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'Bi'Centenar^ €hition

HISTORY OF THE

TOWN OF LEXINGTON

MASSACHUSETTS

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I

.^1

HISTORY OF THE

TOWN OF LEXINGTON

MIDDLESEX COUNTY MASSACHUSETTS
FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT TO 1868

CHARLES HUDSON

Member of the Massachusetts Historical, the New England

Historic Genealogical, and the American

Antiquarian Societies

REVISED AND CONTINUED TO 1912

BY THE

LEXINGTON HISTORICAL SOCIETY v^

VOLUME I — HISTORY

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

1913

©CI. A. 'H 74 J 6 ^■\

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The history of Lexington, unlike that of many other com-
munities, has more than local significance and value, because
of the far-reaching event which took place within the bor-
ders of the town. Upon other grounds, however, the story
of such a typical New-- England village is of national impor-
tance; for in the development of the community life of Lex-
ington and in the growth of her town meeting, so graphically
set forth by Mr. Hudson, is presented a faithful picture of
the forces which not only brought to a successful termination
the Revolutionary and the Civil wars, but also contributed
in extraordinary measure to the industrial, political, and
moral power of the United States.

Lexington was fortunate in having among her citizens, at a
time when questions of local history and genealogy were little
regarded, a pioneer in the difficult work of preserving the re-
cords of the past. So widespread, fifty years later, is the in-
terest in every detail of early American history and of family
descent that it is almost impossible to appreciate the difficul-
ties under which Mr. Hudson labored in preparing his monu-
mental History and Genealogy of Lexington. Those difficul-
ties he overcame with remarkable skill and patience; and an
examination of the result leaves one astonished that, with
such meagre resources, he produced a volume so free from
major errors.

Since Mr. Hudson wrote, a new school of historians, to
whom wealth and accuracy of detail are fundamental, has
arisen; and under their stimulus many American cities and
towns have begun to rescue their records from neglect, and,
in a number of cases, have caused those records to be pre-
served in print. Moreover, in the period since the Civil War,
there has developed a new spirit of interest in the beginnings
of the American States and in those who helped to build
them up. Consequently, in the last half -century, not only
have there been published many town and family genealogies
containing material not available to Mr. Hudson, but the
whole science of genealogy has made great advances. There-
fore, while much information that he secured would have been

vi INTRODUCTORY NOTE

lost forever had he failed to record it, much other material,
since brought to light, was, in 1868, quite beyond his reach.

Because of this, and because Lexington is in the process of
transition from rural to semi-urban conditions, it seemed ap-
propriate to mark the two hundredth anniversary of its in-
corporation — March 20, 1712, 0. S. (March 31, 1713, N. S.) —
by a re-publication of Mr. Hudson's history, with such re-
vision, extension, and amplification as might prove desirable
and possible. The matter was brought to the attention of the
Lexington Historical Society; and at a meeting held October
13, 1908, it was voted: "That the Council be instructed and
authorized by the Lexington Historical Society to appoint,
as soon as possible, a committee to have entire charge of the
work as outlined by this report and subject to the direction,
by vote, of the Society."

The undersigned committee was appointed to carry out
the will of the Society; and, since November 10, 1908, when
it organized with Mr. Munroe as chairman, it has held fre-
quent meetings and has given much thought and time to the
task of revision. Securing the aid of Mr. William R. Cutter,
formerly of Lexington but now of Woburn, a genealogist of
experience and reputation, the Committee first undertook
the revision of the genealogical tables, changing their form
from that employed by Mr. Hudson, in order to conform to
modern usage, verifying dates and names, adding new data,
expunging superfluous matter, and greatly amplifying the
tables by information covering the later generations of both
the older and the newer Lexington families. For the latter
purpose, blanks to be filled out were sent to all families resi-
dent in the town as well as to representatives, living else-
where, of many that have moved away. Persistent effort was
made to secure in this way full information; and those fami-
lies whose names do not appear owe such omission to their
failure to comply with the Committee's requests.

As is commonly the case, the labor and expense involved
in the undertaking have proved greater than was anticipated.
The revision of the Genealogy resulted in a growth from two
hundred and eighty-two to nearly nine hundred pages. The
revision of the history itself required not only the preparation
of material covering the period from 1868 to 1912, but also
a verification of all extracts from old records, and a study of
new sources, in order to supplement Mr. Hudson's facts

INTRODUCTORY NOTE vii

by additional discoveries gleaned through later researches.
Special care has been taken to examine the many volumes
dealing with the Battle of Lexington, with the result, however,
of proving that, while some new light has been thrown upon
that event by modern historians, few, if any, narrations of the
Battle are so comprehensive, so well balanced, and so accu-
rate as is Mr. Hudson's. In revising his History, therefore,
the Lexington Historical Society not only pays deserved
tribute to a man who, at much personal sacrifice of time and
money, performed with exceptional skill a service of great
value to his adopted town; but it gives new life and value,
through revision, to what is a real and lasting contribution
to the history of the United States.

Because of the great improvement in the art of illustrating
since 1868, none of the pictures in Mr. Hudson's History has
been retained. Great care has been taken, however, to use
everything available in the way of important illustrative
material, with the result that not only the interest, but the
historic value, of the volumes is greatly enhanced by the
illustrations. These have been chosen by the Committee
and paid for by the Society, quite apart from any personal
or property considerations; and the rule of excluding all por-
traits of living persons has been rigidly observed. The other
members of the Committee are under great obligation to Dr.
Piper, upon whom solely has rested the difficult duty of find-
ing the originals for the illustrations, and of having them
prepared for the press. Attention is called to much valu-
able data contained in the "List of Illustrations" pub-
lished in each volume.

The paper used is that specially made for the New England
Historic-Genealogical Society, and is so free from chemicals
and adulterations as to insure it against deterioration.

It should be observed that the unsigned footnotes are those
of Mr. Hudson; while those signed "Ed." have been added
by the Committee on Revision. Since in a work of such magni-
tude it is impossible to avoid mistakes, readers are earnestly
requested to make a note of all such mistakes observed and
to report them at once to the Lexington Historical Society.

The Society, and the special committee placed in charge
of this work of revision, could hardly have undertaken to pro-
duce these volumes had it not been for the money available
through the generous bequest to the Society of its former

viii INTRODUCTORY NOTE

president, Mr. George O. Smith, and the benefaction from the
estate of Mr. Robert C. Billings. While the cost of the under-
taking will be eventually defrayed, it is hoped, by the sale
of volumes, the temporary use of these funds, together with
the advance subscriptions secured from citizens of Lexington
and others, has enabled the Society to meet the considerable
cost of revision and of printing. There should first be recorded,
therefore, the great obligation of the town to its late citizen,
Mr. Smith, and to Mr. Thomas Minns, one of the executors
of the estate of Mr. Billings, through whom a share of the
distributed surplus came to the Lexington Historical Society.
The thanks of the Committee are due to those who have so
generously contributed material (such contributions being
recognized in appropriate footnotes) ; to Miss Mina K. God-
dard, for much conscientious labor and research, especially
upon the Genealogical volume; to the New England Historic-
Genealogical Society, for valuable advice and use of its
archives; to the Massachusetts Historical Society, for refer-
ence to its collections; to the Department of the Secretary
of the Commonwealth and to the War Record Office of the
Adjutant-General for access to and assistance in consulting
the State Archives; and to Mrs. Lillian A. Hall, expert in
genealogical research, for much valuable help, freely given.

James P. Munroe.

Mary E. Hudson.

Sarah E. Robinson.

Charles F. Carter.

John N. Morse.

Fred S. Piper.

Albert S. Parsons.
Committee.

January 1, 1913.

PREFACE

In preparing the following History, I have labored under
the embarrassments felt by every one who undertakes to
compile the annals of a town, arising from the meagre and
imperfect character of municipal records. This is particu-
larly true of the recortis of births, deaths, and marriages.
There is scarcely a family whose genealogy can be accurately
traced, in our public archives, through two generations. There
will be omissions of births and deaths, or a minute so brief that
it js next to im,possible to determine whether the child born
belongs to this family or that; or whether the person who
died is the father or the son in the particular family, or
whether he belongs to this family or another of the same sur-
name. So of the entry of many marriages, — there is nothing
to determine whether the parties belong to the town where
the marriage is recorded or not.

It is the fortune of those who compile our local histories,
and especially if they deal with the genealogy of families,
to rest under the imputation of being inaccurate; when the
fault is in the record, or in the absence of all record, rather
than in the compiler. In fact any person who undertakes to
write a local history from the records of the town alone would
confer no favor upon the public, unless it be to show how de-
fective those records are. It is well understood by all those
who have had experience that the labor of gleaning from the
town or city books constitutes but a small portion of the ac-
tual labor to be performed. ^Vhile gleaning from the records,
the compiler's work is before him; but when he goes elsewhere
to supply defects or explain what is recorded, he enters an
unexplored field, and many fruitless days must be spent in
search of the needed information. And it is not till he has had
experience that he learns where and how to direct his inquiries
and to separate facts from fiction.

In some of our towns, a portion of the records are lost.
Lexington town records are continuous from the first. There
is, however, one serious defect in the list of marriages. In past
times the records of deaths and marriages were generally
kept by the clergymen. Rev. Mr. Hancock, who was a clergy-

X PREFACE

man in Lexington more than half a century, was very full and
accurate in his entries. And while we have his lists of deaths
and baptisms from 1698 to the time of his death, we have no
account of his marriages till 1750. He must have kept a full
record from the first, which is destroyed or lost. This has
proved a great embarrassment in preparing the genealogy,
though many of these defects have been supplied from other
sources.

There is also a general defect in records, arising from the
brevity of the entries. When an event is recent, and the de-
tails are fresh in the memory of the people, a concise memo-
randum may apparently answer the purpose. But when the
event is forgotten, such a brief entry becomes almost useless.
All records should be self-explaining; so that they can be un-
derstood at any future day. Another defect arises from the
fact that reports of committees, appointed to obtain the facts
in a given case, are not recorded. The record may say that
the report is accepted and "placed on file." But in the country
towns, where they have no permanent place to deposit their
papers, such reports are soon lost or destroyed.

I do not apply these remarks to Lexington in particular,
for I find her records better than those of some other towns.
But in examining town records in various places, I have found
the defects which I have stated; and fidelity to the cause of
history has prompted me to make these statements, in the
hope that the evil, which every historian has experienced,
may be avoided. Records are not made for the day or year
in which they are written, but for posterity. An important
historic fact may turn on a single line in the record of an ob-
scure town. A name or a date may enable a writer of bio-
graphy, or a genealogist, to give a connected narrative,
which would be broken or disjointed if the name or date were
omitted in the record. It is an easy thing, in entering the
birth or baptism of a child, to give the name of the parent;
or in recording the death of a person, to give the age; or in
recording a marriage, to state the residence of the parties,
or the parents of the bride. A little care in adding these
particular items would materially increase the value of our
records. And in regard to the reports of committees, they
should be entered in a book kept for that purpose, and be pre-
served.

An embarrassment peculiar to the preparation of this his-

PREFACE xi

tory has arisen from the fact that for half a century after the
first settlement of what is now Lexington, no records were
kept within the place. This territory being a part of Cana-
bridge, when an event worthy of notice occurred therein, it
passed unrecorded, or if it were recorded at Cambridge, there
is nothing to show whether it occurred at Old Cambridge, or
at "Cambridge Farms." If Lexington had been a separate,
independent settlement, she would have had a common centre
and records of her own from the first. The fact that Cam-
bridge Farms were thuS isolated, and that there was no com-
mon centre around which the settlers could cluster, induced
those who were coming into the territory to locate near some
permanent settlement, that they might enjoy the advan-
tages of intercourse and association with the surrounding
towns. And hence the first settlements were generally near
the borders of Cambridge, Watertown, Woburn, or Concord.
This circumstance would naturally tend to postpone a cen-
tral organization; and even after such an organization was ef-
fected, their old associations would partially continue, and
their marriages and baptisms would to some extent be entered
in the border towns. These things have tended to make the
early history of the town more meagre than it otherwise
would have been.

But these embarrassments I have labored to overcome by
consulting the records of the neighboring towns, and having
recourse to the published. town Histories, and the Genealo-
gies of other families. The files of the Probate Office, the
State Archives, and the County Records have enabled me
to supply many defects. In the Revolutionary history I have
been materially aided by the American Archives and Froth-
ingham's Siege of Boston. I have endeavored to give a full
and impartial history of the town, and an ample Genealogy
of the families. How far I have succeeded, I leave the public
to judge.

It only remains for me to make my acknowledgments to
those who have kindly favored me with facilities for informa-
tion. My thanks are due to many individuals within the
town, who have furnished me old family papers from which
much intelligence has been derived. Among those, I will men-
tion Colonel Philip Russell, WilHam Chandler, Esq., Messrs.
Charles Tidd, Elias Smith, David Harrington, Bowen Har-
rington, Jonas Gammell, and the late Deacon Mulliken. Nor

xii PREFACE

should I omit the kindness of Miss Mary Merriam, who has
ever manifested a strong desire to render all possible aid ; and
who has furnished valuable books and papers bearing upon
the subject of the history. Many other persons have readily
supplied facts relative to the genealogy of their respective
families. I must also make my acknowledgments to Mr.
Charles Brown for the loan of a list of deaths, covering a
period of nearly forty years, kept by his father, from which
many defects in our record of deaths have been supplied. A
similar acknowledgment is due to Mrs. H. Pierce, for a list
of deatlis kept by the venerable Jonathan Harrington, nearly
up to the time of his decease.

My thanks are due to Albert W. Bryant, Esq., the accom-
modating Town Clerk, for a free use of the books and papers
in his custody, to the Librarians of Harvard College, of the
State Library, and of the Boston Athenaeum, for facilities
rendered in consulting authorities. Nor should I neglect to
mention the kindness of Francis Brown, Esq., of Boston, in
lending me a large quantity of valuable papers left by his
uncle, Edmund Munroe of Boston,, which have been of great
service; or the readiness with which Henry Clarke, Esq., of
Boston, granted me the use of several volumes of the LHary
of his honored father. Rev. Jonas Clarke, kept in an inter-
leaved Almanac, which have proved of great value.

Charles Hudson.

Lexington. Jvne U 1&Q&.

CONTENTS

I. From the First Settlement to the Incorporation as

A Town ^

n. From the Incorporation of the Town to the Close

OF THE French Wars 45

ni. Civil History rkoM 1763 to 1775 . 66

IV. Causes of the American Revolution 88

V. Governor Gage's Administration 107

VI. The Battle of Lexington 123

Vn. The Battle of Lexington, eoniinued 177

Vm. The Effects of the Battle of Lexington . . . 206
IX. From the Commencement to the Close of the Revo-
lution ^^^

X. From the Peace of 1783 to the Year 1830 , . - 248

XI. From the Year 1830 to 1867 262

XIL From the Year 1867 to 1912 280

Xm. Eccleslvstical History, from 1692 to the Death of

Rev. IVIr. Hancock ^^^

XIV. Ecclesiastical History, from the Settlement to the

Death of Rev. Mr. Clarke 318

XV. Ecclesiastical Affairs, from the Death of Mr.

Clarke to 1867 ^^^

XVI. Ecclesiastical Affairs, from 1868 to 1912 . ... 351
XVn. Education, from the Settlement to 1867 .... 378

XVm. Education, from 1868 to 1912 396

XIX. Military Affairs, from 1700 to the Close of the

Civil War 41^

XX. Military Affairs, from 1868 to 1912 444

XXI. Municipal Affairs 457

XXn. Topography 466

XXin. Statistics " 475

XXIV. Civic Organizations 483

XXV. Other Organizations 497

XXVI. Benefactions ^^^

Appendix • •

Index of Names ^

ILLUSTRATIONS

Seal of the Town of Lexington Cover Decoration

Seal of the Lexington Historical Society . . . UalJ title-page
Drawn by Miss Bertha E. Saltmarsh; adopted February 13, 1912.

The Battle of Lexington Frontispiece

Drawn by Hammatt Billings, engraved by Smith and Knight, Boston, 1861.

Map of Cambridge in 1644-55 22

Showing townships into which it was afterwards divided.

Major Pitcairn's Pistols, used April 19, 1775 32

In the possession of the Lexington Historical Society.

MuNROE Tavern 38

Built in 1695; Earl Percy's headquarters in Lexington; owned by the Lex-
ington Historical Society.

BucKMAN Tavern 38

Built in 1690 by Benjamin Muzzey; the rendezvous of the Minute-Men,
April 19, 1775.

Hancock-Clarke House 38

Built by Rev. John Hancock in 1698, enlarged in 1734 by his son Thomas.
This old parsonage was the home of Rev. Jonas Clarke with whom Samuel
Adams and John Hancock were visiting April 17 to 19, 1775. The house
is now owned by the Lexington Historical Society.

The House of Jonathan Harrington 38

Who was mortally wounded by a British bullet on the morning of April 19,
1775, and died on his doorstone.

Daniel Harrington House, formerly standing on Elm Avenue 60
Erected in 1750; taken down in 1875.

Home of Mahrett and Nathan Munbob 60

Built in 1729.

Tidd House, formerly on North Hancock Street .... 60
Built about 1670; taken down in 1891.

BowTHAN House, formerly near the Arlington Line .... 60
Built about 1649 by Nathaniel Bowman; destroyed by fire in 1905.

Tongue of the Bell which sounded the Alarm in Lexington,
April 19, 1775 106

In the possession of the Lexington Historical Society.

Fac-simile of Title-page of De Bernicre's Narrative . . .126
Original publication in the possession of the Lexington Historical Society.

xvi ILLUSTRATIONS

Samuel Adams . 134

From an oil portrait by Copley in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

GovEENOR John Hancock 134

From an oil portrait by Copley, in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Dorothy Quincy 134

From an oil portrait by Copley, in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Paul Revere 134

From an oil portrait in the Cary Memorial Library; copied from the paint-
ing by Gilbert Stuart, 1813.

William Dawes 134

From an oil portrait in the Cary Memorial Library; artist unknown.

Map of the Centre of Lexington 145

The Battle of Lexington 148

"M. Swett, invt. et del. -^Pendleton's Lithography, Boston," about 1834.

The Battle of Lexington 148

Drawn by Earl and engraved by A. Doolittle, 1775.

"The Dawn of Liberty " 148

An oil painting by Henry Sandham, 1886; canvas 6 xlO feet; owned by the
Lexington Historical Society.

Colonel William Munroe, Sergeant in Captain Parker's

Company 152

From an oil portrait by Greenwood; owned by the Lexington Historical
Society.

Amos Muzzey, Member of Captain Parker's Company . . 152
From a pastel by Doyle, 1813; owned by the Lexington Historical Society.

Jonathan Harrington, the Last Survivor of the Battle of
Lexington 152

From a daguerreotype.

Samuel Bowman 152

From a miniature by Williams.

Boulder on Lexington Common, marking THfc Position of the
Minute-Men, April 19. 1775 152

Earl Percy 176

From an oil portrait by Pompeo Bartoni; copy by Pope, 1879. Pre-
sented to the Town by the Duke of Northumberland. In the Cary Memo-
rial Library.

Major John Pitcairn 176

From a miniature in the possession of the Lexington Historical Society.

The Old Belfry 190

Built in 176L It stood on the Common and held the alarm bell, April
19, 1775.

ILLUSTRATIONS xvii

Revolutionary Monument, erected on Lexington Common,

1799 190

"Executed by Thos. Park." The first revolutionary monument erected.

Drum used at the Battle of Lexington by William Diamond 190
In the possession of the Lexington Historical Society. The long roll beaten
on this drum was the first overt act in the Revolution.

Captain John Parker's Deposition 218

Made April 23, 1775. The original is in the possession of the Lexington
Historical Society.

Dr. Joseph Fiske's bill" against the Province of Massachu-
setts Bay for Medical Attendance upon the British Sol-
diers WOUNDED April 19, 1775 224

The original bill is in the possession of the Lexington Historical Society.

Hayes Memorlvl Fountain, unveiled April 19, 1900 . . . 280
Henry H. Kitson, Sculptor.

Rev. John Hancock and Mrs. Hancock 304

From oil portraits by Smibert, owned by the Lexington Historical Society.

Rev. Jonas Clarke 334

Silhouette.

Rev. William G. Swett 334

From an oil portrait by Francis Alexander, 1839; in the possession of
the First Parish Church, Lexington.

Rev. Jason Whitman 334

From an oil portrait painted in Portland, Maine, about 1845, by J. G.
Cloudman; in the possession of the First Parish Church, Lexington.

Rev. Henry Westcott 334

From a crayon portrait by Miss Marion S. Keyes, about 1884. In possession
of the First Parish Church, Lexington.

Rev. Leonard J. Livermore 334

From a photograph, about 1877.

Rev. Charles Follen 344

From an oil portrait by Gambardella, about 1838; in the possession of Mr.
John H. Cabot, Brookline, Massachusetts.

Rev. Oliver A. Dodge 348

Pastor of the Baptist Church, Lexington, January 7, 1835, to May 28,
1840. From a daguerreotype, about 1838.

Rev. Charles M. Bowers, D.D 348

Pastor of the Baptist Church, Lexington, September 9, 1841, to March 27,
1845.

Rev. Ira Leland 348

Pastor of the Baptist Church, Lexington, August 26, 1847, to June 28,
1857. From a photograph, about 1862.

xviii ILLUSTRATIONS

Rev. John Prtor, D.D 348

Pastor of the Baptist Church, Lexington, January, 1875, to June, 1880.
From a photograph, about 1860.

Rev. Leonard B. Hatch 348

Pastor of the Baptist Church, Lexington, November 4, 1886, to January,
1892. From a photograph.

First Parish Church (Unitarian) 352

Erected, 1847; Isaac Melvin, architect.

Church of Our Redeemer (Episcopal) 358

Erected, 1886; E. A. P. Newcomb, architect.

Pollen Church (Unitarian) 358

Erected, 1839; Rev. Charles Follen, architect.

Baptist Church 358

Erected, 1893; J. Williams Beal, architect.

Saint Bridget's Church (Roman Catholic) 362

Erected, 1875; Patrick W. Ford, architect.

Hancock Church (Trinitarla.n-Congregational) 362

Erected, 1893; Lewis and Paine, architects.

Rev. Edward Griffin Porter 374

First Pastor of Hancock Church; from a photograph, about 1889.

Charles Tidd 388

From a photograph.

Dr. Dio Lewis 388

From a photograph.

Professor Hosea E. Holt 388

From a photograph.

Rev. Samuel J. May 388

From a photograph, about 1865.

Cyrus Pierce 388

First principal of Lexington Normal School; from an engraving.

Adams School 394

Built, 1859; cost about $4065.

Old High School 394

Built as a town hall in 1846; Isaac Melvin, architect.

Dio Lewis's School 394

Built by Benjamin Muzzey as a tavern, "The Lexington House," 1847.
Cost about $20,000; burned in 1867.

Lexington Normal School 394

Built for an academy in 1822; later used as Hancock Church.

ILLUSTRATIONS xix

New Adams School 400

From the architects' water-color drawing; built in 1912; cost, furnished,
about $60,000. Brainerd and Leeds, architects.

MuNROE School 400

Built in 1904; cost about $28,000; Willard D. Brown, architect.

High School 400

Built in 1902; cost, furnished, about $61,500; Cooper and Bailey, architects.

Hancock School 400

Built in 1891; cost about $61,000; Hartwell and Richardson, architects.

WiLLLVM H. Gary . . ". 408

From a photograph, about 1850.

Mrs. William H. Gary (Marla. Hastings) 408

Founder of Gary Memorial Library; from an oil portrait by Osgood, about
1850.

Elias Phinney 408

Author of a History of the Battle of Lexington; from an oil portrait.

Mary (Phinney), Baroness von Olnhausen 408

From a photograph, about 1872.

George E. Muzzey, First Lieutenant and Q. M 446

From a photograph, about 1890.

Leonard G. Babcock 446

From a photograph.

Captain Origen B. Darling 446

From a photograph, about 1898.

Charles T. West 446

From a photograph, about 1900.

Albert A. Sherman, First Sergeant 446

From a photograph, about 1900.

Louis E. Crone, Captain, U. S. A 446

From a photograph, about 1889.

Ira F. Burnham 446

From a photograph, about 1897.

Approach to Lexington Common, 1910 466

Massachusetts Avenue, looking westward.

Samuel Chandler 498

From a photograph.

Simon W. Robinson 498

From a photograph.

Benjamin Muzzey 498

From an oil portrait by Willard, about 1832, in the possession of the Muz-
zey estate.

XX ILLUSTRATIONS

George W. Robinson 498

Prom a photograph, about 1870.

Rev. Caleb Stetson 498

From a crayon portrait in Buckman Tavern.

Town Hall 516

Built in 1871; Gridley J. F. Bryant, architect.

Old Belfry Club 516

Dedicated January 23, 1893.

Stone Building 516

Built in 1833; Isaac Melvin, architect.

Cart Memorial Library 516

Built in 1906; Willard D. Brown, architect.

Dr. Joseph Fiske 556

Silhouette.

Dr. Stillman Spaulding 556

From an oil portrait by George P. Alex. Healy, 1843; in the possession of
John S. Spaulding, Lexington.

Dr. William J. Currier 556

From a daguerreotype.

Dr. Rowland Holmes 556

From a photograph, 1888.

Dr. Seth Saltmarsh 556

From a photograph, about 1895.

■-.•-"■a

BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF LEXINGTON
EVENTS '

DATE.

1630. Charter of Massachusetts Bay Colony,
Arrival of Winthrop and Dudley at Salem.

1631. First Settlement at "Newe Towne" by Winthrop and Dudley company.
1634. Boundary of Newe Towne extended northward.

1636. Second extension of boundary of Newe Towne (to brook in rear of present

Unitarian Church).
First grants of land in present township of Lexington, to Richard Herlarken-

den (later transferred to Pelham).
1638. Name of Newe Towne changed to Cambridge.

1641. Third extension of boundary of Cambridge (northward to the Merrimack

River) .

1642. Herlarkenden grant transferred to Herbert Pelham and settlement made at

Cambridge Farms (near Vine Brook).

1682. Settlers at Cambridge Farms petition the General Court to establish a sepa-
rate parish. Petition denied.

1684. Settlers again petition the General Court for a separate parish, and again
are refused.

1690. Buckman Tavern built.

1691. December 15. General Court grants petition for establishment of a sepa-

rate parish at Cambridge Farms.

1692. April 22. Parish organized and "Mr. Benjamin Estabrook" invited to be-

come the pastor the 1st of May.
First Meeting-house built.

1693. House built for "Mr. Estabrook."
Purchase of Ministerial Land from Cambridge.

1695. Munroe Tavern built.

1696. October 21. Mr. Estabrook ordained first pastor of Cambridge Farms.

1697. July 22. Death of Rev. Benjamin Estabrook.

November 7. Mr. John Hancock invited to become pastor. ,

1698. November 2. Mr. John Hancock ordained pastor.

Rev. John Hancock builds house on present Hancock Street.
1700. A bell for the use of the parish presented by the town of Cambridge.
1711. Land (about 1^ acres) surrounding the Meeting-House (the "Common") pur-
chased by subscription (cost, £16).

1713. March 31. Lexington incorporated (1712, March 20, O. S.).

Newly elected Selectmen vote to buy weights and measures, to build a town
"Pound" and to erect Stocks.

1714. Second Meeting-House built — twenty feet in the rear (north) of the first.
First Tavern in town opened to the public.

1715. First School-house erected on the Common, 28X20 feet, Joseph Estabrook,

teacher.
1722. Common enlarged by piu-chase of one acre additional at cost of £25.

1733. November 2. Ebenezer Hancock invited to become his father's colleague.

1734. January 2. Ebenezer Hancock ordained.
1740. Rev. Ebenezer Hancock dies.

1752. Rev. John Hancock dies.

1 Compiled by Dr. Fred S. Piper of the committee.

xxii BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF LEXINGTON EVENTS

1754. Town of Lincoln incorporated (taking 974 acres from Lexington).

1755. May 19. Voted to invite Mr. Jonas Clarke to become pastor.
November 5. Mr. Jonas Clarke ordained.

1761. First School-house torn down and the second built on same site.

June 15. Isaac Stone gives a bell to the town for public use. Belfry built.
1770. Boston Massacre.
1772. Town chooses its first Committee of Correspondence.

1774. September 5. The first Continental Congress meets, followed one month

later by the first Provincial Congress.

1775. February 26. General Gage's attempt to take stores at Salem fails.

April 16. Paul Revere comes to Lexington and Concord to give preliminary

warning.
April 19. Battle of Lexington.
1781. Income from Ministerial Land first applied to support of the church.
1784. House erected at town farm for the accommodation of the poor.

Lexington Artillery Company organized (disbanded, 1847).
1789. November 5. George Washington visits Lexington and dines at Munroe

Tavern.
1797. School-house on the Common sold and removed and three new ones built in
the south, west, and north districts.
December 12. Hiram Lodge, A.F. and A.M., instituted in Munroe Tavern.
1799. Revolutionary Soldiers' Monument erected on the Common.
1805. Death of Rev. Jonas Clarke.

1807. Henry Coleman declines call to pastorate of church, and in October of the

same year Avery Williams accepts the pastorate.

1808. Third School-house built on the Common, forty feet north of the Monument.
1810. August 24. Theodore Parker born.

1813. Rufus Merriam commissioned Postmaster, and first Post-Office in the town
opened.

1821. School-house removed from the Common.

1822. Lexington "Rifle Rangers" organized.

Charter granted and building erected for the Lexington Academy.
1824. September 2. Lafayette visits Lexington.

1829. First Sunday School organized, by Rev. Charles Briggs, at First Parish

Church.

1830. Baptist Church organized.

1833. Rev. T. P. Ropes becomes the first resident pastor of the Baptist Church.

1835. April 20. Remains of Minute-Men killed April 19, 1775, reinterred beneath

the Monument, Lexington. Oration by Edward Everett.
Lexington Manual Labor Seminary opened by Timothy P. Ropes and Samuel

Stetson.
Follen Church organized.

1836. First Post-Office established at East Lexington, Amos Adams, Postmaster.
1839. The present Follen Church erected.

First Normal School in the United States opened, July 3, in Lexington Acad-
emy Building.

1845. Follen Church incorporated.

1846. First Parish Church (the last on the Common) burned.
Railroad built to Lexington and first trains run over it.

1847. First Parish Church erected on present site.
1852. Louis Kossuth visits Lexington, May 11.

Roman Catholic Mass first celebrated.
1854. Lexington High School established.

March 27. Jonathan Harrington, last survivor of the Battle of Lexington,
dies.

BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF LEXINGTON EVENTS xxiii

DATE.

1868. Hancock Church organized.
Gary Library founded.

1869. Gary Library first opened, January 27.

1870. Simon W. Robinson Lodge instituted in November.

1871. Simon W. Robinson Lodge chartered.
Lexington Savings Bank incorporated.
Town Hall built.

1875. Great celebration of centenary of Battle of Lexington.

Roman Gatholic Ghurch erected.
1877. Illuminating gas introduced.

1883. Episcopal Ghurch organized.

1884. Town appropriates $1500 to mark places of historic interest.

1885. Town water-supply installed by Lexington Water Gompany.

1886. Lexington Historical Society organized and incorporated.
Episcopal Ghurch erected.

Lexington Gommon regraded.
First Superintendent of Schools employed.
1891. District schools abolished and central graded schools established

1893. Electric lights introduced.

The present Baptist Ghurch erected.

1894. Patriots' Day made a State holiday.

1900. Hayes Memorial Fountain unveiled April 19.
First public use of street railway.

1903. Metropolitan water-supply installed.

1904. Rural Free Delivery of mail introduced May 16.
1906. New building of Gary Memorial Library opened.
1909. Post-OflSce at East Lexington discontinued October 15.

Free postal delivery established October 16.

HISTOEY OF LEXINGTON

CHAPTER I

FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT TO THE INCORPORATION

AS A TOWN

The Origin of Towns, and Value of Town Meetings — Character of the Early Set-
tlers of the Province — Puritan Colonies compared with Others — History of
Lexington involved in that of Cambridge — The People desire an Increase of
Territory — Removal of Rev. Mr. Hooker and his Flock — Shawshine granted
to Cambridge — Settlement of Cambridge Farms — Incorporated as a Pre-
cinct — Erection of a Meeting-House — The Subscribers' Names — The First
Tax Bill — Ministerial Land purchased — Mr. Estabrook called as their Min-
ister — A House built for Mr. Estabrook — Mr. Estabrook's Ordination and
Death — Mr. Hancock settled — Additional Seats in the Meeting-House pro-
vided — Ammunition and School Money asked for — The Common piirchased
— The Precinct petition to be made a Town — Voted to build a New Meeting-
House — Hardships and Privations of the First Settlers — The Prominence of the
Religious Idea — Military Titles and Military Men.

The object of history is to present a picture of the past, so
that we may be stimulated to imitate the virtues and shun the
vices of those who have gone before us. But as the events
which engage our attention are, in great degree, the results
of human actions, we can never understand the philosophy of
history without ascertaining the characters and motives
of the principal actors in the scenes narrated.

As we shall speak of the value and importance of the his-
tory of towns, it may be desirable to understand the rise of
these little municipalities, which had their origin in Massa-
chusetts; and which have extended, with some modifications,
over a large section of our country. Towns, in the present
acceptation of the term, were not established at once, but
grew up gradually, out of the wants of the people. As the
Charter vested all power in the General Court, these planta-
tions or towns could have no powers except those expressly
granted them by the Court. The Puritans came to this country
to enjoy religious privileges; hence they would naturally settle
compactly , so that they could easily convene for public worship ,
and also be able to support their schools. As all the land was

£ HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

owned by the Colony, no individual or company could law-
fully hold any portion of it, except by a grant from the
General Court. Such grants were freely made to companies,
and were denominated "plantations," or "townships." They
were described by boundaries more or less specific, and were
generally designated by some name.

But these towns had no powers beyond that of holding
lands, on certain specific conditions, which usually included
that of supporting a minister, and maintaining public wor-
ship. As the labors and duties of the General Court multi-
plied, they soon found it necessary, or at least convenient,
to impose certain duties upon the towns. And, as might be
expected, situated as they were, in a wilderness, surrounded
by savages on whose friendship they could hardly rely, they
first required these townships to do something for self-defence.
As early as 1630, the General Court made it the duty of the
towns to see that all their able-bodied men were supplied with
firearms; and where any person, by reason of poverty, could
not supply himself, arms were to be furnished by the towns.
In 1634, towns were required to maintain a watch of two men
by night, and also to provide, at their own expense, a place for
the safe-keeping of arms and ammunition; and to see that
all taxes were properly apportioned on the people. They were
also empowered, when applied to, either by the employer or
the employee, to fix the wages of labor. In 1635, towns were
required to provide standard weights and measures; and,
the year following, they were empowered to decide upon the
location of houses within their respective limits, and to make
certain by-laws in relation to their own affairs, subject to the
revision of the Court, and to elect certain officers, such as con-
stables and surveyors of highways. In 1637, towns were
authorized to restrain swine from running at large within their
limits, and to nominate to the Court suitable persons to sell
wine and strong water. In 1639, they were empowered to
erect posts, in some public place, on which intentions of
marriage might be lawfully posted, in case they had no public
lecture; and were required to make returns to the Court of
all the births, deaths, and marriages.

The office of Selectman, which became one of the most
important in the towns, grew up like the towns themselves,
from small beginnings. In 1639, it was provided by the Court
that towns might choose two or three men to lay out high-

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 3

ways; in 1642, they were spoken of as "selected townsmen,"
and as "men selected" to manage the prudential affairs; and
in 1647, as "selectmen," In 1641, the selectmen of towns
were fully authorized to lay out town ways and erect town
bounds; and in 1646, towns were required to report to the
General Court the names of all idle and unprofitable persons
within the same, and to perambulate their town lines once in
three years.

In this way the General Court, from time to time, as the
case seemed to require, enlarged the duties and privileges of
towns, and provided, somewhat in detail, for the number and
duties of town officers. The manner in which they should
hold their elections has been fully defined by statute. Towns
are made municipal corporations, subject to the laws of the
State; and as their duties, obligations, and liabilities, as well
as their rights and privileges, are the result of long experi-
ence, we might naturally conclude that such municipalities
are founded in wisdom, and adapted to the wants of the
people. And so, indeed, they have proved. In all our past
history, in peace and in war, we have found these organiza-
tions exactly suited to the condition, wants, and genius of our
people. In addition to all the municipal duties and privileges,
the towns had all the duties and prerogatives of parishes.
The one, in a good degree, included the other. Towns were,
in the absence of other provisions, parishes, though parishes
were not always towns. The duties devolved upon towns,
and the powers exercised by town officers, especially by the
"townsmen," or selectmen, were greater in the early days of
our history than they are at present.

History, to be instructive, must not only narrate events,
but state the causes which produced them. Our stock of wis-
dom is not materially increased by being told that an event
occurred ; but when we are made acquainted with the causes
which brought it about, we have acquired valuable informa-
tion; and, from this knowledge of the past, we can reason with
tolerable certainty to the future. History, therefore, is valu-
able very much as it presents the manners and customs of the
people, the spirit of the age, the principles which prevailed,
and the antecedents of events. The nearer the historian
comes to the people, the source of all power, the more likely
he will be to give the true philosophy of history. Town his-
tories, which are in demand at this day, are valuable for this

4 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

very reason. They treat of events comparatively unimpor-
tant; but in gleaning these minute facts, the writer comes
near the actors, and walks, as it were, in the midst of society
in the age in which the incidents occurred; and so imbibes
their sentiments, and becomes familiar with the character of
the people, the motives and springs of action which were in
play, and the genius of the age of which he writes.

Primary assemblies, from whose records the town historian
must of necessity obtain much of his information, exhibit the
real condition and wants of the people more perfectly than
any other. As the character of an individual can be best
learned by observing his private walks, and noting his daily
conduct, so the genius and spirit, the virtues and infirmities
of a people are best learned by the transactions of small
bodies of men in their primary meetings. It is there that their
true characters stand out in full view. The history which
reveals the actions and feelings of a town, furnishes more
reliable information than can be obtained from the history
of a State. A town meeting is a surer exponent of the will of
the people than a legislative assembly, whether state or
national.

In a free country like ours, the wants and wishes of the
masses, their deep yearnings, and the great throbbings of the
public heart, will show themselves in primary assemblies, long
before they are perceived in State Legislatures or in Congress ;
and when towns speak in unison, their voice must ultimately
be heard and heeded by the State. As all reforms begin with
the people, knowing what towns have done, we can judge
what the State must do.

Town meetings, in the early days of our history, were more
important than they are at the present day. They were then
the great forum where every serious question was discussed
and settled. Town meetings were regarded as all-important
by our fathers. Everything they held dear as Christians, or as
citizens, was freely discussed and passed upon in these meet-
ings. The building of meeting-houses, the settling of minis-
ters, and even the seating of the congregation and the leading
of the singers, were subjects on which the towns acted. The
ordinary powers of towns at this day, such as the building of
school-houses, and providing for schools, the laying-out and
maintaining of highways, and the support of the poor, were
exercised by our fathers. But they went much farther. The

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 5

duties of raising and equipping military companies were exer-
cised, at times, by towns. Nor did their jurisdiction stop here.
Every political question, however broad, whether it related
to the town, province, or nation, was deemed by them a
proper theme for town action; and our town records abound
with reports of committees and resolutions passed, which are
fraught with wisdom and patriotism.

The American Revolution was inaugurated in these pri-
mary assemblies; and^the history of that great political move-
ment may be read in the resolutions and acts of the New
England towns. It was in those meetings that the great
questions were debated, the first steps taken, and the solemn
pledges given. It was there that the masses of the people were
instructed, their rights defined, and their duties pointed out.
It was there that the fires of patriotism were kindled, the
public heart warmed, and the people prepared for the great
crisis which was before them. The importance of these
primary gatherings at that day can hardly be overrated. ^

In the darkest days of the period immediately preceding
the breaking-out of hostilities, when the Royal Governor had
prorogued the Legislature and refused to order a new election,
thus leaving us without a government; when an armed force
occupied the town of Boston to overawe the patriots, and the
people had no organized medium of communication with each
other — that master spirit of liberty, Samuel Adams, ^ who
did more than any other man to organize the Revolution,
called upon the good people of Boston to assemble in town
meeting to consult upon all they held dear as citizens. It was
in a Boston town meeting that Committees of Correspond-
ence were suggested and organized ; and it was in pursuance
of this proposed organization that the towns throughout the
Province held their public meetings, at which Committees
of Correspondence were chosen, patriotic resolutions passed,
and mutual pledges interchanged. These produced unity of
action, created and embodied public sentiment, and so pre-
pared the people for the impending struggle.

No one instrument contributed more to warm the patriot
heart or nerve the patriot arm than these primary meet-
ings of the people. Their effect was felt and acknowledged,
not only in Massachusetts, but in the other Colonies. The
influence they exerted was so great and controlling that the
1 See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iv, p. 9i. — Ed.

6 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

British Ministry became alarmed, and Parliament passed a
solemn Act forbidding all town meetings throughout the
Province, except the Annual Meeting for the choice of town
officers. But such was the devotion of the people to these
primary meetings that in the interior they paid no regard to
the law, and, in the larger towns, near the headquarters of the
Royal Governor, they evaded it by adjourning the Annual
Meeting from time to time, so that they might be prepared,
almost any day, to hold a legal meeting to deliberate upon
public afiFairs, and adopt measures for the public safety. Re-
garding the privilege of assembling for deliberation all-
important, our fathers actually made the prohibition of town
meetings one of the prominent charges against Great Britain,
and urged it among other inflictions as a reason for resorting
to arms. If there is any one thing which has given Faneuil
Hall its notoriety, and secured to it the glorious appellation of
"The Cradle of Liberty," it is the fact that within its walls
the patriots of Boston held their town meetings, and adopted
measures which roused the American people and shook the
kingdom of Great Britain to its very centre.

The organization of townships has exerted a controlling
influence upon the New England character. In these little
democracies the people meet together on the ground of per-
fect equality, to transact their own business in their own way.
The town meetings serve as schools in which the multitudes
are trained for the discharge of higher duties in the County,
State, and Nation. Most of our public men who have filled
and adorned the high places in the State and Nation have
received some of their first lessons in the mode of doing busi-
ness in our primary meetings, and in the offices to which our
town organizations have given rise.

The town historian, therefore, in wading through the rec-
ords of these meetings cannot fail to perceive the feelings of
the people, and drink in the spirit of the age at its fountain.
Next to the fireside, which we are hardly at liberty to invade,
the primary meetings of the people give us the clearest insight
into the motives, wants, and feelings of the masses of men.
Municipal records furnish a sure index to the character of a
town and its principal inhabitants. If the people are peace-
able, orderly, and law-abiding, these characteristics may be
discovered on the local record; and if the contrary traits
pervade the community, the fact can be discovered by the

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 7

careful observer. The town record is a sort of mirror which
reflects the moral and political features of the people; and
whoever visits this picture-gallery, and studies the paint-
ings carefully, will be able to delineate the features of the
whole group.

Town histories, if faithfully written, give us the best pic-
tures of real life and the best insight into the characters of
men. They also serve to colleCt scattered and perishing ma-
terials, which would otherwise be lost. And by hearing the
traditions of the elderly people, the local historian will glean
information which the more public annalist could not obtain ;
and by standing side by side with the narrator, he can sift
this valuable though sometimes uncertain species of evidence,
and so elicit facts which may prove of great importance. Even
in cases where the municipal historian finds no facts of im-
portance, he has rendered a public service by showing that the
field is barren, and so saving others from a fruitless search.
He has also, as a general thing, more time to trace effects to
their remote causes, and so present a more faithful view of the
connection between the past and the present than the general
historian can do.

The history of every people or nation bears the impress not
only of the master minds of that generation, but of the char-
acteristics of the first founders of the State. Every colony
which springs up in any part of the world will, for many gene-
rations, reflect in a greater or less degree the character of the
original emigrants. Young communities, like young persons,
are peculiarly susceptible to impressions, and early influences
brought to bear upon them are likely to mould their charac-
ters and fashion, in no small degree, their institutions. It
becomes important, then, in every history, to recur to the
origin of the community whose annals are presented, that
we may see, in a proper light, the character of the events
recorded, and the causes from which they spring.

Though towns are small communities, the same principles
will apply to them. The object of a town history is not
merely to collect and preserve a record of the events which
have occurred from time to time, but to glance even at the
remote causes, present the character of the inhabitants, and
the spirit of the age in which they lived. All our early New
England towns were settled by the Puritans — a class of men
of marked characters, decided opinions, and fixed purposes.

8 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The trying ordeal of persecution through which they had
passed in Great Britain had developed the sterner qualities
of their characters, and prepared them for the arduous task of
subduing a wilderness and converting it into a fruitful field.
They were men inured to hardships and, being trained in the
school of adversity, were prepared to do and to dare. Imbib-
ing the spirit of the Reformation, they had learned to examine
and judge for themselves. The Catholic bigotry of Mary, and
the Protestant intolerance of Elizabeth, served to confirm
their faith, increase their zeal, and purify their morals. Nor
was the political state of the kingdom less adapted to the de-
velopment of their political principles. They had seen the
same tyranny in the State that they had witnessed in the
Church; and Monarchy and Episcopacy were equally abhor-
rent to their feelings. In fact the union of Church and State
brought the intolerance of the one to bear upon them through
the enactments of the other, so that the Puritans were the
victims of both civil and religious persecution. This twofold
trial implanted in their minds a strong aversion to the Estab-
lished Church and the hereditary monarchy of their native
land. Rather than submit to the intolerance of the one or the
oppression of the other, they voluntarily exiled themselves
from the land of their birth, the ties of kindred, and the
endearments of home, to seek a peaceful resting-place in an
inhospitable wilderness. The same fortitude which brought
them to this country would not degenerate under the trials
and privations they were called to suffer after their arrival.

And though the persecutions they endured in the land of
their birth, and the difiiculties they encountered in the land
of their adoption, would naturally give them a stern, inflex-
ible character, there was behind all this experience, a firm,
unwavering faith in the righteousness of their cause, which
gave a definiteness of object and a persistence of purpose
which nothing could shake. The great idea with them was the
religious idea. They came to this country that they might
worship God according to the dictates of their own con-
sciences. And though they were not political adventurers,
seeking a retreat from the Old World in order to build up a
mighty empire in the New, yet their own good sense taught
them that they could hardly erect religious institutions
without a civil government to protect them. But, whatever
might have been their original speculations, when they were

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 9

called to view the subject practically, they soon saw that a
church and a commonwealth were so essential to each other
that they could not enjoy the one unmolested without the
protecting arm of the other. They accordingly had incor-
porated into their Charter a provision authorizing them "to
make laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of said
company, and for the government and ordering of the said
lands and plantation, and the people inhabiting and to in-
habit the same, as to tljem, from time to time, shall be thought
meet, so as such laws and ordinances be not repugnant to the
laws and statutes of the realm of England."

The free and undisturbed worship of God, which was the
primary object bringing them to these shores, was soon asso-
ciated with free civil institutions; so that we may say, in fact,
that their great object was to establish a holy religion which
should bring its solemn sanctions to bear upon the Common-
wealth; and a free Commonwealth, based upon the broad
principles of religion — a Commonwealth where Christ should
be the acknowledged Head of the Church, and his Gospel the
fundamental law of the realm. In all their labors and efforts,
this was the great object at which they aimed. In prosperity,
this was the end of their rejoicing, and in adversity, this was
their main support. A colony more orderly and moral, more
devout and self-sacrificing, never settled in any part of the
globe. With an object at once grand and glorious before
them, and with a trust in Divine Providence which subdued
both doubt and fear, they were prepared to meet any trial,
encounter any obstacle, and endure any suffering, which beset
their path. Such was the object of our Puritan fathers, and
such the steadfastness with which they pursued their end.

We do not, however, ascribe immaculate purity to them or
maintain that they were free from infirmities or faults. They
were men of like passions with others; and because they were
in advance of the age in which they lived, we must not look
for absolute perfection and expect that, because they
abounded in the cardinal virtues, they would be free from
every defect of character. Their defects were such as grow out
of the excess of virtuous principles. Their religion was of a
rigid and austere type, and the strength of their faith hardly
permitted them to tolerate a dissent from their creed. They
were imbued with the spirit of the age; and the persecutions
through which they had passed in their native country had

10 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the effect upon them that persecutions generally have, to con-
firm their faith rather than increase their charity. Though
they had dissented from the Church of Rome, and could not
admit the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff, such was the
strength of their faith that they cherished the persuasion that
sincere Christians should not be permitted to wander ma-
terially from the true faith. With such sentiments and feel-
ings, they would naturally look upon heretics as wilfully
blind, and as enemies, not only of the great object they had in
view, but of the cause of Him to whom they had consecrated
themselves. This conviction would, of course, lead them
to guard, with jealous care, the creed they professed, and to
visit with their displeasure those who dissented from their
faith or preached what they regarded as "another gospel."

They lived under what may be denominated the "Mon-
archy of Religion." Their familiarity with the Jewish Scrip-
tures, in which the Almighty is presented in the stern char-
acter of a Ruler or a Judge, more frequently than in the
milder character of a Father, naturally inclined them to dwell
upon the sterner attributes of the Deity, to draw moral in-
struction from divine sovereignty rather than from divine
compassion, and to elevate the attribute of justice at the
expense of that of mercy. But they have the apology that if
they erred in this respect, they erred with the age in which
they lived, and reflected in a milder form the severe features
of religion as it was then understood. We may smile at their
austerities, and censure their intolerance; but if we had lived
in that age of the world, we should, undoubtedly, have im-
bibed their spirit. They were strict, rigid, and, if you please,
superstitious; but these defects of character were only the
vigorous growth of that abiding faith and trust in the provi-
dence of God which was requisite to fit them for the great and
glorious enterprise in which they had embarked. While we
cannot justify their persecution of the Baptists, Quakers, and
other dissenting sects which arose among them, there are
circumstances which go to extenuate these faults. They came
to the country that they might enjoy their religion in peace.
For this object they had encountered trials and dangers; to
this end they had labored and toiled, and submitted to every
privation. And after they had, by great personal sacrifices,
established religious institutions according to their own
notions of right, and hoped to enjoy, unmolested, the free and

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 11

full advantages of unity of faith, and simplicity and order in
worship, they found their quiet molested by what they
regarded as intruders and disturbers of the peace. It was not
on account of their religious tenets alone that the Puritans
banished them from their jurisdiction. These sects mani-
fested their contempt for civil authority, and a portion of
them opposed even defensive war, which the Puritans deemed
essential to their very existence, situated as they were among
hostile Indian tribes. This led our fathers to believe that the
safety of the State would be endangered by the presence of
these men, who were active in their efforts to disseminate their
views. These facts, though they do not justify, certainly go
far to extenuate, the course of the Puritans; and while our
sympathy for the persecuted naturally leads us to espouse
their cause, we should not shut our eyes to the provocations
which were frequently offered to the severe treatment they
received.

Viewed impartially, there is much in the Puritan character
to admire. Their unwavering trust in Divine Providence,
their self-sacrificing spirit, their inflexible integrity, their
devotion to civil and religious freedom, founded on broad
principles, and regulated by law, their desire to educate the
rising generation, so that they might become good citizens
and exemplary Christians, their zeal in the great enterprise
in which they were engaged, their readiness to endure priva-
tions and to face dangers, and their persevering fortitude
under all circumstances — these, and qualities such as these,
must commend them to the respect and admiration of man-
kind. Men more genial in their manners or pliant in their
character, more yielding in their dispositions or easy in their
virtue, with a faith less firm, or a will less persistent, may be
more agreeable and popular in fashionable circles, and their
society may be more eagerly sought in ordinary times; but in
days of painful anxiety and peril, we instinctively seek coun-
sel of men of confirmed faith and inflexible principles, and
flee for support and protection to men of persistent purpose
and unconquerable will. So our stern Puritan ancestors
belong to the very class of men on which the community will
always lean in an emergency.

The Puritans were raised up by Providence to accomplish a
great work, and to mark an important era in the world's pro-
gress; and the stern qualities which they possessed were the

12 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

necessary qualifications to fit them for the task assigned
them. Had they been a mild and timorous race, gentle and
yielding in their manners, wavering in their faith, and com-
promising in their principles; or had they been a mere band
of adventurers, seeking their fortunes, or a few lords with a
set of serfs in their train, they could never have accomplished
the herculean task of subduing the hostile savage tribes,
clearing up dense forests, and covering the country with
prosperous towns and thriving villages. And what is more
important to us and to the country, they could never have
built up those civil, literary, and religious institutions which
have been the pride of this country and the admiration of the
civilized world.

To the Puritans we are indebted for most of the blessings we
enjoy. ^ The impress of their principles is seen and felt in every-
thing around us. The moral and religious tone of the New
England people, their sense of justice and love of order, and
their devotion to liberty and the rights of men, are but the
reflex of ancestral virtues. We are hardly aware of the numer-
ous ways in which Puritan principles have affected our charac-
ters, and shaped our destiny as a people. Their modes of
faith, their habits of industry, their reverence for law and
order, the equality between man and man, — all these have
had their influence upon us, and have tended to make us the
energetic and persevering, the thrifty and prosperous people
we are. Many of our institutions have grown as of necessity
from their religious notions. Their love of public worship
induced them to settle near each other, so that they could
conveniently assemble together and enjoy church privileges.
This enabled them to erect meeting-houses and support
schools, which could not have been done if the population had
been sparse. This, also, gave rise to that system of town
organization, which is one of the distinctive features of the
Puritan settlements, and which has done more to improve
and elevate the people than any other political institution.
By assembling together in town meetings, where all freemen
met on a level, and where every subject, whether secular or
religious, was freely discussed, the whole people were made
acquainted with each other, learned the policy of the com-
munity, and the mode of transacting public business. Here

* Compare Douglass Campbell, The Puritan in Holland, England, and America.
Harper & Bros., 1892. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 13

they provided for the support of pubHc worship, for the
maintenance of their schools, for laying out their highways,
supporting their poor, and regulating their internal police.
Here, too, were discussed those great principles of civil and
political rights which have made us an independent and
prosperous nation.

If we were to compare the Puritan Colonies with those
settled by a different class of people, we should see at once the
effects of Puritan principles. The Colonists who settled in
Virginia possessed many natural advantages over the Col-
onists who settled in Massachusetts. Their climate was more
mild and genial, and their soil more productive than ours.
Their facilities for commerce, manufactures, and agriculture
were incomparably greater than those presented to the
Massachusetts Colony. Yet the Puritan Colony has been
more prosperous than that at Jamestown.^ In wealth, in
learning, in social order, in everything which goes to make a
people truly great, the Colonies settled by the Puritans are
decidedly in advance of any others.

Compare the first settlers of Virginia with those of Massa-
chusetts, and the future destiny of the two Colonies will be
foreshadowed. The first settlers in Virginia were mostly mere
adventurers, who came to the country to retrieve a ruined
fortune and return; those in Massachusetts were sober, pru-
dent men, who came here to remain. The former came with-
out families, and so enjoyed none of the chastening endear-
ments of home; the latter brought their wives and children
with them, which sanctified their humble dwellings. The one
class were, to a great extent, men of idle habits, desperate
fortunes, and dissolute character, too proud to labor, but
insolent in demanding their full share of the products of
others' toil; while the other class were men of moderate
means, but of sober, industrious habits, ready to perform
their share of labor, to endure their proportion of hardships,
and to subsist upon the fruits of their own industry. The
Jamestown Colony did not profess any particular regard for
religion; while the Colony of Massachusetts made it their
bond of union — their solace and support. The former were
separated in interest and feeling; the latter were united as a
band of brothers. The settlement in Virginia commenced

^ Compare John Fiske, Old Virgicia and Her Neighbours. Houghton, Mifflin &
Co., 1897, p. 156. Ed,

14 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

with a distinction of castes — master and servant, lord and
serf, the bond and the free, were early recognized as perma-
nent classes; but among the Puritans of Massachusetts such
distinctions were ignored. This difference has given marked
characteristics to the two States. Hence, in the one, we hear
the vain boasts of having descended from one of the priv-
ileged class — one of the "first families"; while in the other,
all are willing to be recognized as descendants from the
humble and hardy Puritan stock.

The relation of master and slave has not only exerted an
unfavorable influence upon the morals of the Colony, by
making the master haughty and tyrannical, and the slave
cringing and servile, but has exerted a baneful influence upon
its institutions. Large plantations and a scattered popula-
tion grow almost necessarily out of that relation, and thus the
support of churches and schools is to a great extent rendered
impracticable; and the same cause deprives them of the town
organization, which has done so much to improve the char-
acter and increase the prosperity of New England.

The difference in the two Colonies, growing, in a great
measure, out of their religious faith, may be seen in the state
of education in each. Massachusetts early established her
glorious system of free schools, while Virginia has not, to this
day, provided for the education of her whole population. In
everything relating to moral improvement, Massachusetts
has been immeasurably in advance of her more southern rival.
As early as 1647, Massachusetts, by express statute, required
her towns to support schools, while in Virginia, Berkeley, her
Governor, as late as 1671, sixty -four years after the first set-
tlement, thanked God that there were neither schools nor
printing-presses in the Colony, and hoped there would be
noije for a century to come.

Massachusetts, in 1638, established her University, which
was ninety years earlier than any similar institution was
created in Virginia. It is also worthy of notice that the first
printing-press in our own State was set up in 1638, being
ninety years earlier than any press in Virginia. The first five
issues from the press at Cambridge are so suggestive that I
cannot refrain from naming them in the order of their appear-
ance: The Freeman's Oath, An Almanac, A Psalm Book,
A Catechism, and a body of their laws, entitled A Body of
Liberties. Here we have a portraiture of our Puritan

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 15

Fathers — a kind of pictorial representation of their thoughts
and feelings, of their manners and customs. Their Bibles,
which they brought with them from England, were, of course,
first read; then the Freeman's Oath must be taken; then the
Almanac consulted to learn the signs of the times ; then they
were prepared to join in Psalms of Praise, and to teach their
children the Catechism; and, after that, they were prepared
to study their Body of Liberties, and when they learned
their rights, they were ready to assert them in any presence,
and to defend them at any hazard, whoever might be the
aggressor.

We have dwelt longer upon this subject than might at first
view appear necessary in a town history; but, as our towns
are constituent parts of the State, and the source from which
the State itself must derive its history, it seemed important to
inquire into the character of the men who first settled our
townships, and whose acts we are to record, and also to ascer-
tain the general causes which led to our system of town
organization. As in courts of justice the character of an act
is determined somewhat by the reputation of the actor, so
in history, in order to judge accurately of the character of
a transaction, we should know the parties to enable us to
ascertain the motives which led to the transaction. And
besides, as institutions are but the embodiment of thoughts
and principles, we can understand the nature of our institu-
tions better by becoming conversant with the men who estab-
lished them — their character, feelings, and principles being
a sort of contemporaneous construction of their true mean-
ing. Besides, gratitude to their memory will fully justify us,
who are enjoying the fruit of their labor, in passing their
many virtues in review. And it is presumed that no one now
upon the stage, whose lineage can be traced to the Puritans
or Pilgrims, will blush to own such ancestry.

The early history of the town of Lexington is included in
that of Cambridge, of which it was originally a part. Until its
incorporation as a town, in 1713, it was known by the name
of "Cambridge North Precinct," or more generally by the
popular designation of "Cambridge Farms." In like manner
Cambridge itself was originally included in, or more properly
known by the name of, "the Newe Towne," or Newton. It
appears to have been the original intention of the General

16 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Court to make "the Newe Towne" the Capital of the Col-
ony, and measures were adopted to encourage settlements
there ; but, some misunderstanding arising with the Governor,
and the Newe Towne being, as was alleged, too far from the
sea, the Court was induced to select Boston as the seat of
government.^ It would seem, from the imperfect records
of that day, that the territory now included in Charlestown,
Somerville, Medford, Winchester, Woburn, and Burlington,
on the one hand, and Watertown, a portion of Belmont,
Waltham, and Weston, on the other, was granted before the
Newe Towne was created; so that her extension was limited
on two sides at least, and by Boston and Roxbury on the
third — her territory lying between the towns above men-
tioned. But, though the Newe Towne contained a large terri-
tory, and the nearest settlements were Boston, Charlestown,
Roxbury, and Watertown, like most settlers in a new coun-
try, the inhabitants appear to have had a great thirst for
land, and they soon began to complain that their limits were
too circumscribed. Several disputes arose between them and
their neighboring settlements, about their boundaries, and
between them and the General Court respecting their limits.
It was maintained by Rev. Mr. Hooker on behalf of himself
and his flock, then resident in the Newe Towne, that they
were actually suffering for the want of room; that it was im-
politic to have settlements as near each other as Charlestown,
Newe Towne, and Watertown; and that, unless their borders
were extended, they should be compelled to leave the place,
that they might enjoy ample territory and so be able to grow
and thrive as a Christian church.

As early as 1634, only three years after the first settlement
of the place, they alleged that "the number of inhabitants
had become disproportionate to the township." They com-
plained that "they were straitened for want of land, especially
meadow, and desired leave of the Council to look out either for
enlargement or removal." Their territory, probably, extended
at that time nearly to the easterly line of the present town of
Lexington. In the mean time the General Court adopted
every reasonable means to satisfy their wants. At their ses-
sion, held on the 25th of September, the General Court
adopted the following orders : —

" It is ordered, with the consent of Watertown, that the meadowe
1 See Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 9-19, 23. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 17

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18 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

on this syde Waterton weire, conteyneing aboute 30 acres, be the
same more or lesse, & nowe vsed by the inhabitants of Newe Towne,
shall belonge to said inhabitants of Newe Towne to enioy to them
& their heirs for euer.

"Also it is ordered, that the ground aboute Muddy Ryver [now
Brookline] belonging to Boston, & vsed by the inliabitants thereof,
shall hereafter belonge to Newe Towne, the wood & timber thereof,
groweinge & to be groweinge to be reserved to the inhabitants of
Boston, provided, & it is the meaning of the Court, that if Mr.
Hooker, & the congregacon nowe setled here shall returne to
Watertown, & the ground att Muddy Ryver to Boston."

But, notwithstanding these grants, and the further enlarge-
ment of the boundaries of Newe Towne, so as to "extend
eight niyles into the country, from their meeteing howse," ^
in 1636, about one hundred of the inhabitants of Cambridge,
consisting of the principal part of Rev. Mr. Hooker's church
and congregation, which came there in 1632, removed
** through a hideous and trackless wilderness to Connecticut,
and commenced a settlement at Hartford." ^ This Colony
consisted of men, women, and children, including Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Stone, their pastor and teacher; and, being
entirely unacquainted with the way, and having no guide but
a compass, they passed over hills and through swamps, and
thus rendered their journey through the wilderness more
protracted, tedious, and trying to them than it otherwise
would have been. They drove their cattle, to the number of
about one hundred and sixty, with them, and subsisted
mainly upon the milk of their flock. They had on their jour-
ney, at least, no reason to complain of "being straitened for
the want of land, especially meadow." Their journey was
long and trying. Mrs. Hooker, the wife of the pastor, was so
feeble that she had to be carried upon a litter; and having
but few comforts, and being compelled to make the ground
their bed, and the sky their covering, they must have suffered
severely. But their strong religious feeling, mingled, perhaps,

^ This eight-mile line ran across the present town of Lexington, from a point on
the Burlington line, near the Granger's Pond, through the meadow back of the Old
Cemetery, and near the Town Pound to Lincoln line near the residence of T. H.
Rhodes. [The Town Pound stood near the junction of Lincoln road and Hastings
road. T. H. Rhodes's place is now a part of the property of the Cambridge Water-
works. Ed]

2 Holmes's History of Cambridge; Massachusetts Colony Records; Winthrop'a
Journal.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 19

with a little worldly enterprise; their desire to build up a
flourishing church, and, at the same time, to possess them-
selves of a large tract of land, sustained and supported
them.

The removal of so many persons from Newe Towne was a
matter of deep regret not only to the people of the place, but
to the Colony. The General Court took" every reasonable
step to retain them; but being unable to satisfy the desires
of these adventurous people, they at last gave their consent
for their removal, on^ condition that they should consider
themselves within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts
Colony, and hold themselves subject to her laws.^

But though Mr. Hooker and his flock had departed, and
the boundary of the town had been enlarged, those who
remained still regarded their limits as too circumscribed, and
manifested a desire to emigrate. The thirst for landed posses-
sions, so peculiar to the first settlers in every country, appears
to have infected our pious ancestors. They were enduring the
hardships incident to a new settlement, and undoubtedly
looked with anxiety to a time when they might, in some
degree, rest from their severe toil, and have the consolation
that when they should be called home, they could leave their
children in a condition more favorable than that in which
they commenced life. But that the small settlement at Newe
Towne was not particularly pressed for room will appear from
the fact that the township at that time included what is
now Newton, Brighton, a part of Brookline, Arlington, one
half of Lexington, and a portion of Belmont — a territory
sufficiently large, one would suppose, to contain and support
a few hundred inhabitants.

In 1636, the General Court contemplated the erection of a
public school at Newe Towne, and appropriated four hundred
pounds for that purpose; this laid the foundation of the
University. In 1638, Rev. John Harvard, of Charlestown,
endowed this school with about eight hundred pounds. Thus
endowed, the school was exalted to a college, and assumed the
name of its principal benefactor; and the General Court, m
compliment to the college, and in memory of the place where
many of their fathers received their education, passed, in

^ Winthrop's Journal; Trumbull's History of Connecticut; Massachusetts Colony
Records.

20 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1638, the following order: "That Newe Towne shall hencefor-
ward be called Cambridge." ^

To heal the dissatisfaction which existed among the people,
and to prevent any further emigration from the place, the
General Court had taken measures to extinguish the Indian
title within the boundaries of Cambridge, and had instituted
inquiries concerning other unappropriated territory, with a
view of annexing it to Newe Towne. In 1636, a committee
was appointed to view the Shawshine country, and report
whether it be fit for a plantation. In 1641, the Court passed
the following order: —

" Shawshine is granted to Cambridge, provided they make it a
village, to have ten families there setled within three years; other-
wise the Court to dispose of it."

The Shawshine country being rather vague in its extent,
and the character of the country being but little known, a
committee was appointed to examine the premises and report
to the Court. As their report, made in 1642, casts some light
upon this subject, and fixes in some degree the territorial
limits of Cambridge in that quarter, we give it entire : —

"Wee, whose names are underwritten, being appointed to viewe
Shawshin, & to take notice of what fitness it was of for a village,
& accordingly to our apprehentions make return to the court: we
therefore manifest thus much, that for the quantity, it is sufficient;
but for the quality in our apprehensions, no way fit, the upland being
very barren, & very little medow there about, nor any good timber
almost fit for any use; we went after we came to shawshine house,
by estimation some 14 or 16 miles at the least compass, from
shawshin house wee began to go Downe the ry ver 4 or 5 miles near
east, then wee left that point, & went neere upon North, came to
the Concord Ryver, a little belowe the falls, about one mile or
neare; then wee went up the ryver some 5 miles, untill wee came to
a place called the two bretheren; & from thence it is about two
miles & I to Shawshine, & the most part of all the good land is given
out already ; more land there is at the South side of the house be-
tween the side of Concord line, & the heade of Cambridge line, but

^ The present village of Cambridge appears to have been designed as a fortified
camp rather than a town. It contained only about one thousand acres, and was to
have been inclosed by a ditch and stockade. In 1632, the Court ordered "that £60.
be levied out of the several plantations toward the making of a pallysadoe aboute
the Newe Towne." The fosse which was then dug about the place, says Dr. Holmes,
in his History of Cambridge, is, in some places, visible to this day.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 21

littell medow, & the upland of little worth; and this is that wee can

say hearin.

"Symon Willard,
"Edward Convers."

This Report, being rather unfavorable as to the character of
the country, the Court enlarged their grant to Cambridge,
and gave them further time to effect a settlement. The grant
was in these words : —

"All the land lying tipon the Sashin ryver, & between that &
Concord ryver, & between that & the Merrimack ryver, not form-
erly granted by this Court, are granted to Cambridge, so as they
erect village there within 5 yeares, & so as it shall not extend to prei-
udice Charlstowne village, or the village of Cochittawit, nor farmes
formerly granted to the now governor of 1,200 acres, & to Thorn:
Dudley, Esq., 1,500 acres, & 3,000 acres to Mrs. Winthrope; &
Mr. fflint, & Mr. Stephen Winthrope are to set out their heade line
towards Concord."

This liberal grant was made in 1642, but no permanent
settlement being made, the church in 1644 was about to
remove to Muttakeese (now Yarmouth?), where a settlement
had recently been commenced. To counteract this move-
ment, the General Court, in 1644, passed the following
order : —

"Shawshin is granted to Cambridge without any Condition of
makeing a village there, & the land between them & Concord is
granted them all save what is formerly granted to the military
Company, or others, provided the Church & present elders continue
at Cambridge." ^

This grant of Shawshine, like most of the grants at that day,
was very indefinite, so far as limits are concerned; it is impos-
sible to say, with precision, what was included. It is gener-
ally admitted that the Shawshine grant extended to the
Merrimack River. It is sufficient to our purpose to know that
it included all the town of Billerica, the greater portion of
Bedford, and all that part of Lexington north of the eight-
mile line, Billerica was incorporated in 1655 into a town by
the consent of Cambridge. It was at that time a large terri-
tory, bounded on Cambridge Farms, Chelmsford, Andover,
Woburn, and Concord.

^ Massachusetts Colony Records. Williams's Century Sermon, preached at Lex-
ington, March 31, 1813.

22 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

It is difficult to determine, with precision, the date of the
first settlements at Cambridge Farms, as the territory was
included in Cambridge; and the records of any event in that
town do not generally specify in what part of the town it
occurred. Had Lexington been an independent community,
with records of its own, many dates could have been fixed
which are now left to conjecture. This part of the town
appears to have been regarded as the wood-lots and the hay-
fields of Cambridge. We have seen, already, a complaint that
they had a deficiency of meadoivs. Such land at that time was
held in high estimation, as it was generally free from wood,^
and in a condition for mowing fields without the labor of
clearing. The people could therefore avail themselves at once
of the grass from the meadows, and thus support their herds
of cattle, much earlier and more easily than if they were com-
pelled to clear dense forests and subdue the soil. Lexington,
at that period, had a considerable share of open land; hence
it was sought by those who resided in the old town. The
consequence was that the first lands taken up were held in
a good degree by non-residents.

