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Tin* author's original spelling of Indian names is archaie 
and almost intolerable to the modern reader. I have UK- re- 
tore adopted the modern accepted spelling, and for the 
arduous work of transliteration 1 am indebted to L. Tcj 
Ram, M.A., Profcssorof Mathematics at the Kandhlr College, 

The author's text und notes have remained ntmitcrcd, 
but where necessary 1 have added additional notes, which 
will be found in brackets, 

tty permission of the Government of the Punjab, I am 
enabled to reproduce, some of the results obtained by the 
recent examination of the manuscript records of the Sikh 
days, which have long been lying in the archives of the Civil 
Secretariat. In t his connexion 1 have been great ly assisted 
by L. Situ Hum Kohly, U.A., the rwureh student in 
of the work. Apart from this, he has been of great 
in preparing the entire volume and, in particular, in the 
drawing up of the Hihliogruphy. Finally, 1 tender my wry 
grateful ttuuikH to the lion. Mr, J. I*. Thomson, I.C.S., 
Chief Secretary to the Government of the Punjab, who has 
kindly looked through the manuscript and to whom 1 um 
indebted for many valuable hint* and suggestions. 

11. L. t). tiAUUKTT. 
f in A, 


THE original edition of Capt. Cunningham's book appeared 
in 1849. A second edition was finished in 1851, but, as in 
explained in the second preface by his brother, this edition 
did not make its appearance till 1853, after the death of the 
author. The second edition did not differ materially from 
the first beyond certain re-arrangements and certain addi- 
tions to the notes, with the exception of Chapter IX. This 
chapter, which deals with the events leading up to, and the 
progress and result of, the iirst Sikh War, was considerably 
modified in the second edition. Even in this form the 
chapter contains many statements of an injudicious nature. 
Indeed, as the result of certain strictures upon the policy of 
the Government of India in dealing with Gulab Singh of 
Jainmu, the author was diwmiKsed from his employment in 
the Political Department by the Honourable Kat India 
Company and sent back to regimental duty. Thene 
strictures, together with u note upon the Hubscqucnt 
punishment meted out to the author, will be found in 
their proper place in Chapter IX. 

To turn to the volume as a whole. The author, as he telln 
us in hitt own prefatory note, spent eight years of hi service 
(from 1838 to 1846) in close contact with the Sikhs, and that 
too during a very important period of their history. His 
experiences bcganwith the interview between Lord Auckland 
and lianjlt Singh in 1838 and lusted down to the close of 
the first Sikh War, when he became rcwidcut in lihopul. The 
result of his eight years 1 residence was to give him a great 
insight into the history of the Sikhs and to inspire in him a 
partiality which in only too clearly viable in his handling 
of the events leading up to the outbreak of huntilitics 
with the British. The whole book boars evidence of mo,sl 
meticulous care, and the voluminous footnotes show tin* 
breadth and variety of the author's study. 

Chapter I deals with the country and its pcttyle. There. 


is a detailed description of the industries of the Punjab and 
its dependencies, much of which has been rendered 
archaic by the natural march of events. The ethno- 
logical part of this chapter has been carefully done, though 
this again is in need of supplementation in the light of 
modern research. It seems hardly necessary to guide the 
modern reader in this direction when so many excellent 
gazetteers are now available, but for a very lucid summary 
of the Hill States of the Punjab and their peoples, a subject 
in which the author is a little difficult to follow, reference 
may well be made to an article (in vol. iii of The Journal 
of the Punjab Historical Society) by Messrs. Hutchison and 
Vogcl, which is admirably explicit and is supplemented by u 
short bibliography on the subject. 

Chapter II is concerned with the old religions of India. 
Here again knowledge has moved forward and much of the 
author's information is archaic. His conception of the lin- 
gam and its significance, for example, is not in consonance 
with modern theory. Unfortunately, too, he lived before 
the days when the labours of the Archaeological Department 
had thrown a Hood of light upon the teaching of Butldhu 
and the prevalence of his religion in India. Indeed, Ids 
only reference to the British in lids connexion is an accusa- 
tion of iconoclusm which reads strangely lo a modern 
generation. His account of ' modern reforms ' naturally 
stops at an early point, and he seems to have been led into 
the somewhat erroneous conclusion that the whole Indian 
world Hindu and Muhammadan at the time that he 
wrote, was moving in the direction of a new revelation, AH 
I have pointed out in a supplementary note, the tendency 
is rather, in the case of both creeds, towards a reversion to 
ancient purity and the removal of accretions and corruptions. 
The chapter concludes with an account of Guru N&nak 
and his teaching. 

Chapter III is concerned with the lives and teaching of 
the Gurus. The gradual spread of the Sikh religion in 
the Punjab led to IhccstablibhnicnlofaKoi'tof imperiumin 
impcrio. This development caused the Mughal cnipcrorw to 
follow a line of policy much like that adopted by the Roman 
emperor* when confronted by the rising organization of 


the Christian Church. This policy OIK* of repression and 
persecution caused a profound modification of the whole 
Sikh system* The simple altruism of the early duy was 
laid aside and, under Gobind Singh, the tenth and hist 
Guru, the Sikhs became a definite fighting force* At first 
the armies of the KluUwa met with little sueeesH, and the 
death of Gobind Singh in 1708, followed by that of Itandu, 
his successor in the command of the armies, in 1710, 
seemed to sound the knell of Sikh hopes ami ambitions. 
But the fervour of their belief rose triumphant over 
persecution, and the Sikhs found their opportunity in flu; 
years of disorder which followed the death of the Kmpvror 
Bahadur Shah in 1712. 

Chapter IV relates the gradual establishment of Sikh 
independence down to 1704. Northern India was u wild 
welter of confusion. The Mughal Kmpirc was fulling 
rapidly to pieces under the repeated Mows of invad<r* front 
north and south, First Nadir Shah and his IVrumn hoals 
and then the Afghan Ahmad Khfth Durrani, nwrpi down 
upon the imperial capital. Like Home of old, IMhi fdt 
again and again the hand of thr hjtoiirr, and its glories 
became a thing of the past. The advent of the 
upon the Mono seemed at ilrst tin- prelude to UK- 
meat of Hindu supremacy in the north of India* Hut the 
battle of Ptlnipat (171) proved fulul to their ambitions 
and left Hie stage open f<ir the development of u new 
power in the Punjab. 

Amid all this confusion the Sikhs gradually whirvrd 
their independence* At first they were mere Iwntln of 
plunderers, but gradually these bum IK bc'c*antt united into 
a^ formidable fighting forces In mn the army f tin- 
Khaiwa benune a recogtii/,ed organi'/ation tittder Juwtii 
Singh, and though it frequently suffered drfrat, it m*vi'r 
lost its definite character aftctr that dale. Thr Hiklm 
susttthied theirgreatetitdiHusUfr nt Uiehnnds of the Afghliiis 
at Ludhitlnu in 17(12, but (he WHVCN of Afghan invwMon 
had spent (lidr wtrength. lit 17 f ut Hirhiticf, the Slklin 
avenged their defeat of Uie previoun your urn! jM*rmum'iitl.v 
oeeupied the province of Sirhind. In UK- following ><-iir, 
which wiLncHcd the last Afghan iuvuHum, Ihvy 


masters of Lahore, and in the same year, at a meeting at 
Amritsar, organized themselves into a ruling political 
system, described by the author as a 6 theocratic con- 
federate feudalism ', The condition of the Punjab during 
these years of bloodshed and disorder was miserable in the 
extreme. To find any parallel in European history one 
would have to go back to the days of King Stephen in 
England or to some of the worst episodes of the Thirty 
Years' War. Waris Shah, the author of the story of ffir 
and Rfinjhd, who flourished during this period, gives, in 
the epilogue of this poem, a vivid account of the state of 
the country : 

Fools and sinners give counsel to the world, 

The words of the wise arc set at naught. 

No man tolls the truth or cares for justice, 

Telling what is untrue has become the practice in the world 

With violence men commit flagrant iniquity, 

In the hands of tyrants there is a sharp sword. 

"There is no Governor, Ruler, or Emperor. 

The country and all the people in it have been made desolate. 

Groat confusion has fallen on the country, 
There is a sword in every man's hand. 
The purdah of shame and modesty has boon lifted 
And all tho world goes naked in the open bazaar. 

Thieves have become loaders of men. 

Harlots have bocomo mistresses of tho household, 

The company of devils has multiplied exceedingly. 

The stato of tho noble is pitiable, 

Men of menial birth flourish and tho peasants are in groat prosperity, 

Tho Jats have become masters of our country, 
Everywhere there is a now Government. 1 

The Sikhs had become a nation and, in theory, a united 
nation, but in actual fact such was far from being the case. 
The new State was composed of a number twelve is the 
usually recognized total of leagues or ' Misals ' . Ins tead of 
uniting and forming a solid Slate, these ' Misals 9 were almost 
constantly engaged in civil war, grouping and regrouping 
in the struggle for pre-eminence. It needed a strong hand 
to check these internecine disputes, and, fortunately for the 

1 [1 u/m indebted to Mr. 0. JF. Usborne, C.8., for tho above translation.] 


Punjab, Ranjit Singh appeared on the scene. The career of 
the one-eyed Lion of the Punjab is fully described in the 
text and needs but little reference at this point. The 
Maharaja's real career commences with his acquisition of 
Lahore in 1700. From that date he steadily extended his 
sway over the whole Punjab. Many books have been written 
on the career of this remarkable man and upon the system 
of comparatively orderly government which he introduced. 
There exist in the Secretariat at Lahore a number of manu- 
script records (accounts, muster rolls, pay sheets, &<*.) of 
his government. These are now under examination, and 
it is hoped that a great deal of additional light will be* thrown 
upon hia system of government as a result. The imfxmN 
that have been examined up to the present time (1915) 
show how actively Kunjtt Singh interested himself In the 
details of his administration. As regartlw his character, 
he was not altogether without faults. Temperance nml 
chastity were not his conspicuous virtue*. Bui with all liw 
shortcomings, he was a strong ant! able ruler admirably 
suited to the conditions of the time. The Miihftrilja'H 
territorial expansion brought him into contact with UM? 
CiH-Hutlej Stales, which were under Knglfoh protect ion, nml 
HO into contact with the English. The result of t hi* WUH t lit- 
Treaty of! 800, which KanjH Singh loyally obnerved down 
to his death in IBiil), although at times he showed symptonm 
of irritation at the rising power of the KnglisJu 

The death of Kanjlt Singh in 18KO was the signal for the 
outbreak of a serica of palace revolution^ in which the army 
of the Kh&lsa played a part hardly diKsimilur from thut of 
the Praetorian Guards at their very worst. This j>erit*d of 
the story is fully dealt with by the author in Chapter VHJL 
Tlte disorder culminated in the crossing of the Sutlcj by the 
Sikh ftiixxw and Hut coiuwjiiwtt outbreak of the first Sikh 
War. From thin point of MIC Htory the partiality of the 
author cauncH many of hi fttatcincnts to be viewed with 
HUHpicion. In hiw cycH the war rcprcKcritff a national tide of 
Helf-prenervution fining aguiiiNl the cvcrcikcroaching power 
of England, Such wan far from being the eae, and very 
different motivcn actuated the corrupt administration of 
Lahore. Terrified of the power of the army, that udiulniw- 


tration flung its legions across the Sutlej in the hope that 
they would be either annihilated or so seriously crippled as 
to cease to be a danger in the future. At the same time the 
outbreak of hostilities would divert attention from the short- 
comings of the central government a political manoeuvre 
strongly reminiscent of some of the actions of Napoleon III. 
The author gives a somewhat turgid description of the battles 
of Lhe war indeed, the language in the account of the 
battle of Sobraon reminds one of the story of the battle in 
the poems of Mr. Robert Montgomery and he concludes 
his narrative by some general remarks upon English policy 
in India. From the latter I have removed some passages 
which are not only injudicious but which have been stultified 
by the march of events* 

Beyond a bare reference the author docs not touch on the 
second Sikh War and the resultant annexation at all ; but, 
as he was transferred to Bhopal at the conclusion of the 
first war, lie probably lost touch with Punjab politics. 

It is not possible in a short introduction of this nature to 
follow the history of the Sikhs in detail wince the Punjab 
cunic under British control. That the Sikhs settled down 
peacefully and loyally under the new regime is sulliciently 
borne out by the records of the Mutiny, when the newly 
raised Sikh regiment** many of them composed of the 
disbanded regiments of the Ivhalsa army did excellent 
service. The Sikh* have displayed their warlike aptitude in 
other fields ftincc 1857 and are to be found to-day taking 
their share in the great Kuropcau War* 

In 1911 the Sikh population of the Punjab numbered a 
little over two millions out of a total population of Home 
twenty-three and a half millions. As regards modern con* 
versions to Sikhism and the relation of that religion to 
Hinduism, Mr. Gaudier has the following interesting remarks 
in an article which appeared in /J/ar/cwwftf Magazine in 
September 1009 : w The truth is that the Sikhs have only 
partially rid themselves of caste. They were able to suppress 
the ins line I HO long us it endangered their existence, but 
whoa they became paramount hi the Punjab and the Khtilfla 
was wullicienl for iU own needs, the old exclusive Brahmani- 
eal spirit returned. The influence of llanjlt Singh's Court 


, ... II. IQ-I4-. The passages referred to, with the exception 

of n Mingle note (sec p. IW&), have now been restored, and Lho 
original U'xt if) given unullcivd, as staled in the Keillor's Note, 


increased this retrogressive tendency, and in spite of the 
Guru's teaching it is not always easy for a low-caste Hindu 
to become a Sikh to-day. Still, it is not always impossible, 
The acceptance or rejection of a convert is likely to depend 
on whether the majority in the district Singh Sabha or 
Sikh Council is conservative or progressive. The so-called 
Conservative Party is naturally exclusive, while the so- 
called Progressive Party are really purists who would revert 
to the injunctions of Nanak and Gobind. They are ready 
to receive all converts whom they believe to be genuine, of 
whatever caste. The Sikhs now number a little over two 
millions, and in the last ten years the numbers have only 
risen in proportion to the general increase in the Punjab. 
The lack of converts is due as much to apathy as to obstacles 
placed in the way by the priests.' 



ALLAN CUNNINGHAM, the father of the author of this 
volume, was born in the parish of Keir, Dumfriesshire, in 
1784. Although apprenticed to his elder brother, then 11 
stonemason, he soon showed a literary bent. At the age of 
eighteen he made the acquaintance of Hogg, the Ettrick 
shepherd, and the acquaintance ripened into a warm friend- 
ship. Early in the nineteenth century he commenced IUK 
career as an author, and his poems began to appear in 
various periodicals. When R. II, Cromek, the engraver, 
was travelling in Scotland in 1809, collecting Scottish songs, 
lie met Cunningham, who showed him some of his work. 
Upon Cromck's advice Cunningham then went up to London 
to try his fortune at literature. For some years he worked 
both as a mason and as a literary man, producing a number 
of poems in the Day and the fMcrary Gazette, In 1814, 
Ohantrey, the sculptor, to whom he had been introduced by 
Cromefc, engaged himashissuperintendcntofworks,an<l thin 
connexion lasted down to Chantrcy's death, in 1841 . During 
this period he produced u quantity of literary work of n 
varied nature. He had become acquainted with Sir Walter 
Scott, when the latter was sitting for Chantrcy, and In 1820 
submitted to him a drama, Sir Marmaduke Maxwell. It \vu 
considered unsuitable to the stage, but Scott was favourably 
impressed with the style. In 1825 appeared The Songs of 
Scotland, Ancient and Modem, which contained the well- 
known sea song, ft A Wet Sheet and a Flowing Sea,* lite 
connexion with Chantrcy gave him an intimate knowledge 
of the artistic world, which he turned to account in his Utwt 
of the Most Eminent British Painters, Sculptors, and Architects* 
which he published from 1829-33. His last important work 
was an edition of Burns, which appeared in 1834. Late in 
life he made the acquaintance of Carlylc, who had a warm 


regard for him. Cunningham died in 1842, leaving live sons 
and a daughter. 

Joseph Davcy Cunningham, the eldest son and tlu aullmr 
of the present volume, was born in 1812. At an curly a#< 
he {showed such aptitude for mathematics that his father 
was advised to send him to Cambridge But H lie WAN 
keenly desirous of becoming a soldier a midship in tlu* 
East India Company's service was procured for him, through 
the good offices of Sir Walter Scott. After a brilliant curror 
at Addlflcombc he sailed for India in 1834, and was at HrM 
employed on the staff of the chief engineer of the Bengal 
Presidency. In 1837 he was appointed annuitant to Colonel 
(afterwards Sir Claude) Wade, the |>olJN4#^, agent on the 
Sikh frontier. For the next eight years lie held varioiw 
appointments under Colonel Wade and hit* wuceesHorH, and 
at the time of the outbreak of the first Sikh War was poiiticiil 
agent in the State of Bulmwalpur, Upon the commence- 
ment of hostilities ho was attached first to the Muff of Sir 
Charles Napier and then to that of Sir Hugh Cough. He 
was present, as political officer, with the division of Sir Hurry 
Smith at the battles of Buddawal and ANwftl. At Sobnum 
he served as an additional aide-de-camp to tlu? Governor* 
Gcncral, Sir Henry Hardinge. Hfo Bervteo* earned him a 
brevet and the appointment of political agent to the Htute 
of Bhopai, In 1849 appeared his //fctorj/ cf the MM*. AH 
has been noted elsewhere In this edition, the view* tnken 
by the author were anything but pleasing to his uiK?rior. 
As a punishment, he was removed from hiw political upjwint* 
mcnt and sent back to regimental duty* The dfsgwcw un- 
doubtedly hastened his death, and soon after lib upiM>intment 
to the Meerut Division of Public Works h died Hwlitonly at 
Ambala, in 1851* 

Like Joseph Davey Cunningham, his younger brother* 
inherited their father 1 ** literary abilities. Alexander, tlut 
second brother, had a distinguished career In India. Ite, 
too, obtained hi* cotletshlp through the Influence of Sir 
Walter Scott, and arrived In India In 1883, Lard Auckland 
appointed him one of his aides-de-camp, and while on the 
(tovcraor-General'a staff ho vWtod Kashmir, then HimoHt 
an unknown country* He served with distinction Jn the 


Gwalior campaign of 1843 and acted as executive engineer 
of Gwalior until the outbreak of the first Sikh War. In Hi is 
war and also in the second Sikh War he did good service, 
and then returned to Gwalior. In 1850 he was appointed 
chief engineer in Burma (after a brief period of service in 
Multan, where he designed the Vans Agnew and Anderson 
monument), and remained there till 1858. He was trans- 
ferred to the North- Western Provinces in 1858, and remained 
there till his retirement in 1861 with the rank of major- 

It was at this stage that he commenced his archaeological 
career. The Government of India decided to appoint an 
archaeological surveyor, and Cunningham, who during his 
whole career in India had displayed the greatest activity in 
this direction, was appointed to the post. This he held (with 
an interval from 1865 to 1870) down to his final retirement 
in 1885* His work in this capacity is too well known to need 
detailed treatment in a note of this nature. He continued 
his interest in Indian archaeology after his retirement, and 
the collection of coins in the British Museum bears testimony 
to his generosity. He died in 1 803 as Sir Alexander Cunning- 
ham, having been created a K.C .I.E. in 1887. 

Peter Cunningham, the third brother, under whose 
editorship the second edition of this book appeared in 
1853, was a well-known antiquary. He held an appoint- 
ment in the Audit Office, which he obtained through Sir 
Robert Peel in 1884. His chief work was the Handbook of 
London, which first appeared in 1849 and IB still regarded as 
a standard authority. lie also edited a large number of 
books the collected letters of Horace Walpolc (1857) and 
the works of Oliver Goldsmith (1854) being well-known 
examples of his work. He retired from the public service 
in 1860 and died in 1860. 

Francis Cunningham, the youngest brother, also served 
in India, He joined the Madras army in 1888 and won 
distinction at the siege of Jal&iaMd. He retired from the 
army in 1861, and after his retirement devoted himself to 
literature, for which he displayed the family aptitude. He 
published editions of Marlowe (1870), Mnfwingcr (1871), and 
Ben Jonson (1871). His death took place in 1875* 




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1. SariipLal. Ta.rik'h-SilcMn. (M8S. undated,) 

2. State, Record*, MSS. Civil Secretariat, Punjab, 1H12-4U. 

Official documents of Kanjlt Siiigh'H government. P/i pern if 
various doscriptionH. Civil ami military department H. Written 
in the Persian language, and now under examination by a 
research student. 

3. Record* of Ludhiana, Ambala, and Dtlli agtncir*. MSS. ( J i\il 

Secretariat, Punjab, 1804-40, 

Dispatches and communications between the Sikh Uovern- 
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in English. 

4. In the Library of the India Office. 

M. All ud din, Ibrat Nama. M. Khya Bux. Sfar 
Narna, Qarikh Mulk-i-Harara, 


THE sheets of this Edition were wen and corrected by 
their Author, and "were ready for publication nevera! montlm 
previous to his death, in February, 1851. The reasons 
of a painful, though temporary character--- for the delay 
in the appearance of the work will bo found in a Memoir 
already written and to be published hereafter, when regard 
for the living will no longer interfere with the truth of 

The author fell a victim to the truth related in thin book. 
He wrote History in advance of hm time, and MinVrrd 
for it; but posterity will, I feel lunmml, do jiiNtiee to hm 

My brother'!* anxiety to be eorreet wan evinced in the 
unceasing labour ho took to obtain the most minute 
information. Wherever he has been proved to be wrong 
and this has been in very few hurt micro he XIUH, with 
ready frankness, admitted and corrected bin error. Xti 
matters of opinion he made no change not from obstinacy, 
but from a firm eon vie! ion that jlie WUH right. 

The new notes to UIIN Edition contain Home informa- 
tion of moment, contributed by Lord (Joiiftli, Sir Charter* 
Napier, and othero, and all receiver! my brother'* Huiu-f ion. 

The printed material for the recent Ilintory of Imiiu are 
not of that character on wit fob historian* win rely. Kf alt- 
Papers, presented to the people by * both HOUWH Iif Purlin- 
nient*, have been altered to miit the temporary view* uf 
political warfare, or abridged out of mtotuken regard t the 
tender feelingfl of mirvivorH. 1 In luuttew of privnti* lifn 

1 The character and cnr<w of AlnxoncUv Burncn hnvft fmth nn 
miBroproBontod in thows oollootionHof HtnU I'ttiHiro whitl* npfjuttm^ms! 
to furnish tho beet matoriale of luHtory, but which am oftm wnly *,,. 
sided compilations of garbled clrwumrmtH, - rnuxit*rfi*itii which th 


some tenderness may be Hhown to individual wusif ivwss, 
but History, to be of any value*, should bo written by one 
superior to the influences of private? or {wrHtmal f'lin#s. 
What Gibbon culls 'truth, naked, unblushing trutli, the 
first virtue of more Herioiw history % should alow? rlirwt 
the pen of the historian ; and truth nlone iufluoiK'cd thr* 
mind and guided the pen of the Author of this 

mh January, 

ministerial stamp forces into curn-iK-y, UcffAiidittg A 
' tion, and handing down to poU<rHy a chain of 


IN this Second Kditlon the author has made wmie 
alterations in the text of the hurt chapter, where if seen MM! 
that his readers had inferred more than wan meant ; hut 
the sense and spirit of what watt originally writ ten lwve 
been carefully preserved, notwithstanding the* mmiiflcnlif n?* 
of expression now introduced. Throughout the gram- 
matical imperfections detected u re|K*ruHul have been 
removed; but no other changes have been made ia the 
text of the first eight chapters*. Some notm, h<wr\rr, 
altogether new, have been added, while* other* huv<' been 
extended ; and Huch an by their length crowded a writ** of 
pages, and from their subject admitted of fiepamte I rent- 
ment, have been formed info Appendices 

The author's principal object in writing thin IiiMorv hu 
not always been wndmhwd, and he therefore Diitik** if 
right to say that hin main endeavour with to give Stkhism 
its place in the general hihtory of liurnunity, by *imt*ing 
its conncxioix with the different crettdft of Iri<lin, by exhibit- 
ing it as a natural and important reuuit of the MuiiiuiuiiiMlmi 
Coiiquoat, and by inipreNHtug up(n the pec|le of Kiigfusu! 
the great nccoBBtty of attending to the mentn! e2iHiigi*H now 
in progress amongHt their uubjcet miJlionw in Uie tCuM, who 
are erroneously thought to be unk in uttprriftitiotiH ujmUjv, 
or to be held pcll-bouncl in iKtionmce by u diirk mitt 
designing priesthood. A Bmmdaiy objwt <f the im<li*r'H 
was to give some account of the connexion of the KnglKh 
with the Sikh*, and In part witJi the Afghan, from thu 
time they began to tk<* a dinwt intt-reiit in the affair* of 
these races, and to involve them ia th wc*b of Iheir |NiUt*y 
for opening the navigation of the Imliw, nrnl fr bringing 
Turkestan and Khonwwn within ttirirocimmtwtol iuflueriw* 
It has ttlwo boon remarked by Home public erltJfM untl 
private friends, thut the author leans unduly towitrdm lti 


Sikhs, and that an officer in the Indian army should appear 
to say he sees aught unwise or objectionable in the acts of 
the East India Company and it* delegates is at the least 
strange. The author has, indeed, constantly endeavoured 
to keep his readers alive to that undercurrent of feeling or 
principle which moves the Sikh people eollecUvdy, and 
which will usually rise superior to the crimes or follies of 
individuals. It was the history of ftifcfw, a new and 
peculiar nation, which he wished to make, known to 
strangers ; and he saw no reason for continually recurring to 
the duty or destiny of the English in India, because lie was 
addressing himself to Iii own countrymen who know the* 
merits and motives of their, supremacy In the Kafet, and 
who can themselves commonly decide whether the parti- 
cular acts of a viceroy are in accordance with the general 
policy of his government. The Sikhs, moreover, an? HO 
inferior to the English in resources and knowledge* that 
there is no equality of comparison between them* 

The glory to England is indeed great of her KnMrrn 
Dominion, and she may justly fed proud of the mcn-aMM^ 
excellence of her swny over subject nation*; but thin 
general expression of the sense and desire of the KntfliMi 
people does not show that every proceeding of hor delegate** 
is necessarily fitting and fiir-seeing. The wisdom of Knglniut 
is not to be measured by the views uud acts of any finer of 
her sons, but is rather to bo deduced from the eharnelm 
of many. In India it is to be gathered in part from tho 
high, but not always scrupulous, <|imliLit*H wliieh dis- 
tinguished Clivc, Hastings, and Wellesley, wlm acquired 
and secured the Umpire ; in part front tig* wnerouti, hut 
not always discerning, sympathies of Hurkc, CunwiiHiM, 
and Bcntiuck, who gave to Knglinh rule tho stamp of 
moderation and humanity; and also in part from Ut 
ignorant well-meaning of the poopto at large, who jtmtly 
deprecating ambition in the abstract vnhily wtrivc to clitfk 
the progress of conquest before UN iieeewwiry limits have 
been attained, and before th uiipiring Mtrgi<w of flu* 
conquerors themselves have Jwoiwi cxJmttftled, Hy con- 
quest, I would be understood to imply the cxiciiMion of 
supremacy, and not the extinction of ilynuwticH, for 


imperial form of [domination should be the aim and sc,op of 
English sway in the East. England .should reign over 
kings rather than rule over subjects. 

The Sikhs and the English are each irresistibly urged 
forward in their different ways and degrees towards remote 
and perhaps diverse ends : the Sikhs, as the leaders ol 
a congenial mental change ; the English, as the promoters 
of rational law and material wealth ; and individual chiefs 
and rulers can merely play their parts in the great mxrial 
movements with more or less of effect and intelligence. 
Of the deeds and opinions of these conspicuous men, the 
Author has not hesitated to speak plainly but ffoberly, 
whether in praise or dispraise, and he trusts he may do 
both, without cither idly flattering or malignantly traducing 
his country, and also without compromising life own 
character as a faithful and obedient servant of the State* ; 
for the soldiers of India are no longer mere KciitmclK over 
bales of goods, nor i the Kast India Company arty longer 
u private association of trallickcrs which can with reason 
object to its mercantile transactions being subjected to 
open comment by one of its confidential factors. Tlut 
merits of the administration of the Kust India Company 
are muny and undoubted ; but its coiwtitution m political, 
ittf authority is derivative, and every Knglinimmu him 
u direct interest in the proceedings of JUK dJovcrmm'Ut ; 
while it is likewise his country'** boast Hint her children can 
at fitting times express in calm nnd considerate* language 
their views of her career, uiui it i her (inly to HOC that 
those to whom she exilruHU* power rightly umlcnitiuul both 
their own position and her functions. 

mh Ctefofer, 1849, 


ONE who possesses no claims to systematic* scholarship, 
and who nevertheless asks the public to approve of his 
labours in a field of sonic difliculty, IN bound to fihow to his 
readers that he has at least had fair incaiiH of obtaining 
accurate information and of coining to just conclusions. 

Towards the end of the year 1887, the author received, 
through the unsolicited favour of Lord Auckland, the 
appointment of assistant to Colonel Wade, the political 
agent at Ludhiana, and the officer in charge (if the Hrit ish 
relations with the Punjab and the chiefs of Afghanistan. 
He was at the same time required UK an engineer officer, 
to render Fcrozcporc a defensible post, thai little place 
having been declared a feudal escheat, ami its position 
being regarded us one of military importance. Hi* plans 
for effecting the object in view met the approval of Sir 
Henry Fane, the Commandcr-in-Chief ; but it wa not 
eventually thought proper to do more than cover flic town 
with a slight parapet, and the scheme for rewriting Shah 
Shujii on his throne seemed at the time to nmke the* Knglish 
and Sikh Governments NO wholly one, tlmt the mnlicr 
dropped, and Fcroxeporc was allowed to become a canton- 
ment with scarcely the means at hand of Having its am* 
munition from a few predatory homes 

The author was also present at the interview which took 
place in 1888, between Kunjit Singh and Lord Auckland. 
In 1839 he accompanied Hhalr/ada TaimCir and Colonel 
Wade to Peshawar, and he wa with them when they 
forced the Pass of Khaibar, and laid open the road to 
Kabul. In 1840 he wa placed in odniiniHtrative charge 
of the district of LudhUina ; and towards the end of the 
name year, he wa deputed by the new frontier agent, 
Mr. Clerk, to accompany Colonel Shclton and hin relieving 
brigade to Peshawar, whence he returned with the troop 

1 Published in 1 vol. Uvo 19th March, 1H4U, 


escorting Dost Muhammad Khan under Colonel Wheeler. 
During part of 1841 he was in magisterial charge of the 
Ferozcpore district, and towards the close of that year, 
he was appointedon the recommendation again of Mr. 
Clerk to proceed to Tibet to see that the ambitious RUJUB 
of Jammu surrendered certain territories which they hud 
seized from the Chinese of Lassa, mid that the British trade 
with Ladakh, &c., was restored to it* old footing. He 
returned at the end of a year, and was present at the inter- 
views between Lord Ellcnborough and Dost Muhammad 
at Ludhiana, and between his lordship and the Sikh chiefw 
at Ferozcpore in December 184*2. During part of iftftt 
he was in civil charge of Ambala ; but from the middle of 
that year lill towards the close of 1841, he held the post of 
personal assistant to Colonel Richmond, the HimceKsor 
of Mr. Clerk* After Major Broadfoot'n nomination to the 
same ollicc, and during the greater part of 1845, the author 
was employed in the Bahawalpur territory in connexion 
with refugee Sindhians, and with boundary disputes 
between the Daudputras and the RtljjmlH of ttlkuucr and 
Jaisalmcr. When war with the Sikhs broke out, the 
author was required by Sir Charles Napier to join IUK army 
of co-operation ; but after the battle of Ferozewhuh, he 
was summoned to Lord Gough's head-quarUm lie WUK 
subsequently directed to accompany Sir Harry Smith, 
when a diversion was nuulo towards Ludluanu, and ho WUB 
thus present at the Nkirminh of Badowul and at the battle 
of AlIwfiJL lie had likewise the fortune to be a participator 
in the victory of Sobraon, and the further advantage of 
acting on that important <Iuy an an aide-de-camp to UK; 
Governor-General. lie was then attached to the howl 
quarters of the Conintandcr-m-Chief, until the army broke 
up at Lahore, when he accompanied Lord Hunlinge'H camp 
to the Simla Hills, preparatory to setting out for IfliopU, 
the political agency in which state and itw surrounding 
districts, his lordship hud unexpectedly been ptouwd to 
bestow upon him. 

The author was thus living among the Sikh people for 
a period of eight years, and during a very important 
portion of their hfatory. lie hud intercourse, under every 


variety of circumstances, with all classes of men, and he 
had at the same time free access to all the public records 
bearing on the affairs of the frontier. It was after being 
required in 1844, to draw up reports on the British con- 
nexion generally with the states on the Sut Icj, and especially 
on the military resources of the Punjab, that he conceived 
the idea, and felt he had the means, of writing the history 
which he now offers to the public. 

The author's residence in Malwa has been beneficial to 
him in many ways personally ; and it has also been of 
advantage in the compOBition of this work, us he* has harl 
the opportunity of becoming acquainted with the ideas and 
modes of life of the military 'colonies of Sikhs scattered 
through Central India. 


9, 18-18, 


In tho references, and also in tho text, f rum Chap. V to iho end 
of the volume, tho names of military officers and civil functionaries 
are quoted without any nice regard to the rank they may huvo hold 
at tho particular time, or to tho titles by which they may have been 
subsequently distinguished. But as there is one person only of each 
name to bo referred to, no doubt or inconvenience can arwo from this 
laxity. Thus tho youthful, but discreet Mr. Motoalfo of tho treaty 
with Ranjifc Singh, and tho Sir Charles Hetcalfo so honourably 
connected with tho history of India, is tho Lord Motcalfo of riper 
years and approved services in anothor hemiHphoro. Lieutenant- 
Colonol, or more briefly Oolonol, rottingor, IB now a Major-donra'ol 
and a Grand Cross of tho J5ath ; while Mr. Clerk has boon outdo 
a knight of the samo Order, and* Lieutenant- Colonol Luwwnco lias 
boon raised to an equal title. Captain, or Lioutonant-(>>lom k l, or 
Sir Claude Wado, moan one and tho Hamo portion : and mini lorly tho 
lato Sir Alexander Burnos sometimes appears OH a HI mplo Uuuicuiant, 
or as a captain, or as a ltoutonunt-olonol. On tho other hand, 
Sir David Ochtorlony is niforrod to HolHy under that title, although, 
when ho marched to tho Sutloj in 1800, ho held tho rank of lieutenant- 
colonel only. 




Geographical Limits of Sikh Occupation, &c. 
Climate, Productions, &c., of the Sikli Dominions 

Grain and Shawl wool of Ladakh . 

Silks, Indigo, and Cotton of Multiin 

Black Cattle of the Central Punjab 

Tho Persian wheel used for Irrigation 

The Sugar of the Upper Plains 

Tho fcJaffron and Shawls of Kashmir 

The Rico and Wheat of Peshawar , 

Tho Drugs, Dyes, and Metals of tho Mills 
Inhabitants, RaccH, Tribes .... 

Immigration of the Jilts, and Introduction of Muham 

Tho Tartars of Tibet . 

Tho ancient Darduti 

Tho Turkomans of Gilgit 

Tho Kashmiris 

their western neighbour, 



GGjare, &o 

Tho Gakhars and Jan] Ann 
The Yuaufssaifl, Afrldis, &o. 
Waziris and other Afghans 
BalueliiH, Jilts, and Rains of tho Mkldlo Jnrlim 
Junfl, Bhutifl, an<l Kathls of the Central Plains 
Clubs and liuhows of the Lower Hills 
The Johiyas and Langahs of tho South . 
Tho Dogras and Kanotn of tho Himalayas 
Tho Kohlfc of tho Himalayas 
Tho Jats of the Central Plains 
mixed with Gujars, Rajputs, Pathans, &o. 
Relative Proportions of some principal 
Kshattriyas and Arorati of tho ditioH 
The Wandering Changars 
The Religions of tho Hikh Country . 
Tho Lamaio Buddhists of Ladakh * 
Tho Shiah MuhammadaiiH of Bultoo 
Tho Sunni Muhammadnns of Kashmir, Peshawar 

Multan, &o. 

Tho BrihmaniBt Hill Tribes 
The Sikhs of tho Central Plains mixed with Brfih 

manista an<l Muhammadanfl 
Hindu Shopkeepers of Muhammadan Oitios 
Village Population about Bhatinda purely JSikh 


A. T). PAttE 

The debased and secluded Races, Worshippers oi 

Local Gods and Oracular Divinities . . 10 

Characteristic's of Rare and Religion ... 10 

Jirittimaninm and Buddhism rather forms than 


has more of 



yot strong to resist innovation . 
Muhammadanism, although corrupted, h 

vitality , . . . 
All are satisfied with their own Faith 

and cannot bo reasoned into Christianity 
KikhiHm an active and pervading Principle 
Tho Jats industrious and high-spirited . 

Tho Rains and some others scarcely inferior as tillers 
of tho ground ...... 

Tim peasant Rajputs 

Tho Ufijant, a pastoral people 

Tho ItaluolilK, pastoral and predatory 

Tho Aftfhftus, industrious but turbulent . 

Tho Kshattnyas and Aroras, enterprising but frugal 

Tho Kashmiris, skilful but tamo and spiritless . 

Tho unmixed RajpUts 

Tho Tibotans plodding and debased 
Tho Custom of Poli/undry one, of necessity 
Tho Jims and Kiithis pastoral and peaceful 
PaHial Migrations of Tribes 

Can HOB of Migrations 
H<utont Migration of 

up tho Hutlcj 
of Dogriifl, JohiyoH 
extending in Tibot 

up tho Indus, ami o ' 
and Moh turns . 

aiul generally in Townw and 
Lamaio liurldhiHin T>rogrpHsivo i 





s in <>mo partH of tho 
HimalavQH 17 

HrtlhmaniHm likewise extending in tho wihlor parts of 
tho Plains IK 

Hut tho Ponwantry and Mcu'.lianicfl generally aro IJP- 
coming Hooodora from Brahmanism . , IK 


UP TO A. D. 15,'Jf) 


India and its HttccoHHivo Masters tho BucUlhintft, tho 
Briihmann und KHhattriyttH, tho Muhammadanft, 
and tho OhriBtianw 10 

Brilhrnanism ftlru^ling with BuddhiHm boc-omos olabor- 
atud ; itH aohiovemontw and oharactoristicB , . 20 


A. D. 

Brahmaniflm victoriouB OVM- Buddhism . . 

IOBPS ittt unity and vigour .... 

800-1000. Shankar Ar.hfirj methodizes PolythoiHm . 

Reaction of Buddhism on Brahmanism .. 

Shankar Aohilrj eHtabliHhefi ascetic Ordero, ami 

pro-omineneo to Sfiimttm .... - 27 
1000-1200. Ramiinuj cBtallifihcfl othor Ordoro, with Vinhnu 

as a tutolary find iM 

Spiritual Toachers or Heads of Orclora arrogate infalli- 
bility i>fl 

Scepticism and liorosy infirfao SJO 

Tho Dogma of * Maya ' nu-Ri\*fH a moral applicatirm . W> 

Cjonoral doolino of BruhnianiHrn . . . '10 

Early Aral) incurBionw into India but little f**H . . 5W 
Muhamtnaclanim rrooivos a fnwh impuluo on tho con- 

vornion of iho T'urkomanH , . . . ) 1 

1001. Muhammad invades India #1 

120ft. Hindustan booomoH a separate portion of the Muham- 
mad an World undctr tho Ihaku . . , fU 

and tlio ronrjiKTorH btu-oint^ Indiani/cd . , .7(2 
Action and reaction of Muham inadantem and HnihmnniHitt 1*2 
Tho popular belief unHrttlcd W 

About 1400. Kiimiinand CHfahliHhcH a ronitiwlumrnvt 1 Meet- at 

"Bonan'H 'M 

- and introduroH Hc i ro-worwhip . . . , .'If 
- but maintain** ilui oqtinlitv nf true IwlimTH bcfnrr 

(iod . ' Ill 

(iorakhnaUi oHtabliHhoH a Sect, in the* 1'imjab , . &" 

-- and mainUiiiH Iho (Mjuuli/in^ cfTfct of rollgioun ponfinc*^ ;{." 

but oauHoB further divornity by fKlnpting Hiva as tlw 

tynoofdod .T 

About MHO. Tho Vodaa anrt Krrai) UHHailtMi by Kivblr, a tiiHripto 

ofRamanand :til 

and tho tnothor ton^uo of tho l^tpio lined OH au in* 

fltrumont 7tU 

but AHwtiniHm Htill uphold tttt 

1500 -l0, Ohaitan pwachiw r^li^nuK reform in Bengal , . 37 

inBifitK upon tho <fHi'wy of Faith .... 'M 
ami admit H of HH'ular of't-upul-ioMH . , . . ;i7 

Vallabh oxttndB ihd Rcfornmtion to th<t Mouth . 37 

and furthor diHcoimtmtanrofl colibatiy , , !H 

Recapitulation 9H 

Tho roformn partial, and leading to Hootariartimn only , 3H 

Nanak'n viowH monu-omprohmuiivo and profound riH 

Nanak'H Birth and early Ufo . , , . 3i 

Tho nmntal fitrtiggldH of Nnntvk 40 

Ho booomoH a T<ianhtr 41 

DUm, ftgod Ncvonty 41 

Tho exoollonooH of Nilnak'H Dot-trine 42 

Tho Godhead 4a 

Muharamadan and HinUuH cctuaHy called on to womhtp 

God in Truth ^1 


A. D. l'V'. 

1469- Faith, Grace, and Good Works all noresfmry . . 4,'* 
1539. Niinak adopts tho Bruhmanfral Philosophy j hut iti 

a popular somn, or }>y way of illiiHtration only . 4.'I 
Niinak admits tho MiKHiou of Muhammad, aw wall an i hi- 

Hindu IncamationH . . . . . .41 

Disclaims miraculous powers 4,"t 

Discourages Ascotinituu . . 4.% 

Conciliatory between Muhammadans and Hindus . 45 

Nanak fully extricates his followers from wror . . 4 

but liis Reformation not'ossarily rolijrious and moral 

only 'Hi 

Nanak loft hin Sikhs or Disoiplos without now HiH'iul 

lawn aw a mtparato Ponjita 4*) 

hut guarded against thoir narrowing into a Suet . 47 
Nanak doc-larcK Angad to hi \m HurrcHHor n a Toiu'lii'i 1 

ofMon 47 



A, i>, 1530-1710 

A, P. I'M i; 

Angad iipholdn tho brnad nrhu*i]iIfH of Nfuuik . , 4U 

1552. l)iH 4JI 

Amar Daw HiirroodH . . . . , . , f U 

KoparatoH tho Hiklm from (ho Udtw'w , ;0 

IliH VICWH with regard to * Nat I* . ;*il 

1574. l)Ii All 

Ham Das micccu'dH, and i^UliliHhcH himwlf at AmriftMr ;( 

15K1. DitHi ;1 

Arjiin Htu-ocodH and fairly gmHjw tho idi*n of Nanak , ,"! 

Makes AmritHar tho * Holy < f ity * of tho Niklw . , M 

(JoiiipilcH tho Adi UrnMh ^ 

Ri'diuuw cuHtomary Offi i rinp[H to a ByHtumftUo Tux or 

Titho ;jf 

and cwgagou in traffic /:! 

ArjGn provoTkod tho enmity of Ohandti Hhfih . . fta 

Booomofl a partisan of Princo KhunrCi in n-lrt'llion , A; 

UMW. Tmpriflonmont and doath of Arjun , fiU 

Diffuwion of Wikhimn rl 

Tho Writing f (litr Mb BhulMi . M 
Tho coiK'optiorm of Nnnak Yipcnmn tho moving impuiMM 

of a i*ooplo ft| 

and his real History a Mythical narrative . , A 4 
Har (Jobind hoconicH ( juru nftcr a dispntNl HWM'rwHiojrt . ^. f 
Chundfi Nhah nlain or put to death .... r/ 
Har (Jobind arms tho Nikhs and b*'comr*fl a military 

loader \ f,5 

The gradual modilitiatirm ofHikliimn , . . , Ml 

CONTENTS xxxiii 

A. D. I.\<;E 

1606. and complete separation of thy Sikhw from Hindu 

Dissenters ....... 57 

Har Gobind falls under the difiplraHtirc of Jahnnjrir . 57 

is imprisoned ....... . r 7 

and released ....... 57 

1628. Jahangir dies, and Har Gobind ongu#o in a petty warfare 57 

Har Gobind retires to the wastes of Mariana . , 58 

Returns to the Punjab ...... 5K 

Slays in fiffht one Painda Khan, Iii friend . . . 5H 

1645. Death of Har Gobind ...... Ml 

Self-sacrifico of disciples on hiH pyro . . , . 50 
Tho Body of Sikhs forms a ac-parafc JAitaMiiihincnt 

within tho Empire ...... ,VJ 

Some anecdotes of Har Gobind ..... 59 

his philosophical views ...... flo 

Har Rai succeeds as Gurfi ...... flO 

Becomes a political partisan . . . . fil 

1661. Dies ......... 0! 

Har Kfohan succeeds ...... U2 

1664. Dies ......... fig 

Togh Bahadur tmeoeudu as I inrii . . * N3 

Ram Rai dispute bin ('laims ..... 3 

Topfh Bahfwlur nrtin?B for a time (o HnijMl . . . &l 

returns to tho J'tinjah ...... til 

loadft a life of violomw *,..,. <J4 

and is ooiMtrainml to appnar at DHlii . , ,04 
1(175. put to death ....... ft5 

his character and influonon , . . . , f!5 
Tho title ' Hachoha Piidfthah ' Awtlwl to tlm (iurun . IUI 
Gobind Buo( i <n^lrt to tho AprwtloKmp . . . .1111 

but lives in retirement lor wivcrol ymrM 117 
Oobind'B chftraoter Imoomofl dv'l([Wfl 117 

About 1095. Ifc rcHoIvoH on modifying fJirt yt<^n of Niiiiak, 
and on combating tho Muh&mmmlim faith Anrl 

power ... ..... U7 

Gobind's VIOWA and motives ..... 07 

and modo of prciHonting his MI'MMOU . . (W 
Tho RoligionH of tho world hold id bo corrupt, and a tu<w 

Dispensation to havo boon vouchwtftul , . HU 
The Legend regarding Oobind'M jmrcirmaf Jun of t Jin MM 

of JNTanak ........ f|0 

Tho Prinoiplcw inouloatod by Oohfnd , ... 70 

The'KhalSia' . . ..... 70 

Old Fornw nmlflm. God x (hio. All men MB iqtMl, 
Idolatry in to bo oontomntxl, and MuhummiMUniHm 

dostroyod ..... , . 70 

The * Pahnl ' or Initiation of the Hoot of ' Ninghn * . 72 

The viBiblo distinctions of Sikh*, or Btogfui , . . 73 
Lustration by Water. Rororonoo for NAnk. The Kx- 

olamation 'Hail Ouriir ..... 7n 

Unshorn Looks ; the Title of * flingh ' . 74 

and Devotion to Ann* ...... 74 




About 1695. Tho character and condition of tho Mughal I injure 

when Gobind resolved to assail it * 7 1 

Akbar , . 75 

Aurangzob .... . 7."> 

Sivajl the Maratha ... . 70 

Guru Gobind .... .70 

Gobind' s plans of active opposition . 70 

his military posts . .77 

and leagues with tho Chiefs of tho Lower IJimilljiyuH. 77 

his influence as a Religious Taachw ... 77 
Gobind quarrels with the Rajas of Niihan and Naliijtarh 77 
Aids the Rajii of Kuhlur and other Chief H ngainnt the 

Imperial fom>s 7H 

About 1701. Gobind' u proceedings exc-ito the HUHpicioiiK of tint 

Hill Chiefs, and cause the Emperor Home, anxiety . 7K 

Gobind reduced to straits at Amuidpur 78 

his children ewcapo, but arc subsequently put to death 70 

ho himself flics to Chamkaur ... .711 
1705-0. Gobind escapes from Chamkaur , .70 

Successfully resists his pursuers at MukUur . 71) 

and rests at Dam-Dama near Bhatinda . ,80 
Gobind composes tho Vichitr Natttk . ,80 
~~ is summoned by Aurangzob to hits JWHHKT. , 80 

replies to tho Emperor in a denunciatory itrui i 80 

1707. Aurangzcb dies, and Bahadur Shall Huceeedn , 81 
Gobind. proceed*) to tho South of India . .81 

enters the Imperial HOTVICO ... ,81 

1708. Gobind wounded by aBBaHflinn . .82 

and dies, declaring hin Mission to ho fulfilled, and thn 

Ehalfla to bo committed to (iod . , . . ty> 

Gobmd'fl end untimely, but hia laboia-H not fruit letw , 83 

A now character improssod upon the reformed Hiudun, 8*( 

although not fully appar< k nt to Ht-rnngerw, if HO to 

Indians 85 

Banda succeeds Gobind as a temporal loader . , HO 

1709-10. Proceeds to tho North and captures Hirhiml . , 80 

The Emperor marches towards Lahore . . ,80 

but Banda is in tho meantime driven toward* .Juimmt 87 

1712. Bahadur Shah dies at Lahoro H7 

1713. Jahandar Shah slain by JfarrukltHlyar, who beconum 

Emporor H7 

Tho Sikhs reappear under .Banda, and tho provim-o tf 

Sirhind is plundorod 87 

1716. Banda eventually reduced and takoii mwmwr . , 88 

and put to death at Delhi 88 

Tho views of Banda confined and hit* momory not rwrc*d 8U 
The Sikhs generally much doproBflou 1 after *ihu cirath tif 

Banda t , 8J> 

Recapitulation : Ninak. Amar J)UH. Arjrm. liar 

Gobind. Gobind gjingh .... 80 



A. i>, 171IJ 4 

A. D. 1'llrlJ 

1710-3S. The Mughal tfmpiru rapidly (IrrliiicH. Xildir Shah, 

the Marathfm, &<* ....... <M 

The weakness of the Muhaminadan <l<n wnmcnt favour- 

able to the Sikh H ...... jiu 

The flikhB kept together by thr frrvcwr of thi-ir Ito'lM . !ii 
1738-9. The fiikhtt form banclrt of jilnndorrin . . !2 

About 1745. Establish a fort at Dalhwftl on the Kfivi ; f nit an* 

at last dispoi-Hod ...... jia 

1747-8, Ahmad Shah'K first Jnvawon of India . . . it;} 
March. 174H. retires from Sirhind, and In IiAnuwd hv tlif< 

flikhH ........ M 

Mir Maiinu (jlovornor of tho Punjab . . . M| 

ruloH vi^oroimly, and cm {)!<>>' Kaura Mill and Aduia 

Bog Khan ....... Hi 

Kut tho Sikhn mippwir, and Jwwa, Siii^h Knlili proHniMi:* 

tlu 1 cxiHtcncc of tho ' DaP or tinny of fb<* KbtiNu . tt, t 
End of 1 748, AlfrMannu (iiHiMTW'H flu-Nikfin' . . ji, 

and comcH to iormn with Ahmad Slinh, nlm hud ;f,tin 

mmsod tho luduH ...... tr 

171i) ol. Mir Mannu broakH with J)<'Ihi by n^Hlin^ bin HU|M-J 

coHflion in Mult. An ...... !: 

and withholds tribtitu from Ahmad Khiih, wbo ri'*wr 

the Indus for tho tlurtl time ftii 

1752. Tht^ AbdaH rtwih('H Uhoir ..... Oii 

April, 17r>& Tho Abdali dofoatw Mir Mrumu ; but rKuiN bini 

a (Governor of th Ptaijitb M 

Tho Sikhs gradually iiifKuiwuii Htrriigth 
Dut aro d(tfoatod by AdTna Nog, wbo i 

thc'in favourable tornm ^7 

rJaHwi tho (torpontor ....... I>7 

End of 1752. Mir Mannu dion, and l^ahoro in r(arui<'xcd to Drlbi \\1 
Ahmad Shah'fl fourth InvaKJon: IVint'r Titiiufir 
(Governor f>f tho Tuzijab, and Najlb-ud-danlii pin red 
at the lioad of the Delhi urtny . , . ,1*7 
Taimfir oxpolH tho Hiklm from Attiritttar , , . Uji 
But fcho Af^bauB civontually w\m\ and tlio NtkhN 

oc.cupy Inborn and coin nion^y , , , , ilH 
1758, Tho Marathufl at THIn ...... m < 

Marat ha aid against tho Afghnnw nou^bt by AcUiitt ib*u 

Khan ........ iw 

May, 1758. Kaghubft. ontcnt Uhor<% and apfHihttM AtUtw 1^ 

Oovornor of tho 1'unjab ..... W 

End of 1708. Adlna Beg <li<w . ..... im 

1759-61. Ahmad Sh&h'fl fifth xiMuUtio . !M> 

1760. Delhi occupied by tho Afghani), but afterward* iakfirt hv 

theHarathati ...... ', UH> 


- ' 

Jan. 7, 1701. The MarfilhuH Higiuilly defeated at. 1'anipaf,, and 

expelled temporarily from Upper India . . loo 

The Sikhs unrostrainod m iho open ( fount ry . . JOO 
2. Gujranwala successfully defended by ('liarnt Nin^li, 

and tho Durranis ooniinod to Lahore . . ' 101 
The Sikhs assemble at AmrifMar and ravage the country 

on either side of the Hut lej ..... joj 

Ahmad Shah' 8 sixth invasion . . . . ! 101 

l<Vb 17(52. The ' Ohulu Ohara' p or great Defeat of i\w Niklig 

near Ludhiana . . . . . \(\i 

Alha Singh of Patiala ...... ]oj$ 

Kabuli Mai (Jovornor of Lahore , . t \ l(Y 
End of 17(>2 Ahmad hihah retire after rtoiiiinittj'n^ varioiiH 

excesses ...... , .10^ 

The Sikhs c'ontmuo to inere-aHe in Htren^th . . .10:! 

KoBur plundorod .... 10'* 

Dec. ]7(W. Th AfglianH defeated near Hirhind . , \ [^ 
Sirhind takon and doHtniyinl, and tlio I>nvinco perma- 

nently occupied by the KikliK . . . |o*J 

1704. Tho Sikhs aid the JatH of Uhartpur in iMwexing IMhl . io;j 

Ahmad Shah'n fiovonth vxixirlition and H|NMH|V nttimmml 1 0;i 

The NikhH become maHttw of Lrtlion* " . . Jo;j 

A gen(Tal amcnibly held at Amntwir, ami the Ho<t CH". 

tablwhod as a ruling People . . . ||)f 

The Siklw form or fall into a political K.VHtim . \ 101 
which may be termed a Thcorralui <'tmf*'dera<e foti- 

..... ' 

Their '(iurumattaH', or DietH [ 105 
The Sywtem not deviwd, or knowingly adopted, and 

theroforo incomplete and temriorarv . . 101! 

Tho ConfodoradoB called 'MinalH 1 . . . jou 

Their names and parti<mlar origin . . . ' n)7 

The relative pro-wnincncn of the MuwlH or (*(infwlrnu*l*ii 14IH 

The original and wqulmi TK)HHCKKiftm of the MiwilK , 10K 
The groHH forccn of the Hiklw, and the relative Mimueth 

of Iho MiHah .... inii 

Tho Order of AkfiliH . ...."!' {jil 

Their origin and principloH of wit-urn . \ \ \ \\(l 




1767 Tho Sikhs hurried into activity by Ahmad ffittfr final 

ctesoont , . . 
Amar Singh of Patiala and tho Rajput Chief of KatOtoh 

AU a 5 p u x l 1 ? d to oomma d ^der tho Abdali . . 
Ahmad Shah retires 

CONTENTS xxxvii 

1768*. Rhotas taken by the ,Sikh .... lj:i 

The Sikhs ravage tho Lowor Punjab . 
and enter into tormw with Jilmwnlpm* 

Threaten Kashmir 
1770. And press Nojlb-nd-dnula on t Ii<* ilumnn ami < lu 

Jhanda Singh of tho Blungi k Mwal * 

Jammu rendered tributary . 

Kasur reduced to HUbmiHBi on . 
] 772. and Multiln occupied 

1788. (ilhulam Kadir blindH HIiAh Alaru 

i MM ff^^wwttw^Ihiwicloiipliiitw , , . 

1707. Oenoml I'orron appointed Hind hiiv'n fi*iaitv hi Nortlii-rn 

India ..... , . 
Bindhia'a and Pomrn 1 * viown crotyfmi by Hnlkur 
, Nft Ooorwi Tluimiw 
JESS' S eor S ^hoiiiaH cHtahliHh^ hiniw^lf at- 
}$$ S?* OH in hwti*l with thci SikhH 
1800. Thomas 



1774. Jhanda Singh aHHOHHiiiatwl by .Jai Sinyh Kfiiilmv.t 

Jai Singh Kanhaya and JUKW Singh Knlfil evpel .la^a 

tho Carpenter II r> 

Kangra falln to tho Kanhayft * MiHul ' . . . . 1 1 ; 

1779. Taimflr Shah of Kabul nwveni Afaltan , . . II,'* 
1793. Taimur Shah dit?K, leaving tho HikliH tnanlcr* *.f flu* 

Upper Punjab an far an Attack . . . .115 

1708-78. Tho PhuIkiftH maater Harinna . . , . lit; 
1779-80. An expedition wait from Delhi iigninMt (In- Malwa 

ISikhs Huc(-( k (!(lri hi ]iurt only . , , )|r 
1781. Amar Kin^li <jf I'atmla tiicH *. . , . .lit: 
1770. Zabita Khan, HOU of NajTb-uil-ilnuJa, aided in IIIH dc 
on tho AliniHtry }\v tho Sikfm 

178J-5. Tho rava^'H of illcHikhK in tin* Duiih nn 

under MaKlu'hSiiigh Krora >Siriff liia , . ,117 

1783. Tho fiSikha defeated at AlHn it |J7 

Tho liajputu of tho i^owcr HiniuIaynH rendeji'd f i itmtfti v 117 

17845. Jai Kingli Kauhaya pro-eiuineni . r . '. llh 

Rise of Mahiin Hih Hukorehukia . . t , IIS 

1785-0* Tho KanhayfiH nulueitd I H 

JaHHa thn Carpenter reHfored, and Kiu^rn mudc i\ r hi 

Hanwir (1id of Kutfrteh jj^ 

1785-92. Mahun Nin^h prcMWiiiieitt uinoitu IbeSikliH , . J H 

1792, MahanHingh (hen . . . . / | JJM 

1703. Shah SSamaii HUCCMKKIH In ibn throne of Kulnil . ! J HI 
1795-0. Invitmi to entor India by the Uohillim nml ihe W/ir 

ofOudh UU 

1707. Shah Zanmn at Uhon in* 

1708-9. Tho Hhah'H Hcecmd march f o Utlmn* . . , Utt 

1799. Kanjlt Hingh rineH to eiitiueneo , j;fO 

and obtainft H uewuon ! Uihore frorn I hi* Afclum Kiii^ U'O 
1785. Tho power of tho Marathon under Sindfiiii in |'||HT 

India i*n 

xxxviii CONTENTS 

A. D. 

1800. Opposed by Sahib Singh Bedl 123 

Retires to Hansi, but afterwards masters Saiidon war 

Delhi I!2;* 

1301. Thomas rejects Perron's overtures, and rosorts to arms 12* 

1802. Surrenders to Perron 124 

1802-3. The Marathas under Perron paramount among the 

Sikhs of Sirhind 124 

Perron forms an alliance with Kan jit Singh . , 124- 
Is distrusted by Sindhia 124 

1803. Mees to the English, then at war with the Marat haa . 1 25 
First intercourse of the English with the Sikhs , . 125 

1715-17. The Mission to Farrukhsiyar detained by the campaign 

against Banda 125 

1757. Olive and Omichand I2(J 

1784, Warren Hastings trios to guard Oudh against tho Sikhs 1215 

1788. The Sikhs ask English aid against the MariithiiK . , 12< 

Early English estimates of th(* Siklw .... I2l> 

Colonel JPrancklin I2<> 

The traveller Forstor 12tt 

1803, Sikhs opposed to Lord Lake at Delhi . . ,127 

The Sikhs of Sirhind tender their allegiance to the English 127 

The Chiefs of Jind and Kaithal 127 

Shah Alam freed from Maratha thraldom , . .127 
1804-5. The English wars with Holkar . . . ,127 
The Sikhs mostly suta with the Knglinh, and render good 

Horvico .' J2K 

1805. Jlolkar retires towards the Hutloj . . , . 12H 

Delays at Patiala 12H 

HaltH at AmritHur, but failn in gaining over KtuijIL Hingh t2H 
1805-0. Holkar comes to tcrum with the Knglwh, and murohiM* 

toth8outh 121> 

1803-8. IViondly ItolatinnH of i\w Englinli witli tho SikhH of 

fciirhind 120 

1800. Formal Engagement outored into with RanjTt Singh tvn<i 

JFateh Singh Ahluwalia t2U 

The English correspond with SunHiir ('hand of KatcUrh 12U 
The Sikhfl of Sirhind rogardod UH virtually dcjji'iulcntH of 

the English by Lord Lako . '. . . , 13U 
But the connexion not regularly duolanul, or madd bind- 
ing in form !,'{(> 

Retrospect with reference to Runjit Kingh*H HHC . , i:t(> 

1700. Ran jit Singh masters Lahore 131 

1801-2. Reduces tho Bhang! Misal and the J'athanH of Kimur l;U 

Alhefl himself with FatohKimrh Ahluwalia . . , lit! 

1802, Uanjft Singh acquircB Amritmir . . . . i;U 

1803-4. and ooniiiuw Hamfir Chuid to tho flillw . , Ml 

who bocemcH involved with tl (Jurkhan . . 1IU 

1800-3, Shah Zaman deposed by JShafi Mnhinud, and tho 

Durrani Empire woakonod . . . . . 1U2 
1 805. wherefore Hanjlt tSingh prococdH to tin* South- Went of 

tho Punjab 132 

Koturns to tho North cm Uolkar'H ftpi>roach , . 1!I2 


A. D. 

1805. A Sikh Gururaatta, or National Council, held . . IttJ 

but the Confederate syatwn found deeayod ami lifeless l.'W 

and a single tern puriU authority virtually admitted iu 

the parson of Ranjit Singh ..... 1M 

1806. Ranut Singh interferes in the uffairo of the Hiklw of 

Sirhind ........ |*} 

1800. Takes Lwlhiaua ..... j;W 

and receives ofleringH from Pat iiila , . .MI 
1805. Sansar Chand and the Gurkhas ..... I*** 

Sanaar Chand and his confederate of Nalngarh driven to 

the North of the Sutlej . . . . ll 

and the Gurkhas invent Kiingru . . . . 1* 

1807. Ranjit Singh expels tho Palhan Chief of Kanfir 

and partially suciceeds against Multun . 
Ranjlt Singh employs Mohkam Chand . 
Crossofl tho Sutlej for the second timo . 

and rcturnH to seisw tho torritori<- of the ( 

Dailowala Chif 


The Sikhs of Sirhind liucouui Apph^ifiwix e of Knujit 
1808. British I'rotecjtioii oHkcsI 

but not dmtiiK-tly weeded 

whereupon the ChiefH rejiir h> Ranjit iSiiigh . , I.'i*i 
1808-9. The undenttood (kwigiw of the Kn-ueli <m Indin modify 

the polic.y of tho Knglmh towards the Sikhrt . , I. '17 
The ChiefH of Sirhind taken under protect inn, mid <t rl<w 

alliance nought with Kan jit *Singh . . .1 !<7 
Mr. Metealfo Hont iw Kuvoy to Jjtthon 1 . . . . 1*'H 
Avornion of Han jit Singh to a restrict ive treaty, and hin 

third oxiKMlition aerotw thn Sutlej , . . I!*H 

1800, BritiHh troopH moved to tho Kutlej , < . , 1IIK 

The VIOWB of tho KngliHh heeonie rioinewhuf jaiitUtieil . I III* 

but Kanjit Singh Hi ill rt^fuire<t to keep to tho NVrth 

otthciHutlcj ....... U 

Ranjit Singh yioldH ....... lit* 

'and entern into a formal treaty .... HO 
The terma of Sikh dopttndtmcc and of Krigtwh Hupreijutey 

inSirhiri<l ..... * . . 140 
Sir David Oehtoriony whowtt that the lOngliith regarded 

thmtiKolvoB alonoin oHoriug I'roteetitiii . . 14) 
Tho rolatiorw of tho IVoteoted Chiefn aiu(ng t hHiiwlt es \ 1 1 
Perplexitii^ of tho BntiHh Authorities regunling tin* 

rights of Hiipremacy, and the <>)HTatifin of inter 

national lawn ....... 1 *2 

Sir David Oohterlony'K frank adiaim4ioii rf tin* folw 

' hiri original fmliey , . . , , 1 W 







1809. The English suspicious of Ranjit Singly nolwithBtitmling 

their joint treaty ..... 14fi 

and Ranjit Singh equally doubtful on hiw part ! ! 14*1 1 

but distrust gradually vanishes on eithor side . . 1411 
Ranjit Singh acquires Kangra, and confines tho (inrkhatt 

to the left of the Sutlej . . . . . I4t> 
The Gurkhas urge tho English to offeut a joint cuu<iu'Ht 

of the Punjab 147 

1811. But Ranjit Singh told ho may cross tho WuMej in rrwBt 

the Nopal leader 147 

1813. Amar Singh Thappa again prosBCH an alliance agaiiiHt. the 

Sikhs 147 

1814-15, The War between tho English and UurkhaH * 

1809-10. Shah Shuja expelled from Afghanistan . , . ]4K 

Ranjit Singh's suspicions and plans . '. ' 149 

1810. Tho Maharaja moots the Shiih, but no arrangement romo 

to . , , , , J4|) 

Ranjit Singh attempts Multan, but failH ". ] ) 149 

IOIA "^u-W?^^ 141) 
1810-12. Shah Shuja's Peshawar and Multan cainpiiixn unrl 

subsequent imprisonmtmt in Kashmir . t/ui 

1811. Ranjit Singh meets Shah Mahmtld . . \ [ }/n 

i D1 o mu e ?**$ "^faPWSP roiMlirs for * timo to l-dwn* * ini 

1812. The family of Shah Shuja ropaira to lahora . irl 

Ranj It Singh uses the JMhah'ft naino for t mrmmoH of IUH own 1 52 

Ranjit Singh meets ffatoh Khan, tho Kabul Wasilr . lfa 

and a joint enterprise against JCatthmfr nwolvcKl tut , ifi^ 

1813. Patch Khan outstrips tho fiikhs. and holdH tho vallev ffir " 

Mahmud ..... * i r ,.> 

:1 DI...JS *:^~ ** *-j. i V, " . **'* 

pitched battle ^ T* th " ^ tm w-uar IB ft - 

1813 - 14 i J&*!f : : M 

1814. The flight of his family from Lahore to Ludhiana " " fill 
-.and Ms own escape to Kishtwar . lf,4 

1818. Ranjit Singh captures Multan ! 


A. D. IMl.K 

1818. Muhammad Azim proclaims 8h fih Ay tih . , . i;7 
Ranjit Singh marches to Jftuhawnr . . . , I."* 7 

which ho makes over to Jnhiin I >;i<l Khan . , l.'ji 
Ranjit Singh intent upon Kaxhrnir , , , , 1 :*% 

1819. Delayed by a difttussion with tin- Knw!i*li . . l,i* 

but finally annexes tlu* Vllry to bin d'tmtriit'iit , 1,'M 
1819-20. Tho JDorajat of th<* Indwt aniir\<'d to tain nr . , i,! 
1818-21. Muhammad Azim Klinn flrnmms of w*t unity I V*h,n*<j 1 :*n 

1822. from which Kan jit Kingh drnmndK und m i-iu% I r ilt < I i* ' 
But tho prosecution of hm plaim inftf'rfi'ml wiflf lv 

a diHouRHion with flu* KngliHit nlwmt HIM tMll]'T >n 

law and a plac'O (railed Wfiftflni . , jMt 

1823. Tho Sikhs march againnt Pihawar . < *l 
Tho Battle of NoBhahm . . . , , M 
Peshawar reduced, but loft an A <li*prnflrni v *ith Vitr 

Muhammad Khan ... . 9f*** 

Death of Muhammad Azlm Khan . ('<;' 

lR2:i-4. Kanjit Singh fwlH hin way towunin Sn<i , I'.J 

1824. SaiiHar Chaml of KatOtrh di.'N . . , J^l 
Ranjit Singh*H powr conHriiitlud'tf, and tie- utu^ *f In* 

dominion acquired , 1<>'i 

iiiHt Nhikurjmr nnd IVnlntvinr , , 

1821. Tho HJiuh rfiunw In I-tidhinna < . . )i 

and IK followed hy Shnlt ftuimti. W!IM taltn nj I MI , 

abode* ut tho Nttiiu* ulftrr , , . )<*! 

llw idlo whcmoH with thn mm nf Nlrnh X 
1H1<( 17. Tho ixitty Kx-Cfiu-f of Nttrpur itiumi* lUnjJt 

Homo azixi^ty owing to hi r^miH to thr Kit^l^h , | r 

1H20, The* tnwollcr Moorrroft in (lit* I'linjnh , , , hn, 

Kanjlt SinKh'w K<-n<Tni KVHti'iii of ou riMuMif, AN> u*<* 

of hiH nttinim und ituthtn!> nn li rt li r of ihi Sikl^t , |<7 

Th<' Kikh Army , j,u 

1822. Arrival of Knmch Oflinw ut tinhon* |.i^ 

KxculUmctHt of (he Hikh* AH MnldtrtN , r;u 

ChariM-ti'riHticH ff UiljimlH tuiti J'ntM 1 711 

of Mar&thiiM . j ;,, 

and of Uurkhnn ..... , i;j 
Avomion of thn ohj*r nutitiM v h ilr of 

, , ..... 
with timffXi-n|4Hin of tin* 1 Jiuklun. MM I, i^rti*]lv 4 M< 


with m.t<'hlcH<iiH 

1783* NuticMi of tint Wikh troo|m, bv 
I8tMS by Mititutlrn . . " 
1810. -by 


*- , ..- * - I7J 

Arum of thir*'iit IU< IM*, IfiHiMlffiif ih 




A. D. 

1810. Ranjit Singh labours to introduce discipline) 

and at length succeeds in making tho Miklm regular 

Infantry and Artillery Soldiers .... 

European discipline introduced into tho Punjab before 

the arrival of French officer* .... 

whose services wore yet of value to Ranjit Singh, and 

honourable to themselves 

Ranjit Singh's marriages and family relations 
His wife Mehtab Kaur, and mother-in-law Sada Knur . 
1807. Sher Singh and Tara Singh, thu declared sons of Mehtab 

Kaur, not fully recognized 

1810. Sada Kaur's vexation of spirit and hostile viowH , 
1802. Kharak Singh born to Ranjit Singh by another wife . 
1821. Nan Nihal Singh born to Kharak Singh . 

Ranjit Singh's personal licentiousness and intompwancc, 

in connexion with tho viccH vaguely attributed to tho 

mass of the Sikh people 

Ranjit Singh's favourites . 

Khushal Singh, a Brahman 

The Rajputs of Jammu . 

Ranjit Singh's chosen servants 

Fakir Aziz-ud-din 

DiwanSawanMal . 

Hari Singh Nalwa . 

* Fatoh Singh Ahluwulia 

Dona Singh Majitliw 



1 70 

1 7(1 



A< T>* 

Change in tho Petition of the Kiktm. ^lativcly to tht* 

Knglifih, after the year IH&'t 
1 824-5. Miacwlanoous tranwir -ti< inw 

Poahawar ... 

Nopiil . 

.Smdh . 

Hharatpur ... 

Fatoh Singh, the Ahluwalia ( < 
182ft. Hanjlt Hingh fallB nick, and IH altmuliHl by an 

Hurgoon . . . , , , . IH^ 
1827. Anecdotofl. Lonl Amhomt, thftHritinh UovurnoMJcwroi 1H2 

Lord ComboniMmt, tho ftrlttah (? . i;i 

CJaptain Wado made tho imauxliato AgiMit for tho attain* 

of Lahore ........ IK3 

Diflousflionn about rightn to dlHtricitH Mouth cif tho Huttaj 184 

Anandpur, Whadni, Ftnwcp<m *<*. , t , !K4 

I K ( 

\ KI> 


A. D. IM.K 

1820-3. Gradual ascendancy of Dhifln Singh, Iti brother*. 

andhiwson ....... 18.1 

1828. Proposed marriage of I lira Singh into tlif family "f 

Sansar Chanel IK5 

Flight of Sansar Oh air widow and won . . . lH,*i 

1829. Raja Hira Singh's marriage , . . . . IK5 
1827. Insurrection at Pcflhiiwar under Suivid Ahmad Mhiih 

History of the Saiyid 
His doctrines of religioiiN reform 


His pilgrimage . 

His journey through Rajput ana and Sind to 

and Peshawar 1H7 

Bouses the Usufzain to a religiouB war , * .IKS 

Saiyid Ahmad Shah fails agaznBt the Sikhs at Akora . I XX 

But defeats Yar Muhammad, who dicB of hfo woundH . HW 

1830. Saiyid Ahmad Shah crosses tho Indiw . - , IW 
Ho is compelled to retire, but falln upon and routH Suit An 

Muhammad Khan, and orrupicft lYnhiiwar . . I Hit 

The Hoiyid'f* influence dcrivam-n UH> 

He relinquish^ IVshiiwnr , , , , 1SM 

1831. And retires towiirdu Kashmir, and in mirpriVd ,md nluiii MH 
Ran jit >3in#h court od hy vuriouM particw . , . ltd* 

Tho BaluohlH . JtU 

fcJhahMahmud HU 

The Baiza Bui of <; wall or Ml] 

The Russians and the Knglwh HU 

bord Bentinctk, tho <jovernor(iloneral, at Hirnln . , lfl| 
A Meeting proponod with Jtanjlt Hingh, and di-mrcd hy 

both partiea for different IWIHOIM , . , Hil 

Tho Meeting at Ilupar . . iiW 

Raujlfc Singh'H anxiety about Hind . . , , Hfcf 

The Hohomc of opimtng tho JndttH to foiiimiTr'f , , IUJ1 

PropoHalH made to tho KindtanH and HfkhH . , . iU.'l 

Ranjlt Kingh' viowH and BuspicionK . k . , Mil 

U<v repels tho DaudputraH from th< JJOWM funjiib , IM 

and declare hiw BUiMrir right to Nhikarpttr . , I M 
1H32, Raujlt Sii^h yields to tlu- KngliHh dcnmndM , . I <*; 

Dedan'ng, however, that their fomnii-nunhtiTfori'il with 

his policy . , , , . , , . I Va 

1B33 -fi. Hhfth SlmjiVs Ho-ond oxjunli tic m to AfxhfitiiM tut , I HH 

1827, &e. Tho Hhah'fl ovurtuniN to th<* Knulinb , , , Ml 

18,'H. Jiin nogottatioim with th^ Kiudiaiui . Jim 

and with Uanjlt Hirigh am 

Tho gat<^H of Komnatli and the* nUughttT of kim . . HHt 

Further n<w>tiatioiiH with the* Hikhn and Nimiiann , 1U7 

The KngliHh indiifctn*nt about tht- Hh&h'N attcmptM . ID? 

btit t)oHt Muhamnutd Khun in ulnrmt'd and tfuurt* 

Tho Shah Hi-tN out , H* 
IB34. DvfeatH tho Kiiuliarm 

but iti routed at Kanduhur 


A, D. I'UIK 

1835. The Shah returns to Ludhiftnu. ..... H* 

1834. Banjit Singh, BUB JUCIOUH of Shah Sliujfi* Ht icu^t hcim h im - 

self by annexing Ptwhuwar to hin domimonH . . iiw 

1832-tf. Huzara. and the Itarajnt nwni c<mii|ptfly n-dmrd . 1M 

1833. Sansar Chanel' H grnndnon rotunw . . , . U<H 

1834-1). Kanjlt Singh Hi'iuta a MiHKion to ('alriirtu , . ^K 

1821. Ranjit Singh ami Udiikh ..... ttt! 

1834-5. Ladakh reduml hy Ihi* JAIIUIIU ItajfiH , . . :M! 
Ranjit Singh m-uni to hm t-lainis MI Shikaipur, utnl 

IHH doBigiiH on Sind . , . . . , iNI 

Negotiations ........ ^^ 

Ranjit iSingirw ambition diHpIruHUiK tn | hn Kfi^lixh , -Nc* 
The MahiLriija novcrthflrHK ki'i'fm in \ii-w IMM plnnn <f 

TIio objVfilH of thn Kn^Imh iMH-nin*- }Hilitirn} UK wi-Il n* 

and thoy wHnlvn on rniMliiding tn*twf*i*n Itmijit 

and thr Sindiaim ..... 
Tlio Knglinh (Mn* to centrum Kittijit Hittgh wit h 

throatming him 

Tlio Kindianu tuipatimt, and n*nd> In hwiri fn a ruin 
Ran jit Hingh (Dually n-Jtily , 

but yitildH to th' ri'[>rrH<-[itntinim nf tho Kiml^lt 
Vot (ontiiittOH to hold Kojhnn Hith ultcriur vi*'w^ 

1H20 30. RotroHiKM-i. Tin* KiiKlwIi and t In* HurnkMnj . 

Sultan Muhammad Khun wiltritN (fit* fricwMiip or |ro. 
tm'tioti of tho Kn^tiMh uuatiMt tlMiiStklm , , 

DoHt Muhammad Khan diM-M MM- HAIMP 

Tito BurakzuiH, aipr*h(*nHhi* nl Shrifi Sluij*, a^iuit^x 

for an aHianw with thr Kn^linh . ^(7 

- -ami ifahhnr Khurt Hdudu liix mm t I.udhnum . , ;'itH 
1K34, DoBt Muhammad furmitlh t*tid*rt Jib ullrHi/um t* thr 

~" hut dofftntH Khali Hliuja, nnd ri-i tvi n 

l)<mt Muhammad uttamptx to riruv 

Tho KngUnh <Uu'lin(i intiTfrrin^ .... 

Kanjlt. Hingh and Oi.Ht Multammnd in for, at !'i Mui 

Dcmt Muhammad roLimi rath-r timn ri*k H IPAI f !i- 
1830, Doat Muh&mmftd liMiku iowardn I''ritt, hut utiil |.r 
an KngftHh ftflwnn' 

Tint Kandahar (1iit*fn d^irou of Khglmh Ad 

Hanjft Hingh Midf<uv<mni to ^aiu OVT t*M*t 
1830-7. But thft Amir profi'im wnr ..... ^J I 

HarT Hingh'* dwgiiK ...... <|| 

1837, IMtlci fif JAmrOcI ....... I'll 

Tho HikhH do/ratiHl tui Hari Niit^li kiJli-d, t.ut * 

Kanjlt Wiu K h'H I'fTtirtfi to n'trirvo hJM a^irw at 
Hia ntigotUtfonii with I)M( Muhiimttmtl mid HhAlt Hhiij/i 
Tho KngliNh rt<Ivf* cm m*ditttin U-t W^K th Htklm fimt 
Afghann ...,.,, , 
the mure (wpwiftHy AM thiy Jiro upp^^iwi vw nf HuwU 


A. 7). I'.U-K 

1837. and arcs further (lifwatfoftacl with the I inn TCI liners of 

General Allard . . . . . . :M:i 

Tho marriage of Nau Nihal Hiqgh 


Sir Henry Fane at Lahore* 

The Sikh Military Order oft he Star 

Ran jit Singh's object the, L'rutitieutiou of hin jnii'Hfs uuii 


AnoodotcH showing a mmilar purpoue 
The Britinh aheme of owning the Indus in commeiiT 

ends in tho project/ of rerttoring Shiih NhiijA . , :!!! 
1837-8. Sir Alexander BurueH at Kabul . . . . LM7 
Dost Muhammad eventually full** into the viewn of IVi-wiii 

andRusflia ....... IMS 

Tho original policy of Iho English crroiu'tmn . . 21 K 
But under tho (drciinifitancuw brought about. Urn K\- 

podifcion to Knbul winoly and ImMIy cont-eivfti , -MX 

1838. NegotiationH regarding tho rcwtoral ion of Hhul i Kh u jfi . ITiU 
Ranjit Ringh diHHatiHfincI, but. iinally AHfients . . L*]f 

1839. Hanjit Singh apparently at t he height of KreatnexH , L'L'I 
but cliiifed in mind and enfeeflerl in health . . *J21 
Doath of ttanjlt, Hin^h ...... Wl 

Tho political condition of the tfikliH an iiiinlilinl bv Hir 

fjfeuiiw of Ranjlt Sin^b . . . , ' . 2^2 
The artifiooR of Dhimi Kin^h to brin^ about 1hi* quiet 
of Kharak 



18,'iil 4.") 

A, D, Ml. ft 

JK30. Hhr Hin^h (tliiimH tho miwcMHion . , . .1^1 

but Nau Nihal Sm^h UHHiuniw all nal |owor , t ^i f | 

and tomporarily allien hiiuwlf wit h (ho .Inmum KHJIIH i*L'l 
Tho favourite, Ohe.t Hingh, put f<i dcnf h , . gtV* 

1840. Mr. (Jlork HUCI-CHMIH LicMit,..(foI, Watl(* UK Apctil . , SA'i 
r Ph roliof of tho Itritwh troopn in Kabul * , . iW 
lOngliuh negotlatioitH about l.rado . ' 

Nau Nihal tiingk'* wlH-ntw againBt t.Iw Hajiw nf .raituiiu 
rntemiptod by <lim>umfonN with UMI KnjdM atmui 

Afghan In tan ...,,. 
Tho doath of Maharaja Kharak Hinrit . . ! 
Death of th< Iriti Nau Nihal Hingh .... 
Hhor Singh pnxtlaimod Hovoreign .... 

but Ghami Kaur, tho widow of Khamk Hingh, A 

power, and Khftr Singh rotinut . 
Dalte Singh'H birth and prwto/XBionH matin known 
The English remain noutnU at tho time . 


A D l ' A4il? 

1840. Dost Muhammad attempts Kabul, but event ually sur- 

renders to the English 2&J 

Sher Singh gains over tho troops with Dhifin Singh's aid 2S4 

1841. Shor Singh attacks Lahore #M 

Ohand Kaur yields, and Sher Singh proclaimed Mahiiriija J?tt" 

The Sindhianwala Family -*'*"> 

The Army becomes uncontrollable .... zWt 

Sher Singh alarmed ~'M 

Tho English anxious about the general tranquillity . -'I* I 

undervalue tho Sikhs #W 

and are ready to interfere by foroe of uriim . * U.'*7 
Tho military disorders subside, but. the jioopitt INTUIIU* 

suspicious of tho English 2M 

Major Broadfoofc's passage across tho Punjab . . 2ttH 
The Sikhs further irritated against the English . . :!;{!) 
The changed relation of the Inborn Army to tho Ntnf LW 
Its military organization enables it. to Inn-rune the repre- 
sentative body of the ' KhfUiui' .... 2.'l! 
Negotiations with the Knglmli about inland trade , 240 
Zorawar Singh, tho deputy of the Jiunmu IttijfiH, (ak'-.s 

Iskardo I'M 

and seizes CJaro from the < 'binese .... 242 

The English interfere 24tt 

The Sikhs defeated by a foree f mi 11 UWMJI . . ,241 

1842. The Chinese recover ( J aro L'4I 

Peaoo between tho (Jhinow^ and Sikh* . , ,1114 

1H41. Tho ambitious viewa of tho Jiimnm Rnji'tN towurdn tfie 

JnduH . . . * . , , , 1M5 

Clash with the policy of the tingltnh .... 1M<! 

Tho Insurrection at Kabul (Novem!T IH-I I) , , ^10 
Tho English distrustful of the NiktiK, but. yet urgent uptm 

thorn for aid ^17 

1842. An army of retribution riHscmblcd . , . , 12 4 H 

(hilab Singh sent to eo-opemle . .... 24 U 

Kabul retaken tfM) 

DimmHWonB regarding Jairilubful And tbn liitntn nf Sikh 

dominion . * , , . , , W 
Tho (fOvomor-Uenemi nunttH tbe Mikb tiuni*tif*r nnd betr* 

apparent at ForoxoiK^re 2/2 

1S43. Dost Muhammad returns to Kubuf , , ' S54 

Anxieties of Sher Singh 2.14 

Tho Sindhianwiiln, Chiefs ami tho Jammu iiiiittH ei 
Shor Singh afwawtinat^d by Ajlt Singh 

who likowiwi puts Dhi&n Hingh to <leath , 
ffira Singh avongtm his father 

UfiUp Singh proclaimed MahArAjji . . , Si/17 

Tho power of the Army " 
Ittja Oulab Hingh . 
Sardar Jaw&hir Hlngh 
J^ateh Kh&n Tiw&n . , MK 

1844. ThemaurreotionofKiwhmlraBuighandi'eiibawttrttHiJjgh 2ftM 
JawUhir Singh . . , f . . 8,W 


A. 1. 

1844. The attempt of Raja Suehct .Singh .... 2.W 
The insurrection of Sardar Attar Singh and Bhai HirKingh *K 
Tho Governor of Multan submits 

1843. Gilgit reduced 

1844. Hira Singh profoBHes Biispk'iontt of tho Englinh 



The mutiny of tho British Bepoya ordered" to 8ind 
Discussions with tho English .... 

about tho village Moran .... 

and about treasure buried by Suchot Singh . 
Hira Singh guided by Pandit Jalla, his preceptor 
Pandit Jalla and Gulab Sinpfh . 

Pandit Jalla irritates tho Sikhs, and offrmltt tho (J 
Mother ....... 

Hira Singh and Pandit Jalla fly, hut ant overtaken an 
put to death ...... 

Jawahir Singh and Lai Singh attain power . . 
1845. Tho Sikh Army moves acainflt Jammu . . 

Gulab Singh submits, and rt^niirs to J^ihont . 

Jawahir Singh formally appointed Wa/ir , , 

1844. Sawan Mai of Multan awsaHHtnatM . . . 
Mulraj, his Hon, Htutroeds ..... 

1845, and agrees to tho torniH of tho Lnhnn* (Viurt , 
Tho rebellion of JViihawara Siagh , . . 

who submit**, but- in put to death * . , 
Tho Sikh soldiery diHplawd and dint niHt fill . 
Tho perplexity of Jawahir (Singh ... 
Tho Army condemn*! him, and puU him to dcufli 
The Army all- powerful ..... 
Lai 8ingh made Wassfr, and T<u Hingh 

Chief, in expectation of an fCugliwh war 

21 Jl 


1'7 1 



' I'Aijj; 

1845. The Indian puYdk* prepared for a war M WITH tho Hiklm 

and Knglish ....... *J74 

The approhenHiotiH of tho Kntclmli .... *?;> 

Tho fears of tho Hikh ...... jj 7; , 

Tho English advaiuto bodioH of troojm towanln iho fciutloj, 

contrary to their polioy of 18U9 , i>7 

The English views about Prohawar, and their offer to 
n^ S^PP^^er Singh, all weigh with the *Ukhs , ^77 
Tho Sikhs further moved by their ultimata of th British 

Agent of tho day ...... j>7i> 

Major Broadfoot'B viewn and overt aU ooually din. 

pleading to the Sikha . . ... 2HO 
Major JBroadfoot'a prooeedinga hold to virtually ciiwuitci 

war ......... 1481 

xlviii CONTENTS 

A. X>. 

1845. And Sir Charles Napier's acts considered further proof of 

hostile views 3** 

The Lahore Chiefs make use of tho persuasion of 1.1 

people for their own ends .... ~* | 
And urge the Army against tho English in order thnt 

may bo destroyed -*" 

The Sikhs cross the Sutlej .... 2Hrt 

The English unprepared for ti campaign . . -W) 

The English hasten to opposo tho Siklw . , 2W 

The numbers of the Sikhs 301 

ITerozepore threatened, but jmrposuly not nUnckfd 21* I 

Tho objects of Lai Singh and Toj Singh . . 2M 

The tactics of the Sikhs S*13 

The Battle of Mudki ->W 

The Battle of P'hoorooHhuhur, and nttruafc of tho Kikl -W 

The difficulties and apprehensions of tht^ liIngliHh 1W 

]84fi. Tho Sikhs rocross tho Hutlcj, and thwaton Ludhiatia WM> 

The Skirmish of Badowtll 'UN 

Tho Sikhs oncouragod, and (JuIAb Singh imlucod io ropat 

to Lahore 3(14 

Tho Battle of Aliwal Oft 

The Sikh Chiofs anxiouB io troai, and thi^ Ktiglinh rl< 

siroua of ending tho war .... Ww 
An understanding come to, that tho Sikh Army Hltall t 

attacked by tho ono, ainl d<wrt<d l>y tho othfr .KHI 

Tho defensive position of tho HikliH , . . IIOO 

S4(j. Tho English plan of attack . . . . :Ut 

Tho Battle of flobroon I2 

Tho passage of the Sutlc^j ; Mio HttbmiHHion of tho Mnhf 

raja ; and tho oocupatifm of Lahnrn . . *UO 

Negotiations 317 

Gufab Singh 317 

Lai Singh ftJH 

Tho Partition of tho Punjab, ami iwlopnuhiwr of (Julu 

Singh .'{Hi 

Supplpmontary o/rran^nu^Ll.H of IH4ff, iihwin^ I Ml I 

Singh under Brit in 1 1 t.uf*i k lagn (hiring hm minority ft0 

Tho Sikhs not dishoartonn<i by their rovorw 3*^1 

Conclusion. Tho poftition of thn KngliMh in India HUl 



Tbo Jata and Jilts of l T ]ipc k r India ..... Ml 


Proportions of Racm and KaithH : Population of India . . ttttJ 

Tho KshaU-riyttH ami AroraHof ilw Punjab .... ;i;tl 

Casto in India ......... ,Ti; 


Tho PhilosopJacftl SyHtoin of f,hi fiidiaiiH . ;j;J7 

Oil tlic. Mctyii of thn ludiaiiH ...... 'I.T.t 


Tho MolaphysicK of Indian Kuformoi'H ..... ;;n 

Nanak'n PhiloHopbiVnl AlluNionH Popular or Monti mtliM- lli/tii 

Tho TormH Kaj imd Jfg, I)("x mid Trgh , . :jj;e 

Gmto aiuonff the* KikltH ....... ;n. r 

lUtOB of Initiation iuloHiklilHiii ...... yj,, 

Kho ozcdamation Wah <iuru and the tixprt'Hwiun (Jr-w. Tr^li, 

>* i 847 

Tho Sikh Devotion to Wool, and tho Ttirra Hiu-hchn PiUfohith ' .147 

Distinctive CJttiigoM of tho jBiklift 




OnthelTsoof AraKe mad Sanskrit for tho ]>ur|mH*M of Kiln. 

cation in India * * *' 


On tho Land-tax in India ** 

Tho Adi Grantt, or KirHt Book; or, Ilio Hook of, tin- Kir<l 

(iupfl or Twwhr of the Hikhw 
Proliminary Note 
The Japi (or aimplv the 
fiudar RahKfis .' 
Kirit Suhila 

f Verne) 


f< m< 

Tho Thirty-one Metres (en 1 Forum < 
Tho Bhog . 
Supplement to th 


Tho LtMvin Pudttfiah Kn (trantfi, or, H<*ok 

{Sovereign I \rnti if, i. (. of *' 
PrelimiAary Koto 
Tho Japji (or mmply the 
AkalRtut . . * . 
Tho VifJiitr Nutak, or Wondrous 'J\tli 
Ohandi (!haritr (the n>uirr) . 
dhandi (!iiarif,r (tlu^ ieKHer) . 
(Jhandi ki Var .... 
(iyan Prabodli .... 
Ohaunayau (/hauhin Avnlunm Kin; 
MihdiMlr . 
Avatam of Brahma 
Ayattlm of Hudr or Sis a 
Hhanitr Num Mala 
Hn Mukh Vak, Hnwuyit ItaM i , , . . , ;irK 

HTaxura Bhalxl ;;t* 

tstii Clhariir, or Talrw of Women , riAli 

Tho Hikayats, or Talen (addreKxi-it to Aiimji(,vt IM , , ,'l.W 


tSomo VriaoipJoH of IJolief and Pnu*tUi\ fw (txnmitfiM in HIM munitift*. 
of tho Nikh OunlH or Toarhora ; with itti Autirudmit nluwm(t tht* 
niodoa in which tho MMonK of NAnk aii'l (lohittd nre rpjinwnt^I 
or rcgavdwi by tlw HikhM. 

God; thoCJodhoud ;jr,< 

Inoarnationfl. Haintn, and I^fphtttM . , ntut 

Tho Sikh UurCm not to lx* woinhipTHnl . . ^l 

Imagoa, and tho Worship of Baitth , . rtt 

Miraolos 3^12 

Transmigration .,.,,, ,^jj 

T-iith K !>,. >*i 












Tho V&Lw, tho J> 



the K 

or lin 


Attccticism . 




Food . 


BriihmauR, Saints, &<. 


Infanticide . 


SatI . 


Bhai Gurdiifl Bhulla'f* mode of roproKonting the* IMisBion of 
Niinak . . . . . . . , 

(hivii (lobind'tt mode of representing hi.s own MiBBion . 
.Extract from th( fc Twcnty-four Avuttin* and tho MiMi Mir 


The* Adtnonitory Lftti'i-s nf Nanak to tho fabulous immiuvh Kurun, 

and tlio IVeHcriplivcH Lt'ttcrH of dloltind for (ho guidance of tin* 

Preliminary Nolc .... 70 

Tho Nam hat Nft-ma, r>r Admom'lion <f Nunak .'70 

The Rcrtlv of Namtk to Karun . 371 

Tho Rabat Xaina of (iohind . . 372 

Th.^ Tanldm Nfinia of (iobimi . . 374 

A Lift of Sikli Hoi-la, or Ordoin, or DouomiuattoiiH , . 377 

A ({unwvlogHfal Tallin of tho Sikh OurfiB or ToauhcTH /wr/wy 37H 

Tho Treaty with Uhow of 1800 ...... 371) 

'H I'nK^lamation of 1809 

Hir David 


The Treaty with Lahoro of 180 

Pruiflaniation of Protection to Cto-HutbJ Htntra ngaliuit 

dated 1HOD ......... 


Froolamation of Protection to C?lH-Hutlej KtfiteH ngnhmt one 
another, dated 1H1I ....... 






Indus Navigation Treaty of 1832 >>" 


Supplementary Indus Navigation Treaty of 1SJU . , . .'1^7 


The Tripartite Treaty with Ran jit JSinch uiiri Shah SJnija f 

1838 .'Hi* 

Indus and Sutloj Toll Agreement of 13!) . JJU'I 

Indus and JSutluj Toll Agreement of 1K-10 . . . :;:' I 

Declaration of War of 1845 .'MM 

lirflt Treaty with Lahore of 184 Ws 


Supplementary Articles to iirat Treaty wit h Uhoir if J s iti f i ;! 


Treaty with QulAb J Singh of 1H40. - . |HiJ 

Second Treaty with Lahore* of IH4U -If*,* 

Revenues of the Punjab in 1844 4<m 

The Army of Lahore in 1844 4i;i 

Genealogical Troo : Lahore Family 417 

Genealogical Tree : Jammu Family 41* 


Political Division* of tho Punjab 1704-1803 . . '/Wr< IK J. 
Political Divisiona of the Punjab af tor 1 840 , , . j 1 1 </] 



Geographical Limits of Sikh Occupation or Influence* Climate, Pro- 
ductions, &c. of the Sikh Dominions Inhabitants, Raoon, Tribe* 
Religions of the Pooplo -Characteristics and Effootfl of Kn<'0 
and Religion Vartial Migrations of TriboBllolitfiouH Profw- 

JD (THING the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of the 
Christian era, Nunak and Gobind, of the KHlmttriyit race, <' al 
obtained a few converts to their doctrines of religious 
reform and social emancipation among the J*U jK'UHnntH 
of Lahore and the southern banks of the Sutlcj* The 
c Sikhs ', or * Disciples ', have now become a nation ; and 
they occupy, or have extended their influence, from Delhi 
to PcsMwar, and from the plains of Sind to the Karakomrn 
^mountains. The dominions acquired by the Sikhs are thus 
included between the and 06th parallels of north 
latitude, and between the 71st and 77th meridians of east 
longitude ; and if a base of four hundred and fifty miles 
he drawn from Ptinipat; to the Khaibar Pass, two triangles, 
almost equilateral, may be described upon it, which simH 
include the conquests of J tan jit Singh and the fixed colonies 
of the Sikh people* 

The country of the Sikhs, being thus situated in a medium 
degree of latitude, corresponding nearly with that of north- 
cm Africa and the American States, and consisting either 
of broad plains not much above the sea love!, or of moun- 
tain ranges which rise two and throe miles into the air, 
possesses every variety of climate and every description of 
natural produce. The winter of Ladilkh is long and rigorous, 
snow covers the ground for half the year, the loneliness of 



its vast solitudes appals the heart, and naught living meets 
Grain, and the eye ; yet the shawl-wool goat gives a value to the rocky 
shawl wool wast es of that elevated region, and its scanty acres yield 
of Ladain. unequalled crops o f wheat and barley, where the stars can 
be discerned at midday and the thin air scfirccly bears the 
sound of thunder to the ear. 1 The heat and the dust storms 
of Multan are perhaps more oppressive than the oolrl ami 
the drifting snows of Tibet ; but the favourable position of 
the city, and the several overflowing streams in itn ncitfh- 
bourhood, give an importance, the one to its manufut'lurcH 

ooio o silks and car P cts ancl thc othor l() fchc wll< ' ilt * ' 1C hwlfa * 
Multan? and the cotton of its fields. 8 The southern slopes of the 

1 Shawl wool is produced moat abundantly, and of the 
quality, in the steppes between the tihayuk and tho main branch of 
the Indus. About 100,000 rupees, or 10,000 worth may bu cnrriwi 
down tho valley of the Sutloj to Ludhiana and Delhi. (JtwruatArtirttw 
Society of Bengal, 1844, p. 210.) Tho importation into KiLHhmfralnim 
is estimated by Moorcroft (Tmwh, ii. lflf>) at about JiTfMMM), uiul t hiin 
tho Sutloj trade may represent IOHH than a tenth (if tlui whole. 

Moorcroft speaks highly of tho cultivation of whoat uwl tmrloy in 
Tibet, and ho onco saw a field of tho latter grain in that country Mirli 
as he had never before beheld, and which, ho wiyn, an Kiitflwh fan m*r 
would have ridden many miloH to havo looked at, (Vrowfr, s, LNH), 

The gravel of tho northern HtoppoB of Tibf t yioklH gold lu graiK, 
but tho value of tho erudo borax of the lakes HurpfumcH, UH tin art iota 
of traded that of tho prooiouB mdtaL 

In Yarkand an intoxicating dru^ named ?hurrun* much HKIM! hi 
India, IB grown of a superior quality, and whilo optuiri could In* tnkrn 
aorosH tho Himalaya**, the Hindun and C?hin<'H<^ ortrricd on n brink 
traffic of oxchango in the two deleterious cominocIiticH, 

The trade in tea through Tibet to KanhniTr and Kabul in of Im-ul 
importance. Tho blocks woigh about eight pouncta, and wll for I:?*. 
and 160. up to 36$. and 48*. each, according to tho qimliiv. (<7. 
Mooreroft, Travels, i, 350, 3/51,) 

2 Tho wheat of Multan is beardless, and ita Kraiu i long unii h' vy . 
It is exported in largo quantities to Kajjmtuwi, and tilHo, nincii iliu 
British occupation, to ftiind to an inoroased cxlcwl. TJw vfth k *if 
tho carpets manufacturod in Multan doon not pcrhaprt oxcocul m) t KK> 
rupees annually. Tho silk manufacture may bo worth five* tim< timt 
sum, or, including that of Bahawalpur, 400,000 nipm in alt ; Imfc 
ihe demand for such fabrics has markedly doclinod miw tht (ixpulnioii 
of a native dynasty from Hind. Tho raw Hlk of Bokhara IB UWK! in 
preference to that of Bengal, as being atrongw and mow glo*y. 

English piece-goods, or (moro largely) cotton twwtn to ba wovua 


Himalayas are periodically deluged with rain, which is almost 
unknown beyond the snow, and is but little felt in Multan 
or along the Indus. The central Punjab is mostly a bushy 
jungle or a pastoral waste ; its rivers alone have rescued 
it from the desert, but its dryness keeps it free from Mivuge 
beasts, and its herds of cattle are of staple value to the 
country ; while the plains which immediately bound the 
hills, or are influenced by the Indus unci its tributaries, arc 
not surpassed in fertility by any hi India. The many l>ml i a(l - 
populous towns of these tracts are filled with busy weavers 
of cotton and silk and wool, and with skilful workers in 
leather and wood and iron. Water is found near the surface* 
and the Persian wheel is in general use for purposes of irri- !>' l*r- 
gation. Sugar is produced in abundance, and the markets u-!l"l" 
of Siud and Kabul are in part supplied with that valuable irrigation, 
article by the traders of AmritKiir, the commercial emporium Si^ur of 
of Northern India. 1 The artisans of Kashmir, the varied \',MIT 

into cloth, havo boon introduood everywhere in India ; but thono 
well-to-do in tho world can alouo buy foroign articled, and thun whilu 
about eighteen tona of cotton twit are uwi by tho weavorn of 
Bahawalpur, about 300 tons of (cleaned) cotton "arc grown in tho 
diHtrict, and wrought up by tho villager* or exported to Kajputfimu 

Tho Lower Punjab and Bahawalpu yield roflpwrtively about 750 
and IfiO toiu of indigo. It IB worth oa tho npot from 1W. to Iff. lk 
tho pound. Tho principal markot is KhoraHan; but tho f. ratio haH 
declined of lato, porhapH owing to tho quantities which may b(^ inlro- 
duood into that oouutry by way of tho Poraian Gulf from India, Tho 
fondnuBH of the tiiklw, aud of tho poorer MuhammadaiiH of tho Indim, 
for blue clothing, will always maintain a fair trado in indigo. |H 
soonw hardly nooosHary to atato that the jroH))erity of tho Western 
Punjab to-day dopondn principally upon itH grain, and that cultiva- 
tion haH received a groat HtimuluH from 1 he canal HyHtcin. 

As rogardtj tlio Hcoond paragraph of the note the Htatcmunl utHiut 
tho consumption of foroign cotton, &u., readn Htrangely to a moduni 
gonoration. Ki>.] 

1 In 1844 tho cuHtomu and OXOIHO dutiofl of tho Punjab amounted 
to 240,000 or 250,000, or to ono-thirUwnth of tho whole rovonuo of 
llanjit Singh, catiinatod at 3,200,000. [" Under tho proMont vvHteni 
of docontralissation in finance, tho Imperial Government delegate* to 
tlio Punjab (iovornmont tho control of expenditure on tho ordinary 
administrative aervieoa, togotluw with tho whole or a certain }iro|>or* 
tion of certain heads of revenue miJIlciont to moot thouo ohargen* ( )f 
tho varioutf hoada of revenue, pout oflice, telegraplm, railwayH, opium, 
and salt arc entirely Imperial. Land revenue, stumpy C.XCIHC, iu 


The saffron productions of that famous valley, its harvests of snffron, 
811(1 f he f and its important manufacture of Klmwls, arc well known 
Ertmi. and need only be alluded to. 1 The plains of Attack and 
Itice and Peshawar no .longer shelter the rhinoceros which Hfibar 
wheat of delighted to hunt, but are covered with rich crops of rice, 
awar. ^ w jj C at, and of barley. The mountains themselves pro- 
Diugs, duce drugs and dyes and fruits ; their precipitous sidc 
dyes, and support forests of gigantic pines, and veins of copper, or 
thesis? extensive deposits of rock salt and of iron ore arc contained 
within their vast outline. The many fertile vales lying 
between the Indus and Kashmir arc perhaps unsurpassed 
in the East for salubrity and loveliness : the seasons ar<* 
European, and the violent ' monsoon * of India is replaced 
by the genial spring rains of temperate climates. 
Inhabi- The people comprised within the limits of the Sikti rule 
tants. or influence, are various in their origin, their language, and 
their faith. The plains of Upper India, in which the iJruh- 
mans and Kehattriya had developed ti peculiar eivilr/afion, 
have been overrun by Persian or Se.ythio tribes, from (he 
age of Darius and Alexander to thai of ftftlmr and Nadir 
Shah. Particular traces of the successive conquerors may 
yet perhaps be found, but the main features arc : (1) Hie 
SffofSe mtr o^ uction of tlie Muhanmiadan creed ; and (ii) the long 
Jats, and antecedent emigration of hordes of Jfits from the plains of 
tion^Mu- u PP er Asia - rt is n t necessary to enter into (he anti- 
hsmmad- quities of Grecian ' Getae * and ChlncHCt * Yuechi \ to discuss 
the asserted identity of a peasant Jilt and si moon-descended 
Yadu, or to try to trace the blood of KadpfuKen in the veins 

tax, and major irrigation works nr< divided tatwm tho Ti|K'rial nnd 
Provincial Govornmcnta in tho prdportion of on(*.lmlf to wh. Mintr 
irrigation works and some minor hoadH am ilividucl in vHryin^ |ro 
portions, while tho rovonuo from forHt, rogiHtmtion, c-ourtn of Inw, 
jails, polino, and education arc wholly provhu'wl, an wihiH iho mctnnu 
of distriot boards and immioipalitioB. Tho Hiicl^f for ION- If* HhowK 
a total rovonuo (including opening baton) of KH. IU4,WM> and 
a total oxpenditwo of E, fi ( 00,20,CK)0, leaving a t'l.wiing twlmmi of 
Rs. 1, 44,21,000.' Indian Ye^r Book 11&1 

i Mr : Moorcroft, (Travel*, iJ. 104) ostimatcu tlw ftnniml valm^ of the 
Kashmir manufacture of shawls at 300,<MX>, but HUH m-emH n wnall 
estimate if the raw material le worth 75 t tKK) alm< (7'wwli, ii. J5, 
&o.), that is, 1,000 horse loads of 300 pound**, ouch jwmnd Mnu 
wortJi 05. 9 


of Ranjit Singh. It is sufficient to observe that the vigorous 
Hindu civilization of the first ages of Christianity soon 
absorbed its barbarous invaders, and that in the lapse of 
centuries the Jats became essentially Brahmanical in lan- 
guage and belief. Along the southern Indus they soon 
yielded their conscience to the guidance of Islum ; those 
of the north longer retained their idolatrous faith, but they 
have lately had a new life breathed into them ; they now 
preach the unity of God and the equality of man, and, 
after obeying Hindu and Muhammadan rulers, they have 
themselves once more succeeded to sovereign power. 1 The 
Mu sal man occupation forms the next grand epoch in 
general Indian history after the extinction of the Buddhist 
religion ; the common speech of the people has been par- 
tially changed, and the tenets of Muhammad are gradually 
revolutionizing the. whole fabric of Indian society ; but the 
difference of race, or the savage manners of the eon<|uerors, 
struck the vanquished even more forcibly than their creed, 
and to this day Jilts and others talk of ' Turks ' us synony- 
mous with oppressors, and the jmmd Hfijpiits not only 
bowed before the Musnlnians, but have perpetuated tiie 
remembrance of their nervitude by adopting * Turkhfum \ 
or Turk money, into their language as the equivalent of 

In the valley of the Tipper Indus, that is, in Ladiikh and The 
Little Tibet, the prevailing carte is the Bhoti mibflivfeion ffjlf of 
of the great Tartar variety of the human race- Lower down 
tliub classical stream, or in Gilgit and C'hulnss, the remains 
of the old and seeluded rueoH of DurtiuK and DungarH arc 
still to be found, but both in Iskardo and in Gllgil itself, Turkomans 
there i some mixture of Turkoman tribes Iron* the wilds ' ( 'iWt. 
of Pame-r and Kudhkiir. The people of Kashmir have from Thi< Ktwh- 
time to time been mixed with rueeH from the north, the ' ulrto 
south, and the west ; and while their language in Hindu 
and their faith Muhammadan, the manners of the primitive 
Kash or Kutch tribes, have been influenced by their proxi- 
mity to the Tartars, The hills westward from Kashmir to un ,i their 
the Indus arc inhabited by Kflkas and Barnhfis, of whom 
Jittle is known, but towards the river itwlf Die YOHufosuia 
1 Bco Appendix J. 


Kukas, and other Afghan tribes prevail ; while there art* many 
sec l u( * e< * valleys peopled by the widely spread (tfijars, 
whose history has yet to be ascertained, and who ure the 
vassals of Arabian ' saiyids ', or of Afghan and Turkoman 

The Gak- In the hills south of Kashmir, and west of the Jliehmi 
bars and, lo Attoc]c and Kalabagh on the Indus, arc found Gakhars, 
Janjuas. Gujars, Khattars, Awans, Janjftas, and others, all of whom 
may be considered to have from time to time merged into 
the Hindu stock in language and feeling. Of those, some, 
as the Janjuas and especially the Gakhars, have a loeal 
reputation. Peshawar and the hills which surround it, are 
The Yusuf- peopled by various races of Afghans, as Yfisuf/ais and 
Skis, M hmands in the north and west, KhaKls and others in Hie 
&c. '' centre, and Afrldis, Khattaks, tind others in the south imd 
east. The hills south of Kohat, and the district* <f Tank 
Mother and Bamm ' arc Mwwtee peopled by genuine Afghans, a* 
Afghans. the pastoral Wazlris and others, or by itjfrfeiiltiiml tribes 
claiming such a descent; and, indeed, throughout the 
mountains on either side of the Indus, every valley has its 
separate tribe or family, always opposed in intm-sl, umi 
sometimes differing in speech and manners, Generally II 
may be observed, that on the north, the Afghans ou ono 
side, and the Turkomans on the other, ure gradually t>reKHm# 
upon the old but less energetic DnrduH, who have been 
already mentioned. 

JatlS * n * he districts ciUiw ride of the Indus south of 
RaiiJs, of Kalabagh, and likewise around MultAn, tlio iHHmlutioii IK 
^Middle partly Baluch and partly JaL, iutennix<r<I, howc.ver, with 
other tribes, as Aroras and Hain, and towards the moun- 
fes and J amS ^ f Sulcim5n omc Afghfa tribes are likewiwt to be 
icathis; ^nd located. In the waste tracts between Uu, In<Iim tuui 

clM S ^ le l a ' C foui ? d Juns ' Bhutiw > Sial KurnilH, KAltilH, uiul 
Plato. ot ^r tribes, who are both pastoral and predatory, and win >, 
Chibs and ^ th the Chibs and Buhows south of Kanlunlr v between thi- 

S m ^S* may be thc tel tataUtanl- f tbr 
oomtry, but httle reclaimed in manners by Hindu or 
Mulmmmadan conquerors; or one or more of them, tt 

- y r ^^ 

tnbe of ancient invaders or colonisers who have yielded 


to others more powerful than themselves. Indeed, thcrr 
seems little doubt of the former supremacy of I he Jibuti or 
Bhati race in North-Western India : the t ribo is extensivc-ly 
diffused, but the only sovereignty which remains to it is 
over the sands of Jaisalmer. 1 The tracts along the Sutlej, 
about Pakpattan, are occupied by Walt us itnd Johiya 
Rajputs, 2 while lower down are found some of tin* Lunguii 
tribe, who were once the masters of l>h and Multiin. 

The hills between Kashmir and the Sutlcj are possessed Tin- 
by Rajput families, and the Muhammadun invasion M^IIIK ^"i^J,,, 
to have thrust the more warlike Indian*, on one Mt\<* into !ifj* of u* 
the sands of Rajputana and tlic hill of ttiimh'IklMiu!, itiul *' Hl11 * 
on the other into the recesses of lite Hhimlfiyns. But the 
mass of the population is a mixed rw<- called IJogrita about r ^ l 
Jamnm, and Kancls to the eastward, even UK far a the ^\\ 
Jumna and Ganges, and which boasts of NOIW JUljpul Hm 
blood. There are, Jiowever, some other Iribevs inlrrniixrd, 
as the Gaddis, who cJuiiii to be Ktihutlri.Mi, and nw tii<* 
Kohlis, who may be Uie al)ori^in< s, and who rtwinhU 1 in "li<* 1 
manners and habits, 4ind perhaj>s in ImiguiMP', tll(t ft ' KHl 
tribes of Central India. Towawls the snowy limits tliw in l -,,* 
some mixture of Dhut.iX and towunln KashmTr and in UK; 
towns there is a similar mixture of the people of that valley- 

The central tract in the plains stretching from t he JIiHiiin Th' .1 t ^ 'f 
to Hansi, IliKsar, and rualput, and lyinjtf to flu- north of J!|" l V ll ? lt<l1 
Klmslulb and the uneient Dlpulpur, is !ithnbit< k il chirfiy 
by Jats ; and the particular country of the* Sikh peophr 
may be said to lie around Lahore, Amritsur, and even Otijriit 
to the north of the Sutlcj, and uround Hhiitinda and Siniftitt 

1 Tho little chiofslup of Kuratili, hctwrrtt .hiipur JIIK! <; wulior. n*ny 
also bo addtid, Tho Rftjfi in ndmittml )y thf ^(UfuIo[j;iH|M tr \w of 
the Yaclu or Jjunar rair, but |K)f)p]oH(mi<'tiiticH MII>' that fitti )'itiK nit 
Ahir or Cowherd forniH Iiiw only rolHtionnltip in KriHhnn ? flu* |JUHU<rHl 
Apollo of tho IndiatiH. 

8 Tod (Jt&jasth&n, i. 118) n>gard tho JohiyaM AJI oxtinct $ but th<y 
still flourish ae poasantfl on either bmik of tint Nutlj Uitwi^rt Kitnur 
and Uahawalpur : they aro now Miihamniadttrm* Tho Dnhin. of Tod 
(i, 118) are likewise to bo found at <mltivntori* mid iw Muhawniufaiw 
oa tho Lower tiutloj, under tho namo of Dofuth, or Duhur iuul Onlnir ; 
and thoy and many other tribe** wcm to Imvo yiuldcd on om* Hui* f 
Bahtor Rajputs, and on the* othvr to 


to the south of that river. The one tract is iirc-cmincnt ly 
called Manjha or the middle land, and the other is known 
as Malwa, from, it is said, some fancied reM-mblanee in 
greenness and fertility to the Central Indian province of 
mixed with that name. Many other people are, however, inlrrinixnl, 
Gujara, as Bhutis and Dogras, mostly to the wiuth and wcM, uit<i 
PatEaos' Rains, Rurs, and others, mostly in the east, <ifijuns ur<- 
and others, everywhere numerous, as are also other Hajuiits Itesith's 
Bhutis, while Pathans are found in Neuttercd villa^-s and 
towns. Among the Pathans those of Kawur have long Iwvn 
numerous and powerful, and the ItiijpflfN of Kahoit IIHVI* 
Relative a local reputation. Of the gross agricultural population of 
proportions thjg cen tral tract, perhaps somewhat more than four-teutiiH 
principal may be Jat, and somewhat more thun one-tenth Kujar, 
races. while nearly two-tenths may be KajpfltH inure or less pure. 
and less than a tenth claim to be MuhaimiuidiUiH of foreign 
origin, although it is highly probable Umt about a thinl of 
the whole people profess the MiiflulmiUi' 

In every town and eitjT there are. moreover, tribes of 
religionists, or soldiers, or traders, or hanflieraftttfiini, utit 
thus whole divisions of a provincial capital may be proplrrl 
by holy Brahinans 2 or as holy Haiyiflu, by Atychilii >r 
Kshattri- Bundela soldiers, by KsliuttriyiiH, Aroriw, uud HnniiU <ji 
EwJ^ot gaged in trade, by KaHhmlrl weaverH, and by tiii^of umw*h nnd 
the cities, dealers of the many degraded or inforior raecN of Hitidustuu, 
None of these are, however, go powerful, NO united, or w* 
numerous as to affect the BtirroiimUng rural population. 
although, after the JatH, the KhiiUriyuH are prrhapH f b<< 
most influential and enterprming ruee* in the nmttfry, 1 
The wan- Of the wandering hoiiHctom rwH t the CluutKr are ihr 
most numerous and the bet known, niul they Mi*m t** 
deserve notice as being probably the wune UN t he 

1 Seo Appendix II. 

a In tho Punjab, and along thn Oangmi, lirUiimiim Imvf u/niny 
the appellation of MiaHar or Mlttar (i. . Mit Jim) HI vi*n 1 1. 1 iit-in, *f mit 
diatinguishod as Fteulito (i. c. a ilwtur* <ir ntrn of Ii.nrni*i>, Tliw 
title seems, according to tradition, or to th< Hurmiw of writ .infi^iniil 
native Indians, to hav< lxm intmiumi l)y tho iir^l MuImNHnitiiufi 
mvadera, and it may porliapH how that thh UrAlnniit wi-n* hi'lii tu 
be worshippers of tho nun by lh Unitrii II.H ttti ^littM. 

8 See Appendix III. 



Th*< iSurmi 

l\ 4'*1 nir, 

of Turkey, the Russian Tzigans, the German ZigucncrK, the 
Italian Zingaios, the Spanish Gitaiios, and the English 
Gypsies. About Delhi the race is caller! Kanjar, n word 
which, in the Punjab, properly implies n courtcxan dancing 
girl- 1 

The limits of Race and Religion are not the same, other- 
wise the two subjects might have been considered together ri-liiow 
with advantage. In Ladakh the people and the de}>endent 
rulers profess Lamaic Buddhism, which is so widely diffused 
throughout Central Asia, but the Tibetans of Iskfinio, the 
Dardus of Gilgit, and the KiikuH aiui BumbFiH of the* rugged 
mountains, are Muhammadans of t he Shiah jwrhimsion* The 
people of Kashmir, of Kishtwar, of Bhimbur, of Pakliii, .Muhuwma 
and of the hills south and went to the salt range and the 
Indus, arc mostly Sunni MuhainnmciuiiK,-* as tire like.wiM* 
the tribes of Pe.shfiwar and of the valley of the Indus 
southward, and also the inhabitants of Mult an, and nf tlie 
plains northward as far us J*ind-I>fidun-Kliftn, Climiot, ami 
Dipalpur. The people of the I linwluyus, cast wnnl of Kisht- 
war and Bhimbar, ure Hindus of the HnlhnmntVnl faith, with 
some Buddhist colonies {o (he north, und Home Muiiam* 
madan faini!i< k H to the south-west* The Jut* of * Mftnjhu ' 
and 'Muiwa ' are mostly Sikh**, but jxThapK not one-third 
of the whole population between the Jhehim and Jimtim 
has yet embraced the teuetH of Kfiiutk and (iIiinJ, the w \^ 
other two-thirds being still e({iially divided brlwtru IwIAni 
and Bruhmanism* 

.In <vcry town, exeepting perhupH Leh, and in inowt of 
the villages of the Mnhamnmduu districts of Peshawar and lltnilu 
Kashmir, and of the Sikh districts of Mimjtm and iMAIvvil, 
there arc always to be found Hindu trader und Hhopkee|KrH, 
The Kshattriya ]>revnil in tlie northern town* uncl the 
Aroras ure nunienniM in the* province of Mult An. Tlie K*K|J. 
mlrl BruhrnariH cvnuliite in intelligence ami imefliltieNM Uu; 

| JA>r tho whfilci qitt*nti<m of indmn ^ipHu-H the- rtwhr i* nfrimi In 
an artic-lo on *TIi( Imlinn OrJKin of tfa* (Ji^icH in Kunnn*. by 
Mr. A. ('. Wnolnp, which upturn in vol. ii of th*^ Jtwrmt ttf tfo 
Punjab l1 '"* ' 1I ~~ J '^' ' 


i nf ii% 

The author Imnw from hi ltliw. Major A. <?unniii W JiniH , 
has twitit* viwtwl Kimhmlr f that the MuhitmmadnnH of that valley an 
nearly all BhlAh, iiuitwi of Huni an Htatwi in tho text*- ,>. I >. < 


Maratha Pandits and the Babuy of lien&ul ; they arc* u ^<MH| 
deal employed in official business, although the Kslr.itiriya 
and the Aroras are the ordinary accountants und farmers 
of revenue. In ' Malwa ' alone, that is, about Hlwthidu un<i 
Sunam, can the Sildi population be found unmixed, nnrl 
tinda there it has passed into a saying, that the priest, the soldier, 
ikh! 7 *he mechanic, the shopkeeper, mid the ploughman are all 

equally Sikh. 

Thede- There are, moreover, in the Punjab, as throughout India. 
based and several poor and contemned races, to whom Hi'ulmians will 
races, wor- not administer the oonspjiitious of religion, and who haw 
shippers not been sought as converts by the MuhamiimdaiiN. 'Hirsc* 
gods and worship village or forest gods, or family progenitors, or I hoy 
oracular invoke a stone as typical of Hie great mother of mankind : 
mm ies. ^ somc ] lave become aequninle<l with the writings of tin* 
later Hindu reformers, and regard themselves UN inferior 
members of the Sikh community. In the remote 1 limaln>as. 
again, where neither Mulhi, nor Lfuna, nor Brfihman, has 
yet cared to establish himself, the people are equally withonl 
instructed priests and a de.termiimte faith ; they worship 
the Spirit of each lofty peak, they erect temples to the 
limitary god of each Hnow-clad minimi!, and believe that 
from time to time the attendant fwrvitor is inspired to utter 
the divine will in oracular sentences, or that when the 
image of the Daitya or Titan is borne in Holemn prwension 
on their shoulders, a pressure lo the; right or left denotes 
good or evil fortune. 1 

Character- The characteristics of race and religion are everywhere 

race S and of S reate * importance than the acKifdcnf H of jMmitiuii or tlw 

religion, achievements of contemporary jrenhiH ; but the influence* 

of descent and manner*, of origin and worship, need not 

i In the Lower liimaUiyaB of the Punjab then* nro nmn v MhriiM'N lo 
Guga or Goga, and tlio poorer ?\MM*H nf the plniim likrtvi^ mvorenet* 
the memory of tho ancient lioro. HIH birth or afifu<untm' JH viii iiinty 
related. One account makoa him tho hlf of <ihii7,ni i niul VM\MH hiiu 
to war with hia brothers Arjfin and Hurjan. Hi* wiw xlum by I ln*ui. 
but behold ! a rock opened and fl K a a K ain Hjiraug furih nniui I nuit 
inounted. Another account raakcH him th lord of DunMhwhrn, in 

u. 447) saya of tho Nftittu chttnipion, whu diet] 
fighting against the armies of Mahmutl, 


be dwelt upon in all their ruin ilicat ions. The systems of 

Buddha, of Brahma, arid of Muhammad arc cxteifelwly 

diffused in the Eastern world, and they intimately affect the 

daily conduct of millions of men. But, for Hut most part, 

these creeds no longer inspire their vot aries wit h enthusiasm; 

the faith of the people is no longer a living principle, hut 

a social custom, a rooted, an almost instinctive defri-Mice 

lo what has boon the practice of centuries. The Tilielaii, P.rUm. w 

who unhesitatingly believes the Deity to dwell iueanuitr in ^U!|,'M'.M., 

the world 9 and who grossly thinks he perpetuates a prayer r,rh'r 

by the motion of a wheel, and the Hindu, who piously eon- {;""/,;!,; 

tiidera his partial gods to delight in forms of Hf one or eluy, 

would indeed still resist the uneonjpnfiil innovation* of 

strangers ; but the spirit, whieh erected temples lit Sakya 

the Seer from the torrid to the frigid fcone, or wlilrh ruSseil 

the Brahmans high above all other Indian races, imd which 

led them to triumph in poetry und philosophy, is no longer ti 

be found in its ancient simplicity and vigour. The Buddhist 

and Iherevercr of I he VedaN, is indeed each ut lulled with his n-i 

own chance of a happy immortality, hut he is htdifft'rvnl fj,'*/^, 1 ,,",, 

about the general reception of truth, nnri, while lie* will not IMI i>ii, 

himself be despotically interfered with, he eures not whist 

may be the fate of others, or what become* of tlwM* who 

differ from him. Kvcn (he Muhunumuhtn, whone iitm^inn- Mul.inaai 

tion must not IK* ussisitcd by any visible similitude is prtinr 

to invest the dead with the powers of wtcm-xsorN, and to 

make j)il^rinuiges to the graves of departed inortutK ; l uitd 

we should now look in vain for any general expression of 

that feeling whieh animated the simple Arabian di*eipl<*, 

[' Sudi a i>heii(iiiiniim m not eoiiiiiirit t<t Ihlnni ninni', It 
Hoem to Ixi a t i lumu i teriHti< i develnpitii'ttt in man> n*liKi<*HM, 
omto what ono may ciUl the * human tnueh % wcukwiM, and 
gulf HcpunLtinft the worHhJptH'r HIU! the fmmtier of htn 
Hharply (lofined, thent in u ten<len<-y tfi interjKmi* wnw form o 
tion to hritl^(4 Hueli Hit iitiughinry gulf. To Hueli A fm*Hti|( 
Europ^ owen th<t inlroctnetioti of the wr*hi|t of tlie Hk*tfMHt Virgin 
and the invocation of count lew* nairilw, To ueh A frelinw. Aim*. 
JJuddhimn oweH thti mtrmluction of the iioflltmiiUvft cir I*UHIH flu* 
modiatorH for lont MOU!H, And ii will further IK* fmmrl timt in 
tiourmt of tiino Hiieh medintin^ forcen tend to JUM* Ih^ir 
character and to bcuumo Itx-nliwd tutelary fmwe,rH * KI*,J 


or the hardy Turkoman convert, to plant thrones across 
the fairest portion of the ancient hemisphere. It is true 
that, in the Muhammadan world, there are still many 
zealous individuals, and many mountain and pastoral tribes, 
who will take up arms, as well as become passive martyrs, 
for their faith, and few will deny that Turk, and Persian, 
and Pathan would more readily unite for conscience's suke. 
under the banner of Muluimnmd, than Russian, ami Swede, 
and Spaniard arc ever likely to march under one common 
ed 6]Ulbarum '' The Musalman feels proudly secure of ins 
with their P at ^ ti salvation ; he will resent Ihe exhortations of those 
own faith, whom he pities or contemns as wanderers, and, unlike I ho 
Hindu and the Buddhist, he is still actively desirous of 
acquiring merit by adding to the number of true believer*, 
nrtbewa But Buddhist and BrtUinianiirt, and Muhamnmdan have 
Honed into 1 each an instructed body of ministers, and enc4i conttdes in 
Ohris- an authoritative ritual, or in a revealed hiw, Their reason 
* and their hopes are both satisfied, and hence* tin* diflicully 
of converting them to the Christian faith by the met hods 
of the civilized moderns. Our missionaries, earnest and 
devoted men, inuat be content with the colrl arguments of 
science and criticism ; they must not rouse the* feelings, or 
appeal to the imagination; they cannot promise aughl 
which their hearers were not sure of before ; I bey cannot 
go into the desert to fast, nor retire to the mountuiiitojm to 
pray; they cannot declare the fulfilment of any fondly 
cherished hope of the people, nor, in announcing a great 
principle, can they point, to the KIICCCSH of the sword and 
the visible favour of the Divinity, No austerity of wincti- 
tuclc convinces the multitudes and the Pandit uml the, Mulla 
can each oppose dialectics to dialectics, morality to morality, 
and revelation to revelation. Our xcalous preachers may 
create sects among ourselves, half QuietiHt and half Kjii- 
cnrcun, they may pew.vure, in their luudabUt resolution of 
bringing up the orphan* of heathen parent**, and they way 
gain some converts among intelligent inquirers UK well m 
among the ignorant and the indigent, but it wmii* J*opHeH 
that they should ever ChriHttanfoc the Irnliun nml Mulwin- 
madan worlds. 1 

1 The inaflsos can only be convinced by moan n^pudiuUxi liy rt-miun 


The observers of thft ancient creeds quietly pursue the 
even tenor of their way, self satisfied and almost indifferent 
about others ; but the Sikhs arc converts to a new religion, 
the seal of the double dispensation of Brahma and Muham- 
mad : their enthusiasm is still fresh, and their faith IK still 
an active and a living principle* They are persuaded that 
God himself is present with them, that lie supports them 
in all their endeavours, and that sooner or later He will 
confound tlidr enemies for His own glory. This feeling of 
the Sikh people deserves the attention of the Knglih, both 
as a civilized nation and as a paramount government. 
Those who have heard a follower of Ounl Cnbind declaim 
on the destinies of his race* his eye wild with cnthusiaHiu 
and every muscle quivering with excitement* can under- 
stand thai spirit which impelled Hie naked Aral) against the 
mail-clad troops of Home and Persia, and which led our 
own chivalrous and believing forefathers through fturope 
to battle for the cross on UK* shores of Asia. The Sikhs do 
not form a numerous f yet their strength IK not to IK* 
estimated by tens of thousands, but by the unity ami 
energy of religious fervour and warlike tcmpenuuenf . They 
will dare much, ami they will endure much, for the myKtic 
* Khalsa ' or commonwealth ; they are not diHeotmigeil by 
defeat, and they ardently look forward to the day when 
Indians and Arabs and Persians and Turks shall nil acknow* 
ledge the double mission of Nfmak and Gobind Singh. 

