divisions and discord, so as not to give the 
Protestants an excuse to revile and disparage the Council, 4 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 47, 48; THEINER, II., i seq. ; 
SERIPANDI Comment., 488. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 16, 12, 9-12. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 49 ; LE PLAT, V., 202 ; THEINER, II., 
7. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 17, i. 

3 LE PLAT, V., 199-200. 
* Ibid., 360 seq. 



COMMUNION UNDER BOTH KINDS. 285 

The five articles were minutely examined and discussed from 
every point of view by sixty-three theologians, in twenty-one 
meetings, from June loth to the 23rd. 1 In spite of differences 
of opinion as to several points, an unanimous agreement was 
arrived at with regard to the principal question ; that Com 
munion under both kinds was not of divine precept, except 
for the celebrating priest ; the Church had the power, for 
sufficient reasons, to prescribe Communion under the form of 
bread alone, for the laity and for the clergy when not cele 
brating ; Christ was entirely present under the one kind ; 
Communion was not necessary for very small children. Very 
different opinions were elicited with regard to the third of the 
five articles, which dealt with the granting of the chalice to the 
laity. It was therefore postponed for the time being, and 
upon the remaining points four canons were formulated and 
submitted to the fathers of the Council on July 23rd. They 
discussed these in six General Congregations from June 3Oth 
to July 3rd. Cardinal Simonetta, together with three bishops 
and the General of the Dominicans, drew up a new statement 
of the four canons, based on these discussions, with a view 
to further elucidation and argument. Hosius and Seripando, 
with three bishops and the General of the Augustinians, drew 
up a detailed statement of doctrine. 2 All this was laid before 
the fathers of the Council in General Congregation on July 
4th ; these deliberated upon it on July 8th and gih, so that 
on July I4th the final version could be drawn up. 

1 For the discussions up to the formulation of the dogmatic 
decree of the XXIst Session, see THEINER, II., 7-51 ; LE PLAT, V., 
272-328. EHSES (VIII., 537-617, 633-50, 691) gives all the A eta 
from June 10 to July 14, 1562. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 17, 6-7 and n ; 
KNOPFLER in the Freiburger Kirchenlexikon, XI., 2094, and 
GRISAR, Lainez, 684. Cf. also CAVALLERA, L interpretation du 
chap. VI de St. Jean. Une controverse exeget. au Concile de 
Trente, in the Revue d hist, eccles., X. (1909), 687-709. Con 
cerning the vote of P. Canisius with regard to the chalice for the 
laity (June 15, 1562) see ESSES, in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXVI., 
105 seq. 

* Cf. CAVALLERA, loo. cit., 699. 



286 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Daring these dogmatic discussions, the legates were still 
engaged with other matters which caused them much anxiety. 
On June 6th the Imperial envoys had handed to them the 
so-called reform libellum of Ferdinand I. 1 This compre 
hensive document was the outcome of the discussions of the 
Imperial councillors upon the articles of reform which had 
been submitted by the legates to the Council on March nth, 
and which did not seem to them to be sufficient. 

The reform libellum of Ferdinand I. embraces the Imperial 
demands and proposals with regard to ecclesiastical reform. 
It attempts first of all to demonstrate the necessity of a radical 
reform of the clergy before the decision of controverted points 
of doctrine. Then follow fifteen articles on the amendment 

1 It was sent on May 22 and arrived in Trent on the 26, but 
on account of the difficulties about the negotiations concerning 
the continuation, it was still being kept back. This important 
document was only published for the first time in the XVIIIth 
century by SCHELHORN (Amoenit., I., 501-75), and afterwards by 
LE PLAT (V., 232-59). It has aroused much interest among 
modern historians. Cf. REIMANN in the Forschungen zur deuts- 
chen Gesch., VIII. (1868), 177-86; SICKEL in the Archiv fur 
osterr. Gesch., XIV. (1871), 1-96 ; TURBA in Venezian. Depeschen, 
III., 270 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 65 seq. ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen 125 seq., 164 ; RITTER, I., 157 seqq. ; KASSOWITZ, 58 seq. ; 
HELLE, 7 seq., 16, and especially EDER, who (I., 232) comes to the 
following conclusion with regard to the story of the origin of the 
libellum : the- initiative and certainly also the general outline of 
the thesis can be traced to Ferdinand himself. The basis of the 
material for its carrying out was provided by the Imperial coun 
cillor Georg Gienger, the final form came from the well-known 
theologian, Federico Stafilo, who added much material ; it was 
approved, and brought into harmony with the Imperial policy 
with regard to the Council by the vice-chancellor, Sigismund 
Seld, who also contributed something to its contents ; Urban, 
Bishop of Gurk, Cordova, the confessor of the wife of Maximilian 
II., and Cithard, Ferdinand s confessor, only took a subordinate 
part in it. Just as a number of influential persons had co-operated 
in the composition of the little work, so various important docu 
ments connected with ecclesiastical reform were made use of in it. 



THE LIBELLUM OF FERDINAND I. 287 

of the clergy in their head and their members. In these there 
is to be found a vigorous demand for the reform of the Pope 
and the Curia, the limitation of the members of the College of 
Cardinals to twenty-four, in the spirit of the decisions of the 
Council of Basle, the limitation of Papal dispensations and 
monastic exemptions, the prohibition of benefices, the observ 
ance of the duty of residence, the severe punishment of simony, 
the limitation of ordinances which bind under pain of mortal 
sin, moderation in the infliction of excommunication, the 
removal of abuses in the forms of worship, the expurgation 
from the missal and breviary of useless and legendary matter, 
and the use of singing in the vernacular in divine worship. 
To these were added requests for the granting of the chalice to 
the laity, the abolition of the law of fasting, and for permission 
for priests to marry. The libellum went on to state that, 
even though all these concessions were not sought by all the 
nations, it was quite a different matter for the German peoples, 
whose special infirmities called for special remedies. If the 
Church, like a good mother, would be indulgent in these 
points, then most people hoped that at any rate the Catholics 
who still remained could be preserved from heresy. It was 
also necessary to draw up a clear summary of Catholic doc 
trine, as well as a new collection of homilies, and also to 
establish seminaries for the education and training of a good 
clergy. After this came the advice that, as far as the Church 
property which had been seized by the Protestants was con 
cerned, a liberal attitude should be adopted, as it could not 
be hoped that the apostates would return to union with the 
Church if restitution of that property was insisted on ; danger 
ous points of controversy should also be avoided as far as 
possible, as for example that on the duty of residence. 

The ecclesiastical policy of Ferdinand had found complete 
expression in his reform libellum. The good intentions of the 
Emperor stand out clearly in it, especially his anxiety to put 
a barrier in the way of the religious innovations, not only 
by the removal of ecclesiastical abuses, which were so alarm 
ingly on the increase in his dominions, but also by far-reaching 
concessions. While we may fully appreciate the subjective 



288 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

aims of Ferdinand, the objective value of his proposals, for 
reform must be strictly investigated, and it is very evident 
that not a few of them were dangerous and went much too 
far. The practical usefulness of the important concessions 
demanded with regard to the chalice for the laity and the 
marriage of priests, was by no means proved by the arguments 
brought forward by the Emperor, but was rather open to very 
weighty objections. 

At their first perusal of the reform libellum there rose in 
the minds of the legates the remembrance of the Council of 
Basle, of unhappy memory. In consternation at the extent 
of the Imperial demands and proposals, they at once, without 
waiting to consult Rome, begged the representatives of Fer 
dinand to refrain for the present from bringing the document 
before the General Congregation. On June 8th they wrote 
to the nuncio, Delfino, to beg Ferdinand I. to withdraw or 
change the document, as to submit it would certainly entail 
the dissolution of the Council. As for the claims for the 
reform of the Pope by the Council, of the head by the members, 
the nuncio might remind the Emperor of the fatal confusion 
of the XVth century. 1 One of the Imperial envoys, Arch 
bishop Brus, who returned to Prague from Trent on June loth, 
also received instructions from the legates to influence the 
Emperor in this sense. 2 

The negotiations of Delfino with Ferdinand I. had a success 
ful issue. At the end of June the nuncio was able to inform the 
legates that the Emperor appreciated their objections, and left 
it to their judgment to submit the libellum, either complete 
or in part, to the fathers of the Council at a suitable moment. 3 
On June 2gth the Emperor himself wrote to the legates that 
he did not wish to dispute their right of bringing forward 
proposals ; if the articles in the libellum were too numerous 
to be dealt with at one time, he would be satisfied if they were 

STEINHERZ, III., 61 seq. Cf. SUSTA, II., 184. 

2 See KASSOWITZ, 81 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 84 ; SUSTA, II., 
190 seq. 

3 See STEINHERZ, III., 69 seq., 76 seq., of. 81 seq. ; KASSOWITZ, 
80 seq. 



THE CHALICE FOR THE LAITY. 289 

dealt with by degrees. With regard to the reform of the head 
of the Church, he gave the wholly satisfactory assurance that 
he had only meant that the Pope should carry this out himself. 1 
On June 27th, the Imperial envoys had handed a memorial 
to the General Congregation of the Council, setting forth the 
reasons why the chalice for the laity was requested for the 
Imperial dominions. 2 The Bavarian envoy, Augustinus 
Paumgartner, was introduced in the same General Congre 
gation. He made a speech in which he put forward three 
claims in the name of Duke Albert V. : the reform of the clergy, 
the chalice for the laity, and permission for married persons to 
receive Holy Orders. 3 At the General Congregation of July 
4th, the French envoys also submitted a document supporting 
the demand of the Emperor for the chalice for the laity. 4 
It would seem that the very insistence from such various 
quarters led many, who had before not been unwilling to 
grant such a concession, to be doubtful. The legates them 
selves held different views, and sought, by means of negotia 
tions, to have the question set aside. 5 Ferdinand s repre 
sentatives, however, Thun and Draskovich, obstinately per 
sisted, even with threats, in their demand. They insisted 
on the postponement of the Session, and the adjournment of 
the articles prepared for publication, if the question of the 
chalice for the laity could not be decided at once. The 

I RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 61. LE PLAT, V., 351-60. Cf. also 
STEINHERZ, III., 87 seq., and HELLE, 31 seq. The Pope came 
to an understanding with Arco, and caused instructions to be 
sent to the legates to select from the Imperial libellum the suitable 
articles and to present them to the Council ; see STEINHERZ, III., 
99 seq. 

2 RAYNALDUs, 1562, n. 65 ; LE PLAT, V., 346-50. 

8 See THEINER, II., 39 seq. RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 52-4; LE 
PLAT, V., 335-45. Cf. KNOPFLER, Kelchbewegung, 96 seq. 

4 RAYNALDUS, 1 562, n. 66. LE PLAT, V., 366 seq. Cf. THEINER 
II., 45- 

5 See the report of Thun and Draskovich of July 7, 1562, in 
SICKEL, Konzil, 347-9. Cf. the report of the legates of July 9 
in SUSTA, II., 223 seq. 

VOL. XV. i 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

legates, however, insisted that the Session must be held, and 
the four articles prepared published. At length the Imperial 
envoys gave way on condition that a declaration should be 
made in the Session, that the two articles dealing with the 
granting of the chalice, which were now postponed, should 
be dealt with later, at a more suitable time, by the Council, 
which time was to be when the envoys thought best. 

On July loth they resumed the discussion of the nine 
reform articles which had been prepared up to May 25th, which 
during the days that followed were examined anew in four 
Genera] Ccneregations, so that on July I5th a reform decree 
could be formulated. 1 

On the appointed day, July i6th, the XXIst public Session 
of the Council, the fifth under Pius IV., was held. The Arch 
bishop of Spalato, Marco Cornaro, celebrated High Mass, and 
the Hungarian bishop, Andreas Sbardelato Dudith, preached. 
In this Session the five legates, Cardinal Madruzzo, three 
patriarchs, nineteen archbishops, a hundred and forty-eight 
bishops, four abbots, six generals of orders, seventy-one theo 
logians and ten envoys took part. The decrees concerning 
Communion under both kinds, and of children, in four articles 
and as many canons, were published and the announcement 
was made that the two articles dealing with the chalice for 
the laity would be treated later on. The reform decree which 
was then promulgated included nine chapters : it laid down 
that ordination and dimissorial letters should be granted 
gratuitously ; no one was to be ordained without assured 
means of support ; in very extensive parishes assistant 
priests were to be appointed, or new parishes formed, though 
with sufficient endowments, or, when necessary, several small 
parishes could be united into one ; ignorant parish priests were 
to have vicars assigned to them, to whom part of their revenues 
must be allotted, and all such as led a scandalous life were to 
be punished, and if necessary deposed. It was further 
ordained that the revenues of churches which were in a ruinous 
state were to be transferred to others, or the said churches put 

1 See THEINER, II., 51-5 ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 565 seq. 



REFORM DECREES. 2QI 

into a proper condition. Monasteries held in commendam, 
and in which the rules of no Order were observed, as well as 
all secular and regular benefices, were to be subject to an annual 
visitation by the bishop, as well as all monasteries where 
regular observance was still in force, in cases where the 
superiors were not fulfilling their duty. Finally, in order to 
abolish once and for all the abuses in connection with the 
publication of indulgences, it was laid down that, in the first 
place the name and office of the collector of the indulgence was 
to be suppressed, and the publication of all indulgences and 
spiritual favours was to be entrusted to the bishops, who, 
with two members of the cathedral chapter, should receive 
the voluntary offerings of the faithful, so that all might know 
that the treasury of the Church was opened for reasons of 
piety and not of gain. These reform decrees were accepted 
by all, with the exception of seven of the bishops, who desired 
some unimportant alterations. The decree which fixed the 
next Session for September i7th was received with general 
approval. 1 

Soon after the fifth Session, an occurrence took place which 
was of great importance for the further progress of the Council ; 
this was the restoration of unity among the legates. Ever 
since May, strained relations had existed among them, especi 
ally between Cardinals Gonzaga and Simonetta ; these had 
originated in their difference of opinion on the subject of the 
duty of residence. This question, as well as the disturbing 
reports of an intended dissolution or adjournment of the Council 
by the Pope, had caused the legates to send the Archbishop 
of Lanciano, Leonardo Marini, to Rome on June 8th, in order 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 70-2; THEINER, II., 56 seq. Cf. 
PALLAVICINI, 17, n ; KNOPFLER, in the Freiburger Kirchenlex., 
XI 2 ., 2097 seq. In a letter to Borromeo of July 16, 1562, the 
legates speak at length of the reasons for the further postponement 
of the next session (the difficulty of treating of the doctrine of 
the sacrifice of the Mass ; the proposal to come to a decision on 
the question of the chalice ; and the desire of the fathers for some 
rest after their protracted labours during the dog days). SUSTA, 
II., 249. 



2Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to obtain a verbal declaration of the Pope s intentions. 1 
Shortly after the departure of Marini, Carlo Visconti, Bishop 
of Ventimiglia, arrived in Trent. The Pope had sent this able 
Milanese, who was related to, and a friend of Borromeo, in 
order that he might have a reliable and impartial agent at 
the Council ; he was also to endeavour to bring about the 
restoration of unity among the legates. 2 Visconti devoted 
himself to this task with great zeal, and distinguished himself 
by his calm and tactful behaviour. On June igth he had a 
long conversation with Gonzaga, in the course of which the 
latter spoke of the reports current as to his resignation as 
inventions. The legate at that time believed that he had 
dispelled the dissatisfaction of the Pope by the defence 
which he had made. 3 However, a letter from his nephew, 
Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, of June I7th, which the legate, 
who was then staying at Pergine, received on the 23rd, 
informed him that Pius IV., once moie roused by the com 
plaints of Simonetta, had expressed his intention of replacing 
the president of the legatine college by another, should he 
continue to act as he had done hitherto. 4 Gonzaga was deeply 
humiliated by this, as well as by other matters, 5 and resolved 
himself to ask for his recall. He immediately sent his intimate 
friend, Francesco Arrivabene, to Rome for this purpose ; the 
news caused great excitement and dismay in Trent. 6 In view 
of the position which Gonzaga held among the fathers of the 
Council and with the Catholic princes, his withdrawal would 

l His instructions in SUSTA, II., 184 seqq. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 
17, i, 7 and 2. 

2 See SUSTA II., viii, 455 seq., 459 seq., 489. Cf. 
PALLAVICINI 17, 3 ; EHSES in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXVII., 
52 seq. 

3 See SUSTA, II., 208. 

4 See in DOLLINGER, Tagebiicher, II., 37, the fragment of a 
letter of Fr. Gonzaga. Simonetta, on June 25, 1562, wrote 
explicitly to Borromeo that it was desirable to recall Gonzaga 
from the Council ; see SUSTA, II., 206. 

5 See SICKEL, Konzil, 346. 

See BALUZE-MANSI, IV., 241 ; SUSTA, II., 209, 487 seq. 



GONZAGA PACIFIED. 293 

have entailed the most disastrous consequences for the pro 
gress of the deliberations of the Council. 

Pius IV., who was more cautious in deed than he was in 
his words, refused to accept Gonzaga s resignation, and com 
manded him to remain, and to continue to hold the president 
ship of the legates. 1 The Archbishop of Lanciano who was 
sent back from Rome to Trent on July ist, was the bearer of 
a letter to the Cardinal, in which the Pope s fullest confidence 
in him was expressed. Simonetta at the same time received 
instructions to show every consideration to Gonzaga, and keep 
on the best terms with him. 2 The complete reconciliation 
between the two legates only took place on July iQth, when 
Gonzaga was invited by Simonetta to dinner. The long 
explanations which were made on this occasion resulted in 
their mutual satisfaction and pleasure. Cardinal Gonzaga 
displayed real magnanimity, demanding no other punishment 
for the prelates who had fomented the strife, or who had 
offended him, than their improvement. When Borromeo 
wrote to him that the Pope was ready to remove the Bishop 
of La Cava, who had expressed himself in particularly dis 
respectful terms, from his position as Commissary of the 
Council, Gonzaga begged that he might be left at his post, 
where he was doing most useful work. 3 

No less important for the successful issue of the Council 
than the reconciliation of the two legates, to which Carlo 

1 Cf. Paleotto in THEINER, II., 567 seq. ; report of Vargas of 
July i, 1562, in DO"LLINGER, Beitrage, I., 445 seq. ; letter of 
Gonzaga to the Emperor on July 14, 1562, in SICKEL, Konzil, 354. 

8 See SUSTA, II., 227 seq., 230. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 17, 5. 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 17, 13, i. The Pope was engaged at that 
time, besides restoring concord among the legates, in settling 
disputes among the envoys as to precedence. In order to put an 
end to the quarrel between the Bavarian and Venetian envoys 
Pius IV. called for the help of the Emperor. The Bavarian 
envoy also demanded precedence over the Swiss and Florentine 
envoys. It was a matter of greater difficulty to settle the dispute 
about precedence between the representatives of Spain and France. 
Cf. PALLAVICINI, 17, 4 ; SUSTA, II., 237, 242 seq., 249, 494 seq. 



2Q4 HISTORY QF THE POPES. 

Visconti had materially contributed, was an intimation which 
reached Trent on July i8th. This came from Philip II. 
The courier who brought it had taken only eleven days to 
make the journey from Madrid to Trent, so as to arrive, if 
possible, before the Session, and to prevent an unseemly 
attitude on the part of the Spanish prelates. He delivered 
to the Marquis of Pescara a letter from the king, of July 6th, 
instructing him to inform the Spanish prelates that Philip 
II. did not wish any protest to be made in the matter of the 
duty of residence, and that, in consideration of the opposition 
of the Emperor and France, he did not insist on an explicit 
declaration of the continuation of the Council ; it would be 
sufficient if it could be gathered from the proceedings them 
selves that this was a continuation of the former Council. 1 
This decision on the part of Philip II. caused the greatest 
satisfaction in Rome, and on August 4th Borromeo gave 
instructions to Crivelli, the nuncio in Spain, to thank the king 
in the name of the Pope. 2 

On July igth the legates submitted to the theologians 
thirteen articles relating to the holy sacrifice of the Mass. 3 
A new regulation, drawn up on the 2oth, had for its object to 
prevent the deliberations from being too protracted. 4 The 
discussion of the articles relating to the Mass required no less 
than thirteen meetings, which took place between July 2ist 
and August 4th. 5 On August 6th the legates who were, at 
that time, highly delighted with the steps taken by Pius IV. 
for the reform of the Curia, 6 laid before the General Congre- 

1 See SICKEL, Konzil, 352 seq. ; MENDOA, 646-7 ; SUSTA, II., 
261 seq., 263 seq., 276. 

2 SUSTA, II., 523 seq. 

3 See THEINER, II., 58 ; LE PLAT, V., 390 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 

17. 13. 8. 

4 See THEINER, II., 58 seq. ; RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 96; LE 
PLAT, V., 394-6. 

6 See THEINER, II., 60-73. 

6 See the letter of August 6, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 296. Con 
cerning the progress of the reforms of Pius IV. cf. SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 128. 



THE CHALICE FOR THE LAITY. 2Q5 

gation the draft of a decree, in four chapters and twelve 
canons, on the essence, institution and fruits of the holy sacri 
fice of the Mass. The fathers of the Council discussed this 
from August nth to the 27th, the theological question as to 
whether Christ had already offered Mass at the Last Supper 
especially giving rise to difficulties. 1 

Ever since August 22nd the thorny question had been 
waiting for an answer, whether the chalice was to be granted 
or refused to the laity. Pius IV. had left the Council free to 
make the concession in a letter of July i8th ; he thought 
it wiser, however, to defer the decision until the end of the 
Council. 2 Borromeo informed the legates on July 29th that 
the Pope desired that all possible satisfaction should be given 
to the Emperor in this matter, as far as was consistent with a 
good conscience and Christian charity. At the same time 
Gonzaga also received the intimation that Pius IV. approved 
his view that the decree as to the chalice should be formulated 
by the Council and not by the Pope. 3 The deliberations on 
this difficult question were taken in hand during the last week 
of August. 4 

Opinions as to the practical utility of granting the chalice 
to the laity differed very widely. Besides the impetuous 
and eloquent Bishop of Fiinfkirchen, 5 Cardinal Madruzzo, 
Bishop Andreas Sbardalato of Knin, and Archbishop Marini 
of Lanciano were in favour of granting it. Among the oppon 
ents of the concession Castagna, Archbishop of Rossano, and 
Osio, Bishop of Rieti especially distinguished themselves 
by the learning and clearness of the arguments they adduced. 

J See THEINER, II., 73-95; RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 97-100; 
LE PLAT, V., 428-31 ; MENDOA, 648 ; PALLAVICINI, 18, i and 2 ; 
SUSTA, II., 3 II I 3> 33 8 - 

2 SUSTA, II., 270 seq. Of. STEINHERZ, III., 113. 

3 SUSTA, II., 289-91. 

* See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 73, 75-80; LE PLAT, V., 455 seq., 
463-88 ; THEINER, II, 96-116 ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 579-87 ; 
MEND09A, 649 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 18, 3-5. Cf. also SUSTA, II., 
542 seq., 545 seq., 550 seq. 

5 See LE PLAT, V., 459, 462. Cf. KASSOWITZ, xxv. 



296 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

It was remarkable that the only German bishop who was 
present, Leonhard Haller, of Eichstatt, pronounced against 
the chalice for the laity ; his colleague, Rettinger, Bishop 
of Lavarit, had left Trent in order to avoid coming to a decision. 
All the opponents of the concession, however, insisted on the 
fact that it was in the power of the Church to allow the recep 
tion of Communion under both kinds. When Abbot Riccardo 
of Vercelli remarked that the request for the chalice had a 
taint of heresy, the presiding legate reproved him and bade 
him be silent. 1 

James Lainez, the General of the Jesuits, spoke on Sep 
tember 6th, as the last and most impressive of the speakers. 
He elucidated the whole question from every point of view, 
in an objective manner, treating it calmly, clearly, and with 
scholastic acumen. He expressly pointed out that it was 
merely a question of the practical appropriateness of the 
concession, and that neither the judgment of the Council nor 
the infallibility of the Pope were affected. His own view was 
that it was not salutary to allow the chalice to the laity, either 
generally or locally ; 2 past experience had shown this, since, 
when the Council of Basle and Paul II. had allowed it, the 
apostasy from the Church had not only not been prevented, 
but even increased. Although the majority of the fathers 
agreed with Lainez, a middle course was eventually adopted, 
and the decision of the whole matter was left to the Pope. 3 

1 See PALLAVICINI, 18, 4. Cf. EHSES in the Abhandlungen 
der Gorres-Gesellschaft, Jahresbericht, 1917, p. 44 (Cologne, 1918). 

2 Cf. GRISAR, Lainez und die Frage des Laienkelches, in the 
Zeitschrift fur kath. Theol., V. (1881) 672 seqq. ; VI. (1882) 
39 seqq. ; Disput., II., 24 seqq. Grisar also gives particulars of 
the other activities of Lainez at Trent. The General of the 
Jesuits had arrived in the city of the Council on August 14 ; 
he showed the utmost modesty with.regard to the place he was to 
occupy. See BONDONUS, 561 aeq. ; BOERO, Lainez, 254 ; CANISII 
Epist., III., 472, 531 ; SUSTA, II., 319, 334. All the discussions 
about the chalice for the laity from August 27 to September 6, 
1562, with many of the original votes are in EHSES, VIII., 788-909. 

3 See the report of the legates of September 16, 1562, in SUSTA, 
II., 363. 



THE xxund SESSION. 297 

When the remodelled decrees concerning the holy sacrifice 
of the Mass had been once more submitted to further dis 
cussion on September 5th and 7th, 1 a reform decree, and 
another concerning the abuses which had crept into the cele 
bration of Mass, were presented for consideration on September 
loth. 2 The discussions on these lasted from September loth 
to the I4th. 3 In the General Congregation on September 
i6th, at which the decrees to be published on the following 
day were read aloud, very heated discussions took place 
concerning the institution of the priesthood. 

The XXIInd Session, the sixth under Pius IV., was held on 
September lyth. The five legates, Cardinal Madruzzo, three 
patriarchs, twenty-two archbishops, a hundred and forty-four 
bishops, one Lateran abbot, seven generals of orders, three 
doctors of law, thirty theologians, and nine envoys were 
present. The Archbishop of Otranto, Pietro Antonio di 
Capua, celebrated High Mass, and the sermon was preached by 
Carlo Visconti, Bishop of Ventimiglia. The decree on the 
holy sacrifice of the Mass, in nine chapters and nine canons, 
the decree concerning the removal of abuses at Mass, the reform 
decree, in eleven chapters, and finally the above-mentioned 
decision concerning the chalice for the laity, were published 
at this Session. 

The most important decree was that which, in answer to 
the numerous errors taught by the innovators, set forth the 
primitive Catholic doctrine of the Holy Mass. In this the 
following are laid down : at the Last Supper Jesus Christ 
bequeathed to his Church a sacrifice, by which the bloody sac 
rifice of the Cross was to be represented, its memory preserved, 
and the forgiveness of the sins which are daily committed by 
men applied. The Lord instituted this sacrifice when He 
offered His flesh and blood, under the appearances of bread 
and wine, to God the Father, giving it to the Apostles to eat, 
and thereby appointing them as His priests, commanding them 
and their successors to do this in memory of Him. In the 

1 See THEINER, II., 116-9. Cf. SUSTA, II., 339, 344. 
*Two lists of these in EHSES, VEIL, 916-24. 
3 See THEINER, II., 119-27. 



2Q8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

sacrifice of the Mass, the same Christ who sacrificed Himself 
in a bloody manner, is offered up in an unbloody manner. 
The Mass is consequently a true expiatory sacrifice, by 
which the faithful gain the fruits of the sacrifice of the 
Cross, the value of which is not thereby prejudiced ; 
Mass is therefore offered, not only for the living, but 
also for the souls still in Purgatory. When Mass is cele 
brated by the Church in honour of, and in memory of saints, 
she teaches that not to these, but to God alone is the sacrifice 
offered. From time immemorial the Church has ordained the 
Canon, which contains no error of any kind, for the worthy 
celebration of the Mass. She has, at the same time, in accord 
ance with apostolic tradition, associated the offering of the 
sacrifice with ceremonies. It does not seem advisable to the 
Council that Mass should be universally celebrated in the 
language of the country. Finally, it repudiates all errors 
contrary to this teaching, and especially those directed against 
the sacrificial character of the Mass. The reform decree gives 
prescriptions for the worthy celebration of Mass, and admon 
ishes the bishops to avoid anything having the appearance of 
avarice, or what is superstitious, or likely to give scandal. 1 
Full unanimity was only obtained for the decree which 
fixed the next Session, for the treatment of the sacraments of 
Holy Orders and Matrimony, for November i2th. 3 Nobody 
dreamed that instead of the two months proposed, ten would 
elapse before another Session of the Council could be held. 

*For the numerous abuses which, in the course of time had 
found their way into the Mass, see the classical work of A. FRANZ, 
Die Messe im deutschen Mittelalter, Freiburg, 1902. 

2 Cf. THEINER, II., 130-2 ; PALLAVICINI, 18, 9. Concerning 
the satisfaction of Pius IV. at the result of the Session see Borro- 
meo s letter of September 26, 1562, in SUSTA, III., 12 seq. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE MISSION OF MORONE TO FERDINAND I. AT INNSBRUCK, 

1562-3. 

AFTER Pius IV. had received the decrees of the sixth Session, 
he held congregations, at which reforms were discussed, 
almost every day. 1 The Council, on the other hand, entered 
upon the difficult discussions concerning the sacrament of 
Holy Orders. First of all, the legates submitted ten articles 
to the theologians for consideration on September i8th, 1562 ; 
these contained the views of the religious innovators upon 
the subject ; the. discussions were to begin on September 
23rd. 2 Before that, however, the French and Imperial 
envoys, in accordance with an agreement brought about by 
the Bishop of Fiinfkirchen, demanded that the further treat 
ment of dogma should be postponed until the arrival of the 
French prelates, and only matters of reform dealt with in 
the next Session. This the legates refused, 3 and in the course 
of a very excited debate, the Bishop of Fiinfkirchen and the 
French envoy demanded that the Imperial reform libellum 
should be laid before the Council. The legates refused to 
comply with this request as well. In the meantime, however, 
they had informed Borromeo, on September 24th, that they 
were inclined to submit the libellum, with the omission of all 
articles which encroached upon the authority of the Pope, 
or which, by their very nature, must be excluded ; at the 

1 See SICKEL, Konzil, 390. 

* See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 89 ; LE PLAT, V., 508 ; THEINER, II., 
133; PALLAVICINI, 18, 12, i. 

8 Cf. MUSOTTI, 25 seq. ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 72 ; 
SICKEL, Konzil, 387 ; STEINHERZ, III., 130 ; SUSTA, III., 5. 
353 seq., and especially HELLE, 37 seq., where there is a further 
bibliography. 

200 



3OO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

same time they asked for instructions as to how they were 
to proceed with regard to each separate article. 1 The detailed 
answer of the Pope on October 3rd, left the legates free to 
lay the libellum before the fathers of the Council, though this 
did not mean that they were to put the matter to the vote ; 
at the same time they were to make known the Emperor s 
letter of June 2gth, which left the legates free to select certain 
articles from the libellum for consideration. 2 Together with 
these instructions was also sent the Pope s opinion as to each 
of the articles ; 3 this agreed, in all essentials, with the opinion 
sent to Rome by the legates on August 27th. 4 In spite of 
the support which he had received from France, Ferdinand I. 
did not continue, at that time, to press for the submission 
of his libellum, as other matters, and especially the difficulties 
about the election of his son, Maximilian, as King of the 
Romans, took up all his attention. It was only after this 
had been arranged (November 24th) that there came a change. 5 
In the seven articles, which the theologians discussed from 
September 23rd to October 2nd,* the question whether the 
bishops duty of residence was a divine or an ecclesiastical 
precept was not touched upon. However, the subject was 
soon broached once more by several, and especially by the 
theologian of the Archbishop of Granada. It came still more 

1 See GRISAR, Disput., I., 391 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 8 ; STEINHERZ, 
III, 133- 

2 SiCKEL, Berichte, II., 125-33. Cf. STEINHERZ, III., 133; 
SUSTA, III., 20. 

3 Printed in RAYN ALDUS, 1562, n. 59, 63 ; LE PLAT, V., 388. 
Cf. STEINHERZ, III., 133, n. 4. A second appendix, in which 
Pius IV. takes up a position against the reform decrees decided 
upon by the French clergy at Poissy on October 6, 1561, was 
published by SUSTA (III., 20 seq.), who found it among the literary 
remains of Seripando. 

4 Partly in RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 62, 58; LE PLAT, V., 385-8. 
The first part, hitherto unpublished, in STEINHERZ, III., 132 seq. 

5 Cf. HELLE, 40, 41. 

See THEINER, II., 135-51 ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 591 seq. ; 
RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 90-2 ; LE PLAT, V., 510-6. ; 



THE EPISCOPAL OFFICE. 301 

into prominence during the proceedings of the General Con 
gregation between October I3th and 2Oth, which concerned 
the drafting of the doctrinal decree, and of the seven canons 
which pronounced an anathema in connection with the 
sacrament of Holy Orders. At the very beginning of the 
proceedings, on October I3th, the Archbishop of Granada 
made a formal proposal that it should be defined that the 
episcopal office rested on divine right. 1 The dispute which 
arose on this point, during which the position of the Pope, 
with reference to the whole Church, and also with reference 
to the Council, was debated, drove everything else into the 
background, and prevented the deliberations from making 
any progress. 2 Much learning and theological acumen was 
displayed on both sides during these stormy debates. The 
General of the Jesuits, James Lainez, who differed from most 
of his Spanish compatriots on this point, distinguished himself 
above all the rest. The speech which he made on October 
2oth, before the taking of the vote, was a masterpiece, dis 
tinguished alike by its vast learning, its clearness, and its 
pertinency. 3 It created an impression such as was scarcely 
made by any other address during the whole course of the 
Council. 4 Many, even of his opponents, were convinced by 
the force of the arguments brought forward by Lainez, while 

1 SeeTHEiNER, II., 153 seq. ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 593 seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, 18, 12 and 14 ; GRISAR, Primat, 463 seq. ; Disput, I., 
34* seq., II., 410 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 23 seq., 384, 391 seq. 

EHSES has published in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXVIL, 
72 seq., the strong letter in which, as early as June 13, 1562, 
Morone rebuked his nephew, Girolamo Gallarate, Bishop of 
Sutri-Nepi, for his declaration in favour of the definition of the 
ius divinum, by which the whole activity of the Council would have 
been paralysed. 

3 Lainez wrote out his speech. It is preserved in the Papal 
Secret Archives, *Concilio, V., 98 seq., but is not yet printed. 
PALLAViciNi.(i8, 15) knew of the manuscript, but it was over 
looked by GRISAR (Primat, 460). Theiner has abridged the 
reports at this point. See ASTRAIN, II.. 180. 

4 The opinion of SARPI (7, 20). 



302 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

others allowed themselves to be drawn into making violent, 
and even personal attacks upon him. 1 

In view of the great differences of opinion, it was exceed 
ingly difficult to find any other version of the matter to be 
brought forward for discussion, especially in the case of the 
seventh canon, which dealt with the episcopal power. Further 
discussions followed from November 3rd, to the 6th, during 
the course of which several Italian bishops, who had their own 
advantage in view rather than the real interests of the Church, 
went much too far in their defence of the Papal rights. 2 

Pius IV. had in the meantime resolved to cope with one 
of the things most urgently necessary for the reform of the 
Church, by a bull concerning the conclave, which was dated 
October Qth. In sending this to the legates on October 3ist, 
he held out hopes of still further measures for the reform of 
the Curia. 3 On November 6th, Cardinal Gonzaga submitted 
the draft of a decree, approved by the Pope, concerning the 
duty of residence. 4 Three days later, on his proposal, the 
first postponement of the Session, from November i2th to the 
26th, was made, because the material was not ready for 
publication, and also because the long awaited arrival of the 
Cardinal of Lorraine and other French prelates was expected 
immediately. 5 In fact, Cardinal Guise arrived on November 

1 Cf. the report of Visconti of October 22, 1562, in GRISAR, 
Primat, 492, Disput., I., 43*, 45*, and Paleotto in THEINER, II., 
596. See also Epist. Salmeronis, I., 508 ; BARTOLI, Comp. di Gesu 
(Opere, V., 2), 74, 87 ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 75. 

8 See THEINER, II., 155-61 ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 599 seq. ; 
GRISAR, Primat, 409 seq. 

8 SUSTA, III., 55 seq. The bull Super reformations conclavis 
in RAVNALDUS, 1562, n. 188. As to this and its great importance 
of. especially SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 131 seq. ; EISLER, 
Vetorecht, 191 seq. Fr. Tonina reported on October 21, 1562 : 
*Si attende qui a formar riforme et si fanno spesso congregation! 
sopra di ci6 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 THEINER, II, 161-3 ; RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 108 ; LE PLAT, V., 
541. 

6 THEINER, II., 167 seq.; RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 117; LE 
PLAT, V., 542 ; SUSTA, III., 65, 429 seq. 



THE CARDINAL OF LORRAINE. 303 

I3th, and with him thirteen bishops, three abbots, and eighteen 
theologians, for the most part doctors of the Sorbonne ; 
among the bishops were Nicolas de Pelleve of Sens, Jean 
Morvillier of Orleans, and Nicolas Pseaume of Verdun j 1 
till then there had only been five French bishops at Trent. 
The newly arrived dignitaries of France were solemnly intro 
duced in the General Congregation of November 23rd. On 
this occasion Guise made a speech which was universally 
admired on account of the elegance of its style and the dignity 
of its delivery. He exhorted the fathers of the Council to 
refrain from all useless disputes, and to carry out the reform 
of the Church. 2 The frank recognition of the Pope s supre 
macy with which he concluded, was calculated to remove the 
suspicion felt in Rome, on account of the attitude which he 
had taken up with regard to the rights of the Holy See. 3 

The Cardinal of Lorraine had hoped to be included among 
the presidents of the Council, but this hope was not fulfilled. 
However, from the beginning he occupied a far more important 
position than Cardinal Madruzzo, who also did not belong to 

1 Cf. BONDONUS, 562 seq. ; BALUZE-MANSI, IV., 271 ; THEINER, 
II., 169 seqq. ; LE PLAT, VI I. , 343 ; SUSTA, III., 66 seq. ; KASSO- 
WITZ, xxvii seq.; PALLAVICINI, 18, 17 ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 
329 seq. Guise took up his residence in the Palazzo a Prato 
in the Contrada S. Trinita (destroyed in great part in the fire 
of 1843) ; see SWOBODA, 23. Pseaume is the author of the 
diary on the Council, critically edited for the first time by MERKLE 
(II.. 723 seqq.). 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 109-15; LE PLAT, V., 549-63; 
THEINER, II., 175 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 18, 7 and 19, 3 ; Arch, 
stor. Ital., 5th Series, XXX VI., 417 ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 
334 seq. ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 129 seq. The envoy of 
Sigismund Augustus, King of. Poland, Bishop Valentin Herborth 
of Przemysl, was received in the General Congregation of October 
23 (see RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 106-7 > LE PLAT, V , 532-7 ; THEINER, 
II., 154 ; SUSTA, III., 36, 391, 397). Cardinal Altemps had gone 
at the end of October to Constance (see PALLAVICINI, 18, 16). 