As early as 1642, Herbert Pelham, Richard Champney,
Edward Goffee, John Bridge, Edward Collins, John Russell,
Golden Moore, Edward Winship, Richard Parke, John Betts,
and Thomas Danforth were proprietors of land within this
township. 2 It is probable that most of them, instead of
removing to their lands, continued their residence in Cam-
bridge proper, or in some of the settlements near Boston.
Most of these gentlemen were among the early and prominent
settlers of Cambridge, and were largely engaged in land
speculations, not only in Cambridge Farms, but elsewhere.
Such men would not be very likely to remove from comfort-
able homes in Cambridge to a new settlement, where they
would be subjected to many privations and hardships.

^ At the first settlement of the country, most of the meadows and some of tht
uplands, were found free from wood and brush, like the prairies and openings at
the West. This is generally ascribed to the periodical fires set by the Indians, for the
purpose of destroying the hiding-places of their game, and at the same time to
enable them to discover, in open land, the approach of an enemy, and to give them
an opportunity of attacking them from their coverts, while the enemy was exposed
in the open ground. The fact that these meadows are so strongly inclined, in these
days, to grow up to wood and brush, shows that some such cause must have kepe
them open then.

' See The First English Proprietors of the Site of Lexington Village, by Rev.
C A. Staples, Proc. Lex. Hist, Soc, Vol. ii, p. 5. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TO^VN 23

Nor is it easy to determine where their lands were situated.
The Proprietors' Records cast but Httle Hght upon the sub-
ject. Where A is bounded upon B, and B upon A, we are
simply informed that these lands were contiguous, without
knowing the locality of either. Occasionally we find an item
bearing upon the location of some of the lots. In 1642, we find
a grant ^ to Herbert Pelham: "At the further side of Vine
brooke one house and Six hundred Acr of land Concord Lyne
north John Bridge West." The same record the same year
contains the following entry in favor of Edward GofFee: "By
vyne Brooke, Six hundred Acr of land more or lesse Herbert
Pelham Esqr, & John Bridge north." Under date of January
15, 1645, we have an entry which not only shows to whom
the grant was made, but also the indefinite character of the
description or boundary, so common at that day. "According
to a former act of the townsmen in the year 1643, as appears
unto us by their acknowledgment under their hands, it is now
also ratified by these presents, 15 (11) 1645 John Bridge,
a grant unto him as appears in the grant book Twenty Acr
of plowe-land, on this side Vine-brooke Eastward, neere vnto
the place where his stacks of hay did stand. In lieu of a lott
of vnbroken land in the necke of land."

It is impossible to state when the first settlement was made
at the Farms. As this part of Cambridge was used to obtain
hay, it is most likely that the first residents spent only a por-
tion of the year here, and, like fashionable gentlemen at this
day, had both a summer and a winter residence. But, be this
as it may, it appears that Pelham's grant, in 1642, had a house
standing upon it, and that John Bridge had stacks of hay
upon his land near Vine Brook, prior to 1645. These lands
must have been situated in the southwesterly part of the
town near the source of Vine Brook, and were probably
among the first lands settled. There is one peculiarity in re-
lation to the settlement of this township, viz., the earliest
settlers were generally located near the respective borders of
the town, as we shall have occasion to show hereafter. This
probably arose from the fact that it was an appendage to
another town.^ Had it been an independent, original grant,

^ This grant was undoubtedly made first to Roger Herlarkenden, whose widow
Pelham married. Ed.

^ Mr. Staples's later investigations would seem to show that this peculiarity
of settlement was due to the fact that the greater part of what is now the centre of
Lexington was held in the single so-called Pelham grant. Ed.

U HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

some central point would have been selected, around which
the population would cluster. Then they would have had
their own records, and any act of an individual would have
been set down as a part of the history of the place. But as it
is, we have to look to the Records of Cambridge, and are
unable to say whether they resided at the Farms or in
Cambridge proper.

Without pretending to state the exact order or the date of
their settlement, we can safely say that the Bridges, Win-
ships, Cutlers, Fiskes, Stones, Bowmans,Merriams, RusseUs,
Wellingtons, Munroes, Tidds, Reeds, Whitmores, and
Smiths were among the earliest settlers and the most numer-
ous families.^ We will endeavor to give the general location of
these and the other early families. To begin with those who
settled on or near what is now the line of Arlington (formerly
West Cambridge ^) : Edward Winship was one of the original
owners of land within the present limits of Lexington, though
he probably never lived within the township. He owned a
large tract bordering upon the Arlington line, extending
from near the Main Street or Concord Road, as it is called in
the old Records, north of Gilboa,^ including the lands now oc-
cupied by one of his descendants, and also Mount Ephraim,
which took its name from his eldest son, Ephraim, who resided
near it. Edward Winship, or Lieutenant Winship, as he was
generally called, erected a sawmill on what was then denom-
inated Mill Brook, on or near the site of the present fur fac-
tory.^ This was undoubtedly the first mill set up within the
township. At what time it was erected, we are not able to
say; probably as early as 1650. Lieutenant Winship, accord-
ing to the custom of that day, kept his property in his own
hands during life, and left it by will, in 1688, to his sons
Ephraim, Edward, Samuel, and Joseph. The greater part of
this property remained in the Winship family for several
generations. They were large landholders, and were promi-

*- Compare Genealogies (Vol. ii). Ed.

* The tract of territory formerly known as West Cambridge was a part of Cam-
bridge till 1807, when it was erected into a town. Its Indian name was Menotomy,
and it was afterwards known as the West Precinct. In 1867, the inhabitants
petitioned the Legislature for a change of the name of their towB, and it was altered
to Arlington.

' Now known as Crescent Hill. Ed.

* For an accoimt of the fur industry, see Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. n, p. 171,
article by G. 0. Smith. The factory referred to long ago disappeared. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 25

nent among the early settlers. Nor were their possessions
confined to the northern side of the Concord Road; ^ they
owned land on the hill on the south side.

Francis Whitmore was an early settler in Lexington, and
must have resided on the southerly side of Main Street, below
Cutler's Tavern,^ near the present line between Lexington
and Arlington. The act constituting Cambridge Farms a
legal precinct, refers to the residence of Francis Whitmore in
describing the boundary line as "running on the southerly
side of Francis Whitmore's house towards the town of Cam-
bridge." Mr. Whitmore married a daughter of Richard
Parke, one of the first proprietors of lands at the Farms, about
1648, and probably came to the place soon after his marriage.
He became a large landholder in Cambridge and the neigh-
boring towns. He died in 1685, and his son Samuel succeeded
him on his place.

Southwesterly of Francis Whitmore, and near the present
Arlington and Belmont lines, was the Bowman family.^ Na-
thaniel Bowman, of Watertown, purchased land of Edward
Goffee, in Cambridge Farms, to which he removed. He died
in 1682, leaving his real estate to his son Francis, by will,
dated 1679. Francis died in 1687, leaving, among other chil-
dren, Francis and Joseph, who became very prominent men
in Lexington. They resided on or near Watertown Street, in
the neighborhood of the present residence of the Lawrences.
Southwesterly of the Bowmans were the Wellingtons, the
descendants of Roger Wellington, of Watertown, though they
did not come to town till a later period. No portion of
the original farm is in possession of the Wellingtons at the
present day.

Farther to the west were the Smiths, who came to Lexing-
ton from Watertown and Waltham, then a part of Water-
town. They were in possession of a large portion of the
southerly part of the town, where many of their descendants
reside at the present day. They were not, however, among
the earliest settlers at the Farms.*

Westerly of the Smiths, on lands now partly in Lexington

* Now Massachusetts Avenue. Ed.

« Afterwards known as the Willard House. Now a private residence. Ed.
» See Genealogies (vol. ii.) Also The History of the Bowman Family. Ed,

* See article entitled Kite End, by A. Bradford Smith, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc..
Vol. u, p. 99. Ed.

26 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

and partly in Lincoln, were the Abbots, who came from An-
dover; the Stones, who came from Cambridge; and the Mer-
riams, who came from Concord. Northerly of these and nearer
the centre of the town, were the Bridges,^ who came from
Cambridge, and were among the very first permanent resi-
dents in the place. There were also living in the south-
westerly part of the township at a later period, John Parker,
Daniel White, Thomas Hastings, John Palfrey, Benjamin
Stearns, George Adams, Daniel Hoar, Judah Clark, Thomas
Nelson, and Nathaniel Whittemore. Still more northwest-
erly, on what was then the Concord line, James Cutler, the
ancestor of those of that name in Lexington, settled as early,
perhaps, as 1648, and consequently was among the very earli-
est settlers. He took up his abode on what is now known as
Wood Street, on or near the estate where William Hartwell
now resides (now owned by Francis Maguire) .

In the northerly part of the town, on Bedford Street, and
on land still in possession of his descendants of the same name,
William Reed from Woburn settled about 1685. He was a
large landholder, and had numerous descendants. He and
his son William became prominent in the town. North-
westerly of the Reeds, on the other side of Tophet Swamp, ^
so called, Thomas Kendall, probably from Woburn, settled
at an early day. On Bedford Street, at or near the late resi-
dence of James Pierce, originally from Watertown, resided, as
early as 1694, John Lawrence. He was the ancestor of the
Groton family of Lawrences, of whom Amos and Abbott were
prominent members. Northwesterly of this, and on what is
now known as the "Page Place" in Bedford, Joseph Fassett,
for many years a prominent citizen of Lexington, resided as
early as 1700. Jonathan Trask was a resident in Lexington at
a period somewhat later. He lived on the northerly side of the
meadow westerly of Bedford Street. He was one of the larg-
est farmers in the town. In the neighborhood of Lawrence
and Fassett, Nathaniel Dunkley resided; and William Grimes
had his abode northwesterly of John Lawrence, and near the
present line of Burlington.

The northerly part of the town bordering upon Woburn,
now Burlington, was first settled by the Lockes,^ who came

* See Matthew Bridge, Lex. Hist. Soc. Proc., Vol. i, p. 5i. Ed.

* Now largely converted into arable land. Ed.

' See Amos Locke, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. i, p. C7. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 27

from Woburn; their houses were on the Woburn side of the
line. Thomas Blodgett, from Woburn, came to Lexington
about 1690, and settled on Adams Street, near the Gibbs
place. ^ Between the Blodgetts and the centre of the town
were William Carly, John Johnson, and John Harrington,
who was the ancestor of one branch of the numerous family
of the name of Harrington.

The Tidds, who came from Woburn, settled in Lexington
about 1680. They were at one time quite a numerous family,
and lived where Mr. Charles Tidd now resides.^ The resi-
dence of Mr. Nathan Chandler ^ was originally a Tidd place.
In the same neighborhood Mr. Joseph Simonds settled
about 1681. He was also from Woburn, and, marrying into
the Tidd family, located himself near his father-in-law,
on the place now owned and occupied by Mr. Charles
Johnson.'*

Farther to the east, on what is now Woburn Street, Wil-"
liam Munroe, the ancestor of the numerous family of that
name in Lexington and vicinity, settled at an early day near
Woburn line. He became a large landholder, and six of his
sons settled around him. As the Munroes were of Scotch
descent, they gave the name of their fatherland to that section
of the town, which has retained the name of "Scotland" to
the present day. He probably came to Lexington about 1670.^
In the same neighborhood, but nearer the centre of the town,
the Russells, who came early from Cambridge, fixed their
abode. They were also large landholders, and owned several
tracts of land on the easterly side of what was then famil-
iarly known as "Mill Brook." Colonel Phillip Russell resides
upon land long in possession of his ancestors of the same
name.®

The Fiskes, a somewhat numerous family, were among the
first settlers at the Farms. They were located on East Street
near the residence of the late Joseph Fiske. One branch of
the family fixed its residence on the place now occupied by

* Corner of Adams and North Streets. Ed.

^ The house was removed a number of years ago. Ed.
^ No. Hancock Street. Ed.

* No. Hancock Street. Ed.

^ See History of the Munros, by Alexander Mackenzie, Inverness, 1897. Also The
Book of the Lockes. Ed.

® Now the property of George H. Harlow and W. L. Reynolds on Woburn Street.
Ed.

28 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Joseph F. Simonds, on Hancock Street.* Some of the family
subsequently settled on the Concord Road, and hence the
name of "Fiske Hill."

Having drawn this general outline, and spoken of the
families who resided in the outer parts of the town, it will be
expected that we fill up the picture, and give the names of the
families who resided in the centre. We have already inti-
mated that the first settlers resided near the boundaries of the
town, when there were no inhabitants in what is now regarded
as the village. As their families increased, and the idea of
becoming a separate parish was agitated, they would natur-
ally turn their minds to some central point for a village.
This would, as a matter of course, induce some of the sons of
the first settlers to seek lands near the proposed village for
their abode. There were also some families coming into town
which would naturally desire the same central location. This
contributed to the increase of population in the village.
Among those who came into town and settled in the centre,
was Benjamin Muzzy, probably from Maiden, who bought
his farm in 1693. He came to the precinct about that time,
and took up his habitation on the place which Ruf us Merriam
now occupies. 2 He was the ancestor of all the Lexington men
of that name. A few years later, John Mason, from Water-
town, settled on the Main Street near the old Munroe Tavern,
and hence the name of "Mason's Hollow."

There is no plan of the township with the lots laid down,
and hence it is impossible to state the exact location of the
early families. The description given above will serve as a
general guide, and other incidents and facts disclosed in the
sequel will cast further fight upon the subject.

The growth of the settlement was at first slow. A large
share of the land being held by speculators, they would natur-
ally retain it in their hands with the hope of an advance in
price. The unsettled state of our relations with the Indians
would doubtless deter many from leaving the older settle-
ments, where they felt perfectly secure, and settling in a
more exposed township. It is true that the place was never
disturbed by the incursions of the savages, yet the fact that

> 63 Hancock Street. Occupied at present by Rev. J. M. Wilson. Dr. Fiske was a
surgeon at the Battle of Lexington. Ed.

* The Buckman Tavern, near the Common. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 29

during Philip's War, they burned Sudbury, Groton, Andover,
and Chelmsford must have spread terror and dismay through
this settlement, at least so far as to check its increase. But
after that desolating struggle was terminated by the death of
Philip in 1676, the people had rest; and this, as well as other
new settlements, received some accessions. In 1682, the num-
ber of the families at the Farms amounted to about thirty,
and the number of souls to about one hundred and eighty.
Several of these families had come to the place within two or
three years.

But in addition to the unavoidable privations of a new
settlement, they were destitute of what was considered by our
pious fathers one of the indispensable prerequisites to the
growth and prosperity of the place. They had no ministry
among them, and so had no convenient opportunity of enjoy-
ing the ordinances of the Gospel, without travelling from five
to ten miles. With this state of things they could not long be
contented. Johnson, in his Wonder- Working Providence,
has justly said of our fathers, "It is as unnatural for a right
New England man to live without an able ministry, as for a
smith to work his iron without fire." Actuated by such feel-
ings as are here implied, in October, 1682, the people peti-
tioned the General Court to be set ojff as a distinct parish.
This petition was signed by James Cutler, Matthew Bridge,
Sen., David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., Francis Whit-
more, John Tidd, Ephraim Winship, and John Winter, in
behalf of themselves and the inhabitants of the Farms. The
people of Cambridge zealously opposed the separation, and
the prayer of the petitioners was not granted.

The application, however, was renewed in 1684, when the
Court appointed a Committee to inquire into the merits of
the case; and if they were satisfied that the prayer ought to
be granted, to report a suitable boundary for the parish. The
Committee, after due investigation, reported favorably to the
petitioners; but the opposition of Cambridge again prevailed
and the report of the Committee was defeated. Conscious of
the rectitude of their intentions and the justice of their cause,
they renewed their petition in 1691 ; when the Court, in view of
the inconvenience under which they labored, and of the growth
of the settlement, granted their request, as will be seen by an
entry upon their Journal under date of December 15, 1691.^

* See The Parish of Cambridge Farms, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. in, p. 25. Ed.

30 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"Upon reading of the Petition of the Farmers and Inhabitants
of the Farms within the Precincts, and Bounds of the Town of
Cambridge towards Concoi'd, therein setting forth their distance,
(the neerest of them Living above five Miles) from Cambridge
Meeting house, the Place of the Public Worship Praying that
According to former Applications by them several Years since made
unto this Court, for the Advantage of themselves, families, and
Posterity, they may have this Courts favour, and License in Order
to the calling of a fit Minister for dispensing the Gospell among
them; as also that they may be a distinct Village for the Ends Pro-
posed in their said Petition, The Select Men of Cambridge having
had a Copy of Sd Petition sent them with a Notification of the
time for their being heard thereupon, this day and Accordingly
Attending.

"After a full hearing, and Consideration of what was Offered
by both Parties; It is granted, and Ordered by this Court that the
Petitioners be, and are hereby Permitted, and Allowed to invite,
and Settle, an Able, and Orthodox Minister, for the dispensing of
the Gospell, among them; And that all Inhabitants living within
the Line formerly stated by a Committee of this Court, Anno 1684,
beginning at the first run of Water, or Swampy Place over which is
a Kind of a Bridge in the way on the Southerly side of Francis
Whitmores house towards the Town of Cambridge Aforesaid
cross the Neck of Land lying between Woburn Line, and that of
Watertown side, upon a Southwest, and Northeast course, do Pay
unto the Ministers maintenance there. And are hereby Empowered
Annualy to chuse three, or five meet Persons to Assess their
Inhabitants for the Support, and Maintenance of their Minister,
As also a Constable, or Collector to gather the Same, by Warrant
from the said Assessors. The Said Farmers not being hereby dis-
charged from Paying their Proportion as formerly unto all Public
charges in the Town, Except what refers to the Ministr^^ so long as
they Maintain an Able Minister among themselves."

In the description of the boundary of the precinct only one
lin'e is mentioned; the other portions bordering on Water-
town, Woburn, Concord, and Billerica, rendered a description
of those lines unnecessary. The order conferring corporate
powers upon the people of the Farms constituted them a pre-
cinct and gave them authority to manage their parochial
affairs; but in all other respects they remained a part of
Cambridge as before.

Being incorporated December, 1691, the people assembled
for the first time under the act, on the 22d of April, 1692, and
made choice of David Fiske, Sen., as "Clark to wright the

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 31

votes of the inliabitants of this place, and keep a Record of
them." This was the first corporate act of the farmers, and
here their records commence. Before this date, all we know
of the people of Cambridge Farms is gleaned from the Cam-
bridge records, and other records and papers found in the
hands of individuals. At their first meeting, April 22, after
organizing by the choice of a clerk, they proceeded to carry
out the object for which they had sought corporate powers,
namely, that of obtaining a stated ministry.

"it was voted that ISTv Benjamin Eastabrook shall be the man
that shold be invited to preach to them by a clear voat and that
he shall be spoken to to preach to us a year from the first of may
1692 and that Samuell Stone sen'' and David flSske sen' shold speak
to him to com and preach to us as abouesaid."

"it was voted that wee will give him 40 pounds for a year half in
mony (viz) 20 pounds and 20 pounds in other pay at mony prise
and that it shold be for his salory and to sattisfy for his Enter-
tainment."

Previous to this meeting and probably immediately after
obtaining their act of incorporation in December, 1691, an
effort was made to erect a meeting-house in the precinct, and
a subscription was set on foot to obtain funds for that pur-
pose. This subscription is preserved, and is the oldest paper
upon our records. It becomes exceedingly valuable, as it
bears the names of the principal inhabitants and shows the
interest they felt in the cause of religious institutions. It
not only contains the names of the inhabitants, but is gener-
ally a fair relative valuation of the property which each one
possessed ; for it should be remembered that at that day and
for such an object, the people generally contributed according
to their means. I shall have occasion to refer to this list fre-
quently in the sequel.

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The subscription of the seaueral Parsons towards the first Bulding of

the meeting house

Names

David flSske senor
Samuel Stone senor
Mathew Bridg
Ephrim Winship
John Winter
Joseph Symons
William monRoe
John Russell
Thomas Cutler
Dauid £Bske jim"'
Philip Russell
Wiliam Carly
corp John Stone
John Johnson north
corp William Read
Samuell Winship
John Meriam
Robert Meriam
Thomas Johnson
John monRoe
John Stone west

Sum

Names

Sum

£*.

£ a.

2 10

Brought up

38 13

2 10

Joseph Teed

1 00

2 10

Joseph Lock

1 GO

2 10

Isaac Stems

1 GO

1 00

Samuell Teed

* 00

2 00

James Cutler

1 00

2 00

Daniell Stone

1 00

2 12

John Cutler

2 00

John Hews

1 10

2 00

Jonathan Knight

2 00

1 16

Wiliam Johnson

1 10

Samuell Whitmore

1 10

Mathew Bridg

1 00

1 10

Thomas Blogit

1 00

2 00

Sam^^ Stone dauids son

1 00

2 00

John Winter jun'

1 10

Josiah Hobs

1 10

John Teed sen"

2 10

1 05

Joseph Meriam

1 10

1 00

Sam'^ Stone west

1 00

1 10

Benjamin Mozzy

2 00

£38 13

£62 01

♦Figure

torn. Ed.

It will be observed that several of the names in the above list
are distinguished by the points of the compass, as "North,"
and "West." This addition was for the purpose of distin-
guishing them from persons of the same name, and was a poor
substitute for senior and junior.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN

The following is the tax-bill for the payment of the minis-
ter's salary from May 1, 1692, to May 1, 1693: —

£ s.d.

£s. d.

David ffiske sen"'

1 11 0

Brought up

26 14 3

Sam'^ Stone seno'

2 2 0

John Stone East

16 3

widow Meriam

1 12 0

John Winter

110

Joseph Meriam

14 6

John Meriam

16 9

Isaac Stems

16 9

Joseph Symons

17 9

John Ston of the west

13 6

John Cutler

10 6

Samuel Stone East

13 0

Obadiah Johnson

7 6

Thomas Cutler

^ 18 9

Joseph Perce

7 0

John Johnson

13 0

Thomas Rugg

6 0

Ephreim Winship

13 9

John Commy

6 0

Samuell Winship

16 0

David ffiske junor

1 00 0

John Russell

18 6

Thomas Smith

15 6

Philip Russell

1 00 0

John Smith

7 0

William mon Roe sen'

1 17 0

Samuell Stone west

18 0

John monRoe

8 0

Joseph Stone

9 6

Benjeman Muzze

1 16 6

nathaniel Bowman

7 6

John Hews

12 9

ffrancis Bowman

110

William Carly

1 00 3

Samuell Whitmore

13 0

William Johnson

8 6

Gorge Adams sen'

6 0

William Read

19 9

Gorge Adams jim'

11 0

John Teed

1 00 0

David Stone

8 6

Joseph Teed

9 0

John Axlin *

6 0

Samuell Teed

7 6

Josiah Hobs

6 0

Daniel Teed

7 6

Will monRoe jun'

6 0

Isreall Mead

13 0

John Poulter

7 6

Joseph Lock

10 6

Daniell Stone

8 6

Mathew Bridg senor

1 11 0

John Stems

8 6

Mathew Bridg jim'

10 3

£41 12 6

£26 14 3

Dauid flSske

Samuel Stone

Ephreim W^inship

asesors

* Perhaps Aplin. Ed.

These two papers, the subscription for the meeting-house,
and the first tax-bill for the support of their minister, are both
valuable, as they contain the names of all the male inhab-
itants, and show us who were the largest holders of real estate
at the incorporation of the precinct. The tax-bill contains a
full list of the ratable inhabitants, while the subscription,
though it does not bear the name of every citizen, contains
the names of some who were not resident in the place, but
felt an interest in the prosperity of the settlement. There
is also a remarkable coincidence between the tax and the
subscription, which speaks well for the liberality of the in-
habitants. On the subscription, David Fiske, Sen., Samuel

84 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Stone, Sen., Matthew Bridge, Sen., Ephraim Winshlp, Joseph
Shnonds, and WiUiam Munroe stand the six highest, and on
the tax-bill the same gentlemen maintain their relative posi-
tion. In fact, the two papers show that each one was willing
to bear his share of the burdens of supporting religious insti-
tutions, whether they were imposed by a tax or left to his
voluntary offering, — a fact which, we fear, would put many
members of religious societies at this day to the blush.

The last tax-bill spread out upon the record is in 1696, and
bears the names of about a dozen taxpayers not found on the
list three years before. This increase consists of several
young men who had arrived at a taxable age, and several
others who had come into town. Among the latter were
Ebenezer Whitney, Ebenezer Nutting, Daniel White, Joseph
Grant, John Wilson, James Wilson, and John Lawrence. I
have been thus particular in giving the names of the tax-
payers, because it fixes the residence of individuals, and gives,
approximately, the population at that period.

Being organized as a parish, the people took measures to
secure to themselves the great object for which they had
sought corporate powers, the enjoyment of a Gospel ministry.
The meeting-house contemplated by the subscription of
which we have spoken was erected early in the year 1692. It
was located at the junction of the Concord and Bedford roads,
near where the hay-scales now stand. ^ Having engaged Mr.
Estabrook to preach for them one year and provided a house
of worship, they looked forward to a continued ministry and
its permanent support. At their second parish meeting, held
March 1, 1692-93, after choosing their appropriate officers,
they adopted the following measure, the effect of which is felt
to this day: —

" It was voted that a pese of land shall be bought for the minestry
and payd for by the inhabitants by a rate."

"David ffiske, sen', Samuel Stone, sen', Ephreim Winship,
Benjamin Muzze, William Roe and John Teed shall treat with the
town of Cambridg to bye or obtain a pece of land for our mines-
try."

At a meeting on the 24th of the same month
"it was voated that we will Improue men Chosen to treat with the

* The location is indicated by a stone pulpit placed behind the Hayes Fountain.
Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 35

selectmen of Cambridg and their Commity abought the pirchising
the land abought the Casey and to make a full agreement with
them either to by the whoU of sd land or part of it (which thay se
best) for our minestry : and we ingage to stand to what those men
shall agree unto and that we will bare euery one their proportion
of mony for the pirchis of sd land."

The men chosen as aforesaid were David Fiske, Sen.,
Samuel Stone, Sen., John Teed, Ephraim Winship, Benjamin
Muzzy, William Munroe, Sen., William Reed, and Francis
Bowman, — the last two being added to the former com-
mittee.

"thes men met with the select men of Cambridg and bought all the
comon land afor named namly that on the east side of the Casey by
mesur for 10 shilings ye acre 12 acres 6 pounds and the rest of the
comon land on the other sid & on the south side of Vine brook
medow for 12 pounds all in mony this was don Aprill 28 1693 as
apear under the hand of the Town Clark (of Cambridge) Jona-
than Remington a Rate was made for the payment of this mony
upon all the inhabitants."

This was the foundation of the Ministerial Fund, which has
proved, as such funds generally do, a source of evil as well as
good.

After adopting measures for the support of the ministry,
the people were desirous of having a settled minister. Mr.
Estabrook had been employed only by the year, and, being
gratified with his labors, they were anxious that the tenure of
the relation should be rendered more permanent; and hence,
at their meeting March 24, 1692-93, they adopted the fol-
following hearty and sincere vote, though rather equivocally
expressed : —

"at a meeting of the Inhabitants it was voted that we will give m'
Benjamin Eastabrook a call to setel with us our minister for time to
com till gods prouidens shall other ways dispose of him."

To show the sincerity of the invitation, and their high
appreciation of him as a man and as their spiritual guide, it
was voted at a subsequent meeting, "that we will buld a
house for m' Benjamin Eastabrook upon his own land 42
foot long and 18 foot wide 14 foot stud and a silor under one
of the rooms . . . and ingage to pay every man his prepor-
tion to the bulding and finishing the same and we giue power

36 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

to the select men to leuy the charg upon euery man in our
presents."

When this house was finished, it was presented to him on
the following liberal and manly terms: *' Voted that the house
bult for Mr. Benjamin Eastabrook shold be deliuered to him
freely without any obligation but his setteling with us and his
taking ofis with us and abiding with us." This house was situ-
ated on the easterly bank of Vine Brook, between Main
Street (now Massachusetts Avenue) and the railroad.

Having given Mr. Estabrook a call to the permanent work
of the ministry among them, they recommended the forma-
tion of a church, and adopted measures for his ordination.
But while they were preparing for the settlement of a minis-
ter, they did not overlook the house in which he was to hold
forth, and where they were to attend upon his teaching. The
meeting-house, erected in 1692, appears not to have been
finished in the inside. But with the increase of their means,
and the prospect of a settled minister, they were desirous of
"setting their house in order." At a meeting held July 26,
1695, they adopted a vote, replete with care and gallantry,
showing that they were alive to every good work, and not
behind the times in all improvements save in orthography.

"itwasvoated that the meeting house shal first be repayered and
that the bodey of seats shall be driuen back and that ther shall be a
table set up befor the body of seats the whol length of the body of
seats and that the meeting house shall be seelled with pine bords
and hansom seats for women made on each side the meting house
raised to a conueniant height of which that on the east side next the
door shal be for m" Eastabrook."

It was also "voated that the galorys shall be in larged and
thre seats made on Each side galory and fouer seats in the
front galory all made and well finished"; and "Samuell Win-
ship, Jonathan Poulter, Samuell Stone, west, Joseph Teed,
and Benjamin Muzzey" were entrusted with the execution of
the work.

Having provided a house for Mr. Estabrook, and for the
refitting of the meeting-house, they made further provision
for his maintenance — the sum heretofore offered being
deemed inadequate. It was voted, —

" 1) that for the next three years to com we will giue him for his
salory forty fine pounds '^ year to be payd him half in mony and the

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 37

other halfe if it be not payd in mony then what it is shall be payd
to him at mony prise Also that their shall be one contribution
euery quarter of the year the aboue said three years and what is
then giuen shall be payd to sd m' Eastabrook besids the aboue
named 45 pounds

"2) it was voted that after the foresaid thre years ar out the 4
quarterly Contrebutions shal seas : and for the f uter we will pay for
his salory fifty six pounds ^ year in and as mony he continewing to
preach with us and to take offis with us

"3) it was also voted that the select men or assesors and the Con-
stable for the time being being Chosen from year to year shall
stand ingaged for the payment of the aforesd salory and clear up
their acounts with the minister within their year: and that what is
payd that is not mony shall be brought to the minestors hous by
the persons rated theii* preportion to pay and the acount brought
in by them to the Constable."

These terms being acceptable to Mr. Estabrook, the 21st
of October, 1696, was fixed upon for his ordination, and the
selectmen and John Merriam were directed "to prouid what
is nesesary for the entertainment of the majestrats ministors
and mesingers of the chirches that day."

Mr. Estabrook was accordingly ordained, October 21,
1696, agreeably to the arrangement. Thus was perfected the
great purpose for which they had for years been laboring.
They built them a house of worship; they had gathered a
Christian church; and to give life and vitality to the institu-
tions of religion in their midst, and especially to render their
Gospel privileges permanent, they had a tried and faithful
pastor settled over them, according to the usages of the
churches. No doubt they regarded this as an important era
in their history, and looked forward with fond anticipation to
years of Christian edification and prosperity. But alas, how
uncertain are human anticipations! How fleeting are our
visions of bliss! On the 22d of July, 1697, after a ministry of
only nine months, Mr. Estabrook was removed from his
earthly labors, to the great regret of his little flock.

Soon after the death of Mr. Estabrook, the attention of the
society was directed to Mr. John Hancock, son of Nathaniel
Hancock, of Cambridge. On the 7th of November, 1697, the
parish made choice of him to preach for them till the May
following as a candidate for settlement. He complied with
their request, and subsequently received a call for a perma-

38 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

nent settlement — which he accepted; and on the 2d of No-
vember, 1698, he was pubUcly ordained as their pastor. They
agreed to give him eighty pounds as a settlement, and to pay
him the same salary they had given his predecessor. Rev. Mr.
Estabrook.

Having settled their minister on terms acceptable to the
parties, the attention of the people was again called to their
house of worship, and to the accommodation of the worship-
pers. It seems that liberty had been given to Captain William
Reed "to make a sette for his wiffe in ye meeting house one
ye mens side in the hindemost seate fiue foote of ye east end
of it : and so up to the stayers against it : — was then granted
to him for ye use foremen tioned." The erection of this seat
by Captain Reed induced others to make a similar applica-
tion, and at a meeting held March 6, 1698-99, "Liberty was
granted to Robert Meriam: Joseph Stone: John Poulter:
Jonathan Poulter : John Roe: & : Thomas Meriam: tobuield
a seat for thar wifes on the within backe side of the met-
tinge house from Goodwiffe Reeds seatt: to ye womens
stayers."

But these individual efforts failed to meet the public
wants, and the parish itself took the matter in hand. At a
meeting, September 16, 1700, "it was then agred that they
would build tow uper galleries : and put it into the hands of
the assessors and Comitte to doe it desently and well and to
agre with ye workman for the price of it: thise Comitte is to
be understod that that Comitte that Comitte that was chose
at the last publique metting In June."

Though the people at the Farms had asked simply to be
incorporated as a parish, and gave their first attention and
care to the church, they did not entirely overlook the affairs
of state. Feeling that they were in danger from sudden incur-
sions of the Indians, and that their distance from the village
of Cambridge, where the arms and ammunition were depos-
ited, rendered those supplies nearly useless to them in case
of a sudden attack, they directed "Capt: william Reed, Lt:
Th : Cutteller & Ensigne simond ware Chosen to petition the
town of Cambridge that : that parte of the Publique stock
of Amunition In the town which is supposd to beLong to our
share : may be Kept In the parish : — & it was also votted y t
these thre gentlemen forementioned should take care for:
& prouied a place to kep it In."

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 39

Nor did the good people of the parish overlook the wants of
the rising generation. "It was allso agred & Votted that the
town be requested to aLow six pounds out of the town Ratte
for ye Incorragm^ of a scholle In ye Precinct." Neither did
they confine their care to mere intellectual culture such as
would be taught in the schools. They saw the importance of
moral and religious culture, and felt it their duty to watch
over the morals of the children and youth; and hence at a
meeting held March 2, 1701-02, "It was allso Votted that
Joseph Lock: Jno Laurence: John Mason & Jonathan
PouUter: be requested to to take sum pruedent Care that the
Chilldren & youth may nott play att metting: and thareby
Profane the Lords Day."

And while they were desirous that their children should be
brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord,
and so become ornaments of His church, and reflect honor
upon the religion they professed, they had a just apprecia-
tion of the temporal wants of him whom they had chosen
as their spiritual guide, and upon whose labors they must
depend, in a great degree, in accomplishing that desirable
and all-important end. Hence it was "voted that the Reu-
erend Mr: Hancock his Sallory should be advanct to sixty
Pound: Payablle as before: and the quarterly Contrebu-
tions to Continue" till further order." It was also voted
that Mr. Hancock be allowed to take timber from the parish
land to repair his buildings and fences, and wood sufficient
to supply his fires.

The meeting-house ^ erected in 1692, stood at the junction of
the Concord and Bedford roads, near the present hay-scales,
and was upon land included within the highways; the land
which now constitutes the Common being private property.
Seeing the propriety of securing a plot near the meeting-
house for a public common, at a meeting held in April,
1711, it was agreed by the inhabitants of the precinct to
buy the land about the meeting-house, of Mr. Benjamin
Muzzy, and to do it by subscription. A paper was accord-
ingly drawn up and circulated, and the following names and
sums were obtained: —

1 Site now marked by a stone pulpit. Ed,

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

s. d.

£*. d.

Capt: Joseph Estabrook

10 0

Brought up

8 9 0

Ensign: Joseph Bowman

10 0

Thopaas Ruge

4 0

Benjamin Muzze

10 0

Joseph miriam

5 0

Matthew Bridge

10 0

Sam" stearnes

3 0

Sam^^ Stone

10 0

Joseph Pearce

4 0

Deacon Sam" stone

10 0

Isaac stearnes

6 0

Deacon John miriam

6 0

Joseph stone

5 0

John mason

6 0

Sherebiah Kebe

1 0

Sam" Locke

6 0

Ensigne Joseph simonds

5 0

William Russell

4 0

Thomas Bloggitt

5 0

George munroe

10 0

Joseph Teed

8 0

Joseph Loring

5 0

Thomas meads

6 0

Epharim winship

4 0

David Russell

2 6

John muzzye

2 6

Joseph Locke

5 0

John mun-roe

4 0

ffransise whittmore

4 0

Robert miriam

7 0

Richard muzzye

5 0

James Russell

2 0

Sam" winshipe

5 0

John Cutteller sen'

5 0

Sam" whittmore sen''

6 0

widdow flaske

2 0

Joseph Brown

6 0

Dauid meade

5 0

william mun-roe Ju"^

6 0

widdow Hannah Stone

2 6

Isaac Himt

5 0

Daniell stone

3 0

Daniell mun-roe

3 0

John stone west

5 0

John Russell senir

3 0

Sam" stone Jun'

6 0

Elihue wardwell

2 0

David ffiske sen

5 0

John Come

2 0

Jonathan ffiske

5 0

Capt: william Reed

10 0

Robert ffiske

2 0

PhiUip Russell sen'

10 0

Thomas miriam

5 0

Lt: Thomas Cutteller

6 0

£8 9 0 £15 3 6*

I . * Also another contribution of 5'«. ; the name ia torn, but appears to be "Cutteller." Ed.

This subscription fell a trifle short of the purchase money,
which was sixteen pounds, and was undoubtedly made up by
individuals. The deed given by Mr. Muzzy, bearing date
June 14, 1711, acknowledges the receipt of sixteen pounds,
paid by "the Inhabitants of that most Northerly part and
precinct of Cambridge Commonly Called Cambridge ffarms
towards Concord," and grants "to ye sd Inhabitants and their
Successors for Ever, a Certaine parcell of Land, by Esti-
mation one acre and a halfe more or less lying and being
Situate in Cambridge ffarms nigh the meeting house, and is
bounded Northerly by the said Benjamin Muzzey as the
ffence now Stands, and Elsewhere by highways To Have &
To Hold sd Land with all the timber Stones Trees Wood &
underwood herbage and messuage with all and Singular the
profits priviledges and appurtenances thereunto belonging." ^

This land, though bought by individuals of the parish,

^ See, A Sketch of the History of Lexington Common, by C. A. Staples, Proc.
Lex. Hist. Soc, V'ol. i, p. 17. Ed.

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 41

appears to have been dedicated to public use. In January,
1713, they voted to locate their meeting-house upon this land,
so that, when the parish became a town, and the town as suc-
cessor of the parish came into possession of this property, they
took it subject to the right of the parish to occupy such portion
of it as might be necessary for a meeting-house, and the neces-
sary appurtenances to the same. Consequently, the parish
continued this use of a portion of the Common more than a
century, and abandoned that use in 1846, since which time
the whole property has been in the possession of the town,
which now holds it by a clear and indisputable title. The
Revolutionary associations which cluster around this spot
render it one of the consecrated battle-fields of our country,
which will be remembered and honored as long as freedom
has a votary, or heroic deeds command the admiration of
mankind.

Being merely a precinct, the people had no legal power to
provide themselves with schools or roads, or even to select
their own local town officers; and being eight miles from Cam-
bridge, and having an interest in many respects different
from that of the central village, it is natural to suppose that
they would desire to set up for themselves, that they might
the better supply their own wants, and manage their own
affairs in their own way. At a meeting held October 28, 1712,
they chose a committee to confer with the town of Cambridge
and to petition the General Court to erect them into a town.

This committee subsequently received a renewed expres-
sion of the same sentiments, and were by their constituents
clothed with full powers to make such an arrangement with
the people of Cambridge as they might deem expedient and
equitable between the parties. In virtue of this authority they
made an arrangement with the parent town for a separation,
the new town becoming bound to support in part what was
denominated the " Grate bridge" over Charles River in Cam-
bridge, of which we shall speak more particularly hereafter.

While the people at the Farms were aspiring to the inde-
pendence of a town, and taking active measures to secure
that end, they kept a steadfast eye upon those religious insti-
tutions on which their prosperity as a parish or a town must
mainly depend. They therefore resolved to build them a
meeting-house more capacious in its dimensions, and one
which would meet the wants of the growing population of the

42 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

place. At a meeting held January 9, 1713, they voted to
build a new meeting-house on the plan of the one at Concord,
— the house to be fifty feet long, forty feet wide, and twenty-
four feet studs, with one tier of galleries, — to be located
upon the land recently bought of Benjamin Muzzy, A com-
mittee, consisting of Captain William Reed, Quartermaster
Samuel Stone, Sergeant John Munroe, Mr. Thomas Mer-
riam, and Mr. Thomas Blodgett, was chosen to carry the
measure into effect.

This meeting-house, the second erected in the place, was
situated in the rear of the former, and nearly halfway between
the hay-scales and the liberty pole. This house stood till it
was superseded by another, built in 1793, which was placed
twenty feet in the rear of its predecessor. The house here
proposed to be built was the one standing on the Common
at the opening of the Revolution.

Having arrived at a period when the corporate character
of the place was to be changed, and the precinct was to be
merged in the town, we may well pause and reflect upon the
scenes through which the infant settlement had passed, the
difficulties and dangers it had encountered, and the progress
it had made. We have seen that for about half a century the
settlers had no organization of their own, no centre of attrac-
tion around which to gather; but were like a distant colony,
doomed to provide for themselves, and yet under the control
of the home government. They were deprived of the advan-
tages of schooling for their children, and, in a great degree, of
the privileges of Gospel institutions. In a word they were
citizens of Cambridge, governed by Cambridge regulations,
subjected to Cambridge restrictions and taxed to maintain
Cambridge institutions, and, at the same time, were so remote
as to be deprived, in a great degree, of Cambridge privileges.

It is true that the settlers at Cambridge Farms were not
very far distant from the settlements at Cambridge and
Watertown ; but these towns at that day were not what they
are at present; and these neighboring settlements, though
they might, under some circumstances, afford protection,
could not impart plenty, or relieve the daily pressing wants
of the inhabitants. A grandchild of one of the early settlers in
this place says : "The old patriarch has often related with tears
in his eyes the poverty and destitution experienced, the hard-

TO ITS INCORPORATION AS A TOWN 43

ships borne, and the trials endured by the first inhabitants of
the place. Their dwellings were small and rude, — the same
room serving the various purposes of kitchen and parlor, din-
ing-room and bedroom, storehouse and workshop. Their
furniture was of the most primitive kind: blocks or forms
made of split logs furnished their seats, wooden spoons, made
with a knife, enabled them to eat their bread and milk, or
bean porridge, out of rude bowls or troughs cut with an axe
from blocks of wood.''

With such accommodations, and with comforts correspond-
ing, their condition was not calculated to excite envy or
stimulate pride, but rather to excite commiseration in others
and the most untiring industry and rigid frugality in them-
selves. They subsisted upon simple food, clothed themselves
with coarse fabrics of their own production, and were shel-
tered by rude and inconvenient huts. But by persevering
efforts, by almost incessant labor, they contrived to subsist,
and, in most cases, to rear large families, a blessing somewhat
peculiar to new settlements.

Though the history of the place from its first settlement to
its incorporation as a town presents no thrilling incidents or
events of much magnitude, yet the ordinary routine of busi-
ness and the development of institutions furnish us with a
true picture of New England character and the manners and
customs of the age. We have seen that the first great object
of the people was to rear religious institutions. Attached as
they were to schools, anxious as they were for roads, and
inclined as they were to military defence, we have seen that
their first object was to erect a meeting-house and call a min-
ister, that they might bring the sanctions of religion to bear
upon the community, and so give permanency and tone to all
other institutions. This prominence of the religious idea, this
elevating of divine accountability above every other con-
sideration, this exaltation of public worship over all other
duties, displays what may be denominated the New England
conviction that God is our strength and our refuge, and that
communities, as well as individuals, must draw their sus-
tenance from this life-giving fountain.

Another prominent idea of that age, which exhibits itself in
the history of this and every New England community, is the
importance of the military arm to the safety of both Church
and State. We see this in the prominence they gave to mili-

44 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

tary titles. Not only do their records speak of captains and
subalterns, but even the warrant officers are honored with
their appropriate designations; and a mere glance at the
records will show that these military offices were generally
filled by the most substantial men in the place. If a commit-
tee is wanted to discharge some of the most important duties,
it is generally composed of Captain A, Lieutenant B, and
Sergeant C or Corporal D. Such men were selected for these
important civil services, not because they had military titles,
but because they were the prominent men in the place, and
owed their military title to the fact that they were prominent
men. The conviction that in giving us a being, the Almighty
had granted the right of self-defence, or more properly, im-
posed the duty of self-preservation, led them to keep up a mili-
tary organization. Knowing that communities had the same
right of self-preservation as individuals, they availed them-
selves of their corporate power to provide for the common
defence; and knowing the importance of this trust, they
selected their wisest and most reliable men to fill all military
offices. They brought the sanctions of religion to bear upon
every department of the civil service, and made every office
in the State uphold the institutions of religion; hence the
office of captain and deacon were equally important, and
were often held by the same person; and to be a tythingman
was as honorable as to be a selectman or a magistrate.

CHAPTER II

FROM THE INCORPORATION OF THE TOWN TO THE CLOSE
OF THE FRENCH WARS

The Town incorporated — Its First Organization — Weights and Measures pro-
■^dded — Roads laid out -^ Meeting-House seated — Ebenezer Hancock set-
tled as Colleague with his Father — Duty of Tythingmen at Church — The
North and South Side — Representatives to serve for Six Shillings per Day —
Death of Rev. John Hancock — Rev. Mr. Clarke settled — Lincoln incorporated
into a Town, taking off a Portion of Lexington — Representatives shall pay to
the Town all they receive over Three Shillings per Day — Isaac Stone gives the
Town a Bell — French Wars — Expedition to Cuba — To Louisburg — Num-
ber of Soldiers furnished — Warning out of Town.

Residing at a distance from the old parish, and possessing
nothing but parochial powers, the inhabitants of the precinct
petitioned the General Court to be incorporated as a town,
that they might enjoy the full powers of a municipal corpora-
tion. Their petition received a favorable answer, and the
Court adopted an Order which received the royal sanction on
the 20th of March, 1712. (As this Order was passed before the
change of style, the 20th of March, 1712, would correspond
with the 31st of March, 1713, in our mode of reckoning.) As
this Order is the organic law of the town of Lexington, it seems
proper to give it in full : —

"Whereas upwards of Twenty Years since the Inhabitants or
ffarmers dwelling on a certain Tract of Out Lands within the Town-
ship of Cambridge in the County of Middlesex huing remote from
the Body of the Town towards Concord, Obtained Leave from the
General Court with Approbation of the Town to be a Hamlet or
separate Precinct & were set off by a Line, Viz. — beginning at the
first run of Water or Swampy place, over which is a kind of Bridge
in the Way or Rhode on the Southerly Side of Francis Whitmore's
House towards the Town of Cambridge aforesaid, across the neck
of Land lying between Woburn Line & that of Watertown side,
upon a South-west & North east Course commonly called the
Northern Precinct, & being now increased have obtained Consent
of the Town & made Application to this Court to be made a Sepa-
rate & distinct Town, upon such Terms as they & the Town of
Cambridge have agreed upon —

"That is to Say that the Sd Northern Precinct when made a

46 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Township shall bear such a Part of the two Thirds of the Charge
of the Great Bridge over Charles River in Cambridge as shall be
according to their proportion with the Town of Cambridge annually
in the province Tax, And they shall annually pay to the Treasurer
of the Town of Cambridge their Part of the Charges as aforesaid;

"And such other Articles as the sd Town & the Precinct have
already agreed on by their Committees;

"ORDERED that the aforesaid Tract of Land known by the
Name of the Northern Precinct in Cambridge be henceforth made
a separate & distinct Town by the Name of LEXINGTON ^ upon
the Articles & Terms already agreed on with the Town of Cam-
bridge, & that the Inhabitants of the said Town of Lexington be
entitled to Have, Use, Exercise & Enjoy all such Immunities
Powers & Privileges as other Towns of this Province have & do by
Law Use Exercise and Enjoy;

"And the Constable of the sd Precinct is hereby directed &
impowered to Notify & summon the Inhabitants duly qualified for
Votes to Assemble & meet together for the Choosing of Town
Officers.

"Consented to. J. Dudley." ^

Immediately after the passage of this Order, or, as it was
in fact, Act of Incorporation, the inhabitants of Lexington
assembled to organize by the choice of town officers. As this
election shows who the leading men were at that period, and
to whom the people of the new town were willing to entrust
the management of their municipal affairs, it is well to give
a list of the town officers : —

Matthew Bridge, Captain William Reed, Lieutenant Francis
Bowman, Ensign Joseph Simonds, Deacon John Merriam, —
Selectmen.

Matthew Bridge, — Town Clerk and Town Treasurer.

James Wilson, John Mason, — Constables.

Francis Bowman, William Munroe, Samuel Stearns, —
Assessors.

Joseph Tidd, — Sealer of Weights and Measures.

Lieutenant Thomas Cutler, Thomas Blodgett, Samuel
Whitmore, — Tyihingmen.

Isaac Stearns, Thomas Cutler, John Poulter, — Surveyors.

Sherebiah Kibbe, — Sealer of Leather.

This being a new era in the history of this people — their

* See Origin of the Name "Lexington," by A. E. Scott, Proc. Lex. Hist. See,
Vol. I, p. 9. Ed.

* State Archives, Vol. ix, p. 258. Ed.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 47

corporate powers as a town extending beyond what they had
before enjoyed — it is natural to suppose that they would
enter at once upon the exercise of those powers, the want
of which they had seriously felt under their parish charter.
Accordingly we find the selectmen, the fathers of the town,
— a board which at that day exercised more extended powers
than they do at the present time, — taking active measures
to build up all necessary town institutions.

"Lexington Apr: the GLth 1713: at a select mens metting: it was
then agred that thay wouUd build a Pound: and that it should be
f ouer Lenths of raills one way : and thre the other : and a gatte fiue
foott wide: and that it should stand at the End of Deacon miriams
stabile: and by Sargiente John munroes stone wall:
"2: that thay would Erect a Payer of stocks: ^
"3: that thay would Provide the Town with waights and
measurs."

Having provided for the restraint of all unruly beings,
whether bipeds or quadrupeds, by erecting stocks and build-
ing a pound, the people hastened to provide that religious
instruction which was designed to supersede the one and
render the other almost unnecessary.

"At a Publique metting att Lexington; Apr: ye 20th 1713:
orderly warnd and Asemblled: to Grant fouer hundred & Sixten
Pounds mony^ to the Comitte for Building of the metting house

"this was Unanimosly Votted on the Affirmatiue."

^ Stocks were regarded in those days, as an institution which no town could
dispense with. In fact, they were required by law, and towns were frequently fined
for not erecting and maintaining them. They were constructed of plank or timbers
attached by a hinge or something of that sort, at one end, and so arranged that they
could be opened and closed at pleasure. The edges of the plank or timbers, where
they came together, were so cut or rounded out as to admit the wrists, ankles, and
sometimes necks of the culprits, when the stocks were opened; and when they were
closed, the individuals put therein were held fast by the arm, leg, or neck, and some-
times by all at the same time, during the pleasure of the authorities; for when they
were closed and locked, it was impossible for the individual to extricate himself.
These stocks were sometimes located jn public squares, and sometimes near or in the
meeting-house. In some cases they were placed under the stairs leading to the
galleries in their churches. In fact, being the prison where the tythingmen confined
the unruly, they were regarded as a necessary appendage to the meeting-house —
as important in good society as a "sounding-board" over the pulpit, or a "horse-
block" near the house. These stocks were maintained in the towns and in the
counties, and were used as places of restraint and as instruments of punishment.
They are frequently denominated " bilboes," in the early records.

2 The currency at that day was undergoing a depreciation. It stood, in 1713,
about twelve per cent below par; so that the sum granted for the meeting-house was
in fact about three hundred sixty-six pounds, which would build a very respectable
house at that period.

48 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The subject of public or high ways, so important to every
settlement, early attracted the attention of the town. Up to
the time of their incorporation, they had no jurisdiction over
this subject. Certain roads had been laid out by colonial and
county authority, and the proprietors of lands had usually
made liberal provision for roads between their ranges of land;
but these had been generally disregarded by the subsequent
owners, who had enclosed these reservations within their lots.
Besides, it must be perfectly obvious that no system of public
ways could be adopted in advance which would meet the
wants of subsequent settlers. This whole matter would natur-
ally be one of the first subjects to call for the interposition of
the town authorities; and it appears from their records that
it received early attention, — records which show that the
former times were not materially different from these, and
that the remedies eflacient at that day might well be resorted
to at this : —

"Lexington: march: ye: 1st: 1713-14 : Att a metting of the select-
men discourse being on foote Concerning high ways that ware
Inclosd by sundry Parsons: and a warrent was at that time pro-
cewered from a Justice of the Peace by the selectmen to open sum
of them : then Capt : william Reed being present did say that for the
Peace and quietnes of the town: — that: he would frely Giue a
high- way for Thomas Kendall and the nibourhood westerly of him
thorow his own Land Esterly Into the Town Road or high way:
whare it might be Convenient: for an acknowledgment of those
high- ways that he hath allready Inclosd: and also that he would
hang a gatte upon the highway that Leads to the clay Ground
which is the Towns Interest:"

John Harrington, Joseph Tidd, John Lawrence, James Wil-
son, Thomas Mead, Nathaniel Dunklee, Joseph "Phasit,"
Philip Burdoe, and others came forward and admitted that
they had enclosed certain highways, which they would open,
or pay a consideration to the town.

"June: ye: 28th: 1714: at a metting of ye selectmen it was agred
that John muzzy should have thare aprobation to Kep a publique
House of Entertainement : and his father did Ingage before the
selectmen to a Comadate his son John with stabile roome haye
and Pastuering: so fare as he stood In nead: for the Suport of
Strangers."

This was probably the first public house duly opened in the

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 49

town, and was situated at or near the present residence of Mr.
Rufus. Merriam/ on the easterly side of the Common.

The inhabitants, by their oflBcers, embraced an early oppor-
tunity to define and fix the boundaries of the township.
Committees were appointed to meet those from other towns
to establish the lines and erect suitable bounds. They also
took measures to provide a school-house for the improvement
of the rising generation; so that the learning obtained in the
school might prepare the young to comprehend the teachings
from the pulpit, and the instruction from the sacred desk
might guide and sanctify the lessons of the school-room.

But another duty, and one of no ordinary character, de-
volved upon the town. The people had caused a new meet-
ing-house to be erected; but how was it to be occupied? All
were expected to meet within its walls; but who should take
the highest seat.f^ This was a question of great moment and
of considerable delicacy, — a question which proved a source
of much trouble in many towns at that day. The "seating
of the meeting-house" was frequently pregnant with more
animosity than the building of it. It was, to say the least,
regarded as a grave question, and one to be managed with
great wisdom and prudence. Consequently, the subject was
generally referred to a large committee of the most judicious
men, that full justice might be done to all; and lest the com-
mittee themselves should, from personal interest or vanity,
place themselves too high, or, from extreme diffidence and
modesty, too low, in the scale of dignity, some towns took
the precaution to appoint a second committee to assign seats
for the first. It would be amusing to look at the records of
different parishes to see the instructions given to their com-
mittees on this subject. One record which I have before me,
instructs the committee "to dignify and seat the meeting-
house, according to the personal and real estate, and having
reference to age and honor." Another parish record has this
entry : —

"Chose a committee to seat the meeting-house, and instructed
them to give men their dignity in their sitting in proportion to their
minister's rate they pay, allowing one poll to a rate, making such
allowance for age as they shall think proper, except where they are
tenants, and in these cases to act the best of their judgment."

* The Buckman Tavern. Ed.

50 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Nearly akin to these instructions were those given by the
inhabitants of Lexington to their committee, chosen October
6, 1714, to seat their new house. Ensign Joseph Bowman,
Deacon John Merriam, Captain WilHam Reed, William
Munroe, and Thomas Mead were chosen for the purpose,^
and were instructed to take the following elements into the
account : —

" 1 : it was vetted that thay shall haue respect to age

"2: that thay shall haue respect to real! and Parsonall Estat so far

as referd to the new mettinghouse

" 3: to bare respect but to one head In a ffamilly : —

" and allso thay are to place the chilldren whare thay may be

Inspected. "

As a difference of opinion might arise in relation to the rela-
tive "dignity" of the respective seats, some committees, to
remove all doubt, graded the dignity of the different seats as
firsty second, etc. It may also be important to state that some
towns imposed a fine upon any one who should occupy any
other seat than the one assigned him. We may think our
fathers rather fastidious on this subject, and a little jealous of
their "dignity"; but it ought to be remembered that in those
days the seats were all common property, and as it was de-
sirable to have families sit together, and to have a permanent
seat to which they might repair whenever they came to meet-
ing, there was a convenience, at least, in having some regula-
tion or assignment of the seats.

The people at that day were alive to every interest of the
town, and showed themselves ready to make every effort and
bear all reasonable burdens for the well-being of the commu-
nity. At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, May 17,
1725, it was

'* Voted yt £150 be made into a Rate & delivered to ye Constable,
to be paid into ye treasury for ye defraying of sd Town charges for
ye year Ensuing . . . voted yt ye Town charges & ye ministers
Salary be made into one Rate & payd into ye treasury; Sd Salary
being £90 to be payd out of ye treasury in equal halves, as, & at ye
times heretofore paid; for ye future."

In 1725, Rev. Mr. Hancock represented to the town that his
salary was not sufficient to support himself and family. This
probably arose, in some degree at least, from the depreciation

* See plan of this second meeting-house, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. i, p. 16. Ed.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 51

of the currency, which at that period had fallen about fifty
per cent. The town, seeing the justice of his claim, voted him
twenty pounds as a gratuity.

Our fathers were peculiarly watchful of the morals of the
community, and were ready, at all times, not only to do good,
but to prevent evil, in their corporate capacity. When men
were found idle and dissipated, they were ready to take them
in hand, and as far as practicable to reform them, or at least
to prevent the spread gf the evil. An entry in the selectmen's
records, March 29, 1731, shows the manner in which such
affairs were treated at that period : —

"Wheras there is Complaint made to the selectmen against
Chris : Mason ju : that he is very disorderly and threetens his par-
ents and Hues idley & neglects to prouid forhis famely; but the
rather distroy what they haue by seling houseld Stuff & his cloes
and spending the money for drink: wherefor the selectmen haue
appointed mr. Samll Winshipp one of the selectmen to Take Care to
proceed with him as the law directs."

I have already spoken of the diflBcult task of "seating the
meeting-house" to the satisfaction of the people. Changes of
families, and of the house itself, seem to have rendered it
necessary that this work should be performed periodically. In
1731, the delicate task of "seating the meeting-house" was
again performed by a committee, and seats were assigned to
one hundred and six heads of families.

Having repaired and reseated the meeting-house, and made
provision, from time to time, for the support of the Rev. Mr.
Hancock, according to his wants, the people were disposed to
relieve him of a portion of the burdens of his office by employ-
ing a co-laborer. Accordingly, at a meeting held November 2,
1733, they gave a call to Mr. Ebenezer Hancock, a son of their
reverend pastor, a young man highly esteemed among them,
to settle as a colleague with his father, on the following con-
ditions: —

" (1) three hundred pound for settlement to be paid to mr
Ebenezer Hancock as soon as his father is deseased and if he
desease before that time his heirs shall not Call for it (2) to giue
mr Hancock and his son Eben two hundred pound a year for two
year he Keeping the School as this last year now runing the hundred
pound a year to begin as soone as he Enters into the work of the
minestry But the School to Begin for the two years next may (3)

52 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

quiting the minesteral land the Town to find him with wood (4)
two hundred pound a year without the School to mr Hancock & his
son during mr Hancock life and one hundred & thirty pound a year
after his desease while he Continues their minester (5) the vote to
call him to office : put to vote whether the Inhabitants of the Town
will chuse mr Eben- Hancock and giue him a Call to the pasteral
office in this Town upon the aforementioned Conditions & Con-
siderations: which vote was Brought in by papers & it passed in the
afirmatiue by a very great majority."

This call was accepted by Mr. Hancock, with a modifica-
tion, which the town readily agreed to, that in case he should
die before his father, the three hundred pounds settlement
should be paid to his wife and children, if he should have any.
The preliminaries being settled, the ordination took place,
January 2, 1734.

Towns and parishes were so united, and their duties in
many respects so similar, that it is diflScult to draw the line
between the civil and ecclesiastical history of the place. I
have confined to the latter such events as related to the relig-
ious condition of the church, and the relations between them
and their pastor; — leaving what was performed in town
meetings in the department of civil history.

Many of the oflficers of the town and of the parish at that
day exercised powers and performed duties unknown and
unacknowledged at this. The tythingman, and the office,
which are now extinct, were then regarded as of the first
moment. Instances almost without number could be cited in
which some of the leading men of the town were elected to
that office. In many respects the tythingman was regarded
with more honor, and his office with more sanctity, than that
of selectman — an office then held in much higher repute
than at present. When we consider that they were a species of
general police officer, being conservators of the peace, and
also that they had the general care of children and youth on
the Lord's Day, and especially at or near the house of wor-
ship, it is no wonder that the most sober and discreet men
were generally selected for that office. A few extracts from
the records will show the importance in which that office
was held.

"At a meeting held 22 May 1738

"voted to repair ye meetinghouse:

" voted that ye two hind seats in ye Lower gallery ffront and side;

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 53

are apointed for ye Boys: to sitt on saboth days; all under sixteen
years old: and a Tithing man to sitt near them, Each saboth to
take there turns: and if any aboue sixteen years are disorderly they
shall be ordered into sd seats.

"Voted that a Tithingman should be desired to attend on sabath
day noons; to keep ye Boys in order in ye Meetinghouse."

All the duties of tythingmen were regarded as important,
and hence they entered upon the discharge of their official
functions with more than ordinary formality. We accord-
ingly find the act of qualifying a tythingman recorded with
almost royal pomp and ceremony.

"Joshua Simonds and Daniel Brown personally appeared before
y« worshipfull Justice Bowman, May y* 12th, 1735, and made oath
to y* office of tythingman for y" year ensuing."

Towns, like larger communities, sometimes become prof-
ligate in then- expenditures. This tends to arouse the feelings
of the people, and they are then inclined to run to the other
extreme. Sometimes a rivalry between candidates for office
will induce them to bid up on each other, in which case the
people at first will generally select the man who will serve at
the lowest price. But in a short time, they learn that cheap-
ening the office naturally fills it with cheap officers, and then
they fall back upon the former price. It seems by the records
of Lexington that there was rivalry between the Bowmans in
the south part of the town, and the Reeds in the north. In
fact, the county road leading from Cambridge to Concord,
and passing through the centre of the town, divided it into
two nearly equal divisions. The records are full of this dis-
tinction of "North Side" and "South Side." A constable, for
instance, was chosen one for the " North Side " and one for the
"South Side." The valuations and the tax-bills were made
out for these sides respectively. All this would naturally
tend to divide the people into geographical parties. The
rivalry between two leading and influential families, the one
situated in one division of the town, and the other in the
other, would, moreover, increase this feeling.

Consequently we find the Bowmans and the Reeds pitted
against each other in most of the important elections. And
this division was so equal that one would prevail one year,
and the other the next. Bowman and Reed, and Reed and
Bowman, appear on the records almost in regular succession.
This division between the different sections of the town —

54 HISTORY OF LEXmGTON

the Bowmans against the Reeds — the House of York against
the House of Lancaster — would naturally lead to some
management, if not between the rival candidates, at least
between their friends. Third parties in such cases will occa-
sionally step in, and take the prize from both the contending
parties. Something of this kind, if I have not misappre-
hended the spirit of the records, occurred in some instances
in the town of Lexington. The offices contested seem to have
been those of Moderator, First Selectman, and Representa-
tive, especially the last. Probably the contest for Repre-
sentative gave rise to the following vote, passed at the May
meeting, 1739 : —

"voted that ye person who shall be Chosen to Represent ye
town at ye Great and Generall Court shall Imediately Ingage to
serue ye town as a Representative at ye aboue said Court for Six
Shillings a day which person then Chosen namly mr Joseph ffassit
accepted ye Choice upon ye aboue sd vote."

This serving as a Representative at a reduced price ap-
pears to have given Mr. Fassett a peculiar popularity; for the
next year he was chosen Moderator, First Selectman, and
Representative; and thus, for a short period, he threw Joseph
Bowman, Esq., and Captain William Reed into the shade.
But popularity founded on such a basis proved in this case,
as it generally does, of short duration; for after three years he
was dropped, and then Captain Reed was elected several
years in succession to represent the town.

A Representative in those days must have been an officer of
more dignity than at present, if we are to judge by the man-
ner in which it was heralded by our fathers. The article in
the warrant for 1739 for the choice of Representative reads
as follows : —

"To elect and depute one or more persons being freholders &
Residents in sd town to serve for & Represent them at or in A great
& Generall Court or Asembly Apointed to be Convened and held &
kept for His Magisty's sarvice at ye Court House in Bostown."

In 1740, the people of Lexington were called to mourn the
loss of their junior pastor, when he had just completed the
sixth year of his ministry. As there was a general feeling of
satisfaction when he was called to share with his venerable
father the labors of his profession and the affections of his
people, so there was a unanimous feeling of regret that the

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 55

father was so soon deprived of the aid and support of his
affectionate son, and the parish of their devoted minister.

In 1729, a small portion of the territory of Lexington
had been set off to form the town of Bedford, and in 1744,
sundry inhabitants of Concord, Weston, and the westerly
part of Lexington petitioned the General Court to be erected
into a precinct; but the town chose Joseph Bowman, Esq.,
Captain William Reed, and Deacon John Stone to oppose the
prayer of the petition, which they did effectually at that time.

On the 6th of December, 1752, the people of Lexington
were deprived of their beloved and venerable pastor, Rev.
John Hancock, who had with great ability and faithfulness
ministered to them for more than fifty-three years. As we
shall speak of the character of Rev. Mr. Hancock more par-
ticularly under the head of the ecclesiastical history of the
town, we will simply say here that his services were justly
appreciated by his people, who sincerely deplored his sudden
death. They had long witnessed his growing infirmities, or
perhaps, more properly, his increasing years, and had taken
the precaution for several years to choose a committee to
supply the pulpit in case of the inability of Mr. Hancock
to discharge his wonted duties. But that committee had no
occasion to look abroad for a supply; for their venerated
pastor was able to perform every duty of his sacred office to
the very day of his death. The people had also manifested
their attachment to him, and their regard for his welfare,
by adding to his salary, from year to year, at least sufficiently
to make up for the depreciation of the currency; and when he
was called hence by a sudden dispensation of Providence,
they manifested their respect for his memory and sympathy
for his family by convening the town and adopting the fol-
lowing votes : —

"at a meeting of the freeholders & other inhabitants regularly
assembled on December 7: 1752: then maid Choyce of Deacon
Brown modderator i • i

" 1 Voted two hundred Pounds old Tenor for a Desent burial
of our Revernd & Beloved Pastor mr John Hancock

"2 Daniel Tidd mr Benjamin Smith Leut Ebenezer Fisk for a
Committee to gow down to Provide things their for sd funarel: —

"3 Voted that sd Committee should give md hancock & her
children the offer of ye Town Grant for ye funarel if they see
Cause to Taking with it: & they Provide for sd funarel:

56 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"4 Voted to Choose a Committee to Provide at md hancocks
house & assest there at ye fmiaral (Viz) mr Jos: Bridge: mr Jos
Tidd: mr Thadd: Bowman mr John Hoar: mr Jos: Loring: also
Voted that the abovesd Committee should Render an acount to ye
Town how they have Layed out ye above sd Grant: also Voted
that mr Samll Bridge should Provide 500 bricks in order to brick
sd grave."

The committee appointed to provide for the funeral of Mr.
Hancock presented a bill to the town of £219, which was
readily allowed. I will state one item of their bill, as it casts
light upon the manners and customs of that period : —

"Granted an order to Pay mr. Jacob Hurd of Boston £4.01.01 it
being in full for six Rings: for y* bearers of our Revnd & beloved
Pastor mr. John Hancock."

After the death of Mr. Hancock, the town chose a commit-
tee, consisting of Deacon Joseph Brown, Deacon John Stone,
William Reed, Esq., Captain Benjamin Reed, and Mr. Isaac
Bowman, to provide for the pulpit till others should be
chosen; and they instructed said committee "to make dil-
egente Inquire after a Gentleman Suitable to Settell."

After hearing Mr. Stearns, Mr. Barnes, and Mr. Putnam a
few Sabbaths each, the town voted, April 8, 1754, "to keep
a day of fasting and prayer on the 25th of the above said
Aprill in Preparation for said Choice."

The church and society, in June, 1754, invited Mr. Aaron
Putnam, who, in consequence of the want of unanimity in the
call, declined the invitation.

After receiving the negative answer from Mr. Putnam, Mr.
Willard, Mr. Minot, and Mr. Clarke were employed a few
Sabbaths each ; when, on the 19th day of May, 1755, the inhab-
itants were called together to see if they would concur with the
church in giving Mr. Jonas Clarke an invitation to become
their minister. The result is thus stated in the record : —

"ye Congregation concurd so farasthay brought in: 51: yeas but
there was: 16: Nays: then ye Town voted 133. .06. ,8: Settlement
for Mr: Clerk in case he Settle with us as our Pastor: ye one half of
sd Sum to be paid Six months after his Ordination: Likewise
Voted : 80 : pounds to be his yearly Sallery for to Sapport him in ye
work of ye minestry in this town: also Voted ye sd. mr Clerk in
Case he takes up & is Settled as our Pastor Shall forever as Such
Quit all manner of Claim title or Interest in or unto aney part of ye
Minesteral Land in this Town:"

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 57

After some further negotiation in relation to granting him a
number of cords of wood, in addition to the eighty pounds
offered as his annual salary, the church and congregation
agreed to vote together on the question of giving him a call,
and on counting the yeas and nays it was found that seventy
had voted in the affirmative and only three in the negative.
The town also voted to furnish Mr. Clarke twenty cords of
wood annually, in addition to his salary.