The characteristics of race are perhaps more deep-seated 
and enduring than those of religion ; but, in coimidcring 
any people, the results of birth and breeding* of descent 

and tluiinMtructc'rl intellect of man, and thn {utility of cndfttvutiriiiK 
to convince tho loarncd by argument JH oxompIiM in Murtyu'N 
Ftamiaii (Jontrnwniiw. trnnHltitud by Dr. IXMS in the diwuwiion 
carried on hatwwn ihu CliriHt ittn niiHMjmmriwi nt AlldhnbiUi An<t Urn 
Mulmmmadan MulluH at Liidknow, in Hftm Mohan Itoy'ff W(rk on 
BoUm and the Vwlfin, and in thn [inbliKhod mnrmip<mdlimn0 of thn 
Tatuhodhni Kubha of (Jahmttn. For an ituttanoo of tlm HAtinfaotion 
of tho FfindiiB with tfirir <*riwd, M(;O 5f(jrcrcift Trawls* i, II H, whi>w 
Homo UdaHlfl oommtmd him for boliaving, Hk thcim, in a <M t |( !ol. 
Konnody (to*, Hind. MtfUwl, p. 141) iitatoH that tho I 
think little of the ( JhrinUan iniiwionarieH (an propaicani lintM), 
the En^liHh hftvo hold authority in India for tttwcntl 


The Jats and instruction, must be held jointly in view. The Jills 
indus- are kno^n in the north and west of India as industrious un I 
Sigh- successful tillers of the soil, and as hardy yeoineu equally 
spirited. ready to ta k e up amis and to follow the plough. They 
form, perhaps, the finest rural population in Iwim. On tin- 
Jumna their general superiority is apparent, and Bhurtpur 
bears witness to their merits, while on flu* Sutlej religion** 
reformation and political ascendancy have eaeh .served to 
give spirit to their industry, and activity and purpose to 
The Kams their courage. 1 The Ruins, the MulTs, anil some other*, are 
and some no t inferior to the Jats in laboriounnrsN and hobrieiv, 
scarcely although they are so in enterpriw and resoluiion. The 
inferior as Rajputs are always brave men, and they form, loo* a <!*- 
tillers of sirablc p easan try t The Gujara everywhere j>refer pasturage 
ground, to the plough, whether ol the Hindu or Muhummarinn faith, 
The T jj e Baluchls do not become careful cultivators even when 
fiojpSa. long settled in the plains, ami the tribes adjoining Hie hills 
The Gujars are of a disposition turbulent and predatory. They most iy 
peo$c ial < levote themselves to the rearing of eamels, and they Im- 
The verse Upper India in charge, of herds of that useful animal* 
Baluchls The Afghans are good husbandmen when they have beer* 
and ra accustomed to peace in tlut plain** of India, or when tlu-y 
predatory. f ee i secure in their own valley but I hey are even of a inure 
turbulent character than the HaluefilH, aiut they aire every- 
where to be met with an mereeimry milliters. Htth mees 

arc ' in truth * in thcir own <'<try H^ l'Hrr tluiik free- 
booters, and the Muhamimidan faith han luuinfy hi'Ijx'tJ 
them to justify their oxcesHeN against unbelic^erM, ami to 

1 Under tho English KyHi<*in of nclling the prnjuiHury right in 
villages when tho old freeholder (r former (mrriinm*r uuty'tMi uiuiMr 
to pay tho land tax, tho Jitta of Up|K'r India rc ^rnd unify U'cumui^ 
the possessors of tho groator porti<n of tlu^ witil^ A fart* which I lu 
author first hoard on tho high authority uf Mr, Tliwuivwnn, t)ii 

saying that if a Jat han fifty rujnw*, lut will mt her dig wrll <>r Iniy 
a pair of bullock** with tho money than nimnl it on tin* idle rcjiiii ingn 
of a marriage. [/ Hotti'illy tho landwl HIIHUCW Ktn<I high, unt n( thi*Me 
tho Jatfl, numbering noarly iivo mllliunH, nrr th mmt impurttint, 
Roughly Bpcaking, oim-half of tho ,J&tM im< Miihi>mt>ilnu, <ux*.Utmi 
ikh, and ono-flixth Hindu. In (lintriinilicm they nrn ui)ii|iiit<mM mtd 
arc equally dividod over tho flvo diviaionii tif the nnivinw.' <t 
Year Book, 1015.] 


keep them together under a common banner for purposes 

of defence or aggression. The Kshattriya and Aroras of the 

cities and towns are enterprising as merchants and frugal 

as tradesmen, They are the principal financiers and 

accountants of the country ; but the ancient military spirit 

frequently reappears amongst the once royal fc Kslutttriya \ 

and they become able governors of provinces and skilful 

leaders of armies. 1 The industry and mechanical skill of 

the stout-limbed prolific Kashmiris are as well known as Tin* 

Lheir poverty, their tamcness of spirit, and their loose 

tnorality . The people of the hills south and east of Kashmir 

arc not marked by any peculiar and well-determined 

character, excepting that the few unmixed Hajputs possess 'n<> un - 

thc personal courage and the pride of race which distinguish 

them elsewhere, and that tlxc Gakhars still cherish the 

"emembrance of the times when they resisted IJtibar and 

lidcd Ilumayun. The TibctwiK, while they arc careful IV Til*. 

cultivators of their diminutive fields rising tier upon tier, '' " 

ire utterly debased in spirit, and at present they seem 

ncapable of independence and even of resistance to gross 

>pprcssion. The system of polyandry obtains among them, 

lot as a perverse law, but a n necessary institution* Kvery 

spot of ground within (.ho hills which can be cultivated 1ms dry our of 

)ecn under the plough for ugcs ; the number of mouths nm * KHIt >"' 

1 JlariHingli, a Sikh, and tho moat ontorpriHing of Run jit* Singh 1 * 
;onoral8, was a KHhattriya ; and tho Ixjut of IUH governor^ Mohkam 
Uhand and Sawan Mai, worn of tho wamo racun Tho learning of Bnlu 
lal, a Khanna KHhattriya, and a follower of tho Kikh chii-f of Ahlu- 
/alia, oxcit(iH flomo littlo jtialoiuty amon^ i lio ItrahtnaiiH of Lahont 
<nd of tho Jullundur Ooah ; and Chandu Lai, who HO lon^ managed 
ho aftairB of tho Ni/atn of Hyderabad, wan a Khattrl of Northern 
ndia, and greatly tnc,ouraKd tlio Hikh nu'numaricfl in that princi- 
mlity, in opposition to tho Aralw and AfghiinH. Thtt <iccl< i nHion of 
ho KBhattriya from HoldirrH and HOVO reign H into tradcrn and hoj>- 
oopors, ha a parallel in tho hfotory of tho Jowa. M<m of active raindH 
irill alwaya lind employnu'iit for thomwlvcH, and thuH wo know what 
Jrccka became under tho vicitorloua Koninrnj, and what thoy aro 
ndor tho ruling H'urkK. Wo Hkowiuo know that tho vanquishtMl 
loora wore tho niout intluHtriouB of tho aubjoctfl of modtaovnl S|>ain ; 
hat tho Mughal H of BritiHh India aro gradually applying thoniHolvcu 
o tho butjincfciB of oxchango, and it in plain that tho trafliukurH an wnll 
a tho priostH of Haxon England, Frankisih Gaul, and Gothic Italy 
uust have boon chiolly of Romau doacout. 


must remain adapted to the number of acres, and I ho 
proportion is preserved by limiting each proprietary family 
to one giver of children. The introduction of Muhuin- 
madanism in the west, by enlarging the views of the people 
and promoting emigration, has tended to modify this rI<% 
and even among the Lamaic Tibetans any easual influx of 
wealth, as from trade or other sources, immediately leads 
to the formation of separate establishments by the several 
members of a house. 1 The wild tribes of Clubs and Buhows 
in the hills, the Jims and Kathls, and the I>o#riis and 
Bhutis of the plains, need not be part ieularly described ; 
the idle and predatory habits of some, and the quiet, pas- 
toral occupations of others, are equally the result opposition 
The Jmis as O f character. The Juns and Kfithls, tall, comely, and 
Kathfc long-lived races, feed vast herds of eamels ami black eat t Ic, 
and ral wlucl]l fanrish the towns with the prepared butter of Hie 
peaceful, east, and provide the people themselves with their liwd 

libations of milk, 2 

Partial mi- The limits of creeds and races which have been describt'ti 
fribes n and must not be regarded as permanent. Throughout fndiu 
prosely- there are constant petty migrations of Hie agricultural 
reii^'on. population taking place. Political oppression, or drought s, 
Causes of or floods cause the inhabitants of a village, or of a district., 
migrations, to seek more favoured tracts, and there are always chiefs 
and rulers who are ready to welcome industrious emigmhts 

1 Regarding tho polyandry of Ladiikh, Mncwrnft. (Trnwl* t ii, :l, 
322) may bo referred to, and w-lao tho Jtwrttula/lhr Attintir, NwiVty ttf 
Bengal for J 844, p. 202, &. Thu offcictK <f the nyHtum on buntm-dy MH* in 
marked, and thus out of 7flO poojilo in Ihu Htlki dintrlct of Hiiiiffmtttf, 
around tho junction of tho Wutloj and Pittw* (or tf |*iti) rivorn, tln<n* 
wore found to be twonty-six bantardH, whitsh iv< a invifinrticm of 
about one in twenty-nine; and a few grown-up pooplu nrimilti'd 
themselves to be illegitimate, tho numlmr may nv<n \M xroalor. In 
1835 tho population of England and Wall* wan about l4,7rXMMM) ami 
tho number of bastards affiliated (bofcini thci ne^w poor law cnmc* i 
operation) was 6,47f>, or 1 in about 220 (Wftrtc<'H toilM Ut^n^ 
pp. 1041-55); and ovon should the numbw HO brn iliiuliln thmo 
affihatod, the proportion would Btill Hpnak agairmt polyandry UH it 
affects female purity. ' 

2 n ^ sustainod and blest with hmth o 
Tho Hipponxolgi, peaceful, just, and wiwu 


and to assign them lands on easy terms. This causes some 
fluctuation in the distribution of races, and as in India the 
tendency is to a distinction or separation of families, the 
number of clans or tribes has become almost infinite. 
Within the Sikh dominions the migrations of the Baluchls 
up the Indus are not of remote occurrence, while the oceu- 
pation by the Sindhian Daudputraa of the Lower Sutlej 
took place within the last hundred years. The migration of the 
of the Dogrus from Delhi to Feroxepore, and of the Johiyas 
from Marwftr to mpattan, also on the Sutkj, are historical 
rather than traditional, while the hard-working Hindu Migrations 
Mehtunif* are still moving, family by family and village by " f the 
village, eastward, away from the Ravi and Chcn&b, and are jdya 
insinuating themselves among less industrious but more and Me 
warlike tribes. tul " s ' 

Although religiouH wars scarcely tttke place among the 
liuddhiHtH, Brahnmnists, uiui MuhunmiadmiH of th< present 
day, and although religious fervour hats alinoKt disappeared 
from among the profrHHon* at leant of the two former 
ftutliH, prnciflytiHni in not unknown to uny of the three 
creeds, und Mulmnunudanwm, as posseting still a strong 
vitality within it, will long continue to find converts among 
the ignorant and the barbarous. Iwlainism is extending up Wfimism 
the Indus from Isk&rdo towards Leh, and is thus encroach*- 
ing upon the more worn-out Buddhism ; while the limit* 
of the idolatrous ' Kafirs % almost bordering on Peshawar, 
are daily becoming narrower* To the south and eastward 
of Kashmir, Muhammadaidarn has also had recent triumphs* 
and in every large city and In every Musalmftn principality and gene- 
in India there to reason to believe that the religion of the I^ST" 
Arabian prophet is gradually gaining ground. In the towns snd 
Himalayas to the eastward of Kiahtwar, the Bftjpttt con- u^ ic 
queror* have not carried Brfthmanfem beyond the lower Buddhism 
valleys; and into the wilder glens, occupied by the ignorant f n r< 2^ iv * 
worshipped of local divinitiet* the Buddhists have recently parts 
begun to advance, and Lamas of the red or yellow sects 
are now found where none had set foot a generation ago. 
Among the forest tribes of India the Influence of the Brah- lam like* 
mans continues to increase* and every Bhfl, or Gond, or 
Kohll who aoqulws power or money, desires to be thought in the 



wilder a Hindu rather than a * Mlechha* ; l but, on the other hand, 
parts of the Indian laity has, during the last few hundred years, 
Bt P th inS lar S e ly assumed to itself the functions of the priesthood, 
peasantry and although Hinduism may lose no votaries, Gusains find 
and me- se cular Sadhs usurp the authority of Brahmans in the diroe- 
genially tion of the conscience. 8 The Siichs continue to make con- 
in ?6 secedSs verts> *"* flhtefl y w^in the limits of their dependent sway, 
Irom^BrSi- for the colossal power of the English has arrested the pro- 
mamsm. gf BSB O f th e i r arms to the eastward, and has left the Juts of 
the Jumna and Ganges to their old idolatry. 

1 Half of the principality of Bhopill, in Central India, WUH fouwlfcl 
on usurpations from the Gondw, who appear to havo nrigra t<t in force 
towards tho west about the middle of the Kevpntoenth coutury, and 
to have made themselves supremo in tho valley of the NarhiirltVithrml 
Hoshangabad, in spite of tho exertions of Aurongzob, unt i ! an Afghan 
adventurer attacked them on tho decline of tho umpire, and completely 
subdued them. The Afghan converted Homo of tho vanquished to IIJ'M 
own faith, partly by force and partly by conferring JagirH, partly In 
acquire merit and partly to soothe IUH coiiHciomie, and lluw an iinw 
several families of Muhammadan (jlonclM in ilui POHWHKIOII tf little 
fiefs on either sido of the Narbada, ThoHo men havo mnrtt fully w>\ 
over tho gross superstition of their race, than the (joncta who'huvi* 
adopted Hinduism. 

[ a The recent spread of tho ' MarwiLri ' irarlora over Llus centre, unit 
to the south and oast of India, may atao bu notiwd, for t he greater 
number of them are Jains. ThoBo traflictkcrH of Kiijjwtanu m'cni lo 
have received a strong mercantile impulHo about a IiundriMl yi'nra 
ago, and their spirit of onterpriHO givc-H them at the HUIIM ti in< u HC iciul 
and a religious influence, HO that many fumlllcH of VniNhimva <ir 
Brahmanzcal traders either incline to JaiiiiHiu or npt^nly imifrAii* 
thdft faith. Jainism is thufj extending in India, ami (icmwrNioti in 

those various traders, and by tho QuioUnm and <itlur chtirartrriHtii H 
common to the Jains and Vaishnavafl. J. I). C.| 



The Buddhists Tho Bralrnians and Knhattriyaii Itou-lion of 
Buddhism on victorious Brahmanism Latitude of orthodoxy 
Shankar Acharj and SaiviBm MonaHtif orders Kamfuiuj and 
Vaishnavism Tho Doctrine of 'Maya' The Muhammadan 
conquest Tho reciprocal action of Brahmaniitm and MuJmmma- 
danism The SUCOOSHIVO innovationH of Kamanand, < iorakhnath, 
Kabir, Chaitan, and Vallahh The reformation of Naimk, 

THE condition of India from remote ages to (ho present JH-IM ,wi 
time, is an episode in the history of the world inferior only *** Wl ;" 
lo the fall of Rome and the establishment, of OhrlHtiaiiity. nmMt<M ., 
At an early period the Asiatic peninsula, from tlie southern 
1 GJiats ' to the Himalayan mountains, would seem to huvu 
been colonized by a warlike subdivision of thcs (!uuaisinn 
race, which spoke a lan^a^c similar to the undent, Medic 
and Persian^ and which here and there, near the greater 
rivers and the shores of the ocean, formed orderly commu- 
nities professing a religion resembling the worship of Ti , Jui| . 
Babylon and Egypt a ereed which, under varying types, ilbNi . * " 
is still the solace of a large portion of mankind. * Aryu- 
varta ', the land of good men or believers, comprised Delhi 
and Lahore, Gujrat and Bengal ; but it was on the banks Tim 
of the Upper Ganges that the latent energies of the people ",""" 
first receivedl an impulse, which produced the peculiar 
civilization of the Brahmans, and made a few heroic 
families supreme from Awchosia to the (Jtoldcn Chersonese* 
India illustrates the power of Darius and the greatness of 
Alexander, the philosophy of Greece and the religion of 
China ; and while Rome was contending with Germans 
and Cimbri, and yielding to Goths and Huns, the Hindus 
absorbed, almost without an effort, awarmn of Heylhic 



barbarians : they dispersed Saeae, 1 they enrolled Cetae 
among their most famous tribes, 2 and they made others 
serve as their valiant defenders. 3 India afterwards checked 
the victorious career of Islam, but she could not wholly 
resist the fierce enthusiasm of the Turkoman hordes ; she 
The became one of the most splendid of Muhammad an empires, 

madans" and tne character of the Hindu mind has been permanently 
altered by the genius of the Arabian prophet. The well- 
being of India's industrious millions is now linked with the 
The Chris- fate of the foremost nation of the West, and the rcpreseuUi- 
lans * tives of Judaean faith and Roman polity will long wage 
a war of principles with the speculative Italhmsin, the 
authoritative Mulla, and the hardy believing Sikh. 

Thc Erahmans and their valiant Kshattriyas hud a long 
and arduous contest with that ancient fiiith of India, 
become!* 111 whicll as successively modified, became famous us Hud- 
elaborated, dhism. 4 When Munu wrote, perhnps nine cctiluricH before 

1 Vikramajltderived his title of Hiikari from hin ox pIoitH iiKitiiiKt, t ho 
Sacao (tiakoo). Tho race* in Htill porhapH preserved pun* in UK* wildn of 
Tartary, between Yarkand and tho Manwirawar Lake, where the. 
tiokpos called KolmilkH ((.'almuuH) }jy tho MuhammadHDM, wiitinuo 
to bo dreaded by tho people of Tibet* [A dread effectually removed 
by the Hyatomatio conquoHt of Kuwiorn Turki'Htnn hy tlui 
during tho nineteenth century, Mr>.| 

2 The Getao are referred to as the Hamo with tho mirionl 
Yuoohi and tho modern ,lata, but their identity in an yrt, 
lather a reasonable conclusion than a logical or critic-id dt*ductit>n. 

3 The four Agriikula triboa of KahattriyaH or Hajjn"iiH IUMI h<rtt 
alhidod to, viz. tho (JhohanH, RolunkooB, PowiTm (or PriimilrN), and 
tho Purihars. Tho unnamed progenitors of tluwo nuwn HIH*UI (*li k urly 
to have boon invaders who idod with tho Itrahmium in Uicir wnrftins 
partly with the old KHhattnyaa, partly with imwaing rt-hinmt !<, 
and partly with invading Graoco-BttdtrianH, and whoHn warlike merit , 
as well as timely aid and Hutwoquent conformity, got them enrolled 
as 'fireborn', in eontradiHtinetion to tho wolur and I amir familit'H, 
Tho Agnikulas are now mainly found in th tract of country oxt ending 
from Ujjain to Eowah near BonaroH, and Mount Abu U UBjwrU^i i( Iw 
the place of their miraculous birth or appearance. Vikramiljlt, tho 
champion of BrahmaniBm, was a Powar according to I ho common 

4 Tho relative priority of Brahmantom and Bucldhliim nmlinuni 
to bo argued and disputed among the learned. Tho wi<l cliflTiiMlun at 
one period of Buddhism in Jndiais a* certain an the later predominance 
of BrahmaniBm, but the truth scorns to bo that they ar< of indepen- 
dent origin, and that they existed for a long time contemporaneously ; 


Christ, when Alexander conquered, and even seven hundred 

years afterwards, when the obscure Fahian travelled and , 

J merits and 

the former chiefly in the south-west, and the latter about Oudh and 
Tirhut. It is not, however, necessary to suppose, with M. Burnouf, 
that Buddhism is purely and originally Indian (Introduction a 
I'Histoire du Buddhism Indian, Avertisflcmcnt i), notwithstanding 
the probable derivation of the name from the Sanskrit ' Buddhi % 
intelligence ; or from the ' bo ' or bodee ', i. e. the fiM* wlic/tow or 
peepul tree. The Brfihmanical genius gradually received a develop- 
ment which rendered the Hindus proper supreme! throughout the 
land ; but their superior learning became of help to their antagoniHtH, 
and Gautama, himHclf a Brahman or a Kflhattriya, would appear to 
have taken advantage of the knowledge of the hierarchy to give a 
purer and more Hcdoutii&c form to Buddhism, and thus to become its 
great apostle in fluec-emling times. [The whole subject, however, JH 
complicated in the extreme ; and it is rendered the more HO by the 
probability that tin* name dauUuia is the author of the popular 
' Nyaya ' system of Philosophy, and that Buddha lumwelf i one form 
of the favourite divinity Viwhnu ; although Uio orthodox explain 
that circumBtance by Raying the Preserving Power mummed AH hereti- 
cal character to delude Doodaft, king of Itanaroa, who by his virtuen 
and authority endangered the Huprcmaey of the ( jocta. ((. Kennedy, 
Res. Hind. MytfioL, p, 24H, &o.)--J. D. (1, | Of tlui modern frith* 
Saiviam porhapn moHt correctly ropresentH tho original Vedit! worahip. 
(Of. Wilson, A. ^.xvii, 171, &(? and Vwhiw J'wfin, prefuee, Ixiv.) 
Jainittm and Vuitthnaviwn nro tlio resultants of tho two beliefH in u 
Buddhiat and Jtrfthmanieal clre-SH rowpoetivoly, while* Naktinm Htill 
vividly illufltrateH tho old fmjWHtition of tl) mo wen of the people, 
whoso ignorant niiiidH quailticl bofore, tho drwid goddrwi <>f fninine, 
pestilence, and death, r rho m<Ht important monument of itmldhiimt 
now remaining IH |Mwhai *lo * topo ' or homfophere, iwnr Hhlliui in 
Central India, wlueh it IH a diBgraco to tho Kngliwh that they partially 
destroyed a generation ago in search of imaginary ohamberH or vewelM 
containing rcliw, and arc only now about to havo delineated, nitd HO 
made available to tho leurnnd. Tho numerouH bnwlitfo of KM HUI^I- 
lar stone (inelofltiro Btill vividly ropr(!ent tlut itiaiinen HH well an tlw 
belief of tho India of Asoka, and show that tho Tree, the Hun, ami t Jut 
Stupa (or ' topo ') itH<af apparently tho typo of Meru or tho ( Vntml 
Mount of tho Worlflw< k rft along with tho imperflonated JtitdcUm, 
tho principal objects of adoration at that period, and that tho country 
was then partly poonlnrl by a rarto of men wearing high eaps and nhort 
tunies, so different from tho ordinary dross of Hindus. [It in now 
usually accepted that by about 000 JB. a. Brahmanim waw generally 
tho chief religion of India, and the probablo <lato of tho birth (if 
Gautama (5(i7 it, a.) makon Buddhism tho younger of tho two rcligionR. 
It seems hardly no(ie,H*ary to add that, since tho author wrote tlm 
above note, our knowledge of Buddhiwrn in India haw been enormouwly 
increased by tho careful rcnoarohes of tho Arehaeolog ietil I >ej wrtment. 


studied, then- were* kingdoms ruled by others than * Aryas * 
and ceremonial Buddhism, with its indistinct apprehensions 
of a divinity, hud more votaries than the monotheism of 
the VccliiK, which atiinitted no similitude* more gross than 
fire, or air, or the burning Him. 1 Daring this period the 
genius of Hinduism became fully developed, and the Brah- 
iimiui rivalled the Greeks in the great IICHH and the variety 
of their triumphs. Kpie poems show high imaginative and 
descriptive powers, and the Kfmmyana and Mahahhfirata a 
still move the feelings and affect the character of the 

Thcw im vc rcnuItPfl in t IK- tliHcnt ervof a very largo nwnbcrof Buddhist 
renwhiN which in great cunt rant to the iconoclastic vamlaliNm men- 
t foiled by the author have lxcn < arcfnlty jtrcwncd, Collcetionu of 
mich renwiiiH may ix* wen in nmny iiitmcumH in India thmua ono 
typical collect ion in the Central MiiHciim in Uhorr- nml to such 
uollfctionH And the vurioun dcsiriptive workn on the ubjcc;t iho 
rcAiior IH M-fi-rn-tl, - Ki. ] 

1 "Then' wcm to have }KCH tin iniap*H nnd IK* vinihle types <f the 
ohjm-tH (f wortthip,' HU VH Air. Kl}ihiiiNtott4* f in hi* mtwt um'ful and judi* 
ciotm //M/orr/ (i, 7H), (jiiotinx l'nfoHHor \ViI(u, Oxford Lrctuna, and 
the n.v/f*H< /V/T//I ; whih', wtOt n^ani tn fin', if in to 1* rcmi-mhored 
that in Hit* <H(J Ti*Ntanu'f , mul c\rn in (hi* New, it in tht^ prindijjal 
HyiiilNiIiif flu* HolySpiiif. (Slrmihn, Uf*ofJiu#,M\.) TJw Vwtos, 
hmever, nlltjile tn }H'rwinifi'<l eurr^/iriunHi uHrihtitwi, but tho mono- 
thciHiit of (hi* nyHtrw IH not more aiTeeted by tin' int roUtu-t ion of tho 
en-atiit^ Hruhum, the dt'Htniyjn^ Stvu t uhti uther minor jHiwern, than 
ihf r*iituijKtert<'e of ilrhovnh in inierferi'ti with by tho hicrurt-hica of 
t hi* JrwiNli heaven, Vcf , in t ruth, much ha* to bt* leiirnt with rogard 
to thf< Vedas and Variant INJIJ, notwithMtnndinx the* invaittfthU* lal>ourH 
of rolehruoke ami otherw, and the uwful conum-ntary or interprota- 
tion of Ham Xlohnn Hoy, ( J//iV Jtmntn'/tw, viiij TranmctionA 
/to,y/ /tm/iV iSV^rir///* i and ii ; and iUin Mohan Hoy tut the Vndaw.) 
Tin* trntiHlittion of the Tf^ft/ N/^ in \Vard' Hindoo* (\i. 17f>), And 
tho improved v^rnion of |)r. Ittx'r (Jour ml Asiatic Nudity r>f Jtt>n{/al, 
February 184 A, No, I OH), may Iw ccmmdtcd with iwlvantago. If trouti- 
lat^rw would m|Mt the HmiHkrit tenuw with exftandrd meaningfl in 
KngliHh, intoad of wing ternm of the Meholantie or modern i<y*tonu) 
whleh neern to them to bo equivalent^ they would materially help 
HttidenU to understand the real doctrine of tho original wpooultttors. 

| a Theric* <*f iit'H an* randy read in rjrtcnw by n. mmlorn gonnrfttion, 
owing to n lack of knowledge of Bfttwkrit an<l aliin to their enormous 
length and the numeroiiH Juttir intorfmiattonM, A literal tranwlation 
in KngliHti of the MnhftbhArntn WAN mado by Mr. R a liov in IBM. 
But it In intolerably lengthy and, for n wimpto numnmry of thift Indian 
Ofitot thn rwutor 1 n-fi*nvd t 7 f Af final War of India, by Thakur * 
h, publi.hwi in Allahabad in 1910.-KDO 


people. Mathematical science was so perfect, nnd astro- 
nomical observation so complete, that the paths of Ihe sun 
and moon were accurately measured. 1 Tho philosophy <!' 
the learned few was, perhaps, for the first time, ilrnil 
allied with the theology of the believing many, and Briih- 
manism laid down as articles of faith, the unity of (<wi> 
the creation of the world, the immortality of the soul, and 
the responsibility of man. The remote dwellers upon tint 
Ganges distinctly made known that future life about which 
Moses is silent or obscure, 8 and that unity and omnipotence 
of the Creator which were unknown to the polytheism of 
the Greek and Roman multitudc, 3 and to the dualism of the 

i The so-called Holnr year in common iwe in India takeH un atrmmf 
of the procession of the eqninoACS, but, a a wdereal year, ii in flliutiht 
exact. Tho revolution of tho pointw <f interaction of the wliphe 
and equator nevertheless appears to hnve been limp known to I he 
Hindus, and sonic of thoir cpochH wore obviously ban-d <n tin* 
calculated period of tho phenomenon. (Cf. Mr. DIWH'H jap<T in I he 
As. Men., vol. ii, and Bentlcy'H Aatronomy oj the Jlimtim*, jp, ii ', 

a Ono is almost more willing to admit that, in elTert. tin- *l un 
generally held Johovuh to bo tltrir God only, or a limitary divinity, 
than that tho wise and inHtructod MOHOB (whom Strabo hold to U- itn 
Egyptian prioBt and a JftuitheiHl, OH iiuotod in Yulwif* Hunt*, cluijt. 
xxii, 9 note) could holiovo in tho jpctri&hahlu nut UN- of the mml ; fnit 
the critical tfadducooa novorthobfiN HO intorjn*tHl tlirir propl 
although tho Kgyptiana his masters wt>ro held by Ih'fodnt UK ( Kutn 
cxxiii) to bo tho iirst who drfnided tho undying imtuni <l tint Hju 
of man. Soc.ratofl and Plato, with all th<iir longhi^H, could only 
assured that tho soul had more of immortality t.huit nught i 1 ! 
(Pkaedo, Hydonham and Tayior'H trauHlation, iv. !tiM.) 

9 The unknown God of tho AtheniaiiH, FaLo, (In* iwiigh 
and other powers indopondont o XOUN or ffupitcis nhow thf* 
faction of tho amiont mind with tho ordinary in.vtitolo^\ J.\H tin* 
unity of tho Oodhoad was tho doctrino of tho olmcun* Oi-plM'ii, ot 
Plato tho transoendontaliut, and of such vructinil men nH (<ii'i't<i nvtii 
Socrates. J.D.O.J; and unless modorn oriticiHin hun deteeteil iiitrr* 
polations, perhaps both Jiibhop Thirlwall (//Mory o/Vrcscc.i, 14>ii, & i *, ) 
and Mr. Groto (llintory of Vreece, i. 3 and c-hap, xvi, part i gtmcrnU)') 
have too much disregarded tho sonso which the plouii nnd mi miring 
Cowper gave to Homor' a occasional modo of wring * thiuw \ ( Odij^t // 
xiv with Cowper'fl note, p. 48, vol. ii edition of 1H02.) [Cf, uko i tie 
care of tho Crook or the Eoman in addrosNing a doity, and in pnrt ictihir 
i Zeus or Jupiter, in hte particular "caimeity 1 utoKl muted to the 
occasion, fex>,] 


Mithraic legislators ; while Vyusa perhaps surpassed Plato 
in keeping the people tremblingly alive 1o the punishment 
which awaited evil deeds. 1 The iimnorf ality of the soul was 
indeed encumbered with the doelrine of transmigration, 2 
the active virtues were perhaps deemed less meritorious 
than bodily austerities and mental abstraction, and the 
Brahman polity was soon fatally clogged with the dogma 

1 Hitter (Ancitoit JPhHtmophy, ii. 387) la hours to CXOUBO Plato for 
his * inaltn tion ' to tho Buhjoct of duty or obligation, on the pica that 
tho fcJocratii! Hyfltem <lid not admit of uiwmuty or of ft compulsory 
principle. | Ni wort hrlctw, SoerateH, an rt jtrtw ntt tl In/ St noykon, may 
bo foiiHidcrorl tci have held Wtmlrip of t he C JotlH to be a J>uty of Man. 
(Sec tl Alitwmhilia, It. iv, <. iii, iv, vi, and vii.) .1. J>. (',) .Bacon 
HUH opou in an inferior degree to t ho mnw < ibjeet ion mi J'lato, of under- 
rating tho importance of moral philobophy {cf, Hailnnf H IMiratwt of 
MurttjM, iii. 15)1, and MtU'uulny, Edinburgh Ifcriw, .luly 137, p. 84) ; 
and yet a strong Hunflo of duty towardH (Jod in oHwntial to tho well- 
ht'ing of Bocjioty, if not to HyMtcniK of tranH<!t*nd(tntal or material 
philowophy. in tho KnHt, however, phiioKophy IIUH always bcon more 
eloHoly allitul to theology than in civiliwii (irdcoit or modern Kuropo, 
J*lato, Jlnrie( t d w arrai^nH the dead and tonnentH tho Houl of tun wicked 
(mtoforiiuitanru ^r|//ritf % S ( V(lenhani and Taylor'n tnvnHlati<m,iv. 451), 
and practically among men thododrino may IK* cfTectivo orsuiliciont ; 
luit with the Oreek piety IH ttimply jtmtiee townnln tho gmlH, and a 
matter of choice or plemmn? on the part of the impuriHhablo human 
HpiriU (f 'f. Sehlei<*nnaeher"fi I ntrvdMtiotiH tv ri<ttt?# /#%#<<, p. 181, 
&t!,, and Kittt'f'H Ancient JVtitwtithy, iL 374.) Nor can it ho dis- 
tinotly Haiti that VyaMa taught the principle, of x mli(lf i ri^httiouHnoKfl 
ILK now undorfttood to he binding on men, and to <u>iiHtituto thoir duty 
and obligation ; aiul pro ha My the fudinn may inorely have thoadvan- 
Ugo of being a theological t nadher iiiHtcad of an ontologictal apooulatcr, 

21 Tho morn swalouH (/hrifltian writers on Hiiulu theology ei^ upon 
tho doctrine of transmigrate n UK limiting tho freedom of tho will and 
tho dogroo of isolation of tlmwoul, wh<*u thun nucoeHHively utanlfoatod 
in thti world cloudext with tho imjMtrfection of previoun aj)pearanc(i. 
A man, it i Baid, thuH U'eottu-H nubjeet t(j tho J (1 at< of the (ireokH and 
i-toniaim, (Cf.WartUm77i/i//(n^wM f ii; Introductory KomarkH,xxviii, 
&e. ) Hut tho Houl HO weigluul down with the drift of a former exigence 
doeuotHOom todifTerin anothictvl point of view, ami an roganlHOur 
conduct in the pronrmt life, from th HCJU! onuuinbered with tho nin of 
At la in, PhiloMophieally, thti uotionn ncem (Mjimlly but modt'H of 
accounting for the exiHtenee of evil, or for UN Hway over men, |Kuo 
also notti 3 p. 4-1,- -<L I). (\ \ (SoerateH, who tiu-ulc-atod every active, 
virtue* novcrthelcHH admitted, ' that hu who wanted leant wan noaroBt 
to tho Divinity ; for to nood nothing wn tho uttributo of UodL' 
, 1>, 1, c. vi, N. JO.) J. U <?,J 


of inequality among men, and with the institution of a body 
of hereditary guardians of religion. 1 

The Brahmans succeeded in expelling the Buddhist faith jirahman- 
from the Indian peninsula, and when Shankar Acharj 
journeyed and disputed nine hundred years after Christ, 
a few learned men, and the inoffensive half-conforming 
Jains, 3 alone remained to represent the * Mlcchhas \ the 
barbarians or * gentiles ' of Hinduism- The Kshattriyas 
had acquired kingdoms, heathen princes had been subdued 
or converted, and the Brahmans, who ever denounced as 
prophets rather than preached as missionaries, were power- 
less in foreign countries if no royal inquirer welcomed 
them, or if no ambitious warrior followed them* Hinduism !,< its 
had attained its limits, and the victory brought with it the 
seeds of decay. The mixture with strangers led to a partial 
adoption of their usages, and man's desire for sympathy 
ever prompted him to seek an object of worship more 

1 Keo Appendix IV, on c Canto '. 

2 Tho modern Jains frankly admit the connexion of their faith with 
that of the JJucldhiBtH, and tho Jaini tradera of Eastern Malwii claim 
the ancient * tone ' near Bhilwa, an virtually a torn pic of their own 
creed. Tho date of tho general recognition of tho .Jains an a Kect IK 
doubtful, but it IB curious that tho * KG&h ', or vocabulary of Anmr 
Singh, dot'H not contain tho word Jain, although tho word * Jin * IH 
enumerated among tho narmw of Mayadovi, tho rogont goddcHB of tho 
material universe, and tho mother of Gautama, tho Buddhint jmtri- 
arch or prophet. Jn tho JBhagavad, again, Baudh JH ropn-Hontcd UH 
tho flon of Jin, and aH about to appear in Kikat DOs, or Bihar. (Nfo 
Colonel Kennedy, Rw. Hind. MytM., pp. 243-500 Amar Singh, tlm 
auth(r of tho KanBkrit * KttBa ', or vocabulary, waa hiniHelf a Buddhint ; 
and he m difTerently Htated to have ilourifihod in the find century 
before, or in the iifth after, Christ (Colonel Kennedy, aH above*, pji. 1 1*7, 
128), but in M&lwa ho is traditionally Raid to have been confuted in 
argument by JShankar Acharj, which would place him in the eighth or 
ninth century of our ora, J , 1). 0.] L* JainiHm IB profoDBod by a com- 
paratively email noct, and it tendfi to ahado off into ordinary Hindu- 
ism, Many Jainu employ Jiirahmans in their domestic wowhip, 
venerate the cow, and often worahip in Hindu temples, Jaini wn and 
BuddhiHm have muoh in common, and up to recent years Jainium WAN 
believed to bo an offshoot of Buddhism, It U now known that it 
originated independently of, though at the same time an, Buddhiwm : 
that is, in the wixth century before Christ, 1 Holdernoes, People* and 
JProltkms oj India. (Heo ytevonson, The Uwrt ofjainton. Oxford 
University Troua, 191fi,) Em] 


nearly allied to himself in nature than the invisible and 
passionless divinity. 1 The concession of a simple black 
stone as a mark of direction to the senses, 3 no longer 
satisfied the hearts or understandings of the people, and 
Shankar Acharj, who could silence the Buddha materialist, 
and confute the infidel CharvSk, 3 was compelled to admit 

1 Mr, Elphinstone (History of India, i. 18ft) observe** that Raina 
and Krishna, with their human fcclingH and congenial txrtH, attracted 
more votaries than the gloomy Siva ; and 1 hav;p Homo when* iiotiwl, 
I think in the Edinburgh Review, the truth well enlarged upon, viz. that 
the sufferings of Jesus materially aided the growth of Chmlianity by 
enlisting the sympathies of the multitude in favour of a orucfitod God. 
The bitter remark of Xenophanon, that if oxen Iwcionui religious their 
gods would bo bovine in form, is indeed mot true aw oxprowuvo of a 
general desire among men to make thoirdivinitioNuntbropomarphourt. 
(GttotQ, History of Greece, iv. 523, and Thirlwnll, History, ii. J3(i.) 

2 Hindu Saivism, or the worship of the Lingum, seenw t<> represent 
the compromise which the learned Brilhniann imulo when they en- 
deavoured to exalt and purify the frapcrntition of tho mullitiido, who 
throughout India continue to this day to Hoe the nmrk of thu wear 
presence of the Divinity in everything. 'J'ho Brahma no mny ihun 
have taught the mero fctichit, that when regarding a wimple black 
stone, they should think of the invwible ruler of t ho iiiuvurxe ; and 
they may have wished to leave tho Buddliint imago womfiipporM 
some point of direction for the senses That the Lin^um IB typical of 
reproductive energy seems wholly a notion of latiT timcH, and tc; bo 
confined to the few who ingonioiwly or porverwly Bee recfnulit,e 
meanings in ordinary similitudes. (Of. Wilnon, Vixhntt l*urun t 
preface, Ixiv [and Colonel Kennedy (R&*t. Mnd. Mi/thai., pp. liK-MJOH), 
who distinctly says tho Lingajn and Youi arts not hold to bo typical of 
the 'destructive and reproductive powern ; and that there in nothing 
m the Purans to sanction auch an opinion* --J. J). (?.|.) [The latter 
part of the author's note, which hogH tho whole quonfcion of phullie. 
worship, it) hardly in agreement with modern theory, Kd,| 

3 Professor Wilson (Ariafo Itfwarchee, xvi. 18) dorivcH tho till*- of 
the Gharvak school from a Muni or Boer of that name; but th<* 
Brahmans, at least of Mftlwa, derive tho distinctivo name, Jioth of 
the teacher and of tho system, from Charu, p(rBuafliv<, ( k xe,(slU k nt., 
and Vale, speech- thus making tho school bimply tho (orient or 
dialectic, or perhaps sophistical, as it has bouomo in faet. Tlio 
Charvakitcs aro wholly materialist, and in deriving conHt-iouHncHH 
from a particular aggregation or condition of tho oloincntH of tho 
body, they seem to have anticipated tho physiologist, Dr. Lawrence, 
who makes the brain to eocroto thought as tho livor NoerotoB bile. 
The system is also styled the Varhusputya, and tho name of Vri- 

,haspati,tho orthodox Begent of the planet Jupitor, became connect e<{ 
with Atheism, say the Hindus, owing to tho jcalouny with which tho 


the worship of Virtues and Powers, and to allow images, shankar 
as well aa formless types, to be enshrined in temples. The Ac {?ji- 
* self-existent ' needed no longer to be addressed direct, polytheism, 
and the orthodox could pay his devotions to the Preserving 
VSNfanu, to the Destroying Siva, to the Regent of the Sun, 
to Gane*h, the helper of men, or to the reproductive energy 
of nature jxjrsonifled as woman, with every assurance that 
his prayers would be heard, and hw offerings accepted, by 
the Supreme Being. 1 

The old Br&hman worship had been domestic or solitary, fraction of 
and that of the Buddhists public or congregational ; the onlfrah 
Brfthman ascetic separated himself from his fellows, but manitm. 
the Buddhist hermit became a coenobite, the member of 
a community of devotees ; the Br&hman reared a family 
before he became aa anchorites but the Buddhist vowed 
celibacy and renounced most of the plcnwircH of sense. 
Them* diatom* of the vanquished hud their effect upon the 
conquerors, and Shankar Achiirj, in htn endeavour to 
strengthen orthodoxy, enacted the double part of St. Basil ascetic 
and Pope lioiiurius.* He established n monastery of Brfih- ^mprch 

nwiondary or duli'gat**d powers of Heaven SAW the tegree of virtue to SaivUm, 
to which man was attaining by uptight living and * contemplation 
of the Divinity t wherefore Vrihaapati descended to confound the 
human understanding by diffusing error* (Of, Wilson* A*, jffar., avii, 
308, and Troyor'n /fe6uldff, ii, 198, note,) 

1 The five &eU enumerated are still held to represent the most 
orthodox varieties of Hinduism, [and of the aighteen Parana, five 
only give nupreraaoy to one form of Divinity ore? others* (Ookmel 
Kennedy, tot. Hind. Myikol, pp. 90S, SOi,>-J, D. 0.] 

1 AH Mohoiars and Inquirers are deeply indebted to Prof *f*orWi lion 
for the account he ha* givon of the Hindis seots in the izteenih and 
Hovwttocmth volume of the Atialic Be*rcA#J. The works, indeed, 
which are abstracted, are in the hands of many people in India, 
particularly the Bhagat Mala (or History of the Saints) and its epi- 
tomes i but tha advantage is mat of being able to study the snhjeet 
with the aid of the notes of a deep scholar personally acquainted with 
tho country, It is only to be ttgvetted that Pyofsssor Wilson has ot 
attempted to trace the progress of opinion or 

but neither does iuch a project appear to have ooftttmd to Mr* Watti, 
in nis elaborate and valuable but pteocmeal vohnai* on the Hindus, 
llnhsin FAni, who wrote tat ItaMiMti, nasavwlessof sequenosorof 
argument, but the observations and views of an intelligent, although 
garni*** and somewhat credukm Mnhamtnadan, woo flooriahed , 
nearty two oes^inHM ag^ have iievertheiew a peculiar raiue j aad 


man ascetics ; he converted the solitary * DumlS \ with his- 
staff and waterpot, into one; of an order, a iiumk or friar, 
at once coenobitic and mendicant, who liver! upon alms 
and who practised chastity. 1 The orrAv was rendered still 
further distinct by the choice of Siva as the truest type of 
God, an example which was' soon followed : and, during 
BflmBnuj the eleventh century, Rfmmmij established a fraternity of 
establishes Brahmans, named after himself, who adopted some refined 
orders, rules of conduct, who saw the Deity in Vishnu, and who 
Vishnuaa degraded the Supreme Being J>y attributing to him form 
a tutelary and qualities. 8 A consequence of the institution of jin 
or(ier or fraternity i the necessity of attention to its rules, 

Capt.Troyor'Hcnreftiltranwlat ion HUM now rendered the bnok 
to the English public, (Colonel Kennedy, in hU vultmMi* 
takes no notice of the modern reformer* : tuid he i\eii KUVH (hut the 
Hindu religion has remained unchanged fnr three thoiiMiml ycarH 
(p. 192, &c.); moaning, however, it would went, tlmt the Unity of 
the Godhead iw still tho doelrino of Pliil<tHip}iy, nd that Hriilmm, 
Vishnu, and Siva arc Htlll the. prineipnl (tivitulii-H rf ['ul^thcinm. 
J. D. C.] 

1 Shankar Acharj wan a Brnlirnun of the nonth of India, ami 
according to 1'rofeitfor Wilnon (An. &#.< x\ii. 180). lie fiouriHhed 
during tho eighth or ninth otmtury : hut \m dte IM donht ful, and if, 
aft is commonly fluid, Jtuniiinuj wan IUH dm ipte ntitt HiMcrV HII, ho 
perhaps lived a century or a century and 11 iml f Iiit4*n I le I'M believed 
to have oHtablihcd four mutlm, oV rnoiiHNtr<rf'H, or dcnomiiiJitioiiH* 
headed by the four out of hin ten inHtrueted di*< iph'*, who fuif hfully 
adhered to his views, Tho adherent** of tlime f<*r nre H|ie'iaIIy 
regarded an 'Pundit* 1 , or, including tho rejjr**Hentfttiv<<N of the HJX 
heretical schools, tho wholo are. called * J>n HI WHICH \ (<*f. \VilHon, 
^. 7^., xvii. 109, &c.) 

2 Ramanuj is variously ntnted to Imve lived wtune time between 
tho beginning of the eleventh and the <md of th( twelfth ceniury. 
(Wilson, As. Res., xvi. 28, no to.) In Cent ml India ho IN undemtood 
to have told his undo that the path which he, Kimnkar Achilrj, hud 
chosen, was not tho right one ; and the nnphow acnnrdin^ly weeded 
and established tho flint four ' HumjH-dawH \ or eonxref?.vHoiw, in 
opposition to tho four mutlm or ordorn of hi teneher, nnd ut (he Name 
time chose Vishnu aa tho mcBt mutable tyjn* of <JL KiiinfiiiiiJ 
styled his congregation that of Sri, or Lakfdmil. Tfie otlter three were 
successively founded by, first, MEdhav ; w>eondly, by ViNlinii NwAiirf 
and his bottor-known follower Vallabh ; and thirdly* ly NiniMmrak 
or Nimbhaditya, Thoso, although all ValMhtmvin, eill led their ttHMm* 
blios or schools respwtivoly aftor Brahma, and Hiva, And Hunnnkftelik, 
a son of Brahma. (OH. Wilson, A*, to., xvL 27, &e.) 


or to the injunctions of the spiritual superior. The person 
of a Brahman had always been held sacred. It wan believed 
that a pious Buddhist could disengage his soul or attain 
to divinity even in thin world ; and when Shankar Acharj 
rejected some of his chosen disciples for nonconformity or 
disobedienee, he contributed to centre the growing feelings 
of reverence for the teacher solely upon a mortal man ; 
and, in a short time, it was considered that all things were Spiritual 
to be abandoned for the Bake of the 4 Guru \ and that to {SJtoJjj 
hint were to be surrendered * Tan, Man, Dhan ', or body, ordersarro- 
nttnd, and worldly wealth. 1 Absolute submission to the 
spiritual master readily becomes a lively impression of the 
divinity of his mission ; the inward evidences of grace are 
too subtle for the understanding of the barbaric convert ; 
fixed observuiiee.s take the place of sentiment, and he 
justifies his change of opinion by some material act of 
devotion.- Hut. faith in the usual tent of sincerity and 
pledge of favour among the sectarians of peaceful and 
instructed communities, and the reformers of India soon 
begun to require such a declaration of mystic belief and 
reliance front the seekers of salvation* 

Philosophic speculation had kept pace in diversity with ttotletan 
religious usage : learning and wealth, and an extended 
intercourse with men, produced the ordinary tendency to- 
wards scepticism, and six orthodox schools opposed six 
heretical systems, and made devious attempts to acquire 
a knowledge of God by logical deductions from the pheno- 
mena of nature or of the human mind. 1 They disputed 
about the reality and the eternity of matter ; about con- 
sciousness and understanding ; and about life and the soul, 

> (1 Wilson, A* /tot,, xvi. 00, 

* Thi* reader wilt remember the fervent exulamatkm of Clovii when, 
liNUmintf After * victory to the story of the passion and death of 
Christ, he became a convert to the faith of his wife, and a disciple of 
the ancient pastor of Bhelma t ' Had I been pram* at the toad of 
my valiant Franks, I would haw wettfed his towta,* (Olbbon, 
Mine and FaU of tk*ftomvnXmpw,ri.m.) Tht MtthanuAadaoa 
toll pmianly the tame itory of Talmflr and Htain the atm of Al! s 
' I would hare hurried ' aaid the conquering Tartar, ' from remotest 
India* to have pnmotod or avenged the death of the martyred 

* 800 Appendix V* 


as separate from, or as identical with one another and with 

God. The results were, the atheism of some, the belief of 

others in a limitary deity, and the more general reception 

Tlu ilnt>mu of the doctrine of ' Maya " or illusion, which allows sensa- 

wi-fwH a' tion t0 k c a truc ui(lc on tIli>S S " lc f tllC # ravc but sccs 
moral nothing certain or enduring in the constitution of the 

"inn""" niatcriul world ; a doctrine eagerly adopted by the subse- 
quent reformers, who gave it, a moral or religious appli- 
cation. 1 

Such was t lie state of the Hindu faith or polity a thousand 
y cars a ^ OT Christ. The fitness of the original system for 

ism. general adoption had been materially impaired by the 

gradual recognition of a distinct ion of ruoe ; the Bruhnmns 
had isolated themselves from the soldiers and tine peasants, 
and they destroyed their own unanimity by admitting 
u virtual plurality of gods, and by giving assemblies of 
ascetics u pro-eminence over communities of pious house- 
holders. In a short, lime the gods were regarded us rivals, 
and Ilieir worshippers as antagonists. The rude Kshattriyu 
warrior became a politic chief, with objects of his own, and 
ready to prefer one hierarchy or one divinity to another ; 
while the very latitude of (he orthodox worship led 
the multitude to doubt I ho sincerity and the merits of 
a body of ministers who no {ougcr harmoniy-cd among 

Araii A new people now entered I he country , and u new element, 
wwti'm'd the doc-lino of corrupted Hinduism. India had 

iiui.lin)> but little felt the curlier incursions of the Arabs during the 

f|i|i " first and second centuries of flic 'IHjrP ; and when the 
AbbnwdcK became caliphs, they were more anxious to con- 
solidate their vast empire, already weakened by the separa- 
tion of Spain, than to waste their means on distant con- 
quests which rebellion might soon dismember. The Arab, 
moreover, was no longer a single-minded enthusiastic 
soldicr t but a selfish and turbulent viceroy ; the original 
impulse given by the prophet to his countrymen hud 
achieved its limit of conquest, and Mulmmmndunism res 
quired a new infusion of faith and hardihood to enable it 
to triumph over the heathens of Delhi and the Christians 
i Bee Appendix VI. 


of Constantinople. This awakening spirit was acquired 
partly from the mountain Kurds, but chiefly from the 
pastoral Turkomans, who, from causes imperfectly under- f r ,,, s ii si. 
stood, were once more impelled upon the fertile and wealthy 
south. During the ninth century, these warlike shepherds 
began to establish themselves from the Indus to the Black 
Sea, and they oppressed and protected the empire of Mu- " lttl "" 
hammad, as Goths and Vandals and their own progenitors 
had before entered and defended and absorbed the dominions 
rf Augustus and Trajan. Tughril Beg and Saladin are the 
counterparts of Stiliclio and Theodorie, and the Mullas and 
Saiyids of Bagdad were a8 anxious for tine conversion of 
unbelievers as the bishops and deueons of the Greek and 
Latin Churches. The migratory barbarians who fell upon 
Europe became Christians, and those who plundered Asia 
idoptcd, with perhaps greater cnse and ardour, the more 
jongcnial. creed of Islfun. Their va#u< unstable notions 
yielded lo the authority of learning ami civilisation, and 
,o the majesty of one omnipotent. (od, uiui thus armed with 
'cligion as a motive, and empire as uu object, the Turks 
precipitated themselves upon India and upon the diminished 
HovincoB of the Byzantine Caesars. 

Muhammad crossed the Indus in the year 1001, not long MuJum 
iftcr Shankar Achurj hud vainly endeavoured Lo arrest, the 
)rogress of heresy, and to give limits to the diversity of 
aith which perplexed his countrymen. The Punjab was 
)crmancntly occupied, and before the millan'K death, 
Canauj und (jujrfit had been overrun* Tho (ihaznividcs 
irerc expelled by the GhorTs about. llHtt, Hcngul was oort- 
luercd by these usurpers, and when I ho Ibak Turks sup* 
>lanted them in 1200, Hindustan became a Heparatc portion 
f the Muhttmnuulan world. During the next hundred and 
ifty years the whole of India was subdued ; u continued 
nflux of Mughals in the thirteenth, and of Afghans in tiro * 
ifteenth century, added to their HUCCPHJUVC authority an 
ulcrs, gradually changed the language and the tboughtN 
if the vanquished. The Khiljb aiicl Tuglilaks and Ixxll 
/ere too rude to be inquisitorial bigots ; they had a lawful 
ption in tribute, and taxation was more profitable, if less 
aerifcorious, than convcrwon. They adopted UK their own 


the country which they had conquered. Numerous mosquea 
attest their piety and munificence, and the introduction of 
the solar instead of the intractable lunar year, proves their 
attention to ordinary business and the wants of agriculture. 1 
And the The Muhammadans became Indianized ; and in the sixteenth 
become" century the great Akbar conceived the design < >f establishing 
Indianizcd. a national government or monarchy which should unite the 
elements of the two systems : but political obedience does 
not always denote social amalgamation, and the reaction 
upon the Muslim mind perhaps increased that intolerance 
of Aurangzeb which hastened the ruin of the dynasty. 
Action and The influence of a new people, who equalled or surpassed 
SShin 1 - 01 Kshattriyas in valour, who despised the wuielity of ttriih- 
madamam mans, and who authoritatively proclaimed the unity of (jod 
and his abhorrence of images, began gradually to operutc on 
the minds of the multitudes of India, and recalled even the 
learned to the simple tenets of the Vedus, which Shaukav 
Acharj had disregarded. The, operation wa mressurily 
slow, for the imposing system of powers and cinaimtioiiH 
had been adapted with much industry to tlw local or peeu* 
liar divinities of tribes and mcetf, and in the lapse of ages 
the legislation of Manti had become closely interwoven with 
the thoughts and habitH of the people. Nor did the proud 
distinctions of caste and the reverence shown to Bruhnmiw 
fail to attract the notice and the admiration of the barbarous 

1 Tho solar, i. o. roully Hldorcal .year, called tho l Shnbur Hun ', or 
vulgarly tho *Hur 8an% that to, tho yoar of (Arabic) mottllm, WUH 
apparently introduced into tho Diwun by Vughhtk Hhflh tnwunlH tho 
middle of tho fourteenth century of (Jhri Hi, or hoi w'( I'M I ami 1,'M4* 
and it is still used by tho MarulhfiH in all their rnoro important docu- 
ments, tho dates being ixwortod in Arabic wordft written in JJmdi 
(Marathi) characters. (Of. PrinHOp't* UnffulTublrx, ii. 30, who ivfcrH 
to a Report by Liout.-Colouol iforviH, onWoightH and Moamm'H.) TIu* 
other ' Fasli ', or * harvest ' yours of othor parts of Iiuliti, wcrn not 
introduced until tho roigns of Akbar and Bhah Jahfm, and they 
mostly continue to this day to bo UHCK!, von by tho KngHuh, hv rovr^nuo 
accounts. Tho commcmcomont of oacih might, without much violence, 
bo adapted to the 1st of July of any yoar of tho ChriittUin ra, and tho 
Muhammadans and Hindus could at tho samo tlma rotain, tho former 
tho Hijri, and tho lattor tho 8hak (Saka) and Hantbat namen of tho 
months respectively. No greater degreo of uniformity or Hlmplitnty 
is required, and the general predominance of tho JSniih would 
render a measure so obviously advantageous of eaity introduction. 


victors. Shaikhs and Saiyids had an innate holiness assigned 
to them, and Mughals and PathOLns copied the exelusiveneas 
of Rajputs. New superstition also emulated old credulity. 
4 PTrs ' and ' ShahTds *, saints and martyrs, equalled Krishna 
and Bhairon in the number of their miracles, and the 
Muhammadans almost forgot the unity of God in the 
multitude of intercessors whose aid they implored. Thus The 
custom jarred with custom, and opinion with opinion, and I^ 
while the few always fell back with confidence upon their 
revelations, the Koran and Vcdas, the public mind became 
agitated, and found no sure resting-place with Brahmans or 
Mullas, with Mahadev or Muhammad. 1 

1 Gibbon has shown (History, ii, folO) how the scepticism of learned 
Greeks and Romans proved favourable to the growth of Christianity, 
and a writer in the Qiuirlwfy TfanVw (fnr Juno 1H4(J, p. 110) makes 
Home just observations on the, same subject. Tho eiuiHp of the 
scepticism is not perhaps suflieiently attributed to the mix* tin* of 
the Eastern and Western rtuporfltiliorm, which took p!neo after the 
conquests of Alexander, and during the suprcmney of Koine. 

Similarly, the influence of Muhammad an learning and civilization 
in moulding tho European mind RcemH to bo underrated in thopnwnl 
day, although Hallara (Litwatwt, of Europe, i. UO, 01, 149, 150, JfiT, 
158, 189, 100) admits our obligation in physical, and oven in numtal 
Mienrtf; and a roprosontativo of Oxford, tho critical yet fanciiftil 
William Gray (Sketch of MnyliftJi Prottt\ Literature, pp. 22, 37), not only 
admirc-B tho fictwm of tho East, but confesses tliofr beneficial effect 
on tho Gothic genius. The Arabs, indeed, were the prewrvorH ami 
diffuscrs of that science or knowledge which wan brought forth iu 
Egypt or India, which was rculucod to order in Greece, and Homes and 
which has boon so greatly extended in particular directions by tho 
modems of the West. Tho pre-omiminca of the Muhammadan over 
the Christian mind was long conspicuous in the mctaphynic of tho 
schoolmen, and it is still apparent in tho adminiHtralivc, &yntom of 
Spain, in tho common terms of astronomical and medicinal neienee, 
ind in tho popular songs of feudal Kuropo, which over refer to the 
Arabian prophet and to Turku and Saracens, or expatiate cm ih 
ictions of the Cid, a Christian hcvo with a Miualmita titlo. 

Whowoll(/7wtory ofjnduatiito k'cicnreft, i. 22, 27(1), in domonstrating 
that tho Arabs did very little, if aught, to advance exact HC'loncus 
physical or metaphysical, and in likening them to tho florvant who 
had tho talent but put it not to use, might yet have excused thorn on 
iha plea that tho genius of tho people was directed to tho propagation 
rf religious truthto aubjeoting the Evil Principle to tho Good in 
Persia, to restoring Monotheism in India, and to tho subversion of 
;ross idolatry in regions of Africa at/ill untrodden by Kuro]xanH. 
With this view of the English Professor may bo contrasted the* opinion 



Rrimfmand The first result of the conflict was the institution, uhout 
th c cn( i o f the fourteen Hi century, of a comprehensive sect 
by Hfimiinand of Uenares, a follower of the tenets of 
sect, at. Be- Rfl,niunig. Unity of faith or of worship had ulreaily hoen 
about destroyed, and the conquest of the country by foreigners 
A.D. 1400; diminished unity of action among the ministers of religion. 
Learning had likewise declined, and poetic fancy and family 
tradition were allowed to modify the ancient legends of the 
6 Parana ' or chronicles, and to usurp the authority of the 
and intro- Vedas. 1 The heroic Kama was made the object of devotion 

ScSSbipT" to lhis new 8cct of fho WM <H<' WiwW* n<I "* tin- <lo<"( rine 

but mam- * ^ e ^natc siii)criority of HriUimaiis and Kshaltriyas had 

tains tho been rudely shaken by (he Muhammadan ascendancy, Hu- 

SS?be? 0f """taand Adzed uj>on tlic idea of man's equality before (od. 

hwwhft- He instituted no nice distinct ivc, observances, lie admitted 

foro (tod. ft |j j ftBfleg of people as his disciples, and he declared that the 

true votary was raised above mere social forms, and became 

free or liberated, 8 During the same century the learned 

of Humboldt, who emphatically HA.VH Hint thi< Anita an* to In* re- 
garded IIH tho proper foundci-H of tho jtfiytifttl cit nw /, in Uu* HCIIHI* 
which wo nro now acciiHtnmod to Attach to the ti>rnt. (Ki^aut^ 
Sabino'H iraiiH.Ji.liJii.) 

1 Modorn criticiHin w not diNjxiHcd to allow nn nni-irnf tlutc to the 
Purans, and ilouhtlcHH llt inter polalioriH apo hoth luiincroiiH and 
nwontp juBt UH tho ordinary copii-H nf tho rhaprnKiifM of the Krtjpuf 
JJhiit, or IJard, ('hand, contain nllummut to Uynnnti<w anil event H 
Rulwoquontto PirthT Uaj and Mahniud. ThtMiif)i(-ultylicMinHcpru- 
tinglho old from tho new, and prhap alno object or*' have loo much 
lost flight of tho flrc'uniHtiuico that tho critioizcd and ICHH corrupted 
Jlamayana and Mahuhhamta ur^ only tho chief of th<* PurfiriH. They 
of the oonvontional KIglitMtn dhnmHnu, mwly IwrauHo rulo K iuniM 
on modorn f ami I log havo >x'i*n introduced hy Murc'imNivo flnttnrcpw. 
NovortholtwH, tho PurSna nnmt rather f hold to illuntrutc nxHlcH (tf 
thought, than to dwifribp hiHtorical iwmtn with accuracy. |<!olonci 
Kennedy ( KM. llml. MyttoL, pp. J ,'>, i A3, &v. ) ingardH thrni mainly 

. , . ,, , . 

aa ooraplomontary to tho VcdHH, explaining *HgiouH anil mowl 
doctrmoB, and coutuiningamquiHitionK t-onwming thn Hhwivo nntiin* 
of tho unf vomo v and not at in any way intended to ha hintnriraL 
J. J), OP] 

Of. Dabut&n, ii, 170, and Witom, A*, to*., xvi. 9ft, Ac. 
Wilaon romarku (ibld. t p, 44, and also xvif. H3), that fcho HM of 
Shankar Aoh&rJ and Rftminuj included Br&hmani only, ami Jndiwd 
chiefly men of learning of that roo. The follower* of lUraanwid, 


enthusiast Gorakhnnth gave popularity, especially in the Oorakh- 
Punjab, to the doctrine of t he ' Yog ', which belonged more 
proi)crly sis a theory or practice to the Buddhist faith, but s.t 
which was equally adopted us a philosophic dogma by the 
followers of Vyasa and of Sukya, It was, however, held 
thai in this ' Kalyug ', or iron age, fallen man was unequal :ul ,i 
to so great, a penance, or to the attainment of complete 
beatitude ; but (Jorakh limghl tliat intense mental al>- 
straction would etheriali'/e the body of the most lowly, and 
gradually unite his spirit with the all-pervading soul of the 
world. He ehose Siva as the deity who would thus bless Imf 
the austere perseverance of his votaries of whatever caste ; 
and, not. eontent with the ordinary frontal marks of sects hy 
and persuasions, he distinguished his disciples by boring J'j* J*"'* 
their ears, whence tiny are familiarly known as the " Kan- <{!!i.' 
phatu ', or ear-torn .logis. 1 

or the VaiMhnavaH, went long violently opposed tothoKaivic dejiomi- 
nationR; HO much HO, according to tradition, that they would not, 
on any account, <T<WH the Narhtulii river, which in held to |M jwcu- 
Uarly iwcrod to Mahiidov or MuhcHh, but would rather, in [rcrforming 
a journoy, go' round by ita MonrcfH. 

Among tho ]too])l of ('f^nt-rul India them in u general jxTHUUHion 
thai tho Narbadii wilt one day tako tho plaett of tho (JanguM au tho 
most holy of HtroamH ; but tho origin of tho feeling in not eloa", JIH 
noithor IH tho fact of t ho eonHcemtion of the river to Siva. At Maho- 
Hhwar, irnliwd, thoroU a whirl pool, whieli, by rounding and polishing 
fallen Htonofl, rudely Hha|K'H thorn into rcHomhlanef'H of a Lingain, 
and which arc an fertile a Houreo of profit to the ronidcut pri<HtH UH 
are tho Vawlmava foMHil ammonites of a partU'ular part of tho 
Himalayan, Tho labour* of tho whirlpool HkowiHo diiTuHo a uanctttudo 
over all tho fttonoH of t ho roeky channel, an txpreHw<i in tho vema<-tdur 
Hontonco, ' Kehwa ko kunkur Huh Hunkur Human,' 2* e, eaeh xtono of 
tho Narbada (Itehwa) IH divine, or equal to Hfva. 

Mahunhwar waH the Heat of Nahnar Jiahu, or of tho hundretMmnded 
Kwhattriya king, who wan wluin by 1'amw Hfmi, <f tho not very far 
diHtant town of Mimawar, opiK>nito Hindia; a probable ooeurronco, 
wliitth waH Hoon made the tyjxt, or the eaiiNo, of tho dentruction of tho 
ancient warrior woo by tho HriihmanH. The jjarno IH declared by tho 
Siva Puran. (Colonel Konnody, fte.n. If hid. Mythol., p. !i(W, note.}~ 
J. 1). (I. | 

i 01 Wilflon (A. &>., xvii. 183, &c.) and tho DtMMn (Troyer'a 
trannlation* i. 123, &u)* J the latter* Muhwin Fan! uhowu ome 
points of conformity btitwoon tho Jugifi and the Muhammadftnu. 
With regard to YOg, in a *cient ifio point of view* it may be observed 
that it correspond* with tho utate of attraction or aolf- 


ThcVedas A stop was thus made, and faith and abandonment of 

andKorfin t ] ie pleasures of lift' were held to abrogate the distinctions 

KaWr?a of race which had taken so firm a hold on the pride and 

rlisiripinuf vanity of the rich and powerful. In flu* next generation, 

rind"" <> r about the, year 1450, the mysterious weaver KahTr, a 

about, A. P. disciple of Kuniiintmd, assailed at owe Hie worship of idols, 

1450; the authority of the Koran and Shastras, and the exelushe 

and the use of a learned language. J le addressed Muhamnmdans as 

mother we u as Hindus, he urged them to call upon him, the in- 

tUe people visible KubTr, and to strive continually after inwnrrl purity. 

used as an jj e personified creation or the world as v Maya \ or us 

limit!" woman, prolific of deceit. and illusion, and thus denounced 

ljut asco : man's weakness or his proneness to evil. Praetieally Kablr 

unli?l!i BllU ^ milu ^ outward conformity, and Irani towards llama or 

Vishnu as the most |>erfect type of God, Like his prede- 

cessors, ho crringly gave shape arid at tributes to I he divinity, 

and he further limited tiie application of his doctrines of 

reform, by declaring retirement from the world to be de- 

sirable, and the l Sftdh \ or pure or perfect man, the passive 

or inoffensive votary, to be the living resemblance of the 

which raiwd the HMU! almvc mortality or rhuure, ami fimhlcti it to 
npprohciul the ' true ' and to tft'HHp I'lrtto 1 ** ' idi'rt ', or urchical form 
of tho world, and tlmt neither Indian* nor (JreekH cunHidcn-d man 
< -a pa Mo, in his prom*nt irnj^rfiTt (umdition, rf ntfatnin^ to ftiu'h n 
degree of * union with ( iud f or * knowlod^* of 1 1n* true \ (( 'f. I titter, 
Am'tnt MtihMtfl/Wi Morrinon*** tramtliitiof^ii, ii(>7, H.'Jl H t itud Wilnon, 
AH. #<., xvii. IHr.) W<'rt< it nmwmr.v to ptimui* tin* fom-Hpoinh-ncf 
further, it w(uld IK* found thut Httto'w whofexyi<tiiii iKultiuwt ulvuti- 
cal, in UH ruditnontiil chit rju-t OHM tfrn, with the HchenieH of KHpiliuid 
Pataujal jointly : UIUH, (Jcui mid matter nrc in hoth rternnl ; Mahal , 
or int,ollig(mc(% or the informing wpirit (f tho world, IH (In- Hiinif with 
H0u# or %o f nnd HO on. With hoth ( Jml, that in * hmnth ' in flic one 
and tho Supwimt God in the nt)ur, wotdd HHUH to IK* mptrntc from 
tho world R approoiahlo l)y man* It m*y further )M< ohHrrved thai 
tho Sunkliyu Mortem i dividinl into two Nehooln, indi*ieudi*iit of 1 hut 
of PaUnjul, tho find of whu-h re^rilH 4 PmirMh ' Mini ply UH life, d<')><>d> 
ing for activity upon * fttJriHht \ rlmnen or fati*, while t he wt'und hotdH 
tlio torm to denote tin act ivtt and provident ruler, mid givcit to vitnlit y 
adiHtmctoxiHttmt'O. Th(im*hoolof PaUnjal il i flfer from thin Int tor, 
principally in it terminology and in it* m(Hl (Yflg) iuid down for 
attaining bliwj ono of tho four iwbdlvlHionn <jf whiclt mode, vi/, 
that of stopping tho broath, in allowed to to tho doetrhw of Oontkh, 
but is declared to haw bwn foHowod of old by MArknml, In n manner 
more agreeable to tho Vodon, than the prartitn* of t ho recent tteformon 


Almighty- The views, however, of Kubir are not very 
distinctly laid down or clearly understood ; but the latitude 
of usage which he sanctioned, and his employment of a 
spoken dialect, have rendered his writings extensively 
popular among the lower orders of India. 1 

In the beginning of the .sixteenth century the reforms of rthaitan 
Kamanand were introduced into Bengal by Chaitan, a {^JjJuw 
Brahman of Nudiu. lie converted sonic Muhaniinadans, reform in 
and admitted all classes as members of his sect. He insisted 
upon * Bluikli ', or faith, as chastening the most impure ; 3536. 
he allowed marriage and secular occupations ; but his liwislH 
followers abused the usual injunction of reverence for the X^ly of 
teacher, and some of them held that the GurQ was to be faith, ' 
invoked before God," About the same period Vallabh 
Swaini, a Brahman of IVlinganu, gave a further impulse 
to the reformation in progress, and he taught that married 
teachers were not only admissible as directors of the con- 
science, but that the householder was to be preferred, and rofonnn- 
that the world was to be enjoyed by both master und 

A Of, the / IH-l, &c,, WilHon, A*. 7fr *., xvi. ftf, 
Hindoos, in. 400. Kalrfr IH an Arabic, word, nu*iininK tint 
and L'rofwwor WilHon doulrtH wheMier any mich pmion over existed, 
and conflidei'H the Kablr of Muhruti Mini to be the poTHonilutaiion of 
an idea, or that iho UUo WUH ILKHUJIKU! by a Hindu frcc-thiukt^r UN a 
diHguine. Tho name, however, although Hi^niiioatit, is now at least 
not uncoiumon, and jjcrhajm tho ordinary Ktory that Kabtr wan a 
foundling, r(utrc<l by a w<avi*r, and HubHtKjuontly admitted an a din- 
(uplo by llutuatiand, IK HuHichuiily ])ro}>ablo to jiwtify }\'w identity. 
1110 body IB Btated to have Vicou t;laiinod both by the Hindus and 
MuhammadaiiH, and Mulmin Kaai obncrvcH thai many Muhanimadan:; 
became BairogiR, i. o. aBceiieH ot the niodorn Vainhnaya soot, of 
which the followorH of Kamanand and Kabir form the principal Hub- 
divisions. (Dabist&n, ii, 103.) AH a further instance of tho ftision of 
feeling then, and now, going forward, tho reply of the Hindu doist, 
Akamn&th, to thct kccpora of iho Kaba at Mecca may ho quoted. Ho 
iiret scandalised ihoni by anldnfa; vrhcre wa the master of tho house ; 
and ho then in<iuir(*d why tho i<U>lH had boon thrown out. Uo wau 
told thai tho workH of men wero noi to bo worHhipnod; whereupon 
ho imptiFOil whether tho temple itHulf WOB not roared with hantU, and 
therefore undeserving of roHptn't ( Dabutiiu, ii. J 17). 

1 For an account of (ihtutau and hifl followera, cf. Wilnon, Asiatic 
Jtorarclu'*, xvi. !() &e., and Ward, on T/tt\ Hindoo*, iii. 4(17, &c. ; 
and for HOIUO uppouito ntniarkH on JJhakti or faith, HUO WilBun, As 
Jiw., xvii. ! 



CHAP, n 



about Cy ' 
ID. 1550. 


The re- 


leading to 
ISKD only. 



?ouu| r 

disciple. This principle was readily adopted by the peaec- 
ful mercantile classes, and * Gusains ', as the conductors of 
family worship, have acquired a commanding influence over 
the industrious Quietists of the country ; but they have 
at the same time added to the diversity of the prevailing 
idolatry by giving pre-eminence to Bala (iopal, the infant 
Krishna, as the very God of the Universe. 1 

Thus, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, the 
Hindu mind was no longer stagnant or retrogressive ; it 
had been leavened with Muhamniadanism, and changed 
and quickened for a new development, Uamanaml and 
Gorakh had preached religious equality, and Omit an had 
repeated that faith levelled caste. Kabir had denounced 
images 3 and appealed to the people in their own tongue, 
and Vallabh had taught that effectual devotion was com- 
patible with the ordinary duties of the world. But Ihese 
good and able men appear to have been so impressed with 
the nothingness of this life, that they deemed the ameliora- 
tion of man's social condition to be unworthy of a thought . 
They aimed chiefly at emancipation from priest eratt, or 
from the grossncss of idolatry and polytheism. They formed 
pious associaiions of contented QuielhlH, or they gave 
themselves up to the contemplation of futurity in the hope 

O f approaching bliss, rather than called upon their fellow 

. 11 * 

creatures to throw aside every social as well as religious 

trammel, and to arise a new people freed from the debasing 
corruption of ages. They perfected forms of dissent rather 
than planted the germs of nations, and their ,wAv remain 
to this day as they left them. It was reserved for Nflnuk 
to P crcei vc the true principle* of reform, and to lay those 
broad foundations which enabled his successor Gvbfwl to 
fire lhc mmds of nis countrymen with new nationality, 
and to give practical effect to Lhc doctrine that the lowest 
is equal with the highest, ia race as in creed, in political 
rights as in religious hopes* 

, xvt. Hfi, &.< ; 4ind fcrnn nrt-nunt 

of the oorrow ponding Vumlmava Htu-L of Mildhav, which IKIK, h(wi*vM% 
a loaning to SaiviNin, BOO alwo WJlsoti, An. llcft^ xvi, HHK (Set* uUn 
Appendix VII for sumo remarks uu thu MotuphyHicu of Indian 


Nanak was born in the year 1469, in the neighbourhood 
of Lahore. 1 His father, Kalu, was a Hindu of the Bedi 
subdivision of the once warlike Kshattriyas, and he was, 
perhaps, like most of his race, a petty trader in his native arly 
village, 2 Nanak appears to have been naturally of a pious A " f>> * I<)!> * 
disposition and of a reflecting mind, and there is reason to 
believe that in his youth he made himself familiar with the 
popular creeds both of the Muhammadans and Hindus, and 
that he gained a general knowledge of the Koran and of 
the Brahmanical Shastras. 9 His good sense and fervid 

i Nauak is generally said to havo been bom in Tulwandi, a villages 
on tho Ravi above Lahore, which was hold by one Rai lihua (if tfio 
Bhutti tribe. (Cf. Malcolm, Sketch of the fltWw, p. 7g, and ftuNtrr. 
Travels, i. 292-3. ) But one manuscript account states that, alt hough 
tho father of Nanak was of Talwandi, tho teacher himself wan horn in 
Kanakatch, about fiftcon miles southerly from Lahore, in tho hoiwc 
of his mothor'H parents, It is indeed not uncommon in the Punjab 
for women to choose their own parents' homo an tho place of thrircon- 
imomcnt, especially of their first child, and the children thus born am 
frequently called Nanak (or Nanki, in the feminine), from jfti iiJr, 
one's mother's parents. Nanak is thus a name of usual occurrence 1 , 
both among Hindus and Muhammadaim, of tho poor or imhutriuuH 
classes The accounts agree aw to the ytw of Nfumk's birth, but 
diifer, while they affect precision, with regard to tho day ttf tfir 
uwnth on which he was born. Thus one narrative gives tho 13th, ami 
another tho I8th, of tho month Kartik, of the yoar lf>20 of Viknt- 
miijlt, whieli corresponds with tho latter and of 1401) of Chriitt. 

8 In the Mar ul Mul&kliarin ( Brigg's traiwlatiow, i. 1 Jo) it in Hlati'd 
that Nanak*8 father was a grain merchant, and iu tho lHln*tftn 
(ii. 247) that Nanak himself was a grain factor. Tho Nikh MimuntH 
are mostly silent about the occupation of tho father, but Ihoy ropw- 
sent tho sister of Nanak to have boon married to a corn factor, and 
state that ho was himself placed with his brothor-iu-law to Icaru, nr 
to give aid, in carrying on the buHini'M. 

3 A manuscript compilation in l^reian incmtionH that Niinak'ft 
lirat teacher was a Muhammadan. Tho *S'wr ul MuttUhuritk i, I J(h 
atates that Nanak was carefully educated by ono Saiyid HttHiiu, n 
neighbour of his father's, who conceived a regard for him, and who WUH 
wealthy but childless, Nanak is further said, in tho name book, to 
have studied tho most approved writings of tho MuhwnmadaiiM. 
According to Malcolm (IfefcA, p. 14), Nawik is roportwl, by UM- 
MuliammadanB, to havo learnt all earthly soienocn from Klitair, 
i, (j. the prophet JKIias. Tho ovdinnry Muhammadan uceminU U)MI 
ivproseut Nfiuak, when a child, to have astonished hwtoiulicr ly UHk- 
ing him tho hidden import <>f tho limb letter of thi ulilialjiL p whli-h 
IH almost a straight stroke iu ttmlaii and Arabic, and which is hold 


1469-1539 temper left him displeased with the corruptions of the 
vulgar faith, and dissatisfied with the indifference* of ilu 1 
learned, or with the refuge which they sought in the spe- 
cious abstractions of philosophy ; nor is it improbable that 
the homilies of Kabir and Gonikh had fallen upon his 
susceptible mind with a powerful and enduring effect. 1 i 

The mental a moment of enthusiasm the ardent inquirer abandoned his 
f home, and strove to attain wisdom by penitent meditation, 
by study, and by an enlarged intercourse with mankind." 
He travelled, perhaps, beyond the limits of India, ho pruyt'd 
in solitude, he reflected on the Vedas and on the mission 
of Muhammad, and he questioned with equal anxiety I ho 
learned priest and the simple devotee about the will of 
God and the path to happiness." Pluto and Jiacon, I>es 

oven vulgarly to denote the unity of Uod. Tho rcwder will rruiemlMT 
that the apocryphal gospels wtate how (IhriHl, before hu WUH tweho 
years old, perplexed his iiiHtrueturH, and .explained to thorn the 
mystical significance of the alphabetical t-haraotoi'H. (Straiwn, Lift 
of Jesus, i. 272.) 

1 Extracts or solootioiiH from tho writing of KabTr appear in llir 
Adi-Granth, and Kabir is often, and Gorakh Homutinuw, f|uol(>fl ur 
referred to. 

2 A chance mooting with some Faknu (Malcolm, Hkdclt, pp. 8, l.'t) 
and the more methodical infltruulioiiK of a Dcrvinh (Ihilrixluui ii. 1M7J 
are each referred to itii Imvin^ Hulxhit^l (,}K mind of Nautili, or iih 
having given him tho irnpulwo which (U'tonniiHMl tin* futiu*o <-OUI'HO 
of hishfo. In Malcolm may l> HCHII tJiowi Htoricw wliich ploaw \\\v 
muHitudo, to tho olleut that although Nmmk, whoa the Hpirit of ( jod 
was upon him, boutowod all the j^rniu in his l>rotluT-in-law'H H(OH*H 
in charity, they wore nevertheless alwayH found roplcniMluMl ; <ir t hat 
JDaulat Khan Lodi,tho employer of JNTuiak'a brother-in-law, nit hough 
aware that much had really boon given away, ncwu-tholcwH found 
everything correct on balancing tho account** of receipts und oxpoudi- 

The Sikh accounts represent Nanak to havo met the. IJmpcror 
Jiabar, and to have greatly edified tho adventurous Hovcr< k in hy lm 
demeanour and conversation, while ho porploxod him !>y Huyiti/jf that 
both were kings and^woro about to found dyniiHticH of Inn! I him* 
traced but two allusions to Babar T>y DJIDIO, aud one, by obviotiH in 
foronce, m the Adi-Granth, via. in tho Aaa Rajf and Tadaii^ (HirtifriiM, 
and those bear reference singly to tho dimtnu'tiou of -a viHapv and 
to hia incursions ay a conqueror. Mulmin Pilm (ItobittKlH, ii, 2n 
preuorveB an idle report that JNOuok, Iwltitf UlHHuUHlitMl with tJm 
Afghans, called the Mughalu into India, 

3 Nanak is generally said to have tra vollod over tho wJioIo <>f Judiu, 


Cartes and Alghazfili, examined the current philobophic 

systems of the world, without finding u sure basis of truth 

for the operations of the intelleet ; and, similarly, the heart 

of the pious Nanak sought hopelessly for a resting-place 

sun id the conflicting creeds and practices of men. All was 

error, he said ; he had read Koriins and Pumas, but God 

he had nowhere found. 1 He returned to his native land, he 

threw aside the habit of an ascetic, lie became again the 

father of his family, and lie passed the remainder of his 

long life in calling upon men to worship the One Invisible 

God, to live virtuously, and to be tolerant of the failings UiULl|wr - 

of others, The mild demeanour, the earnest piety, and per- 

suasive eloquence of Naaak, arc ever the themes of praise, 

and ho died at the age of seventy, leaving behind him many IM-S, a^cd 

/-onions and admiring disciples. 2 

to have gouo through iVnuu, aiwl to have visited Meci-a (of. Malcolm, 
M< tch, p. Hi, and Ifornter, Trawl*, i. SiUMf), but the number of yearn 
ho employed in wandering, aiul the date of hi liual return to hit* 
iiiitivn province, aro uLiko uncertain. Jlo had several companion^ 
among whom Manlana, tiio rababi or harper (or rather a chanter, 
and player upon a Hiriiigod inHtrumonl like ti guitar), Iwihun, who WJIB 
IUH Hut-t^HHor, Jiala, a Hiadhu Jfit, and Hani J)aH, Hi.ylod lluddha <r 
Iho Ancidiit, r( tho moHt fruciiututly roforrrcl to. In pifloriiU r^pix 1 - 
wntatiouH Mnrdanu alwayn accioiniKinioHNauuk. When at. Mecca, 
a Hiory IN related that Nanak WftH ftmnd Hlooping with IUH f<'ot lowardH 
iht^ l<unpl(% Uiai ho WUH angrily nnkcd lu^w he* dimul to diHhotiour tho 
hounn of Iho I^jrd, and that ho replied, * (Vmld ho turn hin fo(^i wl'i'o 
Iho IIOUHU of U<K! was not ? ' (Malc-ulni p MrtcAo/ilia Nikhn 9 p. 150.) 
Nanak adopted, Homotimeti at loawt, iho pirl) of a Muharnmadan 
Dervinh, and at Mult an ho vmivd an anwcinbly of Mimulinan dcvotceK. 
saying Jio WIH but UH the Htrcain o the CJangiw cntt-nng tho ocean cf 
lioliucHH, (C-'f. Malcolm, Mcctc/t, p. 21, and the Ninr it I MutM/mrta, 
i. 311.) 

1 Thoro i tjurront a vtirao imputed to Nunak, to the. <iiTett that 

1 Wovoral nc.ripturcH and booka hail ho read, 

JJut ono (Cod) ho had not found : 
1 Several Korans and Pur arm had ho read, 

But faith ho dould not put in any.' 

The. Adi*(Jraiith abouiutn with paHHag(^ of a Him i Jar tenor, and in tho 
mipplcmcntal portion, called tho Hutan Mala, Nanak wiyB, " Man may 
read VedaH ami KoraiiK,and rtumh to a temporary bliwH, but without 
(Hod Halvation IH ttnattttmahle.' 

2 Tho atJCJOiuiiH inontly agroo UK U) the ditto of Nanak'H death, and 
thoy j)laue it in IC'JO of Vikraiuajit, or IftM) of Chrinl . A Uunnukhl 
abstract statoH j)rouitioly that he watt a teauher for BO von yeara, live 


1469-1539. Nanak combined the excellences of preceding ivl'orim>rs, 
The excel- anc * ^ e avo ^ed the more grave errors into which they had 
leuces of fallen. Instead of the circumscribed divinity, the tinthro- 

P^morphous God of Ramanand and Kablr, he loftily in- 

vokes the Lord as the one, the solo, the timeless being ; 

the creator, the self-existent, the incomprehensible, and the* 

Thegod- everlasting. He likens the Deity to Truth, which was 

ea ' before the world began, which is, and which shall endure for 

ever, as the ultimate idea or cause of all we know or behold. 1 

months, and seven days, and that ho died on tho I Oth of Ihn Hindu 
month Asauj. Forster (Trawls, i. 2fW>) reprwienlH that/ ho travelled 
fur fifteen years. Nanak died at Kartarpur, on tho Ravi, about forty 
miles above Lahore, whore there is a place. of wurnhip Hut-red to him. 
Heloft two sons,fcJri Ohand, on ascetic, whom namnliviiH as tho founder 
of the Hindu sect of Udaais, and Laclunl DAH, who devoted himwlf 
to pleasure, and of whom nothing particular IB known. The Niiiink- 
putraa, or descendants of Nanak, callod also fctohibzadnH, or HCJIIH of 
the master, arc everywhere reverenced among Kikhtt, and if trader*, 
some privileges 'are conceded to thorn by tho chiofs of thuir country. 
Muhsin Fani observes (Oalistan, ii. iifi.'J) that tho repnwnlativen cf 
Nanak wore known as Kartaris, moaning, pcrhapB, wither that tln-y 
wore hqld to be holy or devoted to the service t>f Ciwl, tlmiu that they 
wore simply residents of ICartarpur. 

1 See the Adi-Qranth in, for inHtancc, tlm porlion called <fawrt r /*j/. 
and the prefatory Juj) 9 or prayer of admonition and rumwnhniiiir. 
Of, also Wilkins, Asiatic jRe*wrrJicit 9 i. !ii), &c, 

'Akalpurik',or the Timeless Being, IB UM ordinary Sikh a|i|N>llatiim 
of God, corresponding wliumatically with tlu^ 'Almighty *, In Kii^liHh. 
Vet Gobind, in tho second (Jrauth (IJaxnni Shalnl portion), ajwwtnM 
phizes Time itself as the only true (Jud, for Clod WUH t he iirnl nnii tin- 
last, tho being without end, &c. 

Milton assigns to time a casual or limited UHU only, uml Klmkr- 
tipoaro makes it Unite : 

1 JTor time, though in oturnity applied 

To motion, measures all thinga dura Me 

By present, paat, and future. 1 

PwradiM bunt, v, 
' But thought 's tho slave of life, and life., UMO'H foul ; 

And time, that takes survey of all tho world, 

Must have a stop.' 

, v, iv, 

Three of tho modern philosophizing HchoolH of India, vig.uclivimoti 
of the SfiukhyaH, tho LWurikB, and tho Saivaw, rnako K&l.ciriinH*. 
onu of tho twonty-soveu, or thirty, or thirty-nix cdni|Mim<iit twrniiKfrH 
oe phenomena of tho universe of matter and mind, nrnl lh ^ivw it 
distinct f unctions, or a separate existence. 


He addresses equally the Mulla and the Pundit, the Dervish 
and the SannyasI, and tells them to remember that Lord of " 
Lords who has seen come and go numberless Muhammad*, Mubam- 
and Vishmis, and Sivas. 1 He tells them that virtues and aiTurhi 
charities, heroic acts and gathered wisdom, are nought of equally 
themselves, that the only knowledge which availeth is tlie ^^ 
knowledge of (od ; a and then, as if to rebuke those vain (Sod in 
men who saw eternal life in their own act of faith, lie f j' uthp 
declares that they only can find the Lord on whom the l ^^ w i 
Lord looks with favour. 3 Yet the extension of grace is no<i work.-, 
linked with the exercise of our will und the beneficent use 
of our faculties. God, said Nanak, places salvation in good 
works and uprightness of conduct : the Lord will ask of 
man, * What has he done * 4 and the teacher further 
required timely repentance of men, saying, * If not until 
the day of reckoning the sinner abaseth himself, punishment 
shall overtake him '.* 

Nanak adopted the philosophical system of his country- 
men, and regarded bliss as the dwelling of the soul with B^ 
God after its punitory transmigrations should have censed, nil i 
Life, he says, is as the shadow of the passing bird, but the fflfi^ 
Hotil of man is, as the potter's wheel* ever circling on its lur MM*, 
pivot. He makes the same uses of the current language or JJ / $,"j?J[. 
notions of the lime on other subjects, und thus says, he lion only. 
who remains bright timid darkness (Anjan), unmoved amid 
deceit (Maya), that is, perfect amid temptation, should 

of Nunah'H in tho Hupploim-nt to tho Adi*nmnth> after 
Haying that thorn havu boon multitude of prophotw, teavhi-rH, unJ 
holy men, conoludeH thim : 

Tho Urd of LordH IH Urn Oiw (!od, the Almighty (Jod IntUM-lf ; 
Oh Nfuntk ! IUH qualiiieH aro tmyond comprchonHum.* 

B S< l.h< AdiJlthntk, towards thu <m<l of tho portion ctillod AM*. 

! * S tlu* Adi-Grantk) cmd of tlu> Am Rwj t and in tho nupplonwntury 
portion eallt-d th<i Htttnn Alulrt. 

* Tho Adi.dranth, PttrbhW Htti/ni. <lf, Malcolm (tiktfch* p. 1111) 
und WilkiiiH (A^ lie*., t. 280, &e.). 

*> H^o the NiiHihut Nama, or a<hnonition o! Nanak to Karon, a 
falmloiiH monarch, which, how<ivr, i not fulmitUxl into tho Untnlh, 
pcrlmpH honuiKtt UK r^rwuial or particular application ft* not in UtM'pin^ 
with the uliMtruct and goiu^ral nature of that hook. Noither, iiuleed, 
in il. rortiiiiily known to bo Ncinak'H mmijKmition, althotigh it emlxMlioH 
many of Itia uotionB. 6 Adi*Uranlft t cud of tho Ana /%. 


1469-1539, attain happiness. 1 But it would be idle Lo suppose 

- speculated upon being, or upon the material world, lifter 

the manner of Plato or Vyasa ; a and it would be unreason- 

able to condemn him because he preferred the doctrine of 

a succession of habiliments, and the possible purification of 

the most, sinful soul, to the resurrection of the titiinc* body, 

Nfmakad- and the* pains of everlasting fire. 9 Kanak also referred 

mis^ion C o to the Arabian prophet, and to the Hindu incarnations, not 

Muhammad as impostors and the diffuscrs of evil, bud us having truly 

ttoHindu been sent by God lo mslrucfc limkill <1 t"" 1 h( ' lamented 

incarna- that sin should nevertheless prevail. He assorted no special 

lions. divinity, although he may possibly have considered himself, 

as he came to be considered by others, the, sueeewKor of 

these inspired teachers of his belief, sent lo reclaim ftilleii 

mortals of all creeds and countries within the limits of hi 

knowledge. He rendered his mission applicable to all times 

and places, yet he declared himself to be but the slave, tlic 

humble messenger of the Almighty, making use of universal 

truth as his sole instrument. 4 lie did not claim for his 

1 Adi-Granlh, in the Buhl and Mawkali portions 
3 0oo Appendix V11I. 

3 The usual objection of the MuhammadaiiH to tho Hindu ilorlriiic 
of transmigration is, that tho wicked soul of this prcHi'rit world him no 
remembrance of its past/ condition and bygonci puuiHhniejitH, anil 
does not, therefore, bring with it any inherent inruntivr lo linlinrn', 
Tho Muhammadans, however, do not Hhow that it knowledge. of lln 
sin of Adam, and consequent corruption of Inn poHtn'ity, iw iimf incl i\ u 
lo a follower of Christ or tu a dincipio of ilwr own prophet ; unit, 
mofcapliysically, an impartial thinker will porhupN prefer f IK* Kralinint i 
doctrine of a soul finally separated from tho chanwnhh* nuitfrr of 
our senses, to the Egyptian schema of tho roHurnicf if in of the cor- 
ruptiblo body, & notion which H0om to havo iinj>n'HHed itnolf ott 
the Israelites, notwithstanding tho tulcneo of Mown, and which r<'* 

sistod for centuries tho action of other HyfltoniH 1 , and whieh WJIH at 
length revived with increased force in connexion with the popular 
belief in miracles* See also note 2, p. 24 auk. 

4 The whole scope of Nanak'a teaching in that <<iod IK till in all, nml 
that purity of mind is tlic lirHt of objcetK. I Ic urgoH all men to pra 
devotion, and he refers to pant prophotH and diMpeimulionH IIM IN 
now of no avail, but ho nowhere attrilmteM to hiniKelfany HUfHTm 
over othorH. Ho was a niuii ainon^ men, (tailing upon IHH ff*IIow 
creatures to live a holy life, (C !f. the Duln^tan, i i. l 1 ^!), ^">0, lV;i ; nti<i 
see Wilson, An. .ftwr., xvii. ^34, for tho expreHsion 'NdnuK thy 

iti a freewill offering unto theo '.) 


writings, replete as they were with wisdom and devotion, 1 
the merit of a direct transcription of the words of God ; 
nor did lie say that his own preaching required or would be 
sanctioned by miracles." Fight with no weapon/ said he, 
" save the word of (od ; a holy teacher hath no means save 
the purity of his doctrine/ :i He taught that asceticism 
or abandonment of the world was unnecessary, the pious 
hermit, and the devout householder being equal in the eyes 
of the Almighty ; but he did not, like bis contemporary 
Vnllubh, express any invidious preference for married 
teachers, although his own example showed that he con- 
sidered every one should fulfil the functions of his nature. 4 
In treating the two prominent external observances of 
Hindus and Muhammadans, veneration for the cow and 
abhorrence of the bog, he was equally wise and conciliatory, ('un- 
yielding perhaps something to the prejudices of his educa- ^"^J; 
t ion an well as to the gentleness of his disposition. 'The Muliiim- 
rights of strangers/ HUH! he, 4 are the one the ox, and the I'^huis 
other the swine, but "I*Irs" and "CurCis"" will prnise Hindus. 
those who partake not of that which bath enjoyed life/ 6 

I The Muhammudan writerH are loud in their prniwK of Nannk'H 
writ ingH. (( If . t he A'Sti r id Alutiikfittrin , i . 1 1 (> 1 1 1 , and t he htihwtt'in, 
it. ttAI. 252.) 

With them 1 writer viewH of the OrienlnlH may lie cont ranted the 
opinion of the Kurupwin Huron Uiigel, who ftayH (7Vvuv/*, p. 'JHIJ) 
thai the (Iran th IH ( a eompoimd of myntieal alwurditieH \ lie admits, 
however, thai the Stklm womhip ouo (ofl, alihor iina^eH, and rejeet 
fiiHte, at leant in theory. 

II Hee pnrtleularly H\e M /% chapter of the AtlMtraHth, In the 
Mnj Var portion N'jinuk nuyn to a pretender to miraeleH, ' Dwell thou 
in flame uninjured, remain unharmed amid eternal ice, make hWkn 
of Htone thy food, Kpurn Um Holid eaHh before thee with thy foot, 
weigh the hen Venn in a twin nee, and then link Ihou thnl Nnnuk 
perform wonderK 1 * 

StrauHH (////f ofJtHHM, ii. 2;*7) point H out that ('ItriHt eenmired Ihu 
Keeking for mimcloM (fohn iv. 4S), an<I olmerveH that the apimtteH in 
their lett ew do not mention mimeleH at all. 

Mahuilm, Xkctrh, pp. 20, ttl, KM 

* Adi-(lr<tnth, Ma} ehupter, ( 1 f. Malcolm {^^frA, p. ;j(t r noto, and 
p* 1^7), whero it IH Haid Nanak prohibited Hwimt'ft ilewh ; hut , indeed, 
the fleNh of tltn ttttw h(g had alwayw ht*n forbidden to Hindus 
(Mttnu'H fnHtUutc*, v* UK) The HMMn (it, 24H) KtuteH that Nunuk 


Thus Nannk extricated his followers from the accumu- 
lated errors of A#CH, and enjoined upon them devotion of 
thought and excellence of eonduel us the first of duties. 
his He \?i them, erect and free, unbiassed in mind and un- 
!nniii"!wir. Altered by rules, to become an increasing body of tnitliful 
tiut.liiMn- worshippers. His reform was in its immediate elTeet re- 
fiirmntuui ligious and moral only ; believers were regarded as * Sikhs * 
ii-iJ5mui ly <)r <Hwipl<^ not * l HiibjectH ; and it is neither probable, 
mill mural nor is it necessary to suppose, that he possessed any clear 
v " and Kagaeious views of social amelioration or of political 
N'fuinkHi advancement. He left the progress of his people to the 
operation of lime; for his congregation was too limited, 
S and the slate of society too artificial, to render it, either 
requisite or possible for him lo become a municipal law- 
#iv<% to subvert the legislation of Mmm, or to change the 
immemorial usages of tribes or races. 1 His care was rather 

prohibited wine and pork, and MniHclf attained from all Hcnh : but, 
in truth, contradictory tMuwagO-fl about food may bo quoted, and Ihun 
Ward (Th(\ ///IN/MM, Hi. 4fM) hhowH that, Niimik defended Hume who 
cat flitth, mid declared that* the infant which drew nurture from it** 
molhT lived virt ually tipim flcHh. The atithor of the (tur ft 
purHucH the idea, in a nomewhut trivial manner indeed, )y 
whet lirr man doeH not< take woinun to wife, and whether the 
of Imnkri are not hound with t he Hkiiw of an i main ! 

r l'lie ^'nerul injunelioitH ff Nanuk have HiuneiiineH been mix- 
intiTjireted hy Ht^tarian followers and leanie<l Htrungern, to meun 
4 grrat eharint'HH of animal life 1 , altnoHt in a mere ceremonial m-uHe, 
(WilKon, A. !{<<*., xvii. li.TJ.) Hut tho Siklm have no Hiich feeliiiK* 
although the .laiuu and othern carry a pioun rej^urd for wornm and 
flicH to a ludierouK ( k xtent n praetico wliich hax reacted ujon nt 
leitHt Nome fatnilicH of Komnn Catholic ChriHtinnH in India. Tlumi- in 
Hhopil! reject, during Ix'iit, the UHe of unrefine<l Hii^ir, an article of 
daily (*(>nHumption iMieaiiHe, in UH manufacture, tlutlivrH of many 
hiHcctH are. neeenwrtHIy Hacriliccd 1 | It in euriouH t hat the (Jreekh and 
ItnmaiiH l*lieved tho life of the ox to have l>eeti held HHcred <ltirin^ 
the gulden age ; and Cicero quotes Aratuw, to Hliow that it WIIH only 
durhttf the iron ngr the tlwh of oat tic IK^HU t< lx en ten, (On tin 
Mttitrroft/ir Uml*, I'Vanckim^H traiiHlation, p, IM.) ,1. !>.<',) 

1 Malcolm (.V/r/c// t pp. 44, 117) Hayn Nannk made little or no nltcm- 
t ion in thtu'ivilinHtHultonHofthc !UmluN t and VVani(?'A/ tthi<ltnt*, 
iii, 4U.H) HuyH, the Sikhri have nr> written civil rr criminal IIIWH. Hi mi- 
Irtr olwervfttioim of dinpruiHe or afjjilauHe might Ui made with reganl 
to Uw ifociti of tho early ( 'hrint JIUIH, and wo know tho difticulticH mtfUtr 
whioh the apo*th*n laboured, owing to tho want of a now declaratory 
law, or awing to tho MorupluB and projiuheou of their dwcipIeH, (AcU 


to prevent his followers contracting into a sect, and his l460-w:w. 
coinprohoasive principles narrowing into monastic distinc- 
tions. This he effected by excluding his son, a meditative Ht guard - 
ami perhaps bigoted ascetic, from the ministry when lie th^ lu " st 
should himself be no more; and, as his end approached, nun-owing 
he is stated to have made a trial of the obedience or merits " ltu a Ht ' cf ' 
of his chosen disciples, and to have preferred the simple 
and sincere Lahna. As they journeyed along, the body of 
n man -was seen lying by the wayside. Niinak said, ' Ye 
who trust in me, eat of this food.' All hesitated save Lahna ; 
he knelt and uncovered the dead, and touched without 
fust ing the flesh of man; but, behold! the corpse had 
disappeared and Niinak was in its place. The Guru em- 
hrnml his faithful follower, saying he was as himself, and 
that his spirit would dwell within him. 1 The name of Nanuk cl '- 
Luhna was changed to Angi-Khud, or Angacl, or own body, 2 AnJJall * 
and whatever may be the foundation of the story or the 
fnilh of the etymology, it is certain that the Sikhs fully 
bcliove the spirit of Niinak to have been incarnate in each "*" 
succeeding Gurn. n An gad was acknowledged as the teacher 

xv, !20, 28, 20, and other pnHHagOH.) The. wevcnth of tho article* of 
the Church of England, and tho nineteenth chapter of tho Hcottiflh 
Omft'HHiniiuf Faith, Hhow the* ox ml ing porploxity of modern divhicH, 
anil, douhtleKH, it. will long continue to }>e disputed how far ChriniianH 
arc amenable to Homo portioiiH of the, Jewish law, and whether tiikha 
nhould wholly reject the infltitutioim of Mfinu and Uio UHiigcw of race. 
There* were <ludni/intf Clinntiana and there are BrFihmanmng HikhB ; 
the Hwino WUH a difticulty with one, the eow IB a dillieulty with the 
other ; and ye1 the great-eni obntacU% perhapH, to a complete* ohlitera- 
tion of <'aHt<s in the rooted feeling that marnageo tthould properly 
tnk(* pliico only between )>eoplc of the mime origin or nation, without 
mtieh referenee to faith. (C'f. Ward on Th<> ///V/r/orw,iii.4. r )l) ; Malcolm, 
HMchi p. 157 noio ; and Korotcr'n Tfriw/. i. 2(K), 1)5, .'M)H,) 

1 ThiHHtory IH related hy vnrioiiH Punjab! coni]alcrH, and it ifi given 
with ono of the vnriationH hy Or, Mncgrcgor, in hin Ilwtory of the 
#;*//* (i . 4K). In t ho DabiHtnn (ii. liOH, 209) there in a story of a Himilar 
kind about tlw HueceHHive wacriflt^ct in thit four age** of a cow, a horse, 
an elephant, and a man* The piou partakora of tho flosh of tho lant 
offering were d(H'lared to bo waved, and the victim himself again 
appeared in hid bodily nhafw. 

(if, Malcolm, Kfcetrh of the Mkh, p. 24 note. [Angad, howover, 
it* nn old JHndu namo, and tho ambatmador of Hftma to Ha van was 
no called. (Kennedy, /tar, Hind. MythoL> p. 438. }-J, D. C.] 

ThiB belief is an article of faith with tho Bikh*. Of. the Dalist&n 


I4fin-Lm of the Sikhs, and Sri Chanel, the son of Nanak, justified his 
father's fears, and became the founder of the Hindu sect 
of c Udasis \ a community indifferent to Ihe eoneerns of 
this world. 1 

(ii. 253, 281). The Guru Hur Ciohind fligneil hiniHrif ' Niiimk ' in it 
letter to Mulmin Film, the author of that work. 

1 For flomo aooount of tho UdaaiH, wee Wilwoii, Awutir Itomttrrlir - f 
xvii. 232. Tho fleet is widely diiTiiHcd; itfl in em horn an- proud <if 
their connexion with tho SikiiH, and nil rovereiu-f k , nnd most IMWWM 
and UHO, tlu* (Jntnt/t of Nairn k. 

NOTE. For many Htoriea regarding Nilnak himwlf, which it htiH 
not hoen thought ncresHary to introduce into tho toxt fir HO(*H, th*' 
eurious reader may ivfor with profit to Mnleolm'H A'Xv/r//, f Ihe 
second volume, of tho DuhiMtttn, and to the th-xt v(Iume of l>r. Ma-- 
gri*fcor*H roennily piililhihed 





Guru Angad Guru Amar Das and the Udasi Sect Guru Earn Das 
Guru Arjun Tho First Granth and Civil Organization of the 
Sikhs Guru Har Gobind and the Military Ordering of the Sikhs 
Guru Har Rai Guru Har Kishan Guru Tegh Bahadur 
Guru Gobind, and tho Political Establishment of the Sikhs 
Banda Bairagi the Temporal Successor of Gobind The Dis- 
persion of the Sikhs, 

NANAK died in 1539, and he was succeeded by the Angad 
of his choice, a Kshaltriya of the Tihan subdivision of the 
race, who himself died in 1552, at Kadur, near Goi'ndwal, 
on the Beas river. Little is related of his ministry, except 
that he committed to writing much of what he had heard 
about Nanak from the Guru's ancient companion, Bala 
Sindhu, as well as some devotional observations of his own, 
which were afterwards incorporated in the Granth. But 
Angad was true to the principles of his great teacher, and, 
not deeming either of his own sons worthy to succeed him, 
he bestowed his apostolic blessing upon Amar Das, an 
assiduous follower. 1 

Amar Das was likewise a Kshattriya, but of the Bhalla 
subdivision. He was active in preaching, and successful in 
obtaining converts, and it is said that lie found an attentive 
listener in the tolerant Akbar. The immediate followers of 

1 Angad was born, according to most accounts, in 1501 Sarabat, or 
A. D, 1504, but according to others in 1567 (or A. D. 1510). His death 
is usually placed in 1609 Sambab (A. J>. 1552), but sometimes it is 
dated a year earlier, and tho Sikh accounts affect a precision as to 
days and months which can never gain credence. Forstor (Travels, 
i. 290) gives 1542, perhaps a misprint for 1552, as the period 



Angad up- 
holds the 
of Nfxnak. 


Amar Das 


Sri Chanel, the son of Nfuwk, hud hitherto been regarded 
us almost equally the disciples of the first teacher with the 
f ^ rc '* a <hVrents of Angnrl ; but Amur Das declared passive 
from tiu an( l recluse * Udasis * to be wholly separate from act ive and 
domestic * Sikhs \ and thus finally preserved the infant 
church or state from disappearing as one of many sects. 1 
In the spirit of Nanak he likewise pronounced that the 

* truc Sat! was slic wliom 8 rief an( l not fl ttm <* consumed, 
to* Hati'. and that the afflicted should seek consolation with the 
Di's ir>r4. Lord ' ; thus mildly discountenancing a perverse custom, 
and leading the way to amendment by persuasion rather 
than by positive enactment. 2 Amur Dan died in 1574, after 
a ministration of about twenty-two years and a haliV* lie 
had a sou and a daughter, and it is said that his delight 
with the uniform filial love and obedience of the latter 1<><1 
him to prefer her husband before other disciples, and to 
bestow upon him his ft Harkiit ' or apostolic, virtue. The 
fond mother, or ambitious woman, is further stated to have 
obtained an assurance from the CJurfl that the HueecKMon 
should remain with her posterity. 

"u"mlB H Kiim I)riH ' tll wm "' n-liw of Amnr l)Ii t was a Kshutt riyu 
HJU! ' '* ' " of ine 8"lhl subdi vision, and he was worthy of hfo master's 
choice and of his wife's affection. He is said to have been 
hel<l in <'Ht(*em by Akbar, and to have received from hint 
n piece of land, within the limits of which he dug a reservoir, 
since well known as AinritHiir* or the pool of immortality i 
but the temples and HitrnmiHling huts were at first named 

1 Malrolm (>Vtor//, p. 27) Hays cliHtinctly that Amnr Dan nmtli* thU 
Hoparalion. Tho Duhixtitn (ii. i>71) Htutow g<in*ritlly thai Ik- (Jun'm 
luul olTtKJtfld it, and in the pntnunt day Home* c<lui*atfHi SikitH think 
that Arjun flnt authrirltativHly lai<I down tiro diffcnwc lN*tuii*ti uti 
ITdnHi and a gonuino follower of Niittak, 

a Th AAMlmMt in that jmrt M the HM rhnyiter which IH I> 
Arnar Diw. Fmwtor (7Vwto f i, J10JO conmdrrH that Nfumk pr 
Suf I, mid all(WMi WJ<!OWH to wmrry ; but Niumk did iu>< mukc 
lawn of thn kind, nntl jMThajm wilf-nacriiuM* wiw mt 
Intivfrnid with until Unit, Akbur and Mmw\r(Al*. 
]}. 28) mid lifter wiw IH t!m Iftitflinh, i*ndeiw<iun*d t put nn inil t< i, 

Tho wwmntH rrn UH to tho dalo of Amur I)&H*K liirth, 
piiw-mK it in IfiOH Nninhtti, or A, n. ir>()0, Thi* j*riod of druth, 
i,'U Hamluit, or A, in 1574, worn* Uk<'wiw n*rtniu v nitli<ih IIM< 
f>Iuc<0 it OH latu JIM A, i), IAKO, 


Ramdaspur, from the founder. 1 Ram Das is among the I574r-81, 

most revered of the Gurus, but no precepts of wide applica- 

tion, or rules of great practical value or force, arc attributed 
to him. His own ministry did not extend beyond seven 
years, and the slow progress of the faith of Nanak seems 
apparent from the statement that at the end of forty-two Dies 158] 
years his successor had not more than double that number 
of disciples or instructed followers. 2 

Arjun succeeded his father in 1581, and the wishes of Arjunsuc 
his mother, the daughter of Amar Das, were thus accom- Jafrly 8 1 
plished. 3 Arjun was perhaps the first who clearly under- grasps th 
stood the wide import of the teachings of Nanak, or who 
perceived how applicable they were to every state of life 
and to every condition of society. He made Amritsar the Makes 
proper seat of his followers, the centre which should attract ^"HO! 
their worldly longings for a material bond of union ; and City * of 
the obscure hamlet, with its little pool, has become a popu- thc ' Slkhs 
lous city and thc great place of pilgrimage of the Sikh 
people. 4 Arjun next arranged the various writings of his 

1 Malcolm, Sketch, p. 29 ; Forster, Travels, i. 297 ; the Dabistan, 
ii. 275. The Sikh accounts state that the possession of Akhar's gift 
was disputed by a Bairagi, who claimed the land as thc silo of an 
ancient pool dedicated to Ram Chandra, thc tutelary deity of his 
order ; but the Sikh Guru said haughtily he was himself the truer 
representative of the hero. The Bairagi could produce no proof ; 
but Ram Das dug deep into the earth, and displayed to numerous 
admirers the ancient steps of the domi-god's reservoir > 

2 Such seems to bo the meaning of the expression, ^Ho held holy 
converse with eighty-four Sikhs,' used by Bhai Kanh Singh in a 
manuscript compilation of the beginning of this century. 

Ram Das's birth is placed in 1581 Sambat, or A. D. 1524, his marriage 
in A. D. 1542, thc founding of Amritsar in A. D. 1577, and his death 
in A. D. 1581. 

3 It seems doubtful whether Ram Das had two or three sons, 
Pirthi Chand (or Bharut Mai or Dhi Mai), Arjun, and Mahadev, and 
also whether Arjun was older or younger than Pirthi Chand. It is 
more certain, however, that Pirthi Chand claimed the succession on 
the death of his brother, if not on the death of his father, and he was 
also indeed accused of endeavouring to poison Arjun. (Cf. Malcolm, 
Sketch, p. 30, and the Dabistan, ii. 273.) The descendants of Pirthi 
Chand are still to be found in the neighbourhood of the Sutlej, espe- 
cially at Kot Har Sahai, south of Ferozopore. 

4 The ordinary Sikh accounts represent Arjun to have taken up 
his residence at Amritsar ; but he lived for some time at least at 



predecessors ; x he added to them the best known, or the 
Compiles most suitable, compositions of some other religious ro- 
the Adir formers of the few preceding centuries, and completing the 
whole with a prayer and some exhortations of his own, he 
declared the compilation to be pre-eminently the ' GrantJt ' 
or Book ; and he gave to his followers their fixed rule of 
religious and moral conduct, with an assurance that multi- 
tudes even of divine Brahmans had wearied themselves 
with reading the Vedas, and had found not the value of an 
Reduces oil-seed within them. 3 The Guru next reduced to a system- 
SfermgsTo a * lc tax ** ie customary offerings of his converts or adherents, 
asystema- who, under his ascendancy, were to be found in every city 
anf l province. The Sikhs were bound by social usage, and 
disposed from reverential feelings, to make such presents 
to their spiritual guide ; but the agents of Arjiin were 
spread over the country to demand and receive the contri- 
butions of the faithful, which they proceeded to deliver to 
the Guru in person at an annual assembly. Thus the Sikhs, 
says the almost contemporary Muhsin Fani, became ac- 
customed to a regular government. 3 Nor was Arjfin hecrl- 
* ess ^ otner means of acquiring wealth and influence ; he 
dispatched his followers into foreign countries to be 'as keen 
in traffic as they were zealous in belief, and it is probable 
that his transactions as a merchant were extensive, although 
confined to the purchase of horses in Turkestan. 4 

Arjiin became famous among pious devotees, and his 
biographers* dwell on the number of saints and holy mon 
who were edified by his instructions. Nor was he unheeded 

Taran Taran, which lies between that city and the junction of tho 
Boas and Sutloj. (Cf. tho Dabistan, ii. 275.) 

1 Malcolm, Sketch, p. 30. General tradition and most writers attri- 
bute tho arrangement of tho First Granth to Arjfin ; but Angad I'M 
understood to have preserved many observations of Nilnak, and 
Forstor (Travels, i. 297) states that Ram Das compiled tho historic* 
and precepts of his predecessors, and annexed a commentary to thn 
work, The same author, indeed (Travels, i. 290 note), also* contra- 
dictorily assigns tho compilation to Angad. 

2 Adi'tfranth, in that portion of tho SuU chapter written by Arjfin. 
For some account of tho Adi, or First Oranth, fleo Appendix T. 

3 The Datostan, ii. 270, &c. Cf. Malcolm, 8Mck, p. 90. 

4 Tho ordinary >Sikh accounts are to this effect. Cf . tho Ztoftfrffin, 
ii. 271. 


by those in high station, for he is said to have refused to 1581-1606 

betroth his son to the daughter of Chandu Shah, the finance 771 ~ 

administrator of the Lahore province ; * and he further yokes the " 
appears to have been sought as a political partisan, and to S? m ^. o( 
have offered up prayers for Khusru, the son of Jahangir, shah. U 
when in rebellion and in-temporary possession of the Punjab. Becomes a 
The Guru was summoned to the emperor's presence, and P a ? tisanof 
fined and imprisoned at the instigation chiefly, it is said, Khusru iu 
of Chandu Shah', whose alliance he had rejected, and who rebellion. 
represented him as a man of a dangerous ambition. 3 Arjun Impriaoii- 
dicd in 1606, and his death is believed to have been hastened Seafch^ 
by the rigours of his confinement ; but his followers piously Arjun, 
assert that, having obtained leave to bathe in the river 160(3< 
Ravi, he vanished in the shallow stream, to the fear and 
wonder of those guarding him. 3 

1 Cf . forator, Travels, i. 298. The Sikh accounts represent thai the 
son of Arjun was mentioned to Chandu as a suitable match for his 
daughter, and that Chandu slightingly objected, saying, Arjun, 
although a man of name and wealth, was still a beggar, or one who 
received alms. This was reported to Arjun ; ho resented tho taunt, 
and would not bo reconciled to tho match, notwithstanding the per- 
sonal endeavours of Chandu to appease him and bring about tho 

SIM is a corrupted suffix to names, extensively adopted in India. 
It is a Persian word signifying a king, but applied to Muhammadan 
Ifaklra as Maharaja is used by or towards Hindu devotees, It is also 
used to denote a principal merchant, or as a corruption of Sahu or 
Sahukar, and it is further used as a name or title, as a % corruption of 
jSah or Sahai. Tho Gond converts to Muhammadamsm on the 
jtSFarbada all add tho word Khali to their names. 

2 Dabiatan, ii. 272, 273. Tho Sikh accounts correspond sufficiently 
as to tho fact of tho Guru's arraignment, while they are silent about 
his treason. They declare tho emperor to have boon satisfied of his 
sanctity and innocence (generally), and attribute his continued 
imprisonment to Chandu's malignity and disobedience of orders. 
(Cf. Malcolm, Sketch, p. 32.) Muhsin ITani also states that a Muham- 
xuadan saint of Thanesar was banished by Jahangir for aiding 
Khusru with his prayers. (DMstwi, ii. 273. ) The emperor himself 
yiinply slates (M&noirs, p. 88) that at Lahore he impaled seven 
Hundred of tho rebels , and on his way to that city he appears (Memo it s t 
p. 81) to have bestowed a present on Shaikh Nizam of Thanesar ; but 
lie may have subsequently become aware of his hostility. 

3 Cf . Malcolm, Sketch, p. 33 ; tho Daliulan, ii. 272-3 ; and Forster, 
Tiavclu, 1.208, 

A. D. 1553 sooms the most probable date of Arjun'u birth, although 


1581-1606. During the ministry of Arjun the principles of Nanak 

Diffusion ol ^ oolc a ** rm ll0 ^ on *k e m " 1( ^ s f his followers, 1 and a disciple 
Sikhism. named Gur Das gives a lofty and imaginative view of the 
The writ- mission of that teacher. He regards him as the successor 
Our Das * Vyasa and Muhammad, and as the destined restorer of 
Bhulleh. purity and sanctity ; the regenerator of a world afflicted 
with the increasing wickedness of men, and with the savage 
contentions of numerous sects. He declaims against the 
bigotry of the Muhammadans and their ready resort to 
violence ; he denounces the asceticism of the Hindus, and 
he urges all men to abandon their evil ways, to live peace- 
fully and virtuously, and to call upon the name of the one 
true God to whom Nanak had borne witness. Arjun is 
commonly said to have refused to give these writings of 
his stern but fervid disciple a place in the Granth, perhaps 
as unsuited to the tenor of Nanak's exhortations, which 
scarcely condemn or threaten others. The writings of Gur 
Das are, indeed, rather figurative descriptions of actual 
affairs than simple hymns in praise of God; but they 
deserve attention as expounding Nanak's object of a 
gradual fusion of Muhammadans and .Hindus into common 
The con- observers of a new and a better creed, and as an almost 
captious or contemporary instance of the conversion of the noble but 
come tho" obscure idea of an individual into the active principle of 
moving im- a multitude, and of the gradual investiture of a simple fact 
I>eoi3e * wiLn tnc gorgeous mythism of memory and imagination. 
The unpretending Nanak, the deplorer of human frailty 
n d tuc lovcr f his fellow men, becomes, in the mind of 
narrative. Gur Das and of the Sikh people, the first of heavenly 
powers and emanations, and the proclaimed instrument of 
God for the redemption of the world ; and every hope and 
feeling of the Indian races is appealed to in proof or in 
illustration of the reality and the splendour of his mission. a 

one account places it as late as A. D. 1565. Similarly 16(33 Sanibat, or 
1015 Hijri, or A. D, 1600, seems the most certain date of his death. 

1 Muhsm -tfani observes (DaUxtau, ii. 270) that in the time of 
Arjun Sikhs were to be found everywhere throughout the country. 

a The work of JBhai Gur Das Bhulleh, aimply known as such, or at* 
the Gyan JLlatnavall (Malcolm, Sketch, p. 30; note), is much read by 
the SikliB. It consists of forty chapters, and ia written in different 
kinds of verso. Some extracts may bo seen in Appendix XIX, and 


On the death of Arjun, his brother Pirthi Chand made 160&-45. 
some attempts to be recognized as Guru, for the only son HarGobind 
of the deceased teacher was young, and ecclesiastical usage becomes 
has everywhere admitted a latitude of succession. But S^Srouted 
some suspicion of treachery towards Arjun appears to have succession. 
attached to him, and his nephew soon became the acknow- 
ledged leader of the Sikhs, although Pirthi Chand himself 
continued to retain a few followers, and thus sowed the 
first fertile seeds of dissent, or elements of dispute or of 
change, which ever increase with the growth of a sect or 
a system. 1 Har Gobind was not, perhaps, more than eleven 
years of age at his father's death, but he was moved by 
his followers to resent the enmity of Chandu Shah, and he 
is represented either to have procured his condemnation by chandu 
the emperor, or to have slain him by open force without Shah slain 
reference to authority. 3 Whatever may be the truth about death. 
the death of Chandu and the first years of Har Gobind's HarGobind 
ministry, it is certain that, in a short time, he became jgj^ the d 
a military leader as well as a spiritual teacher. Nanak had becomes a 
sanctioned or enjoined secular occupations, Arjun carried 
the injunction into practice, and the impulse thus given 
speedily extended and became general. The temper and 
the circumstances of Har Gobind both prompted him to 

in Malcolm, Sketch, p. 152, &c, Gur Das was the scribe of Arjun, but 
his pride and haughtiness are said to have displeased his master, and 
his compositions were refused a place in the sacred book. Time and 
reflection and the Sikhs add a miracle made him sensible of his 
failings and inferiority, and Arjun perceiving his contrition, said he 
would include his writings in the Granth. But the final meekness of 
Gur Das was such, that he himself declared them to be unworthy of 
such association ; whereupon Arjun enjoined that all Sikhs should 
nevertheless read thorn. He describes Arjun (Malcolm, Sketch, p. 30, 
note) to have become Guru without any formal investiture or con- 
secration by his father, which may further mark the commanding 
character of that teacher. 

Malcolm (Sketch, p. 32) appears to confound Chandu Shah (or 
Dhani Chand) with GUT Das. 

1 Malcolm, Sketch, p. 30, and Dabiatan, ii. 273. These sectaries 
were called Mina, a term commonly used in the Punjab, and which is 
expressive of contempt or opprobrium, as stated by Muhsin Pani. 
Tho proneness to sectarianism among the first Christians was noticed 
and deprecated by Paul (1 Cor. i. 10-13). 

2 Cf . Forstor, Travels, i. 298. 


1606-45. innovation ; he had his father's death to move his feelings, 
and in surpassing the example of his parent, even the 
jealous dogma of the Hindu law, which allows the most 
lowly to arm in self-defence, may not have been without 
its influence on a mind acquainted with the precepts of 
Manu. 1 Arjun trafficked as a. merchant, and played his 
part as a priest in affairs of policy ; but Har Gobind 
grasped a sword, and marched with his devoted followers 
among the troops of the empire, or boldly led them to 
oppose and overcome provincial governors or personal 
Thegra- enemies. Nanak had himself abstained from animal food, 
dual modi- an fa G prudent Arjun endeavoured to add to his saintly 
Si C khism merit or influence by a similar moderation ; but the ad- 
venturous Har Gobind became a hunter and an eater of 
flesh, and his disciples imitated him in these robust prac- 
tices. 2 The genial disposition of the martial apostle led 
him to rejoice in the companionship of a camp, in the 
dangers of war, and in the excitements of the chase, nor is 
it improbable that the policy of a temporal chief mingled 
with the feelings of an injured son and with the duties of 
a religious guide, so as to shape his acts to the ends of his 
ambition, although that may not have aimed at more than 
a partial independence under the mild supremacy of the 
son of Akbar. Har Gobind appears to Lave admitted 
criminals and fugitives among his followers, and where a 
principle of antagonism had already arisen, they may Lave 
served him zealously without greatly reforming the practice 
of their lives ; and, indeed, they are stated to have believed 
that the faithful Sikh would pass unquestioned into heaven. 3 
He had a stable of eight hundred horses ; three hundred 
mounted followers were constantly in attendance upon him, 
and a guard of sixty matchlock-men secured the safety of 
his person, had he ever feared or thought of assassination. 4 
The impulse which he gave to the Siklis was such as to 

1 For tliia last supposition, sec Malcolm, tikdch, pp. 11,1 SO. There 
is perhaps some slraining alter nicety of reason in the notion, as 
Mamz's in junction had long become obsolete in such matters, espe- 
cially under the Muhaniinuxlan supremacy. 

3 The Dabwtftn, ii. 248, and Mulcolm, tf/S-cfo-A, p. 3(>. 

8 The Dubwtan, ii. 281, 280. * The DabiMn t ii. 277. 


separate them a long way from all Hindu sects, and after 1606-45. 
the time of Har Gobind the 6 disciples ' were in little danger 
of relapsing into the limited merit or utility of monks 

and mendicants. 1 ration or 

Har Gobind became a follower of the Emperor Jahangir, fro'mHuulu 
and to the end of his life his conduct partook as much of dissenters. 
the military adventurer as of the enthusiastic zealot. He ?5 TGol ? nd 
accompanied the imperial camp to Kashmir, and he is at thedis- 
one time represented as in holy colloquy with the religious 
guide of the Mughal, and at another as involved in diffi- 
culties with the emperor about retaining for himself that 
money which he should have disbursed to his troops. He 
had, too, a multitude of followers, and his passion for the 
chase, and fancied independence as a teacher of men, may 
have led him to offend against the sylvan laws of the court. 
The emperor was displeased, the fine imposed on Arjun had 
never been paid, and Har Gobind was placed as a prisoner is im- 
on scanty food in the fort of Gwalior. But the faithful P ri s n d > 
Sikhs continued to revere the mysterious virtues or the real 
merits of their leader. They flocked to Gwalior, and bowed 
themselves before the walls which restrained their perse- 
cuted Guru, till at last the prince, moved, perhaps, as much and re- 
by superstition as by pity, released him from confinement. 2 lease(i - 

On the death of Jahangir in 1628, Har Gobind continued JaMngir 
in the employ of the Muhammadan Government, but he dies 1628, 
appears soon to have been led into a course of armed resist- Gobind cm- 
ance to the imperial officers in the Punjab. A disciple &% sl * 
brought some valuable horses from Turkestan ; they were fare. 
seized, as was said, for the emperor, and one was con- 
ferred as a gift on the Kaz! or Judge of Lahore. The Guru 

1 See Appendix IX. 

3 Cf. the Ddbwtan, n. 273, 274, and Forater, Travels, i. 298, 299. 
But tho journey to Kashmir, and the controversy with Muhammadan 
saints or Mullas, are given on the authority of the native chronicles. 
Muhsin Fani represents Har Gobind to have been imprisoned for 
twelve years, and Forster attributes Ma release to the intervention 
of a Muhammadan leader, who had originally induced him to submit 
to the emperor. 

Tho Emperor Jahanglr, in his Memoirs, gives more than one 
instance of his credulity and superstitious reverence for reputed 
saints and magicians. See particularly his Mcmoiis, p. 129, &c.> 
where his visit to a worker of wonders is narrated. 


1606-45. recovered this one animal by pretending to purchase it ; the 
judge was deceived, and his anger was further roused by the 
abduction of, the Sikhs say his daughter, the Muhammadans 
his favourite concubine, who had become enamoured of the 
Guru. Other things may have rendered Har Gobind ob- 
noxious, and it was resolved to seize him. and to disperse 
his followers. He was assailed by one Mukhlis Khan, but 
he defeated the imperial troops near Amritsar, fighting, it 
is idly said a with five thousand men against seven thousand. 
Afterwards a Sikh, a converted robber, stole two of the 
emperor's prime horses from Lahore, and the Guru was 
again attacked by the provincial levies, but the detachment 
Har Gobmd was routed and its leaders slain. Har Gobind now deemed 
the^wastes it: P ru <* ent to retire for a time to the wastes of Bhatinda, 
of Hanana. south of the Sutlej, where it might be useless or dangerous 
to follow him ; but he watched his opportunity and 
Returns to speedily returned to the Punjab, only, however, to become 
uaja . enga g ed in fregn con tentions. The mother of one Painda 
Khan, who had subsequently risen to some local eminence, 
had been the nurse of Har Gobind, and the Guru had ever 
been liberal to his foster brother. Painda Khan was moved 
to keep to himself a valuable hawk, belonging to the Guru's 
eldest son, which had flown to his house by chance : he 
was taxed with the detention of the bird ; he equivocated 
before the Guru, and became soon after his avowed enemy, 
The presence of Har Gobind seems ever to have raised 
a commotion, and Painda Khan was fixed upon as a suitable 
Slays m leader to coerce him. He was attacked ; but the warlike 
Pamd 116 a P osLle s * ew the friend of his youth with his own hand, and 
Khan, his proved again a victor. In this action a soldier rushed 
fnend. furiously upon the Guru ; but he warded the blow and 
laid the man dead at his feet, exclaiming, ' Not so, but thus, 
is the sword used ' ; an observation from which the author 
of the Dabistdn draws the inference ' that Har Gobind 
struck not in anger, but deliberately and to give instruction ; 
for the function of a Guru is to teach V 

1 See the Dabistan, ii. 275 ; but native accounts, Sikh and Muham- 
madan, have boon mainly followed in narrating the sequence of events. 
Compare, however, tho DafasUm, ii. 28J-, for tho seizure of horses 
belonging to 'a disciple of tho Guru. 