3 To the testimony already cited (cf. DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 
349 ; SUSTA, III., 62) must be added a ""letter of Tonhia, dated 
Rome, October 21, 1562 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



304 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the legatine college. It is significant of this that in the Papal 
secretariate the correspondence with him is drawn up in legal 
style, just as was done when issuing instructions to the legates. 1 
All parties at Trent endeavoured to win over the French 
Cardinal to their way of thinking, and the latter soon found 
himself drawn into both open and secret negotiations with 
men of opposite views. Charles de Guise endeavoured, with 
the best will and the most persevering courage, above every 
thing else to bring about an agreement of the opposing parties 
concerning the question of residence, and the much disputed 
seventh canon. Until the following year the discussions 
upon the proposals put forward for treatment concentrated 
more and more, with unending repetitions and often in very 
heated debates, upon these questions, 2 the defenders of the 
divine right of the bishops often laying themselves open to the 
charge of holding very dangerous opinions. For example, 
Danes, Bishop of Lavaur, in France, maintained that Peter 
had not been universal bishop of the Church, that the authority 
of his successors over the bishops was only an accessory, and 
that the bishops not only held their power by divine right, 
but also that in their own churches they were equal to the 
Pope ! 3 

It is not to be wondered at that the development of affairs 
in Trent was watched with increasing anxiety in Rome. 4 
The discussions, which were as tedious as they were dangerous, 
might have been avoided altogether if the fathers of the 
Council had paid attention to the fundamental distinction 
which Charles Borromeo had drawn in one short sentence of 
the letter which he addressed to the legates on October 2t)ih. 

1 Of. SICKEL, Berichte, I., 60 ; III., 14, 42 ; SUSTA, III., v-vi. 

2 " Este capitulo de la residencia y el septimo canon," writes 
Mendoa (p. 668), " han sido los dos mayores estorbos que han 
tenido las cosas del concilio, para dilatarse mas de lo que era 
menester y mas de lo que muchos querian." For the disgraceful 
scene at the speeches of the Bishops of Cadiz and Alife on Decem 
ber i and 2, 1562, see PALLAVICINI, 19, 5. 

3 See THEINER, II., 172-3; GRISAR, Primat, 480. 

4 Cf. the pessimistic expressions of GIROLAMO SORANZO, 82. 



THE EPISCOPAL OFFICE. 305 

The distinction between the power of " order " (consecration) 
and of jurisdiction, is here clearly pointed out. Bishops have 
the former in virtue of their consecration, directly from God, 
and the visible minister of the consecration, be he Pope or 
bishop, when he confers it, is only acting as an instrument, 
so that the invisible and immediate giver of the consecration 
may fulfil His supernatural work. On the other hand, the 
jurisdiction of the bishops, that is to say their position with 
regard to their flock, and their authority to rule over them 
in matters concerning their eternal salvation, although it 
too is derived from God, is directly communicated to the 
bishops, according to the teaching of the scholastics, by the 
Pope alone. 1 

James Lainez, who had maintained this opinion in his first 
speech on October 2Oth, in his second address on December 
9th, made a proposal that was as practical as it was moderate ; 
this was that the " order " of the bishops should be defined 
as being of divine right, and that no mention should be made 
of jurisdiction, since both opinions had many supporters. 2 
Attention was diverted from this proposal by two further 
formulas, which Cardinal Guise, who was working unweariedly 
for an agreement, put forward, amplifying the seventh canon 
by an eighth one, concerning the primacy. On the suggestion 
of Cardinal Simonetta, who was always solicitous for the 
lights of the Holy See, a commission was appointed to deliber 
ate on this, consisting of four theologians (one of whom was 
Lainez) and five canonists. Three of the theologians spoke 
in favour of the proposal, but not so the General of the Jesuits, 
who remarked that he saw in it a future schism. The five 
canonists, among whom were two future Popes, Ugo Boncom- 
pagni and Giovanni Antonio Fachinetti, agreed with Lainez. 3 
The legates, whose position was daily becoming more difficult, 
sent the proposal of Guise, together with the report of the 

1 See GRISAR, Primat, 457 seq. The letter of Borromeo is now 
given in full in SUSTA, III., 50 seq. 

2 See THEINER, II., 197 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 19, 6, 5 ; GRISAR, 
Primat, 491, 759 seq. ; *:.f. Disput., I., I seq. 

* Cf. PALLAVICINI, 19, 6, 5 ; GRISAR, Primat, 760 seq. 

VOL. XV. 20 



306 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



commission, to Rome. Borromeo sent three answers, the 
first on December I2th, a second, in greater detail, on December 
26th, 1562, and finally, a third on January loth, 1563. These 
contained among other things, the instruction that, in order 
to secure the necessary clearness, the definition of the Council 
of Florence as to the primacy, should be renewed. 1 

How necessary it was that renewed prominence should be 
given, just at that time, to the authority of the Holy See, and 
its inalienable rights, assailed as they were, and not by the 
Protestants alone, was shown by the discussion which followed, 
during the course of which the Gallican current in the Council 
appeared clearly on the surface. The French prelates refused, 
in the most violent manner, to acknowledge that the bishops 
held a position dependent on the Pope, nor would they allow 
it to be stated in the seventh canon that the Pope had the 
power to govern the Church, as that would prejudice the 
view which placed the Council above the Pope. 2 

On January 24th, 1563, the French envoys, Lansac and 
Ferrier, appeared before the legates and protested against the 
words " the Pope governs the Church." They wished, they 
expressly stated, to stand up for " their religion," which 
taught that the Pope is subject to the Council, and in proof 
of this they appealed to the Council of Constance. The 
answer of the legates left nothing to be desired in the way of 
firmness. Cardinal Gonzaga replied that if the envoys thought 
of defending the opinion they submitted, he and other legates 
were equally determined to defend the truth, and this truth 
was that the Pope was above the Council ; they were ready to 
sacrifice their lives before they would allow the supremacy 
of the Pope to be inpugned. Seripando then invalidated 

1 Borromeo s instructions, only summarized by Pallavicini, 
of December 12 and 26, 1562, and January 10, 1563, have been 
given in a translation by GRISAR, Primat, 762 seq., and afterwards 
in the original in Disput., I., 455 seq., 457 seq., 461 seq., 467 seq. 
Cf. SUSTA, III., 116, 141 and 153, where, in addition to several 
textual corrections from the original (Ambrosiana Library, 
Milan, J. 141, inf. p. 167) the date of the last instruction is corrected. 

a See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 614 ; GRISAR, Primat, 768 seq. 



THE POPE S SUPREMACY. 307 

their appeal to the Council of Constance by saying that the 
latter had, for the removal of the schism, claimed superiority 
only over doubtful Popes, of which at the present time there 
could be no question. He concluded with the declaration 
that the legates were fully determined that the supreme 
authority of the Pope should be denned and published in 
suitable terms, and in the widest signification of the 
word. 1 

Cardinal Guise would have been very glad if the dispute 
concerning the Pope s supremacy could have been avoided. 
His depression of spirits increased from day to day. On 
January i8th, 1563, a commission had been appointed under 
the presidency of himself and Cardinal Madruzzo ; it formu 
lated a new decree on the duty of residence, 2 but this was 
neither approved by the legates, nor placed by them upon 
the agenda. 3 The Session, which had been first fixed for 
December lyth, 1562, then for the beginning of January, 1563, 
and finally for January I5th, had in the meantime been 
postponed till February 4th. 4 As no agreement could be 
come to, however, the Session could not be held on that date. 
Therefore, on February 3rd, Cardinal Gonzaga proposed a 
further postponement for a longer period, until April 22nd, 
to put aside, for the time being, the difficult questions of the 
duty of residence and of Holy Orders, and in the meantime 
to deal with the sacrament of Matrimony. Discussions were 
to take place twice every day ; in the mornings on Matrimony, 
by the theologians, and in the afternoons, on the abuses 
connected with the ordination of priests, by the bishops. 
Of the 176 fathers of the Council present, only nine voted 

1 See Paleotto, loc. cit. ; the letter of the legates of January 24, 
in GRISAR, Disput., I., 486-92. Cf. GRISAR, Primat., 769 seq. ; 
SUSTA, III., 181. See also PALLAVICINI, 19, 14. 

8 No agreement was reached upon the theme proposed on 
December 10, 1562 ; see THEINER, II., 198. 

3 See THEINER, II., 229 seq. ; KNOPFLER in the Freiburger 
Kirchenlex., XI 2 ., 2102. 

4 See THEINER, II., 179, 186 seq., 206 seq., 218 seq., 228 
seq. 



3 o8 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



against this proposal. 1 Accordingly, on the same day, eight 
articles on the sacrament of Matrimony were submitted to 
the theologians, as fresh matter for deliberation, and these 
were discussed from February gth onwards. 2 On February 
I2th steps were taken to form a commission of ten prelates, 
who were to compile a list of the abuses in the ordination of 
priests. 3 

To all these difficulties a new one was now added by the 
fact that the French, in conjunction with the Imperialists, 
endeavoured to force the Pope to accept a reform at the hands 
of the Council. On January 3rd the French envoys had 
presented to the General Congregation a reform libellum in 
thirty-four points. It was expressed, indeed, in terms of 
moderation, but it contained claims which were either im 
practicable or dangerous, as for example the one concerning 
the concession of the chalice to the laity. 4 Lansac then 
declared that if the Council would not grant these claims, 
France would introduce them on her own authority. 5 In 
the General Congregation on February nth, the French envoys, 
following upon the receipt of a letter from their king, and sup 
ported by Guise, again put forward their demands for reform. 6 

These proceedings of the French caused the Emperor, whose 
activities had hitherto been paralysed by other cares, once 
more, on the advice of his chancellor, Seld, to intervene in the 
conciliar discussions. He gave instructions to his envoys at 
Trent to support the reform proposals of the French, and to 
insist upon the discussion of the libellum which he had presented 
in June, 1562. In order to be nearer to the Council, he 

^ee RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 17; LE PLAT, V., 672 ; THEINER, 
II., 230-2 ; PALLAVICINI, 19, 16. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 19 ; LE PLAT, V., 674 ; THEINER, 
II., 232 seqq. ; SUSTA, III., 212. 

3 See MUSOTTI, 33. 

* See RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 86-9 ; LE PLAT, V., 629-43 ; PALLA 
VICINI, 19, ii ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 338 seq. 

6 So reported Strozzi on January 4, 1563 ; see SUSTA, III., 154. 

See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 23-6 ; LE PLAT, V., 677-84 ; THEINER 
II., 235 seq. See BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 343 seq. 



CARDINAL GUISE AND THE EMPEROR. 309 

removed his court to Innsbruck in January, 1563, and, for 
the purpose of discussing the questions then pending, he 
summoned thither a meeting of distinguished theologians, 1 
which might be looked upon as a kind of Imperial bye- 
council. 

On February i2th, the ambitious Cardinal Guise betook 
himself from Trent to Innsbruck, where Cardinal Madruzzo 
and the Count of Luna, the envoy of Philip II. , were also 
expected. Guise, who arrived at Innsbruck on February i6th, 
immediately expressed himself in the strongest terms against 
the advisers of the Pope, and declared that a reform by means 
Of the Council was indispensable. In a memorial which he 
handed to the Emperor, he set forth all the many abuses 
which he said encroached upon the freedom of the Council, 
namely, the preponderant influence of the Pope, the domination 
of the Council by the Italian bishops, who formed a majority, 
the exclusive right of making proposals by the legates, and the 
appointment of only one secretary of the Council, whose 
truthfulness, he averred, was open to grave suspicion. It was 
therefore desirable that as many bishops as possible should 
come from Spain, France and Germany, and also that the 
Emperor should himself go to Trent and be present at the 
next Session. 2 To the Spanish and French opposition, 
which had made itself felt at the Council in the discussion 
of questions of dogma, the time had come to add a coalition 
of the great Catholic powers, the Emperor, France and Spain, 
aiming at domination of the Council, and the enforcement 
of a drastic reform both of head and members. The situation 
had, without doubt, become extremely critical. 

The legates had sent Commendone to Innsbruck to pacify 

X C/. SICKEL, Konzil, 419 seq., 431 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 
171 seq. ; KASSOWITZ, 158 seq. ; RITTER, I., 168 seq. 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil, 433 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 195 seq. t 
212 seq. For the motives which determined Guise to make his 
journey to Innsbruck, and his negotiations there, c/.alsoVenezian. 
Depeschen, III., 220 seqq. ; Zeitschr. fur Kirchengeschicte.L, 
323 ; Docum, in6d., XCVIIL, 403, 407 ; HOLTZMANN, Maxi 
milian II., 441 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 252. 



310 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Emperor as early as the end of January, 1 although it was 
hardly to be hoped that this mission would meet with any 
decisive success. Pius IV., who was going on with his work of 
reform, certainly did not himself expect that he would be able 
thus to silence the petulant demands of the powers. On the 
strength of previous experience, he suddenly proposed to try 
the effect of the intervention of a distinguished ecclesiastical 
dignitary, who should possess the respect and confidence of 
the Emperor. 2 On February loth he urgently begged Cardinal 
Gonzaga to go as soon as possible to Innsbruck. 3 The 
president of the legates at Trent seemed, in virtue of his 
family relationship with Ferdinand, and his tact and skill, 
admirably suited to influence the Emperor and to demon 
strate to him the readiness of Pius IV. to carry out a decisive 
reform. Gonzaga, however, declined in a letter of February 
1 9th. This refusal was probably to be accounted for by the 
complete failure of the mission of Commendone, as well as the 
failing health of the Cardinal himself. 4 

When Guise returned to Trent on February 27th, he found 
the first president of the Council akeady very ill. A fever 
which he had contracted on February 23rd rapidly wasted the 
strength of the fifty-eight-year-old Cardinal, already worn out 
by the exertions and anxieties of the Council. On the evening 
of March 2nd, this distinguished ecclesiastic, who had worn 
the purple for thirty-six years, and for whom many had 
prophesied the tiara, 6 breathed forth his noble soul. The last 
sacraments were administered to him by the General of the 
Jesuits, who had returned a short time before from Mantua, 

1 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 20, i; POGIANI Epist., III., 242 n. ; 
STEINHERZ, III., 180 seq., 182 seq., 185 seq., 191 seq., 198 seq. ; 
SUSTA, III., 173, 183 seq., 208, 232 seq. The instruction for 
Commendone dated January 28, 1563, in DO"LLINGER, Beitrage, 
III., 316 seq. 

See RITTER, I., 171 ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 141 seq. 

8 See SUSTA, III., 224 seq. 

* Cf. PALLAVICINI, 20, 6, 4 ; SUSTA, III., 229. 

See the interesting **report of Fr. Tonina dated Rome, 
January 23, 1563 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



DEATH OF GONZAGA AND SERIPANDO. 311 

whither the Cardinal had sent him to found a college of the 
Society of Jesus. 1 

In the Congregation of March 8th, Seripando, too, was 
attacked by a dangerous illness, which caused his death on 
the I7th. The celebrated General of the Augustinians died 
as piously as he had lived. He insisted on receiving the last 
sacraments fully dressed and on his knees. As certain views 
which he had formerly advanced, concerning original sin and 
justification, had shaken the confidence of many persons in the 
perfect purity of his faith, the dying man took the occasion to 
recite one by one, in the presence of the most distinguished 
theologians, the articles of the Creed, and to swear that he had 
believed them all without the least doubt. 2 

More than any of the members of the Council to deplore the 
loss of their colleagues, who had been distinguished by such 
splendid qualities, were the two surviving legates, Hosius and 
Simonetta. They felt the responsibility which was now laid 
upon their shoulders all the more heavily as the differences of 
opinion regarding the relations between the primacy and the 
episcopate, and about the duty of residence, continued with 
undiminished force, while the demands for reform on the part 
of the French and the Emperor were daily growing more 
urgent. In addition to all these difficulties there now came 
the want of money caused by the death of Gonzaga 3 and the 
outbreak of bloody combats among the retainers of the French, 
Spanish and Italian prelates, in consequence of which the 
holding of Congregations was altogether prevented from 
March gth to the I5th. 4 

1 Cf. BONDONUS, 565 ; MENDOA, 672 ; POGIANI Epist., III., 
258 ; PALLAVICINI, 20, 6, 1-3 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 439 ; Beitrage, I., 
52; GIULIANI, 119; SUSTA, III., 253 seq., 257 seq. ; ASTRAIN, 
II., 187 seq. 

2 See BONDONUS, 565-6 ; MENDOSA, 674 ; PALLAVICINI, 20, 
7, 6-8; Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch. V., 615 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 
263 seq., 277 ; MERKLE, II., Ixxi seq., where there are details as 
to the tomb and will of the Cardinal. 

3 See SUSTA, III., 282 seq. 

4 Cf. THEINER, II., 256 ; BONDONUS, 56, MENDO9A, 673 seq. ; 
SICKEL, Konzil, 468. 



312 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In the meantime the Emperor, whose theological com 
mission at Innsbruck was engaged upon the drafting of a new, 
the second, reform libellum, 1 addressed two letters to the 
Pope on March 3rd, which caused great anxiety in the Curia. 2 
One of these letters, 3 which was also communicated to the 
Imperial envoys at Trent, to the legates, to Cardinal Guise, 
and to others, demanded reform in general terms. It ex 
pressed the regret of the Emperor at the unsatisfactory course 
of events at the Council, and at the reports which were current 
that the Pope intended either to suspend or dissolve it, which 
would cause great harm to the Church. He hoped that the 
Council might soon be brought to a successful close, and the 
longed-for reform carried into effect. For this, however, 
full liberty was necessary, and therefore the right of pro 
position must not be reserved to the legates alone, but must 
also be granted to the envoys of the princes. Finally > the 
Emperor announced his inclination to appear at the Council 
himself, and addressed an urgent request to the Pope to do 
likewise. The second, confidential, letter, 4 contained the 
same exhortations and demands, but was expressed in a less 
severe form. In this the Emperor especially demanded that 
for the future simony, and all other unworthy influence should 
be excluded from the Papal election, that no Cardinal should 
be appointed who, on account of his youth or want of learning, 
was unfit to hold the position, 5 and finally that the existing 

1 Cf. STEINHERZ, III., 209 seqq. ; KRO"SS, 621 seq. ; KASSOWITZ, 
1 80 seq. 

2 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 455 ; ibid., 452 seq. Arco s report of the de 
claration made by Pius IV. after the receipt of the Imperial letter. 

3 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 34 LE PLAT, V., 690. Cf. KROSS, 
625 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 234 seq. 

4 Complete in STEINHERZ, III., 223 seq. 

5 This claim was founded on the creation of Cardinals of January 
6, 1563, so widely and justly found fault with, in which Federigo 
Borromeo and Ferdinando de Medici received the purple, the 
one being eighteen years of age, and the other hardly fourteen. 
The nomination of Federigo was a compliment to the first president 
of the Council, and that of Ferdinand to Cosimo I. Pius IV., who 






PROPOSED SUSPENSION OF THE COUNCIL. 313 

abuses in the election of archbishops and bishops by the 
cathedral chapters should be abolished. 1 

Towards the end of 1562, Pius IV. would have been very 
willing to suspend the Council, 2 on the proposal of the Em- 
did not, while the Council was sitting, feel safe in the States of the 
Church, thought it well to seize upon every opportunity of placing 
at least the Italian princes under an obligation to himself (see 
STEINHERZ, III., 178 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 157 seq., 161, 193 seq.}. 
For the creation of January 6, 1563, see PETRAMELLARIUS, 73 seq ; 
CIACONIUS, III., 943 seq. ; CARDELLA, V., 53 seq. ; HERRE, 68). 
The appearance of Cardinal Ferdinando is well described by the 
author of an account of a journey of Duke Ferdinand, third son of 
Duke Albert V. of Bavaria, in the year 1 565, printed in FREYBERG, 
Sammlung historischer Schriften, IV., 317 seq., Stuttgart, 1834. As 
early as January 30, 1 563, Tonina *reports that people were speak 
ing of a fresh creation of Cardinals (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
*On the same March 3, 1563, the Emperor addressed a letter 
to Guise (LE PLAT, V., 690 seq.), and a fresh instruction to his 
envoys at Trent, printed in SICKEL, Konzil, 446 seq. ; ibid., 
456 seq., and 463 seq., the further instructions of March 21 and 23, 
1563. Cf. as to this HELLE, 42 seq. 

8 Before the arrival of Guise they were prepared for the Cardinal 
to propose the removal of the Council to Besan<pon or Constance ; 
the Cardinal himself had spoken of this to the nuncio, Santa 
Croce (see the report of Santa Croce of June 26, 1562, in SUSTA, II., 
492). On the strength of this, on July 8, 1562, Borromeo sent 
instructions to the legates to hurry on the work of the Council 
as much as possible (ibid., II., 239 seqq.). On July 18 Borromeo 
wrote to Delfino, who had (June 29) made the proposal that the 
Council should be suspended : "If the Emperor, in agreement 
with Philip II. makes a proposal for the suspension of the Council, 
the Pope is inclined to accept it." (STEINHERZ, III., 94 seqq.). 
On July 22 Borromeo again wrote to Delfino that the Pope was 
agreeable to a conference on religion, the Council being first 
suspended or closed, but that the Emperor must win over the 
King of Spain to this plan (ibid., 100). On August 8 the legates 
received orders from Borromeo to bring the Council to a close 
with all possible speed, and the same order was repeated on 
August 22 (see SUSTA, II., 308, 325 seq.). Pius IV. himself wrote 
to the legates in the same sense on August 26 (USTA, II., 327 seq.). 



314 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

peror ; on November I4th, 1562, as Borromeo had written to 
Delfino, the Pope expected such a proposal from Ferdinand I. 
Pius IV. did not wish to take the initiative himself, and at 
the end of November he declined Delfino s plan of writing to 
Philip II. to close the Council. On December 20th Borromeo 
wrote, to Delfino that if a proposal for suspension were not 
made by the Imperial Court, the Council would continue its 
sessions, for the Pope would not come forward with such a 
proposal himself. 1 As time went on however, Pius IV. 
became more and more convinced of the grave objections 
which stood in the way of a suspension or a premature closing 
of the Council. On the other hand it became equally clear to 
him that the useful progress and the successful issue to the 
work of the Council depended upon an understanding with 
the secular princes, and especially with the Emperor. He 
called upon the latter, in a brief of March 6th, 1563, to under 
take the defence of the Apostolic See against all attacks in 
the Council, and to instruct his envoys to act in union with 
the legates. The brief, at the same time, laid stress on the 
sincere wish and the zealous endeavours of the Pope to do 
away with all abuses, and to introduce a strict reform. 2 

On March i8th two briefs were drawn up in answer to the 
Imperial letters of March 3rd. In the first, the Pope praised 
the Emperor s zeal, and regretted with him the slow progress 
of the Council, and the want of unity there ; in answer to the 
rumours of suspension or dissolution, he declared his fixed 
intention of continuing the Council, and of bringing it to a 
happy conclusion. He then spoke of what he had already 
done in the way of reform, and finally explained his reasons 
for not going in person to Trent. 3 A confidential letter was 
also drawn up in answer to the confidential letter of 
Ferdinand I. In this the Pope said that the Emperor was 
perfectly right in maintaining that it was of the utmost im- 

^TEINHERZ, III., 144, 151, 163. 

* RAYN ALDUS, 1563, n. 67 ; LE PLAT, V., 709 seq. ; STEINHERZ, 
III., 237 seq. The reply of Ferdinand I. on March 23, in SICKEL, 
Konzil, 468 seq. 

8 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 35 ; LE PLAT, V., 761-5. 



MORONE AND NAVAGERO LEGATES. 315 

portance for Christendom that the Papal election should be 
lawful and beyond reproach. So many good and wise laws 
had already been issued on this matter by former Councils 
and Popes, that it had been believed that nothing more could 
be added. In order, however, completely to remove every 
abuse, the Pope had published a new law. He had not com 
municated it to the Council before its publication, much as he 
would have liked to do so, because he had realized, since the 
recent disputes, how difficult it was, in such an important 
and controverted manner, to succeed in accomplishing any 
thing. Should the Council, however, of its own accord, 
approve the law which he had issued, it would be very pleasing 
to him. With regard to the nomination of Cardinals, he 
referred to the statements which would be made by Cardinal 
Morone, who had been decided upon as legate at the Imperial 
court. 1 

The dispatch of these briefs, however, did not take place, 
because it was decided that all the matters touched upon in 
the Imperial letters of March 3rd should be answered verbally 
by Morone. His mission was announced to the Emperor by 
the legate in a detailed brief on March iQth. 2 The other very 
important task with which Morone had already been entrusted, 
his appointment as legate to the Council, was also spoken of in 
this brief. 

When the news of Gonzaga s death reached Rome on 
March 6th, Pius IV. at once saw that he must provide a suc 
cessor for the dead president without delay. On the very 
next morning, without consulting the Sacred College, he 
appointed Morone and Navagero as legates to the Council. 3 
By this act, so quickly carried out, Pius IV. again displayed 
his great political shrewdness. Other proposals were made, 
especially the candidature of the ambitious Cardinal Guise, 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 38; LE PLAT, V., 765-8 ; SAG- 
MttLLER, Papstwahlbullen, 143 seq. 

8 See STEINHERZ, III., 259. Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 471. 

8 See Acta consist, card. Gambarae (Cod. Vat. 7061) in SICKEL, 
Beitrage, I., 52 ; SUSTA, 267 seq., 270 ; POGIANI Epist., III., 262 ; 
DSLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 487 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 452. 



316 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

which was at once put forward. Although he had kept his 
intention secret, Cardinal Bourdaisiere had succeeded in gain 
ing admission to the Pope before the consistory of March 7th, 
to represent to him the necessity of appointing Guise. Pius IV. 
answered him shortly and decidedly that as the Cardinal of 
Lorraine was looked upon as the head of a party in the Council, 
it was impossible to consider it advisable to make him a 
president, since not the least suspicion of partiality must 
attach to the holder of such a dignity. 1 

Pius IV. had shown great wisdom in his choice of the new 
legates to the Council. Of the three who were still at Trent, 
two, Hosius and Seripando, were theologians, while Simonetta 
was a canonist. As the necessity of a good understanding 
with the great powers, for the progress and conclusion of the 
Council, had been growing more and more evident since the 
arrival of the French, there was urgent need of skilled diplo 
matists. From this point of view, among all the Cardinals, 
Morone and Navagero seemed the most suitable. Navagero 
had had a splendid career as Venetian ambassador, while 
Morone was certainly the most able diplomatist who was at 
that time at the disposal of the Holy See. In addition to this, 
Morone had been for many years, and in quite a special way, 
entrusted with ecclesiastical affairs, for which reason Paul III. 
had destined him for the office of legate at the first announce 
ment of the Council of Trent. He had enjoyed the friendship 
of Pius IV. for many years, and possessed his confidence in 
the highest degree. Morone was also, with the exception of 
Borromeo, more closely acquainted with the progress of 
the Council up till now than any other member of the 
Sacred College, and in addition to all this he possessed, 
in a high degree, the respect and confidence of the 
Emperor. 2 

On March 24th, 1563, Morone left the Eternal City, and on 

1 See PALLAVICINI, 20, 6, 4-5 ; LE PLAT, V., 713 ; BAGUENAULT 

DE PUCHESSE, 346 ; SlJSTA, III., 270. 

* See PALLAVICINI, loc. cit. ; SICKEL, Beitrage, I., 57 seq. ; 
EHSES in the Histor. Jahrbuch, XXX VI I. , 57 seq. 



MORONE AT INNSBRUCK. 317 

April loth, the vigil of Easter, he arrived in Trent. 1 At that 
time the work of the Council was almost at a standstill. The 
joy that was felt at the arrival of the new legate was increased 
when the new envoy of the King of Spain, the Count di Luna, 
appointed to succeed Pescara, arrived quite unexpectedly on 
April I2th. 2 

The importance and ability of Morone at once became 
apparent in the negotiations upon which he entered with the 
envoys of the powers who were at Trent, and with Guise and 
other distinguished persons, scarcely any of whom believed 
in the Pope s real desire for reform. 3 These negotiations, 
however, could only be provisional, as everything depended on 
the attitude of the Emperor. After Morone had entered upon 
his new office at the General Congregation of April I3th, 4 
he set out at once for the Imperial court on April i6th. After 
a journey which was rendered very difficult by the cold and 
rainy weather, he reached Innsbruck on April 2ist. The 
Emperor had been awaiting his arrival with impatience ; he 
went to meet the Pope s representative some distance beyond 
the gates of the city, and accompanied him in his entry. 5 

Negotiations were commenced on the following day. In a 
conversation which lasted for four hours, Morone gave to the 
Emperor answers on all the points contained in his two letters 
of March 3rd. The slow progress of affairs at the Council was 
discussed in detail, as were the true causes of the evil and the 
means of obviating it, together with the question of the sus- 

1 See BONDONUS, 567 ; ibid. 568, for the arrival of Cardinal 
Navagero, which only took place on April 28. For the departure 
of Morone and his letter of credential, see STEINHERZ, III., 277-8 ; 
for the course of his journey see SUSTA, III., 287. The autograph 
letter of Pius IV. to the Emperor, dated March 25, 1563, which 
was sent after the legate, in RAYN ALDUS, 1 563, n. 60 ; LE PLAT, V., 
774 seq. 

z See BONDONUS, 567. 

8 PALLAVICINI, 20, n and 12. Cf. the Relatione in the Zeitschr. 
fur Kirchengesch., III., 654 seq. 

4 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 63 seq. ; THEINER, II., 262 seq. 

5 See STEINHERZ, HI., 278. 



318 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

pension, the liberty of the Council and the asking for in 
structions from Rome, the right of proposition by the legates, 
the reform of the head of the Church, the Papal election, the 
nomination of Cardinals, the election of bishops and their 
duty of residence, the reasons why the Pope could not go to 
Trent, and the invitation sent to Ferdinand I. to receive the 
Imperial crown at Bologna. On ail these points Morone kept 
to the statements made in the briefs of March 18th, 1 which had 
not been sent ; he endeavoured, with great skill, and to the 
best of his ability, to justify them, but, as he reported to Rome 
on April 23rd, he met with serious difficulties on several im 
portant points. The Emperor entertained, as the legate 
clearly saw, the best intentions towards the Church and the 
Pope, but the situation was made difficult by the previous 
agreement which he had made with France and Spain. 
Ferdinand especially insisted on the right of proposition for 
the envoys, on the limitation of Roman dispensations, and on 
the reform of the composition of the German cathedral 
chapters. He did not absolutely refuse to make the journey 
to Bologna for his coronation, which the Pope desired, while 
Morone s declaration of the burning zeal of Pius IV. for reform, 
made a visible impression on him. 2 The two guiding principles 
which the distinguished legate kept before him were to make 
every possible concession to the Emperor, and at the same 
time to adhere firmly to the inalienable rights of the Holy 
See. 3 

1 Cf. supra p. 314. 

2 See Morone s report to Borromeo of April 23, 1563, in STEIN- 
HERZ, III., 266 seq. ; ibid., 270 seq., also the Soinmario della 
risposta data dal card. Morone all imperatore. If the Sommario 
is compared with the drafts of the briefs of March 18 (see supra 
p. 314) it is evident, as STEINHERZ (p. 277) justly points out, that 
the latter served in the place of a true and proper instruction. 
Whether a written instruction was ever given, as might be sup 
posed from PALLAVICINI, 20, 13, 4, must be left uncertain ; it 
has not so far been found. 

8 See Morone s final report of May 17, 1563, in STEINHERZ, III., 



MORONE AT INNSBRUCK. 319 

Morone wished to treat with the Emperor by word of mouth 
alone, and in secret, without witnesses or intermediaries. 
This easily understood wish, however, could not be strictly 
adhered to. Ferdinand dictated what he could remember 
of the declaration made by Morone to the chancellor, Seld, 
and then gave these notes to his theologians to be discussed. 1 
Morone rightly considered it his principal duty to get on good 
terms with the various members of this commission. It was 
above all a question of working against a man whose extreme 
views had already repeatedly proved harmful to the Emperor s 
ecclesiastical policy. 2 This adviser of Ferdinand was not a 
German, but the Spanish Minorite, Francisco de Cordova. 
The activities of this zealous champion of the ideas of Con 
stance and Basle caused Morone no little anxiety. He, there 
fore, interested himself strongly in confirming other members 
of the commission, such as Matthias Sittard and Conrad 
Braun, in their good dispositions, and in gaining their good 
will by gifts of money. This was not necessary in the case of 
Canisius, who was so loyal to the Holy See, but he also received 
100 gold scudi, as an alms for the Society of Jesus. The lay 
advisers of the Emperor were also remembered by the legate 
with gifts of money and valuables, a custom which was 
frequently followed in diplomatic negotiations at that 
time. 3 

The former excellent relations existing between Morone 
and the Emperor now stood him in good stead. The negotia 
tions were also facilitated by the Emperor s wish that the 
election of his son Maximilian as King of the Romans should 
be confirmed by the Pope as well as by the genuine Catholic 

1 Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 495 seq. 

1 Cf. LOWE, 6 1 seq. 

8 See Morone s reports of May -2, 6, and 17, 1563, in STEINHERZ, 
III., 281 seq., 286 seq., 311 seq. Cf. RITTER, I., 172. Concerning 
the 100 gold scudi received by Canisius for his Order, cf. CANISII 
Epist., IV., 971 seq. Of Fr. de Cordova it is very significant that 
he states that Morone refused any acceptance of reform (see 
SICKEL, Konzil, 502). It was very important that Gienger 
was not at Innsbruck. 



32O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

sentiments of this Hapsburg prince, who was always well- 
intentioned, although not afWays far-seeing. 

There still remained, however, many difficulties to be sur 
mounted. Morone found the opinion prevalent at the court 
that there was in Rome a spirit of opposition to all reforms. 
Not only the Emperor s advisers, but Ferdinand himself, 
could not be dissuaded from the view that difficulties would 
be put in the way of the decrees of the Council in the Curia, 
by granting dispensations. 1 It also caused considerable delay 
when the legate, soon after his arrival, fell ill with gout and 
fever, and was confined to his bed. The Emperor paid him 
the great honour of a visit, during the course of which he 
remarked that he wished to uphold the authority of the Pope, 
but also that of the Council. Morone replied by explaining 
the necessity of close co-operation between the Pope and the 
Council, quoting a remark of Cardinal Contarini, who was 
greatly esteemed by the Emperor, to the effect that it is the 
Pope who gives authority and power to the Council, but that 
the Council must also have great respect for the power of the 
successor of St. Peter. Morone also enlarged upon the blessing 
which united action on the part of the Pope and the Emperor 
would bring, not only on the work of reform, but also on the 
elucidation of other questions. The election of Maximilian 
as King, which was of great importance to the Emperor, 
was also touched upon. 2 

Ferdinand I. had promised to arrive at a speedy settlement 
of the negotiations. As he was still confined to his bed during 
the days that followed, Morone sent Delfino to the Emperor 
on May 3rd, to beg him to come to an early decision, without 
any exchange of letters ; in this, however, he was not success 
ful. Morone in the meantime sought to convince the chamber 
lain, Count Arco, and the Imperial theologians, who appeared 
at his bedside, of the genuineness of the Pope s intentions of 
reform, and to explain to them how impracticable were the 
demands of Ferdinand I. in the matters of the right of proposi- 

1 See Morone s report to Borromeo of May 2, 1 563, in STEINHERZ, 
III., 282. 

1 See ibid., 279 seq. 



MORONE AND THE EMPEROR. 32! 

tion, the reform of the head of the Church, and the representa 
tion of all the nations at Trent. He encountered so much 
opposition, especially with regard to the first point, that on 
May 6th he asked for instructions from Rome regarding the 
right of proposition, as to which the Pope had been prepared 
to give way at the time of his departure. 1 

While Morone was successfully endeavouring, from his sick 
bed, to prevent the Imperial theologians from the treatment 
of new and dangerous questions, as for example, that of the 
supremacy of the Council, 2 his attempt to deal with the 
Emperor by word of mouth alone failed. 

On May yth, the Emperor again honoured the legate with 
a personal visit. He handed him, as the result of the delibera 
tions of his theologians, a written answer to the discourse 
which Morone had delivered after his arrival, together with a 
supplement on the reform and election of the bishops. 3 Con 
trary to all expectations, the Emperor s reply was favourable ; 
Morone, nevertheless, found in it three points to contest, 
which had from the first appeared to him to be most important : 
the right of proposition by the civil powers, the formation of 
national deputations for the preliminary discussion of con- 
ciliar questions, and, above all, the reform of the head of the 
Church by the Council. He laid his counter-observations, 
especially on the last point, before the Emperor, at an audience, 
which lasted three hours, granted to him on May 8th. 4 He 
had brought notes with him, 5 which formed the basis of his 
speech. The Emperor begged him to leave these notes with 

x See Morone s report to Borromeo of May 6, 1563, in STEIN- 
HERZ, III., .285 seq. 

2 See Morone s final report of May 17, 1563, in STEINHERZ, III., 
304 seq. 

8 Published by PLANCK, Anecdota, II., 3 seq., III., 3 seqq., 
IV., 2 seq. Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 498 ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen, 148 seq. 