The preliminaries being thus settled, the 5th of November,
1755, was agreed upon for the ordination, and the churches
in Cambridge, Newi:on, Medford, Sherburn, Watertown,
Lincoln, Weston, and Waltham were invited to assist in the
ordination. To use the language of Mr. Clarke himself, —

"The Elders and Messengers of most of said churches appearing
in the morning, and having chosen the Rev. Mr. John Cotton,
Moderator, they proceeded, earnestly imploring the divine Blessing,
unto Ordination. The Rev. Mr. Lawrence beginning the solemnity
with prayer; the Rev. Mr. Appleton preached, the Rev. Mr. Cotton
gave the Charge, and the Rev. Mr. Cook the Right Hand of Fellow-
ship."

Thus was the town of Lexington, after being destitute of a
settled minister nearly three years, blessed with a pastor,
whose subsequent labors and character showed that he was a
pastor, indeed, guiding his people safely both in temporal and
spiritual things, during his life, and leaving a name which will
be fondly cherished by every patriot and every Christian.
The name and services of Rev. Jonas Clarke are so inter-
woven with the history of Lexington that we shall have occa-
sion frequently to allude to him hereafter.

In 1734, John Flint and others residing in the southeasterly
part of Concord, in the southwesterly part of Lexington, and
in the part of Weston adjoining, petitioned the General Court
to be set off from these towns respectively, and be incorpo-
rated as a town or precinct. This was successfully resisted at
the time; but the petition was renewed the following year.
Lexington chose a committee consisting of Mr. Justice Bow-
man, Captain Bowman, and John Mason, to oppose the
prayer of the petitioners. In their remonstrance, dated Sep-
tember 10, 1735, they allege that many within the territory
were opposed to the petition, that some who had signed the
petition were "very unqualified persons," that most of the

58 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

petitioners from Lexington constantly attended church there,
that they had voted to settle Rev. Ebenezer Hancock, and
ought to remain and help pay him, that the roads were being
improved, and that they were well accommodated as they
were. The remonstrants prevailed again, as they had the
preceding year.

But in 1744, a similar petition found favor with the Court,
and a precinct was created, granting, however, the privilege
to several persons within the territory to be exempt from its
operation if they should so elect. In 1753, Chambers Russell,
Esq., and others within the territory were chosen a committee
to petition the Legislature to be incorporated as a town.
Captain William Reed and Deacon Stone appeared for the
town of Lexington to oppose the petition, but without suc-
cess. On the 19th of April, 1754, the town was incorporated
by the name of Lincoln.^ The name was given by Chambers
Russell, Esq., after Lincolnshire, England, the residence of
his ancestors.

The creation of this town reduced the territory and pop-
ulation of Lexington, and so impeded its growth. I find on
the public records no accurate description of the line or the
amount of territory taken from Lexington. But Josiah
Parker, one of the assessors of Lexington for that year, and
who, from his long experience in that office, was well qualified
to judge, and whose intimate acquaintance with the premises
and the whole subject enabled him to know the facts, has left
under his own hand the following important document in the
archives of the State : —

Lexington, May 27, 1754.
The following is an account of that part of the town of Lexington,
which has lately been taken from us, and now makes a part of a new
township known by the name of Lincoln: —

The whole number of acres in Lexington was 11,000

Out of which is taken 974

The number of polls was 215

Out of which is taken 14

The valuation of said town was £6,000

Out of which is taken £372 4,3.

Lexington's province tax in 1753 was £55 10s.

Of which those taken paid £3 5s. 6d,

What is taken ofiF of Lexington is computed to be about one-six-
' See History of the Town of Lincoln. Ed.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 59

teenth part of said town; as to the number of acres it is about one-
eleventh part.

JosiAH Parker,

Assessor.

In 1756, there was a warm controversy relative to a choice
of Representative. The selectmen were arraigned before the
General Court, charged with improper conduct in managing
the town meeting. The selectmen vindicated their course, and
the whole affair ended in calling another meeting and electing
a Representative.

There are many little incidents occurring in a community,
and many things which find their way upon public records of
but little moment in themselves, which nevertheless show the
spirit of the times, the feelings of the people, and the motives
by which individuals and bodies of men are actuated. Of this
character are the following.

At a meeting of the freeholders, May 7, 1756, —

"Benj* Reed Esq' Paid to Mr Jonas Stone Town Treasurer ye
Sume of 6 = 4 = 0 it being ye wages he Re'd for ye time that he Did
not actually attend the General Court ye Last Year."

At a meeting of the selectmen, June 28, 1755, —

"also ye Selectmen appointed Mr Cornelius Meads to See that
Brute Creatures that Dye of any Distemper Buried according to a
Law of ye Province."

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held March
7, 1757, the following note was handed to the Moderator: —

"To the Inhabitants of ye Town of Lexington Gentlemen, ye
Publick Expences in General, and those of this Town in Particular,
being at Present not Small.; If you will accept of ye Sum of Six
Pounds thirteen Shillings & four pence, of my Salary, for this pres-
ent year, you will Greatly oblige Gent™ Your Sincere Frind &
hearty well wisher Jonas Clark."

At a town meeting held May 16, 1757, —

" Voted that whosoever Shall be Chosen to Represent ye Town at
ye Great & General Court this Year. Shall Return into ye Town
Treasurer all ye mony that Shall be made up in ye General Courts
List for ye Representative above thre Shillings a Day for attending
at ye said great and General Court & Except ye Person Chosen
Doth Promise to Return sd Mony as afor said the Town to proseed
to ye Choice of an other."

60 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

This vote was repeated several years in succession, and
such was the patriotism of the age that men enough were
found wilHng to serve their country at that reduced rate.

About the time of the settlement of Mr. Clarke, the town
appointed a committee to repair their meeting-house; and as
one improvement naturally leads to another, they were im-
pressed with the idea that their bell was not suflSciently large
to bring in a congregation commensurate with the capacity of
the house. This feeling prevailing, at a town meeting held
June 15, 1761, —

" Mr Isaac Stone of said Town Came into Said Meeting & Gave
ye town a Bell to be for the Towns Use forever, which Bell was
there & weighted four hundred and sixty three pounds, for which
ye Moderator in ye Name of ye Town Returned him thanks

"then voted to hang ye Bell on ye top of ye Hill upon ye North
side of Lie* Jonas Mimroes house. Voted to take ye timber of off ye
Ministerial Land for sd Building."

It appears that the town took a deep interest in this liberal
gift of Mr. Stone, and resolved to use it in a manner calcu-
lated to fill the eye, and please the ear, as far as practicable;
for at an adjournment of the meeting six days after, they

"voted to Case ye belfree with white pine Boards: Also voted to
Cover ye Roofe with Pitch Pine & Shingle it: voted to Leave it to
ye Com'tee to Lett out ye belfree by ye Great or by ye Day as they
think best."

The following year the committee rendered their account
for building this "Bell free," which amounted to £21 125.
lOi^.

But the attention of the people to the new bell and the
"Bell free" did not, it appears, render them unmindful of the
meeting-house itself; for at a town meeting held March 14,
1763, they voted "to couliour y* Meeting House Att y^ Back
of y* pulpit the Same Couliour the pulpit is coulioured."

In speaking of the pulpit and preacher, we should not for-
get the school-house and the schoolmaster. They are kindred
institutions, and cannot safely be dissevered. Up to 1714 the
schools were kept in private houses, but at that time a school-
house was erected in the centre of the town, and schools, kept
generally by females, were established in the out-parts of the
town. As it is proposed to treat of the public schools of
the town in a separate chapter, I will only say here that our

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 61

fathers, ever true to the great cause of education, have made
suitable provision in all portions of their history to educate
the rising generation.

As this chapter is designed to carry the general history of
the town to the close of the French war in 1763, it seems
proper to take a general view of the town from its incorpora-
tion to that period. The French and Indian wars fill an im-
portant page in the history of the town and of the Colony.
The dangers to which the people were exposed, the repeated
drafts made upon their men and their means, the sufferings of
the soldiers, and the great loss of life, in the camp and in the
field, give to this part of our history a thrilling interest; and
were it not for the more recent struggles, which gave us a
place among the nations of the earth, and which have shown
to the world that we can support our Union, the "old French
wars," as they have been denominated, would be regarded as
the most important era in our annals. Viewed in the light of
the philosophy of history, these wars may be regarded as
among the primary causes of our free institutions. They were
contests between Catholic France and Protestant England for
supremacy in North America; and upon their result hung, in a
great degree, the destiny of these Colonies and the cherished
hopes of our Puritan ancestors. Not only the religious but the
political fate of New England was in a manner involved in
the contest. Great Britain had, at an early day, asserted her
right to legislate for the Colonies, — a right which the Colo-
nies had denied. But while they had asserted their right to
raise their own money, call out their own troops, and make
their own laws, the colonists had ever professed their readi-
ness to sustain His Majesty's Colonies, protect His Majesty's
possessions, and defend, with their lives and fortunes, His
Majesty's right on this continent. These wars gave them an
opportunity to redeem their pledges, and so to lay a broad
foundation for the gratitude of the parent country.

The French wars not only gave our fathers a juster appre-
ciation of their rights, but impressed them with a conscious-
ness of their ability to maintain and defend them. Men who
had taken Louisburg from the veteran troops of France,
served under England's most experienced commanders, and
contributed largely to the conquest of Canada, felt that they
had rendered their sovereign essential service, and were
justly entitled to the consideration of the Crown. They had

62 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

also acquired that knowledge of military science and that ex-
perience in the art of war which enabled them to meet the
shock of the Revolution unmoved, and to persevere to the end
of that glorious contest.

But these wars, though they were a part of the stern dis-
cipline to prepare the people for the Revolutionary struggle,
were a great drain upon the Colony; and the actual sufferings
and hardships endured by the soldiers in the field and the
people at home were as great as, if not greater than, those expe-
rienced during the War of Independence. The rolls of the serv-
ice in these early wars are very imperfect, and in some cases
are entirely lost; so that we are unable to give the number of
soldiers furnished by Lexington. From a thorough examina-
tion, however, we are able to state that the number was large,
considering that the population of the town at the close of the
war, in 1763, could not have been over six hundred. In 1740-
41, an expedition was fitted out against the Spanish West
Indies settlements, Cuba being the principal object. Five
hundred men were furnished by Massachusetts, and such
were the accidents of the expedition and such the mortality
among the troops that only fifty of the number returned. No
regular rolls of that service have been found; but we have
been able to find the names of six men from Lexington.

In 1745, the memorable expedition against Louisburg was
fitted out; Massachusetts furnished thirty -two hundred and
fifty of the four thousand and seventy men comprising that
expedition. The rolls of the troops are not found in the
archives of the State, it being generally supposed that they
were sent to England as vouchers. It is not, therefore, pos-
sible to state the number of men from this town. But as
every town, especially near the seaboard, furnished more or
fewer men, it is safe to conclude that Lexington was repre-
sented in that brilliant expedition. In fact the obituary no-
tices give the names of several who died at Cape Breton that
year, and hence it follows with almost mathematical certainty
that they were soldiers.

In 1748, there appear to have been three Lexington men in
the service; in 1754, four; in 1755, there were twenty-three;
in 1756, twenty-four; in 1757, thirty-three; in 1758, nine; in
1759, six; in 1760, forty; in 1761, five, and in 1762, twenty-
eight. The rolls of the service are imperfect at best. Some of
them are lost, and others are so dilapidated that many of the

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 63

names are illegible. Besides, many of the rolls do not give the
name of the town where the soldier resided. Under these cir-
cumstances it is impossible to give a full list of those who were
in the service. The true number must have been greater than
stated above. Enough, however, is known to justify the
statement that Lexington was not behind her sister towns in
responding to the calls of the country. In fact few, if any,
towns, numbering only about six hundred inhabitants, and
remote from the scene of danger, sent forth a larger number
of men.

The effects of these exhausting wars must have been great
upon every town in the Province. Nothing retards the growth
of population like war. Of the soldiers called into service,
those who fall in battle make but a small part of those lost to
their respective towns. Many fall a prey to disease, and
many more to the vices of the camp and the habits of roving
and idleness, and so never return to their respective towns.
Besides, the soldiers in the field generally belong to the pro-
ducing class, so far as population is concerned. Many young
men return comparatively poor, and so are not in a condition
to support a family; consequently, if they marry at all, they
marry late in life. I mention these things to account for the
fact that the population of Lexington was nearly stationary
during the French and the Revolutionary wars.

There are many things in the manners and customs of
those days which appear singular to us. The system of
"Warning out of town" ^ is among them. The General Court
had authorized towns to take this precaution, to prevent
strangers from becoming a town charge as paupers. The
practical working of this system was this: When any family
or single person, even to a domestic in a family, came into
town, the head of the family, or person owning the premises,
was required to give notice to the selectmen of the names and
numbers of the newcomers, the place whence they came, the
date of their coming into town, and their pecuniary condi-
tion. If the selectmen thought there was danger of their be-
coming a public charge, they caused them to be warned to
leave the town, and to have a "caution," as it was termed,
entered with the Court of Sessions. This matter appears on
our records as early as 1714, when "Capt: Joseph Estabrook

* For an exhaustive and interesting discussion of this matter, see Warning Out in
New England, by J. H. Benton. Boston, 1911. Ed.

64 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

was made choyce of by ye selectmen to request the honorabll
Sessions In June next to Enter Cautions against Dauid Cut-
ting, and his wiffe: Sarah Cookse? and Joanna Snow: that
thay might not be burthensum to Lexington." In 1722,
Daniel Roff with his family were ordered to depart out of
Lexington. We will add a few specimens of these notices : —

"Lexington January 6th: 1761 To the Select men gent'; These
are to Inform you that on ye 19 of December Last past I toke ye
widdo Elisabeth Sampson as a house keeper from harvard that being
her Last place of Residence She being under Good Circumstances

"John BmDGE"

"To the Select Men of the Town of Lexington Gen* these are to
Inform you that I Recived into my house to Reside with me Abigail
Stone on or ye 12 day of may her Last place of Residenc was woburn
Her Curcumstances I belive are Low May ye 29 1762 Signed

"James Robbinson"

"At December Court 1760 Caution was Entered Against
Edmund Dix Hannah Stockbridge Ann Hedge Hannan Ross as ye
Law Directs."

"the Widdow Abigail Whittemore Informs that on ye 26 Day of
December 1755 She took into her house as Inmates her Son in Law
Nathaniel Whittemore with his wife & Child under Poore Curcum-
stances thay Came from Lincoln She Informed January ye 5 th:
1756."

At a meeting of the selectmen August 27, 1744, allowed "Con-
stable Daniel Brown: 3 Shillings for warning Rich*^ Hutchingson
with his family out of Town."

"Also Ordered ye Clerk to Giue a warrant to ye Constable to
warn Thom^ Poore and Mary Winship to Remoue out of town."

These examples, which are taken promiscuously from the
records, show the manner in which business was done at that
time, and the general supervision which the authorities took
of public, or as some might say, private affairs. It seems by
the examples that a gentleman could not hire a man to live
with him, or a girl to work in his family, or allow a tenant to
occupy his house, or a house under his care, without giving
notice thereof to the selectmen. And it is worthy of remark
that these notices were given of the incoming of certain indi-
viduals who afterwards became some of the most respectable
and influential men in the town. Some of the young women
whose ingress into town was thus publicly heralded won the
hearts of permanent residents, and became the mothers of

TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS 65

some of Lexington's most honored citizens. And when the
calls of our country required the services of her patriotic sons,
several of the very men who had been "warned out of town"
were among the first to obey the call.

The ground on which this rigid policy was justified was
that the town might be apprised of those immigrating into
the township, so that they might be warned out, and thereby
prevented from becoming a charge as paupers in case they
should need assistance. This rule was so strictly adhered to
that persons having servants come to live with them were
compelled, either to send them out of town or give bonds that
they should never become a town charge. One case will serve
as a specimen: In 1769, William Reed had a negro servant
named Pompey, and he gave a bond to the town in the sum
of fifty pounds. Having the instrument before me, I will cite
its terms: —

"The Condition of this Obligation is Such, that if ye the above
Bouned William Reed his heirs Executors administrators or As-
signs Shall from time to time and at all times for Ever hereafter
Saue y^ Town of Lexington harmless from any Charge ariseing for
the Support or maintenance of his Negro man Servant named
Pompi: then this obligation to be void & of none Effect But if
otherwise to Stand & Remain in full force & vertue.

"Signed, Wm. Reed."

"Signed Sealed & Deli\^
In the Presence of

"Benja. Brown.
"Thad. Brown."

There is one important fact which should be stated in
connection with this practice of giving notice of the arrival
of strangers and of warning them out of town through fear of
their becoming a public charge, — it was more benevolent and
humane than a practice sometimes adopted after this regula-
tion became obsolete. Many cases have, since that period,
occurred where poor persons, coming into a town, have been
fitted out with a small supply of food on condition that they
should go on to another town; and sometimes they have been
taken, without any conditions or assent, and carried in the
night-time and set down within the limits of another town.
Such practices savor of inhumanity, and show that our
fathers had not, at that day, learned the true system of pro-
viding almshouses for the support and comfort of the poor
and unfortunate.

CHAPTER III

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775

The Natural Expectations of the Colomsts — The Stamp Act — Instructions to the
Representative — Declaration of Rights, and Resolutions — Endorsement of
the Doings of Boston — Committee of Correspondence chosen — The Stamp Act
repealed — The Importation of Tea — Resolutions in Opposition to the Im-
portation and Use of the Tea — Measures of Preparation for the Last Appeal —
A Pledge that they would support their Resolutions with their Fortunes and
their Lives — The Certainty of a Conflict.

The bloody contest with the French and Indians was over;
Canada was conquered; and the domain of North America
was secured to Protestant England. The stern Puritans, who
had served so heroically, and we may add prayerfully, in the
cause, and who had given success to the arms of Great Brit-
ain, were filled with rejoicing. They had proved their devo-
tion to the Crown, and had contributed largely to the exten-
sion of His Majesty's possessions in North America; and, by
so doing, had secured to themselves the great blessing of en-
joying undisturbed the freedom of Congregational worship.
They also flattered themselves that the king they had served,
the country whose interest they had promoted, and the minis-
try whose administration they had contributed to make illus-
trious would gratefully remember the services rendered, and
treat their faithful colonists, not only with justice, but with
generosity. They expected, and had a right to expect, that,
as they had shared with the mother country the dangers and
the burdens of these protracted struggles, they should at
least be left in peace, to recover from their exhaustion by
their own industry and frugality.

In this general expectation the good people of Lexington
participated. They had experienced the dangers, encountered
the hardships, and felt the exhaustion of the war; and they
needed repose. Lexington according to her population had
furnished a large number of men. Her citizens, who had ren-
dered distinguished service to their king and country, had
returned to their homes and families, to engage in their indus-
trial pursuits, to render their families more comfortable, and
to retrieve their ruined fortunes; and by their manly exertion

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 67

and strict frugality, to bear their share of the taxes incident
to the war, and at the same time contribute to the mainte-
nance of civil and religious institutions in their native town.
Industry revived in the place, and the people were exerting
themselves to improve their highways, to increase the facili-
ties for the education of their children, and thus to promote
the prosperity of the town. But these dreams of peace and
prosperity were disturbed by intimations that the Ministry
they had served with so much fidelity, and in whose cause
they had cheerfully made such sacrifices, instead of requiting
these favors with kindness, was meditating a system of un-
just exaction and servitude, greater than anything to which
the colonists had ever before been subjected.

In fact, while the colonists were freely pouring out their
blood and treasure in support of the Crown and His Majesty's
possessions in America, the Ministry was meditating a plan
by which the colonists should not only support their own
government, but contribute to the maintenance of that power
which had oppressed them. This was to be done by enlarging
the prerogatives of the home government at the expense of
the colonial charters. These contemplated encroachments
were looked upon by the people of Massachusetts with pecu-
liar jealousy, and by none more than by the people of Lex-
ington. They had served the King with fidelity, and they
claimed justice at his hands. Their proximity to the town of
Boston, against which British tyranny seemed, from the first,
to be mainly directed, made them alive to everything which
tended to impair the prosperity of their principal market.
Besides, there were causes operating within the town itself
which served to keep up a high tone of patriotic feeling. The
men who had fought as faithful English subjects in defence of
English institutions, and also to acquire a larger domain for
the Crown, felt that they were entitled to the rights of Eng-
lish subjects. They had paid too dearly for their homes and
firesides, to be willing to have them invaded by the nation
they had served. The military experience they had had, and
the knowledge of arms they had acquired, gave them con-
fidence in their own strength, so that they were not to be
intimidated by any threat of enforcing oppressive laws at the
point of the bayonet.

There was another general cause in operation in the Colo-
nies to make the people jealous of their rights, and awake to

68 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the spirit of liberty. The clergy in those days exercised a con-
trolling influence in their respective parishes. In most of the
country towns the minister was the only educated man in the
place, and consequently was consulted on all great questions,
more frequently than any other individual. And as the great
theme of that day was religious freedom, the clergy were
almost uniformly found on the side of liberty. They knew
that religious and civil rights were so nearly allied that they
must stand or fall together. They had taught the necessity of
resisting oppression, during the French wars. The voice of the
clergy at that period was on the side of defending our rights
at every hazard. "An injured and oppressed people, whose
destruction and overthrow is aimed at by unreasonable men,
ought, surely, to stand upon their defence, and not tamely
submit to their incursions and violence." ^ Such was the feel-
ing of that day. It pervaded the whole community in a
greater or less degree. But in no town was this doctrine in-
culcated with more force or fidelity than in Lexington. Their
clergyman, the Rev. Jonas Clarke, was a man of decided
ability, who was capable of comprehending the whole subject
in all its bearings, of showing the intimate connection between
civil and religious liberty, and of enforcing the high and
important duty of fidelity to God, by maintaining the liber-
ties of the people. He not only sympathized with his brethren
generally on these subjects, and acted in harmony with them
in inculcating the duty of patriotism; but in everything per-
taining to human rights and the sacred obligation to maintain
them, he was one who took the lead. Understanding the
whole subject perfectly, and having a controlling influence in
his own parish, he had brought the people up to a high state
of enlightened patriotism. No man better understood the civil
rights of the colonists than the Rev. Mr. Clarke, and no man
was more successful in infusing his feelings into the great
body of the people around him. Under these circumstances,
it would be strange if the people of Lexington were not fully
alive to the encroachments of the mother country, and ready
at all times to maintain their own rights.

In March, 1765,^ the first of a series of measures for taxing

* Fast Sermon of Mr. Maccarty, of Worcester, 1759.

2 Bill introduced March, 1761, to take effect in a year. First action taken at
Boston, May, 1764, containing "the first formal and public denial of the right of
Parliament to tax the Colonies without their consent," by Sam Adams. J. Fiske,
The American Revolution, Vol. i, pp. 15-16. Ed.

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 69

the Colonies passed the British Parliament, and soon after
received the sanction of the Crown. This aroused the just
indignation of the American people.

On the 21st of October, 1765, a town meeting was held in
Lexington, to see what Instructions the town would give in
relation to the Stamp Act. The subject was referred to the
selectmen, consisting of James Stone, Thaddeus Bowman,
Robert Harrington, Benjamin Brown, and Samuel Stone, Jr.,
for their consideration, who, being duly prepared, submitted
at once a draft of Instructions. It is but justice to the mem-
ory of Mr. Clarke to say that this paper, as well as several
other able papers recorded in our town book, were from his
pen. The committee who reported them, though undoubtedly
sensible and patriotic men, laid no claim to that finished
scholarship which characterizes this and the other papers to
which reference is made. There is internal evidence of their
authorship, and it has ever been conceded that they were
written by Mr. Clarke; as further evidence of the fact, I have
now before me the original draft of one of these papers in Mr.
Clarke's own handwriting. The instructions are so fraught
with wisdom, so patriotic in their doctrines, and reflect so
fully the sentiments of the people of the town who adopted
them unanimously, that I give them in full: —

" To William Reed, Esq., the present Representative of Lexington: —
"Sir, — We have always looked upon men, as a Set of Beings
Naturally free: — And it is a Truth, which ye History of Ages and
the Common Experience of Mankind have fully confirmed, that a
People Can Never be divested of those invaluable Rights & Liberties
which are necessary to ye Happiness of Individuals, to the well-
being of Communities or to a well regulated State, but by their own
Neglegence, Imprudence, Timidity or Rashness. — They are seldom
lost, but when foolishly forfited or tamely resigned.

"And therefore, when we Consider the invaluable Rights and
Liberties we now possess, the Firmness and Resolution of our Fa-
thers, for the Support and Preservation of them for us, and how
Much we owe to our Selves and to Posterity, we Cannot but look
upon it as an unpardonable Neglect, any longer to delay expressing
how deeply we are Concerned at Some Measures adopted by the
late Ministry, and how much we fear from Some Acts lately passed
in the British Parliament, which appear to us, Not only distressing
to the Trade and Commerce of this Province, but subversive of
several of our most invaluable internal Rights, as well as Privi-
ledges, and from which we apprehend the Most fatal Consequences.

70 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"What of all most alarms Us, is an Act Commonly Called the
Stamp Act ; the full Execution of which, we Apprehend would divest
us of our Most inestimable Charter Rights and Privileges, Rob us
of our Character as Free and Natural Subjects, and of almost
Everything we ought, as a People to hold Dear.

"Admitting there was No Dispute as to the Right of Parliament
to impose Such an Act upon us, yet we Cannot forebare Complain-
ing of it in itself considered, as unequal and unjust, and a Yoke too
heavy for us to bear. And that not only as it falls heaviest upon ye
poor, the widow & The Fatherless and the Orphan; Not only as it
will embarrass the Trade and Business of this infant Country^ and so
prevent Remittances to England; But more especially as the Duties
and Penalties imposed by it, are Numerous, and so high that it will
quickly drein the Country of the little Cash remaining in it. Strip
Multitudes of their Property, and reduce them to Poverty and in
a short Time render it utterly impossible for the People to subsist
under it — and what will be the Consequences of this, to our
Friends in Great Britain, as well as to our Selves is easily Seen.^

" But then. We humbly conceive this Act to be directly repugnant
to those Rights and Priviledges granted us in our Charter, which we
always held sacred, as confirmed to us, by the Royal word and Seal,
and as frequently recognized by our Sovereign and the Parliament of
Great Britain, wherein it is expressly granted to us and to our child-
ren— That We shall have and enjoy all Liberties and Immunities of
Free and Natural Siibjects, within any of his Majesties Dominions,
to all Intents, Constructions and Purposes, as if we were every one
of us born in his Majesties Realm of England. — And Further that
the Full Power and Authority to impose and levy proportionable
and reasonable Taxes upon the Estates and Persons of all the Inhab-
itants within the Province, for the Support and Defence of his
Majesties Government are granted to the General Court or Assem-
bly thereof —

"But by this Act, aTax, — Yea an heavy Tax is imposed Not only
without and beside the Authority of Said General Court, in which
this Power (which has never been forfeited nor given up) is Said to
be Fully (that is exclusively) lodged; But also directly in opposition
to an essential Right or Priviledge of Free and Natural Subjects of
Great Britain, who look Upon it as their Darling and Constitutional
Right, Never to be Taxed but by their own Consent, in Person, or
by their Representative. —

^ By this Act, a ream of bail bonds, stamped, cost £100; a ream of common
printed ones before had been sold for £15. A ream of stamped policies of insurance
cost £190; a ream of common ones without stamps, £20. Other papers were taxed in
the same proportion. All persons who should sign, write, or seal, neglecting to stamp
as required, were subject to a fine of £10. Fifty-five specified items in all. E.Chase,
Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 27. Ed.

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 71

"It is vain to pretend (as has been pretended) that We are virtu-
ally or in any Just Sence represented in Parliament — when it is well
known that so far from this, our humble Petitions and Decent Re-
monstrances prepared and Sent Home by the Representative Body
of this People, were not admitted an Hearing, in Parliament, even at
The time when those Measures and Acts from which We apprehend
so Much, were Depending in the Hon : House of Commons — An
Hardship, which greatly adds to the Grevance, and Seems to Inti-
mate that we have but too little to hope in Consequence of the most
Humble and Dutiful! Steps —

"However, this is not all: — By this Act we are most deeply
affected, as hereby we are debarred a Right of being tried by Juries
in Case of any Breach, or Supposed Breach of it — A Right which,
untill Now, we have held in Common with our Brethren in England
— A Right, which, under Providence, has been the Great Barrier of
Justice; the Support of Liberty and Property in Great Britain and
America: and a Right which is the Glory of the British Government.
"The Great Charter of England (commonly called Magna
Charta) happily provided for all free and Natural Subjects of the
Realm of England — ' that No amerciament shall be Assessed, but
by the Oath of honest and lawfuU men of the Vicinage (or Neigh-
bourhood) ' and That *No Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned,
or dissiezed of his Freehold or Liberties, or free Customs, nor passed
upon, nor Condemned, but by the Lawfull judgment of his Peers,
by the Law of the Land.' — But instead of this Most important
Right, Such is the Extension of Power, given by this Act to Courts
of Admiralty, that all offences against it may be heard, and tried,
and determined, in said Courts, to the entire Subversion of this
important Right, confirmed to us by the Great Charter and our
own. —

"This, we apprehend, will open a Door to Numberless Evils,
which time only can discover — at best, It will oftentimes oblige us
to risk our Fortunes, our Liberties and Characters, upon the Judg-
ment of one, and perhaps a Stranger, or perhaps that which is
worse : — This will Subject us entirely to the Mercy of avaritious
Informers, who May at Pleasure summon us from one part of the
Province to the other, upon Suspicion of the least offence, and thus
bring upon innocent Persons a Sort of necessity of pleading Gilty
by paying the penalty to avoid a Greater Expense. — And this
being the State of things, what will then be Necessary, but a weak
or a wicked Person for a Judge, and of Natural and Free born Sub-
jects, we shall quickly become the Most abject Slaves. — and
wholly Cut off from our last Resource — Hoye of Redress ! —

"These, Sir being the real Sentiments of us, The Freeholders &
other Inhabitants of this Town, of this Act, as in its Nature and
Effects Considered, you can't be Surprised to find us Greatly

72 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

alarmed and Deeply affected. — And therefore at ye Same Time
that We are firmly resolved in all possible ways to Express our filial
Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign, and a due Veneration for both
Houses of Parliament, We do also, as Concerned for our Selves, our
Posterity and Country, entreat and enjoin it upon you, that so far
from encouraging, aiding or assenting in the Execution of this Act,
you do reather endeavour as far as Consistent with Allegiance and
Duty to our rightful Sovereign, to promote such Measures as on the
Contrary, May tend to preserve Us in the Enjoyment of the invalu-
able Rights & Liberties, We at present possess; — at Least, till We
hear the Result of the Measures, already taken for General Redress.

"In the Mean Time, We earnestly recommend to You the most
calm, decent and dispassionate Measures, for an open, Explicit and
resolute assertion and vindication of our Charter Rights and Liber-
ties; and that the Same be so entered upon Record, that the World
may see, and future Generations Know, that the present both knew
and valued the Rights they enjoyed, & did not tamely resign them
for Chains & Slavery — We shall only add, that the best economy
of the public Money, is at all Times Necessary, and never more so
than at present, when Public Debts are heavy, the People's Bur-
dens Great, and like to increase : —

"We take it for Granted therefore that you will Carefully avoid
all unaccustomed and unconstitutional Grants, which will not only
add to the present Burden but make such Precedents, as will be
attended with Consequences which may prove Greatly to the dis-
advantage of the PubUck." ^

Instructions such as these, read in open town meeting, and
discussed and adopted by a unanimous vote of the inhabit-
ants, would do much towards creating a just appreciation
of their rights as subjects, and of the duties they owed, not
only to their sovereign, but to themselves. A people thus
instructed, and trained in ihe school of stern religious princi-
ples, would be found ready for almost any emergency. Con-
sequently when the inhabitants of the town of Boston, to
manifest their opposition to the oppressive acts of the Min-
istry, resolved that they would not import or use certain

^ The Americans had "explicitly adopted the distinction between internal and
external taxation and declared themselves ready to submit to the latter while
determined to resist the former." "His [Townsend's] course was a distinct warning
to the Americans that, if they yielded now, they might expect some new Stamp
Act . . . the revenue was to be used ... to assert British supremacy over the
Colonies at the expense of their political freedom. By providing for a civil list . . .
to be responsible only to the CrowTi ... it meddled with the internal police of
every colony." J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, pp. 30-31. Ed.

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 73

articles on which these duties were laid, the inhabitants of
Lexington at a meeting held December 28, 1767, —

"Unanimously Voted, to Concur with ye Town of Boston Re-
specting Importing & useing f orreign Commodities as mentioned in
their votes passed at their Meeting on the 28th day of October
1767."

Nothing of moment occurred in the municipal affairs of the
town during the period under review. Roads were repaired,
schools were supported, the poor were provided for, and the
paramount subject, the maintenance of public worship, re-
ceived its due share of attention. But the subject which
pressed upon them most heavily during this period was the
oppression of the mother country. Not, however, that the
measures of the British Ministry did bear directly and im-
mediately upon them with any distressing hardship at that
time. But our patriotic forefathers viewed all such subjects
on a broad and disinterested scale; they looked at the prin-
ciple involved in the measures; and they knew full well that a
trifling tax upon stamped paper or upon tea would serve as
an entering wedge to a system of taxation which must reduce
the Colonies to a state of absolute dependence, if not com-
plete vassalage; and patriotism prompted, nay, religion
required, that they should oppose the first attempt to tram-
ple upon their rights. These feelings were general among the
people, and nowhere were they entertained with more ardor
than in the parish over which Mr. Clarke presided; conse-
quently the people here let pass unimproved no opportunity
which bore upon the great subject of human rights.

On the 21st day of September, 1768, the inhabitants of
Lexington assembled in town meeting legally warned, to
"Take into their Serious Consideration The Distressed State
of ye Province at ye present Day and pass any votes Relative
thereto." After due consideration, they made choice of Isaac
Bowman, Esq., William Reed, Esq., and Deacon Jonas
Stone, "to prepare Reasons for our Present Conduct"; who
subsequently reported the following Declarations and
Resolves : —

"Whereas it is the first principle in Civil Society founded in
nature and ReasoD, That no Law of the Society can be Binding on
any Individual without his Consent Given by himself in Person or
by his Representative of his own Free Election; — And whereas in

74 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

& by an Act of the British Parliament, passed in ye first year of the
Reign of king William and Queen Mary of Glorious & blessed
memory, Entitled an act Declaring the rights and Liberties of the
Subjects and Settling ye Succession of the Crown: The Preamble of
which act is in these words, (viz) : —

"'Whereas the late king James the Second, by ye Assistance of
Divers evil Councelors Judges & ministers employed by him, did
endeavor to Subvert & Extirpate ye protestant Religion & the Laws
& Liberties of this Kingdom: it is expressly among other things
Declared, that ye Levying money for the Use of the Crown by Pre-
tence of prerogative, without Grant of parliament for a Longer
Time or in other Manner then ye Same is Granted, is illegal ' : —

"And whereas in the third year of ye reign of ye Same King
William & Queen Mary their majesties were Graciously pleased by
their Royal Charter, to Give & Grant to the Inhabitants of this his
majesties province, all ye Territory therein Described, to be holden
in free & Common Coccage : & also to ordain & Grant to ye Sd In-
habitants certain rights Liberties, & privileges therein Expressly
mentioned : Among which it is Granted, Established and ordained
That all & every ye Subjects of Them their heirs, and Sucessors
which Shall Go to inhabit within Sd province & Territory, & Every
of their Children which Shall happen to be born their or on the
Seas in Going thither or returning from thence, Shall have & injoy
all the Liberties & Immunities of free & Natural Subjects, within
any of ye Dominions of them, their heirs and Sucessors to all In-
tents, purposes, & Constructions, whatever, as if thay and every
of them were Born within the Realm of England.

"And whereas by ye aforesaid Act of parliament made ye first
year of ye Sd King William & Queen Mary all & Singular the pre-
mises Contained therein are claimed Demanded and insisted on as
ye undoubted Rights & Liberties of ye Subjects Born within ye
Realm: And whereas the Freeholders & other Inhabitants of this
Town in Sd Charter mentioned, do hold all ye Rights and Liberties
therein Contained to be Sacred & inviolable: At ye Same time
publicly & Solenmly acknowledging their firm & unshaken Alle-
gience to their alone rightfull Sovereign King George the 3d ye Law-
full Sucessor of the Sd King William and Queen Mary to ye British
Throne: Therefore,

"Resolved, That the Freeholders & other Inhabitants of the
Town of Lexington, will at ye utmost peril of their Lives & For-
tunes, take all Legal & Constitutional measures to Defend and
maintain ye person. Family, Crown & Dignity of our Said Sover-
eign Lord, George ye Third: & all & Singular the Rights Liberties
privileges & Immunities Granted in ye said Royal Charter: as well
those which are Declared to be Belonging to us as British Subjects
by Birthright, as all others therein Specially mentioned.

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 75

"And whereas by ye Said Royal Charter it is Specially Granted
to ye Great & General Court or Assembly therein Constituted to
impose & Levy proportionable & Reasonable Assessments Rates &
Taxes upon ye Estates & persons of all and every ye proprietors &
Inhabitants of ye Sd province or Territory, for the Service of ye
King in ye necessary Defence and Support of his Government of the
Province, & the protection & preservation of his Subjects therein :

"Therefore, Voted, as ye opinion of this Town that Levying
money within this province for the Use & Service of ye Crown in
other manner then ye same is Granted by the Great & General
Court or Assembly of this province is in violation of ye Said Royal
Charter : and ye Same is in violation of ye undoubted natural Rights
of Subjects, Declared in the aforesd act of Parliament, freely to give
& Grant there own money for the Service of ye Crown, with their own
Consent in person, or by Representatives of their own Free Election.

"And whereas in ye afore Said Act of Parliament it is declared,
that the Raising or keeping a standing army within ye Kingdom in
time of peace unless it be with ye Consent of parliament is against
Law : it is the opinion of this Town that ye Sd Declaration is founded
in ye indefeasible Rights of the Subjects to be Consulted, and to
Give their free Consent in person or by Representatives of their
own Free Election, to the raising & keeping a Standing Army
among them : and the Inhabitants of this Town being Free Subjects
have the Same rights, Derived from nature And Confirmed by ye
British Constitution as well as ye Sd Royal Charter: & therefore ye
Raising or keeping a Standing Army without their Consent in per-
son or by Representatives of their own free Election, would be an
Infringement of their Natural, Constitutional, and Charters rights :
And the employing Such Army for the Inforcing of Laws made
without ye Consent of ye people in person or by their Representa-
tives, would be a Grievance.

"The foregoing Report being Several Times Distinctly read &
Considered by ye Town — The Question was put whether ye Same
Shall be accepted and Recorded: & passed unanimously in the
Affirmative. — The following vote was unanimously passed (viz) — •

"Whereas by an Act of parliament of the first of King William &
Queen Mary, it is Declared : that for the Redress of all Grievances &
for Amending, Strengthening, & preserving the Law, Parliaments
ought to be held frequently & in as much as it is ye opinion of this
Town that ye people of this province Labour under many Griev-
ances which unless Speedily Redressed threaten ye Total Destruc-
tion of our Invaluable natural Constitutional & Charter Rights. —
and furthermore as his Excellency the Governor at the request of
the Town of Boston, has Declared himself unable to Call a General
Court which is the Assembly of the States of this Province for the
Redress of Grievances : —

76 fflSTORY OF LEXINGTON

"Voted, that this Town — will now make Choice of Some suit-
able person to Join with Such as are or may be apppointed & Sent
from ye Several other Towns in this province to Consult & advise
what may be best for ye public Good at this Critical Juncture.

"Then made Choice of William Reed, Esq.

"also voted to keep a day of prayer on ye occasion, and Left it to
ye Rev. Mr. Clarke to appoint ye time."

These sentiments published in open town meeting, and
sanctified by a day of fasting and prayer, would of course
govern the conduct of a sincere and conscientious people. No
wonder, therefore, that we find them in 1769, ready to make
what at the present day would in some families be considered
a great sacrifice; by voting "Not to use any Tea or keep in
Snuff nor Suffer it to Be used in our families till ye Duties are
taken of."

In 1772, a measure was on foot to make the Supreme
Judges independent of the people, by granting them a salary
directly by Parliament, thus taking from the people the only
hold they had upon those officers — that of withholding sup-
plies. This measure was no sooner talked of, than the alarm
was given.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held Decem-
ber 31, 1772, the following Resolves were passed: —

"1. That it is the natural Right & Indisputable Duty of every
Man, & consequently of every Society or Body of Men to consult
their own Safety, & to take Measures for the Preservation of their
own Liberty and Property, without which Life itself can scarcely be
deemed worth possessing. —

"2. That the Security of Life, Liberty & Property, to a People
is, or ought always to be considered as the Great End of all Govern-
ment, and is acknowledged to be the professed End of the happy
Constitution of the British Government in particular. —

"3. That when through Imperfections Necessarily attendant
upon the Wisest Systems of which falliable men are capable, or
through the Design of wicked or Crafty Men, in Places of Power &
Trust any Laws or Acts of Government are found to be Obnoxious
or oppressive to the Subject it is wisely provided and established by
Magna Charta, the Petition of Rights, and other Statutes of Eng-
land, that not only Counties, Cities, & Corporations, but also
Towns & Individuals, may consult & Go into Measures for Re-
dress, by Petitions Remonstrances or Other ways, as Occasion &
Emergency of Affairs may require. —

"4. That the Inhabitants of this Town & Proviuce by the Royal

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 77

Charter (a Sacred Compact between them and the Crown) being
Vested with all the Rights & Privileges of Englishmen, & British
Subjects, have mdisputable Right, both as a People and as In-
dividuals, to Judge for themselves when Laws or Measures of
Government are Obnoxious or oppressive, and to Consult upon,
& go into the best Measures in their Power for Redress when
oppressed. — and therefore, —

"5. That as the Inhabitants of this Town look upon themselves
in common with their Brethren & Fellow Subjects through the
Province, to be greatly Injured & Oppressed in Various Instances
by Measures of Governrnent lately Adopted, especially by the pro-
posed measure of making the judges dependent upon the crown
alone for their support, they cannot but judge it their unalienable
right & a Duty they owe to themselves and Posterity; as a Town, as
well as Individuals, to take these Matters into Serious Considera-
tion, freely to express their Sentiments concerning them, and con-
sult Measures for Redress. —

"Then voted that a Committee of Seven be Chosen to report to
the Town at the Adjournment of this Meeting, a Draft of Instruc-
tions for their Representative, also of Such further Votes and Re-
solves, as they may think it best for the Town to come into. —
Then made choice of William Reed, Esq., Isaac Bowman, Esq.,
Capt. Thaddeus Bowman, Dea. Benjamin Brown, Mr. Samuel
Bridge, Dea. Joseph Loring, and Mr. Joseph Simonds."

At an adjourned meeting held January 5, 1772, this com-
mittee submitted the following document, fraught with the
wisdom and patriotism of their pious and devoted pastor,
which was unanimously adopted : —

" To Mr. Jonas Stone, Representative of the Town of Lexington : —
"Sir It is not to call m Question your Capacity, Disposition or
Fidelity of our Estimation of which we have Given the fullest
Evidence, in the Choice we have made of You to Represent Us in
the General Court of this Province; but in exercising our Right of
Instructing Our Representative, to open Our Minds freely to You
Upon Iklatters which Appear to Us interesting to ourselves, to the
Provmce and Posterity, and to Strengthen & confirm You in Meas-
ures which (we trust) your own Judgment would have Suggested,
as necessary and important to our Common safety & Prosperity,
though we had been Silent. —

"Our worthy Ancestors after many Struggles with theu: Enemies
in the Face of everj- Danger, and at the expense of much Treasure
& Blood, secured to themselves, & transmitted to us, their Poster-
ity, a fair and rich Inheritance, not only of a pleasant & fertile
Land, but also of Invaluable Rights and Privileges, both as Men &

78 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Christians, as stated in the Royal Charter of this Province, and
Secured to us by the Faith of the British Crown and Kingdom. As
we hold due Alleigance to our rightful Sovereign King George III.,
and are ready with our Lives & Fortunes, to support his just and
constitutional Government: so we look upon ourselves as bound by
the most sacred Ties, to the Utmost of our Power to maintain and
defend ourselves, in our Charter Rights and Privileges, and as a
sacred Trust committed to us, to transmit them inviolate to suc-
ceeding Generations.

"It is the General Voice, at least of the more thinking & judicious
among us, that our Charter Rights & Liberties are in danger, are
infringed, and upon a most careful, Serious, and mature Considera-
tion of them, as stated in our Charter, and comparing them with
Acts of the British Parliament, & Measures adopted by the British
Court, Ministry & Government, relating to this and other American
Colonies, some of which have been carried into Execution among
us. We are clearly of opinion, that they have been for some time
past and are at present, greatly infringed & Violated hereby, in
Various Instances. And those Measures have been gone into from
Time to Time by the Honorable Council & House of Representa-
tives, of the Province for Relief & Redress; Yet so far from being
successful, our Grievances seem to increase & be more & more intol-
erable every Day. —

"The unhappy & distressing Effects of the Measures refered to,
are too many to admit, and too well known and felt to require a
particular Mention. — But we cannot forbear observing the glaring
Contrast, which in some Instances is to be seen between our Char-
ter and the Resolves & Acts of the British Parliament, & Measures
of Administration, adopted by the British Court, respecting the
People of this Province, as well as other Colonies.

"The Charter grants to our General Court 'full Power & Author-
ity, from Time to Time to make, ordain & establish all manner of
reasonable Laws, &c., and that such Laws, &c., not being disallowed
by the King within Three Years, shall continue in full force, until
the expiration thereof, or until Repealed by the Same Authority.'
But the British Parliament have resolved, ' That they have a Right
to make Laws binding upon the Colonies in all Cases whatsoever ' ;
so that whenever they please to carry this Resolve into Execution,
they may by another resolve passed into an Act, by one Powerful
Stroke vacate all our Charter, and in a Moment dash all our Laws
out of Existence, or bury them together in one common Ruin. —
By the Charter, the Right of Taxing the People is lodged in the
General Court of the Province, (and we think exclusively) . But by
the late Revenue Acts, which have been (with so many Ensigns of
Power and Terror; in open Violation of the Laws and Liberties of
this People) put in Execution by the Commissioners of the Customs,

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 79

this Right is clearly infringed, & the Power put into & exercised by
other Hands. —

"By the Charter, we are Vested with all the Rights & Liberties of
British Subjects, one of which we know is in Magna Charta declared
to be that of Tryal by Juries; & ' that no Freeman shall be disseized
of his Freehold, Liberties, &c., but by the Lawful Judgment of His
Peers, &c.' But such is the provision made in the Revenue Act, and
Such the exercise of the Power of Courts of Admiralty, that Men
may be disseized of their Liberty and Carried from one Part of the
Country to the Other, and be tryed and Sentenced by one Judge,
for any, even the smallest Breach of this Act, whether real, or sup-
posed. Though the Charter provides for Erecting of Judicato-
ries for hearing & trying all Manner of offences, as well Criminal
and Capital as civil; Yet if we are rightly informed, a late Act of
Parliament provides, & directs in some Cases, that Persons may be
seized and carried to England for Tryal, and that for Life. Should
this be the Truth, where is the Right of Freemen, — where the
boasted Liberty of English subjects?

"The Charter represents the Governor of this Province, as Cap-
tain General, and as having full Power & authority in all Military &
warlike affairs: and of himself, to appoint all Military officers, to
Erect Forts & Commit them to the Custody of Such Person or Per-
sons as to Him shall seem meet. But can it be said that this is the
Truth of Fact, when the Governor himself declares. He has no
Authority over those who have Custody of the most important
Fortress, and when Garrisons are Changed and officers appointed,
not only, not by the Governor, but even without His Knowledge or
Consent. — Whether this is the state of Castle William, the princi-
pal Fortress of this Province, appears to us to be a Question not
unworthy the serious attention, & further most critical Enquiry of
the Great and General Court.

"The Charter not only Vests the General Court with the Right
of imposing Taxes, but also points out the Ends for which Taxes are
to be raised; one of which is the Support of Government; Justly
Supposing that Necessary Connection between the Governing, &
Governed; and that mutual Dependance which preserves a due
Balance between them, which in all well regulated States, has been
found to have the happiest Tendency to promote good Government
on the one hand, and Chearful Obedience on the other: — But not
enough that the Right of Taxation is Violated, but the Right of
determining the Merit & Services of those that are employed in
Government must be yielded too. Thus with respect to the first
offices among Us, the only remaining Tie of Interest, whereby
Persons in the service of the Public were induced to be Faithful in
their Trust to the People, is dissolved: and being intirely dependant
upon the Crown, for both Place & Support, it becomes their Inter-

80 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

est, at least in many Cases, to be Unfaithful & partial in their
Administration with regard to the People. — And considering the
Imperfections of human Nature, it is scarcely possible it should be
otherwise, even though the best of Men were in Authority. For
Interest will have its Influence to blind the Eyes and pervert the
Judgment of the Wisest and most upright.

We have been certified in Form, that this is the Case with the
Gentleman in the Chief Seat of Government, & at the Head of the
Province, And from the best Intelligence we are able to obtain, we
have but too much reason to fear, that the Same Plan has taken
Place with respect to a Number of others in Places of Trust &
Power, of no small Importance to the well being of this People.
Particularly we have Reason to think this to be the Fact with
Respect to the Judges of the Superior Court; the highest Court of
Justice in the Province, the Court upon the Decisions and Deter-
minations of which, all our Interests Respecting Property, Liberty
or Life, do Chiefly, if not Ultimately depend; And what adds to the
Indignity of this Measure is, that it is carried into Effect, as we have
just Reason to suppose at our Expense at the Same Time that it is
against our Consent. Thus the Plan of Oppression is begun, & so far
carried on, that if our Enemies are still Successful, and no Means
can be found to put a Stop to their Career, no Measures contrived
for a Restoration of our affairs to a Constitutional Course, as
pointed out in our Charter; we have just Reason to fear. That the
Eyes of the Head of Government being blinded, the Sources of Jus-
tice poisoned, and Hands of Administration bribed with Interest,
the System of Slavery will soon be compleat. These things are of so
Interesting a Nature, so deeply affecting, & so big with the Ruin of
all our Rights & Liberties, both Civil & religious, that we readily
acknowledge, that we cannot so much as transiently view them
without a Mixture of Horror, Indignation, & Grief.

"But this is not all. — Our Charter knows no such thing as In-
structions to Governors; and yet what have not Instructions done
to distress this People! — and if in Addition to these, it should be
found, upon the Enquiry of the Guardians of the Province in Gen-
eral Court assembled, (and they have a right to Enquire,) that the
Law has not, in all Instances had its Course, or that at any Time
Measures have been Successful, to Stay Justice from Offenders —
it seems as if it was Time to be Alarmed, & provide for our Safety;
or else tamely to bow to the Yoke, & forever hereafter be silent. —
Whether this representation be just, is submitted. And must be
left to Time & Facts to discover. — But that these among other
things are worthy most Serious attention, as Subjects of Enquiry'
and deeply Interesting can't be disputed.

"And therefore to You, Sir, whom we have Chosen to represent
Us in the Great Court of Inquest for this Province, We do most ear-

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 81

nestly recommend it that You use your utmost Influence, that these
as well as all other Matters, in which the Rights and Liberties of
this People are concerned; are impartially enquired into, and dis-
passionately considered by the General Assembly, and that Meas-
ures be pursued, by Petition to the Throne, or otherways as the
Court in their Great Wisdom shall see Meet, for a Radical & lasting
Redress. That thus, whether Successful or not. Succeeding Genera-
tions might know that we Understood our Rights & Liberties, and
were Neither afraid nor ashamed to assert & maintain them; and
that we ourselves may have (at least) this Consolation in our Chains,
that it was not through our Neglect, that this People were enslaved.

"William Reed, Per Order."

At the same meeting the town took into consideration a
communication from the town of Boston on the same general
subject, and

" Voted, That this Town entirely concur with them in their senti-
ments, both as to the Nature of our Rights, and the high Infraction
of them, by the late Measures of Government; and with pleasure
embrace this Opportunity, to express the great Sence they have of
the Vigilance & Patriotick Spirit they (& our Brethren in many
other Towns) have discovered upon this and Various Occasions,
for the preservation of Our Rights, &c. —

" Voted also That this Town has a Right to Correspond with other
Towns, UpQn Matters of Common concern — and that a Committee
be accordingly Chosen, to transmit the Proceeding of this Meeting,
to the Gentlemen of the Committee of Correspondence in Boston;
and further to Correspond with them as well as the Committees of
other Towns Upon Matters of Common concern as Occasion may
require."

The town then proceeded and chose the following named
gentlemen, as their Committee of Correspondence: Captain
Thaddeus Bowman, Deacon Jonas Stone, Ensign Robert
Harrington, Deacon Benjamin Brown, and Deacon Joseph
Loring.

The opposition to the Stamp Act was such that Parlia-
ment was induced to repeal it, which they did in 1766. But
this was a change rather than an abandonment of their policy.
They repealed an act which they saw that they could not en-
force, for the purpose of adopting other measures which they
deemed more artful and seductive, and hence more likely to
bring the colonists to their feet. The sequel will show their
measures, and the manner in which they were met by the
people of America.

82 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

In December, 1773, the inhabitants were called together to
consider the state of public affairs, and especially the subject
of the tea, sent over by the East India Company; when the
whole subject was referred to the Committee of Correspond-
ence, who subsequently submitted the following Report,
which was unanimously adopted : —

"That from the Intelligence transmitted by the Committee of
Correspondence in the Town of Boston, to the Committee of Corre-
spondence for this Place, and by them Communicated to the Town,
it appears, that the Enemies of the Rights & Liberties of Ameri-
cans, greatly disappointed in the Success of the Revenue Act, are
seeking to Avail themselves of New, & if possible. Yet more de-
testable Measures to distress Enslave & destroy Us. — Not enough
that a Tax was laid Upon Teas, which should be Imported by Us,
for the Sole Purpose of raising a Revenue to support Task Masters
Pensioners, &c., in Idleness & Luxury; But by a late Act of Parlia-
ment, to Appease the Wrath of the East India Company, whose
Trade to America had been greatly clogged by the operation of the
Revenue Acts, Provision is made for said Company to export their
Teas to America free and discharged from the Payment of all Du-
ties, & Customs in England, but liable to all the same Rules, Regu-
lations, Penalties & Forfeitures in America, as are Provided by the
Revenue Act, as much as if the Above mentioned Act had never
been passed. —

"Not to say anything of the Gross Partiality herein discovered in
favour of the East India Company, and to the Injury & oppression
of Americans; — We are alarmed at this masterly Effort of Iniqui-
tous Policy, as it has the most gloomy Affect on the Trade of these
Colonies, and gives an Opening to the East India Company, or
others (under the covert of an Act of Parliament, & for the unright-
eous Purpose of raising & securing a Revenue to the Crown, out of
the Purses of Industrious Americans) to monopolize one Branch
after another, untill in Process of Time, the whole Trade will be in
their Hands, and by their Consignees, Factors, &c., they wUl be the
sole Merchants of America. —

"And further, we are more especially Alarmed, as by these Crafty
Measures, the Revenue Act is to be Established, and the Rights and
Liberties of Americans forever Sapped & destroyed. These appear
to Us, to be Sacrifices we must make, and these the costly Pledges,
that must be given Up into the Hands of the Oppressor, The mo-
ment we receive this detested Article, by which the Tribute will be
established upon Us. — For nothing short of this will ever fill the
Mouth of Oppression, or gorge the insatiate appetite of Lust &
Ambition! — Once admit this subtle, wicked Ministerial Plan to
take Place — Once permit this Tea thus imposed upon Us by the

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 83

East India Company to be landed, received & Vended by their Con-
signees, Factors, &c., the Badge of Our slavery is fixed, the Founda-
tion of Ruin is surely laid, and unless a wise & Powerful GOD, by
some Unforeseen Revolution in Providence, shall prevent; we shall
soon be obliged to bid Farewell to the once flourishing Trade of
America, and an everlasting Adieu to those Glorious Rights &
Liberties, for which our Worthy Ancestors, so earnestly prayed, so
bravely fought, so freely bled ! ! —

"This being the Light in which we View These Measures of Ad-
ministration in their Nature and Tendency, - We cannot but be
Alarmed, especially when we see our Danger so great, our Ruin so
nearly effected — The Ship with the detested tribute Tea in the
Harbour, and the Persons Appointed to receive, & sell the same,
unnaturally refusing to resign their Appointment, though by carry-
ing it to Effect, they should procure their Country's Ruin. — As
therefore we should be wanting to ourselves, to Our Country and
Posterity, to be silent upon such an Occasion as this, and as we have
no reason to expect that GOD the Supreme disposer of all things will
work Miracles for Us, while we neglect Ourselves, we do with the
greatest seriousness & Sincerity, come into the following

Resolves

"1. That as the Revenue Act, and the Act allowing the East
India Company to export Teas into the Colonies Subject to Duties,
with all the Measures of the Ministry and Administration, whether
by secret Craft, or open Violence to Carry Said Acts into Effect;
appear to Us, to be a direct Violation of our Charter Rights &
Liberties, We are determined, to the Utmost of our Power, in every
rational Way, upon this, and all proper Occasions to Oppose them,
and use our most Vigilent & Resolute endeavors to prevent their
taking Place among Us. —

"2. That we will not be concerned, either directly or indirectly,
in landing, receiving, buying or selling, or even Using any of the
Teas sent out by the East India Company, or that shall be Im-
ported Subject to a Duty, imposed by Act of Parliament, for the
Purpose of raising a Revenue in America.

"3. That all such Persons as shall directly or indirectly Aid and
Assist in landing, receiving, buying, selling or Using the Teas sent
out by the East India Company, or imported by others. Subject to
a Duty, for the Purpose of a Revenue, shall be deemed, & treated
by Us as Enemies of their Country. —

"4. That the Conduct of Richard Clark, & Son, the Governour's
Two Sons Thomas & Elisha Hutchinson, and the other Consignees,
in refusing to resign their Appointment, as Factors, or Vendue
Masters for the East India Company, when repeatedly requested by

84 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the Town of Boston, has justly rendered them Obnoxious to their
fellow Citizens to the Inhabitants of this Town, and to the People of
this Province & America in General, and as upon this Ocasion they
have discovered not only want of due affection for their Native
Countrj', but also from selfish Views, (as we think,) a strange dispo-
sition to accelerate its Ruin, We cannot but consider them as Ob-
jects of our just Resentment Indignation & contempt.

"5. That as it has been basely insinuated, that the Measures
taken to prevent the Reception of the East India Company's Teas,
are the Effect of a Scheme of the Merchants, to advance their own
Interest; it is the Opinion of this Town, that the Suggestion is false
& Malicious, and designed at the same time, to deceive & delude the
People into a Compliance with the Measures of their Enemies, and
to prevent the good Effects of the honest Patriotic Endeavours of so
Valuable and powerful Part of the Community, to rescue the Trade
& Liberties of their Country from impending Destruction.

"6. That as with Gratitude to our Brethren in Boston, and other
Towns, we do express our satisfaction in the Measures They have
taken, and the struggles they have made, upon this, as well as many
other Occasions, for the Liberties of their Country, and America,
We are ready and resolved to concur with them, in every rational
Measure, that may be Necessary for the Preservation or Recovery
of our Rights & Liberties as Englishmen and Christians; and we
trust in GOD That should the State of Our Affairs require it. We
shall be ready to Sacrifice our Estates, and every thing dear in Life,
Yea & Life itself, in support of the common Cause.

"The above Resolves being Passed, a Motion was made that to
them, another should be added, accordingly it was Resolved nem, con.

"That if any Head of a Family in this Town, or any Person shall
from this time forward; & untill the Duty be taken off; purchase
any Tea, or Use, or consume any Tea in their Famelies, such person
shall be looked upon as an Enemy to this Town, & to this Country,
and shall by this Town be treated with Neglect & Contempt."

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, duly warned,
on the 26th of September, 1774, Deacon Stone was chosen to
represent the town in the General Court. A committee, con-
sisting of Captain Bowman, Deacon Brown, and Lieutenant
Edmund Munroe, was chosen to prepare Instructions, who
reported the following draft, which was adopted : —

"The Alarming Situation of Our Public Affairs, being So dis-
tressing, as at present, and our Council being chosen by Man-
damus from the King; whose Authority as a Council we cannot
Own, nor consent to,

" We therefore the Inhabitants of the Town of Lexington, being

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 85

Assembled at the Meeting House in Said Town, on Monday the 26
Day of September Instant, to Make Choice of a Representative,
and having made choice of Dea. Stone as our Representative, We
putting the firmest Confidence in Your Integrity & Abilities, do
Instruct You (Sir,) in the following Manner, to Use Your Utmost
Influence at the Great & General Court, that nothing there be
transacted as a Court, under the New Council, or in Conformity to
any of the late Acts of Parliament."

At the same meeting they chose Deacon Stone a delegate to
the Provincial Congress. Having repeatedly denounced the
acts of the Ministry and Parliament, as acts of oppression,
designed to rob the people of the Colonies of every right which
they held dear; and having pledged their fortunes and their
lives, should the occasion require, in defence of the great prin-
ciples of liberty, like men who knew what they said, and said
what they meant, the inhabitants of the town made prepara-
tions for the last resort of oppressed subjects. Consequently,
at meetings held in November and December, they voted to
provide "a suitable Quantity of Flints," — "to bring the
Two pieces of Cannon from Watertown & Mount them," —
*'to provide a Pair of Drums for the Use of the Military Com-
pany in Town," — "to provide Bayonets at the Town's
Cost for One Third Part of the Training Soldiers," — "to
have the militia and alarm list meet for a view of their arms,"
etc. And that these votes should not prove a mere dead letter,
committees were chosen to carry them into effect.

Besides, as the Provincial Congress had recommended to
the people to put themselves in a state of defence by organiz-
ing military companies, to be armed and equipped, and to be
ready to march at the shortest notice, it was voted by the
inhabitants of Lexington that they would carry out these rec-
ommendations, and committees were appointed for that pur-
pose. As the Congress had also chosen Henry Gardner, Esq.,
of Stow, to be Receiver-General of all province taxes which
should be collected, and requested the several towns to pay
their respective portions of the taxes, when collected, over to
him, instead of paying them over to Harrison Gray, Esq., His
Majesty's Receiver-General, the people directed their col-
lectors to pay the province tax, when collected, over to Henry
Gardner, Esq., and assured them by solemn vote that the
town would see them harmless for so doing. These "awful
notes of preparation" showed that the people were prepared

86 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

for any emergency, and firmly resolved to maintain their
rights by the sword, if remonstrance and entreaty should
prove ineffectual. We do not claim for the town of Lexington
any exclusive honor in this respect. But we do say that no
town, under all the circumstances, is deserving of more
praise. No town was more ready to resolve, and no town
backed up her declarations with more promptitude, or made
greater sacrifices in the cause than the town of Lexington.
Her population was small, being only about seven hundred,
and her means were limited ; but like the woman in Scripture,
"she did what she could" in the cause of the Colonies — the
cause of freedom.

I have been thus particular in presenting the acts and doings
of the inhabitants of Lexington, preparatory to the opening
of hostilities; for, after all, we are to contemplate the American
Revolution, not so much in the strife upon the ensanguined
field as in the cool deliberation and the firm resolve which
characterized our people at the period immediately preceding
the open rupture. I have been thus particular in order to pre-
sent to the public those valuable state papers, written by the
Rev. Jonas Clarke, which prepared our people, not only for
the contest, but for the just appreciation of rational and con-
stitutional liberty. It is an easy thing in times of excitement
to arouse the passions of men, and nerve their arms for bat-
tle — "to teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight."
But to instill into their minds the great principles of civil and
religious liberty, and make them realize their duty as citizens,
is a more difl&cult task. But this has been done in a clear and
able manner in the documents above cited. So fully and so
clearly are the grievances under which our fathers labored,
and the causes which gave rise to the American Revolution
set forth, that if all other records were destroyed and all recol-
lections blotted from the memory, the faithful historian
could, from the Instructions given to the Representatives of
Lexington, and the other papers found in our Records,
emanating from the pen of Mr. Clarke, trace the develop-
ment of oppression from year to year, and state the true
causes of that mighty struggle.

With the master mind of this pious divine, operating upon
and almost controlling the people of his charge, and with the
military discipline to which some thirty of the citizens of Lex-
ington had been subjected in their service in the French wars.

CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775 87

we can easily account for the firm and manly resistance made
by them on the 19th of April, 1775.

As the feelings and sentiments which prevailed among the
people of Lexington pervaded the whole community on the
opening of the year 1775, an open rupture was a mere ques-
tion of time. With such haughty pretensions as were put
forth by the Ministry and Parliament of Great Britain on the
one side, and the calm but resolute determination of the colo-
nists to enjoy the rights and maintain the privileges of British
subjects on the other, it was certain that this controversy
could not end in words. ^ There was too much pride on the
one hand, and too much principle on the other, to justify
the belief that England would abandon her policy, or the col-
onists their rights.

Those, therefore, who contemplate the Revolution as com-
mencing on the 19th of April, 1775, must look at effects rather
than at causes; and suffer their minds to rest upon the out-
ward and visible, rather than to penetrate the great moral
causes operating by fixed and certain laws, which had been
developing themselves for more than a century. The rash act
of Pitcairn at Lexington Common was by no means the cause
of the Revolution. It was merely the accidental occurrence
which opened the drama at that time and place. The tragedy
had been written, the great parts assigned, and the grand
result penned by the recording angel, and if the first act had
not been opened at Lexington and Concord, it must have tran-
spired on some other field. Otis and Adams opened the battle
of the Revolution, long before the bayonet was fixed or the
sword drawn. Clarke's Instructions to our Representatives
did as much to make the patriots stand firm on the Common
in the very face of a superior force, as did the stern command
of the gallant Parker.

Nor does this view of the subject lessen the praise due to
the band of patriots who rallied in freedom's cause on the
19th of April. On the contrary, it adds greatly to their honor,
and reflects imperishable lustre upon their names. It shows
that they acted, not from passion, but from principle, and
fought not to conquer, but to defend — not to despoil a foe,
but to establish for themselves and for their posterity a gov-
ernment of laws, which should mete out to every citizen his
rights and his privileges, and secure him in their enjoyment.

1 Compare J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, pp. 31-45. Ed.

CHAPTER IV

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

he State of Feeling towards the Mother Country — Allegiance to the Crown —
Massachusetts the First to deny the Right of Parliament to legislate for us —
Massachusetts Charter annulled — Andros appointed Governor, with Despotic
Powers — Andros imprisoned — A New Charter granted — Writs of Assistance
issued — Otis opposed them — Admiralty Jurisdiction extended — The Stamp
Act passed — Stamp Officer hung in Effigy — General Congress at New York —
Stamp Act repealed — A Ship-of-War sent to Boston — Governor Bernard dis-
solves the General Court — Refuses to order a New Election — A Convention
assembles in Boston — Two Regiments sent to Boston — The People refuse to
furnish them Quarters or Rations — Bernard recalled, and Hutchinson ap-
pointed Governor — The Boston Massacre — Hutchinson removes the Troops
to the Castle — Boston laid under Martial Law — Committees of Correspond-
ence organized — The Tea destroyed — Massachusetts the First to deny the
Power of Parliament, and the First to baffle the Ministry.

In the preceding chapter, the state of feeling in the town of
Lexington, up to the commencement of the revolutionary
struggle, and the measures there adopted have been pre-
sented. We have seen in the instructions to their representa-
tives the great doctrines of freedom and good government
plainly foreshadowed, and the causes which led to the Revo-
lution strongly set forth in general terms. In this chapter it is
proposed to state these causes on a broader scale, and to trace,
from time to time, the developments of oppression on the one
hand and of the spirit of freedom on the other.

Springing from a stock proverbial for its loyalty, our
fathers were not inclined to revolt from the mother country.
On the contrary, they were proud of their ancestry, and
claimed nothing but the rights of English subjects. Those
who emigrated to these shores were deeply imbued with the
spirit of liberty, both civil and religious. They had felt the
exactions of the State and the persecutions of the Church in
their own country, and rather than submit to these evils, they
chose to encounter the perils and privations of a life in a wil-
derness, surrounded by savage foes.

But though they had fled from persecution in their native
land, they did not design to throw off their allegiance to their
rightful sovereign. The first settlers of New England, before

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 89

they left the Mayflower, declared that they came to this wil-
derness to promote "the glory of God, the advancement of the
Christian faith, and the honor of their king and country."
And after they had reached these shores, they cherished a
fond recollection of the land of their birth. But being sepa-
rated from the parent country by the broad expanse of ocean,
they knew that they must rely mainly upon themselves.
Realizing that they held their fortunes in their own hands,
they naturally felt that they had a right to manage their own
affairs in their own way. Holding the country by the double
right of charter and of purchase, they could not divest them-
selves of the conviction that the lands they had cleared and
the huts they had erected were theirs by no ordinary title.
Claiming by their Charter, not only their possessions, but all
the rights and immunities of Englishmen, — while they ac-
knowledged their allegiance to the Crown, they maintained
that they had full powers of legislation : and hence they denied
all right in Parliament to impose taxes upon them without
their consent.

As the controversy, growing in part out of taxation, gave
rise to the Revolution, of which the events of the 19th of
April were the commencement; and as the resistance of our
fathers to the Acts of Parliament is sometimes appealed to to
justify resistance to our laws at the present day, — it is im-
portant to a just understanding of the issue then, and of our
duty now, that the facts be distinctly stated, and the exact
issue be kept in view. The precise question was this : Has the
British Parliament, in which the Colonies have no representa-
tion, a right hy the Colonial Charters and by the English Consti-
tution, to tax the Colonies for the support of the Home Govern-
ment, or to modify their Charters, without the consent of the
colonists ? Great Britain claimed this right, and rested it upon
the supremacy of Parliament. The Colonies, they said, were
of their own planting; and being a part of the British Empire,
were subject to all the laws of the realm; and that Parlia-
ment, being supreme, "had a right to legislate for them in all
cases whatsoever." On the other hand, it was maintained by
the colonists that on leaving Great Britain with a Charter
from the Crown, they brought with them to this country all
the rights and immunities of English subjects ; that on the
great principles of natural rights, recognized and secured by
the English Constitution, all private property was sacred.