Har Gobind appears to have had other difficulties and 1606-45. 
adventures of a similar kind, and occasionally to have been 
reduced to great straits ; but the Sikhs always rallied 
round him, his religious reputation increased daily s and 
immediately before his death he was visited by a famous 
saint of the ancient Persian faith. 1 He died in peace in Death of 
1645, at Kiratpur on the Sutlej, a place bestowed upon him ^! 1645. ld 
by the hill chief of Kahlur, and the veneration of his 
followers took the terrible form of self-sacrifice. A Rajput g c if- 
convert threw himself amid the flames of the funeral pyre, sacrifice of 
and walked several paces till he died at the feet of his onmspyre. 
master. A Jat disciple did the same, and others, wrought 
upon by these examples, were ready to follow, when Har 
Rai, the succeeding Guru, interfered and forbade them. 2 

During the ministry of Har Gobind, the Sikhs increased ^body 
greatly in numbers, and the fiscal policy of Arjun, and the f onus a 
armed system of his son, had already formed them into separate 
a kind of separate state within the empire. The Guru was, ^nt with- 
pcrhaps, not unconscious of his latent influence, when he in the 
played with the credulity or rebuked the vanity of his ^P 116 - 
Muhammadan friend. ' A Raja of the north ', said he, * has Some anec- 
seut an ambassador to ask about a place called Delhi, and ^Go- 
the name and parentage of its Icing. I was astonished that bind, 
he had not heard of the commander of the faithful, the lord 
of the ascendant, Jahangir.' 3 But during his busy life he 

i TheDa&wflw,ii. 280. 

3 This is related on the authority of ike Dcibistdn,ii. 280, 281. Har 
Gobind' s death is also given agreeably to the text of the Dabistau as 
having occurred on the 3rd Mohurrum, 1055 Hijri, or on the 19th Feb. , 
A. D. 1645. Malcolm, tiketcJi, p. 37, and Forster, Travels, i. 299, give 
A. D. 1644 as the exact or probable date, obviously from regarding 
1701 Sambat (which Malcolm also quotes) as identical throughout, 
instead of for about the first nine months only, with A, D. 1644, an 
error which may similarly apply to several conversions of dates in 
this history. The manuscript accounts consulted place the Guru's 
death variously in A. D. 1637, 1638, and 1639 ; but they lean to tfie 
middle term. All, however, must be too early, as Muhsin Fani 
(u6wfAn,ii.281) says he saw Har Gobindin A. D. 1643. Ear Gobind's 
birth is placed by the native accounts in the early part of 1652 Sambat, 
corresponding with the middle of A. D, 1595. 

3 See the Ddbis&M, ii. 276, 277. The friend being Muhsin Fam 
himself. The story perhaps shows that the Sikh truly considered 
the Muhammadan to be a gossiping and somewhat credulous person. 


1606-45. never forgot his genuine character and always styled him- 
self 6 Nanak ', in deference to the firm belief of the Sikhs, 
that the soul of their great teacher animated each of his 
successors. 1 So far as Har Gobind knew or thought of 

Hisphilo- philosophy as a science, he fell into the prevailing views of 

the P eriod : God he said > is one > and the world is an 
illusion, an appearance without a reality ; or he would 

adopt the more Pantheistic notion, and regard the universe 
as composing the one Being. But such reflections did not 
occupy his mind or engage his heart, and the rebuke of 
a Brahman that if the world \yas the same as God, he, the 
Guru, was one with the ass grazing hard by, provoked a 
laugh only from the tolerant Har Gobind. 3 That he thought 
conscience and understanding our only divine guides, may 
probably be inferred from his reply to one who declared 
the marriage of a brother with a sister to be forbidden by 
the Almighty. Had God prohibited it, said he, it would bo 
impossible for man to accomplish it. 3 His contempt Tor 
idolatry, and his occasional wide departure from the mild 
and conciliatory ways of Nanak, may be judged from the 
following anecdote : One of his followers smote the nose 
oil an image ; the several neighbouring chiefs complained 
to the Guru, who summoned the Sikh to his presence ; the 
culprit denied the act, but said ironically, that if the god 
bore witness against him, he would die willingly. * Oh, 
fool ! said the Rajas, ' how should the god speak ? ' 'It 
is plain ', answered the Sikh, ' who is the fool ; if the god 
cannot save his own head, how will he avail you ? ' 4 
HarRai Gurdit, the eldest son of Har Gobind, had acquired 
a high re P utation * bu * h e died ber *o hi father, leaving 

The dates would rather point to Shah Julian as the emperor alluded 
to than Jahangir, as given parenthetically in tho translated text* of 
the Dalistan, Jahangir died in A, D. 1028, and Muhsin Fam's acquain- 
tance with Har Grobind appears not tojhavo taken place till towards 
tho last years of the Guru's life, or till after A. D. 1(140. 
1 Of. the Dttbistan, ii. 281. a Of. tho Vauistan, n. 277, 279, 280. 

3 The JDMstan, ii. 280. [Cicero seems to have almost aw high an 
opinion of tho Junctions .ol conscience, It points out to us, ho says, 
without Divmo assistance, the difference between virtue and vico. 
(Nature of the Gods, Francldin's translation, p, 21^) J. D. 0.] 

4 The Dabistan, ii. 27(5. 


two sons, one of whom succeeded to the apostleship. 1 Har 1645-61. 
Rai, the new Guru, remained at Kiratpur for a time, until 
the march of troops to reduce the Kahlur Raja to obedience 
induced him to remove eastward into the district of Sarmor. 2 
There he also remained in peace until he was induced, in 
1658-9, to take part, of a nature not distinctly laid down, Becomes a 
with Dara Shikoh, in the struggle between him and his 
brothers for the empire of India. Dara failed, his adherents 
became rebels, and Har Rai had to surrender his elder son 
as a hostage. The youth was treated with distinction and 
soon released, and the. favour of the politic Aurangzeb is 
believed to have roused the jealousy of the father. 5 But 
the end of Har Rai was at hand, and he died at Kiratpur in Dies A.D. 
the year 1661. 4 His ministry was mild, yet such as won 1661 ' 

1 For some allusions to Gurdit or Gurditta, see the Dabistan, ii.281, 
282. His memory is yet fondly preserved, and many anecdotes are 
current of his personal strength and dexterity. His tomb is at 
Kiratpur, on the Sutloj, and it has now become a place of pilgrimage. 
In connexion with his death, a story is told, which at least serves to 
mark tho aversion of the Sikh teachers to claim the obedience of the 
multitude by an assumption of miraculous powers a Gurditta had 
raised a slaughtered cow to life, on the prayer, some say, of a poor 
man the owner, and his father was displeased that he should so en- 
deavour to glorify himself. 'Gurditta said that as a life was required 
by God, and as he had withheld one, ho would yield his own ; where- 
upon he lay down and gave up his spirit. A similar story is told of 
Atal Rai, the youngest son of Har Gobind, who had raised the child 
of a sorrowing widow to life. His father reproved him, saying, 
Gurus should display their powers in purity of doctrine and holiness 
of living. Tho youth, or child as some say, replied as Gurditta had 
done, and died. His tomb ia in Amritsa'r, and is likewise a place 
deemed sacred. 

Gurditta's younger son was named Dhirmal, and his descendants 
are still to be found at Kartarpur, in the Jullundur Doab. 

a See the Dabistan, ii. 282. The place meant seems to be Taksal or 
Tangsal, near the present British station of Kasauli to the northward 
of Ambala. ' 

Tho important work of Muhsin Fani brings down tho history of the 
Sikhs to this point only. 

3 The GKiru's leaning towards Dara is given 'on tho authority^of 
native accounts only, but it is highly probable in itself, considering 
Dara's personal character and religious principles. 

4 The authorities mostly agree as to the date of Har Rai's death, 
but ono>ccouiit pi aces it in A, D. 1 fif.2. Tho Guru's birth is differently 
placed in 1028 and 1029. 


1061-74. for him general respect ; and many of the 6 Bhais ', or 
brethren, the descendants of the chosen companions of a 
Guru, trace their descent to one disciple or other distin- 
guished by Har Rai. 1 Some sects also of Sikhs, who affect 
more than ordinary precision, had their origin during the 
peaceful supremacy of this Guru, 2 

Har Ki- Har Rai left two sons, Ram Rai, about fifteen, and Har 

cpe<L SUC ~ KiBhan, about six years of age ; but the elder was the off- 

1061.' spring of a handmaiden, and not of a wife of equal degree, 

and Har Rai is further said to have declared the younger 

his successor. The disputes between the partisans of the 

two brothers ran high, and the decision was at last referred 

to the emperor. Aurangzeb may have been willing to allow 

the Sikhs to choose their own Guru, as some accounts have 

it, but the more cherished tradition relates that, being 

struck with the child's instant recognition of the empress 

among a number of ladies similarly arrayed, he declared 

the right of Har Kishan to be indisputable, and he was 

accordingly recognized as head of the Sikhs : but before 

the infant apostle could leave Delhi, he was attacked with 

Pics 10G4. small-pox, and died, in 1664, at that place. 3 

1 Of these Bhai Bhagtu, the founder of the Kaithal family, useful 
partisans of Lord Lake, but now reduced o comparative insignificance 
under the operation of the British system of escheat, was one of the 
best known. Dharam Singh, the ancestor of the respectable Bluns 
of Bagrian, a place between the Sutloj and Jumna, was likewise a 
follower of Har Rai. 

Nowadays tho title of Bhai is in practice frequently given to any 
Sikh of eminent sanr-tity, whether his ancestor were tho tompanion 
of a Guru or not, Tho Bedis and Sodhls, however, confine themselves 
to the distinctive names of their tribes, or the Bedis call themselves 
Biiba or father, and tho Sodhia sometimes arrogate to themselves the 
title of Guru, as the representatives of Gobind and Bam DSs. 

2 Of those scots tho Suthns or the Suthra-Shahis aro the best known. 
Their founder was one Siicha, a Brahman, and they have a st'Mn or 
dcra, or place under tho walls of the citadel of Lahore. (Of . Wilson, 
An. Tfrtf , xvii. 230.) Tho name, or designation, means simply tho 
pure. Another follower of Har Kai was a Khattri trader, named 
Fattu, who got tho title, or adopted tho name of Bhai P'hiru, and who, 
according to the belief of some people, became the real founder of 
the UdasiB. 

a Cf. Malcolm, Mctok, p. 38, and Forstor, Travels, i. 299. One 
native account places Har Kishan's death in A. D. IGGfi, but 
scorns tho preferable date. His birth took place in A. 0. 1G56. 


When Har Kishan was about to expire, he is stated to 1604-75. 

have signified that his successor would be found in the 
village of Bakala, near Goi'ndwal, on the Beas river. In 
this village there were many of Har Gobind's relatives, and 
his son, Tegh Bahadur, after many wanderings and a long 16G4. 
sojourn at Patna, on the Ganges, had taken up his residence 
at the same place. Ram Rai continued to assert his claims, Rum Bai 
but he never formed a large party, and Tegh Bahadur was 
generally acknowledged as the leader of the Sikhs. The 
son of Har Gobind was rejoiced, but he said he was un- 
worthy to wear his father's sword, and in a short time his 
supremacy and his life were both endangered by the 
machinations of Ram Rai, and perhaps by his own sus- 
picious proceedings. 1 He was summoned to Delhi as a pre- 
tender to power and as a disturber of the peace, but he 
had found a listener in the chief of Jaipur ; the Rajput 
advocated his cause, saying such holy men rather went on 
pilgrimages than aspired to sovereignty, and he would take 
him with him on his approaching march to Bengal. 2 Tegh 

1 Of., generally, Malcolm, Sketch, p. 38 ; Porster, Travels, i. 299 ; 
and Browne's India Tractp,ii.3, 4, Tegh Bahadur's refusal to wear the 
sword of his father is given, however, on the authority of manuscript 
native accounts, whichlikowisefurnish a story, showing the particular 
act which led to his recognition as Guru. A follower of the sect, named 
Makhan Sah (or Shah), who was passing through Bakala, wished to 
make an offering to the Guru of his faith, but he was perplexed by the 
number of claimants. His offering was to be 525 rupees in all, but the 
amount was known to him alone, and he silently resolved to give a 
rupee to each, and*to hail him as Guru who should (from intuition) 
claim the remainder. Tegh Bahadur demanded the balance, and so on. 

2 Forster and Malcolm, who follow native Indian accounts, both 
give Jai Singh as the name of the prince who countenanced Tegh 
Bahadur, and who went to Bengal on an expedition ; but one manu- 
script account refers to Bir Singh as the friendly chief. Tod (Rajcts- 
tlmn, ii. 355) says Ram Singh, the son of the first Jai Singh, went to 
Assam, but he is silent about his actions. It is not unusual in India 
to talk of eminent men as living, although long since dead, as a Sikh 
will now say he ia Banjit Singh's soldier ; and it is probable that Ram 
Singh was nominally forgotten, owing to the fame of his father, the 
6 Mirza Raja', and even that the Sikh chroniclers of the early part of 
the last century confounded the first with the second of the name, 
their contemporary Sawai Jai Singh, the noted astronomer and patron 
of the learned. Malcolm (Sketch, p. 39), who, perhaps, copies Forster 
(Travels, L 299, 300), says Tegh Bahadur was, at this time, imprisoned 
for two years. 


l664r-75. Bahadur accompanied the Raja to the eastward. He again 

TeghBaha- resi dcd for a time at P fttna but afterwards joined the nrniy , 

dur retires to bring success, says the chronicler, to the expedilion 

t^Benffid a g ainst the chiefs f Assam. He meditated on the banks 

of the Brahmaputra, and he is stated to have convinced the 

heart of the Raja of Karnrup, and to have nmdc him u 

believer in his mission. 1 

TeghBaha- After a time Tegh Bahadur returned to the Punjab, and 
tunM^o bough* a P iece of ground, now known as Makhdwal, on the 
thePunjab. banks of the Sutlej, and close to Kiratpur, the chosen resi- 
dence of his father. But the hostility and the influence of 
Ram Rai still pursued him, and the ordinary Sikh accounts 
represent him, a pious and innocent instructor of men, n,s 
once more arraigned at Delhi in the character of a criminal ; 
but the truth seems to be that Tegh Bahadur followed the* 
example of his father with unequal footsteps, and thai , 
afnotanc 1 ? clloosing :for his haunts thc wastes between Hfmsi and the 
n- Sutlej, he subsisted himself and his disciples by plunder, 
to in a way, indeed, that rendered him not unpopular willi 
the pcasantry> He is f urther cm ijbiy represented to huve 
leagued with a Mxihammadan zealot, named Adam Halite, 
and to have levied contributions upon rich Hindus, while 
his confederate did the same upon wealthy Musalinans. 
They gave a ready asylum to all fugitives, and their power 
interfered with the prosperity of the country ; the imperial 
troops marched against them, and they were, at last de- 
feated and made prisoners. The Miiluunnmdan saint WIH 
banished, but Aurang'/cb determined that the Sikh .should 
be put to death, 2 

When Tegh Bahadur wa on his way to Delhi, he sen! 
for his youthful son, and girding upon him the nword of 
Har Gobind, he hailed him as the Guru of the Sikhn. He 
told him he was himself being led to death, he eounelled 
him not to leave his body a prey to dogs, and he enjoined 

1 Thoflo last two dauHoa arc almoflt wholly on tin* authority of A 
manuscript Cfurmukhl summary of Ttfh Btthiidur'H lift*. 

The author of the Mar v i MriaMann (1. 1 12, 1 13) mcmUmiN Lluo 
predatory or insurrectionary proccodingB of Toh ISabRilur, and the 
ordinary manuscript compilation** ndnut tlwi flii<-h chrK*H WIT 
mado, but dofirooato a belief in them. JPor Mukhowill the (liirfi IK 
said to havo paid 500 nipm to tlin Haja of Kahlfir. 


upon him the necessity and the merit of revenge. At Delhi, 1064-75. 
the story continues, he was summoned before the emperor, ~ 

and half -insultingly, half - credulously, told to exhibit 
miracles in proof of the alleged divinity of his mission. 
Tegh Bahadur answered that the duty of man was to pray 
to the Lord ,* yet he would do one thing, he would write 
a charm, and the sword should fall harmless on the neck 
around which it was hung. He placed it around his own 
neck and inclined his head to the executioner : a blow 
severed it, to the surprise of a court tinged with superstition, 
and upon the paper was found written, * Sir dia> Sirr na 
dia,' he had given his head but not his secret ; his life 
was gone, but his inspiration or apostolic virtue still re- 
mained in the world. Such is the narrative of a rude and 
wonder-loving people ; yet it is more certain that Tegh Twrfi 

Bahadur was put to death as a rebel in 1675, and that the J * 

stern and bigoted Aurangzeb had the body of the unbeliever <l<*atii", 
publicly exposed in the streets of Delhi, 1 107r '- 

Tegh Bahadur seems to have been of a character hard 
and moody, and to have wanted both the genial temper of 
his father and the lofty mind of his won. Yet his own 
example powerfully aided in making the disciples of Nanak 
a martial as well as a devotional people. His reverence for 
the sword of his fattier, and his repeated injunction that 
his disciples should obey the bearer of his arrows, how 
more of the kingly than of the priestly spirit ; and, indeed, 

1 All tho aocountH agree that Tegh Bahadur was ignominiouBly put 
to death, Tho end of tho year A, i>. 1075~UH MaugHar to RrmtttlmitiH 
given as tho month seoma tho most certain dato of hte tutmmtiofi. 
His birth is differently plaeodin A. i>. 1012 and 1021. [It WAH on thin 
occasion that tho famous prophocjy on the ultimate sovereignty of tho 
white race in Delhi is said to havo boon uttered (though somo modern 
critics consider it a later invention). *1 MM V , ho *ttid dauntloHftly to 
the emperor, ' a power rising in the West whiuh will ewtwp your 
empire into tho dust.' His body wao quartered and hung before tho 
city gates ; but the Bikha novor forgot hia prophetic worcifl, They 
have accounted largely for Sikh loyalty to British rule ; and they 
were on tho lip of the gallant Punjab rogimenta before Delhi in 1857 
when at last they avenged in blood tho martyrdom of their tautor 
(Kawlinson, Indian MistoricalStedie*, p. 177, and Macauliffo, vol. i. 
Preface, pp. xiii-xviii and vol. iv, 381), The story i related by two 
Sikh author*, ED.] 



KJ75-1708. about this time the Sikh (Jnrfis cumc to talk of t hemsclves, 

Tli^tiilV anc * ** k ( ' r< *# ltr( l c< l K v their followers us * Suchchu Pad- 
' Triu* shahs', or us * veritable kings \ meaning, perhaps, (hut they 
k iiul?tiw (m ' nu * ( * by just influence and not by tlie 1 force of arms. or 
Uurfi8. that they guided men to salvation, while others controlled 
their worldly actions. But the expression eould be adapted 
to uny circumstances, and its mystic application HCCIUS to 
have preyed upon and perplexed the minds of the Mughal 
princes, while it illustrates the assertion of an intelligent 
Muhunmmdun writer, that Tcgh Bahadur, being at the head 
of many thousand men, aspired to sovereign power. 1 

When Tegh Bahadur was put to deal!*, his onl> mm was 
in Ids fifteenth year. The violent end and the last injunction 
j 5 " of the martyr Guru made a deep impression <m the mind 
'' (i> ' of Gobind, and in brooding over his own lows anil the fallen 
condition of his country, he became the irreconcilable for 
of the Muhammadun name, and conceived the noble idea 
of moulding the. vanquished Hindus into a new and aspiring 
people. Hut (Jobind was yet young* the government wan 
HiiwpidouH of lib follower^ and among the Sikhs theiiiwIvrM 
there were parties inimical to the won of Tegh Bahfulur, 
His friends were therefore satisfied that the mutilated body 
of the departed Guru was recovered by the xeiil iinrt dex- 
terity of Home humble diKdplcs,- and Umt the HMII hiniwif 
performed the funeral riten MO ensentinl to the welfare of Ihr 
living and the peace of the dead. Gobiud wan placed in 

1 Hftfyid (HiulAiii llumilii, tlw Authtir of tJio Nfar ut Mutolhunn 
(i. 1 lii), in tho writor reffirnul to. 

Hrowao, irx HIH Inditt Tract* (ii. a, : f nnd who WH<K u ruittpilntioti. 
ttttributim Aurung7Aih' nwiluticm to put 'JVh ffnfaiiilur IM ilt-ntli, tu 
hiH aHumption of thn elumictttr <rf H * true king \ and tn hi w* of tkn 
title <f ft ltohftdiir v f cx]in*MHivi* of valmir, Mrth, mi <iiKily. Tli 
Own", in tho narrative* mfernMl t>, cliHavnwn uH rtniiii to mitftculmi* 
For Home rttinnrkH on tkti ti-nn * KntihrhA 1'Adwlmh '. w^ 

iiuhiidur'H ohjrctionK to wrur htit tattler** Mwnrd, nitfl 
injuuotion In nvnn*iirit IIIM nrrown, thni IH, in hrpil what thu I 
of thpni nhoald wiy, nrc given on imtivo Authority. 

1 Curtain inott tf tint uiioh-un and tiitHpimMi ewit< of HwwtK'r* n 
dilU)hwi to IMhi'io brii^ uwuy the <UN|MTWf<l linifw of Ti^h Huh it 

. r> 5^ * H Hlli<1 tllo y t 111111 ^ om ' a th " ir ww*'* 1 ^ to HH* wriiotw 
thatMakhanHhah, who had ixwu tho tot to hiul thiMlrrottmnJ nUuni, 


retirement amid the lower hills on either side of the Jumna, 1675-1708. 
and for a series of years he occupied himself in hunting the 
tiger and wild boar, in acquiring a knowledge of the Persian 
language, and in storing his mind with those ancient legends 
which describe the mythic glories of his race. 1 years, 

In this obscurity Gobind remained perhaps twenty Gobind's 
years ; 2 but his youthful promise gathered round him the charatr 
disciples of Nanak, he was acknowledged as the head of the 
Sikhs, the adherents of Ham Rai declined into a sect of 
dissenters, and the neighbouring chiefs became impressed 
with a high sense of the Guru's superiority and a vague 
dread of his ambition. But Gobind ever dwelt upon the 
fate of his father, and the oppressive bigotry of Aurangzeb ; 1,^ "h* 
study and reflection had enlarged his mind, experience of system of 
the world had matured his judgement, and, under the oncontbttt- 
mixed impulse of avenging his own and his country's ingthnMu- 
wrongs, he resolved upon awakening his followers to a new ^haSi 
life, and upon giving precision and aim to the broad and power, 
general institutions of Nanak- In the heart of a powerful 
empire he set himself to the task of subverting it, and 
from the midst of social degradation and religious cor- 
ruption, he called up simplicity of inaunera, singleness 
of purpose, and enthusiasm of desire/ 1 

1 The accounts moatly agree aH to this tmelutnon and occupation of 
Gobind during hitf early manhood ; but Pomicr (TYatwb, i. 301) and 
also some Gurmukln account**, state that ho was taken to Patna in 
the first instance, and that ho livod there for some lime boforo ho 
retired to the Srfoagar hillH. 

a The period is nowhere definitely given by Kngliuli or Indian 
writers ; but from a comparison of dates and oircuniHUinfiOH, it twin* 
probable that Gobind did not take upon hinmclf ti now aiul K|KH-ml 
character as a teacher of men until about the thirty.Jifth ywtr, or 
until the year 1095 of Christ. A Sikh author, indeed, quoted by 
Malcolm (Sketch, p. 18ti, note) makes (tobind'0 roforniB date from 
A. p. 1696 ; but contradictorily one or more of Oobind's titying* or 
writings are made to date about the same period from the eouth of 
India, whither ho proceeded only just before hi* death. 

8 The ordinary accounts represent Gobind, M they roprwent his 
grandfather, to Jiavo boon mainly moved to wage war Against Muhani- 
madans by a desire of avenging the death of his parent. It would bo 
unreasonable to deny to Gobind the merit of other motives likewim) ; 
but, doubtless, the fierce feeling in question strongly impelled him 


1675-1708. Gobind was equally bold, systematic, and sanguine ; 
but it is not necessary to suppose him either an unscru- 
pulous impostor or a self-deluded enthusiast. He thought 
that the minds of men might be wrought upon to groat 
purposes, he deplored the corruption of the world, h<; 
resented the tyranny which endangered his own life, and 
he believed the time had come for another teacher to arouse 
the latent energies of the human will. His memory was 
filled with the deeds of primaeval seers and heroes ; hiw 
imagination dwelt on successive dispensations for the 
instruction of the world, and his mind was not perhaps 
untinged with a superstitious belief in his own earthly 
and mode destiny. 1 In an extant and authentic composition, 8 ho 
of present- traces his mortal descent to ancient kings, and he extol* 
ing ins the piety of h - s imme(i j ate p aren ts which rendered them 

acceptable to God. But his own unembodied soul, he says, 
reposed in bliss, wrapt in meditation, and it murmured 
that it should appear on earth even as the chosen messenger 
of the Lord the inheritor of the spirit of Nanak, tranfl* 

in the prosecution of his lofty and comprehensive design. Tho 
merit is indeed common to all times and places : it is as common in 
the present Indian as it was in tho ancient European world ; awl 
even the * most Christian of poets ' has used it without rcbuku to 
justify the auger of a shade in Hades, and his own sympathy UH a 
mortal man yet dwelling in tho world : 

' Oh guide beloved 1 

His violent death yet unavenged, said I, 
By any who are partners in his shamo 
Made him contemptuous ; therefore, aH T think, 
He passed me speechless by, and doing HO 
Hath made mo more compassionate hiw fato. 1 

Dante, Hell, xxix. Gary's transition, 

1 The persuasion of being moved by something more than the mro 
human will and reason, does not necessarily imply dolumon or in- 
sanity in the ordinary sense of the term, and the belief is ovcry whnro 
traceable as one of the phenomena of ' mind ', both in the creation 
of the poet and in the recorded experience of actual life, TbuH thn 
reader will remember the ' unaccustomed spirit ' of Romeo, ami tho 
' rebuked genius ' of Macbeth, as well as the * star ' of Napoleon ; 
and he will call to mind the ' martial transports ' of Ajax infuHfd by 
Neptune, as well as tho * daemon ' of Socrates and tho ' inspiration ' 
of the holy men of Israel. 

a The Vichitr Natak, or Wondrous Tale, which forms a portion of 
the Dasmn Padshah ka Granth, 01 Book of tho Tenth King. 


mitted to him as one lamp imparts its flame to another. 1 1075-1708 

He describes how the ' Daityas * had been vainly sent to 

reprove the wickedness of man, and how the succeeding 

fc Devtas' procured worship for themselves as Siva and 

Brahma and Vishnu. How the Siddhs had established 

divers sects, how Gorakhnath and Hamfmand introduced 

other modes, and how Muhammad had required men to 

repeat his own name when beseeching the Almighty. Each 

perversely, continues Gobind, established ways of his own 

and misled the world, but he himself had come to declare 

a perfect faith, to extend virtue, and to destroy evil. Thus, The 

he said, had he been manifested, but he was only as other u^orl*! ' 

men, the servant of the supreme, a beholder of the wonders held to 

of creation, and whosoever worshipped Mm as the Lord 

should assuredly burn in everlasting flame. The practices 

of Muhamnuulans mid Hindus he declared to be of no avail, 

the reading of Korfms and Puffins was all in vain, und the 

votaries of idols and the worshipped of the dead could Tim 

never attain to bliss. God, he said, was not to be found 

in texts or in modes, but in humility and sincerity.* rofi>nn 

Such IK Gobind'H mode of prcHcnliug hi iniNHion ; but },""$ 
IIIH followers have extended the allegory, am! have variously Naimk, 
given an earthly clone to his celestial vision. He in stated 
to have performed the most austere devotions at, the fane 
of the goddess-mother of mankind on the Kununit of the, 
hill named Niuim, und to have asked how in the olden times 

1 Tho reader will uontraat whut Virgil Huyn of (hit nhade of 

omperor \ with the devoted (jtuietiHin of the Indian rnformnr : 
' Thorn mighty (Wwir wnilH bin vilul hour, 
o world, and ^niH[m lii 

lh\ will U!HO call to mind thh Heiitiimmti of Milton, which (hn more 
ardent, ( Jo hi ml IULH greatly heightened* 

' Ho nxkod, hut ail Iho heavenly quire stood niuto, 
And Hilonee waH in hoavtm : on nian'H InOialf, 
1'atnm or intoreeHHor nono appaanxl,* 
Until dhriHt himHelf Haul 

* Account/ imt man, I for hin ako will loavo 
Thy IwHom, and UIIH glory uoxt to thoo 
KrtM'ly put oft*.' Pttrndiw fwt, iii, 
tt Of. the oxtraetM given by Matoolm from tho VtehUf Watak (tiMrh, 


167&-17Q8, the heroic Arjun transpierced multitudes with an arrow. 
He was told that by prayer and sacrifice the power had been 
attained. He invited from Benares a Brahman of great 
fame for piety and for power over the unseen world. He 
himself carefully consulted the Vcdas, and he called upon 
his numerous disciples to aid in the awful ceremony he was 
about to perform. Before all he makes successful trial of 
the virtue of the magician, and an ample altar is laboriously 
prepared for the Hem, or burnt offering. He is told 
that the goddess will appear to him, an armed shade, and 
that, undaunted, he should hail her and ask for fortune. 
The GurQ, terror-struck, could but advance his sword, as 
if in salutation to the dread appearance. The goddess 
touched it in token of acceptance, and a divine weapon, 
an axe of iron, was seen amid the flames. The sign was 
declared to be propitious, but fear had rendered the sacrifice 
incomplete, and Gobind must die himself, or devote to 
death one dear to him, to ensure the triumph of Ins faith. 
The Guru smiled sadly ; he said he had yet much to accom- 
plish in this world, and that his father's spirit was still 
unappeased. He looked towards his children, but inalcrual 
affection withdrew them : twenty-five disciples then 
sprang forward and declared their readiness to perinh ; 
one was gladdened by being chosen, and the fates went 
satisfied. 1 

Theprin- Gobind is next represented, to have again assembled 
cScated by his followers > and ma <*e known to them the great objects 
Gobind. of his mission. A new faith had been declared, and henee- 
^Khaisa' forth the 6Khslsa ' the savcd or liberated, 2 should alone 
Old forms P revaiL God must be worshipped in truthfulness and 
useless. sincerity, but no material resemblance must degrade the 
God is one. Omnipotent ; the Lord could only be beheld by the eye 

1 This legend is given with several variations, and onn may 1m Horm 
in Malcolm (Sketch, p. 53, note) and another m Maogrogor'a llintary 
of the Sikhs (i. 71). Perhaps the true origin of tho myth to to IMI 
found in Gobind's reputed vision during sleep of tho groat goddwm* 
(Malcolm, p. 187.) Tho occurrence is placed in tho yoar A. . IfHIIJ. 
(Malcolm, Sketch, p. 80.) 

* Khaisa, or Khalisa, is of Arabic derivation, and has ouch original 
or secondary meanings as pure, special, froo, &c. It i commonly 
used in India to denote the immediate territories of any chief or state 

CHAP. Ill 



of faith in the general body of the Khalsa. 1 All, he said, 
must become as one ; the lowest were equal with the 
highest ; caste must be forgotten ; they must accept the 
6 Pahul * or initiation from him, 2 and the four races must 
eat as one out of one vessel. The Turks must be destroyed, 
and the graves of those called saints neglected. The ways 
of the Hindus must be abandoned, their temples viewed 
as holy and their rivers looked upon as sacred ; the Brah- 
man's thread must be broken ; by means of the Khalsa 
alone could salvation be attained. They must surrender 
themselves wholly to their faith and to him their guide. 
Their wor.ds must be ' Kritnash, Kulnash, Dharmnash, 
Karmnash,' the forsaking of occupation and family, of 
belief and ceremonies. * Do thus,' said Gobind, * and the 
world is yours.' 3 Many Brahman and Kshuttriya followers 
murmured, but the contemned races rejoiced ; they re- 
minded Gobind of their devotion and service, and asked 
that they also should be allowed to bathe in the sacred pool, 
and offer up prayers in the temple of Aniritsur. The nnir- 
murings of the twice-born increased, and many took their 
departure, but Gobind exclaimed that the lowly should he 
raised, and that hereafter tlya despised should dwell next 
to himself. 4 Gobind then poured water into a vessel and 

as difltingui&hod from the* landH of tributaries and fouda) foilowrfl. 
KhalHa can thus bo hold oithor to demote the kingdom of Oobind, or 
that tlio Hikhn aro tho ohoflon pooplo. 

1 This atwuranro in given in Iho Jtahot Nainoh, or Huh* of Life* of 
Golilnd, which, however, in not included in i ho drttnth. in the name 
oompoHition ho Hays, or ifi held to havo naid, that the Iwliivvcr who 
wishes to BOO tho ( Juril Hhall hohold him in tho KhalHa. 

ThoHo who objcwt to Huoh RimilitudoH, or to mi<*h Ht-nigghw of tho 
mind aftor pn^ciftion, flhould nmioinbor that Alx^bird likened thu 
Trinity to a Hyllogiwrn with UH throo Uirum ; and that Wallin, with 
admitted orthodoxy, conijiarod tho 0(dhoad tc a mathcmatu'al t:\\\w 
with itH throu dinKMisionft. (Uayh^B Dic.tiomry, art. * A he 'lard ',) 

2 Pahul (pronounced nearly an I'owl), mcanw litorally a gato, a d<xjr, 
and thonco initiation. Tho word may have* thrt flamo origin OK tho 
Orook itv\rj* 

a Tho toxt given tho RiihHtanc.0 and iiHually tho vory words of tho 
numerous anctountB to tho namo purport. (() alio Malcolm, Hkvtrk, 
pp. I4H, Wl.) 

4 OhurhaH, or mon of tho Kwtwpor oaHUs brought away tbt^ rwmuna 
of Togh Bahadur from Uolhi, aa haH boon m<mtionod (ante, p, tilt, noto). 
Many of that duHniuud, but not oppnmBod raco, havo adojitod tho 


All men aro 


Idolatry to 

h<* oon- 






1675-1708, stirred it with the sacrificial axe, or with tin- sword nn- 
dcred divine by the touch of the goddoss. His wif< 4 piiswif 
by, as it were by chance, bearing confections of il\i kinds : 
he hailed the omen as propitious, for the coining of woman 
denoted an offspring to the Khalsa nnmcnniH us th<* Iwws 

or h hiiuJl. Ul f * he f ?* St ' He min S lefl thc su # urs with the wuf T, anil 
iicmit'thn thcn s P rin kled a portion of it upon five faithful <IiM'ipl<-i, 
a Brahman a Khattriya, and thrw Sfidras. !!<> hailnl 
them as 'Singhs', and declared them i< be the Kiriilsa. 
He himself received from them the * Paiml * of his faith, 
and became' Gobind Singh, flawing, that hereafter, 

& u k ? f 2?t in iho Pun J ab ' imc{ thp .V re wnniiifmJ v known JIM 
rhota,&ikhB, itmujijhar M u lorm applicit df hi* KfiJpfttM II|NII|P 
who have booomo MuhumnuufainH s Imt in Maiwa tht* wiHlntirv 
Hindu liajputa aro iniilarly Htylml, \wAuw from *, u |M .r !ii>i, 
m opposition to JSfa, on t ^ of hi M h a<. K iw. RanhrhU WMIW ttniM 
rathor a diminutive of Uanhar than a dcvivntivr of rw (rfi1i*ur) HH 
commonly widmtood. Thc Kanghrlu-ta Kikh art. finmotifnrit N |>lnl 
MazkaJtt, or of the (Muhammatlan) faith, from tht drcnnmlHiitr t)mf 
tho convortH from Iwlam aro m aHiMl, nnd thai many Kwn i-rn 


e pant, havn pnivitd thrtiiHrivfti. and nn> ut f ln> 
v 00<l Wi'W. Tho 
f ij 

- l M "K- Mr. CVini!lf*r v in an art/. ),- HI 

Btaclmod* Mayazin^ S( k pt<mhtT imffl, ohm-rivH: "HH- jyii^ul 
roluano of the lovnouti* Ilimlu <.I<.v,t,. hinmrif hv r.-i ,, 


th. . 

. in th., cHMri, ,{,,, 
.) *! | J 

Hm,!,, 1 , will, R * |,f,, 


ever five Sikhs should be assembled together, there he also 1675-1708^ 
would be present. 1 

Gobind thus abolished social distinctions, 3 and took away The visible 
from his followers each ancient solace of superstition ; but rfagjjj^ 
he felt that he must engage the heart as well as satisfy the Singhs. 
reason, and that he must give the Sikhs some common 
bonds of union which should remind the weak of their new 
life, and add fervour to the devotion of the sincere. They 
should have one form of initiation, he said, the sprinkling Lustration 
of water by five of the faithful ; 3 they should worship the jg^JJ^ 
One Invisible God ; they should honour the memory of for Nunak. 
NSnakandof his iransanimatc successors;* their watchword 
should be, Hail Guru! 5 but they should revere and bow to 
nought visible save the Granth, the book of their belief.* 

1 Tho Brahman novitiate is stated to have been an inhabitant of 
the ftcooan, and the Knhattriya of the Punjab ; ono Sudra, a Jinn* 
war (Kahftr), was of Jaganath, tho second, a Jilt, WRH of HaBtiniipur, 
ami tho third, a Ghhimbu or ololh printer, WIIK 4>f Dwilrka in (xujraf . 

Ifor tho declaration about fivo Sikhs forming a congregation, or 
about tho assembly of fivo men oiwuriug tho proHcnoo or tho grneo of 
tho Guru, of. Malcolm, NMth, p. 180. [Fivo IB alw> tho immlwT of 
tho noeoflBary attributes of tho true follower of obi ml Singh, 
viz. Kos, Khanda, Kangha, Kara, Kooh' long hair, dagger, comb, 
bunglo, bruoohou. Kin*] 

tiobiud had originally tho c.ognomtm, or titular nam<s of 4 JUi ', 
ono in common UHO antoug Jlimluw, and largely adopted undor tho 
variation of ' Kao ' by thn military Maratlian ; but on declaring tho 
comprolHmmvo naturo of l\i reform, tho Cjuru adopted for himnelf 
and f olio worn tho diHtinetivrt ap|Hillation of l Kingli ', meaning literally 
a Jion, and metaphorically u champion or warrior. It IH tho niont 
common of tho diHtinctivo ntbtneH in UHO among RajputH, and it IK now 
tho invariable termination of ovory propttr nnine nniong tho diHrlplot* 
of Oobind. It JH Homotim< k H imo<i alone, IIH Kbilu IH UHO<! among tho 
Muhanimadans, to donoto [>re-oniinene(^ TlniH Sikh ohiefn would 
talk of ton jit Hingh, a ordinary KikliH will talk of Uioir own immedi- 
ato hnidors, as tho ' Singh Sahib ', almoHt iu|tiiwilont to ' Sir King 1 , 
or ' Sir Knight ', in KngliHh. Strungern likewino ofton addroHH any 
Sikh rospootfully an SSinghji r . 

a So( Appendix X. a 800 Apjiondix XT. 

4 Tho UHO of tho wonl l tnuumnimato * may |>orhapA bo allowed. 
Tho Sikh boliof in tho deHwwt of tho individual spirit of Niinak upon 
oaoh of hia HUCtu^HHorH, in compared by Gohind in tho Virhitr Nafok 
to tho imparting of flamo from nno lamp to anothor. 


6 Oboisanoo to tho (JranUi alono IB inouh'attul in tho lialiat Nama 


1075-1708. They should bathe, from time to time, in the* ixiol of 

TTiwhom Amritsar ; their locks should remain unshorn ; they should 

look*; tho all name themselves * Singh* \ or soldiers, mid of material 

Stoah* things they should devote their ilnite energies to steel alone. 1 

atwi (Wo- Anns should dignify their person ; they should be ever 

tionto waging war, and great would he his merit who fought in 

ann. ^ va ^ w j w slew mi enemy, and who despaired not although 

overcome. Ho eut off the three seets of dissenters from all 

intercourse: the Dhiniialis, who had laboured to destroy 

Arjun ; the Ham Hais, who haci compassed the death of 

his father ; and the Masandis, who had resisted Itis own 

authority. He denouneed the * shaven \ meaning, perhaps, 

nil Muhammadans and Hindus; and for no reason whieh 

bears dourly on the worldly scope of his mission, hi* held up 

to reprobation those slaves of a perverse custom, who 

impiously take the lives of their infant daughters* 1 

Gobind had achieved one victory, he had made himself 

inanter of the imagination of his followers ; but a more 

laborious task remained, the destruction of the empire of 

unbelieving oppressors. He had established the KhiiNa, 

the theocracy of Singhs, in the midst of Hindu delusion and 

Muhammndan error ; lie had confounded l*Trs and MulliiN, 

Sftdhs and Pandits, but he had yet to vanquish the armies 

of a great emperor, and to subdue the multitudes whost* 

faith he impugned. The design of Gobind may scent wild 

and fumades** to those accustomed to consider the firm swuy 

and regular policy of ancient Home, and who daily witness 

the power and resources of flic well-ordered government* 

Tho dm- of modem Kurope. Hut. the extensive empires of the Hunt, 

cwillltiljnot ftK ' wnu-barbariHin in the West, haw never been biiHfil 

tho Mutfhul on the ftober convictions of a numerous f>c<pl ; they imtc 

whl'ii^Uo- * )eftn rnore dynuKtioH of single tribes, renden^d triumphant 

binrtrn- by the rapid development of warlike energy, and by the 

twiaU it comprehensive genius of eminent leaders. Knee Jin* mie 

cce<lcd race in doniinion, and what Cyrus did with bin 

Persians and Charlemagne with his Frank, Bfibur 

or ftutaof Lifd of (JohimI, and h<* cntlruvoun'ti to itunnl wgubwfc Mug 
himitotf mndo an ohjin^t of fufun^ iilolntry* hy ilffiimnritiji (in tint 
VicMtt Natok) all who xhoulti rogunl hirn UK a goct. 

a ^, ApjH-mii^ XIV, 


and Akbar completed with a few Tartars their personal 1675-1708. 
followers. The Mughals had even a less firm hold of empire 
than the Achaemenides or the Carlovingians ; the devoted 
clansmen of Babar were not numerous, his son was driven 
from his throne, and Akbar became the master of India as Akbar. 
much by political sagacity, and the generous sympathy of 
his nature, as by military enterprise and the courage of his 
partisans. He perceived the want of the times, and his 
commanding genius enabled him to reconcile the conflicting 
interests and prejudices of Muhammadans and Hindus, of 
Rajputs, Turks, and Pathans. At the end of fifty years he 
left his heir a broad and well-regulated dominion ; yet one 
son of Jahangir contested the empire with his father, and 
Shah Jahan first saw his children waging war with one 
another for the possession of the crown which he himself 
still wore, and at length became the prisoner of the ablest 
and most successful of the combatants. Aurangxcb ever Aurangzeb. 
feared the influence, of his own example : his temper was 
cold ; his policy towards Muhammadans was one of sus- 
picion, while his 'bigotry and persecutions rendered him 
hateful to his Hindu subjects. In his old age his wearied 
spirit could find no solace ; no tribe of brave and confiding 
men gathered round him : yet his vigorous intellect kept 
him an emperor to the last, and the hollowncKS of his sway 
was not apparent to the careless observer until he was laid 
in his grave. The, empire of the Mughals wanted political 
fusion, and its fair degree of administrative order and 
Htibordi nation was vitiated by the doubt which hung about 
the succession. 1 It comprised a number of petty states 
which rendered nil unwilling obedience to the sovereign 
power ; it was alHo studded over with feudal retainers, and 
all these hereditary princes and mercenary * JagTrdars ' were 

1 Notwithstanding thin defoct, tho English thomflolves have yet to 
do much before they can ewtablfoh a system which shall last 00 long 
and work HO well an Akbnr'H organization of Pargana Chaudris and 
QanungoK, who may lw likonod to hereditary county sheriffs, and 
register** of landed property and holdings. Tho objectionable heredi- 
tary law was modified in practice) by tho adoption of tho most ablo 
or the most u pright an tho ropr cmontafci vo of the family. [A somewhat 
pftBRimifltic Htattmicmt viewing tho way in which modern administra- 
tors have doalt with the land question, ED.] 





Sivujl the 


plans of 
active op- 

ever ready to resist, or to pervert, the measures of the central 
government. They considered then, as they do now, that 
a monarch exercised sway for his own interests only, with- 
out reference to the general welfare of the country ; no 
public opinion of an intelligent people systematically 
governed controlled them, and applause always awaited 
the successful aspirant to power. Akbar did something to 
remove this antagonism between the rulers and the rult'd, 
but his successors were less wise than himself, and religious 
discontent was soon added to the love of political inde- 
pendence. The southern portions of India, too, were at 
this time recent conquests, and Aurangzcb had been long 
absent, 1 hopelessly endeavouring to consolidate his sway in 
that distant quarter. The Himalayas had scarcely boon 
penetrated by the Mughals, except in the direction of 
Kashmir, and rebellion might rear its head almost unheeded 
amid their wild recesses. Lastly, during this period, Sivfij! 
had roused the slumbering spirit of the Maratha tribes. He 
had converted rude herdsmen into successful soldiers, n<l 
had become a territorial chief in the very neighbourhood of 
the emperor. Gobind added religious fervour to warlike 
temper, and his design of founding a kingdom of Jilts upon 
the waning glories of Aurangzcb's dominion does not 
appear to have been idly conceived or rashly undertaken. 

Yet it is not easy to place the actions of Gobind in due 
order, or to understand the particular object of each of his 
proceedings. He is stated by a credible Muhuntmaclttii 
author to have organized his followers into troops and bauds, 
and to have placed them under the command of trust- 
worthy disciples. 3 He appears to have entertained a body 
of Pathans, who are everywhere the soldiers of fortune, 8 
and it is certain that he established two or three forts along 

p A reference to the conquest by Aurangzob of fcho kingdom of 
Bijapur (1686) and Golconda (1687). tfrom 1681 to IUH death in 1 7U7 
the Emperor was almost incessantly engaged in a Horios of campaign* 
against these kingdoms and the rising power of tho MarathftH, - - 

2 Stor til Mutakfoirin, I 113. 

3 The Maratha histories show that HiviijT likewise hirod bandn of 
Pathans, who had lost service in tho dnolininit kingdom of Bijanur 
(Grant Buff, //**. of the Mfarathas, i. 165, ) 


the skirts of the hills between the Sutlej and Jumna. He 16T5-1708. 
had a post at Paunta in the Kirda vale near Nahan, a place Hismili- 
long afterwards the scene of a severe struggle between the tar y p*> ste ; 
Gurkhas and the English. He had likewise a retreat at and leagues 
Anandpur-Makhowal, which had been established by his 
father, 1 and a third at Chamkaur, fairly in the plains and Lower 
lower down the Sutlej than the chosen haunt of Tegh 
Bahadur. He had thus got strongholds which secured him 
against any attempts of his hill neighbours, and he would 
next seem to have endeavoured to mix himself up with the 
affairs of these half-independent chiefs, and to obtain a 
commanding influence over them, so as by degrees to esta- 
blish a virtual principality amid mountain fastnesses to 
serve as the basis of his operations against the Mughal Hiainflu- 
government. As a religious teacher he drew contributions JSigious* 
and procured followers from all parts of India, but as a teacher. 
leader he perceived the necessity of a military pivot, and as 
a rebel he was not insensible to the value of a secure retreat. 

Gobind has himself described the Several actions in which Gobind 
he was engaged, either us a principal or as an ally. 3 His 
pictures are animated ; they are of some value as historical 
records, and their sequence gcems more probable than that 
of any other narrative. His iirwt contest was with his old 
friend the chief of Nahan, aided by the Raja of Hindflr, to 
whom he had given offence, and by the mercenary Pathaxig 
iu his own service, who claimed arrears of pay, and who may 
have hoped to satisfy all demands by the destruction of 
Gobind and the plunder of hi establishments, But the 
Gurft was victorious, some of the Puthfm leaders fell, and 
Gobind. slew the young warrior, Han Chaud of Nalagarh, 

1 An&ndpur is situated close to Makhow&I. The firnt name was 
given by Cobind to his own particular residence at Makhow&l, as 
difttinptuishod from tho abode of hiH father, and it nigniftod the place 
of happinose. A knoll, with a fleat upon it, ifi hero pointed out, whence 
it iHKttid Gobind was wont to discharge an arrow a COBS and a quarter 
-about a milo and two-thirds English, the Punjabi OOBB being small. 

a Namoly, in tho Vichitr Mtfa*, already quoted an a portion of 
tho Second (Jranth, Tho (lurft Biltw t by tiukha Bingh, corroborates 
Gobind* a account, and udde many details. Malcolm (Sketch, p. 68,&c. ) 
may ta referred to lor translation* of omo portions of tho Vichitr 
Natak bearing on the period, but Malcolm^ own general narrativoof 
the ovontB IB obviously contradictory and inaccurate. 


1675-1708, with his own hand. The (lurii nevertheless deemed it. 
Aids OH" P r "dcnt to move to tho Sutlcj ; he .strengthened Aimndpur, 
Kfija of and became the, ally of Hhlm ('hand of Kuldnr, who wan in 
wwwtancc to the* imperial authorities of Kut Kan^m, Tin: 
the Muhaminadan commander was joined by various hill chiefs, 

from!" 1 but in fchc WMl he W11H r(mttr<i ' IH " ! BhTm <'taMi' rebellion 
seemed justified by success. A period of, ensued, during 
which, ,says (tohind, he punished such of his followers UN 
were lukewarm or disorderly, lint the aid which he rendered 
to the chief of Knhlur was not forgotten, and a body of 
Muhamnmdan troops nwde an unsuccessful attack upon hta 
position. Atfiiin an imperial commander look the Held, 
partly to coerce Gobind, and partly to reduce Hie hill rajas, 
who, profiting by the example of Mrini Chund, hud refused 
to pay their usual tribute** A dwttltory warfare emued ; 
Home nttemptH at accommodation were made by the hill 
chieffl, but them* were broken off, and the expedition endecl 
in tho rout of th MulmmnnulunH. 
Tho succt^H of (iohlnd, for all wftH attributed to him, 
the Muliainmadaim Nome anxiety, and his <icsins 
appear likewise to have alarmed the hill chiefN, for they 
lontll y <'^"ited the imperial aid against, one who announced 

c'amt<t'<! hiniKdf us tiut True Kinj*. Aumn/el) ciireeted t he tfovcmorn 
of ^"re and Sirhind to mareli ugainHt tlw (tarti, and it WHH 

anxintv, nuxumred that the emperor'H son, Hahftdur Shuii, would 

take the field in their nupport. 1 (Jobind watn nur- 
rc roun<It ' (1 ut Anandpur by tlu: forcc of the empire* Hi* own 
rcHolution WUK equal to any cmcrgcney, but immticrH of 
iliH Pt'HowcrHdeKerted him. lie earned themin tiiis world and 
in the world to come, and other* who wavered he canned to 
renounce their faith, and then diwmflucd them with tgim* 

1 Malcolm (#*cA, p. 00, note) my that thin liuNinn would J.IRIT 
the warfare in A. . 1701, UH Hahfulur Shiih WHH At thut tiino wnt 
from tho l>u(;oan towardrf Kalml, Sikh tradition*, indtwl, rttjirn- 
aoiit (iobind UH having tfjiinnd tim goodwill of, tir UH they put it, AH 
having nhown favnur to, Halindur Shah ; and < inland himwlf, in thu 
Vichitr NaM\ nayn that a mm of the cmixtror nune to uuppm** tho 
diHturb&nt:o8, hut no \mm i* MIVTIK Neither dot* Mr. Klphiimt<-im 
(/fM0r^ ii. 54r>) MjHH'ify ItehAflur HJifth; Ami* indwd, hi* ni*>nt|y 
BooniH to wmjtioturo that a \>rinw of tho bln<< who WAN m-nt to |nit 
down diuturbanoos near MulUrt, wan really vmiioy<Hl ngftinwl th* 
SiWw noftr Hirhiad. 


miny. But his difficulties increased, desertions continued 1675-1708. 
to take place, and at lust he found himself at the head of no 
more than forty devoted followers. His mother, his wives, His 
and his two youngest children effected their escape to ^p'e^bu 
Sirhind, but the boys were there betrayed to the Muhamma- aw ubsc- 
dans and put to death, 1 The faithful forty said they were 
ready to die with their priest and king, and they prayed him 
to recall his curse upon their weaker-hearted brethren, and 
to restore to them the hope of salvation. Gobind said that 
his wrath would not endure. But he still clung to temporal 
success ; the fort of Chamkaur remained in his possession, lie luniHlf 
and he fled during the night and reached the place in safety. Sj^Jlgu,. 

At Chamkaur Gobind was again besieged.* lie was called GoWlM i 
upon to surrender his person and to renounce his faith, but 
Ajlt Singh, his son, indignantly silenced the, bearer of the 
message. The troops pressed upon the Sikhs ; the Guru 
was himself every where present, but his two surviving sous 
fell before his eyes, and his little bund was nearly destroyed. 
He ut last resolved upon escape, and taking advantage of 
a dark night, he threaded his way to the outskirts of the 
camp, but there he WUK recognized and stopped by two 
Patlmns. These men, it is said, hud in former tinwH received 
kindness at the hundw of the Guru, uud they now assisted 
him in reaching the town of Bahlolpur, where he trusted his 
person to a third follower of Islam, one Plr Muhammad, 
with whom it is further wild the GurU had once studied the 
Koran. Here he ule food from MuhammaduuK, and declared 
that sueli might be done by Sikhs under preying circum- 
stances. He further disguised himself in the blue dress of 
a MuHuhn&n Dervish, un<l speedily reached the wastes of 
Bhatinda. His dtoeipleK again rallied round him, and he 
succeeded in repulsing his purmurn* ut a place since called 


1 The moHt detailed account of thin muntor of Uobind'ft children 
is given in BrownM IiMt TrtictM, ii, 0, 7. 

* At Chamkaur, in ono of Out tower* of tho small brick fort, ifl fltill 
shown tho tomb of a. UiHtinguinhncl warrior* A Bikh ol the Bweepor 
oastts nauutd .Jiwan. Hingh, who foil during the Biogo, Tho bastion 
itwolf IH known w that of tho Martyr. A tomplo now fltands whoro 
Ajlt Singh and Jujhur Hingh, tho oldest sons of Uobind, aro reputed 
io havo fallen, 

GobiuU'Jt defeat and flight aro plaood by tho Biklis in A. i>. 1705-0. 


1675-1708. * Muktsar ', or the Pool of Salvation. He continued his 
andrestg flight to Dam-Dama, or the Breathing Place, half way 
at Dam- between Hansi and Ferozepore ; the imperial authorities 
near 8 "' thou g ht his strength sufficiently broken, and they did not 
Bhatmda, follow him further into a parched and barren country. 
Gobind At Dam-Dama- Gobind remained for some time, and he 
^aA^Mr occu P* e< * himself in composing the supplemental Granth> 
Natak. *' ft the Book of the Tenth King 9 , to rouse the energies und 
sustain the hopes of the faithful. This comprises the 
Vichitr Natak, or 'Wondrous Tale*, the only historical 
portion of either Granth, and which he concludes by a hymn 
in praise of God, who had ever assisted him. He would, he 
says, make known in another book the things which he hud 
himself accomplished, the glories of the Lord which he had 
witnessed, and his recollections or visions of his antecedent 
existence. All he had done, he said, had been done with the 
aid of the Almighty ; and to 6 Loh % or the mysterious 
Summoned virtue of iron, he attributed his preservation. While thus 
zeb toSjT li^g fo retirement, messengers arrived to summon him to 
presence, the emperor's presence ; but Gobind replied to AunuiffSEeb 
in a series of parables admonitory of kings, partly in which, 
and partly in a letter which accompanied them, he remon- 
strates rather than humbles himself. He denounces the 
wrath of God upon the monarch, rather than deprecate** tin* 
imperial anger against himself , he tells the emperor that 
he P uts no tmst in him an d tna * the ' KhfiW * will avenge 
denunciar him. He refers to Nanak's religious reform, and lie briefly 
tory strain. alludeg to ^ de&th Qf ^^ and Qf Tegh Bahadf|r- Hc 

* describes his own wrongs and his childless condition. He. 

was, as one without earthly link, patiently awaiting death, 
and fearing none but the sole Emperor, the King of KingH. 
Nor, said he, are the prayers of the poor ineffectual ; awl 
on the day of reckoning it would be seen how the emperor 
would justify his manifold cruelties and oppressions. The 
Guru was again desired to repair to Aurang/xib'a presence*, 
and he reaUy appears to have proceeded to the south some 
' time before the aged monarch was removed by death. 1 

1 In this narrative of Gobind's warlike actions, reference ha btum 
mainly had to the VMitr Natok of the Guru, to the (Jur& Mb* of 
Sukha Singh, and to the ordinary modern comx>ilatioiiB in Pornian arid 


Aurangzcb died in the beginning of 1707, and his eldest 1676-1708. 
son, Bahadur Shah, hastened from Kabul to secure the 
succession. He vanquished and slew one brother near Agra, 
and, marehing to the south, he defeated a second, Kam- 
bakhsli, who died of hi* wounds. While engaged in this 
last campaign, Bahadur Shah summoned Gobind to his 1707 - 
camp. The Guru went ; he was treated with respect, and 
he received a military command in the valley of the Goda- 
vari. The emperor perhaps thought that the leader of 
insurrectionary Jats might be usefully employed in opposing 
rebellious Marathas, and Gobind perhaps saw in the imperial 
service a ready way of disarming suspicion and of re- 
organising his followers. 1 At Dam-I)ama he had again 
denounced evil upon all who should thenceforward desert 
liim ; in the south he selected the daring Banda as an 
instrument, and the Sikhs speedily reappeared in over- 
whelming force upon the banks of the Sutloj. But Gobind's 
race was run, and he was not himself falcd to achieve aught 
more in person, lie had engaged the servicoN of an Afghan, 
half-adventurer, half-merchant, and he had procured from 
him a considerable number of horses/* The merchant, or 
servant, pleaded his own necessities, and urged the payment 

(hirmukhl; transoriptH, imjuirfrot apparently, of somo of wliirh 
latter havo boon put into Mnglwh by On Miujgrc^or (History oftfa 
*SWw, pp. 7i)~M). 

1 Tho Kikh writora wuuu unanimouH in giving to thoir great toucher 
a military command in the* Dumtan, whilonomo mcont Muhammadan 
(lompiloni aHBort that ho died at Patna. Hut the liberal conduct of 
Bahadur Hhah ta < k oniirnu>d by the contemporary hiHtorian, Khali 
Khan, who atatim that ho rocoivod rank in tho Mughal army (H<H> 
Elphinatono, Hint, of India, ii. f)0(J noto), and it IH in a dugrou cor- 
roborated by the undoubted fact of tho Uuru'tt doath on tho hankw of 
tho Godavari. Tho traditi<inH proBorvod at NadAr give Kartik, 1705 
(Sambat), or towards tho ond of A* D* 1701*, an tho dato of Gobind'H 
arrival at that placo. 

8 It would bo ourioufl to trace how far India wan oolonizod in the 
intorvalH of groat invaaionH by potty Afghan and Turkoman leaden, 
who defrayed their firot or occasional oxjmnwB by tho alo of horwis. 
Tradition roprosontB that both tho dotroyor of Manikiala in tho 
Punjab, and the founder of Bhatnair in Hariana, wore omigrantn HO 
oircumHtaivood ; and Amir Khan, the reoeut Indian, adventurer, wan 
nimilarly reduced to noli his ateedv for food. (Memoir* of Amir 
n, p. 10,} 



li>7f-l708. of large sums due to him. Impatient with delay, lit* used an 
angry gesture, ami his muUerings of violeiiee provoked 
(<>bind to strike him dead. The body of the slain Pa than 
was removed and buried, and his family seemed reeoneiled 
to the fate of its head. Hut his sons nursed their revenue, 
and awaited an opportunity of fulfilling it. They sueeeeded 
in stealing upon the (iuriYs retirement, and stabbed hint 
wniiuUHi mortally when asleep or unguarded. (iobind sprang up 
aiwosHiiis, iind the assassins were seized ; but a sardonie smile played 
upon their featurew, and they justiiie<l their aet of retribu- 
tion. The Cilurii heard: he remembered the fate of their 
father, and IK- perhaps willed to mind his own unavenged 
parent. He said to the youths that they hud done well, and 
h directed that they should be released uninjured. 1 The 
expiring Guru was child IONS, and tiie assembled disciples 
asked in Morrow who should inspire them with truth and 
lead them to victory when he was no more, (iobind bade 
them be of good cheer ; the appointed Ten hud indeed fill- 
aiul (licit, filled their mission, but he was about to deliver the Khulsu 
aAS' lc ' < * 0{I * thc iN'ver-dying, 4 He who wishes to behold the 
hiAmiHNiun (Jurfi, let him searelt (he (iniHth of Nauak. The (Jnrft will 
JUfol Md (iwdl with lhr Khfilsn ; b' firm and be faithful : %ther'\er 
th K'litikt, tive Sikhs a ix' gathered hig<*(her there will I also be present / * 
(o hiM'um- 


tint tixt> Init witltHli^ht tlilfrnjM <<** nf itrtail, wlnji- mut^ <uM thitl \\w 
widow ttf th^Kiuiu I'ntlmnrunlmuuHy IUJ/*M! hrriutimtuMTk iru nw\ 
Many account H, unl vHjHM'iuli^ tl^nr ity Mulunutinil/iiM, lik'Wi^ 
ri'imwnt (Johind to !wv- iici'oiiM* ilcnit^^t n t !UM uiuuK uitd u Mlnry 
told by <nii Hikli writfTM KIM*H a de^rrc (tf 4'ouuti'tuuio< U ntifli u 
tu'licf. I'luty May tlmt tlu hoart iif tin* (lurii iuhn'ii ti*wnni the 
youUiH whoHit father )M> hud itliuti, thnt hi^ wtttt nnt to j>ly jiuu|4ti* 
jL(iimeH of nkili with tin-nj, ntut tlmt hi* ttmk <|.jHriwnitit^ ii! MM ul 
oititiK u(K>ii thorn the morit of wvnigd, an if ho w him*i<lf w>n>s 
Hfn, ami wlMlwd t,) fall ly ihi*ir ImmlH, The .S'Mir v/ Mulittfatttt 
(i. 1 14) Himply Hft^H (iuhind (hVd of ^rit-f n ut^uunt of thn Itmn 
of IUH children. (Cf. Miih-olm, /Or(rA J*. 7(>, A*'. s uml Kt|thiiii>lotii- t 
tlinlurijt ii. 5(M.) The tttrouiitH ni.w fttrnilu-<J l>y th, {irii^tn of tJn 
toitipln at NmlfT, ri*jmuu<ni tin* um nmimn of thii (urft tn luivi* U^n 
thti KrundH(n (if tin? I'aimln Khun, slnin hy liar Oifhinit, nti4 they tlti 
ii'it KI'VC him uny further eaiwu nf .juum-1 with Otihtmi himwlf,* 

8 Much IH tli iimiftl ao<-iiiHit idvi'ii of tin* tiurtVH <lyin itijunrthifitt ; 
att<t th< Mief thnt Unbind couHUJHimttiut tin' minion nr tlU|t*<rintiofi 
of Nnnukw eenm to havtt Iwon Jt^rHMilihi to the {(vliiwit uf 


Gobind was killed in 1708, at Nader, on the bunks of the 
Godavari. 1 He was in his forty-eighth year, and if it be 
thought by uny that his obscure end belied the promise of '! n- 
his whole life, it should be remembered that- - I, KM nil 

i rf.i i i * f I'llitltWl. 

1 The hand of amu 
IH but a tardy Hcrvmit of the bruin, 
And folio WH, with itK leaden diligence, 
Tlw iwvy Htejw of fancy '; a 

that when Muhammad was a fugitive front Mrcea, * fiie 
lance of an Arab might have changed the history of the 
world '; 3 and that the Achilles of poetry, the reflexion of 
truth, left Troy untakcn. The lord of the Myrmidons, 
destined to a short life and immortal glory, met an end 
almost an base as that which hit dreaded when Htru##lin# 
with Simoi.s and Scuaiander ; and the heroic Ktehard, of 
eastern and western fame, whose whole MMI! WUH bent upon 
tlic doliv f eraiu ( e of JenisaUtm, veiled hit* fae< b in sbanu* and 

while it now fomm a main article of faith. The mother, and nnu wife 
of Ubind arc ropronctitod U> havo mirvivwi him iwnw yeara ; hut 
each, when dying, dwiiawd thfl CJurfixhip to n-nt in the general body 
of tho Khnlna, and not in any onci ; and hcnco tht Kikhw do nt t 
tfivo Huch a doHignatiim t?vtin to th<t rn<>Mt rovcriMl of their holy men, 
their highwt wiigiouM title }x*in^ * Bhai ', literally * hrotlu-r ', hut 
(tomwponding in HixnifuiaruKi with the Knglwh trm * eliler ', 

1 <}<>liu<i U HUUul tt havci U-tm born in the immth of l*oh, 17 IH 
(Sambat), which may fa' the end of A, ti. HUU <r bfgiii 
and all acniuntH agree in placing IUH death about Out middle of 
(Samhat), or towantH the end of A. it* 170H. 

At Nader there IK a lur^e religion* CHtabliMhnu*nt, partly Mtipportcil 
by the produce of landed cut u ten, partly by voluntary cot itrihut ioiiH, 
nnd partly by HIUIIH levied anntmlly, agreeably t<i thc*ttio<ic urgnitiyeil 
by Arjftn, Thn prineipftl of the (mtabjixluiicnt diMpatchcH u |M-iwn to 
nhow liifi roquiMition to the faithful, undiiil give ui'tordiittf to their 
moana, Thim the cotnmon lujrwitieu in the employ of liiiopul ^ive 
a ruptto and a fiuurter each a year, bcrtidcM oiTerlngH on utu'anioim of 

Kanjlt Kingh wnt connidcrftblp Mum to Niultir, but tho building* 
<!omrneiK'd with the mean* whieh HIT provided havo not bwm mni- 

Nader in aUo caltc<l Apx4ialanttgar and in Houthwrti and Cent ml 
India it i* termed pre-eminently * th (Jurfldwaru \ that in, * t 
of the (iurfm '. 

8 S'iV Murtnadnkfi Maxwtt t a dramutie poem. Act iv, m etiy 0. 

9 Oibhon, />/n a?^ Vattojtht. Hoiwn Kn^irr, ix, 2K5. 



1708-16, sorrow that God's holy city should be left in the possession 
of infidels : he would not behold that which he could not 
redeem, and he descended from the Mount to retire to 
captivity and a premature grave. 1 Success is thus not 
always the measure of greatness. The last apostle of the 
Sikhs did not live to see his own ends accomplished, but ho 
Anew effectually roused the dormant energies of a vanquished 
impressed P e ple, and filled them with a lofty although fitful longing 
upon the for social freedom and national ascendancy, the proper 
Hindus f adjuncts of that purity of worship which had been preached 
by Nanak, Gobind saw what was yet vital, and lu* 
relumed it with Promethean fire. A living spirit possesses 
the whole Sikh people, and the impress of Gobind has not 
only elevated and altered the constitution of their minds, 
but has operated materially and given amplitude to their 
physical frames. The features and external form of a whole 
people have been modified, and a Sikh chief is not more 
distinguishable by Ms stately person and free and manly 
bearing, than a minister of his faith is by a lofty thoughtful- 
ness of look, which marks the fervour of his soul, and his 
persuasion of the near presence of the Divinity. 2 Notwith- 
standing these changes it has been usual to regard the Sikhs 
as essentially Hindu, and they doubtless are so in language 
and everyday customs, for Gobind did not feller bin 

1 For this story of the lion-like king, sco Gibbon (Decline and Fall, 
xi. 143). See aluo Tumor's comparison of the character** of AchiUcH 
and .Richard (History of JSnglaiid, p. 300), and Hallam's aBwent to HH 
superior justness relatively to his own parallel of the Oid and the 
English hero (Middle Ages, iii. 482). 

* This physical change has been noticed by Sir Alexander BurncH 
(Zwb,i. 286, andii. 39), by Elphinstono (History ofJndia, ii. WW), 
audit also slightly struck Malcolm (Sketch, p. 129). Similarly a ohango 
of aspect, as well as of dress, &c., may bo observed in the dcBcontlantn 
of such members of Hindu families as became Muhammadanfl one or 
two centuries ago, and whose personal appearance in ay yet bo ruutiiEy 
compared with that of their undoubted Brahmantaal cousins in many 
parts of Malwa and Upper India. That Prichard (Physical Hifttory af 
Mankind, i. 183 and i. 191) notices no such change in the feature*, 
although ho does in the characters, of the Hottentotw and Esquimaux 
who have been converted to Christianity, may cither show that the* 
attention of our observers and inquirers ban not been directed to 
the subject, or that the savages in question have embraced a new 
faith with little of living ardour and absorbing onthiifliaHm. 


disciples with political systems or codes of municipal laws ; 1708-16. 
yet, in religious faith and worldly aspirations, they are * Itho h 
wholly different from other Indians, and they are bound not fully 
together by a community of inward sentiment and of out- JJg^J* 1 
ward object unknown elsewhere. Hut the misapprehension if aoto' 
need not surprise the public nor condemn our scholars, 1 
when it is remembered that the learned of Greece and Rome 
misunderstood the spirit of those humble men who obtained 
a new life by baptism* Tacitus and Suetonius regarded the 
early Christians as a mere Jewish sect, they failed to per- 
ceive, the fundamental difference, and to appreciate the 
latent energy and real excellence, of that doctrine, which has 
added dignity and purity to modern civilization. 8 

1 The author alludoB chiefly to I'rofcfwor H. Jl. Wilson, whom* 
learning und industry arc doing HO much for Indian hintory. (See 
Anatic. /fawwcAw, xvii. 237, 238 ; and continuation of Mill'H Uuttory t 
vii, 101, 102.) Maluolm holds nimilar views in one place (ttkrtrh, 
pp. 144, 148, 150), but Homewhat contradicts hiniHolf in another 
(#fr!fc/t, p. 43). With these opiniona, however, may be compared tho 
mom correct viewu of KIphinstone (Hi* tor y of hMt t ii< 15855, JHI4) and 
Sir Alexander ItaraeH (VVawfo, i. 284, 285), and atao Major lirowno'fi 
olmtirvatlon, (India TVvtflto.ii. 4) that the Sikh doctrine* bow the flame 
rotation to the Hindu an tho Pro tost ant doow to tho Komiah. 

* Son ilui Anwtl of Tacit, Murphy'** traiwlation ( hook xv^ 8<et. 44, 
noto IB), TacitUH ctallH Ohrintianity a danpprouH flUfx^Btition, and 
rt^anlH itB profcBHorH AH inoviid by * a milieu hatred of th<* wholo 
human riKto'thut .ludnn^ charactc^riKtic of tho period. Suotoniim 
talkH of tho JCMM raining diHturhancoH in the rolgn of (IhiudiuH, at tho 
inHtigut,i<m of ' ono (Jhrtmtim', tluiH <wi<hmtly m tot akin g tho wholo of 
tho factify and further making a l^itin names gt^nuine indeed, hut 
mibapplicd, of tho Greek term for anointed. 

Again, tho olmmire hiHtorian, Vopinc.uH, ]>reHerve a letter, written 
by the Kmporor Hadrian, in which the ( 'hrintiaUK are eonfounded with 
the adororn of SerapiH, and in which the IMiop* urci Haid to he eHpc- 
eially do voted to tho wornhip of that Htrange god, who wa introduced 
into Kfrypt by the PtoleimeH (Wwldington, Mwtory of the. Church* 
p. 1)7) ; and oven JKuHobiuH himnelf did not proixirly distinguish 
between ChriutianH and tho KuMeuie Thera]xutao (HtrautJB, Life of 
Jf.Hitft, i. 1394), although the latter fornuul wentiaUy a more soot, or 
order, affecting aHeetielnm and mystery. 

It U proper to add that Mr, Newman quoteft th dottoriptionu of 
Taeitim and othern as referring really to Chrietians and not to flows 
(On the. Dfivekptnent of Christian Doctrine, p. 205, &.). Ho may bo 
right, but the ground* of his diwent from tho VIOWB of preceding 
wcholarfl are not given. 


1708-10. Banda, the chosen disciple of Gobind, was a native of lh< 

Banda sue- sout ^ f India, and an ascetic of the Buiragi order ; l and 

ceeds the extent of the deceased Gurffs prcparnt ions und mcnriH 

a'Smporal wi ^ ^e ^ est understood from the narrative of flu* career of 

loader. his followers, when his own commanding spirit was no more, 

Proceeds to The Sikhs gathered in numbers round Dimdii when ho 

Mdcmn 1 ' reached the north-west, bearing with him the arrow* of 

fares Gobind as the pledge of victory. Bundu put to (light fix* 

1700-10 Mu gh al authorities in the neighbourhood of Sirhind, and 

then attacked, defeated, und slew the governor of the pro- 

vince. Sirhind was plundered, and the Hindu helrnyer and 

Musalman destroyer of Gohind's children were tlirinwlvrs 

put to death by the avenging Sikhs. 1 Banda next established 

a stronghold below the hills of SirnifirV he occupied the 

country between the Sutlej ami Junuw, und he laid waate 

the district of Saharanpur. 4 

Thftcin- Bahadur Shah, the emperor, hud subdued his rebellious 
laandiiw lm)ther Ktoifoaklwh, he had come to tcrnm with the 
towards Marfithiis, and he wus desirous of reducing the primt** of 
Rajputanu to their old dej>endenee, when lie* Iwnrtl <f I hi* 
defeat of his troops an<l the stick of his city by the hitherto 
unknown Bunda. 5 He hastened towards the Puttjnh, aw! 

thAvclN't*nAtmtivfMif Nortli 

India, and tho writer, follow^*! by Mnjtir Kruwm* ( /m/in 7W/i,n. 
wayn ho was born in tho Jnlhuulur Dn&h. 

'Banda' BignilioH (Ar irAinr, and Harfip CliAmt* the nuthor of 
Our-Jtatufirati, ntatt^ thai ilw iiiurfwi tuuk thu nnntr nr tit lr 
ho mot (Gobind in the south, und found t Imt t IK- IWW<TH of hi* t itt 
god Vishnu woro inoffootual in thi< jmwiifi' iif tin* iinrii, Th^mr* 
forward, ho said, ho would bo th(* nlavo of ( loliii id , 

8 For Bovcwal partioulam, trim or faninfwl,r<4tiiiK to thr mfitun* f 
Sirhind, BOO Browno, India, TVwrl*. ii. t 1(. Htn Aim* KIjthtiiHtnin % 
//wtory o/ /nrfj'rt, ii. flttfl, Aflfi. WayJr KhAn WHH rlwirly tin* tmnn of 
tho governor, and not Kaujdar Khan, an mfnii<inf*ft hy Miri| m 
(KMch, pp. 77, 78). Waxlr Khan wan imUwl tht* * KaujiUr *, ir nttli* 
tary commander in tho provfnrn, anti thw won! In an rfti*n m*i| AM A 
proper namo an to dmoto an office. 

3 Thiw wa at Mukhlipur r noar Hadowra, which Hen nort h-i*H| front 
Ambala, and it appnara to IMI Ihn * I^ih K arh *, that in,* mm or 
strong fort, of tho AYrtr w^ M utokharin (1 ,115). 

* Forstw, 2TraMi{ii f i. 304. 
, * OJ- Blphinstono, //wrtor// ?/ /wrfto , a. mn , anil 
304. Thia was in A. i>, 1709-10. 

. in BANDA 87 

he did not pause to enter his capital after his southern 1708-16. 
successes ; but in the meantime his generals had defeated But B , 
a body of Sikhs near Pampal, and Banda was surrounded in is m the 
his new stronghold. A zealous convert, disguised like his 
leader, allowed himself to be captured during a sally of the wards 
besieged, and Banda withdrew with all his followers. 1 After Jnmu. 
some* successful skirmishes he established himself near 
.Fain nui in the hills nortii of Lahore, and laid the fairest 
part of the Punjab under contribution, Bahadur Shah had liuhfulur 
by this time advanced to Lahore in person, and he died 
therci in the month of February, 1712.* 1712. 

The death of the emperor brought on another contest for Jahandar 
the throne. His eldest son, Jahandar Shall, retained power 2$^" 
for a year, but in February 1713 he was defeated and put rukhatyar, 
to death by his nephew Ftirniklisfyar. These commotions 
were favourable to the Sikhs ; they again became* united 
and formidable, and they built for themselves a considerable ^^ 
fort, named Gurduspur, between Ihc Bens and Ravi. 8 The 
viceroy of Lahore marched against Banda, but he was 
defeated in,a pitched battle, and the Sikhs sent forward a 
party towards Sirhind, the governor of which, Buya/Jd Khun, Th ftikto 
advanced to oppose them. A fanatic crept under his tent uUJ^Tjf 
and mortally wounded him ; the Muhammad am* dispersed, tin, and tho 
but, the city docs not sewn to have fallen n second time a 
prey to the. exulting SikhH. 4 The emperor now ordered 
AbduH Su,maclK]itln,tlu! governor of KuHhmlr.nTCiriini noble 
and a skilful general, to UKKUIW* the command in the Punjab, 
HIM! he Bent to Inn aid Home chosen troops from the eastward, 
Samad Khan brought wilh him Home thousands of 
own warlike eountrymen, and an Noon as ho watt <in 

Cf . KlphinHtono, //wfor//, ii. fi t and Kcmtor ; Tra,wln 9 i. :)5. Tho 
l of tho dcvotod WIIH applau<lc<l wit)u>ut twing pardonod by tho 

Of. tho fltur itl MuMfwin, I !()U, 1 12. 

9 Uurdftftpur in near Ktilanaur, whwo Akhar wiut saluted aa om- 
pitror, and it appoarn to bo tho bohgarh of tho ordinary acmmmtn 
followed by Konttor, Maloolm, and oihcra. H now contains a mona- 
Mtnry of Haruut Brahmann^ who have adopted many of tho Hikh mod<*H 
and tonotfi. 

4 Borne accounts naverbhelew roproHont Iknda to hav<i again 
ponM)*8ed himsolf of Sirhind. 


1708-16. possession of a train of artillery he left Lahore, and falling 
upon the Sikh army he defeated it, after a fierce resistance 
on the part of Banda. The success was followed up, and 
Banda retreated from post to post, fighting valiantly and 
inflicting heavy losses on his victors ; but he was at length 
Banda compelled to shelter himself in the fort of Gurdaspur. He 
reduced 117 was closel y besieged ; nothing could be conveyed to him 
and taken from without ; and after consuming all his provisions, und 
eatin g horses, asses, and even the forbidden ox, he was 
reduced to submit. 1 Some of the Sikhs were put to death, 
and their heads were borne on pikes before Banda and others 
as they were marched to Delhi with all the signs of ignominy 
usual' with bigots, and common among barbarous or half- 
civilized conquerors. 2 A hundred Sikhs were put to denth 
daily, contending among themselves for priority of martyr- 
dom, and on the eighth day Banda himself was arraigned 
before his judges. A Muhammadan noble asked the ancctic 
from conviction, how one of his knowledge? and under- 
standing could commit crimes which would dash him into 
hell ; but Banda answered that he had been UH a mere 
scourge in the hands of God for the chastisement of the 
wicked, and that he was now receiving the meed of his own 
crimes against the Almighty. His won was placed upon his 
knees, a knife was put into his hands, and he was required 
to take the life of his child. He did so, silent and unmoved ; 
his own flesh was thcn torn with red-hot pincers, and amid 
Delhi. these torments he expired, his dark soul, say the M uluimntu* 
dans, winging its way to the regions of the damned. 3 

1 Of. Malcolm, Sketch, pp. 79, 80; Forstor, Vmvrla, i. JMW and noU* ; 
and the Siar ulMutakharin, i. 116, 117, Tho ordinary acwouatH ninta 
the Sikh army amount to 36,000 mon (tforster says 20,000) ; they MHO 
detain Abdus Samada year at Lahore before he undertook anything, 
and they bring domi all the hill chiefs to his aid, both of whi<-h iruum- 
stances are probable enough. 

,.,. ,.,> 

quoting the contemporary Khafi Khan, says the pribonow amounted 
to 740. The Star ul Mut&kharm relates how tho old mcithur of 
Bayazid Khan killed the assassin of her son, by letting fall n ntomi 
on his head, as he and the other prisoners wore being lod through thit 
streets of Lahore. 

* Malcolm (Sketch, p. 82), who quotes the Siar ul Mutokbarfa. The 
defeat and death of Banda are placed by the Mar ul Mvt&leftarin 


The memory of Banda is not held in much esteem by the 1708-16. 
Sikhs ; he appears to have been of a gloomy disposition, and The ^^ 
he was obeyed as an energetic and daring leader, without of Banda 
being able to engage the personal sympathies of his followers. ^^ 
He did not perhaps comprehend the general nature of memory 
Nanak's and Gobind's reforms ; the spirit of sectarianism 
possessed him, and he endeavoured to introduce changes 
mto the modes and practices enjoined by these teachers, 
which should be more in accordance with his own ascetic 
and Hindu notions. These unwise innovations and restric- 
tions were resisted by the more zealous Sikhs, and they may 
have caused the memory of an able and enterprising leader 
to be generally neglected. 1 

After the death of Banda an active persecution was kept The Sikhs 
up against the Sikhs, whose losses in battle had been great 
and depressing. All who could be seized had to suffer death, 
or to renounce their faith. A price, indeed, was put upon 
their heads, and so vigorously were the measures of prudence, Banda, 
or of vengeance, followed up, thai many conformed to Hindu- 
ism ; others abandoned the outward signs of their belief, 
and the more sincere had to seek a refuge among the recesses 
of the hills, or in the woods to the south of the Sutlej. The 
Sikhs were scarcely again heard of in history for the period 
of a generation. 8 

Thus, at the end of Iwo centuries, had the Sikh faith 
become established as a prevailing sentiment and guiding 
principle to work its way in the world. Nanak disengaged 
Jus little society of worshippers from Hindu idolatry und 

(i. 100), by Ormo (tli#tory> ii. 22), ami apparently by ElphiuBtono 
(History, ii. 504), in tho year A. i>. 171<t ; but Jfontor (Trawls, i. 
300 note) has tho date 1714. 

1 Of. Malcolm, AfafcA,pp. 83, 84. But Banda is Romotimos styled 
Guru by IndianR, as in tho Mar ul Mut&kharin (i. 114), and there is 
still an order of half -conformist Sikhs which regards him as its founder. 
Banda, it is reported, wished to establish a soot of his own, saying 
that of Gobind could not endure ; and ho is further declared to have 
wished to change tho exclamation or salutation, ' Wah Guru ko 
tfatoh I * which had boon used or ordainod by Oobind, into ' Fateh 
DharamI* and 'Fatoh Darsan I ' (Victory to faith I Viotory to the 
fioct 1 ). Of. Malcolm, ti ketch, pp. 83, 84. 

Of. Forster (Trawk, i. 312, 313), and Browne (India Tract*, 
ii, 13), and also Malcolm (Sketch, pp. 85, 86). 


1708-1716. Muhammadan superstition, and placed them free on a broad 
Amar Ds b as * s ^ religious and moral purity ; Amar Das preserved 
' the infant community from declining into a sect of quietists 
Arjun. or ascetics , Arjun gave his increasing followers a written 
Hai Go- rule of conduct and a civil organization ; Har Gobind added 
bind. th e use o f arms an a a military system ; and Gobind Singh 
Gobmd bestowed upon them a distinct political existence, and 
Singh. inspired them with the desire of being socially free and 
nationally independent. No further legislation wsis re- 
quired ; a firm persuasion had been elaborated, and a vague 
feeling had acquired consistence as an active principle. 
The operation of this faith become a fact, is only now in 
progress, and the fruit it may yet bear cannot bo foreseen. 
Sikhism arose where fallen and corrupt Brahmanical doc- 
trines were most strongly acted on by the vital and spreading 
Muhammadan belief. It has now come into contact with 
the civilization and Christianity of Europe, and the result 
can only be known to a distant posterity. 1 

1 There arc also elements of change within ftUchism itself, and <Hn- 
sent is everywhere a source of weakness and decay, although H one- 
times it denotes a temporary increase of Htronglh and energy. Sikh 
sects, at least of quiotiHts, arc already numerous, although the great 
development of tho tenets of Guru Gobind has thrown other denoni i na- 
tions into tho flhado. Thus tho prominent divfoion into * Khuluwi ', 
moaning 'of Nanak ', and ' Khalsa', moaning ' of Gobind ' which IH 
noticed by Forstor (Travel* , i. 309), is no longer in foroo. The former 
term, Khulasa, is almost indeed unknown in tho present day, while 
all claim membership with tho Khalsa. NoverlheloflB, tho peaceful 
Sikhs of tho first teacher arc still to ho everywhere mot with in tho 
cities of India, although the warlike Singha of tho tenth king have 
become predominant in the Punjab, and have scattered themdv<8 
as soldiers from Kabul to tho south of India, 

NoTH.Tho reader is referred to Appendices I, II, HI, ami IV 
for some account of the Grantfa of tho Sikhs, for some illuHlmtionH 
of principles and practices taken from the writings of the Otiriin, ami 
for abstracts of certain letters attributed to Nanak and Oobind, and 
which are descriptive of some views and modes of the Sikh people. 
Appendix V may also bo referred to for a list of some Sikh wtotH or 



J)eclino of tho Mughal Empire Gradual reappearance of the Sikhs 
The Sikhs tuwrccid by Mir Mannu, and persecuted by Taimur the 
on of Ahmad ShahThe Army of the ' Khalsa ' and the State 
of tho ' Khalsa ' proclaimed to bo substantive Powers Adlna 
Beg Khan and the Marathas under Raghuba Ahmad Shah's 
incursions and victories Tho provinces of fcirhind and Lahore 
possessed in sovereignty by the Sikhs The political organization 
of tho Sikhs an a f oudal confederacy- Tho Order of Akalis. 

was the last of the nice of Taimur who pos- 1716-38. 
WHKcd u genius for commune! , and in governing a large empire ^ 
of incoherent parts and conflicting principles, his weak sue- Mughal 
censors had to lean upon the doubtful loyalty of selfish and JJJ 1 ^ do- 
jealous ministers, and to prolong a nominal rule by opposing clmes. y 
inmirrcGtionary subjects to rebellions dependents. Within S^'th 
a generation Muhainmadan adventurers had established MarathSs, 
separate dominations in Bengal, Lucknow, and Hyderabad ; &c - 
the Mar&thft Pcshwii had startled the Muslims of India by 
suddenly appearing in arms before the imperial city, 1 and 
the stern usurping Nadir had scornfully hailed the long 
descended Muhammad Shilh as a brother Turk in the heart 
of his blood-stained capital,* The Afghan colonists of 
UohUkh&nd and the Hindu Juts of Bhartpur had raised 
thcmflclvcKto importance an HubRtantive powers, 3 and when 

1 Thiff was in A.D. 1737, whon liajl Rao, the Foshwa, made an 
inournion from Agra towards Dolhi, (Soo Elphinstono, History, ii. 609, 
and (irant Duff, History oftfa. Makrattas, i. 533, 534.) 

* fttao Nildir Shah*H letter to hin Hon, relating his successful invasion 
of India, (Atiafa HwarcJicfi, x, 545, 546.) 

8 A valuable aooount of tho Hohillas may be found in Forster's 
Tmw.U (i. 1 15, &c.), and tho public is indebted to the Oriental Trans- 
lation Committee* of Ixmdon for the memoirs of Hafiz Bahmat Khan, 
ono of tho most omlnont of their loaders- 

The Jato of Bhartpur and Dholpur,and of Hathras and other minor 
places, deserve separate history. 



<<H u. iv 


to the 


of i burin- 

n:m in 

the Persian conqueror departed with the spoils of 
the government was weaker, and society was more dis- 
organized, than when the fugitive Hiibar entered India in 
search of a throne worthy of his lineage and his personal 
These commotions were favourable to the reappca ranee 

<>f u depressed sect ; hut the delegated rule nf , \bdus Samad 

. * , . i * ,* i i t* 

m Lahore was vigorous, and, both under hint ami his weaker 

successor," the Sikhs comported thcmscKcs as peaceful 

t . . lt , ... t i - * . ., 

subjects in their villages, or hirked in wood* ami vall->s to 

^ ttlin a precarious livelihood as robbers. 1 The tenets of 
Niinaknnd (<obind had nevertheless taken root in the hearts 
of the people ; the pensunt ami the nieelumie nursed their 
faith in secret, and the more ardent ehm^ to the hope of 
ample revenue and speeily victory . The departed <*urfi had 
declared himself the hist of the prophets; tin* be)ie\er* were 
without n temporal #uidc, and riuie untutored men, aceiiN- 
tomed to defer to their teacher as dhinc, were left to \vork 
their wny to ^reatneKs, without an ordained method, and 
wit) tout any other bond of union than the hirieenl) of th* j r 
common faith. The pr**>iress of the new religion, and the 
nKcenduncy of it.** votaries, had thus been trusted to the 
pregnancy of the truths announced, and to the fitness of 
the Indian mind for their reception. The general acknow- 
ledgement of the most simple and comprehensive principle 
in MomcthncK uncertain, and is usually slow and irregular, 
and thin fact should be held in view tit considering th<* 
history of the Sikhx from the death of (Johind to the present 

DuriiiK the invasion of Nildir Sin'ih, the Sikhn collected 
m Kmttl * l>ttn(llK ' ttlK * J*Indcrcd both the MniKtflerN of t!u- 
IVwun army mid the wealthy inhnbitaniK who fled 

the masHac-rc at IMhl hccmnc Kenernlly known* 4 Tlir 
* included the fiimotiM (Kwoek throne .,f Khnh 4nhtin nml 



* He WIIH likewiw* the mm of tlw nmtjitfiror tit Iforuia, 
WAN ZttkariyH Khnn, and IUM title Kimii Unhwlur. 

(3f. KorHtwrV Trtttfl*, i. !. nnd lttviwn'ii twfin Trnri*, i|. J3, 

4 lirowiui, India TruH^il. i;t, M, Nt'ulir m-qmri'd frmu the Muslim I 


impunity which attended these efforts encouraged them to 1738-46. 
holder attempts, and they began to visit Aniritsar openly 
instead of in secrecy and disguise. The Sikh horseman, says 
a Muhammadan author, might be seen riding at full gallop 
to pay his devotions at that holy shrine. Some might be 
slain, and some might be captured, but none were ever 
known to abjure their creed, when thus taken on their way 
to that sacred place. 1 Some Sikhs next succeeded in estab- Establish 
lulling a small fort at Dalhwal on the Ravi, and they were ^Jjhwra on 
unknown or disregarded, until considerable numbers the Ravi; 
assembled and proceeded to levy contributions around 
Kminabad , which lies to the north of Lahore. The marauders 
wore attacked, but the detachment of troops was repulsed 
and its leader slain. A larger force pursued and defeated j> ut( j e at 
them ; many prisoners were brought to Lahore, and the M 
scene of their execution is now known as ' Shahld Ganj ', or 
the place of martyrs, 2 It is further marked by the tomb of 
Ithai Taru Singh, who was required to cut his hair and to 
renounce his faith ; but the old companion of Guru Gobind 
would yield neilher his conscience nor the symbol of his con- 
viction, and his real or pretended answer is preserved to the 
present day. The Imir, the scalp, and the skull, said he, ' 
have u mutual connexion ; the head of man is linked with 
lifrMiiul he was prepared to yield his breath with cheerfulness. 

The vice royalty of Lahore was aboxit this time contested Ahmotl 
between tho two WHIM of Zakariya Khan, the successor of ^SJJJ 
Abdw* Sanuul, who defeated Banda, The younger, Shah India, 
'/i Khan, displaced the elder, and to strengthen himself 

tho province of Shulh and Kabul, and four districts of the 
proving of hnhon*, lyintf near tho Jholum river. 

Sfiakariya Khan, flon of Abdul Samaci, was viceroy of Lahore at 
the time. 

The defeat of tho Dolhi sovereign, and Nadir's entry into the 
capital, took plaw on tho J ,'ith of February and early in Hatch, 1739, 
rcwiHUitiwly, but wore not known in London until tho Ut of October, 
HO ulow woro tho uornmunicaticinB, and of so little importance was 
Delhi to Kngiiflhiuenp throo generations ago. (Wade's Chronological 
liritiith llhtary, p. 417.) 

1 Tho author to quoted, but not named by Malcolm, Sketch, p. 88. 

* Of. Browno, Jndia Tracts, U. 13 ; Malcolm, Sketch, p. 86 ; and 
Murray's /tonjtt Mngh, by Prinsop, p. 4. Yahya Khan, tho older son 
of Zakariya Khan, wait governor of tho Punjab at tho time. 


niAi-. iv 

17-17-8. in hi** usurpation, In* opened a eorrenpondenec with Ahmad 
Shah Abdali, who became master of Afghanistan on tin* 
assassination of NTwlir Shah* in .June 1717, The Durrani 
king soon collected round his standard number* of the hardy 
tribes of (Vnlrul Asia, who delight in distant inroads and 
successful rapine. He necessarily looked to India an the 
most productive Held of conquest or incursion, and he could 
cloak his ambition tinder the double pretext ofthe tendered 
allegiance of the governor of Lahore, and of the favourable 
reception at Delhi of hlti enetirs, Nadir Shah's fugitive 
governor of Kabul. 1 Ahmad Shah crossed the Indus : but 
the usurping viceroy of Lahore hud been taunted with bin 
treason; generosity prevailed oser policy, and he resolved 
upon opposing the advance of the A Oilman* I ICWHM defeated, 
and the Abdftli became manter of the Punjab. The Shah 
pumicd bin march to Sirhind, where be was met by the 
WtuTr of the declining empire*. Some desultory MkirmiKhing 
al1 ^ (>nc morc *^<^ H > V< ' "t'tion t(<k place, but the reniilt of 
the whole wan HO unfavourable to UK* irnader that he pre* 
<*'P'tateIy nrnihNcd the Punjab, and #ave at) opporfitnity 
to tin* watchful Sikh.s of harassing his rear and of gaining 
conlldcacc in their own prowess. The minister of Delhi wan 
killed by a cannon bull during the Mhort campaign* hut the 
gallantry and the Memoes of bin muu Mir Manntt, had hern 
wwph'WMH' and he became the viwroy *f lnhori* nod 
Mult flu, under the title of Mum-ul-miik, s 
MirMmmu The, ne.w governor was a man of vigour uml ubiiit), but 
S2JjJ v 2"P t* lH object wan rather to advance IIIH own itercMlH than to 
t<mr>ioyH nerve the emperor j und in the jul ministration of bin pro- 

MiiPAilmii v ^ l<tt<H * M * coll '' <! trwilt to no fr**'HW Hve thonr which he 

lieu Khan, i>crKonalIy iaspircd, He judlcionwly retatucd tin* WT\ icch 

17 '^- of two experienced men, Kaurtt Mai and Adina Jtrg Klii^it, 

the one EH bin immcfliatc deputy, umt the other as tin* 

manager of the Julhmdur Ddftb, Hotb liail dealt MkilfttHy 



<'f, Miirniy'M Itonjtt S'if//i, by Crinimp, p, i, tmi 

Ifi, Nnnir Kliiin, the governor, hemtntid }irttit rnnrrym 
hiri < laughter to Ahmiui Shuh, fun* of Anntiirr rnre, HM well AH ntmtit 
re to hint UN w*vcreiyi, <'f,, htw*vtr Kl|blitoin' 
, who timki** no iiieiilion cif thiw fmrtiUn*, 
Murniy ( n 


for the times with the insurrectionary Sikhs, who continued 1748. 
to press themselves more and more on the attention of their 
unloyal governors. 1 During the invasion of Ahmad Shah But the 
they had thrown up a fort close to Amritsar, called the Sjp^tnd 
Hum Rauni, and one of their most able leaders had arisen, Jasaa Singh 
Jassa Singh Kalal, a brewer or distiller, who boldly pro- daimsthe 
claimed the birth of a new power in the state the ' Dal ' existence of 
of the ' KhtSLu , or army of the theocracy of 6 Singhs '. 2 or^n^of 
As soon as Mir Mannu had established his authority, he theKhalsa. 
inarched against the insurgents, captured their fort, dis- Mannu dis- 
persed their troops, and took measures for the general fkhs^and 
preservation of good order. 3 His plans were interrupted by c mes to 
the rumoured approach of a second Afghan invasion ; he Ahmad * 
inarched to the Chcnab to repel the danger, and he dispatched SMh, who 
agents to the Durrani camp to avert it by promises and iwJSftfaa 
concessions. Ahmad. Shah's own rule was scarcely consoli- lndua,end 
dated, he respected the ability of the youth who had ' 
cheeked him at Sirhind, and he retired across the Indus on 
the stipulation that the revenues of four fruitful districts 
should be paid to him UH they hud been paid to Nadir Shah, 
from whom he pretended to derive his title.* 

Mir Mannu gained applause at Delhi for the success of his Mir Mannu 

measures, but hiK ambition was justly dreaded by the Waalr ^Shi'toy 1 

Siifdar Jung, who knew hit* own designs on Oudh, and felt resisting 

that the example would not be kiHt on the son of his prc- 

1 Kaura Mai wan hsmHolf a follower of Nanak, without having ' ' 
adopted Hut tonotH of Uohiucl. ( KorHlor, Travels, i. 314.) Aclma Beg 
Khan WUH appointed manager of tho Jullundur Doab by Zakariya 
Khan, with ordortt to <ionruo tho Siklm after Nadir Shah's retirement. 
(Hrowmi, Jndin Tract*, ii. 14.) 

* (!f. Browne, India TVvirfc, ii. 1, wlio gives Charaa Singh, Tuka 
Singh, and Kirwar Wingh, an tho tionf (Migrates of Jassa Kalal. 

8 Both Kaura Mai and Adlna ll( k g, but ospocially tho former, the 
ono from predilection, and the other from policy, are understood to 
have diHBuadml Mir Mannu from proceeding to extremities against the 
SikhB. Of. Browne, Tract*, ii. 10, and ITorstor, Travels, i. 314, 315, 
327, 3Si8, which latter, however, juutly observes, that Mannu had 
objoota in view of greater moment to himself than the suppression of 
an infant juutt, 

* Tho Afghans fttatti that Mir Mannu also became the Shah's tribu- 
tary for the whole of tho I'unjab, and, doubtless, ho promised anything 
to get tho invader away and to be left alone. (Of. Elphinstono, Ktibv I, 
ii. 28U, and Murray, Itonjitttintih, pp $> 10.) 




ami with- 


1740-52. dwssor. It was proposed to reduee his power by co 

the province of Mnllan on Shah Numay. Khan. whom Mir 
Mannu himself had supplanted in Lahore ; ' hut Munnu 
had un accurate knowledge of the imperial po\v-r and of 
his own resources, and he sent his deputy, Kaura Mai, to 
resist the new governor. Shah N'uwa/ Khan was defeated 
mid .shun, and the elated vieeioy eonlVrred the title of 
Maharaja on his successful follower.-' This virtual inde- 
pendence of Delhi, and the suppression of Sikh disturbances, 
emboldened Mannu to persevere in his probably original 
design, ami to withhold (he promised fritmte from Ahmad 
Shah. A pretence of demanding it was maths and the 
l >a y |lu * n ^ "f uH arrears was offered, hut aeit her party feU I hut 
the other could In- trusted, and the Afghan king marched 
^ <>wan * K I 'i i ho re, Mannu made a show of meet in him on 
the frontier* but finally he took up ua ent reneln*d itosifion 
un<lcr tnt - wallx of the city. Had he remained on the defen- 
Hive, th Abdiili might probably have been foiled, but, after 
a four inontltH' beleaguer* he was tempted tn rink an Hrtiou. 
KiHira Mai was killed ; Adlna Hex M'areely ^Nerted himself; 
Muimu saw that a prolonged routest ^ould be ruinoun. and 
nc pnid<? retired to the eitadrl and ^jwve in bin adhesion 
t< theeonqueror. The Shah was satislh-d with the Mtrri'tider 
^ u t'<>" s M<*Nible treasure and with tlte annr\itti<m of Lahore 
tlmhmjuh, aud MulUin to hin dcminioiiK. He expressed his admiration 
April lifts, O jf ]viunnu*K wpirii aw u leader, and eliiririiey as a iiwiw^-r, 
and hccontinue<t him IIH his own delegate in the nrw m-iami* 
tioun* The ShiLh took measures to bring Kashmir also under 
his sway, uml then retired towiirdH his tmtive country*'' 1 

This Hcrund capture <f Lahore by stran^erH iN-ccsHarily 
W - H ^"<1 Uw ttdminiMmtlott of pniviticis and the Sikhi, 
ever reudy to rise, again bmune troubh-humr ; hnf AdKitu 
found it advisable at the* time to do away with thr 


Khan, th younger m> of Zjikuriyn KkiUi, in ntntint in 
l Mult An rhrutiirlcw it* huv^ hfttl that provimi' wlint NAilir 
tt, in 17**t> -10. to fairly uatle uml Miiltlm* it, and in 
d IUH alli^jumr in Hit* PcrHinn rnurpwrur, frmti w 
nuiv<Hl thci title of iSluih Nawiu Klmit. 
1 Cf. Murray'K Ifaujittiinyh, p, 10. 
9 (,1 KlpliimUm'. fafout, it, ^HH, mid Murray 1 !* tt<in)tt 
Ip. 10, 1, 


suspicions which attached to his inaction at Lahore, and to 1752-6. 
the belief that he temporized with insurgent peasantry for 
purposes of his own- He was required to bring the Sikhs 
to orclor, for they had virtually possessed themselves of the* 
country lying between Amritsar and the hills. He fell but are to- 
suddenly upon them during a day of festival at Makhowal, AdinaiiJ& 
and gave them a total defeat. But his object was still to be who n*vw- 
tliotightfllicir friend, and he came to an understanding with SjSrUiwn 
them that their payment of their own rents should be nonii- favourable 
nal or limited, and their exactions from others moderate or 
systematic. He took also many of them into hiw pay ; one 
<f tiie number being Jassa Singh, u carpenter, who after* 
ward* became a chief of consideration. 1 

MTr Mannu died a few months after the re-establishment MirMannu 
of his authority as the deputy of a new master. 8 His widow 
succeeded in procuring the acknowledgement of his infant 
son tt viceroy under her own guardianship, and she en- 
deavonrcd to stand equally well with the court of Delhi and 
with the Durrani king. She professed submission to both, 
and Klie betrothed her daughter to Ghitai-ud-dln, the grand- 
son of the first Nizam of the Dcccun, who had supplanted 
the vieoroy of OUdh as the minister of the enfeebled empire 
of India. 8 But the Wa/ar wished to recover a province for 
his .sovereign, as well us to obtain u bride for himself* lie 
proceeded to Lahore and removed his enraged mother-in- 
law ; and the Punjab remained for a time" under the nominal 
rule of Adimi Bog Khfm, until Ahmad Shah again marched Ahinnil 
and made it his own. The Durrilnl king passed through 
Lahore in the winter of 1 755-0, leaving his sou Taimfir under 
the tutelage of a chief, named Jahiln Khfln, ns governor. 
The Shfih likewise annexed Sirhiud to his territories, and vwrnorof 
although he extended hin pardon to GhftzMid-dTn personally, JJjj'JjJjjjijJ' 
lie did not return to Kandahar until he luid plundered Delhi ud-dauf* 

plaml at. 

1 <tf. Urown<s India Tract*, il. 17, and Malcolm, Sketch, p, 82* 

2 Knrator (Trawl*, i. 3ir>) and Mulcolm (Mefrh, p. 02), say 1752. 
Hrowuu (Trufittt, il. IB) givoB tho liijri year, Uf> f which oorrospond 
with A. T>. 1751, 1751 Murray (Hanjlt Hingh, p. 13) simply nay* 
Mautiu did not long mirvivo hiw nubmiH0ion r but Klphlnatono (KAbnl, 
ii, ^HK) givoH 1750 OH the data of thfl viceroy's doath. 

9 Tho original namo of (^ha/.l-ud-dln wan Hhahab-ud-dln, cor* 
ritfitt'd into ali<M)d<m ami Hhandwn hy tho 




THAI*, iv 

I'tlM'b tho 

1750-8. and Mathiiru, and placed Xujlb-ud-duiilii, n Rohillu lender. 
itoliMulnr I1011T lhe l KTHtm of lhe WaxIrVi puppet king* as the litulnr 
thp Drihi Commander of the forces of the Delhi empire, and us the 

eflieiont representative of Alxhlli interests. 1 

Prince TaiuuVs first object was to thoroughly disperse 

the insurgent Sikhs, and to punish Adlua HCK for the support 

which hc lmd # ivou to thc DeBli minisU ' r in wvowring 
Lahore. Jassa, the carpenter, had restored the Ham Huuni 
of Amritsur ; that plactc was accordingly attacked, the fort 
was levelled, the huildings were demolished, and the sacred 
reservoir was filled with the ruins. Adlnu. Beg would not 
trust the prince, and retired to the hills, secretly aiding and 
encouraging the Sikhs in their desire for revenge- They 
assembled in great numbers, for the faith of Gobind was 
the living conviction of hardy ft!ngleiumdcd villagers, 
rather than the ceremonial belief of busy citizens, with 
thoughts diverted by the opposing interests and convcn- 

Hut UM tioniil usages of artificial society. The country around Idi- 
hore Kwarmed with horsemen ; the prince and his guardian 
wm * WMir "'^ w ' 114 ^ l(1 * r e'brous effortH to watter them, 
im<1 ^ K \Y wu'wl it prudent to retire towar<in tlie (lifnAIi. 
Lahore was temporarily occupied by the triumphant Siklm, 
and the same .lussa Singh, who had proclaimed the ' KhillKa ' 

i7frt-K to be n wtate and to POHHCSH nn army, now guve it another 
symbol of wubHtantive power. He used the mint of the 
Mfighnln to strike a rupee bearing the inHc.ription, * Coined 
by the grace of the " Khfilsa" in the country of Ahmad, 
'conquered by Jassu the Kultll.' a 

pp. Dli, 04 ; KlphinHtcm^ Ktibul, ti. 2KH, !&<>; and Murray^ 
JlanjUtiingh, pp. 14, 15. 

During tho nominal vitioroyalty <f Mir Maimu'n widow, one BikaH 
Khiln play<ul a oonH[)i<!UouH part AH her deputy, Ho wu iiiuiUy put 
to <loath by tho lady an ouo who dcmijupUKl to Hupplant hrr authority ; 
but ho watt, ni'VortholoHH, Huppom'd to havo \wvii her paramour. 
(Of, Browno, ti. 18, and Murray, {>. 14*) The gilt womiuo At 1-ahorn 
was built by HUH liikuri Khan, 

2 Of. Browne, 7W*,ii. 19 ; Mah-(lm v MHch, p. fflt, 9u\ ; KIihin- 
Htono, KMul,iL 2H1) ; and Murray, HanjU Mngh, p. 15. 

Klphiuwtono, wring Afghan accountft, nayn Acllna ifeg ^efHittul 
body of Taixudr troo]>s ; ami Murray, mting apparently tho aof*ountn of 
Punjab MuhammadauH, omitH tho nocupaiiou of Lahore by tho Nikhi. 


The Delhi minister had about this time called in the 1758-61. 
Marathas to enable him to expel Najlb-ud-daula, who, by 
his own address and power, and as the agent of Ahmad Shah thus at* 
Abdfili, had become paramount in the imperial councils. Belh,l758. 
Ghazi-ud-dm easily induced Raghuba, the Peshwa's 
brother, to advance ; Delhi was occupied by the Marathas, 
and Najlb-ud-daula escaped with difficulty. Adlna Beg 
found the Sikhs less willing to defer to him than he had 
hoped ; they were, moreover, not powerful enough to 
enable him to govern the Punjab unaided, and he accordingly 
invited the Marathas to extend their arms to the Indus. Maraiha 
He had also a body of Sikh followers, and he marched from Jj JSPJjJJ 
the Jumna in company with Raghuba. Ahmad Shah's sough? by 
governor of Sirhind was expelled, but Adlna Bog's Sikh 
allies incensed the Marathas by anticipating them in the 
plunder of the town, which, after two generations of rapine, 
they considered as peculiarly their right. The Sikhs eva- 
dialed Lahore, and the several Afghan garrisons retired and j* ntpM L*J- 
Icft the Marathas masters of Multfm and of Attock, as well aSmtH 
as of the capital itself. Adina Beg became the governor of A*' 1 ""- llo P 
the Punjab, but his vision of complete independence was 
arrested by death, and a few months after he had established May 1 
his authority he was laid in his grave. 1 The Marathas 
seemed to see all India at their feet, and they concerted 
with Ghftzi-ud-dlu a scheme pleasing to both, the reduction 
of Oudh and the expulsion of the Rohillas. 2 But the loss of 
the Punjab brouglft Ahmad Shah a second time to the 
banks of the Juinnu, and dissipated for ever the Marathu 
dreams of supremacy. 3 

The Durrani king marched from Baluchistan up the Ahmad 
Indus to Pcshilwar, and thence across the Punjab. His 
presence caused Mullau and Lahore to be evacuated by the 
Marathas, and hit* approach induced the Wazir Ghazi-ud- 
dln to take the life of the emperor, while the young prince, 

1 Of. Browne, India Tract# t ii. 19, 20 ; Forstor, Travels, i. 317, 318 ; 
Kiphinatono, K&bul, ii, 200 ; and Grant Duff, History of the Mara- 
thfa, ii. 132. Aclina Bog appears to have died before the ond of 1758. 

> Of. Elphinetone, History o/ India, ii. 669, 670. 

8 Najlb-ud-daula, and the Rohtllas likewise, urged Ahmad to 
return, when, they saw their villages set on flames by the Marathas, 
(Elphinstone, India, ii. 670, and Browne, Tracts, ii. 20.) 



I7fi0-i. afterwards Shuh Alum, was absent endeavouring to gain 
strength by an alliance with the Knglish, the now masters 
of Bengal. The MarfUhii commanders, Sindhia and Ilnlkur, 
Delhi wen- were separately overpowered; the Afghan king occupied 
^}^ s th<> Delhi, and then advanced towards (he (Jungcs to engage 
but after- Shuju-ud-dmila, of Oudh, in the general confederacy against 
fa!f* ls ^' 10 sr>ll *^ u * rn Hindus, who were about to make an effort for 
Iiythc the final extinction of the Muhainnmdatt rule. A new 
fl()ininan ^' r * untried in tJie northern wars, but accompanied 
by the IVshwiVs heir and by all the Mariitha chiefs of name, 
was advancing from Poona, confident in his fortune and in 
his superior numbers. Sedasheo Hao easily expelled the 
Afghan detachment from Delhi, while the main body was 
occupied in the Dofib, and he vainly talked of proclaiming 
- young Wiswas Hao to be the paramount of India. Hut 
hWl #" m ' <l hLs wial - vic-lory <f PHnTpui in the 
at PAnipui, be^innin^ of 1701, and both the influence of the IVshvvA 
iiHlV 11 ^!" alllon ff 1" H own People, and ihti power of the* Marnthns in 
rai'ily'from llindustun, received u blow, from which wither fully re** 
IH?' ||P "II cov ** rt ' < ' 1 UIM ' which, indirectly, aided the accomplishment 
Juu.', *174tl. of their desires by almost, unheeded foreigners, 1 

The Afghan kin^ returned to Kfibul immcdiutely after 
the battle, leaving deputies in Sirhind and Lahore,' 4 and the 
Sikhs only appeared, during this cninpuign, as pn^dntory 
bands hovering round the Durrilm army ; bub the ahumcc 
^ tt " ni K"l^ government gave them additional strength, 
t hn open and they became not only masters of their own villages, but 
cfcmntry. ] w ,^ un t o eroe i, f or t tt for the purpows <>f keeping Ktningrr 
communities in check. Among others Uiarat Singh, the 
grandfather of Kanjlt Singh, ehtabliKlutd a Ktrongliold of 
the kind in hit* wifc'ft village of (Jujruauli (or (lujrunwillu), 
to the northward of Lahore. The Durrani governor, or his 
deputy, Khwilja Obed, went, to reduce it in the beginning 

1 Urnwfw, Iwtlii T/rirtoJL $0, 21 ; KlpliSiiHtuni*. Ilittorit </ /jwfi'i, 
ii* 7(), &*-. j uiul Murray, Jtttnjittitnyh* JIJK 17, iiO, 

KIphiuHtono Hftyn tiui M unit ha Icailrr only <!iiayo(! to iinifinim 
WiBwawtho jmriuuouut ojf llitiduHtan until the UurrauU Hhoultl hr 
(irivwi iwnm t\w ladun- S<*o ubm ( {rant Duff, Ittttory it/the MurMtl *, 
\\. 142 and noki. 

* ttalaml Khfta In btlumsund Xuin Khun iaSirhiiui. ur.'Mnling to 
Browiio, hulia Truc,t*,n> LM t ^i, 


of 1702, 1 and the Sikhs assembled for its relief. The Afghan 1761-2. 
was repulsed, he left his baggage to be plundered, and fled 
to shut himself up within the walls of Lahore. 3 The governor 
of Sirhind held his ground better, for he was assisted by an 

active Muhammadan leader of the country, Hinghan Khan charafc 
of Maler Kotla ; but the Sikhs resented this hostility of an 
Indian Pathan as they did the treason of a Hindu religionist 
of Jlndiala, who wore a sword like themselves, and yet 
adhered to Ahmad Shah. The ' army of the Khalsa ' i76i-2.' 
assembled at Amritsar, the faithful performed their ablu- The Sikhs 
tions in the restored pool, and perhaps the first regular JfSJJjjJj. 
4 Gurumatta ', or diet for eonclavc, was held on this occasion, sar, and 
The possessions of JLlinghaii Khan were ravaged, and ^Xyow 
Jlndiaia was invested, preparatory to attempts of greater cither side 

in mil mi I 3 Of tho 

moment. Sutlcj- 

Bui the rcsllcss Ahmad Shah was again at hand. This Ahmad 
prince, the very ideal of the Afghan genius, hardy and 
enterprising, fitted for conquest, yet incapable of empire, 
seemed but to exist for the sake of losing and recovering 
provinces. lie reached JLahorc towards, the end of 17GU, 
and the Sikhs retired to the south of the Sutlej, perhaps 
with some design of joining their brethren who were watching 
Sirhind, and of overpowering Zain Khun the governor, 
before they should be engaged with Ahmad Shah himself ; 
but in two long and rapid marches from Lahore, by way of 
Ludhiana, the king came up with the Sikhs when they were 
about to cuter into action with hte lieutenant, lie gave The ' Ghu- 
them a total defeat, and the Muluuwnadans were UK active yjlrSl'o- 
in the pursuit as they hud been ardent in the attack* The frat of t\w 
Sikhs arc variously reported to have lost from twelve to 
twenty-five thousand men, and the rout if* still familiarly Feb. 

1 Murray (Ranjit tiinyh t p. 21) nuikt'u Khwaja Obcd tho governor, 
and ho may havo tiu<u;owlcd or rcproMontod Baland Khan, whom 
other account nhow to havo ocuaHionully resided at Kohtat). Gui- 
ranwula in the nioro common, if IOHH anoient, form of tho namo of tho 
village attacked. It wan alno tho place of Kaujli Singh's birth, and 
i new a fair-fuzed ami thriving town. (Of. Munshi Shahamat Ali ? H 


3 (if. Browwo, India Trwi*, ii. 22, S3 ; and Murray, 


1762-3. known as the fc Ghulu Ghara \ or great disaster. 1 AIha 

Singh, the founder of the present family of Patiala, was 

of PatiS?. 1 among the prisoners, but his manly deportment pleased 

the warlike king, and the conqueror may not have been 

insensible to the policy of widening the difference between 

a MtilwG, and a Mdnjha Singh. He was declared a raja of 

the state and dismissed with honour. The Shah had an 

interview at Sirhind with his ally or dependent, Najib-ud- 

KabuliMd daula ; he made a Hindu, named Kabuli Mai, his governor 

!TaUo 0r f of Lahore, and then hastened towards Kandahar to suppress 

an insurrection in that distant quarter ; but he first gratified 

Ahmad ( his own resentment, and indulged the savage bigotry of his 

titter followers, by destroying the renewed temples of Amritsar, 

committing by polluting the pool with slaughtered cows, by encasing 

SETeST numerous pyramids with the heads of deeapilated Sikhs, 

of nds. and by cleansing the walls of desecrated mosques with the 

blood of his infidel enemies. 2 

TheSikha The Sikhs were not cast down; they reeeived daily 

mcreaaeV accessions to their numbers ; a vague feeling Hint they 

atreiigth. wcrc a people had arisen among them ; all were bcnl on 

revenge, and their leaders wore ambitious of dominion and 

of fame. Their first efforts were direetcd against the Patliau 

KuMlr colony of Kasur, which place they took and plundered, and 

plundered, they ^^ ^ upm and ^^ ^^ ^ cncmy uingluui Khun 

of Malcr Kotla. They next marched toward* Sirhind, and 

the court of Delhi was incapable of raising un arm in support 

of Muhammadanism. Zuin Khan, the Afghan governor, 

The pave battle to the true or probable number of 40,000 Sikhs 

dffiS, ^ the month of December 1708, but he was defeated and 

Doc,17G3. w iain, and the plains of Sirhind, from the Sutlej to the 

Jumna, were occupied by the victors without further oppo- 

sition. Tradition still describes how the Sikhs dispensed 

as soon as the battle was won, and how, riding day and 

night, each horseman would throw his belt and scabbard, 

his articles of dress and accoutrement, until he was almost 

3 The Noano of the light lay but we on (iujm'wul and Bcrimlu, 
twenty mil CM south from JLudhiiLnu. I Jinghan Khan, of Mulf-r K<rt tit, 
Hooms to have guulod the Whah. ( )f, Urowtm, Tracts, ii, 25 ; KdrHtc^, 
Travels, i. 319 ; and Murray, RanjnNinffh, pp, 2IJ, iJ5, Tho aclion 
appears to have boon fought in February 170ii. 

* Of. tforutor, IVavcfo, i. WO ; and Murray, RmjHHinyh, p, ^5. 


naked, into successive villages, to mark tl^m as bis. Sirhincl 
itself was totally destroyed, and the feeling still lingers 
which makes it meritorious to carry away a brick from the tuki'ii and 
place which -witnessed the death of the mother and children 
of Gobind Singh. The impulse of victory swept the Sikhs 
across the Jumna, and their presence in Saharanpur recalled {JJ!jJ f "Jr (l|1 . 
Najib-ud-daula from his contests with the Juts, under <-uji^l ly 
Suraj Mai, to protect his own principality, and he found it 
prudent to use negotiation as well as force, to induce the 
invaders to retire. 1 

Najlb-ud-daula was successful against the Jats, uiul Sfiraj Tto- 
Mai was killed in fight ; but the waxlr, or regent, was him- "}' 
welt' besieged in Delhi, in 1764, by the son of the deceased jmrin 
chief, and the heir of Bhartpur was aided by a large, body of 
Sikhs, as well as of Marathas more accustomed to defy tlie 
imperial power. 2 The loss of Sirhind had brought Ahmad 
Shah a seventh time across the Indus, and the (lunger of 
Nujib-ud-daula led him onwards to the neighbourhood of 
the Jumna; but the siege of Delhi being raised- juicily 
through the mediation or the defection of the Mariitha chief, 
llolkar, and the Shall having perhaps rebellion** to mipprchH 
iu his native provinces, hastened back without making uiiy 
effective attempt to recover Sirhind. lie was content, with 
acknowledging Alha Singh of Patiala an governor of UK* 
province on his part, that chief having opportunely pro- 
cured the town itself in exchange from the deseemlunt of 
an old companion of the Guru's, to whom the eon federate* 
had assigned it. The Sikh accounts do not allow that the 
Shah retired unmolested, but describe a long and urduouh 
contest in the vicinity of Aumtsur, whieh ended without 
either party being able to elaiiu u vie lory, Jilt hough it 
precipitated the already hurried retirement, of the Afghftitb. 
The Sikhs found little diilieulty in ejecting Kabuli Mul, the 
governor of Lahore, and the whole country, from the 
Jhcluni to the Sutlej, was partitioned among chiefs and 

1 ( 4 f . Browno, India Tracts, ii, *24, and Murray, HanjUXingh, pp. (\, 
21, Homo acfouniti npr<mont tho Hikiw to have alo kwimu^ tt*ntpo* 
ranly poHHOHUud of I^ahoro at IhiH period. 

2 Of. Browno,7Vac^,ii.a4. Sikh tradition utitl pnwnrvcw t he im 
of tho chiofa who plundorod the vogoUblo markot at Dulhi oit 


1764. their followers, as the plains of Sirhind had been divided in 

the year previous. Numerous mosques were demolished, 

and Afghans in chains were made to wash the foundations 

A general w ith the blood of hogs. The chiefs then assembled at 

heldatinv Amritsar, and proclaimed their own sway and the prevu- 

ntsar, and lence of their faith, by striking a coin with an inscription Lo 

established the effect that Guru Gobind had received from Nanuk 

as a ruling <Deg, Tegh, and Fath ', or Grace, Power, and Hupid 

people. Victoryl 

The Sikhs The Sikhs were not interfered with for two years,.and the 

into^a poh- short interval was employed in ascertaining their actual 

ticalsys- possessions, and in determining their mutual relations in 

om> their unaccustomed condition of liberty and power. Kvery 

Sikh was free, and each was a substantive member of the; 

commonwealth ; but their means, their abilities, and their 

opportunities were various and unequal, and it, wns MX MI 

found that all could not lead, and that there were even then 

which may masters as well as servants. Their system naturally res 

theocratic* solved itself into a theocratic confederate feudalism, with 

f OI dar erate a11 the confusion ancl uncertainty attendant upon a triple* 
eu ism. all j ance of thc kind iu a iSO(J j oty half-barbarous. (;<><! was 

their helper and only judge, community of faith or object 
was their moving principle, and warlike array, the devotion 
to steel of Gobind, was their material instrument. Year by 
year the c Sarbat Khaisa ', or whole Sikh people, mut once 
at least at Amritsar, on thc occasion of the festival of the 

1 Cf. Browne, India Tract*, ii. 25, 27 ; Forrilor, 'JVtffvb, i, JW I, JWIt ; 
Elphinstone, JTa6wZ,,207; andMurroy, KtuijUHwyh, pp. 1111,27, 

The rupees struck wore oallod ' GobindHhahi ', and tlui IIHO of tJm 
emperor's name was rejected (Browne, Ttute 9 i\. iiH), although oxit- 
ing coins show that it was aftorwwda -occasionally imic<rtocl by miiy 
chiefs. On moat coins struck hy Ranjit Singh M thu inHri)iti>, 
' Beg, tegh, wa f ath, wa nasrat ba darang 
Yaft az Nanak Gura Oobind tiingh ', 

that is, literally, 'Grace, power, and victory, victory wit howl 
pause, Guru Gobind Singh obtainedfrom Nanak.' OTr wmm (lm*r\. 
tions on the words Deg, and TSgli, and 3?ath t HUO Aj>iwudioH IX uutt 
Xlf, Browne (Tracts, ii. Introd. vii) givo/j no typi<l imjiort to 1 1 )c % 
and therefore leaves it meaningless ; but ho i porluin mow win lent 
than Col. Sleeman, who writes of ' the sword, the pot vfotarv, itl 
conquest being quickly found', &c. &c. (Heo jKawbk* of a* 
Official, ii, 233, note, ) 


mythological Kama, when the cessation of the periodical 1701* 
rains rendered military operations practicable, ^''was r^ 
perhaps hoped that the performance of religious duties,*' and 
the awe inspired by so holy a place, might cause selfishness 
to yield to a regard for the general welfare, and the assembly 
of chiefs was termed a 6 Gurumatta ', to denote that, in Their Gu- 
conformity with Gobblers injunction, they sought wisdom *rnaWaft, 
and unanimity of counsel from their teacher and the book 
: of his word. 1 The leaders who thus piously met, owned no 
subjection to one another, and they were imperfectly obeyed 
by the majority of their followers; but the obvious feudal, or 
military notion of a chain of dependence, was acknowledged 
as the law, and the federate chiefs partitioned their joint 
conquests equally among themselves, and divided their 
respective* shares in the same manner among their own 
leaders of bands, while these again subdivided their portions 
among their own dependents, agreeably to the general 
custom of subiniVudulkm. 2 This positive or understood 
i rule! was not, however, always applicable to actual condi- 
tions, for the Sikhs were in part of their possessions k earth- 

B * ' Mat ' moans undonjtamling, and * Malta ' counsel or wisdom, 
Jlunutt Gurumatla houotmw, literally, ' the advice of the Guru/ 

Malcolm (NMch, p. 52) eiouidorH, and Browne (TVrtctosii.vii) leaven 
it to bo implied, that Uohiiul directed the tiHHombliitfo of (Surumatta ; 
'hut Uutro ia no authority for believing that ho ordained any formal 
or particular institution, although, doubtlcBH, the general HCOJK> of 
hit* injunction!!, and ilw peculiar political circumstancew of the timcn, 
uavc additional force* to the practice of holding dicta or conclaves < 
*S practice common to mankind everywhere, and Hywtomatizod in 
India from time immemorial. Of, Forntor, Trawl*, i. 328, &., for 
some olwervivtiontt on tho tranHiont Sikh govornmont of the tinu% 
and on tho more enduring (tharacteriftticB of the jxsoplo. Wco altto 
Malcolm^ Hkvtrh, p, JiiO, for tho ceremonial forms of a UurUmatta. 

'* (if. Mtirray, Jtnnfil ttwyh, pp. 33-7. om tracitu of oountry 
which tho tSikhft flul)duod but did not occupy, * Kakh!' (litorally, 
protection money) was regularly levied. Tho Kakhi varied in amount 
from ]>erhapM a fifth to a half ol tho rental or government wharo of the 
produw. It corresponded with tho Maratha ' Chowt \ or fourth, and 
both teruiH meant * blackmail', or, in a higher sono, tribute*. (?, 
liruwno, India Track, ii. viii, and Murray, fianjit 8inyh, p. 32. The 
HubdiviKiotifl of property wore) BomotimcH o minuto that two, or throo, 
or ten Kikha might bouomo cu-partnora in the rental of one village, or 
in tho house tax of one utrout of a town, while the fact that jurisdiction 
accompanied ouch right increased the ccmf tunon. 


1764. boru ', or many held lands in which the mere withdrawal of 
a central authority had left them wholly independent of 
control, In theory such men were neither the subjects nor 
the retainers of any feudal chief, and they could transfer 
their services to whom they pleased, or they could them- 
selves become leaders, and acquire new hinds for their own 
The system use i n the name of the Khalsa or commonwealth. 1 It would 
vuudor De idle to ca H an cvcrchanging state, of alliance and depen- 
dence by the name of a constitution, and we must look for 
P tberc- tnc existence of the faint outline of u system, among the 
fore iiicom- emancipated Sikhs, rather in the dictates of our common 
temporary, nature, than in the enactments of assemblies, or in the 
injunctions of their religious guides. It was soon apparent 
that the strong were ever ready to make themselves olwycd, 
and ever anxious to appropriate all within their power, uiul 
that unity of creed or of race, nowhere deters men from 
preying upon one another. A full persuasion of God's grace 
was nevertheless present to the mind of u Sikh, und every 
member of that faith continues to defer to lite mystic 
Khalsa ; but it requires the touch of genius* or the operation 
of peculiar circumstances, to give direction and complete 
effect to the enthusiastic belief of a multitude. 