* See Morone s report to Borromeo of May 13, 1563, in STEIN 
HERZ, III., 295 seq. 

6 Published under the title " C. Moronis replica ad S.C.M t19 
responsum in materia concilii," by PLANCK, loc. cit., V., 3 seq. 

VOL. XV. 21 



322 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

him, and as Morone could not very well refuse this request, 
he was thereby forced into negotiations which were partly in 
Writing. Ferdinand handed Morone s reply to his theological 
commission, and received from it a counter-reply. 1 This 
latter did not seem quite satisfactory to Morone, although 
it was very favourably expressed in several important points. 
Only a limited right of proposition was now demanded, and 
the expression " reform of the head " was replaced by the 
words " reform of the universal Church, as it is called in the 
ancient Councils " a change which excluded the principles of 
the Councils of Constance and Basle. Other points were also 
modified, but the demand for the national deputations, and 
for a reform of the Papal elections by the Council were stili 
maintained. 2 

The Imperial reply was presented to Morone on May I2th. 
He had scarcely read it when Ferdinand appeared for a farewell 
visit, and the two now conferred for two hours longer. 3 The 
Emperor displayed great reverence for the Holy See, and for 
the person of the Pope, but in spite of this Morone did not 
succeed in obtaining all he desired. A full agreement, which 
was committed to writing, 4 was reached on the following 
points : the remaining dogmatic questions, especially those 
which had not been attacked by the innovators, were to be 
left aside ; the fathers of the Council, as well as the envoys 
of the Emperor at Trent, were to be perfectly free to maintain 
their opinions, but they would be forbidden to digress from 
the subjects proposed for discussion, or to offend in their 
speeches against the rules of courtesy, or to display a want of 
consideration. The Pope was to leave to the Council full 
liberty to pass resolutions. In addition to the completion of 
the reforms already taken in hand, the Council should especi- 

1 Published by SICKEL, Konzil, 498 seq. 

1 See Morone s report to Borromeo of May 13, 1563, in STEIN- 
HERZ, III., 297 seq. Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 500 ; HELLE, 56. 

8 See STEINHERZ, III., 299 seq. ; cf. 310. See also SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 151. 

4 See the Summarium in LE PLAT, VI., 15 ; PLANCK, Anecdota, 
VI., 4 seq.; BUCHOLTZ, IX., 686. Cf. PALLAVICINI. 20, 15. 



MORONE AND THE EMPEROR. 323 

ally deal with the irregular election of bishops, and the 
exemptions of the cathedral chapters. Bishops were to be 
forced to fulfil the duty of residence, and the dispute as to 
divine right was to be settled in a peaceful manner. The 
appointment of a second secretary of the Council, who, how 
ever, was to be chosen by the Pope and the legates, was stated 
to be desirable. Ferdinand I. promised, as it was at present 
impossible for him to undertake the journey to Bologna for 
the coronation, to follow this ancient and praiseworthy custom 
of his predecessors as soon as time and circumstances should 
permit. Besides all this, they arranged, verbally, that in the 
event of a vacancy occurring in the Holy See during the time 
of the Council, the Emperor should use all his influence that 
their ancient right of choosing a new Pope should remain with 
the College of Cardinals. 

No agreement was arrived at concerning the national 
deputations, the right of proposition, or the conclave bull. 
Morone, therefore, caused the two principal advisers of the 
Emperor, Seld and Singmoser, to be summoned to him before 
his departure on May I2th, and explained to them his point 
of view with regard to these matters, and begged them to sub 
mit it to his majesty. Not content with this, he also drew up 
a memorial, 1 which he caused to be delivered to the Emperor 
by Delfino on the same day. The answer 2 was to be sent by 
Delfino to Matrei, the first posting station on the Brenner Pass, 
by which Morone was to travel on that day. It was prepared 
on the I3th, and was at once sent on to Morone ; Delfino 
was able, in doing so, to inform him that Seld had stated that 
the Emperor would not insist on the three points mentioned. 3 
Morone found the Emperor s statements satisfactory. The 

*" Scriptum C. Moronis super duplica C.M* i8 " in PLANCK, V., 
8 seq. 

2 According to the copy of the Acta of the Council in the Vice 
regal Archives, Innsbruck, published by SICKEL, Konzil, 500 seq. 
The *original in the Papal Secret Archives, Concilio, 31, n. gob 
gives a better text in some places. 

8 See Morone s report to Borromeo of May 13, 1563, in STEIN- 

HERZ, III., 299-300. 



324 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

demand foi the national deputations, which now only appeared 
as a counsel, did not seem to him to be dangerous ; he 
considered it, on the contrary, even advantageous, in so far 
as it was calculated to promote the acceptance of the decrees 
of the Council by all the nations. The fact that the Emperor 
expressly declared that the subjects proposed for discussion 
should only be prepared by these deputations, and then laid 
by them before the assembled fathers, to be decided by them 
by the majority of votes, could not but allay Morone s fears. 
With regard to the right of proposition of the legates, he was 
also relieved to see that the Emperor did not adhere to his 
demands. He looked upon the Emperor s proviso that, in 
the event of a refusal by the legates, the envoys coald also 
make proposals, as being reasonable and just, and therefore 
believed that it would not be displeasing to the Pope either. 
With regard to the conclave bull, the answer of the Emperor 
was to the effect that for the time being he asked nothing 
further than that it should be carried out in the most exact 
and secure way, and that the secular ambassadors, as well as 
the electors in the conclave and the whole Roman populace, 
should be deterred from interference by the infliction of severe 
penalties ; it would be best that these last should be settled 
by the Council. This extension of the conclave bull, Morone 
rightly did not consider in any way disadvantageous to the 
Pope ; on the contrary, he thought that it would render the 
intrigues of the secular princes more difficult of execution. 
He therefore answered the Emperor without any hesitation, 
thanked him for the contents of the letter he had just received, 
and, in view of the goodwill shown by his majesty, expressed 
great hopes for the favourable progress of public affairs. 1 

In the final report which he sent to Rome, which in its 
simplicity, pertinency, and absence of vainglory, is a master 
piece, 2 Morone did not conceal his satisfaction that he had 
succeeded in blunting the dangerous aims of the bye-council 
at Innsbruck, and in convincing the Emperor of the sincere 

1 See Morone s final report of May 17, 1563, in STEINHERZ, III.. 
307 seq. 

8 The opinion of STEINHERZ, III., 313. 



SATISFACTION OF THE POPE. 325 

goodwill and the honourable intentions of the Pope. 1 If he 
was not perfectly satisfied with the result of his mission, 2 he 
could at any rate claim that what he had obtained was of no 
small importance, an opinion which was also shared by people 
of discernment. Canisius considered as the most important 
point of all that Morone had obtained, the fact that the passage 
on the " reform of the Church in its head and its members " 
had been deleted. 3 In Rome they were highly pleased with 
the work of the legate. " The Pope," writes Borromeo on 
May i9th to Morone, " has carefully read and considered your 
report of the I3th, and I can assure you that, during the 
whole of his reign, none of his diplomatists has given him 
greater satisfaction. The more difficult and critical the 
negotiations were, the greater are the merit and praise due 
to you." Borromeo wrote again in a similar appreciative 
way on May 27th. 4 The satisfaction of the Pope was all the 
greater as he had been prepared, in the last extremity, and in 
view of the coalition of the great Catholic powers, to grant 
the right of proposition to the envoys, and to allow the reform 
of the head of the Church to be discussed by the Council. 5 

In forming an opinion on what had been accomplished by 
Morone the judgment of the opponents of Rome is not without 
importance. King Maximilian, to whom all the documents 
relating to the Innsbruck conferences were communicated, 
learned the result with much disgust. On May 24th he 
reproached his father with having given way too far ; now 
that it was done, he said, it would be well that the Emperor 

1 S&Q ibid. 311 seq. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 20, 17, n. 

8 According to a letter from Canisius to Lainez of May 17, 1563, 
Morone said this to him, referring especially to the national 
deputations ; see Zeitschr. fur Kath. Theologie, 1903, 642 seq., 
and CANISII Epist., IV., 201 seq. 

3 See the letter from Canisius to Lainez, cited in the previous 
note, and that from the same to Hosius of May 17, 1563, in 
CANISII Epist., IV., 209 seq. 

* See SUSTA, IV., 18, 31 ; cf. 14. See further STEINHERZ, III., 
313. Cf. also PALLAVICINI, 20, 15, n. 

5 Cf. STEINHERZ, III., 277, 305 seq. 



326 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

should return to Vienna, and trouble himself no further about 
the Council. 1 The Cardinal of Lorraine, too, who was at that 
time in strong opposition to Rome, expressed his dissatisfaction 
at the Emperor s compliance, especially in the matter of the 
right of proposition. 2 

In whatever way the results of the Innsbruck conferences 
may be judged, it is beyond doubt that the great diplomatic 
skill of Morone had brought about an understanding between 
the Emperor and the Pope. 3 His ability and prudence were 

1 See BUCHOLTZ, IX., 689. Cf. GOTZ, Beitrage zur Geschichte 
Albrechts V. in the Briefe und Akten, V., 263 n. 2 ; STEINHERZ, 

III.. 313. 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil, 509. 

3 PALLAVICINI, who had at his disposal the report of Morone 
of May 17, and the correspondence with the Emperor, has given 
(20, 1 5) a very good account of the Innsbruck conferences. Instead 
of using this, RANKE (Papste, 16., 218) lays the greatest stress 
upon a " Relatione sommaria del Card. Morone sopra la legatione 
sua " in the Altieri Library, and remarks concerning it that it is 
the most important document on the proceedings at Trent that 
he has come upon ; neither Sarpi nor Pallavicini had noticed it. 
The Relatione, which is often to be found elsewhere (the authentic 
text in STEINHERZ, III., 312, in the Papal Secret Archives, Con- 
cilio, 31, n. 67 ; to the copies noted by SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen, 150 n., may be added one in the Archivio Borghese, 
Ser. 2, H. 18, p. 87 seq.), can hardly have been unknown to Palla 
vicini ; he did not quote it because it is not certain whether it 
was written by Morone himself, or by Gherio (see STEINHERZ, 
loc. cit.). In any case this Relatione, which in the meantime 
has been published, though not quite accurately, by MAUREN- 
BRECHER in the Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., III., 653 seq., can 
only be considered as of secondary importance, as it is drawn up 
in a shorter form, and appeared later, than the classical final 
report of Morone of May 1 7, which is remarkable for its clearness 
and precision, and to which Pallavicini rightly adheres. Ranke 
had all the more reason for putting forward this report, because 
it had already been noted by SCHELHORN (Sammlung fur die 
Geschicte, I., 210). But Ranke paid no attention, either to 
Schelhorn, or to the very important publication of the corres 
pondence between Morone and the Emperor by Planck. The 



SUCCESS OF MORONE. 327 

also brilliantly displayed at Trent, to which city he returned 
on May i7th. Morone was just the man to take up the 
direction of affairs with a firm and safe hand, and to overcome 
all the difficulties which still stood in the way of bringing the 
Council to a successful conclusion. 1 

consequence was that he was only able to give a very unsatisfactory 
account, in which the result of Morone s mission appears in too 
favourable a light. The first to take up an opposite position 
was RITTER (Deutsche Geschicte, I., 173 seq. ; cf. RITTER, L. v. 
Ranke, Stuttgart, 1895), but Ritter goes to the other extreme, 
and considers the agreement brought about by Morone as only 
apparent. STEINHERZ (III., 330) has taken up a stand against 
this view, appealing also to the judgment of contemporaries 
who were well informed of the true state of affairs. A follower 
of Ritter, Helle, has tried, in bis dissertation, Die Konferenzen 
Morones, to defend the opinion of his master. Holtzmann, a very 
reliable authority for that period of history, has rightly declared 
against him in the Histor. Zeitschr., CVIL, 436 seqq. ; he says : 
" It is true that, even after the conferences, the Emperor adhered 
to his programme of reform, though in a somewhat modified form. 
But it seems to me that, all the same, Morone s influence was not 
quite without effect, and I should, in particular, estimate Fer 
dinand s abandonment of the reformatio in oapite somewhat 
differently from HELLE (p. 56, 64) . The way had been paved in all 
respects for an agreement, and later on it was but completed 
with the help of other things. In particular, the recognition of 
the election of Maximilian was very skilfully held up before the 
Emperor by Morone as the price of reconciliation ; cf. my book 
on Maximilian, p. 450." KASSOWITZ (p. xliii) and v. VOLTELINI 
(Mitteilungen des Osterr. Inst., XXVII., 353) also agree with 
Steinherz. 

1 Concerning the services of Morone see SUSTA, IV., p. v. ; 
there see also details of the manuscript tradition of the corres 
pondence which issued from the work of Morone in 1 563. For the 
" Cifra Moroniana " see SUSTA, in the Mitteilungen des Osterr. 
Inst., XVIII., and MEISTER, Die Geheimschrift im Dienste del 
papstl. Kurie, 243. At Trent Morone resided in the Palazzo 
Thun ; see SWOBODA, 23. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE CONCLUDING SESSIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

WHILE Morone, as legate, and as the confidant of Pius IV., 
was paving the way for an understanding with the Emperor 
at Innsbruck, relations between the Spanish king and the 
Pope were also taking a more favourable turn. Philip s 
representative in Rome since 1559, Francisco de Vargas, 
had been in no small degree to blame for the irritation and 
disputes between Rome and Madrid. Vargas was not a 
man who could smooth difficulties away ; he was much more 
likely to render existing friction more acute. Over-zealous 
and violent, quarrelsome and contentious, he was the most 
unlikely person to obtain anything from Pius IV. In just 
the same degree as the relations between the Venetian ambas 
sador, Mula, and the Pope were excellent, so did those between 
Pius IV. and Vargas go from bad to worse. Philip II. him 
self could not fail to recognize that Vargas position at the 
Curia had become unbearable, and his successor, Luis de 
Requesens, had been appointed as early as the beginning of 
1562, although his departure had been delayed from month 
to month. 1 

In August, 1562, Philip II. had formed the idea of sending 
to Rome a special confidential envoy, in order to settle the 
differences which existed in the matter of the Council. He 
chose for the purpose the aged and experienced Luis de Avila, 
but put off sending him until the beginning of December, 
as he wished, before doing so, to come to an agreement with 
the other Catholic powers with regard to his further procedure 
at Trent. 2 

l Cf. SUSTA, I., 157, II., 427, 514, III., 344, 386; CONSTANT, 
Rapport 194 seq., 211 seq., where is also given the special biblio 
graphy on Requesens. 

8 See SUSTA, II., 522 ; III., 83, 88, 385 seq., 411, 442 seq., 446-7. 

328 



THE POPE S DIFFICULTIES. 32Q 

The longer the mission of Avila, from which a favourable 
turn in the matter of the Council was hoped for in Rome, 
was delayed, the greater was the impatience with which the 
arrival of Philip s representative was awaited. In the middle 
of February, 1563, his appearance was thought to be imminent, 
but a full month had to elapse before Avila made his entry 
into Rome on March I4th, 1563. It was in keeping with the 
honourable reception accorded to him that he was assigned 
lodgings in the Vatican, in the apartments of Federigo 
Borromeo. Negotiations were begun two days later, and 
if they were at first of a somewhat excited character, this 
was to be explained by the disappointment which Pius IV. 
experienced when Avila presented the numerous and im 
portant demands of his sovereign. 1 In order to understand 
the attitude of the Pope, one must realize the dangers which 
confronted him on all sides. At Trent, where the proceed 
ings were at a standstill, the Bishop of Fimfkirchen, who was 
in high favour with the Emperor, was declaring quite openly 
that the power of the Pope was no greater than that of any 
other patriarch, and the Archbishop of Granada expressed 
himself in similar terms. 2 At Innsbruck the Imperial com 
mission of theologians was holding its sessions, and was very 
similar to a Council ; no one could foretell what success 
the impending mission of Morone to the court of Ferdinand I. 
was likely to have. 3 In France, the most important cham 
pions of the Catholic Church, Marshal St. Andre, and Francois 
de Guise, had fallen, while Montmorency was a prisoner. 
It was only too well known to Pius IV. that the government 
of Catherine de Medici considered that, faced as they were 
by the Huguenots, the only way to safety lay in compliance. 
The queen had, in fact, granted to them on March I2th, at 
the Peace of Amboise, religious liberty, even though it was 
to some extent limited, accepting at the same time the mon 
strous proposal that a new Council should be summoned 

1 See SUSTA, III., 239, 286, 531, 538, where there is a further 
bibliography. 

8 Cf. BALUZE-MANSI, III., 454 ; SUSTA, III., 282. 
8 See SICKEL, Beitrage, II., 57. 



330 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in Germany or France, and renewed attempts made to attract 
the Protestants to it. 1 

Under these circumstances, Pius IV. was forced to enter 
into still closer relations with the only Catholic power which 
would not listen to any talk of yielding to the religious in 
novators ; the more hesitating the attitude of the Emperor, 
and the greater the tension in France, the more the Pope 
had to rely on Philip II. 2 In order to obtain effective as 
sistance from him, the Pope at last came to the momentous 
resolve, not only of giving way with regard to the exclusive 
right of proposition by the legates, but also of deciding the 
dispute about precedence between the Spanish and French 
envoys at Trent, in the manner desired in Madrid. An 
agreement was reached in the first week of May, and two 
documents, mutually binding, were exchanged. In that of 
May 6th, Avila and Vargas, as the representatives of Philip 
II., gave a solemn promise that their sovereign would defend 
the authority of the Pope with all his power. Pius IV, 
thereupon wrote on May 8th to the legates at Trent that 
they were to explain to the fathers that the liberty of the 
Council was not to be affected by the words proponentibus 
le<>atis, which had been entered in the decree without his 
previous knowledge. 3 On the same day the Pope, without 
wishing definitely to decide the dispute as to precedence 
in the matter of the place to be assigned to the representatives 
of Spain at the sessions and congregations, gave way to 
the wishes of Philip II., who had based his threat, made on 
March 5th, of breaking off diplomatic relations, on the luke 
warm attitude taken up in Rome on this question. 4 

J See STEINHERZ, III., 265; MAURENBRECHER, Archivalische 
Beitrage, 5; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 250. Cf. Vol. XVI. 
of this work. 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil, 514^; BEITRAGE, II., 58. 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 21, 5, 7; MAURENBRECHER, loc. cit., 20; 
Venetian Despatches, III., 226 ; SICKEL, Beitrage, II., 58, 134 seq. 

* See PALLAVICINI, 21, i, 6-7; SICKEL, Beitrage, II., 58 seq., 
I 33 se <l Sickel rightly brings out how well Pallavicini has 
described the effect produced at Trent by the new instructions. 



MORONE AND SPAIN. 331 

Morone, who had successfully defended the exclusive 
right of proposition by the legates against the Emperor at 
Innsbruck, was as much embarrassed as dismayed at the 
compliance shown by Pius IV. to Philip II. in this respect. 
The new Spanish envoy, Count di Luna, 1 who had arrived 
in the place of Pescara, naturally insisted on the fulfilment 
of the concessions granted to his sovereign, and all the efforts 
of Morone to induce him to change his mind were in vain. 
The other legates supported Morone, and in a letter to 
Borromeo on June igth, 1563, they protested against the 
limitation of their exclusive right of proposition, expressing 
the wish to be recalled from the Council, rather than remain 
as witnesses of their own discomfiture. 2 

Even before this painful incident, there had been no lack 
of other occurrences which caused Morone and his colleagues 
grave anxiety, and placed them in no small embarrassment. 3 
Not the least of these was the ever smouldering dispute about 
precedence between the French and Spanish envoys, in which 
the question was always coming more and more into the 
foreground of what place was to be assigned to the repre 
sentative of the Catholic King in ecclesiastical functions, 
and how the kiss of peace and the incensation were to be 
carried out. In this matter Pius IV. came to the conclusion, 

For the progress of Avila s negotiations see DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I. 
489 seq,, 517 seq. ; MAURENBRECHER, loc. cit., 17 seq. ; SUSTA. III., 
531 seq., 538 seq. 

*For his introduction into the General Congregation on May 
5th, 1563, and the question of precedence which then arose, see 
BONDONUS, 567 ; THEINER, II., 280 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 21, i. 
Luna took up his residence in the Palazzo Roccabruna (now 
Sardagna) ; see SWOBODA, 23, 49. 

8 See PALLAVICINI, 21, 5; SUSTA, IV., 67 seq., 71 seq., 78 seq. 

8 For the question raised by the Archbishop of Lanciano as to 
the right of voting by proxies, see PALLAVICINI, 20, 17, 7 seq. ; 
STEINHERZ, III., 324 seq. ; SUSTA, III., 333 ; IV., 13 seqq. The 
demand for the chalice for the laity on the part of the Bavarian 
envoy led to the successful mission of Ormanetto ; see STEINHERZ 
III., 327 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 23, 28. 



332 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on June 8th, that it was his duty to decide in favour of Spain, 
and he expressly gave as his reason that Philip II. must at 
that time be looked upon as the principal support of the 
Catholic religion. 1 

Above all, however, the legates were preoccupied with the 
question concerning the episcopate and the primacy, which 
had recently once again broken out into flame. Even the 
preliminary discussions concerning the abuses connected with 
Holy Orders, which lasted from May i2th to June i6th, 2 as 
well as the later ones on the ordination of priests, 3 which 
began on June nth, made it clear that an agreement on 
these questions was hardly to be expected. While the Arch 
bishop of Granada was for ever proclaiming the divine right 
of the bishops, others, especially the French bishops, were 
indulging in the most violent censures of the real and sup 
posed abuses in the Curia. The Bishop of Paris, who 
wished to see the discussions on the reform of the Curia 
put in the first place, recommended the restoration of the 
ancient mode of electing bishops, according to which the 
Pope would have to renounce his right of nomination. 
According to the wishes of many, the right of dispensation 
must also be withdrawn from the head of the Church, and 
the election of the Pope regulated by the Council. 4 

In the final assembly, on June i6th, Lainez, the General 
of the Jesuits, maintained with the greatest firmness that 
the Pope, as head of the Church, could not be reformed by 
the Council. Reform, he declared, is a return to old ways ; 
there is an interior reform as well as an exterior one, and the 
latter must be subsidiary to the former ; all reform must 

^ee PALLAVICINI, 21, 8, 4 ; SICKEL, Beitrage, II., 60 seq., 62 
seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 62, 82 seq., 495 seq. 

z Cf. THETNER, II., 270-301 ; ibid., 264-70, the drawing up of 
the list of abuses relative to Holy Orders, which was brought 
before the fathers of the Council on May 10. See also Psalmaeus 
in MERKLE, II., 838 seqq. For the later proceedings, from July 10 
to 12, see THEINER, II., 302-9. 

8 See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 617 seq. Cf. SUSTA, IV., 54 seq. 

* Cf. GRISAR, Primat, 773 seq. 



LAINEZ AT THE COUNCIL. 333 

presuppose the immutability of the divine law. Not every 
thing, however, is divine law which the fathers of the Council 
honour with this title. Lainez then proceeded to demonstrate 
once more the fundamental difference between order and 
jurisdiction. To have a vote in the Council is a matter of 
jurisdiction ; the possession of a diocese is not essential 
to the episcopal dignity. The assertion that titular bishops 
are not real bishops is false ; in Germany such bishops are 
indispensable on account of the extent of the dioceses. Dis 
pensations cannot be avoided, and Lainez was most emphatic 
in his declaration that the Pope has his right of dispensation 
direct from Christ ; no one can deprive him of it or limit it. 
He answered the argument that the Pope might sometimes 
use this right badly, by saying that the same thing could be 
said of every prince and every superior. Finally, he strongly 
insisted that the reform of the Roman Curia could be carried 
out in the best and most effective manner by the Pope him 
self, opposing most resolutely those who maintained the 
superiority of the Council over the Pope. 1 

It is not to be wondered at that such outspoken and deter 
mined language failed to appeal to many of his hearers, 
especially the French bishops, imbued as they were with 
Gallican views. In their reports to Rome, the legates bestowed 
great praise on the General of the Jesuits, expressing, how 
ever, a desire for greater reserve and prudence. 2 

Lainez also energetically defended the rights of the Holy 
See at the renewed discussions in July on the sacrament of 
Holy Orders. 3 This was all the more necessary, as the French 
bishops made violent protests against every expression which 
suggested the superiority of the Pope over the Council, or 
acceptance of the Council of Florence and repudiation of 
that of Basle. The ultimate aim of the French was to under- 

1 See THEINER, II., 300 ; PALEOTTO, ibid., 660 ; PALLAVICINI, 
21, 6, 9; GRISAR, Primat, 777 seq. ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen, 156 seq. 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil, 547 seq. : GUILLEMIN, Le card, de Lorraine, 
346 ; SUSTA, IV., 69. 

8 See GRISAR, Primat, 781. 



334 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

mine the monarchical character of the organization of the 
Church, in the sense of the Council of Basle. The Spanish 
bishops, indeed, acknowledged the Council of Florence, 
but remained firm on the point that the institution and 
jurisdiction of the episcopate was of divine right, and must 
therefore be declared to be so. On account of the extent 
of their dioceses, and the richness of their benefices, they 
hoped everything from the strengthening of the episcopal 
power, and would have liked to become popes in their own 
dioceses ; they also endeavoured to weaken the authority 
of the Cardinals in every possible way. The Italians, and 
with them a few Spanish and French bishops, as well as the 
very small number of bishops of other nations who were 
present, declared themselves, almost without exception, 
on the side of the power and dignity of the Holy See. 1 

In all these controversies, which were conducted with the 
greatest violence, secular interests also played a part ; the 
Imperial envoys, however, in accordance with the agreement 
reached by Morone, worked for the elimination of theoretical 
questions, as to which there was no possibility of agreement. 
The view of Pius IV. was that it was preferable to come to no 
decision with regard to the question of jurisdiction, and 
that of the universal primacy, than to adopt a half decision, 
which would give occasion for disputes later on. 2 The 
legates had already written to Rome in April that there was 
no other way than to avoid the contested points altogether, 
and in the doctrinal chapter and canons to speak only of the 
power of order, without mentioning jurisdiction. Lainez 
had already proposed this solution on a former occasion, 3 and 
an agreement on those lines was actually reached at the 
beginning of July. A satisfactory form of the decree on 
residence was also arrived at on July 7th, which, in all essen 
tials, was in accordance with that which had formerly been 

1 See the classic letter of the legates, already used by Pallavicini 
on the different national groups at Trent, of June 14, 1563, in 
SUSTA, IV., 64 seq. 

2 See PALLAVICINI, 21, n, i. 

8 See GRISAR, Primat, 779 seq. 



THE xxnird SESSION. 335 

drafted by Cardinal Gonzaga ; no mention was made in 
this of divine right. On July Qth a General Congregation 
was held, in which they were successful in obtaining 227 
votes for the decrees thus formulated. Only slight altera 
tions were asked for, with the insertion of which Archbishop 
Marini, of Lanciano, and Foscarari, Bishop of Modena, as 
theologians, and Archbishop Castagna, of Rossano, and 
Gabriele Paleotto, Auditor of the Rota, as canonists, were 
entrusted. 1 This happy result, in consequence of which 
the XXIIIrd Session, which had been repeatedly postponed, 
first from April 22nd to May 2oth, then to June I5th, and 
finally to July I5th, 2 could at last be held, was above all 
to be attributed to the complete change of front on the part 
of Cardinal Guise, the leader of the French bishops. 

As early as June 2Qth, while the scandalous dispute about 
precedence between the French and Spanish envoys was 
taking place in the Cathedral of Trent, the passionate French 
man, deeply offended at the preference shown to Spain, 
had permitted himself to the use of the most violent ex 
pressions concerning Pius IV., the lawfulness of whose 
election he declared to be doubtful, on account of alleged 
simony, and he had threatened to make an appeal to the 
Council. 3 A few days later he offered the Pope his services, 
through his secretary, Musotti. Sudden changes from one 

1 See PALLAVICINI, 21, n, 4; SUSTA, IV., in, 121 seq. For 
G. Paleotto see MERKLE in the Rom. Quartalschr., XI., 336 seq., 
and on G. B. Castagna, Studi stor., IX., 229 seq. 

2 See THEINER, II., 263 seq., 279, 298 seq. 

3 For this question, and the proceedings connected with it, 
see BONDONUS, 568 ; PSALMAEUS, 861 ; MENDO9A, 684 ; *report 
of Fr. Porticelli to Madruzzo, dated Trent, July i, 1563 (Vice 
regal Archives Innsbruck) ; Paleotto in THEINER, II., 650. Cf. 
MERKLE loc. cit., 387 ; BALUZE-MANSI, III., 477 ; IV., 319 ; 
LE PLAT, VI., 116 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 21,8 seq ; SICKEL, Konzil, 
556 seqq., Beitrage, II., 63, 135 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 99, 517 seq. 
On May 22, 1563, Fr. Tonina had already reported from Rome : 
*Qui si ragiona assai del strepito che fa il card, di Lorena al 
concilio (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



336 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

extreme to the other are natural to the French character. 
In this change on the part of Cardinal Guise from strong 
opposition to becoming the supporter of the Pope, personal 
reasons had contributed no less than objective ones. Pius 
IV. had previously made him the offer of appointing him 
perpetual legate in France after the close of the Council 
and of entrusting him with full powers, as, for example, the 
granting of the chalice to the laity, things which to an 
ambitious man, where very tempting. While on the one 
hand, the prospect of a great and honourable activity in his 
own country attracted the Cardinal, on the other hand he 
shrank from plunging his beloved France, already so sorely 
tried, into the confusion of a schism. 1 His startling change 
of front was at the same time made easier for him by the 
amicable settlement arrived at with the Spanish envoy, 
which was acceptable to the French court. 2 

In the General Congregation of July I4th an agreement 
had been come to by almost all the fathers with regard to the 
whole of the decrees. Only the Spanish bishops, with the 
exception of the Bishop of Lerida, were still opposed to the 
wording of the sixth canon, but this difficulty was overcome 
by the skilful intervention of Morone. The legate appealed to 
Count di Luna, who succeeded in overcoming the opposition 
of his countrymen, and the same night communicated the 
fact to Morone. 3 

On the morning of July I5th, the four legates, Cardinals 
Guise and Madruzzo, three patriarchs, twenty-five arch 
bishops, a hundred and ninety-three bishops, three abbots, 
seven generals of orders, three doctors of law, a hundred 
and thirty theologians, six procurators of bishops who were 
absent, and twelve envoys, assembled in the Cathedral of 
Trent for the XXIIIrd Session, the seventh under Pius IV. 4 

*See STEINHERZ, III., 379 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 102 seq., 121 seq., 
and the sources there cited. 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil 562 ; SUSTA, IV., 120, 127. 

8 See PALLAVICINI, 21, n, 7 ; SUSTA, IV., 124. 

4 Cf. THEINER, II., 310-2 ; RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 125-7 BECCA- 
DELLI, II., 93 seqq. ; PSALMAEUS, 866 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 21, 12. 



THE xxmrd SESSION. 337 

High Mass was celebrated by the Bishop of Paris, Eustache 
du Bellay, and the sermon was preached by the Spaniard, 
Giacomo Giberto di Noguera, Bishop of Alife. Then the 
decree on Holy Orders, in four chapters and eight canons, 
was read aloud. Of the bishops it was stated in the fourth 
chapter : "In addition to the other grades, there belong 
in a special way to this hierarchical order the bishops, who 
have succeeded to the place of the Apostles, and, as the 
Apostle says, have been set by the Holy Ghost to rule the 
Church of God." Although this formula did not directly 
define divine right, the Spanish bishops had at last declared 
it to be satisfactory, because it could be interpreted in their 



sense. 



The last three canons, so long disputed, were as follows : 
" Anathema is pronounced against anyone who maintains 
that in the Catholic Church there is no hierarchy, appointed 
by divine ordinance, and consisting of bishops, priests and 
ministers ; that bishops are no more than priests, and have 
not the power to confirm and ordain, or that they have their 
power in common with priests, or that the ordination con 
ferred by them without the consent of, or without the call 
of the people or the civil authorities, is invalid, or that those 
who are not properly ordained and appointed by ecclesiastical 
and canonical authoiity, but come from elsewhere, are 
legitimate ministers of the divine word and of the sacraments ; 
that the bishops who are chosen by the Roman Pope are not 
true and lawful bishops, but a human institution." 

The first president, Morone, was able to announce, as the 
result of the voting, that all the fathers approved the decrees, 
that six wished for a better and clearer declaration in the 
sixth and eighth canons, and one in the fourth. Then the 
reform decree, which included eighteen chapters, the first 
of which was concerned with the duty of residence, was 
publicly read. The second chapter laid it down that all 
prelates without exception, even the Cardinals, must receive 
Holy Orders within three months. The next fourteen 

1 See KNGPFLER in the Freiburger Kirchenlex., XI 2 ., 2105. 
VOL. XV. 22 



338 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

chapters contained precise regulations for the conferring and 
reception of the various orders, as welt as to the qualities 
necessary for those who were to be ordained. The rules in 
the last chapter, the eighteenth, as to the training and educa 
tion of future priests, were of great importance. All the 
bishops, it laid down, were to found institutions, seminaries 
in which boys could be trained for the priesthood from twelve 
years of age and upwards. This enactment, by which the 
theological faculties were by no means abolished, aimed at 
affording the opportunity of theological study, together 
with protection from moral dangers, to all youths, especially 
such as were without means. 

Divine right was again not mentioned in the decree as to 
residence ; several of the fathers, nevertheless, were of 
opinion that certain words in it might be interpreted in that 
sense. The number of those who objected, however, to 
this hotly debated decree, or who accepted it only condition 
ally, or objected to certain passages, was only eleven. The 
Bishop of Feltre, Francesco Campegio, protested against 
the decree, though he declared his readiness to submit to 
the decision of the Pope ; all the other fathers gave their 
approval. The other reform decrees were accepted by a 
simple placet, with the exception of six votes. Finally, 
unanimous approval was given to the decree read at the 
close, appointing September i6th for the next Session, when 
the sacrament of Matrimony, and other doctrinal points 
which had not yet been decided, the provision of bishoprics, 
and other reforms, would be dealt with. 

This happy ending of the seventh Session filled the Pope 
and the legates with the greatest joy, and confirmed them 
in their intention of completing as quickly as possible the 
remaining tasks of the Council. The policy of Philip II., 
however, put serious obstacles in their way. It soon became 
apparent that in Spain they were working for the prolonga 
tion of the Council, and the proposal of Count di Luna once 
more to invite the Protestants had no other object in view. 1 

1 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 22, i ; STEINHERZ, III., 381 ; SUSTA, IV., 
129 seq. 



THE CLOSE OF THE COUNCIL IN SIGHT. 339 

The consideration that the Council afforded him an excellent 
means of bringing pressure to bear on Pius IV., and of forcing 
him to concessions in other matters, was certainly the principal 
reason for Philip s conduct. 1 The Pope understood this 
very well, but his superior statesmanship nevertheless 
enabled him to frustrate the aims of the Spanish king. While 
always strengthening the understanding with Cardinal Guise, 
which was of so great importance as far as his countrymen 
was concerned, Pius IV. understood in a masterly way how 
to complete the work begun by Morone, and to win over 
the Emperor to the conclusion of the Council. As an effective 
lever for this purpose he made skilful use of the recognition 
of Maximilian s election as king, and Morone stood loyally 
by the side of Pius IV. in all his efforts. As early as July 
20th, the legate wrote to Ferdinand I., representing to him 
that a further prolongation of the proceedings of the Council 
could only be harmful to the Church, and begging him to 
agree to its conclusion, and to induce Philip II. to withdraw 
his opposition. 2 

At Trent, on July 2Oth, the legates laid before the fathers 
of the Council eleven canons on the sacrament of Matrimony, 
and a decree which declared clandestine marriages invalid, 
as well as those contracted by minors without the consent 
of their parents. 3 A considerable number of the fathers, 
among them the legate Hosius himself, were opposed to 
any change with regard to clandestine marriages, and on 
this and cognate questions there arose long and difficult 
discussions, which lasted far into the autumn. 

Important deliberations on general reform were being 
carried on at the same time ; in this connection, Pius IV. 
expressly declared that the Cardinals must also be reformed 
by the Council. 4 nor were the laity to be excepted from the 

1 See the letter of the legates of July 12, 1563, in SUSTA, IV., 122. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 160 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 563; STEIN- 
HERZ, III., 382 ; SUSTA, IV., 135. 

3 See THEINER, II., 313 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 136. 

4 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 22, i ; SAGMULLER, PapstwahlbuUen, 161 
seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 127. 



340 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

general reform, a point of view which had long been main 
tained by persons of discernment. The nuncio Commendone, 
long before the reopening of the Council, and as the result 
of his observations in Germany, had drawn attention to 
the numerous usurpations of ecclesiastical goods and rights 
on the part of the civil authorities, which gravely violated 
canon law, and infringed on the liberties of the Church, 
adding a demand that, to the reform of the Curia, must be 
joined that of the princes and their governments. 1 

The remarks of Commendone on the oppression of the 
Church in Germany, even by Catholic princes, were fully 
justified. The German princes had been working success 
fully since the XlVth century to bring at least the whole 
of the " external affairs of the Church " into subjection to 
their authority, to obtain free disposal of ecclesiastical 
property, to fill all the lucrative ecclesiastical offices, and 
to exercise control over all ecclesiastical ordinances. In the 
confusion and distress of the XVth and XVIth centuries 
not a few Popes had made far-reaching concessions in this 
respect, and had permitted various princes to share in the 
regulation of purely ecclesiastical matters. These concessions, 
which could only be excused by the miseries of the times, 
soon came to be looked upon as a permanent righ+ by the 
sovereigns, who, " where there was no question of faith 
involved," intended to govern " freely in the affairs of the 
ministers of the Church and their possessions." In open 
contradiction to the principles of canon law, according to 
which the Church possesses the property, and her various 
members are only granted its use, the officials of the princes 
and the nobility in Austria as in Bavaria disposed of ecclesi 
astical goods and foundations as they pleased. 2 It was 
hardly an exaggeration when Cardinal Truchsess main 
tained that even in Catholic states it was no longer the bishops 
who governed, but the princes and their officials. 3 

*See D6LLINGER, Beitrage, III., 310. 