90 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

and hence that all taxes must be granted by the people them-
selves, or by representatives chosen by them; that those
natural and constitutional rights were not only inherent in
the colonists, but were also secured to them in their Charters,
which were sacred compacts that no power on earth could
rightfully infringe; that by the fundamental law of the em-
pire, taxation and representation were inseparably united,
and as the Colonies were not, and from the nature of the case
could not be, represented in the British Parliament, so Parlia-
ment had no right to impose taxes upon them, especially for
the maintenance of the Government at home.

The Colony of Massachusetts may justly claim the honor
of being the first to put forth this doctrine. As early as 1634,
attempts were made to vacate the Charter of the Colony,
rather for non-conformity in religious matters than anything
else, and the people of Massachusetts distinctly intimated
that they had full powers of themselves to make all needful
laws for their own preservation. But in 1646, Parliament
having asserted full powers over the Colonies, the General
Court of Massachusetts protested against the doctrine, as one
calculated to bring them into a state of vassalage. In a me-
morial to Parliament they say, "We have not admitted ap-
peals to your authority, being assured that they cannot stand
with the liberty and power granted to us by our Charter, and
would be destructive of all government." In the same spirit,
Winslow, the agent of Massachusetts in England, publicly
denied the jurisdiction of Parliament over the Colonies. "If
the Parliament of England," said he, "should impose laws
upon us, having no burgesses in the House of Commons, we
should lose the liberties and freedom of Englishmen indeed."

The arbitrary claims of Great Britain being persisted in,
the people of Massachusetts declared in 1661 that, under God
and their Charter, they had a right to choose their own offi-
cers, to exercise "all power and authority, legislative, execu-
tive, and judicial, to defend themselves by force of arms
against every aggressor, and to reject, as an infringement of
their rights, any parliamentary or royal imposition prejudi-
cial to the country, and contrary to any just act of colonial
legislation."

To punish Massachusetts for her bold and independent
opposition to the claims of the King and Parliament, a quo
warranto was issued, in 1683, to annul her Charter; the King

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 91

at the same time making a public declaration that pardon
would be extended to the colonists in case they would consent
to certain modifications of the Charter. The Governor and
assistants were persuaded that it was hopeless to resist, and
recommended that agents be sent to England "to receive His
Majesty's command." This recommendation was sent to the
representatives of the people, who returned it with this
laconic endorsement, " The Deputies consent not, but adhere
to their former bills." ^The Charter, however, was annulled,
and the Colony was left to the tender mercy of the corrupt
court of Charles II.

The revocation of the Charter was followed by the intro-
duction of a despotism more grievous than anything before
known in Massachusetts. Sir Edmund Andros, who had been
appointed Governor of New England, arrived in Boston, in
1686, empowered by the new sovereign, James II, to appoint
and remove his own Council, and with their consent to exer-
cise all powers of legislation, to make laws, lay taxes, control
the militia, and sustain his authority by force. To carry out
this arbitrary and despotic sy^em of government, he re-
solved that no printing-presses should be tolerated in the
country, and that the people should not be permitted to
assemble in town meetings to deliberate upon public affairs.
Under his corrupt administration, public schools were neg-
lected, religious institutions were impaired, and the personal
rights of the citizens were either disregarded or basely tram-
pled upon. But a despotism like this was not long to be en-
dured. Those who had denied the power of the King and
Parliament would not long submit to the imposition of taxes
by a subordinate magistrate. And while his monarch was
preparing the way for his own overthrow in Great Britain,
Andros was laying the foundation for his overthrow in the
Colonies. When the news reached Boston, in the spring of
1689, that James II had fled his country, and that the Prince
of Orange had ascended the throne, the people were deter-
mined to imitate the example of their British brethren and
rid themselves of their tyrant. Andros attempted to sustain
liimself by force; but the people were too sensible of their
rights, and of his weakness, to submit. They seized the
sheriff, the military commander, and, at last, the Governor
himself, and committed them to prison. The whole town of
Boston was in arms, and, actuated by what they declared to

92 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

be their sense of duty to their God and country, completely
overthrew the government of Andros.

The Charter of the Colony of Massachusetts, which was
annulled in 1685, was restored by William and Mary in 1691,
with several limitations; the Crown claiming the right to
appoint the Governor, who should have a negative upon the
Legislature. The Council, however, were to be chosen by
the Legislature. Though this Charter did not restore to the
people all the rights and privileges which they had formerly
enjoyed, taken in connection with the arbitrary government
of Andros, it contained some important provisions. It
revived the town meeting, which had been suspended under
Andros, and gave the royal construction in favor of what may
be denominated the "political rights" of towns. This con-
struction of the rights of the people will appear more import-
ant in the subsequent part of this narrative. Under this
modified Charter the General Court were to provide for the
support of the Government and the payment of its officers;
and to make these officers responsible to the people, they
claimed the right of fixing their salaries annually instead of
establishing them by standing laws. This course involved
the Colony in a controversy with the Crown, which was re-
newed from time to time for nearly forty years, when Gov-
ernor Belcher prevailed upon the Crown to accept the annual
grant; and so the controversy subsided, leaving the Colony
victor in the field.

During the war between England and France for the con-
quest of Canada, the controversy between the former and her
Colonies was in a great measure suspended; though the at-
tempts of Great Britain to quarter her troops upon the peo-
ple, without the consent of their legislatures, kept them alive
to a sense of their rights and of the injustice of the parent
country. But after the close of the war with France in 1763,
the British Government turned its attention to the Colonies,
and attempted by various means to bring them to subjection.
One measure was to make the judges dependent upon the
Crown alone; thus making the judiciary the mere creature of
the King, and a fit instrument by which to oppress the Colo-
nies, and so bring them to submission.

But the darling policy of the Administration was to raise
a revenue from the Colonies. Various propositions were pre-
sented for some new and direct enactment, which would bear

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 93

upon the Colonies, and do something to supply the British
Treasury. It was, however, thought best to revive and en-
force some general existing law regulating trade, rather than
to adopt a special provision for America. An effort was conse-
quently made to carry out this plan, and, to render it effectual,
it was thought necessary to clothe the officers of the customs
with full power and authority to call to their aid all the execu-
tive and judicial officers in the Colony. As Boston was the
great mart of trade, and Massachusetts the most perverse
Colony, it was deemed advisable to try the experiment there.
In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to Hutchinson,
who had been raised to the chief justiceship in Massachu-
setts, for "Writs of Assistance," to enable them to collect the
duties upon various imported articles. The application was
resisted, and the case argued before the whole court. Jere-
miah Gridley appeared for the Crown, and argued the neces-
sity and legality of the writ; but when he had closed, James
Otis, a man of ardent feeling, exalted patriotism, and thrilling
eloquence, stepped forth in behalf of the colonists. *'I am de-
termined," said he, "to sacrifice estate, ease, health, applause,
and even life itself, to the sacred calls of my country, in oppo-
sition to a kind of power, the exercise of which cost one king
of England his head and another his throne." He then pro-
ceeded to point out the illegality and oppressive character
of such a writ. He denounced it "as the worst instrument of
arbitrary power, the most destructive of English liberty and
the fundamental principles of law." "No Act of Parliament,"
said he, "can establish such a writ; an Act of Parliament
against the Constitution is void."

The court, after some delay and consulting of the English
Ministry, granted the writ, which greatly heightened public
feeling, and prepared the people for more decisive measures.
But the great cause of discontent was the enforcing of the
acts of trade by the Courts of Admiralty, — courts entirely
independent of the Colonies, and depending upon the Crown
alone, — courts in which all cases were decided without the
intervention of a jury, and where the pleasure of the Ministry
was the paramount law.

While the public mind in the Colonies was thus agitated,
and fears were entertained for the safety of their rights, the
Board of Trade recommended, in 1763, the passage of an act
requiring all the legal instruments in the Colonies, including

94 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

notes, receipts, orders, certificates, etc., to be written on
stamped paper, upon which a duty should be imposed — the
agents of the Colonies in England partially assenting to the
measure. On the arrival of this intelligence in America, the
people of Boston and the Legislature of Massachusetts, ever
alive to the rights of freemen, in their instructions to their
agent in London remonstrated against the threatened meas-
ure, declaring "that the silence of the Province should have
been imputed to any cause, even to despair, rather than be
construed into a tacit cession of their rights or an acknowl-
edgment of a right in the Parliament of Great Britain to
impose duties and taxes upon a people who are not repre-
sented in the House of Commons." In the same instructions,
they endorsed the doctrine of Otis, "that the imposition of
taxes, whether on trade or on lands, on houses or ships, on
real or personal, on fixed or floating property in the Colonies,
is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the colonists as
British subjects or as men."

In 1765, the worst fears of the Colonies were realized in the
passage of the Stamp Act, and the adoption of other measures
designed to support the absolute supremacy of Parliament
over them. And to insure the execution of these odious and
oppressive acts, not only all the civil officers in the Colony
were put in requisition, but the whole naval and military
force, which was to be increased in America, was to aid in the
support of these arbitrary measures; and to render the pill
more bitter, the people here were required to support the
troops which were sent over to oppress them. To render the
tyranny absolute, all cases arising under these acts were to be
decided in Courts of Admiralty, without the intervention of a
jury, by a single judge created by the Crown, whose sole sup-
port was to be drawn from his share of the profits of his own
condemnations.

Massachusetts took the alarm. Her people saw in this
series of measures a fixed and determined plan to reduce
them to subjection, and to bring them to the foot of the
throne. Governor Bernard, in his message to the Legislature,
assured them that it was the duty and interest of the Colony
to submit, for the law "would now be prosecuted to its ut-
most completion"; but the representatives of the people ad-
dressed letters to the other Colonies, inviting them to choose
delegates to meet in a General Congress at New York, to con-

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 95

suit together on the affairs of the Colonies. In the mean time
the Stamp Act arrived in Boston, and Oliver, naturally odi-
ous to the people, was announced as the officer who was to
receive and dispose of the stamps. The Act was universally
condemned in Boston, "as arbitrary, unconstitutional, and a
breach of the Charter." Oliver, the stamp officer, was hanged
in effigy. A few evenings after, the mob assembled near the
old State House, seized and burned the records of the Admir-
alty Court, and afterwards assaulted the house of the Comp-
troller of Customs, andx)f the Chief Justice,^ who had rendered
himself extremely odious to the people. The demonstration
was so strong that Oliver was induced to resign his office, and
the stamps were left in the hands of the Governor.

Pitt, Barre, Burke, and others connected with the Govern-
ment pleaded the cause of liberty, in the British Parliament,
with such distinguished ability and force of argument, that
the Ministry, fearing the strength of the opposition at home
and the resistance of their subjects in America, consented to
the repeal of the Stamp Act. Thus was Great Britain com-
pletely foiled in her first attempt at raising a revenue in her
Colonies to sustain her burdened treasury. The repeal of the
Stamp Act produced a general rejoicing in the Colonies. The
Legislature of Massachusetts passed an act remunerating
those who had suffered in the destruction of their property in
attempting to execute the Stamp Act. But with characteris-
tic wisdom, they were careful to state in the bill itself that the
sufferers had no just claim, and that the relief was granted of
"their own good will " and not from deference to any "requisi-
tion made upon them."

In the mean time the Ministry was devising measures of
.taxation in the shape of duties upon imports into the Colo-
nies. In the debates upon the Stamp Act a distinction had
been taken between internal and external taxation. It was
maintained by the opponents of the Stamp Act that it related
to the internal trade of the Colonies and was a proper subject
to be regulated by local law. The Ministry thought to avoid
this objection by imposing a duty upon imports, which re-
lated to foreign commerce — to the general subject of trade.
But the colonists were not disposed to acquiesce in any such
distinction. They renewed their former declarations that

^ The "one disgraceful riot in Boston" during the ten years preceding the Revo-
lution. J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 53. Ed.

96 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Parliament had no right to tax the Colonies; and they further
declared that the creation of new crown officers and the send-
ing of a standing army to be quartered upon the people were
in fact introducing an absolute government into the Colony
which would lead to the most dangerous consequences; for
they added significantly, "the laws of God and Nature are
invariable." They also addressed a circular to the other
Colonies, setting forth their common grievances and asking
their cooperation in all such measures as may be found neces-
sary for the maintenance of their rights as freemen.

Governor Bernard, with all his professions, was a deadly
enemy to the Colony. For while he was pretending to be
friendly to the people and assuring them of his cooperation
and aid in all their efforts to obtain their rights, he was writ-
ing to the Ministry, representing the Colony in a state of re-
bellion, and urging upon it the necessity of sending over a
naval and military force to reduce them to subjection.^ In
May, 1768, the Romney, a ship-of-war, arrived in Boston
Harbor from Halifax, being sent at the suggestion of Bernard,
and at the request of the Commissioners of Customs, to awe
the Bostonians into submission. To strengthen his crew and
to show his entire disregard of the feelings of the people and
the rights of the colonists, the commander forcibly and inso-
lently impressed New England seamen to serve on board his
ship. He also seized a merchant ship ^ belonging to John
Hancock and anchored her under the guns of his vessel. This
created intense feeling among the inhabitants. A town meet-
ing was called, and a committee of twenty-one was chosen to
wait upon the Governor, and to present an address to the
citizens, in which they claimed for the Colony the sole power
of taxation. At the same time they condemned in strong
terms the practice of impressment, and demanded the re-
moval of the Romney from the harbor. The town also
declared and put on record their irrevocable determination to
assert and maintain their dear and invaluable rights and liber-

^ "Since Machiavelli undertook to teach the Medici how principalities might be
governed and maintained, no such body of literature was put on paper as that in
which Sir Francis Bernard instructed George the Third and his Ministers in the art
of throwing away a choice portion of a mighty Empire." G. O. Trevelyan, The Amer-
ican Revolution, Part i, p. 44. Ed.

* The sloop Liberty. The consequent disturbance would not have been considered
in England, but all reports were magnified and exaggerated concerning any trouble
in America. J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 53. Also G. O. Trevelyan,
The American Revolution, Part i, p. 36. Ed.

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 97

ties at the utmost hazard of their fortunes and their lives. At
the same time they expressed their readiness to maintain
loyalty and submission to Great Britain in all things neces-
sary to the preservation of the whole empire.

In the midst of this excitement Governor Bernard laid
before the Legislature a letter from the British Ministry,
calling upon them to rescind their Resolutions denying the
power of Parliament to tax the Colonies; and also to recall
their Circular addressed to the other Colonies, asking their
cooperation and support in defence of their just rights.
Under the guidance of Samuel Adams, who was ever ready
to meet any emergency, an answer was returned to Lord
Hillsborough, justifying the course of the Legislature and
refusing to retrace their steps. This bold and independent
measure was sustained by the House with great unanimity,
there being but seventeen against the measure and ninety-two
in its favor. When the Governor was informed by a message
from the House that they had refused to rescind and had
affirmed their former doings, trembling with fear he first
prorogued and then dissolved the assembly.

In the autumn of 1768, hearing that three regiments of
troops were to be sent to Boston to reduce them to a state of
subjection, and the Legislature having been dissolved by the
Governor, the people requested him to order a new election.
On hearing of the refusal of Bernard to call a new Legislature,
the people of Boston repaired to Faneuil Hall, that cradle
of American liberty, and resolved, "That the inhabitants of
Boston will, at the utmost peril of their lives and fortunes^
maintain and defend their rights, liberties, privileges, and
immunities; and that money cannot be granted, nor a stand-
ing army kept up in the Province, but by their own free con-
sent." They also unanimously requested the selectmen to
wait upon the clergymen of the town and request them to set
apart the following Tuesday as a day of fasting and prayer.
The request was cheerfully complied with and the day kept
in a solemn manner.

Shortly after, a Convention of the Province assembled at
Boston to consult upon the public safety. One of their first
acts was to petition the Governor to summon a constitutional
Legislature, to prevent the encroachments of the military
upon the civil power. The Governor not only refused to
receive their petition, but admonished the Convention to

98 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

separate, as they should "repent of* their rashness." The
Convention, however, continued in session six days, and
repeated the protest of the Colony against taxation by Par-
liament and against a standing army quartered among them.

A few days after the adjournment of the Convention, a
squadron from Halifax, with two regiments of troops and
a company of artillery on board, arrived in the harbor of
Boston. The selectmen being called upon to provide quarters
for the troops, taking advantage of an Act of Parliament,
refused to grant them "till the barracks were full" at Castle
William. The Governor's Council also insisted upon this
provision of law, and refused to furnish quarters. They also
refused to provide supplies of provisions and fuel without the
consent of the Legislature, which had been dissolved by the
Governor himself. Thus was the treacherous Bernard caught
in his own toils. ^ He was greatly perplexed in providing for
the troops he had secretly called for; to send them down to
the " Castle," as Fort Independence was then called, would be
to remove them too far from the point where he wished to
station them, that they might awe the people into submission.
Great efforts had been made, both in England and in this
country, to have Otis, Adams, and other leading patriots sent
to Great Britain to be tried for their lives. But after all the
endeavors of the corrupt and deceitful Bernard and the
administration at home, it was decided by the law officers of
the Crown that their acts did not constitute treason, the only
crime which by the statute would justify their being brought
to England for trial.

The people of Boston were encouraged to persevere in their
resolution not to import dutiable articles. Many of the towns
in the Province adopted resolutions, assuring the citizens of
the metropolis that they would aid them in carrying out that
policy. The people of Lexington, as we have already seen,
declared in 1769 that they would drink no more tea till the
unconstitutional revenue act should be repealed. Such assur-
ances from every quarter gave the people of Boston great
courage and induced them to persevere. Boston being the
seat of oppression was of course the first to complain — the
first to speak out — the first to act. And its people per-

^ "General Gage came on from New York: but he could do nothing without run-
ning the risk of being cashiered." J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 59.

Ed.

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 99

formed their part nobly. But at the same time it should be
understood that the patriots of Charlestown, of Roxbury, of
Cambridge, of Salem, and, we may add, of the towns gener-
ally, counselled with the patriots of Boston, and whatever
was done at Boston was sustained in the interior.

The treacherous Bernard was succeeded by the more
treacherous Hutchinson; and the affairs of the Colony were
not at all improved by the change. The Ministry had so far
yielded to the Colonies as to remove the tax upon tea; but the
concessions came too late. The people plainly saw that pay-
ing the duty upon one article would be surrendering the great
principle for which they had contended; and they boldly
declared that they would resist the payment of taxes in any
form. On the 18th of October, 1769, the town of Boston
published an "Appeal to the World," in which they say, "A
legal Meeting in the Town of Boston is an Assembly where
a noble freedom of speech is ever expected and maintained;
where men think as they please, and speak as they think.
Such an Assembly has ever been the dread, and often the
scourge of Tyrants. Our Rights are invaded by the Revenue
Acts; therefore, till they are all repealed, and the troops re-
called, the cause of our just complaints cannot be removed."

On the evening of the 2d ^ of March, 1770, a number of Brit-
ish soldiers, having collected in State Street, insulted some of
the citizens who were passing, which soon drew together a
considerable concourse of people. Preston, a British captain,
who was officer of the day, soon appeared with a file of men
with fixed bayonets and loaded muskets. Preston ordered
them to fire upon the citizens, which they did, killing three
men,^ and wounding several others.^ The excitement was
fearful. At eleven the next day, a town meeting was opened
at Faneuil Hall with a prayer by Rev. Mr. Cooper. Samuel
Adams and fourteen others were chosen a committee to wait
upon the Governor, and, in the name of the town, demand
the removal of the troops. The Governor after considerable
hesitation consented to remove one regiment to the Castle;

^ 5th of March. See E. Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. i, pp.
171-246, using as her authority History of the Boston Massacre, containing the
Narrative of the Town, the Trial of the Soldiers, and A Historical Introduction,
unpublished documents of John Adams and Notes, Frederic Kidder, Albany, 1870:
Joel Munsell. Ed.

2 One more "died next morning" and another "lingered until the 14th." Ed.

» Six. Ed.

100 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

but decided to retain the rest in the town. Faneuil Hall being
insufficient to contain the multitude which had assembled, the
meeting was adjourned to the Old South Church. The com-
mittee which had waited upon Hutchinson, came in with its
report of the interview, and pronounced the answer of the
Governor unsatisfactory.

The town, after due deliberation,^ raised a new committee,
composed of Adams, Hancock, Warren, and other prominent
citizens, to bear to the Governor their final message. "It is
the unanimous opinion of the meeting," said Adams to the
Governor, "that the reply to the vote of the inhabitants in
the morning is by no means satisfactory; nothing less will
satisfy them than a total and immediate removal of the
troops." Hutchinson hesitated, repeating his former state-
ment, that he had no power to remove them. "If you have
power," rejoined Adams, "to remove one regiment, you have
power to remove both. It is at your peril, if you refuse. The
meeting is composed of three thousand people. They are be-
come impatient. A thousand men are already arrived from
the neighborhood, and the whole country is in motion. Night
is approaching. An immediate answer is expected. Both regi-
ments or none." ^ Hutchinson hesitated, trembled, and
finally quailed before the master spirit of this patriot band,
and consented to withdraw the troops ^ from the town and
quarter them at the Castle. On the return of the committee
with the intelligence, the meeting dispersed; but not until
they had provided a strong military watch of their own, to be
on duty till the regiments should leave the town whose peace
and safety they had disturbed.

The Governor was mortified and chagrined at finding him-
self foiled in his plan, and his military force checked and con-

^ By a vote of "4000 plus only one dissentient." E. Chase, Beginnings of the
American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 236. Ed.

2 W. V. Wells, Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, Vol. i, p. 323. The fol-
lowing variant appears in the Life and Works of John Adams, Vol. x, p. 352. Ed.

"If the Lieutenant-Governor or Colonel Dalrymple, or both together, have authority to
remove one regiment, they have authority to remove two, and nothing short of the total evacuation
of the town by all the regular troops will satisfy the public mind or preserve the peace of the
Province. A multitude, highly incensed, now await the result of this application. The voice of
ten thousand free men demands that both regiments be forthwith removed. Their voice must
be respected, their demand obeyed. Fail, then, at your peril to comply with this requisition: on
you alone rests the responsibility of this decision; and if the just expectations of the people are
disappointed, you must be answerable to God and your country for the fatal consequences that
must ensue. The Committee have discharged their duty, and it is for you to discharge yours.
They wait upon your final determination."

' The Fourteenth and Twenty-ninth were thereafter known in Parliament as
"Sam Adams's regiments." Ed.

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 101

trolled by the civil authority. The Government at home,
sharing in this mortification, strove to raise the military above
the civil power by placing the proscribed town of Boston
under martial law. The Governor, in consequence of this
step, resigned the Castle to the military commander at Bos-
ton. This new act of arbitrary power on the part of the King
and Council tended to hasten the rupture which the wisest
statesmen had long seen to be merely a question of time.

Up to the commencement of 1772, Boston had acted with-
out any special concert with other towns in the Province.
Resolutions had been adopted, and the leading patriots in
Boston had counselled with kindred spirits in other towns;
but there had been no organized channel of communication.
But as the weight of British vengeance seemed to be concen-
trating upon Boston alone, many of her patriotic citizens
were filled with apprehension, bordering upon despair. John
Adams had retired from the service of the people; Hancock
faltered; Gushing, Phillips, Church, and others, who had been
active before, hesitated or declined active service in the pa-
triot cause. But there was one man among them who knew
not despondency; one who was reared up for the crisis, and
who, like all truly great men, was sure to rise with the occa-
sion. Samuel Adams stood firm at his post. He saw in pros-
pect the independence ^ of the Colonies, and, knowing that
great events could be brought about only by active and well
concerted means, he conceived the plan of opening a corre-
spondence with all the towns in the Province; and by an
organized system of town and county committees to form a
sort of government by which the energies of the Colony might
be directed, and so be prepared for any exigency which might
arise. And though his plan at first was but feebly seconded in
Boston, and some who had been active before refused to act
on the committee, in a short time there came a response from
the country ^ which infused new life into the people, confirm-
ing the wavering and gaining new advocates for the cause of
popular rights.

When the Legislature assembled in January, 1773, these
responses from the towns were laid before them. The popular

^ "In the summer of 1768 Sam. Adams had concluded the only proper course
was independence when the time was ripe." J. Fiske, The American Revolution,
Vol. I, pp. 54-57. Ed.

2 Eighty towns organized committees of correspondence. J. Fiske, The American
Revolution, Vol. i, p. 79. Ed-

102 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

voice thus expressed, the firmness manifested, and the deter-
mination evinced by the people themselves in their primary
meetings, strengthened the hands of the Assembly, and rekin-
dled in their breasts those fires of patriotism which were never
more to expire. Encouraged by the almost unanimous voice
of the whole Province, and strengthened by the noble and pa-
triotic response from Virginia, the leading patriots of Massa-
chusetts saw that the issue was fairly made, that a rupture
between the Colonies and Great Britain was inevitable, and
that nothing but union and firmness were necessary to insure
independence. Their future measures, therefore, must look
to this result.

While these things were occurring, the feelings of the
people of Massachusetts were further exasperated by the pub-
lication of sundry letters written by Governor Hutchinson to
the Ministry in England, urging the adoption of the most
arbitrary and oppressive measures against the Colony. It
appeared that the Governor had been guilty of the greatest
hypocrisy and treachery, urging Great Britain to oppress the
people over which he was ruling, while to them he was making
the most solemn protestations of friendship and assuring
them that he was doing everything in his power to lessen their
burdens and secure their rights.

The East India Company, anticipating a profitable market
in America, had purchased a large amount of tea, and to pre-
vent a heavy loss they prevailed upon the Council to allow
them to ship it to America free of duty in England. Three
cargoes were destined to Boston. In the mean time, the Com-
mittee of Correspondence had succeeded in enlisting the sym-
pathy of most of the towns in the Province; and had obtained
the assurance from the other Colonies that they would resist
this new imposition and would not suffer the tea to be landed.
The amount of duty was small, but, as the payment of it
would recognize the right of Parliament to tax them, they
could not, consistently with their oft-repeated declarations,
submit.^

Besides, the leading statesmen were fully sensible that an
open rupture must inevitably take place at no very distant
day; and they did not intend that any act of concession
should be cited against them when the eventful period should
arrive. They chose rather to meet the oppressor at the

^ Compare J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. i, pp. 82-85. Ed.

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 103

threshold and to admonish him of the danger of his measures
before it was too late. It was for Massachusetts in this case,
as in all others, to take the lead. The people knew that the
tea ships were on their passage, and that the Governor him-
self, in the name of his sons, was among the consignees. A
large assembly convened at the "Liberty Tree," where the
consignees had been requested to meet the people. Adams,
Hancock, and other distinguished patriots were present, but
the consignees failed to appear.

A committee was chosen to wait upon them at their ware-
houses, and to request them not to land the tea, but to return
it to England in the same vessels in which it had been shipped.
The consignees without hesitation refused to hearken to their
request. A town meeting was called, and a similar request
made in the name of the town. In the mean time one of the
ships arrived in the harbor, the owner of which promised
the Committee of Correspondence that tTie entry of the ship
should be delayed for several days. The citizens of Boston
held a meeting the next morning, which was the largest ever
known in the town. Adams, Hancock, Warren, and other
prominent men were present, and took part in the proceed-
ings. It was voted unanimously that the tea should not be
landed, but should be sent back without the payment of the
duty. The owners of this ship and others which were soon
expected finally agreed that they would not enter the tea, but
would return it, agreeably to the request of the citizens.
Meantime the people of Boston were receiving assurances
of cooperation from all parts of the Province. Cambridge,
Charlestown, Roxbury, Dorchester, and many other towns
in the immediate vicinity acted with them through their
committees. Towns more remote assured them of their aid.
"We trust in God," wrote the people of Lexington, "that
should the state of our affairs require it, we shall be ready to
sacrifice our estates and everything dear in life, yea, and life
itself, in support of the common cause.'* Such was the pledge
given; and nobly was it redeemed.

The other two ships had arrived, and the twenty days had
nearly elapsed within which they must enter at the custom-
house or obtain a clearance. The Governor had stationed an
armed ship in the channel below, and had caused the guns at
the Castle to be loaded, to prevent the departure of the ships
without his permission, — which he had resolved not to

104 HISTORY OF LEXmOTON

grant. On the 16th of December, 1773, the people of Boston,
with at least two thousand men from the country, assembled
at the Old South Church, and resolved that the tea should
not be landed. The meeting continued in session till after
dark, when the final report came that the Governor had
resolved that the vessels should not pass the Castle till the
tea had been discharged. Whereupon Samuel Adams rose in
great dignity and said, " This meeting can do nothing more to
save the country." In a moment a shout was heard at the door;
the war-whoop resounded; a party of forty or fifty men, dis-
guised as Indians, passed by the door; and encouraged by
the presence of Adams, Hancock, and others at the meeting,
repaired to the wharf, where the ships were lying, and, having
posted sentinels to keep off intruders, took possession of the
vessels, and in about three hours the whole quantity on
board, some three hundred and fifty chests of tea, was
emptied into the dock, without any injury being done to the
rest of the cargo. ^

The course pursued by Massachusetts from the first had
rendered her the special object of British displeasure; the
destruction of the tea at Boston filled up the measure of her
iniquity in the estimation of the King and Parliament; and
this Province was marked as the victim on which to pour out
the vials of their wrath. And well did she merit this pre-
eminence. She was the first to assert the rights of the Colo-
nies, and the boldest in proclaiming them to the world. She
was the most steadfast in her determination to resist British
encroachments, and the most active in her efforts to unite the
Colonies in the great cause of human freedom.

That Massachusetts stood first in what they denominated
rebellious Provinces, the records of Parliament abundantly
show. On the 7th of March, 1774, the Earl of Dartmouth laid
before the House of Lords a great variety of papers in relation
to the conduct of the American Colonies with reference to the
duty on tea. These papers were referred to a committee con-
sisting of about fifty members, who at once selected Massa-
chusetts as the head and front of the oftending, not only with
reference to the destruction of the tea, but also in relation to
the whole subject of taxation and the power of Parliament. In
an elaborate report submitted to the House of Lords by the

1 Paul Revere rode post-haste to Philadelphia to carry the news. J. Fiske, The
American Revolution, Vol. i, p. 90. Ed.

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 105

Earl of Buckinghamshire, April 20, 1774, the Committee say
"that they have attentively read and considered the several
papers relative to the proceedings of the Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay, in opposition to the sovereignty of his Majesty in
his Parliament of Great Britain, and have carefully inspected
the journals of the House from the 1st of January, 1764, to the
present time." They then proceed to give a detailed account
of the doings of this Colony for the period of ten years —
showing that Massachusetts had, during that period, not
only denied the right of Parliament to tax the Colonies, but
had uniformly thrown every obstacle in the way of collecting
a revenue in America — overawing the oflScers of the Crown
and compelling them to resign; refusing to quarter troops sent
over to enforce the laws, and even denying the right of send-
ing troops into the Province in times of peace without their
consent; asserting for themselves an exemption from the laws
of Parliament, and also claiming for themselves the right to
legislate in all cases whatsoever. And while they had in this
manner denied the power of Parliament and resisted the exe-
cution of the laws, they had taken active measures to draw
the other Colonies into the same rebellious policy; and that
the destruction of the tea in the harbor of Boston was the
crowning act of their insubordination and hostility to the
British Government.

Lord North, in introducing the Boston Port Bill, gives
Massachusetts the preeminence in disloyalty by saying,
"Boston had ever been the ringleader in all riots, and had at
all times shown a desire of seeing the laws of Great Britain
attempted in vain in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. That
the act of the mob in destroying the tea, and the other pro-
ceedings, belonged to the acts of the public meeting; and that
though the other Colonies were peaceable and well inclined
towards the trade of this country, and the tea would have
been landed at New York without opposition; yet when the
news came from Boston that the tea was destroyed, Governor
Tryon thought it would be prudent to send the tea back to
England. Boston alone was to blame for having set the
example; therefore Boston ought to be the principal object of
our attention for punishment."

Thus, Massachusetts justly claims the merit, if merit it be,
in being first and foremost in pleading the cause of freedom in
opposition to the demands of despotic power, and in adopting

106

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

measures which led to the independence of these States. The
fact that she was singled out by the British Government as
the object of what they denominated parental chastisement
shows that she was regarded as the most forward of the Col-
onies of Great Britain in resisting their acts. From this time
forth Massachusetts was made to feel the special vengeance
of an oppressive administration.

" TONGUE OF THE OLD CHURCH BELL

VVhich. on the morning of AprH 19th, 1775, sounded the Alan
ning the Citliens of Leitington to rally and
resi&t the approach of the British.

CHAPTER V

GOVERNOE gage's ADMINISTRATION

Passage of the Boston Port Bill — Gage appointed Governor — His Instructions
from Dartmouth — Gage arrives in Boston — The Bill goes into Operation —
Bells tolled, and a Day o? Fasting and Prayer appointed — Boston holds a
Town Meeting — Two Other Bills passed by Parliament transferring Appoint-
ments to the Crown, and changing fundamentally our Charter — Four Counties
meet in Convention — Resolutions adopted — OflBcers appointed by the Cro\ra
compelled to resign, and Jurors refuse to be sworn — Middlesex Convention's
Address — Gage forbids the Holding of Public Meetings — Seizes Public Powder
at Charlestown and fortifies Boston Neck — Gage calls a General Court — Call
revoked — A Provincial Congress organized at Salem, and adjourned to Con-
cord — The Pro\dncial Congress recommend an Organization of the Militia,
appoint General Officers, and Committees of Supplies and Safety — Delegates
to the Continental Congress — Provincial Congress appoint a day of Fasting and
Prayer — Worcester and Concord selected as Depots for Military Stores.

The steady and undeviating opposition of the Province of
Massachusetts to the oppressive acts of the Ministry and
Parhament, and the wisdom by which all their measures had
been made abortive, naturally rendered that corrupt court
impatient to crush the Colony at a blow. They only waited
for a convenient opportunity. In the estimation of the Min-
istry the destruction of the tea filled up the measure of colonial
iniquity; and the mighty power of a mighty nation was to be
concentrated upon the town of Boston. Lord North brought
forward his bill for closing the port. It was hurried through
both houses of Parliament, and received the royal assent on
the 31st of March, 1774. This Act, which has generally been
denominated the "Boston Port Bill," fell particularly hard
upon the people of Boston and Charlestown. As it was the
great mart of commerce in New England, and a large share of
the people depended in one form or another upon the trade
of the place, for employment, closing the port, and so anni-
hilating all commerce, spread consternation among thousands
of the inhabitants. But the Act had passed, to take effect on
the 1st of June; and Thomas Gage, who was appointed
Captain-General and Governor of Massachusetts, was en-
trusted with its execution.

The Earl of Dartmouth, in his letter of instructions to

108 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Gage, under date of April 9, informed liim that "the sover-
eignty of the King in his Parliament over the Colonies, re-
quired a full and absolute submission," and that "his com-
mand over the King's troops," and his employing those
troops with effect "would in all probability secure the execu-
tion of the law, and sustain His Majesty's dignity." Gage
landed in Boston on the 17th of May, and was received by the
people and the Legislature with all the attention and with
every demonstration due to his station. He undoubtedly
flattered himself that he would be able in a short time to
bring the people to submission; for two days after his arrival
he wrote to Lord Dartmouth "that the Port Bill has staggered
the most presumptuous." Still he thought it prudent to call
for additional troops,^ which were forwarded in the course of
the summer and early autumn, so that he wrote that he was
able "to form a force of nearly three thousand men, exclusive
of the regiment to defend the Castle."

The Boston Port Bill went into operation on the 1st of
June, without any opposition on the part of the people. Still,
the tolling of bells, fasting and prayer, and the exhibition of
emblems of mourning proclaimed a deep religious feeling
more dangerous to the peace of the Governor and the success
of his measures than any display of military force could have
been. Amid this state of gloom the people were not inactive.
On the 13th of May, the very day on which General Gage
arrived in the harbor, the people of Boston met at Faneuil
Hall, chose Samuel Adams moderator, and adopted a vote
inviting all the other Colonies "to come into a joint resolution
to stop all importations from Great Britain till the Act for
blocking up the harbor of Boston be repealed." At an ad-
journment of this meeting, on the 31st, they resolved, "that
the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the Bos-
ton Port Bill, exceed our powers of expression; we therefore
leave it to the just censures of others, and appeal to God and
the world."

Samuel Adams, writing to Arthur Lee, then in London,
under date of April 4, says, the acts of Great Britain will pro-
duce the ^^ entire separation and independence of the Colonies, ^^
and that "it requires but a small portion of the gift of dis-
cernment for any one to foresee that Providence will erect a
mighty empire in America." But while this great leader in
1 Fourth and Forty-third Regiments. Ed.

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 109

the Province saw that a collision was inevitable, and that the
result must be glorious to the Colonies, with that prudence
characteristic of the truly great, he recommended wise
moderation. In a letter to Lee, May 18, 1774, he says, "Our
business is to find means to evade the malignant design of the
Boston Port Bill. Calmness, courage, and unanimity prevail.
While they are resolved not tamely to submit, they will, by
refraining from any acts of violence, avoid the snare that they
discover to be laid for them, by posting regiments so near
them." 1

But it was not the Boston Port Bill alone that General Gage
was to carry into effect. The British Parliament had passed
two other acts, quite as objectionable as the Port Bill — acts
which robbed the people of many of their rights and substan-
tially nullified their Charter. One was entitled "An Act for
better regulating the government of the Province of Massa-
chusetts Bay," and provided that the counsellors, who had
been chosen annually by the General Court, should be ap-
pointed by the King, and be removable at his pleasure; that
the judges, sheriffs, and other civil officers should be ap-
pointed by the Governor; that all jurors, who had been
chosen by the people, should be selected by the sheriffs; —
thus making the whole judicial department dependent upon
the Crown and subservient to his will. The same act pro-
vided that no town meetings, except the annual meetings for
the choice of town officers in March or May, should be holden
without the consent of the Governor. The other act pro-
vided that any person charged with any capital offence, com-
mitted while acting "as a magistrate for the suppression of
riots, or in the support of the laws of revenue, or acting in his
duty as an officer of revenue," might, at the pleasure of the
Governor, be removed to any other Colony, or to Great
Britain for trial.

These acts formed a system of oppression hardly to be en-
dured by a people born to the enjoyment of constitutional
liberty. Up to this period the question had been mainly one
of taxation; but now almost every right was impaired and
every privilege taken away. The great principles of the
English Constitution and the American Charters were
wantonly violated. These acts not only shut up the harbor of
Boston and thereby destroyed the trade of the town, bringing

1 W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, Vol. n, pp. 149-50, 168. Ed.

110 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

bankruptcy and ruin upon men of business and extreme suf-
fering upon the laboring poor, but they virtually destroyed
the impartial administration of justice and practically an-
nulled that great prerogative of the citizen — trial by jury.
Another grand prerogative of the citizens of Massachusetts
was grossly trampled in the dust. From the very first, the
people of New England had been accustomed to assemble in
their town meetings and there discuss all measures which
related to their temporal and spiritual interests. Such meet-
ings were by implication granted in their first Charter, and
were clearly established by usage and enjoyed by the whole
people; and when the despotic Andros attempted to abridge
this right, the people resisted the encroachment as an attack
upon one of their dearest privileges.

The last-named acts were received by General Gage on the
6th of August, 1774, and he lost no time in attempting to
carry them into effect. Most of his counsellors accepted their
appointments; the courts convened under this new authority,
and the sheriffs summoned their jurors. But the people in the
mean time were not idle. The town committees, the organ-
ization of which was, as we have already seen, devised by
Samuel Adams, constituted a sort of government to which the
people looked for advice and protection. A meeting of dele-
gates from the town committees of the counties of Suffolk,
Essex, Middlesex, and Worcester met at Faneuil Hall and de-
liberated upon the state of the Province. They pronounced
the new measures of Parliament "a complete system of tyr-
anny," robbing the people of the most essential rights of
British subjects, and resolved that all oflficers accepting ap-
pointments under these oppressive acts ought to be regarded
as traitors to the Colony; that a Provincial Congress ought to
be held, and that the action of the courts in the mean time
ought to be suspended. Such suggestions were readily adopted
by the people. The judges in attempting to hold a court in
Berkshire County were driven from the bench, and jurors
selected by the sheriff in the County of Suffolk refused to be
sworn. The counsellors who had been appointed by the King
were compelled to resign or seek safety in Boston.

On the 30th of August, a convention was held at Concord,
consisting of delegates from every town and district of Mid-
dlesex County, to deliberate upon the state of the Province.
Being aware of the critical condition of affairs, they say in

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 111

their Address, *'The question now is, whether by a submission
to some of the late Acts of Parliament, we are contented to be
the most abject slaves, and entail that slavery upon posterity
after us; or by a manly, joint, and virtuous opposition, assert
and support our freedom. Life and death, or what is more,
freedom or slavery, are, in a peculiar sense, now before us;
and the choice and success, under God, depend greatly upon
ourselves." They resolved that the late Acts of Parliament
are unconstitutional, and that no officers appointed under
them ought to be obeyed, and concluded by saying, "No
danger shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us; and if
in support of our rights, we are called upon to encounter
death, we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die
too soon, who lays down his life in support of the laws and
liberties of his country." Such was the patriotic ground taken
by the freemen of Middlesex — such the ennobling senti-
ments they would instill into the bosom of every American.
Nor was this an empty boast. Their conduct at Lexington,
Concord, and Bunker Hill showed that they were true to their
professions. To Middlesex County belongs the honor of hold-
ing the first convention, and taking the lead in making a
perfect organization against the arbitrary power and oppres-
sive policy of the British Ministry. With a promptness
worthy of all praise every town and district responded to the
call.

General Gage kept a watchful eye upon these proceedings;
and, regarding these public meetings as among the most dan-
gerous means of rallying the people in opposition to his
authority, was determined to suppress them. Notices were
issued for a meeting in Salem to choose delegates to a county
convention. General Gage issued a proclamation forbidding
the people "at their utmost peril from attending any meeting
not warranted by law." He also sent a detachment of troops ^
to disperse the meeting, but on their arrival the people had
dispatched their business and adjourned. Failing in his at-
tempts to prevent such meetings, and hearing that the people
were taking public measures to perfect themselves in military
discipline, the Governor resolved to deprive them of all means
of defence, and sent out a detachment to seize all the powder
in the public magazine at Charlestown. Fortunately for the
cause, the towns had withdrawn their respective stocks, and

1 August 23, 1774. Twenty-third Royal Welsh Fusiliers had landed. Ed.

112 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

consequently none was left but a small quantity belonging
to the Province. About this time General Gage commenced
fortifying Boston Neck, as the isthmus connecting Boston
with the mainland was generally called. This added greatly
to the excitement which already existed. It was regarded as a
warlike demonstration, and gave evidence of a determination
on the part of the Governor to enforce the odious laws at the
point of the bayonet.

Yet the people had no disposition to provoke a contest
with the King's troops. They chose rather to take peaceable
measures to prevent the execution of the laws. Nor were they
wanting in devices of this kind. When they obstructed the
operation of the courts, or the performance of duties by cer-
tain newly appointed officers, it was only on the ground that
these officers were appointed in contravention of their
Charter and the English Constitution. If they organized
military companies, it was only to perfect themselves in the
art of war, that they might be better qualified to defend
themselves against the King's enemies, and so be enabled to
maintain their rights as Englishmen. These measures so an-
noyed General Gage that he made them the special subjects
of remark in his communications with the Ministry. In a let-
ter to the Earl of Dartmouth, August 27, 1774, he says, "It is
agreed that popular fury was never greater in this Province
than at present; it has taken its rise from the old source at
Boston, though it has appeared first at a distance. These
demagogues trust their safety in the long forbearance of the
Government, and an assurance that they cannot be punished.
They chicane, elude, openly violate, or passively resist the
laws, as opportunity serves; and opposition to authority is of
so long standing that it has become habitual."

On the 1st of September, 1774, Governor Gage issued writs
convening the General Court at Salem on the 5th of October.
In many cases the towns, in choosing their representatives,
had instructed them to use all peaceable means to oppose the
late Acts of Parliament. The people of Lexington instructed
their representative to "use his utmost influence that nothing
be transacted as a court under the new council, or in con-
formity to any of the late Acts of Parliament." In the mean
time there had been several important county conventions,
which denounced the Acts of Parliament as severe, oppres-
sive, and unconstitutional, "designed to strip us of our in-

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 113

alienable rights and dearest privileges," and pointed out vari-
ous modes of redress. The Suffolk resolutions declared,
"That no obedience is due from this Province to either or any
part of these Acts"; that officers who accept appointments
under them should be considered *'as obstinate and incorri-
gible enemies to this Colony"; and they recommend that all
collectors of taxes withhold the money from the royal treas-
urer, and hold it subject to the direction of the proposed
Provincial Congress, which they recommend being called.
The Essex resolutions pronounced all officers and private per-
sons who attempt to carry out the Acts which violate the
Charter of the Province "unnatural and malignant enemies";
declared that town meetings "ought to be called agreeably to
the laws of the Province"; and that, "if the despotism and
violence of our enemies should finally reduce us to the sad
necessity, we, undaunted, are ready to appeal to the last re-
sort of states." The Plymouth resolutions declared, "That
it is a duty every man and body of men owes to posterity, as
well as to God and our country, to oppose with all our power
the execution of these unjust and oppressive Acts " ; and they
recommended to the inhabitants of the Province "never to
submit to them in any instance whatever." The Worcester
resolutions recommended to the towns to instruct their repre-
sentatives, chosen to meet at Salem, "absolutely to refuse
to be sworn," except by some officer "appointed according to
the Charter of the Province." They also recommended to the
several towns to appoint military officers, and to provide
themselves with arms and ammunition, against any emer-
gency that may arise.

Such is a specimen of the resolutions of the several counties.
They all recommended a Provincial Congress, and some
recommended that the members chosen to meet at Salem
resolve themselves into such a Congress. They also recom-
mended military preparation; and while they discouraged
and denounced any attack upon the King's troops, they more
than intimated that they would resist by force of arms rather
than be converted into slaves. They also declared in favor of
holding town meetings to deliberate upon the affairs of the
Province, and recommended that no money be paid into the
treasury of the Province organized under the late Acts of
Parliament. The conventions and their doings coming to the
knowledge of Governor Gage, he issued a proclamation on

114 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the 28tli of September, adjourning without day the General
Court which he had summoned to meet at Salem, October 5.
The reasons assigned for this unusual and arbitrary course
were that many tumults and disorders had taken place since
he called the meeting, and that "the extraordinary resolves
which had been passed in many counties and the instructions
given by the town of Boston and some other towns to their
representatives" rendered it "highly inexpedient that a
Great and General Court should be convened" at that time.

But as the proclamation was issued only a few days before
the time of meeting, many of the members had already left
home and were on their way to Salem before they heard of the
high-handed measure of the Governor. In obedience to the
summons and a preconcerted arrangement, nearly one hun-
dred members met at Salem on the 5th of October; and after
waiting one day to see if the Governor or any public officer
would appear to administer the oath of office, on the 6th they
resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress, and chose
John Hancock, chairman, and Benjamin Lincoln, clerk.
After this temporary organization, they voted to adjourn to
the 11th inst., to meet at the court-house at Concord, that
being the time and place designated by several of the coun-
ties for holding a Provincial Congress, before the meeting
of the General Court at Salem had been ordered by the
Governor.

After a session of three days at Concord, the Congress
adjourned to Cambridge, where their sittings were continued
from the 17th of October to the 10th of December. During
this session they adopted a system of measures to put the
Province in a state of preparation and defence. Though they
deprecated hostilities with Great Britain, and had not "the
most distant design of attacking, annoying, or molesting His
Majesty's troops," ^ they were not insensible to the fact that
these troops were brought into the Province to reduce the
people to a state of subjection to unjust and arbitrary laws
which would render them the mere vassals of a corrupt for-
eign Ministry. To guard against an evil which they deemed
greater than death itself, they adopted a plan of organizing,

^ The attitude of the troops and their oflBcers towards the Provincials is well
shown in the Memoirs and Letters of Captain W. Glanville Evelyn, of the Fourth
Regiment ("King's Own") from North America, 1774-1776. Printed for private
circulation, by James Parker & Co., Oxford, 1879. Ed.

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 115

arming, and calling out the militia in case of emergency. This
plan provided, among other things, that all able-bodied men
should be enrolled, and that these companies should immedi-
ately assemble and elect their proper oflScers; that these oflfi-
cers, when elected, should assemble as soon as may be and
elect field officers; that the field officers should enlist at least
one quarter of the men enrolled, and form them into com-
panies of at least fifty men, each man to be armed and
equipped and held in readiness to march on the shortest
notice. These were what were denominated "minute-men."
In addition to the platoon and field officers, they provided for
general officers and designated their rank. To meet the
expenses which might arise from the employment of the mili-
tia, and to procure such arms and military stores as might be
necessary, they chose a committee of supplies, consisting of
David Cheever, of Charlestown, Mr. Gill, Colonel Lee, Mr.
Greenleaf, and Colonel Lincoln; and to carry out this part of
the plan more effectually they elected Henry Gardner, Esq.,
of Stow, as Treasurer and Receiver-General, and directed
that all taxes that had been granted and all moneys in the
hands of collectors should be paid over to this new treasurer,
instead of being paid into the royal treasury. They also
created what they denominated a "Committee of Safety,"
consisting of John Hancock, Dr. Warren, Dr. Church, Mr.
Devens, Captain White, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Norton of Quincy,
who declined, Mr. Watson, and Colonel Orne, and clothed
them with large discretionary powers; and among them the
power of calling out the militia in such numbers and at such
times and places as they might deem expedient. The Con-
gress subsequently selected Jedediah Preble (who declined
the appointment), Artemas Ward, Seth Pomeroy, John
Thomas, William Heath as general officers to command the
troops in case they were called out.

After adopting this general plan and selecting the appropri-
ate officers to carry it into effect, the Provincial Congress pre-
pared and published an Address "to the freeholders and other
inhabitants of the towns and districts of Massachusetts Bay,"
in which they say, "You are placed by Providence in the post
of honor, because it is the post of danger; and while struggling
for the noblest of objects, ihe liberties of your country, the
happiness of posterity, and the rights of human nature, the
eyes, not only of North America and the whole British Em-

116 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

pire, but of all Europe are upon you. Let us therefore be alto-
gether solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing unbe-
coming our characters as Americans, as citizens, and as Christ-
ians, be justly chargeable to us." They also prepared an Ad-
dress to the clergy, in which they recommend "to the minis-
ters of the Gospel in the several towns, and other places in this
Colony, that they assist us in avoiding that dreadful slavery,
with which we are now threatened, by advising the people of
their several congregations, as they wish their prosperity, to
abide by, and strictly adhere to, the resolutions of the Conti-
nental Congress, as the most peaceable and probable methods
of preventing confusion and bloodshed." Before closing their
labors, the Provincial Congress made choice of John Han-
cock, Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and
Robert Treat Paine to represent this Province in the next
Continental Congress.

While these things were occurring in Massachusetts, the
Continental Congress was holding a session in Philadelphia.
This patriotic body was composed of delegates from twelve
Provinces; Massachusetts being represented at that time by
Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert
Treat Paine. They approved the measures and endorsed the
doctrines put forth by the county conventions and the Provin-
cial Congress of Massachusetts. They also recommended an
agreement and entered into a covenant not to import or con-
sume British merchandise or manufactures. They likewise
adopted a Petition to the King, an Address to the people of
Great Britain and to the inhabitants of the Colonies, and an-
other to the people of Canada. But while this Congress were
truly firm and independent, and were resolved to support the
rights of the Colonies, and while they approved of the manly
and noble stand taken by the people of Massachusetts, they
knew the strong temptation they were under to commit some
overt act of war against the King's troops; and hence they
recommended to the people of Massachusetts "to submit to a
suspension of the administration of justice, where it could not
be procured in a legal and peaceable manner under the rules of
their present Charter and the laws of the Colony." They also
recommended to the people of Boston *'to conduct themselves
peaceably towards Governor Gage, and His Majesty's troops
stationed there, as far as can possibly be consistent with their
immediate safety, and the security of the town; avoiding and

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 117

discountenancing every violation of His Majesty's property,
or any insult to his troops ; and that they peaceably and firmly
persevere in the line they are now conducting, on the defen-
sive." Such were the measures adopted — and such the pol-
icy recommended by the patriots who composed the Con-
tinental Congress : — a body of men concerning whom Lord
Chatham said in the British Parliament, "I must declare and
avow, that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and
wisdom of conclusion,^ under such a complication of difficult
circumstances, no nation or body of men, can stand in prefer-
ence to the General Congress at Philadelphia. It must be
obvious to your Lordships, that all attempts to impose servi-
tude upon such men must be vain — must be futile."

While these decided measures were being adopted by the
people in the Colony, and while every county and almost every
town in Massachusetts was, in its humble way, resounding
with notes of preparation, the Tories and the British officials
were ridiculing the idea of attempting to withstand His
Majesty's troops. A British officer, writing from Boston,
November 3, 1774, says, "The Resolutions of Congress are
only thrown out as a bugbear to intimidate the merchants of
Boston, and frighten the Ministry into a repeal of the late
Acts. The faction in Boston is now very low. Believe me, all
ranks of the people are heartily tired of disorder and confu-
sion; as soon as the determination of Great Britain to dispose
of their resolves and petitions is known, all will be very quiet."
Another British officer, writing from Boston, November 22,
to a friend in London, says, "As to what you hear of their
taking arms to resist the force of England, it is mere bullying,
and will go no further than words; whenever it comes to
blows, he that can run the fastest, will think himself best off.
Believe me, any two regiments here ought to be decimated, if
they did not beat in the field the whole force of Massachu-
setts Province ; for though they are numerous, they are but a
mere mob, without order or discipline, and are very awk-
ward at handling their arms." Writing home to Scotland
from Boston, December 26, an officer in the King's service
declares, "Our army is in high spirits, and at present this
town is pretty quiet. I make no doubt things will wear a new
face here, especially when your sentiments of the Ministry's
firmness are authenticated." While letters from Boston were
representing the Americans as cowards, Colonel Grant de-

118 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

clared in the House of Commons, February 2, 1775, "that he
had served in America, and knew the Americans well; was
certain they would not fight. They would never dare to face
an English army, and did not possess any of the qualifications
necessary to make a good soldier."

Though certain oflficers in the British army at Boston at-
tempted to call in question the courage of the Americans, and
to ridicule the idea of their resorting to arms. General Gage
viewed the proceedings of the Provincial Congress with some
degree of apprehension; especially their recommendation for
the organization of the militia. Consequently on the 10th of
November, 1774, he issued a proclamation in which he de-
nounced these measures as having "a mostf dangerous tend-
ency to ensnare His Majesty's subjects, the inhabitants of
this Province, and draw them into perjuries, riots, seditions,
treason, and rebellion"; and he exhorts and commands, in
His Majesty's name, "all his liege subjects" not to comply
" in any degree with the resolves, recommendations, direc-
tions, and regulations" of the Provincial Congress, "as they
regard His Majesty's highest displeasure, and would avoid
the pains and penalties of the law."

The Governor, however, felt himself strengthened and sup-
ported by the fact that at the meeting of Parliament, Novem-
ber 29, the King, in his Speech from the Throne, assured them
of "his firm and steadfast resolution to withstand every at-
tempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of Parlia-
ment over the Colonies"; and that the Lords and Commons
had, by a large majority, sustained the Crown. The Governor
was also instructed by Lord Dartmouth, under dates of De-
cember 10, 1774, and January 4, 1775, to carry out His Maj-
esty's pleasure, and to use his utmost endeavors to prevent
the appointment of delegates to the Continental Congress,
to be holden in May, 1775. The Governor, in response to
these instructions, assures his lordship that the firm stand
taken by the King and Parliament "has cast a damp upon
the faction," and he begins to hope that "they will fall on
some means to pay for the tea" they had destroyed.

But while Gage was flattering himself with the hope that
the action of Parliament would awe the Colonies into sub-
mission, the fires of patriotism were burning brighter and
brighter in the bosoms of all true Americans. The several
towns and districts in the Province had elected their dele-

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 119

gates to the second Provincial Congress, and on the 1st day of
February, 1775, they assembled at Cambridge, and organized
for the dispatch of business. On the 9th, they elected Hon.
John Hancock, Dr. Joseph Warren, Dr. Benjamin Church,
Jr., Mr. Richard Devens, Captain Benjamin White, Colonel
Joseph Palmer, Mr. Abraham Watson, Colonel Azor Orne,
Mr. John Pigeon, Colonel William Heath, and Mr. Jabez
Fisher a Committee of Safety, to continue in power till the
further order of this or some other Congress or House of
Representatives of the Province. They also "empowered
and directed" them, when they should think it expedient "to
alarm, muster, and cause to be assembled with the utmost
expedition, and completely armed and accoutred, and sup-
plied with provisions suflScient for their support in their
march to the place of rendezvous, such and so many of the
militia of this Province as they shall judge necessary for the
end and purpose of opposing" the execution of the late Acts
of Parliament, designed to annul the Charter and enslave the
people of the Province. And they earnestly recommended to
all officers and soldiers of the militia to obey the calls of this
committee, "and to pay the strictest obedience thereto, as
they regard the liberties and lives of themselves and the
people of the Province."

At the same time they had appointed, as before stated,
general officers to command the troops called out by the Com-
mittee of Safety. They also published a patriotic and spirited
Address to the Inhabitants of Massachusetts, which com-
mences and closes as follows : — ■

"Friends and Fellow Sufferers: —

" When a people, entitled to that freedom which your ancestors
have nobly preserved as the richest inheritance of their children,
are invaded by the hand of oppression, and trampled on by the
merciless feet of tyranny, resistance is so far from being criminal,
that it becomes the Christian and social duty of each individual.
Your conduct hitherto, under the severest trials, has been worthy
of you as men and Christians, and notwithstanding the pains that
have been taken by your enemies, to inculcate the doctrine of non-
resistance and passive obedience, and by every art to delude and
terrify you, the whole continent of America has this day come to
rejoice in your firmness. We trust you will still continue steadfast,
and having regard to the dignity of your characters as freemen, and
those generous sentiments resulting from your natural and political
connections, you will never submit your necks to the galling yoke of

120 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

despotism prepared for you; but with a proper sense of your de-
pendence on God, nobly defend those rights which Heaven gave,
and no man ought to take from you."

Having dispatched its business, and appointed Thursday,
the 16th day of March, as a day of fasting and prayer to the
Sovereign Ruler of nations, the Provincial Congress ad-
journed on the 16th of February, to meet at Concord on the
22d of March.

The Committee of Safety and the Committee of Supplies
held meetings almost daily between the sessions of the Con-
gress, and adopted the most active and ejQficient measures to
put the Colony in a state of defence. That there might be
more harmony and efficiency, they generally met together.
They directed sub-committees to procure cannon and small-
arms, powder and ball, and military stores, such as provi-
sions, tents, entrenching tools, and whatever would be
required in case troops were called into the field. The journal
of their proceedings shows at once their energy and their
poverty — their strong devotion to the cause of liberty, and
the destitution of the Colony in almost everything necessary
to carry on a war, in case they were driven to the necessity of
taking up arms in defence of their rights. They selected
Worcester and Concord as the depots of such arms and stores
as they could obtain. But their journal shows greater prep-
aration than was actually made. The cannon and other
stores ordered could not in many cases be obtained. But
everything in the Colony went to show that a rupture was
expected, and that stout hearts and strong hands were relied
upon to supply the defects of munitions of war; and that the
patriots trusted in the justice of their cause and the overruling
providence of God to bring them off conquerors and more than
conquerors, should their oppressors take the field against them.

As the object of this chapter has been to state the real
question at issue, and to show the various steps by which the
collision was brought about, we have brought the account
down to the 1st of March, 1775, being about the period when
General Gage commenced operations in the field. We have
seen that the controversy originated in the question of taxa-
tion; Great Britain claiming the right to legislate for the Col-
onies "in all cases whatsoever," and consequently to impose
such taxes upon them as the King and Parliament might
think fit; and the Colonies insisting that by their Charters and

GOVERNOR GAGE'S ADMINISTRATION 121

the great principles of Magna Charta, they, having all the
rights, immunities, and prerogatives of Englishmen, could
not be taxed without their consent; that taxation without
representation was oppressive, and that all laws to raise a
revenue in America, without the consent of the people, were
in direct contravention of the English Constitution and the
colonial Charters, and so were unconstitutional and void.
The British Government, finding itself unable to meet this
issue in the field of debate, and knowing that the united voice
of the people in the Colonies was sustained by many of their
ablest statesmen at home, resolved to change the issue by
altering the American Charters, so as to give Great Britain,
if not civil at least military control over the Colonies. The
Charter of Massachusetts was at first taken away, and subse-
quently restored with important changes, greatly increasing
the power of the Crown, and consequently reducing that of
the colonists. But though this modified Charter was in fact
forced upon the colonists, the Ministry were not disposed to
abide by it, but actually took the liberty of infringing its pro-
visions, whenever they were found to stand in the way of
their unjust and oppressive measures. They not only tram-
pled upon the rights of the Colony, as a body politic and cor-
porate, but they invaded the private rights of individuals in
points relating, not only to property, but to liberty and life,
by controlling the courts of justice, depriving the people of
the right of trial by jury, and the privilege of meeting to-
gether peaceably to deliberate upon their own affairs. These
unconstitutional and oppressive measures — this system of
tyranny, deliberately adopted and persistently adhered to,
for the express purpose of reducing the Colonies to a state of
abject and degrading servitude, they attempted to enforce at
the point of the bayonet.

It was not simply a question of taxation or no taxation, but
a question of freedom or slavery that the people were called
upon to decide; — not merely a question whether they should
be taxed to feed their oppressors, but whether they should
submit to evils far greater, and enormities more to be dreaded,
because more personal in their character; — whether they
should have their property torn from them in mock trials by
judges taken from among their oppressors, and by juries
packed by corrupt crown officers; — whether their lives
should be put in jeopardy by being torn from their families

122 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

and transported beyond the seas to be tried for pretended
offences. This was the issue forced upon the people at that
day. Our patriot fathers were not rebels in the common ac-
ceptation of that term. They did not revolt against the mother
country, or refuse to obey laws constitutionally made, and
designing to apply to all His Majesty's subjects. No; they
simply refused to acquiesce in a system of measures applying
to themselves alone, and adopted for the avowed purpose of
depriving them of the rights of British subjects and of bring-
ing them trembling to the foot of the throne.

Nor was this noble stand taken by our fathers till all other
means had failed. Petition and entreaty had been resorted
to, but repeated petitions had been answered only by re-
peated injuries; and it was not till all hope of redress had
failed that they took the last resolve to stand by their rights
at the hazard of their lives. And even then they resolved not
to be the aggressors. Though they believed their cause to be
just, they would not forfeit the approbation of the God of
battles by any hasty or rash act of their own.

It is a libel upon the character of our fathers to say that
they involved the country in all the horrors of war rather
than pay a petty tax upon stamped paper and tea. They had
motives higher, purer, and holier than that of avoiding the
payment of an insignificant tax. They planted themselves
upon the great principles of human rights — of fealty to their
country and fidelity to their God. They felt that they had
personal rights which they were bound to defend — a duty
they owed to posterity, which they were under a sacred
obligation to discharge — a devotion to the Most High, which
it were treason to disregard. Such were the motives and the
convictions of our patriot sires. They fought not to conquer,
but to defend; not to humble a foe, but to build up a com-
monwealth on the great principles of equal rights. To these
duties they were prompted by the dictates of patriotism, and
the teachings of the Word of Life.

Note. — An event worthy of notice occurred within the period covered by this
chapter, which is stated here, so as not to interrupt the chain of events which were
tending to an open rupture with the mother country. On the 22d of May, 1773, Rev.
Mr. Clarke's house was entered by a burglar, who carried off a silver tankard and
other articles of plate. Levi Ames was subsequently arrested, and the articles found
in his possession. He was arraigned and found guilty. He confessed his guilt, and as
burglary in the night-time was at that day a capital offence, he was executed, October
20, 1773. Mr. Clarke visited him in prison, and prayed with him, after his convic-
tion. The stolen articles were restored to Mr. Clarke.

CHAPTER VI

THE BATTLE OP LEXINGTON

The Policy of General Gage — His Expedition to Concord — Attack upon the
Americans at Lexington — The Gathering of the Militia — The Skirmish at
Concord — Destruction of Military Stores there — The Retreat of the British
Troops — Reinforcement imder Lord Percy.

We now come to the most eventful period in the history of
Lexington, and indeed of our country. We have seen in the
preceding chapters the causes which led to the Revolution,
and the steps by which the great conflict of opinions was de-
veloped. We have witnessed the acts of oppression on the
one side and the firm and manly opposition on the other. We
have felt the ground-swell of public sentiment and heard the
busy notes of preparation. We have seen that the town of
Lexington had contributed its full share to the patriotic tide
and was measurably prepared for the issue.

If the importance of a battle depended upon the number of
troops engaged, or upon the military science displayed in the
operation, the Battle of Lexington would dwindle into com-
parative insignificance. The events of the 19th of April, 1775,
are not characterized by any remarkable exhibition of mili-
tary skill, or by those combined desperate deeds of daring
which excite admiration and render a military expedition
remarkable. There were no dangerous defiles, to be passed at
every hazard, in the face of disciplined troops, — no strong
batteries to be stormed, — no commanding positions on
which depended the fortunes of the day, to be carried at the
point of the bayonet. Nor were there any of those desperate
encounters between veterans, well armed and equipped, and
led on by brave and experienced commanders, of which we
have so many accounts in history. There was true bravery —
but it was the firm principle of patriotic valor, unaided by
military skill — the uprising of a people poorly armed, in
defence of their dearest rights.

The Battle of Lexington, in its commencement, was little
more than a cowardly and brutal attack of some eight hun-
dred veteran troops upon fifty or sixty peaceable citizens.

124 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The whole movement of General Gage was simply a secret
expedition of a well-appointed corps to destroy a few un-
guarded military stores — a march through a country of un-
offending citizens, where there were no troops to oppose. It
was not an expedition into an enemy's country in time of war;
but a sort of excursion party in times of peace, sent out by the
acknowledged Governor of the Province, some twenty miles
into the country. And yet the fate of two mighty empires
hung upon the conduct of this party. Their excursion was
among men who knew their rights, and knowing dared main-
tain them. If their march was peaceable, and the rights of the
people were respected, they had nothing to fear from the in-
habitants. But if they should invade the rights of the citizens
by destroying their property or ruthlessly entering their
dwellings; and especially if their march should be marked
by violence and massacre, it would in all probability cause
a wound never to be healed. And yet this party, with a
haughty disregard of the rights of the inhabitants, wantonly
commenced a system of pillage and massacre as though it
were a mere holiday pastime; and thus brought on a collision,
the effects of which were not only felt in both hemispheres at
that day, but may yet extend to unborn ages.

The pages of the world's history present many sanguinary
battles, and even decided and brilliant victories which were
attended with no particular results. The battle of the Pyra-
mids in Egypt, and of Buena Vista in Mexico, are of this
description. Nor is it obvious to the most careful observer
at the present day what principles, moral or political, were
involved in those bloody and terrible conflicts or were settled
by their results. The desperate struggle in the Crimea, which
ended in the partial fall of Sebastopol, where the mighty
energies of the three great powers of the world were put
forth, and where blood and treasure were poured out like
water, decided nothing, except that the advance in military
science gives neither party any advantage where both avail
themselves of the latest improvements.

But with the affair of the 19th of April the case was widely
different. It involved the enfeebling of one empire, and the
creation of another. It was a conflict of opinions rather than
of arms. It was a war of opposing principles which had di-
vided the public mind for centuries, — it was a stern debate
upon the ensanguined field of the great question of human

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 125

rights against arbitrary and despotic power, — of the privi-
leges of the many against the prerogatives of the few. But
though the colHsion on that memorable day was the opening
scene of the Revolutionary drama, it was by no means the
moving cause of that eventful struggle. We must look to
causes more remote than the marching of the British troops
from Boston, and to questions more momentous than the
possession of a few rusty cannon at Concord, if we would
comprehend the issue decided by the American Revolution.
Nor are the ejffects of that day's adventure to be confined to
the precipitate and ignominious flight of the British army
and its arrival under cover of its ships at Charlestown. No;
the events of that day, by inspiring confidence and securing
union on the one side and by creating distrust on the other,
insured to America the blessing of independence, and gave
an impulse to the cause of liberty which has cheered many
a heart on both continents and may yet contribute to the
emancipation of the world.

The spring of 1775 opened with every indication that the
crisis was rapidly approaching, and that General Gage had
resolved to make some decisive demonstration in the field.
Parliament had signified its determination to sustain the
Ministry in bringing the Colonies to a state of subjection. The
Earl of Dartmouth had suggested to General Gage the pro-
priety of disarming the colonists ; ^ and though General Gage
had in November, 1774, intimated that true wisdom would
require the employment of twenty thousand troops,^ yet in
January, 1775, he had written to his lordship that matters
looked more favorable, and that it was the general opinion
that "if a respectable force is seen in the field, the most ob-
noxious of the leaders are seized, and a pardon proclaimed for
all others, the Government will come off victorious." ^ General
Gage was also aware that there was a growing dissatisfaction
in the Ministry with the course he was pursuing. His policy
was deemed ineflScient, and his inactivity was complained of.*
He knew, moreover, that additional troops were to be sent to
Boston, and that Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne were
to join, and probably in the end to supersede him. Such facts

^ Force's Archives, 4th Series, Vol. I, p. 1045.

^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. in, p. 506.

' Force's Archives, Vol. ii, p. 336. Ed.

* Chatham's Speech in Parliament, January 20, 1775. Ed.

126 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

and considerations would naturally prompt him to action.
He was probably further encouraged by certain demonstra-
tions, in favor of the royal cause, made at Marshfield and
several other places.