Thc confc<Ierac 'c *nto which the Siklis resolved tlirm- 
selves have been usually recorded us twelve in number, 
iU. and the term used to denote such a union WUK the Antbfc 

word 'Misal', alike or equal.* Knelt Mi mil otaycd or 
followed a ' Sirdar ', that is, simply, tt chief or lender ; iwt 
so general a title was UH applicable to the heiul of u small 
band as to the commander of a large host of the free und 
equal ' Singhs * of the system. The confrdcrucicH did not 
all exist in their full strength ut the wime time*, but one 
4 Misal ' gave birth to another ; for the federative principle 

necessarily pervaded the union, and an unpiring chief could 


1 Hallam ahowa thai the An^lo-Haxon fnu'hohitir hud n imtlur 
latitude of ohnico with regard to a lord (r Mujwrior, (MiWM .1^*, 
Supplenn'iital NoteH, i. 210.) 

* Notwithstanding HUH uHual derivation of the tt-rni, ii nui> fm 
romomburod that th<^ Arabic term * MiiHluhut ' {HJK-!{ with Hnotiii'r 
thanthatin c m!Har)meanH armed immami wnrlikw jwopli', > MIM| > . 
moreover, meaim, in Izidia, a lilu of iubixn v or intod anything iwrriril 
or placed in ranks. 


separate himself from his immediate party, to form, perhaps, 1764. 
a greater one of hig own. The Misals were again distin- 

guished by titles derived from the name, the village, the names and 
district, or the progenitor of the first or most eminent chief, 
or from some peculiarity of custom or of leadership. Thus, 
of the twelve : (1) the Bhangls were so called from the 
real or fancied fondness of its members for the use of an 
intoxicating drug ; * (2) the Ntehdnias followed the standard 
bearers of the united army ; (8) the Shahtds and Nihangs 
were headed by the descendants of honoured martyrs and 
zealots ; (4) the Ramgarhias took their name from the 
Rftm Rauni, or Fortalice of God, at Amritsar, enlarged into 
RSmgarh, or Fort of the Lord, by Jassa the Carpenter ; 
(5) the Ntikkqis arose in a tract of country to the south of 
Lahore No-called ; (6) the Ahluwalias derived their title 
from the village in which Jassa, who first proclaimed the 
existence of the army of the new theocracy, had helped his 
father to distil spirits ; (7) the Ghanais or Kanhayas ; (8) 
the Fetzntapurias or ftinghpuriw ; (0) the Sukerchukias, 
and (10), perhaps, the Dallehwalas, were similarly so dcno- 
minuted from the villages of their chiefs ; (11) the Krora 
Singfiias took the name of their third leader, but they were 
sometimes called Punjgurhias, from the village of their first 
chief ; and (12) the Phftlkifa went back to the common 
ancestor of AihS, Singh ami other Sirdars of his family. 91 

1 Bhang in u product of the hemp plant* and it is to the tiikhfl what 
opium in to HaJpfttB, and strong liquor to Europeans, Its qualities 
are abused to an extent prejudicial to the health and understanding. 

1 (Japt. Murray (HanjU Hingh, pp. 29, &o.) seems to have been the 
iiiut who perceived and pointed out the Hikh system of * Miaals % 
Neither the organization nor tho term IB mentioned spec-ifically by 
Forater, or Browne, or Malcolm, and at ftrat Bir David Ochterlony 
conuidered and acted as if ' mfcal ' meant tribe or race, instead of 
party or confederacy, (Bir IX Oohterlony to the Government of 
India; Deeember 30, 1809.) The euooeasion to the leaderahip of the 
Krora Binghia confodoraoy may be mentioned M an inatanoe of the 
uncertainty and irregularity natural to the ystem of * MieaU \ and 
indeed to aU powers in process of change or dvelojEQttt. The founder 
was Buoooedfid by his nephew, bat that nephew left his authority to 
Krora Singh, a petty personal follower, who again bequeathed the 
command to Baghel Singh, Mi own mental aenrant. The reader will 
remember the parallel instance of Alfteghin and Sebekteghin, and it 
is ourloui that Mr. Bfaoaulay notice* a similar kind of dosoont among 


17C4. Of the Misals, all save that of PliQlkiiL arose in the Punjab 

or to the north of the Sutlej, and they were termed MOujha 
Singhs, from the name of the country around Lahore, and 

eminence of m contradistinction to the Mdlwd Singhs, so called from the 
thejNlisaJs general appc n a tion of the districts lying between Kirhiml 
federacies. an( i sirsa. The Feizulapurias, the Ahluwalias, and the 
Ramgarhias, were the first who arose to distinction in 
Manjha, but the Bhangls soon became so predominant as 
almost to be supreme ; they were succeeded to some extent 
in this pre-eminence by the Ghanais, an offshoot of the 
Feizulapurias, until ull fell before JLtunjTt Singh aiml the 
Sukerchukias. In Malwa the Plmlkifis always admitted 
the superior merit of the Patiala branch ; this dignity was 
confirmed by Ahmad Shah's bestowal of a title on Aliiu 
Singh, and the real strength of the eont'edeniey made it 
perhaps inferior to the Bhangls alone. The, Nisliuuias and 
Shahids scarcely formed Misals in the conventional meaning 
of the term, but complementary bodies set apart and 
honoured by all for particular reasons. 1 The* Nakkais never 
achieved a high power or name, and the. Dallehwulas and 
Krora Singhias, an offshoot of the Foi'/uhiptiriuH, acquired 
nearly all their possessions by the capture of Sirhind ; and 
although the last obtained a great reputation, it nover 
became predominant over others* 

Theorigi- The native possessions of the BhungTK extended north, 
from their citics of JLanore m>(l AmrllHttr to the Jhdiiin, iLiul 
then down that river. The Ghanais dwelt l)clw((m Ainrilsur 
and the hills. The SukerchukiaH liv<^d south of Uio Hlwngls, 

w ' ' between the Chcnab and Kavi. The. Nakkais hold along LU 

Ravi, south-west of Lahore. The Fci/ailapuriiiH 

tracts along the right bank of the Bo an and of the Sullcj, 

below its junction. The AUluwalina similarly occupied iini 

tho English admiral H of tho nov^ntoeuth century f vi/, from <'hicf hi 
cabin-boy, in tho catjcB of Myiign, Nurborougli, aud Shove 
of Mtmk,<nd 9 L 300). 

1 Porhups Capt. JVIurray in uctircoiy warranted iu inakinK t-h<' 
nias and ShahiciB regular Minaln. ( )Ui<T bodioH, ^Hjtcc tally (<> tht^ vent- 
ward of the Jholum, migiit, with nquul nviHou, hnvo IMU^II held <o 
roprcaout Boparalo confodcvacieH, Cupt. Murray, huitu'd^ in nuch 
matters of detail, moroly oxproaaoa tho local opiniouH of tho 
hood of tho Sutlej. 


left bank of the former river. The Dallehwalas possessed 1764. ^ 
themselves of the right bank of the Upper Sutlej, and the " " ~~ 
feanigarhias lay in between these last two, but towards the 
lulls. The Krora Singhias also held lands in the Jullunclur 
Doab* Tlic Phulkias were native to the country about 
Sun&m and Bhatinda, to the south of the Sullej, and the 
Shahids and Nislumias do not seem to have possessed any 
villages which they did not hold by conquest ; and thus 
those two Misals, along with those of Manjha, who captured 
Slrhind, viz. the BhangTs, the Ahluwulias, the Dallehwulas, 
the KSmgarhias, and the Krora Singhias, divided among 
themselves the plains lying south of the Sutlej and under 
the hills from Feroxepore to Kurnal, leaving to their allies, 
the Phulkius, the lands between Sirhind and Delhi, which 
adjoined their own possessions in Miilwa. 1 

The number of horsemen which the Sikhs could muster Tin* rmn 
have been variously estimated from seventy thousand to 
four times that amount, and the relative strength of each 
confederacy is equally a subject of doubt* 8 All that is JJn, of 
certain w the grout superiority of the BhangTs, mid the low 
position of the Nakknis and Sukcrchukius. The first could 
perhaps assemble S20.000 men, in its widely scattered posses- 
sions, and the last about a tenth of that number ; and the 
most moderate estimate of the total force, of the nation may 
likewise ho assumed to be the truest. All the Sikhs were 
horsemen, and among n luilf-burbarous people dwelling on 
plains, or in uc'lion with undisciplined forces, cavalry must 
ever be the most formidable arm- The Sikhs speedily 
became famous for the effective use of the matchlock when 
mounted, and this skill is said to have descended to them 

1 Or. Mnc-grogor, In his Nbtory oj the ttikh* (i. UB, &(*.). jriv(* on 
nbHtrael of m>m of tho ordinary aecoimtn of u fow of tho MiHul^ 

a JftHMtctr, iu 17BIJ (Travel*, i. 3J)3), mid tho Hikh furooH wow esti- 
mated at 300,000, but might bo taktm at 200,000. Browne (Tract*, 
llluHtrativo Map) about tho same poricxl enumoratcni 78,000 horwrncn 
and 25,<KH) foot. Twenty years afterwards Col, Franoklin Raid, In ono 
work (Life oj SMih Alan, note, p. 7fl) that tho Bikhs muBttirod 
248,000 cavalry, and in anothor book (Mff of (htrg* Thuvw*, p. (W 
uoto) that they could not load into action more than 04,(KK). C 
ThomaH hiniHclf OHbimatcrl thoir ntrongtft at W),000 liorn^ and 
foot. (/*//, by Fronuklltf, p. *274,) 


1764. from their ancestors, in whose hands the bow was a fatal 
weapon. Infantry were almost solely used to garriHon forts, 
or a man followed a misal on foot, until plunder gav<* Jiiin 
a horse or the means of buying one. Cannon WUK not us*il 
by the early Sikhs, and its introduction WUH very gradual, 
for its possession implies wealth, or an organisation birth 
civil and military. 1 

Besides the regular confederacies, with their moderate 
degree of subordination, there was a body of men who 
threw off all subjection to earthly governors, and who 
peculiarly represented the religious element of Sikh Km. 

The order These were the ' Akalis % the immortals, or rather the 

of Akalis. so idiers of God, who, with their blue drew* and bracelet** of 
steel, claimed for themselves a direct institution by Gohind 

Theirorigin Singh. The Guru had called upon men to sacrifice t-wry- 

SpLjoT thin S for their faifch to lcavc their honwH and to follow t fr- 
action. profession of arms ; but he and all his predecessor** had 
likewise denounced the inert asceticism of the Hindu wcctH, 
and thus the fanatical feeling of a Sikh took a dcHtructive 
turn. The Akalis formed themselves hi their strugtflr to 
reconcile warlike activity with the relinquiwhrnent of the 
world. The meek and humble were Mtttolied with the 
assiduous performance of menial oillccs in temples, but the 
fierce enthusiasm of others prompted them to act from t inn* 
to time as the armed guardians of Amritwir, or suddenly to 
go where blind impulse might lead them, and to win thdr 
daily bread, even single-handed, at the point of the 

1 George Thomas, giving the supposed Hiatus of A.XK 1KOO, aya the* 
Sikhs had 40 pieces of field artillery. (Ufa by NmiKrkliii, p. 274, } 

8 Of. Malcolm (Sketch, p. lift), who repwtH, ami apparently *" 
quiesoes in, the opinion, that the Akalis worn iiiHtitutod an an nnlvr 
by Guru Gpbind. There is not, however, any writing f Uobiwl'w on 
record, which shows that ho wished the Sikh faith to \w wiinwiitiil 
by mere zealots, and it seems clear that the cKafm of men nroH<* UN 
stated in the text. 

So strong is the feeling that a Sikh should work, or have an ocu tui- 
tion, that one who abandons the world, and IB not of a warlike turn, 
willstillomploy himself in some way for the tonofit of th community. 
Thus the author once found an Ak&li repairing, or rather making, 
a road, among precipitous ravines, from the plain of the HutloJ to t to 
petty town of KJratpur. He avoided intercourse with th* world 
generally. He was highly esteemed by tho people, who toft food nrnl 



They also took upon themselves something of the authority 
of censors, and, although no leader appears to huve fallen 
by their hands for defection to the Khataa, they inspired 
awe as well as respect, and would sometimes plunder those 
who had offended them or had injured the commonwealth. 
The passions of the Akalis had full play until Runjlt Singh 
became supreme, and it cost that able and resolute chief 
much time and trouble, at once to suppress them, and to 
preserve his own reputation with the people. 

clothing at particular places for him, and his earnest persevering 
character had made an evident impression on a Hindu shepherd boy, 
who had adopted part of the Akali dress, and spoke with awe of the 



Ahmad Shah's last Invasion of India The Trc-omi nonce of the 
Bhangi Confederacy among the Sikhft Tannur Khiih'H Expedi- 
tionsThe Phulkia Sikhs in Hanaria Zahita Khun Tho 
Kanhaya Confederacy paramount among the NikliH- Muhmi 
Singh Sukorchukia becomes t'onspwuouBflltiih XiunftirH In- 
vasions and Ran jit Singh's rwe The MariithiiK under Simlhiu 
Predominant in Northern India Gun<>ral Perron and George 
Thomas Alliances of the Mar at has and KikliH Intcreounw of 
the English with the Sikhs Lord Lalto'H rampaitfiw iiKainfli 
Sindhia and Holkar First Treaty of the lOugliHh wii h i he Sikhn 
Preparations against a French* Invasion r.f India Treaty of 
Alliance with Ranjlt Singh, ami of I'mlcditm with <'iH-Sutl<-j 
Sikh Chiefs. 

1767 THE Sikhs had mustered the upper plains from Knniftl 

The Sikhs and Hansi to the bunks of the Jhelutn, The nccoHNity tf 

activity by union was no longer paramount, mid rude untaught men 

Ahmad arc ever prone to give the rein to their puKNions, and to 

descent final P re * er ^ lcir own intcrcBtB to the welfare of the community, 

A.D.17&7. Some dwelt on real or fancied injuries and thought the 

time had come for ample vengeance ; others wens moved 

by local associations to grasp at neighbouring (OWIIH mid 

districts ; and the truer Sikh alone ut onee reKoived to 

extend his faith, and to add to the general domain of the 

Khalsa, by complete conquest or by the impOHition of 

tribute. When thus about to arise, after their Hhort repose*, 

refreshed and variously inclined, they were again awed into 

unanimity by the final descent of Ahmad Shilh. Tlmt 

monarch, whose activity and power declined with inereiiHe 

of years and the progress of dineuse, made yet another 

attempt to recover the Punjab, the. most fertile of hit* 


provinces. ITe crossed the Indus in 1707, but he avoided 17flT-8. 
Lahore and advaneed no farther than the Sutlej. He en- 
deiivourcd to conciliate when he could no longer overcome, 
and he bestowed the title of Maharaja, and the office of 
military commander in Sirhind, upon the warlike Amar Amar 
Singh, who had succeeded his grandfather as chief of fjffaiaf 
Patiala,oroftlieMalwaSikhs. He likewise saw a promising and th 
ally in the Rajput chief of Katotch, and he made him his ^SfJJf 
deputy in the Jullundur Dofib and adjoining hills. His KatGtch, 
measures were interrupted by the defection of his own troops ; JJ^oiS-* 1 
twelve thousand men marched back towards Kabul, and marul 
the Shah fotmd it prudent to follow them. He was harassed 
in his retreat, and he had scarcely crossed the Indua before 
Sher Shah's mountain stronghold of Hohtiis was blockaded 8hfth r- 
by the Sukerchukias, under the grandfather of Hanjlt Singh, 
aided by a detachment of the neighbouring Hhangi con- 
fcdcraey. TJic place foil in 1708, and the Dhangm almost 
immediately afterwards occupied the country us far as 
Rawalpindi and the vale of Khfmpur, the Gakhars showing 
but little of that ancient hardihood which distinguished 
them in their contests with invading MughnK 1 

The tthangfr, under HarT Singh, next marched towards 
Mtiltftn, but they wore met by the Muhammadan Daudpu- 
Iras, who had migrated from Sind on learning Niidir Rhairs 
intention of transplanting them to Olui'/ni, and had esta- 
blished the. principality now known as fthawalpur.* The 

1 F(-Hlor f Travel. U23 ; RIphinflttmo, KMml ii. 207 ; Murray, 
RttnjU Ningh, p. ^7 ; Mfiorertift., Trttwl#, i, 1X7; nml maiiunoript 
acftmmtfl conHiiltod by tho author* 

* WhMi N/wlir Khali prormui<^l to wtahliHh HIM auihoriiy in Sindh,. 
ho found iho aiuu^lor of tho Bhawnlpur family n mim of ropuiation 
in IUH natiw (lintru't of Shikarpur. Tho Shuh mndo him th(^ deputy 
of tho upjmr third of the province ; hut, hec*otning BiutpiriouH uf tho 
whole elan, hft rennlvod on romoving it to Ohastrti. Tho trilx) then 
migrated up the SutloJ,rin<lHi'/cd Inndn by foroo, Tho Daudputrn0 
aro NO ull<<d from J>aud (David), tho Unit of the family who acquired 
a name. They fahulouwly traco ihoir origin to itho Caliph Ahbftn ; 
Imfc they may lit* rc#ar<lud an Nindian Baluahln, or M Baluohls 
changod hy a long; ntHideneu in Bind* In OAtoblhthing thomeolves 
on the Wutloj, they rodunod the remains of tho anoient Langahs and 
JohiyuH to further inaignliloance ; but they introdaood tho Sindian 
flyutem of t'aiial of irrigation, and both hanks of tho rivor bolow Pak* 
pattan bear wit new* to their original industry and lovo of agriculture. 



1770. chief, Mobarik Khan, after a parley >\ith Jlarl Singh, 
and enter arran gd that the neutral town of Pfikpitttun, livid liy a 
in *otemis Musalman saint of eminence, should bo the c'ojiiinon 
walpurf a " b undary. Harl Singh then swopt towards Dem Ghitoi 
Khan and the Indus, and while thus employed, his feudatory 
of Gujrat, who had recently taken Rawalpindi, iimd<- an 
attempt to penetrate into Kashmir by the ordinary road* 
but was repulsed with loss. On tho Jumna, and in IhV gr<-at 
a r | oab ' the old Najfl>ud-d&uhi was so hard pnwuvl liy Hai 

daulaon Singh Bhangi, who emulated him us a piiU*rnaJ governor in 
andaS his nei hbour ing town and district of Jaitffidhri, uul t>> 
1770. ''Boghcl Singh Krora Sintfhia, lliul he proposr<i io UiV 
Marathas a joint expedition against these ww lords. His 
death, in 1770, put an end to the plan, for his Mimwliiig 
son had other views, and cnccnmwd the* Sikhs tts uw/iil 
allies upon an emergency, 1 

SSftf a- H f l Singh Bhanfi! dicd ' WMl ho was WKWMlwl by Jlmtirlii 
iho Bhangt bm h > whc > carried the power of HIP Misul to its iMMghi, H<* 

wninent re " r p mlcrc(1 J nm tributary, unrl llu- plucr was then of <NHI. 
1770. '' Slrl * r ablc Imporiunco, for the repented Afghfut inviihiftn^ 
Jammu a ^ the continued insurrecLions of the Sikh** hud ilrivi-n tin' 
J"!! iracle of tho P llli H <> U' rin-uitoiw but suft- riMilr of 
the lulls ; and tho dmnutU'r of t ho Hajpfit ehii'f, limijlt I >< 

* T a St ! Ch ? fflwe confkl MV *> I*"*, ami iiiflttml Hirm 
to t0 flock to lns ca P itttl fur Protection. The l^Uiftiw of Ku*fi r 
submission, were next rendered tributary, und JbaiuUi Slntfh then 
deputed his lieutenant, Mujja Singh, agaiuKt MitiMn ; hut 
that leader was repulsed and slain by th<- united forei's of 
tue joint Afghan governors and of the HlmwiUpnr 
ye ' or in 177a ' lhofie int M 

' ' MWi qimrwii mul 

L^ c ^^ a f d th ^ *^ or !iwHi. *i, ito 

"Pto" Iutor wus enabled to possess hims<*If of Ihr 
citadel. On his return to iho uorthwiini, he found that a 


ot Charat Singh Sukcrrhukiu, and of Jai Sfnirli 
leader of the Kanhaya Misal. Chuntt Singh waft 

mKaM so basc a Lv procure the assassination of Jhaiida 



Being satisfied with the removal of this powerful chief, the 
Kanhayu left the Jammu claimant to prosecute his cause 
alone, and entered into a league with the old Jassa Singh 
Ahluwalia, for the expulsion of the other Jassa Singh the 
Carpenter, who had rendered Ahmad Shah's nominal deputy, 
Ghamand Chand of Katotch, and other Rajputs of the hills, 
his tributaries. The Rtimgurhia Jassa Singh wan at lust 
beaten, and he retired to the wastes of Hariana to live by 
plunder. At this time, or about 1774, died the Muhammadan 
governor of Kungra. He had contrived to maintain himself 
in independence, or in reserved subjection to Delhi or Kabul, 
although the rising chief of Kutotch had long desired to 
possess so famous a stronghold. Jai Singh Kunlmyu was 
prevailed on to assist him, and the plaee fell ; but the Sikh 
chose to keep it to himself, and the possession of the imperial 
fort aided him in his usurpation of Jassa Singh's authority 
over the surrounding Rfijds and Thakurs. 1 

In the south of the Punjab the Hhang! Sikhs continued 
predominant ; they seem to have possessed the strong fort 
of Mankcru as well as Multfin, and to have levied c\u<tionH 
from Kalabagh downwards. They made an Ht tempt to 
carry Shujiibad, u place built by the Afghans on losing 
Multfm, but seem to lwv k failed. Taimflr Shah, who succeeds I 
his father in 1773, was at hist induced or enabled to crow 
the Indus, but his views were directed towards Sind, 
Uhawalpur, and the Lower Punjab, mul ho seemw to Jiuvt- 
had no thought of u rccowjucst of Lahore. In the course of 
1777-8, two detachments of the Kabul tinny iiiutucwHHfully 
endeavoured to dislodge the Sikhs from Mul tun, but in the 
season of 1778-0 the Shah marched in person ugninst the 
place. Chandu Singh, the now leader of the Bhangta, WUH 
embroiled with other Sikh chiefs, and his lieutenant surren- 
dered the citadel after n show of resist unco. Tuimflr Shfth 

liy Jai 


and Jftsna 

1 Tint momoirH of tho Bhawftljmr chief and manuiwript tf 
accounts ( 1 f. Murray, Jtan jit ti high, p. 98, &o. ; and Forctt^r, Truwl t 
i. 283, l-'SO, :j;jfi. 

Ranjll. Doo, of Jammu* died in A* i>, 1770. 

Charai Hingh WUH killed acoidontnlly, and Jhanda Bingh wn 
aflHaflflinatod, in 1774. 

HarlHingh Bhungtappearii to have hwn killed in hutth with Amur 
Bingh of 1'utialu, about 177<K 


fal Into tho 

Miital ii)>out 

ShAh of 
KAlml n- 


HfiAh di* 


1779-03. reigned until 1793, but he was fully occupied with Sindian, 
the Upper Kashmiri, and Uzbcg rebellions ; the Sikhs were even 1111- 
Pun]ab as molested in their possession of Rawalpindi, and tlu-ir prt- 
tock^iras dalor y horse traversed the plains of Chuch iqi to the walls 

1 ' of Attock. 1 

The Phul- In tlic direction of Hariana and Delhi, the young Anuir 

HSSuf* Sin Sh Phulkia began systematically to extend and con- 

1768-78.' solidate his authority. He acquired Sirsa and Fatehabad, 

his territories marched with those of Bikaner andBhawalpur, 

and his feudatories of Jind and Kaithal possessed the open 

country around Hansi and Rohlak. IIo was recalled to his 

capital of Patiala by a final effort of the Delhi court to re- 

An pxpodi- establish its authority in the province of Sirhind. An army, 

fiSmTeihi heaclcd bv thc mil **CT of the day, and by FiirkliundaBiikhl, 

against the one of the imperial family, marched in thc season 177D-KO. 

M* 1 *" Karnal was recovered ; some payments were promised ; 

1779-80, and thc eminent Krora-Singhia leader, Ilughei Singh, 

tendered his submission. Dchsu Singh, of Kaillml, was 

seized and heavily mulcted, and the army approached 

Patiala. Amar Singh promised fealty and tribute, and 

Baghel Singh seemed sincere in his mediation ; but suddenly 

it was learnt that a large body of Sikhs had marched from 

Succeeds in Lahore, and thc Mughal troops retired with precipitation 

part only. to p ani p alj not without a suspicion that the cupidity of t he 

minister had been gratified with Sikh gold, and hud induced 

Amar him to betray his master's interests. Amur Singh died hi 

PaSua 1781 > 1(ka vin# a minor son of imbecile mind. Two ycnrs 

dips, 17R1, afterwards a famine desolated Hariftna ; Lhu people perched 

or sought othor homos ; Sirsa wtw deserted, and a law 

tract of country i>assc(J at thc time from under regular sway, 

/abiia and could not afterwards be recovered by the Siklm.* 

Khan t son Tn thc Doab of the Ganger* and Jumna, thc Sikhs rather 

SdS b a, subsiclixc(1 lb*to Khftn, the won of Najlb-ud-daula, than 

1 Memoirs of tho Bhawalpur chief, ftnd oilmr mannHCTii)fc hiRlnricR. 
Of, Browne, Mia 28, and KoraUVt Trawiln,l. 24 ; ffilphin- 
stouo (Ktibul, ii. ()) makoH 1781, and not 1770, tho dato of tho ro- 
oovory of Multan from tho Sikhs, 

2 Manuscript histories, and Mr. Rom Boll's nipurt of 1830, on tho 
Bhattiana boundary. Of. Prancklin, MM Alan, jip, 8fi, 90, and Hhfih 
Nawaz Khan's Epitome of Indian IJiHtory, wiled Mirrii i-Aftal 


became Ids deferential allies. That chief had designs, 1781-5, 
perhaps, upon the titular ministry of the empire, and having ^ ou 
obtained a partial success over the imperial troops, he pro- the mini* 
cceded, in 1776, towards Delhi, with the intention of laying 
siege to the city. But when the time for action arrived he 
mistrusted his power ; the emperor, on his part, did not care 
to provoke him too far ; a compromise was effected, and 
he was confirmed in his possession of Saharanpur. On this 
occasion Zabita Khan was accompanied by a body of Sikf is, 
and he was so desirous of conciliating them, that he is 
credibly said to have adopted their dress, to have received 
the Pahul, or initiatory rite, and to have taken the new 
name of Dim ram Singh. 1 

Jassa Singh Humgarhia, when ' compelled to fly to the Tin* 
Punjab by the Knnhaya and Ahluwalia confederacies, wus fjJJ'^i^ 
aided by Amur Singh PhuJkia in establishing himself in the in f h<> Duijh 
country near Uissar, whence he proceeded to levy exactions J"^J* uWl " 
up to the walls of Delhi. In 1781 a body of Phulkiu and under Ha- 
other Siklw marched down the Doab, but they were KUCOCHK- 
fully attacked under the walls of Mccrui by the imperial 
commander Mtraa Shaft B(% and Gajpat Singh of Jlnd was 
taken prisoner. NcvcrthdcHH, in 1783, Doghftl Singh mul 
other ttoinumiMlcTH were ntron# enough to propose. crossing 
the Ganges, but they were deterred by the watchfulness of 
the OuclJi troopfl on the opposite bunk. The destructive 
famine already alluded to HCCIUH to have eompelled Jassa 
Singh to move into the l)oul>, and, in 1785, Kohilklmud was 
entered by the confederates and plundered UK fur as Chan- A,I>. 17H1 
doKJ, which is within forty milcH of Hareilly. At this period 
Zabita Khflu was almost confined to the wallw of IUK fort 
of GhauKgarh, and the hill raju of (turlnval, whose aucewtor 
hud received Darfi, tin u refugee in deiianctc of Aurang'/cb, hud 
been rendered tributary, equally with nil hiy brother H&jpOiH, 
in the lower liilln wentwnrd to the Cheufib, Tiic Sikh were 
prvclominant from the* froutien* of Oiidh to the Tnduw, and 
the traveller J''orKter atnuwingly <lcHcribo the alarm cuuucd 
to a little chief and hid people by the appearance of two Sikh 
horsemen under the wallu of their fort, and the 

1 Of. KorHtor, Trawl*, I. 820 ; Browuo, India Tracts ii. iJO ; nitd 
JLi'iunckiin, HhHk Alum. p. 7^, 





Jai Singh 

Rise ol 
fcfangh Su- 

The Kan- 
hayHs re- 

mode over 
to Sansor 
Chand of 


am ong the 



Singh dies, 

services and respectful attention which the like number of 

" troopers met with from the local authorities of Garhw&l, and 

from the assembled wayfarers at a place of public reception. 1 

In the Punjab itself Jai Singh Kanhaya continued to 

retain a paramount influence. He had taken Mahun Singh, 

the son of Charat Singh Sukerchukia, under his protection, 

and he aided the young chief in capturing RusKulnuggur cm 

the Chenab, from a Muhammadan family. Mahun Singh's 

reputation continued to increase, and, about 1784r-5, he 

so far threw off his dependence upon Jai Singh as to inter- 

fere in the affairs of Janimu on his own account. Ili 

interference is understood to have ended in the plunder of 

the place ; but the wealth he hud obtained und the inde- 

pendence he had shown both roused the anger of Jai Singh, 

who rudely repelled Mahan Singh's apologies and offcrn of 

atonement, and the spirit of the young chief being fired, ho 

went away resolved to appeal to arms. He sent to JUHSII 

Singh Ramgarhia, and that leader was glad of tin opportunity 

of recovering his lost possessions. He joined Mahan Sin#h, 

and easily procured the aid of Stuxsar Chand, the gmndNoa 

of Ghamand Chand of Katufceh. The Kanhuyas wore 

attacked and defeated ; Gurbakhsh Singh, the sou 

of Jai Singh, was killed, and the spirit of the old man WUH 

effectually humbled by HUB double Borrow. JUHKH Singh 

was restored to his territories, und Sanniir Chand obtained 

the fort of Kangra, which his father und grandfather hud 

been so desirous of possessing. Mahaii Singh now Ix'cnnu* 

the most influential chief in the Punjab, nmi he gladly 

assented to the proposition of Suddu Ktiur, the widow of 

Jai Singh's son, that the alliance of the two families nhoulcl 

be cemented by the union of her infant daughter with 

Ranjit Singh, the only son of Mahan Singh, and who WUH 

born to him about 1780, Mahan Singh next pro<wci*d to 

attack Gujrat, the old Bhang! chief of which, Gujar Singh, 

his father's confederate, died in 1791 ; but he WHH hltiiHt'lf 

taken ill during the siego, and expired in the beginning of 

the following year at the early age of lwenty-evcn. a 

1 florster, 2WeZ,i. 228, 220, 2U2, 32H and note. Of. a!no 

Shah Atom, pp. 93, 94, and tho Ltoian epitome Jiirrit-lAJWt Numt, 

2 Manuscript luatorios and ckronielua, Cf . Toruiur, Trawk, i, 288 ; 


Shah Zaman succeeded to the throne of Kabul in the 
year 1798, and his mind seems always to have been filled 
with idle hopes of an Indian empire. In the end of 1795 he man suc- 
moved to Hassan Abdal, and sent forward a party which is tfconeof 
said to have recovered the fort of Rohtas ; but the exposed Kabul, 
state of his western dominions induced him to return to 178 ' 
Kabul. The rumours of another Durrani invasion do not 
seem to have been unheeded by the princes of Upper India, 
then pressed by the Marathas and the English. Ghulam 
Muhammad, the defeated usurper of Rohilkhand, crossed Invited to 
the Punjab in 1795-6, with the view of inducing Shah ^tho Ro* 
Zaman to prosecute his designs, and he was followed by hillas and 
agents on the part of Asaf-ud-daula of Oudh, partly to * *QW^ 
counteract, perhaps, the presumed machinations of his 1795-6.' 
enemy, but mainly to urge upon his majesty that all 
Muhammadans would gladly hail him as a deliverer. The ^k %* 
Shah reached Lahore, in the beginning of 1797, with thirty Lahore, 
thousand men, and he endeavoured to conciliate the Sikhs 
and to render his visionary supremacy an agreeable burden. 
Several chiefs joined him, but the proceedings of his brother 
Mahmiid recalled him before he had time to make any 
progress in settling the country, even had the Sikhs been 
disposed to submit without a struggle ; but the Sikhs were 
perhaps less dismayed than the beaten Marathas and the 
ill-informed English, The latter lamented, with the Wasalr 
of Oudh, the danger to which his dominions were exposed ; 
they prudently cantoned a force at Anupuhahr in the Doab, 
and their apprehensions led them to depute a mission to 
Teheran, with the view of instigating the Shah of Persia to 
invade the Afghan territories. Shah Zaman renewed his 
invasion in 1798 ; a body of five thousand men, sent far march to 
in advance, was attacked and dispersed on the Jhelum, but 
he entered Lahore without opposition, and renewed his 
measures of mixed conciliation and threat. He found an 

Murray, Ranjtt Singh, pp. 42, 48 ; and Moororoft, Travels* i. 127. 
The date of 17 85-6, for the reduction of the KanhaySs and the restora- 
tion of Jassa Singh, &o., is preferred to 1782, which is given by 
Murray, partly because the expedition to Rohilkhand took place in 
1785, as related by Forster (Travels, i. 326 note), and Jassa Singh is 
generally admitted to have been engaged in it, being thon in banish- 


ahle leader, but doubtful partisan, in Ni/aiiMid-dTn Khun, 
'u Pulhiiuof KuHfir, who had acquired a high local reputation, 
and ho was employed to coerce such of the Sikh*, including 
the youthful Kanjll Singh, as pertinaciously kept a loo I', 
They distrusted the Shah's honour; hut Ni'/.fun-ud-dm 
distrusted the; pennanenee of his power, and he prudently 
forbore to proceed to extremities ajrainst neitfhhours to 
whom lu* might MMUI he. left a pre%. Sonic result less 
skirmishing took places hut the designs of Mahiutid, who 
Imd ohtaincd the support of Persia, again withdrew the 
ill -fated king to the nest, and he quitted Lahore in the 
H fin jit hcginning of 170W. During tins second invasion the ehnrac* 
NutfhnwK t<lf O f |j ttll jn sinjjli .seems to Jiavc iinprcNsed itsi-lf, not only 
on other Sikh leaders, hut on the Durrani Shah. He co\ett'd 
Lahore, which was associated in the winds of men with the 
pohht-fiHioii uf power, and, HK the kintf >vas mtahic to cross his 
heavy artillery over the flooded Jhelmn, he made it known 
to (he aspiring chief that their transmission would he aa 
mToptahlc service. As inan> pieces of cannon as coidd he 
readily extricated were .sent after the Mmh* and Kanjlt Sttijuli 
P r<M ' lir ^ wlmt lie wanted, a n>ul in\cs|ihirt* uf the capital 
of the i'unjah. Thenceforward the history of the Sikhs 
#""*""'*>' '<'"trcs in their ^rejit Mitlmraja ; iut the re\i\ul 
of ific Muriithft power in Tppcr India, and the appearance 
uf the Kn^lish on the scene, require that the narrathe of 
Iiis achievements should he somewhat interrupted. 1 

The uhHittcM of Miuiha^i Simlhm rent(tre<l the p<wer of 
tii<t Marathfis in Northern India, ami the !tsi'iplinc of his 
rejctiJur briKadcs se<'ined to place his administration on a 

( A'6/,ii. 308) atfttfH 1 1ml, Slmh Xaniai 
to undertake )IJH n\(HMtiti<m of 17t/"> hy u refugre {riiire nf Jvlhi, 
ftjul t'ticourAgoU in it hy Tipfi Sulhin. The journey of tlhiil&m 
Muhnmtnud, the (left-jiU'd Knhilla <'hief, nnd the jni^inn of the \\V/,ir 
uf ( >ud)t, uri* ^iven on flic utithurity of Hit* ttlt.twutfmr fnmily HWW|H, 
mitt froia Ilie HHiui* ^uui'fi' may hi* udtlrd nu ifitrfefmit^i* of ilejMiU- 
tiniin nu flic Jutil 'f Shli Xnuiau mill Simlliut, Ihe i'Jivy/, njt tti fhtt 
'iHicriundini <-, iiuviii^ IMIHHH! through Hhnunlfiur fomi, * A mu|iii u-j 
nf tin* rojujihi'ity of Auuf net ilnuhi, uf LurkiiMW, tltH'X not w*f<ni to 
Imvo neciirrrd t<t tin* KnyltHh IjiHl^riatm, win* rntlirr dtlnte nu tli 
eXi-rtioiiM umde hy tfii'ir i^ovenuiumt (if irih'i't their {rii'tlgcd nlly 
from tho niirthern invuthm NrvrdhHcHH, thf ntfttem^iUn (if tho 
t-li^ on Uuj Mihjrct Ncna in *ivrr> wity 


firm and lasting basis. He mastered Agra in 1785, and was 1785-97. 
made deputy vicegerent of the empire by the titular emperor, tiindll j a in 
Shah Alam. He entered at the same time into an engage- 
ment with the confederate Sikh chiefs, to the effect that of all 
their joint conquests on either side of the Jumna, he should 
have two-thirds and the 4 Khalsa ' the remainder. 1 This with the 
alliance was considered to clearly point at the kingdom of Slkhfi - 
Oudh, which the English were bound to defend, and perhaps 
to affect the authority of Delhi, which they wished to sec 
strong ; but the schemes of the Maratha were for a time 
interrupted by the Rohilla Ghulam Kadir. This chief suc- 
ceeded his father, Zabita Khan, in 1785, and had contrived, 
by an adventurous step, to become the master of the 
emperor's person a little more than a year afterwards. 
He was led on from one excess to another, till at last, in 
1788, he put out the eyes of his unfortunate sovereign, 
plundered the palace in search of imaginary treasures, and HWUiAlaui, 
declared an unheeded youth to be the successor of Akbar 7a ' 
and Aurangzcb. These proceedings facilitated Sindhia'K 
views, nor was his supremacy unwelcome in Delhi after the 
atrocities of Ghulam Kadir and the savage Afghans. His <, lir bH the 
regular administration soon curbed the predatory Sikhs, 
and instead of being received as allies they found that they 
would merely be tolerated as dependants or as servant*, 
llai Singh, the patriarchal chief of Jagadhri, wa retained for 
the time as farmer of considerable districts in LhcDoab, ami, 
during ten yearn, three expeditions of exaction were directed 
against PaLiala and other states in the province of Sirhind. 
Pntiala was managed with some degree of prudence by 
Niinu Mai, Die Hindu Dlwan of the deceased Amar Singh ; 
but he seems to have trusted for military support to Baghel 
Si#h, the leader of the Krora Shighias, who contrived to 
maintain a large body of horse, partly as a judicious media- 
tor, and partly by helping PatiSla in levying contributions 
ou weaker brethren, in aid of the Mughal and Maratha 
deniaudfl, which could neither be readily met nor prudently 
resisted. 8 
General Perron succeeded his countryman, De Boignc, iu 

1 Browne, Indict Tracts, ii. 29. 

8 Manuscript accounts. Of. Hranuklin, #/*&& Jtot, pp. 170-85. 


1787-97. the command of Daulat Rao Sindliia's largest regular force, 
General * n the year 1797, and he was soon after appointed the 

Perron Maharaja's deputy in Northern India. His ambition sur- 

appomted iX. . 

Sindhia's passed his powers ; but his plans were nevertheless sys- 

deputy in tematic, and he might have temporarily extended hi own, 
Ind^ 11 o* the Maratha, authority to Lahore, had not Siiulhla'h 
1797, influence been endangered by Holkar, and had not Perron's 
Sindhia's own purposes been crossed by the hostility and succcws of 
and Per- the adventurer George Thomas. 1 This Englishman was bred 
CToase?by S to the sea, but an eccentricity of character, or a reKlIews love 
Holkar and o f change, caused him to desert from a vessel of war at 
Thomas, Madras in 1781-2, and to take military Hcrvicc with flu 1 
petty chiefs of that presidency. He wandered to the north 
1787-97. of India, and in 1787 he was employed by the well-known 
Begum Samru, 2 and soon rose high in favour with that lady, 
In six years he became dissatisfied, and entered the service 1 
of Appa Kliande Rao, one of Sincihiu'H principal ofThtw, 
and under whom DC Boignc hud formed his first regiments* 
While in the Maratha employ, Thonws defeated a party of 
Sikhs at Karnal, and he performed vuriotiH other services ; 
but seeing the distracted state of the country, he. formed the 
George not impracticable scheme of establishing a separate an th< >ril y 
of his own * Ilc rc l )airc <l the crumbling walte of the <mee 
important HansUie assembled Holdiers about him, eant guns, 

1 [Por an oxcollont sketch of tho lifo of thin adventurer mm ilw 
article 'A JFroo Lanoe from Tipporary' in titrungcrtt within the (Jnh, 
by G. Foating. Edinburgh and London, 19H, -Kn.] 

a [This romarkablo woman, whoso origin is wrapped in mynti*ry, 
was said to have boon a dancing-girl in Italhi. 8ho nubHf^quontXy 
married 'Somru', a European adventurer, who had ontrtrwl Urn 
eorvico of the Emporor and had rooolvod tho Jugir of Wardhtum, a frw 
miles from Delhi, ( Somru 'whoso real nanto was Roinhtird>* WM 
a man of tho foulest antecedents, and among his other ox pkiitM lut hud 
boon principally concerned in tho murder of tho Englinh priuowr* t 
Patna in 17<53. Upon her husband's death tho Bogum ftuccttwtad to 
his ostato and to tho leadership of tho disreputable band of cut- 
throats who formed his army. Aftor tho battle of Aatayt* nho null- 
mittodto tho EngliHh, embraced Christianity about 1781, and WAII 
publicly embraced by Lord Lake, to tho groat horror of tho flpocUtoiu, 
She onded hor days in groat sanctity, and wan buried in the Itoitmu 
Catholic Cathedral at Kardhana which who honsolf hud built, tint 
also Sleeman, Rambka awl ItecoUtwtiomi, od. V. A. Bmith, uhup. 7* 1 !* 
Oxford University Press, 1915. 


and deliberately proceeded to acquire territory. Perron was 1708-1800. 
apprehensive of his power the more so, perhaps, as Thomas ^ J lh ,,if* at 
was encouraged by Holkar, and supported by Lakwa Dada Hansi, 
and other Marathas, who entertained a great jealousy of the 1|W ' 
French commandant. 1 

In 1799 Thomas invested the town of Jind, belonging to ami **u- 
Bhag Singh, of the Plmlkia confederacy. The old chief, SJJJS]Jj|" ffl 
Baghel Singh Krora Singhia, and the Amazonian sister of uith tho 
the imbecile Raja of Patiala, relieved the place, hut they 
were repulsed when they attacked Thomas on his retreat to 
Hansi. In 1800 Thomas took Fatehabad, which hud been 
deserted during the famine of 1783, and subsequently 
occupied by the predatory Bhattto of Hariuna, then rising 
into local repute, notwithstanding the effortH of the Patiala 
chief, who, however, affected to consider them m his 
subjects, and gave them some aid tiguinst Thomas, Patiala 
was the next object of Thomas's ambition, uad he wus en- 
couraged by the temporary secession of the sinter of I he 
chief ; but the aged Tura Singh, of the Dallchwalu con- 
federacy, interfered, and Thomun had to act with caution. 
lie obtained, ueverthelcH, a partial success over Tilra Singh, 
he received the submission of the Pathftiu of Maler Koilu, 
and he was welcomed tis a deliverer by the converted Muhain- l-w*Hiiftiu, 
inadanH of Haikot, who hrnl held Ludhfftuti for Home time, JWKh 
and all of whom were equally jwiloim of the SikhH. At tins Wfl't'Jjl 1 *'f 
time Sfihib Singh, a Bedl of the nice of Niinak, prvtcndcd 'iiU'i.' 1 "* l 
to religious inspiration, tuui, having collected u large force, 
he invested Ludhiuuu, took the town of Maldr Kotla, und 
called on the Knglish adventurer to obey him OB the true 
representative of the Sikh prophet. Bub 82ihib Singh could 
not long impose even on his countrymen, and he had to 
retire across the Sutlcj* Thomas'*! situation WUH not greatly 
improved by the absence of the Bedl, for the combination 
against him war* general, and he retired from the neighbour- 
hood of Ludhiana towards his wtronghold of Huni. He 
again took the field, and attacked Safldon, an old town 
belonging to the clxicf of J!nd* lie wa repulsed, but the 

n, Life, ttftfeoryfi ffMwmotf, pp. 1, 79, 107, &u., mid Major 
Smith, AceomU of titular Corps in ttte tiurvicc <>/ Indian 
p, 118, &c, 


1801^3. place not appearing tenable, it \vus evacuated, ami lie 
obtained possession of it. At this time he is Niiid to have 
had ten battalions and sixty guns, and to have, possessed t\ 
territory yielding about 450,000 rupees, two-thinlw of which 
he held by right of seizure, and one-third as a Muriithu 

Thomas feudatory ; but he had rejected all Perron'H overtures with 

roSs^r-" sus P ic * on 9 on( * Perron wa resolved to crush him, Thomas 

tures and was thus forced to conic to tcniiH with the Sikhs, and he 
wished ifc to a PP<? ar that he had engaged them on his side 
against Perron ; but they were really desirous of gait ing 
rid of one who plainly designed their ruin, fir at leant their 
subjection, and the alacrity of Paliala in Lite Marat ha service 
induced a promise, on the part of the French cornmamicr, 
of the restitution of the conquests of Amur Singh in Huriuiiiu 
After twice beating back Pcmm'H troops ut point* nixfy 

Surrenders miles distant, ThomuN was compelled to Htirrendrr in flu; 

io^Pwron, beginning of 1802, and he retired into the BritMi provinces 
M wllerc llc <lic< * * n tlic CCMIFRO of the Ntiinc year. 1 

tJiaau l^'frott *" 1 <1 Uw ^r Kucoec,*de(i, HIM lieutenant, by name 
Itourqtiinu inacte a pro^rcnw through tlu^ Cw-Stfej sfatoK to 
levy ( >tributions, and MIC commander himself <iri-Hftil of 
a dominion reaching to the Afelirin hills, and of 
us "w^iw-^^nt of Simlhia as that chief WIIH of the 
IIc ft> rluw ' Jlu onguflonieut with Hanjft. Singh for a joint 

Jorins an expedition to the IiulitN, and for a partition of llu- country 
80uth ofi^w>j; but. Holkar had glvn u nl Nlimk lo 
Sindhia'8 power, and Perron had long evaded u compliance 
with the MaharajiVw urgent eulto for troopn to ttii I htm wlu-rc 
mi ^ ort was m Bt oiwontliil. Sindhia bcciuuc Irtvohrcl with 
the Kngliah, and the interetcd hewitution of Perron was 

7frjjwf, ami 

mwoiiiiroi^tt/^aiitflBfffi^XI.^. The Kikli iin M 
attnbuto many oxploits to tho aiator of the R&j&of l^tlAtu, aiul HIU 
ihom an expedition into tho hill territory of Nahun, tiw HIM 
width Paiiftlu wroHtod tho vain of Hinjaur, with it !trtjinK ^i 
not, hnwovnr, wiLhout ilm aid of Ilourquin. tho deputy of J'l-rr 
" MAlooltn (tikctch, p. 1041) <iiwiclf)r that iftmMi nnilil i'wiiv 
reduced l.hc Hlklw, and malowl tho Punjab 

Thli alliance in givwi cm tho authority of a iv|ir<ntHlitm 
to tho Koaidont at Delhi, agrooably tu hi hU*r t4 fciir IJnviil O 
lony of July 5, 1814. 


punished by his supersession. Ho was not able, or he did 

not try, to recover his authority by vigorous military 

operations ; ho knew he had committed himself, and lie 

effected his escape from the suspicious Murulhtis lo the 

safety and repose of the British territories, which were then threat war 

about to be extended by the victories of Delhi and Laswfiri, 

of Assayc and Argaon. 1 

In the beginning of the eighteenth century the. agents of Fin*tini<r- 
thc infant company of Knglish merchants were vexatiously ^J^ / 
detained at the imperial court by the insurrection of the withlthn 
Sikhs under Banda, and the discreet * factors % who were 
petitioning for some trading privileges, perhaps witnessed 
the heroic, death of the national Htnglut, the soldiers of the Minukh- 
'Khaisn', without comprehending the spirit evoked liy 
the genius of Ciobiml, and without dreiiming of the broad 
fabric of empire about to be reared on their own patient 
labours. 2 Forty years afterwards, the merchant Omichand Honda* 

1 Of, Major Kmith, Account of RfgitlHr Corp* hi, ludimi Htnb** 
p. 31, &u. 

a Hoc Orimi, f!i*iori/,n. 2si, &<*. and Mil l,Wilon'H edit ion, iii. 84. ft p. 
Tho miNHion was two yearn at Delhi, (luring 1715, I7MI, 1717, ami 
tho genuine* patriotiHm nf Mr. Hamilton, tlw fmrgcon of the <loputn1 inn, 
mainly oontributed to p ro< ' uro *h wwiion c>f thlrty-mtvcn villiigiH 
tu^ar (!al<!titta, and tho exoiuption from duty of goodn prolt^cicd l>y 
Kn^liHh paHHOH. r J'hm latter privile^^ WIIH H turtiing pi >inl/ in f ho hint iiry 
of tho Mngliwh iu India, for it gavo un inijudmi to trade, which vanity 
iriorcaflod tho important* of HritiHh HubjcctH, if it added Hi tic to tho 
profitH of tho aHHOciaf <^d inorchantH. [ H may bo added that a dispute 
a) )OutthoiHHUo of thoH(*pttHH(*H brought about an (>{Mn rupture between 
tho Kant India Company and Mir Kiimm, Nawab of Uengal t in 17<M. 
Tho latter \van utte-rly defeated at tho liatfln of Hunar in 1704 and* 
an ono of the terniH of peace in tho following year t he your of Clivo'H 
return to Jndia > tho Olwfuu ((ineal adniiniHtrat ion) of Bengal, Bifiar 
and OrJNHa wan granted by tho KmpcrorMhiih Alatn to the Company, 
in return for a yearly payment of lilJ bikhn, while tho Nawab, tho 
siuiceHHor of Mir Kilnim, waH (te]>rive<i (f ail power and penHi(uied.- 

In tho dm nth of (Juru* (Jobind thoro aro at leant four aHusionH to 
Europeans, tho IftHt roforring Hpoololly to AH Englishman. Fimt* in 
tho Akfiltftitt, KurojM'anH are cmumoratxtd among tho tritxM inhabiting 
India ; wof ond and third, in tho Knlki chaptora of tho 24 An t fin, 
apparently in praim* of tlm Hywtfimfttie modoH of Kuropoanfl ; ancl 
fourth, in tho PerHinn Hiktiyafa, whom both a Kurct^an and an 
KngliHuman apfxsar HH ohampioiiB for tho hand of a royal dnrnflel, 
to bo vanquiehod, of ocmrso, by tho horo of tho talt. 



riiAp. v 

I7f7 RS. 




fh.Vt, 17HH. 

thi HikJw. 

'IV travel- 
W Kurd IT. 

played a, conspicuous part in the revolution which was 
<irownw l by tne tottte <>f Plass^y ; but the sectarian S7M, 
the worldly votary of Nfumk, who used religion as a garb 
O f outward decorum, was outwitted by the audacious false- 
hood of dive; lie quailed before the stern worn of the 
English conqueror, and he perished the victim of IHH own 
base avarice. 1 In 178*1 the progress of the genuine Sikhs at- 
tracted the notice of Hustings, and he seems to have thought 
tnttt tJlc presence of a British agent at the court of Delhi 
might, help to deter them from molesting the WazTr of Ourih.'* 

Hut th( ' Sikhs hacl 1<karnt lo flrcacj "tto'W as well us to be a 
eausc of fear, and shortly afterwards they asked the Hritish 
Resident to enter into u defensive alliance against the 
MarfithiiH, and to accept the services of thirty thousand 
horsemen, who had posted themselves near Delhi to watch 
Uu; motionK of ^"idhm, 3 The Knglish had then a slight 
knowledge of a new and distant people, and an estimate, 
f w <) generations old, may provoke a smile from the protcetf rn 
of Lahore. 'The Sikhs 1 , says Col. Kruncklin, 'are in their 

.- Jt t . *, t . . . 

pcrnons tall, . . * their aspect is ferocious, and their eyes 
piercing ; . . . they resemble the Arabs of the Kuphrutrs, 
hut they speak the language of the AfghfutM ; * , * their 
collected army amounts to & r >0,0(X> men, a terrific force, 
yet from wunt of union not much to be dreaded/ 4 The 
judicious and observing Korstcr put Home confidence in 
similar statements of their vast array, but Ike et Irnatet! more 
surely than any other early writer the real character of 
(he Sikhs, and the remark of 17Htt, that an able chief would 
probably attain to absolute power on the niitm of the rude 
commonwealth, and become, the terror of his neighbours, 
has been amply borne out by the career of KanjTt Singh.* 

1 That Owlc'hnml WUH a Hikh in given on the nnthorlty (if Komti*r, 

, {, :W7* That ho <fi<nl of a broken hi'/irt IH douhti^l ty l'n 
VVilHon, (Mill, trMt, iil 10*2 tioto, ed. ]H|0.) 

2 Browne, Indln Tract*, il, 20, W; Ami Fram-klin, *S'/u)A Ahm, 
]p, 115, 110* 

Autar, Kw (nl Progrr** ojthe Bntith /Vrr in lndi<i t ii, lid ( 27. 
Tho chief who matltt tho overture WAH Dulcha Hingh of ftudaur on 
the Juiitiui, who af tcrwardrt nilcnul Hiiulhitt'M wrvice'. ( 'f , fVft(?kH f 
Nhfik Atom, p, 7H ncito. * Frum-klin, MM Alum, pp. 7r, 77, 7B. 

4 Fora^r'n Tnwl, II 3-10. Su uUo p- 324, when* he nay* tlw* Hikhi 


The battle of Delhi 1 was fought on the llth September, iaoa-5. 
1803, and five thousand Sikhs swelled an army which the <;; lkhsop _ 
speedy capture of Aligarh had taken by surprise. 2 The posed to 
Marathas were overthrown, and the Sikhs dispersed ; but 
the latter soon afterwards tendered their allegiance to the iao3. 
British commander. Among the more Important chiefs The Hikhs 
whose alliance or whose occasional services were accepted tender SUr 
were Bhai Lfil Singh of Kaithal, who had witnessed the allegiance 
success of Lord Lake, Bhug Singh, the patriarchal chief of j^^ 
Jmd, and, after a time, Bhanga Singh the savage master xhochiefn 
of Thancsar. The victory of Laswari was won within two ^ Jind <uwi 
months, and the Mariitha power seemed to be annihilated 
in Northern India. The old blind emperor Shah Alam RWih Alain 
was again flattered with the semblance of kingly power, Sjaratilri" 1 
his pride was soothed by the demeanour of the conqueror, thraldom. 
and, as the Mughal name was still imposing, the feelings of 
the free but loyal soldier were doubtless gratified by the 
bestowal of a title whfeh declared an Knglish nobleman to 
be * the sword of the state ' of the great Tamerlane, 4 

The enterprising Janwant Rao Ilolkar had by this time The 
detcrnnncd on the invasion of Upper India, and the retreat 
of Col. Monson * buoyed him up with hopes of victory kur,iKtt-A. 

had rained in tho Punjab a solid structure of religion. The remark of 
the historian Robertson may alwo bo quoted as apposite, and with tho 
greater reason as prominence haH lately boon given to it in tho HOUHC 
of Commons on tho ocwwion of thanking tho army for its HITVICOH 
during the Sikh campaign of 1848-fl. Ho say* that tho entorprining 
commercial spirit of tho EngliHh, and tho martial ardour of tho Hiklw, 
who posflffl* the energy natural to men in the earlier stage* of aoototy, 
can hardly fail to load Hoonor or Later to open hoHtility. ( DwpnHttion 
tfoncfirntitg Aneitnt India, note iv, Beet-. 1, written in 1789-90.) 

1 [For an inte.reHting (liHciiHHion at* to tho exact Kite of thin battle, 
tho result of which WOH tho occupation of Delhi by tho Hnglifdi and tho 
placing of tho Emporor Hhfth Alam und(r their protodion, tho rea<l<r 
IB roforrod to an article by Sir Edward Maolagan, in tho Jownalofi/ie 
Pmjrib IHttoriMl Society, vol. Hi, KD.] 

2 Major Smith, Awount of Regutor Cor pa in Indian State ft > p. 34. 
8 Manuscript memoranda of personal inquiries. 

* Mill, History of British Jvdia, Wilflon 1 8 ed,, vi. filO. 

6 [Ho had made a rash advance into Holkar's territory in July 1 804, 
to unito with another English force under Col* Murray. Lack of 
supplies caused him to rotroat, and ho only reached Agra at tho end 
of August, after losing tho major part of hU army, However, ho 
took his revenge at Big, as that victory was mainly his work. E.] 



CHAP, v 




wards th 

MayH at 

and dominion, Delhi was invested, nnd the Doiib was tilled 
with troops; but the successful defence of the capital by Sir 
David Ochtcrlony, and the reverse of Dig, drove the grout 
marauder buck into Itajputana. During these operations 
a British detachment, under Col. Hum, was hard pressed 
at Shanili, near Saharanpur, and the opportune assistance 
of Lai Singh of Kaithal and Bhag Singh of Jind contributed 
to ils uftimatc relief, 1 The same Sikh chiefs deserved ami 
received the thanks of Lord Luke for attacking and killing 
one Eka Uao, a Maratha commander who had taken up a 
position between Delhi and I'ilnTpat ; but others were dis- 
posed to adhere to their sometime allies, nnd Slier Singh of 
Hfiriyu fell in action with Col. Burn, ;md the conduct 
of (nrdil; Singh of Liidwa induced (he British general (o 
deprive him of his villages in the I)nAh, and of fttc town of 
Kurnai. 8 

| sl IMS Holknr and Amir Khan again moved northward, 


nnt * pfoelaiiued that they would be joined by the Sikhs, mid 
oven by the Afghans ; but the rapid movements of Lord Luke 
converted their advance into a retreat or a (light. They 
delayed Nome, time at Patiala, and they did riot fail to make 
u pecuniary profit out of the differences then existing be- 
tween the imbecile Kiijfi and his wife ; !l but wheu the 
Knglish army rcaehttd'tlut neiglib<atrhood of KarnaK Ilolkar 
t'ontinticd his retreat towards Die north, levying contribu- 
tion* where he could, but without being joined by any of 
the Sikh chiefs of the (VSullcj states. In the Punjab 
^ |HC '^ n< * * H represente*! to have induced some to adopt his 
cause, but Hanjit Singh long kept aloof, and when at last 
* 10 niot ^^ ur llt Ainritsar, the astute young chief wanted 

1 Manuscript momoranihu Both thin aid in 1S04, and tho opptmi- 
tion of tho iSiklm at Dolhi, in ISO!), nwm in have wmpd the notico 
of Mnglinli obHtirvnrff, or to have Jiecrt thouuht undtw-rving of record 
by Kn^liHh liinLorianH. (Mill, //M/^/V/, vi, 50!), Ml!*, ed, IH40.) 

2 MimuHC'Mpt meinorundu of written doeiiuieitU nnd of 

:t Amir Khun, ia MH jl/rww/irw ( p. 27IJ), wayH elmractWHt It-ally r thitt. 
Holkar rntuurked to him, on oJiBorving tho Hilly dfffer<mrt*N lHtwe<*u 
tho RAjA and the Raul, ' < Jod hfiH aumirrtdly twni UK thcne two pigronii 
to phirk ; do you wpouiw the catiHo oftho one, while I tukn up with 
tho other; * 


aid in. reducing the Pathans of Kasiir before he would give 1803-8. 
the Marathas any assistance against the English. Amir 
Khan would wish it to be believed, that he was unwilling 
to be a party to an attack upon good Muhamniadans, and 
it is certain that the perplexed Jaswant Rao talked of 
hurrying on to Peshawar ; but Lord Lake was in force on comesto 

the banks of the Bcas, the political demands of the British tM1IW 
commander were moderate, and, on the 24-th December, 
3805, an arrangement was come to, which allowed Holkar marches to 
to return cuiiclly to Central India, 1 wo thf 

Lord Lake was joined on his advance by the two chiefs, Friendly 
Lai Singh and Bhag Singh, whose services have already been J?^ 011 ?. 2[ 
mentioned, and at Patiala he was welcomed by the weak with tiio"* 
and inoffensive Sfihib Singh, who presented the keys of (j* 1 ? <> 
his citadel* and expatiated on his devotion to the British uS5. f 
Government. Bhag Singh was the maternal uncle of 
Kan jit Singh, and his services wore not unimportant in 
determining that calculating leader to uvoid an encounter 
with disciplined battalions and a trained artillery. Hanjit 
Singh is believed to have visited the British camp in disguise, 
that he might himself'witneKs the military array of a leader 
who had successively vanquished both Sindhia and Holkar, 2 
and he was, moreover, too acute to. see any permanent 
ad vantage in linking his fortunes with those of men reduced 
to the condition of fugitive**, Singh Ahluwaliu, the 
grand-nephew of Jassa Singh Kaltil, and the chosen com- 
panion of the future Maharaja, was the medium of intcr- 
counse, and an arrangement was noon entered into with Formal an* 
* Kardurs ' Kanjlt Singh and Faieh Singh jointly, which ^S^^ 
provided that. Holkar should be compelled to retire from withRanjit 
Amritsar, and that HO long a the two chiefs conducted ^ 
themselves as friends the English Government would never 
form any plans for tilt* ciifrc of their territories 3 Lord 
Lake entered into a friendly correspondence with Sansar Tlw ' Enff . 
Chand, of Kutftlch, who was imitating Hanjit Singh by Hah 
bringing the petty hill chiefs under subjection ; but rib 

i Of, Amir Khan, Mvaom, pp. 27fi, 285 ; and Murray, Jfanjtt Mngh, 
p. $7, <fcc. 

8 Boo Moorcroft, Travel*, 1. 102. 
8 800 tho treaty itiKlf, Appondix XXI II. 



1804. engagement was entered into, and the British commander 

. , ' returned to the provinces by tho road of Ambfda and 
OUand 01 ... _, , J 

Kat6tch. Karnal. 1 

The tiikhs The connexion of Lord Luke with many of the Sikh ehiefs 
of Sirhind had been intimate, and the services of some had 
been opportune and valuable*. Immediately after the. battle 
dpedants of Delhi, Bhag Singh of JInd was upheld in a jfiglr which lie 
lish by ' possessed near that city, and in 1804 another estate was 
Lord Lake, conferred jointly on him and his friend \&\ Singh of Kaithal. 
In 1800 these leaders were further rewarded with life 
grants, yielding about 11,000 a year, and Lord Luke was 
understood to be willing to give them the districts of 
llansi and llissar on the same terms; but thews almost 
desert tracts were objected to as unprofitable. Other petty 
chiefs received rewards corresponding with their services, 
and all were assured that they should continue, to enjoy 
the territorial possessions which they held at- the time of 
British interference without being liable to the payment of 
oomiKdori *' r ^ >u ^ t '' These declarations or arrangements were made 
not r$u- when the policy of Lord Wellesley was suffering under eon- 
ckuvd or <1( ' Mmation Lil<i r( '*tf > f '<* Knglish was to be limited by 
inado hind- the Jumna, a formal treaty with Jaipur was abrogated, the 
. relations of the Indian (iovcrnmcnt with Hharlpur were left 
doubtful, and, although nothing was made known to the 
Sikh chiefs of Sirhimt, their connexion with the Knglwli 
came, virtually to an end, so far as regarded the reciprocal 
benefits of alliance, 2 

is now necessary to return to Hun jit Singh, whose 
*l gradually become predominant among the 
Knnjii, tiikh people. His first object was to master Uihorc from 
Vflriw. the incapable chiefs of the BhangI confederacy who possessed 

1 Tho public records show thai a nowHwritor wan maintuiupd for 
Homo timo in Katotch, tuul tho comwiKnulnnfo ahcnit Sawar <*hand 
Icavw ilut impnjHHitm that Kanjtt Min^h cnuld nevor wholly forgot 
tho JUjtVH original Hiipcriority, nor tho HnKlmh <iivt*Hl theiniiolvim of 
a fooling that. )m WUH indcjiendent of j^ahore. 

9 The ordinal graniK to Jwl, Kaitlml, and other*, and nino Himilar 
pajjorw of aHHiirancns an fiin-fully prmirvtid hy tlu* wv^ral familiH; 
and ilw variotiH Knglmb docuiucntH nimw that Hhfifc Singh, of .I!nd v 
WH always regarded with much fcimlliiuiw ly l^ird Ink**, Sir John 
Mal<tolm, ami Hir David Oehlerlony. 


it, and before Shah Zaman had been many months gone, 1799-1804. 
effect was given to his grant by a dexterous mixture of " 

force and artifice. Ranjit Singh made Lahore his capital, .Singh mas- 
and, with the aid of the Kanhayas (or Ghani) confederacy, jf^iW. 
he easily reduced the whole of the Bhangis to submission, Reduces 
although they were aided by Nizam-ud-dln Khan of Kasur. the Bhangi 

In 1801-2 the Pathan had to repent his rashness; his strong- 

holds were dilHcult of capture, but he found it prudent to of Kaaur, 
become a feudatory, and to send his best men to follow a 1801 ~ 3 ' 
new master. After this success Kanjlt Singh went to bathe 
in the holy pool of Taran. Ti&run, and, meeting with Fateh Aliioa him- 
Singh Ahluwalin, he conceived a friendship for him, as j^Jjf th 
has been mentioned, and went through a formal exchange Singh 
of turbans, symbolical of brotherhood. During 1802 tfie AWuw alia. 
allies took Amritsar from the widow of the last Bhangi j^jf'^. 
leader of note, and, of their joint spoil, it fell to the share quires Ani- 
of the master of the other capital of the Sikh country. In "t" 1 "'. 1802 ; 
1803 Sansar Chand, of Katotch, in prosecution of his and ecu- 
schemes of aggrandizement, made two attempts to occupy Hfifchond 
portions of the fertile Doab of Jullunclur, but he was re- totlm hills, 
pulsed by Kanjlt Singh and his confederate. In 1804 w hob 
Sansar Chand again quitted his hills, and captured Hoshiar- <"""<' *- 
pur and Itajwara ; but Kanjlt Singh's approach once more with thn 
compelled him to retreat, and he soon afterwards became 
involved with the Gurkhas, a new people in search of an 
empire which should comprise the whole range of Himalayan, 1 

1 Of. Murray, fawjtt Mnyh, pp. 51, f>5. 

Oujit. Murray, Iho jmlitical agditt at Amhala, and Oapt. Wade, tho 
political ugont at Ludhiilna, oach wrnto a narrativo of tho lift* of 
Kanjlt Singh, and that of tho former WUH printwl in 1HIJ4, with a fow 
oorrootionu and additionH, and mums noton, by Mr. Tho by I'riniwp, 
soorotary to tho Indian Govornmwit, Tho author IIAH not HOCIV 
Oapt, Wado'a report, or narratives but ho Ixsluww that it, ovou in a 
greater degree than Oapt. Murray's, wan founded on personal rouol- 
leotiona and on oral report, rathor than on contemporary KngHah 
dooumontf), which rofkwtod th opinionH of tho times, and which 
exiBtod in sufficient abumlanco after 1803 oapfloially. Tho two narra- 
tives in question were, indeed, mainly prepared from accounts drawn 
up by intelligent Indiaxw, at tho requisition of tho English functiona- 
ries, and of theso tho chronicles of Buta Hhah, a Muhammadan, and 
Bohan Lai, a Hindu, are tho best known, and may bo had for purchano 
Tho inquiries of Capt. Wado, in especial, were extensive, and to both 



18oa-5. In little more than a year after Shah Zaman quitted the 
. Punjab, he was deposed and blinded by his brother Mahmud, 
de- who was in his turn supplanted by a third brother, Shah 
- Shu 3 5 in the vear 1803 ' These revolutions hastened the 
mad and fall of the exotic empire of Ahmad Shah, and Ranjlt Singh 

enf^ urrani was not s * ow to try kis atms a S ainst *h e weakened Durrani 
weakened; governors of districts and provinces. In 1804-5 he nuirehed 
to the westward ; he received homage and presents from 
wherefore the Muhammadans of Jhang and Siihiwal, and Muzaffar 
Khan of Multan, successfully deprecated an attack by rich 
stothe offerings. Ran jit Singh had felt his way and was satisfied ; 
returned to Lahore, celebrated the festival of the Iloli 
jab, 1805. in his capital, and tjien went to bathe in the Ganges ut 
Hardwar, or to observe personally the aspect of affairs to 
the eastward of the Punjab. Towards the close of 1805 he 
made another western inroad, and added weight to 'the 
fetters already imposed on the proprietor of Jlmng ; but 
Returns to the approach of Holkar and Amir Khan recalled, first. 
on. e Hoikar's ^ atel1 Singh, and afterwards himself, to the proper city of 
approach, the whole Sikh people. The danger seemed imminent, for 
3805. a f ame d leader of the dominant Martilhas was doKirouH of 
'bringing down an Afghan host, and the Kngliuh army, exact 
in discipline, and representing a power of unknown views 
and resources, had reached the neighbourhood of AiuriiHtir. 1 
A Sikh A formal council was held by the Sikhs, but a portion 
matt" or onl yf*h e * r l ea ders were present. ThesinglcncflsofpurpOHO, 
national' the confident belief in the aid of God, which had animated 
mechanics and shepherds to resent persecution, and to 
triumph over Ahmad Shah, no longer possessed the minds 
of their descendants, born to comparative power and 
affluence, and who, like rude and ignorant men broken 
loose from all law, gave the rein to their grosser passion*-*. 

officers tho public is indebted for tho preservation of a coutinuoiw 
narrative of Ban jit Singh's actions. 

Tho latter portion of tho present chapter, and alflf> chaptwH VI 
and VII, follow very closely tho author'fl narratives of tho RriliHh 
connexion wath tho Sikhs, drawn up for Govornmtmt, a [Ktrmry] MM 
which ho trusts may bo made, without any impropriety, of an im- 
printed paper of his own writing. 

1 See Elphinstono, KMul, ii. 325; AIM! Murray, 
pp. 56, 57. 


Their ambition was personal and their desire was for 1805. 
worldly enjoyment. The genuine spirit of Sikhism* had but the 
again sought the dwelling of the peasant to reproduce itself confederate 
in another form ; the rude system of mixed independence J J^ n do _ 
and confederacy was unsuited to an extended dominion ; cayed and 
it had served its ends of immediate agglomeration, and the lifelcss > 
6 Misals * were in effect dissolved. The mass of the people 
remained satisfied with their village freedom, tp which 
taxation and inquisition were unknown ; but the petty 
chiefs and their paid followers, to whom their faith was 
the mere expression of a conventional custom, were anxious 
for predatory licence, and for additions to their temporal 
power. Some were willing to join the Knglish, others were 
ready to link their fortunes with the Maralhas, and all had 
become jealous of Ranjtt Singh, who alone was desirous of JJjJjJJJjy 10 
excluding the stranger invaders, as the great obstacles to authority 
his own ambition of founding a military monarchy which 
should ensure to the people the congenial occupation of 
conquest. In truth, Hanjlt Singh laboured, with more or 
ICHK of intelligent design, to give unity and coherence to 
diverse atoms and seattercd elements ; to mould the in- 
creasing Sikh nation into a well-ordered state or common- 
wealth, as Gobind had developed a sect into a people, and 
had given application nnd purpose to the general institutions 
ofNanuk. 1 

Hoikur retired, and Hanjlt Singh, aw has been mentioned, 
entered into a vague but friendly alliance with the British 
Government. Towards the close of the Name year he was 
invited to interfere in a quarrel between the chief of Nabha 
and the Raja of PatilUu, and it would be curious to trace two. 
whether the English authorities had first refused to mediate 
in the dispute in consequence of the repeated instructions 
to avoid all connexion with powers beyond the Jumna, 
Hanjlt Singh crossed the Sutlej, and took Ludhifina from 
the declining Huhammaclan family which had sought the 
protection of the adventurer George Thomas* The place 
was bestowed upon his uncle, Bhfig Singh of Jlnd, and as 

* Malcolm (Sketch, pp. 106, 107) remarks on the want of unanimity 
among the Sikhs at the time of Lord Lake's expedition. (X. Murray, 
RanjU Singh, pp, 57, 58* 



CHAT, v 


from Pali- 
ala - 


Mum, 1805. 
MH Ton-" 

i I- north 

tuwl tlm 

both Jaswant Singh of Nabha, whom he had gone to aid, 
and Sahib Singh of Patifila, whom he had gone to coerce, 
were glad to be rid of his destructive arbitration, he retired 
w ' th l * ie P rci * int of * l I>we of artillery and some treasure, 
and went towards the hills of Kangra, partly that he might 
pay his superstitious devotions at the natural Humes of 
Juala Mukhi. 1 

At this time tlie unscrupulous ambition of Sansar ('hand 
(>:f KaU ">tch hud brought him into fatal eollision with the 
Gurkhas. That able chief might have given life to a con- 
federacy against the eomnionenemieK of all the old mountain 
principalities, who were already levying tribute in (.urhwal : 
but JSansiir ('hand in his desire for supremacy hud reduced 
tll <*Wf KahlGr, or Bclaspur, to the desperate expedient 
of throwing himself on the support of the Nepal commander. 
AluaT SiM K h ThttPP"- Ktodiy advanced, and, notwithstanding 
the gallant resistance offered by the young chief of NiUugarh, 
Sansfir Cluuui'ft coadjutor in his own aggressions, the 
(iurkha authority was iiitKNhKfciI between the, Hutlej and 
Jumna before the end of 1805, during which year Amur 
Singli <irossc<I th(^ former river and laid siege to Kangra. 
At tho P criod of Han J rt S"^'" visit to JuAlu Mukhi, Sannftr 
Clmiid wus willing to obtain his uid ; but, us the fort wan 
strong und the sacriiices required considerable, lie* WIIN 
indiurd to trust to his own resources, and no arrangement 
was the.n come to for the expulsion of the now enemy.* 

1 Nw Murray, totnjit Hi ugh, pp. AM, <). Thvi frttftr of Sir <JImrlfH 
M<itcaliSn to (iovorninent,-of Juno 17, 1800, how that Kanjft Sih 
was not Hlrontf onough at tliu liu> in qiuwticm, 1WMI T to inKrf<To, 
by open for, in tho afTairn <tf ihi* Mfilwii SikhH, and tlm h*ttir of 
Sir David (Hthterlony. of ftifmmry 14, March 7, 1WM nmi July ;), 
1H11, Hhiiw that tho Kn^lton on^igomentH of IHOfi, with ilui PiitiAU 
and olhor chu^ffl, w<* virtually at itn end, HO far UH n'Kiinlwl HID 
reciprocal lM*n(*fltH of nlliancft. 

(^.Murray, ftanjTiHinff^}t.^; and Mo<n'roft,7Vw^,iJ27,Ar, 

Haiwnr ( 'hand a<-< rilmttil hin overthrow by tho ( Jurkhiw to bin clih- 
miHHftl of his old Hujpui troopw and employment of Afghan, at tht* 
iiiHligation of th^ fugitive Rohilla chief, (ihiiliim Muhwmniad, who 
had nought au any In in with him. 

Tho OurkhaH cnwacd the Jumna in aid tlw diief of NAhan ifc^iitHt 
hw ubjot, an<l thoy crowed thn Sutlej to aid on<f H&jpfit prinra 
againut another paths alwayu tjjen to new and unit ed racira. Jtofo- 


In 1807 Ranjit Singh first directed his attention to 1807. 
Kasur, which was again rebellious, and the relative inde- Ran - It 
pendence of which caused him disquietude, although its Singh ex- 
able chief, Nizam-ud-dm, had been dead for some time ; ^han* 
nor was he, perhaps, without a feeling that the reduction of chief of Ka- 
a large colony of Pathans, and the annexation of the mytho- sQr 1807 ; 
logical rival of Lahore, would add to his own merit and 
importance. The place was invested by Ranjit Singh, and 
by Jodh Singh Ramgarhia, the son of his father's old ally, 
Jassa the Carpenter. Want of unity weakened the resistance 
of the then chief, Kutb-ud-dln, and at the end of a month 
he surrendered at discretion, and received a tract of land on 
the opposite side of the Sutlej for his maintenance. Ranjit 
Singh afterwards proceeded towards Multun, and succeeded audpartial- 
in capturing the w.alled town ; but the citadel resisted such J^SSt" 8 
efforts as he was able to make, and he was perhaps glad that Multfin. 
the payment of a sum of money enabled him to retire with 
credit ; he was, nevertheless, unwilling to admit his failure, 
and, in the communications which he then held with the 
Nawab of Bahuwulpur, the ready improver of opportunities 
endeavoured to impress Ihut chief with the belief that a 
regard for him alone had caused the Afghan governor to be 
left in possession of his stronghold. 1 

During the same year, 1807, Ranjit Singh took into Ins Kanjit 
employ a Kshattriya, named Mohkarn Chund, an able man, JjJJf em " 
who fully justified the confidence reposed in him* Witli this 
new servant in his train he proceeded to interfere in the 
dissensions between the Kaja of Patiala and his intriguing 
wife, which were as lucrative to the mauler of Lahore as they 
had before been to Holkar and Amir Khan. The Rani 
wished to force from the weak husband a large alignment 
for the support of her infant HOII, and nhe tempted Hanjlt 
Singh, by the offer of a necklace of diamonds and a piece of 
brass ordnance, to espouse her eaune. He crowed the Sutlej, croKsaa the 
and decreed to the boy a maintenance of 50,000 rupees Sultej for 
per annum. lie then attacked Naraingarh, between Ambaia time f 

renoee in public rooonlH show that Iho latter river was croflaod in 
A. D, 1805. . 

1 Murray ,' Ran jU Singh, pp. 00,01, and the mamwoript momoiru of 
the Bahawalpur family. 




of the 

The Sikhs 
of Sirhind 


1808-0. and the hills, and held by a family of liajpfits, Imt he <>b" 
secured it after a repulse and a heavy loss. Tarn Singh, the 
old chief of the Dallchwala confederacy, who was with the 
Lahore force on this occasion, died before N T Jiruin#arh, unii 
andreturna Ranjit Singh hastened back to see.ure his possessions hi f h<- 
temtones 6 Jullundur Doab. The widow of the n^ed leader eqimlleil 
the sister of the Raja of Put f ilia in spirit, and she is 
described to have girded up her garments, un<! hi have 
fought, sword in hand, on the battered walls of tin- furl 
of Rahon. 1 

In the beginning of 3808 various plaees in the I |i|er 
of Sirhind p un j a b were taken from their independent. Sikh proprietors, 
prehensive "and brought under the direct, management of the new 
ofKanjit kingdom of Lahore, and Mohkum ('hand was at the winie 
time employed in effecting a settlement of the territories 
which had been seized on the left bank of the Hutlej. Hut 
Ranjit Singh's systematic aggressions hnd begun to excite 
fear in the minds of the Sikhs of Sirhind, and a forma! 
deputation, consisting of the chiefs <tt Jlnd anil Kaitlwl, 
and the Dlwun, or minister, of PatiitlH, proeeetlec! to I Jrlhi, 
in Maxch 1808, to ask for British protection. The communi- 
cations of the English Government with the chief* of the 
Cis-Sutlej states had not been altogether broken off, ml the 
Governor-General ^ad at this lime assured thcMulmmnmdtui 
Khan of Kunjpura, near KarniU,* that he need be under no 
apprehensions with regard to his hereditary pusM'Shion*, 
while the petty Sikh chief of Sikri hud performed WHIM- 
services which were deemed worthy of a pension.? Hut the 
deputies of the collective slates could obtain no positive 
assurances from the British authorities at Delhi, although 
they were led to hope that, in the hour of nwci, they would 
Whereupon n t b Deserted, This WUH scarcely HulTleieat to NIIVC* thnit 
the chiefs from loss, and perhaps from ruin ; and, an KanjTt Singh 
Ran]{t t0 nil( ^ swlt nicssengors to calm their apprehensions, n<l to 
Singh. urge them to join his camp, they left Delhi for the purpose 

1 Of. Murray, KanjTt Miny/i, pp. 1 63. Tho gun obuim-il hy 
Ranjit Singh from Patiala on ihiH owwwn WUH namtud Kwrri Khan, 
and wa0 caj>turod by th English during tho oumpaign of 2H4A ft. 

2 In a document dated 18th .January, 1H08. 

9 Mr. Clerk of Arabala to tho agont at Delhi, 10th Mny, 1837. 


but not 




of making their own terms with the acknowledged Raja of 1808-9. 
Lahore. 1 . 

The Governor-General of 1805, 2 who dissolved or depre- The under- 
cated treaties with princes heyond the Jumna, and declared Jj^^ 
that river to be the limit of British dominion, had no French 
personal knowledge of the hopes and fears with which the 
invasions of Shah Zaman agitated the minds of men for 
the period of three or four years ; and had the Sikhs of thelfineHsh 
Sirhind sought protection from Lord Cornwallis, they would 
doubtless have received a decisive answer in the negative. 1808-0. 
But the reply of encouragement given in the beginning of 
1808 was prompted by renewed danger ; and the belief 
that the French, the Turkish, and the Persian emperors 
meditated the subjugation of India led another new Gover- 
nor-General to seek alliances, not only beyond the Jumna, 
but beyond the Indus. 3 The designs or the desires of Napo- 
leon appeared to render a defensive alliance with the Afghans 
and with the SikhH imperative ; Mr. Klphinstone was 
deputed to the court of Shall Slmju, and in September 1808 
Mr. Melcalfc was sent on a mission to Ranjlt Singh for the 
purpose of bringing about the desired confederation. 4 The Tto chiefs 
chiefs of Patiala, ,11ml, and Kaithal were also verbally 
assured that they had become dependent princes of the 
British Government; for the progress of Ranjlt Singh 
seemed to render the interposition ol some friendly 
states, between hi military domination and the peace- 
Ail swny of the English, a ineuuure of prudence and Hingh. 

1 See Murray, Rtinjit Mngh, pp. 04, 05. 

a [Lord Cornwall had boon sent out in 1805 with strict ordoi-8 to 
pursue a pacific and economizing policy, an the Directors wore alarmed 
at the expense of th wars waged by his predecessor Lord Wellowloy. 
But Cornwallis died two months after hia arrival, and was temporarily 
succeeded by Sir G. Barlow. ED.] 

3 Mr. Auber (Rise and Progren* of tlw British Power in India, ii. 
461), notices the tripk alliance which threatened Hindustan, [Lord 
Minto had arrived as Governor-General in 1807, ED.] 

4 [Col. Malcolm was dispatched on a similar mission to Persia at 
the same time, and concluded a treaty (1800) which did away* with 
the possibility of French interference in that quarter. 1C u.] 

* Government to Sir David *0chterlony, Uth Nov., 1808. (!f. 
Murray, Ranjtt Singh, pp. 65, 66. 


1808-s. Mr. Metcalfe was received by ItanjTl Singh lit his newly 
Mr Met _ conquered town of Kasur, but, the chief affected to consider 
calf e sent himself as the head of the whole Sikh people, and to regard 
ad envoy to t ] ie possession of Laliore as giving him an additional claim 
1808-9.' to supremacy over Sirhind, He did not, perhaps, set* (hat. 
Aversion a French invasion would be ruinous hi his interests; he 
sL^floa ratlier fr arc(1 tuc Colossal power on his borders, and he 
restrictive resented the intention of confining him in the Sutlrj. 1 He 
*to^ nd suddenly broke off ncgot iationH, and inude his third inroad 
expedition to the soutli of the Sixtlcj. He sci'/ed FarTdkot and Amhahi, 
across the levied exactions in Maler Kotla and Thancsar, and entered 
into a symbolical brotherhood or alliance with the Itiijii of 
Patiala. The British envoy remonstrated against these 
virtual acts of hostility, and he remained on the banks of 
the. Sutlcj until llunjft Singh recrosscd that river, 2 
Britwh The proceedings of flm ruler of Lahore determined the 

mSvSfl to ^ vcrnor "^ ncra ^ H doubtful before*, to advance a dctfich- 
the Hutloj, ment of troops to the Sutlcj, to support Mr. Mctciilfc in 
his negotiations, and to effectually confine Uunjit Singh to 
the northward of that river." Provision would also be thus 
made, it was said, for possible warlike operations of a more 
extensive character, and tin- British frontier would be 
covered by a confederacy of friendly chiefs, instead of 
threatened by a jiostile military government. A body of 
troops was accordingly moved across the Jumna in .liimmry 
1809, under the command of Sir David Ochtcrfony, The 
General advnnced, by way of Bflriya and Itatiftlii, ioward* 
Uidhiami ; he was welcomed by nil the Sirhind chiefs, wivu 
Jodh Singh Kalsia, the nominal head of the Kroru-Singhiu 
confederacy : but during his march he wan not without, 
apprehensions that HunjTt Singh might openly break with 
his government and, after an interview with ccrtum 
agents whom that chief hud Hcnt to him with the view 
of opening a double negotiation, he made a detour and 

1 Moon*nifta8crtAinfwl(7 v frtnr/rt t i.tl4)that l(iin|!t Singh Imiw*rifiiH 
ihoughtH of appiwlintf to tin* Hword. m unimlut.iihli' wax KnKlMi iuf cr 
forouoo. Tlw w<ill-kuown l^aklr l'xiX'Uil-Hn wait (inn of tho two 
porHtmH vflut dirimmdwl hint front war. 

1 Murray, fanffit Mnyh, r. <"* 

* Government to Hir Divvid (tahtiirlimy. 1 4th Nt*v, and Ll*ih JUm-. 


a halt, in order to be near his supplies should hostilities 2809. 
take place. 1 

Ranjit Singh was somewhat discomposed by the near 
presence of a British force, but he continued to evade coin- 
pliance with the propositions of thecnvoy, and he* complained mmewbat 
thai Mr. Metcalfe was needlessly reserved about his nequitfi- |J5ii?Rj{t 
tions on the south banks of the Sutlej, with regard to which Singh still 
the Government had only declared that the restoration of Hjl'^hJ 
his last conquests, and the absolute withdrawal of his troops north of tiro 
to the northward of the river, must form the indispensable 
basis of further negotiations. 2 Affairs were in this way 
when intelligence from Europe induced the Governor* 
General to believe that Napoleon must abandon his dcaigna 
upon India, or at least so far suspend them as to render 
defensive precautions unnecessary. 3 Jt was there* fore made 
known that the object of the English Government hud 
become limited to the security of Hie country south of the 
Sutloj from the en crouch incuts of Hanjlt Singh ; lor tlmt, 
independent of the possible approach of a European enemy, 
it was considered advisable on other grounds to afford 
protection to the southern Sikhs. Hanjit Singh must still, 
nevertheless, withdraw his troops to the right bank of the 
Sullej, his last usurpations must also be restored, but the 

1 Sir David Oehtorlony to ( Juvctrnmont, 2()th Jan., and 4th, Oth, 
and 14th Fob., 1800, with Government to Sir David Oehtorlony, of 
13th March, 180S). Uovurnmont by no moaiiH approved of what Kir 
David Oehtorlony had dont, nnd ho, fooling aggriuvod, virtually 
tendered IUB resignation of his command. (Kir David Oohtarlony 
to Government, 19th April, 1800.) 

a Sir David Oohtarlony to (Invorninonl, 14th Fob,, IHOtt, and 
Government to Sir Itovid Oehtorlony, 30th July, 1800. Ural-Col. 
Lawron<so (Adventure,* in the Punjab, p. 131, unto y) makcm Hir dharloH 
Metcalfo sufficiently communicative* on thiH oucatuon with rogard to 
othor territories, for ho IH d<wlarod to havo told tho Mah&r&ja that 
by a compliance with tho them demands of tho English, ho would 
onnure thoir neutrality with roa|wct to onoroaohmo&ta eluewhero. 

(Jovornmont to Sir David Oohterlony, 30th Jan., 1800. [too- 
bably tho altered rolationH Iwtwoen Napoleon and Torkey were the 
main cause of thia. The Pranoo-Turktah allianoo of 1807 had come 
to an end with tho deposition of Muatapha IV and aooewlon of 
Mahmud II July 1808 and the improved relations of England and 
Turkey led to tho signature by the lattw poworu of tho Treaty of the 
Dardanelles (January 1809). ED.] 


1809. restitution of his first conquests would not be insisted on ; 
while, to remove all cause of suspicion, the detachment under 
Sir David Ochterlony could fall back from Ludhiana to 
Karnal, and take up its permanent position at the latter 
place. 1 But the British commander represented the advan- 
tage of keeping the force where it was ; his Government 
assented to its detention, at least for a time, and Ludhiana 
thus continued uninterruptedly to form a station for British 
troops. 2 

Kanjtt In the beginning of February 1809, Sir David Ochlerlouy 

S i3cls- kad issued a proclamation declaring the Cis-Sutlej states to 
' be under British protection, and that any aggressions of the 
Chief of Lahore would be resisted with arms:'* Runjlt Singh 
then perceived that the British authorities were in earnest, 
and the fear struck him that the still independent, lenders of 
the Punjab might likewise tender their allegiance and have 
it accepted. All chance of empire woxild thus be lost, and 
he prudently made up his mind without further delay. He 
withdrew his troops as required, lie relinquished his last 
acquisitions, and at Amritsar, on the 25th April, 1800, the 
and enters now single Chief of Lai lore signed u treaty which left him 
mS treaty, the master of the tracts he had originally occupied to the 
25th April' south of the Sutlcj, but confined his ambition for the future 
*' to the north and westward of that river. 4 
The terms The Sikh, and the few included Hindu and Muliamniiulfun 
pendence 6 " chief s, between the Sutlej and Jumna, having been taken 
and of under British protection, it became necessary to define; the 
tcrmfl on which they were secured from foreign dungcr. 
Sir David Ochterlony observed,* that when the chiefs ilrst 
pought protection, their jealousy of the English would have 
yielded to their fears of Ranjit Singh, and they would have 
agreed to any conditions proposed, including u, regular 
tribute. Bui their first overtures had been rejected, and 

1 Government to Sir David Ochtorlony, 30th Jan., th Fob., and 
13th March, 1809. 

a Sir David Ochtorlony to Government, fllh May, 18011, and 
Government to fciir David Ochtorlony, 13tli Juno, 1801). 

3 See Appendix XXIV* 

See the treaty itaolf , Appendix XXV, Of. Murray, ttnnftt tf wwA, 
pp, 67, 68. 

6 Sir David Ochterlony to Government, 17th March, 100, 

CHAP, v THE TREATY OF 1809 141 

the mission to Lahore had taught them to regard their 1800. 

defence' as a secondary % object, and to Hunk that English 
apprehensions of remote foreigners had saved them from the chtw- 
arbiter of the Punjab. Protection, indeed, had become no Jjj^ that 
longer a matter of choice ; they must have accepted it, or th< 
they would have been treated as enemies. 1 Wherefore, eon- JJ^J^J^ 
tinned Sir David, the chiefs expected that the protection ulniioin 
would be gratuitous. The Government, on its part, was ^"*ISon 
inclined to be liberal to its new dependants, and finally a 
proclamation was issued on the 3rd May, 1809, guaranteeing 
the chiefs of * Sirhind and Malwa * against the power of 
Ranjtt Singh, leaving them absolute in their own territories 
exempting them from tribute, but requiring assistance in 
time of war, and making some minor provisions which need 
not be recapitulated. 8 

No sooner were the chiefs relieved of their fears of Run jit Th rpla- 
Singh, than the more turbulent began to prey upon one 
another, or upon their weaker neighbours ; und, although 
the Governor-General had not wished them to consider 
themselves as in absolute subjection to the British power, 3 
Mr. Metcalfe pointed out 4 that it was necessary to declare 
the chiefs to be protected singly against one another, as well 
as collectively against Ranjlt Singh ; for, if such a degree 
of security were not guaranteed, the oppressed would 
necessarily have recourse to the only other person who 
could use coercion with effect, vix, to the Kuju of Lahore 
The justness of these views was admitted, and, on the 
22nd August, 1811, a second proclamation, was F&mcd, 
warning the chiefs against attempts at usurpation, und re- 
assuring them of independence and of protection against 
Ranjlt Singh. 5 Nevertheless, encroachments did not at 

1 Soo also Government to Hofiiclont at Delhi, 20th "Doe., 1K08. 
Baron Httgol (Travels, p. 270) likewise attribuicm the interference* of 
tho English, in part at loant, to flolfishnoflB, but with him the xnotivo 
was the potty dosire of benefiting by OHoheatn, which the duwipated 
character of tho chiofa waft likely to render gpoedy and numerous 1 
This appetite for morfwta of territory, however, really arose at a Hub- 
sequent dato, and did not move tho English in 1800, 

See Appendix XXVJ. 

Government to Sir David Oohterlony, 10th April, 1809. 

* Mr, Motcalfo to Government, 17th Juno, 1809. 

5 See the proclamation, Appendix XXVII, 



CIIAI*. v 




Mon nf in- 

once cease, and the Jodh Singh Kalsiu, who avoided 
in his adhesion to the British (sovcinincnt on the advance 
of Sir David Ochte.rlony, required to have troops sent 
against him in 1818 to compel the sum mlttr of tracts which 
he had forcibly ei/.edJ 

The history of tho southern or Malwa Sikhs need not he 

continued, although it presents ninny points; of interest 

to the general raider, as well us to the student and to those 

concerned in the administration of India. The ttrifish 

functionaries .soon heeanie involved in intriratr queMions 

about interference between equal chiefs, and between chiefs 

mi(I tlloir confwleniltt* or dependants; they laboured to 

reconeile the Hindu luws of inheritance with the varied 

CUHtoinw of Different races, and with tin* alli^i! fnrniiy 

usages of peasants mi<l<!cnly become princes. They bud to 

dssM^Ofl queHtionnof tsHcheiit, and being Hlnuwly iiiiprcsned 

with the miperiority of HriLish inunicipai nile. and tilth the 

umioubtcd claim of the paramount to Mime benefit in return 

for the protection it afforded, they Mro\e to prove that 

collateral heirs had a limited ritfht only, and that cKctnpt ton 

from tribute necessarily implied an enlnrMcd liability In 

confiscation, They had to define the eommon iNiiiiifliiry 

of the Sikh states and of Hritish rule, and tln-> were prone 

to show, after the manner of Hanjit Sii^li, that the prcw nt 

poftsession of a principal town guvc a ri^lit to all (he viiliwh 

whieh had ever been attached tu it IIH the Miii tif u local 

authority, and that all waste lands Moused to ibe 

power, although the d<pcdunt mi^ht hvc Kiiht 

them in sovereignty ami intermediately brotiht them wider 

the plough. Th<*y had to exercise u paraniuunt imitticipal 

control, and in the nurrender of criminal*, mid 

, IM18, mtil 

Thu In 

HoHidont at Delhi to Agmil at AmlAlu t 27th ( h-t ., , 
thn chief in the military oxprniUMi imnirrni, ii:,(HM rufH-rn, T 
of HM family, Jodlt Hingh, had wwwitly rtotwraiui with lUnjIl 
tinny from tho capture t>f Multnn, ami h* WIIN nlwavH trmt^i with 
oiuii<Iribti<m by tli<i Maharaja; and, taarhiK in inifni tin* ditfrr-iit 
VIOWB taken by dcipemlonti BJkhn and uovwmnu Ku M lir.h, ,f n H hu nt 
muicwNHlon, ht> had fair Krourulu of ilbiMatiNfart ion, i!> rUinifii it, U 
th hiwd of tho 'KroraKiughia' MimtUand to bn tlm bir i*f nil i htM 
Iw foudattirW. Tim BritiNli (uvitrnnunt, huwtwr. itimlo it^lf thit 
valid gr ofticioiit hia<l of tho flonfctdunmy, 


for compensation lor proj>erly stolen from British subjects, 1800-18. 
the original arbitrary nature* of the decisions enforced has 
not yet been entirely replaced by rules of reciprocity. But 
the government of u large empire will uhvai>s be open to 
obloquy, and liable to misconception, from the acts of offi- 
cious and ill-judging Kcrvunth, who think that they best 
servo the complicated interests of I heir own micro by lessen- 
ing the material power of others, and that any advantage 
they may seem to have gained for the state they obey will 
surely promote their own objects* Nor, in such matters, 
are servants alone to blame, and the whole system of internal 
government in India requires to be remodelled and made 
the subject of a legislation at once wine, considerate, and 
comprehensive* In the Sikh states ignorance has been the 
main cause of mistakes and heart-burnings, and in 1818 
Sir David Ochte-rlony frankly owned to the Marquis of Hirlmvid 
Hastings 1 that, his proclamation of 1805* had been based on \^^' 
an erroneous idea. JIc thought that u few great chiefs only fnuik 
existed between the Sutlej and Jumna, mid that on them Irfft^X* 
would devolve the maintenance, of order ; whereas he found biwiK of his 
that the dissolution of the 'Misute*, faulty as was their IJUjf"^ 
formation, had almost thrown the Sikhs back upon the 
individual independence of the times of Ahmad Shfth. Both 
in considering the relation of the chiefs to one another, and 
their relation collectively to the British Government, too 
little, regard was perhaps had to the peculiar circumstances 
of the Sikh people. They were in u state of progression 
among races as barbarous as themselves, when suddenly 
the colossal power of Knglaad arrested them, and required 
the exercise of political moderation mid the practice of a 
just morality from men ignorant alike of despotic control 
and of regulated freedom." 

1 In a private communication, dated 17th May, 181H. 

* In the Sikh S tat OH on t*ithir idn of t lie Sutlrj, th British Oovorn- 
immt wan long fortunate in being ro prow n tod by wiu-h mon an Cap! 
Murray and Mr. (Jlork, Kir David (tohtorlony, and Uout-Col, Wad*- - 
so different from ono another, and yet NO u*aful to ono common 
purpofto of good for Iho Kngliiih ixwur, Tii^H^ mon, by thoir iwrmmal 
oharaotor or HtiluMUio, ftdd<i<l to tint wnoral reputation of their 
countrymon, and thoy giw( adaptation and flexibility to the rigid 
unBympathisdng nature of a foreign atul (>ivUid nupromacy, Kir 


1809-18. David Ochterlony will long live in the memory of tho people of 

Northern India as one of tho greatest of tho conquering Knglwh cliiHTn; 

and ho was among tho very last of tho British leaden* who ondcnn*d 
himself both to the army which followed him and to tho prim-rn who 
bowod before the colossal power of his race. 

Nevertheless, tho beat of subordinate authorities, imincwd in 
details and occupied with local affairs, arc 1 in bio to he biunsed ly 
views which promise immediate and special advantage. They <'im 
seldom be more than upright or dexterous adininiKtratorB, and thi*y 
can still more rarely be men whoso minds have been enlarged by 
study and reflexion as well as by actual experience (if tlm world. 
Thus the ablest but too often resemble moroly thu proctu-ai mini <*f 
tho moment ; while tho supreme authority, OHpocially when alwut 
from his councillors and intent uj)on Homo groat undertaking, in of 
necessity dependent mainly upon tho local roprcHentativeH cif tho 
Government, whoso notions must inevitably ho partial or ona-fridrd, 
for good, indeed, as well an for evil. Tho author has tlmn, even <luring 
his short service, soon many rcasonn to Tm thankful that, thcro m a 
remote deliberative or corrective body, which can nurvoy thiiigH 
through an atmosphere cleared of mists, and which can judge of 
measures with reference both to tho tmivor&al principle* of juHttee 
and statesmanship, and to their particular bearing on tho Knglixh 
supremacy in India, which should bo characterized by cnrtainty and 
consistency of operation, and tempered by a spirit of forlteantm-c 
and adaptation. 



3809 182&-4 

Mutual distrust of Ranjit Singh and the Englmh gradually rrmowd 
Ranjit Singh and the Gurkha* Ranjit Hingh and tho cxkSngH 
of Kabul- Ranjit Bingh and Jfatoh Khun, the Kabul Wiwlr 
Ranjit Singh and Shah Shu j it each fail against KuHhmlr Kittr>h 
Khan put to death Ranjit Singh captures MfaltSn, overrun* 
Peshawar, occupies Kashmir, and anmtxcw the * Dtwjiit * { tlio 
Indus to his dominions-*- The Afghans dtfuatud, and I VnhiVwur 
brought regularly under tributo-1)ctath of Muhanutmd Aatfot 
Khan of Kabul, and of Saniwr (!hand of Kat0th Kan jit Sin^Ii'fl 
power consolidated Shah.Shuja'Hoxpoditionof 381 i-'l A|>}dt 
Sahib of Nagpur The trav(41cr Mmireroft Kanjii HiiiKh'ft 
Oovornmont Tho Sikh Army Tho Sikhs and other wiiititry 
tribes Fronoh offlooni- Ranjit Singh's family Run jit Singh 1 ** 
failings and Sikh vices Ranjit Singh's i^raonal favourituN find 
trusted florvants, 

A TIIKATY of peticc und friendship WHH thus forrtifd JW)5>, 
between Kiinjlt Sin^U and the Kngltoh (Jovcrnnu-nl ; but 
confidence is a plant of slow growth, and doubt and mittpit'iim 
arc not always removed by formal jMroUwtationfi* While 
arrangements were pending with the Maharaja, the BritiKh |ij Jh t , in 
authorities wore UHHiirwl tliat he had in tide propoNitMnH to H'itTwtAi 
Sindhia; 1 agents from Gwalior, from Jlolkur, and frcim jUJit 
Amir Khan, 2 contuuicd to how themt*lve for yearn t inaty; 
Lahore, and their xna&terH lon dwelt on the hope that the 
tribes of the Punjab arid of the Dcccun might yet IK* united 
against the stranger eonquerorn. It was further belfavid 
by the English rulers that Hanjlt Singh was anxiouHly trying 
to induce the Sikha of Sirhiud to throw off their 

1 Resident at Delhi to Sir David Ochtorlony, 28th Juno, 1KOJK 
1 8ir D. Oohtorlony to Government, 15th Oct., 180( ; 5th, 
and 7th Doc , 1809 ; and 6th and 30th Jan., and 22md Aug., 1K10, 


UXXMl. and to join him and Iloikar against their protectors. 1 Other 
------ Kpeeiul might also IK* quoted, and Sir David 

Oehterlony even thought it prudent, to lay in supplies and 
and Kaiijif to thiwv up defensive lines at Ludhiana. 2 Hun jit Singh had 
Hindi likewise hits suspieions, but they won- neeessarily expressed 
fffit&lou in ambiguous terms, and were rather to be deduced from his 
lib part: llc ^ s um j <orrespondence, and from a eonsideralion of his 
position, than to he looked for in overt statements or remon- 
butdiHfriwlfttnuicctt. Hy degrees the apprehensions of the two govern- 
nmiH^Mi nu * ut " s "lut-uaNy vanished, and, while Hanjlt Singh felt he 
cither hid*'. f'ould freely exereise his ambition beyond the Stitlej, the 
Knglish were persuaded he would not embroil himself with 
its restless allies in the south, so long as he had oeeupation 
elsewhere. In 1811 presents were exehanged between the 
Governor-General and the Maharaja, 4 and during the 
following year Sir David Oehterlouy bmunt! hit* p' H * u * 
the marriage of his mm, Kharak Singh,* and from that period 
until within u year of the late war, the rumours of a Sikh 
invasion served to amuse the idle and to alarm the credulous, 
without canning uneasiness to the British vieeroy* 
Ktuijit On the departure* of Mr. Metealfe, the first care of Han jit 

was to strengtlien both his frontier post of Phillaur 
opp<isite, Iiudhiana, and <obin<!^urh th<* eitadel of Amritsar, 

Hiul con- \vhicli he had he^tm to l>uild as soon as he #ot possession of 
(iurkUtw to the reli/{iouH capital of his peopled Ue was invited, almost 

ut tlu ' Halnti tini(% J> - v Slulsrir <<Iutll(i "f KatOtch, to aid in 
iUU. U J * WMiHlinK Uie (viirkhuM, who wer<* Htilt presHin^ their lontf. 
continued siege <>f Kftivgra, and who hud effectually tlinpelled 
the UajpQt prinee's dreams of a supremacy reaching from 
the Jumna to the Jhelum, The htronghdki WUH offere<t to 
the Sikh ruler an the price of hm aNHistanee, but Stumiir Chand 
hoped, in the ineantine, to gain adrnittunec hlmnelf, by 

1 Kir IX Ochtorloiiy tr> (JovcTium^nt, f>th .)nu,, 1H10, 

3 Kir IX <)rht.crIrmy1o<;ovenum'nt.aiHt Un-., IWHl.umi 7th Srpt,, 

a A earrings WUH at- 1 IUH t iiao HOU! to Ijithnw. Km*, f urt ln*r IU'wi<U*nt 
of MM to Sir I). Oditrrlmiy^th Feb., JHll.aml Sir I). Orhturtcmy 
to (Icivwiiineiit, IMh Nov., IK11. 

Hir IX Otihterhmy to (Jovi^nuntint^ IHtli .luly. 1K11, lui 
.Ian.* 1811 

8 tl Murray, JtanjH Mnvh, p. 7i, 


showing to the Gurkhas the futility of resisting Ran jit Singh, 1800. 
and by promising to surrender the fort to the X<*j>fil coin* 
mantlet, if allowed to withdraw his family. The Mahfirfija 
saw through the ohonu*s of Sansar Chund, un<l ho made the 
son of his ally a prisoner, while* he dexterously cajoled the 
Khatmandu general, Amur Singh Thappa, who proposed 
a joint warfare against the Rajput mountaineers, and to 
take, or receive, in the meantime, the fort of Kfingru us 
part of the Gurkha share of the general spoil. The Sikhs 
got possession of the place by suddenly demanding admit- 
tance as the expected relief. tiuiu&r ('hand was foiled, and 
Amar Singh retreated across the Sutlej, loudly exclaiming 
lhat he had been grossly duped. 1 The active Nepalese 
commander soon put down some disorders which had 
arisen in his rear, but the disgrace of his failure before 
Kangra rankled in his mind, and he made preparations for 
another expedition against it. lie proposed to Sir David Punjab, 
Oehterlony a joint march to the Indus, and u separate 
appropriation of the plains and the hills ; 8 and Hanjft 
Singh, ignorant alike of Kngliuh moderation and of inter- 
national law, became; apprehensive lest the allies of Nepal 
should be glml of a pretext for coercing one who hud so 
unwillingly acceded to their limitation of his ambition. lie 
mode known that he was desirous of meeting Amar Singh 
Thappa on his own ground ; and the reply of the Governor- \\\\\ 
General that he might not only himself crown the Sutlej to 
chatttiue the invading Gurkhas in the hills, but that, if tiiey 
descended into the plains of Sirhtnd, ho would receive 
Knglish ussiHtance, gnve him another proof that the river 
of the treaty wan really to be tin impassable barrier. lie* 
had got the UHHiirance he wanted, and he talked no more of 
carrying his horsemen into mountain rccGHtuw.* Hut Amur 
Singh long brooded over i)is roverxe, and tried in various 
ways to induce the Britinh mithoritieH to join him in UHHfftiiing 

> Murray, Ranjit Miigh, pp. 7 t 77. Th Muh&rajft told Cfcpt. Wiitlw w the 
that th (Jurkhw wantml to ahftro Kwhrnlr with him, but that ho 
thought it taut to koop thorn out of tho l^utkjab altogetthor* (Capt. 
Wade to (Jovornmont, U5th May, U*3l.) 
* Bir I). Oohterlony to Government, ith and 3<)th DCM%, imi 
9 Sir IX Oohtxfflony to Govt.nxrat.nt, 12th Bopt. r 1811, and Govern* 
mont to Bir i). Oohterlcmy, 4th Oot. Mid 22nd Nov., 1811, 


l8iMr. the Punjab. The treaty with Nepal, he would u>% made all 
strangers the mutual friends or enemies of live two govern- 
ments, und llunjlt Singh had wantonly attacked the (tarkha 
possessions in Katdteh. Besides, lie would argue, to advance 
is the safest policy, und what eould have brought the Knglinh 
to the Sutlej but the intention of going Iwyuiul it Y ! The 

twwi* tho NV l >ri1 war of 181 ' 4 f < >llowc < 1 ' u 4 1|M - KngliHh bceaune the 
EngliKh neighbours of the Sikhs in tho hills ais well as in the plains, 
(iurJcJuw aiu * ** u * ^ ur l cnus instead of grasping Kashmir, trembled for 
l14-ir* their homes in Khfttumntlu. Hunjit Singh was not, then 
usked to give his assistance, hut Sunsfu* ('hand was directly 
U J )OU **y ** IC Knglish representative to uttaek the 
"(I (I"'" id lies, a hasty requisition, whieh 
produced u romonsl ranee from th< Maltaruju, und un 
KnxhHh. admiKHion, on the part c>f Sir David Ochterlony, that his 
Hupremuey was not quest ione<I ; while tho experi< k need 
Hindu chief hud forborne to commit himself with either 
Htaic, by promising much and doing little. 2 

HhfihHhuju Hunjit Singh felt seen re on the i*pP (k| Hutlej, lmt*a new 

l5n Af- ^ ttn K<^ UKsailcd him in the })eginning of 1H10, and again net 

ghiUiifttfut, )iim to work to dive to the bottom of British eoumelN. 

iHUi)-l(), jyj r< Klphinntoiu 1 hud neurcely eoneluded a treaty with Slifth 

ShujA ugainnt the, Persiuns und Kron<-h, before that prince 

wan driven out of his kingdom by tho brother whom ho hud 

liimMclf wupplanted, und who had placet! his affair* in the 

Imndn of the able minister, Katch KhAn. Hut MahilrujA WIIH 

1 Hir IX OchtorUmy to Uovmiwimt, 2(Hh UeeeinlM*r v 1H1X 
3 Uovcrmmmt to Kir 1), Ochturhmy, l*t nntl li(h Ort,, 1KH, 
Kowitlimt nt l)<ilhi to Sir 1>. Ooht^rltmy, llth Oc-t M 1H14, juid Sir 
Da-vicl'tt let tor to lianjHHingh, datwl ^th Nov., 1K14. 

J)urlng tho war of 1814 Kir David Oahtwlony w>nmUmtw nhnoHt 
<lopairod of BUOISOM ; and, amid hi* vexation^ ho onc t, ieunt r- 
ciwdod hi opinion that tho Bnpoy* of tho Indian army wnr<> uiuuiuai 
to 0u<ih mountain warfaro aa WUH being wagml. (Kir IX <U'htnrl(my 
to Uovwnnwnt, 22nd Dett., 1814.) Tho tnont active and titful ally 
of thu Kn^ltHh during tho war wan lUjft UHJU Karan of Hmdfir 
(or NairiKiirh)* thn dcHccudant of tho Hari ('hand ulaiti by Ourfi 
<icbiml, ami who WUH hinmolf th ready coadjutor of HanN&r (liand in 
many titfgroHBinnH upon othcr, MM well a in rcHiHtanw to thu (Jurkhan, 
The vontirahio ehit^f WIIH Htill alive in 1^40, ami ho (tontinttHi to talk 
with admiration of Mir David Ochtcrlony and hi* 'tiightwm j>ounder\ 
and to expatiate upon tho aid ho hinwulf rmidenul in drawing thimi 
uj> iho Htuv[Mi of tho 


at Wa2lrabad, sequestering that place from the family of 1809-10. 

a deceased Sikh chief, when he heard of Shah Shuja's progress 

to the eastward with vague hopes of procuring assistance 

from one friendly power or another. Ranjlt Singh remcm- Ranjifc 

berecl the use he had himself made of Shah ZaniUn's #nmt J^JSES,,,,, 

of Lahore, he feared the whole Punjab might similarly be un<l piaiw. 

surrendered to the English in return for a few battalion*, 

and he desired to keep a representative of imperial power 

within his own grasp. 1 He amused the ex-king with tlu; 

offer of co-operation in the recovery of Mult an and Kashmir, 

and lie said he would himself proceed to meet the Shalt to 

save him further journeying towards Hindustan.* They ThflMaha- 

saw one another at Sfihiwal, but no determinate arrange,- fP^JPS** 8 
p Mnflh* 

ment was come to, for some prospects of success dawned hut m 

upon the Shfih, and he felt mison to distrust Hanjit Singh's 
fiineerity. 3 Tho <:onfe,renccK wero broken off; but tlus 
Maharaja hastened, while there, was yet an appearance of 
union, to demand the surrender of Multun for himself in the 
name of the. king. The great gun called * Zumzam', * or the 
' HlwngT Top % was brought from Lahore to batter lh wall* 
of the citadel : but nil hiw effortH wen: in vain, and he ret inwl, J 1 , 11 ! fft jJ H ' ., 
foiled, in the month of April, with no more than IWMX>0 Km; 
rupees to Hoothe his mortified vanity. Tltc (iovrrnor, 
MuKitffur Khftn, was by thm time in correKpondcnct* with 
the British viceroy in Calcutta, and Uunjlt Singh fcurcd 
that a tender of ullcgutnee might not only be much* but 
ucecptcd,* II<t therefont proponed to Kir David Oehterlony }fcu ,i| >ro . 
that the two Dallied powern' nhonUi march againnt Multiln 
and <Itvi<le UK; conqucKt equally . Tt watt suniuHwl tiuit ho 

1 Sir 1). Ochtaricmy to Unvminumt, t()th ami :SOth I^c., 1801). 

9 Sir D. Oohturlcmy to ({r>vornm(mt, 7th, H)th, 17th, and :*0th 
J>w,, JK<m, and 30th Jim., 1810, 

9 Khfth Hhuj&'a " Aufchiorttphy \ chap, xxii, puhlmhml in tlm 
(faktttkt Monthly Journal far IHIJi). The original wai undoubtedly 
rovtHtul, if not really written, by tho Hh&h. 

4 | Known to all tho world as ' Kim V gun, it now rupotittH in it* latit 
nmtiuK-pI'it^ outHido thd Central Mommm in J^ahoro, En,] 

* Sir I). Ochtorlony to <it>vrnmnt JHHh March ami Mr<i May, 
1810, In tho lattor it tH Mtatocl that 25() V <)UO rupooH wow puid, nnd 
tho Hum of 1HO4XK> in given on Capt, Murray* authority. (Life of 

Sir JL>. Ochtorlony to Ciovomxmmt, 2Urd July and 13th Aug., IB 10. 


1810-12. wanted the siege train of the English, hut he may likewise 
have wished to know whether the Sutlej was to he, UK good 
a boundary in the south, as in the north. He was told 
reprovingly that the Knglish committed aggressions upon 
no one, hut otherwise the tenor of the correspondence was 
such us to lead him to believe that he would not ho inter- 
fered with in his designs upon Multiin, 1 

Ahilh ^ Shah Shuja proceeded towards Attoek after his interview 

Peshfiwar w *^ ^ an J^ Shiffh, ami having procured some aid from the 
and Mult ,ai rebellious brother of the (Governor of Kashmir, he erosHed 
the lmllis ' and ' " l MttW'h 181 * n " J( ' himse.If master of 
Pcshfiwur. He retained possession of the place for about 
' six n!ontns * when ho was compelled to retreat southward by 
' the Wu/Jr's brother, Muluunnmd A/Tin Khfin. He made an 
attempt to gain over the Governor of Mult fin, but. h<* wan 
refused admittance within its walls, and was barely treated 
with courtesy, even when he encamped a few miles distant. 
He again moved northward, and, as the enemies of Mahmfid 
were numerous, he succeeded in mastering Peshaiwar a 
second time, after two actions, one a reverse and the other 
a victory. Hut those who had aided him became suspicious 
that he was in secret. league wit It Kateh Khun the WayJr, 
or, like It an jft, Singh, they wished to possess his person ; 
nnd, in the course of 1KI& he was sci/cd In JVshfiwnr by 
Jahfiik Dud Khun, Governor of Attoek. and removed, first 
to that fort, nud afterwards to Kashmir, where lie remained 
us a prisoner for more than twelve months," 

After the failure before Mtiltfm, Hunjlt Singh uud his 
minister, Mohkam ('hand, were employed in bringing more 
fully under subjection various Sikh suit! Muhfimmudntt 
chiefs in the plains, and also the hill HaTjiln of Bhirubar, 

1 Sir I), Ochtitrlony to <Jo wrnmi'nt, iWth March ftinl 1 7th Kept.* 
1810, mul (Jovcrnmimt. to Sir J). <Mitrlmiy, IMth Hi*pt. v IMil 
(( 1 f. Murray, IttinjU Muff*, pp. HO, HI.) 

- Sir 1). Ochl.-rlf.nv to <*ov<>rnmMit, lOtli *Jnn. nnd gfith Ft*h, v 
IHIO, a a U7 th April, JHJ!>, Shah ShujiVM 'Autobiography ', <<ha|w. 
xxiii x.vv, in tht* fWn/tf// Monthly Jtturnnl for 1HIW, uwi Murrity, 

pp. 7!, H7, l 

Shah HltujVri Hi'cunil HpfH'uruncc IWuro Mulhlti in 1KIO 11 in 
iv^n mainly on dipt.. Mumiy'x authority, AIIC! thn Attempt in not 
immtinmul in the SfulhV in^tuoirH, Although it IH atltnitt^tl Hint \w 
wmit into the OnrajaUtf tin* lnrluH,i,n. to l)i*ra Irmtail Kh&n, *o 


Rajaori, and other places. In the mouth of Kcbnmry 1811, Ml 12. 
the Maharaja had reached the stilt mines bet won the Jhciurn 
and Indus, and hearing that Shah Mahmud had crossed the 
latter river, he moved in force to Kawalpindi, am! writ to 
ascertain his intentions. The Shah had already deputed 
agents to state that his object was to punish or overawe the 
Governor of Kashmir, who Itad sided with his brother, Shah 
Shuja, then in the neighbourhood of Multfm ; and UK: two Han jit 
princes being satisfied, they had a nutting of ceremony 
before the JVIuluiraja returned to Lahore, lo renew his con- 
fiscation of lands held by the many petty chiefs who Itad w 
achieved independence or sovereignty while the country 
was without a general controlling power, but who now fell 
unresistingly before the systematic activity of the young 
Maharaja. 1 

In the year 1811, the blind Sliiih S&mifm crossed the Tin* 
Punjab, and was visited by Kanjlt Singh. He took up his 
residence in Lahore for a time, and deputed hk son Kunun f,r 
to Ludhiana, whew ho was received with attention by j 
Sir David Ochterlony ; but, as the prince perceived that 
he was not a welcome guest, his father quitted Han jit Singh's 
city, and became a wanderer for a time in Central AMU,* 
In the following year the families of the two caking* took Tto 
up their abode ut Lahore, uud us t he MalulrajA WHS preparing 
to bring the hill chiefs south of Kashmir under hi* power* n-piur* i 
with a view lo tin* reduction of the valley itself, iwd s h 
ttlwuyw endeuvoiired to make HUCC.CSN more complete or mor 
easy by appearing to labour in the CUUKC of othern, he pro 

1 Murray, /ittnjll tiinyfa p. H.'J, Ac, The principal of th 
whoH ttirritoricM w^ro imur|M*(i was HAilh Sinh, of tin* Sin 
or BViKulaptiria Mi Mil, Hoo a I HO Kir I), Ocliterlonv to 

8 Murray, ItanjttHingh, p, 87. Thu vii< cif t h prinre WUH tM>n^itirml 
vory ombarraHHing with wfamnfiit to Runjli Hinh ; (or Khali KlmjA 
might follow, and 1m wan <>mt who Hairmul Brit lh M undnr tho ircnty 
of 1HU9, It wait wgwttwi that tht^ * obligation* of poUtical mimwiiity 
should HuiHtrmul^ tlm dhitntct* of wwif wanton 1 ; it wan urgmwl <lmt 
tho treaty rffirr*d to dnfemw a^aitmt th< Krvnch, and not 
a brother ; ami tha loyal^hart*id Hir David ( Nihti*rlt>ny wan 
for tho rtnwption ho gavit to thi tiintrMMwI HhUhK&rla. 
to Kir I). OnhtwUmy, 10th Jan,, 181 1, and tlw 
gonorally of Deo, IStO and Jan. 1811.) 


1812-13. fessecl to the wife of Shfih Shujii that lie would release her 
" husband and replace Kashmir under the Shah's sway ; but 
Ranjit he hoped the gratitude of the distressed lady would make, 
tho 8 ShflhS *k e S reat diamond, Koh-i-nur, the reward of his chivalrous 
name for labours when they should be crowned with success* His 
Prin^P 111 object was doubtless the possession of the Shah's 
person, and when, after his preliminary successes against, 
the hill chiefs, including the capttire of Juimnu by his newly 
married son, Kharak Singh, he heard, towards the end of 

1812 ' tlmt Filtch KhSn tho Iiflbul Wu/Jr had crossed the 
Indus with the design of marching against Kashmir, he 

KMn h sou #* lt un interview with him, and said lie would assist in 
bringing to punishment both the rebel, who detained th 

king's brother, and likewise the Governor of Mult fin, who 
had refused obedience to Mahmtid* Fatch Khan had been 
equally desirous of an interview, for he felt thai lie could not. 
and a joint take Kashmir if opposed by Hanjlt Singh, and ho readily 
53!*' Promtocd anything to facilitate his immediate object, The 
Kashmir re- Maharaja and the WoasTr each hoped to use* tin* other UH a 
HO OIL tool, yet the success of neither was complete. Kashmir was 
Vtttflh . occupied in February 18KJ ; but Fat eh KhAn outstripped 

HhrStiw" thc S1U|H im(l<T M<lhk! n t'"l wI h<t maintained that 
Sikhs, ami AH ho alone hud achieved thc conquest, fhc Maharajil could 

vttll!w*for ttot Kllaw ' in the s I )oi]|H ' f N"* ( > n 'y Mlvuntiw which accrued 
MahmOd, to Hi in jit Singh was thc possession of Shah ShujiTs pcntou, 
W13. jr (>r tj lc in-futcd king VWH aUowc<i by Fatch Khftn to go 
Shnh Hhujii whither he pleased, and he* preferred joining I ho Sikh army, 
t whteh ho lu ^ m i'l to Lahore, to becoming virtually 
^ a prisouor in Kabul. 1 JJut thc MahAriljJl'H cxpc<!i<ttH did 
!M ,t entirely full him, and as the rebel Governor of AUoek 
was alarmed by thc AIOCONN of Shall MuhinflrrH party hi 
Kashmir, he was easily persuaded to yield the foil to Hanjlt 
Singh, This unlooked-for wtrokc incensed Katch Kliftn, who 
ac,cus(d tho Maharaja of barefawwl treachery, and endea- 
voured further to intimidate him by pretending to make 
while Muli* overtures lo Shah Shujfi ; but thc MuliArRJA frit confident 
Iu " H Rtr<fc|1 ^ 111 * U <JI " JM>IH was fought oil the Kith July, 

in * Murray, ftinj Hingh VV> ^ ; Hir I). CMitivtcjny in (!ovirn- 
apikhwl ^t. 4th Mar<jh f IKIII ; iimi Shnh 


1813, near Atlock, in which the Kabul Wn'/Ir, and his 1*13-14, 
brother Dost Muhammad Khun, were defeated by Mohkam 
Chand and the Sikhs. 1 

Ranjifc Singh was equally desirous of detaining Shah Itaujit. 
Shuja in Lahore, and of securing the great diamond which {^Jfjjjj" 
had adorned the throne of the Mughals. The king evaded Knh-i-niir 
a compliance with all demands for a time, and rejected even 
the actual offer of moderate sums of money ; but at last 
the Maharaja visited the Shfih in person, mutual friendship 
was declared, an exchange ol turbans took place, the diamond 
was surrendered, 2 and the king received the assignment of 
a jagir in the Punjab for his maintenance, and n promise 
of aid in recovering Kabul. Ilanjlt Singh then moved 
towards the Indus to watch the proceedings of l<"atch Khun, Shuja. 
who was gradually consolidating the power of Muhmiid, Mnktt 
and he required Shtlh Shuja to join him, perhaps with SOUK? 
design of making an attempt on Kashmir ; but Futch Khan Indus. 
was likewise watchful, the season was advanced, and the 
Maharajil suddenly returned* Shilh KliiijA followed sfcwly, 
and on the way he wus plundered of many valuables, by 
ordinary robbers, as the Sikhs said, but by the Sikhs 
themselves, as the Shah believed. The inferior agents of 
RanjTt Singh may n6t have b<wn very scrupulous, but the 
Shfih ha<l traitors in his own household, and the high officer 
who hud been sent to conduct Mr. Klphinstonc to Peshawar, 
embodied much oi* UK* Shah'M property when misfortune 
overtook him. This Mir Abdul llussnn had originally in* 
formed the Sikh chief of the safety of the Koh-i-nur and 
other valuables, he plotted when in Lahore to make it 
appear the king was in league with Hie Governor of Kashmir, 
mid he finally threw difficulties in the wuy of the escape, of 

1 Murray, Xanjit Mnffk, pp. tlfi, UK); Kir I), Ochtrrlony to 
Government, 1st July, 181& 

54 Murray, Ran jvtti high, p. 00, &<>.; Hhith Hhuja'H 'Autobiography', 
chap, xxv; Kir J>, Ochlorhmy to <JovMrnni<mt, llfth and ^3rcl April, 
IHJ.'J, and to the Itaflidout At Delhi, 15th Oct., 1K1.'*. Tlui Hhah** own 
aceuunt of tho mothodH prftotimul to g<^t |KWHtHNioit of tho diaitumd 
is more favourable than Capt, Murray'H to Kan] It Singh. Th<^Hln"th 
wantod a jTigtr of 100,000 rupwH, and ono of fiO,(MKJ WAM ituHi^ncd to 
him ; but oileot to tho namgumont wan novor given, nor 


1814-16. his master's family from the Sikh capital. The flight of the 
7" jjjTj~ BSgumn to Ludhifum was at last effected in December 181 4 ; 
hisfa!mily for SliSh Shuja perceived the design of the Maharaja to 
from La- detain him a prisoner, and to make use of his name for 
ShiLa, purposes of his own. A few months afterwards the Shftli 
1814 1 himself escaped Lo the hills : he was joined by some Sikhs 
Apri!,1815; discontented with Hanjlt Singh, and he was aided hy the 
Sca hl o to" 1 <*tef of Ktehtwarin an attack upon Kaslinur. He penetrated 
KSwsir. into the valley, but he had to retread and, after residing 
Fails for Home time longer with his simple, but zealous, mountain 
Shnlir llost ' h< " nmr< ' Il<tfl through Kulil, crossed the Stitlej, and 
and rctimi joined his family at Ludhiana in September I810. 1 His 
l >r< * Ht ' n<HJ on *'*"* fiNmlier wus regarded as embarrassing by 


tllia * * the, British Government, which desired that h<* should b(s 

urged to retire to Kariull or Suharuimur, and Sir !)uvi<i 
Oehterlony was fitrthcr <liH(!retionaHy uutliori/cd to tell 
Hanjtt Singh that the ex-king of Kabul was not a welcome 
gUPHt within the limits of Hindustan. Nevertheless the 
annual sum of 18,000 rupees, which hud been assigned for 
the support of his family, was raised to 5(UKM) on his 
arrival, and personally he was treated with becoming 
respect and consideration. 2 

Shah Shuju thus slipped front (he hands of Hie Maharaja", 
an( * no uw * < * ou '^ O(l "MM!** of his riuiiic in further attempts 
upon Kashmir; but Kunjlt Singh continued as uiixious as 
luilrnl ^v^^'O^ 11 * 1 * 11 |HHc i MMion of the vallcy.although the (iovcrnor 
1KM. ' had, in the meantime, put himself in CimmiunicutJou with 
the Knglish. n The chiefs south of the X*fr Banjul rnugc 
having been brought under subjection, military operations 
were commenced towards the midrib* of the year 1814, 
Sickness detained the cx|>cricnccd Mohkum Chumi ut the 
capital, but he warned the MahftrftjILof the difficulties which 
would beset him as soon as the rains set in, uud he almost 

1 Murray, RanjU Xinyli, pp. IOU, !(;); Shuh KhujiVM ' 
gruphy *, chapH. x.\v, xxvi. 

2 (iovcrnmontr In Kir 1). (K-hlcHony, 2nd nrnl tiOth Aug.. 
and J4lh, 2lHt, mid ^Kth SopL, 1KHJ. Thr Wafa Bo^iun l 
Iwtm told that th HluIirH family hail no rlmrtt* tu Hritinh 

or inUffvoniton. (Ocvfrntiu<nt to KfHidcnt al Dolhi, tilth 
and lnt.Tuly, 181,'J.) 