2 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV 15 - 16 ., 164 seq. ; Cf. I 20 ., 753* and 
Vol. VII. of this work, p. 293 seq. 

3 Letter from Rome, September 17, 1563, in JANSSEN-PASTOR, 
IV 15 16 , 163 seq. 



REFORM OF THE PRINCES. 34! 

To a still greater degree was this the case in France and 
in the widespread dominions of the Spanish crown, in Naples, 
Sicily and Spain itself. 1 Pius IV. was therefore perfectly 
justified when, in April, 1563, he made complaints to the 
ambassador of Philip II. about the usurpation of ecclesiastical 
rights by the Spanish government, and threatened to lay 
the matter before the Council at Trent to be dealt with there. 
In saying this he referred especially to church patronage, 
the office of grand master, the Inquisition, etc. All clear 
sighted people, and especially Cardinal Morone, were of 
opinion that when they were dealing with general reform 
in the Council, the princes must not be excepted. 2 In Apiil 
the Bishop of Orvieto drew up a memorial on the encroach 
ments of the secular princes in spiritual matters, and sent it 
to Rome. 3 On the strength of this Borromeo gave the 
legates strict injunctions on June 26th to place this subject 
on the agenda for the Council, 4 which was accordingly done. 

At the end of July a detailed draft of reform in forty-two 
chapters was drawn up, 6 which was handed to the envoys 
of the princes, so that they might make their observations 
upon it. This draft was so comprehensive, that the idea, 
so firmly rooted in the minds of many of the envoys, that the 
Council would only occupy itself with the redress of unim- 

1 Fuller details in Vol. XVI. of this work 

2 Letter of Vargas of April 6, 1563, in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 

509- 

3 See RITTER, I., 171. 

4 Poiche ogn uno ci d& adosso con questa benedetta riforma 
et par quasi che non s indrizzino i colpi ad altro che a ferir 1 
autorita di questa santa sede et noi altri cardinali che siamo 
membri di quella, N.S re dice che per 1 amor di Dio lascino o 
faccino cantare ancora sopra il libro de li principi secolari et che 
in ci6 non habbino rispetto alcuno, in le cose per6 che sono giuste 
et honeste, et anche in questo haveranno a procurare che non 
paia che la cosa venga da noi. SUSTA, IV., 100-1. Cf. PALLA- 
VICINI, 22, 9, i. 

5 Cf. PALLAVICINI, 22, i, 12 ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 
363 seq. ; SICKEL, Konzil, 573 seq. ; KASSOWITZ, 234 seq. ; CON 
STANT, Rapport, 333 ; SUSTA, IV., 140 seq. 



342 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

portant matters in the organization of the Church, was com 
pletely destroyed. The envoys were all the more dismayed, 
as the thirty-ninth chapter contained a number of strict 
regulations tending to ensure the Uberty of the Church against 
the interference and encroachment of the civil power. The 
first draft, which was subsequently much modified, was to 
the following effect : the princes are forbidden, under pain 
of excommunication, all interference in purely spiritual 
matters, while the observance of the ancient privileges of 
the Church is enjoined on them. The following demands 
are made on behalf of the Church: free jurisdiction, free 
dom in all matters which immediately or mediately concern 
the ecclesiastical forum, and, under limitations which were 
minutely detailed, exemption from taxes, burdens of state, 
and public offices which had been unlawfully imposed. Princes 
are not to confer or in any way grant expectancies to prelates 
or chapters, and they are to leave untouched ecclesiastical 
properties and rights, as well as the properties and rights 
of such lay persons as are under ecclesiastical patronage. 
The servants, soldiers and horses of princes must not in 
future be quartered in the houses of ecclesiastics or monas 
teries ; the exequatur or so-called placet of the princes must 
be unconditionally abolished. 

The representatives of Ferdinand I., whose zeal for reform 
had, since June, under the influence of the theological 
commission, again come to the fore with increased bitterness, 1 
were the first to hand to the legates their views on the forty- 
two chapters of July 3ist. On August 3rd the French and 
Portuguese envoys presented their observations, which the 
Imperial envoy at once sent to his master. On August 7th, 
the Spanish envoy, Count di Luna, submitted his remarks, 
and, true to his previous policy of obstruction, demanded 
that the reform commission should be made up by nations. 2 

x See the so-called third reform libellum of June 5, 1563, in 
SICKF.L, Konzil, 520 seq. ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 154 seq, 

2 See SICKEL, Konzil, 571 seq. ; KASSOWITZ, 240 seq. ; SUSTA, 
IV , 140 seq., 149 seq., 158 seq., 163 seqq. 



SECULAR INTERFERENCE ATTACKED. 343 

The demand that the civil authorities should also be sub 
mitted to reform roused a violent storm of protest among 
the great Catholic powers, all the more so as many of the 
requirements put forward were too strictly conceived, and 
were based upon a canonical point of view which, owing 
to the changed conditions, had become impossible. 1 It is 
beyond question that the whole subject of the reform of 
the princes had been brought forward for the purpose of 
moderating the reform requirements of the secular powers 
with regard to the spiritual authorities, by calling attention 
to their own shortcomings, but the opinion expressed at the 
time, that the strict secular reform had been so closely bound 
up with the ecclesiastical in order that both might be aban 
doned at the protest of the princes, was a wicked insinuation. 2 
When even Ferdinand I. repeated this assertion, 3 it clearly 
shows the sway exercised over this well-meaning but easily 
influenced monarch by his advisers. It is not surprising that 
Philip II. at once made complaints in Rome, through his 
ambassadors, on the subject of the reform of the princes, 4 
because, should the Council adopt the projected measures, 
Spain would be more affected than any other country, since 
the government of no other Catholic state allowed so much 
oppression of the Church as was permitted there. 5 

In the meantime Philip s envoy at Trent was endeavouring 
by subterfuges of every kind to bring about a delay in the 
activities of the Council. Although the Count di Luna had 
made countless observations upon the other articles of reform, 
he now refused to do so with regard to the reform of the 
princes, so that it might not seem that he in any way sanc 
tioned it. 6 The difficulties which were thus caused for the 

1 See SAGMULLER, loc. cit., 163. 

2 The opinion of SAGMULLER, loc. cit. 

8 Letter of Ferdinand I. to his orators at the Council of August 
23, 1563, in SICKEL, Konzil, 585. 

* Cf. PALLAVICINI, 22, 9, 2 ; Venice also raised objections ; 
see CECCHETTI, II., 43 seq. 

8 Cf. Vol. XVI. of this work 

See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 663. 



344 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

legates were still further increased by the fact that the great 
differences of opinion on the sacrament of Matrimony, 
especially the prohibition of clandestine marriages, tended 
to become greater rather than less. This subject was dis 
cussed from July 24th to the 3ist, again, upon a new formula 
from August nth to the 23rd, and lastly, upon yet a third 
formula, from September yth to the loth. 1 

Notwithstanding the great difficulties which stood in the 
way of the settlement of the decree on Matrimony, as well 
as those on reform, Pius IV., convinced of the necessity of 
bringing the Council to an end without taking into considera 
tion the opposition of Spain, urged the hurrying on of the 
proceedings with ever increasing vehemence. 2 In this 
respect the legates had already done all that they possibly 
could, 3 but the difficulties increased from day to day. They 
had at last, after repeated conferences, succeeded in finding 
a new formula for the articles on reform, which now con 
sisted of thirty-six chapters. This was sent to the Emperor 
on August 20th. The last chapter treated of the reform 
of the princes in twelve articles. 4 Its form was so moderate 
that the legates entertained the hope that it would meet 
with universal approval. Great, therefore, was their aston 
ishment and dismay when the Archbishop of Prague appeared 
on August 27th, and demanded in the name of the Emperor 
that they should abandon the reform of the princes. 5 They 

l See THEINER, II., 314-34, 338-69, 391-7 ; PALLAVICINI, 22, 4. 

2 See the instructions of Borromeo to the legates of August 4, 
1563, in SUSTA, IV., 169 seqq. ; the important letter from Borromeo 
and Pius IV. to the legates of August 7, in SICKEL, Beitrage, II., 
149 seqq. ; Borromeo s letter of August 14, in SUSTA, IV., 186, 
and the autograph letter from the Pope to the legates on the same 
day in SICKEL, loc. cit., 152. 

3 See their report of August 19, 1563, in SUSTA, IV., 189 seqq. 
* See THEINER, II., 371-86 ; SICKEL, Konzil, 582 seq. ; KASSO- 

WITZ, 256 seq. 

5 The instruction from the Emperor, of August 23, 1563 (in 
SICKEL, Konzil, 585 ; cf. KASSOWITZ 245) was brought by a 
courier from Vienna to Trent in three days. 



DEMANDS OF FERDINAND I. 345 

very reasonably expressed their surprise that this request 
should now be made, since the Emperor had always insisted 
so strongly on general reform, and Morone was quite out 
spoken in telling the Archbishop of Prague his opinion. On 
former occasions bitter complaints had been made when the 
legates sought to learn the opinion of the Pope before they 
submitted questions to the Council, and yet the Pope was 
not only their prince, but also that of the Church. Now, 
however, when the Pope had practically waived this right, 
and at the same time empowered the Council to act in all 
matters without previous intimation to Rome, the Emperor 
wished to dictate to the Council that such and such an article 
is not to be dealt with. Neither the legates nor the fathers 
of the Council were prepared to submit to such a lowering of 
the Papal dignity, or such a violation of the freedom of the 
Council. At length, in order to avoid an open breach be 
tween the Emperor and the Council, they decided that the 
Archbishop of Prague should ask for further instructions 
from Ferdinand I., to which course Cardinal Guise also agreed. 1 
During these negotiations, Morone, in his easily under 
stood excitement, had made use of such strong expressions 
that he thought it well to send a letter of explanation to the 
Emperor ; he remained, however, quite firm on the piont, 
and defended his views in a second letter which he addressed 
to Ferdinand in the attempt to dissuade him from his opposi 
tion to the arguments put forward by the legates. In this 
letter he submitted the following statements : the reform 
decree was in the first instance handed to all the envoys, so 
that it might, after it had been amended in accordance with 
their suggestions, finally be laid before the fathers. Several 
articles, to which the envoys had taken exception, we either 
altered or entirely withdrew. We have urgently begged 
every one of the envoys to give us his own views upon the 
matter, so that if anything now appears in the decree to 
which one or another takes exception, it is not our fault, 

1 Cf. the report of the legates of August 28, 1563, already used 
by Pallavicini, in SUSTA, IV., 200 seq. Cf. SICKEL, Konzil, 586 seq. 



346 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

but that of the person who kept silent. It is, however, 
quite out of the question for us to let the whole decree lapse, 
or even to postpone it to another time, without causing the 
greatest scandal, throwing everything into confusion. Almost 
the whole of the bishops are convinced that if the reform 
of the whole ecclesiastical body is to be taken in hand, those 
obstacles must be removed by which the bishops are com 
pletely paralysed in the government of their churches by the 
civil authorities. Should those obstacles not be removed, 
the reform will be not only defective, but useless, and all the 
trouble which your majesty and we ourselves have taken 
will have been wasted. The whole of the contents of the 
decree correspond, not only with canon law, but also with 
laws which have been made by pious Emperors. Not all 
the oppressions suffered by the clergy, nor all the encroach 
ments on the liberty of the Church are mentioned in it, many 
such things having been omitted on account of the circum 
stances of the times, especially such things as might disturb 
the peace of Germany, or seem to hamper the defence against 
the hereditary enemy of Christendom. As the opponents 
of our true religion are most violently bent on the expulsion 
and destruction of the bishops and other clergy, it is only 
right that the Council and the Catholic princes should support 
them in their ecclesiastical ministry, and uphold their dignity, 
especially as we may hope, in virtue of the regulations already 
issued, or about to be issued, to have as bishops men who are 
learned, prudent, eminently pious and worthy of respect ; 
people cannot be brought back from vice to virtue, from 
false doctrines to true piety, by bishops who possess no real 
authority. 3 

At the same time as Morone was making these courageous 
remonstrances, the French government was preparing, by 
threats of extreme measures, to make the reform of the 
princes impossible. On August 28th the French envoys 
were instructed to retire, as a protest, to Venice, and to 

^ee SICKEL, Konzil, 588 seq. ; STEINHERZ, III., 425, where 
there are details of the steps taken by Delfino with the Emperor, 
by the command of the legates. 



DIFFICULT POSITION OF THE LEGATES. 347 

cause the French bishops to leave, as soon as the Council 
touched upon the rights and liberties of the French crown. 
The power of the Council, so Charles IX. declared, was ex 
clusively limited to the reform of the ecclesiastical body, 
and it had no authority to interfere in the affairs and rights 
of the state. 1 

The legates found themselves in an increasingly critical 
position, as the majority of the fathers insisted that the 
whole of the thirty-six articles, including that on the reform 
of the princes, should be submitted. The conferences on 
the first twenty-one chapters were begun on September 
nth with a speech by Cardinal Guise, who spoke in words of 
praise of the readiness of the Pope and the legates to promote 
the work of reform. Among his remarks, his demand for a 
special decision as to the reform of the Cardinals met with 
great and almost universal approval. 2 It was found im 
possible to bring these conferences to an end before the 
Session fixed for September i6th, and for this reason, as 
well as on account of the great differences of opinion con 
cerning the sacrament of Matrimony, Morone, at the General 
Congregation on September I5th, announced to the fathers 
that the Session appointed for the following day could not 
be held. His proposal to postpone it to St. Martin s day 
was accepted against a minority. 3 

On the afternoon of September I5th, the Imperial envoy 
delivered a letter of the 4th from Ferdinand I., which asked 
for a further adjournment of the reform of the princes. The 
legates replied that they could only delay the matter so 
long as the conferences on the first twenty-one chapters 
should last.* 

The treatment of the reform of the princes was impatiently 

1 See LE PLAT, VI., 194 seq. ; Lettres de Cath. de Me"dicis II., 
87 seq. Cf. BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 366. 

* See THEINER, II.. 397 seqq. Cf. PALEOTTO, ibid., 663 seq, ; 
PALLAVICINI, 23, 3 ; SUSTA, IV., 237 seq. 

8 See THEINER, II., 406 seq. ; MENDOC. A, 696 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 
242 seq. 

* See SUSTA, IV., 243 seq. 



348 -HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

desired by the majority of the bishops, because they knew 
very well that it was a question of their own authority and 
independence. The difficult position in which the legates 
found themselves was further aggravated by the fact that 
they were not united among themselves. Cardinals Nava- 
gero and Hosius insisted so strongly, in the discussions on 
the sacrament of Matrimony, on their own special wishes, 
that the speedy close of the Council, so longed for by Morone, 
was continually delayed. Morone and Simonetta did not 
themselves agree upon several questions of reform ; Simonetta 
defended the interests of the Curia and the College of Cardinals 
more energetically than Morone, against whom Cardinal 
Farnese in particular expressed his displeasure on this 
account. 1 

On September i6th the General Congregation continued 
its deliberations on the articles on reform, and the question 
of the exemption of the chapters especially led to violent 
discussions. The conferences were brought to a close on 
October 2nd, by a memorable speech from Lainez, 2 but 
before this an unexpected occurrence had taken place in 
the General Congregation of September 22nd. 

The legates had been able to report to Rome on September 
2oth that, on the strength of fresh instructions, the French 
envoys, du Ferrier and Pibrac, had informed them that 
their government was pleased that the Council had under 
taken the discussion of reform, and disapproved of the arbi 
trary departure of several of the French bishops from Trent. 
On this occasion the French envoys had expressed a desire 
to be allowed to bring forward in the General Congregation 
several matters concerned with reform, which were in them 
selves of small importance. 3 The legates made no difficulty 
about granting this request, and appointed the General 
Congregation of September 22nd for the purpose. On that 
occasion, however, du Ferrier made a speech which completely 

*See SUSTA, IV., 263. 

2 SeeTnEiNER, II., 407 seq. ; BECCADELLI, II., 131 ; MENDOCA, 
698 ; PSALMAEUS, 868 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 23, 3. 

3 See SUSTA, IV., 255. 



GALLICAN DEMANDS. 349 

and most painfully surprised the legates. The Frenchman 
began with a complaint of the delay in ecclesiastical reform, 
and then at once passed on to what mattered most, the actual 
plans for reform. He declared that this destroyed the free 
dom of the Gallican Church, and the authority of His Most 
Christian Majesty. For centmies, he continued, these 
monarchs had issued ecclesiastical laws which were in no 
way contrary to dogma, or injurious to the freedom of the 
bishops, as the latter were in no way prevented from re 
siding the whole year round in their dioceses, from preaching 
daily the pure word of God, from leading sober, just and 
godly lives, and allowing the revenues of the Church to be 
used for the benefit of the poor ! The Most Christian Kings 
had founded nearly the whole of the churches and had, as 
rulers of France, the right to dispose freely of the property 
and revenues of the clergy, as they did of those of their sub 
jects in general, when the well-being and needs of the state 
required it. Moreover, they possessed this right, this power 
and authority, not from men but from God, who had given 
men kings, so that they should obey them. The fathers, 
therefore, must not do anything against these rights, or 
against Gallican freedom, otherwise it was his duty to protest, 
which he now did. 1 

This outburst on the part of du Ferrier, the offensive tone 
of which was still further increased by several ironical ex 
pressions, was bound to cause much displeasure to the fathers 
of the Council, and on the following day was severely con 
demned by Carlo Grassi. Bishop of Monte nascone. 2 The 
French bishops were also affected by the general feeling of 
disgust, the Archbishop of Sens going so far as to declare 
that du Ferrier intended to urge Charles IX. to follow in the 
footsteps of Henry VIII. 3 This opinion was shared by 

1 See the text of the speech in LE PLAT, IV., 233 seq. On the 
impression it made, see the testimony collected by SUSTA, IV., 
271. See also MENDogA, 697 seq. ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 
366 seq. 

2 See LE PLAT, VI., 241 seq. 

3 See BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 367 n. 2. 



35 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Morone, who regarded the situation as very dangerous, and 
feared a French schism. His principal hope of preventing 
matters from coming to an extremity lay in Cardinal Guise l 
the latter had not been present at the insulting address of 
du Ferrier, as he had started on September i8th, in company 
with several other French prelates and theologians, for his 
long projected visit to Rome. 

Pius IV. received the French Cardinal, who reached Rome 
on September 29th, 2 with every imaginable sign of honour ; 
Guise had apartments assigned to him in the Vatican, where 
the Pope paid him a. very ceremonial visit. 3 The two discussed 
all the questions then pending in a long conversation, and 
with regard to du Ferrier s speech Guise gave the Pope the 
tranquillizing assurance that the envoy had never been 
instructed by his king to act in such a manner. In consequence 
of this, the shrewd Pius IV. ordered the legates on October 
2nd to pay no attention to the French protest. 4 The Pope 
showed the greatest consideration to Cardinal Guise, and a 
complete understanding between the two was all the more 
easily reached as the French Cardinal was very glad to be 
again on good terms with the Pope, both for political and 
religious reasons. 5 In a consistory on October 8th, Pius IV. 
bestowed the greatest praise on the Cardinal, expressing at 

1 See SUSTA, IV., 271 seq. 

2 * Report of Giacomo Tarreghetti, dated Rome, October 2, 
I 5&3 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See the reports in SICKEL, Konzil, 609 seq. ; Legaz. di Serristori 
392 seq. ; GIAC. SORANZO, 148. Cf. BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 
370. The journey of Cardinal Guise to Rome, which, with the 
mission of Morone to Innsbruck, forms one of the most important 
events in the third period of the Council, is deserving of treatment 
in a special monograph. The demands of Guise and the decisions 
made by Pius IV. with regard to them, are of very great interest ; 
they have been gathered together and published for the first time 
by SUSTA (IV., 339 seq). 

4 See the instruction of Borromeo of October 2, 1563, in SUSTA, 
IV., 303 seq. Cf. BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 370 seq. 

5 See BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 370 seq. 



CARDINAL GUISE IN ROME. 351 

the same time his hope of the speedy ending of the Council. 1 
When Guise left Rome on October iQth, 2 Pius IV. and 
Borromeo sent letters to the legates at Trent, in which, amid 
many words of praise, the firm conviction was expressed that 
Guise would be true to his promises. " His interests," the 
Pope said, " are so closely bound up with ours, that there is 
no room for doubt . Consequently the legates were instructed 
to treat the Cardinal on his return to Trent exactly as if he 
were a legate ; the same honour was also to be shown to 
Cardinal Madruzzo. 3 Guise deserved this confidence, for he 
indeed returned to Trent with the honest intention of giving 
his help in the best interests of the Church, so as to bring the 
Council to a speedy and honourable end. 4 

The decisive turn as to this question, which had become 
more and more heated, had taken place while Guise was still 
absent in Rome. 

However widely the views of the two supreme heads of 
Christendom might differ on the subject of the Council and 
reform, there was, nevertheless, one subject which was calcu 
lated to bring them together ; this was the Papal continuation 
of Maximilian s election as King of the Romans, a matter in 
which the Emperor, who was now growing old, had an extra 
ordinary interest. 

Pius IV. had, on many occasions, proved himself to be an 
exceedingly adroit politician, but never was his skill more 
clearly shown than in this matter. As soon as Maximilian s 
election had taken place, on November 24th, 1562, very 
protracted negotiations had followed. The latest investiga 
tions have thrown complete light on these, 5 and have shown 

1 See Arco s report of October 9, 1563, in SICKEL, Konzil, 609 ; 
SUSTA, IV., 570. 

2 See the *report of G. Tarreghetti, dated Rome, October 20, 
1563 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

8 See SUSTA, IV., 337 seq. 

* See the Relazione sommaria in the Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch 
HI., 657- 

6 STEINHERZ, in Vol. III., of the Nuntiaturberichte, to whose 
excellent account in the Introduction p. xlii-xlviii, we must here 



352 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

why Pius IV. changed from his originally favourable attitude. 
After Ferdinand I. had plainly shown his desire to influence 
the Council independently of the Pope, by the delivery of the 
reform libellum of June 6th, the happy idea came into the 
mind of Pius IV. to connect the confirmation of Maximilian s 
election with the Council, that is to say, to obtain Ferdinand s 
consent to the closure of the Council in exchange for such 
confirmation. 1 After long and tiresome negotiations, an 
agreement was at last reached on this basis. The task, as 
important as it was difficult, of acting as mediator, was 
undertaken by Delfino, the ambitious nuncio at the Imperial 
court, who succeeded in solving the question to the satisfaction 
of Pope and Emperor alike. This decision was reached at 
the beginning of October. 

On the morning of October loth, a letter from Delfino to the 
legates, dated October 4th, arrived in Trent, with the news 
that the Emperor had agreed that the Council should be 
closed at the next Session. Two days before this, at the 
request of almost all the envoys, it had been resolved to 
postpone the question of the reform of the princes until the 
following Session. 2 Delfino said that the Emperor had sent 
his envoys similar instructions, and had also sent them, so 
as to avoid all delay, a proposal for mediation in the question 
of ecclesiastical liberties. 3 The contents of this important 
message was confirmed on the same day by the Imperial 
envoys. The legates immediately announced the happy 
tidings to Rome, adding that they were endeavouring to make 
an alteration in the articles relating to the secular princes, 
and therefore begged for immediate instructions, which were 
sent to them as soon as possible. 4 

refer, Ibid., 453 seq., for the part taken by Maximilian in the 
Emperor s decision. The brief of thanks sent to Maximilian 
on October 22, in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 716. 

1 See STEINHERZ, III., xliii. 

2 See THEINFR, II., 423 seq. 
8 STEINHERZ, III. 439, seq. 

* SUSTA, IV., 305 seq. 



THE END IN SIGHT. 353 

Great joy was felt in Trent as well as in Rome, at this 
decision of the Emperor, and the satisfaction of Pius IV. 
was indescribable. He personally thanked the Imperial 
ambassador, Arco, and addressed glowing words of gratitude 
to Maximilian in the consistory on October I5th. On the 
same day the legates were instructed to hasten the proceedings 
of the Council as much as possible, and Borromeo wrote a 
special letter to Morone, telling him to be as active as possible 
in this sense, without regard for what the Spanish repre 
sentative might say. 1 

Thanks to the early receipt of the Papal instructions, as 
well as to the zeal and skill of the legates, among whom Morone 
especially distinguished himself, 2 the still outstanding diffi 
culties were overcome in a comparatively short time, and it 
was possible to keep to St. Martin s day as the date for the 
next Session. The legates, who had constantly to struggle 
against the Count di Luna s policy of obstruction, had already 
submitted a new, the fourth, version of the canons and reform 
decree on the sacrament of Matrimony, on October I3th. 3 
As the result of the conferences 4 held on this on October 26th 
and 27th, the final version of the twelve canons and the ten 
reform chapters in question was drawn up. A commission of 
eighteen prelates was appointed to formulate anew the first 
twenty-one chapters on general reform, and they began their 
work on October 22nd. The new formula drafted by this 
commission was )aid before the fathers of the Council on 
October 3ist, and these once more discussed it in eleven 
Congregations, from November 2nd to the 8th. The definite 
form was decided on November gth and loth. 5 

A leading part in this favourable result was taken by 
Cardinal Guise, 6 who had returned from Rome on November 
5th. He was not disheartened by the fact that his endeavours, 

1 See STEINHERZ, III., 465-6; SUSTA, IV., 327 seq. 
8 C/. SUSTA, IV., 375. 
1 See THEINER, II., 424. 

4 Ibid., 427 seqq. 

5 See THEINER, II., 429-62 ; MENDOA, 705 seq. 

6 C/. Paleotto in THEINER, II., 673 ; PALLAVICINI, 23, 6, 12. 

VOL, XV, 23 



354 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

when passing through Venice, to induce the French envoys 
who were staying there, to return to Trent, proved vain. 1 
The tribute which, in the General Congregation of November 
8th, he paid to the zeal of Pius IV. for reform, corresponded 
to the favourable account of the state of affairs in Rome 
which the austere Archbishop of Braga, who had also just 
returned from the Eternal City, had given before his arrival. 2 
The demand made by a majority of the fathers that a special 
chapter should undertake the reform of the College of Cardinals, 
caused great difficulty at the discussions on general reform. 
Those fathers who opposed this were of opinion that the 
matter must be left to the decision of the Pope. It is easy 
to understand that such a demand naturally caused great 
excitement in the Curia; both the Farnese Cardinals wrote 
in the sense of the whole Sacred College to Mo rone blaming 
him strongly for having allowed the Curia and the College of 
Cardinals to be burdened with the very strictest of reforms 
while the princes escaped altogether. Morone, whose own 
elevation had been due to the Farnese Pope, answered frankly, 
justifying his conduct on the ground of necessity, but de 
precating exaggerated alarm. 3 The opposition of the in 
fluential Farnese, however, increased the dissensions at 
Trent as to how this matter was to be decided, for it was 
extremely difficult to hit upon the true mean between the 
two extremes. Eventually Morone found a solution ; he 
associated the reform of the Cardinals with that of the bishops, 
and it might easily be taken for granted that the latter would 
avoid anything like exaggerated severity in their own affairs. 
Besides this a still graver danger would be avoided by Morone s 
conciliatory proposal, namely that of fresh discussions on 
the mutual relations of the Pope and the Council. 4 

1 See BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE 370. 

2 See THEINER, II., 440, 457 ; PALLAVICINI, 23, 7, 7 and 9 ; 
SUSTA IV. 367. 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 23, 7; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen 171 
seq. 

* See the Rzlazione sommaria in the Zeitschr. iiir Kirchengesch, 
III., 657; SAGMULLER, loc. cit., 174. 



THE XXIVth SESSION. 355 

All those who did not possess the right to vote were excluded 
from the last General Congregation on November loth, to 
which all the canons and decrees were once again submitted ; 
in previous General Congregations the more important theolo 
gians had been admitted. The canons and decrees on the 
sacrament of Matrimony were first brought forward, and 
before proceeding to the consideration of the decrees on 
discipline, the resolution was adopted to add to all decrees 
the clause : "in everything and always without prejudice 
to the authority of the Holy See." All questions submitted, 
including the declaration of the right of proposition, in the 
twenty-first chapter of the reform decree, were almost unani 
mously accepted. 1 

After the happy issue of these preliminary proceedings, the 
XXIVth Session, the eighth under Pius IV., was held on 
November nth, 1563. 2 There were present the four legates, 
Cardinals Guise and Madruzzo, three patriarchs, twenty-five 
archbishops, a hundred and eighty-six bishops, five abbots, 
six generals of orders, and eleven envoys. High Mass was 
celebrated by an Italian, Cornaro, Bishop of Treviso, and 
the sermon preached by a Frenchman, Richardot, Bishop of 
Arras. The doctrinal chapter on Matrimony, in twelve 
canons, and the reform decree on the same subject, in twelve 
chapters, were first submitted. The first of these chapters 
declared clandestine marriages null and void ; for the valid 
celebration of marriage, the presence of the parish priest, 
or, with his permission or that of the ordinary, of another 
priest, and of two or three witnesses, were necessary. In 
the chapters that followed there were regulations concerning 
the impediments to matrimony, which were in some ways 
limited, the punishment of those who abducted women, the 
marriages of vagi, laws against concubinage, or violations 
of the freedom of the marriage contract, and finally regulations 
concerning the forbidden times. While a section of the fathers 

1 See PALLAVICINI 24, 2. 

2 See THEINER, II., 463-5 ; PALEOTTO, ibid., 674 seq. ; RAY- 
NALDUS, 1563, n. 193-6; PALLAVICINI, 23, 8 seq.; BECCADELLI, 
Monument!, II., 149 ; SUSTA, IV., 379 seq. 



356 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

violently opposed a good number of the regulations, the 
majority accepted these decrees. Then followed the reform 
1 decree,. in twenty chapters. It contained useful regulations 
as to the nomination to bishoprics, and the appointment of 
Cardinals, the holding of provincial and diocesan synods, the 
visitation of dioceses, the exercise of the office of preaching, 
legal procedure against bishops, the extension of the dispensing 
power of the bishops, the instruction of the people on the 
sacraments and the Mass, public penances and the office of 
penitentiary, the visitation of exempted churches, the juridical 
import of titles of honour, the qualities and duties of 
cathedral officials, the accumulation of several benefices, 
the constitution of regular parochial deaneries, the keeping 
intact of beneficiary goods, the benefices of cathedral and 
collegiate churches, the administration of dioceses during a 
vacancy in the see, the abolition of the union of several bene 
fices in one person, if the obligations connected therewith 
entailed the duty of residence, the prohibition of expectancies, 
provisions, reservations, and other similar privileges in the 
case of vacant benefices, on the manner of appointment to 
vacant parishes, and ecclesiastical procedure at law. A 
special decree was added to this which gave the following 
explanation of the much discussed right of proposition : 
" As the council desires that its decrees may leave no room 
for doubt in the future, it explains the words contained in the 
decree published in the first Session under Pius IV., namely 
that the Council shall, proponentibus legatis, deal with such 
subjects. as shall seem suitable to end religious controversies, 
to set a bridle on evil tongues, and to reform the abuses of 
corrupt customs, by declaring that it has not had the intention, 
by the words in question, of changing the usual manner of 
dealing with affairs in General Councils, nor of investing 
thereby anyone with a new right, or of withdrawing any 
which may already exist." 1 

1 See PALLAVICINI, 23, 10-12 ; KNOPFLER in the Freiburger 
Kirchenlex., XI 2 ., 2109. Luna too was in the end satisfied 
with the aforesaid declaration (see the report of the legates of 
November 8, 1563, in SUSTA, IV., 367). Pius IV. was very 



GENERAL WISH TO END THE COUNCIL. 357 

At the voting on the reform decree so many divergent 
votes were given in the case of chapters III., V., and VI., that 
after the Session these had to be once more referred to the 
commission appointed for the drawing up of the decree, and 
it was only on December 3rd that it was possible to publish 
it in the amended form decided upon between November I2th 
and 15th. 1 The eighth Session had begun at half past nine 
in the morning, and had lasted until half past seven in the 
evening. 

With general consent the next Session was fixed for December 
9th, with the power, if necessary, to anticipate that date. 
The still undecided chapter on the exemptions of cathedral 
chapters, as well as other questions of reform which had not yet 
been dealt with, were to be treated in this Session. Pius IV. 
sanctioned all the decrees of the XXI Vth Session, and addressed 
letters of thanks to the persons principally concerned, at the 
same time urging the speedy end of the Council. 2 

The legates were in no need of any such exhortation. Sup 
ported by the wish of Ferdinand I., Maximilian II., the Kings 
of Portugal and Poland, the Republic of Venice and the other 
Italian governments, they did their utmost, in spite of the 
opposition of di Luna, to bring about a successful conclusion 
of the Council. Morone, above all, undisturbed by calumnies 
and enmity, worked for this end. 3 He succeeded in finding 
a way out of the difficult question of the exemption of the 
cathedral chapters ; that great abuses existed in this matter 
was undeniable, but the desire of Philip II. to have them 
removed was by no means disinterested. He wished to have 
the power of the chapters limited as much as possible, princi 
pally because his influence, which in consequence of the royal 

pleased that the affair had been settled by a synodal decree and 
not by a brief (see PALLAVICINI, 24, 2, i). As to the faculties 
granted to the bishops see MERGENTHEIM, I., 84 seq. 

1 See THEINER, II., 475-6. 

2 PALLAVICINI, 24, 2. 

3 RANKE (Papste, P., 222) is of opinion : " The Catholic Church 
owes to him, rather than to anyone else, the happy issue of the 
Council." 



358 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

bestowal of the bishoprics was already very considerable, 
would thereby be much increased. The Pope was obliged to 
resist this, so he and the legates espoused the cause of the 
chapters. On account of the dependence of the Spanish 
bishops on their government there was reason to fear that 
they might allow themselves to be led by the will of Philip II., 
if the votes were taken by word of mouth. The legates 
therefore resolved that on this occasion the votes should be 
made in writing, and in this manner they gained an important 
majority for the chapters. Guise skilfully mediated with 
the Spanish bishops, who were now satisfied to accept a much 
less extensive amplification of their faculties. 1 

On November I3th Morone summoned the legates, 
Cardinals Guise and Madruzzo, as well as twenty-five other 
prelates of different nations, to a meeting, and impressed 
upon them the necessity of bringing the Council to a close 
with the next Session. Guise also spoke urgently in favour 
of a conclusion, painting in strong colours the dangerous 
state of France, and alluding to the national council which 
was threatened there. The Bishops of Lerida and Leon 
were alone in wishing that the King of Spain should first 
give his consent. The Archbishop of Granada, on the other 
hand, was unconditionally in favour of the closing of the 
Council. The dangers arising from the possible decease of 
the Pope or the Emperor, and the inconveniences which had 
arisen from the long absence of the bishops from their dioceses, 
were urgent reasons in favour of this view. It was, there 
fore, resolved to resume the discussion of the reform decrees 
already submitted. With regard to the reform of the princes 
they approached the task with great moderation, as the secu 
lar power would very soon be required for the enforcement 
of the decrees. They therefore adopted that formulation 
of the decree, as to which the Pope had come to an agreement 
with the Emperor. In this the prescriptions of earlier Coun- 

1 See the Relatione sommaria in the Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., 
III., 657 ; RANKE, Papste, I 6 ., 224. Cf. also MENDO^A, 705 seq. ; 
SICKEL, Konzil, 636 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 24, 4, n. 



REFORM DECREES MODIFIED. 359 

cils and canons were merely renewed, the anathemas being 
replaced by paternal admonitions. 1 With regard to the 
questions of dogma which were still in arrears, such as the 
doctrines of Purgatory, indulgences, the invocation of the 
saints, and the veneration of their images and relics, it was 
only necessary to gather together all that had been decided 
in former Councils, in such a way as to remove abuses, but 
without entering upon discussions. On account of the general 
feeling of weariness even the envoys of the princes agreed 
to this procedure. 2 

The decisions arrived at on November I3th were laid by 
Morone before the General Congregation two days later, 
and the remaining fourteen chapters of the reform decree 
were then discussed. As the last one, that on the reform 
of the princes, had been given a very mild and elastic form, 
it was necessary that ecclesiastical reform should be modified 
as well. 3 

The discussions upon this lasted from November i5th 
to the i8th, on which date the six other reform chapters 

I USTA, IV., 326 seq. 

* See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 675 seq. ; MENDOA, 711 seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, 24, 2, 3 ; BAGUENAULT DE PUCHESSE, 384 ; SUSTA, 
IV., 385 seq. 

8 " That the reform of the laity should thus have failed," such 
is the verdict of SAGMULLER (Papstwahlbullen, 181), " cannot 
be imputed to Pius IV. We should rather recognize in it his 
great prudence and his practical grasp of the whole state of 
affairs at that time. Nor can it be regarded as so great a mistake 
that the reform of the Curia turned out to be milder than was 
somewhat unwisely desired in certain quarters, for, in the great 
uplifting of the Catholic Church which followed upon the Council 
of Trent, Rome maintained her position as the leader in this 
matter. And if, in the failure of the reform of the laity, no 
decision was arrived at in the matter of the interference of the 
princes in the Papal elections, and consequently there was no 
express prohibition of such a thing, yet this had already been 
provided against in another way, namely in Par. 26 of the bull In 
eligendis." (October 9, 1562). 



360 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

were submitted. 1 To these, on November 20th, was added 
a decree upon the reform of the regulars, which was discussed 
from November 23rd to the 25th. 2 

On November 27th the Spanish envoy made a protest 
against these steps for bringing the Council to such a hurried 
close, whereupon Morone again summoned a special meeting 
at his residence on November 28th ; all present again spoke 
unanimously in favour of closing the Council. The Arch 
bishop of Granada was alone in demanding that, fifteen 
days after the coming Session, yet another should be held. 
The majority of the fathers would not agree to this, but 
determined to prepare the dogmatic questions already men 
tioned for the Session appointed for December Qth. 3 

On November i6th Hosius had informed Commendorfe 
that the hopes of a successful ending of the Council had never 
been so great as they were at present. Cardinal Guise urged 
haste, and threatened that if the proceedings were drawn 
out till Christmas he and all the French bishops would leave 
Trent. The envoys of the Emperor and the other princes 
were similarly insistent, so that, unless something unexpected 
should occur, the desired goal seemed likely to be reached 
in a very short time. 4 

1 See THEINER, II., 480 seq. ; MzNDogA 712 seq. ; PALLA- 
VICINI, 24, 3. 

2 See THEINER, II., 4,5 seq. ; MENDOCA, 713 seq. 

3 See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 67,, seq.; MENDOCA, 716; 
PALLAVICINI, 24, 4 ; SUSTA, IV., 415 seq., 420 seq. 