Knowing that some cannon and other military stores had
been collected at Salem, he sent, on the 25th of February, a
detachment of his troops to seize or destroy them. But the
people, anticipating his design, raised the drawbridge leading
to the part of the town where they were deposited, and so
prevented their falling into his hands. ^ Meditating the de-
struction of the military stores which the Committees of
Safety and Supplies had been collecting at Worcester and
Concord, General Gage sent oflScers in disguise to sketch the
topography of the country and ascertain the feelings and prep-
aration of the people. Under date of February 22, Captain
Brown, of the Fifty-second Regiment, and Ensign D'Bernicre,
of the Tenth, were directed to make this reconnoissance, with
instructions not only to note the roads, distances, heights,
passes, rivers, and the like, but to "notice the situation of the
towns and villages, their churches and churchyards, whether
they are advantageous S'pots to take 'post in, and capable of
being retidered defensible." ^ These officers in disguise visited
Worcester by way of Sudbury, Framingham, and Marlbor-
ough, and subsequently, on the 20th of March, visited Con-
cord by way of Sudbury and returned through Lexington;
and on their return, reported the result of their exploration to
General Gage.^

^ Essex Gazette. See also E. Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution,
Vol. n, pp. 248-61. Ed.

2 Force's Archives, Vol. i, p. 1263.

' See Journal of John Howe, a British spy, in Ellen Chase, Beginnings of the
American Revolution, Vol. ii, p. 295. See also D'Bemicre's Narrative, as follows.
This reference to the Battle of Lexington is from the original pamphlet in the pos-
session of the Lexington Historical Society, and also republished in the Mass. Hist.
Soc. Coll., Vol. IV, 2d Series. (Page 17 of pamphlet:)

" TRANSACTIONS o/<fte British troops previous to, and at the Battle 0/ Lexington; with a Return
of their killed, wounded and missing, as made to General Gage.

"On the night of the 18th of April 1774, at nine o'clock, the grenadiers and light infantry of
the army at Boston, received orders to embark immediately under the command of Col. Smith,
in the men of war's boats, and proceed according to his directions. They embarked at the com-
mon in Boston, and crossed to the shore lying between Charlestown and Cambridge, where they
landed and received a day's provisions: They began their march about twelve o'clock for Con-
cord, that being the place they were ordered to go to, for the purpose of destroying some military
Btores laid up there by the rebels. The troops received no interruption in their march until they
arrived at Lexington, a town eleven miles from Boston, where there were about 150 rebels drawn
out in divisions, with intervals as wide as the front of the divisions; the light-infantry who
marched in front halted, and Major Pitcairn came up immediately and cried out to the rebels to
throw down their arms and disperse, which they did not do; he called out a second time, but to
no purpose; upon which he ordered our light-infantry to advance and disarm them, which they

■//

GEnii^AL GAG E's

INSTRUCTIONS,

Of 2sd FtkruMry lyyy,

To Ctptain ^r«u/« and Enfign 'D'Birma-e, ^oi the
army nodcr his command) whom he ordered to take
a fketch of tl)c roads, paHes, heights, &c. froai Bojisn
lo fForceJisr^ and to naake other obfervatlons :

With a curious

NARRATIVE

,0f OCCURRENCES during their mfCor;
Wrote by the 'Enfign,

Togofher with atj A C C O U N T of their doings,,
ii confequcnce of further Orders and Inftrn(5^ionfi
from General Gtf^r, of rhe 20th AfjrrA foIWing^
to proceed ta Ccncsrj^ xo reconnaitrc adi rrvd cut ihe
ftatc of the provincial magazines . vc - ': li.

cannen, kc, they havCj snd in v/hac :.

A L s :^,
<A.n ACCOUNT of the Tranf^ftion; of tha
Br'mpp troops, from iha time they marcliej our b51
Bodin^ on the evening of the i?th. 'till their cmfuL'd
retreat back^ ou the ever memfrebh I\:'ie:eefi;b cf
^- April I -J -ji^-^ and a Return of their k' -dcd

and mifiiag on ihat aufpicious de^, as raa„

^ ;?«•<■

'i.r-i^. b tDwii L/ a Hr'iiljh Oilxer prtvc u f;
lio.T ot it by tile eiicmy, and ncwT
iutorniation aad amufcnieiit of" ttie fi, .

BOSTON:

Pfiottd, and to b« f»Jd, bv J. G ' ,. L, in Ccirt Street.

TITLE-PAGE OF D BERXICRE NARRATIVE

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 127

In the mean time there were many indications that the
British officers, stationed at Boston, were becoming weary of
those "piping times of peace," and were desirous of bringing

were doing, when one of the rebels fired a shot, our soldiers returned the fire and killed about
fourteen of them; there was only one of the 10th light-infantry received a shot through his leg;
some of them got into the church and fired from it, but were soon drove out. We then continued
our march for Concord, and arrived there between nine and ten o'clock in the morning of the 19th
April, the light-infantry marched on the hills that lay the length of the town, and the grenadiers
took the lower road immediately on our arrival; Capt. Parsons of the 10th, was dispatched with
six light-companies to take possession of a bridge that lay three quarters of a mile from Concord,
and I was ordered to shew him the road there, and also to conduct him to a house where there
was some cannon and other stores hid; when we arrived at the bridge, three companies under the
command of Capt. Lowry of the 43d, -vjere left to protect it, these three companies were not close
together, but situated so as to be able to support each other; we then proceeded to Col. Barrett's,
where these stores were, we did not find so much as we expected, but what there was we de-
stroyed; in the mean time Capt. Lowry and his party were attacked by about 1500 rebels and
drove from the bridge, three officers were wounded and one killed, three soldiers were killed and
a number wounded, notwithstanding they let Capt. Parsons with his three companies return,
and never attacked us; they had taken up some of the planks of the bridge, but we got over; had
they destroyed it we were most certainly all lost; however, we joined the main body. Col. Smith
during our absence, had sent Capt. Pole of 10th regiment, to destroy some provisions and cannon
that were lodged in another part of the town, he knock'd the trunnions off three iron 24 pound
cannon and burnt their carriages; they also destroyed a quantity of flour, and some barrels of
trenchers and spoons of wood for their camp. Upon the different detachment's joining the main
body, and after getting some horses and chaises for the wounded, we began the march to return
to Boston, about twelve o'clock in the day, in the same order of march, only our flankers were
more numerous and further from the main body; all the hills on each side of us were covered with
rebels — there could not be less than 5000; so that they kept the road always lined and a very
hot fire on us without intermission; we at first kept our order and returned their fire as hot as we
received it, but when we arrived within a mile of Lexington, our ammunition began to fail, and
the light-companies were so fatigued with flanking they were scarce able to act, and a great
number of wounded scarce able to get forward, made a great confusion; Col. Smith (our com-
manding-officer) had received a wound through his leg, a number of officers were also wounded,
so that we began to run rather than retreat in order — the whole behaved with amazing bravery,
but little order; we attempted to stop the men and form them two deep but to no purpose, the
confusion increased rather than lessened: At last, after we got through Lexington, the officers got
to the front and presented their bayonets, and told the men if they advanced they should die:
Upon this they began to form under a very heavy fire; but at that instant, the first brigade joined
us, consisting of the 4th, 23d, and 47th regiments, and two divisions of marines, under the com-
mand of Brigadier-General Lord Percy; he brought two field-pieces wih him, which were imme-
diately brought to bear upon the rebels, and soon silenced their fire. — After a little firing the
whole halted for about half an hour to rest. Lord Percy then made the light-infantry march in
front, the grenadiers next, and the first brigade brought up the rear and sent out flankers; the
rebels still kept firing on us, but very lightly until'.we came to Menotomy, a village with a number
of houses in little groups extending about half a mile, out of these houses they kept a very heavy
fire, but our troops broke into them and killed vast numbers; the soldiers shewed great bravery
in this place, forcing houses from whence came a heavy fire, and killing great numbers of rebels. At
about seven o'clock in the evening we arrived at Charlestown, they kept up a scattering fire at us
all the way; at Charlestown we took possession of a hill that commanded the town, the Selectmen
of which sent to Lord Percy to let him know that if he would not attack the town, they would
take care that the troops should not be molested, and also they would do all in their power for to
get us across the ferry; the Somerset man of war lay there at that time, and all her boats were
employed first in getting over the wounded, and after them the rest of the troops; the piquets of
10th regiment, and some more troops, were sent over to Charlestown that night to keep every-
thing quiet, and returned next day. The rebels shut up the neck, placed sentinels there, and
took prisoner an officer of the 64th regiment that was going to join his regiment at Castle-
William. — So that in the course of two days, from a plentiful town, we were reduced to the dis-
agreeable necessity of living on salt provisions, and fairly blocked up in Boston.

RETURN of the killed, wounded and missing, on the 19th of April, 1775, as made to General Gage.

KILLED.

IVth regiment, Lieut. Knight, at Menotomy.
XLIIId, ditto, Lieut. Hull, bridge beyond Concord.

WOUNDED.
rVth regiment, Lieut. Gould, bridge beyond Concord.
Vth ditto, Lieut. Hauxshaw, near Lexington. •

128 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

on a collision with the people. On the anniversary of the Bos-
ton Massacre, Dr. Warren delivered the Oration at the Old
South Church, and Samuel Adams presided. A large number
of British officers were present, and attempted to break up
the meeting by cries of fire, hissing, and other disorderly con-
duct.^ On the 8th, Thomas Ditson, Jr., a citizen of Billerica,
being in Boston, was seized by a party of the King's troops,
on the vain pretence of having urged one of their soldiers
to desert; and without any trial or examination was taken to
their guard-house and kept a prisoner till the next day, when
he was stripped, tarred and feathered, placed upon a truck,
and drawn through some of the principal streets, attended
by forty or fifty soldiers of the Forty-seventh Regiment with
arms and fixed bayonets, led on by Colonel Nesbit of that
regiment, the music at the same time playing "Yankee
Doodle" by way of derision.^ On the 16th of March, which
was observed as a day of fasting and prayer in obedience to
the recommendation of the Provincial Congress, several con-
gregations in Boston were annoyed by a party of the Fourth
Regiment. They pitched their tents near one of the churches,

Vth regiment, Lieut. Cox, ditto.

ditto, Lieut. Baker, ditto.

Xth ditto, Lieut. Col. Smith, ditto.

ditto, Lieut. Kelly, bridge beyond Concord.

ditto. Ensign Lester, near Concord.

XXIIId ditto, Lieut. Col. Bernard, Menotomy.

XXXVIIIth ditto, Lieut. Sunderland, bridge Concord.

XLVIIth ditto, Ensign Baldwin, near Lexington.

ditto, Ensign McCloud, ditto.

Marines I CaPt- Souter, ^t:^^]^^^^ Lexington.
\ Lieut. Potter )

PRISONERS,
IVth regiment Lieut. Gould.
LXIVth ditto, Lieut. Hamilton.
Marines, Lieut. Potter.

Killed. Wounded. Missing.

Officers 2 13 3

Sergeants 2 7 1

Drummers 1 0 1

Rank and file 68 154 21

Total 73 174 26

See also F. W. Cobum's list (The Battle of April 19, 1775, p. 159). Ed.

^ Force's Archives, Vol. ii, p. 120. " The red-coated gentry behaved with tolerable
decency till after the Doctor had finished; when, taking exception at the words of
the vote that was put for the appointment of an orator for the next year, one of them
cried ont fie! fie 1 This exclamation was seconded by two or three others; and the
people thinking it was the cry of fire, great confusion was occasioned . . . much
mischief would have ensued, had not the gentlemen in the desk very strenuously
exerted themselves to restore quiet." See also Atlantic Monthly, April, 1877. Ed.

* Ditson's Deposition, and Remonstrance of the Selectmen of Billerica.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 129

and during the service greatly disturbed the worshippers by
their drums, fifes, and other noises. Colonel Madison was
present with them a part of the time. On the 17th, in the
evening, Colonel Hancock's house, near the Common, was
attacked by a party of British oflScers, who cut and hacked
the fence in front of the house and otherwise behaved very
abusively, breaking windows, and insulting almost every
person they met. On the 18th, the guard at the Neck seized
13,425 musket cartridges with balls, and about three hundred
pounds of musket balls, the property of private persons, which
the General refused to give up to the owners. They also abused
the teamster, pricking him with their bayonets, and assaulted
the Providence stage, breaking the windows and insulting the
passengers. On the 19th, a party of officers and soldiers again
insulted Colonel Hancock, entering upon his premises and
refusing to retire, boasting that his house, stable, and other
property would soon be theirs, when they would use it as they
pleased.^ Though these aggressions were of a private charac-
ter and related to the rights of individuals, they served to irri-
tate the people, and showed at the same time a haughtiness on
the part of the British officers which would naturally lead to a
collision with the inhabitants.

While General Gage was employed in making preparation
for excursions into the country to destroy the military stores
that the Provincials had collected together, the patriotic in-
habitants were not inactive. The Second Provincial Congress,
which held its first session at Cambridge, had adjourned, on
the 16th of February, to meet at Concord on the 22d of March.
On coming together at that time, and being fully impressed
with the critical state of public affairs, they adopted the most
efficient means in their power to meet the crisis, which they
knew could not be far distant. They adopted a code of Rules
and Articles for the regulation of the army of the Province,
elected committees from the several counties to see that the
recommendations of the Congress were fully carried out, and
renewed their recommendation for exercising and drilling the
militia. Having received certain intelligence that large rein-
forcements were on their way to Boston, they sent delegates
to New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, to ap-
prise them of the common danger, and if possible to enlist
them in the common cause. They assured their sister Colo-
* Force's Archives, Vol. n, p. 211.

130 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

nies "that we are determined to take effectual measures for
our security and defence by raising an army"; and requested
them "to cooperate with us by furnishing their respective
quotas for the general defence." They also voted to raise six
companies of artillery, to be organized, disciplined, and in
"constant readiness to enter the service of the Colony " when-
ever it should become necessary. And as they appealed to
Heaven for the justice of their cause, and trusted in the God
of battles to carry them successfully through the contest which
they feared was approaching, they appointed a day of fasting
and prayer. On the 15th of April, they adjourned to meet on
the 10th of May, unless sooner called together on an emer-
gency by a committee which they had designated for that
purpose.^

In the mean time the Committees of Safety and of Sup-
plies, which generally met together, were in session almost
daily, using the most efficient means in their power to put the
Province in a proper state of defence. On the 14th of March,
being in session at the house of Captain Stedman, in Cam-
bridge, and anticipating some movement on the part of Gen-
eral Gage, they voted "that watches be kept constantly at
places where the Provincial magazines are kept." They also
requested the Committees of Charlestown, Cambridge, and
Roxbury "to procure at least two men for a watch every night,
to be placed in each of these towns, and that the said members
be in readiness to send couriers forward to the towns where the
magazines are placed, when sallies are made from the army
by night." Pursuant to this request, on the day following the
Committees directed Colonel Barrett, of Concord, "to engage
a sufficient number of faithful men to guard the colony maga-
zines in that town, and to keep a suitable number of teams
in constant readiness by day and by night, on the shortest
notice to remove the stores; and also to provide couriers to
alarm the neighboring towns, on receiving any information
of any movement of the King's troops." The Committees
were in session at Concord on the 17th of April and adjourned
to meet at Menotomy, now Arlington, at Wetherby's Tavern
the next day.^

Preparatory to any attempt to make a descent upon Worces-
ter or Concord, for the purpose of destroying the military

^ Journals of the Provincial Congress.

' Joumab of the Committees of Safety and of Supplies.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 131

stores, General Gage sent out detachments of his troops into
the neighboring towns, probably with the design of exercising
his men and of habituating the inhabitants to these excur-
sions, so that no apprehension might be felt in case the
troops should be seen leaving Boston. On the 30th of March,
the First Brigade, under Lord Percy, marched out to Jamaica
Plain, in Roxbury. They were narrowly watched by the
people, who collected in large numbers ; but as they were with-
out artillery or baggage, it was inferred that their excursion
was but a short one; knd as they did not interfere with the
inhabitants, they were permitted to pass without molestation.
They did, however, commit depredations upon private prop-
erty by throwing down a considerable quantity of stone
wall.^ Whether this was done as wanton mischief, or whether
they thought that these walls would afford a rampart for the
militia in case they should attempt an expedition in that di-
rection, it is impossible to say.

The day of debate had now passed, and the day of action
— open, efficient action — had come. Active efforts were
now making in all parts of the Province. Not only were the
Committees of Safety and of Supplies adopting efficient meas-
ures, but almost every town was resounding with "awful
notes of preparation." The towns were furnishing arms and
munitions of war to the utmost extent of their ability. The
minute-men and the alarm-lists, as they were called, the latter
being composed of the aged and the young, were out almost
daily for exercise and drill. The people felt the awful responsi-
bility which rested upon them. They knew that to resist the
King's troops would be treason, which they might be called
upon to expiate upon the gallows ; but to submit to the arbi-
trary and unjust requisitions of Great Britain would be court-
ing a chain and entailing slavery upon themselves and their
children. The feeling which pervaded the community was
one of the purest patriotism, sanctified and hallowed on the
altar of religion. Their sense of justice and of right, their
regard for the welfare of their children, their love for their
country, and their devotion to their God prompted them to
action and inspired them with confidence in their ultimate
success.

No class in the community contributed more to produce
this state of feeling and to animate and sustain the people as

* Force's Archives, and Warren's Letter to Arthur Lee.

132 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the danger approached than the pious and patriotic clergy of
New England. Their appeals were ardent and touching.
They recurred to the causes which had brought us to this
country, and recounted the instances in which our fathers had
been brought out of a wilderness of dangers and through
scenes of blood. They pointed to that Canaan of rest which
awaited us, if we would put our trust in the Lord and rely
upon his outstretched arm. They taught their people that
the Gospel was a self-sacrificing system, that patriotism was a
Christian duty, and that he who refused to suffer for his coun-
try in such a holy cause was false to Him who died that we
might live. And among those who animated and encouraged
the people, and thus kindled the fires of patriotism upon the
altars of religion, none was more active or successful than the
distinguished and pious priest who ministered to the people
of Lexington. His intimacy with Adams and Hancock made
him minutely acquainted with the affairs of the Colony, his
clear and far-reaching perception enabled him to judge with
great accuracy, and his noble and manly independence gave
him a controlling influence over the minds of men. "Mr.
Clarke was a man of high rank in his profession — a man of
practical piety, — a learned theologian, — a person of wide
general reading, — a writer perspicuous, correct, and pointed
beyond the standard of the day, — and a most intelligent,
resolute, and ardent champion of the popular cause. He was
connected by marriage with the family of John Hancock. To
this circumstance, no doubt, may properly be ascribed some
portion of his interest in the political movements of the day;
— while on the mind of Hancock an intimacy with Mr. Clarke
was calculated to have a strong and salutary influence." ^

Mr. Clarke took a broad and enlightened view of the duties
and obligations of the citizen. With him patriotism was a
virtue of religious growth. In his estimation love to God in-
volved a love of country, and devotion to religion implied
devotion to the state. Describing the true patriot, he says,
"Inspired with the principles of piety, governed by the laws
of God, encouraged and supported with motives of religion,
such men in the court or in the field, in peace and in war, in
private and in public stations, look with a generous contempt,
a sacred abhorrence upon every advantage they might make
to themselves at the expense of their virtue. No self-interest,

^ Everett's Address at Lexingtoa in 1835.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 133

no venal motive can countervail with them the public good,
the safety and happiness of society — of mankind. The
frowns of the great and the flatteries of the vulgar are equally
despised; the greatest trials are cheerfully endured, the most
self-denying services are with pleasure engaged in, in the
cause of God. In honor to God they wait upon the King, in
devotion to him they serve their country, and for the glory of
his name stand ready cheerfully to submit to every hardship,
firmly to face every danger, and for the support of his cause,
and the defence of the'' liberties and lives of his people, freely
to make their own a sacrifice, and shed their dearest blood." ^
Such were the sentiments of Mr. Clarke, uttered seven
years before hostilities commenced; and they had become
more deeply seated and had taken a more active form as the
crisis approached. Such sentiments and feelings had ex-
tended in a good degree throughout all the Colonies, —
though in Massachusetts they had well-nigh ripened into
action. The town of Lexington, as we have already seen, had
from the first taken a deep and lively interest in the contro-
versy between the parent country and the Colonies, and had
made every effort to prepare her sons for any emergency
which might arise. In 1774, she had "voted to increase the
town's stock of ammunition," "to encourage military disci-
pline, and to put themselves in a posture of defence against
their enemies"; she had voted to supply the "training sol-
diers " with bayonets and had distributed, at the expense of
the town, arms and ammunition to the "training-band" and
"alarm-list" of her citizens. Such was the liberality of the
town to her patriotic sons, who in the day of trial stood firmly
by the cause of freedom, and nobly "showed that they were
worth their breeding." ^

The Second Provincial Congress, of which John Hancock
was President and Samuel Adams one of its most distin-
guished members, having closed its session at Concord on the

^ Artillery Election Sermon, 1768,

* As a specimen of the spirit which prevailed at that day, we subjoin the follow-
ing: "At a meeting of the people of the Alarm List of the third Company in
Danvers, held in said Danvers, the 6th of March, 1775, for the purpose of electing
officers for said Alarm List Company, Rev. Benj. Balch, Chairman; said people
unanimously made choice of Dea. Edmund Putnam for Captain; Rev. Benj. Balch
for Lieutenant, and Mr. Tarrant Putnam for Ensign. The said gentlemen being
present, declared their acceptance." American Archives, Vol. ii, p. 37.

This fact is well worthy of a town, which, though distant, nobly joined the affair of
the 19th of April, 1775.

134 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

15th of April, these champions of freedom, instead of return-
ing to Boston, had taken up their abode with Rev. Jonas
Clarke at Lexington. This they were induced to do in conse-
quence of the impression which had become quite prevalent
that General Gage had meditated their seizure. It was well
known that Hutchinson, the predecessor of General Gage,
had used his influence to have Adams arrested and sent to
England to be tried for treason; and the subsequent course of
Adams had been still more offensive to the royal Governor.
General Gage had, by his proclamation of November, 1774,
pronounced the Provincial Congress over which Hancock
had presided "an unlawful assembly, tending utterly to sub-
vert " government, and to lead directly "to sedition, treason,
and rebellion," and had held up "the pains and penalties of
the law," to prevent their reassembling or their measures
from being carried into effect. There was reason, therefore,
to apprehend that these distinguished patriots, after attend-
ing another session of this unlawful assembly and adopting
measures still more odious to His Majesty's Government,
would not be safe in Boston ; abounding, as it did at that time,
in a large number of inveterate Tories from all parts of the
Province, who were constantly urging the Governor to deeds
of violence and desperation. This impression was strength-
ened by various other causes. Gordon, the historian, informs
us that an intercepted letter from Mr. Mauduit to Commis-
sioner Hollowell, brought over by a vessel from England
which arrived here on the 2d of April, contained distinct
intimations that some of the leading patriots were to be
seized and sent to England as traitors. A letter from London,
under date of February 24, 1775, contained this passage,
"those Lords who advised the King to declare you rebels,
and apprehend Messrs. Hancock and Adams, &c., &c., have
gone so far as to say that Chatham shall fall a sacrifice to
their designs." ^ Another letter from London says, "Orders
are certainly sent to seize particular persons." ^ Another letter,
subsequently received, declares that "the Administration, on
Friday, received advices from General Gage to the 18th of
March, wherein he acknowledges the receipt of the King's
order to apprehend Messrs. Gushing, Adams, Hancock, &c.,
and send them over to England to be tried; but that the sec-
ond orders, which were to hang them in Boston, he said the

* Force's Archives, Vol. ii, p. 345. * Ihid., Vol. ii, p. 319.

SAMUEL ADAMS ^
PAUL BEVEKE

DOROTHY QUINCY

JOHN HANCOCK
WILLIAM DAWES

Guests at the Hancock-Clarke House
April 19, 1775

1 Copyright by A. W, Elson k Co.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 135

General had not then received." ^ General Gage, as we have
already seen, in his letter to Dartmouth, of the 18th of Janu-
ary, had suggested the propriety of seizing "the most ob-
noxious leaders," and offering pardon to all others; and his
Proclamation of the 12th of June, 1775, offering "His Maj-
esty's most gracious pardon to all persons who shall forth-
with lay down their arms, and return to their duties of peace-
able subjects, excepting only from the benefit of such pardon,
Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offences are of too
flagitious a nature to ^dmit of any other consideration than
that of condign punishment," ^ shows that such a measure
was premeditated. Lord Dartmouth in his letter to General
Gage, under date of April 15, expressly declares that the seiz-
ure of the most obnoxious leaders is " already provided for." '
These facts prove most conclusively that one object of the
stealthy movement of the British officers on the evening of
the 18th of April was to seize these illustrious patriots, that
they might suffer the full penalty of treason. This fact was
admitted at the time, and has since been acknowledged by
foreign ^ as well as by American writers.^

Everything indicated that the crisis was at hand, and a
fearful one it was for Massachusetts. General Gage had re-
ceived a small accession to his forces, which now amounted to
about four thousand men, well armed and equipped, and
under the most perfect discipline, they could be brought into
the field at any moment. Large reinforcements were on their
way from Europe, and Boston was their destination. On the

^ Force's Archives, Vol. ii, p. 386.

* Force's Archives, Vol. ii, p. 969. Ed.
' Force's Archives, Vol. ir, p. 336.

* Botta, Murray, and others.

^ Shattuck, in his History of Concord, declares that one object of this expedition
was "to apprehend Hancock, Adams, Barrett, and other distinguished patriots"
(p. 101). We have no disposition to detract from the merits of Colonel Barrett. He
was undoubtedly a brave and eflBcient officer, and a true patriot; but we are not
aware that he stood so prominent as to be known across the Atlantic, and to be
ranked with Adams and Hancock. After a pretty thorough examination of authori-
ties, we have found nothing that could, even by implication, include him in the list of
the proscribed patriots. He certainly was not exempted from pardon in Gage's
proclamation.

The designs of the British, and the belief of the day, are clearly embodied in a
Tory ballad of that period — more remarkable for truth than for poetry, we
imagine.

"As for their king, that John Hancock,
And Adams, if they're taken,
Their heads for signs shall hang up high.
Upon the hill, called Beacon."

136 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

side of the Province there was no organized army : not a single
company in the field to oppose the march of the King's troops.
The whole Province was in a state of comparative disorder.
General Gage, by dissolving the Legislature, had left Massa-
chusetts without any lawful government. The Provincial
Congress, a body almost self -constituted, assumed to act as a
sort of legislature, and the Committees of Safety and of Sup-
plies were exercising a kind of executive power. And though
these bodies, under all the circumstances of the case, acted
with great wisdom and efficiency, they had no power to en-
force their measures and no adequate means in their hands to
procure the necessary troops or munitions of war. Though
the Provincial Congress had, as early as October, 1774, rec-
ommended the purchase of arms and ammunition to the
amount of £20,800, their Treasurer, on the 25th of April,
1775, reported that only about £5000 had come into his
hands. ^ The poverty of the people and the dearth of military
stores within the Province are manifest from the journals of
those bodies. Most of the arms in the hands of the people
were their old hunting guns, without bayonets; hence votes
were passed by Congress earnestly recommending the pur-
chase and manufacture of that essential appendage of the
musket. The manufacture of saltpetre was also urged upon
the people, that they might be able to supply the great de-
mand for powder. The towns were earnestly called upon to
furnish, as far as possible, a certain quantity of bayonets,
powder, and "firelocks."

The records show the great difficulties under which the
Committee of Supplies labored. Many of their votes indi-
cate the straits to which they were driven.^ They were di-
rected to "endeavor to procure" such and such articles. The
supply of military stores and of provisions indicated their
destitution in both the implements and the sinews of war.
The Committee of Supplies were directed to "endeavor to
procure" 200 spades, 150 iron shovels, 150 pickaxes, 1000

* Journals of the Provincial Congress, and of the Committees of Safety and of
Supplies.

* "Voted imanimously by both Committees, that the Committee of Supplies
do procure ten tons of brimstone, provided it can be had on this condition : that the
Committee of Supplies agree to pay therefor, when the present owner shall have op-
portunity to sell the same, or that it shall be returned in six months, if not used; and
if used, it shall be paid for." Journal of the Committees of Supplies and of Safety,
February 21, 1775.

THE BATTLE OF LEXE^GTONT 137

six-quart iron pots, 200 bill-hooks, 1000 wooden mess-bowls,
1 tenon-saw, 200 axes, 50 wheelbarrows, and a suitable supply
of wooden spoons; also 355 barrels of pork, 700 barrels of
flour, 300 bushels of beans, and 20 tierces of rice. Limited
as were these amounts and active as were the endeavors of
the Committee, these supplies could not be fully obtained.
They also secured as many fieldpieces as they could, but so
limited was the supply that certain officers were directed,
if possible, to borrow of those who possessed them that
the men might be instructed in their use. With such com-
parative destitution, and with a population of only about
three hundred thousand, without any organized government,
and almost without money or credit, Massachusetts dared
with a small number of undisciplined and half-armed militia
to withstand the mighty energy of Great Britain, lately vic-
torious on both continents over the most powerful nations of
the earth. But great as was the disparity, the patriots stood
firm. Animated by the justice of their cause and sustained by
a lively faith in an overruling Providence, they were deter-
mined to do their duty, and trust the issue to Him "who
bringeth the princes to nothing," and "taketh up the isles
as a very little thing."

General Gage, having obtained all needed information rela-
tive to the topography of the country, planned a secret ex-
pedition to Concord for the purpose of destroying the military
stores there deposited. On the 15th of April, on the pretence
of teaching the grenadiers and light infantry some new disci-
pline or evolutions, he detached about eight hundred of them
from the main body and marched them to another part of the
town. At night the boats of the transport ships, which had
been hauled up for repairs, were launched and moored under
the sterns of the men-of-war lying in the river. But the
object of this movement was suspected by the watchful patri-
ots ; Dr. Warren, ever on the alert, immediately caused in-
formation to be communicated to his friends in the neighbor-
ing towns; and a messenger was dispatched to Hancock and
Adams at Lexington. This timely notice enabled the Com-
mittee of Safety, of which Hancock was chairman, to adopt
the precautionary measure, on the 17th and 18th, of having
a portion of the cannon and stores at Concord removed to
Sudbury, Stow, and Groton; and another portion secreted
in different places within the town.

138 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

On Tuesday, the 18th of April, General Gage detailed a
number of his officers and sent them out of town, with in-
structions to post themselves on the several roads leading
from Boston, to prevent, if possible, all intelligence of his in-
tended expedition that night from reaching the country. To
avoid suspicion a part of them left Boston in the morning,
and dined that day in Cambridge. Late in the afternoon they
proceeded leisurely on horseback towards Lexington and
Concord. The Committees of Safety and Supplies had been
in session that day at Wetherby's Tavern at Menotomy, now
Arlington; and as they had not completed their business had
adjourned over to nine o'clock the next morning. Mr. Gerry,
afterwards Vice-President of the United States, and Colonels
Orne and Lee remained there for the night. Mr. Richard
Devens and Mr. Abraham Watson started in a chaise for
Charlestown; but meeting a number of British officers on
horseback, they returned to inform their friends at Wether-
by's and remained there till the officers had passed, when
they returned to Charlestown. Mr. Gerry lost no time in
sending an express to Hancock and Adams that "eight or
nine officers were out, suspected of some evil design." The
messenger took a by-path and arrived safely at Lexington.^
But a verbal message had already communicated to the peo-
ple of Lexington the fact that these officers were on the road.

"Solomon Brown of Lexington, who had been to market at Bos-
ton on the 18th, returned late in the afternoon, and informed Col.
William Munroe, then the orderly sergeant of the militia company,
that he had seen nine British officers, dressed in blue greatcoats,
passing leisurely up the road, sometimes before and sometimes
behind him, armed, as he had discovered by the occasional blowing
aside of their greatcoats. Munroe, suspecting their intention was
to seize Hancock and Adams, immediately collected a guard of
eight men, well armed and equipped, and placed them, himself at
their head, at the house of Mr. Clarke, which was about a quarter
of a mile from the main road leading to Concord. . . . Small par-
ties of British officers in the spring of that year, had frequently been
seen making excursions into the country, early in the day, and re-
turning before evening. But the unusually late hour of their passing
up, at this time, excited the attention of our citizens, and drew to-
gether, at an early hour of the evening, about thirty of the militia,
well armed, and ready for any emergency, to which the critical and
alarming state of things might suddenly call them. It had been cur-
^ Frothingham's Siege of Boston, p. 57, and authorities there cited.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 139

rently reported, that the British had threatened, that Hancock and
Adams should not stay at Lexington; and it was generally beheved
to be the object of these officers, who had passed up, to return
secretly, at a late hour in the night and seize and carry them to
Boston. After some consultation, it was concluded by the persons
present to send three of their number, Sanderson, Brown, and Lor-
ing, towards Concord to watch the British officers, and endeavor to
ascertain and give information of their movements. In the borders
of Lincoln, the whole three were taken prisoners by the British
officers, who were paraded across the road." ^

Soon after Mr. Devens had arrived at Charlestown, he
received intelligence that the British troops in Boston were in
motion and were preparing to leave the town on some secret
expedition. A signal had previously been agreed upon. If the
British attempted an expedition by the Neck, one lantern was
to be hung out from the steeple of the Old North Church, and
if by water, two.^ Devens, an ardent patriot and an active
member of the Committee of Safety, kept his eye upon the
church; the lanterns soon conveyed the tidings that the
troops were leaving Boston by crossing the river. Believing
that Concord was the place of their destination, and fear-
ing for the safety of his friends at Menotomy and Lexington,
he immediately prepared to despatch messengers with the
intelligence.

General Gage in the mean time supposed that his move-
ment was unobserved, and that his expedition was known
only to himself and the few officers to whom he had com-
mitted the secret. Stedman, the English historian, who ac-
companied Percy in this expedition, informs us that Gage sent
for Percy that evening about nine o'clock, communicated to
him the contemplated expedition, and congratulated himself
upon his success in keeping it from the patriots. But as Percy
was crossing the Common a short time after, he saw a group
of citizens assembled, and mingling with them he found the
subject of this expedition to Concord was freely spoken of
and well understood; whereupon he hastened back to Gage's

' Phinney's History of the Battle of Lexington.

* " The Sunday before . . . I had been to Lexington; . . . there I agreed with a
Colonel Conant and some other gentlemen, that if the British went out by water, we
would shew two lanthorns in the north church steeple; and if by land, one, as a
signal; for we were apprehensive it would be difficult to cross the Charles River; or
get over Boston neck." Colonel Revere 's Letter, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. for 1798,
1st Series, Vol. V, p. 107. Ed.

140 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

quarters, and gave him the information.^ Mortified at the
intelligence and to prevent its further spread, he immediately
issued orders that no one should be permitted to leave
Boston.^

But it was too late. The intelligence had gone forth from
the Old North Church with the rapidity of light; ^ and Dr.
Warren had a few minutes before dispatched Paul Revere
and William Dawes ^ into the country to give the informa-
tion and alarm the people. A little before eleven o'clock.
Revere crossed the river in his own boat, close to the Somerset
man-of-war, unobserved, and landed at Charlestown, where
he had an interview with Mr. Devens, who informed him that
ten British ojQBcers, well armed and mounted, were upon the
road. A fleet horse was obtained of Deacon Larkin, and
Revere started on his perilous mission about eleven o'clock.
Soon after passing Charlestown Neck, he fell in with two
British officers who attempted to arrest him; but turning his
horse back towards Charlestown, he gained the Medford
road, and, owing to the fleetness of his horse, he escaped from
his pursuers, one of whom, in attempting to cut him off, rode
into a clay-pit.

Relieved from such troublesome company, Revere passed
through Medford to Menotomy, alarming the people by the
way, and arrived safely at Lexington, where he found Rev.
Mr. Clarke's house guarded by Sergeant Munroe and eight
men. This was a little past midnight; and on requesting to be
admitted to Mr. Clarke's house, he was told by the sergeant
that the family had just retired and had requested that they
might not be disturbed by any noise about the house.
"Noise!" exclaimed Revere, "you'll have noise enough be-
fore long. The regulars are coming out." He was then per-
mitted to pass. Hearing knocking at the door, Mr. Clarke
opened a window and inquired who was there. Revere, with-
out answering the question, said he wished to see Mr. Han-
cock. Mr. Clarke, ever deliberate and watchful, was inti-

^ Stedman's History, Vol. i, p. 119.

* Dr. Belknap's Journal; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, June, 1858. Ed.

^ Paul Revere's Signal. The True Story of the Signal Lanterns in Christ Church,
Boston, pp. 5, 17, Rev. John Lee Watson, D.D. New York, 1880: Trow's Printing
and Bookbinding Co. Ed.

* "When I got to Dr. Warren's house, I found he had sent an express by land to
Lexington — a Mr. William Dawes." Colonel Revere's Letter, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.
for 1798. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 141

mating that he did not like to admit strangers to his house at
that time of night, without knowing who they were and the
character of their business, when Hancock, who had retired
to rest but not to sleep, recognizing Revere's voice, cried out,
"Come in, Revere, we are not afraid of you." Shortly after,
Dawes, who came out through Roxbury, arrived.^ They
both brought the intelligence that " a large body of troops,
supposed to be a brigade of twelve or fifteen hundred men,
were embarked in boats at Boston, and gone over to Lech-
mere's Point in Caml)ridge; and it was suspected that they
were ordered to seize and destroy the stores belonging to the
Colony at Concord." ^

After refreshing themselves at Lexington, Revere and
Dawes, not knowing the fate of the three men who had been
sent up the road from Lexington, set off for Concord to alarm
the people. Soon after, they were overtaken by Dr. Prescott,
a young gentleman of Concord, who had been spending the
evening at Lexington.^ Being an ardent Whig, Prescott
entered heartily into their design, and they proceeded towards
Concord, alarming the people on the road. Before reaching
Brooks's Tavern at the Concord line, they were suddenly met
by a party of British officers, armed and mounted, who imme-
diately surrounded and captured Revere, who was in advance
of his companions. Prescott, being a little in the rear,^ eluded
them, and leaping a stone wall, made his escape and arrived
safely in Concord, where he gave the alarm. The same officers
had already taken Sanderson, Brown, and Loring of Lexing-
ton, and had them then in custody. These prisoners were all
subjected to a rigid examination. Presenting their pistols the
officers threatened to blow out the brains of their captives if
they did not give true answers to their questions. They inter-
rogated the Lexington men relative to Hancock and Adams,
and inquired where they could be found. They also ques-
tioned Revere, who at first gave them rather evasive an-

^ The distance covered by Revere in coming to Lexington was about thirteen
miles, and that covered by Dawes was about seventeen miles. See F. W. Coburn,
The Battle of April 19, 1775, p. 25. Ed.

' Revere's Narrative; William Mimroe's Deposition; Clarke's Narrative; and
Phinney's History.

' Paying court to the young lady whom he afterwards married. Ed.

* "\ called for the Doctor and Mr. Dawes to come up. . . . The Doctor being
foremost he came up: and we tried to get past them; but they being armed with
pistols and swords they forced us into the pasture; the Doctor jumped his horse
over a low stone wall and got to Concord." Colonel Revere's Letter. Ed.

142 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

swers; but finding himself in their keeping and seeing no way
of escape, he said to them firmly, "Gentlemen, you have
missed your aim." One of the oflficers said, "What aim?"
Revere replied, "I came out from Boston an hour after your
troops left, and if I had not known that messengers had been
sent out to give information to the country, and have had
time enough to carry it fifty miles, I would have ventured one
shot from you before I would have suffered you to stop me."
Startled at this, they pushed their inquiries further, when,
on hearing the sound of a distant bell, one of the Lexington
prisoners said to them, "The bell's ringing — the town's
alarmed — and you are all dead men." These declarations
frightened the British officers, who, after a brief consultation
aside, started on their return towards Lexington. They kept
possession of their prisoners till they came within about one
hundred rods of the meeting-house. Then, taking Revere's
horse from him and cutting the girths and bridles of the other
horses, the officers rode off at full speed towards Boston. This
was about three o'clock in the morning of the 19th. ^

While these things were occurring on the road towards
Concord, the alarm spread rapidly throughout Lexington, and
the minute-men were summoned to assemble at their usual
place of parade on the Common. At two o'clock on the morn-
ing of the 19th, Captain John Parker caused the roll ^ of his
company to be called, and ordered every man to load his gun
with powder and ball. After remaining some time upon pa-
rade, one of the messengers who had been sent towards Bos-
ton returned and reported that he could hear nothing of the
regulars, as the British troops were then generally called.

^ Sanderson's Deposition, and Revere's Narrative.

The Ride of Paul Revere has been made classic by the poem. Tales of a Wayside
Inn, by Longfellow. We have heard of poetic license, but have always understood
that this sort of latitude was to be confined to modes of expression and to the regions
of the imagination, and should not extend to historic facts. This distinction Long-
fellow has not been careful to observe. He says of Revere: —

" It was two by the village clock,
When he came to the bridge in Concord town."

Now the plain truth, as stated by Revere himself, and by all other authorities, is that
he did not even enter the township of Concord, or approach within several miles of
Concord Bridge. When poets pervert plain matters of history, to give speed to their
Pegasus, they should be restrained, as Revere was in his midnight ride.

2 "About one hundred and thirty men answered to their names, including ex-
empts, armed and equipped; so Daniel Harrington, clerk of the company, stated to
Parson Gordon." E. Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. ii, p. 346.
Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 143

This created the impression that the movement of the troops
at Boston was a mere feint on the part of General Gage, to
call off public attention from an expedition he was about to
undertake in some other direction. The night being cool,
the company was dismissed, with orders to assemble again at
the beat of the drum. Some who resided in the immediate
neighborhood repaired to their own homes, but the greater
part of them went to Buckman's Tavern, near the place of
parade.^

It may aid the reader in understanding what is to follow,
to give a brief description of the village and of the localities
where the principal events occurred. Lexington is about
twelve miles northwest of Boston, and six miles southeast of
Concord. The immediate village at that time did not contain
more than eight or ten houses. "The road leading from Bos-
ton divides near the centre of the village in Lexington. The
part leading to Concord passes to the left, and that leading to
Bedford to the right of the meeting-house, and form two sides
of a triangular green or common, on the south corner of which
stands the meeting-house, facing directly down the road lead-
ing to Boston. The road is perfectly straight for about one
hundred rods below the meeting-house, and nearly level. The
common is a pleasant level green, containing about two acres,
surrounded by trees, having on the left a gently rising knoll,
on which stands a monument of granite.'/ ^ On the right of
the meeting-house, nearly opposite, and separated from the
Common by the road leading to Bedford, stood Buckman's
Tavern. The house is still standing, and is owned by the
Merriams.^ Its perforated clapboards are living witnesses of
the attack of a ruthless foe. On the north side of the Green,
in the rear of the meeting-house, at about twenty rods, were
two dwelling-houses, one the house owned and occupied by
Mr. James Gould, ^ and the other the old house now standing
and owned by Mr. Bo wen Harrington.^ These houses, with
their outbuildings and one or two shops, formed the northerly
boundary of the Common. North of this is a belt of low
swampy ground, extending, without interruption for a con-
siderable distance, from the northeast to the southwest. The
present Bedford road not then having been constructed, the

^ Gordon's Letter; Phinney's History; and Depositions of 1775.

' Phinney. ' Stetson heirs. Ed.

* Mr. Leroy S. Brown, 8 Elm Avenue. Ed. ^ Taken down in 1875. Ed.

144 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

travel to Bedford passed by the house of the Rev. Mr. Clarke,
on what is now known as Hancock Street. There were also
houses on the Concord road southerly of the Common — the
one where Mr. John Hudson ^ now resides, then occupied by
Marrett Munroe. The accompanying diagram will show
more fully the localities of the events of that day, and the
house where Adams and Hancock were staying.

The apprehension felt for the safety of Hancock and
Adams was increased by the report of Sanderson, Revere,
and others just escaped from the British oflScers, who had held
them as prisoners. Their inquiries where these distinguished
patriots could be found left no doubt in the minds of the
people of Lexington that one object of the expedition was to
seize them. The friends of Adams and Hancock advised them
to leave their present lodgings and repair to a place of greater
safety. At first they objected. Hancock declared that "it
should never be said of him that he turned his back upon the
British." But they were told that their preservation was of
the utmost consequence to the interest of the Colony and to
the great cause of freedom; and as they were unarmed, they
could do but little towards opposing the King's troops. They at
last consented, though with great reluctance, to leave the scene
of danger and the patriot priest whose hospitality they had
shared. It was decided that they should repair to Burlington .
But being unwilling to retire at once to a distant place, where
they would be beyond the reach of the earliest intelligence,
and having a strong desire to witness with their own senses
whatever might occur, they at first retired to the hill south-
east of Mr. Clarke's house, which was then covered with
wood. There they remained concealed till after the British
had taken up their line of march for Concord, ^ when they re-
paired to the house of a Mr. Reed, in the borders of Burling-
ton. Here they remained a short time,^ when they were in-
duced to retire further from the scene of danger; and they

* 626 Mass. Avenue. Ed.

* Colonel Revere's Letter states: "They concluded to go from that house towards
Wobum. I went with them, and a Mr. Lowell, who was clerk to Mr. Hancock.
When we got to the house where they intended to stop, Mr. Lowell and myself
returned to Mr. Clark's to find what was going on. . . . We went up chamber (at
Buckman Tavern) ... we saw the British very near upon full march." Ed,

^ The Diary of Rev. John Marrett (quoted in Henry Dunster and his Descend-
ants, by Samuel Dunster, 1876) states that they waited at Mr. Reed's in order to
send back to Mrs. Clarke's for a salmon, " the first of the season," which had been
intended for their breakfast. Ed,

MAP OF LEXINGTON CENTRE

146 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

were conducted to the house of Madam Jones, widow of Rev.
Thomas Jones, and of Rev, Mr. Marrett, in Burhngton.^

Dorothy Quincy, true to the instincts of patriotism and
her attachment to Hancock, to whom she was engaged, and
whom she married in September of that year, accompanied
him on that perilous occasion. It was at this place, in the
wood near Mr. Clarke's house, that Adams, on hearing the
firing of the British troops, made that memorable exclama-
tion, "What a glorious morning for America is this!" ^

While these British officers were playing their part on the
road towards Concord, the British troops were on their march
to their destination. Colonel Smith, at the head of about
eight hundred grenadiers, infantry and marines, the flower
of the British army, embarked about ten o'clock in the even-
ing of April 18 in the boats of the ships-of-war. They landed
at Phipps's farm in Cambridge, near where the present court-
house stands,^ just as the moon was rising; and to prevent
discovery took an unfrequented path across the marshes to
the old road leading from Charlestown to Menotomy. This
subjected them to considerable delay and inconvenience, as
the path was untrodden and they were compelled in some
cases to wade through water. Being on a secret expedition,
their advance was noiseless. Gerry, Orne, and Lee, having
been apprised of their approach, rose from their beds at
Menotomy, to witness their stealthy midnight march. The
front of the column passed the house without annoying any
one; but as they proceeded a sergeant's guard was detached
to search the house. Gerry, Orne, and Lee, considering them-
selves in immediate danger, escaped, though but partly
dressed, from the house to the neighboring fields, where they
remained till the overflowing scourge had passed by.^ The

^ While they were there, an alarm was given that the British were upon them.
Whereupon Mr. Marrett conducted them along a cartway to Mr. Amos Wyman's
house, in a corner of Billerica. Marrett's Diary states that the salmon was perforce
left untasted and that all Mrs. Wyman could give them was cold pork and pota-
toes. Family tradition has it that in later days Hancock gave Mrs. Wyman a cow.
Ed.

* This sentence could not have been spoken at the time of the battle, since accord-
ing to Revere's testimony, Adams must have been at some distance from Lexington
at the time of the arrival of the British. See F. W. Cobum, The Battle of April 19,
1775, p. 31. Ed.

* Thomdike and Second Streets, East Cambridge. Ed.

* Smith, in his West Cambridge Address, says, "Gerry in his perturbation, being
on the point of opening the front door in their faces, the landlord cried out to him,
'For God's sake, don't open that door!' and led them to the back part of the house.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 147

soldiers searched the house, and entered the chambers where
they had been sleeping, but their intended victims had
departed.^

Colonel Smith had not marched far before he found that
the country was alarmed. Though General Gage had used the
utmost secrecy in preparing for the expedition, and his own
movements had been cautious and stealthy; though no mar-
tial airs had animated his troops, and their march was silent
as the grave to which many of them were hastening, he found
that the news of his expedition had preceded him. The lights
from the Old North Church in Boston had drawn forth a
chime from the bells of the country churches, and the firing of
alarm-guns in every direction showed that the faithful her-
alds, sent out by the patriots, had performed their duty. If
they had not prepared his way before him, they had prepared
the people to give him a warm if not cordial reception. Fear-
ing that the country was rising to oppose his progress, he de-
tached six companies of light infantry, under the command
of Major Pitcairn, with orders to press forward and secure the
bridges at Concord. At the same time. Colonel Smith dis-
patched a messenger to General Gage for a reinforcement.
Soon after, the officers who had been sent forward the pre-
ceding night returned with very exaggerated statements of
the numbers of the militia which were collecting — repre-
senting that there were five hundred assembled at Lexington,
and that they were continually coming in from every quarter.
The representation so alarmed Pitcairn that when he had
arrived near Lexington Common, he halted till the grenadiers
came in sight, that he might be supported in case he should be
attacked by an overwhelming force. ^

"The march of the British," says Phinney, "was silent and rapid.
One of the messengers sent by our people to ascertain if they were
coming, was surprised before he was aware of their approach, and

whence they escaped into the cornfield, before the oflScer had posted his guards
about the doors. There was nothing to conceal them from view in the broad field but
the corn-stubble which had been left the previous fall a foot or two high, and that was
but little protection in the bright moonlight. Gerry stumbled and fell, and called out
to his friend, 'Stop, Ome; stop for me, till I can get up; I have hurt myself!' This
suggested the idea, and they all threw themselves flat on the ground, and, con-
cealed by the stubble, remained there, half-clothed as they left their chamber, till the
troops passed on. Colonel Lee never recovered from the effects of that midnight
exposure; he died in less than a month from that night."

^ Gage's Account; and Austin's Life of Gerry, p. 169.

* Gage's Account.

148 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

taken prisoner in Cambridge.^ They thus continued their march
undiscovered, taking and detaining as prisoners every person they
met with on the road, till they had arrived within a mile and a half
of Lexington meeting-house. In order to secure persons travelling
upon the road, they would send two soldiers at a considerable dis-
tance in advance of the main body, with orders to secrete them-
selves, one on each side of the road, and when any one approached,
they would allow him to pass them, so as to get between them and
the troops, and then rise and close upon him. In this way they had
taken a number of our men, who had been sent to get information
of their approach. Thaddeus Bowman, the last one sent on this
business, was riding pretty rapidly down the road, and had pro-
ceeded about a mile and a half, when his horse became suddenly
frightened, stopped, and refused to go forward. In a moment he
discovered the cause. Two British soldiers were perceived just
ahead, sitting on opposite sides of the way, close to the fence. It
was then daylight. While Bowman was unsuccessfully endeavoring
by all the means of whip and spur to urge his horse forward, not con-
ceiving of their plan to entrap him, he caught a glimpse of the main
body of the British troops, then about twenty rods off. He in-
stantly turned his horse and rode with all possible speed to the
meeting-house, and gave Captain Parker the first certain intelli-
gence of the approach of the King's troops. About the same time
that Bowman discovered them, a flanking party made prisoner of
Benjamin Wellington, who was within about ten rods of the main
road, on his way to join the company at the meeting-house. They
took his arms from him, and on his promise to return home, he was
released. Wellington, however, took a cross route to the meeting-
house, and reached there soon after Bowman. There was no longer
any doubt that the regulars were coming." ^

It was now about half-past four in the morning. Captain
Parker immediately ordered the alarm-guns to be fired and
the drum to beat to arms. Sergeant William Munroe was di-
rected to form the company, which he did with the utmost
dispatch, in two ranks, a few rods north of the meeting-house.
Fifty or sixty of the militia had formed, or rather were form-
ing, while there were some thirty spectators near by, a few of
whom had arms.* But what was to be done! What could this

* Clarke's Narrative. * Phinney's History.

• Sylvanus Wood's account. "*I left my place, and went from one end of the
company to the other, and covmted every man who was paraded, and the whole num-
ber was thirty-eight and no more.' " Ripley, A History of the Fight at Concord,19th
of April, 1775. Theodore Parker says, however: "In all seventy men appeared,
were formed into platoons, and marched on to the Common." Force's Archives,
4th series, Vol. u, p. 627. This discrepancy is explained by the Deposition of Wood,

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON BY PENDLETON
THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON BY DOOLITTLE
" THE DAWN OF LIBERTY " BY SANDHAM

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 149

little devoted band do in the face of what they then believed
to be twelve or fifteen hundred veteran troops? To attack
them would, in a military point of view, be the height of mad-
ness ; to stand their ground in case they were attacked by such
overwhelming numbers would be exposing themselves to
certain destruction without any justifiable motive. Captain
Parker and his men not only knew their danger, but they
knew the great responsibility which rested upon them. They
stood there not merely ^s soldiers, but as citizens, nay, almost
as statesmen, having the destiny of the country in their hands.
Their conduct on that occasion might affect, for weal or for
woe, thousands that were to come after them. The patriots in
the other Colonies had expressed a fear lest the people of
Massachusetts, goaded on by oppression, might indiscreetly
commit some overt act and so involve the country prema-
turely in a civil war. The Continental Congress had recom-
mended to the people of this Colony to avoid a collision with
the King's troops, and in all cases to act only on the defensive.^
Hancock and Adams had recommended prudent measures;
and though they foresaw that a conflict of arms was approach-
ing, they were extremely anxious that when war should come,
we could say with truth that the colonists were not the ag-
gressors. Captain Parker, in his intercourse with Parson
Clarke, had learned that patriotism was consistent with pru-
dence; and that his duty to his country and to his God re-
quired him to act only on the defensive. To have been the
assailant under such circumstances would have been un-
worthy of him as a military commander and as a patriotic
citizen, and would justly have exposed him to the censure of a
court-martial and the displeasure of every intelligent friend
of the popular cause. Knowing his duty as a soldier and feeling
the full weight of his responsibility as a citizen, Captain Parker
ordered his men "not to fire unless they were fired upon." ^

who states that Parker gave the command, "Every one of you who is equipped,
follow me; and those of you who are not equipped, go into the meeting-house and
furnish yourselves from the magazines and immediately join the company." There-
upon Wood counted the single line gathered at the northerly end of the Common, but
as others came running in, Sergeant Munroe attempted to form a second line, and
by his testimony and that of John Munroe, Ebenezer Munroe, William Tidd, and
Lieutenant Gould, of the British forces, about sixty or seventy faced the British
when the latter wheeled into line. See details of the battle as given in F. W. Coburn's
The Battle of April 19, 1775, pp. 62-68. Ed.

* Resolution of the Continental Congress, October 11, 1774.

* That Captain Parker gave this command rests upon the testimony of his grand-

150 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

At a short distance from the parade ground, the British
officers, hearing the beat of the American drum and regarding
it as a challenge, ordered the column to halt, prime, and load,
when they moved forward in double-quick time directly upon
the Americans as they were forming. Some of Captain
Parker's men, unused to such trying scenes, and knowing
their inability to resist successfully, for a moment faltered;
Parker commanded every man to stand his ground till he
should order him to leave it, and added that he would cause
the first man to be shot down who should attempt to leave his
post.^ At this moment the British rushed forward with a
shout, led on by Major Pitcairn,^ who exclaimed, " Dis-
perse, ye rebels; lay down your arms and disperse!" The
Americans did not obey ; whereupon he repeated the exclama-
tion with an oath, rushed forward, discharged his pistol, and
commanded his men to fire. A few guns were discharged; but
as no execution was done, the Americans, supposing that
they were loaded only with powder, stood their ground, but
did not return the fire. The command to fire was repeated,
and a general discharge from the front rank followed with
fatal effect. The Americans, seeing some of their numbers
killed and wounded, hesitated no longer as to their right to
resist, and several of them immediately returned the fire of
the British. Jonas Parker, John Munroe, and Ebenezer Mun-
roe, Jr., and some others, fired before leaving the line. Cap-
tain Parker, seeing several of his men fall, and the British
rushing upon his little band from both sides of the meeting-
house, as if to surround them, ordered his men to disperse.
They did so; but as the British continued firing, several of the
Americans returned the fire after leaving the field. ^

The firing on the part of the Americans, and also on the
part of the British, after the first two rounds, was scattering
and irregular. As Major Pitcairn led the van, the responsibil-
ity of the first firing rests solely upon him. From the best in-

son, Theodore Parker, and of Colonel William Munroe and others present at the
battle. For a description of the sham battle in 1822, at which Colonel William
Munroe, impersonating Captain Parker, used this command, and then said, "Them
is the very words Captain Parker spoke," see Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. i, p. 30.
Revere's version of this command, as given in his Narrative, is, "Let the troops pass
by and don't molest them without they begin first." Ed.

* Depositions of Underwood, Douglass, and John Munroe. Ed.

* Parson Stiles's Diary; Frothingham, Siege of Boston, p. 62. Ed.

' Depositions of 1775; Gordon's Letter; Clarke's Narrative; Phinney's History;
and Everett's Address.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 151

formation that can be obtained, it is not probable that Colonel
Smith was upon the ground until after or at the moment of
the fatal volley. Most of the accounts, and especially the
British, which are the best authority on the question as to
who was then in command, ascribe it to Pitcairn.^ As the
light infantry, who were under the Major, were sent forward
in advance of the grenadiers, and as the grenadiers under
Smith did not join the column of infantry until the delay of
the latter near the Common, the sole direction of the firing
must have devolved upon Pitcairn in the first instance. It is
probable that Smith, who was not far from the Common,
hearing the first discharge, rode forward and arrived about the
time the fatal volley was fired by the command of the Major.
Smith may have been upon the Common before the scattering
fire ceased, but was not at the commencement of the firing.^
The depositions taken in 1775, and subsequently during the
lifetime of those who were actors in the scenes of that day,
have preserved many interesting facts relative to the firmness,
heroism, and noble daring of individuals on that occasion.
Jedediah Munroe was wounded in the morning; but nothing
daunted by the dangers he had encountered and the wound he
had received, instead of quitting the field, he marched with
his company towards Concord to meet the enemy, and fell in
the afternoon a victim to his patriotism and bravery.^ On the
first fire of the British in the morning, John Munroe, seeing
no one fall, said coolly to his relative, Ebenezer Munroe, Jr.,
that they had fired nothing but powder. On the second dis-
charge, Ebenezer replied, " They have fired something besides
powder now, for I am wounded in the arm." He then dis-
charged his gun at the British, receiving two balls from them
in return — one of which grazed his cheek, the other passing
between his arm and his body, leaving its mark in his gar-

' See The Character of Major John Pitcairn, by Charles Hudson, Proc. Mass
Hist. Soc, Vol. Lx\ii, January, 1880. Ed.

^ Several of the depositions taken in 1824, ascribe the command to fire to Colonel
Smith. But though the deponents were on the field at the time and saw the oflBcers
who first rode forward, not knowing either of the oflScers, they could not tell one from
the other. Pitcairn himself admitted that he was the officer in command at the com-
mencement of the firing, though he knew that admission subjected him to the cen-
sure of his own government.

' Jedediah Munroe was armed that day not only with a musket, but with a long
sword, or claymore, probably brought over by his ancestors from the Highlands of
Scotland in the times of Oliver Cromwell. MS. Papers of Edmund Munroe, late of
Boston.

152 . HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ment. John Munroe, after firing in the line, retreated a few
rods, when he turned about, loaded his gun with two balls,
and discharged it at his pursuers, the strength of the charge
carrying away about a foot of the muzzle. William Tidd,
second in command, was pursued by an officer, supposed to be
Pitcairn, on horseback, up the Bedford road some thirty or
forty rods, with repeated cries of "Stop, or you are a dead
man." Tidd turned from the road into the lot, where he made
a stand and discharged his gun at his pursuer, who in turn
sought safety in flight. John Tidd remained upon the field
so long that as he was leaving the Common a British oflBcer
upon horseback rushed upon him and struck him down with
his cutlass; while he remained senseless from the effects of the
blow upon the head, he was despoiled of his gun, cartridge-
box, and powder-horn. This furnishes pretty good proof that
he did not run on the first approach of the enemy. ^

Joshua Simonds, with three others, had, on the approach
of the British, gone into the church to obtain a supply of
powder. They had succeeded in getting two quarter-casks
from the upper loft into the gallery when the British reached
the meeting-house. Two of them, Caleb Harrington and
Joseph Comee, resolved at every hazard to escape from the
house and join the company. Harrington was killed in the
attempt, at the west end of the meeting-house. Comee, find-
ing himself cut off from the company, ran under a shower of
balls, one of which struck him in the arm, to the Munroe
house (where Mr. John Hudson ^ now resides), and passing
through the house made his escape at the back door. The
third secreted himself in the opposite gallery; while Simonds
loaded and cocked his gun, and lying down, placed the muzzle
upon the open cask of powder, determined to blow up the
British, should they enter the gallery, choosing to destroy his
own life rather than fall into their hands. ^

"History, Roman history," says Everett, "does not furnish an
example of bravery that outshines that of Jonas Parker. A truer
heart did not bleed at Thermopylae. He was the next-door neighbor
of Mr. Clarke, and had evidently imbibed a double portion of his
lofty spirit. Parker was often heard to say that be the conse-
quences what they might, and let others do what they pleased, he

* Depositions of John Munroe, Ebenezer Munroe, and William Tidd; Everett's
Address; Petition of John Tidd to the Legislature, January, 1776.

* 526 Massachusetts Avenue. Ed.

* A. E. Brown, Beneath Old Roof Trees, pp. 33-S4. Ed.

AMOS MUZZEY
JONATHAN HARRINGTON

COL. WILLIAM MUXROE
CAPT. SAMUEL BOWMAN

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 153

would never run from the enemy. He was as good as his word; —
better. Having loaded his musket, he placed his hat, containing his
ammunition, on the ground between his feet, in readiness for a sec-
ond charge. At the second fire he was wounded and sunk upon his
knees; and in this condition discharged his gun. While loading it
again upon his knees, and striving in the agonies of death to redeem
his pledge, he was transfixed by a bayonet; — and thus died on the
spot where he first stood and fell." ^

In addition to Jona^ Parker, whose death was thus remark-
able, Isaac Muzzy, Robert Munroe, and Jonathan Harrington
were killed on or near the Common, where the company was
paraded. Robert Munroe, who thus fell a sacrifice to the law-
less oppression of Great Britain, had, on a former occasion,
perilled his life in her defence — having served in the French
war and been standard-bearer at the capture of Louisburg in
1758.

"Harrington's was a cruel fate. He fell in front of his own house,
on the north of the Common. His wife at the window saw him fall
and then start up, the blood gushing from his breast. He stretched
out his hands towards her, as if for assistance, and fell again. Rising
once more on his hands and knees, he crawled across the road
towards his dwelling. She ran to meet him at the door, but it was to
see him expire at her feet." ^

Samuel Hadley and John Brown were killed after they left
the Common, and Caleb Harrington in attempting to escape
from the meeting-house. Asahel Porter, of Woburn, was not
under arms. He had been captured on the road by the British
that morning on their approach to Lexington ; and in attempt-
ing to make his escape, about the time the firing commenced,
was shot down a few rods from the Common.^

In addition to the killed, nine, namely, Ebenezer Munroe,
Jr., John Tidd, John Robbins, Solomon Pierce, Joseph
Comee, Thomas Winship, Nathaniel Farmer, Jedediah
Munroe, and a colored man called Prince, were wounded in
the morning, and Francis Brown in the afternoon. Jedediah

^ Everett's Address. * Ibid.

' Phinney's History and Deposition appended, and manuscript statement of Levi
Harrington. The nmnber killed that morning was eight, namely, Jonas Parker,
Robert Munroe, Isaac Muzzy, Jonathan Harrington, Caleb Harrington, Samuel
Hadley, and John Brown, of Lexington, and Asahel Porter, of Wobum. Three other
Lexington men, Jedediah Munroe, John Raymond, and Nathaniel Wyman, were
killed and one, Francis Brown, was wounded in the afternoon.

154 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Munroe, who was wounded in the morning, was killed in the
afternoon. Several of the above received severe wounds.^

Of Captain Parker's gallant company, seven were killed and
nine wounded on or near the Common, being a quarter part of
the whole number assembled. This furnishes the most strik-
ing proof of their bravery and the firmness with which they
withstood the British fire. The history of the most sangui-
nary battles, though continued for hours, rarely furnishes a
percentage of loss equal to this. At the celebrated battle of
Austerlitz, where the combined forces of Russia and Austria
were so signally defeated and cut to pieces by Napoleon, the
loss of the allies was only fifteen per cent; while here it was
twenty-five. Brave and patriotic band ! How shall we do jus-
tice to your names and your memories ! When a dark cloud
overshadowed our country, and many a stout heart shrank
back in dismay, you boldly stood forth in defence of our
rights and offered yourselves a living sacrifice on the altar of
freedom. Your firmness inspired the patriots throughout the
Colonies — your blood cemented the union of the States. To
you we are indebted, in no small degree, for the manifold
blessings we now enjoy. A grateful country remembers your
deeds of noble daring, and will transmit your names to the
latest posterity.

The British suffered but little from the fire of the Ameri-
cans. One man of the Tenth Regiment was wounded in the
leg, and another in the hand. Major Pitcairn's horse was
struck in two places.^ When Munroe and others fired from the
line, the British were so enveloped in smoke by the volley
they had just fired as to make them invisible to the Americans.
This is undoubtedly one cause why more of their shots did not
take effect. Some of the militia retreated up the Bedford

* Farmer received a ball in his right arm, which fractured the bone, and disabled
him for a long time: several pieces of bone were taken from his arm months after-
wards. The Legislature made him a grant of £15 I5s. for loss of labor and for surgical
attendance. Comee was wounded in the left arm, and received a grant of £12 7s.
Tidd, of whose wound in the head we have already spoken, was rewarded for his
bravery and suffering by a grant of £4 10s. Ebenezer Munroe, Jr., was wounded in
the arm, and remembered by a grant of £4, Francis Brown, who was wounded in the
afternoon, received a ball in his cheek, which went nearly through his neck, where it
lodged, and was extracted on the back of his neck, the year following. He received
£12 is. from the Legislature. Notwithstanding this severe wound, he lived fifteen or
twenty years, and in 1776 commanded the Lexington Company. Nor must we forget
the black man, I'rince; he entered the Continental service, and served under Captain
Edmund Munroe, in Colonel Bigelow's regiment.

* Gage's Report; Depositions of Ebenezer Munroe and Abijah Harrington.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 155

road, but most of them across the swamp to the rising ground
northwest of the Common. As soon as the Lexington com-
pany had dispersed and the firing had ceased, the British
troops^ drew up on the Common, fired a volley, and gave three
cheers in token of their victory ! They then took up their line
of march for Concord, the next village, about six miles dis-
tant, where they arrived without further opposition. The
tarry of the British at Lexington was short, the whole period
occupying not more^than twenty or twenty-five minutes.^
Most of Captain Parker's company, who had withdrawn to
no considerable distance, returned to the Common immedi-
ately after the British had left for Concord, and made prison-
ers of six of the regulars who were in the rear of the detach-
ment. It was supposed that they had wandered from the
main body for the purposes of plunder, or had gone into some
of the houses on the road to obtain some refreshment, and
were thus left behind. These prisoners were disarmed, put
under guard, and conducted to Woburn Precinct, now Bur-
lington, and from thence were sent to Chelmsford.^ There
was another prisoner taken shortly after, on the road near
the old Viles Tavern, not far from the Lincoln line. These
were the first prisoners made in the Revolution.

The report of the bloody transaction at Lexington spread
as on the wings of the wind, and the fact that the regulars had
fired upon and killed several citizens was known not only in
the neighboring towns, but to the distance of forty or fifty
miles, in the course of the forenoon.^ The people immediately

^ "We formed with some difficulty; the men were so wild they could hear no
orders." Lieutenant Barker, Atlantic Monthly, 1877. Ed.

^ They drank from Daniel Harrington's well. Drake, Old Landmarks and His-
toric Fields of Middlesex, pp. 361-62. Edition, 1876. Ed.

3 Phinney's History; Gage's Letter, Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series; Ebenezer Mun-
roe's, Sanderson's, Reed's, and Harrington's depositions; Ripley, A History of the
Fight at Concord. Ed.

* As a specimen of the speed with which the information of the events of that
morning was circulated and the eflFect it produced upon the public mind, we will
give an extract from Lincoln's History of Worcester: —

" Before noon, on thelQth of April, an express came to the town, shouting as he passed through
the streets at full speed, 'To arms! to arms! the war has begun!' His white horse, bloody with
spurring and dripping with sweat, fell exhausted by the church. Another was instantly produced,
and the tidings went on. The bell rung out the alarm, the cannon were fired, and messengers sent
to every part of the town to collect the soldiery. As the news spread, the implements of hus-
bandry were thrown by in the field, and the citizens left their homes with no longer delay than to
seize their arms. In a short time the minute-men were paraded on the Green, under Captain
Timothy Bigelow; after fervent prayer by the Rev. Mr. Maccarty, they took up their line of
inarch. They were soon followed by as many of the train-bands as could be gathered under Cap-
tain Benjamin Flagg."

This shows the spirit of the times; and as Worcester, at least thirty miles distant

156 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

flew to arms, and half -formed companies and single individu-
als were seen moving rapidly to the scene of action. The in-
telligence that the British were on their way to Concord had
reached that place between one and two o'clock in the morn-
ing. Dr. Prescott, whose escape from the British officers has
already been related, had given the alarm. The village bell
and the alarm-guns woke the people from their slumbers.
The Committee of Safety, the military officers, and the prom-
inent citizens held a hasty consultation. Rev. Mr. Emer-
son, their patriotic priest, was with them. The militia and
minute-men were assembled, and expresses were sent towards
Lexington to ascertain the approach of the Bjng's troops. In
the mean time the patriotic Colonel Barrett, to whose care
had been committed the military stores in that place, was
actively employed in removing them to places of safety.
Some were secreted in the woods and some under rubbish
about the buildings, as opportunity would permit or ingenu-
ity suggest.