3 GovornmonttoHir IX (Mitnrbny ,20th Oct. nml 23rd Nw,, 1H13. 


urged the postponement of the expedition. But the neces- 1816-10. 
sary arrangements had been completed, and the approach 
was made in two eolumiift. The more advanced division 
surmounted the lofty barrier, a detachment of the Afghan 
force was repulsed, and the town of Supain was attacked ; 
but the assault failed, and the Sikhs retired to the mountain 
passes. Muhammad Azlm Khan, the Governor, then fell 
on the main body of Ranjit Singh, which had been long in 
view on the skirts of the valley, and compelled t he Maharaja 
to retreat with precipitation. The rainy KCUHOU had fairly 
set in, the army became' disorganized, a bravo chief, Mit'h 
Singh Behrania, was* slain* and HanjTt Singh reached his 
capital almost alone about the middle of August. The 
advanced detachment was spared by Muhammad A'/Im 
Khan, out of regard, h said, for Mohkiun ('hand, the grand* 
father of its commander; and as doubtless the aspiring 
brother of the Wastfr Katc.h Khan had views of bis own amid 
the struggles then going on for power, he may have thought 
il prudent to improve every opportunity to the ad\antagc 
of his own reputation. 1 

The efforts made during the expedition to Kashmir had 
been great, and the Muhiirajii took Nome time to reorganize 
bis means. Towards the middle of 1 8 1 5 he writ; detachment* 
of troops to levy exactions around Mtiltun, but he himself 
remained at Adlnaimgar, busy with internal arrangement H, ni!w, r- 
and perhaps intent, upon the. war Mien in progrew* between '/"'.'J^} 
the British and tiro Napalms which, for u period of HIX ' 

months, was scarcely worthy of the* Knglinh name. The 
end of the same year was employed in again reducing the 
Muhammadan tribes HOiith-cnNt of Kashmir, who had 
thrown off their allegiance during the retreat of the Sikh*. 
In the beginning of 1810 the refractory hill HAjil of Nurpur 
sought poverty and an tuiyliim in the IMtMi dominion^ 
rather than resign his territories nnd accept, n maintenance. 
The Muharnmaclan elnefnliip of Jfmng WUH next finally con- 
fiscated, and Lcinh, A dependency of Dern Inmail Khan, wan 
laid under eontrtbution. (!(*b on the Chenub, tht Neat of 

i Murray, Rtnjn Hingh* l>|- '<W f 108 t ntui Hir I). (Inhinrlcmy to 
Govornmcnt, 13th Aug., 1814. DEwftn Mohkani Chaud <lt<t(i 
aftor Kanjlt Singh 1 ! return. 



CIIA*. vi 

1816-18. families of Saiyids, was temporarily occupied by Fateh 
Singh Ahluwalia, and the possessions of Jodh Singh Kam- 
garhia, lately deceased, the son of Jassa tht* Carpenter (the 
confederate of the Maharaja's father), were sciwxl and 
annexed to the territories of the Lahore government. 
Sansfir Chand was honoured and alarmed by a visit, from 
his old ally, and the year 1810 terminated with the Mahii- 
rfijtVs triumphanb return to Amril.sar. 1 

Jtunjit, The northern plains and lower hills of the. Punjab had 

to^Mul- k cca fairly reduced to obedience and order, and HanjTt 
tan, IblH. Singh's territories were hounded on the, south and west by 
the roul or nominal dependencies of Kabul, but the Maha- 
raja's meditated attacks upon them were postponed for a 
year by impaired health. His first object wus Multiin, and 
early in 1818 an army inarched to at tuck it* under th 
nominal command of his son, Kfmrak Singh, the titular 
redueer of Jammu. To iisk what were the. MuhArtljiVti 
reasons for attacking Multiin would be futile : he thought 
the Sikhs had as good a right as the Afghans to take what 
they could, and the actual possessor of MuHAn had rather 
asserted his own independence than faithfully served the 
heirs of Ahmad Shah. A large sum of money was demanded 
and refused. In the course of February, the rily was in 
possession of the Sikhs, hut th<! fort held out until the begin- 
ning of June, und chance Jmd then some share in its capture. 
An Ak&li, named Stvdhu Singh, went forth to do buttle for 
the ' Khftlsa \ and flu* very suddenness of the onset of his 
small bund led to Hiieeets The Sikhs, seeing tin* impres- 
sion thtiK strangely made, arose together, carried the out- 
work, and found an easy entry through the breuchcH of a 
four months 1 butter. Muftiffrir Khftn, the governor, nnd 
two of his sons, were, sluin in the assault, and two others 
were, made prisoners, A considerable booty foil to the whurc 
of the* soldiery, but when the army reached Uihow, ihft 
Mnlmrftja directed that the plunder should be restored, 
He may have felt some pride that his comrnuwiH were not 
altogether unheeded, but he complained that they were not 
HO productive as he had expected.* 

1 <1 Murray, Itunjit Xitiyh, pp. 108, lit* 

* TJio ()liuw fall on tho 2nd .Juno, 181H. Hm* Murray, Ihinjii H\tvjh t 


During the same year, 3818, Patch Khan, the Kabul 1818. 
Wiudr, was put U> dwith by Kami-Tin, the son of Malmifid, ~ 
the nominal ruler. J Jo hud gone to Herat to repel an attack Khan, 
of the Persians, and he wus accompanied by his brother, jy_ azlrof 
Dost Muhammad, who again had among his followers a 
Sikh chief, Jai Singh Attiriwala, who had left the Punjab in 
displeasure. Futeh Khan was successful, and applause was 
freely bestowed upon his measures ; but lie wished to place 
Herat, then held by a member of Ahmad Shah's family, 
within his own grasp, and Dost Muhammad and his Sikh 
ally were employed to ejeet and despoil the prince-governor. 
Dost Muhammad effected his purposes worne-what rudely, 
the person of a royal lady was touched in the eagerness of 
the riflers to secure her jewels, and Kanirtin made this affront 
offered to a sister u pretext for getting rid of the man who 
from the stay had become the tyrant of his family. Futch 
Khan was Jlrwt blinded and then murdered ; and the crime 
saved 11 oral, indeed, to Ahmad Shah's heirs, but deprived 
them for u time, and now perhaps for ever, of the rest of 
his possessions. Muhammad A/Jm Khan hastened from 
Kashmir, which he left in charge of Jubbfir Khun, another 
of the many brothers. lie. nt first thought of reinstating Muluuu- 
Hhflli Shujft, but he at last proclaimed Shah Ayftb an king, 
and in a few mouths he wus muster of Peshawar and (ha%ni, 
of Kabul and Kiuiduhiir. This change of rulers favoured, 
if if did not ju.stify, the views of KunjTt Singh, and towards jtuujif< 
the end of 1818 he crossed the Indus and entered Powhfiwar, si "K 
which wan evacuated on his approach* Hut it did not 
suit his purposes, nt the time, lo endeavour to retain the 
district ; he garrisoned Khumthud, which lies on the right 
bank of the river, NO as to command the passage for the 

p. 114, &a, Thci Muhilfiija told Mr, Moor croft that he had got v<>ry 
litilo of tin* booty lin attempted lo reeover. (Mooivroft, Trawl*, 
i, 102*) Muhammad Muwftar Khun, the governor, had hold JMulttin 
from tho tiitio of th<^ <fX(Hilmon of the SikliB of the Bhan#I 'Miwii', in 
177f). In 1H07 ho w*'ttt on a pilKrimugc to M<utoa v ami, although ho 
returned in two vonntt ho loft the nominal control of ulTtun* with hiw 
won* Httmfriix Klrnn. On tho hint approach of Ranj!t Singly the old 
man rofuwtd, uctiortlinx t< the Huhawaljnir annalH, to on<l bin fanuly 
to tlm Houtli nf th<> Hut h'j, AH <n othor ocuaHiontf of H'UW ; but wlwthor 
ho did net hi tho coutidoaco, or in thu dottpair, u! a wucooHaf ul ri'BiHiauco 


1818-ld. future, and then retired, placing Julian IXU1 Khun, his old 
wliichlio ally of Attock, in possession of Peshawar itself, to bold it as 
makes _over he could by his own means. The Btirak/ai governor, Yfir 
jJau'Shan, Mu hanunad Khan, returned us soon us HanjTt Singh had 
1818. ' gone, and the powerless Julian Dfwl made no attempt to 

defend his gift. 1 
rtin"hm- tt^Jft Singh's thoughts were now directed towards the 

f upon annexation of Kashmir, the garrison of which had been re- 

Kaslimir. dueed by the withdrawal of some good troops by Muhammad 
Azlm Khan ; but the proceedings of Desii Singh MajtthXa 
and Sansar Chand for a moment ehanged his designs upon 
others into Jears for himself. Thews chiefs were employed on 
an expedition in the hills to collect the tribute due to the 
Maharaja; * ln(l tlle 1M J a <* Kahliir, who held territorieK 
with the on both side* of the Sutlej, ventured to resist the demands 
March h ' M****- San8&r Uhand rejoiced in this opportunity of revenge 
1810. upon the friend of the Gurkhas s the river was crossed, but 
the British authorities were prompt, and a detachment of 
troops stood ready to opjwse force to force* Kanjlt Singh 
directed the immediate, recall of his men, and he desired 
Sirdar JJcaa Singh to go in person, and offer his apologies 
to the Kngliah agent. 2 This alarm being over, the Maharaja 
proceeded with his preparations against Kashmir, the troops 
occupying which had, in the meant ime> been reinforced by 
a detachment from Kabul- The ItriUuimn, Olwfin Clmnd, 
who had cxerefeed the real command at Multtin, WON placed 
in advance, tine Prince Kharak Singh headed a supporting 
column, and Kanjit Singh himself remained behind with a 
reserve and for the purjMise of expediting th trnnit of the 
various munitions of war. The choice of the Sikh cavalry 
inarched on foot over the mountains along with the infantry 
.^ HoldierH ' aml th( *y dragged with them a few light gmm ; the 
lloy to M l*w** were Kdilod on tlie 5th July 1819, but Jabbftr Kliftn 

1 Of, Murray, Itonjnttingh, pp. 117, JUO; HhAh iShujii'B 
*igphy\ rimp. xxvii; and MuriKlii MuluMi Ul, Lift: of 

, i. (W, * * 

. ^I'^ Murray (p. IIJI) pliu-cn thct dofiMiiicui trf .lai hSingh of Atiiri 
m tho y*ar JH2ii ; but cf. nlm> Mr. Miimiin, Travel*, ili. ill, 32, in 
Bupport of tlw oarlier duto iiMHignod. 

1*11*1*; "S? 1 M *&Mwb, pp, I2i, 1!>2, tt d HiNwoftp frank, 
. U 0, for tho <lumtwin i tlu Muhuruja*a cliHiiliiim with JL^na Hingh, 


was found ready to receive them. The Afghans repulsed 1819-20. 
the invaders, and mastered two guns ; but they did not U ^ n 7j 
improve their success, ami the rallied Sikhs again attacked n!wMu> 
them, and won an almost bloodless victory. 1 

A few months after Kashmir had been added to Mic Tlw I>i*ra- 
Lahore dominions, ItoujTt Singh moved in person to the inaasVm- 
south of the Punjab, and Dcra GhiV/i Khan on tlie Indus, nItu 
another dependency of Kabul, was sei'/ed by the victorious 
Sikhs. The Nawab of Hahfiwalpur, who he-Id lands under 
llanjlt Singh in thts fork of the Indus and Chenab, had two 
years before made a suecessf ul attack on the. Durrani chief 
of the place, and it was now transferred to him in form, 
although his Cis-Sutlcj possessions had virtually, tint not 
formally, been taken under British protection in the year 
181 and he had thus become, in a measure, independent 
of the Alaharfija'K power. 5 * During the year IHiiO partial 
attempts were made to reduce the turbulent Muhammadim 
tribes to the south-west of Kashmir, and, in 1HB1, Kanjlt 
Singh proceeded to complete his conquests on the Central 
IndiiH by the; reduction of Dera Ismail Khan. The strong 
fort of Mankcrft, situated between the two westernmost 
rivers of the Punjab, was held out for u time by llflfia 
Ahmad Khan, the father of the titular governor, who 
scarcely owned a nominal subjection to Kabul ; but the- 
promise of honourable terms induced him to surrender 
before the end of the yenr, and the count ry on the right bank 
of the Indus, including Dcra Ismail Khun, was left to him 
us a feudatory of I<uhon.* 

Muhammad A/.Im luui succeeded to the power of Inn Mulmm- 
brother, Milch Klifin. uiul, being desirous of keeping Hanjlt 
Singh to the left bank of the Indus, he moved to Peshawar 
in the year 3822, accompanied by Jai Singh, the fugitive 

1 Of. Murray, H*nfllNi*vk, pj>. liiU 4. 

1 Uovornmout to Kuiwriattnuient Atnh&U, 1 5th flan,, 1H15, And 
Sir JX Oohlorlony tt> (Umnnuiont, tf3t July, 1815, <! Mrry, 
Itanjit Kinyh, p, 1L>4, T\\(\ Bulmwal|Hir MmnoirH Ut( that JUnjIt 
Bingh MUUU down thn Kutlitj an far IIH Piikpattan, with th vfaw of 
H^i'/inp; Hahuwaljntr t hut tliut a nhow (if rMHiMtanco having Inion miuitv 
and Homo pnwitt** ofTi-rrtl, thti Mnhiirajtl nuwwl wcwtwitrcl. 

<!f, Murray, ItonjUHinyk, pp, l^>, UK), and Kir A. Uurm'H* JKM>ul> 



CHAK vi 


Hut, tiu* 

1822-3. Sikh chief, with the intention of attacking Khairfihiid 
opposite Altotik. Other matters eaused him hastily to 
retrace his steps, but his proeeedings had brought the 

from which Mahfirfiju to the westward, who sent to Vfir Muhammad 

yfyjli'dc- Khun, the governor of Peshawar, and demanded tribute. 

mantlHaiul This leader, who apprehended the designs of his brother, 
Muhammad AzTin Khun, almost as much as he dreaded 
Ranjlt Singh, made an offering of some valuable horse**. 1 
The Maharaja wan satisfied and withdrew }>erhaps tlie 
more readily, as some differenee-s had arisen with the British 
authorities regarding the right to a piaec named Whadni, 
to the south of the Sutlej, whieh had been transferred by 
Ranjlt Singh to bin intriguing and ambitious mother-in-law, 
Sada Katir, in ttte year 1 80S. The lady was regarded by the 
^ u ^ KU a # on * s 11H Ix'inR the independent represent at ive of 
the interests of the Kanhayft (or (ihani) confieruey of Sikhs 

on /A ^ r ft " lc * ^ ltfc rivor> an<1 lu<iroforc aH "ttving u right to 
their protection. But HunjTt Singh hud quarrelled with and 
imprisoned hit* mother-in-law, and had taken {tosseKHion of 
tlie fort of Whadni. It was resolved to eject hhn by foree, 
and a detachment of trooj)s marehe<l from LudhiUna and 
K'Htored the authority of the eaptive widow. Hanjlt Sin^h 
prudently made no attempt to resist Uw Hritish a^ent, but 
h<% WUH not without apprehennionH that bin oeeupution of 
the place would lxt eoiiKtrued into a breach of the treaty, 
and he buHicrl himself with defensive preparation*. A 
friendly letter from the superior author it ies at Delhi relieved 
him of IUH fears, ami allowed him to pnmeetitc his 
against PoahHwar without further interrupti<nu z 

* Of. Murray, RnnjiiHivgh, pp. 134-7. 
(tf. Murray, lianjiiHingh^ p* 134, whew tho 

with th^ 


vory hriofly, and loanutiy with acc.urucy. ('apt. Murray 'M 
KOHH'H lottcrs to tho Htmidcnt at Delhi, from Kfh. to ^pt. 

M and ('apt. 

and othor informatinu in obtainable fntia th^ Ictt^fH of 
Hir I). Oi'htcrlmiy to ('apt, R<m, <tatwl 7th Nov., IHiM, and of tho 
Uovi'rnoMJoncral'H Aj<<int at Dnlhi to Capt. Mwrtay, of 22nd i(uri(, 
and to (jlovomincnt of tho iittrd Aug. 1H22 ; and from th<MHf uf Uuvurn 
munt to thv (i(vcmor-(JcnorarH Agi^tit, 24th April, 13th July* and 
IKth Oct., 1822, On thin owatuou tlio Akaii PhuU Hinjfh U r^jHirti^ 
by Oapt. Murray to havo cfTor(nt to rotaktf Wlmtlni higl'-hnmivd and 
Kanjlt HingU to havo commiwHioiunl him io rnibody a thuunanci (if hid 
brethren, BirCUudoWado (Narmtiw. t>J l^nonal 


Muhammad Azlm Khan disapproved of the presentation 
of horses to Ranjlt Singh by Yar Muhammad Khun, and ~ " 
lie rei>airod to Peshawar in January 1812,'J. Yar Muhammad ' 
fled into the UsufV.aI hills rather than meet his brother, and 
the province seemed lost to one brunch of the numerous 
family ; but the chief of the Sikhs was at hand, resolved to 
iiSHcrt his equality of right or his superiority of power. The 
Indus was forded on the l&Ui March, the guns being curried 
across on elephants. The territory of the Khattnks bordering 
the river was occupied, and at Aktiro the Maharaja received 
and pardoned the fugitive Jai Singh Aturiwala. A religious 
war had been preached, and twenty thousand men, of the 
Khattak and Usufzui tribes, had been assembled by their 
priests and devotees to fight for their faith against the un- 
believing invaders. This body of men was posted on and 
around heights neur Nosluihrti, but on the left, bunk of the 
Kabul river, while Muhammad A'/.Tin Khan, distrustful of 
his influence over the independent militia, und of the fidelity 
of his brothers, occupied u position higher up on the right 
bunk of the stream. HanjTt Singh detached u force to keep Th<> hat tin 
the Wiuffr in check, and crossed the river to attack the 
untied peasantry: The Sikh * Akillin * at once rushed upon 
the Muhamnmdun 'Ghtuun', but PhOlu Singh, the wild 
leader of the fanatic* of Amritsar, wus sluin, and his Iiorfte- 
mcn made no imprcHBwn on masses of footmen advantage* 
ously posted. The Afghans then cxultingly advanced, and 
threw the drilled infantry of the Lahore, ruler into confusion, 
They wore checked by the fire of the rallying buttalionH, 
und by the play of the artillery drawn up on the* opposite 
bunk of the river, and at length HunjTt Singh's personal 
exertions with his cavalry converted the check iut o u victory* 
The bruvc and believing nicmntuineern raiHHcmblcd after 
their rout, and next day they were willing to renew the 
fight under their * PIr/ada % Muhammad Akbar ; but the 
Kubul Wa/Jr Xiad lied with precipitation, and they were 
without countenance or supi>ort. Peshawar was wicked, 
and the country plundered tip to the Khafbar Puss ; but [^t Hi UH 

wprommtH Hir (telea Mataalfo to liavo oonHidorod tho proceedings 
of Uio Knglih with regard to Whadni on unwnrrAntcd^^for with tho 
dnmoitUo ooncornH of tho Mah&rftj& they had 110 political concern, 



lfl23-4. the hostile spfrit of the population rendered the province 
~~ d m of difficult retention, and the prudent Mnlwrfiju tfliully 
dcncy with accepted Yiir Mulianimad' l s tender of suhmission, Muhimi* 
YarMu- ma(1 faf m Kha n filed shortly afterwards, und with him 
Khan! * expired all Hhow of unanimity nnionK Hie Imnd.s of hroUiers 
Death of who possessed the three capitals of IVshuwur, Kiihul, und 
modTzim Kandahar; while Shah Mahnmd and his son Kaiiuran 
Khan, exercised a precarious authority in Herat, und Shah Ayfih, 
1823. W j 10 j iac i k een proclaimed titular monarch of Afghanistan, 

remained a cipher in his chief eity. 1 

Banitt Towards the end of the year 1 823, Ilunjlt Singh nmn'hed 

hiswa^fo- to the BOulh-WMt corner of his territories, to reduce refrae- 
wards tory Muhamniadan JugTrdurH, and to entile an iinpreKHion 
<)f ln " 8 P wer on tllc frontiers of Sind to Iribute from the 
Amln of which country he had already advaneed some 
claims. 2 lie likewise pretended to regard ShikHrp ur * IH tt 
UHurpation of the Taipur dynasty ; but hln plan were not 
yet matured, and he returned to his eu[>ital to learn of the 
death of Saiuiftr Clmncl. He gavo lis consent to tlu? 

1 Of, Murray, RnnjUH'mg^ p. 157, &o, ; Mtmrcroft, Trrt/r^.ii. 3 
334; AnilMiuiRm, JoKrnw*,I!i.ffR <). RnjH Sinh<nl<t('Apt,. 
that, f>f his diRc)pHne<l troojw, IIIK (JurkhuH alono Hioful firm 
thn assault of tho Muharnmailann* (Capt. Wud<t to Ktwitlc'rit at 
3rd April, 1R30.) 

Tho fanatic, Phula Singh, already reforrfd to in the prwmiing noti% 
was a man of aomo notoriety, fn 1800 Ko attak(t(l Bit C'harlcH 
Mctoalfo'B camp, and afterwards tho party of a Brit Mi officer n\\* 
])loyod in surveying tho Oiu-Sutloj Htatc*f* In 1814-15 ho fortified 
Itimflcilf in Abohar (botwt^on ^^rowiporo and Bhatnair), nine** <*fm- 
Rtrnod into a Britinh powsrsHnion (Oapt* Murray to A(mt, i^-Ihi, 
151,h May, 1823); and in 1H20 he told Mr. Mrmrrrcift that \w wn 
diHHullttfiod with Ran jit Hin^h, that ho wan r<*(uly Lo j(in tho KritflMi, 
and that, indcod, ho would carry fire and sword whenever Mr. M<Kr- 
croft might doslro. (Trawl*, I. 1 ]<).) 

With rogard to Doflt Muhammad Khan, it IH well known, and Mr. 
Matron (Jaurnct/H, in. 59, <U)) and Munnhi Mohan La) (Liff f Ikwt 
Muhamwtd, i. 127, 12H) hoth Hhow the ext(tnt to whit'h ho wan an 
intriguer on thin oronNion. Thie circumntanco wa ubwquontly lout 
Might of by Uio BrilJHh nogotiutorH and tho Britinh publtn, and Hikh 
and Afghan loadorH woro regarded a0 wuumtially antagoniHtio, InM^a*! 
of as ready to ooaltweo for thoir wlfiHli ondi under any of Mcvwal 
prohaHo o(ntingonc-ion. 

* Capt. Murray to the aowrnor-Onoral's Agont, Delhi, 15th Deo. 
1825, and Capt, Wado to tho am(s 7th Aug. 1823. 


sion of the son of a chief whose power once surpassed his 1824. 
own, and the Prince Kluirak Singh exchanged turbans, in I ; 
token of brotherhood, with the heir of tributary Kututch. 1 bhiuidof 


RiinjTL Singh had now brought under his sway the three 
Muhanmwdan provinces of Kashmir, Multan, and Peshii- 
war : he was supreme in the hills and plains of the Punjab 
proper ; the mass of his dominion had Ixsen acquired ; and 
although his designs on Ladakh and Sind were obvious, "nd the 
a pause in the narrative of his actions may conveniently dwuLifrm 
take place, for the purpose of relating other matters ncccs* <qulnil. 
sary to a right understanding of his character, and which 
intimately bear on the general history of the country, 

Slmh Shuja reached Ludhiunu, as has been mentioned, 
in the year 1810, ami secured for himself an honoured 
repose : l>ut his thoughts were intent on Kabul and Kuadu- 
ilar; he <lisliked ihu Hritish notion that he had tamely 
sought an asylum, arid he wished to be regarded as a prince 
in distress, seeking for aid to enable him to recover his 
crown* He had hopes held out to him by the Amirs of Sind war, IH'IK 
when hard pressed, perhaps, by Fateh Khan, and he con-* "** 
eeived that im invasion of Afghanistan might be successfully 
prosecuted from the southward. He wade offers of advan- 
tage to the Knglish, but he was told that they had no concern 
with the affairs of strangers, and desired to live in ix?aec with 
all their neighbours. He was thus ousting about for means 
when Fatch Khun was murdered, and the tender* of alle- 
giance which fie received from Muhammad Azlm KhSn tit 
once induced him to quit Ludhi&rm Ho left that place in 
October 1318 : with the aid of the Nuwfib of ttahfiwalpur, 
he mustered Dora Ghftai Khfin ; he sent his son Tiinfir to 
occupy Shikarpur, and lie proceeded in person towards 
Peshawar, to become, a ho believed, tlie king of the Durrftniw, 
But Muhammad A%Tm Khan hod, In the meantime, seen fit to 
proclaim himself the Wazlr of AyQb, and ShUi Shujft, hard 
prcHed, sought safety among aomo friendly clans in the Klitti- 
bur hillH. He was driven thtmoe at tba end of two niontliH, 
and had scarcely entered ShikSrpur when Muhumnmd 

1 M array, 7?<i/n^i^,p, 141, Foritnlntowtlnga<joountof Sttrm&r 
Chand, law family, and hi* country, oo Moororoft, Travel*,! 

101. mSTOKY OF TI1K SIKHS < u u. M 

Js21-i?. A/.im KhFuVs approach compelled him to retire* He went 
* lirslto Klmirjnir, and afterwards to Hyderabad, ami, huvmj; 
procured some money from the Sindians, he returned and 
recovered Shikarpnr, where he resided for a year. Hut 
Muhammad A'/Tm Khan ugain approached, the Hyderabad 
eh ids pretended that the Shah was plotting to briny in the, and their money was this time paid lor his expul- 
sion. The ex-king, finding his position untenable, retired 
through Rajputami 1o Delhi, and eventually took up his 

ittiil; ' residence a second time at Ludhiana, in June IHiil. His 

brother, the blind Shah Zainftn, after visiting Persia, and 
wiHliiy perhaps Arabia, arrived at the same* place about the same 
nSnlwili l " IM * un( * iK'rly by thu same road. Shah ShitjiVK Mipeifd 
hud all along been drawn by his family, represented by \ he 
.able and faithful \Vafa Begum, and an allowance, UrM of 
18,000, and aftorwimls of U UKHI nipccK u year, was assigned 
for tho support of Shalt Xiunftn, \viien he also became a 
petitioner to the ICnglmh (iovernnu-at* 1 

AJJMI In the year 18*20, Appa STiIiH> % the deposed Haja of the 

Muratha kingdom of NTigpur, cscajx'd from flu* citsloily of 
tlu* Hritish unlhorities and repaired to AmritNur. He would 
irvu M -. socm ( o h a vo had the command of large sums of money, and 
he endeavoured to engage Kanjit Singh in hiseauci hut the 
Muhfmljfi had been told the fugitive was the \ iolent enemy of 
IUH KngliNh allies, and he ordered him to quit hm territories. 
The chief took up his abode for a time in Sunsur (ImndN 
principality of Katotch, and while tin-re be would appear 
HiHiilli' to have entered into some idle schemes with 1'rincc liaitlar, 
uithUu* u Kono * slu " lli Xlamatt, for the subjugation of India Month and 
HiuiufStuh <:ant of the Suth'j. The Durrfuii was in be monarch of I lie 
ttmi.'ui. whole, from Delhi in Cupr Tomorin ; but the Mariitbn wan 

1 f*f. Sliah ShujiVii 4 Autolio};ru|ili\'', i'fm|rt* \\ui ( \\vin, \\i\ r in 

. , 

(Miuiiiiicri|it), Tupt, Murray {Hi*kfy n/ Munjil , 

|. I0!t) nHTrlyHtnti'Hthnf Sluih Hhujii nmrti ntt liiHittrMMtiful utt*-mjt 
to mi'uvor UJN ilirnuc; littf. Hit' fnllowiiiK lititi'M niny 1^ mfrrwi l 
in Httpport itf nil tlmt in iin-imh'ii in tlu> imrftKra^h j <t(.vrnmi'Ht tr 
it, I^lhl, loth Muy and 7th <)umi IHt7f <'uff, Murray tn 
IJnlhi.'JlInfl Srpt. and loth <M, )K|H, ami 1 Ml. April 
Murrny tu Sir l>. Itt>ht4vlimy, SflMli April, ,'MMh 
27tbAug, 1821, 


to be Wazlr of the empire, and to hold the Dcccan as u 
dependent sovereign. The Punjab was not included ; but 
it did not traiiKpire that either Kanjlt Singh, or Sansilr 
Chanel, or the two ex-king!* of Kabul, were privy to the 
design, and, as soon an the circumstance beeainc known, 
Sausar Ciiand compelled las guest to proceed elsewhere. 
Appa Sahib repaired, in 1822, to Mandi, which lies between 
Kangra and the Sutlej ; but he wandered to Am ri tsar 
about 1828, ami only finally quitted the country during UK: 
following year, to iind an asylum with the Raja of Jodhpur. 
That state had become an Knglish dependency, and the 
cx-Ituju'K surrender was required ; but the strong objections 
of the KajpGt induced the Government to be satisfied with 
a promise of his safe custody, and he died almost forgotten 
in the year IBM). 1 

As has been menfioned, the Kiijfi Ittr Singh, of Nfirpur, in Tin* prlty 
the. hills, had been dispossessed of Im ehici'Hhip in the year ^j^ "* 
1810, Ho sought refuge to the south of the Sutlej, and UUUM* Usm- 
iuunvdlaU'Iy iniulu proposal Lo Sliiih Shuju, who luui JiiHt |JJ^" wIt 
readiest JLudhiilim, to euler into a combination against it*j<>fv 
HunjTt Singh. The Muliftrfijft luul not altogether dcwpiwNf 
similar U-ndern of allcgiaruw from varioUK dineout tinted 
eluefs, wlion the Shilh WIM* hi* priKoncr-guoHt in Uihoro ; hu 
retneinljenul the treaty between the Shah and the Knglish, 
and he knew how readily <lethrt>ned kiugN might be made 
use. of by the amhiUouH, Hi; wished to anecrtain (he views 
of the Knglinh authorities but he. veiled IUK HUKpicionn of 
Mtcw in teruiH of apprehension of the NQrpur Hftja. ItiH 
1 roopH, ho said, were abwent in the neigh bourhoo<l of Multan, 
and HIr Kingh might <TOKK the Sutlej and raise disturbances 
Tlu* reception <f einisHUrieH by Siulh Shujti wan then dis- 
countenanced, mid the residence of tlte exiled Hiljil at 
Ludhifma was diHOourngi^i ; but Kanjlt Singli WM told 
Unit tilt* right to attempt Iho recovery of hiH ohiefithip wan 
admitted, although hit would not lie allowed to organize the 

Cf, Murray, ItotfU *SV/*f/// p. laitli Miwnwft,, 7Vn0r&t v I. 
l tlut iinasi ofUrmluufchority, I ho Ikngnttuid At/rtt(fttwttt<tr fttr 18*1 l v 
(urUrli'x * Nitfcpur ' uutl 'Jodhpur '), Hce ulno ('apt. Murray, 
IcUorx to Itx-Hidt'iiL at l>lhi, li'Uh Nov. and L^nd fW. IH^I, tint 
CUh .Inn. 1H>, and Hith Juno (H24; and HkuwiHo CupL. Wado tu 
Dulhl, 15th March 182b. 


1810-20. means of doing so within the British limits. The Maharaja 
seemed satisfied that Lahore would be safe while hi* was 
absent in the south or west, and he wild no more. 1 
Tiro travel- In the year 1810 the able and adventurous traveller, 
croft ?iUhe M <> r <- k roft, left the plains of India in Hie hope* of reaching 
Punjab, Yarkand and Bukhara. In the hills of the Punjab he 
1820, experienced difficulties, and he wa indueed to repair to 
Lahore to wait upon llunjlt Singh He was honourably 
received, and toy lurking suspicions of his own designs, or 
of the views of his Government, were oon dispelled. The 
Maharaja conversed with frankness of the, events of his life ; 
he showed the traveller his bands of horsemen and battalion* 
of infantry, and encouraged hint to visit any part of the 
capital without hesitation, and at his own leisure. Mr. 
Mooremft'H medical skill and general knowledge, his candid 
manner and personal activity, produced nn impression 
favourable to himself and advantageous to his countrymen j 
but his proposition that British mcichandfcc ahouhi be 
admitted into the Punjab at a fixed scale of duties was 
received with evasion, The Maharaja's revenues might be 
affected, it. wan said) and his principal officers, whose advice 
was necessary, were absent on distant expeditions. Kvcry 
facility was afforded to Mr* Moorcroft in prosecuting hih 
journey, and it was arranged that* if he could not reach 
Yarkaml from Tibet, ho might proceed through Kashmir 
to Kabul and Bukhara, the route, which it waw eventually 
found necessary to pursue, Mr. Mooreroft reached Ladilkh 
in safety, and in 18*21 lie became possessed of a letter from 
the Russian minister, Prince Ncssclrodc, recommending a 
merchant to the good offices of Kanjlt Khigh and assuring 
him that the traders of the Punjab would be wcli nwivwl 
in the Russian dominions - for the emperor was himself u 
benign ruler, he earnestly desired the prosperity of other 
countries, ami he was especially Ihc vtcll-wishcr of tluU 

1 Tim pulilit! uoiTCMjmuilfiitr gimcrully of iSU't 17 IMK hi-ir hwtt 
flf<>rn(! to, and (wpnrially Um Icllor of (iov<'rniii<'*it tu HrxhU-nl 
at tMIii, dateU llih April 1X17. In IH^fi Hh' Siiitfh umiln AiiiMhrr 
uitoinpt in recover !HH j>rinci|inli(y ; bat be wawwiwd and im|*riiKim*tl, 
(Murray, ItanjU Xhujti, p, Mr s uiul Cnpt, Murray tu Ittwiilrttt nt 
Mhi, gftth 1^1). 18^7.) ilo wan auluwnicntly r^loaw^I, and won 
alivo, but unheeded, in 184 1. 


reigned over by the King of the Sikhs. The person recom- 1821. 
mended had died on his way southward from llussm ; and 
it appeared that, six years previously, he had been the 
bearer of similar communications for the Mahurfija of 
Lahore, and the Raja of Ladakh. 1 

Ranjit Singh now possessed a broad dominion, and un 
instructed intellect might have rejoiced in the opportunity 
afforded for wise legislation, and for consolidating aggre- ytem of 
gated provinces into one harmonious empire, But such a " v ' rn - 
task neither suited the Maharaja's genius nor that of the vi<iw</hi 
Sikh nation; nor is it, perhaps, agreeable to the constitution '' wl 
of any political society, that its limits shall be fixed, or that ! Iwlwoi 
the pervading spirit of a people shall rest , until UH expansive 
force is destroyed and becomes obnoxious to change and 
decay, llanjlt Singh grasped the more obvious clwnietcris- 
ticB of the impulse given by Nilnuk and Gobiiul ; he dex- 
terously turned them to the purposes of his own material 
ambition, and he appeared to be un absolute moimreh in the 
midst of willing and obedient subjects. Hut he knew thai 
he merely directed into a particular channel a power which 
he could neither destroy nor control, uiul that, to prevent 
the Sikhs turning upon himself, or contending with one 
another, he must regularly engage them in conquest und 
remote wurfure* The first political system of the ctnaiiciputcti 
Sikhs hud crumbled to pieces, partly through its own defects, 
partly owing to its contact with a weH'Ordeml uiul civUhcd 
government, and partly in consequence erf the atfccnduncy 
of one superior mind. The * Mtaib ' hod vanished, or were 
only represented by Ahluwulia uud Putiula (or IMiOlkui), 
the one depending ou the jwrHonul friendship of Hunjlt Singh 
for its chief, and the other upheld in separate portions by 
the expediency of the Knglmh. Hut Kunjlt Singh never 
thought hit* own or the Sikh away wan to tie confined to the 
Punjab, and his only wish WUB to lead urmie* w far UK faith 
in the Khiitou and confidence in hiu skill would Uke brave 
and believing men. He troubled himself not at nil with the 
theory or the practical nicclieK of luimlniBtrntiuii, and he 

1 Moororuft, 4'mttib, i. SJi), 103 ; and MOO alnu pn. 3HU, 3H7, with 
ruspuot to a previous lottor tu lUttjlt 


IH21. would rather have added a province to his rule than have 
received the assurances of his English neighbours that ho 
legislated with discrimination in coinmcreuil affairs and 
with a just regard for the iMnelioration of his ignorant anil 
fanatical subjects of various persuasions. IK- took from 
the land as much as it could readily yield, and he took from 
merc'hantfl us much as they could profitably ghc ; he put 
down open marauding ; the Sikh peasantry enjoyed a light 
assessment ; no local oiftecr dared to oppress a member of 
the Khftlsa ; and if elsewhere the farmers of revenue ivcre 
resisted in their tyrannical proceedings, they were* more 
likely to bo changed Hum to be supported by battalions. 
He did not ordinarily punish men who look redress into 
their own hands, (or which, indeed, his subordinates were 
prepared, and which they guarded against as they could. 
The whole wealth and the whole energies of the people 
were devoted to war, and to the preparation of military 
means and equipment* The system is that common to ail 
feudal governments, and it given much WOJK* to individual 
ambition, und lends to produce independence of charm-tor, 
It suited the mass of the Sikh population ; they had ample 
employment, they loved contention, and they were pleased 
that dty after city admitted the supremacy of the KhiiNn 
und enabled them to enrich their families. Hut HunjTI Singh 
never arrogated to hinmelf the title, or the jtowcrH of despot 
or tyrant. He was assiduous in his devotion* ; bo honoured 
men of reputed sanelily, und cnnblcd them to practise un 
enlarged charity ; he attributed every MICCCKH to I lie favour 
of God, und he Htyled himself and people collectively the 
1 KhulNU ', or commonwealth of Gob hid. Whether in walk- 
ing barefooted to make bin obeimmre to a collateral repre- 
sentative of hiti prophets, or in rewarding a soldier dint hi- 
guishcd by that symbol of bis faith, a long and ample beard* 
or in rest raining the CXCCSXCH of the fanatical Akalts, or in 
beating an army and acquiring a province, his own name 
nci his own motives were kept, carefully concealed, and 
everything was done for the sake of the <*urft, for the 
advantage of I he KIwlKu, and in the name of the Lord. 1 

1 ItanjUNmKhf in wiling nr in talking of lito #ovrriiiiii<iit , i\*a>*t 
lined iho icrm 4 Jiliulwi \ On IH'H nenl he wrote, UM uny Nikli umtlly 
writi'H, liia IIIUIM,*, with thu |ill ' Akiil Hiilwi \ tlwt IH, for iwtunw* 


In the year 18*22 the French Generals, Ventura and 
Allard, reached Lahore by way of Persia and Afghanistan, 
and, after some little hesitation, they were employed uncl army. 
treated with distinction. 1 It has been usual to attribute the 
superiority of the Sikh army to the labours of these two 
ofliccrs, and of their subsequent coadjutors, the Generals Arrival f 
Court and Avitabile ; but, in trufh, the Sikh owes his excel- 
lence as a soldier to his own hardihood of character, to that 


* God the helper, Ranjit Singh 'nil Inscription Htrongly rm*m)>ling 
Iho * God with UH ' of tho Commonwealth of England. ProfchHor 

WilHon (J out Mil Hoy td Amatfc tiwlrty, No. xvii, p, 51} thu wenm 
scarcely juHtilied in Haying that Kan jit Singh duponcd JNfumlc and 
tiubind, and the supreme ruler of the tiuiverais mid held luwHcif to 
be tho impei'Honation of the* KliiilHO- 1 

With respect to the almtrad. excellence. or moderation, or tlio 
practical ellieieney 01> HuiUhlcncHH of tlio Nikh ^ovenunciit, ^ptniuiiH 
will ulwayw difTcr, UH they willnhout all othi-r ^ovi'mnienlH, It IH not 
flimjily an unmeaning truiritu to Hay that thu Kikh govi'nimcut Huitrcl 
tho SikliH woll, for Htich a tlt^roc of litucHH in one of <lm unfa of all 
govornnioutH of ruling rIaHH{*H F and tho udaptati(u IIUH thuHadftfmitjf 
punitive jiu^rit* In judging of iwtividitul*, moreover, the CNtent And 

uncl tho jn-iment condition of the Punjab Hlmwna coniliinutitui of tho 
characteriHticH of rminK nuMliacivul Kuro|H: nnd of thn dccityinK 
Uyxantino ottipire - Hcmi-hurharoiiH in either light, hut poHHetwd ut 
orico of a nativo youthful vigour, and of an cxtram-oUH knowledge of 
many of tho artw whitih adorn Hfo in tiu^ JittJHt advanced wlu^'H of 

r j'ho fact, u^ahi, f hat a city like, Amrit nar JM t lie crtmt ion of t he Si Mm 
at onco refuli'H many chargcfl <^f <t]proHHi<m or nilM^ovcrnim'/it, nnd 
(Jo I. l<Vancklin only repoatH tho general ojiiniun of tlie timo whoa lie 
Mayn (Mf? of MutJi Mnm, i. 77) Owl the lnnd under Kikh nilo were 
cultivated with great aHHiMuity. Mr. MaHHon could hear of no com* 
plaintH in Multnii (JoHfuc^ i. y() 3M), and although Moonroft 
notices tho doprcHHod comlition of t-ho KuHhmlrfo (Trtirt'lH^ i. l^*i) he 
docH not notico tho circuiuHtHUeo of a griovoun funiine hn ving occurred 
Hhot-tly before hi viwit, which drovt< thoUHandw of (lie people to tho 
plaiiiH of India, and he forgetH that the valley luul hccn Uiidcr tho 
sway of Afghan advontureni for mnriy year, t\w wevority of whono 
rule in noticed hy KorHter(7V^r^,ii, SJO t &(.) Tht* antfwtoni of tho 
[inn<u'otiH faniilicH of Kuxhmlrl BrahrnanH, now HiifctltMl in Delhi, 
Lucknow, &c,, were likowiHc refugct^ from Afghan opprotwlon ; und 
t J'H curioim that the eoimolidution of lUnjIt tiltighVl f>ower should 
lavo induced Hcveral of thcwi f ami lien to repair to tho I'uujuli, itnd 
wen to rot urn to their original country* Thin, notwithstanding t ho 
IhiduiNm of the Hikh faith, i *tilUomowhttt in favour of fcJikh rule. 

1 Murray, Ranjittiinyh, p. 131, &c. 


spirit of adaptation which distinguishes every new 
am * * ^at to'MnS f u common interest und deHtiny im- 
planted in him by his groat teachers. The Kiijpfits and 
* >utlia s ar <- valiant und high-minded warriors : but iheir 
profound their courujru are personal only, and concern them 
us men of ancient family and noble Uncage ; they wilt do 
nothing unworthy of their birth, but they are indifferent to 
the political advancement of their race, The efforts of the 
ofMura- MariithaK, in emancipating themselves from a forcijm yoke, 
thus, wc , n , neither gni<!ed nor strengthened by uny distinct hope 
or desire. They became free, but knew not IMW to remain 
independent, and they allowed a crafty lirfihuum 1 to turn 
their aimless aspirations to his own profit, and to found a 
dynasty of * Peshwas * on the uehievi-ments <;f unlettered 
Sfldius. Ambitious soldiers took a further advantage of the 
KpHl called up by Sivftji, but as it WUH nut MiNfuintil by uny 
p<!rvading religiouH ]irinci|hi of act inn, a few generations aw 
the race yield to the expiring efforts of Muhautmadamsm, 
and the Marulhas owe their present position, as rulers, to 
thtt iniervcntion of Kurnpran striuigern. Tlu- genuine 
Ma rut 1m can .scarcely be said to e\ist, and the tvm hundred 
thousand Kpearmen <f the last century are once more 
shepherdN and tillers of the ground. Similar remarks apply 

l ilw ' (Jurkhns thul otlu ' r ln<lilin IHI|*' which has nscn ti> 
grealu'H8 in latter throw by itn own innate |xtwr, ttnntingled 
wit! religiotw hopo, They be<'amc niustt-rw, but no peculiar 

1 [Tim nFt*rifiieit IK tu Niiim Kinutvin, %hn InM-miiM' lViun Mini^tn 
of f,Ju- IVHliwa in 177^ itml whti died in JHIH), h.iviiiK' c.MrnMr.i tt n 
rYtriuirdiiutry influrnt'it WVIT Mnruthil jmJili*H during dm jutm of 
cy. * !It lm<t <?mwitently iwn opjuiwii to tti* [<titinil 
of the Kiitflinh UH mi^vrrnivc of Munitim ptmrr, utid }w 
to tint ompli^mrnt of fr:i^n troo|m uniK-nii^ ifiiifiitintM; 
Imt lin ww fAltliftil to fun pulif k-ul pupiigfiiuutH, und \\n\ (i'uti(ut in 
(h<i muintcruuicc ctf tln hoatmr itf hit* own nuii(Hi in Jttfrtnl lt\ tli 
n-HjwKt trf nil fim r<iiitcm|Nirarii*h P The fidthlinii iimteri.dn willi whit h 
in* hud to dful iit, the <'!<mt< of hin hfi* threw him iittt* 
coiiihiiialiiinH for hm own |in'Mi*r\atiuii whirh vnwhl oi 
hiM-n avtiidi'il itutl h-fi him ut hhcrly to conf him* tli^ uIi' ' 

tiou lit* Iiud i-oiiiliii'tiMl fur twenty live vrn ' (Mnuliiim Tnylm). 
n tlui iNMUNioii of hm ih-nth Un< Kiiiyi'lt*'ifii'nt at lNMm n 
Wilh hint IIHH fii'imrieif all ilw wimiom untt nttrtii-riiliuit of 
Miirnllnl dovitrnuicnt.' Sn^ (JnuiL i>ufT ? //r^/v / 
3- Kit. | 


institution formed the landmark of their thoughts, uud the Jti22. 
vitality of the priginal impulse seems fast waning before the 
superstition of an ignorant priesthood and the turbulence 
of a feudal nobility. The difference between those races and 
the fifth tribe of Indian warriors will be at once apparent. 
The Sikh looks before him only, the ductility of his youthful 
intellect readily receives the most useful impression, or takes 
the most advantageous form, and religious faith is ever 
present to sustain him under any adversity, and to assure 
him of an ultimate triumph. 

The Rajput and Puthun will fight as PirthI Hj and 
Jcnghfe Khan waged war ; they will ride on horses in 
tumultuous array, and they will wield a sword ami spear trilu* <>t 
with individual dexterity : but neither of these cavaliers will 
deign to stand in regular ranks and to handle the nuiskot of 
the infantry soldier, although the Muhammadun has* always 
been a brave and skilful server of heavy cannon. The 
Murathu is equally averse to the European Hynt,ein of war fare, MHW, HIV! 
and the less stiffened Gurkha has only had the power or the 
opportunity of forming battalions of footmen, unsupported 
by an active cavalry nad a trained artillery. The early J lltt ' lum * 
force of the SikliH was composed of horsemen, but they HCCIU 
intuitively to have ml op text the new and formidable match- iwlly 
lock of recent times, instead of their uiuwttlrol bows, ami the 
wpear common to every imtiuii. Mr, Fonder noticed thih 
peculiarity in 17M, iiitcl the advantage it gave in desultory 
warfare. 1 In itioff, Sir John Malcolm did not think the Sikh 
was better mounted limn the Mnr&thft;* but, in 1810, Sir 
David Ocliterlony <*(niwdered that, in the eonuclence cf 
untried strength, his great native courage would nhow Itiiu 17K*; 
more formidable than a follower of Siudhiu or Holkur, itiui hyMu!- 
rtuulily lead him to fliee a buttery of wdl-wrviil guiw.* The r< * 1 "* 1 
peculiar arm of the contending nation* of the hint century 
passed into a proverb, uud the phriiMe, the MurAlha H{>cur t ny, 
the Afghan Kword, the Sikh matchlock, and the Kngiinh 
caiiuion, in mill of common rcjK'iition j nor JCHIH It tfruUfy 
the pride of the preyciit nmHtcrw of Inditt to heur their riu*m,8ii. 
attributed rather to the number and excellence of 

?WL>. Malcolm, MfolrA o/IAe Hikfat |i p. 150, 
yir D. Ouhlorfony to Uovornninnt, M DOCL 1810. 


their artillery, than to that dauntless courage and (inn 

Wl " cl1 llllVC <HMl>>tod H* humble footmen to Hill IllOSt 


im]i(ir(mu'i! of those distant victories which add glory to th<* Knj/lish 
urtiil!'rl> > namc - Nevertheless it has always been the object of rival 
powers to obtain a numerous artillery ; the battalions of 
rif ^ **te nc WOU M never separate themselves from their 
1 cannon, and the presence of thai formidable arm is yet, 
perhaps, essential to the lull eonildenec of flu* Hriifsh 

KanjTt tiingh said that, in IKO, 1 ^ he \\vnl tf wv Hie nnlrr 
1 Ol Ji ' 0rd Lakc/>s an "y a *i it known that in 1HOU lie 
; ^'"itt 1 *! <! praised the discipline of Mr. Met<-aHe\ small 
escort, whieh rejmlsed the Midden onset of a hndy of eii 
n^cl AkilllH. 8 JI<? Vx-jnin, at't<'r that period, t<* ^i\e his 
atfentk^n to the formation of regular infantry, and in IH1U 
Sir David Oehterlony HUW two regiments of \SikJiH, besides 
several of HiiKlustauis, drilled by men who hat! resigned or 

1 TIu'K firliiiK in well known to all who Iiavr lunl .in\ I^JM ii ( )tn . ,,f 
Iniliun troo|iH. A ^uiiucr !M n prtitt'lor man I liau u inu'K'tr. r ; ultftt 
kiUiitioim urn inutiiioiiH, they will mt ullnw^rfH In aj.|,Mah 
tfivir pniH, uml Um hcnt <lii<prMitinHl n^niiKiitM udl h./mrly l*4\^ 
t hi'iu iu tho war to # into art inn mii'iu tiiiiU*n'i].nii iimliiin i* t.f w ]u< h 
luipficinil in IVwtirn unrfaiv \ut!i <!tM.r;i' TIiHnm.u (Majnr Stuilli. 
tttifitbtrCitriM hi futtitin Kmithtff, p, ^*r) 

Thu rankrt cif tin. Hritish Arniynm iiulnql iiili-il with J{,IJ|HI| ami 
l^thAiw NCI i'ttlltKi, nnd nl.H. \vilh UruhiimiiM ; Imt iuurly .ill nn< fiMh, 
tho iircivittrcri cf tlio Upprr (tiinp'H, Mm iitlmhitiinU of )mli Uu> 
iH'wnim iviilly nM.diiird in elmnirf i r liy rMinj.l.-Jo <-fin*|U<Ml -MM! 
iinxtiini with Hlrnn^TM; ami, uiiijp || H .y rrtiuit utmin *rf Ihf dmtiit 
KHiHiiiiiK murkM if tJioir nir<*M, they *n, UN Hi.ldirw, Un< IIHTI-M ni. r 
wimrieH, il *lu not IHIHWHH tho anirnt anri n-Mf<MH frrlinjf, ,r tluii 
Hpirit of diiHliii>, wliic-h i-iianirtnriiu- flu* mum wmilm* df,*. mdiMit^ 
of KMhattriyiui * Afhuu, Thu iviimrkM in the |I.,M i|u w ri ,f,, r 
ly to Dm Pathmw <f Uuhilkluui,! ami Haiintm and hiimUr 
l ffiloitlrii, mid to thn yt-umunrv ami Hltl* iiriiiiiif-tufM *.f 
iiut. (Much of (MM ii of miir^ inr.urrrl ami n-ftm i|j 
MiifJn> rnnililinnM of fin* Army, Wit It tin- rs, ,,!.. n , t f a f,, w 
iiiiiiuilaiii iMllcriiM ihn arliJli-iy in now mliMy in *].' haiuln .-I 
Iliih'-h troo)^i. Tin* ({i-alinian i>Ii*nii*iif. iu (In- Army Im^ nlu l>r,*t* 
y,|,,,r.| ( At I hi* |.mi*ul (intr il> f rr iriit.'nf tin* 
rnr<-fH of <!H- Imliim Army i-nnii* fnun lm PIIMM)I 

, . . <4 w%| | , I( 

nmIi in ulf.n liMiiir (nil l.v a p-uwai'i- in (In- thai v **f t*. Soiian Ul 
1 In- lullnr MUM <'ouH. Vakil to Itattjit Kiiwh. Kji'.l 
' l MUITH.V, font jit Mn*t/t< |, M. 


deserted the British service. 1 The next year the Maharaja 3820. 
talked of raising twenty-five battiilions-, 8 and his confidence ~ 
in discipline wiw increased by (he resistance which the 
(iurkhiis offered to (lie British arms. lie enlisted people 
rjf thai nation, but- his attention was chiefly given (<> the 
instruction of his own countrymen, and in 18*20 Mr. Moor- 
:>roft nolieed with ai>prohation flu* appearance of the Sikh 
[bot-soldicr. :> Kanjlt Singh hud not got his people to resign 
their customary weapons and order of battle without some 
Lrouble. Ho encouraged them by good pay, by personal 
ittenlion to their drill und equipment, and by himwclf 
waring the strange dress, and going through the formal 
'xerciso. 4 The old chiefs disliked the innovation! and JDesu 
Singh MajiLhlu, the father of the present mechanic, and 
lisciplinarian Laluia Singh, assured the compiuiiotiH of 
Vfr. MoorerofL that. Mtiltfin and IVshfiwur and Kasliinlr 
lad all been won by lh< free Khalsa cavalier/' By drgrern 
,he infantry serviee came to be preferred, and, before 
tuujTt Singh died, IICHUW it regarded IIH the proper warlike 
Lrruy of hiM pcu>ple. Nor did they give ttieir Iieurt lo the * M *y !l / l(l 
nusket alone, but were perftapK more 1 readily brought to 
erve guns than to stand in even ranks an footmen. 

Sueli was I he state of change of ,he Sikh army, and wueh 
vere the views of HanjTt Singh, when (ienenils Allan! and 
/e.nturu obtained service in the Punjab, They were fortu* m*** (tu< 

1 Sir IX (MitcrJniiy to (IdVitrnmniiip 27th I'Vh. 

u Sir IX (h-lilerlony to (jovcmntont, 4th Mardli 

!J M(or(nff. t Trawl*, i. OH. There were At that thiu% mt then* nre 
.ill, (iiirkhiiH in Uiti Kf^ryicn of I^h(rc. 

4 Tim aul.hnr (twen this uneedoU' to Muimlii Hhilltunmt. AH, otlier- 
'iHo favDiimbly known to I ho (tuMie ly IIIH book on the NikftH it ml 

5 Mooreroft, 7'm/v/w, L OH. I Inn jit Hin^h iiHiinlly ivf{nin(i hin 
>u(latori<m to [n-ovido for eoiwtaut Hervic<s u horfutmnn for twery 
)() rufxwrt which they hold hi land, twHitiim lig rrmdy with otlwr 
^hting-nnui on au cmorgmiey. Thin pro|K)HUm iuft tho JAgl 
ui-lmif only of hiw <mtato unUxotl, MA au oftlcnoni tamwnuui 
)oui ^r>0 rtipooB annually* Tlia Turku (fUnko, Ottoman fim 
I. IS4H, Iritrod,, p, Ti) requirod a homoman for the fiwt 3,(HK) <t*int#t 
tiO dollarn, or nay 125 rujKxw, ami an udditinnai OIIP for (*v<ry otiuT 
000 anporn, or 208 rupw*. In Englivnd, in tho mivotitocuith <tenttiry 
horseman WIIH aBHOMHod on r>vory five hundrod poundn (jf ineonu*, 
fauaulay, II tutor y uj tinglnnd, i. 201.) 


1820. natc in having an excellent material to work with, and, like 
Pimjui) skilful officers, (hoy made a good use of their means and 
before tun opportunities. They gave a moderate degree of precision 
KwSth ' am * coni l ) ^ t ' ent ' ss to a HyHtcm nlrendy introdueed ; I>ut 
offlcers; their labours arc more eonspieuoiiH in French words of 
whose Her- command, in treble ranks, and in squares salient with KIIHS, 
yi'tofvahu* than in the ardent courage, the alert ohedienee, and the 
toHanjit i on g endurance of fatigue, which distinguished the Sikh 
hor&emcn sixty years ago, and which pre-eminently rlmrne- 

lo tlum- teme the Sikh footman of the present day among the other 

ariwli soldiers of India. 1 Neither <Iid Oeneruls Ventura and Allunl, 

Court and Avitabile, ever assume to themselves the merit 

of having created the Sikh army, and perhaps their ability 

and independence of character added more to the general 

belief in European superiority, than all their imi met ion 

to the real efficiency of the Sikhs as soldiers. 

Kanitt. When a boy, Ronjlt Singh was betrothed, a has been 

muriiM related, to Mehtub Kuur, the daughter of (iiirlmkluih Singh* 

widhn% the young heir of the Kmiluiyft (or (iliuni) c*lih*Miip, who 

1 Kor nolicwH of thin onilurautt* of fntigiii*, HIM* For H! IT, Tntnk 9 i, 
332, .W; Malcolm, W.v^r//, p. 141 Mr. MUHHOU, Jtninin/*, i. |;t;| . 
nnti (Jol, Stt'inJinrh, l*unjnb t pp. , M. 

Thognnml rcmflUtutMin of n Wikii n-f(iiiifiit wiuin minnmmtmit nml 
adjuUat, with Hubortliwilo ofticdrH to cui-ii <'(iiupuiy* Th( inru wct 
jmid by doputiob of tho c Bakuhl^ or paynmHtcr ; but tlii^ mtlH WITH 
dwtik<Hl by * MutiumddiH *, or rlfki* r who daily noted down wlivllwr 
tlio men woro altwut or pnwuit. To twh n^imont t If*t niw 
* (Jrantlii ', or roiuliir of tho wripiuri-H, wan aUaHwd, wfi<% when ni<t 
paid by tho government, WUH nuro of Uiing Mupp<rt4*d hy thr men, 
Tho <J ninth wa8 unually di*|Nitdf <*d tu-ar tho ' jhanda \ or , whtrh 
hclon^d to tho rcgiint-nt, ami which rcpn-wntcci itH hrnd quwrtcrw, 
Light ttuitB and k-HHtn of burden WITU allowed in fixed pn*fiirti<WM 
f't> <*ah battalion, and tho ntata alnri provided two eooliit, or ratluT 
iNikcm, for oaoh company, who baked tho im-n'n fakiw nfttr they had 
theiimrlviw knoadod thorn, or who, in sumo inHtanroN, provided tin- 
livened Icui yeH for thomo of thoir own or an inferior rant. In canton- 
numtH tho HIkh Holdiern lived to onto extent in tamc-ki, and not 
oaelt man in a Hepurato hut. a cuMtom whirh nhoutd I* intniui'd 
into f hn BritiHh m^rvlciii. (The* barrack nyHtem han iH'en intniduwd. 
Lhc> wbulft organisation of tho Hikh army tinder Itanjlt Singh in of 
inuoh mtertwt. Quite recontly Homo rewareh IHIH Uwn iwitiaU'd and 
!Si m I >ro rOHB "P f >n Uw Mkh roeortlH inthoHci-wtariat at Uiunn. 
I he roMult of thiH, im fur an it eoneenw tho anx% will In* found in the 
Appendix, noi-titm XXXIX.- JSn. 1 


foil in battle with his father Muhun Singh, Sacla Knur, 1R07-20. 
the mother of the girl, possessed a high spirit and was ambi- ~7 
tious of power, and, on the deatli of the Kanhayil leader, arl'liTnV' 
Jai Singh, about 179tt, her influence in the affairs of the eon- Ka "\ alltl 
ledcracy became paramounU She encouraged her young " 

son-in-law to set aside the authority of his own widow Ka " r - 
mother, and at the age of seventeen the future Maharaja 
is not only said to have taken upon himself the management 
of his affairs, hut to have hud his mother put to death as an 
adultress. The support of Sada Kaur wan of great use to 
Hanjlt Singh in the !xginning of his career, and the co- 
operation of the Kanhaya Mfcal mainly enabled him to 
master Lahore and Amritsar, Her hope seems to have been 
that, as the grandmother of the chosen heir of Kanjit Singh, 
anil as a chieftainess in her own right, she would be able to 
exercise a commanding influence ia the affairs of the Sikhn ; 
but her daughter was ehildless, and Itanjlt Singh himself 
was equally able and wary. In 1807 it was understood that 
Mcht&h Kaur was pregnant, and it is Ix'lieved that she wn 
really delivered of a daughter; but, on Hnnjit Singh's >*hrrHiiih 
return from nil expedition, lie wan presented with two boyH 
as his offspring. The, Maliarajii doubted : and perhaps he 
always gave credence to the report that Shcr Singh was 
the son of a carpenter, iind Taw Singh the child of a weaver, knur, 
yet they continued to be brought up under the care of their 
reputed grandmother, us if their parentage hud been ad- 
mittcd* But Sada Kaur perceived that she could obtain 
no power in the namca of the children, and the disappointed 
woman addressed th Knglish authorities in 1810, and Npirit iin<l 
denounced her son-in-law m having ustiriwd her rights and 
as resolved on war with his new allios, Her comnmnicaUonH 
received wome attention, but she wan tumble to organise an 
insurrection, and nhe Ixtcamc in a nmnner reconciled to her 
position. In 1B20, Hher Singh waft virtually adopted by tlie 
Mahilriljil, with the apparent object of finally Betting aside 
the pow<tr of bin mothcr-in-Iaw, She was required to assign 
half of the lun<lH of the Kanhaya ehtffahip for the main- 
tenance of the youth ; but Khe whined, and nhe WUH in 
coneqtienec woiwd and Imprisoned, and her whole powcii* 
fiions confiscated. The little estate of Whadni, to the south 

170 IIISTOKY OK THK SIKHS < 11 vr. vi 

of the Sutl<*j, was however restored to her through British 
intervention, a has already been mentioned.* 

Kli;ii';ik RanjTI Singh WHS also betrothed, when a hoy, to the 

lKM'<'r of Klui/fin Singh, a ehief nf the Nakkais eon- 
federaey, and hy her he bad a son in the year I SOL', nho was 
naninl Kliarak Singh, and brought up ns his heir The 
youth was married, in llu* >ear IHlt!, to th<* daimlihT ff a 
Kauhayfi U-ader, and the nnplials wen* celebrated amid 
many rejoiein^s. In 1SH> (he Mahnraju i!aecfl the mother 
under some decree, of restraint nwinj* It) her mismanagement 
of the eslah-s ussi^ue<I for the miuntenanetMtfthepriner, and 
he endeavouri'd to rouse the spirit of his son to exertion and 
enterprise; hut he was of a weak and indolent eliaraeter, 
Niiu Nih-il and tlie attempt was vain. In the year IHi*l a sou was horn 
>,nj;! f'-'in t() Kharuk SiiiKh, and the child, Nau Nilifti Sin^h, MHM> 
<> Klunik M , I ^i t * I .t i i 

!. eiime to lie regarded as the heir of the Punjab- 3 
jii, Sueh were tlie domestic relalionH of Hanj?( Sirurh, hut in* 

Mi'ji |nr shared largely in 1he (*t>probrium lumped upon his eountry- 

l lin'll" .1 * n i*i it-. 

men an the praetisers oi every unmomlit>% and he is not 
on jy represented t*>Iav< 1 frequently indulged i 

I * * 

>|l III 

!>"* to have oeeasiojmlty outrajLtrd drrene> by appearing in 
public inebriated, and surrounded uith eourteHunw. 11 In 
^' s ^''t' 1 "*^' <ht> s one <d f these \v<nien, named Mnjirn. otttnitied 
a ^reai u.M'endaney o\er him, mui, in 181 1, he caused 

lit tlli-SiU or iix'ti^ln to be struck bearing her name ; but it would be 
P''"l'i<'- idle to regard Hanjif Sin^h as an iiabitual drunkard or us 
one tf really devoted (fi sensual jilrusures ; and it \vonJd he 
t'quuiiy unreasonable to believe the muss of the Sikh people 
JIM wholly lost to shame, and as reveller* in every viee whieii 
dis^raees humanity. Ihuibtiesn the seitMi* <tf (H*rMttial honour 
nnd of female purity in less In^hanump; Ihc rude ami ignorant 
of every nge, than amon^ th<* informed and the ei\ilt/.ed; 
uiul wiicn (he whole peananiry of a country mtddenly attain 
(o power and wealth, and arc freed from many of the 
restraints of Nodety, an unusual proportion will neeesHitrlfy 

1 <'f k Murray, Itoiijii Niwk, pp, 4U Al.fKI, Iit7. li'H. 191, IIJ5, Hro 
n,lH< Kir J). ( h-htnrlitny io ()uveriunent Ututnl Unit IW. tHUs itml 
p KM) of thin volume* 

* Cf, Miirrny, Mtiijittiinylt. jji. 4, Art, !>, UI, I lL* 4 ll, 

8 Cf, Mtimiy linn jit Mnyh t p, H;>* 


resign themselves to the seductions of pleasure, and freely 1803-21. 
give way fa their mosl depraved appelilcs, I Jut such ex- 
cesses arc nevertheless exceptional to thi? general usage, ami 
those who vilify the Sikhw at one time* and describe their 
long and rapid marches ut another, should remember the 
contradiction, and refleel that what common-sense and the, 
better feelings of our nut wo have always condemned, (fan 
never be the ordinary practice of a nation. The armed 
defenders of a country cannot be kept under the* same degree 
of moral restraint as ordinary citizens, with quiet habits, 
Axed abodes, and watchful pastors, and it in illogical to 
apply the character of a few dissolute chiefs and licentious 
soldiers to the thousands of hardy peasants ami induHtrious 
mechanics, and even generally to that body of brave and 
banded men which furnishes the most obvious examples of 
degradation. 1 The, husbandman of the Punjab, as of other 
provinces in Upper India, is confined to IUN cakes of millet, 
or wheat and to a draught of water from the welt ; the 
soldier fares not much belter, and neither indulge in strong 
liquors, except upon occasion** of rejoicing, The indolent 
man of wealth or station, or the* more idle religious fanatic, 
may seek excitement, or a refuge from the vacancy of tiis 
mind, in drugs and drink ; but cxpcnsivcncHH of diet IH 
rather u ftCuhnmnmihin than an Indian Hmmet eristic, and 
the Kuropeans carry their potations and the pleasures of 
the table fo an excess unknown to the Turk nnd IVrsiun, 
rind which greatly scun<lliy,o the frugal Hindu. 3 

I (tol. Htciinluich (/'u/jjft, pp, 7<l, 77) utlmttH wwrftf simplicity of 
dirt., hut ho H!HO wuki'rt HOI no revolt ing prwtiirH miivnml, Cnpl, 
Murray (IbinjH Minyh* p, H/i) taut Mr. MaNHim (Jintrntyi, j. -Kir*) urn 
HktiwiHti Homowhat NWiM*f)ing in their enmifmtmtmnH* and oven Mn 
KIphinHtono (tfi*t<>ri/ nj Inrfiu, it. rfi5) tttukcK tho tfhur^ri <if {'iil|mhlo 
tlnvotion to on0ual pleiiHiireH viry < i onipr<'h^rnivr'. 'ilio nioraln, nr 
tho manner*, of a iconic, hiwiwtir, whould not iMt dodureU Iram . few 
tixittnpbtt of prodigaoy ; but tint Indian* wjititlly tixa^gorato with 
ri'#rtr<i to Ktirn{M'iim Hint* in pictorial or pan torn Jm la piocM^w, thny 
ufiuully r<*preHiiit KiiptliMhrrmn tl rink Ing And nwtwing In tho wtK'it^ty 
of cumrtrHiinH, un<l an ftjuivlly prompt to un thnir wftpon with or 
without a rortHon. 

II I\rHt^r (Tww /^,i, ;I!KI) notice** tlm tomptTAnco <f the* Siklm, and 
their for^nranvo from many ontWfiUttg fH^Himl plrnnnrrK, nn<l hit 

ho thinks, Cul, Puller to a nimilnr <flwt. Mak-olm 


1803-21. Yet Ranjit Singh not only yielded more than was hcooin- 
K . ft ing to tlie promptings of his appetites, but, like all despots 
Singh's fa- and solitary authorities, he laid himself open to the charge 
vouritos. O f extravagant partiality and favouritism. He had placed 
himself in some degree in opposition to the whole Sikh 
people ; the free followers of Gobind could not be the 
observant slaves of an equal member of the Khalsa, and he 
sought for strangers whose applause would be more ready 
if less sincere, and in whom he could repose some confidence 
as the creatures of his favour. The first who thus rose to 
Khushal distinction was Klmshal Singh, a Brahman from near 
Kraluimn Saharanpur, who enlisted in one of the first raised regiments, 
1811-20. ' and next became a runner or footman on the MuhurujiVs 
establishment. He attracted Ranjit Singh's notice 1 , and was 
made Jamadar of the Devni, or master of the entry* about 
the year 1811. His brother seemed likely to supplant him, 
but his refusal to become a Sikh favoured Khushal Singh's 
The Raj- continuance in power, until both yielded to the Jiinmni 
Ifommu, WWpais in the year 1820. Gulab Singh, the eldest of three 
1R20, ' sons, claimed that his grandfather was the brother of the 
well-known Ranjit Deo; but the family was perhaps ille- 
gitimate, and had become impoverished, and Gulfib Singh 
took service as a horseman in a bund commanded by 
Jumadav Khuwhul Singh. He sent for his second brother, 
Dhian Singh, and then, again like the reigning favourite, 
they both became running footmen under Hanjlt Sin#h' 
eye. Their joint assiduity, and the graceful bearing of the 
younger man, again attracted the Mahai-iy'iTs notice, and 
Dhian Singh speedily took the place of the BriUmmn 
chamberlain, without, however, consigning him to neglect, 
for he retained his estates and his position as a noble, 
Gulab Singh obtained a petty command and signalled 
himself by the seizure of the turbulent Muhaniimukui Chief 
of Rwjauri. Jammu was then conferred in jfigir or fief upon 
the family, and the youngest brother, SuchSt Singh, UK well 
as the two elder, were one by one raised to the rank of Biiju, 
and rapidly obtained an engrossing and prejudicial influence 

p. 141) likewise describes the Sikhs UH hardy and im|)l<j; hut, 
doubtless, as tho power of the nation has iiiorMUKtd uinra thoHo limoH, 
liunirfflA and vidoua pleasures have, In numerous inwUmeoB, folluwc-d 
woalth and indolence. 


in the counsels of the Maharaja, excepting, perhaps, in 
connexion with his English relations, the importance of 
which required and obtained the exercise of his own un- 
hhissed opinion. The smooth and crafty Gulab Sin^li 
ordinarily remained in the hills, using Sikh means to extend 
his own authority over his brother Rajputs, arid eventually 
into Ladilkh ; the less able, but more polished, Dhiun Singh, 
remained continually in attendance upon the Maharaja, 
ever on the watch, in order that he might anticipate his 
wishes ; while the elegant Suchet Singh fluttered as a gay Raniit 
courtier and gallant soldier, without grasping at power or ^JJJjjjJ 
creating enemies. The nominal fakir or devotee, the servants. 
Muhammadan Aziz-ud-dTn, never held the place of an ordi- Fakir Aziz- 
nary favourite, but he attached himself at an early period utl ' tjln - 
to Ranjlt Singh's person, and was honoured and trusted as 
one equally prudent and faithful; and, during the ascendancy 
both of Khushal Singh and Dhian Singh, he was always 
consulted, and invariably made the medium of communica- 
tion with the British authorities. The above were the most 
conspicuous persons in the Lahore court ; but the mind of 
Ranjft Singh was never prostrate before that of others, and 
he conferred the government of Multan on the discreet 
Sawan Mai, and rewarded the military talents and genuine Diwan 
Sikh feelings of Harl Singh Nalwa by giving him the com- SawanMal. 
nand on the Peshawar frontier ; while his ancient com- ^wf inffh 
janion, Fateh Singh Ahluwalia, remained, with increased Fafeh ' 
vcalth, the only representative of the original * Misals ', and Singh Ah- 
>esa Singh Majithia enjoyed the Maharaja's esteem and con- 
idence as governor of Amritsar and of the Jullundur Doab. 1 

i Cf. Murray, Eanjit Singh, pp. 84, 113, 125, U7 ; Munshi Shaha- 
lat All's Sikhs and Afghans, chaps, iv and vii ; and, with regard to 
Lziz-ud-dm and Desa Singh, see Moorcroft, Travels, i. 94, 98, 1 10, &<?. 
dcut.-Col. Lawrence's work, The Adventurer in the Punjab, and 
lapt. Osborne's Court and Camp of Hanfit Singh, likewise contain 
imo curious information about the Maharaja's chiefs and favourites ; 
ad the author has had the further advantage of referring to a 
lomorandum on the subject, drawn up by Mr. Clerk for Lord Ellen- 
Hough. Mohkam Ohand has already been alluded to (see ante, 
, 130), and the Brahman Diwan Chand may also be mentioned, 
e was the real commander when Multan was stormed, and he led the 
Ivance when Kashmir was at last seized. Of genuine Sikhs, too, 
it'h Singh Bohrania was distinguished as a brave and generous 




Changod Ri'latinnH of tin- Knt'tt'th wnH Sikh-i Miiri'linm MIM 

acl-ionB Oapl. Wmli*, Un Pnlif inil A'.'rnf fr SiUi Aflf.iiin Tli' 
Jaminii RiijiiH Syed Ahmad Shah 1 !* !n,<tirrfrtif<n t 1'i^lijiwar 
Tho litanr of HaiijTf Sinh Tin- Jtf*-H inr nt Hnp;ir wit h l/.rd Wil 
liam Bontim-k - HanjII Nin^irN vifWri mi Nitulli t amt Ihf KiiHinli 
Sohcmo of Krtvi^aiin^ flu* fwliw ShAh S)uij<Vj< KxjH'ditinn ( f 
383:^5, nnd KanjHSin^irH !?<^iilar mrit|intinriof IVfihfuvitr 
Lndakh roduood hy Haju <>u!uh Siti^h Itanjit Sin)r Clninm 
on Khikilrpnr ami dt-HipiH f n Sindli rn)Mrtl l> (hn C'nntfiu*rt'jnl 
Policy of the Kn^IJHh r riu i'onn^\i"n of thi* Kfifcltah with tin* 
of Afclianitifrm OHM< Mnlmmnmd 


of Nau Nihal Hiiiffh Sir llinr> Knir Tlic* KfIiKji 
Muhammad, and fh<> ffit^uijuiH, ntitf tltn ttrrilnratinii if 
Hhnjor* HanjItWingh fii'lM IMII)M*I! l+y !< KiiKli^i Tlif Ih-.-ilh of 


__ RANJIT Smon had bmu^ht IVsliftwnr under his 
Change in * )ut tlie oomplole mliietifin of Hie pnn'iru^ WHK yrt li> 
thepofli- him an arduous warfurt* of inimy yrum. Ho hiu) hn- 
!sfkhflro]ia- master of . thc **"nj*> almrmt iinhmlcHl hy th Knglfolt ; hut 

to the position and view of Hint pwi|>Ic had changed 

the nriuhn of Napolrim. Tin* 


yRari823. Jumna and the Hpa-ecMWt of Hoinlmy wore no lon^r tin- 
proclaimed limit of their rtnpin* ; the Nnrhndft hud hern 
crossed, the fllateH of RfiJ|iutruui had heeu n-ndcrrd trilni- 
tary, and, with tlus laudable rleMi^n of <liffuMiij< wewllh and 
oflinkinja; remote jmn'iaeeK together in thewtroitgand uw*fl 
bonds of commerce, they we're about <o enter upon ehenie* 
of navigation and of trade, wtiieh eaimed them todeprmite 
the ambition of the klnpr of the Sllclm, ami led them, by 
yet unforeseen tcp, to absorb hi,s dotuiiiioii in Uidr own, 


and to ffnihj), perhaps inscrutably tu chasten, with flu* cold i,*j| \ 
unfeeling hand of worldly rule', the youthful spirit of social 
change and religious reformation evoked J*y UK* Bruins of 
Niinak and (inhiiul. 

In the year IHtfl, the turbulent Muhammudan tribes on Miv, I. 
cither side of the IIM!IIH above At fork arose in rebellion, and fr!ii7i- U 
tlic Sikh Ceneral, liarl Sintfh, received a severe cheek. The *'t IMHH, 
JMuIuiraja haslvned by form! inarches to thai quarter, lvjl '* 
ami utfuin forded the rapid, htony-bedded Indus ; lut the iVi]j,n.u. 
luounLaiaccrs dispersed at liis appniueh, add lus display of 
power was hardly re warder! by Yar Muhaiuniad KhuttN 
renewed proLcKtatiouH of alle^taaeeJ In JH'-iS Haiijit Sjn^irn 
utlontion was amused with overtures from the CurKha^ who > j- J K 
forgot his former rivalry in the overwhelming greatness of 
the Kiitflish ; hut the jmrihc Abject of the Xcpalenf did not 
transpire, aad the restles hpirit il' the Sikh ehief MOII Jed 
hint to the Che.nah, with the design *f st i/,in^ Shik;trpur.' t 
The (H!<!urreiur of a M-ureity in Stud, jind prfhujM (hr -m I, 
rumours of the h<mtih: preparations uf the Hi^liHh against 
Hharatpur, 1 ' indueeil him to rirttirn to hiw capita) lirture the tiiunttiiur 
eixi of the year. The ltU UMirjw*r of the Jtuntiii ntKeit his 
brother Jut of tiki; Uavi to aid him ; hut the Muharuja 
uffeoted to dihrredit the mMutt, and w* hatiMiefl the Uriti .h 
uutlioritk'H without eompromisit^ hiuiheJf with the 
of a fortrt'Hf* which hud wuee<'rtNlully rehihted the 
tnKpH uad the <imidetl artillery uf )iif iieifclibiMir^, 1 But 
about the Name time Hatijit Sin^h lik*twiwi fouiul reusou to 
the fx^neMHorM of fttnuu{ho!(! $ uud Fntch *Sinh 

i. MMirny, /Amjif .SIM^, j.^ HI. HJ, 

at I>rlhi tu rupi. Muira> iMh Muolt JH^i, and <-*i 1 '. 
Murray ia reply, ftolli Muirh, C 1, <d*i Miuiiiy, /*^/i;/ .Su</^, ji, ) t, 

3 (.Thin fuiaouH fortnrt wi;i ln^i^'^ hy tl*i' 
ttu'iitmtt HK xuiirt) i u Ullt 1*^'. lJ.>, mtd fIi 1^1 I HI I. .Inn. 
Itn oujituni runtitui flrrat iMjn^i(.H,44i it hml IHM 
Tlits o|KrritifiiiA wt i o mulrr th^ (iirtwtitw n 

1n'I wh, wrt .Sir 
t ill Ui' 

l. Murray to thr tte,itli tt At lhlhi, Ut iutd Ar4 <.t 
UK! ('apt. Wailn to ntjrt, Murray, Atli t^t, IH^>. <*|f, 

r, in thn |irmtMl Aiirrvilnv / AM ^rn/iVr^, |t. 7, 
tiiujlt Hiuh AM fttuttiiitf tti tAk^ rt4vAUKM of Ally tltwirfif f 
Mull tliu 


1826. Ahluwalia was constrained by hh old brother in anas to 
- leave a masonry citadel unfinished, and wn further milnced 
Stohthe by his own fears to fly to the south erf the Kullej. Ik was 
AhTuwalia assured of English protection in W anwslni! chtiifcN in 
cbief ' the Sirhind province, but RanjTfc Sinflli, ifiiicmlicrhiK 
perhaps the joint treaty witii Lord J-ftk<% earnestly cndut- 
voured to allay the fears of tlie fugitive, aiwl to muill a rhii-f 
so dangerous in the hands of lite allies KMi Singh re- 
turned to Lahore in 1827; he was nvriwcl with marked 
honour, and he was confirms! in nearly all JH possession^ 
Raniit Towards the end of 1826, Itanjii Singh was at t uckwl wit Ii 

Singh falls sickness, and he solicit the aid of Kuro|H*nn hkill. !>r, 
attended S Murray, a surgeon in the British-Indian army, was ent to 
attend him, and he remained at Lahore for home titnc, 
although the Maharaja was more diNjxiMt! t< f niM to (irni; 
an( i abstinence, or to the empirical wiiMHiicK of his own 
physicians, than to the pntfcribcru of unknown dru^'H ant] 
the practiscrs of new ways, ItunjN Hinffti v iM-viTtlw-lrw*, 
liked to have liis foreign uuMlicul ndviwr m*ar ]tn, aw one* 
from whom information could lw ffafm*!!, ttitil whiun it 
Anecdotes, might be advantageous to plenso. I le MTitusil imxiouH aloui 
the proposed visit of .Lord Aaiherhl, the <ovcrnoMik*fM'rn) f 
to the northern provinces ; lie ankc<I uliotil Hir i|iiaIiU<'n *f 
the Burmese troops, 2 and the amount of iimncy d<*tiuiitftni 
by the English victors at tlic cud of the war wit It that iH'op 
he was inquisitive about the mutiny of a 

i Bosidoui at Delhi to Cujjt, Murray, lath Juti* IH^H, , u d rujU, 
Murray, RanjUtiiwjh, p. 144. IV old vlui*f haii, IN t^irJy HH in) 1 ( 
dosirod to bo regarded ua tt<tj>arattily ct>nrt't<ui with thv Kiihh, HU 
fearful had ho bocomo of hiw ' turtum- brother *. ((tovi*riittu*tit to 
Sir D. Ochterlony, 4th Oct. ISil.) 

The Cis-Sutloj Muhammadan Chief of Miumiot, forninlv if Knir, 
fled and returned about the MUIIO tinni UM l>*u<*!i Hitt^li, fi*r tiiutilur 
reasons, and after making similar owlcuvourH in U- rcn^iii/t'd im utt 
English dependant. (Govomrnctit to K<*Hi<lMit ut U'Uii, Hth April 
1827, with, correspondence tawJm'hilrclutrMjiuui cf, Mitrrav* Mi ;'"< 
flffiigr^ p. 145.) 

8 [Tho Burmoso War hrolco ouboii^lih Wwli. l**i wn llir n<uU *f 
disturbed relations going buck AH furiiH ]K1K. It hinU'if till L f 4th l*Vfi, 
1820, when, by the Troaty of Yumlabu, Uir Burinm* (ittvi'rnnwnt 
ceded the provinces of luiuuiHurim, Arncuii, ntid AIWIUU, uttd jmitl nn 
indemnity of uno milliwi atorlmg. JWu, | 


at Barrackpore, and he wished to know whether native 1827. 
troops had been employed in quelling it. 1 On the arrival of 
Lord Amhcrst at Simla, in 1827, a further degree of intimacy 
became inevitable , a mission of welcome and inquiry was 
sent to wait upon his lordship, and the compliment wan 
returned by the deputation of Capt. Wade, the British iwtf. 
frontier authority, to the Maharaja'** court. 8 During th 
following year the English Conirnantlcr-ia-Cfu'cf arrival f,ord ru 
at Ludhiana, and Ranjlt Singh sent an agent to convey to 
him his good wishes ; but an expected invitation to visit 
the strongholds of the Punjab was not given to the captor of 
ttharatpur. 8 

The little business to be transacted between the Britiwh rApt.\Viuii> 
and Sikh governments was entrusted to the management of -JI^'J^, 
the Resident at Delhi, who gave his orders to Cupl. Murray, atp-nt for 

HOT attain* 

1 On-lit.. Wiulo to tho KnHidcnfc at Delhi, LMth S<-p(. ntid ;HHh Nov 
JK2<J, ami iHtJan, JK27. Of. Murray, /towjW Mngh i. 115. (Tim 
mutiny at Barrack poro WUH tho result of Iho diKinriimition of Dm 
troops to #o ou Horviuo in Hiirnut. Thuni vr<ro 1 liri'K native* n^iimntH 
at thifl Mtation ^2tlth# 47th and H2mi~ und all of them fa<ratm< iiit 
aJTontod. On, iHt Nor. 1824, tho 47th hrk into IM- mutiny. 
En^hnh troopw wore Bont to tho station, and ihn 47th WCTIJ diMiH-m-ti 
by artillery and tho rogimant wtw Mtru<*k of! tho anuy list, Tho oth(;r 
two ro^iiaonts oacapocl without puniHhm^nt,-Ki),| 

a Uovornmont to Capt. Wado, 2nd May, 1H27. 

a Murray, /tonflttfinffh, p. 147, About thin timn tlm junii*yiiiir 
and H(.u<licH of tho onthtiHiaHtu: HfhoJur (^onitt dtt KurrM f awl tlui 
oHtitf>liflhiii(Ukb oi Simla UH a BritiHh poitt, ^iid iitntin tho Cliinamv of 
Tibet aw cuiiouH about tho KiiKlinh in onn wuy an Kan jit Singh witn 
in nnotJior. Thiw tho authoritieH at (lAro ti|ur to liavx mhlmiMirt 
tho authoritioH of Jiiwtfhir, an KngliHli dcpi'ndoiiry, Huyitig, Mhut 
in anoiont tim<m ihi^ro WILH no of tho "KiHi'i^Iia" (Lr, 
FaranghiH or Knmk), A bad and Hinull |im|iks wlu*nmK tmw ninny 
viHito<l tho upper ccmutriiw vry y<*itr f mid hud c -unwed f ho rhii-f of 
IiiBOhir to mdko pro|iaratiemH for thuir mo vciiifniH. Tho < *i nit Unut 
wan diBploaud r and armies Imd twon <irdonni to (HI vmt.-hful, Tho 
KnprliHli tihould bo urgwi to ktutp within Uwir own limJtw, or, if tiivy 
wiuutcMl an alliances thiiy cioulii go by mm, to I*kin, Tht* pootiltt of 
liiwtfhir Hbould not roly on tho wmlth And the* oxiortmH in wnrf*ri 
of tho .Kn^liKh : tho cmiwror wait 30 <}Hikt*at ( JL>0 nulcw) higlit-r thnn 
thny ; hr rulcwl ov^r tht four dlomcnttM ; it war woultl hivolvn tho 
MIX nation* of AHIH in ctalnmitlf j tito Knglinh Hhould rdmiiiit within 
tboir boundwriiw ; ' ^ad HO on, in a Ntrain of dt*pw<'a! ion nnd hypm** 
bold. (1'olitical Aguttt Babuthu to Itovidont at Oolhi, Utah Murch 


1827-8. the political agent at Ambulu, who u^ain luul under him an 

- assistant, Capt. Wade, at Ludhifuui, inaiuly in fouiiexiuu 

with the affairs of the garrison of f hut place. When ('apt. 

Wade was at Lahore, the Maharaja expressed a wish that, 

for the sake of dispatch in business, the agency for his Cis- 

Sutlej possessions should be vested in the oflieer ul JLudhiiimi 

subordinate to tlic resident at Delhi, but independent of the 

officer at Ambala. 3 This wish was complied with ; a but 

in attempting to define the extent of I lie territories in 

question, it was found that there were se.verul doubtful 

Discussions points to be settled. Ilunjlt Singh ehuined Miprcnwey over 

ab htst Charakaur, and Anandpui 1 Mukhowul, and oilier places 

dwtricts belonging to the Sodlus, or collateral representatives of 

?S siiUo' GurQ Gobuwl - IIc also filmed Wluuhii, which, a few years 

1827-8. CJ) before, had been wrested from him on the pleu that it >\UN 

Anandpur, n j s mother-in-law"s ; uncl he cltiimcd Feimcporo, then held 

Feroao- 1 ' by a childless widow, and also all the Ahlmvaliu dblricta, 

pore,&c. besides others which need not be purtieuluriwd.'* The 

claims of the Maharaja over Kero/cporc and the aneeMral 

possessions of Fateh Singh Ahluvvaliu were rejeeled ; but 

the British title to Huprenmey over Wlmtlni coul<l no longer, 

it was found, be inaiuLi lined. Tlu* claims of Lahore: to 

("Juunkaur uncl Anandpur Wukhowul wrt- expediently 

admitted, for the British ri^lit did not Kcem worth muinttiin* 

ing, and the affairs of the priestly eiasn of Sikh <*<MiId he 

best managed by a ruler of their own faith. 4 Hunjll Siii^h 

disliked the loss of FeroKepore, whic-li the Huffish i<m 

continued to admire as a commanding jH>silu>u ; *> but the 

1 Oapt, Wado to KoKidout at Dnlhi, !>0th thuut 

8 Govoramont to Kunidmt at Ddlii, -Uh Oct. I27. 

a Capt. Wado to iho Koyidont ut Dulhi, 2Uth Jan. JH-% ami Cunt, 
Murray to tlio samo, 19th Fab. 18i>8. 

In tho caao of Jforoifiuporo, Govoriuiutiit Hnl>Hi'(jui'Hlly d^cidcii 
(Government to Agnut at Delhi, :Mth Nov* JHIJH) ilmt rcrdtin 
collateral heirs (who had put in a claim) could not, niiccm!, UH, 
according to Hindu law and Hikh UHU^S n< ri^ht <f clew-cut '\iic(i 
aft/or a dlvtaiou hud taken ]/lact. So iim'crtitm, Imwi'vrr, <N tltti 
practice of the tiu^liHli, that ono or more pmrdnilH tu favour of 
the JForozepore claiiuanttt jni^lit rrjulily l>c fiuiuti wilhiJt thu ninw 
of caBua oonuoctod with tho Kikh Htaii-H, 

4 Govornmont to tho HoBidvut at JJulhi, Mlh Nov* IH^H, 

5 In 1823 Capt, Murray talked of tho 'Htnmjf uiul iijurtttttt 


settlement generally was such as scemet I to Jessei i t he chances 
of future collision between the two governments. 

Ranjit Singh's connexion with the Jinglish thus bcoiime 
more and more close, and about the same time lie begun to 
resign himself in imwiy instances to the views of his new 
favourites of Jiuiunu. The Maharaja had begun to notice 
the boyish promise of IITra Singh, the son of Dhiftn Singh, itc>o-b. 
and ho may have been equally pleased with the native 
simplicity, and with. ULC tutored deferences of the child. 
He gave him Ihc title of Huja, and Jus father, true to the 
Indian feeling, TVIU* desirous of establishing tiic purity of his 
descent by marrying his son into a family of local power and 
of spotless genealogy. The betrothal of a daughter of the 
deceased Sansar Cluuui of Kilngru was demanded in the "M" 1 
year 1828, and the reluctant consent of the new chid", 
Aurudh Cluuul, was obtained when he unwittingly had put 
himself wJiolly in the power of Dhiuu Singh by visiting 
Lahore with his tilutcura for the purpose of joining in the 
nuptial cercmuiiieN of tJie won of Katdi Singh Aliluwalia. 
The propoNccl degradation rendered the mother of the girls 
more indignant perhaps than the head of the family, and 
she contrived to euczipe with them to the south of the Sutlcj. i;'Ji!)l <>f 
Anrudh Chand was ix^uii-ed to bring them back, but lie- jli*"^^ 
himself also fled, timi hit* possessions were Kci/.c<l. The wh'imv umi 
mother died of griuf and vexation, and the son followed her """- 
to the grave, after i<lly aiitcmj>ting to induce the Knglihh 
to restore him by lbr<'C of unnw to iim little prineipality* 
Sunsdr Chand had lol'l several illegitimate children, and hi 
18ai) the disappointi'd Muharajil endeavoured to obtain 
some revenge by marrying two of the daughters hiinwlf, 
and by elevating u on to Lhc rank oi Huja,iin(i investing him 
with an estate out of IUN father's chicfship. The itmrrmtfu H,j,i 
of Ilira Singh Lo a iiuiicleti of his own degree was celebrated 
during the Huiucycarwllh much spleiulour, and UK* tfrunlnew 

fortjvHH 5 of Kon>H(i]MMVliiiviiifj; IKM^U nn>(ivi'n*il by ItiiHJtt Hingli. f*r 
the widow proprictivHH ti'inn whom it hud IHM-II HIMXCI! hy a cluinninf 
( Alurniy to tho A#unl at Delhi , ^(M h July JHliiJ), und t he i 
autlioriiiuH aimilurly Ulkcd (Ctoventmeiit l* Ajxi'iit n< I Vllii, ii 

, iioili Jan. 

of tho pulitical und uiUiUu-y wUvaiituiJjt'H uf 


1829. of Ranjlt Singh's name induced even the chiefs living under 
British protection to offer their congratulations and their 
presents on the occasion. 1 

Iiwurrcc- In the meanwhile a formidable insurrection had been 
Peshawar or g anizcd "* tlie neighbourhood of Peshawar, by an un- 
underSai- heeded person and in an unlooked-for manner. One 
SrthS Ahmad Shah > a Muhammadan of a family of Saiyids of 
zi,l837, * Bareilly in Upper India, had been a follower of the great 
History of mercenary leader, Amir Khan, but he lost his employment 
the Saiyid. when ^ m ilitary f orce O f hj s c hi e f was broken up ou the 
successful termination of the campaign against the joint 
Maratha and Pindari powers, and after Amir Khfm's own 
recognition by the English as a dependent prince. The 
Saiyid went to Delhi, and a preacher of that city, named 
His due- Abdul Aziz, declared himself greatly edified by the superior 
rSSLToua sanctity of Ahmad, who denounced the corrupt forms of 
reform, worship then prevalent, and endeavoured to enforce atten- 
tion to the precepts of the Koran alone, without reference 
to the expositions of the early fathers. HIH reputation 
increased, and two Maulais, Ismail and Abdul Hiii, of Koine 
learning, but doubtful views, attached themselves to the 
Saiyid as his humble disciples and devoted follower*. 9 

1 Murray, HntijU tiinyh, pp. 147, M8, mid taidunt at Dolhi to 
Government, 28th Oct. 1828. 

A book wa composed by Mauli Itmutil, on tho part of tiaiyld 
Ahmad, in the Urdu, or vernacular IttUKUivgo oE Ujijwr hulia, a< <mco 
exhortative and justificatory ol hiu viowB. It in called tho Tukma^tl" 
Imati, or 4 P>aaia of thi l^aith ', and it wan printed iu ( -aicutt a. It in 
divided into two portions, ol which tho iirot only iu undorHtoud to lit) 
tho work of Jamail, tho uocond part being inferior, and tho production 
of another person, 

In tho preface tho writer doprocatog tho opinion * that tho wiati and 
learned alone eau comprehend Ood's word. Cod himuolf had naid 

inutruction, and that Ho, the Lord, had rendcrod ohcdiwu'i) oaHy 
There wore two things osHential : a belief in tho unity of <3od, which 
was to know no other, and a knowledge of tho 1'roplrot, which wan 
obedience to tho luw. Many held the Hayingnof tho HamtH to bo their 
guido ; but tho word of < jod wan alono to bo atti^kdod to, although 
tho writings of the pioiiH, which agi-ood with tho Scripture*, tui^ht btt 
read for tnlilicalion.' 
The tot chapter troata of tho uaity of dud, and in it tho writer 


A pilgrimage was preached a* a suitable beginning for all 1822-6, 
undertakings, and Ahmad's journey to Calcutta in 1822, 
for the purpose of embarkation, was one of triumph) 
although his proceedings were little noticed until his 
presence in a large city gave him numerous congregations. 
He set sail for Mecca and Medina, and he is commonly ui 
believed, but without reason, to have visited Constantinople. ina 
After an absence of four years he returned to Delhi, and 
called upon the faithful to follow him in u war against iu- 
fidels. He acted as if he meant by unbelievers the Sikhs 
alone, but his precise objects are imj>crfcctly understood. 
He was careful not to offend the English ; but the mere 
supremacy of a remote nation over u wide and populous 
country gave him ample opportunities for unheeded agita- 
tion. In ,1820 he left Delhi with pe.rhaps five hundred lite 
attendants, and it was arranged that other bands should 
follow iii succession under u|]Mimfc-il lenders, ifo made 
some stay at Tonk, the reHi<le,nce of hm old muster, Amir '" M 
Khau, and the HUH of the chief, the pivwnl N'aiwftb, was i 
unrolled among the disciples of the new mint, lie obtained 
considerable ttssistuiure, at leant in money, from the youthful 
convert, and he proceeded through the <lcert to Klwbpur 
in Siud, where he WUH well reeeived by MTr UunUuu Khan, 
and where he awaited the jtmcttion <>f the ,* (Shfww f or 
lighters for the faith, who were following him, Ahmad 

doprccttloH ilui HuppIfriLtiiiH of HA!HIH, untfdH, &t'. IVH impirmw, 11 
dodlaroa tlio rooHww ivn tor auch worship tt> In futili*, ami to nhow 
' ' * 


au uUor JKiiorun<' of ami's wtrd, * Tim Jtnciittt iiloJ*tr had Uk- 
wiBO said that they nuwijr vmirratPd JMIWOWI nnti illvinitlm, unit <UU 
not rogard them iw tlio wjual (tf thn Almighty s but ^oj himnolf liud 
otiHwiwod thum hoatlmiw. J,ik<iwim^ tJic rhriHtiiirw imii IMK-II ndnu*. 
lUHlwd for giving to doad monka and friar* tl* honour dui* U tint 
Lord. Uod i alone, ami uomittitiou ho htut mm ; imtnttif m ami 
adoration arc duo to him, and to no oihwr,* Thw writor nriNwadi in 
a Hlmilar ntmlu v but tuidumoK noiuct doubtful |NmitIonn r AN tlmt Muhnji- 
mad aay Uod U ouo t and man Icwrtw from hi* fNurontu that ha wm 
born ; Jio Iwliovew hi* nioihur, ami yot ho clitnuit tho *potta ; or 
that an ova-door wJid huw faith i* ft letter mini th*a tho mott iiiouM 

Tho printed Urdu Koraiw aw Ofte*rly bought liy all who 
tho uiouuy, and who know uf their o 


insirchcd to Kandahar, but his projects were mistrusted or 
fhi "^understood ; lie received no encouragement from the 
Usufeaw to Burukzai brothers in possession, nnd he proceeded northward 

tinovufr Hie Gliihsui country, and in the hr#iiiniiif oi' J8ii7 

he crossed Ihc Kabul river to I'smjlfir in the I'sui'/ai lulls, 

between Peshawar and the. Indus, 1 
rtuyi<U\h- The Panjtar family is of WHIM* consequence umon# 

rails ai warlike IThuiVwiis, and as the tribe hud become apprehensive 

of the designs of Var Muhammad Khan, whose dependence 
on Iill J^ Hingh secured him from danger on the side of 
1827. ' Kabul, the Suiyid and his ' dlha/.is ' were hnilcd as rldivcn^N, 
and the authority or supremacy of Ahmad was generally 
admitted. He led his ill-equipped host in attack a dctuch- 
nienl. of Sikhs, which had been moved forward to Akftm, 
a few miles above At(<ek, under the command of Hftdh 
Singh Sindhamvulu, of the same family as th<* MuiiarftjA* 
The Siktk commander entrenched his position, and repulsed 
the tumultuous assault of the mountaineers with cum- 
sidcrable loss, but as he could not follow up his success, the 
fame and the strength of the Saiyid continued to increase, 
and Var Muhammad deemed it prudeut fo cuter into an 
agreement obfitfintf him to respect the territories of the 
I'Miftaiifl. The curbed governor of IVsiiuwar is a<*cused of 
u baso attempt to rem(ve Ahmad by poison, nnd, in the 
year IHiSD, the fact or lht report WIIK ituitio use of by the 
Saiyid us a reason for appealing to anas, Ynr Muhumnuul 

1 <,'f. Murray, ttttHJftNit/h t \*\i t ||,X ilii, Alftiut Si>wl Ahmad, 
the author ImH learnt much hum (Jm k <ihu/iV lirutlicr'in lnw r nmt 
fr<m n rt-Kj^ctitlih-, Mauli, who likrwi^- fulio^rd Jiin fnrtiim-K, itticl 
both of whum an now in \umu\\rMv employ in tin* rhicfHfuf * tif Touk. 
Jio LttHkwim loarnt nmny jwrtifitlurH from Mmtiilu Hhnliiiiimi All, 
and twpwially from Hr Ibrahim Khnn, , Ntritifrliififrwdril und intt-J- 
ligcnt I'ntliua of KuHur, id th(t British m-i'vi.r, who (ItiiiU Altmiul 
riMlii* u^twiiJiHtandiiiK tho holy rifi^iiladirhood of !*iik}iUtiui, 
MulLiui, and Utch ! Iiulm!, wt vcim-ttU-ci Muhiiiiun.iduitH mlmit 
th nviMfjniihicjicHH of IIJH clurt riiuw, und tlui ablo Jtivriit-lli^uiii of 
Ijlinjwll in not iudiH|H;H'(l to cmulutn Ilm Htrii-tm'HH of tln< Chi*>f of 
Tonk, ft iu ulhirn*r ttf vniu (ci'eiiiiiuii'H. Among JitiinWcr |w>pln 
tho KttiyiU likuwlm) ootiiiiieU niiuiy itilniin*ni t nnd it in mud thnt hw 
oxhortatioiw gonnrully wi-m HO ellh-at-iotw, that cvrn tl tniliim of 
Delhi wont movud to tturupuloumly rtur rumuuutu wf * luth to thuir 
cmpluyow ! 


was defeated and mortally wounded, and Peshawar was 1830. 
perhaps saved to his brother, Sultan Muhammad, by the Butclereats 
presence of a Sikh force under the Prince Sher Singh and Yur Mu- 
General Ventura, which had been moved to that quarter ^^' Ol 
under prclence of securing for the Maharaja a long-promised his wounds, 
horse of famous breed named Laila, the match of one of 1829t 
equal renown named Kahar, which Ranjit Singh had already 
prided himself on obtaining from the Barakzai brothers. 1 

The Sikh troops withdrew to the Indus, leaving Sultan Saiyid Ah- 
Muhammad Khan and his brothers to guard their fief or Sossesthe 
dependency as they could, and it would even seem that Indus, 
Ranjit Singh hoped the difficulties of their position, and the 183 - 
insecurity of the province, would justify its complete reduc- 
tion, 2 But the influence of Saiyid Ahmad reached to 
Kashmir, and the mountaineers between that valley and the 
Indus were unwilling subjects of Lahore. Ahmad crossed 
the river in June 1830, and planned an attack upon the 
Sikh force commanded by Hari Singh Nalwa and General 
Allard ; but he was beaten off, and forced to retire to the H ^ is d c t om " 
west of the river. In a few months he was strong enough to retire, but 
attack Sultan Muhammad Khan ; the Barakzai was de- faJ J s u P n 
fealcd, and Peshawar was occupied by the Saiyid and his SuitSTlSu- 
6 Ghazis '. His elation kept pace with his success, and, 
according to tradition, already busy with his career, he 
proclaimed himself Khalif, and struck a coin hi the name of 
* Ahmad the Just, the defender of the faith, the glitter of 
whose sword scattercLh destruction among infidels '. The 
fall of Peshawar caused some alarm in Lahore, and the force 
on the Indus was strengthened, and placed under the 

1 Of. Murray, Ranjft Singli, pp, 146, 149. The followers of Saiyid 
Ahmad Iboliovo that poison was administered, and describe the 
' Ghazi' as suffering much from its effects. 

General Ventura at last succeeded in obtaining a Laila, but that 
the real horse, so named, was transferred, is doubtful, and at ono 
time it was declared to bo dead. (Capt. Wade to the Resident, 
Dolhi, 17th May 1829.) 

a Capt. Wado to the Resident, Delhi, 13th Sept. 1830. The 
Maharaja also reserved a cause of quarrel with the Barakzais, on 
account of their reduction of the Khattaks, a tribe which Ranjit 
Singh said Fatoh Khan, tho Wazfr, had agreed to leave independent. 
(Capt Wado to Government, Oth Doc. 1831.) 


3830-j. command of Prince Shcr Singh. The petty Muhnnmmdnn 
Tllo chieffl generally, with whom self-interest overcame; faith, 

flaiyid's were averse to the domination of tlio Indian adventurer, 
deoreum. anfl thc im l> m(lence of Saiyid Ahmad gave umbrage to his 
Usufaai adherents* Ho had levied front the peasant w a tithe 
of their goods, and this measure caused little or no dis- 
satisfaction, for it agreed with their notion of the rights of 
a religious teacher ; but his decree that all the young women 
of marriageable age should be at once wedded, interfered 
with thc profits of Afghan parents, proverbially avaricious, 
and who usually disposed of their daughters to the wealthiest 
bridegroom^. But when Saiyid Ahmad wits accused, perhaps 
unjustly, of assigning the maidens one by one Lo his needy 
Indian followers, his motives were impugned, and the dis- 
content was loud. Karly in November 18,'M) ho was con- 
IK'K); ' strained to relinquish Pcnh&war to Suit Tin Muhammad at a 
fixed tribute, and he proceeded to the left bank of the Indus 
to give battle to the Sikhs. The Saiyid depended chiefly on 
the few * Ghuzis ' who had follower] his fortunes throughout, 
and on the insurrectionary spirit of thc Mu'/iuffarilhtld and 
other chiefs, for his I fcufcai adherent** had greatly decreased. 
Thc hill * khfuiH * wore oon brought under subjection by 
aiulMiros thc efforts of Shcr Singh and the governor of Kashmir ; yet 
KoHhrnn Ahmad continued active, and, in a desultory warfare amid 
and is sur- rugged mountains, success for a time attended him ; but, 
S2n l My <Iurin # a cessation of the frequent conflicts, he was surprised, 
IKH! early In May 1881, at a place called ttalukot, and fallen 
upon and slain. The Usufsiais at once expelled hm deputies, 
the ' Gli&b * dispersed in disguise, and the family of the 
Saiyid hastened to Hindustan to And an honourable asylum 
with their friend thc Nawfib of Tonk. 1 

Stall? TIlC fam f Rftn J Tt 88n tf h waH now at itfl a<4 W lfc ' An<1 Ww 

'miriUijy Wcndrfiip was sought by distant sovereigns. In 18*20, 
agents from Baluchistan brought horses in thc Sikh ruler, 
and hoped that the frontier posts of Ilarnmd oral DAjnl, 

1 Oaj>i Wtulo in Rmldoni af. Delhi, iMHt March IHJJJ, ami othr 
datoa in that and lh proviou year. Cf. Murray, ItonjH N%A, 
p* ICO. Tho follownw of thc Maiyt k cl strenuouHly deny hta tuwumption 
of tho titlo of KhnlFf, hi now wiiuigtt, and hm luto\vl of Unnfxttl 
\ on his Indian follows, 

inrl icH, 


westward of the Indus, which his feudatory of Bahawalpur 1831. 

had usurped, would be restored to the Khan. 1 The Maha- " 

raja was likewise in communication with Shall Mahmud of chS Balu " 
Herat, 2 and in 1830 he was invited, by the Baiza Bai of ShahMah- 
Gwalior, to honour the nuptials of the young Sindhia with mrid - 
his presence. 3 The English were at the same time not with- JJf ? aiza 
out a suspicion that he had opened a correspondence with Gwahor. 
Russia, 1 and they were themselves about to flatter him as The Rus- 
one necessary to the fulfilment of their expanding views of *$* ana 
just influence and profitable commerce. English, 

In the beginning of 1831, Lord William Bentinck, the Lord Ben- 
Governor-General of India, arrived at Simla, and a Sikh 
deputation waited upon his Lordship to convey to him 
Ranjil Singh's complimentary wishes for his own welfare 
and the prosperity of his Government. The increasing 
warmth of the season prevented the dispatch of a formal 
return mission, but Capt. Wade, the political agent at 
Ludhiana, was made the bearer of a letter to the Maharaja, 
thanking him for his attention. The principal duty of the 
agent was, however, to ascertain whether Ranjit Singh 
wished, and would propose, to have an interview with Lord 
William Bentinck, for it was a matter in which it was 
thought the English Viceroy could not take the initiative. 5 
The object of the Governor-General was mainly to give the A meeting 
world an impression of complete unanimity between the SSTjton. 
two states ; but the Maharaja wished to strengthen his jit Singh, 
own authority, and to lead the Sikh public to believe his JJ ^h 

parties for 

1 Capt. Wado to the Resident at Delhi, 3rd May 1829, and 29th different 
April 1830, Harrand was once a place of considerable repute. (See wasona. 
Mtmehi Mohan Lai, Journal, under date 3rd March 1836.) The 
ttahiiwalpur Memoirs show that the Nawab was aided by the treachery 
of others in acquiring it. The place had to be retaken by General 
Ventura (as tho author learnt from that officer), when Bahawal 
Khan was deprived of his territories west of the Sutlej. 

a Capt, Wade to Resident at Delhi, 21st Jan. 1829, and 3rd Dec. 

1 0*1 A 

3 Oapt. Wado to Resident at Delhi, 7th April 1830. The Maharaja 
declined tho invitation, saying Sindhia was not at Lahore when 
hi* son was married. 

* Capt. Wade to Resident at Delhi, 24th August 1830. 

Government to Capt. Wade, 28th April 1831, and Murray, 
tiingh, p, 102. 



err vi. vn 


The meet- 
ing at 
17th July 

31st Oct.. 





dynasty was acknowledged ns the proper head of the 
6 Khiilsn ' by the predominant. English rulers. The uhta 
chief, Ilarl Singh, was one of those most averse to the reeog- 
nition of the right of the Priiiee Kluiruk Sinjh, and tlw* 
heir apparent himself would socm to have beou aware of 
the feelings of the Sikh people, for ho hud I ho year before 
opened a correspondence with tiic Governor of Hombay, as 
if to derive hope from the vague terms of a complimentary 
reply. 1 Ranjlfc Singh thus readily proposed a meeting, and 
one took place at Riipar, on the banks of the. Sutlcj, in the 
month of October (1831). A present of horses from the 
King of Knglnnd had, in the meantime, readied Lahore, by 
the Indus and Ravi rivers, under the escort of Lieut. Hurnes, 
and during one of the several interview*! with tlio CJovernor- 
Gencral, Itanjit Singh had sought for and obtained a written 
assurance of perpetual friendship. 3 The impression went 
abroad that liis family would be supported by the Knglish 
Government, and ostensibly Uanjit Singh's objeets seemed 
wholly, as they had been partly, gained. Hut his mind was 
not set at ease about Sind : vague accounts hud readied 
him of some design with regard to that, country ; he plainly 
hinted his own schemes, and observed the Amirs hud no 
efficient troops, and that they eould nob be well disposed 
towards the JOnglish, us they had thrown dilUcuUies iu the 
way of Lieut, Iturnes'fl progress. 3 Hut the Governor-General 

1 With roflfttcl to this intonshango o! totturo, > thn hirman 
Scorcjtfiry to tho Political 8orotary at Bombay, Oth July IHHO. 

That JUnjIb Bingh was joalouH, poraonally, of Hart Singh, or llmt 
tho servant would have proved a traitor to tho living maHtm*, M nnt 
pTohalJo : 1>ub J-Ian Singh was a zcaloufl tiikh and an aiuhitiouH 
man, and Kha.rak Bingh was always full oE douhtH and approhrnmnn* 
with rospoot to his suocoawion and ovon bin safety. I tun jit Sin^h'H 
anxiety with regard to tho mooting at Kftpar, oxaftKcrutwl, porhnpH, 
by M, Allard, way ho l<iarnt from Mr. Prlnwip'K attcouiit in Murray, 
ftanjtt ftinyh, p. 102. ()r>l. Wado lias informed tho author that 
tho wholn of tho Sikh chiofn wore Baid by JlanjTt Sin^h hiniHolf to 
bo ftwmo to tho ino( k ting with tho Uritiwh (jovornor-CUmcral. 

2 Mtirmy, ItanjH Ningh, p. KHJ. 

8 Murray, JinnjU Singh, p. KJ7. This opinion of Ranjlt Hingh 
about iSimliun troo]>8 may not bo plousing to tho viofcor of Dabo and 
Miani, altliough tho Maharajil iTUptignnd not thoir courage, but their 
dinriplino and equipment. Shah Hhuja'H oxporlitiOTt of 18714, novor- 
UiclofdH, survod to ahow tho fainiOHH of llanjit iSiugh'H i 


would not divulge to his inquiring guest and ally the tenor 1831. 
of propositions already on their way to the chiefs of Sind, 
confessedly lest the Maharaja should at once endeavour to 
counteract his peaceful and beneficial intentions. 1 Ranjit 
Singh may or may not have felt that he was distrusted, but 
as he was to be a party to the opening of the navigation of 
the Indus, and as the project had been matured, it would 
have better suited the character and the position of the 
British Government had no concealment been attempted. 

The traveller Moorcroft had been impressed with the The scheme 
use which might be made of the Indus as a channel of British 
commerce, 2 and the scheme of navigating that river and its to 
tributaries was eagerly adopted by the Indian Government, commerce. 
and by the advocates of material utilitarianism. One object 
of sending King William's presents for Ranjit Singh by 
water was to ascertain, as if undcsignedly, the trading value 
of the classical stream, 3 and the result of Lieut. Burnes's 
observations convinced Lord William Bentinck of its 
Hupcriorfty over the Ganges. There seemed also, in his 
Lordship's opinion, good reason to believe that the great 
western valley had at one time been as populous as that of 
tlio cast, and it was thought that the judicious exercise of 
the paramount influence of the British Government might 
remove those political obstacles which had banished 
commerce from the rivers of Alexander.* It was therefore 
resolved, in the current language of the day, to open the 
Indus to the navigation of the world. 

Before the Governor-General met Ranjit Singh, he had 
directed Col. Pottinger B to proceed to Hyderabad, to nego- 
tiule with the Aimrs of Sind the opening of the lower 
portion of the river to all boats on the payment of a fixed 

* Murray, Xanjit Singh, pp, 107, 168. The wholo of the tenth 
chapter of Capt. Murray's book, which includes the mooting at 
ftupar, may bo regarded aa the composition of Mr. Prinsop, tho 
Swrotary to Government, with the Governor-General. 

Moororoft, Travels, ii. 338, 

a Ucwnramont to Col. Pottinger, 22nd Got. 1831, and Murray, 

,- . 

'Odvwnmimt to Col. Pottingor, 22nd Oct. 1831. 
8 | Afterwards Sir 11. IS. J'obtingor, Bart., first Governor of Hong 


1831. toll ; x and, two months afterwards, or towards the end of 
lgth Dec 1831, he wrote to the Maharaja that the desire he had 
1831. ec ' formerly expressed to see a steamboat, was a proof of his 
enlightened understanding, and was likely to be gratified 
before long, as it was wished to draw closer the commercial 
relations of the two states. Capt. Wade was at the same 
time sent to explain, in person, the object of Col. Pottinger's 
mission to Sind, to propose the free navigation of the Sutlcj 
in continuation of that of the Lower Indus, and to assure 
the Maharaja that, by the extension of British commerce, 
was not meant the extension of the British power. 2 But 
Banjit Ranjlt Singh, also, had his views and his suspicions. 3 In the 
53w and south of the Punjab he had wrought by indirect means, as 
suspicions, long as it was necessary to do so among a newly conquered 
people. The Nawab of Bahawalpur, his manager of the 
country across to Dcra Ghazi Khan, was less regular in his 
payments than he should have been, and his expulsion from 
the Punjab Proper would be profitable, and unaccompanied 
with danger, if the English remained neutral. Again, 
Bahawal Khan was virtually a chief protected by Ihc British 
Government on the left bank of the Sutlej, and Lieut. 
Burnes was on his way up the Indus. The Maharaja, ever 
mistrustful, conceivc'l that the political status of that 
officer's observation would be 'referred to and upheld by 
his Government as the true and permanent one, 4 and hence 
the envoy found affairs in process of change when he left 
the main stream of the Indus, and previous to the interview 
[ repels at Rupar, General Ventura had dispossessed Bahawul Khan 
k ** 11 of his Lahore farms and of his ancestral territories on 
the right bank of the Sutlej . 5 Further, Shikarpur formed no 

1 Murray, Ranj 8mgk, p. 168. 

2 Government to Capt. Wade, 19th Deo. 1831. It is admitted 
that the mission, or the schemes, had a political reference to Russia 
and her designs, but the Governor-General would not avow his 
motives. (Murray, Ranfit Singh, p. 168.) 

3 Banjit ISingh's attention was mainly directed to Sind, and 
a rumoured matrimonial alliance between one of the Amirs, or the 
son of one of them, and a Persian princess, caused him some anxiety. 
(Capt, Wade to Government, 5th Aug. 1831.) 

* This view appears to have subsequently occurred to Capt. Wade 
as having influenced the Maharaja, See his letter to Government, 
18th Oct. 1836. * Gapt. Wado to Government, 5th Nov. 1831. 


part of the Sind of the Kalhoras or Talpurs ; it had only 1831-2. 
fallen to the latter usurpers after the death of Muhammad ~~ 7 
Axlm Khan, the wazir of the titular king, Shah Ayub, and declares 
it continued to be held jointly by the three families of ^superior 
Khaizpur, Mirpur, and Hyderabad, as a fortuitous posses- Shikarpur. 
sion. Ranjit Singh considered that he, as the paramount 
of the Barakzais of the Indus, had a better right to the 
district than the Amirs of south-eastern Sind, and he was 
bent upon annexing it to his dominions. 1 

Such was Ranjit Singh's temper of mind when visited by 

Capt. Wade to negotiate the opening of the Sutlcj to British s ! n h 
tracler. The MahiMja avowed himself well pleased, but 

lie hud hoped that the English were about to force their way 
through Sind ; he uwkcd how many regiments Col. Pottinger 
had with him, and he urged his readiness to march and 
eoerce the Anurs. a It was further ascertained that he had 
made propositions to Mir AIT Murad of Mirpur, to farm Dcra 
Gfifr/i Khan, us if to NOW dissensions among the Talpurs, 
and to guin friends for Lahore, while Col. Pottinger was 
winning allies for the Kngltah. 3 But he perceived that the 
Governor-General luul resolved upon his course, and he 
gave his assent to Ihe common use of the Sutlej and Indus, 
uad to the residence of a British officer at Mithankot to 
superintend the navigation. 4 He did not desire to appear Declaring, 
as if in opposition to his allies of many years, but he did not JuT 1 ^ 
seek to conceal from Cupt, Wade his opinion that the com- commerce 
nicreial measures of I ho Knglfrli had really abridged his 
polilieal power, when he gave up for the time the intention 
of Kei'/in# Shikar pur. 5 

1 Thin argument wan continually twod by llanjlt Singh. Sec, 
for iriHtivncn, Capt. Wado bo Government, 15th Jan. 1837. 

a dipt. Wado tu (iovornmont, Ini and 13th Fob. 1832. . 

" (Jiipi. Wado to (iovornniont, 21bt Uou. 1831 ; and Col. Pottingor 
(u Uovornuumfc, 223rd Hopt, 1837. 

1 Hiio Appoadictw XXVI 11 and XXIX. A tariff on goods was at 
Jii'Hti tntkocl of, but Bubuo((uontly & toll on boats was preferred, Prom 
tlui HiinrilayiLM to tint aott tho wholo toll was iixod at 570 rupoofl, of 
which tho Lnhoro (ivvonimonii got Its, 150, 4, for territories on tho 
ritfht batik, mid lift. 31), / I for tenitorioa on tho loft bank of tlxo 
Muiliij. ((Sovcinimnii tr> Oajit. Wado, Otli Juno 1834, and Capt. 
\Vmtatn <if>vurnnuutt, i.'Hh Doo. 18'J5.) 

* CI>t. Wwlo to Government, 13th Jb^b. 1832, 
o 2 



CHAP, vn 


Shah Shu- 
jtVs second 


The Shah's 

io ihc r(?S 

1827 ' 



I83l h ' 

Tho gatoft 

of kmo. 

The connexion of the English with the nations of the 
Indus was a k out to be rendered more complicated by the 
revived hopes of Shall Shiijii. That ill-falcd king had taken 
up his abode, as before related, at Ludhiana, in the year 
1821, and he brooded at his leisure over schemes for the 
reconquest of Khorasan. In ] 820 he was in correspondence 
with Ranjlt Singh, who ever regretted that the Shah was 
not his guest or his prisoner. 1 In 1827 he made propositions 
to the British Government, and lie was told that he was 
welcome to recover his kingdom with the aid of Ranjlt Singh 
or of the Sindians, but that, if he failed, his present hosts 
might not again receive him. 2 In 1820 the Shah was in- 
duced, by the strange state of affairs in Peshawar consequent 
on Saiyid Ahmad' ascendancy, to suggest to Ranjlt Singh 
that, with Sikh aid, he could readily master it, and reign 
once more an independent sovereign, The Maharaja 
amused him with vain hopes, but the English repeated their 
warning, and the ex-king's hopes soon fell. 8 In 1881 they 
a ff am ro8c for lhc Tal P ur Amirs disliked the. approach of 
English envoys, and they gave encouragemen I, to the lenders 
^ * nc ^ r titular monarch.* Negotiations were reopened with 
Ranjlt Singh, who was likewise out of humour with Ihc 
English about Siud, and ho was not unwilling to aid tho 
Shah in the recovery of his rightful throne ; but the views of 
the Sikh reached to the Persian frontier as well us to the 
shores of the ocean, and he mxggcatod that it would be well 
if the slaughter of kino were prohibited throughout Afghani- 
stan, and if the gates of Somnath were restored to their 
original temple. The Shah wa not prepared for these e,on- 
cessions, and he evaded thorn by reminding the Mahfirujft 
that his chosen allies, the English, freely took the lives 
of cows, and that a prophecy foreboded the downfall 
of the Sikh empire on the removal of the gates from 
Ghazni. 8 

* Capi. Wado io tho RoBidont at Delhi, 25th July 1K2. 

2 Kcflidont ai Dolhi to (Japt. Wttdo, 25th July 1837. 

31 Government to ItcHidont at Delhi, 12th Juno IH29, 

4 Capt. Wado to (lovonnmmt, J)th Sept. 1H31. 

6 Capt. Wado to Uovornmont, 2 1 Hi Nov. 1H3L-- Conflidoriiitf thn 
ridicule occasioned )>y tho fluhftoquont rotnoval by the Knglih of 
those traditional galas, it may gratify tho approvora and originators 


In 1832 a rumoured advance of the Persians against 1832. 
Herat gave further encouragement to Shah Shuja in his * 7~ 
designs. 1 The perplexed Amirs of Sind offered him assistance gotiatio 
if he would relinquish his supremacy, and the Shah promised S-Sj th * 
acquiescence if he succeeded. 2 To Ranjit Singh the Shah SmdiaS 
offered to waive his right to Peshawar and other districts 183S - 
beyond the Indus, and also to give an acquittance for the 
Koh-i-nur diamond, in return for assistance in men and 
money. The Maharaja was doubtful what to do ; he was 
willing to secure an additional title to Peshawar, but he 
was apprehensive of the Shah's designs, should the expedi- 
tion be successful. 3 He wished, moreover, to know the 
precise views of the English, and he therefore proposed that 
they should be parties to any engagement entered into, for 
he had no confidence, he said, in Afghans. 4 Each of the 
three parties had distinct and incompatible objects. Ranjit 
Singh wished to get rid of the English commercial objections 
to disturbing the Amirs of Sind, by offering to aid the right- 
ful political paramount in its recovery. The ex-king thought 
the Maharaja really wished to get him into his power, and 
the project of dividing Sind fell to the ground. 5 The 
Tulpur Amirs, on their part, thought that they would save 
Shikarpur by playing into the Shah's hands, and they 
therefore endeavoured to prevent a coalition between him 
and the Sikh ruler. 

The Shah could not come to any satisfactory terms with The 
Ranjit Singh, but as his neutrality was essential, especially 

with regard to Shikarpur, a treaty of alliance was entered about tin 


of that measure to know that they were of some local importance, attempts 
When the author was at Bahawalpur in 1845, a number of Afghan 
merchants came to ask him whether their restoration could be 
brought about for the repute of the fane (a tomb made a temple by 
superstition), and tho income of its pw or saint, had much declined. 
They would carefully convey them back, they said, and they added 
that they understood the Hindus did not want them, and that of 
courao they could be of no valuo to the Christians ! 

* Government to Capt. Wade, 19th Oct. 1832. 

2 Capt. Wade to Government, 15th Sept. 1832. 

3 Capt. Wado to Government, 13th Dec, 1832. 

* Capt Wado to Government, 31st Deo. 1832. 

* Oapt. Wado to Government, 9th April 1833. 

(Japt. Wado to Government, 27th March 1833. 


1832. into by which the districts beyond the Indus, and in the 
possession of the Sikhs, wcreformully ceded l,o theAJuhfirfijs.i 
The English had also become less averse to his attempt, and 
he was assured that his annual stipend would be continued 
to his family, and no warning was held out to him against 
returning, as had before been done. 2 A third of his yearly 
allowance was even advanced to him : but the politic^ 
agent was at the same time desired to impress upon all 
people, that the British Government hod no interest in the 
Shah's proceedings, that its policy was one of compete 
but Dost neutrality, and it was added that Dost Muhammad could be 
m2d Khan S assured in re P lv to a Jeltcr *ivcl from hfm.a J0 ()flt 
is alarmed, Muhammad had mastered Kabul shortly after Muhammad 
Courts Azto Khan's death, and he soon learnt to become uppre- 
friendship. tensive of the English. In 183$ he cautioned the Amjfrs of 
Sind against allowing them to establish a commercial 
factory in Shikarpur, as Shall Shuja would mluJnly fiw> n 
follow to guard it with an army,* ami lie next mniffbt 
in the usual way, to ascertain the views of i), pl * ni ,! 
mounts of India by entering into n correspondence with 

The Shah Shah Shuja left JLiidliiunu in the 

Fet'isk 18 3< He had th him about 300,000 rupees in 
and nearly 3,000 armed followers, 5 JJe got j 
camels from Bahawal Khan, he crossed the 
1 This treaty, whicli beoamo tho foundation of 

^SSSQffiSSi^sasa 1 

"frf i?""*>p- ?VA H! ^ p ' ote " w Wltoon te 

Cap*. Wade to Government, 9th April 1838. 


the middle of May, and he entered Shikarpur without 1833-5. 
opposition. The Sindians did not oppose him, but they 
rendered him no assistance, and they at last thought it 
better to break with him at once than to put their means 
into his hands for their own more assured destruction. 1 But 
they were signally defeated near Shikarpur on the 9th Defeats the 
January 1834, and they willingly paid 500,000 rupees in gj? d V ans 
cash, and gave a promise of tribute for Shikarpur, to get 
rid of the victor's presence. 2 The Shah proceeded towards 
Kandahar, and he maintained himself in the neighbourhood 
of that city for a few months ; but, on the 1st July, he was 
brought to action by Dost Muhammad Khan and his But is 
brothers, and fairly routed. 8 After many wanderings, and 
an appeal to Persia and to Shah Kaniran of Herat, and also 
an attempt upon Shikarpur, 4 he returned to his old asylum 
at Ludhiana in March 1835, bringing with him about 
250,000 rupees in money and valuables. 6 

Ranjit Singh, on his part, was apprehensive that Shah 
Shuja might set aside their treaty of alliance, so he resolved Ranjit 
to guard against the possible consequences of the ex-king's f^^o 
probable success, and to seize Peshawar before his tributaries of Shah 

could tender their allegiance to Kabul. 8 A large force, under ggji^ 
the nominal command of the Maharaja's grandson, Nau ens himself 

Nihal Singh, but really led by Sirdar Hari Singh, crossed 
the Indus, and an increased tribute of horses was demanded Peshawar 
on the plea of the prince's presence, for the first time, at the 
head of an army. The demand would seem to have been 1334. 
complied with, but the citadel of Peshawar was nevertheless 
assaulted and taken on the 6th May 1834. 7 The hollow 
negotiations with Sultan Muhammad Khan are understood 
to have been precipitated by the impetuous Hari Singh, 
who openly expressed his contempt for all Afghans, and 

1 Capfc. Wade to Government, 25th Aug. 1833, and the Memoirs of 
the Bahawalpur Family. 

2 Oapt. Wade to Government, 30th Jan. 1834. 
s Capt. Wade to Government, 25th July 1834. 

4 Capt. Wade to Government, 21st Oct. and 29th Dec. 1834, and 
6th Feb. 1845. 
s Gapt. Wade to Government, 19th March 1835. 

6 Capt. Wade to Government, 17th June 1834. 

7 Capt. Wade to Government, 19th May 1834. 


1832-6. did not conceal his design to carry the Sikh arms beyond 

Peshawar. 1 

20th July The Sikhs were, in the meantime, busy elsewhere as well 
1832( as in Peshawar itself. In 1832 Hari Singh had finally 
TheHuzara routed the Muhammadan tribes above Attock, and to better 
Beiajat ensure their obedience, he built a fort on the right side of 
more com- the Indus. 2 In 1834* a force was employed against the 
reduced, Afghans of Tak and Bannu, beyond Dera Ismail Khan ; 
1832-6. but a considerable detachment signally failed in an attack 
upon a mountain stronghold, and a chief of rank and up- 
wards of 300 men were slain. The ill success vexed the 
Maharaja, and he desired his agent to explain to the British 
authorities the several particulars ; but lest they should 
still be disposed to reflect upon the quality of his troops, he 
reminded Capt. Wade that such things had happened before, 
that his rash officers did not wait until a breach had been 
effected, and that, indeed, the instance of General Gillcspie 
and the Gurkhas at Kalanga afforded an exact illustration 
Sansar of what had taken place ! 3 In 1833 the grandson of Sansar 
grmdson Chand of Katotch, was induced to return to his country, 
returns, and on his way through Ludhiana he was received with 
1833 - considerable ceremony by the British authorities, for the 
fame of Sansar Chand gave to his posterity some semblance 
of power and regal dignity. A jaglr or fief of 50,000 rupees 
was conferred upon the young chief, for the Maharaja was 
not disposed from nature to be wantonly harsh, nor from 
policy to drive any one to desperation. 4 During the same 
sends a year Ran J ft Sin S h Proposed to send a chief to Calcutta with 
mission to presents for the King of England, and not improbably with 
the view f ascertainin S the general opinion about his designs 
on Sind. The mission, under Gujar Singh Majithla, finally 

1 These views of Hari Singh's were sufficiently notorious in the 
Punjab some years ago, when that chief was a person before the 

2 Capt. Wade to Government, 7th Aug. 1832. 

3 Capt. Wade to Government, 10th May 1834. Dera Ismail Khan 
and the country about it was not fairly brought into order until 
two years afterwards. (Capt. Wade to Government, 7th and 13th 
July 1836.) 