*Nunquam spe fuimus maiore celerius absolvendi concilii 
quam nunc. Urget Lotaringius cardinalis, ac si fuerit extractum 
ad natalem usque christianum, se cum suis omnibus Gallorum 
episcopis discessurum hinc minatur, nullus ut ex eis adfuturus sit. 
Quomodo concilii decretis erit subscribendum ; quae res non 
mediocre no bis calcar addidit ad festinandum, nam si prius Galli 
discederent quam esset concilium absolutm, dubitari posset 
num esset oecumenicum. Urgent autem hoc ipsum et Caes. M tis 
oratores, quibus etiam alii non dissentiunt. Itaquo nisi quid 
evenerit ex improviso, videmur iam optatum concilii finem esse 
brevi consequuturi, quern ut faustum ecclesiae suae Deus esse 
velit, supplex maiestatem eius imploro. Hosius to Commendone, 



ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 361 

The unexpected, however, did occur. On November 2Qth 
and 3Oth the representative of Philip II., the Count di Luna, 
summoned the Spanish bishops, and such Italians as were 
subject to Spanish rule, to his house, in order to bring about, 
through their means, a prolongation of the Council. Only 
two or three of those who appeared, however, shared the 
views of the envoy. 1 The last of these meetings finished at 
seven o clock in the evening. Two hours later, a courier, 
sent from Rome by the Spanish ambassador, Requesens, 
arrived at di Luna s house with the news that the Pope was 
mortally ill. Soon afterwards Morone and Simonetta re 
ceived a letter from Cardinal Borromeo, dated November 
2;th, telling of the grave illness of the Pope, accompanied 
by a certified statement from the physicians. A postscript 
announced the very urgent wish of Pius IV. that the closing 
of the Council should be hurried on in every possible way. 2 
Haste was absolutely necessary, for a schism was to be feared, 
on account of the mutual dispute between the Council and 
the Cardinals in Rome concerning the right of electing a 
new Pope ; not only were the legates convinced of tl.is, 
but also Guise and Madruzzo. 3 The legates, therefore, 
immediately summoned the envoys and the most important 
prelates, in order to lay the threatened danger before them. 
All, with the exception of the representatives of Philip II. 
and several of the Spaniards, declared themselves agreeable 
to the last Session of the Council being held at once, and a 
special meeting of the prelates, summoned on December 
2nd, also agreed to this. A General Congregation was held 
on the same day, which, with the utmost speed, prepared the 
whole of the material waiting for publication. On account 

dated Trent, November 16, 1563 (Graziani Archives, Citta di 
Castello). 

!See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 678; MENDO9A, 716; PALLA- 
VICINI, 24, 4 ; SUSTA, IV., 415 seq., 420 seq. 

2 See SUSTA, IV., 431 seq. 

3 Cf. the retrospect in the *letter of Hosius to Commendone, 
dated Trent, December 7, 1563 (Graziani Archives, Citta di 
Castello). 



362 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the great number of subjects, the sitting had to last for 
two days, and was held on December 3rd and 4th. It was 
also expressly resolved that the legates should afterwards 
seek the confirmation of the Pope in the name of the whole 
Council. 1 During the night better news arrived as to the 
Pope s condition, 2 but the legates and deputies adhered to 
the resolution they had taken, and worked until midnight 
to clear away and settle the last difficulties which had been 
raised against some of the decrees, partly by the envoys and 
partly by the fathers. 3 

On the morning of December 3rd, the XXVth and last 
Session of the Council, the ninth under Pius IV., was opened. 4 
High Mass was celebrated by Zambeccaro, Bishop of Sulmona, 
and the sermon was preached by Girolamo Ragazzoni, Bishop 
of Nazianzen and coadjutor of Famagosta. The decrees 

1 See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 678 seq. ; MENDOCA, 717; 
PALLAVICINI, 24, 4 ; SUSTA, IV., 434 seq., 437 seq. 

8 The opinion that the illness of Pius IV. was an invention, 
or purposely exaggerated, is untenable (see SAGMULLER, Papst- 
wahlbullen, 177). To the evidence already printed (cf. SICKEL, 
Konzil, 643 seq. Corpo dipl. Portug., X., 154) may be added the 
statements of the Mantuan ambassador, Giacomo Tarreghetti, 
who wrote on December i : *Dopo che io scrissi 1 altra mia a 
V. Ecc a , N.S. & stato grandemente dppresso dal male, non senza 
grandissimo pericolo di vita, per quello si diceva publicamente, 
imperoche ad un tratto era tormento dalla podagra et similmente 
dal catarro et anco dalla febre. His *report of December 4, 1563 
(cf. SUSTA, IV., 449 seq, 454) announces an improvement. Accord 
ing to a *letter of December 8, the Pope on that day was free 
from fever, and again granted audiences (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). Serristpri, too, in his *letter of December 3, 1563, 
notes that at first Pius IV. had been considered to be in a hopeless 
condition by the physicians and everybody else (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 24, 5. 

4 See THEINER, II., 502-14 ; RAYNALDUS, 1563, n. 209-17 ; 
PSALMAEUS, 876 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 24, 5-8 ; BAGUENAULT DE 
PUCHESSE, 391 seq. ; KNO"PFLER, in the Freiburger Kirchenlex., 
XI 2 ., 21 1 1 seq. ; SUSTA, IV., 441 seqq. 



LAST SESSION OF THE COUNCIL, 363 

on Purgatory, the invocation of the Saints, and the venera 
tion of their relics and images, were read and almost unani 
mously accepted. The same was done with the decree on 
the reform of the regulars, the twenty-two chapters of which 
contained regulations on the observance of the rules of the 
orders, the property of communities as well as of individuals, 
the number of the members, the foundation of monasteries, 
the enclosure of convents of nuns, the election of superiors, 
the visitation of convents, whether exempt or non-exempt, 
the confessions of nuns, the exercise of the cure of souls by 
regulars, the settlement of suits, criminal procedure, vows 
and novices, freedom of entry, the treatment of " apostates " 
and benefices held in commendam. With regard to these 
last, some of the fathers wished that they should be entirely 
abolished, but Guise had already prevented this in the General 
Congregation. 

The general reform decree comprised the most various 
subjects in twenty chapters. It insisted on simplicity in 
the houses of the bishops and also of the Cardinals, recom 
mended caution in imposing the sentence of excommunica 
tion, made rules as to the profession of faith to be made by 
prelates and other ecclesiastical officials, as well as the pro 
fessors in Catholic universities, foundations for masses, the 
visitation of exempted chapters, the abolition of expectancies 
of ecclesiastical benefices, the administration of hospitals, 
the right of patronage, the settlement of lawsuits, the lease 
of ecclesiastical property, the payment of tithes, burial fees, 
the administration of benefices entailing the cure of so^s, 
and the punishment of clerical concubinage. The nineteenth 
chapter pronounced excommunication on duellists, their 
seconds and supporters, and forbade Christian burial to 
those who fell in a duel. Even the onlookers at a duel were 
subjected to excommunication. There next followed, as 
the twentieth chapter, a " strong exhortation to all the princes 
to maintain and protect the rights and immunities of the 
Church." In this respect all the earlier canons and con 
stitutions were renewed, and the prirces were exhorted to 
make it possible for the bishops to reside in their dioceses 



364 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in peace and dignity. The twenty-first and last chapter 
contained the clause that the authority of the Apostolic See 
must be held inviolate against all the decisions of the Council. 
The acceptance of the reform decree took place with an 
almost miraculous unanimity ; it was only with regard to 
the last two chapters that some remarks were made. After 
it had lasted from eight o clock in the morning until nearly 
five in the evening, the Session, as had been previously 
arranged in the General Congregation, was adjourned till 
the following day. Besides the four legates, there were 
present the two Cardinals, twenty-five archbishops, a hundred 
and fifty bishops, seven abbots, seven generals of orders, 
and eleven envoys of the princes. 

After the Session, a large majority, among whom was 
Guise, expressed a wish for a decree on indulgences. Morone 
was opposed to this as he feared a further delay in concluding 
the Council, as well as undue precipitancy in the matter, 
but he was forced at last to yield to the general desire. A 
decree on indulgences was framed during the night on the 
basis of the previous discussions, and this was presented 
very early on December 4th to a General Congregation, in 
spite of further opposition on the part of Morone. 1 Then they 
repaired to the Cathedral, where the Archbishop of Catania 
celebrated High Mass, after which, before anything else, 
the decree on indulgences was read. This declared that 
indulgences were salutary and that the Church had the power 
to grant them ; the abuses committed by the collectors of 
money for indulgences was met by a regulation which very 
strictly forbade all manner of gain in the matter. With 
regard to the other abuses in the matter of indulgences, which 
on account of their multiplicity were not specifically men 
tioned, the bishops were to discuss these in the provincial 
synods, and to refer them to the Pope in order that he might 
remove them. The next decree dealt with the observance 
of fast and feast days ; another dealt with the publication 
of the Index, the catechism, the breviary and the missal, 

1 See THEINER, II., 680. 



CLOSE OF THE COUNCIL. 365 

these latter matters being referred to the Pope. Then the 
Council declared that from the regulations as to the order of 
precedence observed among the envoys on this occasion, 
no one could claim any rights, while at the same time the 
rights of no one were impugned. Finally a decree was read 
concerning the observance and acceptance of the Council s 
decisions. 

After the decrees had been approved, they proceeded to 
read once more all the decisions of the preceding Sessions. 
Finally the fathers were again asked whether they approved 
of the closure of the Council, and the confirmation of its 
decrees by the Pope. All gave their assent, the Arch 
bishop of Granada alone declaring the Papal confirmation 
to be unnecessary. With the words " Andate in pace," 
the first president, Morone, declared the Council closed. 
The decrees were confirmed by the signature of two hundred 
and fifty-five fathers : four Cardinal legates, two cardinals, 
three patriarchs, twenty-five archbishops, a hundred and 
sixty-eight bishops, seven abbots, thirty-nine proxies for 
those who were absent, and seven generals of orders. 1 

When the acclamations, led by Cardinal Guise after the 
manner of ancient Councils, resounded through the Cathedral 
of Trent and proclaimed the conclusion of the great work, 
many of the fathers of the Council could not restrain their 
tears. 2 They were all affected by the solemnity of the 
moment, for they felt that the hand of God had turned over 
a page in the history of His Church. 

l See PALLAVICINI, 24, 8, 13. Cf. THEINER, II., 509-13. For 
the signatures see EHSES in the Abhandlungen der Gorres-Geseli- 
schaft, Jahresbericht fur 1917, p. 50. 

2 See Paleotto in THEINER, II., 680 ; MENDOCA, 719. 



CHAPTER XI 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 

IN spite of all the disturbances, both from within and from 
without, in spite of all the delays and obstructions, as well as 
the many human weaknesses which had come to light during 
the course of its proceedings, the Council had accomplished 
a mighty work, and one of decisive importance. 1 

It was true that in spite of every effort, no restoration had 
been effected at Trent of that unity of faith, on account of 
which from the first the Council had been so ardently longed 
for, although there had been no lack on its part of invitations 
to the followers of the new beliefs. " We have," said the 
preacher at the Session of December 4th, " chosen this city, 
at the entrance into Germany, on the very threshold, so to 
speak, of their house, in order to remove all suspicion from 
their minds, we have refused to be guarded by troops, we have 
issued letters of safe-conduct which they themselves have 
framed, we have waited long for them, we have begged and 
implored them to come and gain knowledge from the light 
of the truth. But in the end the hand that had been stretched 
out had been rejected in the most scornful manner ; the last 

1 Cf. H. SWOBODA, Das Konzil von Trient, sein Schauplatz, 
Verlauf und Ertrag, Vienna, 1912. Here E. TOMEK (p. 53 seqq.) 
has treated of the Council as the landmark in the history of dogma ; 
J. LEHNER (p. 67 seqq.} works out in the discussions the things 
relating to th Holy Eucharist, and F. M. SCHINDLER (p. 79 seqq.} 
the Christian ideal of life ; the editor (p. 87 seqq.} gives an appre 
ciation of the pastoral spirit of the Council, and F. ZEHNTBAUER 
(p. 103 seqq.} of the decrees on canon law. There is nothing 
further in the work of P. DESLANDRES, Le concile de Trente et la 
reforme du clerge catholique, Paris, 1909. For the medal struck 
by Pius IV. to commemorate the Council, see BONANNI, I., 275. 

366 



A NEW EPOCH BEGUN. 367 

hope of coming to an understanding had failed, the breach 
was now complete. It was necessary to grow accustomed 
to the thought that the unity of the family of the Christian 
nations, that most precious heritage of the middle ages, had 
been for ever broken, and that a new epoch had begun. 

However painful this outlook may have been, the breach 
had brought with it, on the other hand, that clearing up of 
the religious position which had so long been needed. There 
could no longer be any doubt as to what was Catholic and 
what was not, and that religious uncertainty, which had con 
fused the understanding of so many Catholics, and had 
paralysed so much activity, was now at an end. " This is the 
belief of us all, this is our unanimous conviction, to which, 
in token of our agreement and acceptance, we now sign our 
names. This is the faith of St. Peter and the apostles, this 
is the faith of the fathers and of all true believers." Thus, 
after the reading of the decrees of the Council, had Cardinal 
Guise exclaimed, in the midst of the acclamations at the last 
Session, and in the full consciousness that their agreement 
would be handed down, and renewed again and again, to the 
uttermost bounds of the earth, and to the end of time, the 
fathers had unanimously answered : " So do we believe, so 
do we judge, so do we append our names." Error had been 
judged, the old consciousness of the faith had found a new and 
exact expression, simple in its form, and definite in its facts. 

The " purity of the Gospel " which was always on the lips 
of the adherents of the new faith, formed the starting point 
for the Council s pronouncements. For the assembled bishops, 
however, there could be no question of bringing the " pure 
Gospel " out of a hiding place where it had lain concealed 
during more than a thousands years of oblivion ; for them it 
was but a question of preserving the purity of the old and 
never-forgotten doctrines of Christ, by the removal of error. 
To them, moreover, the Gospel was not only that which had 
been written down by the evangelists and apostles, but all that 
had been preached by Christ and the apostles, and had been 
handed down by the Church over and above the Holy Scrip 
tures. The first and fundamental error of the innovators, 



368 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

that the Holy Scriptures are the -exclusive source of faith, is 
thus rejected. After having decided which books belong to 
the Holy Scriptures, they replied to that other fundamental 
principle of Protestantism, the claim for private judgment, 
by the decision that no one shall be permitted to oppose his 
own opinions to that of the whole Church. 1 

Thus, in the first dogmatic decrees, the principal question 
which divided the old and the new beliefs was touched upon, 
in that the differences which divided them lay not only in the 
actual dogmas which were accepted or rejected, but much 
more in the reason why each article of belief was accepted or 
rejected, and in the difference of opinion as to the sources of 
faith, and the standpoint which the individual had to take up 
with regard to them. 

But the Council also had to instruct the faithful in the 
particular distinctive doctrines, or at least in those which were 
most important. Here again attention was directed in the 
first place to those errors which formed the foundation of the 
doctrinal teaching of the new system of belief, the doctrines 
of original sin and justification. This subject was of the 
utmost importance, not only for the faith, but also for the 
Christian life. Consequences of the most far-reaching im 
portance might result, should such doctrines make their way 
among the masses of the people, as that the will of man is not 
free, and is purely passive as regards the matter of salvation, 
or that good works have no value for salvation. 2 On the 
other hand it was by no means easy to give precise and satis 
factory expression, from every point of view, to the principles 
living in the consciousness of faith in the Church, as to the 
manner of justification. There were no decisions of former 
Councils upon which it was possible to lean ; the older theolo 
gians had made scarcely any pronouncements as to 

iSess. 4. Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 258 seqq. 

2 The Tridentine decree on Justification " ought to be regarded 
with gratitude, not only by the pastoral theologian, but also by 
anyone who still retains any feeling for moral freedom, and for 
the ideals of human dignity." SWOBODA, 91, 



JUSTIFICATION. 369 

justification, 1 while the polemical writings of Catholic scholars 
of later times were to some extent tainted by the error of 
double justice. Thus the Council was in this faced by its 
most difficult task ; it accomplished it brilliantly, and to the 
complete satisfaction of all the fathers of the Council, after 
arduous labours which occupied seven months of its time. 2 

The doctrine of the Sacraments, by means of which justifi 
cation is granted, increased, and restored, forms the subject 
of the decisions of the Sessions that follow, from the Vllth 
to the XXIVth inclusively. The doctrine of the Eucharist 
as a sacrament is treated in an especially detailed manner in 
the Xlllth, and in connection therewith that of the Holy 
Sacrifice of the Mass in the XXIInd Session. In the Vllth 
Session, in which the sacraments in general, with baptism 
and confirmation, were dealt with, the Council was content 
with rejecting the errors of the innovators in short propositions. 
With the next dogmatic decision, in the Xlllth Session, it 
reverted to the procedure adopted in the VI th Session, namely, 

1 " In eo [articulo de peccato originali] habebamus et sancta 
concilia et multa sanctorum Patrum dicta. ... At in articulo 
de iustificatione nihil tale habemus, sed pnmi sumus, qui isto 
modo materiam istam aggredimur " (Pacheco in MERKLE, I., 82) ; 
cf. CARD. CERVINI, ibid., 81, and EHSES, II., 257; PALLAVICINI, 
8, 2, 2. Jos. HEFNER, Die Enstehungsgesch. des Trienter Recht- 
fertigungsdekretes, Paderborn, 1909. ST. EHSES, Zwei Trienter 
Konzilsvota (Seripando and Salmeron), 1546. ISIDOR CLARIUS 
in the Rom. Quartalschrift, XXVII. (1913) 20 *seqq., 129 seqq. 
HEFNER, Voten (di Is. Clarius) vom Trienter Konzil, Wiirzburg, 
1912 (cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 25 *seq.}. The origin of the decree on 
original sin is treated by W. KOCH in Tubingen Quartalsch. XCV. 
(!9i3). 43 seq., and F. CAVALLERA in the Bulletin de litterature 
eccles., 1913, 241 seq. ; on that of the reform decree on preaching, 
see J. E. RAINER, in Zeitschr. fur kath. Theol., XXXIX (1915), 
256 seq. EHSES (V., xiv. n. 3) gives for the first time a satisfactory 
explanation of the absence of the clause relating to the Immaculate 
Conception in several of the earliest impressions of the decree ; 
cf. also CAVALLERA in Recherches de science relig., IV. (1913), 
270 seqq. 

* Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 337 seq. 

VOL. XV. 



370 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

that the Catholic doctrine should first be systematically set 
forth, with proofs, and only then were the errors opposed to it 
condemned in short canons. The fathers of the Council had 
the great advantage when making decrees on the sacraments, 
that the subject had already been exhaustively discussed by 
the scholastic theologians. Where the opinions of the scholas 
tics were not in agreement, the question was either evaded 
or left open, as not yet being ripe for a decision, or else not of 
importance to the faith. The XXVth and last Session simply 
promulgates some decrees, partly dogmatic, on Purgatory, 
the cultus of the saints, relics, images and indulgences. 

No formal, definitive, decision was pronounced at Trent 
with regard to a very important doctrine : that of the primacy 
of the Roman See. The Council, however, often calls the 
Roman Church the mother and mistress of all the churches ;* 
it ordered that at the acceptance of the Council s decisions at 
each of the provincial synods, and at the reception of any 
ecclesiastical dignity, all must promise true obedience to the 
Pope. 2 The Council also ordained that its decrees should 
only have force subject to the maintenance of the rights of 
the Roman See. 3 It recognized that the Pope, in virtue of 
his office, has to care for the whole Church, 4 and that it fell 
to him to provide for the holding of an ecumenical Council. 5 

1 Si quis dixerit in ecclesia Romana, quae omnium ecclesiarum 
mater est et magistra, non esse veram de baptismi sacramento 
doctrinam : anathema sit., Sess. 7, de baptismo, can. 3. Cf. 
Sess. 14, de extr. unctione c. 3 ; sess. 25, de delectu ciborum ; 
sess, 22, doctrina de sacrif. missae c. 8. Cf. the Professio fidei 
Tridentinae. 

2 Sess. 25, de ref. c. 2 ; cf. sess. 24 c. 12. 

3 Sess. 25, de ref. c. 21 ; cf, sess. 7, de ref. Prooem. 

4 Sollicitudinem universae ecclesiae ex muneris sui officio debet. 
Sess. 24, de ref. c. i ; cf. sess. 14, de poenit, c. 7 : Pontifices 
maximi pro suprema potestate sibi in ecclesia universa tradita 
causas aliquas . . . suo potuerunt peculiar! iudicio reservare. 

5 The difficulties which might arise in the acceptance or carrying 
into effect of the conciliar decrees, would be overcome, so the 
Council hoped, by the Pope " vel etiam concilii generalis celebra- 
tione, si necessarium iudicaverit." Sess. 25 Contin., De recipiendis 
et observandis decretis concilii. 



THE PAPAL SUPREMACY. 371 

Finally the Council recognized, de facto, the primacy of the 
Pope by submitting, in the last of its decrees, the decisions 
arrived at to Papal confirmation. 

The denial of the Papal supremacy on the part of the 
innovators was sufficiently answered by these decisions, but 
Gallican views as to the primacy, and especially the question 
whether the Pope was subject to an ecumenical Council, were 
not expressly decided at Trent. On account of the uncertainty 
of the religious position in France, it was to be feared that a 
formal condemnation of this doctrine, the evil inheritance 
of the XVth Century, might give rise to a schism. 1 

As regards everything else, the " most important " doctrines 
of the innovators 2 were condemned by the Council. The 
old Church, which had been defamed and said to be dead, 
had proved her vitality in a striking and most efficacious 
manner. If Luther had attained to great success, through 
his superiority as a writer endowed with a great command of 
language, the discussions and decrees of the Council at Trent 
displayed a superiority of another kind, the superiority of 
ripe theological science, penetrating discernment, and a deep 
understanding of the coherence of Christian doctrine. 

The reform decrees of the Council are no less striking a 
testimony to the spirit and strength of the old Church. She 
had been attacked in every way, in word, in writing, and in 
picture ; she had been represented as the kingdom of Anti- 
Christ, and the sink of iniquity, but behold ! the calumniated 
Church had risen again, and her very rising was a proof that 
the spirit of Paul and Elias was still alive in her. 

1 Later on, in the times of Louis XIV. and Joseph II., they like 
wise could not appeal to a conciliar decision against the obscuring 
of the doctrine of the faith on this point. To the great detriment 
of the Church the ideas of the time of the Council of Basle could 
therefore continue to flourish, and the Church to be disturbed 
by Gallicanism, Febronianism and lastly by the school of D61- 
linger. 

* Sancta synodus id potissimum curavit, ut praecipuos haereti 
corum nostri temporis errores damnaret. Sess. 25 Contin., de 
recip. et observ. deer. 



372 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The abuses with which the Church had so often been re 
proached are neither denied nor extenuated in the reform 
decrees. The very first sentence of the first decree candidly 
acknowledges that ecclesiastical discipline had become greatly 
relaxed, and that the morality of both clergy and people was 
at a low ebb. 1 Nevertheless, the fathers, with a holy earnest 
ness and zeal, which stand out in every decree., and, so to speak, 
in every sentence, set themselves to stop this depravity, and 
to restore the original purity in every respect. It was not 
enough for them to attack merely the grossest abominations, 
but with a high idealism, which can only be explained by the 
consciousness that the true Church of Christ has divine powers 
at her disposal, which need but to be awakened to cause every 
thing to blossom forth again in all its former beauty, they 
fixed their hopes on the highest aims. They would lend no 
ear to the advice that they should meet at least the worst 
excesses of a depraved clergy by allowing the marriage of 
priests. 2 They do not shrink from reminding the worldly 
prelates of a precept of the first centuries of the Church, 
according to which the table and household of a bishop must 
be simple and moderate ; 3 they lay it down as a principle 
that only they should be consecrated as bishops whose lives, 
from boyhood to mature age, have been spent in the praise 
worthy exercises of ecclesiastical duties, 4 who are filled with 
the knowledge that they are chosen, not for their own benefit, 
not for riches or luxury, but to work and to suffer for the 
honour of God. 5 The same requirements were also extended 
to the Cardinals. 6 

The whole reform plan of the fathers of the Council is built 

1 [Synodus] ad restituendam collapsam admodum ecclesiasticam 
disciplinam depravatosque in clero et populo christiano mores 
emendandos se accingere volens. Sess. 6, de ref, c. i. 

* Cf. sess. 24, can. 9. 

8 Sess. 25, 2. i. In the notes that follow the reference is in 
each case to the decree on reform. 

4 Sess. 6, c. i. 

5 Sess. 25, c. i. 

8 Ibid, and sess. 24, c. i. 



THE RESIDENCE OF BISHOPS. 373 

upon the conviction that the Church, in her organization, 
possesses both the possibility and the means of moral re 
juvenation. According to their idea, the bishops are the 
chosen representatives of the reform, from which must proceed 
the whole of the new life. Consequently, the fathers began 
their work of reform with themselves, for the integrity of 
those who are in authority, in the words of Leo the Great, is 
the salvation of those who are subject. 1 

At the beginning of the exhortations to the bishops stands 
a requirement, concerning the nature of and reason for which 
such violent disputes had arisen, the requirement that the 
bishop must not remain away from his own flock. 2 The resi 
dence of the bishops appeared so important to the fathers, that 
in the introduction to the reform decree of the Vllth Session, 
they at once speak of the business begun " concerning residence 
and reform," 3 and towards the end of the Council they once 
more return to the duty of residence of the bishops, 4 as if all 
the evils in the Church proceeded from the neglect of this. 
Since the shepherd must remain with his flock, he must not 
have several bishoprics in his possession, for "he is to be 
esteemed fortunate to whom it is given to rule even one church 
well and fruitfully." 5 The bishop must devote his whole 
strength to one diocese alone, he must build it up by his care 
for religious instruction, in the preaching which is the principal 
duty of bishops, 6 by constant visitation, 7 the punishment of 
the guilty, 8 and by his care to have a good clergy. 9 

But, on the other hand, the bishop must have the greatest 
possible freedom in the administration of his diocese. No 
privilege shall, for the future, protect the guilty cleric from 

iSess. 6, c. i. 

2 Sess. 6, c. i. 

3 inceptum residentiae et reformationis negotiura. 

*Sess. 23, c. i. 

5 Sess. 7, c. 2. 

Sess. 5. c. 2. 

7 Sess. 6, c. 7 seq. ; sess. 24, c. 3 etc. 

8 Sess. 13, c. i seqq. 
8 Sess. 23 c. 1 8. 



374 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

his power of inflicting punishment ;* against his visitation not 
even the cathedral chapters have the right to claim exemption. 2 
At his visitations he has the right to arrange matters as he 
thinks fit, 3 and should his power not prove sufficient in special 
cases, he may then act in the name of the Pope, and as his 
representative. 4 Care shall also be taken that the accused 
shall not tie the hands of justice by appeals and similar 
practices. 5 The bishop is specially urged 6 to take care of the 
poor and needy, as his government must in general bear the 
stamp of gentleness. 7 The bishop should summon his clergy 
to a joint conference every year in a diocesan synod, while 
the metropolitans shall every three years hold a provincial 
synod. 8 

Above all things, however, the bishops must take care to 
have an able and worthy clergy. For the world in general, 
the Council states, nothing is in a higher degree a constant 
lesson in piety and the service of God, than the life and ex 
ample of those who are dedicated to the divine service. All 
look to them and regulate their conduct by their example. In 
their dress, their bearing and their speech, clerics must show 
themselves rilled with the spirit of religion, so they must avoid 
even light sins, which in their case are very grave ; 9 they must 
take the lead of the people in their manner of life, their con 
versation, and in their learning. 10 Parish priests should preach 
every Sunday and festival, and they must be specially careful 
about the instruction of the children in Christian doctrine. 11 

All those who have the cure of souls are earnestly reminded 



. 6, c. i. 
2 Sess. 6, c. 2. 
8 Sess. 24, c. 10. 

4 Sess. 6, c. 2, 3, ; sess. 7, c. 14 ; sess. 13, c. 5; sess. 14, c. 4 etc. 

5 Sess. 13, c. i- 

8 Sess. 7, c. 15 ; sess. 22, c. 8. 

7 Sess. 13, c. i. 

8 Sess. 24, c. 2. 

9 Sess. 22, c. i. 

10 Sess. 14, Prooem. 

11 Sess. 24, c. 4. 



SEMINARIES. 375 

of their duty of residing among their flocks. 1 The bishop can 
suspend incapable clerics, 2 ignorant parish priests must have 
a coadjutor, and the immoral must be punished. 3 A number 
of regulations aim at preventing unworthy persons from 
receiving Holy Orders, 4 above all, no one may be ordained, 
or receive a benefice, without having passed an examination ; 5 
a certificate of good conduct from the parish priest is necessary 
before receiving minor orders, and only step by step, and after 
long proof and trial in the lower ranks, shall anyone be pro 
moted to the priesthood. 6 Even more important than all 
these regulations for the prevention of unworthy persons 
being admitted into the ranks of the clergy, was the decree 
that in every diocese where there was no university, a seminary 
should be established, where suitable young men were to be 
trained for the service of the sanctuary from their youth ; 7 
by this means the formation of a clergy, who should be cultured 
and learned, would be assured. 

Detailed steps were also taken to provide against the crying 
abuses in the system of benefices. Expectancies, as well as 
the regressus and accesstis, were forbidden for the future, 8 
as well as the bestowal of benefices on minors, 9 or canonries 
on such as would not be ordained, or perform the duties of 
their office. 10 The Council seeks with special strictness to 
protect the holy sacrifice of the Mass against all abuses arising 
from greed- for gain, irreverence or superstition. 11 For the 
rest, no abuse of any importance which was existent at that 
time can be named for which provision was not made as far 

1 Sess. 6, c. 2 ; sess. 7, c. 3 ; sess. 23, c. i. 
8 Sess. 14, c. 3. 

3 Sess. 21, c. 6. 

4 Sess. 7, c. ii ; sess. 14, c. 2 ; sess. 23, c. 16. 
6 Sess. 7, c. 13 ; sess. 23, c. 7. 

6 Sess. 23, c. 5, 14. 
Sess. 23, c. 18. 

8 Sess. 24, c. 19 ; sess. 25, c. 7. 

9 Sess. 23, c. 6. 

10 Sess. 24, c. 12 ; sess. 22, c. i. 

11 Sess. 22, de observandis et evitandis in celebratione missae. 



376 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as possible. We have regulations against the court prelates, 1 
begging clerics, 2 nepotism, 3 unauthorized preachers of in 
dulgences, 4 too great or too small extension of parishes, 5 
extravagances in the matter of church music, 6 and in the fine 
arts, 7 the encroachments of lay patrons and the nobles in 
ecclesiastical matters ; 8 and finally against monks who wander 
about outside their monasteries. 9 In its XXVth Session the 
Council occupied itself very minutely with the raising and 
renewal of the religious state. 

Next to the reform of the clergy, the Council had the care 
of the Christian family specially at heart. 10 After having 
defended the unity, indissolubility, and the religious character 
of matrimony in its dogmatic definitions, the reform decrees 
endeavour to protect the holiness of the sacrament, and to 
prevent scandals by a renewed prohibition of secret marriages, 
by a limitation of the impediments to matrimony, by admon 
ishing parish priests to exercise care in marrying persons 
unknown to them, or not resident in the place, and by providing 
for the complete freedom of all, and especially of the weaker 
sex, when entering upon this contract. 

1 Sess. 25, c. 17. 

2 Sess. 21, c. 2. 

3 Sess. 25, c. i. 

4 Sess. 5, c. 2 ; sess. 21, c. 9. 
6 Sess. 21, c. 4-5. 

6 Sess. 22, de celebratione missae. 

7 Sess. 25, de invocatione sanctorum, We shall treat of this 
decree later on, when speaking of art during the period of Catholic 
reform. 

8 Sess. 22, c. ii ; sess. 25, c. 9. 

9 Sess. 14, c. ii. " Thus in some way were pastoral activities 
dealt with by the Council, from those that were merely mechanical 
to those that were purely ideal, many being treated very minutely, 
much being laid down that was new, and everything being gone 
into more deeply." SWOBODA, 102. 

10 Sess. 24. For the influence of the Council of Trent upon the 
development of baptismal and matrimonial registers (a thing 
already done since the middle ages) cf. SAGMULLER in the Tubingen 
Quartalschrift, LXXXI. (1899), 227 seqq. 



THE SECULAR PRINCES. 377 

After the fundamental lines for the renewal of life, both for 
the Church and the family, had been traced, there remained 
but one more field of activity for the work of reforming zeal, 
the field of politics. There can be no doubt that in the 
relations of the princes to the Church there was room for an 
immense number of improvements, and that a very great part 
of the most pressing evils was due to the fact that unworthy 
proteges had been intruded into ecclesiastical positions by 
secular officials and rulers ; it was plain that Church property 
had been diverted from its original purpose, and that seculars 
influenced the government of the Church for their own selfish 
ends. The attempt, however, to appeal to the conscience of 
the princes raised a perfect storm of opposition among them. 1 
No other course, therefore, was possible to the Council than to 
express in general terms the hope that the princes would 
fulfil their duties as Catholics and as the divinely appointed 
protectors of the faith and the Church, and to renew the old 
laws for the defence of ecclesiastical liberties, and to exhort 
the princes to observe them. 2 

Had it been given to the Council, by such exhortations as 
these, to bring the further development of absolutism to a 
standstill, then French, and with it European history, might 
have been spared the era of the revolution. 

The true and intrinsic success of the Council lay within the 
Church itself, though even there its decrees were not all of 
them carried into effect everywhere or at once. The law, for 
example, concerning the provincial synods to be held every 
three years, was nowhere observed, except perhaps by St. 
Charles Borromeo. 3 In Germany the existing conditions 
made it necessary to unite several bishoprics in the hands of 
the son of some powerful prince. The reform of the cathedral 
chapters remained a pious wish in many places, while even 
the important decree concerning the clerical seminaries was 
not at once carried out everywhere. A great number of abuses, 

1 Cf. supra p. 343. 

2 Sess. 25, c. 20. 

He held provincial synods in the years 1565, 1569, 1573, 
1576, 1579, 1582. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



however, were removed, many reforms were carried out at 
once in many districts, and in others more slowly. Many 
excellent bishops, some of them saints, as Charles Borromeo 
of Milan (died 1584), Alessandro Sauli of Aleria in Corsica 
(died 1592), Turibio of Lima (died 1606), and Francis de Sales 
(died 1622) sought to realize the ideal of a bishop sketched 
by the Council of Trent. The provincial and diocesan synods, 
which had always proved so important for the renewal of the 
religious spirit, were revived later, especially in France. The 
Council acquired inestimable merit by its raising of the status 
of the secular priesthood. If this body, in modern times, 
occupies a far more important and influential position by the 
side of the regular clergy than it did in the middle ages, this 
must be attributed for the most part, to the better training 
which they received as the result of the decrees of the Council 
of Trent. 

To sum up, it is difficult to estimate too highly the import 
ance of the Council of Trent, especially for the interior develop 
ment of the Church. It laid the foundations of a true reform, 
and fixed Catholic doctrine on broad and systematic lines. 
It is at once a boundary line and a landmark, at which opposing 
spirits must separate, and it inaugurates a new epoch in the 
history of the Catholic Church. 



APPENDIX 

OF 

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 

AND 

EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES. 



APPENDIX, 

PRELIMINARY NOTICE. 

THE following documents are intended to confirm and complete 
the text of my book ; it has formed no part of my plan to 
provide a true and full collection of documents. In every 
case the place where the document was found is given with the 
greatest possible exactitude. As far as the text is concerned, 
I have, as a rule, preserved intact the wording of the docu 
ments or letters, which for the most part I have had before 
me in the original ; there is no need for me to justify the 
changes I have made in the matter of capital letters and 
punctuation. Where I have ventured on alterations I have 
always noted the fact, though small mistakes and obvious 
copyist s errors have not been specially noted. The additions 
which I have made are enclosed in square brackets, while 
unintelligible or doubtful passages are marked by a note of 
interrogation or by the word " sic." Those passages which 
I have omitted, either when copying the documents or in 
preparing them for the Press, and which were not essential or 
or unnecessary to my purpose, are marked by dots (. . .). 

i. THE SCRUTINIES IN THE CONCLAVE OF Pius IV. 

From 9 September to 16 December, 1559. 1 

The Munich codex Clm 152, "Onuphrii Panvinii Veronensis 
fratri Eremitae Augustiniani De varia Romani Pontificis 
creatione liber 10," reproduces, p. 302^385, completely the 
schedules of the ballots (i to 68) in the conclave of Pius IV. ; 
each scrutiny gives about 45 schedules, and each of these, 
during the earlier part of the conclave contains for the most 
part the names of from 3 to 4 Cardinals, later on there are 
usually from 5 to 6, and after that from 7 to 9 names. To 
reprint the whole of this multitude of names there are 132 
folio pages would be useless ; moreover, it would not be 

See supra, pp. 1, 17, 19, 21, 24. 38, 42, 51. 

381 



382 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

possible to calculate on this basis, in the case of each Cardinal, 
the number of votes given to him on a single occasion, because 
all the Cardinals present are named on some of the schedules, 
tilulo honoris, and none are omitted except Carlo Carafa, 
Innocenzo del Monte, and Simoncelli. Therefore, only in the 
case of the scrutinies i to 3, 37 to 40, and 66 to 68, have I 
reproduced the complete voting by way of example. For the 
rest it will suffice to give in the first place an outline of the 68 
scrutinies, only naming those Cardinals who obtained more 
than ten votes, or who for some reason call for special mention ; 
after that I will give in tabular form the number of votes cast 
in each scrutiny for the Cardinals whose names appear most 
frequently. 