Concord is about eighteen miles from Boston. The village
is situated on low, level ground, and is completely com-
manded by the hills on either side. Between these hills, on the
northwesterly and westerly side of the village, flows the Con-
cord River in a serpentine channel with a sluggish current,
approaching in some places within fifty rods of the houses,
though generally at a greater distance. Across this stream in
1775, there were two bridges, known as the North and South
Bridges. The North Bridge was some two hundred rods from
the meeting-house. The west bank of the river at that place
consists of low, wet ground, which is generally overflowed in
the spring freshets. From the bridge the road was a causeway
leading westerly over the low ground towards Acton. The
road from the hill where the Americans assembled after leav-
ing the village ran southerly till it met this causeway leading
to the bridge at an acute angle. This bridge across the river
was discontinued in 1793; the abutments and causeway, how-
ever, are still to be seen. The North Bridge led to Colonel
Barrett's, which was about two miles from the centre of the
town. The road from Lexington enters Concord from the
southeast, and runs along nearly a mile upon level land close
to the foot of a hill which rises abruptly from thirty to fifty

from Lexington, received the tidings of the attack before noon, it shows the rapidity
with which the alarm on that day was given.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 157

feet above the road, and terminates at the northeasterly part
of the square. The top forms a plain which overlooks and
commands the village. The liberty-pole stood upon the
northerly part of this ridge of high land. "The town," says
D'Bernicre, the spy sent out by General Gage, "is large, and
contains a church, jail, and court-house; but the houses are
not close together, but in little groups."

Reuben Brown, one of the messengers sent from Concord
to obtain information, returned with the intelligence that the
British had fired upon the Americans at Lexington and were
on their way to Concord. This was soon after confirmed, with
the additional intelligence that some half-dozen of the Ameri-
cans had been killed.^ The militia and minute-men of Con-
cord assembled on the Green near the meeting-house. They

^ John Hoar, and seven others of Lincohi, on the 23d of April, 1775, testify that
on the 19th of April they "were assembled at Concord In the morning of that day in
consequence of information received that a brigade of regular troops were on their
march to Concord, who had killed six men at Lexington; about an hour afterwards
we saw them approaching," etc. Captain Nathan Barrett, Lieutenants Jonathan
Farrar, Joseph Butler, and Francis Wheeler, and Ensign John Barrett, and eleven
others, all of Concord, testify on the same day as follows: "On Wednesday, the 19th
instant, about an hour after sunrise, we assembled on the hill near the meeting-house
in Concord, in consequence of information that a number of regular troops had killed
six of our countrymen at Lexington, and were on their march to Concord; and about
an hour after we saw them approaching to the number, as we imagined, of about
twelve hundred." As these troops assembled at Concord "about an hour before the
British arrived," and had at that time received information that the regulars had
fired upon and killed six of their countrymen at Lexington, it is manifest that this
information had been forwarded with the utmost dispatch, and hence must have
been known to all the militia and minute-men before the firing at the North Bridge.

There is strong internal evidence in the depositions, that the intelligence of the
slaughter of Captain Parker's men was early communicated to the citizens and to the
military at Concord. The deponents had information that six of their coimtrymen
were slain, which shows that the tidings must have been forwarded immediately,
before the whole number had been ascertained. Timothy Minot, Jr., of Concord,
testified that, after he heard of the regulars firing upon the Lexington men, he thought
it his duty to secure his family; and after securing them, to use his own language,
"sometime after that, returning towards his dwelling, and finding that the bridge
was guarded by the regular troops," stood as a spectator and "saw the Americans
march dovra to the bridge where the firing commenced." The only authority we can
find that even implies that the Americans at the North Bridge did not know of the
slaughter at Lexington is that of Mr. Emerson, and his language may naturally be
interpreted to imply nothing more than that they had not learned all the particulars,
though they had heard of the main fact. Such an interpretation of his language will
make it harmonize with that of Captain Barrett and sixteen other citizens of Con-
cord. None can take an impartial view of the evidence without being satisfied that
the Lexington slaughter was known to the Americans before a gim was fired at
Concord. "That such a fact, so perfectly known to hundreds at Lexington about
sunrise, on a day when so many were literally running from town to town, should not
have travelled six miles in about five hours, cannot be believed." Adams's Address.

158 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

were soon joined by a portion of the military from Lincoln,
which had turned out on the alarming intelligence from Lex-
ington of the slaughter of their countrymen. The gallant
Captain William Smith had brought on his minute-men, and
Captain Samuel Farrar, with equal promptness, was there
with his militia company. It was determined at first to go out
and meet the enemy, and some companies marched down the
Lexington road till they saw the British approaching within
about two miles of the village. Captain Minot remained in
the village, and took a position on the hill near the liberty-
pole. The companies which had marched down the road soon
returned, and reported that the British were three or four
times their number. The whole party then wisely fell back
to an eminence about eighty rods from the meeting-house,
where they formed in two battalions.^ Here they were joined
by Colonel Barrett, the senior oflScer on the occasion, who
had previously been engaged in removing and secreting the
military stores. In the mean time the British appeared in full
view at the distance of a quarter of a mile, marching at a
rapid rate. There was but little time for deliberation. Some
were in favor of standing their ground and resisting the Brit-
ish troops, in case they should attack them. But more prudent
counsels prevailed, and Colonel Barrett ordered the militia
under his command to retire over the North Bridge to a
commanding eminence about three-fourths of a mile from the
meeting-house, there to watch the movements of the enemy
and wait for reinforcements.^

The British troops marched into Concord in two columns;
one in the main road, and the other north of the road on
the hill from which the Americans had just retired. Colonel
Smith, with the grenadiers, marines, and a portion of the
light infantry, remained in the centre of the town, while Cap-
tain Parsons, with six ^ light companies, consisting, however,
of only about two hundred men, was detailed to secure the
North Bridge, and destroy the stores supposed to be depos-
ited in that part of the town. Pursuant to orders. Captain
Parsons posted Captain Laurie with about one hundred men
at the bridge, while he proceeded with the remainder, under
the guidance of Ensign D'Bernicre, who had visited Concord

^ Emerson, Ripley, and Clark.

^ Depositions of 1775; Ripley and Emerson.

' Five. See Hurd, History of Middlesex County, Vol. ii, p. 585. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 159

about a month before, to the house of Colonel Barrett, in
pursuit of military stores. Captain Pole, with a small detach-
ment, was sent to the South Bridge for a similar purpose.^
These bridges were important in a military point of view, as
they furnished the only approach to the town from the west
and northwest, at this season of the year, when the water is
usually high.

In the mean time the Americans, assembled on the hill near
the North Bridge, were receiving accessions to their numbers
from Carlisle, from CKelmsford, from Westford, from Little-
ton and Acton, and from other towns in that neighborhood.
As the militia and minute-men repaired to the scene of action
with the utmost haste on the first receipt of the intelligence
of the approach of the British, the companies generally were
not full at this early hour. About four hundred and fifty,
however, had arrived. ^ They were formed in line by Joseph
Hosmer, of Concord, who acted as adjutant on the occasion.
As the men arrived they took their places in their respective
companies. The gallant Captain Davis, with his Acton
minute-men, came upon the field after the line was partly
formed, and took his appropriate place — the one which he
had occupied a short time before at a muster — on the left of
the Concord minute companies, commanded by Captains
Brown and Miles, both of whom were his seniors.^ From their
position on the hill the Americans had a full view, not only of
the British troops at the bridge, but also of those near the
meeting-house, who were seeking for and destroying military
stores. Seeing several fires set by the troops under Colonel
Smith, they became alarmed for the fate of the village. A
consultation of the officers present and of prominent citizens
was held, which resulted in a resolution to pass the bridge and
march to the centre of the town.^

The Americans were at this time about four times as
numerous as the British at the bridge; but the latter were
vastly superior in discipline and in the quality of their arms.
Besides, the British had a veteran force of at least five hun-
dred men in the village, on which they could fall back in case
of necessity ; and being posted at the bridge which the Ameri-
cans could approach only by a narrow causeway, they had
greatly the advantage of position. Knowing that the British

1 Gage's Letter to Trumbull. ^ Depositions of 1775.

* Adams's Address, and Depositions appended. * Ripley and Shattuck.

160 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

had fired upon the mihtia at Lexington and killed several
men, the Americans had every reason to believe that they
would dispute the passage of the bridge; and knowing that
the front of the column upon the causeway leading directly to
the bridge would be greatly exposed to their fire in case of
resistance, it required no ordinary firmness to occupy that
position. Who, then, should head the column? What com-
pany should occupy that post of honor and of danger? It of
right belonged to the Concord companies; their position on
the right of the line would, under ordinary circumstances,
give them that post. A consultation of the oflacers and others
was had, at which the subject was considered. We have no
full report of what took place there. William Parkman, of
Concord, who was present acting as one of the vigilance com-
mittee, said that Major Buttrick requested one of the Con-
cord companies to meet the British at the bridge, but the
captain replied that he would rather not. Captain Davis, of
Acton, promptly accepted the honor, dangerous as was the
position.^ Captain William Smith, of Lincoln, also offered his
services to lead the column to the bridge. ^ That there was
some feeling exhibited on this occasion, and that some of the
oflScers had declined the post of danger, is manifest from the
course pursued by the gallant Davis, who, in returning to his
company from this consultation, said with emotion and firm-
ness, "I have n't a man in my company that's afraid to go";
and ordering his men to follow him, wheeled them out of the
line, and placed them at the head of the column under the
guidance of Major Buttrick.' Colonel Barrett gave orders to
pass the bridge, but not to fire unless fired upon by the King's
troops. He designated Major John Buttrick to execute this
order. Lieutenant-Colonel Robinson, of Westford, volun-

^ Deposition of Bradley Stone, appended to Adams's Letter to Lemuel Shattuck,
Esq.

* Massachusetts Archives, —

"Lincoln, November, 1776.

"This may certify that Captain William Smith of Lincoln, in the county of Middlesex, ap-
peared on Concord parade early in the morning of the 19th of April, 1776, with his company of
minute-men; was ordered to leave his horse by a field-officer, and take his post on an adjacent
hill — the British troops possessing the North bridge. He voluntarily offered with his company,
to endeavor to dislodge them, leaving his horse at the tavern; by which means, on their retreat,
the horse, &c., were carried off with one of their wounded men.

"John Butteick, Major."

This important fact was brought before the public for the first time, we believe, by
Frothingham in his Siege of Boston.

' Smith's Deposition, appended to Adams's Address. Pierpont, in a poem de-
livered at Acton, October 29, 1851, on the celebration of the completion of the monu-

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 161

teered to accompany him. On their march Major Buttrick
requested him to act as his superior, but he generously
declined.^

It was nearly ten o'clock when the Americans, about three
hundred strong,^ commenced their march for the river,
the Acton company in front, led by the gallant Davis. ^
Captains Brown, Miles, Smith, and others fell into line with
their companies. Their positions, however, are not exactly
known.* They marched in double ranks. The British guard
of about one hundred in number, under Captain Laurie, were
then on the west side of the river. On seeing the Americans
approach, they recrossed the bridge, formed in order of bat-
tle, and began to take up the planks. Major Buttrick in a
loud voice remonstrated against this, and ordered his men to
hasten their march. When they arrived within a few rods of
the bridge, they were fired upon by the British. The first
guns, only two or three in number, did no execution, the balls,
probably by design, striking the water. These were followed
by a few other shots, one of which wounded Luther Blanch-
ard, a fifer in the Acton company. These were succeeded by a
volley, by which Captain Davis and Abner Hosmer, of the
same company, were killed. On seeing this, Major Buttrick
exclaimed: "Fire, fellow soldiers; for God's sake, fire!" This
order was instantly obeyed, killing one and wounding several
of the enemy. The British immediately retreated in great

ment erected to the honor of Davis, Hosmer, and Hayward, thus describes this
consultation: —

" But who shall head the column? Who shall dare

Beard first the lion, leaping from his lair?

The chiefs in consultation ask, 'Which corps

Of these, who never faced a foe before.

Will stand those veterans' fire? Which will not quail

At yonder bayonets, and the leaden hail

That lies behind them? Davis, are there ten

Of your command — of Acton's minute men —

Who will not waver — will not quit their place.

When meeting yonder bull-dogs face to face? '
'Ten, do you ask me, Buttrick, Robinson,

Ten of my minute men that will not run?

Say but the word — march with me down this hill,

And you shall see, there is not one that will.'
Nor was there one that did."

* Ripley.

* Deposition of 1775.

^ Deposition of Thomas Thorpe, of Acton. " Our company, however, marched in
front, and Major Buttrick and Col. Robinson were with Capt. Davis." Solomon
Smith's deposition. "Major Buttrick and Col. Robinson marched with Capt.
Davis." Amos Baker's deposition. "Because they were the only men that had
bayonets." (Appended to Letter of Josiah Adams to Lemuel Shattuck.) Ed.

* Ripley.

162 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

haste and confusion towards the village, and were soon met by
a reinforcement; when the whole fell back upon the main
body, near the meeting-house. The Americans pursued them
over the bridge, where one of the wounded British soldiers
was cruelly killed by a hatchet, as he was struggling to rise
from the ground.^ Part of the Americans turned off to the
left and ascended a hill east of the main road, while another
portion returned to the high grounds, carrying with them the
remains of Davis and Hosmer. Military order was now
broken up, and the Americans improved the time in taking
refreshments. In the mean time, the detachment which had
been sent to Colonel Barrett's to destroy the munitions of
war, returning, repassed the bridge where the skirmish had
taken place, and joined the main body under Colonel Smith,
without molestation. The localities here referred to, and the
movement of the troops, will be better understood by refer-
ence to the accompanying diagram.

The Americans, whose numbers were now considerably in-
creased, ought, it has been said, to have intercepted this
detachment at the bridge; but as no declaration of war had
taken place, there must have been some hesitancy on the part
of the officers as to the wisdom or propriety of such an at-
tempt. Such a step might have exposed the women and chil-
dren to the grossest outrages, and the village itself to de-
struction. The conduct of the British in the afternoon shows
that such apprehensions, if they were entertained, were well
founded. Besides, the Provincial troops were unused to strict
discipline, and it would have been difficult to rally them, and
bring them into the field to act with such efficiency at a single
point as to intercept a hundred veteran soldiers; and every
military man knows that it would have been next to impos-
sible for three hundred militia, without discipline and poorly
armed, to capture such a force before they could have been
relieved by Colonel Smith, who had six or seven hundred men
at his command, and who must have been on the alert for the
safety of Captain Parsons's detachment. On the whole, it was
undoubtedly wise that no such attempt was made by Colonel
Barrett ; though it must haye been a great mistake to permit

^ This barbarous deed gave rise to the charge made by the British that the Ameri-
cans scalped the wounded and cut off their ears. The act was committed by a rash
young man, acting from the impulse of the moment, who regretted it to his dying
day. It was condemned by all parties at the time, and has never been justiBed by
any one. It was an act of an individual, without orders from any in authority.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 163

the militia and minute-men to disperse at that critical mo-
ment, as they were allowed to do, on the poor plea that they
wanted their breakfast.

^ The British met with but partial success in their destruc-
tion of military stores. The delay produced by the affair at
l^xmgton, and the consequent caution which Colonel Smith
afterwards observed, gave the people at Concord a better

1. Lexington Road.

2. Hill and high lands where the liberty-pole stood.

3. Centre of the town, and main body of the British.

4. Road to the South Bridge.

5. Road to the North Bridge and to Colonel Barrett's house, two miles from the
centre of the town.

^' ^^f^°""'^°^^'''y*°"'^°°''^^°f*^e meeting-house where the militia assem-

7. Road along which they marched to dislodge the British at North Bridge

8. bpot where Davis and Hosmer fell.

9. Rev. Mr. Emerson's house. (The "Old Manse." Ed)

10. Bridges and roads made in 1793. when the old roads with dotted Imes were dis-
contmued.

1G4 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

opportunity than they would otherwise have had to secure
them; which they so wisely improved, by scattering and se-
creting them, that most of them escaped destruction. Little
or no success crowned the ejfforts of the detachment sent to
the South Bridge. The party sent to Colonel Barrett's were
a little more successful. They burned a number of gun-car-
riages and other implements of war. In the centre of the
town they knocked off the trunnions of three iron twenty-four
pounders, burned a number of gun-carriages, threw a quan-
tity of balls into the mill-pond, broke open some sixty barrels
of flour, and destroyed a small quantity of wooden bowls and
spoons. They also cut down the liberty-pole and set the
court-house on fire, which, however, was extinguished by the
exertion and address of the patriotic Mrs. Moulton. Gordon
sums up the total destruction as follows: "They disabled
three twenty-four-pounders, destroying their carriages,
wheels, and limbers; sixteen wheels for brass three-pounders;
two carriages with wheels for two four-pounders; about one
hundredweight of balls, which they threw into the river and
wells, and about sixty barrels of flour, one-half of which was
afterwards saved." ^ After the firing at the North Bridge, the
British fell back to the village, where they were soon joined
by the detachments under Captain Parsons and Captain
Pole, who had been sent out to destroy the military stores.
Here the whole body of the King's troops remained nearly
two hours unmolested; a delay not easily accounted for,
unless Colonel Smith was in expectation of a reinforcement — •
a delay which nearly cost him the loss of his whole detach-
ment. In the mean time the country was alarmed, and the
militia and minute-men were pressing to the scene of action.
The farmer left his plough in the furrow, the mechanic threw
down his tools, and neither returned to his house, save to

^ "The shrewd and successful address of Captain Timothy Wheeler on this occa-
sion deserves notice. He had charge of a large quantity of Provincial flour, which,
together with a few casks of his own, was stored in his bam. A British officer de-
manding entrance, he readily took his key and gave him admission. The officer
expressed his pleasure at the discovery; but Captain Wheeler, with much affected
simplicity, said to him, putting his hand upon a barrel — * This is my flour. I am a
miller, sir. Yonder stands my mill. I get my living by it. In the winter I grind a
great deal of grain, and get it ready for market in the spring. This,' pointing to one
barrel, 'is the flour of wheat; this,' pointing to another, 'is the flour of com; this is the
flour of rye; this,' putting his hand upon his own cask, 'is my wheat; this is my rye;
this is mine.' 'Well,' said the officer, 'we do not injure private property,' and with-
drew, leaving this important depository untouched." Holmes's Annals.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 165

seize his musket and his powder-horn, that he might be pre-
pared to defend his own and his country's rights. The intelli-
gence which went forth from Lexington in the morning had
like an electric fire spread rapidly in every direction, and pro-
duced a shock of righteous indignation which brought men
from every quarter and prepared them for vigorous action;
and the scenes which had occurred at the North Bridge at
Concord strengthened their hands and their hearts and ren-
dered them desperate.

About noon the British commenced their retreat. They
left the village in the same order in which they entered it —
the main body in the road and a strong flanking party upon
the hill to protect their left. For the first mile they were un-
molested; but when they arrived at Merriam's Corner, they
encountered a party of minute-men from Reading, under
Major Brooks, afterwards Governor of the Commonwealth;
Colonel William Thompson with a body of militia from
Billerica and the vicinity coming up about the same time.
The Provincials on the high grounds near the North Bridge,
seeing the British leaving the village, went across the "great
field," so called, to the Bedford road, and arrived in time to
support the troops brought up by Brooks and Thompson.
Here may be said to have commenced the battle of the 19th of
April. At Lexington Common and at Concord North Bridge
but few guns had been fired by the Americans; and though
ten Americans had fallen, only one of the King's troops had
been killed by the return fire. But now all restraint seems to
have been removed, and every true patriot felt at full liberty
to fire without the bidding of any superior. Rev. Edmund
Foster, then a young man and a private in the Reading com-
pany, gives a graphic account of what occurred at this point :

"A little before we came to Merriam's Hill, we discovered the
enemy's flank guard of about eighty or a hundred men who, on the
retreat from Concord, kept the height of land, the main body being
in the road. The British troops and the Americans, at that time,
were equally distant from Merriam's Corner. About twenty rods
short of that place the Americans made a halt. The British marched
down the hill with very slow but steady step, without music or a
word being spoken that could be heard. Silence reigned on both
sides. As soon as the British had gained the main road and passed a
small bridge near the corner, they faced about suddenly and fired
a volley of musketry upon us. They overshot; and no one to my

166 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

knowledge was injured by the fire. The fire was immediately
returned by the Americans, and two British soldiers fell dead at a
little distance from each other in the road near the brook. The
battle now began and was carried on with little or no military dis-
cipline or order on the part of the Americans, during the remainder
of the day. Each sought his own place and opportunity to attack
and annoy the enemy from behind trees, rocks, fences, and buildings
as seemed most convenient." ^

A little above, near Hardy's Hill, the Sudbury company,
led by Captain Cudworth, came up and attacked them with
vigor. There was also a severe skirmish below Brooks's
Tavern on the old road north of the school-house.

"We saw a wood at a distance," says Mr. Foster, "which ap-
peared to lie on or near the road where the enemy must pass. Many
leaped over the walls and made for that wood. We arrived just in
time to meet the enemy. There was on the opposite side of the road
a young growth of wood, fiJled with Americans. The enemy were
now completely between two fires, renewed and briskly kept up.
They ordered out a flank guard on the left to dislodge the Ameri-
cans from their posts behind the trees; but they only became better
marks to be shot at."

A short but sharp contest ensued in which the enemy re-
ceived more deadly injury than at any other place from
Concord to Charlestown.

From the bridge below Brooks's, the woody defiles ex-
tended a considerable distance, in passing which the British
suffered severely. The character of the country obstructed
their flanking parties; and as the retreat was now approach-
ing a rout, and their flanks were outflanked by the Americans,
they were called in, — thus exposing their main body to the
direct fire of those who lined the woody borders of the road.
Here they were met by a large body of men from Woburn,
who, fired by patriotism, had rallied in defence of the com-
mon cause. Loammi Baldwin, afterwards Colonel Baldwin,
was one of that body. In Lincoln also, Captain Parker, who
had collected most of his men, came up with his company,
and taking a position in the fields, poured into the retreating
enemy a galling and destructive fire as they passed. ^ Nor
ceased the efforts of this gallant band with a single discharge.

' See Ripley's History.

' Jedediah Munroe killed and Francis Brown wounded. E. Chase, Beginnings of
the American Revolution, Vol. in, p. 78. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 167

They joined in the pursuit, determined to avenge the outrage
of the morning ; and their loss in the afternoon in killed and
wounded is conclusive evidence that they did not shun the
post of danger. In no part of the retreat were the British
more sorely pressed than in passing through Lincoln. Their
loss was severe. Eight of their slain were buried in Lincoln
Graveyard. The loss of the Americans was comparatively
light; though Captain Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford, Nathan-
iel Wyman, of Billerica, and Daniel Thompson, of Woburn,
fell in this part of the field.

The retreat here became a rout, the British making little
resistance other than what could be made in their rapid flight.
As they entered the town of Lexington, however, they made
one more desperate effort to check the pursuers, and restore
order in their broken ranks. Near the old Viles Tavern, on the
border of the town, they threw a detachment upon a high
bluff on the north side of the road, to hold the Americans in
check till they could form their fugitives on Fiske Hill, about
a hundred rods below. But the Americans by this time had
acquired so much confidence in their own prowess that they
vigorously attacked the detachment on the bluff and drove
them from their commanding position.

In the mean time Colonel Smith was attempting to rally his
men on Fiske Hill, or at least to restore something like order
among his fugitives. D'Bernicre, who was with the detach-
ment acting as their guide, informs us that after other efforts
had failed the officers placed themselves in front and threat-
ened every man with instant death who should leave the line.
This desperate expedient partly succeeded, and many of the
troops formed under a galling fire. An officer ^ mounted on a
fine, spirited horse, with a drawn sword in his hand, was seen
actively engaged in rallying the fugitives, directing their
movements, and attempting to restore order. A party of the
Provincials, having passed through the woods, concealed
themselves behind a pile of rails near where the British were
attempting to form and poured into their half -formed ranks
a deadly volley. The officer was unhorsed, and his affrighted
animal, leaping the wall, ran directly to those who had re-
lieved him of his rider and was taken by them. Colonel Smith
was here severely wounded in the leg. This unexpected attack

^ Major Pitcaim. E. M. Bacon, Historic Pilgrimages in New England, p. 385.
Ed.

168 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

upon their flank, the flight of the detachment driven from
the bluff, and the hot pursuit of the Provincials destroyed the
last hope of the King's troops, who fled in the utmost con-
fusion.^

At the foot of Fiske Hill on the easterly side, near the pres-
ent residence of Mr. Dudley,^ a personal contest took place
between Mr. James Hayward, of Acton, and a British soldier.
The latter had stopped at the well to obtain a draught of
water, and as the ardent Hayward, who was in front in the
pursuit, approached, the Briton drew up his gun, and ex-
claimed, "You are a dead man ! " "And so are you," returned
the youthful Hayward. They both fired, and both fell — the
former dead, the latter mortally wounded. He died the next
day.^

The British were again attacked with great vigor and fatal
effect in a wood near the old poor-house in Lexington. Their
ammunition began to fail, and the troops were so oppressed
with thirst and fatigue as to be almost unfit for service. Their
flight was so rapid that their killed were left where they fell.
Their wounded, whom they attempted to take with them,
created great embarrassment, and many were left behind.
The troops broke, and, disregarding all order, each one
looked out for himself. This was the condition of the British
when they passed Lexington Common, on which they had
shown such a haughty demeanor and so much martial pride
some eight or nine hours before. They were fatigued, dis-
pirited, and almost exhausted; and nothing but the timely
arrival of Lord Percy with a reinforcement saved the detach-
ment from utter ruin.'*

^ Ripley, Shattuck, and Frothingham. The horse captured at Fiske Hill was
with his trappings taken to Concord and sold at public auction. Captain Nathan
Barrett bought the pistols, and afterwards ofifered them to General Washington,
but he not accepting them they were given to General Putnam. They are now at
the Hancock-Clarke House at Lexington. Ed.

' On Massachusetts Avenue, nearly opposite Wood Street. Ed.

' The powder-horn worn by Hayward, and through which the fatal British ball
passed, has been carefully preserved by the family.

* The following letters from Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New
York, 1774-1776, edited by C. K. Bolton (Boston, C. E. Goodspeed, 1902, pp.
49-53), are of interest: —

TO GOVERNOR GAGE OF MASSACHUSETTS
{Official Account of the Retreat from Lexington)

Boston, 20 April, 1775.
S',—

In obedience to your Excell^ orders I marched yesterday morning at 9 o'clk, with the first
Brigade and 2 Field-pieces, in order to cover the retreat of the Grenadiers & Light Infy, on their
return from The Expedition to Concord.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 169

The British accounts admit that the condition of Colonel
Smith was perilous in the extreme when Percy joined him.
Mahon, an English historian, says of Smith's detachment,
"Their utter destruction would have ensued had not General
Gage sent forward that morning another detachment under
Lord Percy to support them." ^ All accounts agree that the
day was unusually warm for that season of the year, and so
hotly were the British troops pressed on their retreat that

As all the houses were shut up, &>there was not the appearance of a single inhabitant, I could
get no intelligence concerning them till I had passed Menotomy, when I was informed that the
Rebels had attacked His Majesty's Troops, who were retiring, overpowered by numbers, greatly
exhausted & fatigued, & having expended almost all their ammunition. And about 2 o'clk I met
them retiring through the Town of Lexington.

I immediately ordered the 2 field-pieces to fire at the Rebels, and drew up the Brigade on a
height. The shot from the cannon had the desired effect, & stopped the Rebels for a little time,
who immediately dispersed, & endeavoured to surround us, being very numerous. As it began now
to grow pretty late, & we had 15 miles to retire, & only our 36 rounds, I ordered the Grenadiers
and Lgt Infy to move off first, & covered them with my Brigade, sending out very strong flanking
parties, wh were absolutely necessary, as there was not a stone-wall, or house, though before in
appearance evacuated, from whence the Rebels did not fire upon us.

As soon as they saw us begin to retire, they pressed very much upon our rear-guard, which for
that reason I relieved every now & then. In this manner we retired for 15 miles under an inces-
sant fire all round us, till we arrived at Charlestown, between 7 & 8 in the even, very much
fatigued with a march of above 30 miles, & having expended almost all our ammunition.

We had the misfortune of losing a good many men in the retreat, tho' nothing like the number
wh, from many circumstances, I have reason to believe were killed of the Rebels.

His Majesty's Troops during the whole of the affair behaved with their usual intrepidity &
spirit. Nor were they a little exasperated at the cruelty and barbarity of the Rebels, who
scalped & cut off the ears of some of the wounded men who fell into their hands.

I am, etc.

Signed Percy

Acting Brig Gen.

To the Hon'''« Gov'' Gage

TO GENERAL HARVEY
{Part of an unofficial account of the retreat from Lexington)

Apl 20, 1775. Boston.

... I therefore pressed on to (the) relief (of the British troops) as fast as good order & not
blowing the men would allow. . . . The rebels were in great no?, the whole country having col-
lected for 20 m around ... I ordered the Gren(adier)s & L(ight) I(nfantry) to move off,
covering them with my Brig(ade), & detaching strong flanking parties wh was absolutely nec'y,
as the whole country we had to retire thro' was cov"^ with stone walls, & was besides a very hilly,
stony country. In this manner, we retired for 15 m under an incessant fire, wh like a moving
circle surrounded & fol"^ us wherever we went, till we arrived at Charlewtown at 8 in the ev'g,
... & having expended almost every cartridge. You will easily conceive that in such a retreat,
harassed as we were on all sides, it was impossible not to lose a good many men.

The following is an acct of them: 65 k(illed), 157 w(ounded), & 21 m(issing), besides 1 off'
k(illed), 15 w(ounded), & 2 w(ounded) & taken prisoners. . . . During the whole affair the
Rebels attacked us in a very scattered, irregular manner, but with perseverance & resolution,
nor did they ever dare to form into any regular body. Indeed, they knew too well what was proj)-
er, to do so.

Whoever looks upon them as an irregular mob, will find himself much mistaken. They have
men amongst them who know very well what they are about, having been employed as Rangers
agst the Indians & Canadians, & this country being much cov*^ w. wood, and hilly, is very advan-
tageous for their method of fighting.

Nor are several of their men void of a spirit of enthusiasm, as we experienced yesterday, for
many of them concealed themselves in houses, & advanced within 10 yds. to fire at me & other
officers, tho' they were morally certain of being put to death themselves in an instant.

You may depend upon it, that as the Rebels have now had time to prepare, they are deter-
mined to go thro' with it, nor will the insurrection here turn out so despicable as it is perhaps
imagined at home. For my part, I never believed, I confess, that they wd have attacked the
King's troops, or have had the perseverance I found in them yesterday.

I have myself fortunately escaped very well, having only had a horse shot. Poor Lt.-Cols Smith
& Barnard, are both wounded, but not badly. . . , [Ed.]

^ History of England, Vol. vi, p. 55.

170 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

they were well-nigh exhausted. Stedman, the British his-
torian who attended Percy in this expedition, not only ad-
mits that "the British were driven before the Americans
like sheep," but he says that, when they arrived within the
hollow square formed by Percy's brigade to receive them,
"They were obliged to lie down upon the ground, their
tongues hanging out of their mouths, like those of dogs
after a chase." ^

It has already been stated that Colonel Smith, on his way
to Lexington from Boston, became alarmed and sent a mes-
senger to General Gage for a reinforcement. His message was
received early in the morning, and about nine o'clock Gage
dispatched three regiments of infantry ^ and two divisions of
marines with two field-pieces, under Lord Percy, to support
him. Percy marched out through Roxbury^ to the tune of
Yankee Doodle.* To prevent or impede his march, the select-

* American War, Vol. i, p. 118.

' Forty-seventh Regiment, Fourth Battalion, Royal Artillery, Twenty-third
Royal Welsh Fusiliers. Ed.

* In the Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New York, 1774-1776,
edited by C. K. Bolton (Boston, C. E. Goodspeed, 1902), a footnote states {Ed.):
"Percy marched through Brookline, and it is the tradition that he was taunted
with verses from Chevy Chase. Curiously enough, Horace Walpole, on hearing of
the encounter, wrote to Sir Horace Mann, from Strawberry Hill, June 5 : ' So here is
this fatal war commenced !

' The child that is unborn shall rue
The hunting of that day I ' "

* As the tune of Yankee Doodle was employed by the British in derision, at the
commencement of the Revolution, it may be desirable to learn something of its
origin and character. Strictly speaking, it is not to be classed with our national airs;
yet it is played so often, is so associated with ovu- national life, and so entwined with
our free institutions that no liberty-loving American is willing to discard it. Though
its faults may be obvious, they are all pardonable. Cynics may snarl, and wits may
satirize it, but the people take it to their bosoms. The lovers of scientific music may
denounce it as low and vulgar, and im worthy of a refined and delicate taste; but the
truly democratic reply is " the sovereign people do not so imderstand it." They love
the gay old tune, and will not give it up. They hail it as one of our free institutions,
and are ready to stand by it. And the singular fact that it has no acknowledged
words only gives it a versatility which adapts it to every subject and fits it for all
occasions. The poetry in which it naturally flows can be composed by almost every
rhymester, and the tune luxuriates as freely in a low doggerel as in the sublime
stanzas of our greatest poets. It is equally at home in

"Jove on high Olympus sat,
And awed the world with thunder";

or in

" Yankee Doodle came to town,
Riding on a pony";

and it is never embarrassed in whatever dress it appears. It is also adapted to ail

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 171

men of Cambridge caused the planks of the old bridge, over
which he was obliged to pass, to be taken up; but instead of
removing them to any distance, they unwisely left them upon
the causeway on the Cambridge side of the river. Hence
Percy found no difficulty in replacing them so as to enable his
troops to cross. But a convoy of provisions under a sergeant's
guard was detained until it was out of the protection of the
main body, and measures were taken to cut it off, which was
effectually done in Menotomy. Gordon the historian, who
visited the scene of action immediately after the events oc-
curred, ascribes the leadership in this movement to Rev. Dr.
Payson, of Chelsea, while others ascribe it to one David
Lamson, a half-breed Indian. Probably both statements are
founded in fact. It is admitted that a courier came from Old
Cambridge, informing the people of West Cambridge that
these supplies were on the way and urging their interception ;

occasions, and can with equal grace and propriety cheer on the brave or lampoon the
laggard. In fact, —

"Yankee Doodle's all the run,

With every theme uniting;

'T is fit for marching, frolic, fun,

And just the thing for fighting."

Rev. Elias Nason, a distinguished antiquary, in a Lecture on National Music,
fraught with instruction and humor, says of Yankee Doodle : —

"The tune, you know, is a 'Daughter of the Regiment,' coming to us by adoption. Its par-
entage is involved in obscurity; many cities, as in the case of Homer, claiming it. Some con-
sider it an old vintage song of France; the Spaniards think their voices have echoed to its notes
in early days; the Magyars with Louis Kossuth recognize in it one of their old national dances.
England entertains some shadowy tradition of it, both before and during the times of Cromwell ;
and the Dutchman claims it, as a Low Country song of tithes and Bonnyclabber, giving the
original words —

'Yanke didel, doodal, down,

Didel, dudel, lanter;
Yanke viver, vover, vown.

Buttermilk and tanther (tithes).'

"But whatever may have been the origin, this 'Daughter of the Regiment,' so far as I can
learn, first appeared in America, on the banks of the Hudson in June, 1755, and was introduced
into the American camp by one roguish Dr. Richard Shuckburg, of the British Army, in this
amusing way. Our Colonial companies, under Governor Shirley, encamped on the left of the
British, meanly disciplined and poorly clad, and marching after music quite two centuries old,
increased of course the ridicule of their well-equipped and fashionable transatlantic brethren.
To keep the sport along, this mischievous Dr. Shuckburg, wit, surgeon, and fiddler as he was,
tells the Americans that the music is too ancient, and that he will get up a tune in the modem
style — and so he gave them Yankee Doodle. The American soldiers called it 'mighty fine.' It
struck a strong chord in the American heart, and was heard immediately, and nothing else was
heard, throughout the camp and throughout the Colonies.

"This tune became our battle-march, through the Revolution; and though the British gave it
to us in June, 1755, we gave it back to them with compound interest in June, 1775, at Bunker
Hill; and we baptized the bantling, which they gave us in derision, in the blood of heroes, placed
upon it the name of Fbeedom, rocked it in Faneuil Hall, and took it home to dwell with us for-
ever! ' Independence now and forever ' rings through every note of it, and one never feels half so
much like '76 itself as when he hears it rolling. Hence the leaders of the Rebellion, after the
pitiful policy of European kings, descend to the mean expedient of ostracising our national songs,
in order to keep their wicked cause in countenance with the people. Yankee Doodle must be
silenced before our brave old flag can be cut down ; so long as its old.rollioksome notes roll out, the
Stars and Stripes must and will float over us."

172 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

and tliat the people rallied and made Lamson their leader at
that place. Payson may well have been the instigator and an
active leader at some other point. A few of the citizens
of West Cambridge ^ assembled, and under the leadership
of Lamson took a position behind a bank wall of earth and
stone. When the convoy made its appearance near the
meeting-house in that parish, they demanded a surrender,
which being refused, they discharged a volley killing several
of the horses. The affrighted drivers and guard made their
escape as best they could. The wagons were taken possession
of by the citizens, and removed to a place of safety. It is said
that six of the men attached to the teams were afterwards
taken prisoners. ^

Percy met the fugitives some half a mile below Lexington
Common about two o'clock. One of his field-pieces was
placed on a bluff or mound near the present site of the Town
Hall,^ which has since been levelled for the erection of the
building and the repairs of the highways; and the other upon
the high ground ^ above the Munroe Tavern and back of the
residence of the late Deacon Nathaniel Mulliken. By this

^ E. Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. in, pp. 107-10. Ed.

^ Smith's West Cambridge Address. After stating that six of these grenadiers
surrendered to "an old woman digging dandelions," Mr. Smith says, "So to West
Cambridge belongs the honor of making the first capture of provisions and stores,
and also of prisoners, in the American Revolution." Granting the marvellous
achievement of the old lady, which some may be disposed to question, the truth of
history compels us to say that he must have been misled in supposing that these were
the first prisoners taken that day. Percy did not leave Boston till about nine o'clock
that morning, and coming out over the Neck, through Roxbury and Brighton, could
not have reached West Cambridge before about the middle of the day, as he did not
reach the Munroe Tavern in Lexington till nearly two o'clock. His baggage was in
his rear and was detained so long at the bridge or by other misfortunes as to be
separated from the troops. It must have been twelve or one o'clock before they could
have reached the centre of West Cambridge. Now, it is a well-authenticated fact
that several British soldiers who fell in the rear of their main body were captured at
Lexington soon after the British left for Concord, which must have been as early
as seven or eight o'clock that morning. See Depositions of William Munroe, John
Munroe, Ebenezer Munroe, and James Reed of Burlington, to whose house the
prisoners were sent. These deponents were all actors in the scene of that morning
and knew what they related.

Gordon, who wrote a History of the Revolution, and whose means of information
M'ere good, gives the following account of what happened at West Cambridge:
"Before Percy's baggage reached the place, a few Americans, headed by Rev. IVIr.
Payson, of Chelsea, who till then had been extremely moderate, attacked a party of
twelve soldiers carrying stores to the retreating troops, killed one and wounded
several, made the whole prisoners, and gained possession of their arms and stores
without any loss to themselves." Vol. i, p. 313.

^ Now occupied by the High School building. Ed.

* Comer of Washington and Warren Streets. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 173

accession to the Britisli force and by the presence of the artil-
lery, the Americans were, for a short period, kept in check.
Shots were fired from the field-pieces in every direction where
any Provincials could be discovered. Several shots were
thrown into the village — one of which passed through the
meeting-house and out at the pulpit window. The ball
lodged in the back part of the Common ; it was preserved for
some time, when it was passed over to Harvard College. By
some neglect it was taken away, and as far as we know is lost.
Another ball was ploughed up some years after on the farm
owned and occupied by the late Benjamin Fiske, Esq., on
Lowell Street.

There must have been many cases of extreme bravery, of
wise caution, of great exertion, and of cruel sujBFering that day.
Nor is glory due to the men alone. The women and children
performed and endured their full share of labor and of suffer-
ing. ^ We would joyfully give some instances of rare courage
or personal foresight; but the moment you go beyond the
record you have such floods of traditionary lore, some prob-
able and some improbable, that you cannot distinguish fact
from fiction; and we would rather omit some incidents toler-
ably well authenticated than to falsify history by inserting
the extravagant accounts of some credulous persons, who, to
magnify the worth of a family or the honor of the town, would
swell mole-hills into mountains.

We will state, however, what is true in general, that after
the British had passed on to Concord there was great appre-
hension for the safety of families; and many who resided on
the line of the great road left their houses in dismay and fled
to distant neighbors, or in some cases to the woods, taking
with them some valuables from their houses,^ — and what is
still more trying, in some cases mothers with their babes but a
few days old, and the sick and infirm who had been confined
to their beds, were hurried away to places of safety.

* See paper by Miss E. W. Harrington, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. i, p. 48; and by
George O. Smith, ibid., p. 59. Ed.

* See letter of Miss Betty Clarke, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iv, p. 91: —

" How many Descendants can I count from the venerable Hancock down to this day,
which ia sixty six years since the war began on the Common, which I now can see from this
window us here I sit writing, and can see, in my mind, just as plain, all the British Troops
marching off the Common to Concord, and the whole scene, how Aunt Hancock and Miss
Dolly Quinsy, with their cloaks and bonnets on. Aunt Crying and ringing her hands and
helping Mother Dress the children, Dolly going round with Father, to hide the Money,
watches and anything down in the potatoes and up Garrett, and then Grandfather Clarke
sent down men with carts, took your Mother and all the children but Jonas and me and
Sally a Babe six months old." Ed.

174 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

During this respite the harassed troops were enabled to
rest themselves, and, by entering the houses in the immediate
neighborhood and seizing whatever they could lay their hands
upon, to obtain some refreshment. But after pillaging the
houses, not only of what their hunger and thirst required, but
of such articles of clothing, etc., as they could comfortably
carry away, they wantonly destroyed the furniture and other
property in and about the buildings; and to complete their
works of vandalism, they set fire to several buildings, which
were entirely consumed. Joseph Loring, who resided on the
place ^ directly opposite the present Town House, ^ had his
house and barn, valued at £350, laid in ashes, and other prop-
erty to the amount of £370 was wantonly destroyed. Lydia
Mulliken had her house and shop, valued at £128, and other
property to the amount of £303, destroyed. Joshua Bond
lost his dwelling-house and shop, and other property valued
at £189 165. Id. William Munroe lost in household furniture,
goods in retail shop, etc., destroyed, £203 \\s. Qd.^ The
whole amount of property in Lexington thus ruthlessly de-
stroyed was valued at the time at £1761 25. 3(i.*

The conduct of the King's troops, after they were met by
Percy, was marked by a vandalism totally unworthy the
character of a soldier.^ In addition to a wanton destruction

1 346 Massachusetts Avenue. Ed. * Now the High School site. Ed.

' In the list transcribed from the Journals of Each Provincial Congress, by E.
Chase (Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. iii, p. 89) this loss is appor-
tioned to Marrett Munroe, and William is given a loss of only £9; but in view of the
known damage to the Munroe Tavern, it is clear that Mr. Hudson's record must be
correct. Ed.

* See original accounts as reported by a committee. The sufferers in Lexington
were: Joseph Loring, £720; Jonathan Harrington, £103 75.; Lydia Winship, £66 ISa.
4d.; John Mason, £14 13s. 4d.; Mathew Mead, £101; Benjamin Merriam, £223 45.;
Nathaniel Farmer, £46 IO5.; Thomas Fessenden, £164; Benjamin Fiske, £9 75.;
Jeremiah Harrington, £11 135. lid.; Robert Harrington, £12; Joshua Bond, £189
I65. ld.\ Benjamin Brown, £42; Hepzebah Davis, £5 Is. Qd.\ Benjamin Estabrooke,
£12; Samuel Bemis, £4 85. M.; Nathan Blodgett, £18; Elizabeth Samson, £lO;
Jonathan Smith, £13 125. 8rf.; John Williams, £36 155.; John Winship, £12; Mar-
garet Wmship,£22 IO5.; Marrett Munroe, £5; William Munroe, £203 11 5. 9d.; Amos
Muzzy, £18 45.; Lydia Mulliken, £431; Heirs of William Munroe, £9.; Benjamin
Lock, £4 45. Qd.; Nathan Fessenden, £66 IO5.

' A short Recital & an Imperfect one of the wanton Cruelty and Barbarity of the British
Troops in the Town of Lexington on the 19 of April 1775 as Follows (viz) The Second Brigade
under the Command of Lord Percy meeting the first Brigade upon their return from Concord
aboute half a mile Below the Meeting house in Said Town near the mansion house Dea: Joseph
Loring where theay made a halt and fireing their field peices in order to Clear of the Inhabitants
of ye Severel Towns Collected to Together to prevent their Destroying all before them Even
when none of the Melitia was near them theay Began to Burn first the house & Barn & other out
Buildings of Dae: Joseph Loring also the house & Barn & shop of Mrs. Lidia Mulliken & the
house & Shopp of Mr. Joshua Bond The preceding of the British Troops in Said Town on Said
day Appeared to the Distressed Inhabitants to be Attended with wanton Cruelty ii Barbarity

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 175

of property, they practised a system of personal insult,
treachery, and murder, which reflects disgrace and infamy
upon the commanders and the men. A party entered the
Munroe Tavern, and helping themselves, or rather compel-
ling the inmates of the house to help them to whatever they
wanted, they treacherously and with ruthlessness shot down
John Raymond, an infirm man residing in the family, only
because he, becoming alarmed at their roughness and brutal
conduct, was about leaving the house to seek a place of greater
safety. The brutality here commenced was continued
throughout the remainder of their retreat.^

As the events crowded into the memorable 19th of April
were numerous as well as important,^ and are naturally di-

after burning the Several Buildings above mentioned as Said Troops Marcht Through the
remaining Part of Said Town they Continued plundering the houses of many of their valuable
Effect, Breaking of windows, & Doors and all kinds of Mischeif they had time Accomplish till
theay passed the Town.

John Chandler ']
Benja Estabrook I Selectmen
Francis Brown j of Lexington.
William Munro J
Lexington Jany 24th 1782

The above was appended to An Account of the Loss & Damage sustained by the
Inhabitants of the Town of Lexington by the British Troops on the 19 of April,
1775, in State Archives, Vol. 138, p. 377, etc. Ed.

^ On the other hand, Earl Percy states (Percy Letters): "His Majesty's Troops
during the whole affair behaved with their usual intrepidity & spirit. Nor were they
a little exasperated at the cruelty and barbarity of the Rebels, who scalped & cut off
the ears of some of the woimded men who fell into their hands." Shattuck, History
of Concord, p. 303. Zaccheus Brown and Thomas Davis, Jr., testified that " the man
was not scalped, neither had his ears been cut off." Ed.

* See Paul Revere's own written narrative. (Colonel Revere's Letter, Mass. Hist.
Soc. Coll. for 1798). as follows: —

"The Saturday night preceding the 19th of April, about twelve o'clock at night, the boats
belonging to the transports were all launched, and carried under the sterns of the men-of-war.
(They had been previously hauled up and repaired.) We likewise found that the grenadiers and
light infantry were all taken off duty.

" From these movements we expected something serious was to be transacted. On Tuesday
evening, the 18th, it was observed that a number of soldiers were marching towards the bottom
of the Common. About ten o'clock, Dr. Warren sent in great haste for me, and begged that I
would immediately set off for Lexington, where Messrs. Hancock and Adams were, and acquaint
them of the movement, and that it was thought they were the objects. When I got to Dr. War-
ren's house, I found he had sent an express by land to Lexington, — a Mr. William Dawes.
The Sunday before, by desire of Dr. Warren, I had been to Lexington, to Messrs. Hancock
and Adams, who were at the Rev. Mr. Clark's. I returned at night through Charlestown; there
I agreed with a Colonel Conant and some other gentlemen, that if the British went out by water,
we would show two lanthoms in the North Church steeple; and if by land, one as a signal; for we
were apprehensive it would be difficult to cross the Charles River, or get over Boston Neck. I left
Dr. Warren, called upon a friend, and desired him to make the signals. ,1 then went home, took
my boots and surtout, went to the north part of the town, where I kept a boat; two friends rowed
me across Charles River a little to the eastward where the Somerset man-of-war lay. It was then
young flood, the ship was winding, and the moon was rising.

"They landed me on the Charlestown side. When I got into town, I met Colonel Conant and
several others; they said they had seen our signals. I told them what was acting, and went to get
me a horse; I got a horse of Deacon Larkin. While the horse was preparing, Richard Devens,
Esq., who was one of the Committee of Safety, came to me, and told me that he came down the
road from Lexington, after sundown, that evening; that he met ten British officers, all well
mounted and armed, going up the road.

" I set off upon a very good horse ; it was then about eleven o'clock, and very pleasant. After I

176 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

vided by the change of commanders which took place In Lex-
ington, we will, like the fugitives of Smith's command, rest
for a short time, and commence our next chapter with the
flight of Lord Percy.

had passed Charlestown Neck, and got nearly opposite where Mark was hung in chains, I saw
two men on horseback under a tree. When I got near them, I discovered they were British ofli-
cers. One tried to get ahead of me, and the other to take me. I turned my horse very quick and
galloped towards Charlestown Neck, and then pushed for the Medford road. The one who chased
me, endeavoring to cut me off, got into a clay pond, near where the new tavern is now built. I got
clear of him, and went through Medford, over the bridge, and up to Menotomy. In Medford, I
awakened the Captain of the Minute Men; and after that, I alarmed almost every house, till I got
to Lexington.

"I found Messrs. Hancock and Adams at the Rev. Mr. Clark's; I told them my errand, and
enquired for Mr. Dawes; they said he had not been there; I related the story of the two officers,
and supposed that he must have been stopped, as he ought to have been there before me. After I
had been there about half an hour, Mr. Dawes came; we refreshed ourselves, and set off for Con-
cord, to secure the stores, etc., there. We were overtaken by a young Dr. Prescott, whom we
found to be a high Son of Liberty. I told them of the ten officers that Mr. Devens met, and that
it was probable we might be stopped before we got to Concord ; for I supposed that after night
they divided themselves, and that two of them had fixed themselves in such passages as were most
likely to stop any intelligence going to Concord. I likewise mentioned that we had better alarm
all the inhabitants till we got to Concord; the young Doctor much approved of it, and said he
would stop with either of us, for the people between that and Concord knew him, and would give
the more credit to what we said. We had got nearly half way; Mr. Dawes and the Doctor stopped
to alarm the people of a house; I was about one hundred rods ahead, when I saw two men, in
nearly the same situations as those officers were, near Charlestown. I called for the Doctor and
Mr. Dawes to come up; in an instant I was surrounded by four; — they had placed themselves in
a straight road, that inclined each way; they had taken down a pair of bars on the north side of
the road, and two of them were under a tree in the pasture. The Doctor being foremost, he came
up; and we tried to get past them; but they being armed with pistols and swords, they forced us
into the pasture; the Doctor jumped his horse over a low stone wall, and got to Concord. I
observed a wood at a small distance, and made for that. When I got there, out started six offi-
cers, on horseback, and ordered me to dismount; — one of them, who appeared to have the com-
mand, examined me, where I came from, and what my name was? I told him. He asked me if I
was an express? I answered in the affirmative. He demanded what time I left Boston? I told
him: and added, that their troops had catched aground in passing the river, and that there would
be five hundred Americans there in a short time, for I had alarmed the country all the way up.
He immediately rode towards those who stopped us, when all five of them came down upon a full
gallop; one of them, whom I afterwards found to be a Major Mitchell of the 5th Regiment,
clapped his pistol to my head, called me by name, and said he was going to ask me some ques-
tions, and if I did not give him true answers he would blow my brains out. He then asked me
similar questions to those above. He then ordered me to mount my horse after searching me for
arms. He then ordered them to advance and to lead me in front. When we got to the road, they
turned down toward Lexington, and when we had got about one mile, the Major rode up to the
officer that was leading me and told him to give me to the Sergeant. As soon as he told me, the
Major ordered him, if I attempted to run, or anybody insulted them, to blow my brains out. We
rode till we got near Lexington meeting-house, when the militia fired a volley of guns, which
appeared to alarm them very much.'.The Major inquired of me how far it was to Cambridge, and
if there were any other road. After some consultation, the Major rode up to the Sergeant, and
asked if his horse was tired. He answered him he was — he was a Sergeant of Grenadiers, and
had a small horse — then take that man's horse. I dismounted and the Sergeant mounted my
horse, when they all rode toward Lexington meeting-house. I went across the burying-ground
and some pastures, and came to the Rev. Mr. Clark's house, where I found Messrs. Hancock and
Adams. I told them of my treatment, and they concluded to go from that house towards Wo-
burn. I went with them, and a Mr. Lowell, who was a clerk to Mr. Hancock. When we got to the
house where they intended to stop, Mr. Lowell and myself returned to Mr. Clark's to find what
was going on. When we got there an elderly man came in; he said he had just come from the
tavern, that a man had come from Boston, who said there were no British troops coming. Mr.
Lowell and myself went towards the tavern, when we met a man on a full gallop, who told us the
troops were coming up the rocks. We afterwards met another, who said they were close by. Mr.
Lowell asked me to go to the tavern with him, to get a trunk of papers belonging to Mr. Hancock.
We went up chamber, and while we were getting the trunk, we saw the British very near, upon a
full march. We hurried towards Mr. Clark's house. In our way, we passed through the militia.
There were about fifty. When we had got about one hundred yards from the meeting-house, the
British troops appeared on both sides of the meeting-house. In their front was an officer on horse-
back. They made a halt; when I saw and heard a gun fired, which appeared to be a pistol. Then
I could distinguish two guns, and then a continual roar of musketry: when we made off with the
trunk." Ed.

CHAPTER VII

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON (continued)

Percy commences his Retreat — Heath and Warren join the Provincials — The
Militia gather at West Cambridge — The Danvers Company — The Zeal and
Bravery of Warren — The^ Barbarities of the British — Aspin wall's Accoimt
— Retreat becomes a Rout — British take Shelter in Charlestown — The
Fatigue and Exhaustion of their Troops — The British Loss — The Provincial
Loss — The EfiFect of this Day's Events upon the Public Mind — The Nine-
teenth of April celebrated — Lexington Monument — The Relative Claims of
Lexington, Concord, and Other Towns to the Honors of the Nineteenth of April,
1775.

Percy, as senior officer, assumed the command. He had
now under him a force of about eighteen hundred well-
discipHned troops and two pieces of artillery — a force four
times as large as that of the Americans.^ But still he mani-
fested no disposition to attack the rebels, as he denominated
them, or to drive back the undisciplined citizens who hung
upon his rear and flanked him at every convenient point.
Though he left Boston in the morning with as stout a heart as
that of his namesake of Northumberland, immortalized in the
ballad of Chevy-Chase, and though his force was superior to
that of his prototype, he had no disposition to "spend his
dearest blood" in a contest with the rebels; but took warning
by the fate of his predecessor, and, giving over his hunt in
the woods of old Middlesex, made the best of his way to his
headquarters at Boston.

After the weary fugitives of Smith's command were rested
and refreshed, Percy commenced his retreat. His field-pieces,
which at first kept the Provincials at a distance, soon lost
their terror; and the same undisciplined force which had
proved such a scourge to Smith and Pitcairn, hjing upon his
rear, and assailed him on his right and left from the trees,
rocks, and fences, and rendered his movement rather a flight
than a retreat. Some of the Americans who had pursued the
British from Concord, gave over the chase from time to time

^ In view of the fact that men from all over eastern Massachusetts were pouring
in to join the fight, and that each took such part as he might choose, regardless of
leaders or commands, it is diflBcult to form any estimate whatever of the actual
number of Provincials who were engaged in the day's fighting. Ed.

178 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

on the route; and at Lexington, after seeing that Smith was
supported by a thousand fresh troops and two pieces of artil-
lery, and deeming a further pursuit unavailing, others re-
turned to their homes. The larger portion, however, remained,
and being joined by others united in the pursuit.

It was nearly three o'clock when Percy commenced his
retreat. Up to this time there had been no general oflScer who
assumed command of the Americans. General Heath, who
had been appointed by the Provincial Congress one of the
general officers, to command the militia and the minute-men
in case they were called out, had an interview with the Com-
mittee of Safety that morning: after which he repaired to
Watertown, where he collected a small body of the militia,
which he ordered to move to Cambridge, to take up the
planks and make a barricade of them at the Great Bridge, so
as to intercept the British if they attempted to return to
Boston by way of Roxbury and the Neck. Having given this
order. Heath, accompanied by Dr. Warren, passed by a cross-
road to the scene of action, and arrived at Lexington just
before Percy took up his line of march, or rather commenced
his flight. Heath collected the sc&,ttered Provincials, and put-
ting them in as good order as the nature of the case would
permit, pressed closely upon Percy's rear. For the first two
miles nothing of special moment occurred ; but on descending
from the high lands, at the "foot of the rocks " upon the plain
in West Cambridge,^ the fire became brisk. The topography
of the country, the locality of the population in other towns,
and the direction of the roads would naturally bring together
a considerable accession to the Provincial force at this point.
Not only from Cambridge, but from Roxbury, Dorchester,
Brookline, Needham, Watertown, and Dedham, on the one
hand, did the militia and minute-men rally and move to West
Cambridge; but they came in freely from Medford, Charles-
town, and Lynn, on the other. Thus strengthened, the
Americans made a more formidable resistance here than at
any point below Lexington. Here, too, the youthful Foster
brought up his gallant company of minute-men from Dan vers,
which marched in advance of the Essex regiment, and arrived,
after a rapid march of sixteen miles in four hours, in time to

* Now Arlington. "Foot of the Rocks" is a very ancient term and designates a
break in the rim of that Boston Basin which, in comparatively recent geological
times, was completely submerged. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 179

meet the common enemy. The company consisted of one
hundred men, and had about ten days before elected Gideon
Foster, a brave and ardent young man of twenty-six years of
age, their captain.^ Arriving at West Cambridge, and being,
as he says, "unused to the artifices of war," he posted a part
of his men near the road to intercept the main body of the
British. They took post in a walled enclosure, and made a
breastwork of bundles of shingles; others placed themselves
behind trees on the side of the hill west of the meeting-house,
where they awaited the arrival of the King's troops. But while
the main body of the British came down the road, they had
thrown forward a large guard, which had flanked and come up
in rear of the Dan vers men, who found themselves between
two fires. In this critical situation they suffered severely —
having seven killed and several wounded.

This accumulation of fresh troops in front of the retreating
regulars, together with the force which hung upon their rear,
made their position uncomfortable, and induced them to
assume a more warlike attitude than they had done before.
They drew up their men temporarily in order of battle, and in
a few instances had recourse to their field-pieces. But this
more formal array on their part was met by a more perfect
organization on the part of the Provincials. General Heath
assumed control, and as far as practicable reduced the dis-
cordant elements to order; and the ardent and intrepid
Warren, by word and deed, and by active effort in places of
the greatest danger, rallied and inspired the men. As at
Bunker Hill in June following, so here, he seemed to rise with
the occasion, and take new courage as obstacles presented
and as dangers pressed. He was seen everywhere, animating
the men and directing their movement.^ But the British

^ Foster's Address at the laying of the comer-stone of the Dan vers Monument,
in memory of the members of his company who fell at West Cambridge. He says:
"On that morning [April 19, 1775] more than one hundred of my townsmen has-
tened to the field of battle, imused to the artifices of war; but their hearts were glow-
ing with zeal in their country's cause, and they were ready to offer their lives on the
altar of their liberties." — "I was then twenty-six years of age. About ten days be-
fore, I had been chosen to command a company of minute-men, who were at all
times to be in readiness at a moment's warning. They were so ready. They all went,
and in about four hours from the time of meeting, they travelled on foot, half of the
way upon the run, sixteen miles and saluted the enemy." King's Address, and
Frothingham's Siege of Boston.

* The conduct of Warren on this occasion was a subject of general commendation
and probably secured to him the appointment of major-general, which he soon after-

180 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

were too anxious to gain the cover of their ships and the Pro-
vincials were too ardent in their pursuit to admit of anything
like a formal battle.

But there was brisk skirmishing; and bold attacks of small
bands and instances of individual courage occurred at differ-
ent points. Here General Warren had his temple grazed by a
musket ball, which carried away a pin from his earlock.^ Here
Samuel Whittemore ^ was shot, bayoneted, and left for dead.
Here Dr. Eliphalet Downer, in a single combat with a British
soldier, killed him with his bayonet.^

Up to the time of the arrival of Percy with his reinforce-
ment, the British troops had, in the main, abstained from
pillage, and had confined themselves mostly to the destruc-
tion of military stores. But we have already seen that before
leaving Lexington they commenced a system, not merely of
plunder but of barbarity — wantonly destroying private prop-
erty and butchering the aged and defenceless. If this was
not actually ordered, it was permitted by Percy. And this
policy, commenced at Lexington, was continued through the
remainder of the day. At West Cambridge their course was
marked by pillage and by a wanton destruction of private
property. Nor was their barbarity confined to the destruc-
tion of property. They attacked and ruthlessly butchered the
old and infirm, the weak and defenceless. Even women and
children were the subjects of their brutal rage. Furniture
was destroyed, houses were set on fire, women and children
driven from their homes, and peaceable citizens murdered
and mangled in cold blood. Jason Russell, an invalid and
non-combatant, was cruelly murdered in his own house.
Jabez Wyman and Jason Winship, two aged citizens, un-
armed, who came to Cooper's Tavern simply to inquire the

wards received. In a poem, published in Boston, 1781, Warren's conduct at West
Cambridge is thus described: —

"From rank to rank the daring ■warrior flies,
And bids the thunder of the battle rise ;
Sudden arrangements of his troops are made.
And sudden movements round the plain displayed.
Columbia's Genius in her polished shield
Gleams bright and dreadful o'er the hostile field;
Her ardent troops, enraptured with the sight ,
With shock resistless force the dubious fight.
Britons, astonished, tremble at the sight,
And, all confused, precipitate their flight."

* Heath's Memoirs, pp. 12-14.

^ A tablet marks the spot. He lived to be 98. Ed.

3 Siege of Boston, p. 79.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 181

news, ** were most barbarously and inhumanly murdered by
the British, being stabbed through in many places, their
heads mauled, skulls broken, and their brains dashed out on
the floors and walls of the house." ^ The house of Deacon
Joseph Adams was rudely entered, his sick wife driven from
her bed, and her young children exposed to the flames of their
burning dwelling. We give these facts in the language of Mrs.
Adams : —

"Divers of the King'stroops entered our house by bursting open
the door, and three of the soldiers broke into the room in which I
was confined to my bed, being scarcely able to walk from the bed to
the fire, not having been to my chamber door from being delivered
in child-bed to that time. One of the soldiers immediately opened
my curtain with his bayonet fixed, pointing the same at my breast.
I immediately cried out, 'For the Lord's sake, do not kill me'; he
replied, 'Damn you.' One that stood near said, 'We will not hurt
the woman, if she will go out of the house, but we will surely burn
it.' I immediately arose, threw a blanket over me, and crawled into
a corn-house near the door, with my infant in my arms, where I
remained until they were gone. They immediately set the house on
fire, in which I had left five children; but the fire was happily extin-
guished, when the house was in the utmost danger of being utterly
consumed." ^

Before setting fire to the house, they robbed it of all the
valuables which they could carry away — not sparing the
communion service of the church, which was kept by Deacon
Adams. Various houses were entered and similar outrages
committed. ^ These enormities tended to exasperate the Amer-
icans and make them more zealous in the pursuit. "Indigna-
tion and outraged humanity struggled on the one hand;
veteran discipline and desperation on the other." *

The loss to the Americans and to the British within the
limits of West Cambridge was considerable. One British
oflBcer was left wounded at a house near the present railroad
station. Approaching night and the constant accessions to
the Provincials admonished Percy to hasten his retreat.

The British took the road which winds round Prospect

^ Deposition of Benjamin and Rachel Cooper, taken May 10, 1775, while the facts
were fully known.

^ Hannah Adams's Deposition, May 16, 1775.

' The amount of property stolen and destroyed in West Cambridge was estimated
at £1202 8s. Id.

* Everett's Address.

182 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Hill.^ When they entered this part of Charlestown their situ-
ation became nearly as critical as was Smith's when he ar-
rived at Lexington and took shelter under the protection of
Percy's brigade.

"The large number of wounded," says Frothingham, "proved a
distressing obstruction to their progress, while they had but a few
rounds of ammunition left. Their field-pieces had lost their terror.
The main body of the Provincials hung closely on their rear; a
strong force was advancing upon them from Roxbury, Dorchester,
and Milton; while Colonel Pickering with the Essex militia, seven
hundred strong, threatened to cut off their retreat to Charlestown.^
Near Prospect Hill the fire again became sharp, and the British
again had recourse to their field-pieces. James Miller, of Charles-
town, was killed here. Along its base Lord Percy, it is stated, re-
ceived the hottest fire he had during his retreat. General Gage,
about sunset, might have beheld his harassed troops almost on the
run, coming down the old Cambridge road to Charlestown Neck,
anxious to get under the protection of the guns of the ships-of-war.

^ Colonel Aspinwall, of Brookline, has kindly furnished the following incidents
which he has heard from those who were actors in the scene: —

"On the 19th of April, 1775, the militia of Brookline marched towards Lexington across the
fields as a crow flies. My father, Dr. William Aspinwall, and my maternal grandfather, Isaac
Gardner, one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, went with the rest. Red was in those days a
common color for coats, and appearing at the rendezvous. Dr. Aspinwall had on a coat of that
color, but being told that he might be shot for an enemy by his own friends, he thought it best to
put on another of a different hue. When the Brookline men reached West Cambridge, the British
troops were resting at Lexington, and they endeavored to get within musket range of the British
pickets, at least to see them when they came. An irregular fire took place; but when the Brit-
ish began to move towards Boston, the militia scattered, some to a distance, and others to various
covers to harass the retreating enemy.

"Mr. Gardner with a few others posted themselves behind some casks near Watson's Comer.
While they were intently watching the approaching column, the British flank guard came upon
their rear, and shot and bayoneted the whole party. Mr. Gardner was pierced by balls and bayo-
nets in twelve places.

" Dr. Aspinwall, in the mean time, had regained the college road, where he found a detachment
of six or seven score of men under Captain Gridly, drawn up in line across the road. He suggested
to the captain that the enemy would not take the college road, but go directly towards Charles-
town as the shortest course; and if they did come down the road, his company could not stop
them. Finding, however, that his remonstrances were unheeded, the doctor mounted the wall
just as the head of the British column crossed the northern extremity of the road, and crying out,
'There they go! Now, boys, whoever wants to do any good, follow me,' pushed on with about
half the detachment and a number of his Brookline neighbors, and getting within musket shot,
, he continued to fire with deliberate aim as fast as he could load. In reloading, however, he found
it best to shelter himself behind a tree or whatever protection he could find, against the fire of his
own party in the rear. On one of the momentary halts, his neighbor, Ebenezer Davis, passing
him, pointing out the body of a British soldier, cried out, ' Doctor, that man's arms are yours, for
you brought him down.' But the doctor thought himself better employed in endeavoring to get
another shot as quick as possible.

"After the pursuit was ended, he learned the fate of Mr. Gardner, sought out the body, and
had it conveyed honje to his bereaved widow and her eight young children."

' " ' For had they not arrived in Charlestown, under cover of their ships, half an
hour before a powerful body of men from Marblehead and Salem was at their heels,
and must, if they had happened to be up one hour sooner, inevitably have intercepted
their retreat to Charlestown.' That was the conclusion at which Washington ar-
rived; and his view, then or since, has never been disputed." Trevelyan, The Ameri-
can Revolution, Part i, 1766-1776. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 183

The minute-men closely followed, but when they reached the
Charlestown Common, General Heath ordered them to stop the
pursuit." ^

On arriving at Charlestown the British troops offered no
indignities to the inhabitants. The town had been the scene
of great excitement through the day, and on the approach of
the retreating army at sunset, the inhabitants were naturally
filled with apprehension and many had left the place. But the
officers assured them that, if they returned to their houses,
they would not be molested. The main body of Percy's troops
occupied Bunker Hill and some additional troops were sent
over from Boston. Sentinels were placed about the town and
the night passed off quietly.

Thus ended a day of great anxiety and peril to His Maj-
esty's troops. They had left Boston with high hopes and
expectations — regarding the expedition as a sort of pleasure
excursion. But the day had proved one of fatigue, toil, and
danger. Twice during their adventure they had been in a
perilous situation. Colonel Smith's command had barely
escaped destruction in their march from Concord by taking
refuge under the guns of Percy's brigade, whose timely arrival
alone saved them. Nearly the same was true of Percy's com-
mand on arriving at Charlestown. If he had been but a trifle
later,^ he would inevitably have been cut off by the Essex
regiment, and the troops from Dorchester, Milton, and other
places. The protection of the guns of the ships-of-war was as
grateful to Percy as was the protection of his own guns to the
fugitives of Smith and Pitcairn.

The sufferings of the King's troops, especially those under
Smith which left Boston on the evening of the 18th, must
have been very severe. To march forty miles in half that
number of hours is of itself no ordinary trial of human en-

1 Siege of Boston. In this excellent work, Mr. Frothingham has well-nigh ex-
hausted all the material which relates to the Battle of Lexington; so that we have,
in most cases, after much research, been compelled to rest mainly upon the facts and
authorities he has already presented.

^ " . . . We retired for 15 miles under an incessant fire all around us, till we
arrived at Charlestown, between 7 & 8 in the even, very much fatigued with a march
of above 30 miles, & having expended almost all our ammunition." Percy Letters.
According to Mr. F. W. Coburn (The Battle of April 19, 1775, p. 161), the total dis-
tance covered by Percy's reinforcement from Boston back to the Charles River in
Charlestown was about twenty-six miles. According to the same authority the three
companies of the main body who went to the home of Colonel Barrett made a total
march during the day of nearly forty miles. Ed.

184 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

durance for soldiers laden with their arms and such other ap-
pendages as are necessary for troops, even when reduced to
light marching order. But this severe march was performed
under the most embarrassing circumstances, — a portion of
it in the night, across lots and marshes, and other portions
of it under a galling fire in flank and rear, — now pressing
through a narrow gorge, and now thrown out as a flank guard
to clear the woods and drive the Provincials from their hid-
ing-places behind trees, rocks, and fences. Nor were the
ordinary trappings of war their only encumbrance. To bear
off their wounded comrades must have greatly increased their
burden and impeded their march. The heat of the day, the
haste which attended some portion of the movement, the loss
of sleep and rest, the great difficulty of satisfying their
hunger or slaking their thirst — these, and embarrassments
such as these, must have rendered their march exhausting
and made their sufferings extreme.