* Oapt, Wade to Government, 9th Oct. 1833, and 3rd Jan. 


took its departure in September 1834, and was absent a 1833-6. 
year and a half. 1 

Wheh Mr. Moorcroft was in Ladakh (in 1821, <fec.), the 
fear of Ranjit Singh was general in that country, and the 
Sikh governor of Kashmir had already demanded the pay- 1821. 
ment of tribute ; a but the weak and distant state was little 
molested until the new Rajas of Jammu had obtained the 
government of the hill principalities between the Ravi and 
Jhelum, and felt that their influence with Ranjit Singh was 
secure and commanding. In 1834 Zorawar Singh, Raja Ladakh 
Gulab Singh's commander in Kishtwar, took advantage of * by 
internal disorders in Leh, and declared that an estate, 
anciently held by the Kishtwar chief, must be restored. He 
crossed into the southern districts, but did not reach the 
capital until early in 1835. He sided with one of the con* 
tending parties, deposed the reigning Raja, and set up his 
rebellious minister in his stead. He fixed a tribute of 
30,000 rupees, he placed a garrison in the fort, he retained 
some districts along the northern slopes of the Himalayas, 
and reached Jammu with his spoils towards the close of 
1835. The dispossessed Raja complained to the Chinese 
authorities in Lassa ; but, as the tribute continued to be 
regularly paid by his successor, no notice was taken of the 
usurpation. The Governor of Kashmir complained that 
Gulab Singh's commercial regulations interfered with the 
regular supply of shawl wool, and that matter was at once 
adjusted ; yet the grasping ambition of the favourites never- 
theless caused Ranjit Singh some misgivings amid all their 
protestations of devotion and loyalty. 3 

But Ranjit Singh's main apprehensions were on the side 
of Peshawar, and his fondest hopes in the direction of Sind. 
The defeat which the Amirs had sustained diminished their claims on 
confidence in themselves, and when Shah Shuja returned 

1 Capt. Wade to Government, llth Sept. 1834, and 4th April 1836. 

2 Moorcroft, Travels, L 420. 

a Capt. Wade to Government, 27th Jan. 1835, and Mr. Vigne, 
Travels in Kashmir and Tfbet 9 ii. 352; their statements being 
corrected or amplified from the author's manuscript notes. The 
prince Kharak Singh became especially apprehensive of the designs 
of tho Jammu family. (Capt. Wade to Government, 10th Aug. 


1835-G. beaten from Kandahar, Nur Muhammad of Hyderabad was 
N-gotia- understood to be willing to surrender Shikarpnr to the 
lions. Maharaja, on condition of his guarantee against the attempts 
of the ex-king. 1 But this pretext would not get rid of the 
English objections ; and Ranjit Singh, moreover, had little 
confidence in the Sindians. He kept, as a check over 
them, a representative of the expelled Kalhoras, as a pen- 
sioner on his bounty, in Rajanpur beyond the Indus ; a and, 
at once to overawe both them and the Barakzais, he again 
opened a negotiation with Shah Shu jit as soon as he returned 
to Ludhiana. 3 But his main difficulty was with his British 
allies ; and, to prove to them the reasonableness of his 
discontent, he would instance the secret aid which the 
Mazari freebooters received from the Amirs ; 4 he would 
again insist that Shikarpur was a dependency of the chiefs 
of Khorassan, 6 and he would hint that the river below 
Mithankot was not the Indus but the Sutlej, the river of the 
treaty, the stream which had so long given freshness and 
beauty to the emblematic garden of their friendship, and 
which continued its fertilizing way to the ocean, separating, 
yet uniting, the realms of the two brotherly powers of the 
East ! 8 

Ran]it But the English had formed a treaty of navigation with 

ambition ^ind, an< * the designs of Ranjit Singh were displeasing to 
dispiftasing them. They said they could not view without regret and 
disapprobation the prosecution of plans of unprovoked 

1 Capt. Wade to Government, fith "Feb. 183fi. 

8 Capt. Wade to Government, 17th June 1834. florafruvs Khun, 
otherwise called Qhulam Shah, was tho Kalhora oxpollod by thu 
Talpurs, Ho received Kajanpur in jaglr from Kabul, and WUH 
maintained in it by Ranjit Singh. Tho plooo WOH hold to yield 
100,000 rupees, including certain rents reserved by the atato, but the 
district was not really worth 30,000 rupees. 

3 Capt. Wade to Government, 17th April 1835, and other lottery 
of the same year. The Maharaja still urged that tho Englfoh Hhould 
guarantee, as it were, Shah Shu jit's moderation in IWCMQMI ; partly, 
perhaps, because the greatness of the oldor dynasty of Ahmad Hhah 
still dwelt in tho mind of tho first paramount of the SikliH, but partly 
also with tho view of sounding his .European allies aH to Met'r real 

* Capt. Wade to Government, fith Oct. 1830. 

5 Capt. Wado to Government, 15th Jan. 1837. 

Capt. Wade to Government, 5th Oct. 183<J. 


hostility against states to which ihey were bound by ties 1835-6. 

of interest, and goodwill, 1 They therefore wished to dissuade " 

Jiaujlt Singh against any attempt on Shikarpur ; buL they 
fell thai this must, be clone discreetly, for their object was 
to remain on terms of friendship with every one, and to 
make their influence available for the preservation of the 
general peiiee, 2 Such were the sentiments of the English ; 
but, in the meantime, the border disputes between the Sikhs 
and Sindians wore fust tending to produce a rupture. In 
IHSJtt the predatory tribe of Mazuris, lying along the right 
bunk of Hut Indus, below Mithankot, had been chastised 
by the <overnor of Mulf tin, who proposed to put a garrison 
in their stronghold of Itojhan, but was restrained by the 
Maharaja from so doing. 3 In 1835 the Amirs of Khairpur 
were, believed to be instigating the Mazaris in their attacks 
on the Sikh posts ; ami us the tribe was regarded by the 
Knglish as dependent on Kind, although possessed of such 
a degree of separate existence as to warrant its mention in 
the commereiul arrangements us being entitled to a fixed 
portion of the whole toll, the Amirs were informed that the 
KiigliHh looked to them to restrain the Mazaris, so as to 
deprive JiutiJIt Singh of all pretext for interference.* The 
aggression** nevertheleH continued, or were alleged to be ThoMaM 
eonlimied ; nnd in August 18JJO, the Multau Governor took ffiess 
formal jwrnseNHion of Itojhan/' In the October following the keeps in 
MnxftrfH were brought to action and defeated, and the Sikhs JjJJJ^ 
ocf.iijifcc! u fort Milled Ken, to the south of Uojhan, and aggrandize- 
beyond this proi>er limit of thai tribe. 6 men( " 

Thiw WHB Hunjlt Singh gradually fa-ling his way by force ; ^e objects 
but Ihe Knglhh hiwl, in the meantime, resolved to go far English bo- 
Iwyowl him in diplomacy. It had been determined that come jpoli^ 
Cant. tturncH Blifiuld proceed on u commercial mission to i c conime r. 


i (!ovrnmit to <^}t, WwX^ ^nd Aug. lB3.-This plea will 
rwdl t mind tho unud aiy anumt rf th liommui for inter! oronce, viz. 
tlmt tktif frfarnin wuru not to \M molntod by strangowi. 
a (lovummimt tf Cftjit. Wtuio, 2tel Atxg. 1830. 
Opt. Wiwto to (tovMttiwiiit, ^7th May 18:i& 
4 <ovominnt In <^.t, Wade, mh May 1835, and 0th Ropt.1836; 
anc!aowrnmmtto(!oL PottlnRer, 10th Hopt. 1B30. 
CfepU Wi^o tt Ooveraraont, 20tli Aug. 183. 
* Wftdo to aovwnraont, 2nd Nov. 1830. 


1836. the countries bordering on the Indus, with the view of 

completing the reopening of that river to the trullict of the 

world. 1 But the Maharaja, it was said, should understand 

that their objects were purely mercantile, and that, indeed, 

his aid was looked for in establishing somewhere a great 

entrepdt of trade, such as, it had once been hoped, might 

have been commenced at Mithankol.* Vet the views of the 

British authorities with regard to Sind were inevitably 

becoming political as well us commercial. The condition 

of that country, said the Governor-General, hud been much 

thought about, and the result was a convict ion that the 

connexion with it should be drawn closer/ 1 The Amirs, lie 

continued, might desire the protection of the Knglish against 

Ranjit Singh, and previous negotiations, which their fears 

and they or their hostility had broken off, might be renewed with a 

mediating view to ivin taem assistance ; and, finally, it was deter- 

between mined that the English Government should mediate I >ctwccn 

SiSfand ^^J 1 * Singh and the SIndiunH, and afterwards adjust the 

the Sind- other external relations of the Amirs when a Hesident should 

iana - be stationed at Hyderabad. 

The With regard to Hanjit Singh, the. Knglwh rulers observed 

d<2?re ah tllat tney wcre * )oun(1 l) y llie tW*t considerations of 
to restrain political interest to prevent the extension of the Sikh 
Power along the course of the Indus, and that, although 
they would respect the acknowledge*! territories of the 
Mahara J a ^ey desired Lhat bin existing relation* of peace 
should not be disturbed ; for, if war took place, the Indus 
would never be opened to commerce. The political agent 
was directed to use every means short of xuenaac to induce 
Ranjit Singh to abandon his designs against Shikfirpur ; 
and Shah ShujS, whose hopes were still great, and whose 
negotiations were still talked of, wan to bet told that if he 
left Ludhiana he must not return, and that the maintenance 
for his family would be at once With regard 
to the Mazaris, whose lands hud been actually occupied by 
the Sikhs, it was said that their reduction hud effected an 
object of general benefit, and that the question of their 

1 Government to Capt. Wado, 5tli Sopt. WML 
* Government to Capt. Watlo, 5th Kept. 1830. 
8 Covoniinont to Col. J'oUingor, 20th Wopt. 1830* 


permanent control could be determined at a Sufee 1836. 
period. 1 " 

The Sindians, on their part, complained that the fort Tte 
of Ken had been occupied, and in reply to Ranjit Singh's Smdians 
demand that their annual complimentary or prudential anSieaty 1 
offerings should be increased, or that a large sum should be * Tesorfc to 
paid for the restoration of their captured fort, they avowed arms ' 
their determination to resort to arms. 2 Nor can there be Ranjtt 
any doubt that Sind would have been invaded by the Sin h 
Sikhs, had not Col. Pottinger's negotiations for their pro- readyf 
tection deterred the Maharaja from an act which he appre- 
hended the English might seize upon to declare their alliance 
at an end. The princes Kharak Singh and Nau Nihal Singh 
were each on the Indus, at the head of considerable armies, 
and the remonstrances of the British political agent alone 
detained the Maharaja himself at Lahore. Nevertheless, 
so evenly were peace and war balanced in Ranjit Singh's 
mind, that Capt. Wade thought it advisable to proceed to 
his capital to explain to him in person the risks he would 
incur by acting in open opposition to the British Government. 
He. listened, and at last yielded. His deference, he said, to but yields 
the wishes of his allies took place of every other considera- 
tion ; he would let his relations with the Amirs of Sind 
remain on their old footing, he would destroy the fort of 
Ken, but he would continue to occupy Rojhan and the 
Mazari territory. 8 Ranjit Singh was urged by his chiefs not 
to yield to the demands of the English, for to their under- 
standing it was not clear where such demands would stop ; 
but ho shook his head, and asked them what had become of 
the two hundred thousand spears of the Marathas ! * and, 

i Government to Capt, Wado, 26th Sept. 1836. 

* Capt* Wado to Government, 2nd Nov. and 13th Dec, 1836. 

8 Capt, Wade to Government, 3rd Jan. 1837. 

< Of. Oapt. Wado to Government, llth Jan. 1837. Ranjit Singh 
not unf roquently referred to the overthrow of the Haratha power as a 
reason for remaining, under all and any circumstances, on good terms 
with his European allies, See also Ool. Wade's Nam rtwe of Personal 
tiarvicca, p. 44, note. [Though the Maharaja kept loyally to his 
troaty of friendship with the English, he occasionally manifested 
Homo wwpioion of their victorious advance in India, On one occasion 
ho was shown a map of the country in which the English possessions 
wero marked in red. The Maharaja asked what the red portions 


1836 ' as if to show how completely he professed to forget or forgive 
the check imposed on him, he invited the Governor-General 
to be present at Lahore on the occasion of the marriage of 
the grandson whom he had hoped to hail as the conqueror 
of Sind. 1 Nevertheless he continued to entertain a hope 
that his objects might one day be attained ; he avoided 
a distinct settlement of the boundary with the Amirs, and 
thmes to of the ( l uestion of supremacy over the Mazaris. 3 Neither 
hold Boj- was he disposed to relinquish Rojhan ; the place remained 
Lan^with a Sikh possession, and it may be regarded to have become 
views. formally such by the submission of the chief of the tribe in 
the year 1838. 3 

^ is now necessarv to 8 ^ ac ^ f r some years to trace the 
and Barak- connexion of the English Government with the Barukzai 
zais, 1839- ru i ers O f Afghanistan. Muhammad Azim Khan died in 
1823, as has been mentioned, immediately after Peshawar 
became tributary to the Sikhs. His son Hablb-ullah nomi- 
nally succeeded to the supremacy which Patch Khan and 
Muhammad Azim had both exercised ; but it soon became 
evident that the mind of the youth was unsettled, and his 
violent proceedings enabled his crafty and unscrupulous 
uncle, Dost Muhammad Khan, to seize Kabul, Ghazni/aml 
Jalalabad as his own, while a second set of his brothers 
held Kandahar in virtual independence, and a third governed 
Peshawar as the tributaries of Ranjit Singh. 4 la the year 
1824 Mr. Moorcroft, the traveller, was upon the whole well 
satisfied with the treatment he received from the Barak- 
zais, although their patronage cost him inoney. B A few 
" vears a ^rwards Sultan Muhammad Khan of Peshawar, 
KMn soli- who had most to fear from strangers, opened a communioa- 
cits the tion yrffa the political agent at Ludhianu,' and in 1829 he 

indicated, and on being told tossed the map iiBido with the impatient 
remark, StA lal hojaega (All will become rod). ED.] 

1 Capt. Wade to Government, 5th Jan. 1837. 

2 Capt. Wado to Government, 13th and 15th Fo'b., 8th July, and 
10th Aug. 1837. 

8 Capt. Wado to Government, 9th Jan. 1838. 
* Cf. Moorcroft, Tnwd*, ii. 345, &c , and Munshi Mohan LiU, 
Life of Dost Muhammad Man, i. 130, 153, &c. 
6 Mooioroft, Trawls, ii. 340, 347. 
Capt. Wade to tho Resident at Delhi, Slat April 1828. 


wished to negotiate as an independent chief with the 1829-32. 
British Government. 1 But the several brothers were f nendfilji 
jealous of one another, many desired separate principalities, or protec- 
Dost Muhammad aimed at supremacy, rumours of Persian 
designs alarmed them on the west, the aggressive policy 
of Ranjit Singh gave them greater cause of fear on the east, 
and the chance presence of English travellers in Afghani- 
stan again led them to hope that the foreign masters of 
India might be induced to give them stability between 
contending powers. 3 In 1832 Sultan Muhammad Khan 
again attempted to open a negotiation, if only for the release 
of his son, who was a hostage with Ranjit Singh. 8 The 
Nawab, Jabbar Khan of Kabul, likewise addressed letters 
to the British frontier authority, and in 1832 Dost Muham- Dost Mu- 
mad himself directly asked for the friendship of the English. 4 ^^Soes 
All these communications were* politely acknowledged, but the same, 
at the time it was held desirable to avoid all intimacy of 1832t 
connexion with rulers so remote. 5 

In 1834 new dangers threatened the usurping Barakzais. 
Shah Shuja had defeated the Sindians and had arrived in hensiyo 
force at Kandahar, and the brothers once again endeavoured gj^ 
to bring themselves within the verge of British supremacy, again prea 
They had heard of English arts as well as of English arms ; Jjjjyjj*" 


1 Capt. Wade to Government, 19th May 1832. The brothers had English; 
already (1823, 1824) made similar proposals through Mr. Moororoft. 
(See Travels, ii. 340.) 

8 Mr. Eraser and Mr. Stirling, of the Bengal Civil Service, were in 
Afghanistan, the former in 1826, apparently, and the latter in 1828. 
Mr. Masson also entered the country by way of the Lower Punjab 
in 1827, and the American, Dr. Harlan, followed him in a year by 
the same route. Dr. Harlan came to Lahore in 1829, after leading 
the English authorities to believe that he desired to constitute himself 
an agent between their Government and Shah Shuja, with reference 
doubtless to the exJdng's designs on Kabul. (Resident at Delhi to 
Oapt. Wade, 3rd Feb. 1829.) The Rev. Mic. Wolff should be included 
among the travellers in Central Asia at the time in question. 

Capt. Wade to Government, 19th May and 3rd July 1832. 

4 Capt. Wade to Government, 9th July 1832, and 17th Jan. 1833. 
Col. Wade in the Narrative of Personal Sarwcea, p. 23, note, regards 
these overtures of Dost Muhammad, and also the increased interest 
of Russia and Persia in Afghan affairs, to Lieut. Burnes's Journey 
(to Bokhara, in 1832) and to Shah Shuja's designs. 

fi Government to Capt. Wade, 28th Fob, 1833. 


1834. they knew that all were accessible of flattery, and Jabbar 
KhSn suddenly proposed to send his son to Ludhiana, in 
Khansends order, he said, that his mind might be improved by Euro- 
hw son to pean sc ience and civilization. 1 But Jabbftr Khfin, while he 
6thMay a> appeared to adhere to Dost Muhammad rather than to 
1834. others, had nevertheless an ambition of his own, and he was 
more than suspected of a wish to make his admiration of 
the amenities of English life the means of acquiring political 
power. 2 Thus, doubtful of all about him, Dost Muhammad 
left Kabul to oppose Shah Shuja, but the Sikhs had, in the 
meantime, occupied Peshawar, and the perplexed ruler 
grasped once more at British aid as his only sure resource. 3 
Dost Mu- He tendered his submission as a dependent of Groat Britain, 
f 8 ^!* an( * h avin thus endeavoured to put his dominions in trust, 
tendei/his he gave Shah Shuja battle* But the Shfih was defeated, and 
aiiejgance the rejoicing victor forgot his difficulties. Ho declared war 
English, against the Sikhs on account of their capture of Peshawar, 
I834^ y an( * ** e en< *eavoured to roake ft a religious contest by rousing 
butdefe ts *^ e PP u l al * on generally to destroy infidel invaders.* I To 
Shah Shuja assumed the proud distinction of * tih&si ', or champion of 
and re- fa e faith, and the vague title of ' Anur ', which he inter- 
confidence, preted 6 the noble ', for he did not caro to wholly offend his 
brothers, whose submission he desired, and whoso assistance 
was necessary to him. 5 

Dost Mu- Dost Muhammad Khun, amid all his exultation, was mill 

attampteto wi H m g to use the intervention of unbelievers us well as the 

recover arms of the faithful, and he asked the English musters of 

Peshawar. j ndia to h e ip nim ; n rccov ering Pofthfiwur. 6 The youth 

who had been sent to Ludhiana to become a student, was 

invested with the powers of a diplomatist, and the Amfr 

sought to prejudice the British authorities against the Sikhs, 

by urging that his nephew and th&ir guest had been treated 

with suspicion, and had suffered restraint on his way ocirow 

the Punjab. But the English had not yet thought of re- 

1 Capt, Wade to Government, 9th Maroh 1834. 
a Capt. Wado to Government, 17th May 1834. Of. Mnmon, 
Journeys, iii. 218, 220. 

8 Oapt. Wade to Government, 17th Juno 1JW, 
4 Capt. Wade to Government, 25th tajik I KIM. 
6 Oapt. Wado to Government, 27th Jan. 1K5. 
6 Capt. Wade to Government, 4th Jan. and Attth Jtoh. IH3& 


quiring him to be an ally for purposes of their own, and 1835. 
Dosfc Muhammad was simply assured that the son of Nawab 
Jabbar Khan should be well taken care of on the eastern 
side of the Sutlej. A direct reply to his solicitation was The 
avoided, by enlarging on the partial truth that the Afghans English 
were a commercial people equally with the English, and on terfering?' 
the favourite scheme of the great traffickers of the world, 
the opening of the Indus to commerce. It was hoped, it 
was added, that the new impulse given to trade would 
better help the two governments to cultivate a profitable 
friendship, and the wondering Amir, full of warlike schemes, 
was naively asked, whether he had any suggestions to offer 
about a direct route for merchandise between Kabul and 
the great boundary river of the Afghans ! 1 The English 
rulers had also to reply to Ranjit Singh, who was naturally 
suspicious of the increasing intimacy between his allies and 
his enemies, and who desired that the European lords might 
appear rather as his than as Dost Muhammad's supporters ; 
but the Governor- General observed that any endeavours 
to mediate would lead to consequences seriously embarrass- 
ing, and that Dost Muhammad would seem to have in- 
terpreted general professions of amity into promises of 
assistance. 2 

The two parties were thus left to their own means. 
Ranjit Singh began by detaching Sultan Muhammad Khan 
from the Amir, with whom he had sought a refuge on the hammad in 
occupation of Peshawar by the Sikhs ; and the ejected 
tributary listened the more readily to the Maharaja's pro- 1835. 
positions, as he apprehended that Dost Muhammad would 
retain Peshawar for himself, should Ranjit Singh be beaten. 
Dost Muhammad came to the eastern entrance of the 
Khaibar Pass, and Ranjit Singh amused him with proposals 
until he had concentrated his forces. On the 11th of May 
1835, the Amir was almost surrounded. He was to have 

been attacked on the 12th, but he thought it prudent to retires 


1 Government to Capt. Wade, 19th April 1834, and llth Feb. 1835. than risk a 
Abdul Ghias Khan, tho son of Jabbar "Khan, reached Ludhiana in 
June 1834, and the original intention of sending him to study at 
Delhi was abandoned. 

a Government to Oapt. Wade, 20th April 1835. 



1835-6. retreat, which he did with the loss of two guns and some bag- 
gage. He had designed to carry off the Sikh envoys, and to 
profit by their presence as hostages or as prisoners ; but 
his brother. Sultan Muhammad Khan, to whom the execu- 
tion of the project had been entrusted, had determined on 
joining Ranjlt Singh, and the rescue of the agents gave him 
a favourable introduction to the victor. Sultan Muhammad 
and his brothers had considerable jaglrs conferred on them 
in the Peshawar district, but the military control and civil 
management of the province was vested solely in an ofliccr 
appointed from Lahore. 1 

bammad" I) St Muhammad suffered much in general estimation by 
toSHo- withdrawing from an encounter with the Sikhs. His hopes 

Persia but "* the En S Ilsh had not bornc fruit ' and he was disposed to 
st!u 81 pTcfOTs court p ^sia ; a but the connexion was of less political credit 
all E " gUsh a:ad utility than one with the English, and he tried once 
1836? C6 ' more * m <>ve the Governor-General in his favour. The 
Sikhs, he said, were faithless, and he was wholly devoted to 
hto SSfiT the interests of the British Government. 3 The Kandahar 
dosirois of brothers, also, being pressed by Shah Kamran of Herat, 

Kaw?t haidl and unal)le to obtam aid fr o m Dost Muhammad, made 

Singh en- propositions to the English authorities ; but Kamran's own 

d ai aV ovcr t0 a PP rcnensions o Persia soon relieved them of their fears, 

f) a o?tMu- and the y did n ot press their solicitations for European aid. 4 

hammad. Ranjit Singh, on his part, disliked an English and Afghan 

alliance, and sought to draw Dost Muhammad within the 

vortex of his own influence. He gave the AmTr vague hopes 

of obtaining Peshawar, and he asked him to send him some 

horses, which he had learnt was a sure way of leading others 

to believe they had won his favour. Dost Muhammad was 

25th April, and 1st, 15th, and 19th 
M ? B ? n ' J W. ill- 42, &o. ; Mohan Lai, Li/a 
mul i 172, ^&c.; and also I*. Marian's Tndw w& 
Afghanistan, pp. 124, 158. Dr. Harlan himself was ono of tfao onvoys 
sent to Dost Muhammad on tho occasion. 

The Sikhs arc commonly said to havo had 80,000 xwm in tho 
Peshawar valley at this time, 

a Capt. Wade to Government, 23rd Pob. 183(>. Boat Muhammad's 
overtures to Persia seem to havo commenced in Kept 1835 
8 Capt. Wade to Government, 19th July 1830* 
* Capt. Wade to Government, 9th March 1830. 



not unwilling to obtain a hold on Peshawar, even as a tribu- 1836-7. 
lary, but he felt that the presentation of horses would be 
declared by the Sikh to refer to Kabul and not to that 
province. 1 The disgrace of his retreat rankled in his mind, 
and he at last said that a battle must be fought at all risks. 2 But the 
He was the more inclined to resort to arms, as the Sikhs ^^J 
had sounded his brother, Jabbar Khan, and as Sirdar Harl 1836-7. 
Singh had occupied the entrance of the Khaibar Pass and Hari 
entrenched a position at Jamrud, as the basis of his scheme ^Jf^J 
for getting through the formidable defile. 3 The Kabul troops 
marched and assembled on the eastern side of Khaibar, 
under the command of Muhammad Akbar Khan, 4 the 
most warlike of the Amir's sons. An attack was made on Battle o 
the post at Jamrud, on the 30th of April 1837 ; but the Jgf 
Afghans could not carry it, although they threw the Sikhs 1837. 
into disorder. liar! Singh, by feigning a retreat, drew the 
enemy more fully into the plains ; the brave leader was 

present everywhere amid his retiring and rallying masses, Singh 
but he fell mortally wounded, and the opportune arrival of 

another portion of the Kabul forces converted the confusion retire. 
of Uic Sikhs into a total defeat. But two guns only were 
lost ; the Afghans could not master Jamrud or Peshawar 
itself, and, after plundering the valley for a few days, they 
rotrciilcd rather than risk a second battle with the rein- 
forced army of Lahore. 8 

> Capt. Wade to Government, 12th April 1837. 

2 Capt. Wade to Government, 1st May 1837. 

3 Oapt. Wade to Government, 13th Jan. 1837. 

[Afterwards the murderer of Sir W. Macnaghten and the chief 
Uftor in the tragedy of the retreat from Kabul (1842). ED.] 

<> Capt. Wade to Government, 13th and 23rd May and 5th July 
1837. a Masson, Jawwys, Ml 382, 387, and Mohan Lai, Life of 

6, &o. 

with the 

scorns a e 

JoBfl of some guns, but that the opportune arrival of Shams-ud- din 
Khan, arolation of the Amir, with a considerable detachment, turned 
tfao lattlo in their favour. It is nevertheless beheved that had 
not Har! 

Thii troop n e esaw 

iho withdrawal of large parties to Lahore, to make a display -on thj 
occasion of Nau Nihal Singh's marriage, and of the ejected visit 
o! the English Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief. 



The death of Hart Singh and (he defeat of his army 
caused some anxiety in Lahore ; but the Maharaja promptly 
roused his people to exertion, and all readily responded to 
, is stated that field guns wen* draped from 
affairs ui" 1 Itiimnaftiir, on the Chenab, to Peshawar in six days, a 
iVhluHJir, <jj.sinn<n. by road of more than two hundred miles. 1 KanjTt 
Singh advanced in person to liuhtas, and the active Dhifm 
Singh hastened to the frontier, and set an example of 
devotion and labour by working with his own hands on the 
HiMirwi- foundations of a regular fcrt at Jamrud," Host Muhammad 
tt'rih '"jtisi WHS buoyed up by his fruitless victory, and he became 
more than ever desirous of recovering a province MO wholly 
Afghan ; but Hanjlf Sin^h contrived fo amuse hint, and the 
Maharaja was found to be n#itin in treaty with the Amir* 
ami attain in treaty with Shiih Shujft, and with Itoth at the 
VKtitfliwh saine. time. 3 Hut the conuncreinl envoy of the 
gradually sailed high up the Indim of their 

e, and to his Government the time Hccined to have 
cwn< when p(litieal interference would no longer be cm- 
YwVf; ""* bur rassin^, but, on the contrary, highly advantageous to 
schemes of peaceful trade and beneficial inf ereoui'M'. It \vits 
made known (hat the British rulers would hc#!ad lo be the 
means of negotiating a peace honourable to both parties 
yet the scale was turned in favour of the Afghan, by the 
simultaneous admission that PcHhawnr was H place to which 
DON!. Muhammad could Henrccly be expected to re^i^n all 
claiin. 4 NY vert hclcNH, it was suid, the wishes of Hnnjft Siuh 
c<mld be uNcrrlained by <*apt* Wade, and ('apt, HurneN 
could similarly inquire about the views of the Amir. The 
hitter officer was formally invented with diplomatic jMiWrr*,* 
ami the idle designs, or restless intriK'*<' "f I*erstiitiN nnd 
^ UuMHians, K<jon caused the disputeK of Sikhs and Afychftun to 


JiiniHclf Jiiiiri'Hrd with hiMSikh n^imont .'UJO mt)iM in twrlvci ln>', mtd 
that tin' (iiHtittU'it had (writ |H'j*fnnii<ui by otdem itt nlfwi, 

a Mr, <'lcrk'n M(*ijti>rnrhim nf IH-tb, n^unlin thr* Hikh 
drawn up for hud KJlrnWouKh, 
" <f, Cftjtt, Wndr to liovwinnc-nf, *tri JUMO KHH7 f mi 

"Vniis 7th Au, |H:J7, 

<iov*inimcnt tit Cnjit, Wnd\ ,'tlnt July 2HK7. 
(luvorniuunt to (JSitj)t, Wftde. tUhHcjit, IHH7* 


merge in the British scheme of reseating Shah Shuja on the 1837. 
throne of Kabul. At the end of a generation the repose of 
the English, masters of India was again disturbed by the 
rumoured march of European armies, 1 and their suspicious 
were further roused by the conduct of the French General, and'are 
Allard. That officer, after a residence of several years in 32^2 
the Punjab, had been enabled to visit his native country, with the 
and he returned by way of Calcutta in the year 1836. While gfoJ^ 
in Prance he had induced his Government to give him a Allard. 
document, accrediting him to Ranjit Singh, in case his life 
should be endangered, or in case he should be refused per- 
mission to quit the Lahore dominions. It was understood 
by the English that the paper was only to be produced to 
the Mah&rajd in an extremity of the kind mentioned ; but 
General Allard himself considered that it was only to be so 
laid in form before the English authorities, in support of 
a demand for aid when he might chance to be straitened. 
He at once delivered his credentials to the Sikh ruler ; it 
was rumoured that General Allard had become a French 
ambassador, and it was some time before the British 
authorities forgave the fancied deceit, or the vain effrontery 
of their guest. 2 

1 The idea of Russian designs on India engaged the attention of 
the British viceroy in 1831 (flee Murray, Ranjit Singh, by Prinsep, 
p. 168), and it at the same time possessed the inquiring but sanguine 
mind of Capt. Burnes, who afterwards gave the notion so much 
notoriety. (See Capt. Wado to Government, 3rd Aug. 1831.) 

2 The author gives what the French officers held to be the intended 
use of tho credentials, on the competent authority of General Ventura, 
with whom he formerly had conversations on the subj ect . The English 
view, however, is that which was taken by the British ambassador 
in Paris, as well as by the authorities in Calcutta, with whom General 
Allard was in personal communication. (Government to Capt. Wade, 
16th Jan. and 3rd April 1837.) 

Of the two views, that of the English is the less honourable, with 
reference to their duty towards Ranjit Singh, who might have justly 
resented any attempt on the part of a servant to put himself beyond 
tho power of his master, and any interference in that servant's behalf 
on the part of tho British Government. 

In tho letter to Ranjit Singh, Louis Philippe is styled, in French, 
' Emporour ' (Capt. Wade to Government, JL5th Sept. 1837) ; a title 
which, at tho time, may have pleased tho vanity of the French, 
although it could not have informed tho understandings of the Sikhs, 




Sir Henry 
Fume at 

1837. Ranjit Singh had invited the Governor- General of India, 

~ the Governor of Agra (Sir Charles Metcalfc), and the 
marriage of Commander-in-Chief of the British forces to be present at 
Nau Nihal the nuptials of his grandson, which he designed to celebrate 
' TOtk rauch splendour. The prince was wedded to a daughter 
of the Sikh chief, Sham Singh Atariwala, in the beginning 
of March 1837, but of the English authorities Sir Henry Fane 
alone was able to attend. That able commander was ever 
a careful observer of military means and of soldierly 
qualities ; he formed an estimate of the force which would 
be required for the complete subjugation of the Punjab, but 
at the same time he laid it down as a principle, that the 
Sutlej and the wastes of Rajputana and Sind were the 
best boundaries which the English could have in the cast. 1 
The prospect of a war with the Sikhs was then remote, and 
hostile designs could not with honour be entertained by 
a guest. Sir Henry Fane, therefore, entered heartily into 
the marriage festivities of Lahore, and his active mind was 
amused with giving shape to a scheme, which the intuitive 
sagacity of Ranjit Singh had acquiesced in as pleasing to 
the just pride or useful vanity of English soldiers. The 
project of establishing an Order of merit similar to those? 
dying exponents of warlike skill arid chivalrous fraternity 

an, agreeably to Persian and Indian practice, king or queen IH alwaya 
IraiiHlatcd ' Padshah ' equally with, omporor. Sir Claude Wado floonw 
to think that tho roal design of the Jftonch was to open a regular 
intercourse with Ranjit Singh, and to obtain a political iniiucmco 
in tho Punjab. The Maharaja, however, after consulting tho British 
Agent, decided on not taking any notice of the ovorturoH. (Kir 
Claude Wado, Narrative, p. 38, note.) [A piece of diplomacy on 
tho part of the French Government, typical of tho chicanery of LOUJH 
Philippe and his advisors. Tho monarch who could porpotrato tho 
sordid scandal of the Spanish marriage was equally capable of an 
underhand intrigue with Ranjit Singh. ED,] 

1 Those views of Sir Henry Fane's may not bo on record, but they 
were well known to those about his Excellency* His estimate wan, 
us 1 remember to have heard from Oapt. Wado, 07,000 inon, and ho 
thought there might be a two years 9 active warfare. 

This viait to Lahore was perhaps mainly useful in enabling Lieut.- 
Col. Garden, tho indefatigable quartor-inaator-goneral of tho Bengal 
Army, to compile a detailed map of that part of the country, and which 
formed the groundwork of all the mapu used when hostilitiuu did at 
lout break out with the Sikhs. 

Tho Sikh 
Ordtsr of 
Ilia Htur. 


among Huropcun nations, had been for some time entertained, 1837. 

und although sucli a system of distinction can be adapted ! 

to the genius of any people, the object of the Maharaja was gingS's 
simply to gratify his English neighbours, and advantage object the 
was accordingly taken of Sir Henry Fane's presence to tunoflks 
establish the * Order of the auspicious Star of the Punjab ' g uests and 
on a purely British model. 1 This method of pleasing, or alhes ' 
occupying the attention of the English authorities, was not 
unusual with Kanjit Singh, and he was always ready to 
inquire concerning matters which interested them, or which 
might be turned to account by himself. He would ask for 
specimens of, and for information about, the manufacture Anecdotes 
of Sambluir salt and Malwa opium. 3 So early as 1812 he had Jjjjjgjs a 
made trial of the sincerity of his new allies, or had shown purpose, 
his admiration of their skill, by asking for five hundred 
muskets. These were at once furnished to him, but a 
subsequent request for a supply of fifty thousand such 
weupcms excited a passing suspicion. 3 He readily entered 
into a scheme of freighting a number of boats with merchan- 
dise for Bombay, and ho was praised for the interest he took 
in commerce, until it was known that he wished the return 
cargo to consist of arms for his infantry. 4 He would have 
his artillerymen learn gunnery at Ludhiana, 5 and he would 
send shells of zinc to be inspected in the hope that he might 
recutivti womc hints about the manufacture of iron shrapnels. 6 
Ue would inquire about the details of European warfare, 
and he sought for copies of the pay regulations of the Indian 

* Oapt. Wado to Government, 7th April 1837. [On the occasion 
of this visit the Maharaja displayed considerable interest in the great 
wars of Kuropo. Ho was particularly interested in the career of 
Napoleon. Col. Wallis, one of Sir Henry's staff, had fortunately been 
at Waterloo, and the Maharaja, asked him many questions concern- 
ing th battle. ED.] 

Oapt Wado to the Resident at Delhi, 2nd Jan. 1831, and to 
Government, 25th Doc. 1835. 
8 Oapt. Wado to Government, 22nd July 1830. 

* Cf. Oovornmont to Capt. Wade, llth Sept. 1837. 

* Wfcde to Government, 7th Doc. 1831. 

* When the restoration of Shah Shuja was resolved on, Ranjit 
Singh wont shells to Ludhiana to b looked at and commented on, 
as if, being engaged in one political causo, there should not be any 
roHorvo about military secrets I 

2111 HISTORY OF THK SIKHS <.. vii 

1^7, unity and of the Kn^ltah practice of courts martial, und 
ht'ittuwcd dresses of honour on the translator of these 
complicated mul iimppliruMi* systems ; * while, to further 
satisfy himself, he wonld ask what punishment had Urn 
found uu eUieieul substitute for Homing.- He sent a lad, 
the relation of one of his chiefs, to learn Kn#lish at the 
liiidhiana school, in order, he said, that the youth mi^ht 
aid hint in his correspondence with the British (imcrnmctif, 
which Lord William Bentiiiek had wished to carry on in 
the Kunlish tongue instead of in Persian;' 1 and he sent 
u number of voting tnen t( learn something of medicine at 
the i.ndhiuim dispensary, which hud heen set on foot by 
the political a^t'iit lint in order, the Maharaja Haid, that 
they niitfht he useful in his hiittaiimm.* In Mich >*, half* 
M'iioiih k luilf-idlr, fiid Uanjlt Sin^h en<lcjiv*nir to inMnitmte 
hiinwlf with the reprencntutivcH of a jumer hi! could not 
vtithstnnd itmt never wholly trusted, 

TV fioinh HanjU Sin^lt*N rejoieingn <iver the marriage and youthful 
* M!!H "iV I* 1 " " 1 ' 114 ' llf "'** BnMHlwiii were ruddy intemi|itni l*y the 
InV^ t> HUCCCNH of the AfyhftftH at Jjnurf^!, and the death of hi* a Me 
"*""' lender Hart Sin^li. an has I wen already related* The old 
(nan wa\ ino\cd to tears ^hen he heard of the fate of the 
on)y genuine Sikh chief of hN ercnt ion 1 ; ' and he hud scarcely 
\iiidieated hi* Miprewacy on the front-r, ly *ilhiK \lw vlle> 
uf IVfthiUnr Hitli troo|H t when tlie Kiitflish interfered to 
embitter the short refnuindcr of IIIN life, and to net tanitid* to 

tM'tti> v *iH tJ' 

into n fthh <ln^M for lUtgil Hiii^li. (<Jtv ( nu*^tt t*. ( 

*li" hftt mlM in tho rrfmtittion of Hn 
puhiit^tiia% put Hi** jrnr1i<< tf rMttHn 
or lUtgil Hiii^li. (<Jtv ( nu*^tt t*. ( a|t, 
tit Otpt, \Vnle iHth May !*&*, infirnUu^ lht 

|H!I. f, h\ wilting tu KtiKlHti* it a* (t*nyn^i l Un<)4 iht'iii in 

lv'itfi|if ' >f ill*' >r d llPWi Uhd I t Unit (CUM cf tll"lt |i'tV4IMtUllt 

* KMIM- M| UIHSM- *,MII^ ifirii wi wiii'liiym! ttiti* lln ffH 
MI IWiAMai, iu IH;UI, fnriml'l*' l*nii*i TiiiuiUr tu iimrdi 

'u i it, WIM|O ii<4!<iv*rmiu<fit, Utih M*i 

In tbn Hritirth nrmy. teiujMirttHly *ifi|itlMl h< MtMnl tti 
, unit wI$M wiu witit hi* <wm|< M U*|||,AN mi iliU i 


his ambition on the west, as they had already done on the 1837. 
east and south. The commercial policy of the British people 
required that peace and industry should at once be intro- 
duced among the half-barbarous tribes of Sind, Khora- 
san, and the Punjab ; and it was vainly sought to give fixed 
limits to newly-founded feudal governments, and to impress 
moderation of desire upon grasping military sovereigns. It 
was wished that Hanjit Singh should be content with his 
past achievements ; that the Amirs of Sindh, and the chiefs 
of Herat, Kandahar, and Kabul should feel themselves 
secure in what they held, but incapable of obtaining more; 
and that the restless Shall Shuja should quietly abandon 
all hope of regaining the crown of his daily dreams. 1 These 
were the views which the English viceroy required his agents 
to impress on Talpurs, Barakzais, and Sikhs ; and their 
impracticability might have quietly and harmlessly become 
apparent, had not Russia found reason and opportunity to 
push her intrigues, through Persia and Turkestan, to the 
banks of the Indus. 2 The desire of effecting a reconciliation 
between Ilanjft Singh and Dost Muhammad induced the 
liritish Government to offer its mediation ; s the predilec- 
tions of its frank and enterprising envoy led him to seize Sir Alex. 
upon the ttdmiHHion that the Amir could scarcely be expected gJJ at 
to roHigu all pretensions to Peshawar. 4 The crafty chief 1837-8. 

1 Of, (Jovormuont to Capt. Wado, 13th Nov. 1837, and to Capt. 
Burnt* and (topi. Wado, both of the 20th January 1838, With 
nigard to Hind, U!HO, the views of Ranjit Singh woro not held to bo 
pleasing, and tho terms of his communication with the Amirs wore 
thought equivocal, or denotative of a reservation, or of the expression 
of a right ho did not POHHOBH. (Government to Capt. Wado, 25th 
tiept. and 13th Nov. 1837.) 

a Without reference to tho settled policy of Russia, or to what she 
may always have thought of the virtual support which England 
gives to 'Persia and Turkey against her powor, tho presence of inquiring 
tigonts in Khorasan and Turkestan, and tho progressive extension 
(if the BritiHh Indian dominion, must havo put her on tho alert, if they 
did not fill her with reasonable suspicions, 

" (Jovurinmuit to Capt. Wade, 31st July 1837. 

Thtwn productions of Sir Alex. Burnes, and tho hopes founded 
on thorn l>y Dcwt Muhammad, woro sufficiently notorious to those in 
poTHoiml communication with that valuable pioneer of tho English ; 
and IHH Htrtmg wwh to recover Peshawar, at least for Sultan Muhammad 
Khfin, i distinctly stated in his own words, in Mosson, Journey*, 


J837-8. made use of this partiality, and of the fact that his friendship 
was courted, to try and secure himself against the only 
power he really feared, viz. that of the Sikhs ; and he re- 
Dost Mu- newed his overtures to Persia and welcomed a Russian 
ttvSitually emissarv > with the v few of intimidating the English into the 
falls into surrender of Peshawar, and into a guarantee against Ranjit 
Sin ? h> ^^ty assurances to the Kandahar brothers, and 
a hint that the Sikhs were at liberty to march on Kabul, 
would have given Dost Muhammad a proper sense of his 
The ongi- insignificance ; * but the truth and the importance of his 

" 7 

hostile designs were both believed or assumed by the 
British Government, while the rumours of a northern inva- 
erroiuious. sion were ea g er jy rece ived and industriously spread by the 
vanquished princes of India, and the whole country vibrated 
with the hope that the uncongenial domination of the English 
was about to yield to the ascendancy of another and less 
But, uuder dissimilar race. 2 The recall of Capt. Burnes from Kabul 
stances^ 11 " ave speciousness to the wildest statements ; the advantage 
brought of striking some great blow became more and more obviouH ; 
oxpwlition ^ or *^ e sa ^ e ^ consistency it was necessary to maintain. 
to Kabul peace on the Indus, and it was wisely resolved to make a 
boldly eun- triuttl P liant progress through Central Asia, and to leave 
Shiih Shuja as a dependent prince on his ancestral throne. 
The conception was bold and perfect ; and had it been 

iii. 423. Tho idea of taking tho district from the Sikhs, oithor 
for Dost Muhammad or his brothers, is moreover apparent from 
Sir Alex. Brumes' s published letters of 6th Oct. 1837, and 20th Jan* 
and 13th March 1838 (Parliamentary Papers, 1839), from tho (Sovorn- 
mont replies of remark and caution, dated 20th Jan., and especially 
of 27th April 1838, and from Mr, Masson's statement (Jowrnt,?/*, 
iii, 423, 448). Mr. Masson himself thought it would bo but junto 
to restore the district to Sultan Muhammad Khan, whilo Munahi 
Mohan Lai (Life of Dost Muhammad, i. 257, &c.) represent* tho 
AmSr to have thought that tho surrender of Peshawar to his brothur 
would have been more prejudicial to his interests than its retention 
by the Sikhs. 

1 Such wcro Capt. Wade's views, and they are sketched in hm 
letters of tho 15th May and 28th Got. 1H37, with reference to 
commercial objects, although tho line of policy may not haw hoou 
steadily adhered to, or fully developed. 

* Tho extent to which this fooling was prevalent is known to UIOHO 
who were observers of Indian affairs at tho time., and it in dwolt 
upon in tho Governor-General's minute of tho 20th Aug. 


steadily adhered to, the whole project would have eminently 1838. 
answered the ends intended, and would have been, in every 
way, worthy of the English name. 1 

In the beginning of 1838 the Governor-General did not Negotia- 
contemplate the restoration of Shah Shuja ; 2 but in four Jj^ngthe 
months the scheme was adopted, and in May of that year restoration 
Sir William Macnaghten was sent to Ranjit Singh to unfold g^ 
the views of the British Government. 3 The Maharaja May, July, 
grasped at the first idea which presented itself, of making 1838t 
use of the Shah at the head of his armies, with the proclaimed 
support of the paramount power in India ; but he disliked g^ 
the complete view of the scheme, and the active co-opera- sa tiafied ; 
tion of his old allies. It chafed him that he was to resign 
all hope of Shikarpur, and that he was to be enclosed within 
the iron arms of the English rule. He suddenly broke up 

1 Tho Governor-General's minute of 12th May 1838, and his 
declaration of the 1st October of the same year, may be referred to 
as summing up the views which moved the British Government 
on tho occasion. Both were published by order of Parliament in 
March 1839. 

* Government to Oapt. Wado, 20th Jan. 1838. 

3 Tho proximate cause of the resolution to restore Shah Shuja 
was, of course, the preference given by Dost Muhammad to a Persian 
and Russian over a British alliance, and the immediate object of 
deputing Sir W. Macnaghten to Lahore was to make Ranjit Singh 
as much as possible a party to tho policy adopted. (See, among 
other letters, Government to Oapt. Wade, 15th May 1838 ) The 
deputation crossed into tho Punjab at Rupar on the 20th May. 
It remained some time at Dinanagar, and afterwards went to 
Lahore, The first interview with Ranjit Singh was on the 31st May, 
the last on tho 13th July. Sir William Macnaghten recrossed the 
Sutlci at Ludhiana on tho 15th July, and on that and the following 
day ho arranged with Shah Shuja in person the terms of his restora- 


Two months before tho deputation waited upon Ranjit Singh, he 
had visited Jammu for apparently the first time on his life, and the 
same may bo regarded as the last in which the worn-out prince 
tasted of unalloyed happiness. Gulab Singh received his soverei^ 
with every demonstration of loyalty, and, bowing to the Maharaja 3 


Baying he was tho humblest of his slaves, and the most gratefd I of 
on whom he had heaped favours. Ranjit Singh shed tears 

bafterwards pertinently o , 

seen where formerly there was naught but stones, 
letter to Capt. Wade of 31st March 1838.) 


1838. his camp at Dinanagar, leaving the British envoys to 
follow at their leisure, or to return, if they pleased, to Simla ; 
and it was not until he was told the expedition would be 
undertaken whether he chose to share in it or not, that he 
assented to a modification of his own treaty with Shah 
Shuja, and that the triple alliance was formed for the sub- 
version of the power of the Barakzais. 1 The English, on 
their part, insisted on a double invasion of Afghanistan : 
first, because the Amirs of Sind disliked u proffered 
treaty of alliance or dependence, and they could conve- 
niently be coerced as tributaries by Shall ShujS on his way 
to Kandahar ; and, secondly, because it was not deemed 
prudent to place the ex-king in the hands of Ranjit Singh, 
who might be tempted to use him for Sikh rather than for 
British objects. 2 It was therefore arranged that the Hhiih 
himself should march by way of Shikarpur and Quctta, 
while his son moved on Kabul by the road of Peshawar, 
and at the head of a force provided by the Maharaja of 
the Punjab. The British force assembled ut Ferosiepore 
towards the close of 1838, and further c*clat wus given to 

1 That Ranjit Singh was told he would bo loft out if ho did not 
ohooao to come in, does not appear on publio record. 1 1 WAH, howo vor, 
the only convincing argument used during the lonjuj dwouHHioiw, and 
I think Major Mackoson was made tho bouror of tho uutsKUgo to that 

8 Of. the Governor-General's minuto of 12th of May 138, and hit* 
instructions to Sir William Macnaghton of tho 1 5th of tho Hamo month. 
Kan]it Smgh was anxious to get something hiHting and tangible UK 
his share of the profit of tho expedition, and ho wantod Jalalabad, 
as there seemed to bo a difficulty about Shikarpur. Tho Maharaja 
got, indeed, a subsidy of two hundred thousand rupees a your from 
the Shah for the use of his troops ; a concession whicih did not 
altogether satisfy the Governor-General (see lottor to *Hir William 
Macnaghton, 2nd July, 1838), and tho article bocamo, in fact, a duad 

The idea of creating a friendly power in AfghSniHtiin, by guiding 
wanjit bmgn upon Kabul, scoms to have boon seriously ontortainod, 
and it was a scheme which promised many solid advantage, (!f. 
the Governor-Gencral's minuto, 12th May 1838, tho author's alwtraot 
of which differs somewhat from the copy printed by ordor of Putin- 
ment in 1839, and Mr. Masson (Journw, 487, 4H8) who rt&w 
to a communication from Sir William Maonaghton on tho mibjiuit. 
*or the treaty about the restoration of Shuli Hhuja, sou Appendix 



the opening of a memorable campaign, by an interchange 1836-9. 
of hospitalities between the English viceroy and the Sikh 
ruler. 1 Ostensibly Ranjit Singh had reached the summit of R an]tt 
his ambition ; he was acknowledged to be an arbiter in the Singh ap- 
fate of that empire which had tyrannized over his peasant ^height 
forefathers, and he was treated witlx the greatest distinction of great- 
by the foreign paramounts of India : but his health had 
become seriously impaired ; he felt that he was in truth 
fairly in collision with the English, and he became indifferent an d en -' 
about the careful fulfilment of the engagements into which 
he had entered. ShShzada Taimur marched from Lahore 
in January 1839, accompanied by Col. Wade as the British 
representative ; but it was with difficulty the stipulated 
auxiliary force was got together at Peshawar, and although 
a considerable army at last encamped in the valley, the 
commander, the Maharaja's grandson, thwarted the nego- 
tiations of Prince Taimur and the English agent, by en- 
deavouring to gain friends for Lahore rather than for the 
proclaimed sovereign of the Afghans, 3 Ranjit Singh's 
health continued to decline. He heard of the fall of Kan- 
dahar in April, and the delay at that place may have served 
to cheer his vexed spirit with the hope that the English 
would ycl be bullied ; but he clicd on the 27th of June, at Death of 
the age of fifty-nine, before the capture of Ghazni and the singh, 

27th Juno 

1 At ono of Uuh Hevoral meetings which took places on this occasion, 1839, 
there was an interchange of compliments, which may be noticed. 
Ranjit Singh Hkonod tho friendship of the two states to an apple, 
the red and yellow colours of which wore, he said, BO blended, that 
although tho semblance was twofold tho reality was ono. Lord Auck- 
land replied that the Maharaja's simile was very happy, inasmuch 
an rod and yellow wore tho national colours of tho English and Sikhs 
respectively ; to which Ranjit Singh rejoined in the same strain 
that the comparison was indeed in every way appropriate, for tho 
friendship of the two powers was, like the apple, fair and delicious, 
Tho translations were given in English and Urdu with elegance and 
emphasis by Sir William Macnaghton and Fakir Azaz-ud-din, both 
of whom wore masters, although in different ways, of language, 
whether written or spoken. 

* See, among other letters, Oapt. Wade to Government, 18th Aug. 
1839. For some interesting details regarding Oapt. Wade's military 
proceedings, see Liout. Karr'a published Jowrml; and for the 
diplomatic history, so to speak, of his mission, see Munshi Shanamat 
A\l,Sikfa and Afghans. 


1839. occupation of Kabul, and the forcing of the Khaibar Pass 
with the aid of his own troops, placed the seal of success on 
a campaign in which he was an unwilling sharer. 
The politi- Ranjit Singh found the Punjab a waning confederacy, a 
tion C o? the prey to the factions of its chiefs, pressed by the Afghans and 
Sikhs) as 6 the Marathas, and ready to submit to English supremacy. 
He consolidated the numerous petty states into a kingdom, 
he wrested from Kabul the fairest of its provinces, and he 
gave the potent English no cause for interference. He 
found the military array of his country a mass of horsemen, 
brave indeed, but ignorant of war as an art, and he left it 
mustering fifty thousand disciplined soldiers, fifty thousand 
well-armed yeomanry and militia, and more than three 
hundred pieces of cannon for the field. His rule was founded 
on the feelings of a people, but it involved the joint action 
of the necessary principles of military order and territorial 
extension ; and when a limit had been set to Sikh dominion, 
and his own commanding genius was no more, the vital 
spirit of his race began to consume itself in domestic con- 
tentions. 1 

1 In 1831, Oapt. Murray estimated the Sikh revenue at little more 
than 2 millions sterling, and the army at 82,000 men, including 
15,000 regular infantry and 376 guns. (Murray, JRanjit Singh, by 
Prinsep, pp. 185, 186.) In the same year Capt. Burnes (Travels, 
i. 289, 291) gives the revenue at 2 millions, and the army at 75,000, 
including 25,000 regular infantry. Mr. Masson (Journeys, i. 430) 
gives the same revenue ; but fixes the army at 70,000 men, of whom 
20,000 were disciplined. This may be assumed as an estimate of 
1838, when Mr. Masson returned from Kabul. In 1845, Lieut. -Col. 
Steinbach (Punjab, p. 58) states the army to have amounted to 
110,000 men, of whom 70,000 were regulars. The returns procured 
for Government in 1844, and which cannot be far wrong, show that 
there were upwards of 40,000 regularly drilled infantry, and a force 
of about 125,000 men in all, maintained with about 375 guns or 
field carriages. Of. the Calcutta, Review, iii. 176 ; Dr. Macgregor, 
Stick*, ii 86, and Major Smith, Reigning Family of Lahore, appendices, 
p. xxxvri, for estimates, correct in some particulars, and moderate 
in others. 

For a statement of the Lahore revenues, see Appendix XXXVIII ; 
and for a list of the Lahore army, see Appendix XXXIX. 

Many descriptions of Ranjit Singh's person and manners have 
been written, of which the fullest is perhaps that in Prinsep' s edition 
of Murray, Life, p 187, &c. ; while Capt. Osbome's Court and Gamp> 
and Col. Lawrence's Adventurer in the Punjab, contain many illus- 


When Ranjit Singh was Lord Auckland's host at Lahore 1839. 

and Anmtsar, his utterance was difficult, and the powers of 

his body feeble ; he gradually lost the use of his speech, and SM of*" 
of the faculties of his mind ; and, before his death, the DhiSn 
Rajas of Jiimmu had usurped to themselves the whole of biingaboufc 
the functions of government, which the absence of Nau the quiet 
Nihal Singh enabled them to do with little difficulty. The 
army was assembled, and a litter, said to contain the dying Singh. 
Maharaja, was carried along the extended line. Dhian 
Singh was assiduous in his mournful attentions ; he seemed 
to take orders as if from his departing sovereign, and from 
time to time, during the solemn procession, he made known 
that Ranjit Singh declared the Prince Kharak Singh his 
HUCGCHBOT, and himself, Dhian Singh, the wazlr or minister 
of the kingdom. 3 The soldiery acquiesced in silence, and 
the British Government was perhaps more sincere than the 
Kikli people in the congratulations offered, agreeably to 
custom, to the new and unworthy master of the Punjab. 

drat! vo touches and anecdotes. The only good likeness of the 
Matmrajfi which has boon published is that taken by the Hon. Miss 
Kdcn ; and it, cHpooially in the original drawing, is true and expres- 
Mivo. Kan jit Singh was of small stature. When young he was dex- 
tProuK in all manly oxerctaos, but in his old age he became weak and 
inclined to corpulency. Ho lost an eye when a child by the small-pox, 
itnd tlio in <mli marked characteristic of his mental powers was a broad 
and miiHHive fnrohcwl, whiwn tho ordinary portraits do not show. 
1 Mr. Clurk'ti memorandum of 1842 for Lord Ellenborough, 




Kharak Singh's power usurped by his son Nau Nihal Singh 
Lieut. -Col. Wado and Mir. Clerk Nau Nihal Singh and tho 
Rajas of Jammu The death of Kharak Singh Tbo doalh of 
Nau Nihal Singh Sher Singh proclaimed Maharaja, but tho 
authority of sovereign assumed by the mother of Nau Nihal 
Singh Sher Singh gains over the troops and succeeds to power 
The army assumes a voice in affairs, and becomes an organized 
political body Tho English willing to interfere Tho English 
undervalue the Sikhs The Sikhs in Tibet : opposed by tho 
Chinese, and restrained by the English The English in Kabul 
General Pollock's campaign Tho Sindhianwala and Jammu 
families The death of Sher Singh The death of Raja Dhitin 
Singh Dalip Singh proclaimed Maharaja with Hira Singh as 
Wazir Unsuccessful insurrections Pandit Jail's proceeding** 
and views Hira Singh expelled and slain Jawahir Singh 
nominated Wazir Gulab Singh submits Pishaura Singh in 
rebellion Jawahir Singh put to death by tho army. 

1839. THE imbecile Kharak Singh was acknowledged as the 

master of the Punjab ; but Sher Singh, Ihe reputed son of 

claims tie *^ e deceased king, at once urged his superior claims or 
succession, merits on the attention of the British viceroy ; * and Nau 
18397 " y Nihal Sin S h the real offspring of the titular sovereign, 
BThflia 1 h hastened from p *shawr to take upon himself the duties of 
assumes"! 11 ruler - The prince, a youth of eighteen, was in his heart 
real power, opposed to the proclaimed minister and the Rajas of 
mity'SEes J ammu ; but the ascendancy of one Chet Singh over the 

with the x Government to Mr. Clerk, 12th July 1839. Mr. Clerk, who was 
Jammu acting for Col. Wade while absent at Peshawar, scorns to have detained 
Bajas. Sher Singh's messenger, and to have sent his letter to tho Governor- 
General somewhat in that ordinary spirit of Indian correspondence, 
which ' transmits ' everything ' for information and for such orders 
as may seem necessary '. Lord Auckland hastily desired Shor Singh 
to be told Kharak Singh was his master. 


weak mind of the Maharaja, and Kharak Singh's own desire 183D. 
of resting upon the influence of the British agent, induced 
the fc\vo parties to coalesce, first for the destruction of the 
minion, and afterwards for the removal of Col. Wade. That 
officer had stood high withRanjit Singh as a liberal construer 
of Sikh rights, or as one who would carefully show how a 
collision with the English was to be avoided ; he had steadily " 
refused to make Dhian Singh the medium of his communica- 
tions with the old Maharaja ; he had offended the heir- 
apparent by unceremoniously accusing him of machinations 
with Afghan chiefs ; and in the eyes of the Sikhs he was 
pledged to Kliaxak Singh at all hazards, by the prominent 
part he had taken in the meeting at Rupar before noticed. 
His presence was thus disliked, and his interference dreaded, 
by men not inclined to wholly yield themselves to English 
counsels, and yet accustomed to see the suggestions of the 
Governor-General regularly carried into effect by the 
sovereign of Lahore. 

The privacy of the Maharaja's household was rudely The 
violated by the prince and minister at daybreak on the 8th 
of October 1839, and Chet Singh was awakened from his 
slumbers to be put to death, within a few paces of his 
terrified master. 1 The removal of Col. Wade was mixed up 
with the passage of British troops across the Punjab, and 
had to be effected in another manner. 

The Governor- General had designed that the Anglo- Mr. Clerk 
Indian army which accompanied Shah Shuja should return SSE&iL 
by way of Peshawar, instead of retracing its steps through Wade as 
the Bolan Pass ; and when his lordship visited Ranjit Singh 
at Lahore, the proposition was verbally conceded, although 1840. 

1 Gulab Singh was perhaps the most prominent and resolute actor 
in this tragedy, although his brother and Nau Nihal Singh were both 
present. Col. Wade was desired to express to the Lahore Court the 
regiet of the British Government that such a scene of violence should 
have occurred (Government to Col. Wade, 28th Oct. 1839) ; and 
similarly Mr. Clerk had been directed to explain to Kharak Singh 
the disapprobation with which the English viewed the practice of 
sati, with reference to what had taken place at his father's funeral. 
(Government to Mr. Clerk, 20th Aug. 1839.) [Eor a detailed account 
of this sat! the reader is referred to Latif, History of tfa Punjab, 
pp. 492-6 ED,]. 



184 " not definitively settled by an interchange of letters. 1 In 
September 1839, Mr. Clerk was sent on a mission of condo- 
lence and congratulation to the new Maharaja, and to 
finally arrange about the return of Lord Kcane with the 
stormers of Ghazni. 2 The prince and minister were each 
conscious of their mutual enmity and secret design of 
grasping supremacy, but they were even more averse to 
the presence of a British army in the heart of the Punjab 
than to one hovering on a distant frontier. It might be used 
to take part with one or other claimant, or it might be 
turned against both in favour of the contemned Kharak 
Singh : but the passage of the troops could not be wholly 
refused, and they therefore urged a march by the difficult 
route of Dcra Ismail Mian, and they succeeded in fixing 
upon a line which prudently avoided the capital, and also 
in obtaining a premature assurance that an English force 
should not again march through the Sikh country." The 
chiefs were pleased with the new English negotiator, as nil 
have ever been with that prompt and approved functionary. 
Something is always expected from a change, and when ;i 
return mission was deputed to Simla, it was whisperer! that 
Col. Wade had made himself personally objectionable to 
those who exercised sway at Lahore ; and the complaint 
was repeated to Lord Keane, when he quitted his army for 
a few days to visit the Maharaja.* In the month of Novem- 
ber (1839), Col. Wade was himself at the Sikh metropolis 
on his way from Kabul, but Kharak Singh was kept at u 
distance on pretence of devotional observances, lest he 
should throw himself on the protection of one believed to 

1 Government to Mr. Clerk, 20th Aug. 1830. 

2 [Kandahar had been entered by the Engliwh and Hlulh Kluim 
proclaimed Amir on May 8th, 1839. Ghazni was storm(l in July. 
Kabul was entered in August, and it was thon arranged that tho 
bulk of tho army should return to India, leaving an army of cxwuiw- 
tion to maintain Shah Shuja upon his throno. KD. ] 

3 Mr. Clerk to Government, Hth Sept. 1830. ' Tho Oovernor. 
General was not satisfied that a kind of pledge had boon givon that 
British troops should not again crofls the Punjab. (Government to 
Mr. Clerk, Hth Oct. 1839.) V 

* See, particularly, Government to Col. Wado, 29th Jan. 1840, 
and Col. Wade to Government, 1st April 1840. 


be ill-disposed towards those who sought his life, or his 1840. 
virtual relinquishment of power. 1 

A portion of the British army of invasion had eventually The relief 
to be left in Afghanistan, as it was thought that Shah Shuja ^^ 
could not maintain himself without support. The wants of in Kabul. 
regular forces are manifold, and a supply of stores and 
ammunition had to be collected for transmission to Kabul 
on Col. Wade's resumption of his duties at Ludhiana, 
towards the end of 1839. It was desired to send a regiment 
of Sepoys as a guard with the convoy, but the Sikh minister 
and heir apparent urged that such could not be done under 
the terms of the agreement concluded a few months pre- 
viously. Their aversion to their old English representative 
was mixed up with the general objection to making their 
' country a common highway for foreign armies, and they 
thus ventured to offer obstructions to the speedy equip- 
ment of the isolated British forces, mainly with the view of 
discrediting Col. Wade. The Governor-General was justly 
impressed with the necessity of keeping open the straight 
road to Kabul, and he yielded to the wishes of the Lahore 
factions and removed his agent, but not before Dhian Singh 
and the prince had despaired of effecting their object, and 
had allowed the convoy, bristling with bayonets, to proceed 
on its way. 8 In the beginning of April 1840, Mr. Clerk 
succeeded to the charge of the British relations with the 
Punjab ; and, independent of his general qualifications, 
he was the person best suited to the requirements of the 
time ; for the very reason which rendered the agency of 

i Cf. Munshi Shahamat AH, Sikhs and Afghans, p. 543, &c., and 
some remarks in a note, p. 545, about the English policy generally 
towards Kharak Singh, which note may safely be held to be Col. 
Wade's own. Doubtless had Col. Wade continued to enjoy the com- 
plete confidence or support of the Governor-General, the subsequent 
history of the Punjab would have been different from, if not better 
than, that which aU have witnessed. So much may the British 
representative effect at an Indian court, without directly interfering, 
provided he is at once firm, judicious, and well-informed. 

a The Governor-General was about to proceed to Calcutta, which 
made him the more desirous of having an agent on the frontier, 
at once approved of by himself and agreeable to the Sikhs, i. e. to 
the influential parties for the time being at Lahore. (Government 
to Col. Wade, 29th Jan. 1840.1 



1840. Col. Wade invaluable when it was desired to preserve 
Sind anji to invade Afghanistan, now rendered that of 
Mr. Clerk equally beneficial to the indeterminate policy of 
the English in India. Both officers had the confidence ol' 
the de facto Sikh rulers of the time, and all their recommen- 
dations were held to be given in a spirit of goodwill towards 
the Government of the Punjab, as well as in obedience to 
the dictates of British interests. 

English no- The Sikh prince and the English viceroy had thus each 
f bout 10 "* accomplished the objects of the moment. On the one hand, 
trade, the Maharaja was overawed by the vigour and success of 
his aspiring son, and, on the other, the Punjab was freely 
opened to the passage of British troops, in support of a policy 
which connected the west of Europe with the south of Asia 
by an unbroken chain of alliances. The attention of each 
party was next turned to other matters of near concern, 
and the English recurred to their favourite scheme of navi- 
gating the Indus, and of forming an entrepot on that river, 
which should at once become the centre of a vast traffic. 1 
The treaty of 1834 had placed a toll on boats which used the 
channels of the Indus and Sutlej, and in 1839 the Sikhs 
deferred to the changing views of their allies, and put the 
duty on the goods themselves, according to an assumed 
ad valorem scale, instead of on the containing vessels. 2 This 
scheme inevitably gave rise to a system of search and deten- 
tion, and in June 1840 the tolls upon the boats were again 
reimposed, but at reduced rates, and with the omission of 
such as contained grain, wood, and limestone. 3 But in spite 

1 Government to Mr. Clerk, 4th May 1840. The establishment of a 
great entrep6t of trade was a main feature of the scheme for opening the 
navigation of the Indus. (Government to Capt, Wade, 5th Sept. 1836.) 

a Mr. Clerk to Government, 19th May and 18th Sept. 1839, and 
Government to Mr. Clerk, 20th Aug. 1839. For the agreement 
itself, see Appendix XXXI. 

3 Mr. Clerk to Government, 5th May and 15th July 1840. For 
the agreement itself, soe Appendix XXXII. Subsequently, idlo 
discussions occasionally arose -with local authorities, as to whether 
lime was included under limestone, whether bamboos were wood, 
and whether rice was comprehended under the technical term 
' grain ', which it is not in India. Similarly the limited meaning of 
6 corn ' in England has, perhaps, given rise to the modern phrase 
' bread-stuffs *. 


of every government endeavour, and of the adventitious 
aid of large consuming armies, the expectation of creating 
an active and valuable commerce by the Indus has not yet 
been fuiailed ; partly because Sind and Afghanistan arc, 
in truth, unproductive countries on the whole, and are in- 
habited by half-savage races, with few wants and scanty 
means ; and partly because a large capital has for ages been 
embarked in the land trade which connects the north of 
India with the south, which traverses the old principalities 
of Rfijputana and the fertile plains of Malwa, and which 
gives a livelihood to the owners of numerous herds of camels 
and black cattle. To change the established economy of 
prudent merchants must be the work of time in a country 
long subject to political commotion, and the idea of forming 
an emporium by proclamation savours more of Eastern 
vanity than of English sense and soberness. 1 

Nuu Nihal Singh's great aim was to destroy, or to reduce 
to insignificance, the potent Kajfis of Jaminu, who wished to 
engross the, whole power of the state, and who jointly hold 
Ladulch ami the hill principalities between the Iliivl and Jhmmm. 
Jhcilum in fief, besides numerous estates in various parts of 
the Punjab. I Ic took advantage of the repeated dilutorineHS 
of the Mundl and other Kujput chiefs around Kftngm in 
paying their stipulated tribute, to move a large force into tho 
cawleru hills, and the resistance his troops experienced amid 
mountain fastnesses seemed fully to justify the continuous 
dwputch of reinforcements. His design was, to places a 
considerable army immediately to the. north-cast of Jantmu, 
to be ready to co-operate with the troops which could reach 
that place in a few marches from Lnhore. The commanders 
chosen were the skilful General Ventura and the ardent 
young chief AjTt Singh iSmdhianwala* neither of whom bore 
goodwill towards Itiija Dhian Singh. 2 The plans of tho 

1 Novortholcfls tho experiment was rojwatod in 1840, on tho annexa- 
tion of tho .lullunclur Doab, when it was hopnd, but equally in vain, 
that Koflhiarpur might suddenly beoomo a contro of exchange. 
.Kvory part of India hours various marks of tho unrealized hopoa 
of sanguine individuals with reference to tho expected benefits of 
English sway, which diffuHCfl, indeed, some moral as well an material 
bleawings, but whioh must effect its work by slow and laborious moana 

CT. ATr. CJlork to Government, 6th fiiopt. 1840, 


1840* youthful prince thus seemed in every way well devised for 
laterrupted P lacin g the r5 i as in his S ras P> but llis attention was cliH- 
liy discus- tracted by disputes with the English authorities about the 
Ui?EnglSbi liinits of the cx P andin g dominion of Lahore and of the if- 
nbout Af- stored empire of Kabul, and by a direct accusation not only 
. of encouraging turbulent refugees from Khali ShiijiV* jHiwr, 
but of giving friendly assurances to Dost Muhammad Khun, 
who was then preparing for that inroad which fluttered I he 
English authorities in Khorasan, and yet paved the way for 
the surrender of their dreaded enemy. Shah Shujii eluimed 
all j)laces not specified in the treaty, or not directly held by 
Lahore ; nor can it be denied that the English fun<'tionari<*s 
about the Shah were disposed to consider old Durrani 
claims as more valid than the new rights of Sikh conquerors ; 
and thus the province of Peshawar, which the Punjab 
Government further maintained to have been ceded in form 
by the Shah separately in 1831, as well as by the treaty of 
1 888, was proposed to be reduced to strips of lutid along t he 
banks of its dividing river. 1 Intercepted papers wen 1 pro- 
duced, bearing the seals of Nau Nihiil Singh, and promising 
pecuniary aid to Dost Muhammad ; but the charge <i' 
treachery was calmly repelled, the seals were alleged t $w* 
forgeries, and the British agent for the Punjab admitted 
that it was not the character of the free and confident Sikhs 
to resort to secret and traitorous correspondence.* Tin* 
Uarak'/ai chief, Sultan Muhammad Khan, watt, however, 
made to lead as prisoners to Ludhifma Ihc Ohil'/ai rebel* 
who had sought an asylum in his fief of Kohftt, near XVhhft- 
war, and whose near presence disturbed the iuitutfofii*tie 
rule of the arbitrary Shah and hi moderate Kntflihh 
allies. 8 

1 Sco particularly Sir William Macnaghlon to (towmnMmt, SWth 
Pob. and 12th March 1840. 

2 (lovommonl to Mr. (Jlork, iHt Out. IK40, and Mr, Clork <r*<loviTii* 
raont, 9th Doc. 1840. Of., howiivor, (\>l Htoinbnoh (Punjab, p. 23 j, 
who states that the i)iinco WIH rouHing Nopili an wIl m KAhul ti 
aid him in oxpolling tho KngliHh ; forgotful that Nau KihAl Hingh'rf 
first object wan to niako himaoH mafltcr of th< Punjab by climtroyittg 
tho Jammu Hajaw. 

9 (iovcruniont to Mr, Clork, 12th Oct., und Mr. Clerk to Oovcrit- 
merit, 14th May, 10th gopt., and 24th Oct. 1H40. 


Nau Nihal Singh thus seemed to have overcome the 1840. 
danger which threatened him on the side of England, and Deatho ( 
to be on the eve of reducing the overgrown power of his Maharaja 
grandfather's favourites. At the same time the end of the gjJjS^sth 
Maharaja's life was evidently approaching ; and although NOV. 1840. 
his decline was credibly declared to have been hastened by 
drugs as well as by unfilial harshness, there were none who 
cared for a ruler so feeble and unworthy. Kharak Singh 
at last died on the 5th November 1840, prematurely old 
and care-worn, at the age of thirty-eight, and Nau Nihal 
Singh became a king in name as well as in power ; but the 
same day dazzled him with a crown and deprived him of 
life. He had performed the last rites at the funeral pyre of Death of 
his father, and he was passing under a covered gateway with ^32 
the eldest son of Gulab Singh by his side, when a portion of Singh, 5th 
the structure fell, and killed the minister's nephew on the Nov - 184 - 
spot, and so seriously injured the prince that he became 
senseless at the time, and expired during the night. It is 
not positively known that the Rajas of Jammu thus designed 
to remove Nau Nihal Singh ; but it is difficult to acquit them 
of the crime, and il is certain that they were capable of 
committing it. Self-defence is the only palliation, for it is 
equally certain that the prince was compassing their degra- 
dation, and, perhaps, their destruction. 1 Nau Nihal Singh 
was killed in his twentieth year ; he promised to be an able 
and vigorous ruler ; and had his life been spared, and had 
not English policy partly forestalled him, he would have 
found an ample field for his ambition in Sind, in .Afghani- 
stan, and beyond the Hindu Kush; and he might, perhaps, 
at last have boasted that the inroads of Mahmud and of 

1 Of. Mr. Clerk to Government, 6th, 7th, and 10th Nov. 1840, 
who, further, in his memorandum of 1842, drawn up for Lord Ellen- 
borough, mentions Gen. Ventura's opinion that the fall of the gateway 
was accidental. Lient.-Col. Steinbach, Punjab (p. 24), and Major 
Smith, Reigning Family of Lahore (p. 35, &o.), may be quoted as 
giving some particulars, the latter on the authority of an eye-witness, 
a European adventurer, known as Capt. Gardner, who was present 
a part of the time, and whose testimony is unfavourable to Raja 
Dhian Singh, [The scene of this tragedy was the gateway in the fort 
at Lahore facing the Hazuri Bagh and the Badshahi Musjid. It is now 
closed, but may be easily recognized by its prominent towers. ED.] ! 


I84 - Tainulr had been fully avenged by the aroused peasants of 

procla ine d The g 00<i -natured voluptuary, Sher Singh, was regarded 
ovwwgn , bv the Sikh minister and by the British agent as the only 
person who could succeed to the sovereignty of the Punjab ; 
and as he was absent from Lahore when the Maharaja died 
and his son was killed, Dhian Singh concealed the latter 
circumstance as long as possible, to give Sher Singh time to 
collect his immediate friends ; and the English representa- 
tive urged him by message to maintain good order along the 
frontier, as men's minds were likely to be excited by what 
had taken place. 1 But Sher Singh's paternity was more 
than doubtful; he possessed no commanding and few 
popular qualities ; the Rajas of Jammu were odious to the 
but Chand majority of the Sikh chiefs ; and thus Chand Kaur, the 
iSdwr rf widow of Kharak Singh, and the mother of the slain 
Kharak prince, assumed to herself the functions of regent or ruler, 
assiLies somewna * unexpectedly indeed, but still unopposed at the 
and moment by those whom she had surprised. She was sup- 
p ? rted bv several m en of reputation, but mainly by the 
Sindhianwala family, which traced to a near and common 
ancestor with Ranjit Singh. The lady herself talked of 
adding to the claims of the youthful Hira Singh, by adopting 
him, as he had really, if not formally, been adopted by 
the old Maharaja. She further distracted the factions by 
declaring that her daughter-in-law was pregnant ; and one 
party tried to gain her over by suggesting a marriage with 
Sher Singh, an alliance which she spurned, and the other 
more reasonably proposed Atar Singh Sindhianwala as a 
suitable partner, for she might have taken an honoured 
station in his household agreeably to the latitude of village 
custom in the north-west of India. But the widow of the 
Maharaja loudly asserted her own right to supreme power, 
and after a few weeks the government was stated to be 
composed, 1st, of the ' Mai ', or * Mother ', pre-eminently as 
sovereign, or as regent for the expected offspring of Nau 
Wihal Singh ; 2nd, of Sher Singh as vicegerent, or as president 
of the council of state ; and, 3rd, of Dhian Singh as wawr, 

7th N V ' 184 ' "* alao Mr ' Clcrk ' s 

cirAr. vni 



or oxecutive minister. The compromise was a mere tem- 
porary expedients and Dhian Singh and Sher Singh soon 
afterwards began to absent themselves for varying periods 
from Lahore : the one partly in the hope that the mass of 
business which had arisen with the English, and with which 
he was familiar, would show to all that his aid was essentisil 
to the government ; and the other, or indeed both of then i, 
to silently take measures for gaining over the army with 
promises of donatives and increased pay, so that force might 
be resorted to at u lilting time. But the scorn with which 
Slier Singh's hereditary claim was treated made the minister 
doubtful whether a more suitable instrument might not be 
necessary, and the Knglish authorities were accordingly 
reminded of what, perhaps they had never known, viz. that 
Hani Jindnn, a favourite wife or concubine of Ranjlt Singh, 
hud borne to him u son named Daltp, a few months before 
tike conferences took place about reseating Shah Shuja on 
the throne of Kabul. 1 

The British viceroy did not acknowledge Mai ('hand Kaur 
as tlio undoubted successor of her husband and son, or as 
the sovereign of the country ; but he treated her govern- 
ment UK one (k r facto, so far as to carry on business as usual 
through the accredited agents of cither power. The Governor- 
GenerurH anxiety for the preservation of order in the Punjab 
was nevertheless considerable ; and it WHS increased by the 
Ktatc of ufTairs in Al^hunlstan, for the attempts of Dost 
Muhammad and the resolution of meeting him with Knglinh 
means alums rendered the dispatch of additional troops 
necessary, and before Kharak Hin#h*H death three thousand 
men had reached Kerozepore on their way to Kabul. 3 The 
progress of this strong brigade was not delayed by the con- 
tentious at Lahore ; it pursued itsnmre.h with out interrup- 
tion, and on UK arrival at IVslmwar it found Dost. Muham- 
mad u prisoner instead of a victor. The cx-AtnTr journeyed 

1 Of. Mr. (llurk to <j ovum men t> of daliw between the 10th Nov. 
1H40, and 2nd Jan. 1S4 1, iwilumvo, particularly of the llth and 24th 
Nov. ami H1.Ii Dec., honidw thorn) npcwiibtL It floomH almufit certain 
that the (ixiHtoiu'o of tho boy JL)alTj> WOH not bttforo known to tho 


Dal In 


birth and 


neutral :if. 


KhQn al- 

Kfibul, Tint. 

to t 

2 (Jovornmout to Mr. Clork, IHL and 2nd Nov. 1840, and othor 
Mtci'H t) and from that functionary, 


1840. through the Punjab escorted by u relieved brigade ; und 
although Shcr Singh was then laying siege Lo the citadel of 
Lahore, the original prudence of fixing a route for liritish 
troops clear of the Sikh capital, und the complete subjuga- 
tion of the Muhammadan tribes, left the English com- 
mander unaware of the struggle going on, except from 
ordinary reports and news-writer**. 1 

fflwr Singh The English Government made, indeed, no declaration 
theTroops wil * 1 rc S ard to tac L -hore succession ; but it was believed 
with Dhian by all that Slier Singh was looked upon as Hie proper repre- 
, scll tative of the kingdom, ami the advisers of Mai ('hand 
Kiiur soon found that they could not withstand the specious 
claims of the prince, and the commanding influence of the 
British name, without throwing themselves wholly on the 
support of Raja Dhian Singh. That chief was at, one time 
not unwilling to be the sole minister of the Maharfmi, and 
the more sagacious Gulab Singh saw advantages to his 
family amid the complex modes necessary in a female rule, 
which might not attend the direct sway of u prince of aver- 
age understanding, inclined to favouritism, and pledged to 
Sikh principles. But the, Mai's councillors would not con.scnt 
to be thrown wholly into the .shade, und Dhifui Singh thus 
kept aloof, and secretly assured Slier Singh of his support 
ul. a fitting time. The prince, on his part, endeavoured In 
sound the Knglish agent as to his eventual recognition, and 
he was satisfied with the reply, although he merely received 
an assurance that the allies of thirty-two years wished to 
sec n strong government in the Punjab. 2 

Shcr Singh hud, with the minister's aid, gained over sunic 
divisions of the army, and he belie, ved that till would declare 
I Uh -iHih for him if he boldly put himself at their head. The eagerness 
Jim, 18 U. O f ti j ui j )r i acC) or of his immediate followers, somewhat pre- 
cipitated measures ; and when he suddenly appeared at 
Lahore, on the 14th January 18-frl, he found that Dhian 
Singh had not arrived from Jununu, and that, (Julftb Singh 

1 The returning hrltfado WUB commanded hy tht veteran Col. 
Wlicdlur [aftoi'wardu Kir Hugh Wheeler, fho ill-fated commander of 
thn garriHon of Cawnporo Ki).l, whono luunit in familiar to th<' puhlie 
in connexion both with Afghan and Sikh warn, 

2 See Mr. (Hrk*H let/torn to iiovurumcnl <jf Dec, I MM und Jan, 
lH4t, wuerully, ]ar1u'ularly that of Urn Hth Jan. 


would rather fight for the Maharam, the acknowledged head 1841. 

of the state, than tamely becomi a party on compulsion to 

his ill-arranged schemes. But vSher Singh was no longer his 

own master, and the impetuous soldiery at onee proceeded 

to breach the citadel, (iulub Singh in vain urged some delay, 

or a suspension of hostilities ; but on the 18th January 

Dhian Singh und most of the principal chiefs had arrived 

and ranged themselves on one side or the other. A compro- chaml 

mise took place ; the Mai was outwardly treated with every ^J)^ an(l 

honour, and large estate were conferred upon her ; but Hher Singh 

Slier Singh was proclaimed Mahariija of the Punjab, Dhian 

Singh was declared onec more to be waair of the state, and 

the pay of the soldiery was permanently rained by one rupee 

per mensem. The Sinclhiunwalas felt that they must be 

obnoxiouB to the new ruler ; and Atar Singh and A jit Singh 

took early measures to effect their escape from the capital, 

and eventually into the British territories ; but Lehnu Singh, 

the other principal member, remained with the division of the 

army which he commanded in the hills of Kulu and Maudl. 1 

vSher Singh had induced the troops of the state to make The army 
him a king, but lie was unable to command them us soldiers, ' 

or to sway them aw men, and they took advantage of his iubl*. 
incapacity and of their own strength to wreak Uieir ven- 
geance upon various officers who hud offended them, and 
upon various regimental accountants and mustflr-mnslm 
who may have defrauded them of their pay. Some houses 
were plundered, and several individuals were seized arid 
slain, A few Kuropeans had likewise rendered themselves 
obnoxious; and General Court, a moderate and high- 
minded man, had to fly for his life, and a brave young 
KnglUhinan named tfoultam was cruelly put to death. Nor 
was this spirit of violence 1 confined to the troops at the 
capital, or to those in the eastern hills, but it spread to 
KushmTr and Peshawar ; and in the former place Mian 
Singh, the governor, was killed by the soldiery ; and in the 
Inticr, General Avitubifo was so hard pressed that ho was 
ready to abandon his post and to seek safety in Jalalabad." 

i ft* Mr. Clork'H lttor, of data* from 17th to 30th Jan. 1841. 
CX Mr, Clerk to Uovornmunt, 25th Jan., 8th and 14th Fob., 2Hth 
April, ami 30tli May 1841* 


1841 - It was believed at the time, thai the army would not rest 
satisfied with avenging what it. considered its own injuries ; 
it was thought it might proceed to a general plunder or 
confiscation of property ; the population of either side of 
the Sutlcj was prepared for an extensive commotion, and 
the wealthy merchants of Amritsar prophesied the pillage 
of their warehouses, and were clamorous for British pro- 
Sher Singh tection. Sher Singh shrank within himself appalled, and 
arme * he seemed timorously to resort to the English agent for 
support against the fierce spirit he had roused and could 
not control ; or he doubtfully endeavoured to Icurn whether 
such disorders would be held equally to end his reign and 
TheEnghsh the British alliance. The English watched the confusion 
abouUhe w i* h much interest and some anxiety, and when cities 
general seemed about to be plundered, and provinces ravaged, the 
question of the duty of a civilized and powerful neighbour 
naturally suggested itself, and wan answered by a cry for 
interference ; but the shapes which the wish took were 
various and contradictory. Nevertheless, the natural desire 
for aggrandisement, added to the apparently disorgjiui/od 
state of the army, contributed to strengthen u willing belief 
in the inferiority of the Sikhs as soldiers, and in the great 
excellence of the mountain levies of the chiefs of Jaimmi, 
who alone seemed to remain the masters of theirown servants. 
lhc a-PPwhcnsion of I lie English authorities, Uio Sikhs 
were mere upstart peasants of doubtful courage, except, 
when maddened by religious persecution ; but the undent, 
name of Rajput was suflicieut to invest the motley followers 
of a few valiant chiefs with every warlike quality* This 
erroneous estimate of the Sikhs tainted British counsels 
unhil the day of P'heerooshuhur. 1 

1 This erroneous estimate of ilio troops of tho Jummfi Etajfw and 
other hill chiefs of the Punjab relatively to tho fliklw, may ho HWII 
insisted on in Mr. Clerk's letters to Government of the 2nd' Jan. mid 
13th April 1841, and especially in thorn of tho 8th and 10th Doc, of 
that year, and of tho 1/Jth Jan., 10th Fob., and i!3rd April, IK42. 
Mr. Clerk's exprcBflionw nro very decided, such as that the Kikha 
feared the Irill-men, who were braver, and that JMjputfl might bold 
Afghans in chock, which Hilchs could not do , but ho wtciivi to havo 
forgotten that tho ancient JRujpulH had, during tho century gone Ly, 
yielded on either Hide to the now and ahpiring (JiuihuH and MaruthfiB, 


The English seemed thus called upon lo do something, 1841. 

and their agent in Kabul, who was committed to make 

Shfih Sluija a monarch in means as well as in rank, grasped J?adyTo 
at the death of Ranjit Singh's last representative; he interfere by 
pronounced the treaties with Lahore to be ut an end, and 
he wanted to annex Peshawar to the Afghan sway. The 
British Government in Calcutta rebuked this hasty conclu- 
sion, but cheered itself with the prospect of eventually 
adding the Derajat of the Indus, as well as Peshawar, to 
the unproductive Durrani kingdom, without any breach of 
faith towards the Sikhs ; for it was considered that their 
dominions might soon be rent in two by the Sindliianwala 
Sirdars and the Juminu Kfijas. 1 The British agent on the 
Sulky did not think the Lahore empire so near its dissolu- 
tion in Llmt mode, and confident in his own dexterity, in 
the superiority of his troops, and. in the greatness of llie 
English name, he proposed to march lo the Sikh capital 
with 12,000 men, lo boat and disperse a rebel siriny four 
times more numerous, to restore order, to strengthen the 
Hovcreignty of Sher Singh, and take the cis-Sutlej districts 
and forty lakhs of rupees in coin as the price of his aid. 2 
This promptitude made the Maharaja think himself in 
danger of his life at the hands of his suhjeels, and of his 
kingdom at the hands of his allies ; ; * nor was Ihc Governor- 
General prepared for a virtual invasion,* although he was 
ready to use force if a large majority of the Sikhs as well as 

and ovon that tho Silclm tlwinflolvoH had laid tho twioo-boru jiriucsos 
of tho Himalayan undnr contribution from the Oangos to Kanhmir. 

1 Huo owpncially (jovornmiml to Sir William Maunaghton, of 28th 
Doc. 1H4(>, in. reply to hi proposals of tho 2(Sth Nov. Tho (Jlovcrnor- 
(lonoral jiiHtly observed that tho treaty wau not formed with an, 
individual ohiof, but with tho Kikh Htato, HO long an it might last 
and fulfil tho obligations of ItH alliauce, 

8 Mr. Olork to Uovommont, of tho 2((th March 1841. 

* Whon Shor Singh hc.<;amo aware of Mr. Clerk's propositions, ho 
to said mm ply to havo drawn hm fingor across his throat, meaning 
that tho Sikhs would itt onuo tako his lifo if ho assented to such 
measures. Tho roaditWH* of tho Knglish to oo-oporato was iirst 
propounded to l^akTr Am-ud-dm, and that wary negotiator said 
the matter could not bo truntod to paper ; ho would himself go and 
toll Shor Singh of it. Ho went, but ho did not return, his object 
being to keep clear of uchomoa BO hazardous, 


l4l^ the Maharaja himself desired such intervention. 1 After 
The mill- ^^ ^ ie d'so^re in the army near Lahore gradually Mili- 
tary di- sided ; but the opinion got abroad that overtures had been 
JSd^ I hS b " niadc to lhe ea S cr EnglMh ; l so far were this Sikh 
thfliiaople soldiery from desiring foreign assistance, that Ixrtma Singh 
HumHoiw Sindhianwalawas imprisoned by his own men, in the Mandf 
of ilut hills, on a charge of conspiracy with his refugee brother to 
Knglwh. introduce the supremacy of strangers. 2 

The suspicions and hatred of the Sikhs were further 
Broadfoot'H roused by the proceedings of an officer, afterwards nominated 
to represent British fnciidship and moderation. Major 
Broad foot had been appointed to recruit a corps of Sappers 
ami Miners for the? service of Shah Shiija, and as the family 
of thai sovereign, and also the Mind Klulh Hainan with his 
wives niid children, were about, to proeeed to Kabul, he was 
charged with the care of the, large and motley eonvoy. lie 
entered the Punjab in April 1841, when the mutinous spirit 
of the Sikh army wa spreading from the capital to the 
provinces. A body of mixed or Muhurnnmdan troops had 
been directed by the Lahore Government to accompany I In* 
royal families an an escort of protection, but Major linuulfool 
became suspicious of the good faith of this* detachment, and 
on the banks of the Ravi he prepared to rental, with his 
newly recruited regiment, an attack on the part of those 
who had been sent to conduct him in safety. On his waiy 
to the IndiiB ho waw even more suspicious of other b<iieK of 
troops which ho met or passed ; he. bdievcd them to be 
intent on plundering his rump, and he, considered that In- 
only avoided collisions by dexterous negotiations and by 
timeiy dcmonst rations of force. On crossing the river at 
Altoek, his persuasion of the hostile designs of the bat talions 
in that neighbourhood and towards IVshawar was HO strong, 
that he put his camp In a complete state of defence, broku 
up the bridge of boats, and called upon ihd Afghan popula- 
tion to rise and aid him against the troops of their govern- 
ment. Hut it docs not appear that his apprehensions had 

* Mr, <'li<rk, IHih I'Vk nmimh MMi IH41. 
(ruly nuiiarkw! Mr. CJIurk, mtiHT UIAII thu 
Muharftjfl, had pmitrwufl an nrincwl intiTftwnm 
* Mr, (Mcrk to Ciiivcninicul, iI5<h March ISIL 


even a plausible foundation, until at this time he seized 1841 - 
certain deputies from a mutinous regiment when on their 
way back from a conference with their commander, and 
who appear to have come within the limits of the British 
pickets. This proceeding alarmed both General Avitabile, 
the governor of Peshawar, and the British agent at that 
place ; and a brigade, already warned, was hurried from 
Jalalabad to overawe the Sikh forces encamped near the 
Indus. But the Shah's families and their numerous followers 
had passed on unmolested before the auxiliary troops had 
cleared the Khaibar Pass, and the whole proceeding merely 
served to irritate and excite the distrust of the Sikhs The Sikhs 
generally, and to give Sher Singh an opportunity of pointing f^ated 
out to his tumultuous soldiers that the Punjab was sur- against the 
rounded by English armies, both ready and willing to make En S lish - 
war upon them. 1 

Before the middle of 1841 the more violent proceedings T ke 
of the Lahore troops had ceased, but the relation of the relation of 
army to the state had become wholly altered ; it was no the 
longer the willing instrument of an arbitrary and genial 
government, but it looked upon itself, and was regarded by its mill- ' 
others, as the representative body of the Sikh people, as tary orga- 
the ' Khalsa ' itself assembled by tribes or centuries to take enables^ 
its part in public affairs. The efficiency of the army as a * become 
disciplined force was not much impaired, for a higher tentative" 
feeling possessed the men, and increased alacrity and reso- body of tho 
lution supplied the place of exact training. They were Khalsa ' 
sensible of the advantages of systematic union, and they 
were proud of their armed array as the visible body of 
Gobind's commonwealth. As a general rule, the troops 
were obedient to their appointed officers, so far as con- 
cerned their ordinary military duties, but the position of 
a regiment, of a brigade, of a division, or of the whole army, 
relatively to the executive government of the country, was 
determined by a committee or assemblage of committees, 
termed a 'Panch' or 'Panchayat', i.e. a jury or committee 
of five, composed of men selected from each battalion, or 
each company, in consideration of their general character 
as faithful Sikh soldiers, or from their particular influence in 

1 Of. Mr. Clerk to Government, 25th May and 10th June 1841. 


184L their native villages. 1 The system of Panchayats is common 
throughout India, and every tribe, or section of a tribe, 
or trade, or calling, readily submits to the decisions of its 
elders or superiors seated together in consultation. In the 
Punjab the custom received a further development from 
the organization necessary to an army ; and even in the 
crude form of representation thus achieved, the Sikh people 
were enabled to interfere with effect, and with some degree 
of consistency, in the nomination and in the removal of their 
rulers. But these large assemblies sometimes added military 
licence to popular tumult, and the corrupt spirit of merce- 
naries to the barbarous ignorance of ploughmen. Their 
resolutions were often unstable or unwise, and the represen- 
tatives of different divisions might take opposite sides from 
sober conviction or self-willed prejudice, or they might be 
bribed and cajoled by such able and unscrupulous men us 
Raja Gulab Singh. 3 

Negotia- The partial 'repose in the autumn of 1841 was taken 
theEJ W1 lh advanta S e of lo recur * those mercantile objects, of which 
aboutm- b the British Government never lost sight. The facilities of 
navi g a t in S tlie Indus and Sutlej had been increased, and 
it was now sought to extend corresponding advantages to 
the land trade of the Punjab. Twenty years before, Mr. 
Moorcroft had, of his own instance, made proposals to 
Ranjit Singh for the admission of British goods into the 
Lahore dominions at fixed rates of duty. 8 In 1832, Col. 
Wade again brought forward the subject of a general tar i IT 
for the Punjab, and the Maharaja appeared to be not in- 
disposed to meet the views of his allies ; but he really 
disliked to make arrangements of which he did not fully sect 
the scope and tendency, and he thus tried to evade even a 
settlement of the river Lolls, by saying that the prosperity 

P One is strongly reminded of tho organization oftho Parliamentary 
army under Cromwell, with its regimental ' cldors ', &c. ED,] 

a See Mr. Clerk's letter of the 14th March 1841, for Fakir Am- 
ud-din's admission, that oven then the army was united and ruled 
by its panchayats. With reference to the Panchayats of India, it 
may be observed that HaUam shows, chiefly from Palgravo, that 
English juries likewise were originally as much arbitrators as investi- 
gators of facts. ( MieUOe Ages, Notes i o Chap, VU1.) 

3 Moororoft, Travel*, I 103, 


of Amritsnr would be affected, and by recurring to that 1811. 
ever ready objection, the slaughter of kinc. Cows, he said, 
might l>c used as food by those who traversed the Punjab 
under a British guarantee. 1 In 1 840, when Afghanistan was 
garrisoned by Indian troops, the Governor-General pressed 
the subject a second time on the notice of the Lahore 
authorities ; and after a delay of more than a year, Slier 
Singh assented to a reduced scale and to a fixed rate of duty, 
and also to levy the whole sum at one place ; but the charges 
still appeared excessive, and the British viceroy lamented 
the ignorance displayed by the Sikh Maharaja, and the 
disregard which he evinced for the true interests of his 
subject H. a 
The. Lahore Government was convulsed at its centre, 

but its spirit of progress and aggrandizement was active * 

on I he frontiers, where not. hemmed in by British armies, lh Jnm- 
The deputies in Kashmir had always been jealous of the 
nsurpations of (iiilfth Singh in Tibet, but Minn Singh, a rude <lo, f* 10. 
Holdicr, the governor of (he valley during the commotions 
sit, Lahore, was alnrmcd into concessions by the powerful 
und ambit if HIS Kujfts of Juinniu, und he left fskardo, and 
the whole vnlloy of the Tppcr Indu, a free iield for the 
aggressions of their lieutenants," Ahmad Shiih, the reigning 
chief of Haiti, hud differences with his family, uud lie pro- 
posed to pass over his eldest son in favour of a younger one, 
in Using the succession. The natural heir would seem to 
have endeavoured to interest the Governor of Kanhmfr, 

1 <X (!ol, Wmlo to (ioviirimii'iit., 7th Nov, and 5th Doc*. IK.U 
TfiiiHit ohjiH'.UoiiH ui'o oftun urgci! iu India, not. bwuiHo they urn folt 
lo )m nttuMiiibltt hi thi'iitm'lvtw, i r applicable 1 o \ ho pt/uii at> IHHIIO, hut 
UVHUHO n^Iigitai m ulwayH a Hlron^ ^nund to ntaiul <m, und bt^cauwj 
it m tho only thing ivhirh 1 Itc Kn^iiHli do not virtually profcHH a dwiru 
to t'htUJK^- Kcligion w thun ln-ou^lit in upon nil uccfiHiniiK of appro* 

9 (!ov<Tnm<Mit to Mr, ( 1 l^rk f 4th May IK4(> and llth Octt. 1 84 1, and 
Mr, (Me to UovornitKMit of 20th Hpt. 1K41. 

8 Sir (lluudu Wiwio (iVrm<i*v <>/ forvicw, p. 33, uoto) reproewntH 
tlitf himimt family in hnvc obtained from thn Hrifcmh (iovwnmorit 
mi nHriumufit fhnt tfui litnitntionH put upon Hikh (tonqiU'Hta to tho 
wtut. an<l Hout-h hy llw Tripartite Trtutty of 1;JJ> would not l>n luild 
to apply to Uiu tiorMt or TilMttan ido in whinli dirootion, it wan Haiti, 
tho Hikhn w<irt> froo to iwit OB tlioy might pluiuw, 



1811* and also Zorawar Singh, tlic Jiumnu deputy in Ladakh, in 
las favour ; and in 18*40 he fled from his father and sought 
refuge and assistance in Lch. Gnodup Tanzin, the puppet 
king of Ladakh, had conceived the idea of throwing off the 
Jnminu authority ; he had been trying to engage Ahmad 
Shah in the design ; the absence of Zorawar Singh was 
opportune, and he allowed a party of Iskardo troops to 
inarch on Leh, and to carry off the son of their chief. 
Zorawar Singh made this inroad a pretext for war ; and 
before the middle of the year 1840 he was master of Little 
Tibet, but he left the chiefship in the family of Ahmad Shall, 
on the payment of a petty yearly tribute of seven thousand 
rupees, so barren are the rocky principalities between Imaus 
and Emodus, 1 Zorawar Singh was emboldened by his own 
success and by the dissensions at Lahore ; he claimed fealty 
from Gilgit ; he was understood to be desirous of quarrelling 
with the Chinese governor of Yarkand ; and he renewed 
antiquated claims of Ladakh supremacy, and demanded the 
surrender of Rohtak, Giiro, and the lakes of Mansarowar, 
from the priestly king of Lhasa. 2 

Zorawar Xoriiwur Singh was desirous of acquiring territory, and 
Hinfihsmos i le vws also intent on monopolizing the trade in shawl-wool, 
t,iJchhi"s H considerable branch of which followed the Sutlej and more 
cusLern r<>acis tc> kudhiana and Delhi, and added nothing to 
the treasury of Jammu. 8 In May and June 1 841, he occupied 
the valleys of the Indus and Sutlcj, to the sources of those 
rivers, and he fixed a garrison close to the frontiers of Nepal, 
and on the opposite side of the snowy range from the British 
post of Almorii, The petty Rajput princes between the 
Kali and Sutlcj suffered in their revenues, and trembled 
for their territories ; the Nepal Government hud renewed 
intrigues set on foot in 1 8H8, and was in correspondence with 
the crafty minister of Lahore, and with the disaffected 
Sindliiiurwnlu chiefs ; 4 and the English Government itself 

' Of. Mr. Olork to Oovornmont, 2Mb April, th and Bint May, 
and 25th Aug. 1840, 

a Of. Mr. Olork to (Jovmnnont, 25th Aug. and 8lh Oct. 1840, and 
2nd Jan. and .hum 18-11. 

Of. Mr, (Jlrk to Uovonmumt, 5th and 22nd Juno, 1841 

4 Cf. Mr. Clork to < tovorumcut, 10th Au. ami !Mrd Nov. JMO, 
and 17th Jan. 1841 ; and dovornmont to Mr. Clrk, liith Oct. 1840. 


was at war with China, at the distance of half the earth's 1841. 

circumference. 1 It was held that the trade of British 

Indian subjects must not be interfered with by Jammu 

conquests in Chinese Tibet ; it was deemed unadvisablc to 

ullow the Lahore and Nepal dominions to march with one 

another behind the Himalayas ; and it was thought the 

Knipcror of Pekin might confound independent Sikhs with 

the predominant English, and throw additional difficulties 

in the way of pending or probable negotiations. 8 It was, ThKnlish 

therefore, decided that Sher Singh should require his 

feudatories to evacuate the Lassa territories ; a day, the 

10th of December 1841, was fixed for the surrender of 

Gfiro ; and a British officer was sent to sec that the Grand 

Luina's authority was fully re-established. The Maharaja 

and his tributaries yielded, and Zorfiwtir Singh was recalled ; 

1ml, before the order could reach him, or be acted on, lie 

was surrounded in the depth of winter, uml at u height, of 

Tin* rorrespondenro of Nopal with tho Siklw, w rather with the 
ifiummi 1 faction, doubtless arowo in part from tho presence of Miitahar 
Singh, an eminent (Jurkha, as a refugee in tho Punjab. lie rimscd 
tho Hutloj in 18BH, and soon got a high command in the Lahore 
wrviee, <r rather, porfutpn, a high portion afc tho court. His BUCKUWH 
in this way, and his nocnsRary oorroftpondeneo with Britiuh funotion- 
arieH, made tho Nopal Government apprehensive of him, and at Iat 
ho became BO important in tho oyw of tho KntfliMh themwolvefl, that 
in 1840, when difference with Katmandu woemed likoly to load to 
hostilities overturn woro virtually mad to him, and ho was kept in 
hand, aH it wws to b Kupported as a claimant for power, or as ft 
leader, HhouM active meaHiireH he n(M'<mnary. Ho wan thuM 
to quit tho Punjab, where bin prononoo, indeed, was not 
O natiflfactory ; bufr the difTereiKU'H witJi tho GurkhaH wore 
(i f and Matahar Singh was cant arido with an allowance 
of a thouHand nipoen a month from tho potent government which 
had demoanod itself by UHing him afl a tool. (< 'f. partiuiilarly < Sov<*rn- 
inent to Mr. dork, 4th May and 2lth Oct. 1840 ; and Mr. Clerk to 
(Government, 22nd Oc-t. 1840.) 

| ' The first China or Opium War ended by tho Treaty of Nankin 
(1842), which roBultod in tho ctwrion of Hong Kong anri tho opening 
of tho first fiv<s treaty port^. Tfln.'l 

* (?f. Government to Mr. Clork, Ifith Atig* and Cth and 20th 
flopt. 1841 . Tho SikhB, too, had their viowu with regard to China, 
and nafv<Jy proprwwl co-operation with tho Englinh, or a diverHiou 
In Tartary in favour of tho war thon in progrosa on tho wn 
(Mr. Clork to Government, 18th Aug. and 20th Oct. 1841.] 



twelve thousand feet or more above the sea, by a superior 
force from Lassa inured to frost and Know. The men of the 
Indian plains and southern Himalayas were straitened for 
fi ic *'"- tt ' s necessary as food in sueh a climate and at such a 
some even burnt the stocks of their muskets to 
warm their hands ; and on the day of battle, in the middle 
of December, they were benumbed in their ranks during 
a fatal pause ; their leader was slain, a few principal men 
were reserved as prisoners, but the mass was left to perish, 
huddled in heaps behind rocks, or at the bottoms of ravines. 
The neighbouring garrison on the Nepal frontier fled on 
hearing of the defeat ; the men were not pursued, but in 
passing over ranges sixteen thousand feet high, on their 
way to Almoru, the deadly cold reduced them to half 
their numbers, and Ml a moiety of the remainder maimed 
for life, 1 

Thiriiin'M' During the spring of 1 H l<2 the victorious Chinese advanced 
along thct Indus, and not only recovered their own province, 
but occupied Ladakh and laid siege to the citadel of Leh. 
The Kalmnks nnd the ancient Sokpos, or Sucao, talked of 
another invasion of Kashmir, and the Tartars of the Greater 
and I/esser Tibet went elate with tins prospect of revenge 
and plunder : but troops were poured across the Himalayas ; 
I he swordsmen and cannoneers of the south were dreaded 
by the mnvarlike Bhotias ; the siege of JLe,h was raised, 
and in the month of September (1842) Gulab Singh's com- 
mander seixed the Lassa Wa/.Tr by treachery, and dislodged 
Iiis troops by stratagem from a position between Lch aitd 
Itohlnk, where, they hud proposed to await the, return of 
winter. An arrangement was then come to between the 

i i ww I! 1 iu" 1 -! al J I'horc uul horities, which placed matters on their 

c :iiiii<w* old footing, ugreeablv to the desire of the Knglish ; and as 

unit Miklvt. n 

1 In Him rapid Htatt-ch of JUdukh aftuii-H, tho author IUIH ncnwmrily 
d^licntlcd for <ht* immi, \\i\vl on hm <wu porHonul knowlodgt^ Aftor 
thn )ittle on tlw MruiM.iriiwiu 1 I^aktv tho wwlorn JMHHOS reuwiinod 
closed for five wcckn, and 1lut dnfeai of iho Sikhs wiitt thuw mado 
kmwn in CuliMilta and INsliftwttr f fIiniuh tin 1 rw|H*rUcftho fugitive 
to Aliuora v licFon' il was hnml of in tlu> w^hhmnn^ Oiiro. Krom 
oljHcrvutionK <f Lieut. JK Stnwhoy it, wouhi up|N*ar that tho 
of Iho MiiiiHiir4wur l^akr JH I5,l>50 f<*i1., (.hntr, AH. Hue,, 
l, Aug. JH4H, p. 1-V>0 


the shawl-wool trade to the British provinces was also 1841 ' 
revived, no further intervention was considered necessary 
between the jealous Chinese and the restrained Sikhs. 1 

When, in April 1841, the troops in Kashmir put their 
governor to death, Raja Gulab Singh was sent to restore O f tho Jam- 
order, and to place the authority of the new manager, Jjju 
Gluilfim Muhl-iul-dln, on a firm footing. The mutinous j n diw. 
regiments were overpowered by numbers and punished with 
severity, and it was soon apparent that Gulab Singh had 
made the governor whom he was aiding a creature of his 
own, and had become the virtual master of the valley. 2 
Neither the minister nor his brother had ever been thought 
well pleased with English interference in the affairs of the 
Punjab ; they were at the time in suspicious communica- 
tion with Nopal ; and they were held to be bound to Sultan 
Muhammad Khun, whose real or presumed intrigues with 
the enemies of Shah Shiiju hud occasioned his removal to 
Lahore a your previously. 3 General A vi labile had become 
more and more urgent to be relieved from hi dangerous 
post at Peshawar ; the influence of Dhian Singh was pre- 
dominant in Sikh couiwclft ; and the English opinion of 
lite ability of the Jmnmu Rftjiis and of the excellence 
of their troops was well known, and induced a belief in 
partiality to bo presumed.* It was therefore proposed by 

1 At AnirilHar in March 1840, whon UuUih Hiugh was formally in- 
augurated an Mahilraj ~~ " " 

the Lama of Lama, drawn out on his part in yellow, and on the part 
of tho Chimwo in red ink, and each improved with tho open hand of 
tho negotiator** dipped in oithor oolour inHtoad of a regular seal or 
written wignaturo. Tho * hinja ', or httnd> worn* in general urni in 
Asia UH typwal oC a covenant, and it in, moroovor, a i'oininon oiublem 
on tho HtandardH of tho (^awttirn Afghans 

a CJf. Mr, Ciork to (lovorimumt, 13th May, th July, ami 3rd Hct|tt. 

Jt For thin presumed undorHtanding hotweon tho Jammu Hajue aiul 
tho Bamkzain of J^ahawar, Mr, CIcrk* lottcr of tho 8th Oct. 1840, 
may bo rofcrrod to among otlum 

4 Mr. Olork loant ui>on and ])orhaw much ovorratod Dhian 8ingh'w 
<*ai)acity, 'hiH military tulontn, and aptitude for burincm* (Mr. 
CHork to Government, 7th Nov. 1840, and 13th May 1H41.) General 
Vonturo, for izwtanvo, ooiiHidorcd the IUj& to powawwi a vory shndor 
umUwtanding, and in such a matter ho may bo hold to hu a fair an 
woll UH a com jxitcnt judge*, although pcwionally avoiiui to the niinwier. 


1841. Sher Singh to bestow the Afghan province on the restorer of 
Clash with order fa Kashmir. But this arrangement would have placed 
the policy the hills from the neighbourhood of Kangra to the Kaibar 
English. * >ass m tne nan( *s f men averse to the English and hostile 
to Shah Shuja ; and as their troublesome ambition had been 
checked in Tibet, so it was resolved that their more danger- 
ous establishment on the Kabul river should be prevented. 
In the autumn of 1841, therefore, the veto of the English 
agent was put upon Raja Gulab Singh's nomination to 
Peshawar. 1 

The in- About two months afterwards, or on the 2nd November 

at'KfibuT ( 1841 )> tnat insurrection broke out in Kabul which forms so 
Nov. 1841. painful a passage in British history. No valiant youth arose 
superior to the fatal influence of military subordination, to 
render illustrious the retreat of a handful of Englishmen, or, 
more illustrious still, the successful defence of their position.- 
The brave spirit of Sir William Macnaghten laboured perse- 
veringly, but in vain, against the unworthy fear which 
possessed the highest officers of the army 3 and the dismay 
of the distant commanders imparted some of its poison to 
the supreme authorities in India, who were weary of the 
useless and burdensome occupation of Khorasan. The first 
generous impulse was awed into a desire of annulling the 
Durrani alliance, and of collecting a force on the Indus, or 
even so far back as the Sutlcj, there to fight for the empire 
of Hindustan with the torrents of exulting AftfhunN which 
the startled imaginations of Englishmen readily conjured 
up. 3 No confidence was placed in the eflicieney or the 

1 Government to Mr. Clerk, 2nd Aug., and Mr. Clerk to Government, 
20th Aug. 1841. 

a There was no want of gallant and capable raon in the subordinate 
ranks of the army, and it is known thai the lamented Major I'ottinger 
recorded his disapprobation of the retreat HO fatuously commenced 
and so fatally ended, although, to give validity to documents, or an 
appearance of unanimity to counsels, ho unfortunately ]wt his name 
to the orders requiring the surrender of Kandahar and Jalalabad. 

3 Of. Government to the Commandor-in-Chief, 2nd Doc. 1K4J, and 
10th Fob. 1842 ; Government to Mr. Clerk, 10th Fob. 184i2 ; and 
Government to General Pollock, 24th .Feb. 1H42. Of those who re- 
corded their opinions about the policy to bo followed ttt tho rnomont, 
it may bo mentioned that Mr. RobortHon, the Lioutonant-Govonior 
of Agra, and Kir Herbert Muddoclc, the .Political Secretary, udviwod a 



friendship of the Sikhs ; 1 and although their aid was always 
considered of imporltinoa, th( k mode in which it was asked 
and used only served to Hink the Lahore army lower than 
before in British estimation. 2 

Four regiments of sepoys nmrehed from Fernxcpore 
without #uns, and unsupported by cavalry, to vainly en- 
deavour to foree the Puss of Khuihur ; ami tite Sikh troops 
at Peshawar were urged by the loeal British ant uoritii-8 in 
their praiseworthy ardour, rather than delicately ordered 
by their own government at. the instance of its ally, to 
co-operute in the attempt, or indeed to march alone to 
Jalalabad. The faet that the Kn#lish hud been beaten wan 
notorious, ami the belief in their alarm wan welcome : the 
Sikh governor wan obliged, in the ahHcnec of orders, to 
take the sense* of the- regimental * punches ' or committees ; 
and the hasty requisition to march was rejected, through 
fear alone, as the Knglish said, but really with feelings in 
which contempt, distrust, and apprehension were all nuxrri, 
Tho district Governor-CJcnerul, Avitabilc, who fortunately 
Htill retained his province, freely gave what aid he could ; 
some pieces of artillery were furnished UN well an abundance 

stand at Ptmhilwur ; ami that Mr. I'rinwp, A mcmlwr f council, ami 
Mr, Calvin, tho Oovfirnor-UuucrnrM private w<srctnry, riM'fmiiwnoyri 
it withdrawal fr the Kiitliy. All, however, enntcinplnti'il ulterior 

Tho (Vimmumlcr in -Chief, it in wi-ll known, thought flu* tni'nim nf 
thtt EngUnh forticfcmlin^ lutUa itnclf M)what Mrunt>MUnl Mr, Tlcrk 
thought the Hikh* would he tuutbtu to check the irtvnHinn of titoun* 
talmwni, which wrmM uMHumlly tako pUrn wern .IftlnUiwd tt* fall. 
(Mr. (Jlork t* (Jrv<irnmn< IMh .tun. lH-ti>.) 

1 <Jovornmint to the Chirf, i;(h M/irch JS41*. 

fl Mr. fk>lvin, in tho niiiitito r"fern*<l to in the jirwrdiiuc note, 
grounciM htH proptjKitiitn for wiihdrawing tt the. Htilb'j purlly Mr, 
Clark'* low ontimato of thi Kiklut, uiul tlmir pnwuitiffl inulnlity to 
niHt tho AfghUnB, i'-ol. Wmln w^ntn to hav had a nomewhnt wmiiiir 
opinion <f thd <iompamttvc pntwoijM of tho two mot*, cm thn fair |*iw- 
Humptlon that thci noUt (p. 835) of Munnhi HhftlmmM All'* AVM* nMf 
J/fifAAffff IH Kin* Ho Hiklm alwayN drwdmi thtt KhaibariM ; 
ami, iwltiud, ()tmiral Avitabilc onil<l alwt takn tip iho ncitirm with 
Home wanon, in (m< Htw*>, a* th<* mHgimtrate o! a (fatrfet Hurrounciml 
by marauding highlandcfra, ami with imttMtmt adroJtmww in another 
whon ho did not cUwint to MW Hlkh n^mnts hurriwl into monntain 
at th* inatanoti of tho Knglixh Authorities. ((^ the 
No, III, p, 


dnt rueful 

u|>on them 
fr jiul, 


18-11. of ordinary supplies, and the* British detachment effected 

" the relief of All Masjid. But the unpardonable neglect of 
going to the fort without the food which had been provided, 
obliged the garrison to retreat after a few days, and the 
disinclination of the Sikhs to fight the battles of strangers 
communicated itself to the mercenary soldiers of the English, 
and thus added to the Governor-General's dislike of the 
Afghan connexion. 1 

An army of The necessity of at least relieving the garrison of Jalalabad 
astjombled 1 Was P aramount an( * in ^ ie s P"ng of 1842 a well-equipped 
1842, ' British force arrived at Peshawar ; but the active co- 
operation of the Sikhs was still desirable, and iL was .sought 
for under the terms of an obsolete article of the tripartite 
treaty with Shah Slmjti, which gave Lahore a subsidy of 
two lakhs of rupees in exchange for the services of 5,000 
men. 8 Sher Singh was willing to assist beyond this limited 
degree ; he greatly facilitated the purchase of grain and the. 
hire of carriage cattle in the Punjab, and his auxiliaries 
could be made to outnumber the troops of his allies ; but 
he felt uneasy about the proceedings of the Sindhiunwulu 
chiefs, one of whom had gone to Calcutta to urge Jus own 
claims, or those of Mai ('hand Kuur, and till of whom re- 
tained influence iu the Sikh ranks. He was assured Unit , 
the refugees should not be allowed lo disturb his reign, and 
there thus .seemed to be no obstacle iu the wny of his full 
co-operation." But the genuine Sikhs wore held by the 

1 The statements in thiH paragraph aro mainly taken from tho 
author's notes of official and donii-oflicial rornwpondcnci 1 . Tho loiter 
of Government to Mr. Clork, of tho 7th Fob. 1H42, may alno bo referred 
to about tho failure to hold Alt Munjirl ; ami, further, it may ho 
mentioned thai Mr. Olork, in hie latter of tho 10th February, pointed 
out, that although tho Sikhs might not willingly co-opcrato in any 
sudden assault planned i>y tho English, thoy would be found ready 
to givo afuuRtanco during tho campaign in tho ways their experience 
taught them to bo tho moat likely to lead to HUCCCWH. 

a See (tovrnimmt to Mr. Olerk, 3rd May ami 2,'lrd ,'luly 1M42. Tho 
EngliHh ax<mtH, IIOWOVCT, rather tauntingly and imploringly rcminde-d 
tho Sikli autlioritien that thoy wcro bound tT> hav<t Htirh a foreo roady 
by agre( i ment au w<ll an I)/ frjendnhip, than fornuUly revived tho 
demand for itH j>ro<luetion under tho Htipultttioim of tho troaty. 

a Cf. Mr. Cleric to (Jovorumont, 2nd Jan. ami :Ut March 1H42, and 
Oavornmoni to Mr. Clerk, 17th Jan. and 12th May 1H4SJ, With 
rogard to aHWHtanco r(udered by < ho HildtH dunn the 'AfKhuu \Vr in 

English to be both mutinous in disposition and inferior in 1842. 

warlike spirit ; the soldiers of Jammu were preferred, and 
Gulab Singh was required to proceed to Peshawar to repress 
the insubordinate ' Klialsa % and to give General Pollock 
the assurance of efficient aid. 1 The Raja was at the time operate. 
completing the reduction of some insurgent tribes between 
Kashmir and Attock, and his heart was in Tibet, where he 
had himself lost an army and a kingdom. He went, but 
he knew the temper of his own hill levies : he was naturally 
unwilling to run any risk by following the modes of strangers 
to which he was unused, and he failed in rendering the Sikh 
battalions as decorous and orderly as English regiments. 
'His prudence and ill success were looked upon as collusion 
and insincerity, and he was thought to be in league with 
Akbar Khan for the destruction of the army of an obnoxious 
European power. 2 Still his aid was held to be essential, and 
the local British officers proposed to bribe him by the offer 
of Jalalabad, independent of his sovereign Slier Singh, The 
scheme was justly condemned by Mr. Clerk, 3 the Khaibar 
Pass was forced in the month of April, and the auxiliary 
Sikhs acquitted themselves to the satisfaction of the English 
general, without any promises having been made to the 
Itfiju of Jaimml, who gladly hurried to the Ladfikh frontier 
to look after interests dearer to him than the MICOOKH or the 
vengeance of foreigners. It was designed by General Pollock 
to leave the whole of the Sikh division ab Jalalabad, to 
assist in holding that, district, while the. mum Knglish 
army went to Kabul ; but the proper interposition of 

f uruifthing OKiortH, grain, and carriage for the British troops, Mr, Clcrk'H 
Juttm-H of the 15th .Ian., IHth May, and J4Ui June 1842 may ho 
quoted, fn the lant it m Htated that 17,3H1 riimclH bad been prov.uwl 
through Sikh agency M,wrcm IKttO and IS4ii, 

1 Of. Mr. Clerk to (Government, 15th Jan., 10th Fob,; mid (lib May, 
1H42, Oovernmimt at fin-it nomncd indifferent whether tiulab Singh 
went or not; awl, indeed, Mr* (llork himself rather suggested than 
required tho Uiija'M employment ; but wuggt^tionH or winhos coulrl 
not, undor tho <'irt'iuiiHtam!OH, ho miHConwtruod. 

a Ct Mr, (Urrk to <{overnmnt, 19th Mbrth 1842. 

3 Mr, Clerk to (tnvornmcmt* llJth Fob. 1842. Tho oflieorB rofurrotl 
to aro Major MarkcHon and Jjiout.-C^oL Sir Henry Lawrcnco, whoHo 
nanuiH aro HO intiinnt^ly, and in NO many wayft honourably, id< k ntifif(l 
with fho career of tho KngliaH hi tho north-wt'Ht of India. 


Col. Lawrence 1 enabled a portion of the Lahore troops 
to share in that retributive march, as they had before 
shared in the first invasion, and fully shown their fitness 
for meeting difficulties when left to do so in their own 

Discussion* The proposition of conferring Jalalabad on Gulab Singh 
Jjuaiflbafi was taken U P in a modified form by the new Governor- 
andthe ' General, Lord Ellenborough. As his lordship's views 
SiShdomi- Became formed, he laid it down as a principle that neither 
mun. the English nor the Sikh Government should hold dominion 
beyond the Himalayas and the ' Safed Koh ' of Kabul ; 
and as the Durrani alliance seemed to be severed, there was 
little to apprehend from Jammii and Barukzai intrigues. 
It was, therefore, urged that Gulab Singh should be required 
by the Maharaja to relinquish Ladakh, and to accept 
Jalalabad on equal terms of dependency on the Punjab." 
The Sikhs were sufficiently desirous of adding to their 
dominion another Afghan district ; but the terms did not 
satisfy Gulab Singh, nor did Sher Singh see fit to come to 
any conclusion until he should know the final views of the 
English with regard to the recognition of a government in 
Kabul. 3 The death of Shah Shujfi ami his suspicion pro- 
ceedings were held to render the re-occupation of the country 
unnecessary, and the tripartite treaty was declared to be 
at nu end ; 4 but the policy of a march on the Afghfin 
capital was strongly urged and wisely adopted. 8 There 

1 Liout.-Ool. Lawrence to Major MackoHon, 23rd Aug. 1842. Lieut.- 
Col. Lawrence's article in the Calcutta Jteviav (No. Ill, p, 180) may 
also bo advantageously referred to about the proceeding at Peahiiwar 
under Col. Wild, Wir (Joorgo Pollock, and Kajfi, (Jlulab Hingh, 

a Government to Mr. Clerk, 27th April 1842. 

3 Mr. Clerk to Giovorninont, 18th May 1842. 

4 Government to Mr. Clerk, 27th May and 29th July 1842. In tho 
treaty drafted by the Sikhs to tako tho place of tho tripartite ono, 
tlu^y j>ut forward a claim of Huporiority over Hind, and Homowhat 
cvadod tho quoHtion of being partuw only, iDHU^ud of principalH, to 
tlic uc.kriowlodgcmont of a ruler in Kabul. Tho treaty, however, 
uovor took a definito Hhape. 

r> Kven the SikhB talked of tho impolicy, or, at least, the dfegracw, of 
Hiiddouly and wholly withdrawing from Afghanistan in tho mannor 
proposed. (Mr. Clerk to Government, 19th July 1H42.) Mr. Clerk 
himself wa among the mont prominent of thoRO who at iirut modently 
urged a march on Kabul, an<l ufterwardB manfully rcmonutrated 


seemed to be a prospect of wintering in Kabul, and it was 1842. 
not until the victorious troops were on their return to India 
that it was believed the English would ever forgo the 
possession of an empire. The Sikhs then consented to take 
Jalalabad, but before the order transferring it could reach 
General Pollock, 1 that commander had destroyed the forti- 
fications, and nominally abandoned the place to the king 
whom he had expediently set up in the Balii Hisar. 2 It is 
probable that Sher Singh was not unwilling to be relieved 
of the invidious gift, for his own sway in Lahore was dis- 
Irneted, and Dost Muhammad was about to be released 
under the pledge of a safe passage through the Punjab 
dominions; and it may have been thought prudent to 
conciliate the father of Akbar Khan, KO famous for his 
successes against the English, by the Btirrender of a posses- 
sion it was inconvenient to hold. 3 

againut a IwHty abandonment of tho country. (Sue, bin letter above 
quoted, an<l alao that of the 23rd April 1842.) 