I. SURVEY OF THE 68 SCRUTINIES. 

(The numbers given by Bondonus in MERKLE II. 519, are 
given in [ ] with the letter B ; thus " Pacheco n [B.i8] " 
signifies that Pacheco had n votes according to the list of 
scrutinies and 18 according to Bondonus. After the date of 
the scrutiny there follows, with the letter Z, the number of 
schedules reproduced by Panvinio ; " Z.42 " therefore means 
that for that scrutiny Panvinio gives 42 schedules.) 

1. (Saturday, 9 Sept. ; Z 42) : Pacheco received 15 votes ; 
Puteo 8 ; Dolera and Rebiba 7 ; Lenoncourt, Carpi, Tournon 
6 ; Scotti, Pisani, Reumano, Gonzaga, du Bellay, Cr. del 
Monte 5 ; D. Carafa 4 ; Ghislieri, Medici, Sforza, Cueva, 
Este 3 ; Cesi, Madruzzo, Truchsess, Cicada, Armagnac 2 ; 
Ricci, Farnese, Capodiferro, Carafa I. 

2. (Monday, n Sept. ; Z 42) : Cueva 17 [also Guidus in 
MERKLE II., 612 ; B 18] ; Pacheco 12 ; Tournon 9 ; Gonzaga, 
Cicada, Puteo 5 ; Crispi, Carpi, Rebiba, Madruzzo, Lenon 
court 4 ; Saraceni, Farnese, Cesi, Este, Savelli, Scotti, Dolera 
3 ; Dandino, Pisani, D. Carafa, Ghislieri, du Bellay, Capo 
diferro, Sforza, Ricci, Medici, Cr. del Monte, Truchsess 2 ; 
Reumano, A. Carafa, Cornaro, Vitelli, Corgna, Henry of 
Portugal i. 

3. (Tuesday, 12 Sept. ; Z 43) : Pacheco n [B 18] ; Puteo, 
Gonzaga, Cueva, Dolera 8 ; Tournon 7 ; D. Carafa 6 ; Ghis 
lieri, Carpi, Saraceni, Truchsess, Pisani 5 ; Cesi, Ricci, Crispi, 
Rebiba, Scotti, Dandino 4 ; Medici, Este, Farnese, Cicada, 
Corgna, Gaddi, Cornaro, Sforza 3 ; du Bellay, Rovere, Cr. del 



APPENDIX. 383 

Monte, Madruzzo, Savelli 2 ; Capodiferro, Reumano, Vitelli, 
Sermoneta, Carafa i. 

4. (Wednesday, 13 Sept. ; Z 43) : Lenoncourt 18 [B 18] ; 
Pacheco 10 ; Dolera 8 ; Cueva 7 ; Cicada 6 ; Rebiba, Scotti 5. 

5. (Thursday, 14 Sept. ; Z 43) : Henry of Portugal 15 
[B 15] ; Puteo 8 ; Cueva, Saraceni, Dandino, Pacheco 7 ; 
Cicada 6 ; D. Carafa, Cornaro 5 ; C. Carafa i. 

6. (Friday, 15 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco n [B 12] ; Puteo, 
Cr. del Monte 10 ; Dolera 7 ; Farnese, Cicada, Cueva 6 ; 
Truchsess, Scotti 5 ; Morone i. 1 

7. (Saturday, 16 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 13 [B 12] ; Ghis- 
lieri n ; Puteo 10 ; Dolera, Rebiba 8 ; D. Carafa 7 ; Cueva, 
Dandino 5 ; Scotti 4 ; Morone 3. 

8. (Monday, 18 Sept. ; Z45) : Carpi 14 [B 13] ; Pacheco n ; 
Dolera 8 ; Rebiba, Scotti 7 ; Cicada, Cueva, Mercurio 5. 

9. (Tuesday, 19 Sept. ; Z 47) : Pacheco 14 ; Carpi 12 ; 
D. Carafa 8 [B 14] ; Dolera, du Bellay, Rebiba 7 ; Ricci 6 ; 
Crispi, Dandino 5 ; Morone 2. 

10. (Wednesday, 20 Sept. ; Z46) : Carpi 13 [B 14] ; Pute o, 
Tournon n ; Pacheco 9 ; Dolera 8 ; Truchsess, Cicada, 
Cueva 6 ; Morone 2. 

11. (Friday, 22 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 18 [B 18] ; Tournon 
15 and 5 accessits [also B] ; Dolera 7 ; du Bellay, Armagnac 

6 ; Farnese 5. The 5 acceeding Cardinals are du Bellay, 
Armagnac, Armagnac (sic !), Crispi, Strozzi. 

12. (Saturday, 23 Sept. ; Z 44) : Carpi 16 [B 16] ; Pacheco 
13 ; Cueva 11 ; Dolera, Truchsess, Ricci 7 ; Corgna 6. 

13. (Monday, 25 Sept. ; Z 46) : Cr. del Monte 13 [B 13] ; 
Carpi, Pacheco, Tournon 11 ; Cueva, Dolera 10 ; D. Carafa 9. 

14. (Tuesday, 26 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 22 [B 23 ; also 
Vargas in DOLLINGER, Beitr., I, 226] a ; Cueva 17 ; Truchsess, 
Ciispi 9 ; D. Carafa 7. 

15. (Wednesday, 27 Sept. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 20 [B 21] ; 
Cueva 18 [B 18] ; Saraceni 13 ; Dandino 10 [B 10] ; Tournon 
10 ; Cr. del Monte 7 ; Truchsess 5 ; Morone 2. 

16. (Thursday, 28 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 12 
[B 18] ; D. Carafa 12 ; Truchsess 9 ; Cr. del Monte 8 ; Crispi 

7 ; Gonzaga, Puteo 4. 

1 From this point onwards Moorne always obtained at least one vote. In 
the scrutinies 18-46, one schedule always contains the names of Cueva and 
Morone, and 47-68, one always those of Cueva, Morone, Pacheoo. 

1 One schedule appears to have been lost, there being only 45 instead of 46. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



17. (Saturday, 30 Sept. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 18 [B 18] ; 
Cueva 14 ; D. Carafa 9 ; Cr. del Monte 8 ; du Bellay 7 ; 
Dolera, Rebiba 6 ; Morone 2. 

18. (Monday, 2 Oct. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 20 [B 20] ; Cueva 

16 ; Dolera 8 ; du Bellay, Cr. del Monte 7. 

19. (Tuesday, 3 Oct. ; Pacheco 19 [B 20] ; Cueva 17 ; 
Crispi 12 ; D. Carafa, Rebiba 7 ; Innoc. del Monte i. 

20. (Thursday, 5 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 20 [B 18] ; Sara- 
ceni 16 ; Cueva 15 ; Scotti n ; D. Carafa 9 ; Dolera 7. 

21. (Friday, 6 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 19 [B 18] ; Rebiba 

17 ; Reumano 16 ; Cueva 15 ; Cr. del Monte u ; Corgna 6. 

22. (Saturday, 7 Oct.; Z 46) : Pacheco 20 [B 20] ; Sara- 
ceni 19 ; Cueva 13 ; Dolera, du Bellay 8 ; Cicada 7 ; Corgna, 
Madruzzo 6 ; Capodiferro 5. 

23. (Monday, 9 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 21 ; Cueva 18 ; 
Truchsess 13 ; Corgna 7 ; Lorraine 5. 

24. (Tuesday, 10 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 18 [B 19] ; Cueva 

1 6 ; D. Carafa, Cicada 10 ; Truchsess 7 ; de Givry i. 

25. (Wednesday, n Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 19 [B 18] ; 
Cueva 15 ; Strozzi 10 ; Gaddi 9 ; Cicada 8 ; Farnese, Corgna 
5 ; C. Carafa 4 ; Bourbon, Vitelli i. 

26. (Thursday, 12 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 20 [B 21] ; Ghis- 
lieri 20 ; Cueva 16 ; Cicada n ; Corgna 8 ; Dolera 7 ; 
Vitelli i. 

27. (Friday, 13 Oct. ; Z 44) : Ran. Farnese 21 [B 22] *; 
Pacheco 20 ; Cueva 14 ; Innoc. del Monte 2 ; de Givry, 
Carafa i. 

28. (Saturday, 14 Oct. ; Z 44) : Pacheco 21 [B 21] ; Cueva 
17 ; Puteo, Rebiba 9 ; Dolera 8 ; Innoc. del Monte 3 ; 
Morone I. (One name, de Mec, unintelligible.) 

29. (Monday, 16 Oct. ; Z 44) : Pacheco 21 [B 21] ; Cueva 

17 ; Gaddi 14 ; Cicada 8. 

30. (Tuesday, 17 Oct. ; Z 44) : Savelli 22 [B 22] ; Pacheco 

18 ; Cueva 17 ; du Bellay, Cr. del Monte 8 ; Corgna 6 ; C. 
and A. Carafa i. 

31. (Thursday, 19 Oct. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 19 [B 19] ; Cueva. 
15 ; Cicada 10 ; du Bellay 9 ; Capizuchi 8 ; Truchsess 7 ; 
Ricci 6 ; A. Carafa i. 

32. (Friday, 20 Oct. ; Z 44) : Pacheco 21 ; Cueva 16 ; 

1 It was the anniversary of the election of Paul III. (See Vol. XI. of this 
work, p. 14). In the *Avviso di Roma of 14 October, 1559 (Urb. 1039, p. 95, 
Vatic Library), Han. Farnese received 22 votes and 4 accessits. 



APPENDIX. 385 

Crispi 13 ; Cr. del Monte 9 ; Dolera, D. Carafa, Cicada, du 
Bellay 7. 

33. (Saturday, 21 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 21 [B 21] ; Cueva 
17 ; Crispi 10 ; Cicada, du Bellay 9 ; Bourbon i. 

34. (Monday, 23 Oct. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 22 [B 19] ; Cueva 
20 ; D. Carafa 15 ; Crispi 12 ; Simoncelli i. 

35. (Tuesday, 24 Oct. ; Z 44) : Pacheco 19 [B 18] ; Cueva 
15 ; Cicada n ; Crispi 10. 

36. (Wednesday, 25 Oct. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 18 ; Cueva 16 ; 
Carafa 2. 

37. (Thursday, 26 Oct. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva 17 ; 
Saraceni n ; D. Carafa 10 ; Cicada 9 ; Ghislieri, Dandino, 
Cr. del Monte, Madruzzo 7 ; Dolera, Crispi, du Bellay, Ber- 
trand 6 ; Truchsess, Gonzaga, Corgna, Pisani, Puteo, Tournon, 
Scotti, Ricci 5; Carpi, Lenoncourt, Rebiba, Ch. Guise 4; 
Este, Mercurio 3 ; Cesi, A. Farnese, Capodiferro, Gaddi, A. 
Carafa, Savelli, Vitelli, Reumano, Medici 2 ; Cornaro, Morone, 
Sermoneta, Sforza, Urbino, Ran. Farnese, Simoncelli i. 

38. (Friday, 27 Oct. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 20 ; Cueva 17 ; 
Saraceni 10 ; Crispi 9 ; Cicada, du Bellay, Tournon 8 ; 
Gonzaga 7 ; Dolera, Capodiferro, Medici, Corgna, Pisani, 
Reumano 6 ; Ghislieri, D. Carafa, Carpi, Dandino, Cr. del 
Monte, Mercurio, Puteo 5 ; Cesi, Este, Truchsess, Carafa, 
Madruzzo 4 ; Armagnac, Rebiba 3 ; Farnese, Lenoncourt, 
A. Carafa, Sforza, Scotti, Ricci, Vitelli, Guise, Rovere 2 ; 
Morone, Savelli, Sermoneta, Bertrand, Ran. Farnese, Mariae 
in Argo (Mariae in Aquiro^Este [?]) i. 

39. (Monday, 30 Oct. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva 18 ; 
Gonzaga n ; Cicada 10 ; D. Carafa 8 ; Carpi, Este, du Bellay, 
Rebiba, Saraceni 7 ; Ghislieri, Tournon, Puteo, Crispi 6 ; 
Dolera, Dandino, Mercurio, Pisani 5 ; Capodiferro, Cr. del 
Monte, Madruzzo 4 ; Cesi, Medici [Priscae], Corgna, Sermoneta, 
Ran. Farnese, Bertrand 3 ; Cornaro, Farnese, A. Carafa, 
Sforza, Ricci, Vitelli, Guise 2 ; Truchsess, Gaddi, Lenoncourt, 
Lorraine, Morone, Reumano, Savelli, Scotti, Strozzi, 
Rovere i. 

40. (Tuesday, 31 Oct. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 16 ; Cueva 15; 
Capizuchi u ; D. Carafa, Rebiba 10 ; Saraceni 9 ; Ghislieri, 
Carpi, Crispi, Cr. del Monte, Madruzzo 7 ; Gonzaga, Cicada, 
Mercurio, Scotti 6 ; Este, Medici [Priscae], Puteo, Dandino, 
Pisani 5 ; Corgna, Savelli, Guise 4 ; Cesi, Tournon, Dolera, 

VOL. xv. 25 



386 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

du Bellay, Farnese, Lenoncourt, Reumano, Ricci 3 ; Carafa, 
Capodiferro, A. Carafa, Strozzi, Ran. Farnese 2 ; Truchsess, 
Gaddi, Lorraine, Morone, Sforza, Rovere, Monte, Bertrand i. 

41. (Friday, 3 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco, Cueva 17 ; Cr. del 
Monte 14 ; Saraceni 13 ; du Bellay 10 ; Crispi, Dandino, Pisani 9. 

42. (Saturday, 4 Nov. ; Z 48) : Cueva 16 ; Pacheco 15 ; 
Dandino 13 ; D. Carafa, Cicada n ; Rebiba 10 ; Crispi, A. 
Carafa 8 ; Corgna 6 ; Guise 5. 

43. (Monday, 6 Nov. ; Z 48) : Cueva 18 ; Pacheco 17 ; 
Ghislieri, Gonzaga 10 ; Saraceni 9 ; Crispi 8 ; Ricci 6 ; Henry 
of Portugal 5 ; Bourbon, Innoc. del Monte, C. Carafa 1 1. 

44. (Tuesday, 7 Nov. ; Z ? 2 ) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 17 ; 
Saraceni, Cicada n ; Dolera, Ghislieri, du Bellay 10. 

45. (Thursday, 9 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 20 ; Cueva 18 ; 
Rebiba 12 ; Crispi n ; Reumano 9. 

46. (Friday, 10 Nov. ; Z 48) : Cueva 20, Pacheco 19 ; 
Rovere 12 ; Este 10 ; Cornaro 9 ; Bourbon i. 

47. (Monday, 13 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva, du 
Bellay 15 ; D. Carafa 13 ; Rebiba 12 ; Gonzaga 10. 

48. (Tuesday, 14 Nov. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva 17 ; 
Tournon 12 ; Cicada n ; Guise 9 ; Saraceni 8. 

49. (Wednesday, 15 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 20 ; Cueva 
15 ; Rebiba 10. 

50. (Thursday, 16 Nov. ; Z 47) : Pacheco 22 ; Cueva 15 ; 
du Bellay 12 ; Carpi, Tournon n ; Carafa, Guise 6. 

51. (Friday, 17 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 21 ; Cueva 13 ; 
Carpi, Cicada 12 ; Tournon, Saraceni u ; Innoc. del Monte, 
Vitelli [S. Mariae in Porticu) I. 

52. (Monday, 20 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 14 ; 
D. Carafa, Carpi 12 ; Saraceni 12. 

53. (Tuesday, 21 Nov. ; Z 48) : Saraceni 18 ; Pacheco 17 ; 
Cueva 14 ; du Bellay 12 ; Cicada, Carpi n. 

54. (Thursday, 23 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva 18 ; 
Saraceni 15 ; D. Carafa, Cicada 12 ; Carpi, Tournon n ; 
Guise 9. 

55. (Friday, 24 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 17 ; Saraceni 14 ; 
Cueva 13 ; Cicada 12 ; Tournon 10 ; Guise 8. 

56. (Monday, 27 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 15 ; 
Saraceni 13 ; Tournon 12 ; du Bellay n ; Guise 5. 

1 C. Carafa received from now onwards several votes in each scrutiny. 
* On account of the confused division of the lines in the manuscript, it is 
impossible to be certain as to this. 



APPENDIX. 387 

57. (Tuesday, 28 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 19 ; Rebiba 14 ; 
Cueva, Tournon 12 ; Saraceni n ; Reumano 9 ; Guise 6 ; 
Capizuchi 5 ; Bourbon i. 

58. (Wednesday, 29 Nov. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 18 ; Cueva 13 ; 
D. Carafa 12 ; Tournon n ; Saraceni 10 ; Guise 8. 

59. (Friday, i Dec. ; Z 48) : Pacheco 18 ; Este 12 ; Cueva, 
Saraceni, Tournon n ; Gonzaga, D. Carafa 10 ; Guise 7. 

60. (Saturday, 2 Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 17 ; Gonzaga 
12 ; Este, Cicada n ; Cueva, Cr. del Monte, Saraceni, 
Tournon 10. 

61. (Monday, 4 Dec.; Z 47 1 ) : Cueva 16 ; Pacheco 15; 
Este 12 ; Saraceni 12 ; Gonzaga n ; Cicada, Rebiba 10. 

62. (Tuesday, 5 Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 16 ; 
Saraceni 13 ; Cesi 12 ; Tournon u ; Este, du Bellay 10. 

63. (Wednesday, 6 Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 15 ; Cueva 14 ; 
Cr. del Monte 12 ; Este, Saraceni n ; Gonzaga, Rebiba 10. 

64. (Saturday, 9 Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco, Cueva 18 ; Tour 
non, Saraceni n. To schedule 40 there is attached the 
remark : " Non erat appositum verbum [i.e., some word or 
sentence, which should have been placed as a token outside 
the folded schedule], et ideo fuit disputatum an valeret, et 
fuit conclusum, quod aperiretur, et erat (Turnonius, Man- 
tuanus, Ferrariensis)." 

65. (Monday, n Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 17 ; Cueva 15 ; 
Tournon, Cesi 13 ; Dolera n ; Rebiba 10. 

66. (Wednesday, 13 Dec. ; Z 46) : Cueva 18 ; Pacheco 17 ; 
Cesi JO ; Este, Rebiba 9 ; Carpi, Saraceni, Guise 8 ; Cicada, 
Cr. del Monte, Corgna, Tournon 7 ; Ghislieri, D. Carafa, 
Truchsess, du Bellay, Gonzaga 6 ; Dolera, Carafa, Pisani, 
Savelli, Capizuchi, Ran. Farnese 5 ; Armagnac, Crispi, Medici, 
Rovere 4 ; A. Carafa, Scotti, Madruzzo 3 ; Cornaro, Mercurio, 
Morone, Puteo, Reumano 2 ; A. Farnese, Gaddi, Henry of 
Portugal, Sermoneta, Sforza, Bertrand i. 

67. (Thursday, 14 Dec. ; Z 45) : Pacheco 18 ; Cueva, 
Saraceni 16 ; Tournon, Gonzaga, Cesi 10 ; Cicada, Cr. del 
Monte 9 ; Ghislieri, Este, Dolera 8 ; D. Carafa 7 ; Carpi, 
Rebiba 6 ; Pisani, Puteo, Guise 5 ; C. and A. Carafa, Corgna, 
Reumano, Scotti, Rovere 4 ; Truchsess, Crispi, Gaddi, Mer 
curio, Madruzzo, Ricci 3 ; Sermoneta, Strozzi, Capizuchi, 

1 Schedules 9 and 10 are exactly alike, and since we know from Bondonus 
that from December 1 to 13 the conclave had only 4(5 members, it follows that 
the writer must by mistake have written his schedule twice over. 



3 88 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



Ran. Farnese 2 ; Armagnac, du Bellay, Medici, Morone, 
Savelli, Simoncelli, de Givry, Vendome, Vitelli 1 i. 

68. (Saturday 16, Dec. ; Z 46) : Pacheco 19 ; Cueva 17 ; 
Tournon, Saraceni n ; Cesi, Cicada 9 ; Carpi, Armagnac, 
Reumano 8 ; Puteo, Rebiba, Corgna, D. Carafa 7 ; Dolera, 
Truchsess, Gonzaga, Madruzzo 6 ; Este, Ghislieri, Crispi, 
Cr. del Monte, Mercuric, Guise 5 ; Gaddi, Rovere, Pisani, 
Vitelli, Bertrand 3 ; A. Carafa, Strozzi, Sermoneta, Savelli 2 ; 
du Bellay, Morone, Sforza, Scotti, Ricci, Ran. Farnese, 
Capizucbi, Simoncelli i. 

II. VOTES RECORDED FOR THE PRINCIPAL CANDIDATES. 
(For Pacheco and Cueva see under I.) 



|1234 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


Carpi . . . 


6 


4 


5 


6 


6 


7 


7 


14 


12 


13 


9 


1 6 


ii 


4 


2 


3 


7 


Cesi 


2 


3 


4 


3 


4 


5 


4 


i 


2 


5 


3 


2 


i 


2 


3 


5 


5 


Este. . . . 


3 


3 


3 


2 


i 


2 


4 


2 


I 


4 


4 


3 


5 


3 


2 


5 


5 


Ghislieri . 


3 


2 


5 


2 


3 


4 


ii 


3 


4 


5 


5 


4 


4 


i 


I 


2 


i 


Gonzaga . 


5 


5 


8 


2 


2 


2 


6 


4 


2 


i 


i 


3 


3 


2 


2 


4 


4 


Medici 2 . . 


3 


2 


3 


4 


4 


4 


3 


3 


3 


4 


6 


5 


4 


3 


I 




4 


Pisani . . . 


5 


2 


5 


4 


3 


3 


6 


i 


i 


2 


4 


6 


i 


2 


4 


4 


5 


Puteo 


8 


5 


8 


4 


8 


10 


10 


9 


8 


II 


6 


6 


6 


4 


5 


4 


7 


Reumano 


5 


i 


i 


4 


2 


3 


5 


4 


2 


3 


3 





2 


i 




i 


2 


Saraceni . 




3 


5 


2 


7 


4 


3 


6 


6 


4 


3 


4 


2 





13 


6 


4 


Tournon . 


6] 9 


7 


4 


6 


8 


7 


9 


8 


ii 


15 


7 


II 


8 


10 


7 


8 


18 19J20 


21 


22 


23 


24 


25 


26 


27 


28 


29 


30 31 


32 


33 


34 


Carpi . . . 


4 


4 


4 


4 


4 


4 


4 


3 


6 


5 


5 


7 


7 


8 


6 


5 


6 


Cesi .... 


5 


2 


4 


4 


5 


3 


3 


7 


7 


6 


3 


4 


4 


2 


4 


4 


3 


Este. . . . 


3 


5 


6 


3 


3 


6 


i 


4 


2 


5 


6 


6 


4 


5 


7 


6 


2 


Ghislieri . 


3 


3 


i 


3 


7 


7 


2 


3 


20 


5 


5 


4 


2 


i 


i 


5 


4 


Gonzaga . 


5 


4 


7 


4 


5 


6 


3 


5 


5 


4 


7 


7 


5 


3 


8 


8 


7 


Medici. . . 


3 


i 


2 


3 


3 





7 


7 


6 


4 


5 


3 


3 


i 


4 


2 


2 


Pisani . . . 


4 


4 


7 


5 


5 


4 


3 


9 


6 


4 


4 


9 


5 


4 


6 


2 


5 


Puteo. . . 


6 


6 


8 


5 


6 


7 


6 


7 


5 


5 


9 


3 


2 


2 


5 


5 


8 


Reumano 


i 


2 





16 


i 




2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


2 


2 


2 


4 


2 


2 


Saraceni . 


6 


2 


16 


4 


19 


4 


6 


8 


4 


3 


3 


2 





6 


7 


6 


7 


Tournon . 


7 


4 


3 


7 


6 


6 


5 


4 


5 


8 


7 


8 


7 


9 


5 


8 


5 



1 In schedule 38, in a space left blank by the writer, an illegible namo 
(Lotharingus ?) ha.s been written in another hand. 

* The votes given for " 8. Prisca " are counted as being in favour of Cardinal 
Medici. That the Cardinal " tf. Priscae " (in spite of Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 
339) was no other than Medici, is not only proved from Panvinio (*Nomina 
cardinalium viventium, quando Pius IV. creatus est ; Clm 152, p. 429b, 
and in MERKLE II., 590; cf. CIACONIUS III., 736, 867, 868, 869), but also 
follows from the list of scrutinies itself. In scrutinies 57-8, 60-3, there is a 
schedule with the names : Portuensis, Albanensis, S. Priscae. In scrutiny 
59, this schedule no longer appears, but another with the names Portuensis, 
Albanensis, Medici. Cf. also the two schedules in scrutiny 65, vote 21 : 
Praenestinus, Albanensis, Medici, and scrutiny 66, vote 14 : Praenestinus, 
S. Priscae. 



APPENDIX. 



389 





35 


36 


37 


38 


39 


40 


41 


42 


43 


144 


45 


46 


47 


48 


49 


50 


51 


Carpi . . . 








5 








5 


4 


6 


5 


5 


8 


8 


9 


ii 


12 


Cesi .... 
Este 


g 


2 


2 


4 


3 


3 












10 


5 

7 


6 
6 


4 


5 


8 


Ghislieri . 


J 


3 


7 


5 


6 


7 


5 


6 


10 


10 


7 


4 


/ 

5 


6 


6 


5 


8 


Gonzaga . 


5 


7 


5 


7 


ii 


6 


5 


7 


10 


5 


5 


9 


10 


8 


7 


8 


7 


Medici . . 


4 


3 


2 


6 


3 


5 


2 


4 


5 


4 


5 


4 


5 


4 


3 


6 


4 


Pisani. . . 


5 


5 


5 


6 


5 


5 


9 


5 


4 


4 


2 


4 


6 


5 


3 


3 


4 


Puteo . . . 


4 


6 


5 


5 


6 


5 


8 


8 


6 


7 


7 


8 


8 


4 


7 


6 


6 


Reumano 


3 


7 


2 


6 


i 


3 


3 


6 


2 


2 


9 


3 


4 


i 


5 


7 


4 


Saraceni . 


8 


9 


II 


10 


7 


9 


J 3 


4 


9 


II 


7 


6 


5 


8 


7 


8 


i i 


Tournon . 


7 


7 


5 


8 


6 


3 


4 


9 


6 


8 


6 


9 


8 


12 


5 


ii 


ri 



52 


53 


54 i 55 


56 57 


58 


59 


60 


61 


62 


63 


64 


65 


66 


67 


68 


Carpi . . . 


12 


ii 


ii 


9 


8 


7 


6 


5 


7 


7 


8 


7 


6 


5 


8 


6 


8 


Cesi 


() 


7 


9 


9 


8 


4 


9 


5 


8 


9 


12 


7 


6 


13 


IO 


IO 


9 


Este . . . 


9 


8 


6 


7 


7 


7 


8 


12 


ii 


12 


IO 


ii 


8 


7 


9 


8 


5 


Ghislieri . 





6 


8 


6 


5 


5 


4 


7 


8 





6 


7 


7 


6 


6 


8 


5 


Gonzaga . 


9 


6 


7 


8 


8 


4 


5 


IO 


12 


1 1 


8 


IO 


8 


8 


6 


IO 


6 


Medici . . 


3 


5 


6 


3 


7 


4 


5 


3 


3 


2 


2 


i 


5 


4 


4 


i 





Pisani . . . 


2 


7 


8 


4 


6 


6 


8 


6 


4 


4 


5 


3 


3 


3 


5 


5 


3 


Puteo . . . 


8 


5 


5 


5 


3 


4 


4 


5 


5 


5 


2 


4 


5 


5 


2 


5 


7 


Reumano 


7 


4 


5 


7 


5 


9 


5 


7 


2 


5 


4 


5 


8 


5 


2 


4 


8 


Saraceni . 


12 


18 


15 


J 4 


13 


ii 


10 


ii 


10 


1 2 


13 


ii 


ii 


5 


8 


16 


I i 


Tournon . 


8 


6 


ii 


10 


12 


12 


ii 


ii 


IO 


8 


ii 


9 


ii 


13 


7 


IO 


1 1 



2. FRANCESCO DI GUADAGNO TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 

1559, September 20, Roma. 1 

. . . Sabato and6 in rotta una pratichetta di Medici, con- 
dotta da Farnese et Caraffa, ma ella non trovo buon piede, tan- 
to piu che si scoperse che volesson far senza il Camarlingo, che 
e tanto prircipale la dentro. Del s. card e nostro speravano 
tuttavia meglio con il servitio de Francesi, i quali pareva che 
cominciassero a lasciarsi indurre a far bene. La domenica 
fu rinfrescata la pratica di Medici, et perche i Franzesi davan 
qualche intentione di conscendervi, era in bona spettatione. 
La notte sequente Ferrara comincio a esser dietro alle sue 
pratiche gagliardamente et per tutto il giorno sequente non 
resto di tempestare, benche ogn homo conoscessi 1 impossi- 
bilita. Farnese per paura la sera fece mezo segno di voler 
andare ad adorare Carpi per far risolvere Ferrara, ma essendo il 
numero de suoi complici tanto poco la cosa si risolvette in 
passeggiare fino alle quattro hore per capella. Hieri piu che 
mai si attese a far pratiche per Carpi dalli adversarii di Ferrara 

1 See supra, p. 19, an. 4, (5. 



390 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

et se egli non si risolvessi, la cosa potrebbe essere pericolosa. 
Questa occasione potrebbe servire per il s. card nostro, 
essendoci chi attende alle contramine in servigio di S. S. Ill" a , 
et se si continua ne 1 modo comincio, fra poco si potrebbe sentir 
il scoppio dell uno et dell altro. Scrivendo questa mi e 
sopragionto aviso che la furia di Carpi e in gran parte cessata, 
ma non saria gran cosa che questa notte si rinfrescassi. Questo 
contrapeso fa molto per noi, per Medici et Puteo, ma se Ferrara 
si risjlvera il nostro ne havera meglio di tutti. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

3. THE DISPATCHES OF MARCANTONIO DA MULA. 

Marcantonio da Mula, who was generally spoken of in the 
Curia as Amulio, came to Rome in the middle of May, 1560, 
as the successor of Mocenigo, and there won particular favour 
with Pius IV., who, on February 26th, 1561, honoured him 
by bestowing the purple on him. By accepting this dignity, 
Mula incurred lasting disgrace from his own government. 
For the life of this man, who was distinguished in every way, 
and who in 1565 was named prefect of the Vatican Library, 
and died on March i3th, 1570, cf. besides the sources cited 
supra p. 162, n. 3, MAZZUCHELLI, I., 2, 651 seq. ; Mon. Slav, 
merid., VIII., 86, n. ; TURBA, Depeschen, II. , xii. seq. III., 168 n. 
2 ; MERKLE, Concil. Trid., II. ; HILLIGER, 115 seq; : LIEBMANN, 
Deutsches Land und Volk nach itaL Berichterstattern der 
Reformationszeit, 57 seq., Berlin, 1910 ; Lettere di Marcan 
tonio da Mula a Gian Giorgio Trissino, published by E. 
PIOVENE in 1878 at Vicenza. Some letters of Mula in CICOGNA, 
Iscriz. Ven., VI., 737 seq. Of his papers preserved in the 
Cod. Vatic, lat. 3933, his speech to Pius IV. in 1560 was 
printed in Latin and Italian at Venice in 1846, as was a letter 
to P. Manutius in the Mel. d archeol., III., 276 seq. The 
despatches of Mula from the Imperial court, where he repre 
sented his country from 1552 to 1554, were published in a 
masterly way by Turba in the second volume of his Venez. 
Depeschen. Concerning them Turba says : " Mula is among 
the most talented of the Venetian ambassadors at the 
Imperial court. He is not a mere mouthpiece, through whom 
one feels that others are speaking, but he rises superior to the 
events, circumstances and moods, of which he is making his 



APPENDIX. 391 

report, and penetrates below the surface, estimating them 
in the light of their bearing on the future. More than any 
of his predecessors already named he falls into the defect 
of unnecessary repetition, a thing which, however, may be 
forgiven on account of the zeal with which he served his 
government. In spite of the haste with which he drew up 
his reports, his style and language are far more clear and 
polished than in the case of his predecessors." (II., 40). The 
same judgment holds good of the despatches of Mula from 
his embassy in Rome, which on account of the interest of 
their contents, were very quickly copied. As will be seen 
from the following list, some of them are to be found in almost 
all the great collections of manuscripts in Europe. 
BERLIN, Royal Library : Inf. Polit. VIII. (reports from May 
18 to Sept. 21, 1560) ; Inf. Polit. XIII. (reports from Sept. 
24 to Nov. 28, 1560) ; Inf. Polit. XXXVII. (reports from 
the end of Jan. to Feb. 25, 1561). 
BOLOGNA, University Library : Cod. 2469 (Libr. of S. 

Salvatore 745). 

CARPENTRAS, Library : Cod. 543. 

INNSBRUCK, University Library : Cod. 600 (reports from 

May 18 to Sept. 21, 1560). The codex has the note : 

" Cod. fuit Bibl. Mantuanae direptae post mortem ultimi 

ducis." 
LONDON, British Museum : Addit. 16534 (reports from 

June 15 to July 22, 1560). 
MANTUA, Capilupi Library : register in 4 vols. 
PARIS, Bibl. Nationale : cf. Montfaucon, Bibl. I. 1093 ; 

Marsand II. 104 seq. 

ROME, i, Boncompagni Archives : Cod. E. 2 (reports of 
1560); 2, Vatican Library: Urb. 1027 (reports from May 
18, 1560 to March 8, 1561) ; Urb. 1670, p. 79b 90 (re 
ports on the Carafa) ; Barb. 5761 (formerly LXIL, n) : 
reports from 1560 to March 8, 1561 ; cf. Montfaucon, 
Bibl. I. 174 ; 3, Papal Secret Archives : Miscell. III. 
p. 24 (reports from May 22, 1560, to March 20, 1561) ; 
Bolognetti, Cod. 22 and 23. 
VENICE, State Archives, Filza XIII. 

VIENNA, Court Library 6749 (Fosc. 18), p. 319-425 (reports 
from May 18 to Sept. 21, 1560). 
All these codices, even that in the State Archives, Venice, 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

are copies, 1 in which the text, and especially the dates, are 
often incorrect. 

On account of this great multiplication of the reports in 
the codices, it is no wonder that they have often been used, 
and with much profit, by historical investigators. Probably 
the first to use them was the indefatigable Raynaldus, who 
availed himself of them for his annals (1560, n. 57), from a 
codex of Cardinal Spada. Pallavicini made fuller use of them, 
after his rival Sarpi had done so. Ranke drew upon them 
from the Berlin codex (Fiirsten und Volker, I., 368 ; Papste 8 
I., 207, 211, and III., 50*). It is strange that Sickel did 
not avail himself of this valuable source, the more so as the 
codex in the Court Library, Vienna, was easily accessible 
to him. On the other hand, Susta has used them, as has 
Ancel, in their description of the fall of the Carafa. I refrain 
from printing the reports of Mula on the Council in deference 
to the publication of Ehses. Mula is also deserving of a 
monograph on account of the literary style of his reports. 

4. CARDINAL C. CARAFA TO THE DUKE OF PALiANO. 2 

1560, June 1, Roma. 

Ill mo et ecc mo sig mio e fratello osserv mo . 

Mando con questa a V. E. copia delle lettere che il sig 
Fabritio ha scritto ultimamente di corte, cosi a S. S tA come 
a me et al sig r Ferrante, e vedra che forma di resolutione 
hanno presa fino adesso le cose nostre ; e a me pare che le 
parole del sig r Fabritio si devino molto ben considerare, 
et che da quelle si possa trarre certa speranza che, se bene 
S. M 1 * non ha determinato sopra il fatto de la ricompensa, 
sia non di meno questo negocio per riuscire a tutta nostra 
sodisfattione, et tanto piu quanto io ci vedo S. S u , dalla 
quale ha da depender tutto questo fatto, dispositissima, 
come e stata sempre ; si ch io giudico che V. Ecc za possa 
starne con 1 animo riposato e sicuro, perche anco dal canto 
nostro non si mancara di fare quanto sara possibile. 

Quanto al venir di V. Ecc qua, e tutto in arbitrio suo 3 ; 
ma quando pure le paresse di aspettare Tarrivo del sig re 
Fabritio, poi che non potra tardare cinque o sei giorni piu, 



in 

* See supra, p. 142, n. 4. 

In the original underlined in a later hand. 



APPENDIX. 393 

per haver qualche chiareza piu delle cose, rimetto il tutto 
a lei, aspettando che mi faccia intendere quanto risolvera, 
et li baso le mani. 

Di Roma il primo di giugno Lx. 

Di V. Ecc za 

servitore 
S r Duca di Paliano. II cardinale Carafa. 

[Orig. Miscell. X 197 p. 18 seq. Papal Secret Archives.] 

5. CONSISTORY OF 7 JUNE, 1560 *-. 

Die veneris VII. iunii fuit consistorium secretum in loco 
soli to, a quo ex supradictis xxxix, qui erant Romae, abfuere 
Turnonus, de Carpo, Armeniacus, Augustanus, Messanensis, 
Puteus, Alexandrinus, Araeceli, Bertrandas, Urbinas, de 
Monte, Cornelius et de Medicis. 

Antequam papa descenderet ad consistorium, fuerunt 
vocati eius iussu revmus dominus cardinalis Carafa nepos 
et revmus dominus Alfonsus cardinalis Neapolis pronepos 
papae Pauli IV. et missi ad arcem Sancti Angeli. 

Descendit postea Sua Sanctitas ad consistorium et de ea 
actione rationem reddidit ceteris cardinalibus et terminavit 
consistorium. 

Copy. Acta Camer. IX. 22 b Consistorial archives of the 
Vatican. 

6. Giov. BATTISTA RICASOLI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF 

FLORENCE. 2 

1560, Junl 7, Roma. 