But to the officers in command, and to all filled with that
lordly pride which characterized the haughty Britons at that
period, the flight of their troops must have been peculiarly
humiliating. They had boasted of their ability to put whole
regiments of Yankees to flight with a handful of British troops ;
and of marching in triumph through the country with a single
regiment. To such men the shameless flight of British regu-
lars, well disciplined and completely armed, before one-half
their number of the Provincials, without discipline or organi-
zation and poorly armed, must have been mortifying — espe-
cially to Lord Percy and the officers in immediate command;
and to General Gage and his advisers the result of this expedi-
tion must have cast "ominous conjectures o'er the whole
success" of subduing the rebellious Province. Had not the
British Ministry been fated to be blind, they would have
seen in this day's adventure the result of a contest with
such a people, determined to be free.

The actual loss to the British in this expedition was
seventy-three killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded,
and twenty-six missing — the greater part of whom were
taken prisoners. Of the whole loss, eighteen were commis-
sioned officers, and two hundred and fifty non-commissioned
officers and men. Lieutenant Hall, wounded at the North
Bridge, was taken prisoner on the retreat, and died the next
day. His remains were delivered to General Gage. Lieutenant

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 185

Gould, also wounded at the bridge, was subsequently taken
prisoner, and was exchanged. May 28, for Josiah Breed, of
Lynn. "He had a fortune of £1900 a year, and is said to have
offered £2000 for his ransom." ^ The prisoners taken by us
were treated with great humanity, and General Gage was
notified that his own surgeons, if he desired it, might attend
the wounded.

The loss of the Americans was forty-nine killed, thirty-
nine wounded, and five missing. Several lists of the killed and
wounded have been published — the fullest of which, found
in the Siege of Boston, we here insert: —

Lexington. — Killed, a.m., Jonas Parker, Robert Munroe, Samuel
Hadley, Jonathan Harrington, Jr., Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Harrington,
John Brown, p.m., Jedediah Munroe,^ John Raymond, Nathaniel
Wyman,^ 10. Wounded, a.m., John Robbins, Solomon Pierce, John
Tidd, Joseph Comee, Ebenezer Munroe, Jr., Thomas Winship,
Nathaniel Farmer, Prince Estabrook, p.m., Francis Brown, 9.
Making a total loss to Lexington of 19.

Concord. — Killed, none. Wounded, Charles Miles, Nathan Bar-
rett, Abel Prescott, Jr., Jonas Brown, George Minot, 5.

Acton. — Killed, Isaac Davis, Abner Hosmer, James Hayward, 3.
Wounded, Luther Blanchard, 1.*

Cambridge, including West Cambridge. — Killed, William Marcy,
Moses Richardson, John Hicks, Jason Russell, Jabez Wyman,
Jason Winship, 6. Wounded, Samuel Whittemore,* 1. Missing,
Samuel Frost, Seth Russell, Jr., 2.

Needham. — Killed, John Bacon, Elisha Mills, Amos Mills,
Nathaniel Chamberlain, Jonathan Parker, 5. Wounded, Eleazer
Kingsbury, John Tolman, 2.

Sudbury. — Killed, Josiah Haynes, Asahel Reed, 2. Wounded,
Joshua Haynes, Jr.,^ 1.

Bedford. — Killed, Jonathan Wilson, 1. Wounded, Job Lane,^ 1.

Woburn. — Killed, Asahel Porter, 1. Wounded, George Reed,
Jacob Bacon, Johnson, Daniel Thompson, 4.

* Siege of Boston, p. 82,

' Jedediah Munroe was wounded on the Common in the morning, and killed
while in pursuit of the British, in the afternoon.
^ Belonged in Billerica. Ed.

* Also, Ezekiel Davis, head grazed. Thomas Thorp's fieposition, p. 44. Acton
Celebration, 1835. Ed.

^ Also Josiah Temple, in the shoulder. Temple, History of Framingham, p. 277.
Ed.

' Also, Thomas Bent, non-combatant. E. Chase, Beginnings of American Revolu-
tion, Vol. Ill, p. 221. Ed.

'' Also, Solomon Steams and Reuben Bacon, said to have died as a result of the
day's exertions. Ibid., p. 218. Ed.

186 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Medford. — Killed, Henry' Putnam, William Polly,^ 2.

Charlestown. — Killed, James Miller, Edward Barber,^ 2.

Watertown. — Killed, Joseph Coolidge,^ 1.

Framingham. — Wounded, Daniel Hemenway, 1.

Dedham. — Killed, Elias Haven, 1. Wounded, Israel Everett, I.

Stoio. — Wounded, Daniel Conant, 1.

Roxbury. — Missing, Elijah Seaver, 1.

Brookline. — Killed, Isaac Gardner, 1.

Billerica.^ — Wounded, John Nichols, Timothy Blanchard, 2.

Chelmsford. — Wounded, Aaron Chamberlain, Oliver Barron, 2.

Salem. — Killed, Benjamin Pierce, 1.

Newton.^ — Wounded, Noah Wiswell, 1.

Danvers. — Killed, Henry Jacobs, Samuel Cook, Ebenezer Gold-
thwait, George Southwick, Benjamin Deland, Jr., Jotham Webb,
Perley Putnam, 7. Wounded, Nathan Putnam', Dennis Wallace, 2.
Missing, Joseph Bell, 1.

Beverly. — Killed, Reuben Kennison, 1. Wounded, Nathaniel
Cleves, Samuel Woodbury, William Dodge, Sd, 3.

Lynn.^ — Killed, Abednego Ramsdell, Daniel Townsend, William
Flint, Thomas Hadley, 4. Wounded, Joshua Felt, Timothy Mon-
roe, 2. Missing, Josiah Breed, 1.

Total ^ (as revised by additions made in footnotes). — Killed, 45;
wounded, 48; missing, 5, — 107.

It will be seen by the above list that Lexington suffered
more severely than any other town. Though her population
was much less than that of Concord or Cambridge, her loss in
killed and wounded was more than one-third greater than
both of those towns together. In Concord, no one was killed,
and in Cambridge, of the six killed, three of them at least were
non-combatants of West Cambridge. Next to Lexington,

^ Medford Historical Register, January, 1899, Also killed, Smith, ■

Francis. Usher, History of Medford, p. 162. Ed.

^ Also, a Negro wounded. Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Proc, March, 1890. Lieu-
tenant Mackenzie. Ed.

' Also wounded, David Smith. E. Chase, Beginnings of American Revolution,
Vol. HI, p. 222. Ed.

* Also killed, Nathaniel Wyman. Ed.

^ Also killed, John Barber (family tradition), E. Chase, Beginnings of American
Revolution, Vol. in, p. 221. Ed.

® A\so Lincoln. — Wounded, Joshua Brooks. Amos Baker's Deposition, 21.
Acton Celebration.

New Salem. — Amos Putnam died of exhaustion. Putnam, Danvers Soldiers'
Record, p. 157.

Wesiford. — Captain Oliver Bates died in July from effects of wound. Hodgman,
History of Westford, p. 110.

Natick. — Captain David Bacon, killed by some accounts. Hurd, History of
Middlesex County, Vol. i, pp. 393, 523. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 187

Danvers suffered the most severely, having seven killed and
two wounded. The number of killed and wounded is no sure
evidence of the bravery of these companies ; but it does afford
strong presumptive evidence of the position of the troops rela-
tive to the posts of danger. And as the men on that day acted
on their own responsibility, or under their local commanders,
the number of casualties furnishes some proof of the zeal and
bravery of the men and the efforts of the different towns on
the occasion.

Some regrets were expressed at the time that the Provin-
cials did not pursue Percy farther, and attempt to prevent his
entering Charlestown. Bitter complaints were made against
Colonel Pickering for his delay in bringing up the Essex regi-
ment. It is not our province to pass sentence upon Colonel
Pickering, or to intimate that he was at fault in that case. If
he could have been earlier upon the ground and could have
joined the militia some miles above Charlestown, it would
have been well, and might have been the means of cutting off
Percy's retreat. But it is perhaps a mercy that the Essex
troops did not arrive in season to attack him at the Neck.
This would in all probability have brought on a general en-
gagement, for which the Provincials were not prepared; and
as Gage could easily have reinforced Percy, and the ships in
Charles River could participate in such a battle, the fortune
of the day would doubtless have turned against us. Besides,
there were fears that if we pursued the British into Charles-
town, they might lay the town in ashes and so subject our
friends to the calamity of being turned houseless into the
street. The wanton barbarity they had practised in Lexington
and West Cambridge that day would naturally create an ap-
prehension for the safety of Charlestown if we should attempt
to follow the British within the Peninsula. Such considera-
tions probably occurred to General Heath and he prudently
gave over the pursuit.

The events of the 19th of April produced a profound sensa-
tion throughout the country. They aroused the people to
arms, and gave a new impulse to the cause of freedom. This
opening scene of the American Revolution foreshadowed the
character and result of the great drama and the moral it
would teach mankind. It showed that the Americans were
alive to a sense of their rights and ready to rally at their
country's call; that though they were at that time without

188 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

organization or discipline, and but poorly armed, they pos-
sessed every requisite for soldiers; and that with a little drill
and discipline they would be equal to any emergency. In
fact, that day established their reputation for energy and
fortitude, for sagacity and courage, and should have taught
their British brethren that the subjugation of such a people
was impossible. Up to this period the people acted under a
species of embarrassment, but now the restraint was re-
moved. England had been the aggressor; she had shed the
blood of her subjects in America; she had wantonly com-
menced a war for the subjugation of her colonists; and they
now felt themselves absolved from all allegiance. England
had appealed to the arbitrament of war, and the colonists
were ready to try the case in that stern tribunal. And the
experience of the 19th of April had given them confidence in
themselves. They had seen the disciplined veterans of Great
Britain put to an ignominious rout by half their number of
bold and determined citizens; and relying upon the justice
of their cause and trusting in the great Disposer of events, to
whom the appeal had been made, they were ready to abide
the issue.

But while that day's sun in its setting cast a halo of glory
around the American cause and there was a general rejoicing
wherever the result was known, there were those who blended
tears with their rejoicings and sighed over the hapless victims
of oppression — the willing sacrifices offered on freedom's
altar. In Lexington alone, ten of her sturdy citizens, whose
bosoms swelled with patriotic ardor in the early dawn of that
memorable day, were lying cold in the embrace of death
before the evening shades had lulled the world to silence and
repose. They slept in peace. But who can describe the anguish
which wrung the heart of the lone widow or the orphan child
at the sudden bereavement of a husband or a father ! or tell the
grief of the sad mother who is weeping the loss of a beloved
son ! Truly there was lamentation and mourning. The ten-
derest ties of nature had been broken, and hearts that were
made to feel, were bleeding in anguish. But in the bitterness
of their anguish they had one consolation — the deceased fell
at the post of duty — fell a sacrifice, a willing sacrifice, to the
cause of liberty. Such reflections cheered and gladdened
many a heart, which had otherwise been desponding. Such
reflections are the support and comfort of many a patriotic

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 189

mother and wife, whose grief would otherwise be almost in-
supportable. Nor is this a vain consolation. Patriotism is a
Christian virtue; and he who from a sense of duty lays down
his life for his country, acts in humble imitation of Him "who
died that we might live."

The anniversary of the 19th of April was appropriately
noticed in Lexington for several years. In 1776, Rev. Jonas
Clarke delivered a patriotic sermon in commemoration of the
day; to which was appended a narrative of the Battle of Lex-
ington. The discourse was published, with the appendix,
which furnishes us with one of the most valuable and reliable
sketches of the events of that day.^ The next anniversary,
Rev. Samuel Cook, of Cambridge, preached the sermon. In
1778, the discourse was delivered by Rev. Jacob Cushing, of
Waltham; in 1779, by Rev. Samuel Woodward, of Weston;
in 1780, by Rev. Isaac Morrell, of Wilmington; in 1781, by
Rev. Henry Cummings, of Billerica; in 1782, by Rev. Phillips
Payson, of Chelsea; in 1783, by Rev. Zabdiel Adams, of
Lunenburg. These discourses were all published. They fur-
nish a good specimen of the spirit of the times, and show the
independent and patriotic spirit of the clergy of that day.

The events of the 19th of April, 1775, produced a deep per-
sonal feeling in Lexington. The loss of ten of her citizens
carried mourning into many families. But the feeling of grati-
tude and veneration for the heroic dead had a tendency to
assuage their grief and produce a conviction that something
should be done to perpetuate the fame of these martyrs of
liberty and to hand their names down to after generations.
Such feelings led to the erection of a monument to their
memories, which was completed in 1799.

But the people of Lexington, knowing that the event to be
commemorated was national in its character, and that those
who fell offered themselves on the altar of their country, very
properly asked the State to assume paternity of the Monu-
ment. On the petition of Joseph Simonds, the General Court
February 28, 1797, passed the following Resolve: —

" That there be allowed & paid out of the public treasury, to the
Selectmen of the Town of Lexington the sum of two hundred dollars
for the purpose of erecting in said town a monument of stone on
which shall be engraved the names of the eight citizens, inhabitants

^ See also the letter of his daughter. Miss Betty Clarke, in Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc.,
Vol. IV, p. 91. Ed.

190 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

of Lexington, who were slain in the morning of the 19th Day of
april 1775 by a party of British troops, together with such other
inscription, as in the judgment of said Select men, & the approba-
tion of the Governor & Council, shall be calculated to preserve to
posterity a record of the first efforts made by the people of America
for the establishment of their freedom & independence. The said
Monument to be erected on the ground where the said Citizens were
slain, and the monument so erected shall be deemed & taken to be a
public monument, & entitled to the protection of the law in such
cases made & provided."

The sum thus appropriated having been found insuflScient,
the fact was made known to the Legislature; and in 1798, —

" On the petition of the town of Lexington, praying for an addi-
tional grant to enable them to erect a Monument, commemorative
of the battle of Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775: —

"Resolved, That there be allowed and paid out of the Public
■ Treasury, the sum of Two hundred dollars, to the Selectmen of the
town of Lexington, to enable them to erect and complete the Mon-
ument aforesaid, and His Excellency, the Governor, is requested to
issue his warrant for the same."

The inscription upon the Monument was furnished by the
patriot priest, and breathes that devotion to the cause of
America, that love of freedom and the rights of mankind, for
which he was distinguished. Nor does he, in his devotion to
the cause, overlook the brave men who so nobly offered them-
selves on the altar of their country; nor the ruling hand of the
great Disposer of events, who makes the wrath of men praise
him, and the folly and madness of tyrants subserve the cause
of human freedom.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 191

The following is the inscription upon the Monument: —

Sacred to Liberty & the Rights of mankind!!!

The Freedom & Independence of America,

Sealed & defended with the blood of her sons.

This Monument is erected

By the inhabitants of Lexington,

Under the patronage & at the expence, of

The Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

To the memory of their Fellow Citizens,

Ensign Robert Munroe, & Messrs. Jonas Parker,

Samuel Hadley, Jonathan Harrington Junr.,

Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Harrington and John Brown,

Of Lexington, & Asahel Porter of Woburn,

Who fell on this field, the first Victims to the

Sword of British Tyranny & Oppression,

On the morning of the ever memorable

Nineteenth of April, An. Dom. 1775.

The Die was cast ! ! !

The Blood of these Martyrs,

In the cause of God & their Country,

Was the Cement of the Union of these States, then

Colonies; & gave the spring to the spirit. Firmness

And resolution of their Fellow Citizens.

They rose as one man, to revenge their brethren's

Blood, and at the point of the sword, to assert &

Defend their native Rights.

They nobly dar'd to be free ! !

The contest was long, bloody & affecting.

Righteous Heaven approved the solemn appeal;

Victory crowned their arms; and

The Peace, Liberty & Independence of the United

States of America, was their Glorious Reward.

Built in the year 1799.

Though this Monument was respectable in its day, and
reflected honor upon the State and the town, every one must
allow that it falls beneath the taste of the present age, and is
not at all commensurate with the event it was designed to
commemorate.^ The opening scene of the American Revolu-

^ Although this was the feeling at the time when Mr. Hudson wrote, a later
judgment has confirmed that of the fathers in erecting a modest shaft. For this
reason the ambitious project undertaken in the 50's was abandoned and the
money collected was used toward the purchase of the statues now in Memorial Hall.
Because of this change of sentiment, a good deal of material which at this point
appeared in Mr. Hudson's History has been omitted. Ed.

192 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

tion is one of the most important events in the history of the
world. The patriotic rising of the people, the cool and un-
daunted spirit of the citizens, the momentous questions in-
volved in the issue, and the lasting consequences resulting
from the Revolution inaugurated on the 19th of April, 1775,
give to the day and the place an importance which can hardly
be overrated.

There is a remarkable coincidence between the 19th of
April, 1775, and the 19th of April, 1861. On the former day
the patriotic citizens of Middlesex met the ruthless bands of
freedom's foes, and sanctified the day and the cause of liberty
by becoming the first victims in the struggle which made us
an independent nation; and on the latter day the citizens of
Middlesex, true to the spirit of their fathers, met a lawless
horde of slavery's minions, and fell the first martyrs in that
desperate struggle which has placed our independence on the
most enduring basis. In 1775, the brave sons of Middlesex
were the first in the field when they saw their liberty in dan-
ger, and in 1861, though far from the scene of action, they
were the first in the field when they saw the Capital of the
nation in danger. The blood shed at Lexington in 1775, and
the blood shed in Baltimore in 1861, were alike offerings in
freedom's cause. The victims in both cases should be held in
lasting remembrance by the friends of freedom throughout
the world, and their names should be handed down from gen-
eration to generation; that thousands yet unborn may be
taught to lisp the names of Ladd and Whitney, together
with the names of Munroe and others who fell on the first-
named day, and whose noble daring has long adorned our
country's history.

Well may Middlesex be proud of her gallant and self-sacri-
ficing sons! They have marched at the first call, and nobly
have shown "that they were worth their breeding." And
well has the city of Lowell erected a Monument in honor of
Luther Crawford Ladd and A. O. Whitney.

As there has been an attempt to magnify the importance
of the events which occurred at Concord, and thereby to
rob Lexington of its due share of the honors of that day, by
asserting that the first resistance to the King's troops was
made at the North Bridge in Concord, and that no shots
were returned by Captain Parker's men at Lexington in the

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 193

morning of that day, we deem it an act of simple justice to
Lexington and to the truth of history to present the facts
as they exist. This we shall do without that spirit of crimi-
nation and recrimination which has heretofore marked this
controversy.

No facts connected with the events of the 19th of April are
better sustained by evidence than those of the firmness and
bravery of Captain Parker's company, and of their return of
the fire on the morning of that day. In his History of the
Fight at Concord, Ripley, an authority not at all partial to
the claims of Lexington, says: "The military company under
Captain Parker were prompt, patriotic, and courageous to
admiration. That a single company should parade in an op-
posing attitude, directly in the face of nearly a thousand of
the picked troops of Great Britain, places their courage and
firmness beyond all controversy. Some may think they were
not so wise in council as fearless in danger — not so prudent
in action as zealous in patriotism." Shattuck, in his History
of Concord, says : "The inhabitants of Lexington deserve great
credit for the stand they took in the morning, and the part
they acted during the day. That her militia were slain with
arms in their hands, is an important fact, and highly honor-
able to their patriotism and valor." These admissions, from
the chief advocates of the claims of Concord, ill accord with
the insinuation implied in conceding that "some very feto of
the militia, being in a state of high excitement and confusion,
after the British had gone on their way, did fire off their guns,"
etc.i

The fact that there were twenty killed and wounded, on
that day, belonging to a company of about one hundred, is
conclusive evidence that they did not shun posts of danger.
Not only on and near the Common in the morning, but dur-
ing the day, the promptness and valor of this company were
seen and acknowledged. They met the enemy in Lincoln on
their return from Concord, and fearlessly joined in the hot
pursuit, having three killed and one wounded in the after-
noon — a greater loss than was sustained by most of the
towns during the whole day. Including those killed and
wounded in the morning, Lexington suffered more severely
than any other town, losing more than one-sixth of her entire
company, a proportion greater than that experienced on most

^ Ripley's History of the Fight at Concord, p. 37.

194 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

of the sanguinary battle-fields. All contemporaneous and other
authority shows the firmness and self-devotion of this gallant
company, and establishes the fact that the fire was returned
on the morning of that eventful day.^

John Munroe, who was a member of the company and on
the field at the time, testifies that, on parading the company
in the very face of the British troops which were marching
rapidly upon them, "Captain Parker gave orders for every
man to stand his ground until he should order them to leave."
Joseph Underwood, then of Woburn, who was present at the
time, testifies "that he stood near Captain Parker when the
regulars came up, and is confident that he did not order his
men to disperse till the British troops had fired upon them the
second time." He also testifies that on the rapid approach of
the British, some proposed to quit the field; but Captain
Parker gave orders for every man to stand his ground, and
said he "would order the first man shot that offered to leave
his post." Robert Douglas, then of Woburn, testifies to the
same fact. John Munroe testifies that he fired once before he
left the field, and once after he had retreated about ten rods;
that Ebenezer Munroe fired before leaving the field, and is
confident that Jonas Parker and some others did the same.
Ebenezer Munroe says in his deposition, "After the first fire
I received a wound in my arm, and then as I turned to run, I
discharged my gun into the main body of the enemy. As I
fired, my face being turned towards them, one ball cut off a
part of one of my earlocks, which was then pinned up. An-
other ball passed between my arm and my body, and just
marked my clothes. As we retreated, one of our company,
Benjamin Sampson, I believe, who was running with me,
turned his piece and fired. When I fired, I perfectly well
recollect of taking aim at the regulars." William Munroe says
that he is confident that some of the company fired before
they left the field, and that he saw a man firing from Buck-
man's house. William Tidd and Nathan Munroe testify that
they fired at the British after they left the Common. Amos
Locke testifies that Ebenezer Locke took aim and fired at the

^ Any question as to whether or not the Lexington Minute-Men returned the fire
of the British seems to be conclusively settled by the official report of Lieutenant-
Colonel Smith to General Gage, made April 22, 1775. The report states "that they
found on a green, close to the road, a body of the country people drawn up in mili-
tary order, with arms and accoutrements, and, as appeared after, loaded." Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc, May, 1876. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 195

Britons. Solomon Brown and another were seen to fire at the
British, one from the rear of the house and one from the front
door of Buckman's; and the ball holes near the door, which
are still to be seen, show that the fire was recognized and re-
turned by the British. The Rev. Mr. Gordon, who was upon
the ground a few days after the affair took place, for the ex-
press purpose of learning the facts in the case, that he might
write a history of the transaction to send to England, says
that James Brown told him that he fired and that several
others did the same. The British account, published at the
time, declared that one man of the Tenth Regiment was
wounded,^ and that Major Pitcairn's horse was struck in two
places.^ The testimony of Elijah Sanderson^ and Abijah
Harrington, that they saw blood in the road where the British
column was standing at the time of the firing, goes far to con-
firm the statement that the Americans returned the fire and
that their shots took effect.

Nor are any of these facts contradicted by the depositions
taken a few days after the events occurred. The British
account, published at the time, represented that the Ameri-
cans were the aggressors, and that the King's troops acted
only on the defensive. The Provincial Congress ordered these
depositions to be taken for the purpose of refuting this state-
ment, by showing that the British troops were the aggressors,
and thereby acquitting Captain Parker of the charge of rash-
ness, and of having commenced a civil war in disregard of the
urgent advice of the Continental and Provincial Congresses.
They would naturally, therefore, select the best evidence they
could for that purpose. "Besides," as Major Phinney justly
remarks, "the principle of law that a person is not bound to
state any facts in evidence which might tend to criminate
himself was as well known at that day as at the present. The
struggle had just commenced and the issue was quite doubt-
ful. It could not have been expected of those who had taken
an active part in the affair at Lexington that they would vol-
untarily disclose facts which might, in all probability, as they
then considered, expose them to the British halter."

Still these depositions, taken under such peculiar circum-
stances, not only do not contradict but go directly to confirm

^ Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. rv, 2d series; D'Bemicre. Ed.

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. ii, 2d series, p. 225. Ed.

' Elias Phinney, History of the Battle of Lexington, pp. 33, 40. Ed.

196 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the fact that the fire was returned by the Americans. Ehjah
Sanderson, of Lexington, in his deposition, given on the 25th
of April, 1775, says, "The Lexington company did not fire a
gun before the regulars discharged on them." John Robbins, of
Lexington, says, "We received a very heavy and close fire
from them. Captain Parker's men, I believe, had not then
fired a gun." Benjamin Tidd, of Lexington, and Joseph
Abbott, of Lincoln, say, "The regulars fired a few guns,
which we took to be pistols, and then they fired a volley or
two, before any guns were fired by the Lexington company."
Nathaniel Mulliken and thirty-three others, of Lexington,
say, " Not a gun was fired by any person in our company on
the regulars, to our knowledge, before they fired on us." Na-
thaniel Parkhurst and thirteen others, of Lexington, say,
"The regulars fired on the company, before a gun was fired
by any of our company on them." Timothy Smith, of Lex-
ington, says, "I saw the regular troops fire on the Lexington
company, before the latter fired a gun." William Draper, of
Colerain, who happened to be present at the time, says, "The
regular troops fired before any of Captain Parker's company
fired."

These depositions, which were taken a few days after the
event occurred, and which are very carefully worded, plainly
imply that the Americans did return the fire. By saying that
Captain Parker's men did not fire before they were fired upon,
the impression is distinctly given that they did fire after. The
British official account, and the account given by General
Gage in his letter to Governor Trumbull, both state that the
Americans fired first, and the British periodicals of that
day repeat the statement; but the evidence is conclusive that
this was not the case. The evidence is also conclusive that the
Americans did return the fire. Not only the depositions we
have cited, but the accounts of that day which are entitled to
the highest consideration confirm the position that, though
the Americans did not ^re first, they did return the fire of the
King's troops. On the 12th of June, 1775, General Gage is-
sued a Proclamation offering a pardon to all the rebels, as he
called them, who had taken up arms against His Majesty's
authority, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock, in
which he recounted the events at Lexington. This Proclama-
tion was taken up in the Provincial Congress, then in session,
and referred to a committee of which Dr. Warren was chair-

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 197

man, and Jolin Hancock, Colonel Palmer, Mr. Seaver, and
Dr. Taylor were members. This committee submitted a
counter-statement or Proclamation, which was adopted by
the Congress on the 16th day of June. In that document we
have the following clear and explicit statement: "When the
British troops arrived at Lexington meeting-house, they fired
upon a small number of the inhabitants, and cruelly mur-
dered eight men. The fire was returned by some of the survivors,
but their number was too inconsiderable to annoy the regular
troops." ^

As this statement was drawn up by Dr. Warren some six
weeks after the event had taken place, when there had been
full and ample time to have the first impulse of feeling sub-
side, so that all the facts could be ascertained and all the evi-
dence weighed coolly and dispassionately; and as the Provin-
cial Congress, composed of delegates from all the towns in the
Province, including those in the vicinity of the scene of action,
adopted and endorsed this statement, we have every reason
to give it the fullest credit and to regard it as absolutely conclu-
sive in the case. We might with safety rest the whole matter
here; but as efforts have been made to show that the first
resistance to the British troops was made at Concord, we will
subjoin a few other authorities.

Rev. Mr. Clarke, in a Narrative of the Events of the 19th
of April, appended to his anniversary sermon, delivered April
19, 1776, says: "So far from firing first upon the King's
troops, upon the most careful enquiry, it appears, that but
very few of our people fired at all ; and even they did not fire
till after being fired upon by the troops, they were wounded
themselves, or saw others killed, or wounded by them; and
looking upon it as next to impossible for them to escape," etc.
This statement of Mr. Clarke, who was near the scene of
action, shows that the fire was returned, and at the same time
that Captain Parker's men acted with prudence and did not
wantonly commence the attack. D'Bernicre, a British officer
who was in the detachment, says in his narrative: "Pitcairn
came up immediately, and cried out to the rebels to throw
down their arms and disperse, which they did not do; he
called out the second time, but to no purpose." This is a clear
refutation of a statement which has sometimes been made,
that Captain Parker's men dispersed as soon as they saw the

* Lincoln's Journals of the Provincial Congress, p. 345.

198 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

British troops approach. That Captain Parker did, with great
prudence and propriety, order his men to disperse is readily
admitted; but Joseph Underwood says in his deposition: "I
stood very near Captain Parker, when the regulars came up,
and am confident he did not order his men to disperse, till the
British troops had fired upon us the second time." Dr. John
Warren in his manuscript Diary, as cited by Frothingham,
says under date of April 19, 1775 : "Some dispersed, but a few
remained in a military position." Gordon also says, "A few
continued in a military position. Individuals finding they
were fired upon, though dispersing, had spirit enough to stop
and return the fire."

Foreign historians, who could have no motive to misrepre-
sent the facts in the case, have all given their testimony to the
firmness of the Americans and to the fact that the fire was
returned. Botta, in his History of the War of Independence,
says: "The English appeared, and Major Pitcairn cried in
a loud voice, 'Disperse, rebels, lay down arms, and dis-
perse.' The Provincials did not obey, upon which he sprung
from the ranks, discharged a pistol, and, brandishing his
sword, ordered his soldiers to fire. The Provincials retreated;
the English continuing their fire, the former faced about to
return it."^ Graham, an English historian, in his valuable
History of North America, says of Pitcairn's command to dis-
perse: "This order, which they refused to obey, was followed
by a discharge from the British troops, whose fire, huzza, and
rapid advance compelled their handful of adversaries to an
instant flight. The fire continued after the dispersion, and the
fugitives stopped, rallied, and returned the fire." ^ In Winter-
botham's View of the United States, we find the following:
"Individuals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing,
returned the fire." ^ Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia gives
this account of the transaction: "Pitcairn rode towards them,
calling out, 'Disperse, ye rebels; throw down your arms, and
disperse.' The order was not immediately obeyed. Major
Pitcairn advanced a little farther, fired his pistol and flour-
ished his sword, while his men began to fire with a shout. Sev-
^ eral Americans fell; the rest dispersed, but the firing on them
was continued, and on observing this, some of the retreating
Colonists returned the fire." * Taylor says of the Americans:

1 Vol. I, p. 264. * Vol. IV, p. 373.

» Vol. r, p. 473. * Vol. cm, p. 125.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 199

"This company, not instantly obeying the order to throw
down their arms and disperse, were fired upon, and eight of
their number killed." ^ It is useless to multiply English au-
thorities. They all admit that the Provincials fired upon the
King's troops. Those writers who rely upon Gage's oflScial
account declare that the Americans fired first, and those who
examine the subject more thoroughly admit that the British
fired first and that the fire was returned by the Americans.

Bancroft, our own historian, says: "Pitcairn cried out,
'Disperse, ye villains, ye rebels, disperse; lay down your arms;
why don't you lay down your arms and disperse! ' The main
body of the countrymen stood motionless in the ranks, wit-
nesses against aggression; too few to resist, too brave to fly.
The order to fire was instantly followed, first by a few guns,
which did no execution, and then by a heavy, close, and
deadly discharge. Parker ordered his men to disperse. Then,
and not till then, did a few of them, on their own impulse,
return the British fire." Speaking of Jonas Parker, he says:
"A wound brought him on his knees. Having discharged his
gun, he was preparing to load it again, when as sound a heart
as ever throbbed for freedom was stilled by a bayonet."

Lendrum, in his History of the American Revolution, gives
this truthful account of the transaction at Lexington on the
morning of the 19th: "Major Pitcairn, who led the advanced
corps, rode up to them, and called out, 'Disperse, you rebels;
throw down your arms and disperse.' The Americans still
continued in a body, on which he advanced nearer, discharged
his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. This was done with
a huzza. A dispersion of the militia was the consequence, but
the firing of the regulars was nevertheless continued. Indi-
viduals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, re-
turned the fire." ^

Ramsay,^ the justly distinguished American historian, tells
us that after Pitcairn ordered the Americans to disperse,
"they continued in a body, on which he advanced nearer, dis-
charged his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. Individuals
finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, returned the
fire." Hannah Adams, in her History of New England, gives
the same account. Holmes, in his American Annals, gives us
a similar account. "The firing," says he, "continued after

1 Manual of History, p. 760. * Revised Edition, Vol. i, p. 91.

' History of the United States, Vol. n, p. 14.

200 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped and returned the
fire." In the Encyelopsedia Americana, we have this testi-
mony: "The Enghsh commander, having commanded the
Americans to disperse, ordered his men to fire. Several Amer-
icans were killed and wounded, and the company dispersed,
several of the militia discharging their muskets as they re-
treated." Lossing ^ says: "As the patriots did not instantly
obey the command to lay down their arms, Pitcairn wheeled
his horse, and waving his sword, gave orders to press forward
and surround the militia. Pitcairn then drew his pistol and
discharged it, at the same moment giving the word Fire. A
general discharge of musketry ensued. Four of the patriots
were killed and the remainder dispersed. Finding themselves
fired upon, w^hile retreating, several of them halted and
returned the shots, and then secured themselves behind stone
walls and buildings. Three British soldiers and Pitcairn's
horse were wounded."

But it has frequently been said that there was no "organ-
ized opposition " at Lexington. I am rather at a loss to under-
stand what is meant by organized opposition. That Captain
Parker's company was an organized company, as much as any
in the field that day, admits of no doubt. His men were
called together by his command, paraded under his order, and
were expressly forbidden to leave the field without his order.
It is abundantly proved that he ordered them to load their
guns with powder and ball, and to form in warlike array in
the very face of the British troops. Moreover, they refused to
throw down their arms and disperse, when commanded so to
do by the rash leader of the King's detachment. This of itself
was organized opposition to the King's authority, and such
opposition as would have been regarded as treason by the
British Government at that day. The very writers who deny
that there was any organized resistance at Lexington in the
morning furnish evidence that Parker's company came upon
parade, armed and prepared for resistance, if it should be-
come necessary. Sylvanus Wood testifies that, as he was
about to form his men on the field, "Parker says to them,
' Every man of you who is equipped follow me, and those of
you who are not equipped, go into the meeting-house, and
furnish yourselves from the magazine, and immediately join
the company.' " Robert Douglas testifies that he formed with

1 Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, p. 524.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 201

Captain Parker's company on the Common, near the road
that leads to Bedford; "There we were commanded to load
our guns. Some of the company observed, 'There were so
few of us it would be folly to stand here.' Captain Parker
replied, 'The first man who offers to run shall be shot
down.'" ^ This certainly looks like organization and strict
discipline.

It is readily admitted that Captain Parker when he ordered
his men to load their guns, gave order "not to fire, unless they
were first fired upon,** ^ and this was the same order which
Colonel Barrett gave at the North Bridge at Concord, several
hours after, though it was known at that time that the Brit-
ish had commenced the attack at Lexington and had killed
several men.^ This command in both cases was prudent and
wise under the circumstances; and especially so in the morn-
ing, before any blood had been shed. But in both cases the
command not to "fire unless they were first fired upon"
implied a permission, if not a command, to fire in case they
were attacked. Another thing going to show that there was
organized resistance at Lexington in the morning is the fact
that several prisoners were taken in Lexington before the
British had reached Concord. There might have been no
express command to return the fire at Lexington. But as the
members of this company were citizens as well as soldiers,
and as the whole subject had long been discussed in every
circle, they all felt at perfect liberty to act on the defensive :
so that the firing of the King's troops removed all restraint,
and was a sort of command to every man to defend himself as
best he might. It was on this principle that the Americans
acted during the retreat from Concord to Charlestown; but
no one will assert that there was no military resistance in the
afternoon because the Provincials fired in most cases without
any express orders and performed many deeds of noble daring
on their own responsibility, without being led to the attack by
a commanding officer.

Nor is it true that the first British blood was shed at Con-
cord. The evidence is conclusive that one if not two British
soldiers were wounded at Lexington in the morning. It is true
that no one was killed; and even at the North Bridge at Con-
cord, which has been claimed as the first battle-field of the

^ Ripley's History. ^ Nathan Munroe's Deposition.

' Depositions of Colonel Barrett, and Captain Barrett, and others.

202 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Revolution, only one man was hilled hy the return fire, the other
being killed with a hatchet after he was wounded and left on
the field by the British in their hasty retreat. It would be
unsafe to infer that there could have been no resistance at
Lexington in the morning because no one was killed. Many
a man goes through a succession of desperate battles unhurt.
The number of killed in any encounter of arms depends in a
great degree upon the doctrine of chances; and none has
greater need of pleading this doctrine of chances than those
who maintain that Concord was the place where the first
resistance was made to the King's troops. All accounts agree
that no one belonging to Concord was killed on that day,
though their population and militia were double those of
Lexington; and according to their own statements not more
than four or five were wounded.^ It would be rather ungen-
erous to infer that no citizen of Concord occupied a post
of danger during that day because no one happened to be
slain.

I will not revive the controversy which has unhappily ex-
isted between citizens of the different towns along the line
traversed by the British troops on that memorable day.
There was something peculiar in each case, and as the people
were called upon to act at once and without premeditation, it
is remarkable that they acted as wisely as they did. If war
had actually existed, it would have been imprudent in Cap-
tain Parker to draw up his men in open field in front of a
force ten times his own. But at that time war had not been
declared, and General Gage had assured the people at sundry
times that they should not be molested by his troops so long
as they refrained from acts of violence. Captain Parker there-
fore could not have anticipated the attack made upon his
company. The state of the times fully justified him in calling
his men together; and as a precautionary measure, he ordered
them to load their pieces, so as to be prepared to defend
themselves in case they were attacked. Being upon the field
and being fired on as they were, common prudence and even
true courage required that he should immediately retire from
before such a superior force. If he had led them off in order,
they would have been much more exposed to the enemy's fire

* Ripley states the number at three, and Shattuck at/our. E. .Chase, Beginnings of
the American Revolution, Vol. ui, p. 218, adds a fifth, — Captain George Minot in
the afternoon. Ed.

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 203

than they were by fleeing in every direction. The order to dis-
perse was, under the circumstances, the wisest and the best
that could have been given. The firing of his men was spon-
taneous; and just what would naturally occur among men of
true courage and patriotism, unused to strict discipline and
exasperated by the unprovoked slaughter of their brethren.
No citizen of Lexington — no intelligent patriot could, under
the circumstances, have desired a different course of action on
the part of Captain Parker and the brave men under his com-
mand.

But when the British arrived at Concord, the Americans
were much better prepared to receive them. They had heard
of the slaughter of their countrymen in the morning, and
hence the embarrassment arising from commencing the at-
tack was in some degree removed. Their force was also much
greater; hence they were better qualified to defend themselves.
The stay of the British was much longer; hence the people
could act with more deliberation. But on the other hand,
there was a new source of embarrassment. Detachments of
troops had been sent to different sections of the town, were in
the act of entering houses in search of military stores, and
were demanding refreshments of the families. To attack the
British troops under these circumstances might expose their
homes and families to destruction. If , therefore, we find the
Concord minute-men and militia less ready for an attack
upon the King's troops, less zealous in the field, and more dis-
posed to leave the ranks than the men from the other towns
who had come to Concord that morning, we can easily account
for it without distrusting their courage or impugning their
patriotism. The deposition of Dr. Timothy Minott, Jr.,
reveals a state of feeling which must have existed at Concord
to a considerable extent. He says, "After I had heard of the
regular troops firing upon the Lexington men, and fearing
that hostilities might be commenced at Concord, I thought it
my incumbent duty to secure my family." This duty occu-
pied him so long that he arrived at the North Bridge only in
season to be a spectator of the firing there. Nothing is more
natural, under the circumstances, than for the father and
husband to override the soldier and to make the wife and child-
ren the first object of his care. This, undoubtedly, was the
case in some degree at Concord on the morning of the 19th
of April; and if some may think that it detracts from the

204 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

merits of the soldier, others, with reasons satisfactory to
themselves, may think that it adds to the worth of the
man.

The bravery and self-devotion of Captain Davis and his
gallant Acton company warmly commend themselves to
every true and noble heart. But at the same time it is but
just to say that his command was better situated than were
the companies of Concord for bold and eflficient action in the
field. The wives and children of the former were remote from
the scene of action, and could be best defended by meeting
and repulsing the enemy there and then. But an attack and
even a repulse of the enemy at the North Bridge might, to the
citizens of Concord, be but the prelude to the firing of their
dwellings and the destruction of their families. The honors of
the 1 9th of April are too great to be engrossed by any one
individual or to be monopolized by a single town. As the
cause was one, so are the honors to be distributed among all
who acted together that day. When Concord talks of her old
North Bridge, she should remember that the spot is conse-
crated by the blood of Davis and Hosmer shed under the
guidance of Barrett and Buttrick; and when Arlington points
to the field where patriots struggled and where heroes fell, she
must remember that the victims of Dan vers were offered upon
her altar. And if Lexington in the twilight of the morning was
doomed to "tread the wine-press alone," it was only because
the attack was so sudden that others could not arrive to share
the glories with her. Concord, Lincoln, Lexington, Cam-
bridge, and Charlestown — towns through which the British
passed that day — must be content to divide their honors
with Acton, Stow, Sudbury, Framingham, Billerica, Chelms-
ford, Bedford, Reading, Woburn, Medford, Waterto-^vTi,
Dedham, Roxbury, Needham, Brookline, Newton, Beverly,
Salem, Danvers, Lynn, and even with other towns, whose
gallant minute-men promptly rushed toward the scene of
action, and were prevented only by distance from sharing in
the dangers of the day.

The events of the 19th of April are far too momentous to be
confined to a township, limited to a colony, or circumscribed
by a continent. They are an important link in a vast chain of
causes whose effects have been and are still being felt in the
remotest part of the civilized world. They grew out of a sys-
tem of oppression, and were but the natural upheaving of the

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 205

human breast in its sighs for freedom. They were the begin-
ning of a revolution founded in human nature; and the work
they commenced must go on. Kings may denounce and courts
may condemn it; but the cause itself must prosper. Liberty
will rise and reign when thrones shall have crumbled to
dust.

CHAPTER VIII

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON

The Idea of Independence of Slow Growth — Was entertained by the Leading
Statesmen in 1774 — The Movement at Lexington and Concord in Obedience to
the Policy of the Committee of Safety — Its Effect upon the Colonies — Intelli-
gence sent to Great Britain — Its Effects there.

We have seen the gradual developments of the oppressive
policy of Great Britain which led to the American Revolu-
tion, and the measures adopted by the Colonies to resist those
usurpations. We recur to this subject only for the purpose of
inquiring into the intent of the Colonies in their opposition,
and whether they actually aimed at independence. Every one
proficient in the philosophy of the human mind and every
attentive reader of history will readily admit that a fixed and
permanent public opinion is of slow growth; and when this
sentiment is directly repugnant to the sentiment which has
before prevailed, it frequently has its origin in some startling
event or crying evil. And however great the evil may be, the
first effort generally is not to eradicate but to reform it, re-
garding it only as an abuse of something intrinsically valua-
ble. But to oppose the evil with success, to awaken the public
to its enormity, the strongest ground is taken in opposition ;
and principles are laid down, which, when fully carried out,
will not only reform the abuse, but eradicate the thing abused .

This principle may be seen in the controversy between the
Colonies and the mother country. Our patriot fathers had in
the first instance no idea of a separation from the British
Empire. They had established governments here which were
comparatively free, and while the royal governors and officers
appointed by the Crown conformed substantially to their
wishes, the colonists were perfectly content to remain sub-
ject to Great Britain. Absolute independence was not at first
aspired to or hardly dreamed of. But when Great Britain
boldly asserted the right of Parliament to legislate for the
Colonies "in all cases whatsoever," and this right was firmly
denied by the colonists, an issue was made which, if carried to
a final decision, must end in the utter subjugation or the abso-

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 207

lute independence of the Colonies. This must have been seen
by the intelHgent men on both sides; but mutually hoping
and believing that the other would yield something, they
both flattered themselves that the controversy would be set-
tled without being carried to extremes.

The absolute independence of the Colonies was undoubt-
edly an idea of slow growth, especially in some minds. The
proverbial loyalty of Britons, their attachment to British
institutions, contributed to drive from their minds the
thought of an entire separation from the parent country, and
led them to appeal to the justice and humanity of Great Bri-
tain. But when their repeated petitions were answered only
by repeated injuries, they began to balance in their minds the
painful and uncertain struggle of a revolution and the dis-
graceful submission to unconstitutional and arbitrary exac-
tions. That men of different temperaments should come to
different conclusions was to be expected; and that those who
saw that resistance must come should differ as to the time
and manner of making the demonstration is much more nat-
ural.

But in this they were all agreed — that persuasion and sup-
plication should first be tried, and that resistance to the laws
should not be resorted to till all milder means had failed.
Before the breaking-out of hostilities, the intelligent men of
the country must have seen whither things were tending, that
a collision of arms was inevitable, and that a war once begun
must end in our independence or subjugation.

The master minds in Massachusetts, from their intimate
acquaintance with public affairs, must have perceived, after
the action of Parliament, in May, 1774, that a reconciliation
was out of the question. The Regulating Act, as it was gener-
ally denominated, and the "Act for the more impartial ad-
ministration of justice in the Province," virtually repealed
the Charter of Massachusetts, and established a despotism.
Connected as they were with the shutting-up of the Port of
Boston and the military possession of the town, they pre-
sented the alternative of submitting to unlawful and oppress-
ive measures or defending their rights at the point of the
bayonet. The stern principles of the Puritans, developed,
tried, and purified as they had been by ten years' contro-
versy with the British Ministry in defence of what they held
most dear, led them at once to decide this question. Uncondi-

208 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

tional submission was not to be tolerated and resistance be-
came a mere question of manner and of time.

Samuel Adams and Joseph Hawley, the controlling minds
in eastern and western Massachusetts, foresaw the result, and
employed all their powers to prepare the people for the crisis.
Their zeal, however, was strictly according to knowledge.
Being sensible that Massachusetts could not contend single-
handed and alone with the gigantic power of Great Britain,
their great object was to enlist the other Colonies in the
cause. Knowing that any hasty or premature step on the
part of this Colony might repel their distant brethren who
felt less keenly the iron heel of oppression, they counselled
moderation and forbearance; but at the same time they la-
bored to the utmost to put the Colony in the best state of
defence, that it might be prepared for the crisis which they
foresaw was approaching.

Some persons appear to have regarded the events of April
19, 1775, as merely accidental, producing an open rupture
which a little prudence might have avoided; and to have sup-
posed that up to that time the controversy might have been
settled, as our fathers had not aspired to independence. Our
own distinguished historian seems to be of this opinion.
Speaking of the people as late as May, 1774, he says, "They
were rushing towards revolution, and they knew it not." ^
Again, speaking of the Suffolk Convention of that day, he
says, "Thus far, they had not discovered that independence
was really the desire of their own hearts." ^ Such ignorance
of the real state of ajffairs at that period might perhaps be
ascribed to some men in the community; but could not with
any propriety be attributed to Samuel Adams and Dr. War-
ren— the very men who got up and guided that convention.
As evidence that the people of the Colonies did not aspire to
independence as late as October, 1774, our historian reverts
to the fact that the Continental Congress, in their Address to
the King, say, "We ask but for peace, liberty, and safety.
Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great
Britain, we shall always support and maintain." He then

1 Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. vii, p. 22.

2 Ibid., p. 36. Mr. Bancroft seems to delight in surprising his readers by the
sudden transition from one extreme to the other; and while in this way he is able to
produce a striking stage effect, we are satisfied that the writer who follows nature and
events just as they are developed, is a safer guide, though his page may be less
dramatic. Lightning from a clear sky is a rare phenomenon.

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 209

adds, "But the best evidence of their sincerity is found in the
measure (non-importation) which they recommended. Had
independence been their object, they would have strained
every nerve to increase their exports, and fill the country in
return with manufactures and munitions which they re-
quired." ^

We admit that the Congress, in true diplomatic style, speak
of their attachment to the person of the King and devotion to
the parent country; but this was in an address in which they
recount all their grievances, which they declare to be "too
severe to be any longer tolerable," and which they entreat the
Crown to remove. Nor can we see any evidence that they did
not desire independence in their recommendation of non-
intercourse, because a free importation, such as is suggested,
would subject them to those very impost duties which were
the primary cause of their dissatisfaction. Nor was this ad-
dress to the King adopted until after they had resolved
"That this Congress approve of the opposition of the inhabit-
ants of Massachusetts-Bay to the execution of the late Acts
of Parliament; and if the same shall be attempted to be car-
ried into execution by force, in such a case, all America ought
to support them in their opposition."

The same Congress, in their Declaration of Rights, laid
down principles which, if adhered to, must of necessity bring
them into collision with Great Britain, unless she retraced her
steps by repealing her obnoxious Acts and withdrawing her
troops from the Colonies. Resolutions unanimously passed
declared in substance that taxes could not be imposed upon
them or troops quartered among them without their consent;
that they held their rights by the English Constitution and
their Charters, and that America cannot submit to an invasion
of her rights.

The leading men, especially in Massachusetts, where the
development of tyranny was the most perfect, were fully
sensible, during the year 1774, that an open rupture would
ensue; though, from prudential considerations, they did not
make this public avowal. They knew that the first collision
in arms would be the signal for a war which must eventuate in
the absolute independence or the utter subjugation of the
Colonies. Knowing that Massachusetts was marked as the
first victim, and that this Colony, unaided and alone, could not

^ Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. vii, p. 150.

210 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

hope for success in a contest with one of the mightiest powers
of the earth, their first effort was to enhst the other Colonies
in the cause. Consequently they bore and forbore, knowing
that the other Colonies which had in a less degree felt the
weight of British oppression were not equally prepared with
themselves to make an appeal to the God of battles. Their
great object was to impress their brethren in the other
Colonies with the important fact that Massachusetts was suf-
fering in the cause of American freedom, and that the blow
aimed at the patriotic town of Boston was, in truth, aimed
at Massachusetts, and through her at the other Colonies.
They assured their brethren elsewhere that this Colony would
act with prudence and moderation, so that the other Colo-
nies, which had the same interest at stake with themselves,
should not be involved in any new difficulties through their
rashness.

This policy is manifest from the correspondence of that day.
When the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to the greatest
distress by the operation of the Boston Port Bill, and the
people at a distance with a liberal hand contributed to their
necessities, the voice which went out from Boston in grateful
acknowledgments breathed this wise, cautious, and patriotic
spirit: "We are greatly distressed; but we rejoice that we are
suffering in a common cause; and while we are thus sustained
by your sympathy and munificence, we are resolved to stand
firm in defence of those rights which are the common inherit-
ance of all the American Colonies." But in the midst of these
assurances the idea is frequently presented that war must
ultimately ensue, unless their grievances are redressed.

Writing to the Committee of Preston, Connecticut, under
date of August 24, 1774, Dr. Warren says, "If non-intercourse
with Great Britain should fail, and we should be obliged to
seek redress in the way you hint (by arms), we flatter our-
selves that we shall act like men, and merit the approbation
of all America." On the 27th, to the Committee of Norwich,
he says, "If this should fail, we must have recourse to the
last resort."

Samuel Adams, whose foresight enabled him to perceive
the inevitable issue of the contest, with characteristic caution
says, in writing to the Committee of Westmoreland, Virginia,
in March, 1775 : "The people of Boston bear repeated insults
of the grossest kind, not from want of the feelings of just

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 211

resentment, or spirit enough to make ample returns, but from
principles of sound policy and reason. Put your enemy in the
wrong, and keep him so, is a wise maxim in politics as well as
in war. They had rather forego the gratification of revenging
affronts and indignities than prejudice that all-important
cause which they have so much at heart, by precipitating a
crisis. When they are pushed by clear necessity for the de-
fence of their liberties to the trial of arms, I trust in God, they
will convince their friends and their enemies of their military
skill and valor. . . . They are daily preparing for itJ'*

Such intimations, cautiously expressed, show in the clearest
manner the expectations of those patriots; and when they
were writing more privately to particular friends, they ex-
pressed their convictions more fully. Dr. Warren, in a letter
to Josiah Quincy, Jr., Esq., then in London, dated November
21, 1774, employs this language: "It is the united voice of
America to preserve their freedom or lose their lives in de-
fence of it. Their resolutions are not the effects of inconsider-
ate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and delib-
eration. I am convinced that the true spirit of liberty was
never so universally diffused through all ranks and orders of
people in any country on the face of the earth, as it now is
through all North America." In a letter to Arthur Lee, then
in London, dated February 20, 1775, he says: "It is truly
astonishing that the administration should have a doubt of
the resolution of the Americans to make the last appeal,
rather than submit to wear the yoke prepared for their
necks . ' ' Again, under date of April 3 , 1 775 , he says : * ' America
must and will be free. The contest may be severe, the end
will be glorious. But we mean not to make that appeal, until
we can be justified in doing it in the sight of God and man."

Nor was Warren alone in entertaining these views. Samuel
Adams had long seen the result of this misunderstanding, and
in writing to Arthur Lee, our agent at London, on the 14th of
February, 1775, he says: "Our safety depends upon our being
in readiness for the extreme event. Of this the people here are
thoroughly sensible; and from the preparations they are
making, I trust in God that they will defend their liberties
with dignity." This ardent patriot was so devoted to liberty,
that he said in the fulness of his heart: "I would advise per-
sisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed
from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to per-

212 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ish, and only one of a thousand survive and retain his liberty.
One such freeman must possess more virtue and enjoy more
happiness than a thousand slaves; and let him propagate his
like and transmit to them what he had so nobly preserved."
With such views and feelings, it is no wonder that Samuel
Adams could exclaim on the morning of the 19th of April,
1775, on hearing the discharge of British muskets, "What a
glorious morning for America is this!"

Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, the leading patriot in the
western part of the State, in the summer of 1774 wrote: " We
must fight; we must fight, if we cannot otherwise rid ourselves
of British taxation. Fight we must finally, unless Britain re-
treats." When Patrick Henry read the prophetic words of
Hawley, "We must fight," calling God to witness, he ex-
claimed, "I am of that man's mind."

Public bodies of men as well as individuals gave unmistak-
able evidence that they foresaw the result. The Middlesex
Convention, as we have already seen, as early as August, 1774,
declared in sentiment that God and the world would justify
resistance, and he could not die too soon who laid down his life
for his country. The first Provincial Congress of Massachu-
setts did more than express an opinion that public resistance
should be made to the Eang's troops. They took the most
decisive measures in their power to be prepared for that
event. They provided arms and military stores, recom-
mended the organizing and training of the militia — measures
which looked directly to a resistance of the Acts of Parliament
and a conflict with the King's troops. And to give force and
efficiency to these measures, they created a Committee of
Safety, clothed them with full executive power, giving them
express authority to call out the militia and minute-men for
the defence of life, liberty, and property, whenever the case
should require it, and elected general officers to command the
troops that might be called out.

Such were the opinions expressed, the resolutions adopted,
and the measures taken by the people of this Province, long
before the 19th of April, 1775. It was not the Battle of Lex-
ington that gave rise to the Revolution. The real causes were
deeper and more remote than the marching of the Ejng's
troops from Boston. Nor was the breaking-out of the Revo-
lution in any proper sense adventitious. It was accidental
that it occurred on that particular day, and at that particular

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 213

place, and under those particular circumstances. But the op-
pressive Acts of Parliament and the firm and determined
spirit of resistance on the part of the colonists were sure to
lead to a collision. If it had not occurred at that time and
place, it would at some other. The same spirit which actuated
the people of Lexington filled the whole community; and all
who took arms that day only obeyed the public voice, and
carried into effect what had been resolved upon by the Pro-
vincial Congress and by^ almost every town in the Province.
When Captain Parker at Lexington and Major Buttrick at
Concord ordered their men "to load their pieces, but not to
fire unless they were fired upon," they obeyed the orders
of the Committee of Safety, just as truly as though that Com-
mittee had been upon the field and given the command in
person. Though the men who appeared in arms on that day
acted in one sense on their own responsibility, they neverthe-
less acted in obedience to a firmly fixed public sentiment,
which surrounded every man like the atmosphere, and which
exerted a controlling influence in every part of the Province.
But those who were the first actors in the opening scene of
that eventful drama, in all probability had influences more
direct and orders more immediate than the controlling senti-
ment above alluded to. Hancock, the Chairman of the Com-
mittee of Safety, had been stopping some days in Lexington.
The Provincial Congress of which he was President, and
which had been sitting at Concord, adjourned on the 15th;
the Committee of Safety were in session at Concord on the
17th; and he returned to Lexington, as was his custom, the
same evening, where he was in consultation with that ardent
patriot Rev. Jonas Clarke, and with Samuel Adams, who was
also stopping at Mr. Clarke's house. They were there during
the 18th; and in consequence of the fact that several British
officers had passed up the road towards Concord late in the
afternoon, apprehension was felt for the safety of Hancock
and Adams, whose arrest had been publicly rumored. Fear-
ing that these officers intended to return late at night and
seize Hancock and Adams, Captain Parker detailed a portion
of his company to guard Mr. Clarke's house, where they were
lodging. The movement of the British troops from Boston
was communicated to Hancock and Adams by messengers
sent by Dr. Warren, who arrived at Lexington at twelve
o'clock at night; whereupon Captain Parker called his com-

214 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

pany together. About two o'clock they met and the roll was
called on the Common, within hailing distance of Hancock's
lodgings.

Under these circumstances it is morally certain that Cap-
tain Parker came into direct contact with Hancock, and un-
questionably took his advice, or orders, as to the course he
should pursue. This is the more obvious from the well-estab-
lished fact that at first Hancock resolved to join the company,
and it was not until after much persuasion from Mr. Adams
that he desisted. In matters of detail the gallant Parker
acted on his own responsibility, but on the subject of general
policy, he must have known the wishes, designs, and as it
were the orders of the Committee of Safety, which was the
only commander-in-chief then recognized by the military.

The same is undoubtedly true of the operations at Con-
cord. Colonel Barrett was a member of the Provincial Con-
gress which had been in session at Concord as late as the 15th,
and must have known perfectly the policy of that body : and
the Committee of Safety, on the 17th, voted that Colonel
Barrett be desired to raise a company of artillery. The com-
munication of this vote and the precautions taken to secure
the military stores entrusted to Colonel Barrett would bring
him into close connection with the Committee of Safety;
hence his course would be guided by the policy they had
adopted. The acts of that day, which have often been
regarded as the result of mere accident, were in fact the
carrying-out of a policy dictated and enjoined by the only
commander-in-chief known and recognized by the people.

The history of the world does not present a more grand and
imposing spectacle than that of the rising of the people on the
19th of April, 1775. It was not a restless population, gathered
by blind impulse, without definite motive or design; not a
hired soldiery, organized by some bold and daring leader, to
avenge some personal wrong, or to embark upon some mad
scheme of conquest, in which the perils they bore would be
repaid by plunder; nor was it a people goaded to desperation,
or reduced to the last stages of despair by the iron heel of
despotism, making their last mighty ejffort to throw off the
yoke they could no longer endure; but it was a cool, voluntary
rising of a sedate and orderly, an intelligent and conscientious
people who knew their rights and "knowing, dared maintain
them" — a people bred to the right of private judgment and

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 215

the equality of men; and who, seeing in their religious creed
the great principles of civil as well as religious liberty, were
determined to defend them whenever invaded or whoever
might be the aggressor. It was the spontaneous rising of a
people who felt that they were set for the defence of American
liberty, and were ready to offer their bodies a living sacrifice
in the cause. They realized that they were acting, not for
themselves alone, but for those who should come after them,
and that they would be false to their great mission should
they tamely surrender" rights which God in his Providence
held out to them and their posterity. They knew that the
promptings of their own hearts were in perfect accordance
with the sentiments of the Provincial Congress, and that the
only acknowledged Executive would approve their acts.

They had no thirst for military glory; nor did they rally
under any invincible chieftain whose presence inspired cour-
age and whose previous success gave assurance of victory.
Neither could they rely on that perfection of discipline and
those improvements in the implements of war which insure
success on the ensanguined field. In all these respects, they
knew that the advantage was greatly on the side of the op-
pressor. But their faith in the righteousness of their cause
nerved their arms, and their trust in the Lord of hosts gave
them confidence. They felt that they had a solemn duty to
perform, and they must do it — a sacred trust to keep, and
they must be faithful, whatever might be the immediate con-
sequences.

The tidings of the Battle of Lexington spread with great
rapidity and brought upon the ground troops from a distance
of twenty miles. Others much more remote left their homes
on the receipt of the news and marched towards the scene of
action.^ A considerable force was assembled at Cambridge,
Charlestown, and other places in the immediate vicinity of
Boston, on the evening of that day. General Heath, who
joined the Americans at Lexington, took command of the
troops, and continued the superior officer till the afternoon of
the 20th, when he was superseded by General Ward. "At the
first council of war on the 20th," says Frothingham, "there
were present Generals Ward, Heath, and Thomas; Colonels
Bridge, Frye, James Prescott, William Prescott, Bullard, and

* See E. Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. m, Chap, vii, for
details of an interesting character. Ed.

216 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Barrett; and Lieutenant-Colonels Spaulding, Nixon, Whit-
ney, Mansfield, and Wheeloek." They were soon joined by
General Putnam and Colonel Stark.

Expresses were sent forth in every direction, and consider-
ing the state of the roads at that day, it is remarkable that
intelligence could have reached distant places in so short a
time; especially as there could have been no arrangement
beforehand. The intelligence reached Newburyport at 12 m.,
on the 19th, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, early on the
morning of the 20th. The tidings of the Lexington Battle
reached Worcester before noon on the 19th; Newport, Rhode
Island, on the 20th; Fairfield, Connecticut, at 8 a.m., on the
22d; New York at 12 m., on the 23d; Philadelphia at 12 m., on
the 26th; ^ Baltimore at 10 a.m., on the 27th; Frederick, Vir-
ginia, at 4 P.M., on the 30th; Beaufort, North Carolina, on the
6th of May; Wilmington on the 8th, and Savannah, Georgia,
on the 10th.

The cautious and prudent policy pursued by the patriots of
Massachusetts had in a good degree enlisted the sympathy of
the other Colonies; so that on hearing of the outrage at Lex-
ington, they were prepared at once to embark in her cause.
New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, already
trained in the school of Adams and Hancock, rushed to arms
on hearing of the attack of the King's troops, and under their
respective commanders appeared in the vicinity of Boston,
ready to encounter the common enemy, if he should attempt
another excursion into the country. Other and more distant
Colonies, which had hesitated before, responded to the calls
of patriotism. The blood spilt at Lexington and Concord,
like that of the righteous Abel, cried from the ground for
redress.

New York, which had been held back by her Assembly,
which had, as late as February, 1775, refused to elect dele-
gates to the General Congress, was roused by the slaughter of
her countrymen; and the people, rising superior to the Royal
Assembly, pledged themselves to the cause of freedom. New
Jersey, whose position had been rather doubtful, was now
willing to risk life and fortune in support of Massachusetts,

1 This and the following dates refer to the official account sent by the Committees
of Correspondence. News actually reached Philadelphia on the evening of April 23
(see Chase, Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. ui, p. 300), and must have
reached the cities later named at an earlier date than given by Mr. Hudson. Ed.

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 217

and to abide the decision of the Continental Congress. Penn-
sylvania, whose distracted councils had been a subject of great
anxiety to the friends of liberty throughout the Colonies,
caught the fire; and though a portion of her people clung to
the delusive hope of a reconciliation with Great Britain, the
voice of her patriots was distinct for resistance, and thousands
agreed "to associate together for the purpose of defending
with arms their lives, property, and liberty." Little Dela-
ware was not behind the larger Colonies in her devotion to
freedom. Maryland felt the impulse, but leaned a little in the
first instance to the side of reconciliation.

The cry from Lexington met a hearty response from the
Old Dominion. The patriotic ardor of Patrick Henry and the
cool dispassion of James Madison regarded the blow struck
in Massachusetts as a hostile attack upon every Colony and a
sufiicient cause for reprisals. To these sentiments the people of
Virginia gave their cordial assent.

Nor did the Colonies more remote feel indifferent to the
events which had occurred. On the very night after receiving
the news, the patriots of Charleston, South Carolina, took
possession of the royal arsenal and distributed twelve hun-
dred stands of arms, that the citizens might be in a condition
to defend their rights. The Provincial Congress of that gal-
lant State adopted measures preparatory to the contest, and
declared themselves "ready to sacrifice their lives and for-
tunes to secure their freedom and safety." Such was the zeal
and enthusiasm of the people of that Colony that General
Gage declared "that the people of Charleston were as mad as
they are here in Boston."

The infant Colony of Georgia was not behind her sister
Colonies. On the receipt of the intelligence of the attack of
the King's troops, the gallant people of Savannah broke open
the royal magazine and appropriated to their own use over
five hundred pounds of powder. And though the people of
that Colony were few in numbers, and were surrounded by
powerful tribes of hostile savages, they sent supplies to Bos-
ton in token of their approbation of her gallantry and patri-
otism in standing firm in defence of the rights of the Colonies.

Thus did the Battle of Lexington awaken the sympathy of
the colonists, and in a good degree unite them in one common
cause. Thousands who had been fondly brooding over the
delusive idea of a reconciliation, now saw that entreaty was

218 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

fruitless, and that they must submit unconditionally or vindi-
cate their rights by the sword. And though the timid feared
and the prudent hesitated, though the men in power clung
to the places which gave them their living, and those who
aspired at place were unwilling to impair their prospects of
preferment, the leading patriots of the country and the great
mass of the people were ready for the last appeal, and saw
safety only in a triumph in the field.

Not only did the cities and large towns manifest their in-
dignation at the barbarity of the British troops, but the peo-
ple in the rural districts, where the love of liberty is always
strong, vied with the more populous places in showing their
readiness to peril all in freedom's sacred cause. Wherever the
fact of open resistance was known, the people showed that
they were ready to flock to the standard of freedom, and to
prosper or perish in her cause. Not only in the log huts be-
yond the mountains, but farther in the wilderness, where no
huts had been erected, did the echoes of freedom resound.
The hardy hunters of Kentucky, wandering in the beautiful
valley of the Elkhorn, on the reception of the news, cele-
brated the victory, and in honor of the birthplace of American
liberty, gave to the place of their encampment the name of
Lexington — a name which it bears to the present day.

Nor did the thrilling appeal die on their shores. The sound
crossed the Atlantic; and while the deluded Ministry were
dreaming over the subjugation of the rebellious Province of
Massachusetts Bay, they were startled from their slumbers
by intelligence that His Majesty's veteran troops in America
had been baffled, routed, and driven like sheep by the undis-
ciplined rebels, whom they had been taught to regard as brag-
garts and to despise as cowards.^

The patriots of Massachusetts deemed it important to
obtain a reliable account of the events of the 19th of April;
accordingly on the 22d of April, the Provincial Congress,
being in session at Watertown, —

"Ordered that Mr. Gerry, Colonel Gushing, Colonel Barrett,
Captain Stone, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Freeman, Mr. Wat-
son, and Esquire Dix, be a Committee to take depositions in joerpei-
uam, from which a full account of the transactions of the troops,

* See Force's Archives, Vol. ii, 4th Series; also Walpole's Letters, Vol. ijc, pp.
203-05; and the London press comments, quoted in Chase, Beginnings of the
American Revolution, Vol. iii. Chap. ix. Ed.

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CAPTAIN JOHN PARKEK S DEPOSITION

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 219

under General Gage, in their route to and from Concord, &c., on
Wednesday last, may be collected, to be sent to England by the
first ship from Salem."

On the day following, Dr. Church, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Gush-
ing were appointed a Committee *'to draw up a narrative of
the Massacre." The Committee on Depositions held session
the 23d and 25th of April, at Concord and Lexington, and
took a large number of affidavits. On the day following, the
President, Dr. Taylop, Mr. Freeman, Mr. H. Gardner, and
Colonel Stone were appointed to prepare a letter to our agent
in London, Dr. Franklin. The Committee reported the same
day the draught of a letter, urging our agent in England to
cause the depositions and the Address to the inhabitants of
Great Britain, giving an account of the events of the 19th of
April, "to be immediately printed and dispersed through
every town in England, and especially to be communicated to
the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Council of the City of Lon-
don, that they may take such order thereon as they may
think proper."

In the Address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, after
giving a brief account of the march of the King's troops, they
say; —

"To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops, as they
retreated from Concord to Charlestown, would be very difficult, if
not impracticable. Let it suffice to say, that a great number of
houses on the road were plundered and rendered unfit for use;
several were burnt; women, in childbed, were driven by the soldiery,
naked into the streets; old men peaceably ui their houses, were shot
dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the
uncivilized nations.

"These, brethren, are the marks of Ministerial vengeance against
this Colony, for refusing, with her sister Colonies, submission to
slavery; but they have not detached us from our royal sovereign.
We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and so hardly dealt
with as we have been, are still ready with our lives and fortunes to
defend his person, family, crown and dignity.^ Nevertheless to the
persecution and tyranny of his cruel Ministry, we will not tamely

* It may appear singular that they should express such devotion to the Crown,
while they express their abhorrence of slavery, and determination to be free. This is
explained partly by the popular language of monarchy, and partly by the general
views they had always maintained. The popular language of monarchy is that the
King can do no wrong. If a wrong is done, it is charged upon the Ministry; and the
King by changing his Ministers, removed the evil. Our fathers from courtesy and

220 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

submit. Appealing to Heaven for the justice of our cause, we deter-
mine to die or be free."

The Committee of Safety was directed to forward the pa-
pers to England at the earliest practicable moment. They
agreed with the Hon, Richard Derby, of Salem, to fit out
a vessel as a packet. The order to Captain Derby was as
follows : —

"In the Committee of Safety, April 27, 1775. Resolved, That
Captain Derby be directed, and he hereby is directed, to make for
Dublin or any other good port in Ireland, and from thence to cross
to Scotland or England, and hasten to London. This direction is
given, that so he may escape all enemies that may be in the chops of
the channel, to stop the communication of the Pro\'incial intelligence
to the agent. He will, forthwith, deliver his papers to the agent on
reaching London.

"J. Warren, Chairman.

" P. S. — You are to keep this order a profound secret from every
person on earth."