1 The order waa dated the 18th Oct. 1842. Lord Ellen borough 
hiniHolf WUH not without a Huspidon that tho victorious generate might 
frame CXCUHOH for wintering in Kabul, and the expedition of fcjir John 
M'CaHkill into tho Kohistan was lows pleasing to him on that account 
than it would otherwise have been, 

a Tho (Mcutta Jfrmtw for Juno 1H4S) (p. 53})) points out that the 
king, viz. Hhfthpur, aon of tihah Khujji, wan rather uot up woldy by 
th chiofa at Kabul than in any way by Kir (Joorge J'ollock, who had 
nc authority to recognize any Bovcreign in Afghanistan. My exproH- 
hion haw, indeed, reference mainly to tho prudent tiountonunco 
nflfurdod to a native prince by a foreign conqueror about to retrace 
IUH tupH through a difficult country, inhabited by a warlike |Ktoplo ; 
but AH it may minimi! UH to Kir (jleorge ^ollfx-k^ aetual proeoedingH, 
J gladly insorfc thia note, 

9 Thti ^ikliB were not unwilling to acquire territory, but tliey 
wiHhed to Bee their way clearly, and they were unable to do wo until 
tho Knglteh had determined on their own lino of policy- The ftikhtt 
know, indeed, of tho rcwolutioii of tho Uovornor-General to never all 
connexion with Afghanicitan, but they also* know the sentiments of 
the majority of Engliuhmon about At leant temporarily retaining it. 
They uaw f ittorcwver, that recruited armies were still in poasoenion of 

of voluntarily 

every Htronghold, and tho fKiliey wan new to them 
rt'luKjutohing dominion. Thy therefore paused, and the auteoqueut 
wkuuw of DoHt Muhammad again fettered them when the retirement 
of the truoftt wwmod to IHUVO them frecf to aot, for they were bound to 
(wort the Amir nafely aeroiw the Punjab, and could not therefore 
make* tcrinw with him. The Kikhs would have worked through ftultan 


1842. The Governor-General had prudently resolved to aa- 

The semble an army at Ferozepore, as a reserve in case of 

Governor- further disasters in Afghanistan, and to make known to the 
meetethe Ponces of India that their English masters hud the ready 
SiJch means of beating any who might rebel. 1 Lord Ellenborough 
aSd^eTr- was also desirous of an interview with Sher Singh, and as 
apparent at gratitude was uppermost for the time, and added a grace 
, even to success, it was proposed to thank the Maharaja in 
person for the proofs which he had afforded of his continued 
friendship. To invest the scene with greater eclat, it was 
further determined, in the spirit of the moment, Lo give 
expression to British sincerity and moderation at I lie head 
of the two armies returning victorious from Kabul, with 
their numbers iuc'iwscd to nearly forty thousand men by 
the force assembled on the Sutlej. Tho native Knglish 
portion of this array was considerable, and perhaps wo 
many Europeans had never stood together under urniH cm 
Indian ground since Alexander and his Greeks made the 
Punjab a province of Macodon. The Sikhs generally were 
pleased with one cause of this assemblage, ami they were 
glad to be relieved of Ihc presence of the Knglish on their 
western frontier ; but Sher Singh himself <Iicl not look 
forward to his visit lo Lord Kllenboroiigh without sonut 
misgivings, although under other circuuisUmecN his vanity 
would have been gratified by the opportunity of displaying 

Muhammad Khan and other olmrfn until they wtw in a condition 
to UBO tho frequent plea of tho Knglinh, of hiring able to govorn butter 
than dependants, (Cf. Mr. Gtek to Government, 2nd Kept. iK.ll) 

1 Lord Auckland had likowteo thought that mich a dotwmHtrut ion 
might bo advisable. (Uovurmmiut to Mr. Ork, 3rd Doe, 1841.) Of 
measures practically identified with Lord Mlenborough's adwinfotrii- 
tion, Lord Auckland may further claim tho morit of giving the 
generals commanding in AfghaniHtan, HUpnunu authority (Kiwdutiim 
of Government, Oth Jan. 1842), and of directing Sir William Nott to 
act without reforonco to poviouH inntruotionH, and an /if might d<'rin 
bout for tho Hafuty of hifl troopH and tlio honour of tho ttviiwh nutnt^. 
(Government to 8ir William Nott, 10th 1M>. 1H42.) To Urd Aiu-k- 
land, however, i duo tho doubtful praiHo of BUgg<*Htring (ho irhwm of 
Doat Muhammad (Covorumtmt to Mr. Clork, 24th Kob. 1K42) ; imd ho 
must certainly bear a share of tho blame attmhud to tho oxuggtiruUnl 
eBtimato formed of the dangorw which throatonod tho KngliHh after 
tho rotroat from Kabul, and to tho timoroiiH rather than prudwit 
of falling bade on tho IndiiH, <>i" ovcu on thtt Nutl<*j, 


his power and magnificence. He felt his incapacity as a 1812. 
ruler, and he needlessly feared that he might be called to 
account for Sikh excesses and for a suspected 
with the hostile Amirs of Sind then trembling for their fate, 
and even that the subjugation of the Punjab was to be made 
the stepping-stone to the complete reduction of Afghanistan. 
He had no confidence in himself ; and he dreaded the ven- 
geance of liis followers, who believed him oapable of sacri- 
ficing the Khulsa to his own interests. Nor was Dhifm Singh 
supposed to be willing that the Maharaja should moot the 
Governor- General, and his suspicious temper made him 
apprehensive that his sovereign might induce the KngHsh 
viceroy to accede to Jus ruin, or to the reduction of his 
exotic influence. Thus both Sher Singh and his minister 
perhaps rejoiced that a misunderstanding which prevented 
llic reception at Ludhifma of Lai ma Singh Mnjithiu, WHS 
seized hold of by the JKnglisli to render a meeting doubtful 
or impossible. 1 Lord Kllrnhorough juMly look ofienee at a 
slight which, however unwittingly, hud ix-cn rcully offered 
lo him ; lie was not easily appeased ; und when the personal 
apologies of the accompanied by Uie young heir- 
appurenU hud removed every ground of displeasure, trie 
appointed time, the beginning of January 184!), for the 

1 On Nfwciral ortr.aKtnim Kiija Dhifui Kin^li expnwwd hm nu 
HUHIK of fiu ICn^lmh invasion, nH atao did Miilmraju Shrr Sin^h. (Se< 
for iiiHtanrc, Mr. (Jlrrk to < JovcrnmeuU 2nd .Inn, IH4iJ.) Tim wnlrr 
(if the art ifli' in th ('(tlmfta Renew (No. II, p, -JlHf), wlio in In-licvcd 
lo )> LtiMtf..(7ol. Lawremus HxlmiiH Dhiau >Sinh 1 H avorHion to u inert- 
ing l)(twt'(>n IU'H Hovcrci^n And the Ifritmh (iovornor-tiMifml. Tho 
rcviowur Itkcwimt dtwrihcrt Sh<T Hiti^h'n anxiety at (h tittio, I Mil, 
foiiHidnrK him to havo IKWII rlcHirouH of thr(wniy liinmrlf 
on KngliHh pro1(M>tiim,ii,KiIuubMeHMltc might liuvc timijiatl fxtt 
liiiiiHdlf wrure fruin OHHUHHwation, and tltiil laurel KIlcnlHirou^h 
liavo kejtt him neatcd OH the* throiw of LnlKtro ut alt haatavrtbt. 

Alifiut tlin BUHfH'ctcd luiHtilti int<rrourH with Uio AmTm of Hind, 
HCO 'rtiorntoirn I/wto?!/ rtf lndi<t< vi. 447. Tho Hikhn* liow<wor, wtrc 
U(i\cr rcquirod tti ^ivtt any cxplnnation of tho olmrx^J. 

r riio iniHunderrtttuultiix to which HunJflr f^hna Kinprh wan a party 
WKM Hiinply tin fciIlowH: Tho Snniiir haxl Wn aont to wait upon the 
<*nvernor>( JetuTul mi his arrival on thct frontior, According << ordinary 
ccrcinrminl. It wan arranged that thh Surdjlr Hhuuld l> reeiMV^d I\v 
liin lordHhip lit Ludhtrmn and tho dny ami hour worn fixud, ami r>ro- 
paratioim duly inatlo, Mr, Clark wont in jwroon to moot thu uhiof, and 





Dost Mu- 
returns to 

of Sher 

breaking- up of the large army had arrived, and the Governor- 
General did not care to detain his war-worn regiments any 
longer from their distant stations. No interview thus took 
place with Sher Singh ; but the boy prince, Pertab Singh, 
was visited by Lord Ellenborough ; and the rapidity with 
which a large escort of Sikh troops was crossed over the 
Sutlej when swollen with rain, and the alacrity and pre- 
cision with which they manomvred, deserved to have been 
well noted by the English captains, proud as they had reason 
to be of the numbers and achievements of their own troops. 
The prince likewise reviewed the Anglo-Indian forces, and 
the Sikh chiefs looked with interest upon the defenders of 
Jalalabad, and with unmixed admiration upon General Nott 
followed by his valiant and compact band. At last the 
armed host broke up ; the plains of Ferozepore were no 
longer white with numerous camps ; and the relieved 
Sher Singh hastened, or was hurried, to Amritsar to return 
thanks to God that a great danger had passed away. This 
being over, he received Dost Muhammad Khan with dis- 
tinction at Lahore, and in February (1843) entered into a 
formal treaty of friendship with the released Amir, which 
said nothing about the English gift of Jalalabad. 1 

But Sher Singh principally feared his own chiefs and 
subjects, and although the designed or fortuitous murder of 
Mai Chand Kaur, in June 1842,* relieved him of some of his 

conduct him to the Governor- General' a presence, his understanding 
being that he was to go half the distance or so towards the Sikh en- 
campment. The Sardar understood or held that Mir. Clerk should 
or would come to his tent, and thus he sat still while Mr. Clerk rested 
half-way for two hours or more Lord Ellenborough thought the 
excuse of the Sardar frivolous, and that offence was wantonly given, 
and he accordingly required an explanation to be afforded, (Govern- 
ment to Mr. Clerk, 15th Dec. 1842.) There is some reason to believe 
that the Lahore Vakil, who was in the interest of Raja Dhian Singh, 
misled the obnoxious Lahna Singh about the arrangements for con- 
ducting him to the Governor-General's tents, with the view of dis- 
crediting him both with his own master and with the English. 

* Government to Mr. Clerk, 15th Feb. and 17th Mar. 1843. 

2 Mr. Clerk to Government, 15th June 1842. The widow of 
Maharaja Kharak Singh was so severely beaten, as was said by her 
female attendants, that she almost immediately expired. The only 
explanation offered, was that she had chidden the servants in question 


apprehensions, he felt uneaay under the jealous domination txt;t. 
of Dhiun Singh, and began to listen readily to the smooth 
suggestions of Rhai (urimikh Singh, his priest so to speak, 
and who wan himself of Home religious reputation, as well as 
the Kon of a man of acknowledged sanctity and influence.' 
The English Government, in its well-meant but impracticable 
desire to unite all parties in the country, had urged the 
restoration to favour of the Sindhianwalti chiefs, who kept j K,< *,m I- 
Ufl own agents on the alert, and the Maharaja himself in JV'"?' 11 ' 1 ,! 
a state of doubt or alarm, 2 Slier Singh, from his easincns of ni',fmmim 
nature, was not averse to a reconciliation, and by degrees he *f l ^ ( 
<tven became not unwilling to have the family atwmt hint 
as some counterpoise to the Itajas of Jammit. Neither wo** 
Dhiun Singh opposed to their return, for lit* thought they 
might be nmde some use of since Mai ('hand Knur wn* ni 
more, and thus Ajtt Singh and his uncles again took their 
accustomed places in the court of Lahore. Nevertheless 
during the summer of 18 W, Dhian Singh jwnrivcd thai his 
influence over the Maharaja was fairly on UK* wane ; ami 
ho had good reason to dread the machinations uf titirruukh 
Singh and the passions of the multitude when roused by 
a man of his diameter. The minister then again ln'gun to 
talk of the Iwy, DalTp Singh, and to endeavour to po*sr*ti 
t.ho minds of the Sindhinnwala ehiefs with the belief that 
they had been inveigled to Lahore for their more assured 
destruction. Ajlt Singh hud by this time become th** IHOH 
companion of the Maharaja ; but he was himself ambition* 

for Homo fault, awl t!u< pulilir. w*w imtumlly unwilling U iM-lirvr Hher 

Hingh* At I^ant, guiltli^ nf hwtitfAtinK th< iitunler, 
1 In thu Iwgmuing nf hm ri'iwn Nhr<r Sin^h hi<l Innttt tttu^h u|mn nit 

atitivo and amhitiouH follower. nnniNt ifiiwAln Kinh t ^h*Mi lni\i<iy 

wan crmHpiomitiH during th<' nttnrk on l^hnri*. Thi^ jifity lwl/r 

hofKnl to mtpplfint \tih the KiiKlhiimwrda <1iirfH nnd fh<* 

RAj&n AH hwiing nmrtmrM, hut \w \wwM to* hn^tily; 

(wi'/wl Am! impriiwmiHt by t>hi&n Hii^h in Mny 1M4I. 

foul DMAIM immmliAtoly AftcrwArtlM, (<!f, Mr. riork 

7th May and loth ,hm 1H41.) 
* Mr. Urk tr> (Joverttrm-tit, 7th April 1B4SJ, Ami (ovemm<iit U 

Mr. (!ltirk. 12th Mny IW ; w Uo Lifmi. (V)!. Hlehmoml to < Jnvrrn- 

mimt, 5th Sitpt,. 1X43. Mr. (flwk Inn^mo Uiuteniit.(Jovormir <if 

Agra In Juno 1K43, ami ht wiw t'fxwtl'fj AM Agent tm iho frtmtirr liy 
. Hinhmoitd. An ofllwor of rfljmUn wlu hitd 
himnoif un.lnr Mir (Imirgo t'olliwk, 


or power, and lie and his uncle Lahna Singh grasped at the 
idea of making the minister a party to their own designs. 
They appeared to fall wholly into his views ; and they 
would, they .said, take Slier Singh's life to save their own. 
On the 15th September (1843), Ajlt Singh induced the 
Ajfl. M^h& r *U"' to inspect some levies he had newly raised ; he 
approached, as if to make an offering of a choice carbine, 
an( * to ircccfr tllc commendations usual on such occasions, 
Ini I he raised the weapon and shot his sovereign dead. The 
remorseless Lahna Singh took the life of the boy Per Lab Singh 
at the same time, and the kinsmen then joined Dhian Singh, 
and proceeded with him to the citadel to proclaim a new 
king, The hitherto wary minister was now caught in his 

it ho like- own toils, and he became the dupe of his accomplices. He 

?>h!ai" liH wus fi(l P am to' c ' from his immediate attendants, as if for the? 

Siu/rh to sake of greater privacy, and shot by the same audacious 
uhM 1 w h hwl just imbrued his hands in the blood of their 
common master. 1 The conspirators were Urns far success- 
ful in their daring and in their crimes, but they neglected 
to slay or imprison the son of their lust victim ; and tho 
minds of the soldiers do not seem In huve been prepared 
for the death of Dliifm Singh, as they were for that of the 

Jlira rtiiitfh MuhuriijR. The youthful I Mm Singh was roused by his own 
d' w w r and his filial duty ; ho could plausibly accuse the, 
SiiNlhiunwulas of being alone guilty of the treble murder 
which had taken place, and he largely promised rewards to 
the troops if they would avenge the death of tltcir friend 
and his father. The army generally responded to his call, 
and the citadel was immediately assaulted ; yet so strong 
wus the feeling of aversion to Jammu ascendancy among the 
Sikh people, that could the feeble garrison have held out 
for three or four days, until the first impulse of anger and 
surprise had passed away, it is almost certain that I lira 
Singh must have fled for his life. But the place was entered 
on the second evening ; the wounded Lulum Singh was at 
once slum ; nud Ajlt Singh, in attempting to boldly escape 
over the lofty walls, fell and was also killed.* Oalip Singh 
was then proclaimed Maharaja, and I lira Singh wus raised 

1 U<mt.-('ol. Ilirhmoml to (Jovrramnnt, I7lh and IHth Sept. 1843. 
Liout.-CuJ, Kk'hmuiul to (lovm'mmmt, 20th %>!. 184& 


to the high and fatal office of Wastfr ; but he was all-powerful 1843. 
for the moment ; the Sindhianwala possessions were eon- 
fiscated, and their dwellings razed to the ground : nor did pro<*!umi<<(l 
the youthful avenger stay until he had found out and put to 
death Bhai Gurmukh Singh and Missar Beli Ham, the former 
of whom was believed to have eoimived at the death of his 
confiding master, and to have instigated the assassination 
of the minister ; and the latter of whom had always stood 
high in the favour of the great Maharaja, although strongly 
opposed to the aggrandisement of the Jaimnu family. 
Sardar Atur Singh Siiulhiiukwiiln, who was hurrying to 
Lahore when Jut heard of the capture of the citadel, made 
a hasty attempt to rouse the village population in his favour 
through the influence of lihui IJIr Singh, a devotee of great 
repute; but the * Khalsa' was almost, wholly represented 
by the army, and he crossed at once into UK* British terri- 
tories to avoid the emissaries of I lira Singh. 1 

The now minister added two rupees and a half, or five Tin* 
shillings a month, to the pay of the common soldiers, and 
ho also discharged some arrears due to them. The army felt 
that it hud Income the master of the Mate, and it en- 
deavoured to procure donatives, or to place, itself right in 
public. estimation, by threatening i<> *'j<'t*t the Jantmtt 
faction, and to nmkc UK* Bhai HIr Singh, already mentioned, 
a king as well as a priest," Juwuhir Singh, iiut maternal 
uncle of the hoy Maharaja, ulmuly grasped the. highest post, 
he could occupy ; nor wan the minister''* family united 
within itself, Suehet Singh's vanity was mortified by the 
ascendancy of his nephew, a stripling, unacquainted with 
war, and inexperienced in business ; nnd hit endeavoured tr> 
form a party which should place him in power* 3 The youth- 
ful Wiralr naturally turned to his other uncle, Kulab Singh, 
for support, and Unit astute chief eared not who held titles 
no long as he was defemtd to and left unrctttrniwd ; but the 
Sikhs were still averse to film iKTKonally, and jculou Iet he 
uhould attempt to gnrrfoon every wtronghold with hi* own 
followers, <uliih Singh was, therefore, cautious in hiH jjro- 

1 U(mt..( ( ul. Itic'hnumtrH lattarH (rum iilnt Hiipt to 2nd Oct. 1H4. 

2 Iaiimt 4 *<!(it,'Uiehtaon<l to (Jovmiment, iidth hirpt, 1K43, 

Liout.-Col. Hichmoud to (lovornmuut, Kltk and ^nd Orf, 1H43. 



18 KI. ^ ceedings, and before lie reached Lahore, on the 10th of 
KajuOuJab ^ oveni ^ er ' * lc k a( * sought to ingratiate himself with till 
Singh. parties, save Jawahir Singh, whom he may have despised 
Sardfir Ja- us of no capacity. 1 Jawahir Singh resented this conduct, 
Singh, Nov. an( k taking advantage of the ready access to the Maharaja's 
24, 1843. ' person which his relationship gave him, he went witli the 
child in his arms, on the occasion of a review of sonic troops, 
and urged the assembled regiments to depose the Janium 
Rajas, otherwise he would fly with his nephew, their 
acknowledged prince, into the British territories. But the 
design of procuring aid from the Knglitdi was displeasing to 
the Sikhs, both as an independent people and as a licentious 
soldiery, and Jawahir Singh was immediately made a 
prisoner, and thus received a lesson winch influenced his 
conduct during the short remainder of his life. 11 
Jfclrfi Nevertheless, I lira Singh continued to bo beset with 

(1 ^ icullticjs ' There was one Hutch Khan Tiwauu, a personal 
follower of Dhian Singh, who was supposed to have been 
privy to the intended assassination of his master, and to 
have designedly held back when A jit Singh took the Kftjii 
to one side. This petty leader fled as soon us the army 
attacked the citadel, and endeavoured to wise nu insurrec- 
tion in his unlive province of Dcru Ismail Khftn, which 
caused the greater anxiety, us the attempt WHS supposed 
to bo countenanced by the nhlc and hostile Governor of 
The insur- Muttiin. 8 Scarcely hud measures been adopted for reducing 
ration of the potty rebellion, when KashmTm Singh and IVshuwura 
awl Singh, sons born to, or adopted by, Uanjtt Singh at the 

period of Ilia of the two Afghan provinces from 
18-S-i. winch they were named, started up as the rivals of the child 
Dtillp, and endeavoured lo form a party by appearing in 
open opposition at Siiilkot. Some regiments ordered to 
Peshawar joined the two princes ; the Muhaiunmdan regi- 
ments at Lahore refused to inarch against them unless u 
pure Sikh force did the same ; and it was with difficulty, 
and only with the aid of K&ja (iulab Singh, that the siege of 

i Of. Liuut.-Col. Richmond to Government, 20th &>pt. and IGtk 
Nov. 1843. 

Lieut-Col. Richmond to (Jovommout, 28th Nov. 1H4II. 
8 Lioui,-CoJ. Richmond to Go vcmiuf ml, ll'lb Doc. 


Sialkot was formed. The two young men soon showed 
themselves to be incapable of heading a party ; Him Singh 
relaxed in his efforts against them ; and towards the end 
of March he raised the siege, and allowed them to go at 
large. 1 The minister had, however, Jess reason to IKJ satisfied 
with the suceesH of Jawahir Singh, who, about the same 
time, induced his guards to release him, and he was un- 
willingly allowed to assume his place in the court, as the 
uncle of the child lo whose sovereignly in the abstract till 
nominally deferred." 1 * 

lUija SuchSt Singh was believed to haw been a aeeret Thi 
party to the attempts of KashmTru Singh, and the release 
of Jawahir Singh was also probably effected with his 
cognizance. The Itiiju believed himself to be popular with 
the army, and especially with the euvulry portion of it, 
which, having an inferior organ izatinn, begun to show some 
jealousy of the systematic proceedings of the regular 
infantry und artillery. He hud retired to (he hills wit.h 
great reluctance ; he continued intent upon supplanting his 
nephew; and mtddeiily, on the evening of the ttflth of 
March 38-U, he appeared ut Ivahore. with a few followers ; 
but he appealed in vuin Lo the mass of the troops, partly 
because Him Singh hud been liberal in #ifU and profuse in 
promises, and partly bemuse the shrewd dcputwH who 
formed the Punehiiyuts of the regimen tsha<l a sense of their 
own importance, and were not to be won for purposes of 
mere faction, without diligent and judicious Kecking, 
Hence, on the morning after the arrival of the muiguinc 
and hasty Ufijil, u large force marched against hint without 
demur ; but the chief was brave : fie endeavoured to make 
n stand in a. ruinous building, und he died fighting to the 
last, although hit* littlo baud WUN almost destroyed by the* 
fire of a numerous artillery before the annul hint H could reach 
the encloMUre* 9 

Within two months after thiw rath undertaking, Atar Th.-inmir- 
Singh Sindhianwuln, who imd been residing at Thftnesar, 
inmlc n Kiniilur lll-judg(*<i attempt to gain over the army, 


Liout.-CoL Richmond to Oovtirnnumt, 27th March 1H44. 
ol. Richmond to Oovornmnnt, UOth Mnn-h 


1841. and to expel Ilira Singh, He crossed the Sutlej on the 
2nd May, but instead of moving to a distance, so as to avoid 
premature collisions, and to enable him to appeal to the 
feelings of the Sikhs, he at once joined Bhai Bir Singh, whose 
religions repute attracted numbers of the agricultural popu- 
lation, and look up a position almost opposite Ferozcpore, 
and within forty miles of the capital. The disaffected 
Kaslimlra Singh joined the chief, but Him Singh stood as 
a suppliant before the assembled Khalsa, and roused the 
feelings of the troops by reminding them that the Sindhian- 
walas looked to the English for support. A large force 
promptly marched from Lahore, but it was wished to detach 
Bhai Bir Singh from the rebel, for to assail so holy u man 
was held to be sacrilege by the soldiers, and on the seventh 
of the month deputies were sent to induce the Bhai to retire. 
Some expressions* moved the anger of Surdfl-r Atar Singh, and 
he slew one of the deputies with his own hand. This siet led 
to an immediate attack. Atar Singh and Kashnura Singh 
were both killed, and it was found that u cannon-shot, had 
likewise numbered Bhai Bir Singh with the slum. The 
commander on this occasion wus Lahh Singh, u Hiijput of 
Jammu, and the possession of the family of KashmTru Singh 
seemed to render his success more complete ; but the Sikh 
infantry refused to allow the women and children to be. 
removed to Lahore ; and Labh Singh* alarmed by this 
proceeding and by the over the deuth of Bir 
Singh, hastened to the capital to ensure hus own Kafcty. 1 
The Illra Singh was thus successful against two main enemies 

Governor of his rule, and as he had also come to an understanding 
with the Govcmor of Mullita, the proceedings of Hutch Khun 
TiwUnft gave him little uneasiness. 2 The army itself was 
his great cause of anxiety, not lest the Sikh dominion nhould 
be contracted, but lest he should be rejected UH itn muster ; 
for the Punchayuts, although bent on retaining their own 
power, nnd on acquiring additional pay and privilege for 
their constituents the soldiers, were equally resolved on 
maintaining the integrity of the empire, and they arranged 

1 Uout.-Col. Kiohmoud to Uovunimunt, 10th. llth, and 12th May 
8 Of, LkraMJoI. EicUmottd to <juvornmcuit, 20th April 1844. 


among themselves about the relief of the troops in the 1844. 
provinces. On the frontiers, indeed, the Sikhs continued to 
exhibit their innate vigour, and towards the end of 1843 the 
secluded principality of Gilgit was overrun and annexed to Gilgiiro- 
KashmTr. The Panchayats likewise felt that it was the 
design of the Raja and his advisers to disperse the Sikh 
army over the country, and to raise additional corps of 
hill men, but the committees would not allow a single 
regiment to quit Lahore without satisfying themselves of 
the necessity of the measure ; and thus Hira Singh was in- Hira Singh 
duced to take advantage of a projected relief of the British J^SSSw 
troops in Sind, and the consequent march of several bat-* of the 
talions towards the Sutlej, to heighten or give a colour to En 6 Iisb - 
his own actual suspicions, and to hint that a near danger 
threatened the Sikhs on the side of the English. The 
* Khalsu * was most willing to encounter tfiat neighbour, 
and n brigade was induced to move to Kasur, and others to 
shorter distances from the capital, under the plea, as avowed 
to the British authorities, 'of procuring forage and supplies 
with greater facility. 1 Such had indeed been Kanjit Singh's 
occasional practice when no assemblage of British forces 
could add to his ever present fears ; a but Illra Singh's Th 
apprehensions of his own army and of his English allies 
were lessened by his rapid successes, and by the disgraceful annoys 
flpirit which then animated the regular regiments in the 
British serviee. The Sepoys rcfiiHed to proceed to Sind, and 
the Hikhs watched the progress of the mutiny with a pleased 
ftiirprisc, It was new to them to nee these renowned soldiers 
in opposition to their government ; but any glimmering 
hopes of fatal embarrassment to the colossal power of the 
foreigners were dispelled by the march of European troops, 
by the good example of the irregular eavalry, and by the 
returning ense of obedience of the sepoys themselves. 
The British forces proceeded to Sind, and the Lahore 
detachment was withdrawn from Kasdr. 8 

i Of. Lioui-Onl, Richmond to Government, 20th Deo, 1843, and 
23rd March 1844. 
* &QO, lor instance, Sir David Oohterlony to Government, l()th Oct. 

Cf. Liout.-Col. Richmond to Government, 20th April 1844, 


% * 

1844. Nevertheless there were not wanting causes of real or 

~; [ alleged dissatisfaction with the British Government, which 

wlthtoe 0118 at last served the useful purpose of engaging the attention 
English O f the Lahore soldiery. The protected Sikh ROjii of Niiblm 
vUlage the had given a village, named Moran, to Banjlt Singh at the 
Moran, Maharaja's request, in order that it might be bestowed on 
Dhanna Singh, a Nabha subject,, but who stood high in 
favour with the master of the Punjab, The village was so 
given in 1819, or after the introduction of the English 
supremacy, but without the knowledge of the Knglish 
authorities, which circumstance rendered the alienation in- 
valid, if it were argued Ih at the village had become sopurut ed 
from the British sovereignty. The Rfljfi of NilMm became 
displeased with Dhanna Singh, and ho resumed hiH gift 
in the year 1843 ; but in so doing his soldiers wantonly 
plundered the property of the feudatory, and thus gave 
the Lahore Government a ground of complaint,, of which 
and about advantage was taken for party purposes. 1 But HJra Singh 
treasure and his advisers took greater exception still to the decision 
Such& by o f t he British Government with regard to a <jimiilil.y of 
Singh. coin and bullion which Hfijii Kuchct Singh litul secretly 
deposited in Fcrozcporo, and which hi.s servants were 
detected in endeavouring to remove after his death. The 
treasure was estimated at 1,500,000, ami it was 
understood to have been Hc.nt to Few/cpore during tho 
recent Afghan War, for the purpose of being offered UK part 
of an ingratiatory loan to Mir Knglish Government, which 
was borrowing money at the lime from the protected Sikh 
chiefs. The Lahore minister claimed the treasure both HH 
the escheated property of n feudatory without nmle heir* 
of his body, and as the confiscated property of a, rebel killed 
in arms against his sovereign ; but the British Government 
considered the right to the property to be nnuffcelcfl by the 
owner's treason, and required that the. title to it, according 
to the laws of Jiunmu or of the Puiijub, should be regularly 
pleaded and proved in a British court. It WUH argued in 
favour of Lahore that no British subject or dependent 
claimed the Ironware, and that it might be expediently 
made over to the ruler' of the Punjab for surrender to the 
1 Liout,-CoL Richmond to Govornmnnt, Ittth and IKHth May 1H44. 


legal or customary owner ; but the supreme British uuthori- i* * * 
ties would not relax further from the conventional law of 
Europe than to say that if the Maharaja would write that 
the Rajas Gulab Singh and I lira Singh assented to the 
delivery of the treasure to the Sikh .slate for the purpose of 
being transferred to the rightful owners, it would no longer 
be detained. This proposal was not agreed to, partly because 
differences had in the meantime arisen between the uncle 
and nephew, and partly because the Lahore councillors 
considered their original grounds of claim to be irrefragable, 
according to Indian law and usage, and thus the money 
remained a source of dissatisfaction, until the Knglfch Htood 
masters in Lahore, and accepted it as purl of the price of 
Kashmir, when the valley was alienated to Kfijfi Guhlh 
Singh. 1 

1 Knr the diVnHstwis about the snrrendrr or the detent km of the 
irouMuru, two the leltnrM of Lieut, -Cot. Richmond to floverninent of 
the 7th April, 3rd and U7th Muy, t!.Mli ,htly. 10th Sept., and 5th HIM! 
UrthOet, IK44; and of (Jovermnent to Unit. -Col, Uiehinttml of the 
lltth ami 22nd April, 17th Muy, and 10th Aiur. of the wainr year. 

The principle laid down of deriding the claim to th<i lr<*aure fit a 
Hritinh tribunal, nnd according to the lawn nf Uihore or of JammO, 
rio<w not. rlMnguiNh }etween publie nnd imJividunl ri^hi of hfiirnhip ; 
or rather it der-ithw the (itieMitm with reference* H(lcl,v to the Inw lit 
privfttft <^iH(H, Throughout Iiulin, the praelienl rule hn CVIT IMH-B 
that mieh pro]M*rty Hhull he nduimi'iten'd n^reeuhly ti J)ie eiiHtmim 
f the trih or proviwn tft vhieli the f|i<t'i*iiw*d belonged j and very 
froqixiutly, when the only litiwmtu are mihjeHH of one nnd the mime 
foreign Htate, it in expediently wade ovur to the wtviwijfii of that Htate 
foradjmiiration, on the plea that the rightHof the partien can hit M 
anoertained on thn H|i(, nnd that every ruler in a tenderer of jitirttee. 

In thn preHent iimtaner the iuiptTfertion of the international I<aw 
of Kuropu may In- inon* to Itlutne than the ('overninent of India and 
the legal authorttieM of Culruttn, for lefiiNinx to acknowledge thn 
right (it AH ftUiofl and friendly Ntitte to Hie projierty of 11 < hi Id low* 
ratal { to whirh projHTty, moreover, no Hrhiwh ftulijeet cir deptttident 
pr^fdrrod a olmin, Vatfei Iny it down thai A wt range r'n projMirty 
romainn A part of the aggregate wealth of hi* nation* and that tho 
right to it in to be det^nnintHl aeeording tc thti lawnof hin own (tountry 
(Hook II, chap, viii, j|{ 10(1 and 110); hut in tho iwcttiim in question 
roftyroncci in nol]y had to eawv in which unhjtwtn or private |MirtieM 
aro litigants; although Mr. Chitty, in bin not U> 1 103 (wl IHrM), 
that foreign HovarnigUM ean in Kngland Hue, at lonwt Ifritinh 


Th oricmtal tsun ternary law with regard to tho onUtc* And |>ro)H*rty 


IBM. IKra Singh had, in his ads and successes, surpassed the 

Hira Hindi 6 onera * expectation, and tlic manner in which affairs were* 
by carried on seemed to argue unlooked-for abilities of a high 
or(ler 5 but tnc ^J 3 - himself had little more* than a noble 
presence and a conciliatory address to recommend him, and 
the person who directed every measure was a Brahman 
Pandit, named Jalla, the family priest, so lo speak, of the 
Jnmmn brothers, and the tutor of DJiitin Singh's sons. This 
erafty and ambitious man retained all the influence over 
the youthful minister which he had exercised over the 
boyish pupil on whom ItaujTI. Singh lavished favours. 
Armies hud marched, and chiefs had been vanquished, as 
jf at Hie bidding of the preceptor become eouneillor. His 
views expanded, and he seems (.0 have entertained UK- idea 
of founding a dynasty of ' IVshvvfis ' among the rude Jats 
of the Punjab, as had beeu done by one of his tribe among 
the equally rude Marilllias of the south. lie fully pereeived 
that the Sikh army must be conciliated, and also thai it must, 
bo employed, lie despised, and with some reason, the spirit, 
and capacity of most of the titular chiefs of Uie country; and 
lie felt that Hfija (ulfib Singh absorbed a large proportion of 
the revenues of the country, and seriously embarrassed the 
central government by his overgrown power and influence, 
It was primarily requisite to keep the army well und regu- 
larly paid, and hence the Pandit proceeded without scruple 
1o .sequester several of the fiefs of the sirdars, and gradually 

of Jilxlrdum (fouduJ beiiciieiaru'N) may he HIWII In itcrnior'H Trnntx 
(p. IS I), mid it almond MWMH identical with that ancitmlly in forco 
among 11 wAuglo-iSa, \OIIH with reference to ' jioUtiH hy Korvi<*o% 1lto fol- 
loworH of ft lord or king, ( t So Kcmhta'K Mtisona in ttuylwnd, i, 1 78, #<;,) 
Tho ri^ltt of tho (jovcrnmcnt in full, and it m hawd on th f(M'litg or 
prini[l(^ that a bwiofieiary IIH only ijut UNO during life of estates or 
offices, and that all ho may liavu accunuilatt^d, through pnrwmony or 
oppr<Hwion, IH tho projiorty of tho Htak*. li may lie difficult to diH'ido 
hel.wt^n a pt'oplo and an cxpollcd Hovoreij^n, ahont hm guilt or hit* 
tvniiiny, hut thorn can ho nonn in deciding Iwlwccn nn allied niatft 
and itn Huhjecl, about tmiHon or rebellion, NoiUior riifn^H* truitot'H 
nor jmtriotH ar allowed io ahuo their nHylnni hy plotting agaiuHt. thr 
Unvurnmont wJucJi lias duwt tjioin out ; und an cxioriHion of tho prin- 
ciple* would prevent dtwporuto advonttirurH defruuding tJui Htato whicli 
han wiarcul arid hoapcd favoum <m tluw, hy removing their pnijKiriy 
provioufl to uugfigintf iit ruuli and cnminal outorpriwua. 


to inspire the soldiery with the necessity of a march against 1844. 
Jammu. Nor was he without a pretext for denouncing - 
Gulfib Singh, as that unscrupulous chief had lately taken 
possession of the estates of Raja Sucliet Singh, to which he 
regarded himself as the only heir, 1 

Jalla showed vigour and capacity in all he did, but he Paudii 
proceeded too hastily in some matters, and he attempted J al | a and 
too much at one time. He did not, perhaps, understand Singh. 
the Sikh character in all its depths and ramifications, and 
he probably undervalued the mibtlcty of Gulab Singh. The 
Haju, indeed, was induced to divide the Jagtrs of Suchet 
Singh with his nephew,* but Fateh Khan Tiwana again 
excited an insurrection in the Derajat ; 8 Chattar Singh 
Atariwula took up arms near Rawalpindi, 4 and the Muham- 
mndnn tribes south-west of Kashmir were encouraged in 
rebellion by the dexterous and experienced chief whom 
1*1111(1 if, Jalla sought to crush/' JPcshawiira Singh again 
aspired to 1 he sovereignty of the Punjab ; he was supported 
by Gulftb Singh, and Julia ill last perceived the necessity 
of coining to tornin with one so formidable. 6 A reconciliation 
was accordingly patched up, and the Raja sent his son Sohan 
Singh to Lahore. 7 The hopes of Peshawara Singh then 
vanished, and he fled for safety to the south of the Sutlej. 8 

Pandit Jnllu made the Additional mistake of forgetting Pandit. 
that the Sikhs wore not joulous of Gulab Singh alone, but faSwSS" 
of nil strangers to their Ihith and race ; and in trying to Hikhs.ancl 
crush the dud's, he hud forgotten that they were Sikhs "jgj thc 


i Of. Limit. -Gol. Ki<'hmond in (tovurnraont, 13th Aug. and 10th Oct. 

3 Uout..0ol. Richmond to Government', BOth Oct. 1844. 

* Liout.-(!ol. Richmond to Ciovormnont, 14th Juno 1844. 

* Lfftutt-OdL Richmond to (lovornmont, 10th Oct. 1844. 
fi Major Broadfoot to (iovornmcnt, 24th Nov. 1844. 

Li<iut.-0ol. Richmond to Government, 10th Oct. 1844, and 
Major .Broadfoot to Oovornmont, 24th Nov. 1844. 

7 Liout.-Coh Richmond to Government, 30th Oct. -1844, and 
Major Broadfoot to (Jovornmont, 13th Nov. and 16th Deo. 1844. 

Major Broadfoot to Government, 14th and 18th Nov. 1844. 
Mnjor .Broadfoot, who Buoooodod Lieut-Col, Richmond as agent on 
the frontier on the lt Nov. 1844, received Peshawara Singh with 
dvilittos unuHual under the circumstances, and proposed to assign 
him an allowance of a thousand rupees a month. 


1844. equally with the soldiers, and that the ' Khalsa ' was a word 
which could be used to unite the high and low. He showed 
no respect even to sardars of ability and means. I -alma Singh 
Majithla quitted the Punjab, on pretence of a pilgrimage, 
in the month of March 1844, 3 and the only person who was 
raised to any distinction was the unworthy Lfd Singh, n 
Brahman, and a follower of the Rajas of Janmm, hut who 
was understood to have gained a disgraceful influence over 
the impure mind of Rani Jinclan. The Pandit again, in Ins 
arrogance, had ventured lo use some expressions of im- 
patience and disrespect towards the mother of the Muhariijii, 
and he had habitually treated Jawtihir Singh, her brother, 
with neglect and contempt, The impulsive soldiery was 
wrought upon by the incensed woman and ambitious man ; 
the relict of the great Maharaja appealed to the children of 
the Khalsa, already excited by the proscribed chiefs, and 
IlTra Singh and Pandit Julia perceived that their rule, was 

Ilira flinch at an end. On the 21st December 3844 they endeavoured 
to ftvoid tllc wralh of *- h( * sikh soldiery by a Midden flight 

but are * from the capital, but, they were overtaken and sluiu tofore 

onrtpuTi" Illl0 ' y coul<1 r *' ildx J tt"Wi lng with Hohun Singh, tho 
rtoath, BiHi cousin of the minister, and Lubh Singh, so imiled as 
' ' Ut a victorious commander. The memory of Pandit Julia con- 
tinued to bo execrated, bu t the fat e of I If m Singh exeit <id KOJIIC 
fw regrets, for he had well avenged the death of his father, 
and he had borne his dignities with gnue and modesty, 8 
JawSlur * The sudden breaking up of Him Singh's government 
SuffiiSi oau ' sc ; cl somc oonftiHion for a time, and the shite seemed to 
attain be without a responsible head ; but it WUH gradually per- 
00 i vc< i that Jawfthir Singh, the brother, and Lu! Singh, the 
favourite of the Rtlnl, would form the most influential 
members of the administration. 8 Peshawara Singh, indeed, 
escaped from the custody of the British authorities, by 
whom he had been plaeed under surveillance, when he fled 
across the Sutlej ; but lie made no attempt ut the moment 

1 Luhna Singh wont firot to Hawlwiir and ftftorwar<to i , 

Ho nxt irimtcKl Oaya and -Jagannath and (^bfiitta, and Im wn 
raiding in tho last-named rilaoo wh(n liotiIiti<'H hroko otat with the 

* (if. Major Broadfcmt to (lovormmmi., iMth ami 2Hth J)w. 1H44. 


to become supreme, and lie seemed to adhere to those who 1844. 

had so signally avenged him on Hlra Singh. 1 The services 

of the troops were rewarded by the addition of half a rupee 
a month to the pay of the common soldier, many fiefs were 
restored, and the cupidity of all parties in the state was 
excited by a renewal of the designs against Gulab Singh. 2 
The disturbances in the mountains of Kashmir were put 
down, the insurgent Fateh Khan was taken into favour, 
Peshawar was secure against the power of all the Afghans, 
although it was known that Gulab Singh encouraged the 
reduced Barakzaiw with promises of support ; 8 but it was 
essential to the government that the troops should be em- 
ployed : it was pleasing to the men to be able to gratify 
their avarice or their vengeance, and they therefore marched 
against Jamnni with alacrity. 4 

Gulab Singh, who knew the relative inferiority of his The Sikh 
soldiers, brought all his arts into play. He distributed his JjJJJJg 
money freely among the Panchayals of regiments, he grali- against 
Red the members of those committees by his personal Jammu - 
attentions, and he again inspired Pcshawara Singh with 
designs upon the Hovercignty itself. He promised a gratuity Fob, to 
to the army which had marched to urge upon him the pro- 
priety of submission, he agreed to surrender certain portions 
of the general possessions of the family, and to pay to the 
state a fine of 3,500,000 rupees. 6 Rut an altercation arose 
between the Lahore and Jammu followers when the pro- 
mised donative wns being removed, which ended in a fatal 
affray ; and afterwards an old Sikh ehicf, Fateh Singh Man, 
and one Bachna, who had deserted Gulab Singh's service, 
were waylaid and slain, 6 The IlujFi protested against the 
accusation of connivance or treachery ; nor is it probable 

1 Of. Major lirooclfoot to Government, 28th Doc. 1844, and 4th Jan. 
1845, As Major Broadfoot, however, points out, tho prince Boomed 
ready enough to graHp at power oven so early as January. 

2 Of. Major Hroadfoot to Government, 28th Deo. 1844, and 2nd Jan. 

8 Major Broadfoot to Government, 16th Jan. 1845. 

4 The troops further rejected the terms to which the Lahore coxtrt 
fleomod inclined to eome with Gulab Singh. (Major Broadfoot to 
Government, 22nd Jan. 18*5.) 

5 Major Broadfoot to Government', 18th March 1845. 

9 Major Broadfoot to Government, 3rd March 1845. 


1845. that at the time he desired to take the life of any one except 
Bachna, who had been variously employed by him, and who 
knew the extent of his resources. The act nevertheless 
greatly excited the Sikh soldiery, and Gulab Singh perceived 
that submission alone would save Jammu from being 
Gfulab sacked. He succeeded in partially gaining over two brigades, 
mJte^?" he joined their camp, and he arrived at Lahore early in 
repairs to April 1845, half a prisoner, and yet not without a reasonable 
AprS r i845 P ros P ect of becoming the minister of the country ; for the 
" mass of the Sikh soldiery thought that one so great had been 
sufficiently humbled, the Panchayats had been won by his 
money and his blandishments, and many of the old servants 
of Ranjit Singh had confidence in his ability and in his good- 
will towards the state generally. 1 There yet, however, 
existed some remnants of the animosity which had proved 
fatal to Hira Singh ; the representatives of many expelled 
hill chiefs were ready to compass the death of their greatest 
enemy ; and an Akali fanatic could take the life of the 
6 Dogra ' Raja with applause and impunity. Jawahir Singh 
plainly aimed at the office of WazTr, and Lai Singh's own 
ambition prompted him to use his influence with the mother 
of the Maharaja to resist the growing feeling in favour of 
the chief whose capacity for affairs all envied and dreaded. 
Hence Gulab Singh deemed it prudent to avoid a contest 
for power at that time, and to remove from Lahore to a 
place of greater safety. He agreed to pay in all a fine of 
6,800;000 rupees, to yield up nearly all the districts which 
had been held by his family, excepting his own proper fiefs, 
and to renew his lease of the salt mines between the Indus 
and Jhelum, on terms which virtually deprived him of a 
large profit, and of the political superiority in the hills of 
Jawahir Rohtas. 2 He was present at the installation of Jawahir 

mSSylp'" Sin S h as Wazir on the 14ttl May* 8 and at the betrothal of 
pointed the Maharaja to a daughter of the Atari chief Chattar Singh 
MariL on the loth ^ u *y ; * an< * t war ds the end of the following 

* Of. (Major Broadfoot to Government ,{8th"and 9th April and 5th 
May 1845. 

2 Major Broadfoot to Government, 5th May 1845. 
8 Major Broadfoot to Government, 24th May 1846. 

* Major Broadfoot to Government, 14th July 1845. 


month he retired to Jamnui, shorn of much real power, but 1R45. 
become acceptable to the troops by his humility, and to the 
final conviction of the English authorities, that the levies of 
the mountain Rajpdls were unequal to a contest even with 
the Sikh soldiery. 1 

The able Governor of Multan was assassinated in the SawanMal, 
month of September 18-il by a man accused of marauding, ' 

and yet imprudently allowed a considerable degree of 
liberty. 2 Miilraj, the son of the Dlwun, had been appointed 
or permitted to succeed his father by the declining govern- 
ment of Him Singh, and he showed more aptitude for affairs 
than was expected. He suppressed a mutiny among the 
provincial troops, partly composed of Sikhs, with vigour and 
success ; and he was equally prompt indenting with a younger 
brother, who desired to have half the province assigned to 
him as the equal heir of tlio deceased Diwtin. Mulraj put 
his brother in prison, and thus freed himself from all local 
dangers ; but he had steadily evaded the demands of the 
Lahore court for an increased farm or contract, and he had 
likewise objected to the large * Nazarana * , or relief, which 
was required as the usual condition of succession. As goon, 
therefore, an Gulab Singh Imd been reduced to obedience, it 
was proposed to dispatch a force against Multan, and the 
1 Khillsa ' approved of the measure through the assembled 
Punchfiyats of regiments and brigades. This resolution and otfwa 
inducted the new governor to yield, und in September (1845) } tho 
it was arranged that he should pay a line of 1,800,000 rupees, tho" Lahore 
lie escaped an addition to his contract sum, but he was "<""*' 
deprived of some petty districts to satisfy in a measure the 
letter of the original demand. 8 

1 Major Broadfoot confessed that ' late events had shown the Kiijil's 
weakness in tho hills', when* ho (should have boon strongest, had his 
followers boon bravo and trusty. (Major Broadfoot to Government, 
f>th May 1845.) 

* Lieut-Col, Richmond to Government, 10th Cot. 1844, 

* In this paragraph tho author has followed mainly his own notes 
of occurrence**. The mutiny of the Mult&n troops took place in Nov. 
1844* Tho Governor at onoe surrounded them, and demanded tho 
ringleaders, and on their surrender being refused* he opened a firo 
upon their whole body, and killed, as was said, nearly 400 of them. 
Dlwan MQlr&j seized and confined his brother in Aug. 1845, and in 
the following month tho terms of his succession, were settled with tho 


1845. The proceedings of Peshftwam Singh caused more dis- 

The robel^ ^utetude to the new WazTr personally than the hostility of 
lion of Gulab Singh, or the resistance of the Governor of Multuii. 
The P rince was vain an d * slender capacity, but his rela- 
tionship to Ranjlt Singh gave him Home hold upon the minds 
of the Sikhs. He was encouraged by Gulab Singh, then sale 
in the hills, and he was assured of support by the brigade of 
troops which had made Jawahir Singh a prisoner, when that 
chief threatened to fly with the Maharaja into the British 
territories. Jawahir Singh had not heeded the value to the 
state of the prudence of the soldiers in restraining him ; he 
thought only of the personal indignity, and soon after his 
accession to power he barbarously mutilated the commander 
of the offending division, by depriving him of his nose and 
March ears. Peslmwara Singh felt himself countenanced, and he 
W endeavoured to rally a party around him at Sialkot, which 
he held in fief* Hut the Sikhs were not disposed to Urns 
suddenly admit his pro tensions ; he was reduced to straits ; 
and in the month of June lie fled, and lived at large on the 
country, until towards the end of July, when he surprised 
the fort of At took, proclaimed himself Maharaja, and 
entered into a correspondence with Dost Muhammad Khan* 
fcJardar Chattar Singh of Atari was scut against the pretender, 
and troops were moved from Dent Ismail Khan to aid in 
reducing him. The prince was beleaguered in hin fort, and 
who Hiilf became aware of his insignificance ; hcsulmutted on thcttOlh 
j)uUo mi W August, ttn 'l wns directed to be removed to Lahore, bu t he was 
(tail ii secretly put to death at the instigation of Jawahir Singh, and 
' turou ^ 11 tJui iiMlniiwntulity, as understood, of Kateh Kluln 
TiwEnu, who sought by rendering un important service to 
f urther ingratiate himself with that master for the time being 
who had restored him to favour, and who hud appointed him 
to the management of the upper DerajiU of the Indus. 1 

Lahore court. [.Mulnlj novor paid hw lino. lu April 1848, when 
throatonud with foreo, ho raHitfmul, and Kahti JSin^h watt wnt from 
Lahoro to roliovo him, acitomiMinuul by Mr. Vaiw Agnow unci Liout. 
Ancloracm, r riio murdor of Hum ofUoom on thoir arrival at Mult&n 
led to the H(ic:onrl Hikh War and tho iinal oxtiuution of Hikh indo- 
pendonuc^ Ei>, ] 

1 Of. Major Brmitlfnot iu Uovommout, 14th and 20th July and 
Bth and IHth Sopt. JK45. 


This last triumph was fatal to .Jawahir Nin#h, and singer 
was added to the contempt in which he hud always been 
held. He had sometimes displayed both energy and perse- soiluiy * 
verance, but his vigour was the impulse of personal resent- jlwjdyoM'i 
mcnt, and it was never characterized by judgement or by trustful". 
superior intelligence. His original design of Hying to the 
Knglish had displeased the, Sikhs, and rendered them suspi- 
cious of his good faith us a member of the KhiiLsu ; und no 
sooner had his revenge been gratified by the expulsion of 
lllru Singh and Pundit, Julia, than he found himself the mere 
sport and plaything of the tinny, which had only united with 
him for the attainment of a common object The soldiery 
began to talk of themselves us pre-eminently the ' Panth 
Khalsagi *, or congregation of believers; 1 und Juwahir 

Singh was overawed by the spirit which animated the armed |j,|Jj r 

host. In the midst, of the. successes aigainst. Jammu, he 
trembled for his fate, and he twice laid plaits for escaping 
to the south of the Sutlcj ; but I he troops were jealous of 
such a step on the part of their nominal master. He felt 
that lie was watched, and he abandoned the hope of escape 
to seek relief in dissipation , in the levy of Muhamnwdan 
regiments, und in idle; or desperate threats of wur with bin 
British allies. 9 Juwahir Singh was thus despised am! dis- 
trusted by the Sikhs themselves ; their enmity to him was 
fomented by Lai Singh, who aimed at the post of wu/Jr ; 
and the murder of IVshilwaru Singh added to the general 
c.xtiHpcmtion, for the act wan condemned UK insulting to the 
people, und it was held up to reprobation by the chiefs us 
one which would compromise their own wifely, if allowed to 
pass with impunity/ 1 The Panchayuts of regiment H met in IV .tnuy 
council, und they resolved that .Juwilliir Singh should die us i' l l / l ^2 l l l| w 
u traitor to the commonwealth, for death w almost the only jmtwhuu to 
mode by which tumultuous, half- bit rburoiiK governments 

i Or, UN th * Barhat Khutna \ th nf tho elo^t. Major ttroiul* 
foot (l^ttor of 2ml Fob, 1K45) thought thin titln, whieh Uut m>IdiiHrii 
arrogtitocl to thomiMilvtw, WAH rmw in tjormiponcUmcffl ; but Oovnrn* 
numt fiointod out, in ruply, that it WM an old term ftwurding U* this 

(Jf. Major Hroiicifoot to <J<vmmtmt. SHrtl uttd UKth KeK, 5th 
April (a domi-omcial lottttr)* and 15th ami IHth Bopt. 1K45. 
y (Jf. Major I?nadf(jot to (Jovornmont, l!i2nd Bcpt. 1K45. 


1845. can remove an obnoxious minister. He was accordingly 
required to appear on the *21st September before the 
assembled Khalsa to answer for his misdeeds. He went, 
seated upon an elephant ; but fearing his fate, he took with 
him the young Maharaja and a quantity of gold and jewels. 
On his arrival in front of the troops, he endeavoured to gain 
over some influential deputies and officers by present dona- 
tives and by lavish promises, but he was sternly desired to 
let the Maharaja be removed from his side, and to be himself 
silent. The boy was placed in a tent near at hand, and u 
party of soldiers advanced and put the wazir to death by a 
discharge of musketry. 1 Two other persons, the sycophants 
of the minister, were killed at the same time, but no pillage 
or massacre occurred ; the act partook of the solemnity 
and moderation of a judicial process, ordained and witnessed 
by a whole people ; and the body of Juwahir Singh was 
allowed to be removed and burnt with the dreadful honours 
of the Sat! sacrilice, among the lust, pcrhupH, which will 
take place in India. 

The army For some time after the death of Jawiihir Singh, no one 
ful? )OW<?I " Deemed willing to become the supreme administrative 
authority in the state, or to place himself at the head of 
that self-dependent army, which in a few months hud led 
captive I lie formidable chief of Jamimi, reduced to sub- 
mission the powerful governor of Miiltiin, put down the 
rebellion of one recognized us the brother of the Maharaja, 
and pronounced and executed judgement on the highest 
functionary in the, kingdom, and which had also without 
effort contrived to keep the famed Afghans in check at 
Peshawar and along the frontier. Kaja Guliib Singh was 
urged to repair to the capital, but he and all others were 
overawed, and the Rani Jindau held herself for a time a 
regular court, in the absence of a wa/Jr* The army waH 
partly satisfied with this arrangement, for the committees 
considered that, they could keep the provinces obedient, and 
tlusy reposed confidence in the talents or the integrity of 
the accountant Dirui Nulh, of the paymaster ttlwgat Hum, 

1 Of* Major Krone Ifuol to < iownimmit, iiOth Sept. 1H45. U may 1)0 
added that tho Kikhu K<m<rully r<wanl<ul Juwfihir Singh an OIMS ready 
to bring hi tho Uuglftih, and as faithlcHH i,u tlm 


ami of Nur-ud-dm, almost us familiar us his old and iniirin 1H-&5. 
brother Aziz- ud -dm, with the particulars of the treaties 
and engagements with the English. The urmy had formerly 
required that these three men should be consulted by 
Jawuhir Singh; but the advantage of a responsible head 
was, nevertheless, apparent, and as the soldier** were by 
degrees wrought upon to wage war with their European 
neighbours, Haja Lai Singh was nominated wuxir, and 
Sardur Tej Singh was reeonfirnu'd in his olliee ut ('run- < 4 )iur, in 
niamler-in-( f hief. These appointments were made early ^J^'Fii/ 
in November IH-k 1 *. 1 lish wai. 1 * 

1 In tliia paragraph tho author ItoH folluwod mainly hiH own 
of oouummcOB, 




Causes leading to a war between Ike Sikhs and English Tho English, 
being apprehensive of frontier disturbance^ adopt defensive 
measures on a scale opposed to tho spirit of tho policy of 1809 
The Sikhs, being prone to suspicion, conuidor themselves in 
danger of invasion And are further moved by their want of 
confidence in the English representative Tho SikhH ruuolvo to 
anticipate tho English, and wage war by crowing tho ttutlvj - Tho 
tactics of tho Sikhs The views of tho Siklx luiulttni*- Ferozoporo 
purposely spared Tho Battle of Mudki Tho Battlo of Fhceroo- 
shuhur, and retreat of tho Sikhs Thtt effect of these hurron vic- 
tories upon tho Indians and tho Englinh thomwslvott -Tho Sikhs 
again cross the Sutloj Tho Skirmish of ftulowftl Tho BaUIo of 
Allwal Negotiations through Raja Uulab Singh - *Tho Buttlo of 
Sobruon The submwBion. of tho Sikh Chiefo, and tho occupa- 
tion of Lahore The partition of tho Punjab - Tho Tniuty with 
Oallp Singh- The Treaty with tiuluh Kiiitfh -4\tw\ union, 
relative to tho portion of tho Kngliwh hi India, 

THU English Oovernnioul, had lon^ cxiwdctl thut if, would 
Tin* iikliui l)C forcc<l into a war witl1 Llu - <v( k rl)(urin Hiildicry of !H 
public jr^ I^uijttb : the Indian public, which o<iKi<icn<i only tin- fn<t 
tt (>f tJlc >r<>ress a' ' * 

of the 

pn'parcd to hour of the annexation of aitothcT kingdom 
Wlllll(mt n ^ l y inquiring or oaring about ihe c'tuiwH 
which led to it ; and the niora selfish chicftt of U* SikliM 
luul always dewircd that such a degree ofinterlVrenee should 
be axerciscd in the affairK of their country an would tfuanut- 
tec to them the easy enjoyment of tlioir jMiwctwioiiK. Them* 
wealthy and incapable men stood rebuked before the 
superior genius of Hanjrt Singh, and before the mys(<riouH 
spirit which animated tho people arrayed in arms, and they 
thus fondly hoped that a dmngc. would give them all they 
could desire ; but it is doubtful whether the Sikh soldiery 
ever seriously thought, although they often vutmtingly 
boasted, of lighting with the paramount power of Hindu- 


stan, until within two or three months of the first buttles, 
and even then the rude and illiterate yeomen considered 
that they were about to enter upon a war purely defensive, 
although one in every way congenial to their feelings of 
youthful pride and national jealousy. 

From the moment the Sikh army became predominant 
in the state, the Knglish authorities had been persuaded 
that the machinery of government would be broken up, 
that bands of plunderers would everywhere arise, and that 
the duty of a civilized people to society generally, ami of 
a governing power to its own subjects, would all combine 
to bring on a collision ; and thus measures which seemed 
sufficient were adopted for strengthening the frontier jxiHls, 
and for having a force at hand which might prevent 
aggression, or which would at least exact retribution and 
vindicate the supremacy of the Knglish name. 1 These were 
the fair and moderate objects of the British Government ; 
but the Sikhs took a different view of the relative condi- 
tions of the two states ; they feared tike ambition of their 
great, and growing ncighlxmr, they did not. understand why 
they should be dreaded when intestine commotions had 
redacted their comparative, inferiority ntill lower ; or why 
inefficiency of rule should be count rued into hostility of 
purpose ; defensive measures took in their eyes the form 
of aggressive preparations, and they came to the conclusion 
thai their country was to be invaded. Xor does this eon* 
vietion of the weaker and less intelligent power appear to 
be strange, or unreasonable, although erroneous for it in 
always to be borne in mind that India is far behind Kurojw 
in civilization, und that, political morality or moderation IN 
an little appreciated in the Kast in these days UK it was in 
Christendom in the Middle Ages, XHndiiHtAn, moreover, 
from Kabul to the valley of Assam nnd the island of Ceylon, 
is regarded UH one country, mid dominion in it IK iiMHodutwi 
in the minds of the people with the predominance of one 
monarch or of one race. The supremacy of ViknunftJIt nnd 
Chandra (iupta, of the Turkomans and MughalH, In familiar 

* Of. MiuuUt by Uut UovorniMMtonnni!, of thn USth Junit lH4friuiii 
th <}ovwwr-(UmrAl to th Mwnt Committal, Ut October lK4f, 
(I'nrllamitntiiry l*pr, 18411.) 


1845-6. to all, and thus on hearing of farther acquisitions by the 
English, a Hindu or Muhammadan will simply observe that 
the destiny of the nation is great, or that its cannon is 
irresistible. A prince may chafe that. lie loses u province 
or is rendered tributary ; but the. public will never accuse 
the conquerors of unjust aggression, or at least of unrighteous 
and unprincipled ambition. 

TheEnglish To this general persuasion of the Sikhs, in common with 
bodfeTof otncr Indian nations, that the Kitglish were and ure ever 
troops to- ready to extend their power, is to he added the particular 
JlStSJJ*^ .hearing of the British Government towards the Punjab 
traryto itself. In 1809, when the apprehensions of a French 
invasi(m of the KttKt uafi Hubsided, when tlic resolution of 
making the Jumna a boundary was still approved, and when 
the policy of forming the province of Sirhind into a neutral 
or separating tract between two dissimilar powers had been 
wisely adopted, the English Viceroy had said that rather 
than irritate Ranjlt Singh, the detachment of troops which 
had been advanced to LuclhU&im might be withdrawn to 
Karn&l. 1 It was not, indeed thought advisable to carry out 
the proposition ; but up to the period of the Afghan war 
of 1888, the garrison of JLudhiiirm formed the only body of 
armed men near the Sikh frontier, excepting the provincial 
regiment raised at Sabathu for the police of the hills itflcr 
the Gurkha war. The advanced post on the Sutlej was of 
little military or political UKC ; but it served UH the most 
conspicuous symbol of the compact with thct Sikhs ; and 
they, as the inferior power, were always disposed to lean 
upon old engagements as those which warranted the least 
degree of intimacy or dictation. Ju 181*5 the petty <*htef- 
ship of FcroKeporo, seventy miles lower down the Sutlej 
than Ludhi&ua, was occupied by the Knglish us an escheat 
due to their protection of nil Sikh lordships wive that of 
Lahore. The advantages of the place in a military (mint of 
view hod been pcrseveringly extolled, and its proximity to 
the capital of tho Punjab made Hanjlt Singh, in hi* pro- 
phctic fear, claim it a* a dependency of his own.* In 2888 
the Maharaja's apprehensions that the insignificant town 

1 Government to Sir David OohUirlony, 30th Jan. 1B00. 
9 Hoc ohap. vii. 


would become a cantonment were fully realized ; for 
twelve thousand men assembled at Ferozepore to inarch 
to Kliorasan ; and as it was learnt, before the date fixed 
for the departure of the army, that the Persians hud raised 
the siege of Herat, it was determined that a small division 
should be left behind, until the, sueecsrt of the projected 
invasion rendered its presence no longer neeessary. 1 But 
the succeeding warfare in Afghanistan and Hind gave the 
new cantonment a character of permanency, and in IHfci 
the remoteness from support of the hco posts on the Sutlej 
was one of the arguments used for advancing n considerable 
body of troops to Arpbala as a reserve, ami for plaetng 
European regiments in the hills still eloser to the Sikh 
frontier. 2 The relations of 1 809 were nevertheless eherished 
by the Sikhs, although they may have been little heeded by 
the English amid the multifarious considerations attendant, 
on their changed position in India, and who, assured of 
the rectitude of their intentions, persuaded of the general 
advantage of their measures, and conscious of ihrir over- 
whelming power, are naturally prone lo dihregurd the ICSH 
obvious feelings of their dependants, and to be earelm of 
the light in which their acts may be viewed by those wltotte 
aims and apprehensions are totally different from their 

It, had never been eoneeuled from the Sikh authorities, 
that the helpless eondit ion of t he acknowledged government 
of the country WON held in justify hueh additions to th? 

offrr In 

1 Thin WUH the undTHtandin# at tint time, hut no document upjM'Htvt 
to haw hfton drawn up to that nffncL It WHM indwi i*jmetfd that 
8hah Kliujfi would ho neatd oil hit* t,lmm% iintl tin* Hnlwli iirinv 
withdrawn, all within a tweivmuontiu 

* The author cannot ndr to wiy writ I en rui-nnl of thuw rwumim. 
hut ho known that thtty wnru tmiul, VVht^ti the wtep iu julvAm^ WAH 
resolved on t it in only to bo rortUJ tint th< ntntoAmwit WM nnt 
formed at Birhind, the iwlvantagm of which M a military twwt with 
reffironco to tho Punjab, ax tonng wntrnl tr all thf principal tmiiwittmt 
of the Huttoj, Hir David ( Mitetrlony had long lurfore wintod nut. 
(Sit I). Ochtorlony to Ucivamnumt, Sri! May 1RIO.) Home dulleat-y, 
however, wan felt towanU the* Nikhn of Patiala, t< whom Hirliinci 
belonged ; althoiigli tim morn intporlant nntl Ivm (Hcnwihle- ntep <if 
alarming the HikhH of Uhom ha<i IHHUI taken without htxul ur Iwiti' 


1845-6. ^ troops at Ludhifijrut and Feroaepore AD would give confidence 
support to the inhabitants of these districts, and ensure the sucecss- 
Sher Singh, ful defence of the posts themselves ajpiinHf. predatory hands. 1 

with $? Nor did the Sikhs deny the ttbwtnlct ri ht of tlu * EntfJfoh 
Sikhs, to make what military arrangement ft they pleased for the 

security of their proper territories : but thai any danger was 
to be apprehended from Lahore was not. admit led by men 
conscious of their weakness ; and thus by every process of 
reasoning employed, the Sikhs still came to the. same con- 
clusion that they were threatened. Many circunistanecs, 
unheeded or undervalued by the Kuglish, #ave further 
strength to this conviction. It had not indeed been much: 
known to the Sikhs that Sir William Mucnatfhten and others 
had proposed to dismember their kingdom by bestowing 
Peshawar on Shah Shuja, when Hunjlt Singh's line wan held 
to end with the death of his grandson ; but it would be idle 
to suppose the I^ahore government ignorant of u scheme 
which was discussed in official correspondence, and doubt less 
in private society, or of the previous desire of Sir Alexander 
Burnes to bestow the same tract on Dost Muhammad Khfln, 
which was equally a topic of conversation ; and the Sikh 
authorities must at least have had a lively remembrance 
of the Knglish offer of 18M, to inarch upon their capital, 
and to disperse their army. Again, in 1814 and 1815, the 
facts were whispered abroad and treasured tip, that the 
English were preparing bouts at Horn buy to make bridges 
across the Sutlej, that troops in Hind were being cquipfwd 
for a march on Million, 9 and that, the various garrisons of 

1 Of* the Govtirnor-Gouural in the* .SwrH (,'cunmiltw, 2nd !>. 1845, 
(Parliamentary Pajxw, 184ft) ; and also his <H{iatrh of thu 31ftb 
Dec. 1845 (Parliamentary Paptw, p. 28). 

B The collection of ordnance ami ammunition at Wnkhar for th 
equipment of a force of five thousand mon, to march iowarda Multan, 
was a subject of ordinary olHcial ttorrAfpondoncw in 1844- fi, *n for 
instance, between tho Military Hoard in Calcutta and tho officer* of 
departments under its control. 8ir Charlmi Napier atmurofl th* author 
that he, although Governor, had no oognizanut^ of tho uornwpondtmaft 
in question, and made no preparation* for equipping a forco for ^rvioc, 
Of tho fact of the corroapondonoo tho author ban no doubt ; but tho 
oxprcwion * collection of tho moann ', UMX! in tho firnt <tdkion v an bo 
hold to imply too much, and tho moaning in now tiomiotly reutortwi t<> 
( ordnanoo and ammunition '. Tho objoot of tiw Supremo Oovommont 


the north-west provinces were being gradually reinforced, 1845-6. 
while some of them were being abundantly supplied with 
the munitions of war as well as with troops. 1 None of these 
things were communicated to the Sikh government, but 
they were nevertheless believed by all parties, and they were 
held to denote a campaign, not of defence, but of aggression. 2 

The Sikhs thus considered that the fixed policy of the The Sikhs 
English was territorial aggrandizement, and that the imme- ^oved by 

diate object of their ambition was the conquest of Lahore, their esti- 
This persuasion of the people was brought home to them by m 5tiB? th 
the acts of the British representative for the time, and by Agent of 
the opinion which they had preformed of his views. Mr. the ^ 
Clerk became Lieutenant-Governor of Agra in June 1843, 
and he was succeeded as Agent for the affairs of the Sikhs 
by Licut.-Col. Richmond, whose place again was taken by 
Major Broadfoot, a man of undoubted energy and ability, 
in November of the following year. In India the views of 
the British Government are, by custom, made known lo 
allies and dependants through one channel only, namely, 
that of mi accredited English oflicer. The personal character 
of such a functionary given a colour to all he docs and sayn ; 
the policy of the government is indeed judged of by the 
bearing of its representative, and it is certain that the Sikh 
authorities did not derive any assurance of an increasing 
dcnirc for peace, from the nomination of un officer who, thirty 

was not to inarch on Multfui at that timo, but to bo prepared, at least 
in part, for future hoBtilitioB. 

1 Tho details of tho preparations made by Lords Jfillenborough 
ami Harding* may be HOWI in an article on the administration of tho 
latter nobleman, in the Calcutta Ittivic.w, which IB understood to be 
tho production of Lieut. -Col. Lawrence. 

Up to 1838 tho troops on the frontier amounted to one regiment at 
Sab&thu, and two at Ludhiftna, with six piecofl of artillery, equalling 
in ail little more than 2,f>00 men. Lord Auckland made the total 
about 8,000, by increasing Ludhi&na and creating Ferozeporo. 
Lord Ellenborough formed further now stations at Ambiia, Kasaull, 
and Simla, and planed in all about 14,000 men and 48 field guns on 
the frontier* Lord Hardingo increased the aggregate force to about 
32,000 men, with OH field guns, besides having 10,000 men with 
artillery at Mtwrut, After 1843, however, tho station of Karn&l, on 
tho Jumna, WAK abandoned, which in 1838 and preceding years may 
hnvo mustered about 4,000 men. 

a l?f. the Covornor-Oonorttl to tho Wcorot Committee, Duo, 2, 1845. 


1845-6, months before, had made so stormy a passage through their 

country. 3 

Major ^ One of Major Broadlbot's 2 first aels was to declare the 
news and' 8 Cis-Sutlej possessions of Lahore to be under British pro- 
overt acts teetion equally with Patiala and other chicfships, and also 
" ta be liablc to escheat on the death or deposition of Maha- 
raja Dalip Singh. 3 This view was not formally announced 
to the Sikh government, but it was notorious, and Major 
Broadfoot acted on it when he proceeded to interfere 
authoritatively, and by a display of force, in the affairs of 
the priest-like Sodhls of Anumlpur-Makhowal, a lief to 
which some years before it had been declared to be expedient 
to waive all claim, especially as llanjil Singh could best deal 
with the privileged proprietors. 1 Again, a troop of horse 
had crossed the Sutlej near Fcrosscporc, to proceed to Kot 
Kapura, a Lahore town, to relieve or strengthen the mounted 
police ordinarily stationed there ; but the party had crossed 
without the previous sanction of the British Agent, having 
been obtained, agreeably to an understanding between the, 
two governments, based on an article of the treaty of 1809, 
but which mod ifieci arrangement, was scarcely applicable to so 
small a body of men proceeding for .such a purpose. Major 
Broadfoot nevertheless required the horsemen to rccross ; 

1 Sir Claudo Wado, in hi Ntirratitv t>J Hvr flirts (p. 10, unfit), wdH 
observes ib to ho otiHontial to tho pnvMirvatioti of tlm ItiugliHh Hyulom 
of alliances in India, that political ropivHuutalivuH Hhoulil bo regarded 
as friends by the ohiofn with whom thoy ivHioV. rather than IIH thn 
ruero instruments of convoying tho ordtTH or of en forcing tlm pollry 
of foreign mastoi-H. 

2 Soop. 238, with regard to Major Hroutlfoot/H jiiiwHago of t Jio LMnijab 
in 1841. 

3 Major Broadfoot's lottorA to ({ovornmont, of t ho 7th Dec. I844 r 
30th Jan. and 28th B'ob. 184f>, may )M rofnmMi to an explanatory of 
his views. In the last lottor ho diHiinotly ayn that if tho young 
Maharaja Balip Singh, who was thru ill of tim Hmall-]M>x t Hhould din, 
he would direct tho roports wgardin tho ('iH-Sutlfj flintrlcitii to ho 
mado to himself (through tho Lahoro vakil or agnnt. iniiood), and not 
to any one in tho Punjab. 

* With regard to Anandpur, HW hp. vii. Ahout the* particular 
dispute noticed in tho text, Major Broadfoot'n loltur to (iovornmcnt 
of tho 13th Hopt. 1845 may lio nfrrrncl to. It laboum in a halting 
way to justify his proocuKihifpf and IUH liHKiunptiou of juriwlitttion 
under ordinary 


and as he considered them dilatory in their obedience, he 1845-6. 
followed them with his escort, and overtook them as they 
were abou I to ford the river. A shot was fired by the English 
party, and the extreme desire of the Sikh commandant to 
avoid doing anything which might be held to compromise 
his government, alone prevented a collision. 1 Further, the 
bridge-bouts which hud been prepared nt Bombay were 
dispatched towards Ferossepore in the autumn of 1845, and 
Major Broadfoot almost avowed that hostilities had broken 
out when he manifested an apprehension of danger to these 
armed vessels, by ordering strong guards of soldiers to escort 
them safely to their destination* and when he begun to 
exercise their crews in the formation of bridges after their 
arrival at Fcrozepore.' 2 

The views held by Major Kroudfoot, and virtually adopted M a j nr 
by the supreme government, with respect, to the Cis-Suflej 
districts, and ulso the measures followed in partu-uiur 
instances, may all be defttnclecl U> u certain extent, UK they 
indeed were, on spreious grounds, as on the vague deeluru- 
tions of Sir David Oehterlony or on the deferential in- 
junctions of HunjTt Singh. 8 It is even believed that if the 

i (If. Major Broadfoot to (tavornmnnt, 27th March 1845. It m 
undivHtourl that thn (Jnvormmutt diaapprovtwi of tluwuT protwdin#H. 

Thofta&wCfo /tar wi for .Juno lMM(p. 547) Htatw that tho<Jovoror- 
Oonoral did nut, an niprwwtod, disapprove, but, on tlw contrary, 
(tntirctly approval, of Major Broadfoot'H |rocHH*ilinjpi in thin mattnr. 
Tho Itovuwiir wri1.cs like omt p<w*'HHwl of oflluial knowlmlgo, but I 
am mtvorthoitwK tniwillinK t<> bolicvo that i\w (^vomor-Genor&l could 
haw hcon plonmul with f ho violent and unlK'roming act of his agont, 
although hw lonlrthip may havo dcmirod to mm tho irrt^ular conduct 
of tho SikhH firmly oluvkml. 

* A dotarthrmmt of troopK under a Kuro}>can olVu-or waH rorjuiroci to 
bo flont with <wuih hattsh of boaU, owing to thn Htati) of tho I'unjab. 
NovcrtUoIew, nmall iron tftmrii wero alhrnocl to navigatr* tho Sutloj 
at tho timo withoxit guard*, and on ity undor the gum o! Phillaur 
for ncjvwal d&y without niiwting ftught xnpt civility cm the part 

s Major Kroadfnot w undcwtoftd to have quoted to the ftikhft a 
lofctcr of Sir David Owhtnrlony'i, dbtd the 7th May 1800, to Mohkam 
Ohand, Ranjlt SJingh'n wpnwentatlvo. to the effect that th Cte-Sutloj 
Uhoro Hfcatoii wwo aqunlly undw Britliih protiHJtion with othw iitattw ; 
and alwo an ortior of April 1H24. from RanJIt Ningh, nqu&rinff hiH 
authoriticjH south of tho tiutloj to oUwy tho HSngUuh Agont, on pain of 


cession of the tracts in question had been desired, their 
relinquishment might have been effected without a resort 
to arms ; but every act of Major Broadfoot was considered 
to denote a foregone resolution, and to be conceived in a 
spirit of enmity rather than of goodwill. 1 Nor did the Sikhs 

having their noses slit. It IH not improbable that Sir David Oohter- 
lony may, at tho early date quoted', have BO understood tho nature 
of tho British connexion with reference tu ttomo particular case then 
before him, but that tho Cis-Sutloj states of Lahore wore held under 
feudal obligation to tho JGrtglwh Booms Hcareely tenable, for tho 
following reaaoiiH: (1) The protection extended by the Knglinh to 
tho chief*) of Sirhind waH declared to mean protection to them against 
Kanjit' Singh, and therefore not protection of tho whole, country 
Iwtwoen the Sutloj and Jumna, a portion of which belonged to Lahore, 
(Boo tho Treaty of 1809, and Article I of the declaration of the 3rd 
May 1809 ; and also Government to Sir David Oohterlony, 10th April 
1 800. ) Further, when convenient, tho British Government could even 
maintain, that although tho Treaty of 1809 was binding on Kanjit 
Sijagh, with reference to Cis-Sutlej states, it was not binding on the 
English, whom it wiraply authorized to interfere at their discretion. 
(Government to Capt. Wade, S>rd April 18.U) This was indeed 
written with reference to Bah&walpur, but the application wait made 
general* (2) The protection accorded to the chiefa of Sirhind was 
afterwards extended wo OH to give them security in tho plairm, hut not 
in tho hilto, ugainnt the Gurkhas an well as agttinwt Ranjlt Hingh 
(Government to Sir David Ochtt'rlony, 23rcl Jan. 1810) ; white with 
regard to Kanjit tiiugh'H own Cis-Sutloj pouHeBmonti, it watt deolarnd 
that he himself must defend them (against Nopal), leaving it a 
question of policy ah to whether ho nhould or ahould not bo aided in 
their defence, It wan further added, that ho might march through 
bin Gla-Hutloj dwtriets, to enable him to attack the Gurkhas hi tho 
hilfa near tho Jumna, in defence of the diMtric.tH in (juention, should ho 
BO wwh, (Citovernmont to Kir David Ochtt>rl<my 4th Oct. and 
22nd Nov. 1 811.) The opinion of Kir Charles Metoalfe, about tho 
proceeding** of tho Knglinh with regard to Whadni (see ante, p. 163, 
note), may also be quoted AH hearing on the CUM in a way advome to 
Major Broadfoot. 

1 It was generally held by the English in India that Major Broad- 
foot's appointment greatly inrrtwNed tho probabilities of a war with 
tho SikhH ; and tho improBHion was equally strong that had ftr. Clerk, 
for instance, rcmainocl an Agent* there would havo boon no war. Had 
Mr. Ciork again, or C 1 oL Wado boon tho British repreventative in 
1845, either would hnvo gone to Lahore in person, and would have 
ramonstratml against tho Holfish and unscrupulous procoodinj^ of the 
managors of aiTaira a obviously tending to bring on A rupture, They 
would also havo taken measures to show to tho troops that tho British 
Government would not be aggresuoro ; they would have told the chiefs 


seem to be menaced by their allies on one side only. In the 
summer of 1845 some horsemen from Multfui crossed a few 
miles into the Sind territory in pursuit of certain marauders, 
and in seizing them, the Lahore soldiers wore reported to 

that a war would compromise them with tho Knglisb, nor would they 
have como away until every pomonnl rink hud been run, and very 
exertion usod to avert a rnaurl to ai'inn. That Major Broadfoot wan 
regarded an hostile to tho HikliH may, perhapn, almost be gathered 
from hiti own letter*. On tho 10th March IK4f> he, wrote that tho 
Governor of Multiin had awkocl what eourno he, tho (Jovernor, xhould 
pursue, if tho Lahore troopw marched against him, to enforce obedi- 
ence to demands made. Tho qucntiou dooM not seem ono which a 
rocusant norvant would put under ordinary eirnimntanevH to the 
preserver of friendnhip between IUH master and the Knglwh. Major 
Broadfoot, however, would appear in hiivo m-urred to tho virtual 
overtures of Diwiiu. Mulriij, for on tho 20th Nov. 1H45, when lie wrote 
to all authorities in any way eouiteeted with tho Punjab, that the 
Britwh provinces were* threatened with invasion, lie told the Major- 
General at Kakhar that the (iovernor of Multau would <lefen<l A'/m/ 
with hin provineialH a^uniHt the Sikhs ! thim leudiii^ to the belief 
that ho had HUeceeclod in detaching the ( iovernor from IUK fillt^innco 
to Lahore, When t.hin uottt WIIK originally written, the author thought 
that Major BroadfootV warniuu in ({ucKtion had \>wn nddroMiod to 
>Sir CharW Napier himH^lf, but. he bus MuhKeijunntly nwertaindd that 
tho letter was Hont to hin lOxcelleney'H <Ieputy in the up|ior portion 
of tho country, and that Kir HmrluH Napier ban no recollection of 
reooiving a Himilar commnnieution. 

Some allimion may JL!HO be made to a falmlied Hpeeeh of Sir CharleH 
Napior'n, which ran the round of the paperH nt the time, about- the 
British army being eallod cm to move into tho 1'unjab, enpecially AH 
Major Broadfoot eonKidered tho Sikh Ieu<lcrH to bo moved in a greater 
degree by tho Indian tiowwpapcrH than IB implied in a panning attention 
to r<utoratod paragraplm about invnmon, !{<i thought, for instant'^, 
that Pandit .falla underwood the extent to which (lovrrimient 
deferred to public opinion, mxi that the Hruhmnn hiuiHelf dcNignod 
to mako UBO of the preHH HH an iiiHtrutneiit. (Major Brondfoot to 
Govornmont, I^Oth .Ian. 1H45.) 

In the ilret edition of thw hiMt^ry Mm npeiieh of Sir Chttrlon Nupiw 
was referred to mi if it had rwlly been rnade in tho terms reported, 
but the author ha* now learnt from hi* Itacwltaiwy that nothing 
whatever wan said about leading truopH into the* Punjab* or about 
engaging in war with the Sikhs. The author ha* likowta) aeoertajned 
from Sir Charim Napier, that the mention made in the flnrt edition 
about a proposal to Aation a oomwlerable force at Kaffhmor having 
boon disapproved by tho Huprvm* (lovtirnment in inoorwct, and he 
offers hiii apologmn to tho dintingmnhcwl leader nnHr("pn*ent*id for 
giving original or additional currency to tho orrurH iu 


1845-fl. ^ have used needless violence, and perhaps to have committed 
other excesses. Nevertheless, the object of the troopers 
was evident; and the boundary of the two provinces 
between the Indus and the hills is nowhere defined, but the 
Sir Charles governor, Sir Charles Napier, immediately ordered the wing 
Sfcon- * a re " nent * Kiwhmor, a few miles below Rojhan, to 
sidored preserve the integrity of his frontier from violation. The 
tnwSc'of kahore authorities were thus indeed put upon their guard, 
hoBtoto but the motives of Sir Charles Napier were not appreciated, 
viow. ttn( | th c prompt measures of the conqueror of Sind were mis- 
takenly looked upon as one more proof of a desire to bring 
about u war with the Punjab. 

ThoLuhoro The Sikh army, and the population generally, were eon- 
wslfSth?" vinc d that war was inevitable ; but the better informed 
porautuiion members of the government knew that no interference was 
yoonlAfor ^ cc ty * ^ c exerciscsd without nn overt act of hostility on 
their awn their part. 1 When moved as much by jealousy of one another 
ends, afi j )V a C Qnimon dread of the. army, the chiefs of the Punjab 
had clung to wealth and ease rather than to honour and 
independence, and thus Maharaja Sher Singh, the Sindhian- 
walas, and others, had been ready to become tributary, and 
to lean for support upon foreigners- As the authority of the 
army begun to predominate, and to derive force from its 
system of committees, ;t new danger threatened the terri- 
torial chiefs and the adventurers in the employ of the govern- 
ment. They might sueeesNivcly full before the cupidity of 
the orgnni'/etl body which none oouM control, or an able 
leader might arise who would absorb the power of all others, 
and gratify his followers by the wicrificc of the rich, the 
selfish, and the feeble. Kven the Haja of Jaimmi, always 
HO reasonably averse to a close connexion with I he English, 
began to despair of safety us u feudatory in the hills, or of 

1 Of. Enolowiro No. fl of the (lovornor-Owm-iirB tatter to the ftwret 
CommiltM) of tho 2nd Doc. 1H45. (Parliamentary Paporw, 26th Fob. 
184ft, p. 21.) Major liroacifoot, however, HtatoB of Oulab Bingh, what 
wan doul>tl(iH trufj of many othcrn, viz. that ho boliftvad tho English 
had doflignn ou tho Punjab. (Major Broadfoot to Oovornmont, 
nth Hay 1845.) It in indood noturioud that Sikhs and Afghans 
commonly naicl tho KngliHh abandoned Kabul bncauHO they did not 
hold Lahoro, and that having unco oHtablwhod thomHolvoM in tho 
J*unjab, tltoy would HOUU Hot about tho regular rochuitiou of KhoraHan* 


authority us a minister at Lahore without the aid of the 1K45-G. 
British mime, and Lai Singh, Tej Singh, and many others, 
all equally felt their incapacity to control the troops. These and urgi* 
men considered that their only chance of retaining power j^S^'lm 
was to have the army removed by inducing it to engage in English, in 
a contest which they believed would end in its dispersion, {"^l!^p fc 
and pave the way for recognition us ministers more destroyed. 
surely than if they did their duty by the people, and earnestly 
deprecated a war which must destroy the independence of 
the Punjab. 1 Had the shrewd committees of the armies 
observed no military preparations on the part of the Knglifth, 
they would not have heeded the insidious exhortations of 
such mercenary men as Lai Singh and Tej Singh, although 
in former days they would have marched uninquiringly 

a Of. KneloHiirott to tho (Jovernor-CJcnoral'H letter to tin- rVorot Com- 
mittee of tho 31 Nt Doc. 184"). (Parliamentary Papero, ttlith I'Vb. IH40, 
]>. 220.) It IWH not >Mwn thought necessary torefcrtothomtemperaneo 
of tho doHpcrato .Jawfihir Singh, or to tho ainourn of tho Muhiiriinl, 
which, iu tho papern laid boforo tho BriliHh Parliament, have been 
lined to heighten tho folly and worthleHHneHB of the Jxihure court. 
Jawahir Singh may havo HometimeH been neon intoxicated, and tho 
Maharaul may have attempted little concealment of her ilolmuch^rn'H, 
but d(ui(tiicy wan H(tl<loiu violated in pnhlic ; and tho t'Hwntia! fornm 
o! a court won) prt'Horvcnl to tho hiHt, imperially whoit ittrangon* worn 
prcHfuit. Tho private lift^ of priucvH may hi- Hi'iiiulaluim <tnough, while 
tho moral tone of tht^ pnoplo in lii^li, and in, moreover, apjtlaialitd titul 
uphold by tho trunHfrruHHorH thouiHclvtw, in their capacity of mu^m- 
tratoH. lltnuic th<^ tlonu-Htic, vict'H of the powerful have, comparati vely , 
littlu intlutuu'o on public utfuirH. Kurtlier, the* primcucHH of U<WM* 
inongors to enlarge, upon mieh |M k rHonaL failingH in Huftieiently mtori- 
OUH; ami tho diphMiuttitt Hrrvieo of India han l>een often reproached 
for dwelling pruriently or malicioiiHly <iu Hiieh inatterH. J*'iuiUy it in 
woll known that tho native HcrvantH of tho Kn^linh in HiiuhiHtiin, 
who in too many inntaiuwH are hirelhi^Hof little edueation or reHpeet- 
ability, think th<^y Iwnt pleano their oin])l(yer^ or chinie in with ihi^ir 
notioiiH, when they traduce all olherH, and eHpecially thone with whom 
thoro may bo a rivalry or a collinion. Ho invot^raU^ i the habit of 
ilattory, and BO tttrong IH tho belief that KngliMhnwn love t<j lx^ thorn- 
HolvoH praitfod and to hoar otht^H ttlightfHi, that oven jwtty Itntal 
authoritiofl acarooly refer to allied or dopondont primjou, tholr neigh- 
bouru, in vorbal or in written wportft, without uuing Homo Urnm of 
dittparagomont toward* thorn, Honow tho mtonvH of debauchery 
doHcribod by tho Lahore nw- writer aro partly duo to hm jmifuiwioiml 
charnotor, and partly to aw boliof that ho watt Haying what tho Knglmli 
wanted to hoar. 


1845-6. f towards Delhi at the bidding of their great Maharaja. But 
*~ the views of the government functionaries coincided with 
the belief of the impulsive soldiery ; and when the men were 
tauntingly asked whether they would quietly look on while 
the limits of the Khalsa dominion were being reduced, and 
the plains of Lahore occupied by the remote strangers of 
Europe, they answered that they would defend with their 
lives all belonging to the commonwealth of Gobincl, and 
that they would march and give battle to the invaders on 
their own ground. 1 At the time in question, or early in 
November, two Sikh villages near Ludhiunu were placed 
under sequestration, on the plea that criminals concealed 
in them had not been surrendered. 2 The measure was an 
unusual one, even when the Sikhs and the Knglitih were 
equally at their ease with regard to one another ; and the 
circumstance, added to the rapid approach of the Oovernor- 
General to the frontier, removed any doubts which may 
have lingered in the minds of the Punehuyuls. The men 
would assemble in groups and talk of the great buttle they 
must soon wage, and they would meet, round the tomb of 
Ranjlt Singh and vow fidelity to the Khulsa . 3 Thus wrought 
upon, war with the English was virtually declared on the 
The Sikhs 17th November; a few days afterwards the troops begun 
cross the to move in detachments from Lahore ; they commenced 
ilttfoec, crossing the Sutlej between llariki and KatfQr on the 11th 
1845. " December, and on the 1 1th of that month u portion of the 
army took up a position within a few miles of Ferowpore. 4 
The initiative was thus taken by the Sikhs, who by an 
overt act broke a solemn treaty, and invaded the territories 
of their allies. It is further certain that the Kngltah people 
had all along been sincerely desirous of living at pence with 
the Punjab, and to a casual observer the uggrcwfon of the 

1 The ordinary private correspondence of Uio period contained 
many statements of the kind given in the text, 

8 Major Broadfoot's offiM correspondence HOQUIH to have ceased 
after the 21st Nov. 1845 ; and thcro IB no report on this affair among 
his rocordod letters, 

3 The Lahore news-letters of tho 24th Nov. 1846, prepared for 

4 Of. the Governor-General to tho Secret (Jommittcw, 2nd and 
Deo. 1845, with enclosures. (Parliamentary E'HJKTH, IH4IJ.) 


Sikhs may thus appear as unaccountable as it was fatal ; 1845-6. 
yet further inquiry will show that the policy pursued by the 
English themselves for several years was not in reality well 
calculated to ensure a continuance of paciiic relations, and 
that they cannot therefore be held wholly blameless for a , 
war which they expected and deprecated, and winch they 
knew could only tend to their own aggrandizement. The 
proceedings of the English, indeed, do not exhibit that 
punctilious adherence to the spirit of first relations which 
allows no change of circumstances to cause a departure from 
arrangements which had, in the progress of time, come to be 
regarded by a weaker power as essentially bound up with 
its independence. Neither do the acts of the English seem 
marked by that high wisdom and sure foresight, which 
should distinguish the career of intelligent rulers acquainted 
with actual life, and the example*; of history. Treaties of 
commerce and navigation hod been urged upon the Sikhs, 
notwithstanding their dislike to such bonds of unequal 
union ; they were chafed that they had been withheld from 
Sind, from Afghanistan, and from Tibet, merely, they would 
argue, that these countries might be left open to the ambit km 
of the English ; and they were rendered suspicious by the 
formation of new military posts on their frontier contrary 
to prescriptive usage, and for reasons of which t hey did not 
perceive the force or admit the validity. The English lix>ke<i 
upon these measures with reference to their wen schemes of 
amelioration ; and they did not heed the conclusions which 
the Sikhs might draw from them, although such condiuiiouH. 
how erroneous soever, would necessarily become motives of 
action to a rude and warlike race. Thus, lit the last, regard 
was mainly had to the chance* of predatory inroads, or to 
the possibility that sovereign and nobles and people, all 
combined, would fatuitmisly court destruction by assailing 
their gigantic neighbour, and little thought was given to the 
selfish views of factious Sikh chiefs, or to tint natural cffectH 
of the. suspicions of the Sikh commonalty when wrought 
upon by base men for their own end. Than, too, the original 
agreement which left, the* province of Sirhincl free of Iroopn 
and of British subjects, and which provided a confederacy 
of dependent states to soften the mutual action of a half* 


1845-6. barbarous military dominion and of a humane and civilized 
government, had been set aside by the Knglish for objects 
which seemed urgent and expedient, but which were good 
in their motive rather than wise in their scope. The 
measure was misconstrued by the Sikhs to denote a gradual 
but settled plan of conquest ; and hence the subjective mode 
of reasoning employed was not only vicious in logic, but, 
being met by arguments even more narrow and one-sided, 
became faulty in policy, and, in truth, tended to bring about 
that collision which it was so much desired to avoid. 

A corresponding singleness of apprehension also led the 
confident English to persevere in despising or misunder- 
standing the spirit of the disciples of Gobind, The unity 
and depth of feeling, derived from a young and fervid faith, 
were hardly recognized, and no historical associations 
exalted Sikhs to the dignity of Kajputs and Pathuns. 

In 1842 they were held, as has been mentioned, to be 
unequal to cope with the Afghans, and even to be inferior 
in martial qualities to the population of the Jainmu hills. 
In 1845 the Lahore soldiery was called a * rabble ' in sober 
official dispatches, and although subsequent descriptions 
allowed the regiments to be composed of the. yeomanry of 
the country, the army was still declared to be daily dete- 
riorating an a military body. 1 It is, indeed, certain that 
English officers and Indian sepoys equally believed they 
were about to win battles by marching steadily and by the 
discharge of a few artillery shots, rather than by skilful 
dispositions, hard fighting, and a prolonged <*mt<iHt, a 

1 Major Broadfoot to Government, 18th and 25th Jan. 1H4& A 
year before, Liout.-Col, Lawrence (Calcutta /<V/w,No. II J, pp. 17(1, 
177) considered the Sikh army at) good an that of any ollwr Jndiau 
power, and not inferior, indood, to the Owalior troops which fought 
at Mahariypur. The Lahore artillery, however, ho hold to bo very 
bad, although ho was of opinion that in pontoon the gum* would ta 
well twrvod, In IUB Advnnturvr in the, Pmjah (p. 47, note k) ho had 
proviouftly tfivon a decided preference to the Marat hii artillery, 

a Major Kmyth is, howovor, of opinion that tho Jix>y in tho 
Britiwh Borvicu had a high opinion of tho Sikh troops, although tho 
Englifih thoiuwJvoH talked of them OH boaatorH and eowardn. (Major 
Hmyth, Reigning Jfttmfly <>/ Uduw, Introduction, pp. xxiv and .\\v.) 
Of. Dr. MutJgrogor, Uhlory of t/w, *V/X-/w, ii. Hi), !). 


The English not only undervalued their enemy, but, as has 1845-fl. 
been hinted, they likewise mistook the form which the long- Th ~ 
expected aggressions of the Sikhs would assume. 1 It was English 
scarcely thought that the ministry, or even that the army, unprepared 
would have the courage to cross the river in force, and to campaign, 
court an equal contest ; the known treasonable views of the 
chiefs, and the unity and depth of feeling which possessed 
the troops, were not fully appreciated, and it continued to 
be believed that a desultory warfare would sooner or later 
ensue, which would indeed require the British to interfere, 

1 Of. tho (Jovornor-fj!oiHral to tho Secret Committee, Slat Doc, 1845 
(Parliamentary Papers, 184IJ), and tho dattittta /trsimp, No. XVT, 
p. 475. A fow wordw may hurt* bo Haul on a Huhjuct winch occasioned 
flomo ditiouXHion in India at tho time, viz. Major Broadfoot' fl roputod 
persovorinfl dwholiof that tho Hiklm would crows tho Hutlcj, although 
IUH iiHBiHtanti, CJapt. Nicolmm, Htalionod at Foroisoporo, had ropoal-odly 
Hiiid thoy would. Tho matter WJXH taken up by the/ Indian public 1 UK 
if Oapt. Nii'olmm had for Hovoral monllm, or for 11 year and more, hold 
that tho Britmh province would aHtwrodly be invaded within adohniio 
period : whoroaB, with regard to what tho Sikh army might eventually 
do, ('apt. NicolHon waH HH uncertain an, up to within a week or 
HO of Iho |MiHHn#o of the Hutloj in Douomlmr 1845. Tho truth uwnw 
to IMS that Major Broadfoot afToctod to diflboliovo (/a]*fc. Nic<tlHon'H 
report of tho actual march and noar approach of the Lahore army, 
of it.H ciKiampmont on tho Kuttaj, and of itH ovith^nt rofiolution to 
croHH tho rivor, giving th(^ prtifcronco to intcllig<uiro of a oontrury 
nature rwolvod dir^c.t from tho Sikh capital, and wh'wh talli(d with 
hiH own vittwH of what th<i Wiklm would iinally do. That Kiioli WUH tho 
<-ano, may indood ho f<ath(trod from tho (i<>v(imor-(!<*acnirH diKpatoh 
to tho Hoorot (?onmiittoo of tho ;UKt I)w. 1845. ( PitrHftiiumf ury 
J'aporH, 1840, pp. lit), 27.) 

" Tho writer of tho article in thuf/ufrfrf/ff /ftnVw, No. XVIc*ii(loav(um 
to jiMtify Major 1 4 road foot's vmws by Hhowin# that nil tho ufticiw on 
tho frontior l\M riimilar opiiiionn. r l'ho point really at, IHHUO, however, 
in not wliothor, gonorally Hpoakin^* iikvaHion wero prolmhlo, nut 
whothor in tho ho#iimim{ of I)ooomi>er 1845 Major ttroudfoot Hhould 
not have hold that tlw Sutloj would \M oroHHod. Tho Kovittwor for^otK 
to add that of tho lottal oflirerH Major Broadfoot alono know tit tho 
timo tho oxtont of provocation which thn SikhH had roooivod ; and 
that tho ofticorri wrot< with no later IIOWH hofortt thorn than that of 
tho 1 7th of Novcmtwr. H(<no,o all, navo Major Broadfoot hinmolf, 
hud vory imporfoot meant* of forming a judgement of what wag likoly 
to take pltwo, With rt^ard to what tho Kn^itHh nhoultl havo boon pro- 
pared atfainHt, Lumt.-CoI. KiohimmcrH lottor <f tho :trd April 1K44, 
to tho uddrcwfl of tho Oommaridor-m-Ohurf, may bo rofurred to an in 
favour of having HtationH Htrong if llwy woro t-o IH^ kopt up at all. 






hasten to 


but which would still enable them to do so at their own con- 
venience. Thus boats for bridges, and regiments and #uns, 
the natural and undesigned provocatives to a war, wore 
sufficiently numerous ; but food and ammunition, and 
carriage and hospital stores, such as were necessary for a 
campaign, were all behind at Delhi or Agra, or still re- 
mained to be collected ; for the desire, of the Knglish was, 
it is said, peace, and they had hoped that an assemblage of 
troops would prevent predatory aggression, or deter the 
Sikhs from engaging in suicidal hosti lilies. 1 

The Governor- General 8 joined the Commander-m-Chief 
at Ambala early in December 1845, and as soon as it. seemed 
certain that the Sikhs were marehing in force towards the 
Sutlcj, the Knglish troops in the upper provinces wen* all 
put in motion. The nearest divisions were those of Ambula, 
Ludhiftna, and Ferozepore, which numbered in all about 
17,000 available men, with GO field guns*; ami as the last- 
mentioned force was the most exposed, the Ambftla troops 
were moved straight to its support,* and Lord Unrdinge 
further prudently resolved to leave Ludhiftnu, with a mere 
garrison for its petty fort, and to give. Lord (iough as large 
a force as possible, with which to meet the Sikhs, should 
they cross the Sutlcj as they threatened , ;i 

1 It WOB a common and a juHt remark at the tinm, thai although 
tho Indian (tovornmont wan fortunate in having a praotieal and ap- 
proved Boldiur liko Lord Hardingo at HtOwad, umtar tho citaiuaMtuuwH 
of a war in program, yet that had Lord Jfiltonborough remained 
Governor^ Jenoral, the army would have taken tho field letter 
equipped than it did. 

[ a Sir Henry Hardline had Hiu-eeedod Lord KHlfmhorough OH 
Govornor-Ciienorttl in July 1844. Tho Oom mandolin-Chief wa 
ir HuffhOouKh^-Ku.| 

3 The offoetivo forco ai Foromtihah waH 17,727 IIUMI, lU'cunling to 
tho rJInftiiitti Rtvivw (No, XVI, p, 472), and 1<J,700 w^inUiw 1** l*>vd 
Hardino J H dwpatoh of th( aint Dtm. 1845. Thin was thu availablo 
foiro, out of 32,470 men in all, -poHtod from AiulmJa to tho SutJoj. 
Tho author has learnt that. Lord (Jou^h IH Halwdod tho numW of 
tho enemy at l<Vrojwnhah and tlie other battlofl of the oampaitfn have 
been undonwtirnatofl in thiH narrative. Thero uaiinot, indood, ho any 
BtatomontH of decuttivo authority referred to, but the witUixi ctonvicitiun 
of tho ('Oiumander*iti-(Jhief is of primary cgonsidoration, aiui roquim* 
to bo recorded in this new edition ; opecially aH f with a charaotorintio 
of, hm lontHhip, in noticing tho probable error, had 


The Lahore army of invasion may have equalled 35,000 
or 40,000 men, with a hundred and fifty pieces of artillery, 
exclusive of a force detached towards Ludhiuna to act as niimhm* of 
circumstances might render advantageous. The numbers 
of the Sikhs were understood at the time to greatly exceed 
those given, hut t he. Ht rength of armies is usually exaggerated 
both hy the victors aiul the vanquisher! ; and there is no 
satisfactory proof that the regular troops of the Sikhs 
exceeded those of the Knglish by more than a half, although 
numerous bodies of undisciplined horse swelled the. army of 
the invaders to more than double that of their opponents. 1 

The Sikh leaders threatened Feroxepore, but no attack 
was made upon its seven thousand defenders, which with 
a proper spirit were led out by their commander, Sir John 
Littler, and showed a bold front to the overwhelming force ltuc4l. 
of the enemy. The- object, indeed, of Lai Singh and Tej 
Singh was not to compromise themselves with (he Knglish 
by destroying an isolated division, but to get their own 
troops dispersed by (he converging forces of their opponents. 
Their desire WHS to be uphold as the ministers of n dependent 
kingdom by grateful conquerors, and they f IIIIM deprecated 
an attack on KcroKcporc, and assured the local Hritinh 
authorities of their secret and efficient goodwill, But these 
men had also to keep up un appearance of devotion to the 
interests of their country, and they urged the* necessity of 
leaving the easy prey of a cantonment, untouched, until* the 
leaders of (he Knglish should he attacked, and the fahic of 
the Khillsa exalted by the captivity or death of a (Jovcrnor- 
<enernl, a The Sikh army itself understood the necessity 

regard ruthtr to (ho reputation of the army ho tod flwn to tiirtown 
fa mo, 

i Thi <l<iv<Tnur.<8i-iii*ni! f ill bin liinpafdi nf ihn ;Mnt. >c*. lK4fi, 
(mtimaUw tho Kikhn at from WHH) to mMMK) mi*n ; )ut with n^gttrd 
to offioiont tronjw, it iimy hu nhwrvra! thiit th*i wholt* rtju(tilar *rniy 
of tho country did not <*(<<><<iJ 42,<HM infantry , including tht^ roffimtmtK 
at hnhoro, MultJtn, iVhawur, nnd KmihinVr, an welt AH thoao forming 
tho niuin unity ctf inviiHion. I > *-rlinj.H an (mtimitfei of *K(,(HX> rnfaxlwd 
troopi* of all kiiulH would lxt wwsw \\w truth than any othor. 

8 It WAH mifta'iitntly oortiiin AIH! notorioiM Ht th<i timn that \A\ 
Kinffli WUH in fomnumicntifm with ( f apt, Nicolwm, t.h<i Hrilih A/^mit 
at. K(*r(s)fK>r*% but win|< to thh untimely ihmth if that ufflow* th 
dotaifn of tht ovurtunm nutria, nmt xjx>cUtioiUi hold out y oaunot now 



1845-6. of unity of counsel in the affairs of war, nud the power of 
ThrTtacticB ^ e rc l?i |nen ^ ttn d other committees was temporarily 
of the suspended by an agreement with the executive heads of 
faQ s tate, which enabled these unworthy men to effect their 
base objects with comparative ease. 1 Nevertheless, in the 
ordinary military arrangements of occupying positions and 
distributing infantry and cavalry, the generals and inferior 
commanders acted for themselves, and all had to pay some 
respect to the spirit which animated the private soldiers in 
their readiness to do battle for the commonwealth of Go him I. 
The effects of this enthusiastic unity of purpose in an 
army, headed by men not, only ignorant, of warfare, but 
studiously treacherous towards their followers, was con- 
spicuously visible in the spccdiucss with which numerous 
heavy guns and abundance of grain and ammunition were 
brought across a large, river. Kvery Sikh considered the 
cause as his own, and he would work as a labourer as well 
as carry a musket ; he would drag guns, drive bullocks, 
lead camels, and load and unload boats with a cheerful 
alacrity, which contrasted strongly with the inapt and 
sluggish obedience of mere mercenaries, drilled, indwd, 
and fed with skill find care, but im wan nod by one generous 
fooling for Mieir country or their foreign employers. The 
youthful Khalsa was active and strong of heart, but the 
soldiers hud never before met so great, a foe, and their 

lio Natfofaetorily known. (Of. Or, Muc-grotfor'H J I in tori/ of tte. j 
ii. HO.) 

Tho (Mciitta tfmVwfor Jnuu 18*10 (p. 540), whiki doubting tho foot, 
or at loaHt tho ojctcnt and inif jortiuiro, of Lai Singh's and Tj Hingh'H 
troaehory, admits that the former WIIH not only in communication 
with Oapt. Nicsolson, HH Htatwl, but thai on tho 7th Fob. I84o* ho wan 
understood to have wmt a plan of tho Sikh position at Nolmion to 
(Jol Lawnmcto, and that on th(s U)th Doc. 1845, tlm day after tli 
battle of MudkT, Lai Sin^h'H agent* (tamo to Major Hroadfoot, and waa 
(liHiniHHod witli a rebuke. |As rogardn Toj Sin^h^ truaohory it may 
ho otatorl that, according to a niliablo tradition, that oJhVor diHoovon^l 
early in the; opwitionw that his artillery ammunition hiul boon tani- 
ponxl wit.h and inu<;h of it nirulonid uwiloHH, Smih tnuuihhry on tho 
part of his own Hido doubtloHH had a oonAidorablo offout upon IUB 
BubBoquont conduct. "JBi>.] 

1 Lai Kingh wan appointod wawr, and Toj Singh oomnwndw-m- 
ohiof of tho army on or alxiut thtt 8th Nov. 1 845, according to the 
, News -Letter of that dato, prepared for (ovornmctnt, 


tactics were modified by involuntary awe of tho British 
army, renowned in the Kast for achievements in war. The 
river had been crossed, and the treaty broken ; Imf the 
Sikhs were startled at their own audacity, and they partially 
entrenched one portion of their forces, while they timorously 
kept the other as a reserve out of danger's way. Thus the 
valiant Swedes, when they threw themselves into Germany 
under their king, the great (iustavus, revived the distrain?* 
tation of Roman armies in the presence of the exiwncnced 
commanders of Austria ; ' and thus the young Tclcinachus, 
tremulously bold, hurled his unaccustomed spear against 
the princes of Ithaca, and sprang for shelter behind the 
shield of his heroic fattier ! * 

The Ambala and Ludhiana divisions of the British army Thf hail In 
arrived at. Mudkl, twenty miles from Fcro'/cpore, on the 
18th December; and they had scarcely taken up their 
ground before they were attacked by a detachment of tlu* 
Sikh army, believed at the time to be upwards of thirty 
thousand strong, but which really seems to have cuimistcd 
of less than two thousand infantry, supported by about 
twenty-two pieces of artillery, nnd fight or ten thousand 
horsemen. 3 Lftl Singh headed the attack, but, in accordance 

* AH at Worbcn, tafow tho battle of I^mitf, Col. Mitehi'll nay* 
UuHtavuH owed hm BUWWH almont as mueh In the Hpittie KM ti Om 
sword. (U/r of WullrnMut p. IMO.) 

* ()dy*m\y, xxii. Tho practice of the Stklm wtuilrl |irnluilily Imvii 
rtwolvod it.H(lf into tho nyHteiu of fortified eiimpH of the HOIUHIIN At 
night and during haltn, and into tho (Jm^k CUHUHH of imjH'm>trftMe 
phalanxtw on tho hattlt-lield t whiln it ftlmtwt wnticijmtrH the Kurojmmt 
tond^ne.ioH of tho (lay about future witrfnre which an*, to IIIHMH 
artillery > and malco it overwheliiiiux. The Siklm wottlil havt> inovid 
with thoir infantry and guiw lojy{i*ther, while they Hwrjtt tho rouiitry 
with their cavalry; and it. is elear that no trfiopn in tnttiit or in 
Houthorn Ania t nave the movable britfndoK >f thit Knglish, oouM imve 
BUOCMUifully awwJlod them. 

3 Hmt Ivorcl (Jough'H d.HpuU-h of the UMh DwomU'r 1K4A for thn 
ofitimato of 3(),(KK) imm, with 40 gunM, (^i. Nicolru^n in hin private 
correapondflnoo of tho i^riod, and writing from Fero2UiM>m, Iv<tn the 
Hikh forco at about 3,5(H) only, which in doutitloMM too low, lth(ugh 
uubwjquent inquiries all tended to how tlmt tho infantry portion wan 
weak, having boon wmtpowwi of rnall detriment* from waeh of tho 
ragtmeritB in positton at ForoKCMihfth. Thit /Wr/te !tn>ivn\ No, XVI, 
p. 489, (wtimatt* th gunn nt 22 only, and, the eMtimate, hoiig intKhtrtfcUi, 
it IH probably orm>t. 


with his original design, he involved his followers in an 
engagement, and then left them to fight as their undirected 
valour might prompt. The Sikhs were repulsed with the 
IOBH of seventeen guns, 1 but the success of the Knglish was 
not so complete as should have been achieved by the victors 
in so many battles ; and it was wisely determined to effect 
a junction with the division of Sir John Littler before 
assailing the advanced wing of the Sikh army, which was 
encamped in a deep horse-shoe form around the village of 
P'hccrooshuhur, about ten miles both from MudkTand from 
Ferozepore. 2 This position was strengthened by more than 
a hundred pieces of artillery, and its slight and imperfect 
entrenchments had, here and there, been raised almost waist 
high since the action at Mudkf. It was believed at the time 
to contain about fifty thousand men, but subsequent in- 
quiries reduced the infantry to twelve regiments, and the 
cavalry to the eight or ten thousand which had before been 
engaged. The wing of the Sikh army attacked did not, 
therefore, groatly surpass its assailants, except in the number 
and size of its guns, the English artillery consisting almost 
wholly of six and nine* pounders. 3 But the belief in the 

1 The JiritiHh IOHH in the action was l>lf> killed mud W7 wounded. 
(Soo Lord Ucmgh'H dinpatch of tho 10th Dec. 1H4&) Tlu force undnr 
Lord (lough at ilw time amounted to about 11,<K)0 men. Tu this 
action tho Jflngliflh may, iu a military tumms he Haul to have bwn 
HiirpriHGcl, Thcdr dufwlivo nyntom of npioH lfb thorn ignorant of tho 
goumil prwition aud probable objects of the ononiy ; and tho liulo 
UHO thoir commanders Jinvn umially mado of cavalry loft tho near 
approach of tho HikliH unknown, and therefore unchecked, (AmoiiK 
tho killed wan Kir Hc.hcii Sale, tho dcfondur of Jalalabad. JOn.) 

2 Tho ctonwt nanitt of tho place, which JWH bccomo idcntifutd with 
an important battlo, JH an givon in the tuxi : P'lu^^roo' Ixiing tho 
not uncommon namo of a tnnn, and ' Hhiihur 7 an ordinary tormina- 
tion, flignifying placo or city. Tho imnu* ' Kcnw<Hhah ' inVrronoouB, 
but it in one likoly to ho taken up on hearing ' P'hwrooHhuhur ' ba<Hy 
pronouucod by pmiKantH and othom, Thi SikhH cnll tho battlo 
* I^IiMiroo kn larai 7 , or tho light of Phewroo nimply, without tho 
addition of 4 Hhuhur'. 

a Both tho vSikhfl and tho KurofKtan ofiioon* in tho Lahow Hnrvico 
agron in naying that thoro woro only tw<tlvo hattalioriB in tho lintw of 
P'hrarooflhuhur, and Hiuth indeed ftonniH to havo Imon thct truth. The 
Qovornor-Oomtral and Cbmnmndor-in*(-hiof vaguely mtimatod tho 
whole Sikh army on the loft bank of tho Sutloj at W),(MM> Htrong, arid 


fortune of the British arms was strong, and the Sepoys 
would then have inarched with alacrity against ten times 
their own numbers- 

A junction was effected with Sir John Lit tier's division Thi- 
about midday on the aist December, and at a distance of 
four miles from the enemy's position. Considerable delay .sliuhur,uml 
occurred in arranging the details of Hie assault, which was 
not commenced until within an hour of sunset. The confident *Jisi 
English had at last got the field they wanted ; they marched 
in even array, and their famed artillery openefl its steady 
fire. Hut the guns of the Sikhs were served with rapidity 
and precision, and the foot-soldiers stood between and 
behind the batteries, firm in their order, and active with their 
muskets. The resistance met was wholly unexpected, and 
all started with astonishment. (Jims were dismounted, 
and their ammunition was blown into the air ; squadrons 
were cheeked in mid career ; battalion after battalion was 
hurled back with shattered ranks, and it, was not until after 
sunset that portions of the enemy's position wen* finally 
carried. Darkness, and the obstinacy of the contest* threw 
the KngliKh into confusion ; men of all regiments and arms 
were mixed together ; generals were doubtful of the fact or 
of the extent of their own success, and colonels knew not. 
what had become of the regiments they commanded, or of 
the army of which they formed a part. Some portions of 
the enemy's line had not been broken, and the uncitpturcd 
guns were turned by the Sikhs upon masses of soldiers, 
oppressed with cold mid thirst and fat iguc, and who attracted 
the attention of the watchful enemy by lighting fires of 
brushwood to warm their stiffened limbs. The position of 

Lord (tough make* Toj Kingh bring ttO,<MK> how, fwi<it' frenh hnttu- 
Honti, and a largo park of artillery into net ion on tbn iiihul Dwrmlwr, 
whuih would loavtk hut a Miuull remainder for tho proviwi deft'wo of 
niwroonhuhur. (Sen the (iiiipntrhoH (if tho 22ml and Itlnt Our. 
Tho author hail loami that, aftor tho war, Ix>rd Uough 
through tho IMtiHh author itiw at Uhorn, that the 
thoir nuttihorH at l^hotirocmhuhur at 4ttHOM men, of all kiml*, with 
BH guiiH, * iiutlmting thf*m> brought up and takcm ftway hy Tej Singh \ 
Thin low oHtimatt) of the Htnmgth of tho Hikh in art 11 lory w in favour 
of tho cMiulibilifcy of tho Htaturm<nt, and if TMJ KinghV tmm aro Hkewimi 
inoiud(td in tho numburM given, tho dHtitnato tatty perhapH 


1845-0, the English was one of real danger and great perplexity ; 
their mercenaries had proved themselves good soldiers in 
foreign countries as well as in India itself, when discipline 
was little, known, or while success was continuous ; but in 
n few hours the five thousand children of u distant land 
found that their art had been learnt, and that an emergency 
hud arisen which would tax their energies to the utmost. 
On that memorable night the English were hardly masters 
of the ground on which they stood ; they hud no reserve at 
hand, while the enemy had fallen back upon a second army, 
and could renew the fight with increased numbers. The 
not imprudent thought occurred of retiring upon Feroze- 
pore ; but Lord Rough's dauntless spirit counselled other- 
wise, and his own and Lord Ilardingc's personal intrepidity 
in storming batteries, at the head of troops of Knglish gentle- 
men and bands of hardy yeomen, eventually achieved a 
partial success and a temporary repose. On the morning of 
the 22nd December, the last remnants of the Sikhs were 
driven from their camp ; but as the day advanced the second 
wing of their army approached in battle-array, and the 
wearied and famished Knglish saw before 11) cm a desperate 
and, perhaps, useless struggle. This reserve was commanded 
by Tej Singh ; he hud been urged by his acajous nnd sincere, 
soldiery to fall upon the Knglish at. daybreak, but hin object 
was to have the dreaded army of tike Khtllsa overcome and 
dispersed, and he delayed until Lai Singh's force was every- 
where put to flight, and until his opponents had again ranged 
themselves round I heir colours. Kven at the lust moment 
lie rather skirmished and made feints than led his men to 
a resolute attack, and after a time tic precipitately lied, 
leaving his subordinates without orders and without an 
object, at a moment when the artillery ammunition of the 
Knglish had failed, when a portion of their force was retiring 
upon FeroBcpore, and when no exertions could have pre- 
vented the remainder from retreating iikewiwc, if the Sikhs 
had boldly pressed forward. 1 

1 Kor UNI bnUlo of P'hi<To<whuhur, HOO Lord (ough T H dispatch of 
thi) Jttnd, and Urd Harding"'*! of thoIUat l><u. 1K45. Thw Uovttrnor- 
Uenoral notion* in OHjwt'ial the oxcrtiotui of 1,ho Infantry HoldwrH; 
and onu of lliu uharguH intuit* by Lhu 3rd Light Drugoonn luw beoti a 


A buttle had thus been won, and more than seventy 

pieces of artillery iind HOIHC conciiii'ivrl or confiscated ,, . rt , 
* iiHMiini" 

thomo of general admiration. Tho loss sustained was ()t)4 killed, and upurehcn- 
1,721 wounded. [ Tho casualties among the officers were, very heavy SIOIIH <rf the 
103 in all. Among thorn was the political officer, Major ttnmdfuut, 
who has iigured so prominently in previous pages - -Kn.| 

After the war, Lord ( iough learnt that the. loss of the Sikhs in killed 
probably amounted to 2,(H>0 in all, ns tho heirs of 1,7*2 men of the 
regular troops alone claimed balances of pay due to relatives slain. 
This argues a great slaughter ; and yet it was a common remark at 
tho time, that very few doad bodicu were to 1m seen on the iivld after 
tho action. 

Tho statements of tho Quarterly linww for .Juno I84t>, pp. 203 l>. 
and of tho Calcutta IMrw for J>ec. 1847, p. 4i)H, may be referred to 
about certain points still but imperfectly known, nnd which it is only 
necessary to alludn to in. a general way in this history. Two of the 
points are: (1) tho proposal to fall back on 1'Yroxeporo during the 
night of tho 21st December ; and (2} tint actual movement of u <->n- 
sidorablo portion of tho BntiHh army towards thai placo on tho fore- 
noon of tho following day. 

Had tho Sikhs been efficiently commanded, a retirement on I'Vrow 
pore would bavo boon judiciouH in a military point of view, but a 
tho onomy was led by traitors, it was best to fearlessly keep the field 
Perhaps noithor tho incapacity nor tho treason of Lnl Singh and Tej 
Singh woro fully poreoivod or credited by tho English chiefs, utid 
honeo tho anxioty of tho ono on whom the maintenance of the British 
dominion intact mainly depended. 

At P'hoorooshuhur tho larger calibre and greater weight of metal 
of tho mawH of tho Sikh artillery, and consequently the superiority 
of practice, relatively to that of tho lield guns nt the KngliHh, \*uw 
markedly apparent in tho condition <f the two parks after the buttle. 
Tho captured cannon showed Hearcely any marks of round shot or 
shells, while nearly a third of tho British guns were disabled iu their 
carriages or tumbrils. 

With regard to this buttle it may Im observed that the Knglish 
had not that exact knowledge of tho Sikh strength nnd position which 
might have, boon obtained even by means of reconnoitring ; nttd it 
may also p<vh<t'jM bo said that, the attack should hnve been made in 
column rathor than in line, and aft IT the long Hanks of tho enemy's 
position had boon onii hided by artillery, The extent, indm<d, to 
whioh tho KngHsh were unprepared for a campaign, and tho manner 
in which their forces wore commanded in most of tho actions of tho 
war, should bo carefully horno in mind ; for it was dofwativn tactics 
and tho absolute want of ammunition, AH much AH tho nativo valour 
and aptitude of tho Sikhs t whic.h gavo for a time a character of equality 
to th(j struggle, nnd which in this history Keeuis to miikn a compara- 
tively petty power dispute with tho KngHsh Hupntnuu*y in Northern 
India. Had tho Knglish Num botU'r l(l and bott<*r wiuippod, tho 


territories graced the success ; but the victors hud lost 
a seventh of their numbers, they were paralysed after their 
prodigious exertions and intense excitement, and the Sikhs 
were allowed to cross the Sutlej at their leisure to prepare 
for fresh contests. The sepoy mercenaries had for the iirst 
time met an equal antagonist with their own weapons 
even ranks and the lire of artillery. They loudly complained 
of the inferiority of their cannon ; they magnified bunks 
two and three feet high into formidable ramparts, and 
exploding tumbrils and stores of powder became, in their 
imaginations, designer! and deadly mines. Nor was this 
feeling of respect and exaggeration confined to the Indians 
alone ; the European soldiers partook of it ; and the British 
public, as well as the dignitaries of the church and the heads 
of the state, became impressed with the immensity of the 
danger which had threatened the peace, and perhaps the 
safety, of their exotic dominion. 1 Regiments of men, and 

famo of thd Sikhn would not haw heon HO groat UH it. in, ami tho Britinh 
dhronudor would havo town spared t hit ungraeiouH task of dot-luring tin- 
jihiaHingtruthH. No 0114% however, can be iiwenHible to UwdaiuiH whuih 
tiho votoran uhutf of the army has oHUblwhed to hiri country* Hgratitmta, 
by Inn ehoering hardihood under ev 1 > jeireunwtawi' of danger, and by 
hi* groat KIKTIWHI'H ovor all opponent H. Tlui rotund ehartw-tw of Lard 
<Jough haw on many oeeanioiM Htood Midland hi flood Htead. 

1 Tho alarm <if tho Knglinh about tho occupation of Delhi and tho 
paHBago of thtt Juiuna, may \H\ likened to thn norvouH <lna<l of Augun- 
tuH, wlusn ho hoard of tho defeat, of VaniH and thu dtwtructioii of hw 
\v#u>m ; and thai onir HO astute* and HO familiar with tho no union of 
Roman powor and the eatine* of Roman woaknetw, nhoizld havo foarod 
tho conHCKjUonuim of a <<*<rman iuvaxitui of Italy, at onc.o palliatiw 
tho approhonwioiiH of tho Kngliwh in India and hown upon what 
Blight foumlationH and undreamt- of ehunceH tho mighti<wt faUHcit of 
dominion HomotitmjH roHt, Yut it in not rlnar that AugUHtUH wan not 
alarmod rather for himnclf than for Homo, Ho may have thought 
that a BuocoHHful inroad of harhartaiiH would cmtouragc <l(numtic 
cn<Miti(^, and ao lt*ad to hw own downfall, without Nonmbly alTeoting 
tho roal powor of hin country. Similarly, tho appwhommmH of tho 
Knglwh afU^r l^hei^roimhuhur may bo Haul to havn had a pcrHonal a 
imiK'h aa a national roftwiuMt, and thorti w no K(KX! reunon for iN^lidving 
that one or two or ovtm threo defnatn on tho Hutloj would have ithakon 
tho Mtubility cf tho BritiHh rule to tho owt and nouth of DMhi. All 
tho chiefs of India, indeed, arc willing enough to bo indop<^ndont, 
but no union for any guoh purpow yot oxlHtw among thorn, ami only 
om or two aro at any moment ready to taltu up armn ; whurtwt tho 


numerous single officers variously employed, were summoned 1845-0. 
from the most distant provinces to aid in vindicating the 
military renown of the English race, and the political supre- 
macy of three generations. All longed for retribution, And 
all were cheered amid their difficult icw by the genial temper 
and lofty bearing of one chief; and by the systematic 
industry and full knowledge of military .requirements 
possessed by the other. But joy and gratitude were yet 
uppermost for the moment ; the hope of revenge was dis- 
turbed by the remembrance of danger ; and, unmindful of 
the rebuke of the wise Ulysses, u partial Divinity was praised 
by proclamation, for the deliverance lit hud vouchsafed to 
his votaries. 

Unholy in the voieo 
Of loud thank giving ovr Hlaughttwd men. 1 

of tho Knglwh are viwt, obnciiciuict among them IH 
and victory would BOOIX return to valour and uiiiiniinity. Still, an 
unsuccOBsfu) warfare on tho part of the KngliHh of three or four oon- 
ooutivo yearH, might justly ho regarded an tho emrneii<*<'zm:nt of 
thoir (Iodine ; although it IK very douhtful whether any coin filiation 
of tho prenont powers of India could drive thorn from Hen gal, or from 
tho counts of tho Doocan. 

1 Odi/Bwy, xxii. Tho (Jovernor-ClonerarH notification of tho 
25th l)ocombr 1845 oalto upon tho troopH to nradcr arknowlodge. 
montH to (iocl, and tho wctaHinHtical authoritieH in Calcutta mibm** 
({uontly circulated a form of thankHKivhitf. 'I 1 h j anxiety of the 
(Jovornor-iirmorai may ho further iufcrrwd from hi prorlunuition, 
oncournging doHortinn from tho Sikh rankff, with tlw aHHttranco of 
pr(wont nwHrdrt and future ptutHioiw, and the iwmrdintr tkcmtm ttffiny 
IwvMtit* in which the diuwrtor* might be enjoyed in thr Hr tilth jnroi.iiffrrf/ 
(Major Kmith, Rvigning Family <tj IM/MM; InirrKluctti<m p. xxvi .) 

Tho fooling which prompted tho troopH of (Vomwell <r ( Jimtavurt to 
kmiol ami mturn thank to <iod on tho Hold of victory rnuHt <-v<*r |M 
adinimd and honoured ; for it WUH gemiims and P(TVII<IM| all mnkn, 
from tho loader downwardH, and it would equally havn nuwiui tho 
soIdiorH to roproae-how and humiliation had they Iwtm Iwattm. Hut 
ouch toktmw of rovonmcct and ahanmiruittt com^ coldly and without a 
vital moaning in tho guimi of a * funeral ordor * or ' tiirouUr mt^mo- 
randum ' ; and i>crhapH a c-ivtii/xul arid iutolligmtt Kovnrnmont might 
with advantage refrain from mvh tam and paMHionltw* awturnmum of 
dovoti<n and x^titudo> while it gave more attention to relitfiouH 
oxonuHUH in it regimental reguUtionH, <}<K! whould rathw he kept 
ever prompt to the mindu of tho armwl Hervant-n of tho tttate by daily 
wonthip and inntruetion, than rmtentatlounly lauded on the rare 
oceaHlon of A victory, 


1845-6. The British army was gradually reinforced, and it look 
The Sikhs u *' a P osit * on stretching from Foroaepore towards JUariki, 
recross the* and parallel to that held by the Sikhs on the right bank of 
Sullej, and ^ e Sutlej. But the want of ammunition and heavy guns 
Ludhiana, reduced the English to inactivity, and delay produced 
Jan. 1840. negligence on their part and emboldened the enemy to fresh 
acts of daring. The Cis-Sutlej feudatories kept aloof from 
their new masters, or they excited disturbances ; and the 
llaja of Ladwa, a petty prince dependent on the English, 
but who had been denounced as a traitor for a year past, 1 
openly proceeded from the neighbourhood of Karnal, jaud 
joined the division of the Sikh army under Hanjor Singh, 
which had crossed the Jullundur Doab, to the neighbour- 
hood of Ludhiana. This important town had been denuded 
of its troops Lo swell the first army of defence, and it was 
but slowly and partially garrisoned by fresh regiments 
arriving from the eastward, although it covered the several 
lines of approach from the Jumna towards Ferozepore.* 
Karly in January the Raja of Larlwa returned to withdraw 

1 Major Broadfoot to (Jovcrnmont, 13th Duo. 1844. This tihiof 
received tho title of Raja from Lord Auckland, partly as a compliment 
to Bunjlt fcJingh, to whom ho was related, and partly in approbation 
of his liberality in providing tho moans of throwing a bridge across 
the classical Sanwti, at Thfuuwar. Ho WUB a reckless, dissipated man, 
of modorato capacity ; but ho inherited tho unsettled disposition of 
his father, Uurdut Wingh, who cuuto hold Karnal and some villages to 
the east of tho Jumna, and who caused the English some trouble 
between 1803 and 1809. 