. . . Questa mattina sendo tutti i cardinali in consistorio 
eccetto pero Medici, fu chiamato da monsignore Aurelio 
Spina per parte di S. Santita il cardinale Carafa, il quale 
allegramente per la lumaca sali nelle stanze dove da audienza 
S. B ae la quale pero non vi era, et io che vedendolo chiamare 
giudicai potesse essere quello che e stato, me le inviai dietro. 
Arrivato di sopra li fu detto dal maestro di camera che aspet- 
tasse, in quel mentre fu chiamato il cardinale di Napoli, et 
arrivato dal zio nelle prefate stanze, il signor Gabrio fattosi 
loro incontro disse all uno, et all altro che gl erano prigioni 

1 See supra, p. 143, n. 3. * See supra, p. 143, n. 3. 



394 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

di S. S u et che haveva commissione di condurli all ora in 
castello. Carafa senza smarrirsi rispose, quest! sono i frutti 
delle mie buone opere, 1 altro si smarrl, et non disse nulla. 
Intanto al Governatore et al Fiscale fu comandato che an- 
dassero a fare prigione il conte di Montorio, che si trovava 
alloggiato in casa di Carafa et dalli detti fa messo in un cocchio, 
et condotto in Castello, et nel medesimo tempo fu anco preso 
il vescovo di Civita di Penne gi& governatore di Bologna. 

10 che mi trovai presente alia cattura di questi due Ill mi 
ritornatomene in consistoro et dettolo a tre o quattro di 
quei signori in uno instante si vedde uno bisbiglio, et tma 
trasfiguratione di volti difficile a essere scritta ; infra i quali 
cardinale Vitelli ancora che li sia parso uno strano gioco, 
si sforzava con grandissima arte di dissimulare. II cardinale 
di Ferrara quando io gli ne dissi, si turb6 meravigliosamente 
con dirmi, e egli vero ! che cose sono queste ! Intanto essendo 
gia sonate le XIV. hore S. S td> se ne venne in consistorio con 
si buona cera, et si allegra quanto io 1 habbia veduta altra 
volta ; et maravigliandosene molti mostrai loro ch essi 
havevano il torto, perche S. B ne era fuora di quel pensiero, 
che forse per il passato lo haveva tenuto talvolta occupato. 
Ai cardinali, o almeno alia maggior parte non e dubio nessuno 
che e parso strano parendo si spesseggi troppo, ma allo univer- 
sale, per quanto gik si comprende, ha satisfatto questa resoluta 
attione di S. S ta meravigliosamente ; et non e gran fatto 
poiche eghi havevano senza mai fare piacere a nessuno offeso 
ogni huomo. 

[Orig. Florence State Archives, Medic. 3280 p. 174] 

7. Avviso DI ROMA OF 8 JUNE, 1560. l 

. . . Et 1 istesso giovedi vers un hora di notte venne qui 

11 conte di Montorio per le poste di Galese molto pomposamente 
et ando allogiar nel palazzo del card. Caraffa suo fratello, 
ove era anch il card, di Napoli et v era apparecchiato un 
bellissimo bancheto et vi fu anch invitato il prince di Sulmona, 
il quale per alcuni negocii privati era gia 3 di prima venut in 
Roma. Stavano con molt allegrezza, con tanti suoni, balli 
et comedie, andando poi bona parte di quella notte per Roma 
a sollazzo in cocchi con cortegiane cantando et sonando 

1 See supra, pp. 143, 178. 



APPENDIX. 395 

molt allegramente ; dices! la causa dell allegrezza esser 
stata per le buone nove che di Spagna 1 haveva portato il 
sig r Ferrante de Sanguini di S. M 1 ^ Catholica, cio e che quella 
deve al card. Caraffa i2 m scadi di pensione che 1 haveva 
promisso in tempo di Paulo IV sopra 1 arcivescovato di 
Toledo et le paghe scorse in tutto questo tempo et 8 m scudi 
di naturalezza et al duca di Paliano che fu dava tutto quell era 
stato capitolato e promessoli in tempo di Paulo sudetto. 
Ma questa lor allegrezza duro pocho, imperho che la mattina 
seguente, che fu hieri, havendo S. S ta convocato il consistoro, 
ordin5 che subito venend il card 16 Caraffa et Napoli a palazzo, 
dovessero venire a parlarli alia sua camera ; il che fecero, 
ma volendovi andare et passand appresso la via che va a] 
corritorio del Castello, gli fu detto che d ordine di S. S tA 
andasser in Castello ; et fu Caraffa il primo accompagnato del 
sig 1 Gabrio Cerbellone nipote di S S ta , et non si smarri punto, 
ma vedendo poi venir Napoli et intendendo 1 ordine di Sua 
S t& , divenne piu morto che vivo et vi ando ancora lui con 
alcuni loro piu favoriti ; et tutt in un tempo mando il Papa 
al palazzo del Carafa il barigello con tutti li sbirri per il conte 
di Montorio, il quale mostro alia prima di voler fare un poco 
di resistentia, ma vedendosi poi circondato di tanta compagnia, 
si rese e montat in cocchio ando in Castello ; et era il cocchio 
del governatore il qual er andat in persona a levarlo. Fu 
poi inventorisato et sequestrato per il fisco tutto cio che 
havevan in loro palazzi, et portato in palazzo del Papa il 
piu importante. Et incontinente ando il barigello per tutto 
cercando la famiglia loro, della quale sonno poi stati presi 
circa 20 et alcuni fugiti. Tra li presi sonno il conte d Aliffa 
cognato del conte di Montorio, ch e quello ch amazz6 la 
moglie sua sorella ; poi Torquato Conte ch era l anima et 
governo del card 16 Caraffa nelli suoi trionfi, poi Cesare Bran- 
caccio, il sig r Ferrante de Sanguini, Hieronimo Episcopo, 
il vescovo di Civita di Penna, Mattheo Stendardi, li quali 
tutti sonno stati li seguaci delli Caraffa et piu favoriti. Si 
cercano ancora delTaltri, et si dice ch il Papa ha detto chel 
havera anch il marchese di Montebello, si ben e a Napoli, 
a tal che li Caraffi stann a mal partito ; et cosi anch il card 16 
di Monte, il quale si dice che ha la febre terzana, et pochi 
sonno che non si rallegrino della pregionia delli Caraffi, 
massime il populo romano gia di loro tanto offeso. Dicesi 



396 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ch il card 16 di Napoli ha robbato alia morte di Paulo IV. 
circa i8 m scudi ; oltre li altri robbamenti di che haveranno 
da render corito, s oppone morte di piu persone, sforzamenti 
di donzelle et stupri horrendissimi che meritano ogni acer- 
bissimo castigo. Dicesi che la signora donna Giovanna 
Aragona ha dato bonissima mancia a colui che porto la nuova 
di queste cose seguite. S intese poi ch andando quella 
mattina Sua S ta in consistero, era in tanta colera che per 
camino non si ricordo di dare la beneditione ad alcuno : di 
che ogn uno stava maravegliato, et in concistoro non ragiono 
quas altro che deH indignita di questi Caraffi e Monte, et 
di quanto scandalo eran al mondo in questi tempi travagliosi 
che tutt il mondo grida contra la S t& Sede Apostolica per 
li dishonorati suggietti ch in quella sonno ; et voltatosi poi 
alii suoi nipoti disse : Questo vi sia per essempio et a tutti, 
et al rev mo Santa Fiore camerlengo disse : Monsignore, adesso 
sera tempo de redintegrarvi di quello vi e stato tolto. Ris- 
pos egli : Pater Sancte, io non desider altro che quello 
veramente m appartiene, et assai mi duole ii mal d altri. 
Saggiunse Sua S ta che nissun haverebbe male che non 
1 havesse piu che meritato ; et si ragiono qualche poco poi 
del concilio, che tant e sollicitato di Franza e Spagna ; ma 
per commodita loro et d Alemagna lo voriano a Bizansone ; 
ma si crede che sera a Trento, perche li signori Venetiani 
non lo voriano ne a Bergamo ne a Vicenza, come ben havrebbe 
voluto S. S td/ . Si dice ch i president! del concilio saranno 
il Morone, Santa Croce, et Sua S id> dice tuttavia di voler 
alia fin d agosto andar a Bologna. Di far cardinal! non 
s ha parlato per li disturbi ch hanno dato le cose di Carafn ; 
pur non pu6 tardare che non ne facci almanco 4. ... 

[Orig. Urb. 1039 P- l6 5 b 167. Vatican Library.] 

8. MOTUPROPRIO OF POPE PlUS IV. CONCERNING THE 

TRIAL OF THE CARAFA. 1 

1560, Juli 1, Roma. 

Pius papa HIP. 

Motu proprio etc. Cum ad aures nostras plurimorum 
fidedignorum relatione, non sine gravi animi nostri molestia, 
pervenerit, loannem Carafam, ducem Paliani et militem 

1 Cf. supra, p. 147, n. 2. 



APPENDIX. 397 

militie S u Michaelis, quam plura et varia crimina, etiam 
atrocia, perpetrasse et inter cetera quondam Marcellum 
Capicium eius nepotem seu alias consanguineum aut affinem, 
nullis prorsus precedentibus iuditiis, absque ullo pro cess a 
et figura iuditii, absque etiam notaria et sine aliqua penitus 
scriptura, temerario ausu et odio qao ilium prosequebatur, 
questionibus et tormentis supposuisse ac demum quam 
pluribus vulneribus affectum crudeliter, etiam sepius per 
ilium petita forsan sacramentali confessione et illi denegata, 
interfecisse, illiusque cadaver in latrinam deiecisse, multoque 
fimo superiniecto, ne facile detegi posset, cooperiri, et quon 
dam Violantem uxorem suam, mulierem nobilem et in primis 
pudicam optimeque apud omnes opinionis et fame, ex ipso 
pregnantem in sexto vel septimo mense existentem, per 
eiusdem Violantis fratrem germanum et aliurn eius coii- 
sanguineum vel affinem, ab ea prius quam in privato carcere 
per mensem et ultra detinuerat seu detineri fererat, certis 
gemmis et iocalibus extortis, opprobriose strangulari mandasse 
et fecisse, ac dudum antea quendam curie burgi executorem 
ob id quod quandam executionem sibi a iudice demandatam, 
ut ex officii necessitate tenebatur, fecisset, propriis manibus 
occidisse ; necnon Carolum Carafam et Alfonsum Neapolitanos 
vulgariter nuncupates S. R. E. diaconos cardinales, propriae 
salutis ac dignitatis prosus immemores, in necem dictae 
Violantis eorum fratris et patrui respective uxoris 1 conspirasse, 
illamque necari mandasse, suasisse vel alias sollicitasse et ob 
eorum mandata, suasionem vel sollicitationem huiusmodi 
illius necem subsecutam fuisse. Insuperque Carolum card- 
inalem antea quam plura homicidia et enormia et multipliciter 
qualificata, etiam mediante pecunia, propriis manibus com- 
misisse et seu committi fecisse aut mandasse et, quod omnium 
deterius est fel. rec. Paulum papam IV. predecessorem nos 
trum nihil magis quam pacem inter christianos principes 
inire et conservare satagentem, utpote qui admodum ipsi 
Carolo cardinali credebat, sub diversis confictis pretextibus 
et exquisitis falsis coloribus ac mendaciis variisque dolis et 
machinationibus decepisse, sicque ad ineundum bellum, 
ex quo innumera homicidia, sacrilegia, incendia, stupra, 
rapine aliaque toti reipublice christiane incommoda et damna 
sequuta fuerunt, induxisse, et tarn ipsum Carolum cardinalem 

1 Ms : uxorem. 



39$ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

quam dictum ducem Antonium Carafam ipsorum fratrem 
in stipendiis militum S. R. E. eundem Paulum predecessorem 
et Cameram Apostolicam in ingenti et notabili pecuniarum 
summa defraudasse, et ex hoc etiam almam Urbem nostram 
totumque statum ecclesiasticum maximo periculo ob mili- 
tam carentiam et defectum supposuisse ; eosdemque Carolum 
cardinalem et toannem ducem quam plura adulteria et stupra 
mulierum, que renitentes erant, viros, fratres et parentes 
minis terrendo et carcerari faciendo vel alias vim inferendo, 
commisisse, et sub clipeo multos innocentes pro eorum libito 
ultimo supplicio tradi, ad triremes transmitti aliisque peris 
affici iussisse et effecisse ; ac eosdem dictumque etiam Alfon- 
sum cardinalem in omnibus provinciis status ecclesiastici 
quam plurimas extorsiones fecisse illasque et earum incolas 
ac etiam Cameram Apostolicam respective expilasse et 
defraudasse ac fieri expilari et defraudari mandasse eundemque 
Alfonsum cardinalem, qui alias ex sibi comrrisso regentis 
Camere officio, de quo fideliter exercendo in manibus eiusdem 
predecessoris iuramentum prestiterat, omnia ad eandem 
Cameram Apostolicam pertinentia non minus diligenter 
quam fideliter custodire tenebatur, in obitu predict! Pauli 
predecessoris ex ipsius cubiculo valde magnam et notabilem 
pecuniarum summam, gemmas, argenta, vasa usibus etiam 
ecclesiasticis et divino cultui aicata aliaque preciosa ingentis 
valoris subtraxisse, et monitorio generali, sub certis censuris 
et penis, ut, si qui de bonis ad Cameram predictam spectantibus 
aliqua haberent, ilia denunciarent et restituerent, in vim 
litterarum a nobis emanatarum edito et publicato, penitus 
spreto, censuras et penas in illo contentas damnabiliter in- 
currendo, minime restituere voluisse litterasque in forma 
brevis sub eiusdem Pauli predecessoris nomine, quibus ilia 
sibi per eundem Paulum predecessorem donata esse contineri 
asserebatur, falso fabricari fecisse et seu fabricasse aut saltern 
in eisdem literis falsitatem admisisse seu de ipsius mandate 
commissam fuisse, ipsosque cardinales et ducem alia etiam 
varia crimina et delicta, etiam falsitates et testium subor- 
nationem commisisse seu committi et patrari fecisse, suasisse 
vel mandasse. Nos, non valentes premissa, non solum ex 
assidua plurimorum relatione, sed etiam ex vehementi publica 
fama ac per modum quodammodo notorii ad nostram notitiam 
deducta, pro nostri oificii debito non sine maximo totius 



APPENDIX. 399 

orbis et Ecclesie scandalo conniventibus oculis pertransire, 
in primis predictos cardinales et ducem, de quorum fuga, si 
informationes de premissis coram notario recepte fuissent, 
maxime verendum erat, in arce nostra S 11 Angeli detrudi 
iussimus et deinde venerabili fratri Hieronimo episcopo 
Sagenensi alme Urbis nostre gubernatori et vicecamerario 
ut super premissis diligenter inquireret ac quoscunque, 
etiam episcopali dignitate fungentes, de premissis ac aliis 
eorundem ducis et cardinalium excessibus et delictis in- 
formatos examinaret, vive vocis oraculo commisimus et 
mandavimus ; qui de mandate nostro huiusmodi super eis 
inquirere et quamplures etiam circa premissa complices 
examinare incepit et examinavit. Ne autem de viribus 
processus per eum hactenus desuper habiti et imposterum 
habendi hesitari contingat, motu simili et ex certa scientia 
eidem Hieronimo gubernatori per presentes committimus 
et mandamus ut super premissis omnibus et singulis aliisque 
in processu deductis et deducendis contra supra dictos car 
dinales et ducem ac omnes alios et singulos quoscunque 
etiam episcopali vel alia dignitate preditos in eodem processu 
relates eadem auctoritate diligenter inquireret, peisonis 
cardinalium dumtaxat exceptis, quos non nisi cum assistentia 
nonnullorum ex venerabilibus fratribus nostris eiusdem 
S. R. E. cardinalibus, ad id per nos deputatorum seu depu- 
tandorum, examinari et quod contra eos repertum fuerit 
nobis, ut quid de eis statuendum sit deliberare possimus, 
per eundem gubernatorem referri volumus, in reliquis causam 
et causas huiusmodi cum omnibus et singulis earum 
incidentibus, dependentiis, emergentiis, annexis et connexis 
iuxta facultates suas ordinarias et stilum sue curie audiat, 
cognoscat et pro iusticia terminet atque decidat. Dantes 
ei potestatem et facultatem quoscunque etiam dicta episcopali 
dignitate insignitos citandi et quibus et quotiens opus fuerit 
inhibendi, et pro veritate comperienda quascunque personas, 
etiam ecclesiasticas et ut prefertur qualificatas, ad subiicien- 
dum se examini etiam per censuras ecclesiasticas aliaque 
iuris et facti remedia opportuna, prout iuris fuerit, cogendi 
et compellendi et absque eo quod persone huiusmodi aliquam 
propterea irregularitatem incurrant, quam illas nullatenus 
incurrere volumus et declaramus, axaminandi, et delinquentes 
quos culpabiles repererit presentes debitis penis etiam ultimi 



400 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

suplicii puniendi, absentes vero, etiam si dignitate episcopal! 
prediti existant, habitis contra eos etiam extraiudicialiter 
iuditiis, arbitrio suo quantum sibi sufficere videbitur, constito 
sibi presertim extraiudicialiter de illorum ab Urbe et Roman a 
curia fuga et recessu vel alias ipsorum latitatione, etiam per 
edictum ad valvas sue curie et in acie Campiflore affigendum, 
ad comparendum coram eo personaliter et non per procura- 
torem seu excusatorem aliquem intra terminum per eum 
prefigendum, et se ab obiectis et obiiciendis excessibus, 
criminibus et delictis expurgandum et excusandum, ac cum 
dilecto filio Alexandro Palanterio nostro Camere Apostolice 
procuratore fiscali iuri standum, sub excommunicationis 
maioris, suspensionis a divinis et ingressus ecclesie, privationis 
ecclesiarum et cathedralium, dignitatum et beneficiorum, 
pensionum annuarum et fractuum reservationum et officiorum 
ac feudorum et dominiorum utilium et temporalium aliorumque 
bonorum omnium confiscations et corporalibus etiam ultimi 
supplicii et aliis etiam pecuniariis eius arbitrio imponendis 
penis, monendi et requirendi, et si non comparuerint seu 
etiam si comparuerint et se ab obiectis excessibus, criminibus 
et delictis legitime non expurgaverint, servatis quatuor 
terminis in similibus servari solitis, censuras et penas predictas 
incurrisse declarandi, aggravandi, reaggravandi, interdicendi 
et contra eos brachium seculare invocandi aliaque omnia et 
singula faciendi et exequendi in premissis et circa ea necessaria 
[sic] seu quomodolibet opportuna, non obstantibus con- 
stitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis ac privilegiis, 
indultis, litteris apostolicis, dignitate ducali dicteque militie 
sancti Michaelis et illius militibus ac S. R. E. cardinalibus, 
etiam per capitula in proximo preterito conclavi, in quo 
nos ad summi apostolatus apicem assumpti fuimus, firmatis, 
concessis, confirmatis et innovatis, quibus omnibus, illorum 
tenores etc., quoad premissa dumtaxat specialiter et expresse 
derogamus, stilo palatii caterisque contrariis quibuscunque 
statum et merita cause et causarum huiusmodi delinquentium 
nomina, cognomina, dignitates et numerum delictorum, species, 
qualitates et circumstancias ceterorumque premissorum ac 
aliorum forsan necessario vel magis specifice exprimendorum 
tenores et compendia pro sufficienter expressis habentes. 

[Manu Pontificis] Placet et ita motu proprio committimus 
et mandamus. 



APPENDIX. 401 

Presentetur. B. Amerinus Regens. 
[Foris] Prima iulii 1560 Nicolaus de Matheis. 
Prima iulii 1560 Hieronimo Sagonensi gubernatori. 

Gubernatore Romana excessuufn pro Fisco ; contra 
R mos Cardinales Carafa et Neapolitanum ac ill mum ducem 
Paliani et alios. Die i iulii 1560. 

Aloysius de Ruere notarius actuarius. 

[Grig. Miscell. X 197 p. 492 seq. Papal Secret Archives.] 
9 10. MARCANTONIO DA MULA TO VENICE. 1 

1560, August 24, Rom. 

La materia dei Caraffi, trattata con tanta diligenza et 
sollicitudine, com ho piu volte scritto, e pin a cuore a Sua 
Santita ch ogni altra ; et s e giustificata la mano del marchese 
Alberto et suo sigillo da persone prattiche, et ogni dl mattina 
e sera si sono ridotti, et parve al cardinale della causa spagnuola 
di dire parole e molto libere al cardinale Caraffa, che saria 
meglio per lui, essendo hormai convinto com e et non potendo 
fuggire la condannatione, rimettersi nella pura misericordia 
del pontefice, et non piu stare sopra negative che non li giovano, 
ma mandare a chiamare due teologhi huomini da bene che 
1 inducessero a pensare all anima sua et non piu alle cose di 
questo mondo. II che dalli altri cardinali, ch erano presenti, 
fu in un certo modo ripreso, et il card Caraffa con grand[impeto 
si dolse et esclam6, assai displorando la miseria sua et 
1 ingiustitia che diceva esserli fatta. Poi esso cardinale 
mando a dire al pontefice ch egli era stato huomo dal bel 
mondo et soldato et haveva fatto del male assai a suoi dl, 
et se egli meritava perder la robba, la vita e 1 honore, stimava 
pii\ 1 honore ch ogn altra cosa, et raccommandavasi humil- 
mente a Sua S t& dicendo che pativa e molto del vivere et 
non haveva piu il modo ; et Sua Santita gli mand6 a rispondere 
che non haveva alcun male che lui medesimo non 1 havesse 
procurato. 

[Copy. Court Library, Vienna, seq. 6749 p. 402.] 

ii. MARCANTONIO DA MULA TO VENICE. 2 

1560, October 26, Rom. 

Mandero il plico per Spagna ricevuto con le lettere di V. 
Ser tdi il 19, e non potei hieri haver 1 audienza da S. S u , com 

1 See supra, p. 152, n. 1. * See supra, p. 156 n. 2, 

VOL. XV. 2 6 



402 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

e 1 ordinario, perche la mattina fu consistoro et ella suole 
sempre uscirne tardi et esser stanca, et mi fece sapere ch io 
andassi questa mattina ; e buono fu ch io non andassi hieri, 
perche 1 haverei ritrovata alquanto alterata. perche hieri 
mattina in principio del concistoro il card le di Carpi si fece 
innanzi a S. S ta e chiamati alcuni altri cardinal!, le parlo in 
presenza sua a favore de Caraffi domandando termine, 
dilationi et giustitia. Ond il pontefice si altero e chiam6 
tutti 1 altri cardinali e fece ch il card le di Carpi repplico la 
sua instanza e poi cominci6 a dire che sapeva che si negasse 
giustitia, termine, dilationi, e longamente riprese esso card le 
di Carpi con parole pungenti. 

II card 16 si scusava e replicava giustitia, onde il rumore 
fu assai grande, e per 6 si fecero poche facenda in concistero, 
se non che furono spediti alcuni vescovati in Francia, e circa 
essi Caraffi si vanno formando le diffese del cardinale e quelle 
del card le di Napoli ancora non si sono date, et alcuni dicono 
che le oppositioni non sono cosi gravi come si diceva da prima, 
scusandosi il card 16 in tutto sopra la volonta del papa suo 

zio 

[Copy ; Court Library, Vienna.] 

12. FRANCESCO TONINA-TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 1 

1561, February 22, Rom. 

... II duca di Paliano per quanto si dice e ridotto a tanta 
miseria che non ha che magnare, et sono due o tre dl, che 
un altro prigionato gli presto 5 scudi, non havendo egli dove 
sovenirsi. Sono intrati in Roma questi dl secretamente 
soldati ben armati, ma nissuno sa a che effetto, et pare che 
chiedutane la causa da N. S. ci habbia sol detto, eh, non 
e niente, non di meno questi di si sparse fama che era stata 
trovata una poliza, la qual fu portata a S. S td> et in essa se 
gli dava aviso che gente armata dovea venire a forte de Nona 
et mentre che ciascuno stava occupato in quei bagordi del 
carnevale dovea andare a levare per forza il duca di Palliano 
de forte de Nona, per il che alPhora fu levato de la et ridotto 
in Castello, et pare che dai birri siano stati detenuti et si 
trovino colpevoli di non so che, et de qui anco naschi la fretta 
che si fa di spedire la causa, tuttaviasivedera.il fine. , , . 
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

1 See supra, pp. 158, n. 2, 162 n. 2. 



APPENDIX. 403 

13. CONSISTORY OF 3 MARCH, 1561. x 

. . . Deinde vero Sua S Us , instante domino Alexandro 
Pallanterio procuratore fiscali, mandavit domino Hieronymo 
de Federicis episcopo Sagonensi, gubernatori Urbis, ut referret 
processum causae contra cardinalem Carafam ; qui obediendo 
Suae Sanctitati retulit : duravitque relatio ab hora decima 
septima ad vigesimam quartam. Post quam quidem rela- 
tionem Sua S 1 ^ 8 pronuntiavit prout in cedula et terminavit 
consistorium. 

lulius card. Perusinus [carnerarius.] 

[Copy. Actd consist. Camer. IX, 38. Consistorial archives 
of the Vatican.] 

14. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 2 

1561, March 5, Rome. 

... II di del concistoro il card 16 Caraffa tanto si perse 
die non potea parlare, hora dicono essere stata intimata a 
tutti la morte, et che detto Card le non parla ad alcuno, se 
non che urla a modo di animale. II conte di Aliffa si voleva 
amazzare, ma gli hanno poste le guardie. Don Lonardo 
non si puo aquietare, tuttavia vi sono seco li capucini con- 
fortatori. N. S. deve partire se no dimani o 1 altro, almeno 
lunidi certo per Civita Vecchia, et la sera inanti si fara la 
essecutione. II duca di Palliano prega solo d essere ispedito 
presto. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

15. POPE Pius IV. TO HANNIBAL VON HOHENEMS. S 

1561, March 5, Roma. 

Brief with the following autograph postscript by the Pope : 
Voi non doveti instare che el Re vi mandi, anci se vi vole 
mandar doveti far ogni cosa per excusarvi, se pero questa 
letera vi trovasse in viaggio et che havesti comissioni im- 
portanti di Sua M u non vi levammo la faculta del [erasure] 
maravigliammo anchora che [defect in the paper] habbiati 
scritto in quel modo in favore de Caraffa, attento che Sua 
M tA ne ha scritto in una altera manera et con altri rispetti. 
Cacciate [via] Avanzino et non impedite la g[ra]tia de li 
Borromei et por[tate] ve bene. 

[Orig. Hohenems Archives.] 

See supra, p. 166 2 See supra, p. 166. 3 Seo supra, p. 104. n. 2. 



404 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

16. MARCANTONIO DA MULA TO VENICE. 1 

1561, March 7, Roma. 

Lunedi fa concistoro, il quale si ridusse la mattina a buon 
hora e duro fino a due hore di notte. Si lesse il processo 
del cardinal Caraffa e la causa fu trattata per il governadore, 
intendo, con molt a vehemenza ; al quale il cardinal di Ferrara 
rispose come quello che sapeva il tutto in materia delle cose 
di Francia e della guerra fu ascoltato, e tutti i cardinali inter- 
cessero ; ma non valse, perche il pontefice disse che voleva 
far giustitia, e pronuntiava la sentenza prout in cedula, dando 
al governatore una polizza bollata, e commandandoli che 
non la dovesse aprire fino ad altro ordine suo, e questa con- 
teneva la sentenza ; et il giorno seguente il governatore si 
ridusse col fiscale et i suoi giudici, et espedirono i laici, cioe 
il duca di Palliano, il conte di Alife suo cognato, il sig r conte 
Leonardo di Cardine ; ma non si sapeva come fosse 1 espedition 
loro ; si dubitava male, per le parole che disse Sua Santita 
in concistoro, onde poi il mercore il sig r Vargas si dolse con 
S. S td> che volesse mettere in si puoco conto le raccomandationi 
del serenissimo re cattolico, che intercedeva per li signori 
Caram, come scrissi che faceva per Pultimo spaccio, e Sua 
Santita gli rispose che voleva far giustitia ad ogni modo, 
se ben fosse anco contro il re Filippo. 

La notte poi del mercore medesimo ad hore quattro entrorno 
i barigelli in Castello et andati alle stanze del duca di Palliano, 
gli dissero che lo volevano menare a Civita Vecchia, et egli, 
vedutosi che lo volevano far morire, gli disse che non con- 
veniva che procedessero con lui in tal modo, per che era 
pronto a morire, ma desiderava haver tanto tempo che potesse 
scrivere una lettera al suo figliuolo : e cosi gli portorno da 
scrivere e la copia mando qui inclusa. 

Fornito di scrivere, prese in mano un crocefisso et una 
candela benedetta accesa e, doppo dette alcune orationi, 
and6 alle stanze del conte di Alife suo cognato col crocefisso 
e la candela in mano e, salutatolo, disse : Fratello, andiamo 
di buona voglia, bisogna morire, anzi andare alia vita, esort- 
andolo con tal sorte di parole che intendo che non si poteva 
dir le piu belle ne le piii christiane ; e con lui and 6 alle stanze 
del sig r Leonardo di Cardine, et essortato ancor lui con 
efncacia a morire volontieri et consolatolo, furono menati 

1 See supra, p. 170. 



APPENDIX. 405 

tutti e tre fuori di Castello in Torre di Nona, dove furono 
decapitati, morendo tutti christianissimamente. 

Poi ritornati i barigelli 1 in Castello, che potevano essere le 
cinque hore di notte, andorno alle stanze del cardinal Caraffa, 
il quale non sapeva niente di questo fatto, e destatolo, perche 
dormiva, disse uno de barigelli : Monsignore, piace a Dio 
et al papa che dobbiate morire adesso adesso, pero disponetevi. 
II cardinale interruppe e disse : Morire ? replicando due volte 
questa parola con admiratione ; et alcuni dicono che disse 
di piu : Come deve morire uno che non e confessato ne con- 
vinto ? Ma datemi da vestire, e fate almeno che mi possa 
confessare. II barigello rispose : Se vi volete confessare, 
e qui an frate per questo, che vi attendera ; e contentandosi 
il cardinale che venisse, si fini di vestire sino al saio e demand - 
ando la cappa da cardinale e la berretta, dissero che havevano 
ordine di non gliela dare. Si lave le mani, si confesso, disse 
1 umcio della Madonna e i sette salmi, inginocchiatosi con le 
mani gionte, disse : Fate il vostro ufficio, e direte al governa- 
tore et al fiscale che gli perdono ; e cosi, messoli un laccio 
nuovo al collo per strangolarlo, si ruppe il laccio, et egli, 
levatosi in piedi, disse : Ah traditori, perche mi stentate a 
questo modo ? Poi tornatosi ad inginocchiare, gliene posero 
un altro, il quale anco si ruppe ; ma egli non potendosi piu 
levare et essendo ancor vivo, lo finirono con un lenzuolo del 
suo letto e lo portorno subito alia chiesa della Traspontina 
a seppellire, e potevano essere nove hore incirca. 

La mattina poi per tempo furono posti i corpi degl altri 
in Ponte con alquante torice, il duca in un cataletto coperto 
di un panno di velluto colle armi de Caram e quella deda 
madre dalla parte destra ; il conte dalla sinistra il sig r don 
Leonardo [su] due tappeti in terra, con tanto concorso di 
popolo che ruppero fino il cataletto e grinciamporno addosso 
per la calca ; e fu forza, quando gli volsero lavar via, che 
potevano essere quindici hore, portare un altro cataletto : 
et erano tutti calpestati et infangati, perche piovette dal 
principio di questo fatto fino che furono seppelliti. 

II popolo minuto e grande biasimano il pontefice per troppo 
severe, massime nella morte del cardinale e nella sepoltura 
die tre, havendoli fatti portare di Ponte con scuola della 
Misericordia fino a S. Giovanni decollate, dove portano 

1 This account is wrong. The Cardinal was executed first. See the report 
of Tonina which follows in No. 17. 



406 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



ogni sorte di giustitiati ; di dove i parent! gli hanno poi 

tolti e portati altrove a seppellire in secreto. 

[Copy. Miscell. III. 24 p. 493 --497. Papal Secret Archives.] 

17. FRANCESCO TONINA ro THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l 

1561, March 8, Roma. 

... finalmente finita questa tragedia Carafesca. Mercori 
alle cinque hore di notte ando il barigello Gasparino 2 (come 
egli stesso ha narrate di bocca) primieramente al card le Caraffa, 
il quale dormeva supino, et bench e gia gli era stata notitiata 
la morte, come per la precedente mia scrissi a V. Ecc a , non di 
meno non poteva pur crederlo, et cosi entrato in camera, 
gli disse quello che era venuto a fare, il che era per far esseguire 
quel tanto che era di mente di N. S. in farlo morire, al che 
ci dice, che detto card le rispose per died volte, io morire ? 
adunque il Papa vuole che io muoia ? Et finalmente chiaritc 
che questa era 1 ultima hora, et che se non attendeva a con- 
fessaris et accomodare li casi fuoi fra quel poco di tempo 
che ad esso bargello era stato statuito per fare 1 essecutione 
egli senz altro aspettare haveria fatto esseguire la commissione 
sua, anchor che piii volte replicasse, io che non ho confessato 
cosa ale una, morire ? si dispose poi a confessarsi, il che fatto, 
chiamo tutti gli astanti et li disse, siate testimoni, come io 
perdono al Papa, al Re di Spagna et al governadore et fiscale 
et altri nemici miei, poi postolo a sedere sopra una scragna 
li pose il carnefice il capestro al collo, et dopo haverlo fatto 
molto stentare Io fini pur al ultimo di strangolare. Andorno 
poi al duca di Palliano, qual condussero in Torre di Nona 
et nel discendere dalla prigione di Castel S fco Angelo, dimando 
dove Io conduce vano, et allora il bargello non gli volse dire 
che Io conducessero a far morire, ma sol gli disse che Io con- 
duceva in Torre di Nona, et piu oltre non sapea sin a quella 
hora. Al che detto duca rispose, che ben sapea che Io con- 
ducevano alia morte, che Christo glielo havea rivelato, et 
che di gratia gli lasciassero scrivere una lettera al figliolo 
Cosl ridottosi nella camera dove sta prigione con sigurta 
di non far fuga Giovanni de Nepi, interessato anch egli in 
questo negotio, esso duca scrisse le due lettere che V. Ecc. 

1 See supra, pp. 170, 172. 

1 Gasparinus de Melis, named barisellus in aJmn Urbe in the brief of March 20 
1557. Min brov. Arm. 42 t. 12, n. 95 Papal Secret Archives. Cf. Rouo- 
CANACHI, St. Ange, 167. 



APPENDIX. 407 

vedera con questa alligate, 1 altra alia sorella, le quali sono 
veramente christiane, poi fu condutto a Torre di Nona, 
dove a lui et il conte di Aliffa et don Leonardo di Cardine 
fu troncata la testa. Mori il duca dispostissimo, eccetto 
che nell istesso voler porre il capo sotto il ceppo o tagliuola, 
comincio a dire, aiutatime de gratia tentatione, abremmtio 
Satanae, et finalmente fu ispedito ; il conte d Aliffa si dice 
che ragionava anch egli alcune parole christiane, pur era 
fuor di se. Don Leonardo di Cardine mori finalmente disposto. 
Delli corpi loro segui questo. II card le fu portato nella 
chiesa Transpontina, il duca et il conte et D. Leonardo furno 
portati la mattina per tempo in Ponte, il duca in cadaletto 
piccolo et assai miserabile, ove giaceva con una veste di 
pelle in torno con due torze rosse, una per ciascun capo, 
il conte d Aliffa et D. Leonardo erano coricati in terra su 
due miserabili tapeti, longhi dui brazzi o circa, et poi tutti 
infangati et calpestrati dal numero delle genti che andavano 
a vedere. II card le e stato portato poi a sepellire alia Minerva, 
et si nice anco del duca, gli altri dui dicono che li parenti 
trattavano di condurgli a Napoli. Del card le di Napoli si 
spera universalmente poco bene, ma di Pisa si tiene da tutti 
del sicuro pessimo fine. Di Monte non si sa quello ch habbia 
a seguire, ma non se ne spera anco bene alcuno. Havea 
detto N. S. di voler andare a Civita Vecchia, ma sin qui non 
vi e segno alcuno. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

18. Avviso DI ROMA OF 8 MARCH, 1561. l 

Di Roma li 8 marzo 1561. Lunedi si fece concistero sopra 
le cose de Carafn, che dur6 8 hore di continove et passata 
un hora di notte si fini et vi fu letto un summario del processo 
di Caraffa dal governatore ; et letto che fu, Sua S ta diede 
la sententia et pronunci6 prout in cedula contra Caraffa 
et fatto questo si levorono li rev mi Carpi, Ferrara, Farnese, 
Crispo, Augusta et altri, et andavano da Sua S ta supplicandolo 
a volere usare qualche misericordia verso il cardinale et non 
punirlo secondo li demeriti suoi, massime per esser del sacro 
collegio, che e grado piu eccellente in christianitk ; alii Sua 
S u rispose che a tanti enormi delitti non si poteva trovar 

1 See supra, pp. 178 seq. 



408 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



luoco di dementia et che a levare li scelerati fuor di quel 
collegio non ne poteva succedere se non honore. Et cosi 
la notte del mercordi circa a hore 6 fu mandate in Castello 
solo il barigello havendo seco il boia ad anuntiarli la morte 
cosi al duca di Paliano suo fratello et al conte d Aliffe et a 
Lunardo di Cardine. 

II cardinale dormiva et svegliato dal barigello facendoli 
intendere c haveva a morire rispose : io ho a morire, et 
replicatosi che si, alzo la voce et disse : b Re Philippo, b 
Papa Pio, et poco di poi havendo dimandato a vestire volendosi 
metter una veste et la baretta da cardinale, gli fu detto che 
non lo facesse et vestitosi dimando il confessore et confessatosi 
disse i sette salmi et altre orationi passeggiando et alle volte 
ingenocchiandosi et finite le orationi disse sitio chiedendo 
de 1 acqua et beve, tenendo poi stretto et abbracciato un 
quadro di Nostra Donna, pregando che quello fusse poi 
dato a sua sorella et postosi di poi a sedere si volto alii ministri 
della* giustitia et disse, se da me non volete altro, fatte quello 
c havete a far et fatte presto. II laccio, col quale il boia 
gli stringeva la gola, si ruppe per maggior pena et fu necessario 
torne un altro col quale fu strangolato et fatto finir di morire 
et il corpo suo involto in uno linzuolo fu portato a sepelire in 
S. Maria Transpontina. Fu fatto poi intendere al duca di 
Paliano che ivi era venuto il barigello, et levatosi ringratio 
Iddio poi che era giunto al fine delle sua miserie, poi dimando 
del cardinale suo fratello et gli fu risposto che n era bene et ne 
laudo et ringratio Iddio ; tolto poi in mano un crusifisso 
s invio verso Torre di Nona, confortando sempre gli altri 
dui et facendo loro animo et bellissime parole fino a quel 
punto che misse il collo sul ceppo, onde tutti li circonstanti 
lagrimavano et cosi furono tutti 3 decapitati et li corpi loro 
con le teste portati su la piazza, di Ponte s. Angelo et furono 
posti vicino al Ponte verso Torre di Nona, quello del duca 
sopra uno cataletto con 2 torcie accese et quelli del conte 
d Aliffe et di don Lunardo di Cardine sopra la terra nuda 
presso a pie del cataletto, et poi portati tutti 3 a sepelire 
di quel modo et di quello luogo che si portono a sepelire i 
ladri et assassini che morono per giustitia con i sbirri dietro 
per scorta et questo e stata 1 ultimo fin loro. II Papa disse 
la matina seguente al card. Borromeo, chel caso di costoro 
havava da essere de gran documento a lui et che quando 



APPENDIX. 409 

egli facesse il quarto delle cose che essi havevano fatto, pregava 
Iddio che fusse fatto a lui come a loro. Questa notte passata 
a hora 5 fue cavato d una sepoltura il card. Caraffa et accom- 
pagnato da 4 frati de quelli della Traspontina, ove era sepolto, 
fue portato alia Minerva. Hora vi sono li 3 cardinal! pre- 
gioni, cioe Napoli, Monte et Pisa che di loro si ne fa malissimo 
giudicio, massime di Pisa che de lui si dubita piu che delli 
altri. 

Di Venetia alii 14 marzo 1561. V. Stopio. 

On the reverse : Al Ulrico Fuccari Augusta. 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, P- 2 5^ b 259. Vatican Library.] 
19. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l 

Roma, 1561, December 3. 

. . . Di Franza non si ha da poi piu altro, ma si crede che 
habbino poca voglia di concilio, li capi et nel generale. Per 
contrario la S a di N. S. per ogni modo vuole ch esso concilio 
si faccia, et da persona che lo puo sapere, intendo che ha 
havuto a dire, faciamo pur il concilio et poi pensaremo alia 
esecutione, come che habbi in animo finite quello di provedere 
poi per altra via alle heresie. Questa sera intorno a un hora 
di notte o circa con un pessimo acre, che si trovava, egli era 
sopra li corridori die vanno da palazzo a Castello, a lurne di 
torze, ne pare che temi cosa alcuna, tanto e robusto in questa 
sua vecchiezza. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

20. Avviso DI ROMA OF GTH DECEMBER, 1561. 2 

. . . Sua S u par!6 della riforma [nel concistoro di hieri] che 
pur li sta tuttavia nel core, dicendo che voleva esser lei la 
prima a porvi la mano, et massimamente nella corte, dove li 
pareva non esser ragionevole che il concistoro ne altri vi 
ponessero la mano, et che perho voleva far una bulla sopra le 
cose della sede vacante, nel qual tempo si faceva cose assai che 
apportavano scandali ; et disse di voler limitare 1 autorita del 
camerlengo per quel tempo, non li parendo honesto che egli 
potesse liberar banditi o confmati in galea, ne far salvo con- 
dutti et far pagar debiti della Sede Apostolica senza il consenso 
di tutto il collegio ; et de simil faculta che tiene et anche circa 

1 See supra, pp. 87. 262. 
* See supra, p. 279 



4io 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



la Penitentiaria che la faceva alcune cose che non stanno bene ; 
et disse che voleva che il conclave in sede vacante si dovesse 
far in Castello et che la elettione passasse per bollotatione et 
non per via de voti con pollize. Ma di questo ultimo non 
fece ferma deliberatione, per che S. S t& mandera la bulla 
a tutti cardinali ad un per uno per poter dir il lor 
parere. . . . Sua Santita e stata per 2 o 3 di molto ristretta 
con li rev mi Alessandiino et Trani sopra le cose della riforma ; 
ma non s intende che sia conclusa cosa veruna : ben si 
dubitava che dovesse uscire Una bulla che ogniuno andasse alle 
parocchiali et cure che hanno. . . . 

II negocio della reformatione della Penetentiaria S. S tdr ha 
rimessa la consideratione alii rev mi San Clemente et Vitello 
con doi altri prelati, et la reformation del Datariato ha rimesso 
alii rev * S u Fiore et S. Angelo. 



[Orig. Urb. 1039 p. 



Vatican Library.] 



21. Avviso DI ROMA OF I3TH DECEMBER, 1561. l 

. . . Giovedi si fece la solita congregatione nanti il papa, 
nella quale si tratto la cosa della riforma et del concilio ; ma 
firi qui non e determinate niente, perche a cardinali non e 
parso conveniente che tanti illust mi et reverend mi si riduchino 
sotto la custodia d un solo castellano, ne gli e piaciuta la 
proposta della diminutione del vivere et riduttione a pane et 
acqua, se fra tanto tempo non s accordassero a fare il papa 
nel castello di S to Angelo, dicendo che sarebbe assai quando 
si riducessero a far vita de frati, e disse Sua S u che non era 
bene che nissun cardinale tenesse piu d un cocchio et che in 
esso si potesse andare ad alcun atto publico ne tornare, ma 
sopra li loro muli et con le solite cavalcate ; et furono fatti 
diversi altri ragionamenti et discorsi pur senza conclusione. 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, p. 325 b , Vatican Library.] 

22. AVVISO DI ROMA OF 2OTH DECEMBER, 1561. 

. . . Le bolle della riforma delli ecclesiastici et del conclave 
va[nno] intorno fra questi rev mi , et gia il rcv mo Carpi 1 ha 
sottoscritta, cosa che si pensava non dovesse fare cosi facil- 

1 See supra, p. 279. 
* See supra, p. 279. 



APPENDIX. 411 

mente ; et Sua S fc& 1 ha data di sua man propria al rev mo di 
Mantua suo zio, nella quale vuol S. S u [ad] ogni modo che la 
creatione si facci con ballottatione a usanza di Venetia. 

[Orig. Urb. 1039 p. 3i9 b , Vatican Library.] 

23. Avviso DI ROMA OF IOTH JANUARY, 1562. l 

... II giorno inanzi [lunedi passato vigilia del la corona - 
tione di S. S u ] Sua Santita fece comandare sotto pena della 
sua disgratia, che nissun cameriero andasse per Roma se non 
in habito ecclesiastico, et cosl tutti gli altri beneficiati in 
habito di prete ; et la, riforma della corte, Penitentiaria, 
Datariato et del conclave va tuttavia intorno et stara poco 
a publicarsi. . . . 

[Orig. Urb. 1039 p. 330, Vatican Library.] 

24 33- REFORMING ACTIVITY OF Pius IV. FROM FEBRUARY 

TO MAY, 1562. 2 
i. Avviso DI ROMA OF STH FEBRUARY, 1562. 

On Monday the Pope issued a Motuproprio : all holders of 
benefices who are in sacris must, under pain of excommuni- 
caion, wear the priestly dress (sottana di sotti il ginocchio). 3 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, p. 337, Vatican Library.] 
2. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 

1562, February 21, Rom. 

... uscito un motu proprio, che tutti che hanno beneficii 
o pensioni o siano in sacris vadino in habito et tonsura, et 
perche si trovano de coqui, de staferi et altri piu vili persone 
servitori de card 11 che hanno beneficii et pensioni, alcuni card 11 
hanno fatto ricorso a S. B ne perche questo editto si moderasse 
et sopra questo e stata fatta congregatione, ma non solo N. S. 
non ha voluto moderar quello, ma hoggi ni e uscito un altro 
che sotto 1 istesse pene di escommunicatione, carceratione, 
pecuniarie ad arbitrio et della privatione de benefici, tutti 
habbino ubedito fra nove dl, altrimente si essequiranno le 
pene. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

1 See supra, p. 279. 

Cf. supra, p. 279. 

* In consequence of opposition the carrying 1 out of the order had to be 
referred to the next consistory; see Arco in KASSOWITZ, XVII. n. 17. 



412 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



3. Avviso DI ROMA OF 7TH MARCH, 1562.] 

Thursday, a Congregation of the Cardinals, in the presence 
of the Pope, concerning the reform of the Penitentiary, the 
greed of which must be restrained, " di che il card. S. Angelo 
[Ranuccio Farnese] si duole." 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, P- 343 b - Vatican Library.] 
4. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 

1562, April 2, Rom. 

. . . Hieri e stata congregatione nella quale fu dispatato 
assai, se li card i che hanno pensioni o benefici in Spagna 
doveranno contribuire alia concessione fatta alia M u Cath ca 
delle 60 gale re, et fu concluso che non. Hoggi e stata con 
gregatione sopra le cose della Penitentiaria, la quale S. S tA 
dimostro haver animo di ridurre a pochissima authorita, cosa 
che cede a molto danno del card le S. Angelo, il qual pertanto 
dopo finita essa congregatione, nella quale sono intravenuti 
gli ufficiali principali di essa, si doleva et sbatteva assai, con 
alcuni altri card u , pur converra che habbi patienza, perche e 
gia un pezzo che S. B ne ha questa voglia. Se dimani fa buon 
tempo (che questa sera e gran pioggia) S. S tA havea desegnato 
di andare all acqua di Salone, cioe a verdere quest acqua, la 
quale e un vaso di bonissima acqua, che si e in opera per 
condurla a Roma, et sara. bastevole, senza bere piu di quell del 
nume, ma non sono ancora in essere li vasi, et vi sono qualche 
differenze. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

5. Avviso DI ROMA OF 25 APRIL, 1562. 
The Pope is holding many congregations on reform, " ma 
non conclude niente ; " especially of the Dataria and Peni 
tentiary, " che sono di grandissima importantia per gli offitii 
di Roma che sono fondate sopra P intrate che si cavano dalle 
ispeditioni." 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, P- 35$ b - Vatican Library.] 

6. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 

1562, May 2, Roma. 

. . . La S tdi de N. S. e cosi entrata alia riforma di questi 
uffici di Roma, che altro non si sente che stridi de gli ufficiali 



APPENDIX. 413 

di Penitentiaria et degli altri uffici, massime di Camera. Alia 
Penitentiaria si levano tutti le si in evident! , che passino F 
entrata di venti scudi et tutte le assolutioni da delitti, et tante 
altre authorita che havea che dire il card 16 S. Angelo, che gli 
levano d entrata pin de cinque mila scudi F anno. Al Camer- 
lengo levano quasi tutta F authorita et massime quella che 
havea in sede vacante, grandissima, ct in maniera passano le 
cose, che quelli che hanno comprati gik gli uffici per cinque, 
sei et sette mila scudi, hor si dariano voluntieri per due et tre. 
Ogni cosa si riduce alia Dataria, in maniera che molti mor- 
morano che S. B ne tiri F acqua tutta al suo molino. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 
7. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 

1562, May 6, Roma. 

. . . Non si sente altro qui de presente che parlare di 
ri forma, ha S. B ne levato gli accessi, regressi et coadiutorie et 
le confidenze, sopra il che si ha da publicare una bolla rigoro- 
sissima. Quella delta riforma della Penitentiaria non e stata 
ancora mandata in publico, perch e ancorche nel consitorio 
di luni prossimo passato S. B dicesse espressamente alii 
r mi card 11 Cueva, Morone, Cesis ct S. Clemente che gli parlorono 
per gli umciali che voleva che fusse com era stabilita, non di 
meno ottennero che si soprasedesse il publicarla per certo poco. 
Parlo non di meno S. B ne in presenza d ogniuno molto chiaro 
che non voleva farsi altro, perch e gli dimandavano almeno 
qualche ricompenso et restoro della ruina che gli era delli 
ufficii loro. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

8. Avviso DI ROMA OF QTH MAY, 1562. 

Reform of the Cancellaria. Abolition of vivae vocis oraculo 
per conto delle indulgentie, which are generally to be granted 
bat sparingly. 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, p. 362. Vatican Library.] 

9. Avviso DI ROMA OF i6TH MAY, 1562. 
Yesterday a general congregation of all the Cardinals. A 

bull on the reform of the Penitentiary. 

[Orig Urb. 1039, p. 363. Vatican Library.] 



414 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



10. Avviso DI ROMA OF 23RD MAY, 1562. 

The bull for the reform of the Penitentiary appeared in 
print. 

[Orig. Urb. 1039, p. 366. Vatican Library.] 

34. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l 

1564, April 22, Rom. 

... Si ragiona assai per corte che detto r mo Borromei sia 
dato tutto al spiiitc, et quasi a una vita theatina, della quale 
dubitando N. S., si dice anco che 1 ha fatto eshortare a lasciar 
la pratica stretta che teneva de essi Theatini et a loro, che 
sotto pene non vi pratichino. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

35. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 2 

1564, April 29, Rom. 

. . . Qui si ragiona che N. S. tiene molto dispiacere della 
stretta pratica che il r mo Borromei ha tuttavia con questi 
Theatini, li quali dicono che S. S fcdi dice che mirano alle intrate 
et beni, piu che alia santita che di fuora mostrano et che con 
destro modo ha fatto sapere ad esso ill mo Borromei quanto 
sarebbe il desiderio suo in cio, con eshortarlo ad attendere alii 
negocii et carico che ha per non dai occasione a S. B ne di far 
altra provisione come seria necessario per il cumulo de negoci 
di questa S tfti Sede. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 
36. FRANCESCO TONINA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 3 

1564, August 12, Rom. 

. . . Di questo medico di S. B n3 ditenuto variamente si 
ragiona, et ancora che da molti sia detto che sia pur suspitione 
di veneno, laonde si dice che viene anco fatto processo con il 
card le di Napoli, non di meno la cosa va tanto secreta che non 
si ne pu6 penetrare di certezza il vero. S. B ne si trova ancora 
a S. Apostolo, palazzo del s r card 16 Borromei in vita acquistato 
dal s. ill. Antonio Colona, et nel quale adesso si lavora in 
fabrica di molta spesa et va S. B ne ad alto per sopra certi 

1 See supra, p. 119. 
See supra, p. 119. 
3 See supra, p. 87, n. 4, and Vol. XVI. of this work. 



APPENDIX. 415 

ponti che non sono anco molto sicuri et dove tuttavia cascano 
pietre et altre cose da muri. . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

37. ONOFRIO PANVINIO AS BIOGRAPHER OF Pius IV. 

The fourth Pius is among those Popes who have not been 
made the subject of a long and full biography. He was not 
one of those outstanding personalities, such as a biographer 
delights in. Moreover, the closing period of the Council of 
Trent drew general attention to itself rather than to what 
was happening in Rome. The brief biographical sketch of 
Pius IV. which O. Panvinio added to his biographies of other 
Popes, is an instance of this. In this matter the veil has 
been drawn back by a German historian, who has won great 
renown by his history of Pius IV., namely, Giuseppe Susta, 
in his splendid monograph published in Czech in the year 
1900, under the title : Pius IV. pred pontificatem a na poatku 
pontifikatu (Pius IV. before his pontificate down to its be 
ginning). J. Goll wrote a spirited review of this work in 
the Abendpost of Vienna, 1902, Beilage n. 21, to which atten 
tion was drawn in the Histor. Zeitschrift, LXXXIX, 330. 
In spite of this, the results of the researches of Susta have 
remained quite unnoticed among scholars. Even Merkle, 
who, in the second volume of his great collection of authorities 
called Concilium Tridentinum, devotes a very minute disser 
tation to the life and writings of Panvinio in their bearing on 
the Popes and conclaves during the Council, knows nothing 
of them. With the acumen which is characteristic of him, 
Susta, in Appendix II, p. 159 seqq. submits to a critical 
examination the Vita Pii IV. of Panvinio, as it appears in the 
edition of 1568, which hitherto has been accepted, together 
with the Venetian reports, as the principal authority, and 
comes to the surprising conclusion that for Pius IV. 
Panvinio is by no means the safe guide that even Muller 
(Konklave Pius IV., 228, n. 242) thought him to be. In 
this case that fact comes out even more strongly, which, 
in speaking of the sources and authorities for the history 
of Paul IV. in the present work (Vol. XIV., 486 seqq), I estab 
lished in the case of the Carafa Pope, namely that our 
historian has allowed himself to be very strongly biased 



416 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in his account by the public opinion which was often very 
strong in the Curia, and by his own relations with his patron, 
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. 

The first edition of the Vita Pii IV. of Panvinio appeared 
in 1562 as an appendix to the new edition of Platina issued 
by the Cologne editor, Maternus Cholinus. 1 This very 
brief sketch (p. 340-342) the mere embryo of the later biog 
raphy, went as far as the end of 1561 ; it is all rather colour 
less, and at times may be altogether discounted on account 
of its brevity. Thus, for example, according to this account 
we should be led to believe that Cardinal Medici remained 
in Rome daring the whole of the pontificate of Paul IV. 
Although it does not lack the usual words of praise, of which 
the humanist writers were never sparing, it is nevertheless 
very far from being a panegyric. According to all appearances 
the thing was much felt at the Papal court. Above all it 
was bound to cause talk that a point so well known and 
discussed as the Florentine origin of the Medici of Milan 
was passed over in silence. As far as other defects were 
concerned, the haste used in its composition might have been 
urged as an excuse, but this omission implied an attack 
on the upstart. It is not difficult to understand what led 
Panvinio to act in this way. He who had had relations with 
the new Pope while he was still a Cardinal, found himself 
disappointed in his ambitious expectations when the Cardinal 
had been raised to the supreme dignity. 2 Susta (p. 161) 
conjectures, and not without good grounds, that Panvinio s 
relations with Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, whose own 
relations with Pius IV. had become strained, helped to pre 
possess him against Pius IV. But in court circles, and indeed 
with Pius IV. himself, the attitude adopted by Panvinio 
could not be a matter of indifference, since an author who 
was so popular and gifted exercised a considerable influence 
on public opinion.- It was thought well to win him over. 
Panvinio was given a position in the Vatican Library, with 
a monthly salary of ten ducats, in addition to a money present 
of 500 ducats. 3 He then wrote, with the greatest possible 
speed, a new Vita Pii IV. He received from the Pope himself 

1 Of. SCHRORS in the Annalen des Hist. Verehis fur (Ten Niederrhein, 
LXXXV., Cologne, 1908, 150 seq. 

* The 200 scudi given to Panvinio by Pius IV. was considered insufficient 
(see PKRTNI, O. Panvinio, Roma, 1899, 24, 219). 

3 See PERINI, 219 ; MERKLE, II., cxxvi. 



APPENDIX. 417 

by word of mouth, a justification of the condemnation of the 
Carafa, 1 to be included in his book. Besides this he re 
ceived from the Pope s intimate friends certain " hints " 
which indicated a number of changes that might be introduced 
in his more detailed Vita. As a proof that Panvinio very 
willingly accommodated himself to these desires, Susta refers, 
though very briefly, to the Cod. Vatic, lat. 6775, and to Cod. 
122 of Arm. X of the Miscell. in the Papal Secret Archives. 
(Emendanda, addenda vel demenda sine ulla contradictione et si 
opportuerit meis sumptibus in vita Pii IV. papae). On 
account of the important bearing which this has upon the 
question of the independence of Panvinio, it will not be out 
of place to print here at least one of these " hints." It is 
to be found in Cod. Vatic, lat. 6775, Par. 2a, p. 155 i66b, 
and runs as follows : 

Populari statu Honorifico 2 potius, si lovio credimus in 
vita Leonis X. 

Pater Pii IV. Sequendo ordinem naturae et temporum 
et personarum, videtur prius facienda mentio avi, deinde 
patris, postea filiorum ; et antequam nomen Pii IV ex- 
primeretur, nuncupandus esset simpliciter loannes Angelas ; 
deinde gradatim prout eius aucta est dignitas, immutandum 
nomen prothonotarii et archie piscopi. 

Medices potius Mediceus. 

Marignani vulgare nimis et etiam depravatum ; nam 
Melegnanum dictur vulgo. Latinior vox esset Melenianum. 

Paschae Paschatis potius, licet alii contra. 

Paroeciae cum a dictione graeca wapoyos descendat, dicen. 
dum potius Parochia ; licet Budaeus contra. 

Hie commemorandum videtur illud praesagium flammae 
lambentis crines pueri dum noctu cum nutrice cubaret. 

luri operam prius philosophiae ac medicinae. 

Consecutus est. Deinde in patriam re versus in iurisperi- 
torum collegium cooptatus, aliquandiu farensi actioni in- 
servivit, 8 cum assiduis bellis 4 exagitata patria pacate in ea 
degere non posset. 

Publicis muneribus deinde affinitate. Hie quoque ser- 
vandus ordo videretur, ut primo recenserentur munera, 

1 See supra, p. 140. 

* On the margin : illustri claro. 

* On the margin : se dedit. 

4 On the margin : bellorum turbinibus. 

VOL, XV. 27 



4i8 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



magistratus, provinciae quas ei delegavit Paulus III et quae 
singilatim enumerantur in praefatione ; deinde collatio 
archiepiscopatus, amnitas, cardinalatus. 

Praefuit Asculanis contracte nimis ; ideo aliquanto latius 
explicanda, praesertim ubi aliquid insigne edidit. 

Alter marchio hie addenda dictio quae indicet esse ilium 
de quo supra. 

Inique hoc nimis aggravat factum Caesarianorum. Forte 
melius : quorundam aemulorum conspiratione. 

Lites fmibus propius videtur : finium regundorum dis- 
ceptator et arbiter. 

Exercitus curator Quaestor potius. 

Parmam missis Non misit, sed ivit, et quanquam nulla 
secum stipendia attulisset, opibus tamen amicorum, quos 
Parmae habuit, adiutus, valido praesidio urbem firmavit. 

Novissime Hie praecedere debet mentio affinitatis, archie 
piscopatus Ragusin,, episcopatus Cassan. 

Consilio ipsius et opera atque solertia. 

Publica munera nulla attigit aberrat a vero, quia sub 
lulio III. et Paulo IV modo signaturae iustitae, modo gratiae, 
modo utrique praefuit. 

Pauli IV severitas omittendum, et praetereunda causa 
balneorum Lucensium et desiderii visendae fruendae 
patriae. 

Avitis aedibus Non erant avita, sed nova aedificia a 
fratre marchione coepta. 

Vixit addendum : nee tamen diem ullum praetermisit in 
quo litterariis studiis non incumberet, sic bonas horas con- 
sumendo. 

Hie quoque vel alio in loco primum illud et liberale factum 
commemorandum videtur, cum fraternam adivisset haere- 
ditatem et dubitaret ne facta fratris, dum variis praefuit 
bellis, aliqui iacturam bonorum suorum fecissent, redditum 
annuum mille aureorum ex censu fraterno xenodochio seu, 
ut vocant, hospitali magno Mediolani concessit, ut ex eo 
primo resarcirentur damna passi, deinde pauperes infirmi 
alerentur ; quin etiam propria sacerdotia satis ampli redditus 
eidem hospitali assignavit. 

Existimatus est, tamen quam praecipue, cum Urbe in- 
undatione Tyberis sub Paulo IV fame vexata, quicquid 
ipse in horreis ad familiae suae pro integro anno usum 



APPENDIX. 419 

considerat, liberaliter ad egenae plebis substentationem 
piimis mensibus deprompsit. 

Cardinalium ambitum, modestius ob varias dissensiones. 

Alexandro Farnesio, Hippolyto a Ferr. omittenda, cum 
electio pontificis tarn homini quam Deo accepta ferenda-sit. 

Qui laesi qui alioqui laesi. 

Florentiae, Allobroga prius Allobroga. 

Labe f actorum labe f act um . 

Ante omnia, ne videatar id ie profecto egisse ut quaecunque 
decreta Pauli IV subverteret, texenda est oratio ut appareat 
ob multorum querimonias qui se Pauli sanctionibus iniuste 
tractates lamentabantur, coactum esse novum ius rescribere. 

Evidently these " hints " come from somebody intimately 
acquainted with the daily life of Pius IV. Their nature is 
such that there can remain no doubt as to the aim with which 
they were drawn up. As soon as one looks at the second 
edition of the Vita Pii IV. which Panvinio composed, and 
which goes to the end of 1562, one must see that in it Panvinio 
has made use, in the most literal way, of almost all the 
" hints " with which he was provided. 

Of this second edition Susta was only acquainted with the 
precis in Cod. 122 of Arm. XI. of the Miscell. in the Papal 
Secret Archives. He was of opinion that it is not possible 
to decide foi certain whether this second edition was ever 
published, as he had not been able to discover Latin editions 
of Platina from 1562 to 1568, but that the second edition 
was to be found in an Italian translation of Platina-Panvinio, 
which was published in Venice in 1563 by Michele Tramezino. 1 
In this respect I am able to complete the researches of Susta. 
I have before me : B. Platinae Historia de Vitis Pontincum 
Romanorum a D. N. lesu Christo usque ad Paulum Papam 
II. longe quam antea emendatior, cui Onuphrii Panvinii 
Veronensis fratris Eremitae Augustiniani opera reliquorum 
quoque pontificum vitae usque ad Pium I II I, pontificem 
maximum adiunctae sunt. Venetiis, apud Michaelem Trame- 
zinum. Anno 1562. There, p. 31^-319, may be found the 
Latin text of the second edition. At the begininng of this 
work there is a dedication by Panvinio to Pius IV. dated 

l G. GAIDA, Platynae Hist rici Liber de vita Christ! ac omnium pontificum, 
in the new editim by MURATOKI, Rerum Hal. Seriptcres fuse. 124, CittA ci 
Castello, 1913, p. xcvii, wo cine grute Ubersicht aller Ausgaben und Ubc-r- 
setzungen des Platina-Panvinio, where there is agcr.d account of all the 
editions and translations of Platiua Panvinio. 



42O 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



Romae kal. octobr. [October ist] 1561 l , in which there is 
given as the reason fcr the edition the close approach of the 
Council. There is no lack of praise for the reigning Pope : 
" Cui enim aptius dicari de maximis pontificibus liber scriptus 
potuit, quam pontifici maximo ? et ei pontifici, qui divinitus 
nobis in hac temporum hominumque pravitate datus est. 
Qui pietate, religione, iustitia, prudentia et humanitate, 
ecclesiae ipsi iam in senium vergenti et fere collapse pias 
manus porrigere et earn iacentem attollere rursum atque 
paene confectam restituere sua virtute et Dei beneficio et 
potest et vult." The whole of the new life is written in this 
sense. In the place of the dry and meagre first sketch we 
have now a highly coloured and detailed account, full of such 
plentiful eulogies of the Pope that one might almost call 
it a panegyric. At the very beginning the Florentine origin 
of the family is brought out, and at this point there is inserted, 
in accordance with the " hint " which had been communicated 
to him as above, the little story of the wonderful light which 
had surrounded the cradle of Pius IV. In other places too 
the " hints " are used almost word for word, while at the 
same time many other changes are made, which obviously 
may also be attributed to similar " hints " from the intimate 
friends of the Pope. The account of the successive steps 
in the rise of Pius IV. is much more exact than in the first 
edition. In support of his own credibility Panvinio says 
twice over that he is writing as an eye-witness (p. 3i6b and 
317). Here too the contrast between Medici and Paul IV., 
passed over in the first editicn, is suitably emphasized, to 
gether with the former s absence from Rome. In the second 
edition the good qualities of Pius IV., and especially his 
liberality, are much more fully exemplified ; when speaking 
of the Pope s nephews, Charles Borromeo is especially ex 
tolled and praised, having been altogether forgotten in the 
first edition. The merits of Pius IV. in connection with the 
success of the Council are brought out in high relief, and 
painted in bright colouis, not without a hint at the contrast 
to the conduct of the preceding Popes. When he speaks of 
the decision of the question about the continuatio or nova 

1 The date is surprising, because the account goes to the end of 1562 ; 
the right to^riiit from Cosimo de Medici is dated: Ap. 1, 1562, and that from 
Venice Aug. 21, 1561. Can Panvinio have chosen this earlier date in order 
to make people forget the first edition ? 



APPENDIX. 421 

indictio of the Council, the expedient adopted by the Pope is 
praised in the highest terms. But on the other hand the 
hard treatment shown in the suit against the Carafa, is made 
to appear in as favourable a light as possible for Pius IV., 
altogether in accordance with the wishes of the court. How 
very accommodating Panvinio showed himself to be in this 
matter comes out clearly by comparing the two editions (see 
infra p. 424 seqq). Certainly Susta is not making too severe 
a judgment when he says (p. 163) that the second edition 
has all the excellencies as well as all the defects of an official 
historian. 

Panvinio has built up his new edition of the Vita Pii IV. 
merely on the basis of a. biography of that pontiff, which he 
inserted in his larger work De varia Romani pontificis creatione 
libri X. This work, which was added to in many respects, 
remained unpublished : Merkle was the first to publish it 
(II. 586-600) from the Munich codex. The codex in the 
Papal Secret Archives (Miscell. Arm. XI., 122) which was 
used by Susta, escaped the notice of Merkle. It would be 
desirable, if circumstances should permit me to return to 
work in Rome, to compare this codex with that at Munich, 
and also with Cod. Vat. lat. 6775. 

If in his second edition Panvinio yielded very much to 
external influences, he did so no less in the third, which he 
printed and published under Pius V. By that time in 
official circles in Rome an altogether different view of Pius 
IV., in some ways rather unfavourable, had become current. 
It is with pain and surprise that one sees how Panvinio now 
made no scruple about reckoning to a great extent with this 
new tendency. The dedication of Panvinio to Pius V. bears 
the date November i, 1567, and therefore came immediately 
after the rehabilitation of the Carafa. If before he had 
magnified the crime, Panvinio now adds apologetic observa 
tions. With regard to the influence to which he was yielding 
in so doing, Susta refers to a letter, which he has discovered, 
from Panvinio to Cardinal Antonio Carafa, who had much at 
heart the rehabilitation of his uncle who had been put to 
death. Susta (p. 163 seqq.) severely criticises the conduct 
of Panvinio, and calls attention to the spiteful additions, 
by means of which the biography of Pius IV., while retaining 
its original form, was now given an altogether different char- 



422 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



acter. In so doing Panvinio worked with a skill that was 
worthy of a better cause. For example, the genealogical 
tree of Pius IV., which had been shown to take its roots in the 
soil of Florence, is not suppressed, but is depreciated by the 
remark that other families as well boasted of a similar origin 
and parentage. When he speaks of the father of the Pope, 
he makes the depreciatory remark that he rose to fame by 
farming the taxes. The story of the wonderful light that 
shone round the cradle of Pius IV. is omitted. Moreover, 
certain rather severe remarks about Paul IV., who had been 
very much esteemed by Pius V., are excised. In the same 
way the account of the relations between Cardinal Medici 
and Paul IV. are remodelled. Nor is the most important 
change effected by Panvinio his substantial transformation 
of his treatment of the trial and fall of the Carafa in the third 
edition, which is no longer, as it was in the second, favourable 
to Pius IV., but has now in conformity to the current popular 
view, become much more unfavourable to him ; much more 
radical, however, are the changes which he makes in his 
description of the character of Pius IV., whose goodness of 
heart Panvinio had brought out very strongly in the second 
edition. None of this it is true, is retracted, but by means 
of spiteful additions, Pius IV. is made to appear in quite a 
different light. For example, before his election he was 
looked upon as a good-natured man, but afterwards he proved 
himself to be very different, and from being a man of honest 
and open character, he suddenly became deceitful and spiteful. 
Hitherto in this mixture of praise and blame, people saw an 
argument for the impartiality of Panvinio, and a judicious 
distribution of light and shade, but since Susta discovered 
the genesis of these various biographical efforts of Panvinio 
such a view has become quite untenable. An author who, 
in the course of six years, on account of his susceptibility 
to external influences, changes so completely, and three 
separate times, his characterization of the same person cannot 
be considered as a reliable witness as to Pius IV. If for 
so long a time the last description of Pius IV. given by 
Panvinio passed for an impartial estimate, its origin shows 
it to have been an unbalanced combination of an officially 
inspired panegyric with a depreciation of the person in ques 
tion, which only came into being when public opinion in 
Rome had changed. 



APPENDIX. 423 

No substantial change in this view is called for by a letter 
from Panvinio to Cardinal Charles Borromeo, dated August 
16, 1567, and preserved in Cod. F. 39 Inf. of the Ambrosian 
Library, Milan. Tacchi Venturi (I., xi) has given a short 
summary of this. The whole content is as follows : I am 
about to write some biographies of the Popes from Sixtus 
IV. to Pius IV. " per aggiongerle al Platina " which has 
recently been printed. I have been asked in many quarters 
to republish Platina, and so I must add the life of Pius IV., 
and I do not like to issue the book before you have examined 
it. " lo sono obligato alia memoria di Pio IV. et per6 son 
proceduto nel bene che lui fece con molte et effetuose parole ; 
nel male (perche anche lui fu huomo) con tutto quel rispetto 
et brevita che ho saputo senza pregiudicar per6 alia verita 
et questo Pho fatto accio che mi sia creduto il vero et non 
entri in opinione di bugiardo et adulatore, dalli quali errori 
me ne guardo quanto posso. V.S. piacendosi vedra questa 
debol faticha et la racconciera, mutera, aggiongera, levara 
quello che gli parra sia honesto et conveniente che tanto mi 
sforzaro di lassar lei comandara." I beg for a speedy reply, 
as I must send the book to Cologne, where it is being printed. 
It is already completed down to Clement VII. 

So far it is not known what Borromeo replied, but the 
letter is highly significative of Panvinio s methods. It is 
painful to meet with such devices in a scholar, l who otherwise 
is so meritorious. Panvinio was a man of talent, but not of 
character. The setting forth of contemporary history is 
a dangerous reef for any historian, and Panvinio has run 
upon it. 2 

It is only recently that the learned investigations of O. HARTIO have 
brought to light a merit of Panvinio s, hitherto unknown ; his attempt at an 
iconography of the Popes, in which the liturgical vestments have been taken 
into consideration with much greater exactitude than in all the later collections 
of portraits of the Popes (see Histor. Jahrbuch, XXXVIII., 284-314, and 
Die Griindung der Miinchevor Hofbibliothek durch Albrecht V. und Johann 
Jakob Fugger, Munich, 1919, 218, 274, 410). 

1 So fir so little is known of the character of Panvinio that, especially in 
this connection, the monograph prepared by SCHRORS, based upon his deep 
studies, seems very much wanted. 



424 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 



PANVINIO ON THE FALL OF THE CARAFA, 



First Edition. 

Carafarum eiusdem 
Pauli propinquorum 
res tarn in patrui Pon- 
tificatu, quam aliis 
temporibus patratas, 
et praesertim bello 
Neapolitano, quo uni- 
versus terrarum orbis, 
arque Urbs inprimis 
vexata fuerat, cardin- 
alium aliquot, et Urbis 
gubeinatoris Hierony- 
mi episcopi Sagonensis 
sententiae subiecit. 
Unde cum eorum 
nomina inter reos re- 
cepta essent, Carolus 
et Alfonsus Carafae, 
Scipio Rebiba cardin- 
ales, loanes comes 
Montorii, qui dux Pal- 
liani dicebatur, Leon- 
ardus Cardineus, et 
Comes Allifanus, cum 
aliquot aliis Carafae 
domus clientibus, par- 
tim in Hadriani mole, 
partim in publicum 
carcerem diverso tern- 
pore coniecti, quaes- 
tionibus diligenter 
habitis singulorumque 
causis examinatis ex 
Pontificis auctoritate 
damnati sunt. Ex his 
Carolus cardinalis Car- 
afa, nono carceris 
mense carneficis manu 
in mole Hadriani 
strangulatus est. loan- 
nes Montorii comes 
cum Allifano et Car- 
dineo securi in publico 
carcere percussi, hor- 
rendum et maxime 
memorabile spectacu- 
lum, insolensque in- 
stabilis fortunae sur- 
sum deorsum omnia 
agitantis ludibrium, 
in publico expositi 



Second Edition. 

Carafarum Pauli IV. 
propinquorum crim- 
ina, cum patruo ponti- 
fice, bello potissimum 
Neapolitano, quo uni- 
versa paene Italia 
atque Urbs inprimis et 
propinquae provinciae 
vexatae fuerunt, turn 
aliis temporibus in 
publicam incurrentia 
offensionem patrata 
cognoscere, et legitimis 
poenis vindicare sta- 
tuit. Itaque quam- 
quam suapte natura 
mitis et ab omni im- 
manitate alienus, non 
potuit tamen et sui 
honoris et pontificii 
muneris causa ab 
huiusmodi capitali 
supplicio temper are. 



VII Iduum luniarum 
igitur anni DLX Caro- 
lum et Alfonsum car- 
dinales ad consistorium 
profectos, loannem 
vero Caroli fratrem, et 
Montorii comitem, Pa- 
liani ducem turn voca- 
tum, qui paulo ante ex 
Gallesio Faliscorum in 
Urbem venerat, ux- 
orisque eius fratrem 
comitem Allifanum 
Leonardumque Car- 
dinem fratrum propin- 
quum nihil tale sus- 
picantes in Hadriani 
molem, et per eosdem 
dies aliquot alios Cara 
fae domus clientes in 
publicum carcerem 
coniici mandavit. 



Third Edition. 

Pontifex interim, vel 
eorum memor quae in 
sui contumeliam car*- 
dinalis Carafa in con- 
clavi dixerat, vel 
ducis Paliani regiae 
pro Ducatu Paliani 
compensationi (ut 
fama fuit) pro sororis 
filio inhians, aut (quod 
ipse aiebat) ut Roman- 
orum pontificum pro- 
pinquis salutare ex- 
emplum relinqueret, ut 
populos sibi creditos 
clementer acciperent et 
publica negocia pro 
ecclesiae dignitate con- 
ficerent, specie vindi- 
candi ea crimina quae 
Carafae patruo Ponti- 
fice, et bello potissi 
mum Neapolitano pa- 
traverant, questionem 
capitalem in eos in- 
stituere est aggressus. 

Ita ut ad VII Idus 
lunii MDLX quo die 
quinto ante anno Car 
afa purpurei pile