* It is not oloar why Ludhiana wan not adequately garrisoned, or 
rather covered, by the troops which inarched from Moerut after tho 
battle of l^hoorooshuhur. The < Jo vornor-C ^moral's attention was, 
indeed, chiefly given to Htrengthening the main army in its unsupported 
position of Verozoporo the real military dinadvantago of which ho 
had ample reason to deplore ; while amidst hit* dim'oultieu it may 
possibly have occurred to his Lordship, that the original policy of 
1800 of being strong oil the Jumna rather than on the Sutlej was 
a truly wise ono with reference to tho avoidance of a war with tho 

The desire of being in force near tho capitals of the Punjab and the 
main army of tho Sikhs likewise induced Lord Hardingo to direct 
Sir Charles Napier to march from Hind, without hooding Mult&n, 
although, as his Lordship publicly acknowledged, that victorious 
commander had been sent for when it was thought the campaign 
might become a sorieu of sieges. 


his family from his fief of Badowal near Ludhiana, and he 1845-6. 
took the opportunity of burning a portion of the cantonment 
at the latter place, which the paucity of infantry and the 
want of cavalry on the spot enabled him to do with impunity. 
About the same time, the main army of the Sikhs, observing 
the supincness of their opponents, began to recross the 
Sutlej and to construct a bridge-head to secure the freedom 
of their passage. The English were unwillingly induced to 
let the Sikhs labour at this work, for it was feared that an 
attack would bring on a general engagement, and that the 
want of ammunition would prevent a battle being won or 
a victory being completed. The Sikhs naturally exulted, 
and they proclaimed that they would again fall upon the 
hated foreigners. Nor were their boasts altogether dis- 
believed ; the disadvantages of Fcros/scpore as a frontier post 
became more and more apparent, and the English began to 
experience difficulty in obtaining supplies from the country 
they had annexed by the pen without having secured by 
the sword. The petty fort of Muktsar, where Gohincl 
repulsed his Mughal pursuers after his flight from Chamkaur, 
wag successfully defended for a time against some provincial 
companies and the auxiliaries of BTkanfr, which, like the 
legionaries themselves, were deficient in artillery ammuni- 
tion. The equally petty fort of Dharmkot was held, in 
defiance of the near presence of the right wing of the English 
army ; and other defensible places towards Sirhind over- 
awed the population, and interfered with the peaceful 
march of convoys and detachments. 1 

On the 17th January 1840, Major-General Sir Harry Thckir- 
Smith 1 was sent with a brigade to capture Dharmko't, JjJ}^i 

i The hill station of Simla, whoro many Knglfeh famil'ion rmido, j!?A 21 * 
and which is near tho Hulloj, and tho equally aaumbiblo poRtu of 
Kasauli and Habathu, woro at thin time likowinn threatened by tho 
Lahore feudatory of Mandi, and nomo Sikh partisans ; and OH tho 
regiments usually Htationocl at thorn plamw had boon wholly withdrawn, 
it would not have boon difficult to have doHtroyed thorn. But tho 
local British authorifcioB woro active in collecting tho quotas of tho 
hill Rajputs, and judieiouw in making use of their moans ; and no 
actual incursion took plocto, although a turbulent sharer in the 
sequestered Anandpur-Makhowal had to bo called to account, 

[ * This distinguished officer, who fought through tholVninBular War, 
afterwards served in Houth Africa, where hia memory in commemorated 


1845-0. which was surrendered without bloodshed, and the transit 
of grain to the army was thus rendered more secure. The 
original object of Sir Harry Smith's diversion was to cover 
the march of the large convoy of guns, ammunition, and 
treasure in progress to Kero/epore, as well as to elear the 
country of partisan troops which restricted the freedom of 
traffic ; but when it became known that Kunjor Singh hud 
crossed the Sutlej in force and threatened Ludhiiiim, the 
General was ordered to proceed to the relief of that place*. 
On the 20th of January lie encamped at (he trading town 
of Jugrfwm, within twenty-five miles of his destination, and 
the authorities of the son of Fat eh Singh Ahiuwalia, of 
the treaty of 180; 1 *, to whom the place belonged, readily 
allowed him to occupy its wcH-huiK fort. It was known on 
that day that. Itanjor Singh was in position immediately 
to the westward of Ludhifmu, and that. lie hud thrown a ftmall 
garrison into Hadowal, which lay about eighteen miles 
distant on the direct road from Jugrjion, The HriUnh 
detachment, which had been HUT lice! by reinforcements to 
four regiments of infantry, three regiments of cavalry, and 
eighteen guns, marched soon after midnight. ; and early 
on the morning of the i21fit January it was learnt that the 
whole Sikh army, estimated at ten thousand men, had 
moved to BadowAl during the preceding day* That placet 
WHH then distant eight miles from I he head of the. column, 
arid Sir Harry Smith considered that if he made a detour to 
the right, so us to leave the Sikhs about three- miles on his 
other flank, he would be able to effect his junction with the 
Ludhiftna brigade without molestation, A short halt took 
place to enable the baggage to get somewhat ahead, and it 
wan arranged that the long strings of animals should move 
parallel to the troops and on the right flank, HO as to be 
covered by the column, AH Hudowill wan approached, the 
Sikhs were een to he in motion likewise, and apparently 
to be bent on in I creep! ing the Kngliwh ; but UK it wan not 
wished to give them battle, Sir Harry Smith continued IIIM 

by th IOWIIH of Aliwul nnd Harrimith, Hin wif<s a Hpaniuh lady, 
who tuuiompanuxl him through thi* X'twinuuUr campaigns, ftlao gave* 
her namtt to a Houth'Af riuan town, * UwlyHmitb V ' a place not without 
f Attic. ED. ) 


march, inclining however still more to his right, and making 1845-6. 

occasional halts with the cavalry to enable the infantry to 

close up, it having fallen behind owing to the heavy nature 

of the ground* But the Sikhs were resolved on fighting, 

and they commenced a fire of artillery on the British horse, 

which obtained a partial cover under sand -hunks, while the 

guns of the detachment opened upon the Sikhs and served 

to keep their line in cheek. By the time that the British 

infantry and small rear-guard of cavalry had elosed up, the 

fire of the Sikhs had begun to tell, and it was thought that 

a steady charge by the infantry would throw them into 

disorder, and would allow the baggage to pass on, and give 

time to the Ludhiiina troops to come to the aid of their 

comrades. A close contest, was indeed the prompting of 

every one's heart at the moment ; but as tint regiments of 

foot were being formed into line, it was found that the 

active Sikhs had dragged guns, un perceived, behind sand 

hillocks to the rear of the column - or, as matters then 

stood, that they had turned their enemy's left Hank, These 

guns threw their enfilading shot with great rapidity and 

precision, and whole sections of men were seen to fall at a 

time without an audible groan amid the hissing of the iron 

storm. The ground was heavy, the men were wearied with 

a march of nine hours and eighteen miles, and it became 

evident that a charge might prove fatal to the exhausted 

victors. The infantry once more resumed its march, and 

its retirement or retreat upon Kudhiuna wus covered with 

skill and steadiness by the cavalry. 1 The Sikhs did not 

pursue, for they were without a leader, or without one who 

wished to sec the KngliKh beaten. Hunjor Singh let his 

soldiers engage in battle, but that he accompanied them 

into the light is more than doubtful, iind it in certain timt 

he did not essay the easy tank of improving the HUCCCHH of 

hit* own men into the complete reverse of his enemy. The 

nuiHH of the British baggage wan at hand, and the temptation 

to plunder could not be resisted by men who were without 

orders to conquer. Kvery beast of burden which had not 

got within sight of Ludhiiina, or which had not, timorously 

but prudently, been taken back to Jtigroon, when the firing 

I 1 Under (In!. (!uroton.~-Ku | 


was heard, fell into the hands of the Sikhs, and they were 
""" enabled boastfully to exhibit artillery store carts as if they 

had captured British cannon. 1 

ThAfllUw Ludhiana was relieved, but an unsuccessful skirmish 
aod Ur " il <M< k d to the belief so pleasing to the prostrate princes of 
and (iulab India, that the dreaded army of their foreign masters had 

4lt ^ istl 1>mi ft'^ 1 I)V tn< * H kill iin< * va l up <f *<' disciples 
to of (Jobind, t lie kindred children of f heir own soil. The BriliHh 
sepoys glanced furtively at one another, or looked towards 
the cast, their home ; and the brows of Knglishmen them- 
selves grew darker as they thought of struggles rather thiui 
triumphs. The (iovernor-(Jcnerl and <'omnmndcr-in-(!hief 
trembled for the safety of that sieg train and convoy of 
ammunition, so necessury to the cttieiency of an army which 
they had launched in huste against aggressors and received 
back shattered by the shock of opposing arum. The leader 
of the beaten brigades saw before him u tarnished name after 
the lalxmrs of a life, nor was he met by many encouraging 
hopes of rapid retribution. The Sikhs on their Hide were 
correspondingly dated ; the presence of Kuropcan prisoners 
added to their triumph ; Lai Singh and Tej Singh shrank 
within themselves with fear, and (hilftb Singh, who hud been 
spontaneously hailed as minister and lender, began to think 
that the Khftlsa was really formidable to one greater fur 
than himself, and lie arrived at Lahore on the 27 (-h of 
January, to give unity and vigour to 'the counsels of the 
Sikhs. 2 The army under Tej Singh hud rccroKKcd the StitJcj 
in force ; it had enlarged the bridge-head before alluded to, 
and so cntrciu'Iicd a strong position in the face of the British 
divisions. The Sikhs seemed again to be about to carry the 
war into the country of their enemy : but (tiiUU* Singh came 
too late their fame had reached its height, and defeat and 
subjection speedily overtook them. 

I (ft thn (Juvi'rnoMitmural in thn Hnrrt (tommittao, Ittth Jnn, 
and :tnl Kb., and I^nl <Jnutfh'H<UHiMLtph of the tat I'Vb. 1K4D. After 
the* Hlcirminh of tho iSlnf .(anuary thero W(^rn found to h ixty-nine 
killed, mxty-cighl- v^ouiuled, Mid wwimty-wvoii nuHjiin^ ; of wbioh 
JuMt, wtvural wt'i'i* taken |iriHOiurH v whllo otlwirn rojoimti th*ir IKWJIH 
in a day or two. ( tf tho jiriHrmorH, Mr, liarrrn, ft'i wwiHtftnt-Hurg^on, 
and Homo Kurnpertn HoldicrH wcro taknn to Luhom 

II Of. tho (Jovtirtior-donnml to tho tiiu'wt ( 'oiminitttHi* 3rd Kob. 1H40. 


During the night of the 22n<I January, Kunjor Singh 
marched from Badowal to a place on the Sutlej about fifteen 
miles below Ludhiana, where he immediately collected a 
number of boats as if to secure the passage of the river. 2 *M Jan. 
The object of this movement is not known ; but it may have l ' 
been caused by a want of confidence on the part of the Sikhs 
themselves, as there were few regular regiments among them, 
until joined by a brigade of four battalions and some guns 
from the main army, which gave them a force of not less 
than fifteen thousand combatants. Sir Harry Smith imme- 
diately occupied the deserted position of the enemy, and he 
was himself reinforced simultaneously with the Sikhs by 
a brigade from the main army of the English. On the 28th 
January the General inarched with his eleven thousand men, 
to give the enemy battle, or to reconnoitre his position and 
assail it in some degree of form, should circa instances render 
such a course the most prudent. The Sikhs were nearly ten 
miles distant, and midway it was learnt that they wore 
about to move with the avowed object of proceeding witli 
a part or the whole of their force to relieve the fort of 
Gfmgrana or to occupy the neighbouring town of Jugrfum, 
both of which posts were close to the line of the British 
communications with the Jumna. On reaching the edge of 
the table-land, bounding the sunken belt of many miles in 
breadth within which the narrower channel of the Suttej 
proper winds irregularly, a portion of Ihc, Sikhs were observed 
to be in motion in a direction which would Lake them clear 
of the, left of the British approach ; but as noon as they saw 
that, they were liable to be attacked in flank, they faced 
towards their enemy, and occupied with their right the, 
village of Bundrf, and with their left the little hamlet of 
A I! will, while with that activity necessary to their system, 
and characteristic of the spirit of the common soldiers, 
they immediately began to throw up bunks of earth before 
their guns, where not otherwise protected, such an would 
afford some cover to themselves and offer norne impediment 
to their assailant*. An immediate collision was inevitable, 
and the British commander promptly gave the order for 
bat f Ic. The regiments of cavalry which headed the advance 
opened their glittering ranks to the right, ami left, ami made 


1845-G. apparent the serried battalions of infantry and the frowning 

batteries of cannon. The scene wan magnificent and yet 

overawing : the eye included Lhe whole field, and glanced 
approvingly from the steady order of one foe to the even 
array of the other; all bespoke gladness of mind and strength 
of heart ; but beneath the elate looks of the advancing 
warriors there lurked that fierce desire for the death of his 
fellows which must ever impel the valiant soldier. When 
thus deployed, the lines of battle were not truly parallel. 
The Sikh line inclined towards and extended beyond the 
British right, while the other flunks were, for a time, com- 
paratively distant. The English had scarcely halted during 
their march of eight miles, even to form their line ; but the 
Sikhs nevertheless commenced the action. It wan perceived 
by Sir Harry Smith that- the capture of the village of AUwal 
was of the first importance, und the right of the infantry 
wan led aguinttl it. A deadly struggle seemed impending ; 
for the Sikh ranks were steady and the play of their guns 
incessant ; but the holders of the post were battalions of 
hill-men, raised because their demeanour was sober, and their 
hearts indifferent, to the Klialsa, and after firing a straggling 
volley, they fled in confusion, headed by Hanjor Singh, 
their immediate leader, and leaving the brave Sikh artillery* 
men to be Klaughtcred by the conquerors. The Kritfoh 
cavalry of the right, made at the same time a sweeping und 
ffucccKMftiJ charge, and one half of the opposing army wan 
fairly broken and dispersed ; but the Sikhs on their own 
right seemed to be out flunking their opponents in spite of 
the exertions of the Knglish infantry and artillery; for 
there the more regular battalion* were* in line, and the true 
Sikh was not easily cowed* A prompt and powerful effort 
waH necessary, and a regiment of European lancers, 1 flup- 
portcd by one of Indian cavalry. WAN launched against the 
even ranks of the Lahore infantry. The Sikhs knelt to 
receive the orderly Iml impetuoiiH charge of the Kngltoh 
warriors, moved alike by noble recollections of their country, 
by military emulation, nnd by prrwonul fccliugx of revenge ; 
but at the critical moment, the unucctiBtomcd discipline of 
many of <obind* champions foiled them. They rone, yet 
I* i!.M.'i 10th Uncom, undw (M. (tumtmi. 


they reserved their fire, and delivered it together tit the 18-13-0. 
distance of a spear's throw ; nor was it until the mass had 
been three times ridden through that the Sikhs dispersed. 
The charge was timely and bold ; but the ground was more 
thickly strewn with the bodies of victorious horsemen than 
of beaten infantry. An attempt was made to rally behind 
Kundrl ; but all resistance was unavailing, the Sikhs were 
driven across the Sultaj, more than fifty pieces * of cannon 
were taken, and the General forgot his sorrows, and the 
soldiers their sufferings and indignities, in the fullness of 
their common triumph over a worthy enemy, in a well- 
planned and bravely fought battle, 8 

[ l Sixty -Bovon i tho official numbor given. ED, ] 
2 Of. Sir Harry Smith' 8 (Impair h of tho ,'JOth January, and Lord 
(Jougirw dwpatc-h of tho iHt JPubruary 18441. (Parliamentary Papfim, 
1H4<>.) Tho IOHH BUHtainod was 151 killu(l,4l3 woundod,and 23 missing. 
Tho (fakutta /fcriw. No. XVI, p. 41)0, Htatow that Sir Harry Smith 
required Homo proHHing boforo he would ongago tho Sikhs, aftor hm 
rovomo at BadowaU That aetlvo leader, howovor, was in no need of 
Much prompting, ami had adoijuato roinfor<MnontM roaolwd him 
Hoonor than thoy did, tho battle of Allwal would havo boon Hoonor 
fought. H may Hkowfao ho horo montionod, that noithor doo Urn 
roviowor throughout hm article do fair juhlitjo to Lord (lough, nor, in 
a particular inHtanoo, to tho cominiHWiriat (h^partiaont of tho nrmy. 
, with n k K ar( ' ^' tho < oninutndor-in-C'hiof, it I'M moro than h in tod 
p. ^11)7), that l^ord Jlardingo WHH in no way t<i )>lam<> that in, 
Lord Uou#h ?/vm to hlainr for thn d(*tay which (jfiuirr^d in 
atiackiiij; tho Siklm at. PMircu'ooHhiihur. It may bo difficult it* awor- 
Uiin tho cauHrH, or to apportion the hhuiir, hut thn <oviTnor<(<onorul 
can proudly Htand on hw acknowlod^od inoritHand Hcrviccn, and want* 
nr> Hupport at tho oNprnno of an ancit^nt eomrado-m-armn. Again, 
with regard to thi^ coiniiiiKHurifit, it in Htatrd t itt p. 488, that Kiipplti^ 
which tho head of Iho department in tho Hold jwkod mx weokH to 
funiiHh, woro procured by Major Hroadfoot in mx dayn. Tho coin- 
tntHHariat/ department could only UHO money and effect ptmihuKOH by 
<>ontraot, or hi tho open nmrkot*; hut Major Kroadfoof. oould NUIII- 
nmrily rocjutro l pn*t<cted ehhtfK ', on pain of ronti Meat ton, to moot all 
hm detnandK ; and tho writor of tho artielo might havo loarnt, or nuixt 
havo iK^en awnns that tho re^timitionH in quoHtion led to ono chief 
biting digram! by tho inipoHition of a tints and hail Homo nlmro iu 
tho HtibHe|uent dopnmil of another. Had tho Hrittoh ntngiMtratoH of 
.Dolhi, Siiharanpur, Bareilly, and other piaruw, fmou Himilarly em- 
powered to HOJ'/O by force, tho grain and e.arriago within their limits 
there would httvo been no occawhm to diHparago tho conimtHHariat/ 
dopartinont. Kurt her, it in known to many, and it w in itHlf plain, 
that had tho military authoritiori boon rexnurod, or allowed, to proparo 


IMfi-fi. The victory was equally ini|Nirtiui! aiiil opportune, and 
Thi'Sikh the tfinc-MTviiiK Uniab Sinjfli. whoso skill and eapaeity 
fthii'fo might, have protracted the- wnr, first reproaehed the van* 
triatTnli qihl HiMw for fashl >" '"fl ll ine i hostilities with their 
the EnghHli colossal nci^hhour, ami then entered into negotiations with 
thc KlMi lowlers. 1 Tin- Uo\ernoM;enerul was not dis* 
pleased that the I-iilwrr authorities simuM he rnuly to 
yield ; for Iii> truly ft*It that to suhjii^atr the fiinjiifi iti >ne 
Roiison, to defeat an army us uuiiM*rons as hi* nun, to take 
two capitals, und to lay sictfr to Mttltan, and .latunin. and 
Peshawar all nilliiH a fr months was a task of di'Ilir-iilf 
aehievenient d full of jmumiritt riskn, The doiuinifMi of 
the Kn^Iish in Truliu hinges mainly TI{HIU tfie inuid)er and 
eflieieney of tle trot*ps of their own rare whii*h they eiiu 
brinK into tlte field ; and n eanipai^n in the hot weather 
would have thinned the rank* of the Knrnpratt regiments 
under the immt fimmrable nreuinManeeH, and the ordinary 
reourrrnee of an epidetnie disease would h;i\ e proved as fatal 
to the ofllciw <>f 'very eorpM present as to the eonmHin 
Koldicnt, Hut hesides Iliis important eoimidemtion, it was 
felt that the minds of men throughout India vtere atfitafed, 
and that protraeted hostilities would not !> jropardi/e 
theeommunieatiofih \\i\\\ the Jumim, hut rnii^ht disfurhthe 
whole of Hir nnrth-wi*Nt < rti provinees, swarming with u 
military |Hpulntion whi<-h in ready to follow any standard 
affording pay "r allowing plunder, ami whirh already si^hs 
for the end of a <lull rHffii of pence. Ifriffhf \isinns of 
Ntandin^ triumphant on the Indus and of mimUerinjf the 
remotest conquests uf Alenander amttn^ the provmees of 
doubt lew* warmed the inmju;jniitfoii of fhr <;o 

. n 1,^1 i 

cial (Uflii'iiltii^ to eoimittrr, Mould Imvit IHHMI nmj'ly ]jrj<tr^d with nil 
thiit nit iirniy of iiivnMi*n nr ili'fHue inmhl lmvi nnniiri't), !*.n^ I-f.rr 
\\w Sikim i-nmiwd tin* Sutlnj. b*fit iUnhn^ WM rliiHly ri<|| 
for tint tiiimly nmi mleijimto ^(tiipmMit of tlt wrmy, in nntu nmfinri 
of a iirnlwlilit witr ; niul with Um Oiivct-fiur (ii'mwil in the 
ptnwi*HH(il of HUfMiriur mill nnonmloiw j^iwuriip thv (*fimmmiili*r in 
<toull wily lw hrM rrfx.iiMJhle nnd that hut t< u llm.t^l intent 
th Ktrtttogy erf A rnmjmiKu or tlm eondtict (f n Uttlo, 
(. tho <Jovmmr.<Ji.iHUftI u th*i Hw^t ffemmiUw*. uf (he Hifli 


General ; but the first object was Lo drive the Sikhs across is-15-6. 

the Sullej by force of arms, or io have them withdrawn to 

their own side of the river by the unconditional submission 

of the chiefs and the delegates of the army ; for, until that 

were done, no progress could be snid to have been made in 

tine war, and every petty chief in Hindustan would have 

silently prepared for asserting his independence, or for 

enlarging his territory on the first opportunity. Bui the 

total dispersion of so large and so well equipped a body of 

brave men, as that which lay within night of the available 

force of the British Government, could not be accomplished 

by one defeat, if the chiefs of the country were to be rendered 

desperate, and if all were to place their valour and unanimity 

under the direction of one able man. The Knghsh, therefore, 

intimated to (jiiliib Hhujh their readiness to acknowledge a 

Sikh sovereignty in Lahore after the army should have been 

disbanded ; but. the Kajfi declared his inability to deal with 

the troops, which still overawed him and other well-wishers 

to the family of Hanjlt Singh. This helplessness was partly 

exaggerated for Hellish objects ; but time pressed ; tin; 

speedy dictation of a treaty under the walls of Lahore was 

essential to the British reputation ; and the views of either 

party were in some sort met by an understanding that the An undar* 

Sikh army should be attacked by the Kntflish, and that S^tc? 

when beaten it should be openly abatndoued by its own that Urn' 

government; and further, that the passage of the Sutlej Jjjjjji JS lly 

should be unopposed and the road to the capital laid open uttwkmlby 

to the victors. I'tider such circumstances of discreet policy ^^fbi 

and Hhutnelom treason was the battle of Sobraon fought. 1 the other, 

The Sikhs had gradually brought, the greater part of their Th 
force into the entrenchment on the left hank of the Sutlej, 
which had been enlarged as impulse prompted or us oppor- 
t unity Heemed to offer. They placed sixty-seven pieces of 

1 Of. the <*ovnu>r-<ti*nrnrH tat tor to tho BtniiH Committees of 
thti Htth Kuli. 1840 ; front which, howtmtr, thoeo only who wwu mixed 
up with the negotiation* fftri ttxtrtwt aught tmitaaltvo of the uncfor- 
HtamliitK with < JuUli Niiitfh which i* alludwl to in tho text. U wan for 
thin notn ehirtty, if wit witimly, that tho author wan romovod from 
jKtliileal wnjiloyment hy tho Kat India Company, Thfo wa tho 
iiuthor 1 * owu i'onvirtion, from oaroful inqulruw marlo in India ; and 
Iw }fi*n thn runtilt of in^uatly <mf til inquiriuH itiado tiy i no in Ktkglaiul. 


artillery in battery, and their slreiitfth was estimated at 
thirty-live thousand lighting men ; but it is prolmbk* that 
twenty thousand would exomi the I ruth ; and of that 
reduced number, it is certain that all were not regular troops. 
The entrenehment likewise showed a fatal want of unity of 
command and of design ; and at Hobraon, UK in the other 
battles of the campaign, the soldiers did everything and the 
loaders nothing. Hearts to dare and hands to execute were 
numerous; but there was no mind to guide and animate the 
whole : each inferior commander defended bis front ac- 
cording to his skill and his means, and the centre and left, 
where the disciplined battalions were mainly stationed, had 
butteries and salient points as high ah the stature of a man, 
and ditches which an armed soldier could not. leap without 
exertion ; but a considerable part of the line exhibited at 
intervals the petty obstacles of a succession of such banta 
and trendies as would shelter a crouching marksman or 
help him to sleep in sccurit y when no longer a watcher. This 
wan especially the cane on the right flunk, where the loose- 
ness of the river sand rendered it. impossible to throw up 
parapets without art, and labour, and where irregular troops, 
the least able to remedy such disad vantages, had been 
allowed or compelled to take up their {Mtsition, The flank in 
question wan mainly guarded by a line of two hundred 
* tttiLinbfirukH ' or falconets ' ; but it derived some mipixtrt 
from a salient battery, and from the heavy guns retained on 
the opposite bank of the river," Tcj Singh commanded in 

[* ThuHQ woni light wivH guitH ummlly mounted on oamultt. In 
the nmaUir-rolb* of tho Hikh army tlwy art* Hhown AH organized into 
rogular Iwttorio* like ftold artillery. Hjwimtuw of thowj guna may lo 
noon in tho Armoury in tho Fort at J*hnm.*- Kn.J 

* Tim ordinary Mlttf that tho untrcmuhmtinU of Bobraon wore 
jointly planned and ox urn tod by a Knuwh and it Spanwh wlonol, it 
as devoid of foundation aH thnt thu Kikh army WttH rcmdorod nffoctive 
Hololy by tho labours and Hkill of Froucih and Italian gnbral 
Hurhou tho hravtt Hjmniard, and Mouton tho Kroaohmaru who wore 
at Mobraon, douhtktiw oxortud ihnmitolvoN whoro tlioy could, but thoir 
authority or thoir inilucmio dtd not tsxtond boyond a wgixuent or a 
brigade, and the* linon whowod m traoo whatever of iwicntino kill or 
of unity of design. [Thiw notx* in typical of tho author** bolittling tyle 
The worlw wrt really of an oxtomtdy utrong nature. * For omo 
wookn tho Biklw undor tho direction of a Bpani*h officer named 


this entrenchment, und Lai Singh lay with his horse in loose 18-JUJ-6, 
order higher up the stream, watched by a body of British 
cavalry. The Sikhs, generally, were somewhat cast clown 
by the defeat at Aliwfil, and by the sight of the unhonourcd 
remains of their comrades floating down the Sutlej ; but the 
self -confidence of a multitude soon returns : they had been 
cheered by the capture of a post of observation established 
by the English and left unoccupied at night, and they 
resumed their vaunting practice of performing their military 
exercises almost within hail of the Hritish pickets. Yet the 
judgement of the old and experienced could not be deceived ; 
the dangers which threatened the Sikh people pressed upon 
their minds ; they saw no escape from domestic, anarchy or 
from foreign subjection, and the grey-headed chief Sham 
Singh of Atari made known his resolution to die in the first 
conflict with the enemies of his race, and so to offer himself 
up as a sacrifice of propitiation to the spirit of Gobind and to 
the genius of his mystic common weal th. 

In the British eamp the confidence of the soldiery was The 
likewise great, and none there despaired of the fortune of 
Kngland. The spirits of the men hud been raised by the attack, 
victory of Allwill, und early in February u formidable siege 
train und ample stores of ammunition arrived from Delhi. 
The sepoys looked with delight upon the long array of 
stately elephants drugging the huge and heavy ordnance 
of their predilections, and the heart of the Knglishman 
himself swelled with pride as ho beheld these dread symbols 
of the wide dominion ol'hiH race. It was determined that the 
Sikh position should be attacked on the 10th February , und 
various plans were laid down for making victory sure, and 
for tine speedy gratification of a burning resentment* The 
oilicers of artillery naturally desired that their guns, the 

thwrba had taon employed in wmHtructiug a remarkably powerful 
tfttc, de. yoni at tho village) of Hobraou to cover a briilgu of boate whtoh 
Ihny had thrown UOKMA tho rivwr Hutloj . * , and it woa now completed 
inaRorumof half-moon hafltiomi, connected by curtain*, and oovwrod 
by a ditch in front, both flankn renting on tho rivor. Thin groat work, 
two and a lutlf miloB in length, wan protected by battoriw on tho 
right bank of tho river, HO aw to command tho paBtiago, and manned 
by 38,000 of the bent of the Sikh troujw with 07 guns. 1 (MoadowB 
Taylor.) Ko.J 


1845-6. representatives of a high art, should be used agreeably to 
the established rules of the engineer, or that ramparts should 
be breached, in front and swept iu flank before they wore 
stormed by defenceless battalions ; but such deliberate 
tediousness of process did not satisfy the judgement or the 
impatience of the commanders, and it was arranged that 
the whole of the heavy ordnance should bo planted in masses 
opposite particular points of the enemy's entrenchment, 
and that when the Sikhs had been shaken by u continuous 
storm of shot and shell, the right or weakest part of the posi- 
tion should be assaulted in line by the strongest of the three 
investing divisions, which together mustered nearly fifteen 
thousand men. A large body of British cavalry WHS likewise* 
placed to watch the. movements of Lul Singh, and the two 
divisions which lay near Fero/epore wen* held ready to push 
across the Sutlej us soon as victory should declare itself. 
The precise mode of attack was not divulged, or indeed 
finally settled, until noon of the preceding day, for it watf 
desired to surprise the commanding post of observation, 
which indifference or negligence find allowed to fall tutu the 
hands of the Sikhs u short time before*. The evening and 
the early hours of darkness of the Mfh February were thus 
occupied with busy preparations ; the hitherto nilent camp 
poured all it* number* abroad ; soldiers stood iu groups, 
talking of the task to be achieved by their valour ; officers 
rode hastily along to receive or deliver order*; urn! 
on that night what Knglishman passed Imttulion after 
battalion to ttcck u short repose, or a moment's solitary 
communion, and listened ax lie went to the hammering 
of HhellK und the piling of iron shot, or beheld the sentinel 
pacing silently along by the gleam of renewed fires, with- 
out recalling to mind his heroic king uvii the eve of 
Agincourt, rendered doubly immortal by the genius of 
Shakespeare V 

Tho battle The British divisions advanced in silence, amid the dark* 

lOih Wb* 1 ' nei * 8 of n '** lt 4UI<1 tlm Ufl<litiolm * Kl <M > <f " HiiHk haw. Th<* 

1U46, ' coveted post was found unoccupied ; the Sikhs seemed 

everywhere taken by Htirprfoe, ami they beat ehimorouHly to 

arms when they wiw thenmclveH about to be iUtwiUcd. The 

English batteries opened at sunrise, nail for upwards of 


three hours un incessant play of artillery was kept up upon 1845-G. 

the general muss of the enemy. The round shot exploded 

tumbrils, or dashed heaps of sand into the air ; the hollow 
shells east their fatal contents fully before them, and the 
devious rockets sprang aloft with fury to fall hissing amid a 
flood of men ; but all was in vain, the Sikhs stood unappalled, 
and 'Hash for Hash returned, and lire for fire*. ^JPhe, field 
was resplendent wilh embattled warriors, one moment 
umbered in volumes of sulphurous smoke, and another 
brightly apparent amid the splendour of beaming brass and 
the cold and piercing rays of polished steel. The roar and 
loud reverberation of the ponderous ordnance added to the 
impressive interest of the scene, and fell gratefully upon the 
ear of the intent and enduring soldier* But as the sun rose 
higher, it was felt, that a distant, and aimless eannonade 
would still leave the strife to be begun, and victory to be 
aehieved by the \aliunl hearts of the close-lighting infantry. 
The guns ceased fora time, and each warrior addressed him- 
self in silence to the coining conflict a glimmering eye and 
a ilrmer grasp of his weapon alone telling of the mighty 
spirit wliich wrought within him. The left division of the 
British army advanced in even order and with a light step 
to the attack, but the original error of forming the regiments 
in line instead of in column rendered the contest more un- 
equal than such assaults need necessarily be, Every shot 
from the enemy's tines lold upon the expanse of men, and 
the greater part of the division was driven back by the 
deadly lire of muskets and swivels and enfilading artillery. 
On the extreme left, the regiments effected an entrance amid 
the advanced banks and trenches of petty outworks where 
poHHenmon could be of little avail ; but their comrades on 
the right were animated by the partial SUCOCHH ; they chafed 
under the rliHgraee of repulse, and forming themselves in- 
Hlhicifvfly into wedges and IIIUHNCK, and headed by an old 
and fearless lender, they rushed forward in wrath. 1 With a 
shout, they leaped the tiiteh, find npflwarming, they mounted 
the rampart, and stood victorious amid captured cannon. 
But the effort wan great $ the Sikhs fought with Bte.adineHtt 

* Hir Robert Dick WAM mortally wounded clow to tho tronehon 
<m hi* ardont follower*. 


1845-6. and resolution ; guns in the interior were turned upon the 
exhausted assailants, and the line of trench alone was gained. 
Nor was this achievement the work of u moment. The 
repulse of the first assailants required that the central divi- 
sion should be brought forward, and these supporting regi- 
ments also moved in line against ramparts higher and more 
continuous than the barriers which had foiled the first efforts 
of their comrades. They too recoiled in confusion before the 
fire of the exulting Sikhs ; but at the distance of a furlong 
they showed both their innate valour and habitual discipline 
by rallying and returning to the charge. Their second 
assault was aided on the left by the presence, in the trenches 
of that flank, of the victorious first division ; and thus the 
regiments of the centre likewise became, after a fierce 
struggle on their own right, possessed of us many of the 
enemy's batteries as lay to their immediate front. The un- 
looked-for repulse of the second division, uad the arduous 
contest in which the first was engaged, might have led a 
casual witness of the strife to ponder on the multitude of 
varying circumstances which determine success in war ; 
but the leaders were collected and prompt., and the battalions 
on the right, the victors of All will, were impelled against the 
opposite flank of the Sikhs ; but there, as on all other points 
attacked, destruction awaited brave men. They fell in 
heaps, and the first Hue was thrown back upon the second, 
which, nothing daunted, moved rapidly to the assault. The 
two lines mingled their ranks and rushed forward in masses, 
just as the second division had retrieved its fame, and us a 
body of cavalry had been poured into the camp from the 
left to form that line of advance which surpassed the strength 
of the exhausted infantry. 

Openings were thus everywhere effected in the Sikh en- 
trenchments, but single batteries still held out ; the interior 
was filled with courageous men, who took advantage of 
every obstacle, and fought fiercely for every spot of ground* 
The traitor, Tej Singh, indeed, instead of loading fresh men 
to sustain the failing strength of the troops on his right, fled 
on the first assault, and, either accidentally or 'by design, 
sank H bout in the middle of the bridge of communication. 
But the ancient Sham Singh remembered his vow; he 


lothcd himself in simple while ultire, as one devotee! to 1W5-*?. 
eath, and culling on all around him to fight for the C.uru, 
;ho had promised everlasting bliss to the brave, he pe- 
catcdly rallied his shattered ranks, and at last fell a martyr 
n a heap of his slain countrymen. Others might be seen 
tanding on the ramparts timid showers of balls, waving 
Icfiance with their swords, or telling the gunners where, the 
air-haired Knglish pressed thickest together. Along the 
itronger half of the battlements, and for the period of half 
m hour, the conflict ruged sublime in all its terrors. The 
>araj>ets were sprinkled with blood from end to end ; the 
Benches were filled with the dead and the dying* Amid the 
Icafcning roar of cannon, and the multitudinous fire of 
musketry, the shouts of triumph or of scorn were yet hoard, 
itnd the flashing of innumerable swords was yet. visible ; or 
from time to time exploding luaga'/incs of |x>wdcr threw 
bursting shells and beams of wood and banks of earth high 
above the agitated sea of smoke and Maine which enveloped 
the host, of combatants, and for n moment arrested the 
attention amid all the din and tumult of the tremendous 
conflict. Hut, gradually each defensible pomtimi WIIH cap- 
tured, and the enemy was pressed towards the Kcnrcely 
fordtthlc river ; yet, although nssuited on either Hide by 
squadron* of hum- urnl battalions of foot, no Sikh offered to 
Hitbmit, and no disciple of <*ohiiid asked for quarter. They 
everywhere showed u front to the victors, and M Hiked 
slowly and mdlcidy away, while many rushed singly forth 
to meet fuumrcd death by contending with u multitude* The 
victors looked with stolid wonderment upon the indomitable 
courage of the vanquished, and forbore to strike where the 
helplcMH awl the dying frowned unavailing hatred, litit the 
necessities of wnr prmcd upon the commanders, and thfy 
hud effectually to disperse that army which hud HO long 
Hc.onifd their |>owcr, The fire of ImttcricK arid battalion** 
precipitated the Might of the Sikhx through the waiter* of 
the Suite], and the triumph (if the Kngltah brciiine full and 
manifest* The troops, defiled with dunt and Kniokc and 
carnage, thus stood mute indeed for a moment, until the, 
glory of their NUCCCMH rushing ti|>on their mincta, they gave 
to their fccliikgn, and hail<*d their victorious 


commanders with reiterated shouts of triumph and eon- 

On the night of the victory some regiments were pushed 
^ across the Sutlej opposite Fe.nwepore ; no enemy was 
tihesubmii- visible; ami on the 12th February the fort of Kasfir \vus 
MahnV^* 5 ()CCIl i > * c ^ without opposition. On the following day the 
uiid tho 3 ' 1 ' army encamped under the walls of that ancient town, and 
** Was aHcertame ^ tirot the Kikhs still held toother to 
the number of twenty thousand men in the direction of 
Amritsar. But the power of the armed representatives of 
the Khulsa was gone ; the holders of treasure and food, and 
all the munitions of war, had first passively helped to defeat 
them, and then openly joined the enemy; and the soldiery 
readily assented to the requisition of the court that (iuluh 

i Of, Lord (Jough'H diBpatch of the Kith Feb. IH W, nnd Maogrogor, 
I/wtory of tlw Nikhtt, ii. 1JU, &. Tho cumin Itiw on tho nido of tho 
BritiBh woro 320 killed, and 2,08!* wounded. Tin- IOHH of th<* Sikhn, 
porliapH, oxcoodod 5,<KK), nud poHHihly ummmtttd to H,<MK), tho lowor 
DHtimato of tho Knglinh diH]atch^H. 

Tho Cv'ommandtT-ia-dhujf cHtiinutvd th<> force of tlm Sikhn at :iO,OIK) 
nuni, and it WIIH fnujucntly mud lht*y hud !)U n^iiiKMitH in {wMittoii; 
hut it in nuvrrthcb'KH ttouhtful whothM* tlTo wvro HO nmtiy UK H20,(HK) 
ar/wr^ men iu tho trcm-hcn, Tho lUnulxTH of tho jU'tual aHHiiiluntK may 
bo oHtimatud at 1 ">,<MH) oiT<H-tiy^ Holdiiw. Aftitr the war, l^ord (lough 
mK'urtainud, through iho BritiHh uu1lioriiicn at ^vhort% that tlm Siklm 
udmittod tluiir Htrcngth at Nohruon to IUUT IHTU 42,(!2o' men, t'orhajm, 
liowtwor, thiK i-Htinuit^ iwlud<>n all the troojm on tlto ri^ht hank of 
tlinv(', an woll an thoHo in tho entrenched portion on the ojijxmUo 
w<lo. If HO, tho HtKti*iiitvit HiM'inH in ivory way cn'dihlc, Similarly, 
Lord (Jot^h loarnt that 3,1 &> IKUTH (*f Holdicrn Kill'<{ claimed arroum 
of ]>ay, from which fact and othor circuutKtanct'H which ramo to hm 
knowlodg<s hm U>rdHhi|i thinkn the Siklm may have hmt from 12,000 
to lfi,(KH) tnon in thm dcicimvc victory, 

Kohraon, or cornwtly KnlirAhiin, Ui imintt by which thu hattlo IH 
known, in takon from that of a muni! villain, or rather two nnmll 
villagoH, in tho noi^hlxmrhood. Tho villngoH in fjtuwUtm wtn in- 
habited ]>y the Huhdivinion of a trttu* calUul SttJuuh, or, in tho plural, 
Hubrahiin ; and honro tho namo hocamo appliod to flunr placo of 
roKid(ico, and IIUH at liiHt hccomi) idcntifi^l with a grout and imp<rtant 
victory. ThiH mode, of d<>Hignatin# viliagon by inoiutH of tho plurni 
form of u patronymic in comnum in India, antl it wiut onco froquimt in 
our own country, AH notictud by Mr* Komblo (*V^>/M m KvbiHd, i. 

39 n. f and Appendix A, p. 478) in I,!&1> inMtnncuw, such a* Tooting in 
Surrey, Mailing in Ktmt, &t>,, from tho TotingaH, MwillingttH, iind other 


Singh, their chosen minister, should have full powers to 
treat with flu* Knglish on the already admitted basis of 
recogiri'/ing ti Sikh government in Lahore. On tin* 15th of 
the month the Hfijfi and several other chiefs were received 
by the (xovernor-Ueneral nt Kasfir, and they wen* told that 
Dal if > Singh would continue to be regarded as a friendly 
Hovereign, but that the country between the Hcfisuiid Sutiej 
would be retained In the conquerors, and that a million and 
a half sterling must be paid as some indemnity for the 
expenses of the war, in order, it was said, that all might hear 
of the punishment which had overtaken aggressors, and 
beeoine fully aware that inc>itablc loss followed vain 
hostilities with the unoffending Knglish. After a long dis- 
cussion the terms were reluct unfly agreed to, the young 
Mahanlja came and tendered his submission in person, and 
on the '20th February the British army arrived ut the Sikti 
capital. Two flays aftcnvurds a portion of the c'iladel WUK 
garrisoned by Kn^lish n^inK'nts, to mark umre plainly to 
the Indian world that a vaunting enem> hud been effectually 
humbled ; for throughout the breadth of the land the chiefs 
talked t in the bitterness of their hearts, of the approaching 
downfall of the stern nnhannoni/Jng forei^tterH. 1 

The <overnor-<eneral <lesired not only to ciiUHtine the 
SikhH for their past a^res-sioun, but to overawe them for the 
future, atid he hud thus chosen the Bcfis, as offering more 
comnmndhijyf positions with refereitce to Lull ore than the 
old boundary of the Stttlcj, With the same object in view, 
he had originally thought Knjit Culfth Singh tiuKbt advan- ^''' 
tagcoiiNly be mdc independent in the hill* of Jnmniu. a 
Such a rceognition by the British <o\crnincnt find, indeed, 
always been one of the wisben of that ambit iown family ; 
hut it was not, perhaps 1 , remembered that (iulab Singh WUH 
Htill more deHirotiH of becoming the acknowledged miniHtcr 
of the dependent i^unjnb; 3 tntr WHS it perbupH thought 

to the Mwwl C*mn\itiw t under daton 
(ho ttfth Knh. AIM! 4th Mimti IK44I. 
<*f, tho 0<vernr-<!**n*rul fo thn Hwwt. ContntittiMs of 3rd nitd 

9 Thin hue! IHM-U tho aitu of the faintly for many yonrx ; or, 
from t\w limit thHt Uhiiin HitiKh I'xerUni himnnlf to ntmovu ('ol, 
iu th IKIW that ii Hritiuh rtiprowtnUtiv<i mi^ht lt ApjNiinttMl who 


1845-6. that the overtures of the Rtlja after the battle of AlIwSl 

had foreboded the total rout of the Sikh army were all 
made in the hope of assuring to himself a virtual vieeroyalty 
over the whole dominion of Lahore. Gulab Singh had been 
appointed Wazlr by the chiefs and people when danger 
pressed them, and he had been formally treated with as 
minister by the English when the Governor-General thought 
time was short, and his own resources distant ; l but when 

LaiSingh. Lai Singh saw that after four pitched battles the Knglish 
viceroy was content or compelled to leave Lahore u de- 
pendent ally, he rejoiced that his undiminished influence; 
with the mother of the Malwrfiju would soon enable him 
to supplant the obnoxious chief of Janimu. The base 
sycophant thus congratulated himself on the approaching 
success of all his treasons, which had simply for their object 
his own personal aggrandizement at the expense of Sikh 
independence. Guklb Singh felt his inability to .support 
himself without the countenance of the Knglisfi ; but they 
had offered no assurance of support as minister, and he 
suddenly perplexed the Governor-General by asking wlmt 
he was to get for nil he had done to bring about a speedy 
peace, and to render the army an easy prey. It was remem- 
bered that at Kasfir he hud said the way to carry on a war 
with the Knglish was to leave the sturdy infantry entrenched 
and watched* and to sweep the open country with eavalry 

would bo well diBpOBod towards hinwolf, which ho thought (tol. Wado 
was not. Mr. (Me WAK aware < if hot h Hrlu'iuw of the tinhorn mitiiKtw, 
Although the gruator prominenro WUH naturally givon to thn projwt 
of roiulciriiift the Jaminii diiofH in<li!|H<iirl<rot, owing to thn uvorwon 
with which thoy woro rogardwl aftiir NIUI Niliiil Nintfh'H death. 

Had tho Knglfoh mud that thoy downid to MI* Uulftb Singh romaln 
mini&ter, And Imd thoy IK-MI carnhwH whether Lat .Singh Hvod or WAH 
pat to dcath it in highly prohahfo that a fair an<l vigorrMtH gr>vornm^nt 
would havo boon formnd, and alHo that thn wrnpation of I^ihoii% and 
porhapH tho wnumd treal-y of 1K40, nond nwvr Itav<i takon pla<:<, 

1 (?f. tho Oovtirnor.(i*i'nirH IHf^ir to tho^m'f < Wtmittw, of tho 
3rd and l()th Kol,, IK4IL In hoth of thiw dinpaUrhoH Hardingo 
indicates that Iw intondod to do Homing for dulab Kingh, )mt ho 
(loos not Htat<i that ho cionignod to mako him imtojwndtmt of Uhon% 
nor dooH ho Hay that, ho told th<^ Hikh Mut* tho arrangorwmtH thru 
on foot might include tho flcparation of .rammfi ; and tho truth would 
Bwm to h, that in thct Ural joy of MUCMOHH tho ftohunw of oont-iliftting 
the powerful K&j& romainad in a inauuor forgotten. 


to the prates of Delhi ; and while* negotiations were still 
pending, and the season advancing, it was desired to con- 
ciliate one who might render himself formidable in n day, by , 
joining the remains of the Sikh forces, and by opening his 
treasures and arsenals to a warlike population. 

The low state of the Lahore treasury, and the anxiety of Tlw 
LOl Singh to get a dreaded rival out of the way, enabled the 
Governor-General to appease Gulfib Singh in n manner indp<*n- 
sufflciently agreeable? to the Kiija himself, and which still 
further reduced the importance; of the successor of Kanjlt 
Singh. The Raja of Jaimmi did not rare to he simply the 
master of his native mountains ; but us two-thirds of the 
pecuniary indemnity required from Lahore could not bet 
made good, territory was taken instead of money, aiui 
Kashmir ami the hill stales from the Hefts lo the Indus werct 
cut off from the Punjab Proper, and transferred to (iulfib 
Singh UK a separate sovereign lor a million of pounds sterling. 
The arrangement, was u dexterous one, if reference be only 
had to the |>olicy of reducing the power of the Sikhs ; but 
the transaction scarcely scorns worthy of the British name 
and greatness, and the objections become stronger when it 
is considered thai (*uliil> Suigh had agreed to pay sixty-eight 
lakhs of rupees (JXJH(MM)O), as a fine to his paramount, before 
the war broke out, 1 und that the custom of the Kast as well 
as of the West requires the feudatory to aid his lord in 
foreign war and domestic strife. Giilah Singh ought thus 
to have paid the deficient million of money UK a Lahore 
subject, instead of being pttt in possession of l^nhore pro- 
vinces IIH an independent prince. The succession of the 
Hajii was displeasing to (he Sikhs generally, and bis separa- 
tion wan ICHS 111 accordance with his own aspirations than 
the ministry of Itiinjit Singh'* empire ; but his rise lo 
sovereign power excited nevertheless the ambition of others* 
and Tej Singh, who knew his own wealth, and was fully 
persuaded of the potency of gold, offered twenty-live lUehK 
of rupees for a princely crown and another dismembered 
province. He was chid for his presumptuous uiiHinlerpre- 

1 Major ItaiiLtlftiot to (iovcmmtiMt, fifch Muy 1K4;>. Thtt author 
novur hoard, and doc* not Imttuvtt, that thin uuinuy WM jwifl ty (hilah 






tation of English principles of action ; the arrangement 
w ith Gulab Singh was the only one of the kind whieh took 
place, and the new ally was formally invested with the title 
of Maharaja at Amritsar on the 15th March 1846. 1 But a 
portion of the territory at first proposed to be made over 
to him was reserved by his masters, the payments required 
from him were reduced by a fourth, and they wore rendered 
still more easy of liquidation by considering him to be the 
heir to the money whieh his brother Suehct Singh had buried 
in Ferozepore. 2 

Lai Singh became minister once more ; but he and all the 
traitorous chiefs knew that they could not maintain thoni- 
selves, even against the reduced army, when the Kngliwh 
Khould ntwe fairly left the country, and thus the separation 
of Gulab Singh led to a further departure from the original 
Hcn< * !n( *' ** was } M?w ( l M'rt- H British force should remain at 
the capital until the last day of December 1K4, to enable 
tllc l ' jlieffj to feel KW * urt ' wnije in y reorgani'/ed the iinny and 
introduced order and efficiency into the adniiniKtrution, 
The end of the year came ; but the chiefs were Htill helpless ; 
they clung to their foreign support, and gladly UHHcnted to 
un arrangement which leaves the Kaglish in immediate 
possession of the reduced dominion of HanjTt Singh, until 
IUK reputed son and feeble successor shall attain the age of 

1 On thin oceaHion 'MuhurnjtT (luliih 8in^h Mrtod tip, ami, with 
joiuwl handH, Mxpr<<KH<4<i UIH ^ratituUo h tho Hritmh vi< i crny -aeUIinpj, 
without howtn'or any ironical HKMnin^, that* HM wan indiuwl hm * Xur 
khan* I ', t>r p;ol(l-h(iiigh1>(*n nlavt^ ! 

In tho COUFHU of thin luMlory thcro IIHH, inon* than miro, Jxitm 
(HH'.awcm to allmlo to t-ho unwrupuldtm charart(T of Haja (Uiljlh Nin^h ; 
hut it muftt not ihorofrtro ho mipixmod that h in a man malovolimtly 
ovil. Ho will, imloixl, docoivo an onoiriy and Uko hw life without 
homtation, and in tho accumulation of money ho will oxcwitw many 
opproHfliotiH ; hut ho numl. IKI judged with rofontmto to thn morality 
of hiH a^h and rare, and to tho uoncwHitioH of hut own pcmition. If 
thHu allfwanciiH INI nuulo, (Itilab Hinfth will 1> found an ahlci and 
modorato man f who do<)H little in an idfo or wanton tipirit, and who in 
not without Homo trait* both of g<M)d humour and gwwroHity of 

Sew Apimndii'OH XXXIV, XXXV, and XXXVI, for th trali< 
with I^ahoro and .lammu. 

3 HCUJ Apiunulix XXX VII for tho nocond treaty with Lahore, 


While the (Jo vernor-f General and Coniinunder-in-Chief 1815-tf. 
remained at Lahore tit the head of twenty thousand men, p^yj 
portions of the Sikh army came to the capital to be paid up notrhs- 
and disbanded. The soldiers showed neither the desjwm- l 
dency of mutinous rebels nor the effrontery and indifference, 
of mercenaries, and their manly deportment added lustre 
to that valour whieh the vietors had dearly felt an<i gene- 
rously extolled. The mm talked of their defeat as the chance 
of war, or they would say that then were mere imitators of 
unapproachable masters. Hut, amid all their humiliation, 
they inwardly dwelt, upon their future destiny with un- 
abated confidence ; and while gaily calling themselves inapt 
and youthful scholars, they would sometimes add, with a 
significant and sardonic smile, that the L Khillsa* itself was 
yet a child, ami that as the common wealth of Sikhs grew in 
stature, (iohmd would clothe fiis disciples with irresistible 
might and guide them uith unequalled skill. Tims brave 
men sought consolation, and (he spirit of progress whieh 
collectively animated them yielded with a murmur to the 
superior genius of Knglund and eivili/ation, to be chastened 
by (he rough hand of power, and perhaps to be moulded to 
noblest purposes by the informing touch of knowledge and 

The separate sway of the Sikhs and the independence of ri'isin. 
the Punjab have come to an end* and Kngland reigns t he " 

undisputed mistress of the broud and classic land of India, KiiKlin 
Her political supremacy m more regular and ystcmat ic than In ' lm - 
the antique rule of the Hrahmans and Kshatt ri yaw, and it 
is less assailable from without than the imperfect domination 
of the Muhanmutdans ; for in disciplined power iiml vast- 
new of rewourccH, in unity of action and intelligence* if design, 

1 hi March lH4fl. or immiwliiitoly aft or tlm war, Uu* author vitutaii 
Ihn Sikh (oniplrn and 'Htiil.lUhinonLH nt Kimtpur and Anandpur- 
Mnkhowftl. At tho tattw |bu*% thit c*hcm cwt of Uobind, rpliamje 
uptm thn futuro waHlik<nviwiHtr<wtf ; and thoRrnvo priowto or minitoni 
nai.l, hy way "f UHmrnmr**, flint thn (ntrt* faith of tho Khalwi wan 
iiitemleil for all couiitrhw HIM! tliiuw* ; nwl jwld<(i, by way <f compli- 
MKint, that the <liH(>i|i)rH of Nmmk would rtvcr IHI grateful for tho aid 
which thoHtrnnw'i' Kt^fiHh hud ninden^ti in mibvurting iho tunjuro of 
tho intciU-raitt ami oppnwNivw Muhammuthuu* t 



J815-0. i M *r government surpasses the experience of the Mast, and 

emulates the magnificent prototype of Home. Hut the 

Hindus made the, country wholly their own, and from sou to 
nea, from the snowy mountains almost to the fabled bridge 
of Kama, the language of the peasant is still that of the 
twice-horn races ; (he speech of (he wild foresters and 
mountaineers of the centre and south lias he-en permit- 
ne.ntly tinged by the old predominance of the KshuftriyuM, 
mid tiio liopes and fours :ind daily habits of myriads of men 
sfcill vividly represent the genial myths and deep philosophy 
of the Hrahmans, which more than two thousand years ago 
arrested the attention of the Wrecks, The Muharnmadtins 
entered the country to destroy, but they remained to coin- 
ni/,c, and swarms of the victorious races long continued to 
pour themselves over its rich plains, modifying flic language 
und ideas of the vanquished, ivnd becoming UiemselveH 
altered by the contact, until, in the time of Akhar, the 
* Islam * of India was a national system, and until, in the 
present day, the Hindu aud Mulinminudam do not practically 
differ more from one another limn did the Hrahmans and 
Kshattriyas ami Vcisyas of the tinieof Manu und Alexander, 
They are different races with different religion* systems, hut 
hurmoiiiyjng together in social life, and mutually under- 
standing aud respecting and taking a part in each other's 
modes and ways and doings. They are thus nilcntly but 
surely removing one another's differences and peculiarities, 
so that a new clement results from the common dent met ion, 
to become dc\ eloped info a faith or a fact in future ages. 
The rise to power of contemned Sfidra tribes, in the persons 
of MuriifhaX (iurklms, and Sikhs, has brought, about a 
further mixture of the rural population and of the lower 
orders ta towns aud cities, und has thus given another blow 
to the reverence for antiquity* The religious creed of the? 
people seems to be even more indeterminate than their 
spoken dialects, and neither the religion of the Arabian 
prophet, nor the theology of the VedaN and Purftns, IN to be 
found pure except among profeiwd Mulluw and educated 
Hrilhrnans, or among the rich und great of cither prrsiwnion. 
Over thin Hccthtng and fusing mass, the power of Knglniid 
has been extended and her spirit nits brooding. Her pre- 


eminence in the modern world may well cxeile the envy of UMfl-fl. 
the nations ; but it behoves her to ponder well upon the 
mighty task which her adventurous children have set her 
in the East, and to be certain that her sympathizing labours 
in the cause of humanity are guided by intelligence towards 
a true and attainable end. She rules supreme as the welcome 
composer of political troubles ; but the thin superficies of 
her dominion rests tremblingly upon the convulsed ocean 
of social change and mental revolution. Her own high 
civilization and the circumstances of her intervention 
isolate her in all her greatness ; she can appeal to the 
reason only of her subjects, and can never loan upon the 
enthusiasm of their gratitude or predilections. 1 To pre- 
serve her political ascendancy she must be ever prudent and 
circumspect ; and to leave a lasting impress she must do 
more than erect paliiecK and temples, the mere material 
i nonunion Is of dominion. Like (Jivcce sind Home, she may 
roar edifices of surpassing beaul.y, she may bridge* gulf's ami 
puwc* inounUiiim with the wand o(' wealth and science. 
Like these ancient peoples, she may even give birth in strange 
lumlft l,o such kings us Herod the (ireat and to such historians 
IIM Fhivhi-s JosephuK ; but, like imperial Rome, she limy live 
to behold a Vortigem call in a Hengist;* and n Syugriim yield 

1 Mr. Maoaulay'H compariHon (ffMury nf Kagtawt, i. 'Jf!4, &e.) 
tatwwn tho maniuvm of the. earlier < iaorjDpR and (Ihurlon 1 1, AH touring 
on tho kindly office, w peculiarly applicable to tho Hritwh rule in 
India, Thn KJnglmh, liko their own Httonfttnr Hovwcigiw of tho hint 
century, govern in tho Kiwt according to law, but the,y cannot givw 
a placo in tho IioarlH of thoir Au}j(K't>H v while thoHo wliom 
rtonvineo are noithor numorniw nor inlhient.ial in political 
Sir II. ML Ml Hot, in the Introduction (p. xxix) to IIIH important 
and intnwting volunio on tho Muhammadim Hi^torianH of India, 
admitH l tho many dofootn inln^remt/ in a Hyntoin of foreign JMlininiHtra- 
tion, in whitih languages colour, roligion, euHtoniH, antl Jawn pnuludo 
all natural aympathy botwoon Hovoroign and mibjont ' ; but. ho at the. 
name timo doclanm tho English have, nowrtholtwH, <l<mo ntort) in 
fifty yoarw for tho Bubstantial benefit of th pooplo r at taaut of Upfwr 
India, than tho Munalmarw did in ton tiraos that period an opinion 
that roquirofl to Iw Huppartod by a more oxtemdod oomparinon of 
material workM than IB givnn by tho loarnod writer, ( Tho author' H 
gloomy proRnoflticationH havo boon rudoly flh/tk<m by the. (wont.K of 
J014 -15, and tho Npontanoouqloyalty shown by all oluNrton durini; tho 
groat European, Wan JBJp.] 


1845-6- to a Clovis. She may teach imother Cymbclinc the amenities 
of civilized life, and she may move another Attains to 
bequeath to her another Pergamus. These are tasks of 
easy achievement; hut she must also endeavour to give 
her poets and her sages ah immortality among nations 
unborn, to introduce laws which shall si ill be in force at the 
end of sixty generations, and to tinge the faith and the minds 
of the people with her sober science and just morality, as 
Christianity was affected by the adoptive policy of lioinc 
and by the plastic philosophy of Greece. Of all these things 
England must sow the seeds and lay (lie foundations before 
she can hope to equal or surpass her groat exemplars. 1 

But England can do nothing until she has rendered her 
dominion secure, and hitherto all her thoughts have bom 
given to the extension of her supremacy. C T p to this time 
she has been a rising power, the welcome supplanter of 
Mughals and Marathas, and the ally which the remote weak 
sought against the neighbouring strong. Hut her greatness 
is al its height ; it lias come to her turn to be feared instead 
of courted, and the hopes of men arc about to be built, on 
her wished-for destruction. The princes of India can no 
longer acquire fame or territory by preying upon one 
another* tinder the exact sway of their new paramount, 
they must divest themselves of ambition and of all the 
violent passions of their nature, und they must try to remain 
kings without exercising the most loved of the functions 
of rulers. The Indians, indeed, will themselves politely 
liken Knglandand her dependent, so vereignH to the. benignant 
moon accompanied by hosts of rejoicing wturH in her nightly 
progress, ratherthan to the fierce sun which rides the heavens 
in solitude scarcely visible amidst intolerable brightness ; 
but men covet power as well as case, und crave distinct ion 
as well as wealth ; ami thus it is with those who endeavour 
to jest with adversity, Knglaml has immediately to makes 
her attendant princen feel, that while resistance is vain, 
they are themselves honoured, and hold a substantive 
position in the economy of the imperial government, instead 
of being merely tolerated an bad rulero or regarded with 
contempt and averwion UK half-burbaroun men. Her rule 
* &*o Append!? XV. 


has hitherto mainly tended to the benefit of llu* trading 
community ; men of family name find noplace in the society 
of their masters, ami no employment in thr sen ice of the 
stale; and while the peasants have been freed from occasional 
ruinous exaction, and from more rare personal torture, they 
are oppressed and impoverished hy it \vell-meant hut 
cumbrous uud ineilieient, law, 1 and by an excessive and 
partial taxation, which looks almost wholly to thr land tor 
the necessary revenue of a government , a The husbandman 
is sullen and indifferent/ 1 Ihe gentleman nurses Ins wrath 
in secrecy, kings idly chafe and intrigue, mid all are ready 
to hope for everything from u change of masters. Thr 
merchant alone sits partly happy in the reflection, that if 
he is not honoured with titles and ofliee, the path to wealth 
has been made smooth, and its enjoyment rendered 

I 1 1 have remove 1 a footnote licit* nrrrhtl |y ifir mifhm in 
rlalionition of tlii'< hf jilt-went. Tin- nofc IH tpiile mitmi* uinlT 
modem eonditiniH mid ha * eeiiHctt to ha\o uny pnirlii'til \*ihr*. 
The VM'WK of both the author arid ot Sln-mim, vhow lit* cptotr* 
(IhtinhttH and Ihndfu'titinv nf tin Imtmn OJjirittt, Oxford KiJitioti. 
p, i r M), uh* typical of n point, of view ithirh lias no\v luippity 
pa w Hrd away. Ki. | 

'' >S'i' Appendix XVI. 

u Licut,-<'ol. Slreinan c'Oi^idiTH (Ihnnhhti <uni Ittrnlf>rfi"n\ \*J nu 
Indian (tjjhiat, p, <(.M^| thai neither lum* the Kit^h'hh tfuinril, inn- c)jd 
othor ruiiTH POHHCHX, tlic piodud) of the pnihuufry and tandholii't,< 

lit conxidt ring Ute poMition of tin* Kiudmli, or of any rtilin^ power, 
in India, iLHliouldalwayH he horno iniiiiiKl that no ixxlicH of jwaaunf ry, 
excnptiitjy; perhaps the Hiklm and in u ICHWT di^m-, the UajputN of 
t)m Went, ami no rluHHi-.M of men*4'\i opting pi'rhapHlheMuhainiimdanH 
and, in a \tmvr di^rr<' ( thr lirahiiniiiM, take ntiy Juti-n-Mt tn t he p,o\ era > 
incut of their country, or hitvn roHcrtivcly any vvi^h tn tr iloiiuiiuut. 
Tim maHWM of thn populatictti, vvh<'!hfr of townn or vilhi^cs, an< n-udy 
to minmit to any maht<*r T iiatiie or for^i^u ; and tint niultitinit'M of 
HubiuiNHivo mibjcctH poHHrHHcd by Kn^land coittribtito nothing to Iu-r 
NtrMigth <xccipt AM and, <lnriu^ nn iiwurrtK-tion or after a 
cnnquwit, would at onm ^iv* thn ^ovrrnnunit nhan' of the prmhu-n 1 to 
tlui widtdor of power for tht* time bohi^ and wtmld t humify i ( i)tmiiti*r 
theumelvrH fnuxt from all nhii^atioiiH nml lin,bilitiim, Kn^lund 
bo jiwt and K^'KTOUK toward* thcno tatiu^ MiyrtadH ; but the iai<n 
whom Hh(* hriH priM'iuinriitiy to k^i'p t'titployed, hrmourmb "lid "\''' 
awed are tho turbulent military rluHMr^ who nro i*vi*r ready to i 
and ever dcnirotiH of 


1845~(). Princes and nobles and yeomen can all be kept in obe- 

dience for generations by overwhelming means, and by a 
more complete military system than at present obtains. 
Numerous forts and citadels, 1 the occasional assemblage of 
armies, and the formation of regiments separately composed 
of different tribes and races, 2 will long serve to ensure 
supremaey and to crush the efforts of individuals ; but 

1 Tho fewness of plauoH of strength, and indeed oC place* of ordinary 
.security, for magazines of arniM and ammunition i a radical defect 
in tho military uyHtom of the English in India, The want of oxtoiiHivo 
granaries is also much folt, both a it mcasurn of tho most ordinary 
prudonco in ease of iiimirreet ion or any military operation, and us 
Homo chock upon price* on tun common recurrence of droughts in a 
country in which i-apitaliutH do not yet go hand hi hand with tho 
government, and nni hut little, amenable to public opinion beyond 
their ardor. Such wan, and w, the custom of tho niilivo primus, and 
no practice uxiHtH without a rcaHon. [The tintl defect, WIIH realized 
and nimodifld as one of the ICHHOIIH of tho Mutiny, whilo tho qwwlion 
of tho chock on price** IH one of tin- commonplaces of a modern 
adininiHtration. KD, ) 

* Tlut Hnglirih havcnolHuccccdcdin milking tlinir well -ordered army 
a Ncpanito caMti^ or Hcction of MK^ comminiity, except, very partially in 
thoMatljMH prcHi'doncy, wlicre. a fu-jiny^H liomc M his regiment. It JH 
moreover, hut tooapparc'iitUiutthractivMiinilitMryHpiritof lh(*He,poyri f 
when on wrvicc ia India, I'M not, now what if wan when tho hytitnm of 
the ' (?o}ii[i:tny ' wan now and the fortunn of tins Stran^m ix^iuning. 
This in partly duo to tho Amoral paoiiication of the country, partly 
to tho practice of largely enlisting lanin-Hpintcd mon of inferior canto 
liccatjHo th(\y ant well hcliavt'd, or pliant intriguiti^ JlrahnuuiH hccaiiHO 
they can wnto and are. inlolh'gcnt ; and partly ixicuum* the nyHtiuu 
of central or rather mii^l" mana^omont han honri earned too far. Thu 
Indian in (eminently a partiHiin, and hiH ()re.dil<H'tiott for hi* inn nod into 
Huporior who u Id bo oncouragod, thn moro cnpcfially aw there, can he. no 
doubt of tho loyalty of tho Knglmh commandant, Tho diumiHh, or 
feudal, or morc-cnary, attach men tn do not in India yield to rational 
conviction or political principle,* and colonel* of huttalJfiiiH Hhould 
have very Jar^o pow<uu Hc.gimtintH Huparatcly compoHcd of men of 
one or other of tint military claHHcn might Homctimtm givo trouble* 
within thoniHulvcB, and Kometinuw eomo into eolliHioii with other 
rc^imentH ; but a high warlike feeding would ho ongoriderod; and 
unltNH Midland chooH<trt to identify he mi If with noimi of tho inferior 
raoriNf ancl to evoko a new spirit by Uioomfng a roligkuw reforier r h 
muat koop tlie empiro who haa won by working upon tho fooling!* nho 
flnda prevalent in tlut country* | Tho MUKgnMtion in tho toxt hiu long 
Hiu<!0 boon dinmiHued an imjjriKjticablo by modern military adminte- 


England lias carefully to watch the progress of that change 1843-6. 
in social relations uml religious feelings of which Sikhism is 
the most marked exponent. Among sill ranks of men there 
is a spirit at work which rejects as vain the ancient forms 
and ideas whether of Brahmanism or Muhammadanism, 1 

1 Tho following remark of the Hindus, regarding souio of their 
most wacred persons, has now a wider application than smart sayings 
commonly POHUOHU. Thi*y doHoribo Pure-Ram, Vyfwa, Kama, and 
Krishna as fc Sirrco, Siftoo, Dana, and JDcowana' or PunJt&m as 
hanty, hoodkvw ; boeauHo, for tho fault of ono ruler, ho proceeded to 
nluy a whole goaoration of moil ; Vyuttii, au wordy, or a flatterer, 
bouauHo ho would mako all to rosomblo god* ; Rama, ulono, an wiwo, ' 
or politic, KwuauHo all his actions donotod forethought ; and Krishna, 
m eminently Hilly or trivial, boeaiiHo all ho did wan of that character. 
That uanu's utill nmtrod are Hoiuotim< HO treated donoti'H aruadinms 
for ohango. [Tho jnoul common phonomcinon now apparent in both 
Hindu and Muhamumdau worlds M numowhat akin to that which 
inspired tho Uoforination in Kurupo - u, movumtunt on the part of 
cortain noctiouH of tho community in favour of tho removal of acc-.nj- 
tioiiH and tho rovct-Hion to the moro Himilo, patriarchal, and puritani- 
cal ivgimo of au carlior ( k poclt. To mirli a roncrplion in dut' Much a 
movuinont, in tins Hindu world, UK that of the AryaSomaj, wliu-h luw 
HO many HUpportcrH and HO wido an inlhauico in India to-day. Thiw 
movdintmt haH for MM primary objiuit u return to tho Wdus - au ulono 
HiiiHciont for tho Hulvution of man- and to tho simple oxiKtonoc of 
tho oaiiior dayn, Spaco duoH not pormit of a dolailod (examination of 
tho wholo hmtory and progn'HH of tho Arya Soinaj movciamit and of 
tho Hfo and tuatthhiK of itrt founder Swanu Dayananda Haranwuti. 
For a furtljnr Htudy of tho Huhjuct tho roitdor in rotorrod to tho 
roforttly puhlinhitd hintory of tho Arya Koiuaj by L, Uijpat Hai. 

AnothiT inoddru dovclopmont haH boon that of tho Brahmo Somaj 
- a body of Unitarian tondoiicy and touching. In tho Mtihammadan 
world tho HIUUO toudonny towar<lH reform may bu uotit;ud. I n uiodorn 
UtitoH tho inont (^xtcnsivo roform movomont within tho bordom of 
Inlutn haH boon tho Momwni movomont. liut whilo thirt hau ixHtomo 
a dintiuct furco jituong tlu MnhammadaiiH of Africa it ha had littlo 
or no oftttot upon India. Many mlullitfcnt Midiammadaim m India 
havo atwurod mo that thoy oonnidor tho poHition of tholr dhuroh in 
India to-day vory unalop;oiiH to that of tho Church of Kngland on tho 
ovoof tho Huforniatioii, Tho * doad hand ' of modiooval Kuglatid Uan 
in their jud#oau>nl/ itw uounUtrnart in India to-day, Imdation and on* 
viroumout havo both playod their part in bringing about this utato 
of affaire. AH rogarda tho iirat of thouo faotorw ouo may take tho 
analogy a littlo farthor back h tot or t (tally, it may bo taken a an 
admitted fact that tho Church iu, Knglaud autorit)r to tho Norman 
(JoiiiiuoHt MuiTitrod coiwidorably from ita iaolatiou, and that ono of tho 
of that uonc|ueiat waft tlio romovul of that l^tirrior. Cut off 


1845-6. and which clings for present solace and future happiness to 
new intercessors and to another manifestation of divine 
power and mercy. This labouring spirit has developed 
itself most strongly on the confines of the two antagonist 
creeds ; but the feeling pervades the Indian world, and the 
extension of Sikh arms would speedily lead to the recogni- 
tion of Nanak and Gobind as the long-looked -for Comforters. 1 
The Sikhs have now been struck by the pclrific hand of 
material power, and the ascendancy of a third race has 

from the religious life of tho rest of the C'oatinonl, except In so far aa 
the rather uncertain link of pilgrimage maintained tho connexion, 
tho Saxon Church became local, formalized, perhaps indifferent. 
And when wo turn to Muhammadan India wo iind a similar ntato of 
tilings. Tho link of pilgrimage* oxintw made stronger by modern 
facilities lor travel but in the main tho isolation exists. Thin foola- 
tion has resulted in tho gradual growth of a host of local traditions 
and local cults. And hero tho second factor environment comes 
into play. Living in close association with Hinduism, drawing at an 
earlier period a number of converts from that religion, the followers 
of Islam in India have been profoundly affected. To take a Binglo 
instance, oasto, Tho Muhammadan of to-day of Rajput descent 
cannot., in many canon, forgot IUH original caNte. Dcnpito tho demo- 
rratic nature of the religion to which ho now holongK, IUH whole life 
JM largely influenced by tho traditioim of the creed of hin nueiiHloni. 
One could give many instance** of thin from ono*H own experience, 
They are common phenomena of India to-day in tho facto of modern 
development. The intelligent Muhammadan of to-day viown the 
state of his religion with the fooling* of an Knglwhman jmt before 
tho Reformation, JHo ift fully conneioufl of imperfections, of accretion**, 
* of a departure from the puro tenotn of hit* religion. Mam in modern 
Jndia in looking for a Author, but the desire for internal reform in not 
associated with any feeling of luwtility lowardfl other creodn. Tho 
idea is rather that it is boeiuwo of itw imperfection* that Main stands 
now where it docw, and that reform JH noeeHsary to enable it to hold 
its place successfully amid other organized religion** of to-day. A 
detailed description of the varioutt reformed scrtH which do oxtofc 
among tho Punjabi Muhammadans to-day may be found in tho 
CeiuuH Report of 1912. En/] 

1 Widely ftproad notions, how erroneous HOOVW they ho, in one 
Bongo, always deserve attention, OH baacul on Home truth or conviction. 
Thus thoHinduH quoto an altered or Bpurious passage of the Jihaguvat, 
describing the successive rulors of India as follows : (1) the Yavvamt 
(Uroekfl), eight kings ; (2) tho Tooshkurs (Turks or MuhammadauH), 
fourteen kings ; (3) tho Uurand (tho fair, 1. e. tho KnglUh), tcui kings ; 
and (4) tho Mowna (or silent, i,o. tho dinciples of Nanak the 
cloven kings. 


everywhere infused new ideas, and modified the aspirations 1845-6. 
of the people. The confusion, has thus been increased for 
a time ; but the pregnant fermentation of mind must 
eventually body itself forth in new shapes ; and a prophet 
of name unknown may arise to diffuse a system which shall 
consign the Vcdas and Koran to the oblivion of the Zcnda- 
vesL and the Sibylline Leaves, and which may not perhaps 
absorb one ray of light from the wisdom and morality of 
that faith which adorns the civilization of the Christian 
rulers of the country. But England must hope that she is 
not to exercise an unfruitful sway ; and she will add fresh 
lustre to her renown, and derive an additional claim to the 
gratitude of posterity, if she can seize upon the essential 
principles of Unit clement which disturbs her multitudes of 
Indian subjects, und imbue the mental agitation with new 
qualities of beneficent fertility, so as to give to it an impulse 
and a direction, which shall surely load to llio prevalence of 
a religion of truth and to tho adoption of a government of 
freedom and progress. 




ACCORDING to the dictionaries Jdt means a race, a tribe, 
or a particular race so called, while Jat means manner, kind, 
and likewise matted hair. But throughout the Punjab Jat 
also Implies a llcccc, u fell of hair ; and in Upper Hind a Jat 
now means a rearer of camels or of black cattle, or a shepherd 
in opposition to a husbandman. In the Punjab generally 
a Jat means still a villager, a rustic par excellence, as one of 
the race by jar the most numerous, and as opposed to one 
engaged in trade or handicraft. This was observed by the 
author of the Dabintftn nearly two centuries ago (/Jobftrftf/J, 
ii. 25*2) ; but since the Jattt of Lahore and the Jdte of (.he 
Jumna have acquired power, the term is becoming more 
restricted, and is occasionally employed to mean simply one 
of that particular nice. 

The Jilts merge on one side Into the Rajputs, und on the 
other into the Afghans, the names of the Jat subdivisions 
being the same with those of Kajputs in the cast, and again 
with those of Afghans, and even BaluehiH, in the west, and 
many obscure tribes being able to show plausibly that at 
least they are as likely to be KajptitH or Afghans an to bo 
Jilts. The Jats arc indeed enumerated among the arbitrary 
or conventional thirty-six royal races of the local bards of 
Hajputana (Tod's Itajaxthftn, i. 10ft), anil they themselves 
claim ailiuity with the Bhotftiw, and aspire to a lunar origin, 
as is done by the Itajii of Pat i ill u, As iiiHtunrcH of the narrow 
and confused state of our knowledge regarding the people 
of India, it may bo mentioned that the Dirks (or Virks), one 
of the most distinguished tribes of Jilts, Is admitted among 
the Chaluk KajputN by Tod (i. 100), and that there are 
Kukker and Kdkar Jal T Kulckcr Kokur, and Kdkar Afgliftns, 
besides Gakharw, not included in any of the three racew, 
Further, the family of ITmarkot in Bind IB stated by Tod 
(Rajasttidn, i. 02, OB) to be Pramar (or Powftr), while th 
Kmperor IIum&yun*# chronicler talks of the followers 
(i.e. brethren) of that chief as being JS.ts. (Memoirs o/ 
HumayUKt p, 45). The editors of the Journal of the Geo- 
graphical Society (xiv, 207 n.) derive Jat from the Sanakrlt 




JyesCha, old, ancient, and so make the term equivalent to 
tdwrfginrit ; but this etymology perhaps too hastily sets 
aside Hie siitticicnlly established facts of Otae nnd Yuochi 
emigrations, and the circumstance of Taimur's warfare with 
Jettehs iu Central Asia. 

Some of (ho most eminent of the Jat subdivisions in the 
I'unjah are named Hindhu, Chinch, Varai'teh, Ohattheh, 
Sidliu, Kurrml, (Jondul, &<*. For some notices of the Juts 
of the, Indus by early Mulwnimadan writers (about A.IK 977 
and 1100) see \Sir II. M. KHiot, /litttoriiwit of India, i>p. 09 
and 270. 



OrT of 1,0:JO vi1Xiif{< k H lyiK i"Tf and there between the 
Jumna and Sutlej, and which were under British manage- 
ment in 1H'J4, there were found to be forty-one different 
tribes of agricnlturiittfti in proportions as follows, after adding 
up froc.tions where any race composed a portion only of the 
whole community of any one village. 


' '""n* 



Saiyidn ". 












HitiiiH (or Arai 





Mm 1 


Dogrfu* (Muhammui 

Ulh C 



a orijui 

in) 28 

KuiuLs . 

(itisuin religionists 


Huiragi religionists 

*2 1* miHcelluncouH tribes oc<rupy hitf wjuul to 


Total fxib 

A claHHiflcutJon of the tribes of India according to position, 
origin, and faith IN much wanted, and is iiui<?e*l nec.eHary 


to a proper comprehension of the history of the country. 
The Revenue Survey, as conducted in the upper provinces 
of the Ganges, enumerates several castes, or at least the 
predominant ones, in each village, and the lists might easily 
be rendered more complete, and afterwards made available 
by publication for purposes of inquiry and deduction. 

The Sikh population of the Punjab and adjoining districts 
has usually been estimated at 500,000 souls in all (cf . Burnes, 
Travels, L 289 ; and Elphinstone, llfalory / India, ii. 275 .), 
but the number seems too small by u half or a third. There 
are, indeed, no exact data on which to found aii opinion ; 
but the Sikh armies have never been held to contain fewer 
than 70,000 fighting men ; they have been given as high us 
250,000, and there is no reason to doubt that between the 
Jhelum and Jumna they could muster nearly half the latter 
number of soldiers of their own faith, while it is certain that 
of an agricultural people no member of some families may 
engage in arms, and that one adult at least of other families 
will always remain behind to till the ground. The grows 
Sikh population may probably be considered to amount to 
a million aud a quarter or a million and a half of souls, men, 
women, and children. 

The proportion of Hindus to Muhaminadans throughout 
India general ly has been variously estimated. The Emperor 
Jahan^ir (Mtmwirx, p. 29) held them to be as five to one, 
which is per) laps more unequal than the present proportion 
in the valley of the Ganges. Mr. Elphmstonc (History of 
India, ii. 238 und notes) takes the relative numbers for 
the whole country to be eight to one. From p, 109 of 
the flJaffotfcff of the. NW. 1'ruvinceit, printed in 1848 and 
published in 1849 by the Indian Government, it appears 
that out of a population of 2tt,UMMMK dwelling between 
Ghazipuraud I lard war, aud in the direct or active occupation 
of about 72,000 Hqiuirc miles of country, there are 10,452,040 
Hindus aud 3,747,022 MuhaminaduiiH, ' und others not 
Hindus ' the others forming, doubtless, a fraction HO small 
that they awy be here disregarded. 

Thin gives somewhat more than five Hindus to one 
Muhammadun, und HO differs but little from the estimate of 
the Emperor Juhangir above quoted, and which probably 
had reference to the same tract of country. The revenue of 
the Tipper Provinces ainountH to about 4,700*000, which 
gives a taxation of iibout five NhillmgH a head. Throughout 
India the state of industry and the system of revenue IB 
nearly the same ; und taking tine groHS income of the whole 
country at forty millions sterling (22 British and 18 native 
princes), it will result that the population amounts to 
two hundred millions in all, or double what it is commonly 
believed to be. The calculation, however, is bonic out by 


the analogous condition of affairs in Germany. In Prussia 
the taxation is about eleven shillings a head*, and the {ire- 
portion seems to hold good in the other component .states 
of the empire. 

[The Census of 1011 shows Hie population and proportion 
as follows. A total population of 2.*$,807 ,?,"(), distributed in 
the following proportions: 

Mu ham mac Inns roughly one-half. 
Hindus three-right hs. 

Sikhs one-eighth. KJM.| 



TIIK KNliaftnyati of the Punjab maintain the purity of 
their descent, and the legend is that I hey represent those of 
the warrior raee who yielded to Paws Hum and were spared 
by him. The tribe is numerous in the I'pper Punjab ami 
about Delhi aud Hurdwar* Kshaftriyas are found in towns 
along the Ganges as far as Benares ami Piitim; hut in 
Bengal, in Central India, and in the Dcccan they seem to be 
strangers, or only lo be represented by ruling families 
claiming a solar or lunar origin. In the Punjab the religious 
capital of the Ksimtfri> as seems to be the ancient DTpalpur* 
The KshaHriyas dKide themselves into three principal 
classes : (1) the ( 'ha rift I is, <r the four clans ; (ti) the Burn- 
jaltiH, or the twelve elans ; mid (ft) the Hfiwanjais, or fifty- 
two clans. The Cltflrjatin arc*, 1st, thr* Set Urn; 2nd, the 
Mcrhotas ; ttrd, the Khunnus ; ami Mb, the Kupurs, who 
arc, again divided, the first info I wo, and the others into 
three classes. The principal of the /ft? wj/tf/Mihdt visions arc 
Chopra, Tiilwikr, Tummhn, Seighul, Kfikur, MulitUt &< l . 
Some of the ltdwnnium an* us follows : Bhandari, Muhendro, 
Sethis, Suri, Silhni, Anund, Hhasin, Sudhi, Itcdi, Tihim, 
Himllah, &<>. 

The Amrax claim to be the offspring of Kshattriya fat hem 
and of Vaisyu or Sfidra mothers, uml their legeiici m that 
they were settled in numbers about l*ch when the KKlmt- 
triyas, lu'ing expelled from Delhi, migrated to Tut in and 
other places in Sind, and Huhxcqucntly to MultAn. During 
their wars (he KshaUriyuK usked the nid <if the Aroraa, 
but they were n*fused assistance. The Kwhuttriyus in c<m- 
sequcncc inducert the HrabmunH t< debar tlic A rows from 
the exercise of religious ntes, and they tfttm rcmttuicd pro- 
scribed for three hundred yea, until'Sidh Bhojji mid Sidh 


Rjtiinn of DTpulpur readmitted them within the pale of 
Hinduism. The Hindu bankers of Shikarpur are Aroras, 
and the Hindu shopkeepers of Khorasan and Bokhara are 
likewise held by the people of the Punjab to be of the same 
race. The Aroras divide themselves into two main classes : 
(1) Utracli, of the north, and (2) Dalchni, or of the south, 
und the latter has likewise an important subdivision named 

1 n the Lower Punjab and in Sind the whole Hindu trading 
population is included by the Muhammadans under the 
term 6 Kirar *. In the Upper Punjab the word is used to 
denote a coward or one base and abject, and about Multan 
it is likewise expressive of contempt as well of a Hindu or 
a trafficker. In. Central India the KirSrs form a tribe, 
but the term there literally means dalesmen or foresters, 
although it has become the name of a class or tribe in the 
lapse, of centuries. Professor Wilson somewhere, I think, 
identifies them with the Chirrhadae of the ancients, and 
indeed Kertlt is one of the five Prastftas or regions of the 
1 lindus, these being Chin Prasth, Yavan Prasth, Indr Prasth, 
Dakshan Prasth, and Kerat Prasth, which last is under- 
stood l>y the Indians to apply to the cotmtry between Ujjain 
tun I Orissa. ((If. Wilson, Vishnu PurOn, p. 175 7;., for the 
Kcriitiuf of that book). Further, the Brahmanical GoiulH of 
tin 1 Norlnuida arc* styled * Haj Gonds \ while those who have 
not adopted Hinduism continue to be called * Kirria Gonds ', 
a term which scorns to have a relation to their unaltered 



TIIK system of eajttfi as it, has bceoinc. developed in India, 
aw it obtained iti Kgypt and in Persia, as it was exemplified 
in an uneienL * CJens ' with its separate religious rites and 
Iure,diUiry uwagCH, as it partially obtained in Kurope during the 
Middle A^es, and HH it exists even now, is worthy of an essay 
diKtinguiHhed by thcs ripest scholarship, and by the widest 
experience of life and knowledge of the human mind. In 
India it has evidently neon an institution of gradual progress 
up to the pernfciouH perfection of later days, and in early 
time** the bounds were less markedly defined, or less carefully 
observed, than during the last few hundred years. The 
iiiHtaneo of Viswamitra's acquisition of Brahmanhopd is 
well known, a# is VikraniajTt'w almost successful dcwire of 
attaining to the same eminence. Vyasa likewise raised a 


Sudra to an equality with the priestly class, and his descen- 
dants arc still looked upon as Brahmuns, although inferior 
in degree. (Ward, The llhulw, i. 85; and see Manu, In- 
stttutev, chap. x,42 72, &c., for tidmissions thai merit could 
open the ranks of caste.) Kvon in thy* present generation 
some members of the Jut. Sikh family of Sindhiairwala, 
related to that of Hunjlt Singh, nuide an attempt to be 
admitted to a participation in the social rites of Kshattriyas; 
and it may be assumed as certain that hud the conquering 
MuglmlH and Puthans been without a vivid belief and an 
organised priesthood, they would have adopted Vedism and 
have become enrolled among the KfcihuUriyas or ruling 

* Perhaps I he reformer Kainfumnd expressed the original 
principle of Indian sacerdotal caste when h<: said thai KubTr 
the weaver had become a Briihimm by knowing Urahni or 
(iod. (77? ItabhMu, ii. 1H.) 

The Muhammadans of India fancifully divide thcniHelvcH 
into four classes, after the manner of the Hindus, vi. 
SaiyidH, Shaikhs, Mughals* and Pat buns. All arc noble, 
indeed, but Hie former two, us representing the tribe of 
Muhammad and the direct progeny of All his son-in-luw, 
are pre-eminent, ft iw like wise a fuel., at IcitHt in the north- 
west, that a Kshuttriya convert from Hinduism, or any 
convert from Sikhism, is M>Icd a Shaikh, and that converts 
of inferior rnccs arc classed us Muglmls uiid PuthunH. 
l)otii)tless a Hruhmun who should become a Miihummudun 
would at once be classed among I he Suiyids. 

Mr. Ho<Igsrm (Jftr//j/w*w nf Inrfiit* p. lit) shows that the 
Koch prince* of Assam u<-re admit teil to be KujputH on 
einimu'ing HiiMlulsin, ultfiotigb they are of the Tamil und 
notof the Arya nice; but even the Jewswere not altogether 
inflexible in former times, und ItosMicf notices the eon version 
of the Idiuimcuns HIM! i'hilistines, und sees their change of 
faith foretold by the prophets (I'niwnml lliftturtf, Traimla- 
tionof 1H10. pp. UUumt 151). 

[PoKMbly ilk nJH n'fercnee to SoeieU in mediucval Kuropc 
the author haN not laid MiHieient Mlressiipon t lie rigid nature 
of what, has been culled the * horizontal ' divihioit of Society 
during that period, The cuMe barrier that ncpuratcd the 
knight, from the merchant of Inn own country wait* u very 
rail t' 




THE six orthodox schools will bo found, among them, to 
partially represent the three great philosophic systems of the 
Greeks the ethical, the logical, and the physical ; or to be 
severally founded, in more modern language, on revelation 
or morality, reason, and sense. Thus the first and second 
MTmamsa, being based on the Vedas, correspond in a measure 
with the school of Pythagoras, which identified itself so 
closely with the belief and institutions of the age. The 
Nyjiya and Vaiscshika systems of Gautama and Kanadia, 
which treat primarily of mind or reason, resemble the dia- 
lectics of Xcnophanes, while the Sankhya doctrines of Kapiil 
and Patanjuli, which labour with the inertness and modifica- 
tions of mutter, correspond with the physical school of 
ThuleH, us taught by Anuxagoras. Mr. Klphinstone (History 
of India* \. iilJ'li) has some good observations on the marked 
correspondence of the Indian and Greek metaphysics, and 
Mr. Ward (//I/H/IM, n. lift) attempts a specific comparison 
with a scries of individual reasoners, but too little is yet 
known, cspocJuilly of Hrahmanical speculation, to render 
such parallels either exact or important. 

The triple division of the schools which is adopted by 
the Indians themselves may here be given as some help to 
a bettor understanding of the doctrinoH of the modern 
reformers. They separate the systems into Arumbwful, 
Piinmmwful, and Vlvurtwfid, or tho simple atomic, the 
modified material, and the illusory. The * Arumbwfid ' 
includes the first MTmamsa, the Nyiiyti* and the Vuiscshika, 
and it tenches the indestructibility of matter, while it leaves 
I he atoms without any other inherent quality, and attributes 
I heir various shapes and developments to the exercise of 
(iod's will. The * Purnumwud ' includes the Hiinkhyu and 
Yotfu systems, and teaches that matter has not only a power 
of resistance, but a law of aggregation or development, or 
that it ean only have forms given to it by (Sod in accordance 
with HH inherent nature. The modern Vaishnavas are 
moHtly adherents of this doctrine, but they somewhat 
modify it, and say that the BenHible world is God, so imbued 
witli matter that he. is himself manifest In all things, but 
under such varying forms and appearances as may suit his 
design. The ' VTvurtwfid ', or the second MTrnftnisft, which 
in orthodox Veduntisxn* or tlte system of Shankar Achftrj, 
teaches that (od changes not hiu shape, but is himself at 
once both spirit and matter, although to the sense of man 


he is variously manifested by means of 6 Maya ', his power 
or essence, his image or reflection under the guise of the 
heavens and the earth, or as inorganic rocks and as sentient 

Another division of the schools is also made into ' Astik ', 
and c Nastik ', or deist and atheist, so as to include doctrines 
not Brahmanical, Thus the Astik comprehends all the six 
'DuTHiuis', and some modern reasoners further admit 
Muhammadanism and Christianity, considered as specula* 
tive systems, into this thcistic or partially orthodox pale. 
The Nastik comprehends primarily tin* Buddhist and Jain 
systems, with the addition sometimes of the C'hurvfik, 
which lias never been popularised ; bill. Hindu /ealots make 
it secondarily to include not only Muhsmmmdunism and 
Christianity, but also the sects of (iorukh, KubTr, and 
Nunuk, us 'being irrespective of or repugnant to the Vcdas, 
while similarly they place (lie Poorv and I 'tar MmwniHfi 
above the mere deism of reason, us being the direct revelation 
of God. 

The Buddhists are subdivided into four schools- -the 
Sautwntik, the Wuibhushik, the Yogue.hiir, and the Madia-* 
mit* All agree in compounding animal existence of five 
essences or qualities : (1) independent consciousness, or 
soul, or self ; (2) perception of form, or of external objects ; 
(tt) sensation, pleasure, or pain -the action of mutter on 
mind ; (!) understanding or comprehension, the reaction 
of mind on mutter, or mind pervaded with the qualities of 
mutter; (5) passion, volition, action, or mind, vital and 
motive. Scholars thus consider the present subjection of 
mutter to mind us the -greatest happiness of which man is 
capable, and they declare death to br the utter dissolution 
of the individual ; while Ihe liwldhas of vulgar adoration 
become simply revered memories or remembrances with (he 
learned. The first sect ion holds (hut intelligence, or (lie joint 
perception of the object and subject, is the Koul or distin- 
guishing characteristic of humanity ; the second gives tlw 
preference to Hiinpta consciousness ; the third prcfcrw 
objective, sensation, and the fourth teaches that the fuc.t 
or the phenomenon of the assemblage of the component 
qualities is the only spirit ; or, indeed, that there is naught 
permanent or elmriicl eristic save nonentity, or the void of 
non-being. This hist evidently merges into the Churvilk 
school, nnd it is also culled the fc Hhunyubud ' system, or the 
docitrme of vacuity or non-existence, and im attempt was 
recently made, to populuri/c. it in Upper Inditt, by one 
JJukhtuwur, and hm patron, tlu* Chief of HuUruHs (Wilson, 
An. to., xvii. 5J05); nor is it dlfueult t( peweive tlrnt 
pruetieully it would resolve itNelf into the principle of wlf- 
reliance, or porhapt* the ' kuow-thyself ' of the Greek Bagc. 


The Jains base human existence on the aggregation of 
nine phenomena, or principles, one of which, Jiv, vitality, 
may by merit become a Jin, or an immortal spirit. The two 
great divisions, ' S wetfunbar *, the white clothed, and * Digam- 
bar ', the naked, seem to have few important metaphysical 
differences, except that the latter refuses emancipation to 
the Jiv, or vital power, in woman, or denies that woman has 
a soul capable of immortality. 

The six heretical systems of Indian speculation thus 
comprise the four Buddhist mid two Jain schools ; or, if the 
Jain be held to be one, the sixth is obtained by including 
the Charvak. 

The tendency of Indian speculation lies doubtless towards 
matcrialisin, and the learned say the mind cannot grasp that 
which is without qualities, or which has force without form, 
and is irrespective of space. In how much docs the philo- 
sophy of Humboldt differ from this, when he says he confi- 
dently expects what Socrates once desired, * that Reason 
shall be the sole interpreter of Nature ' V (Kosmos, Sabine's 
trans., i. 15L) 



THK Maya of the Hindus may be considered under a three* 
fold aspect, or morally, poetically, and philosophically, 

Morally^ it; means no more than the vanity of Solomon 
(Keelesiastcs i and ii), or the nothingness of this world ; and 
thus KnbTr likens it to delusion or evil, or to moral error 
in the abstract. (An. /to., xvi. 1 01 .) The Indian reformer)*, 

indeed, made a use of Mflya corresponding with the uso 
made by the Apostle Saint John of the Logos of Pluto, us 
Mr. Mihnan very judiciously observes. (Note in Gibbon, 
History, iii. 312.) The one adapted Mdijd to the Hindu 
notions of a sinful world, and the other explained to (-reek 
and Itonmn understandings the nature of Christ's relation 
to God by representing the divine intelligence to be inuni- 
festod in the Messiah. 

Poetically, Maya is unccl to denote a film before the eyes 
of gods and heroes, which limits their Bight or sots bounds to 
their senses (Hccrcen, Amalic Nations, iii. 20ft) ; and Himi- 
lurly Pallas dispels a mist from before the eyes of Dionied, 
and makes the ethereal forum of divinities apparent to a 
mortal. (Iliad*, v.) The. popular speech of all countries 
contains proof of the perwuaaion that the imperfect power* 


of men render them unable to appreciate the world around 

Philosophically, the Maya of the Vedant system (whieh 
corresponds to a certain extent with the Prakrit! of the 
Sankhya school, and with the Cosmic substance of Xcno- 
phancs, or more exactly with the Play of the lufinitc Being 
of Ilcraclitus), seems identical with I he idealism of Berkeley. 
The doctrine seems also to have had the same origin (is 
the 'Idola' system of Bacon ; and thus, as an illusion or 
a false appearance, Maya is the opposite of Plato's * Idea' 
or the True. Ordinarily, Maya is simply held to denote the 
apparent or sensible in opposition to the real, as when, accord- 
ing to the common illustration, a rope is taken for a snake, 
while in another point of view it is regarded as the Agent or 
Medium of (xod"s manifestation in the universe,, cither as 
merely exhibiting images, or as really nd actively mixed up 
with the production of worlds. 1 1 is curious ( hat "in Kngltmd 
and in India the same material argument should have boon 
used to confute Berkeley's theory of dreams and the 
Hrahinanical theory of illusion* An elephant was impelled 
against Shankar Achiirj, who maintained the nil real nature 
of his own body and of all around him ; und Dr. Johnson 
considered that lie demolished the, doctrine when, striking 
a stone with his loot;, he showed that he recoiled from it. 
Hut Shankar Achiirj had a readier wit. than the supporters of 
the bishop, and he retorted upon his adversaries when they 
ridiculed his nimble steps to avoid the bean!, that nil was a 
fancy ; there was no Shankar, no elephant, no flight all was 
a delusion. (Dabhtdn, ii. |<Ki.) 

Maud may also he said to be used in a fourth or political 
ttcnsc by the Indians, as in the Sfthit, or Nit-i section of the 
*Arth Shastra \ or fourth * Upved % which treats, among 
other things, of the duties of rulers, it in allowed UK one of 
the modes of gaining an end. But Mayii, in the science in 
question, is used to signify rather secrecy, or strategy, or 
dexteroiw diplomacy, than gross deceit ; for fraud and 
falsehood are among the prohibited ways. JVIuyu, it in said, 
may be employed to delude, an enemy or to secure the 
obedience of subjects* Socrates admit n't hut, under similar 
circumstances, such deceit would be fiUiug and proper, or 
that in his scheme it would come under tint category of 
justice. (McMtmMUiii book iv, chap, ii.) 




WHAT has been said in the text about the modern re- 
formers relates chiefly to the popular theology. Some of 
them, however, likewise philosophized or speculated on the. 
origin of things, and thus the u I'tar Mlnulinsii ' school is 
sometimes subdivided into several brunches, knumn (1) as 
the 'Adweit', or pure system of Shankar; and (2) UK I he 
b Madhavadweit \ the ' Vusisht-adweit \ and the * Shud- 
adwcili ', or modified systems of Unity of Mad ha v, JUfunanuj, 
and Viillahh respectively* Shankar Aehilrj taught thai 
God is the original of all things, and in in reality unchange- 
able in form ; wherefore, when oblivious (aghlun) of himself, 
ho variously becomes manifest as vitality and matter, he 
does HO as k Maya ', or as Images, or as the mirror reflecting 
nil things, yet remaining ilscll' the same. Life and the Soul 
are one in this system, and salvation becomes absorption, 
while, as a proof (hat the same vitality may put on different 
shapes, he quotes the instance of the faterpillar, the 
chrysalis, and the butterfly. Madhuv holds Life to be 
distinct from Spirit, and with him the purified soul dwells 
with <>od without being absorbed, but he tfivcn prominence 
to fc Maya ' as coexistent with (Jod, or an the moving and 
brooding spirit which gives form to matter; and thus the 
followers of Hamanuj extend Madliav'K notion, and talk of 
(Jod, Milyii, and Life, an well UK of Atoms. Vallabh aii the 
ViKhntiKwamis or the ShudadwcitH likewise maintain the 
distinct nature of Life, or of the human Soul, and make. 
Haivat ion u dwelling with God without liability to reappear- 
ance ; but the doctrine of * Maya * is almoNt wholly re jet; led 
in favour of a Material Pantheism, UK thut the light -which 
illumines a room is the Name with the illuminating principle 
of the transmitting flume, and hence, that what man per* 
(reives is actual and not illusory. For some partial inMici'S of 
these reasonings see Wilson, AH. /&w., xvi, ;)!*, K1K and lot; 
un<l they may be perused ut length in the CommenturicH 
<f the Hcveraf Hpeeuldtora on the * Biuigavudglta \ in the 
fc Urth Punchuk ' of Humanuj, ami in (he c Duwha Slfk * of 




PnoFF-SROR WILSON (An. Ily., xvii. 2tttt, and continuation 
of Mill's History of India, vij. 101, 102) would appear to 
think slightingly of the doctrines of Nfuiuk, as being mere 
metaphysical notions founded on the abstractions of 
Suftsm and tlic Vcdant philosophy ; hut it is difficult for 
any one Lo write about Hie omnipotence of God and the 
hopes of man, without laying himself open to a charge qf 
belonging to one speculative school or another, Milton, 
the })0cl and stalcsman, indeed, may have had a particular 
leaning, when he thought of * body working up to spirit 9 
(Paradise Aritf, v) ; but is St. Paul, the reformer and enthu- 
siast, to bo contemned, or in hi; lo lie misunderstood when 
ho says, * It IK sown a natural body, and is raised u spiritual 
body ' V (1 CoriirihiaiiK xv. 44). Similarly such express! OUR 
as *J)ot.h not the Lord fill heaven and earth V (Jeremiah 
xxiii, 24), i (iod, in whom we live aiui move and huve our 
bein^ ' (Acts xvii. *JH), and " Of him, arnl lo him, and 
through Jiim tiro all things " (Itomans xi, MM), mi^ht be UHttd 
to declare the prophet and the apostle to be Pantheists or 
Mute.riulists ; but it tK'vertlieless seems plain that Jeremiah 
and Paul, and likewise Nanuk, hud another object in view 
than scholastic* dogmatism, and that they simply desired 
to impress mankind with exalted notions of the greatness 
and goodness of (>od, by a vague employment of general 
hmumi#c which they knew would never mislead the 

Professor Wilson (Ax. Hex., xvii. 2JJJJ, M7, 2118) and 
Muhsin Futii (Ddhixtrtn, \\. WW, 270, 285, 280) may be 
compared together, and the ttittr ul Mntakhttrin (i, 1 10) may 
be compared with both, with reference to the contradictory 
viewt* taken of the similarity or difference 'respectively 
between Sikhism and Hrahmunmnu Kaeh in Hgltt t tluj one 
witii n^ar<l to the imperfect, faith or the corrupt practices, 
e.spc^iaily of the Sikhs in the (iangetic provinces, and the 
other with regard to the admitted doctrines of Nftntik, as 
they will always be explained by any qualified person. 

It is to be remembered that the Sikhs regard the mission 
of Ntiuuk and <obind UH the consummation of other dia- 
pennations, including that of Muhammad ; and their talk, 
therefore, of ttrfthma and Vishnu and various heavenly 
powerB is no more unreasonable than the deference of 
Christians to MOHCH and Abraham and to the archangels 


Michael and Gabriel. Such allusions arc perhaps, indeed, 
more excusable in the Sikhs than Mhat singular poly theism ' 
of our mediaeval divines, which they grafted on the language 
rather (indeed) than on the principles of Christianity'. 
(Ilallam, Middle ARM, in. !Ji.) 

For an instance of the moral application which N&nuk 
was wont to give lo mythological stones see Ward, /ftV 
//K,V, Hi. 405. N&nuk, indeed, refers continually to Hindu 
notions, but lie was not therefore an idolater ; and it should 
further be borne in mind that as St. John could draw illus- 
trations from Greek philosophy, so could St. Paul make an 
advantageous use of the Greek poets, as was long ago 
observed upon in a right spirit by Milton (Speech for the 
Liberty of unlicensed Printing). In the early ages of 
Christianity, moreover, the sibylline leaves were referred 
to as foretelling the mission of .Jesus ; but although the 
spuriousuess of the passages is now admitted, the fathers 
an* not accused of polytheism, or of holding Ainall Illicit, 
the nurse of .Jupiter, to be a real typeof the Virgin Mary ! In 
truth, all religious systems not possessed of a Itody of litera- 
ture or philosophy proper to themselves seek elsewhere i'nr 
support in such mutters. Thus the Chc\alicr Bunsen 
(##/M * H't, &.) observes that tin- early Christians were 
even desirous of reconciling Scripture with Greek hixton/ ; 
and Hititkc (////. of the I'w/wn, <*d. 1KWJ, p, I5) ways tfiat the 
Church, so lute as the sixteenth century, watt willing to rest 
its dogmas and doctrines on the metaphysics of the Ancients. 


TUB warlike resistance of JIar (JobimU or the arming of 
the Sikhs by that teacher, is mainly attributed by Malcolm 
(Nkctffk 1 , pp. K **5) and Korster (7'iYiwto, i. SMW, iKI) to his 
peminal fcolin^H of revi^ngc for the death of his father, 
although religious animosity againM. Mithumnmdans is 
allowed to have had HOIIIC share in bringing about t he change. 
Th circsuinstanee of the CiiirtVH luilitnry array does not 
appear to have ntruek Muhsin Filni iiw Ntraugu or iiiiitHual, 
and bin work, the /)<////*/#/;, (<(CK not therefore endeavour to 
account for it. Th Sikhs thcniKclvcH connect the modifica- 
tion of Nftmik'H Hytem with thct doulilci nature of the 
mythological Junuk of Mithilfi, whom? rck-UHcd soul, iiuiccii, 
in held to have animated the body of their first teacher 
(I)(tbiHt<ln, II 2(IK) T and they have em-umbered their ideal 
of a ruler with the following jtemmul muwtlotc: The wife of 


Arjun was without children, and she be^nn to despair of 
ever becoming a mother. She wont lo Klmi Huddha, the 
ancient and only surviving companion of Xfmak, to beseech 
his blessing; but he, disliking the degree of state she 
assumed and her costly offerings, would nut notice her. 
She afterwards went barefooted and alone lo his presence, 
carrying on her head the ordinary food of peasants. The 
Bhai smiled benignly upon her, ami said she should have 
a son, who would be master both of the IWg and 7V7#/e ; that 
is, simply of a vessel for food and a sword, but typically 
of grace and power, the terms corresponding in significance 
with the ' Raj ' and Mdg ' of Jiumk, 1 the fc Iiri ' and ' Miri ' 
of Indian Muhamnwdans, ami with the idcn of t he priesthood 
and kingship residing in Melchiscdec ami in the expected 
Messiah of the Jews. Thus Har (iohind is commonly suki 
to have worn two swords, one to denote" his spiritual, and 
the other his temporal power; or, as he inuy sometimes 
have chosen to express it, one to avenge his father, and the 
other to destroy Mulmmiwidunism, (Sec Malcolm, N ketch, 
p. 85.) 

The fate of Arjun, and the personal elm meter of his won, 
luid doubtlCHH Home share in leading the Sikhs to take up 
arms; but the whole progress of the change is not yet 
apparent, nor perhaps do the menus exist of tracing it, 
The same remark applies to the curly Christian history, and 
we are left in ignorance of how that modification of feeling 
and principle was brought about,, which made (hose who 
were o averse to the fc business of war and^ government ' In 
the time of the [early I Caesars, fill the armies of the empire 
in the rcigu of Diocletian, and ut lust give a military master 
to the western world in the person of CouKlantinc. (Cf. 
Gibbon, Hinttny, ed. 18JW, ii, ;*8fl, 37fi.) 

1 ' Raj mftn jog kurimio, 1 to attain immortal purity ir virtue, or 
to tlwull in ftnu'o while ex wining earthly nwuy. If in an exfirnHMinu 
of not infroquout UH*S and whu-h oct'iirn in the Adi (Jrunth, in tho 
1 Hawayiw ', by cortaiu Bhutn, r riuiH one Uika Hayri v Jlum I)a (tho 
fourth OnrQ) Rot th< ' Takht \ or throw, of Kaj * wl * J<^ \ from 
Amar Dfw, * 1% \ (in ttbdvc Htato<l, mmm wiinply a vjiHwi for food, 
and thuiuw, lu^tapfiorieAlly, utnuuhtnn' on narth, uittl ifrw on tho 
jtiirt of (iiixl, Tho two tenim urn eltuvrty Hynonyiuoun, ami (hu 
ThcmtMon writon of tho nun UN Hm 

( >f light, uiiil lifts ami gran 1 , and joy helnw. 1 

TUK HKAHONH tiutnnttr, 




IT may nevertheless bo justly observed that Gobind 
abolished caste rather by implication Hum by a direct enact- 
ment, and it may be "justly objected thai, the Sikhs still 
uphold the principal distinctions at least of race. Thus the 
Gurus nowhere say that Jirahmans and Sudras are to inter- 
marry, or that they are daily to partake together of the 
same food ; but that they laid a good foundation for the 
practical obliteration of all differences will be evident from 
the following quotations, always bearing in mind the vast, 
pre-eminence; which they assign to religious unity and truth 
over social sameness or political equality : 

* Think not of caste ; abase thyself, and attain to salva- 
tion.'- NANAK, Namng R<1R, 

'God will not ask man of \\hat nice he is ; he will ask 
him what has lie done V ' - NA.VAK, l*arhluiti HtlgnL 
'Of the impure among the noblest, 
llccd not the injunction ; 
Of one pure among the most despised, 
Nunak will become the footstool.' 

NANAK, Malhur tttlf*. 

b All of the seed of Brahm (God) an* Hruhnmns: 
They say there are four races, 
Hut all are of the seed of Brahm. 1 

AMAH J>AS, tthairnv* 

* Kshattriya, Urahman, Sudra, Veisyn, whoever remem- 
bers the name of God, who worships him always, &<-., &e,, 
shall attain to salvation/ HAM DAH, 

4 TIie four races shall be ones 
AH shall call on the Guru.' 

(oiiiNi), in the Ituhat 
(not in the (iranllt). 

Compare Malcolm (jS'Av/<7/, p. 45 //.) Cor a saying attri- 
buted to Gobind, that the cuKtt'K would become one when 
well mixed, UH the four comp(ucntK of the, ' PAn-Supari \ 
or beta!, of the Hindus, became of one colour when well 

The Sikhs of course partake in common of the PniHiid 
(vulg. Parnhad) or <'<niHecrated food, which i ordinarily 
composed of Hour, course nngar, und eliiriHed butter* 
Several, perhupn ull Hindu sects, however, do the wuuc. 
(See VVilnon, AH. /to., xvi, 8 n., and xvii. 2UO n.) 




SIKHS arc not ordinarily initiated until they roach the age 
of discrimination and remembrance, or not before (hoy arc 
seven years of age, or sometimes until I hey have attained to 
manhood. Hut Iliere is no authoritative rnle on the subject, 
nor is there any deelaralory eereinonial of detail which can 
he followed. 'The essentials are (hat five Sikhs ut least 
should be assembled, and if is generally arranged that one 
of the number is of some religious repute. Sonic sugar and 
\valer are stirred together in n vessel of any kind, commonly 
with a two-edged dagger, but any inJn weapon will answer. 
Tlie noyieiale stands with bis hands joined in an attitude 
of humility or supplication, and he repeats after the elder 
or minister the main art.ieles of his faith. Some of the water 
is sprinkled on his faee and person ; he drinks the remainder, 
ami exelainiH, Hail (iiirfi ! and the eeremony concludes with 
an injunction that, he be true to (iod und to his duty UN a 
Sikh. Kor derails of partieular modes followed, see Forstcr 
(Travel^ i. 07), Malcolm {.%/<//, p. IHti), an<l I'rinw^p'K 
edition of Murray's Ufc *>f Itiutjll Shtfth (p. 217), where an 
Indian eompiler i,s (piofed. 

The original nrae.tiee of using the water in which the feet 
of a Sikh had noeu washed was soon abandoned, and the 
subsequent custom of touching the water with the toe sx'eniH 
now almost wholly forgotten* The, first rule was iH'rhapu 
instituted to denote the humbleness of spirit of the disciplcfl, 
or both it und the second practice may have originated In 
that feeling of the Hindus which attaches virtue to water ih 
which the thumb of u Unlhmim has been dipped. It fleeing 
in every way probable that (tobind substituted the daggci 
for the foot or the tots thus giving further pre-eminence to 
his emblematic! iron. 

Women arc not usually, but they are noinetimcs, initiated 
in form HB professors oi' the Sikfi faith* In mingling the 
sugar und water for women, a one-edged, und not a two** 
edged, dagger is used. 




TIIK proper rxelanml ion of eoininunify <f i'aifh of the 
Sikhs as a wet is simply, * Wall Guru ! * tfiat is, () (Juru ! or 
Iluil (jiuru ! The lengthens 1 cxc'huimlioiiH of * \Vah ! (Jurfi 
ki Kath ! ' and fc Wall ! tiuru ku Khalsa ! ' (Hail ! Virtu** 
or power of the Gtirfi ! or I tail I (Jurfi and Vielory ! and 
Hail to the state or church of the Guru !) are not authorita- 
tive, although the former has become customary, and its 
use, aw completing the idea onibracori in fc J)t"p; * ami * TFgh * 
(HOC ante, Appendix IX) nuUi rally arose out of Urn notions 
diffused by (iobind, ii' lie did not. ordain i( us the proper 
Habitation of believers. 

Many of the chaj>t( k rK or hooks into which I he Atli 
is divided, begin with Hut expression k Kko Cukur, Sal, 
CiurQ Prasacl \ whieh may be interpreted to mean, fc The 
One (tad, and the graee if the blehsed (iuru\ Some of the 
dwpterHofthe Damn* l*wlxluth liu (irnnth begin wit I* * KKn 
llnkur. With <;uru ki Kalh \ that is, fc The <lne (foil and the 
power of the (urfl\ 

Tho Sikh author of fact (ur ItalntnMli gives the following 
faneifui and trivial origin of the habitation Wall (iiirii 2 

Wasdev, the exclamation of MIC lirnt ag<% or Sutyug; 

liar Uar T the exelamation of the Keeond age ; 

(lohind Cobind, the exelaiimtum of the third age ; 

Hfiin Hani, theexelamalion of the, iourtb aji'i*, or Kulyug; 
whene< k \Vah (iurft in the ilfth age, or under the' new 



FOR alluHumw to HUH <li;voti(u to nUel HCC Mtitaohn, 
tiketcti, pp. 48, HTw., IHgu. 

The meaning given in the text to the principle inculcated 
fiecuiH to tx; the true one* Throughout India the implement* 
of any calling are in a manner worshipped, or, in Weutern 
moderation of pbraw\ they are blcnwed or oouKt^ratetL This 
iw eNpecmUy noticeable among merchant*, who annually 
perform rellgiouw ceremonies before u heap of gold ; among 


hereditary clerks or writers, who similarly idoli'/c. their ink- 
horn ; aiid among soldiers and military leaders, who on the 
festival of the Das-hara consecrate their banners and piled- 
up weapons. Gobinrl withdrew his followers from that 
undivided attention which their fathers had given to the 
plough, the loom, and the pen, and he. urged them to regard 
the sword as their principal slay in this world. The sentiment 
of veneration for that which gives us power, or safety, or 
our daily bread, may be traced in all countries. In our own 
a sailor impersonates, or almost deifies, his ship, and in India 
the custom of hereditary callings has heightened that feeling, 
which, expressed in the language of philosophy, becomes the 
dogma admitting the soul to be inereate indeed, but en- 
veloped in the understanding, which again is designed for 
our use in human affairs, or until our bliss is perfect. It is 
this external or inferior spirit, so to speak, which must 
devote its energies to the service and contemplation of steel, 
while the increate soul contemplates (otl. | Compare also the 
mediaeval ceremony of * watching his arms' regularly under- 
gone by the candidate for knighthood.- Ki>,| 

The import of the term Hwhcha PMitluth, or True King, 
seems to be explained in the name way. A spiritual king, 
or (JurCi, rules the eternal until, or guides it to salvation, 
while a temporal monarch controls our finite faculties only, 
or puts restraints upon the play of our passion?* and the 
enjoyment of our senses* The IMulumminduiiN have (ho 
same idea and a corresponding term, vi/. Mftlik JfukikL 



and many other distinctions of Sikhs may he 
in the Itchct and Tankha Xanws of (.obiml, forming part of 
Appendix XX of thin volume. 

Unshorn locks and a blue dress, UN the chuructcriHticH of 
a believer, do not appear as direct injunctions in any extant 
writing attributed to (*ohmd, and they seem chiefly to have 
derived their diNti notion UN marks from custom or uwige, 
while the propriety of wearing u blue dwt IH now regarded 
UK less obligatory than formerly. Both UHIUTCK appear to 
have originated in u spirit of opposition to IlinduiHm, for 
numy BfUimtuiitiil devotee keep their headn carefully 
shaved, ami all Hindus are shaven when initiated into their 
rcligiouN duties or responsibilities or on the death of a near 
relative. It is also curious, with regard to colour, that nmny 
rcligioiiN, or indeed simply respectable Hindus, have still an 


aversion to blue, so much so indeed that a Rajput farmer 
will demur about sowing his fields with indigo. The 
Muhammadans, again, prefer blue dresses, and perhaps 
the dislike of the Hindus arose during the Musalman con- 
quest, as Krishna himself, among others, is described as blue 
clothed. Thus the Sikh author, Bhai Gurdas Bhalla, says 
of Nanak, * Again he went to Mecca, blue clothing he had 
like Krishna'. Similarly, no Sikh will wear clothes of a 
6 suhl ' colour, i. e. dyed with safllower, such having long 
been the favourite colour with Hindu devotees, as it is 
gradually becoming with Muhammad an ascetics. As a dis- 
tinction of race, if not of creed, the unshorn locks of the 
Sikhs have a parallel in the long hair of the Frankish 
nobles and freemen. The contrasting terms * crinosus ' and 
6 tonsoratus ' arose in mediaeval Europe, and the virtue 
or privilege due to flowing hair was so great that Childebert 
talked of having his brother's children cither cropped or 
put to death, (Hallam, Middle Ages, notes to Chap. II.) 

The Sikhs continue to refrain from tobacco, nor do tlicy 
smoke drugs of any kind, although tobacco itself seems to 
have been originally included as snuff only among proscribed 
things. Tobacco was Iirwb introduced into India unout 3(>17. 
(M'ttuHoch, Commercial nicHuuary, art. ' Tobuccxi '.) Ft 
was, I think, idly denounced in form by one of Akbtir'K 
successors, but its use is now universal among Indian 

Another point of difference which may be noticed is that 
the Sikhs wear a kind of broodies, or now many wear a wort 
of pantaloons, instead of girding up their loins after the 
manner of the Hindus. The adoption of the 6 kachh % or 
breeches, is of as much importance to a Sikh boy as \va the 
investiture with the * toga virilis ' to a Honiiui youth. 

The Sikh women are distinguished from Hindus of their 
Hex by Home variety of dross, but chiefly by a higher topknot 
of hair. 



UJP to the present time England has made no great and 
lasting impress on the Indians, except us the introducer of 
an improved and effective military system ; although she 
haw also clone inudi to exult her eharueter UK a governing 
power, by her generally scrupulous adherence lo formal 


The Indian mind has not yot been suffused or saturated 
by the genius of the English, nor ean the light of European 
knowledge be spread over the country, until both the 
Sanskrit and Arabic (Persian) languages are made the 
vehicles of instructing the learned. These tongues should 
thus be assiduously cultivated, although not so much for 
what they contain as for what they may be made the means 
of conveying. The hierarchies of ' Gymnosophists ' ami 
' Ulema ' will the more readily assent to mathematical or 
logical deductions, if couched in words identified in their eyes 
with scientific research ; and they in time must of necessity 
make known the truths learned to the mass of the people. 
The present system of endeavouring to diffuse knowledge by 
means of the rude ami impcrfert vernacular tongues can 
succeed but slowly, for it seems to be undertaken in a spirit 
of opposition to the influential (-hisses ; and it is not likely 
to succeed at all until expositions of the sciences, with ample 
proofs and illustrations, are rendered complete, instead of 
partial and elementary only, or indeed meagre and inaccu- 
rate in the extreme, as many of the authorized school-books 
are. If there were Sanskrit or Arabic counterparts to these 
much-required elaborate treatises* the predilections of the 
learned Indians would be overcome with comparative case. 

The fact that the astronomy of IMoIemy and the geo- 
metry of Kudid are recognized in their Sanskrit dress us 
text-books of se.icneo even among the K rah mans, should not 
be lost upon the promoters of education in the present age, 
The philosophy of fact* and the truths of physical science 
had to be made known by Copernicus and Galileo, Hacou 
and Newton, through the medium of the Latin tongue ; and 
the Urst teachers and upholders of Christianity preferred the 
admired ami widely spoken liomun and Greek, both to the 
antique Hebrew and to the imperfect dialect H of Gaul ami 
Syria, Africa, and Asia Minor. In either case the language 
recommended the doctrine, mid added to the conviction of 
Origcn and Iron turn TertuIIhm and Clement of Home, us 
well as to the belief of (lie scholar of more modern times. 
Similarly in India the use of Sanskrit nnd Arabic and 
Persian would give weight to the most obvious principles 
and completeness to the most logical demonstrations 

That in Calcutta the study of tin? sciences in pursued with 
KOI no success through the joint medium of the Knglish 
language and local dialects, and that in especial f ho tact and 
perMvermu'o of the professors of the, Medical College taivc 
induced Indians of family or caste to d insect the human body, 
do not militate against the views expressed above, but rather 
serve an exceptions to prove their truth* In Calcutta English* 
men are numerous, und their wealth, hUcIligcm-e, and politi- 
cal position render their influence overwhelming ; but this 


mental predominance decreases so rapidly that it is uniolt 
in fair-sized towns within fifty miles of the capital, and is but 
faintly revived in the populous cities of licnares, Delhi, 
Puna, and Hyderabad. 


TIIK proportions of I lie land-lux to the general revenues of 
British India are nearly as follows : 

Bengal, j! ; Bombay, jj ; Madras, " ; A#ra, K 
'Average -- J{ 'of the whole. 

In some Kuropean stales the proportions are nearly as 
below : 

Knghind, j, 1 , ; France, | ; Spain, f. (perhaps .some; error) ; 
Hclgiiun, ,", ; Prussia, }\ ; Naples, j ; Austria, .'. 

In the United Stales of America the revenue is almost, 
wholly derived from customs. 

It. is now idle to revert to (he theory of the ancient liuvs of 
(fio Hindus, or of the more recent inslituteH of the Mtihum- 
uuuJaiiN, although rnueh el<*nrnt k s.s of view has resulted from 
(he learned researches or laborious inquiries of ,Hri##.s and 
Mimro, of Sykes and Halhed and (Jnllowa.y. It is also idle 
jo dispute whether t he Indian farmer puys a * rent * or a Mitx * 
in a technical sense, since, practically, i( is certain (1) that 
the tfovcrnmcnt (or its assign, the ja)|Tr<irir or grantee) gels 
in nearly all instances ahno,st the whole surplus produce of 
the land; and (V) that the stale, if the owner, docs not 
perform its duty by not furnishing from Us capita! wells and 
other things, which correspond in dillicull;v of provision 
with barns and drains in Kngland. In India no one thinks 
of investing capital or of spending money on the improve- 
ment of the land, excepting directly, a few patriarchal 
chiefs through love of their homes; and, indirectly, the 
wealthy speculators iu opium, su^ar, <&<'* through the love 
of gain. An ordinary village 'head-man', or the still 
poorer "ryot", whether imyni^ direct to government or 
through a revenue farmer, has just so much of the produce, 
left as will enable him lo provide (he necessary seed, his 
own inferior food, ami (he most simple rc,miisits of tillage; 
and as he has thus no means, IN* cannot incur the expense 
or run the risk of introducing improvements. 

Hence it behoves Kntflund, if ia doubt about Oriental 
and fc freehold' tenures, to redistribute her taxation, 


to diminish her assessment on the soil, and to give her 
multitudes of subjects, who tiro practically " copyholders ', 
at least a permanent interest in the hind, as she has done HO 
largely by ' customary ' leaseholders within her own proper 
dominion. There should likewise be a limit to which such 
estates might be divided, and this could bo advantageously 
done, by allowing the owner of a petty holding to dispose us 
he pleased, not of the land Hself, 1ml. of what it might bring 
when sold. 

For some just observations on the. land tenures of India 
sec Lieut.-Col. Sleeman's Rambks and Rrrnlh'ctwm / <tn 
Indian Official (Oxford, 1!>I5), pp. 5, 501, 571 ; while, fora 
fiscal description of the transition system now in force in the 
North- Western Provinces, the present Lieul.-(Jovernor*s 
Directions for Settlement Off ecru and his Remark** on the 
Revenue &t/ste?n may be prolitably consulted (I8M). 



NOTK. The lirst (JMHlh is nowhere narrative or hislori*- 
cal. Tt throws no light, by direct exposition, upon the 
political state of India during the sixteenth nnd seventeenth 
centuries, although it contains many ulluwionH illustrative 
of the condition of society and of the religious feelings of the 
times. Its teaching is to the general purport that <*od is to 
be worshipped in spirit, and in truth, witn little reference to 
particular forms, and that salvation is unattainable without 
grace, faith, and good works, 

The Adi Granlli comprises, first, the writings attributed 
to Nanak, and the succeeding teachers of the Sikh faith up 
to the ninth Guru, Tegh Hahftdur, omitting the sixth, 
seventh, and eighth, but with perhaps home additions and 
emendations by (ohind ; secondly, the compositions of 
certain 4 Dhagats ', or saints, mostly sectarian Hindu*, and 
who are usually given m sixteen in number ; nnd. thirdly, 
the verses of certain ' HhntN \ or rhajwodistH, followers of 
Nunak and of sonic of hi su<'ceHors. The n timbers, and 
oven the names of the ' HhagatM ', or HtifntR, are not always 
the saine In (Copies of the Umnlh ; and UUIH modern compilers 
or copyists have assumed to themselves tho iK>wcr of rejeet* 
ing or sttnctioning particular writings* To tlio nixtrcn 
arc usually added two *J)i>im", or ciuuitcm, wlto 


recited before Arjiin, and who caught some of his spirit ; 
and a ' Habtihi \ or player upon a stringed instrument, who 
became similarly inspired. 

The. (Iranth sometimes includes an appendix, containing 
works the authenticity of which is doubtful, or the propriety 
of admitting which in disputed on other grounds. 

The Granth was originally compiled by Arjun, the Jfifth 
Guru ; but it subsequently received u few additions at tin*, 
hands of his successors. 

The GrtmOi is written wholly in vewe ; but the forms of 
versification ant numerous. The language used is rather the 
Hindi of Upper India generally, than the particular dialect 
of the Punjab ; but some portions, especially of the lust 
section, arc composed in Sanskrit. The written character 
is nevertheless throughout the Punjabi, one of the several 
varieties of alphabets now current in India, and which, from 
its use by the Sikh Gurus, is sometimes called 'Gurmukhf % 
a* term likewise applied to the dialect of the Punjab. The 
language of the writings of Nanak is thought by modern 
Sikhs to abound with provincialisms of {he country south" 
west of Lahore, and the dialect of Arjun is held to be the 
most pure. 

The Granlh usually forms u quarlo volume of about 
1,2H2 pages, each page containing 21 lines, and each line 
containing about US letters. The extra books iacrciiKc the 
pages to 1,2-M) only. 

of the, Atti (Smnth 

1st. The * Jtipji \ or simply the * Jaf> \ called also Gurft 
Manlr, or the special prayer of initiation of the (urft. It 
occupies about. 7 pages, and conHistH of *IO nlokH, called 
J*(turi< cf irregular lengths, some of two, and some of wcveral 
Hues. It means, literally, the remembrancer or udmoninhcr, 
from jap, to remember. It was written by Nilntik, ami IN 
believed to have been iippoiitled by him to be repeated each 
morninju; aw every pious Sikh now does. The mode of 
composition implies the presence of a <mcHtioiicr and an 
answerer, and the Sikhs believe tin: questioner to have been 
the disciple Angud. 

and. * tiudar Rah Htto * * the evening prayer of the Sikh*, 
It occupies about tt| pagt-w, and it WUH contjxjucd by Ndnak, 
but has additions by lUim UH and ArjQn, am! Home, it IH 
Haiti, by <;urtl (Jobiiul, The addition** attributed to (iobind 
are, liowevcr, more fre<iuently given when the Hah li&B 
forms a separate imnmhlet or b(>k* Mudar a pmrtieu ur 
kind of verwe $ tfwti ucfnumiHluT ; /M# the cxpreHflion lined 
for the play or recitative of KrhhnH* It IB son 

A a 


API*, xvn 

corruptly called the 4 llowh Has', from Rrneh, the Punjabi 
for a road. 

3rd. fc Kirit SMla a prayer repeated before going to 
rest. It occupies a page and a line or two more. It was 

t Kirtii to praise, to celebrate 
song, a song of rejoicing, 

4tL The next portion of the Gmnth is divided into 
thirty-one sections, known by their distinguishing forms of 
verse, as follows : 

32. Totti. 
ItJ. Bairuri. 

14. Tailang. 

15, Sudhi. 
10. Bilftwnl. 

17. Guund. 

18, Kani Kali, 
If). Nat Nurnynn. 
120. Mali Gaum. 
21, Muni. 

1. Sri Rag. 
S. JVlaj. 
8. Gtiuri. 

4. Asa. 

5. (cujri. 

0. Dev Gandhari, 

7. Bihagra. 

8. Wad Ham. 

tt. Sorath(orSort). 
10. DhannBri. 
H. JaitSri, 

The -whoUs occupies jtlx>t 1,151- juigcs, or by far the 
greater portion of ilio nil in- tintnth. Maoh Niilidi vision is 
the composition of <n< or more Gurus, or of one or more 
IJhagats or holy inon, or of u (iuril \\ilh or without, the aid 
of ft Bhagat. 

The contributors among the (iurus were us follows: 











)1. Jai Jaiwanti. 

5. Arjiin. 

. 'JVgh littliOflur (with, 

1. NOuak. 

2. Angad. - ... 

tt. AnwrlMiH. hups, emendations by 

4. Itftm Das. CiolMiul). 

The Bhagats or saints* ami others who contributed ngm*- 
aibly to the onlinury copies of the iiwttth* arc cmimcratcd 
below : 

1. Kablr (the weU-kiiown 


2. Trilochan, a Hnlluuun. 
;t. licni. 

4. Hav Das, a Clummr, <ir 

leather cinwwr. 

5. Ntlnulev, n Clihijm, or 

cloth printer. 
6* I Muumu, aJat. 
7. Shall Farfd, u Muhain- 

niudau plr, or naint. 

8. Jaidcv, H Hrahnmn. 
1). Hiiikan. 
10. Sain, a Iwrhcr* 


1'ipu (a Jog* ?), 
Siuihuu, u butcher, 
Jt&m&mtud Buiragi (a 

well-known it-former). 
Stir DilN (a blind man). 
Miriln Hut, a Bimgtitni, 

or holy wonmiu 


17. Balwand, and 10. Sundar Das, Rababi, or 

18. Sattu, 6 Dums ' or chun- player upon a stringed 

tefs who recited before instrument. He is not 

Arjiin. properly one of the 


5th. The 'Bhdg''. In Sanskrit this word means to enjoy 
anything, but it is commonly used to denote the conclusion 
of any sacred writing, both by Hindus and Sikhs. The 
Rhog occupies about 00 pages, and besides the writings of 
Nanak and Arjun, of Kablr, Shah Farid, and other re- 
formers, it contains the compositions of nine Bhats or 
rhapsodists who attached themselves to Amar Das, Ham 
Das, and Arjftn. 

The Bhog commences with 4r sloks in Sanskrit by Nanak, 
which are follo