Captain Derby with these documents, and with copies of
the Salem Gazette, which contained an account of the battle,
arrived in London on the 29th of May. On the day following,
the Address was printed and circulated, giving the first intel-
ligence of the Battle of Lexington to the people of Great
Britain. The Ministry were astounded. They had fondly
anticipated that the recent measures of Parliament and the
increase of the King's troops in Boston would bring the rebels
to submission; that the first display of the royal regiments in
arms would frighten the "rude rabble" in Massachusetts and
put to flight all the undisciplined stragglers they could bring
into the field. What, then, must have been their astonish-
ment, what their mortification, on hearing that the veteran

from policy, in addressing the inhabitants of Great Britain, would adopt the
respectful language of the empire.

They would also be inclined to employ this courtly language, from the views they
had from the first maintained. Their theory had always been that they held their
Charter by a grant from the Crown; and that to the Crown alone they owed alle-
giance. From the very first, they denied the power of Parliament. Their argument
was that Parliament has power over, or rather can legislate for its constituents; but
that the American Colonies, not being represented in Parliament, were never subject
to its laws. So that in their Address to the people of England, they but carried out
the previous doctrine, that they owed allegiance to the Crown, while they denied the
power of Parliament and detested the oppression of the Ministry. This view of the
subject casta light upon the Declaration of Independence, which is a renimciation of
allegiance, not to Parliament, which they never admitted, but to the King whose
authority they had allowed.

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 221

troops of England had been put to an inglorious flight by the
sudden rising of the country people without leaders ; and that
the army in which they had reposed so much confidence, and
which was to awe America into submission, had been driven
to its entrenchments and was closely besieged in the limited
peninsula of Boston ! The effect produced by the intelligence
is thus described in a letter from London, dated June 1,
1775: —

"This great city was agitated to its centre. The friends of Amer-
ica rejoiced at the noble victory of the Bostonians, and its enemies
were abashed at their courage. The news flew rapidly, and soon
caught the ear of the unwise and deluded King. The Administra-
tion were alarmed at the unexpected success of the Provincials, and
were at a loss what lies to fabricate, which would destroy the force
of the gratifications which accompanied the inteUigence. Runners
were sent to every part of the city, who were authorized to deny the
authenticity of the facts; and so distressed was the Government
that they officially requested a suspension of belief, until dispatches
were received from General Gage."

Having no intelligence from General Gage, the Ministry
issued the following card : —

" Secretart of State'3 Office, Whitehau-, May 30, 1775. •
"A report having been spread, and an account having been
printed and published, of a skirmish between some of the people
in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and a detachment of His
Majesty's troops, it is proper to inform the public, that no advices
have as yet been received in the American Department of any such
event.

"There is reason to believe that there are dispatches from Gen.
Gage on board the Sukey, Captain Brown, which, though she sailed
four days before the vessel that brought the printed account, is not
yet arrived."

On the appearance of this card Arthur Lee immediately
issued the following note : —

" To the Public.

"As a doubt of the authenticity of the account from Salem,
touching an engagement between the King's troops and the Provin-
cials in Massachusetts Bay, may arise from a paragraph in the
Gazette of this evening, I desire to inform all those who wish to see
the original affidavits which confirm that account, that they are

222 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

deposited at the Mansion House with the right hon. the Lord
Mayor, for their inspection.

"Arthur Lee,

"Agent for iJie House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay."

General Gage's dispatches arrived in London on the 10th
of June, which, instead of allaying, rather increased the ex-
citement. For though his account differed from the American
account as to the commencement of hostilities, in all other
respects the two accounts substantially agreed. He virtually
admitted that the expedition was a failure, and that the flower
of his army, consisting of nearly two thousand men, had been
harassed and actually driven fifteen miles with a loss of nearly
three hundred in killed, wounded, and missing.

The account of the Ministry covering General Gage's dis-
patch was severely criticized in Great Britain. One writer
says : —

"When the news of the massacre first arrived, the pensioned
writer of the Gazette entreated the public 'to suspend their judg-
ment, as the Government had received no tidings of the matter.*
The public have suspended their judgment, and the humane part
of mankind have wished that the fatal tale related by Captain
Derby, might prove altogether fictitious. To the great grief of
everj' thinking man, this is not the case. We are now in possession
of both accounts."

After comparing them and showing that they agree in all
important particulars, the writer adds : —

"The public have but to ponder on the melancholy truths thus
attested by the Government. The sword of civil war is drawn, and
if there is truth in heaven, the King's troops unsheathed it. Will
the English nation much longer suffer their fellow subjects to be
slaughtered.'' It is a shameful fallacy to talk of the supremacy of
Parliament. It is the despotism of the Crown, and the slavery^ of
the people, which the Ministry aim at. For refusing these attempts,
and for that only, the Americans have been inhumanly murdered
by the King's troops. Englishmen, weigh these things with delibera-
tion; make the case your own. If the massacre of brethren will not
make you open your eyes, they deserve to be forever shut against
your welfare."

Another writer, alluding to the British account of the
affair after Percy had joined Smith, says : —

" The Gazette tells us dryly that * the rebels were for a time dis-

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON 223

persed.' They were so dispersed, however, that as soon as the
troops resumed their march (not their flight), they began again to
fire upon them, and continued it during the whole fifteen miles
march, 'by which means several hundred were killed and wounded.'
If this was not a flight, and if Percy's activity was not in running
away, I should be glad to know where were the flanking parties of
this army on its march, with all this light infantry? Would any
commanding ojfficer suffer such an enemy to continue killing and
wounding his troops from stone walls and houses, if it was not a de-
feat and flight? I think that when the military lend themselves to
fight against the freedom^of their fellow subjects, they deserve to be
both disgraced and defeated.

"Take then the whole of this account as it stands, and to what
does it amount, but that General Gage's army, having marched out
of Boston in the night, was attacked by the militia, hastily assem-
bled without a leader, and was driven back with the loss of sixty-
five killed and one hundred and eighty wounded, and twenty-eight
taken prisoners — making in all two hundred and seventy-three. In
fact, this superiority does not arise from any difference between the
English and the Americans, but from the one contending in the
cause of tyranny, and the other in that of liberty. It has never
entered into the hearts of these wretched Ministers and their tools,
to feel or conceive the enthusiasm and valor which so good and
noble a cause inspires."

There was, at the opening of the Revolution, a large class
in Great Britain whose sympathies were in favor of America.
Even the King's own brother, the weak but amiable Duke of
Gloucester, is said to have had strong feelings in favor of the
Colonies. Soon after the news of the collision at Lexington
reached England, he took a tour in France; and at a public
dinner, given in honor of the Duke, there was present a
young Frenchman, not then eighteen years of age; he lis-
tened with avidity to the story of the uprising of the people of
New England. And from that time America had a true friend
in the person of Lafayette.^

Several oflficers in the British army declined serving against
their American brethren and threw up their commissions.^

^ Bancroft.

2 "At a meeting of the Livery of London, in Common Hall assembled, on Satur-
day, the 24th of June, it was * Resolved that the Thanks of the Lord Mayor, Alder-
men and Livery, in Common Hall assembled, be given to the Right Hon. the Earl of
Effingham, for having, consistent with the Principles of a true Englishman, refused
to draw that sword against the lives and liberties of his Fellow Subjects in America,
which has hitherto been employed to the honour of his Country.'" Quoted in
Chase's Beginnings of the American Revolution, Vol. iii, p. 353. Ed.

224 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Lord North, who at that day was here regarded as the im-
placable foe of America, but who was in fact averse to many
of the measures of Parliament, on the breaking-out of hostili-
ties desired to retire from the Ministry; but the King would
neither accept his resignation nor relent towards America.
The French Minister at the Court of England, who looked
with peculiar interest into the affairs of the Colonies, wTote to
his own Court: —

"The Americans display in their conduct, and even in their
errors, more thought than enthusiasm, for they have shown in suc-
cession that they know how to argue, to negotiate, and to fight.
All England is in a position from which she never can extricate her-
self. Either all rules are false, or the Americans wUl never again
consent to become her subjects."

On the 24th of June, the citizens of London voted an Ad-
dress to the King, desiring him to consider the situation of his
subjects in England, "who had nothing to expect from Amer-
ica but gazettes of blood, and mutual lists of slaughtered fel-
low-subjects." And they prayed for a dissolution of Parlia-
ment, and a dismission forever of the present Ministry.

The Society for Constitutional Information raised one
hundred pounds, "to be applied to the relief of the widows,
orphans, and aged parents of our beloved American fellow-
subjects, who faithful to the character of Englishmen, prefer-
ing death to slavery, were for that reason only, inhumanly
murdered by the King's troops at Lexington and Concord."

Thus did the events of the 19th of April, 1775, excite
thrilling interest on both sides of the Atlantic. In America
they aroused the patriotism of every Colony and united them
in the great cause of human freedom. And in Europe the
effect w^as equally great. It brought matters to an issue in the
British Parliament, and taught the stupid and obstinate King
and his lordly flatterers, that neither Acts of Parliament nor
Orders in Council nor Edicts from the Throne could compel
the submission of the colonists to the arbitrary acts of the
Ministry. They saw that their only hope of success lay in the
sword, which they had already drawn; and while they had
the madness to believe that they should be able to subdue
their Colonies, their formidable and sagacious rival, France,
plainly saw that independence was the ultimate portion of the
oppressed Colonies in America.

^^•-V''7 :/ / ^

I <'^

^ '^.-'-^

DK. FISKE S BILL FOR ATTEXDIXG THE WOUNDED BRITISH

CHAPTER IX

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT TO THE CLOSE OF THE REV-
OLUTION

Captain Parker's Company called to Cambridge, on the 6th of May and the 17th
of June — Quota of Men furnished by Lexington — Prices of Labor and Other
Articles — Confederation — Attempts to form a State Constitution — Objec-
tions to the First Constitution — Ratified the Second Constitution with Proposed
Amendments — Depreciation of the Currency — EflForts to raise the Quota of
Men for the Army — Instructions of Representative relative to the Return of
the Tories — People devoted to Law and Order.

The events of the 19th of April, 1775, had spread a gloom
over the town of Lexington. The loss of ten of her citizens on
that eventful day and the fact that ten more were wounded,
some of them severely, brought the horrors of war to their
own doors. But their patriotism did not falter. They were
not only willing to bear their own grief, but to do what
they could to relieve the poor of Boston and Charlestown,
who were driven from their homes into the adjacent coimtry.
Consequently a committee was chosen to assist the Select-
men "in taking care of the poor or suffering people that
may come from the towns of Charlestown and Boston to this
place." Nor was the gallant company of Captain Parker,
which had suffered so severely on the 19th of April, to be
driven from the field by the losses they had experienced or by
any new dangers which should arise.

On the 6th of May, in consequence of an alarm at Cam-
bridge, Captain Parker, with a detachment of forty-five of his
company, repaired to the headquarters of the army, where
they remained several days, guarding the lines to prevent
any further excursions of the King's troops into the country.
And on the memorable 17th of June of that year, when a por-
tion of our militia were engaged with the enemy on Bunker
Hill, the gallant Parker, with sixty-one of his company, re-
sponded to freedom's call and repaired to Cambridge; but
they were deprived of the honor of participating in that
struggle by being kept at Cambridge from an apprehension
that the British might cross the river in their boats and attack

226 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the American camp while so many of our troops were engaged
at Charlestown.

The fact that this company was so prompt at every call of
duty may be accounted for in part by the strict rules and
regulations they adopted as early as 1773. The following is a
paper in the handwTiting of Edmund Munroe, containing the
Rules and Regulations of the Lexington company of minute-
men, under which they acted in 1775, found among the papers
of the late Edmund Munroe, of Boston: —

"We, whose names are hereto subscribed, having agreed to asso-
ciate ourselves together to improve ourselves in the art of Military,
do agree and bind ourselves to the following rules, viz : —

"1. To choose a Captain, Lieutenant and Ensign once a year.

"2. To choose Sergeants and a Clerk once a year.

"3. To meet in order for discipline four times a year.

"4. We agree that every one of us absent, when the Roll is
called, being duly warned, shall pay a fine of eight pence, unless a
good excuse can be given to the satisfaction of the Company for his
absence.

"5. That any person of the Company that shall interrupt the
Captain or Commanding Officer, while under arms, by talking,
laughing or any indecent behavior, shall pay a fine of three shillings.

"6. That if any person of the Company shall interrupt the clerk,
when calling the Roll, or not answering when they are called, shall
pay a fine of two shillings.

" 7. That none shall enlist into said Company, if under age, with-
out the consent of their parents or master.

"8. That if any refuse to pay a fine, when properly demanded,
they shall be dismissed from the Company, forthwith.

"9. That any person desiring to be admitted into said Company,
or dismissed therefrom, shall have a vote of the Company for the
same.

"10. That all fines recovered of delinquents shall be applied to
the sole use of the Company — paying the Clerk a reasonable sum
for collecting the same.

"11. That the Captain, failing of his duty in not calling the
Company together four times a year, and disciplining them three
hours at each meeting, shall pay a fine of four shillings, unless he
can give a reasonable excuse for the same to the satisfaction of the
Company."

Such sound and wholesome rules, voluntarily adopted in
times of peace, would hardly fail to make prompt and efficient
soldiers in time of war.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 227

During the winter of 1775-76, the town of Lexington, in
response to a call from the Provincial Congress, furnished
a large supply of wood and a quantity of hay for the army
stationed at Winter Hill.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held March
18, 1776, the following persons "were chosen a Committee of
Correspondence Inspection and Safety, Agreeable to a Re-
solve of the General Court : — Deacon Jonas Stone, Captain
John Bridge, Lieutenant Edmund Munroe, Lieutenant Jo-
seph Simonds, and Lieutenant Francis Brown."

At a meeting, called for the purpose, May 23, 1776, it was
voted "to refer the Important Matter contained in a Resolv
of the General Court; relating to the independency of the
Colonies, to the Wisdom and prudence of that August
Assembly the Honorable Continental Congress & strictly
adhere to their resolutions & declaration about that Momen-
tous affair : and that if the said Congress should for the safety
of these Colonies declare them Independent of the Kingdom
of Great Britain we stand ready with our Lives & fortunes
to Support them in the Measure." By pledges like these,
coming from almost every town and Colony, Congress was
emboldened to put forth that immortal Declaration v/hich
marks an era in our history.

Lexington, having pledged herself to devote life and for-
tune to the cause of Independence, met the numerous calls
made upon her with fidelity. In the first campaign of eight-
months' men in 1775, she furnished twenty men; in the
second campaign of the twelve-months' men, she furnished
nineteen men; in the campaign to Ticonderoga in 1776, she
furnished twenty-eight men; to White Plains the same year,
thirteen men, and to the Jerseys, twenty-one men. In the
following year she sent twenty-two men; besides these she
furnished her full quota to the Continental army in the first
instance, and among those who enlisted in 1780, for three
years or during the war, Lexington furnished about thirty.
We have in this place passed over those who served from two
to six months at Cambridge, Dorchester, and Providence,
because these will be treated of more fully in another chapter.

In July, 1776, the town voted the sum of £l 6s. Sd. as an ad-
ditional bounty to every non-commissioned officer and private
who should enlist from the town in the expedition to Canada.

In the unsettled state of things at the commencement of

228 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the Revolution, it was all-important that public sentiment
should be known, and that those who were entrusted with the
management of public affairs should have some assurance
that the people would stand by and sustain them in the bold
measures which the crisis seemed to demand. Being sensible
that our public men, whose position would expose them to the
vengeance of Great Britain in case of the failure of our cause,
took upon themselves a vast responsibility, the people in
every part of the Province were willing to encourage their
rulers, and assured them in advance that they would share
with them the labors and dangers involved in the contest. By
putting their names to solemn instruments, by covenanting
with each other in a public manner, that they would resist the
measures and the military forces of the common enemy of the
Colonies and share the common fate of their brethren, a few
patriotic citizens could do much to encourage their rulers
and to confirm the wavering in their own neighborhood. The
sturdy inhabitants of Lexington were willing to put their
names to such an instrument, though it might prove their
death-warrant.

The following instrument, signed by some of the leading
citizens, declaring "before God and the world" that they
would be true to the cause of liberty and to each other, does
honor to the character and patriotism of our fathers, and may
be regarded as their Declaration of Independence. The in-
strument was found among the papers of Captain Edmund
Munroe, who fell at Monmouth in 1778. The spirit of the doc-
ument and the original signatures of so many of Lexington's
patriotic sons, render it worthy of preservation; — we give, as
a curiosity, a facsimile of their signatures.

"Colony of Massachusetts Bat, 1776.
"We, the subscribers, do each of us severally for ourselves, pro-
fess, testify and declare before God and the world, that we verily
believe that the war, resistance and opposition in which the United
American Colonies are now engaged against the fleets and armies of
Great Britain, is, on the part of the said Colonies, just and neces-
sary. And we do hereby severally promise, covenant, and engage to
and with every person of this Colony, who has or shall subscribe
this declaration, or another of the same tenor and words, that we
will not, during the said war, directly or indirectly, in any ways, aid,
abet, or assist any of the naval or land forces of the king of Great
Britain, or any employed by him, or supply them with any kind
of provisions, military or naval stores, or hold any correspondence

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 229

with, or communicate any intelligence to any of the officers, sol-
diers or marines belonging to the said army or navy, or enlist or
procure any others to enlist into the land or sea service of Great
Britain, or take up or bear arms against this or either of the United
Colonies, or undertake to pilot any of the vessels belonging to the
said navy, or in any other way aid or assist them. But, on the con-
trary, according to our best power and abilities, will defend by
arms the United American Colonies, and every part thereof, against
every hostile attempt of the fleets and armies in the service of Great
Britain, or any of them,_^ according to the requirements and direc-
tions of the laws of this Colony, that now are, or may hereafter be
provided for the regulation of the militia thereof."

230 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

But while the Colony of Massachusetts Bay was actively
engaged in the war of the Revolution, and was shedding her
blood freely on almost every battle-field in the country, she
felt, in a serious manner, the want of a more efficient govern-
ment; and hence the General Court submitted to the towns
the question, whether they should be empowered to form a
constitution of government. When this subject was brought
before the inhabitants of Lexington, they chose a committee,
who, at an adjourned meeting, held October 21, 1776, sub-
mitted the following able and patriotic report, which was
adopted unanimously : —

"That always desirous of being impressed with the just Senti-
ments of the Wisdom Integrity & Fidelity of so respectable a Body
as the Honorable House of Representatives of the State in the high
Department assigned them by their Constituents, it is with the
most peculiar Anxiety, we find ourselves Obliged in Faithfulness to
Ourselves and Posterity, to withhold a Cheerful Compliance with
any Resolve or Proposal of theirs, as we are constrained to do upon
the Question before us, by the following Considerations, which to
us (at least) appear interesting and important.

"1. It appears to us that as all Government Originates from the
People and the Great End of Government is their Peace, Safety &
Happiness, so it is with the People at large, or where that is Imprac-
ticable, by their Representatives freely and equally elected and
empowered for that Purpose, to form and agree on a Constitution
of Government, which being considered and approved by the Body
of the People, may be enacted, ratified & established.

"2. That the present House of Representatives were not elected
for the Purpose of agreeing upon, & enacting a Constitution of Gov-
ernment for this State, neither had their Constituents the least Inti-
mation of anything of this Kind in the Precepts upon which they
were elected, and therefore, the proposing themselves to the People
and asking their Consent as Candidates for this Service appears to
us to be a Clog to that Freedom of Election, which Ought always to
be exercised by a Free People in Matters of Importance more
especially in an affair of Such lasting Concernment as this.

"3. That no Provision is made in the Resolve for those Towns
which have not chosen so many Representatives as they have a
Right to Send, to Chuse others to Compleat their Number upon
this Important Occasion, by which it may happen, not through the
Neglect of the People, but for want of Opportunity, the Represen-
tation may be Unequal.

"4. That in Case we do not see our way clear to Consent as pro-
posed in the Question before us, it does not appear that any Provis-

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 231

ion is made in the Resolve for our having any Voice at all in the
Matter, as Our Representative will not be Considered as Impow-
ered by his Constituents for this Purpose.

"5. That it is greatly to be feared, if the Proposal in the Resolve
is complied with by the People of this State, upon this most Inter-
esting occation, it will be pleaded as an established Precedent in
all Future Time, for the Decency & Propriety of Persons Offering
themselves Candidates for the Election of the people, to Offices of
Trust and Importance, a Practice which hath always been held by
the Judicious & Virtuous^ dangerous to the Liberties of a People,
and a Practice by which corrupt & designing Men in every Age,
have too often Availed themselves of Places of Power & Authority
to the great disadvantage of those that elected them, if not to the
gross Violation of their most Sacred Rights.

"6. Lastly that though the Resolve give us to expect a Publica-
tion of the proposed Form of Government for the perusal of the
Inhabitants before the Ratification of the same; Yet it does not
Appear from thence, that there is any just Provision made for the
Inhabitants as Towns or Societies to express their Approbation or
the Contrary, in Order to such Ratification by the Assembly.

"For these Obvious Reasons therefore, we cannot see our Way
clear to comply with the Proposal of the Honorable House of Repre-
sentatives in the Question before Us.

" Voted & resolved that as our former Constitution (the Charter)
is at an End, and a New Constitution of Government, as soon as
may be is absolutely Necessary, if not to the Being, Yet to the well-
being of this State, and as the present General Court are considered
as the Eyes of the People, and the Guardians as well as Watchmen
of the State it be most earnestly recommended to our Worthy
Representative, and that He hereby is Instructed to Use his utmost
Endeavors and Influence, that either by Precepts for a New Assem-
bly, impowered for this Purpose, or by Special Notification for the
Choice of Persons for the express Purpose of Forming a New Con-
stitution; or in any other way which their Wisdom may direct,
Consistent with the Liberties of the People, Measures may be taken
to give the People an Opportunity to carry this Matter to Effect,
and as soon as may be, consistent with the Exigency of the Public
Affairs, freely to give their Votes for Such Persons as they judge will
best serve the Public, themselves, and Posterity, in a Concernment
of so great Importance to the Present & all succeeding Genera-
tions."

No one can read this document without seeing the patriot-
ism and prudence of the writer and those who adopted this
report. They were patriots, jealous of their rights, and deter-
mined to guard them, not only against the encroachments of

232 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

a foreign foe, but also against all ambitious and designing men
that might spring up among themselves. The patriot priest
was too well versed in the history of the past to suffer any-
dangerous practice to grow into precedent, and thereby
jeopardize in any degree the rights and liberties of the
people.

In March, 1777, when the duties imposed upon these
officers were arduous and responsible, in consequence of the
peculiar situation of affairs, Daniel Harrington, Josiah Smith,
Thomas Parker, Joshua Reed, and Philip Russell were chosen
Selectmen, and Deacon Benjamin Brown, John Parkhurst,
Captain Francis Brown, Daniel Harrington, and Amos
Muzzy were chosen a Committee of Correspondence, Inspec-
tion, and Safety.

At the same meeting a committee was chosen "to Compute
the Cost of a Suitable & Decent Monument to Set over the
Grave of Our Brethren in this Town, who fell the first Victims
to British Tyranny, on the Morning of the 19th Day of
April, 1775, and make a Report at May Meeting."

During the year 1777, the attention of the town w^as di-
rected to the subject of raising its quotas of men for the differ-
ent campaigns, and especially to the cost of the campaigns;
also to what was more diflBcult than raising men, namely, pro-
viding means to pay them. They also chose Deacon Jonas
Stone, Representative, and gave him full power to act in the
formation of a State Constitution.

The Continental Congress, having formed Articles for the
Confederation of the States, submitted them to the States,
and the States to the people. At a meeting held January 5,
1778, a committee was chosen to consider and report upon the
subject. At the adjourned meeting, held on the 12th of Janu-
ary, they reported that the Representative be instructed to
vote for the ratification of those Articles; at the same time
they expressed a strong desire that there might be some
amendment adopted by which alterations may be proposed
to them by the people.

In the midst of the trials and sufferings which naturally fell
upon the brave and patriotic men who were fighting the bat-
tles of their country, they had from time to time some tes-
timonials, showing that they were not forgotten by their
brethren who were at home. At a meeting of the inhabitants
of the town, March 10, 1778, the following vote was passed : —

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 233

"That Our Brethren of this Town in the Continental, be forth-
with SuppHed each of them with One Good pair of Shoes made of
Neats Leather, One Good pair of Stockings and a Good Shirt made
of Cotton & Unnen, to be Given to them free of Charge, and paid
for by the Town."

We have already seen that an effort was being made to
form a constitution of government, for the safety and well-
being of the State; and that the people of Lexington had
empowered their Representative to act on the subject. A
constitution was formed and submitted to the people. In
Lexington the subject was referred to a committee of the
most prominent citizens, — the result of which was to draw
from the Rev. Mr. Clarke another of his valuable papers on
the subject of civil government, which may be read with profit
at the present day : —

"The Freemen of the Town of Lexington, having upon Mature
Consideration Voted that they do not Approve of the Constitution
and Form of Government, sent out by the late Honorable Conven-
tion to the Inhabitants of this State for their Approbation, or Disap-
probation, cannot look upon it improper to Suggest some Reasons
why they could not chearf ully Accept of said Constitution and Form
of Government, as calculated to Answer the important Ends
proposed.

"Accordingly it may be Observed, That it appears to Us That in
immerging from a State of Nature, into a State of well regulated
Society, Mankind give up some of their natural Rights, in order
that others of Greater Importance to their Well-being Safety &
Happiness both as Societies and Individuals might be the better
enjoyed Secured & defended: That a Civil Constitution or Form of
Government is of the Nature of a most Sacred Covenant, or Con-
tract, entered into by the Individuals which form the Society, for
which such Constitution or Form of Government is intended,
whereby they mutually and Solemnly engage to Support and
defend each other, in the Enjoyment of those Rights which they
mean to retain : — That the main & Great End of establishing any
Constitution or Form of Government among a People or in Society,
is to maintain, secure and defend those retained Rights inviolate:
And Consequently, That it is of the highest Importance, both to the
Public Peace and Utility and to the Safety and Security of Indi-
viduals, that said Rights intended to be retained, at least those that
are fundamental to the Well being of Society & the Liberty &
Safety of Individuals, should be in the most explicit Terms de-
clared : — And that not only that Government and Persons in
Authority might know their stated Limits & Bounds; but also that

234 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Subjects and all Members of such Society might know when their
Rights & Liberties are infringed or Violated; And have some known
& established Standard to which they might with becoming Confi-
dence Appeal for the Redress of Grievances & oppressions, whether
real or supposed : and we must readily acknowledge, That the total
Omission of a Declaration of Rights of this Kind, is no small
Objection to the Constitution before Us.

"Next to a Declaration of Rights, it is humbly conceived, That
equallity of Representation, is of the Greatest Importance to the
Preservation of the Liberties of the Subject, and the Peace & safety
of Society. But we cannot think that the Provision made in this
Form of Government is adequate to this Purpose. And we are of
Opinion that it is not without Ground to be feared that through
the Imperfections of Manlcind in some Future Times, small Towns
may become an easy Prey to the corrupt influence of designing Men
to the no small Danger of the Public Tranquillity, as well the Liber-
ties of the People : As hath been frequently & Notoriously the Fact
in England and many other States.

"A Rotation in the Members in the Supreme Council of a Nation,
& the Legislative Body of a State (even where such are Elective)
hath been frequently Suggested & earnestly recommended, by the
best Writers on Policy & Government, and by Practice & Experi-
ence found to be a Powerful Check to the Arts & Schemes of Ambi-
tious & designing Men, and a Means under Providence of pralong-
ing the Liberty Safety & Tranquility of Such States & Common-
wealths as have adopted it: Of this the Commonwealth of Rome
was a Striking Instance; where no Citizen, could be legally elected
to the Consulship which was the office of the Supreme Magistrate,
but once in Ten Years. And we could have wished that the example
of the Honorable Congress in the Articles of Confederation had been
adopted in this Matter. And that no Citizen of this State had been
eligible to the office of Supreme Magistrate, or as a Member of
the General Court more than Two Years in Five, Three Years in
Seven, or at least for some limited Time.

"We have complained of it in Times past, under the Charter,
and Still look upon it of dangerous Tendency, to have the Legisla-
tive & Executive Powers blended in the same Persons. And the
Wise & Judicious in all ages have Spoken of it as a very great
Grievance to have in the Supreme Council or Legislative Body of
a State, Plaicemen & Pensioners, or which amounts to almost the
same Thing, Persons who hold Lucrative Posts in the Gift of that
Court or are dependent thereupon for their Offices & the Salaries
and Perquisites annexed thereto. And We cannot persuade our-
selves that the Provision made in this Constitution would be an
adequate Remedy.

"Canvassing for Elections, corrupt Influence and open Bribery,

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 235

have had their most baleful effects to the Subversion of Liberty and
the destruction of Good Government in free States, and that in
almost all Ages. And Yet We cannot find anything in this Constitu-
tion to give the least Check to Practices of this Kind.

"We could have Wished That the inestimable Right of Trial by
Jury had been more explicitly defined.

"We don't find any Sufficient Provision for any Alteration or
Amendment of this Constitution but by the General Court or
by instructing our Representatives. Whereas it appears to Us at
least, of the Highest Importance that a Door should be left open
for the People to move in this Matter; and a Way explicitly pointed
out wherein they might legally and Constitutionally propose Such
and Effect, any Such Alterations or Amendments, in any future
Time, as might Appear to them Advantageous or necessary. And
the rather as this might Give Satisfaction to the People ; and be an
happy Means, under Providence of preventing popular Commo-
tions, Mobs, Bloodshed, & Civil War, which too frequently have
been the Consequences of the Want of such an Opening, which They
might have legally and Constitutionally improved.

"These in General are a Sketch of the Reasons that have induced
Us to withhold our Approbation of the Constitution and Form o
Government, transmitted to Us by the late Honorable Convention.

"Wherefore as the late General Court have explicitly recom-
mended to the Several Towns in this State, to instruct their Repre-
sentatives upon this subject; — The Representative of this Town is
accordingly, hereby instructed and directed to lay the Proceedings
of said Town hereupon, with these Reasons why this Constitution
and Form of Government was not approved, before the General
Court. And in Case the establishment of this Constitution and
Form of Government should be proposed in said General Court, to
Give his Voice in the Negative.

"If this Form of Government should not be established (and we
have some Grounds to believe that it will not) and it should be pro-
posed in Court to Form another. We would say, — That Notwith-
standing This Town instructed & impowered their Representative
for this Purpose, last Year; and Notwithstanding we earnestly hope
to have a Good Constitution in due Time established in this State ;
Yet for Various Reasons which to Us, at least, appear of Weight, We
could wish to have it waved for the Present. Not only because the
Form of Government we are now Under, as it hath done, so it may
still answer all Purposes of Government; but also, because it may
interrupt the Deliberations of the Court upon Affairs of more im-
mediate Concernment, to the well-being, and perhaps to the very
existence of the State; which may demand all their Time, and all
their Attention; And especially, because our Brethren, absent in the
War, and foremost in Toils & Danger, in the Great Contest in which

236 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

we are engaged, may think themselves not well treated in being
deprived of having a Voice in so interesting an Affair.

"The Representative of this Town, is, therefore, for these, and
other obvious Reasons, hereby further instructed to Use his Influ-
ence to have the Matter waved at least for the Present. But in
Case the Court should Determine to have the Matter further at-
tempted at present, The Representative is further instructed to Use
his Influence that it may be done by a Convention, freely chosen
by the People for that Purpose, and that only."

We give these papers in full because they show the immedi-
ate relation which at that time existed between the Repre-
sentative and his constituents, and because we think that
both Representatives and the people might profit by the just
views expressed in these instructions, written by a sound di-
vine and practical statesman at that day.

In 1778, the burdens of the war pressed more heavily upon
the people than they had done before. The depreciation of
the currency, and the corresponding increase of prices, aug-
mented the embarrassment. Besides, soldiers who had
served, returned home without pay. If the towns paid them,
it must greatly increase their taxes, and so exhaust their
means; and if they neglected to pay those who had served, it
would discourage enlistments, and so render it difficult for
towns to fill their quotas. Lexington like all other towns felt
this embarrassment. But she resolved to be true to those who
had been in the field. Accordingly, May, 1778, she appropri-
ated £2001 145., to pay her troops up to that time. But more
men were required, and in September of that year the town
voted, "That the Men who shall engage to march on the pre-
sent Alarm, shall be intitled to receive from this Town £15
per Month including the Court's pay."

It would seem from the face of the record that ample pro-
vision was made to pay for the past expenditures and to pro-
vide for the future expenses of the war. But in Lexington, as
in all other towns at that time, the people were ready to vote
taxes, but were unable to pay them. The high price of all the
necessaries of life and the ruinous state of the currency ren-
dered it almost impossible to obtain money on any considera-
tion. They did all they could, and that was but little. There
were but few who had money, and those who had would not
lend it except at exorbitant rates; and the raisers of produce
partook of the same spirit. Prices were so fluctuating and the

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 237

currency was so deranged that Congress suggested the pro-
priety of some action on the subject; and in Massachusetts a
convention assembled at Concord, for the purpose of consid-
ering the matter and fixing a system of prices. Lexington
participated in the movement, and chose Matthew Mead,
Thaddeus Parker, and Joel Viles as delegates. The Conven-
tion met in July, and fixed a scale of prices for goods, wares,
and merchandise, and also for articles of produce and the
wages of labor. The town expressed its hearty concurrence in
the measures recommeiided by the Convention and chose a
committee to fix a scale of prices and report the same to the
town, at an adjourned meeting. These prices, being an im-
portant part of the history of the times and showing the
causes of the embarrassments of the people, we deem it a
duty to insert : —

West India rum, £6 95. per gall.; New England rum, £4 IQs. per
gall.; Molasses, £4 155. per gall.; Coffee, 18s. per lb.; Brown sugar,
from lis. to 14s. per lb.; Chocolate, 24s. per. lb.; Bohea tea, £5 16s.
per lb.; Cotton wool, 37s. 6d. per lb.; German steel, 36s. per lb.;
Salt, best quality, £10 10s. per bush.; Indian corn, £4 4s. per bush.;
Rye, £5 10s. per bush.; Wheat, £8 10s. per bush.; Beef from 3s. to
4s. 6d. per lb.; Mutton, Lamb, and Veal, 4s.; Butter, 12s.; Cheese,
6s.; Milk, Is. Qd. per quart; English hay, 30s. per cwt.; Barley and
Malt, £4 per bush.; Beans, 5s. lOd. per bush.; Cyder, £5 10s. per
bbl.; Sheep's wool, 24s., and Flax 12s. per lb.; Mugs, 50s. per doz.;
Milk pans, 12s. per doz.; Yard wide tow cloth, 24s. and cotton
cloth, 36s. per yd.; Sole leather, 20s. per lb.; Upper leather in the
same proportion; Men's shoes, £6, and women's £4 10s.; Making
shoes and finding wax and thread, 48s; Shoeing horse and steeled,
90s.; plain, 66s.; Setting a single shoe, 5s.; New axe, £6, laying one,
£3 12s. ; Spinning a double skein lining, 4s. 6d. ; Weaving tow cloth
one yard wide, 4s., and cotton, 4s. 6d.; Woolen cloth, one ell wide,
6s.; Best felt hats, £4; Best saddles, £60, common do., £40; Good
yarn hose for men, 66s.; All wool cloth, common dye or mixed, £4,
10s. per yard; Teaming under 30 miles, 18s. per mile; Carpenter's
or mason's work, 60s. per day; Common labor, 36s. to 48s.; Oxen
per day, 24s.; Horses per mile, 3s.; West India flip per mug, 15s.,
New England do., 12s.; Extraordy good dinner, 20s., and common,
12s.; Best supper and breakfast, 15s., and common, 12s.; Lodging,
4s.

The town voted to have the Committee of Safety proceed
with all persons, according to the Resolve of the Convention,
that should demand, take, or give more for any article than

238 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the rates set down in the schedule. These prices appear to be
much higher than they really were, owing to the depreciated
currency, which was at that time worth about one-sixth of the
value of coin. But even with that allowance, men at the pre-
sent day would hardly be willing to work in the summer sea-
son for thirty -five cents per day and pay ninety-three cents
per pound for Bohea tea.

In 1779, the people were called upon to elect a delegate to
a convention to form a constitution, and the inhabitants of
Lexington, with great wisdom and propriety, selected the
Rev. Mr. Clarke, who, though modest and unpretending,
had a good share of influence in that body. He was on
several important committees, where his good sense and
ripened wisdom were of great service.

The delegates, thus elected, framed a constitution and sub-
mitted it to the people for their ratification or rejection. The
inhabitants of Lexington voted to adopt most of its provi-
sions; they,, however, qualified their approval by proposing
sundry amendments, all of which showed how jealous they
were of their rights, and how careful they were to secure the
great principles of popular equality and to recognize religion
as the basis of all good government.

The limited means of the people, the depreciation of paper
money, and the numerous calls upon the town to furnish men
and supply beef for the army rendered the case exceedingly
embarrassing. The town meetings, which were very fre-
quently held, show the great difficulty under which the inhab-
itants labored. To indicate the depreciation of money and the
consequent loss which must have been realized by the holders
of the paper issued, it is only necessary to state the fact that
in 1781, the town instructed the Collectors to receive of those
who were in arrears for their taxes one dollar of the new emis-
sion ior forty of the old. And on the year following the Select-
men settled with Benjamin Wellington, allowing him eighty
for one, as the difference between silver and paper money.

Such a depreciation in the circulating medium would at any
time produce great derangement in business, destroy confi-
dence, and bring about a state of confusion in the transac-
tions of life. And when we consider that this took place in the
midst of the exhausting war of the Revolution, we are sur-
prised that our fathers sustained themselves as well as they
did.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 239

As this element of depreciation in the paper currency at
that day was interwoven with almost every transaction, pub-
lic and private, it becomes important that we should under-
stand the origin of these paper issues, and the cause of their
depreciation. As this subject of the currency affected very ma-
terially the enlistment of soldiers in this and other towns, we
take the liberty of making an extract from the history of Marl-
borough, where the subject was treated with some detail.^

"The unsuccessful expedition against Canada, in 1690, involved
the Province in a heavy debt. To meet this demand bills of credit
were issued for one year. These were punctually redeemed till 1704,
when the expenses of calamitous wars induced the General Court to
defer the payment, first for two years, and afterwards for a longer
term. About 1714, the subject of the currency attracted consider-
able attention. Some were for returning to a specie currency;
others were for a land bank; and others, for the Province loaning its
credit to the towns, and thence in small sums to the inhabitants on
interest. This latter scheme prevailed, and £50,000 were issued,
and passed over to the towns, in proportion to their share of the
public tax. The sums thus apportioned to the towns were com-
mitted to trustees appointed by the towns, to be loaned out in
small sums to individuals, who were to repay it at stated times with
interest, and this interest was to be appropriated to defray the
public expenses.

"But these bills were constantly undergoing a depreciation. In
1702, an ounce of silver would buy of these bills 6s. lO^d.; in 1705,
75.; in 1713, 85.; in 1716, 95. Sd.; in 1717, 125.; in 1722, 145.; in 1728,
I85.; in 1730, 2O5.; in 1737, 265.; in 1741, 285.; and in 1749, 6O5.

"Another scheme was projected to support a paper currency by
silver coin, namely: A loan of £60,000 to be deposited with the
towns as in the other case, but to be repaid in specie. To extinguish
this paper currency, which had become exceedingly oppressive, the
home government interposed, and Parliament, knowing that this
paper had been issued to carry on the wars of Great Britain against
the French and Indians, passed an Act for reimbursing the Colonies
in specie. The General Court provided by law for the rate at which
these bills of credit should be redeemed; and fixed it at about one-
fifth less than their lowest current value; that is, at fifty shillings
for an ounce of silver, which was valued at 65. 8d., or an English
crown. This was the origin of the 'Old Tenor' reckoning — fifty
shillings of paper equal to an ounce of silver, or 65. 8d.

"As the design of this law was the abolition of the paper cur-
rency j, and as the grant of Parliament was insufficient to redeem the
' See Hudson's History of Marlborough, pp. 181-85,

240 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

whole mass of paper that the Province had issued, the remainder
was liquidated by a tax of £75,000, payable in bills, at the above
rate of fifty shillings in bills for 6s. 8d. in specie. All future debts
after March 31, 1750, it was enacted, should be understood to be
contracted on the specie basis of 65. 8d. per ounce of silver. This
was the origin of what has been known as 'lawful money'; three
ounces of silver being equal to £l, or 205.

"This restored the currency to a metallic basis, and to a uniform
permanent value. Having passed this crisis of depreciation, the
people enjoyed a sound and uniform circulating medium for more
than twenty years. But the breaking-out of hostilities with the
mother country, imposed a new obligation upon the Province. War
had commenced, and means must be supplied to cany it on. Con-
sequently the Provincial Congress in May, 1775, empowered the
Treasurer to borrow one hundred thousand pounds, lawful money,
secured by notes of the Province at six per cent, and made payable
June 1, 1777. They also desired the other Colonies to give currency
to such securities. At the same time, they commended this subject
to the consideration of the Continental Congress.

"The Treasurer was required to issue no notes of a less denomina-
tion than £4; but it was found necessary, to meet the wants of the
army, to have notes of a less denomination; and the Provincial
Congress empowered the Treasurer to issue notes of six, nine, ten,
twelve, fourteen, fifteen, sixteen, eighteen, and twenty shillings, —
this emission not to exceed £26,000. Almost simultaneously with
these issues by the state. Continental bills were issued by the
General Government. For the first year these bills circulated
freely, and were readily exchanged for cash.

" But the continued issue of such bills by the state and the nation,
and the fact that they had no specie to redeem them, the dubious
prospect of the result of the war, and the general exhaustion of the
community, tended to depreciate their value. Add to this, the
British officers and the adherents of the royal cause in the midst of
us took every opportunity and had recourse to every means to im-
pair the value of this paper. They represented, and with too much
truth, that the Continental Congress had no means by which to
redeem their bills; and with great injustice asserted that they never
intended to provide for their redemption. Under the influence of
these causes, this paper money gradually sunk in value, till it re-
quired about seventy -five pounds in paper to procure one in specie.
Such a reduction in the value of the circulating medium wrought
great injustice, especially towards those who subsisted on a salary
or labored for stated pay, fixed beforehand. Many clergymen found,
by sad experience, that the salary which, at their settlement, was
deemed sufficient, would hardly save them from starvation; and the
poor soldiers who enlisted at government pay, for three years, found

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 241

their wages hardly worth receiving, as will be seen by the following
scale of depreciation : —

from January 1, 1777, to Janu-
?0 shillings in paper, wiil he seen

A Table shomng the Depreciation of Paper Money,
ary 1, 1781, inclusive; in which the value of £l, or i
for each month during the whole period.

Year. Month. s. d. qr.' Year.

1777 January 19 0 2 1779

February 18 8 3

March 18 4 0

April 17 10 1

May Xl 5 3

June 16 8 0

July 16 0 0

August 13 4 0

September 11 5 0

October 7 3 0

November 6 80

December 6 5 1

1778 January 6 11 1780

February 5 82

March 5 40

April 5 0 0

May 5 0 0

June 5 00

July 4 81

August 4 43

September 4 2 2

October 4 00

November 3 80

December 3 13

1781

Month. 8.

January 2

February 2

March 2

April

May

June

July

August

September .
October. . . .
November.
December. .

January

February. . .

March

April

May

June

July

August

September.

October

November.
December.
January....

i. qr.

8 1

3 2

0 0

9 3

7 3

5 3

4 3
2 3

1 1
11 3
10 3

9 1

8 0
7 1

6 1
6 0

5 3
5

3
3
3
3
3
3
3

"The above scale of depreciation will enable us, at any period
during these years, to estimate the worth in specie, or lawful
money, of the paper money then in circulation.

"It may not be amiss to state that what was so embarrassing in
Massachusetts was still more so in all the States south of the
Potomac, where little or nothing was done to sustain the credit of
the country; and where, during the whole period of the Revolution,
Massachusetts did more in men and money than any other State.
By an official Report from the Treasury Department at Washing-
ton, made in 1790, it appears that the amount of money, including
paper reduced to its specie value, which had been received by and
paid to the several states by Congress, from the commencement to
the close of the Revolution, was as follows: —

States Paid to State Received from State

New Hampshire $440,974 $466,554

Massachusetts 1,245,737 3,167.020

Rhode Island 1,028,511 310,395

Connecticut 1,016,273 1,607,259

New York 822,803 1,545,889

242 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

New Jersey 336,729 512,916

Pennsylvania 2,087,276 2,629,410

. Delaware 63,817 208,878

Maryland 609,617 945,537

Virginia 482,881 1,965,811

North Carolina 788,031 219.835

South Carolina 1,014,808 499,325

Georgia 679,412 122,744

"Thus it will be seen, that while Massachusetts paid into the
Continental Treasury, during the Revolution, $1,921,283 more
than she received back, the five States of Maryland, Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia paid only $178,503
more than they received; so that Massachusetts, in fact, contrib-
uted a balance towards the support of the war more than ten times
as great as these five States mentioned!"

If Massachusetts received from the General Government a
large sum, it was because she furnished more soldiers than
any other State, except Pennsylvania. As compared with
Virginia, Massachusetts, with half the population of the Old
Dominion, furnished nearly three times as many soldiers.
Divide the whole number of men in the service by seven, the
length in years of the war, and it would give Massachusetts
an average for each year of 9701, and Virginia only 3953.

No wonder, under circumstances like these, that towns
found it difficult to fill their quotas. No wonder that soldiers
who had enlisted for three years, on a pay founded upon a
silver basis, were unwilling to reenlist, when they found that
their pay, by the depreciation of the currency, had become
nearly valueless. With hostile fleets upon our coasts and
hostile armies upon our soil ; with a feeble army poorly fed and
clothed, whose term of service was about to expire; and with
crippled resources and a currency nearly worthless, so as not
to command recruits, no wonder the towns felt themselves
greatly embarrassed. Lexington in common with other towns
had to strain every nerve and put forth her best energies. It
was not the want of patriotism, but the want of an adequate
compensation, that led the young to hesitate to enter the ser-
vice. It was not the want of generosity, but the want of
means, that prevented the good people of Lexington offering
such a compensation as would induce men to enlist at once.
But the records show that they did exert themselves in a be-
coming manner; and if they failed in part in doing what
seemed to be right and proper, it is due to them to say that

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 243

they succeeded in a great degree under circumstances which
would have overwhelmed almost any other people.

The burdens under which the people of the town labored,
and the efforts they made to discharge their obligations and
fill their quotas of men for the army, will readily be seen in
the following extracts from the Town Records : —

"June 26, 1780. Voted, That the sum of £14,000 be raised to hire
the Men required of this Town for the Army."

"July 16, 1780. Voted, That £6,000 be granted to purchase the
beef required of this towp. for the army."

December 4, 1780, the Assessors reported to the Selectmen

"That they had assessed the war tax of June and July, of £28,091
45. M.; also the beef tax of £6,036 5s. Qd.\ also the town tax of
£2,010 5s. 5d."

"Dec. 19, 1780. Voted that the Sum of £6,000 be raised to pur-
chase the remainder of the Beef for the Army."

"Jan. 17, 1781. Voted the sum of £27,000 to enable the Commit-
.tee to hire men for the Towns Quota of men for the Continental
Army."

" Voted to raise the Sum £12,000 to pay the Six Months & the
Three Months' Men, hired by the Towns Committee last Summer
to re enforce the Army."

"Feb. 20, 1781. Voted that the Town will Give the Men who shall
engage for the Army each 15 Head of Cattle for their Service upon
the following Conditions, Viz — if they serve one Year they shall
receive Yearling Cattle, if Two Years then Cattle of Two Years
Old, if three Years, then they shall receive Cattle of Three Years
Old."

These votes speak for themselves. And the record further
shows that the people exerted themselves to the utmost to
carry these votes into effect. At their meetings, which in
some cases were held weekly, they appointed committee upon
committee — one to obtain the men, one to borrow money,
one to aid the Collectors in collecting the taxes, one to obtain
the beef for the army, and another to report upon the best
means to be adopted to further the great end. With the in-
crease of the obstacles, they renewed their efforts. One led on
by hope and another confiding in despair — each and every
one exerted their best energies to sustain the cause of their
common country — the cause of human rights.

After a great expenditure of blood and treasure — after
trials, sufferings, and privations, such as are unknown, and

244 HISTORY OF LEXmOTON

consequently unappreciated by us their descendants, our
fathers were at last blessed with liberty and independence.
But they came out of the struggle exhausted in their re-
sources, and embarrassed by new and perplexing difficulties.
Poverty, disorder approaching anarchy, and a complication
of new and difficult political questions, stared them in the
face. As the country had been carried through the eventful
struggle of the Revolution by the voice and efficient support
of the primary assemblies, so now, after the treaty of peace,
it was deemed important that the small towns should speak
out. Lexington, which had been free to express her opinion
before and during the Revolution, was willing to look any
new difficulty in the face. Parson Clarke had a realizing sense
of the condition of the country and of the necessity of wise
and prudent counsels; hence in 1783, he spoke through a com-
mittee of citizens in Instructions to Benjamin Brown, Esq.,
the Representative to the General Court: —

" Sir: — Having given the Strongest Evidence of our Esteem and
Confidence in electing You to represent this Town in the General
Court of this Commonwealth the ensuing Year: it is not to call in
Question, either Capacity, Disposition, or Fidelity, that We Assume
the Right of instructing our Representative; but rather to assure
You of that hearty Concurrance & Support which you may be cer-
tain to meet with from Your Constituents in those Measures for the
public Good which (we trust) Your Own Wisdom Prudence & Love
of Liberty and your Country, would naturally suggest at such a
Time as this. —

"It is true, under God, by the Wisdom, Firmness, Patriotism and
Bravery of the People of this, and the United States of America We
have been happily carried through a Contest, in which all that we
held dear as a Free People was at Stake : and in less Time, and at
less Expence of Blood & Treasure than the most sanguine Expecta-
tions of the discerning & Judicious among Us promised, affected a
Revolution great in itself, and Glorious in the Eyes of the aston-
ished World !

"Much however remains yet to be done to perfect the Work; and
perhaps there never was a Time (not even in the Height of the Con-
test, or Depth of our Distress) when Attention, Firmness, Penetra-
tion, Wisdom, and Integrity were more necessary than the Present.
— This Year appears to Us to be a most interesting, critical and
important Period : and upon the Counsels taken, and Measures
adopted and pursued at this Period, the establishment of our Rights
& Liberties (for which We have fought & bled) as Freemen, free &

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 245

Sovereign States, and an independent Nation, as well as the Bless-
ing of Peace upon a permanent Basis, will in a great Measure
depend.

"Among other important Concerns which may engage Your
attention, we beg Leave to recommend the following, as what ap-
pears to Us to demand the most critical Notice & serious Considera-
tion — The Case of those Persons who in the late Contest with
Britain have left their Country and join'd the Enemy — By an
Article in the Provisional Treaty of Preliminaries for a Peace be-
tween the United States and Britain, it is expressly agreed and
stipulated ' That Congress shall earnestly recommend to the Legis-
latures of the respective States,' that Persons of the above described
Charactors ' shall have free Liberty to go to any Part or Parts of the
Thirteen United States, and there remain twelve Months unmo-
lested in their Endeavors to obtain the Restoration of their
Estates, Rights, &c.' — Reference being had to the Article itself,
being the Fifth Article of said Treaty.

" While we sincerely wish that the Faith of the Nation, solemnly
plighted by the Plenipotentiaries of the United States, might be
realized and regared with the most sacred Attention, we also wish
that the Freedom, Independence & Sovereignty of these States
respectively considered might not be forgotten.

"The Words of the Treaty evidently suppose, that when Con-
gress, in Compliance with its Stipulations in Favor of Persons of
the above described Characters have ' earnestly recommended the
Matter to the Legislatures of the several States,' the Right of de-
cision remains entirely & absolutely with them. The States sev-
erally, are submitted to as the alone Judges; — and upon their
Determination their Fate must rest — from them there is no appeal.

"Not to mention the hard Names, and opprobrious Characters
of Conspirators, Traitors or Rebels, nor to lay any stress upon the
Questions who among them are most, or least, deserving: There is
one thing in which they are all alike and without Exception in the
same Predicament; — and this suggests a Rule and points out a
Line of Conduct for these States, which appears to Us Obvious,
rational, just and necessary; and a Rule equally applicable to all
Persons of the above Characters. They have left the Society —
they have left the Country under which they held — by which they
were protected in — and to which, they owed Liberty, Property &
Life — and they have joined the Enemy; and put themselves, not
only into their Power, but also under their Protection. — By this
one Act, without any coloring or aggravations, it appears to Us, they
have forfeited all Claim to Privilege, Property or Protection, in the
Society, State, or States, they have so left. The Estate or Property
which they have heretofore held, under the Protection of the So-
ciety or State, to which they belonged, of Course reverts to such

246 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Society, State or States and Reason Common Sense, tHe Laws of
Nature and Nations concur to pronounce them, one and All,
Aliens from the Commonwealth.

"This, alone, we humbly conceive, is an Argument both clear and
conclusive against their return to Us, and the Restoration of their
Estates : and at the same Time points out a Line of Conduct both
just & necessary: and is no more than putting a Sanction upon their
own Choice.

" Many other Arguments might be fairly urged against the return
of Persons of this Character and their admission as Citizens of the
States they have left — as that they have, by leaving and joining
the Enemy, weakened our Cause and strengthened the Enemy, and
have sought and done what was in their Power to Subjugate us
to the British Yoke — That it is both unnatural and unjust that
such Persons should share in Privileges which they have to their
utmost endeavored to destroy — That if they should be restored,
& their Estates returned to them, they will be very dangerous to
the Peace of Society and the Liberties of this Country &c &c —
And we may add That as to the Idea of admitting some, & rejecting
others, it is easy to see that the Wisdom of Angels would be puzzled
to draw the Line, to determine when and where to stop.

" Upon the Whole we cannot but think it indispensibly necessary,
for the Peace & safety of this and the Freedom and Happiness of the
United States, that a decided part is taken to prevent their Return,
and the Recovary of the Estates or Property that was formerly
theirs.

" W^e would further recommend to You to Use Your Endeavors to
promote a more thorough Inquiry into the State of the public
Debts both State and Continental; that the public Accounts may
be adjusted & properly Arranged — To restore and establish the
Credit of State Notes and Securities, and Fund for the Punctual
payment of the Interest of them:

"We also wish that every proper Measure may be taken to pro-
mote Economy in all Grants &c — and in all disposals of public
Monies — and, at the same Time that Merit is duly noticed and
rewarded, and the Public Faith is preserved, where solemnly
plighted, the most and the most watchful Care be taken that all
unnecessary Expenditures in Pensions, or otherways, may be
prevented.

"We would suggest to you the Importance in a free Government
of the Encouragement of Literature in all Branches of Science and
Useful Knowledge and particularly of the University at Cambridge
and public Schools and Seminaries of Learning — and as the General
Court is the Great Inquest of the Commonwealth, to promote an
Inquiry into the Causes of the too general Neglect and Contempt
of the Law for Grammar Schools in the several Towns.

TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION 247

" In all your proceedings, we trust we need not Urge that a Sacred
Regard to the Rights of the Community our excellent Constitu-
tion, and the Articles of the Confederation of the United States of
America, is at all Times both becoming a Necessary.

"In all other Matters which may call for Your Attention in the
Course of the Year, we chearf ully confide in your Wisdom and Pru-
dence Firmness & Integrity : and most Sincerly wish that your Atten-
tion & Endeavors for the Interest of your Constituents; the Good
of this Commonwealth and the Peace & Prosperity of the United
States in General may be attended with the happiest Success."

We have seen the efforts made by the people of Lexington
to carry on the war, but we have found them true to the cause
in which they were engaged. Particularly have we seen them
inculcating the soundest principles of constitutional liberty.
The experience of the world has shown that it is easier to
throw off the yoke of foreign oppression than it is to establish
a system of civil government adapted to the wants of a free
people. But in this Commonwealth, the people in the very
midst of a revolution framed a constitution of government
remarkable for its wisdom; and we have the pleasure of seeing
that the people of Lexington were alive to the subject, and
active in establishing a government which has proved a
blessing to the community.

Nor were the people of Lexington behind the rest of the
community in their efforts to establish a government of laws.
Reared up under the w^ise counsel of a prudent statesman,
they were never disturbed by Tories, nor by those wild vision-
aries w^ho think that liberty consists in throwing off all re-
straint. The people, as a body, were peaceable and law-
abiding, and equally ready to resist tyrants or to sustain
rulers duly elected in conformity to the laws of the land.
They were devotees of liberty, but it was liberty regulated by
law. They w^ere w'arm advocates for a well-regulated free-
dom, exempt from tyranny on the one hand and licentious-
ness on the other.

CHAPTER X

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830

Population in 1783 — Embarrassment of the People — Shays's Rebellion —
Instruction to Representatives — A New Meeting-House erected — Jay's
Treaty — Death of Mr. Clarke — Settlement of Mr. Williams — Resolutions
on National Affairs — Green's Oration — Mr. Williams dismissed — The Great
Bridge rebuilt — The Fourth of July celebrated — Reception of Lafayette —
Phinney's Address — His History of Lexington Battle — Adams's Letter in
Defence of Acton — Stetson's Oration.

Though the war of the Revolution had been a period of
trial and anxiety to the people of the Commonwealth, the
period which followed the war was in many respects quite as
trying. The heavy debt of the nation, state, and towns, in-
curred during the seven years' war, and the embarrassments
of individuals arising from the same cause and from the de-
preciation of paper money, produced a depression of business
and a state of monetary affairs bordering upon bankruptcy.
From this general embarrassment Lexington was not exempt.

Up to this time the people had been subjects of Great
Britain or involved in a contest with that country; but
thenceforward they were freemen. But there were causes
which operated against the increase of population. A con-
siderable number who had served in the army, from the
town, did not return to Lexington to become permanent citi-
zens; and others who had resided in town during the war, left
the place, owing to the depressed state of business and pecun-
iary embarrassments, to seek their fortunes elsewhere. These
causes served to keep the population nearly stationary for a
considerable period.

The Town Records for some years present nothing of
special interest. The burden of the Town Meetings was to
obtain means to discharge the debts contracted during the
war. The year 1786 was memorable for what has generally
been denominated "Shays's Rebellion." The pecuniary em-
barrassment of which we have spoken, and the heavy taxes
which were necessarily imposed, gave color to the plea that
unnecessary burdens were imposed upon the people. On the

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 249

22d of August, a convention of delegates from fifty towns in
the county of Hampshire met at Hatfield, and adopted meas-
ures looking to resistance against the laws. A large number
of men assembled at Northampton, took possession of the
Court-House, and prevented the sitting of the court. The
Governor issued a proclamation, calling upon all oflBcers and
citizens to suppress such treasonable proceedings, but to little
or no purpose. At Worcester and Concord the courts were
interrupted. The Legislature passed several acts relieving the
people as far as was practicable. But the insurgents, headed
by Daniel Shays, who had been a captain in the Continental
Army, to the number of about three hundred, marched to
Springfield in December, and took possession of the Court-
House, and so prevented the sitting of the court at that place.
To meet this emergency, four thousand troops were ordered
out for thirty days, unless sooner discharged. Of this force,
eight hundred were from the county of Middlesex. They were
put under the command of General Lincoln. Though the in-
surgents appeared in martial array at Worcester, Springfield,
and several other places, there was never any direct collision
between them and the troops, though a few shots were fired,
and three or four of the insurgents were killed. Shays was
driven from Springfield, and his force was soon dispersed at
Petersham, where one hundred and fifty were taken prison-
ers. This terminated the rebellion.^ The precipitate flight
of Shays on the appearance of General Lincoln's troops at
Petersham gave rise to much ridicule and many sallies of wit.
In one of the doggerel ballads of the day, his flight is thus
characterized : —

"When he came to the river of Styx,

Where Charon kept the Ferry;

He called for a speedy passage o'er.

For he durst no longer tarry."

Though the scene of this rebellion was not laid in Lexing-
ton, the inhabitants of this town did not refrain altogether
from a participation in the affair. In response to an Address
from the town of Boston, touching the subject of this insur-
rection, the people of Lexington, in town meeting assembled,
October 16, 1786, expressed their condemnation of all such

^ Daniel Shays was bom in Hopkinton, 1747. After his rebellion was crushed, he
fled to Vermont, and afterwards moved to Sparta, New York, where he died Sep-
tember 29, 1825, aged eighty-four. He was a pensioner of the United States.

250 HISTORY OF Lt:XINGTON

lawless proceedings and promised their cooperation in all
suitable measures to put down the rebellion, and sustain the
honor and authority of the Government.

Captain William Munroe, with a body of men, marched
towards the scene of action; but the flight of Shays rendered
any further movement unnecessary, and he returned.

On the 10th of March, 1787, the General Court appointed a
commission, empowered, on certain conditions, to receive the
submission of the insurgents. About eight hundred came in
and submitted themselves, and were not further proceeded
against. Fourteen were tried and convicted. They were sev-
erally sentenced to death, and some were even brought to
the place of execution; but they were all ultimately pardoned.

While the State was thus embarrassed by its debts, and the
people were borne down with pecuniary burdens, the citizens
of Lexington freely expressed their sentiments in instructions
to their Representative, which show the points of discussion
before the public.

At a meeting held March 28, 1787, their Representative
was instructed, "to adhere strictly to the Constitution, to op-
pose the emission of any paper money, to restore public
credit, to oppose the removal of the seat of government from
Boston, to urge the imposition of impost duties on foreign
articles, and to urge that heavy penalties be imposed upon
those who exact excessive interest on money loaned." ^

1 Following are the instructions in full (Ed.) : —

"In the first place We enjoin upon you a strict adherence to our most excellent Constitution;
and you are to make that the Rule of your conduct.

" You are not to consent on any account to have an Emmission of Paper Money; but to oppose
such a Measure (if moved for) to the utmost of your Power. —

"You are to use your endeavors to restore Public Credit in this Commonwealth; which for
some time past hath been very low; and when Public Credit is gone there is no more confidence to
be put in Rulers. —

" You are to Use Your endeavors to have the Old Taxes, that are behind paid. — in particular
those that were to be paid in the New England Money, and in the Army Notes. —

"As it is expected there will be a push in Court, to remove the Court out of the Town of Bos-
ton, — which you are to Use your utmost endeavor to prevent; — as We think it will not be so
convenient in any other Place, as in the Town of Boston; — as it will Open a Door for the East-*
em Counties to be a separate State.

"You are to see that Congress have suflBcient Power (if they have not) to regulate the Public
Affairs that are Necessary for the Public Good. —

"As to a Tender Act, We submit it to the decision of the General Court; that if it is thought
best to continue it, to do it for a limited time only.

"You are to Use Your utmost endeavor to have the Authority of Government kept up; and
that all offenders be punished according to their deserts —

" You are to endeavor to have such Impost and Excise Duties laid on all Foreign Manufactures
as may be consistent with Trade; which will be an easement to a Land Tax. —

"You are instructed to move in the General Court, respecting the Court of Common Pleas;
that there be such regulations & amendments made, as shall be satisfactory to the People. — To
that End draw Outlines of your Amendments as you shall judge reasonable and send them to the
People for their Acceptance in order that a General Accomodation may take place among all
Ranks & Denominations of People. —

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 251

December 10, 1787, Benjamin Brown, Esq., was chosen a
delegate to the State Convention to ratify the Constitution of
the United States.

November 5, 1789, President Washington, in the course of
a tour of New England, visited Lexington and dined at the
Munroe Tavern,^

At a meeting held April 4, 1791, Rev. Jonas Clarke, Benja-
min Brown, Esq., and Captain Joseph Simonds were elected
a committee to present a memorial to Congress asking them
to erect a monument over the remains of those persons who
were slain on the 19th of April, 1775.

In 1792, great excitement prevailed in town in consequence
of the prevalence of that dangerous and loathsome disease,
the small-pox.

In 1793, the subject of building a new meeting-house began
to be agitated. At a meeting held March 11, 1793, it was
"voted unanimously to Build a New Meeting-House, and to
Sett it in the Most Convenient Place, Near this Meeting-
House."

His Excellency Governor Hancock, learning that the peo-
ple of Lexington, for whom he always manifested a strong
attachment, were about to build a new meeting-house, gener-
ously placed a hundred dollars at their disposal to aid them in
the enterprise; for which he received "the thanks of said in-
habitants, for this fresh instance of his friendship and affec-
tion to the town, in which the memory of his pious ancestors
is still held in veneration, and the name of Hancock will ever
be precious."

May 23, 1793, the town voted to build a new meeting-
house, and to have two porches and a tower to the proposed
house. Thus far the town proceeded with great unanimity.
They all wanted a new meeting-house. They all desired it to
be located on the Common. But when they came to minor
points, as is usual on such subjects, a difference of opinion
arose. Town meeting after town meeting was held, to decide
whether the house should be set a few feqt more or less from
the old meeting-house; whether it should "Face Due South,"
or "Down the Great Road"; whether there should be one

"That the Act relative to Interest on Money be more strict — viz — That a Person convicted
of a Breach of aaid Law be forever deprived of any advantage of an Execution for any Debt. —

"You are to Use Your influence that the Massachusetts Banlc in the Town of Boston be
Annihilated — "

» For an account of this visit, see Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. l, p. xxviii. Ed.

252 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

porch or two; or whether it should be painted "pea-green" or
some other color.

But these questions were finally adjusted by voting to set
the house "twenty feet back of the sills of the old house," and
that it should "face half-way between south and south-east."
But it does not appear that these dijfferences obstructed the
march of improvement; for in anticipation of a new house,
they positively directed their committee to provide those
indispensable appendages of a meeting-house, horse-blocks.
Smile not at the rustic manners of our fathers; for you must
know that in those days the ladies rode to meeting on horse-
back behind their husbands or brothers, and were much more
punctual in attendance than people are at the present day,
with handsome carriages to ride in. In those days a pillion
was a necessary part of a young lady's outfit, and many a
belle has been seen riding to a ball behind her intended, upon
a pillion of her own furnishing. And at church, how could a
lady mount her horse, behind her gentleman, unless she had a
horse-block to ascend .5^ These horse-blocks may be considered
almost in the light of an institution; and a sounding-board
over the pulpit and a horse-block near the house were almost
as important as the house itself.

The house being finished was dedicated on the 15th of
January, 1795. About the same time the pews were sold at
auction. The size of the house appears not to be a matter of
record.^ The number of pews below was fifty-four, and the
number in the gallery was twenty -four. The aggregate sale
amounted to $5887. Besides these pews, there were seats in
the body of the house; and a seat reserved for the negroes.

This meeting-house was situated on the southeasterly end
of the Common, near the present liberty-pole.

When the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation
between the United States and Great Britain, commonly called
"Jay's Treaty," was made known to the American people, it
met with decided opposition. On the 13th of August, 1795,
the inhabitants of Lexington met in town meeting for the
purpose of considering it. When the treaty was read, it was
referred to a committee, of which Rev. Jonas Clarke was
chairman. This drew from Mr. Clarke an able paper, ^ in

1 See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. i, p. 130; also Vol. in, p. 82. Ed.

* This paper occupies about ten pages of the Records of the Town. Ed.

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 253

whicli he condemns the treaty and shows the impolicy of
many of its provisions. As the subject has long since passed
by, and as our space is limited, we reluctantly exclude it from
our pages. We will, however, say that it fully sustains the
character of its author for ability and watchful devotion to
what he believed to be the true interest of his country, and his
paper was unanimously adopted by the town. Nor was Lex-
ington alone in opposing that treaty. It drew from many of
our soundest men severe condemnation. It was assailed by
argument and by wit -^ in prose and in verse. One scribbler
vents his spleen thus : —

" Greenville and Pitt, with Jonney Jay,
Have fairly bargained us away."

In the misunderstanding between France and the United
States in 1797 and 1798, Congress had under consideration
the subject of arming merchant vessels, that they might de-
fend themselves against French depredations. The inhabit-
ants of Lexington, in town meeting assembled, adopted a
memorial to Congress, expressing their apprehension that such
a measure would be fraught with danger; that it would be
committing the peace of the nation into the hands of any and
every master or commander of a vessel, so armed and com-
missioned ; who, through ignorance, prejudice, resentment, or
design, might commit acts of hostility and so involve the
nation in war, in contravention of the Constitution, which
makes Congress the sole judge of the propriety of declaring
war, after a full consideration of the subject.

This memorial is the last paper, found upon the town
records, prepared by their faithful pastor and enlightened
statesman, Mr. Clarke. Few towns are able to furnish from
their records papers so numerous, elaborate, and able as Lex-
ington; and if she has whereof to boast, nothing, save the
heroic part she acted on the 19th of April, 1775, can stand in
preference to the able state papers which emanated from her
village clergyman.

The nineteenth century opens upon Lexington with a popu-
lation of 1006, being sixty-five more than in 1790. Nothing of
importance occurred in the town for some years. Having re-
covered in a good degree from the pecuniary embarrassments
growing out of the Revolution, the people became more lib-
eral in their appropriations for schools, highways, and other

254 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

objects which mark the progress of civilization. In 1805, the
town experienced a severe loss in the death of their devoted
and distinguished pastor, Rev. Jonas Clarke. They mani-
fested their regret and respect for his memory by bearing the
expense of his funeral, and caring for his family after his
decease. Mr. Clarke died, November 15, 1805, being in the
seventy-fifth year of his age, and in the fifty-first year of his
ministry.^

In October, 1807, the church, acting separately from the
town, as was then the custom in all the Congregational
churches, voted to call Mr. Avery Williams, and submitted
their action to the town, which voted unanimously to concur
with the church. The town voted to offer him a salary of
seven hundred dollars, and one thousand dollars as a settle-
ment, — he relinquishing all claim upon the ministerial lands
and fund. Mr. Williams accepted the call, and was ordained,
December 30, 1807. The town made ample provision for the
occasion, as appears by the fact that they paid Amos Muzzy,
Jr., $139.78 for entertaining the Council.

The health of Rev. Mr. Williams declining, and a journey
South failing to restore him, the town, after supplying the
pulpit for several months at their own expense, in September,
1815, came into an agreement with Mr. Williams, by which
his connection with the parish should terminate — they pay-
ing him six hundred dollars.

On the Fourth of July, 1809, the people of Lexington cel-
ebrated the Thirty-third Anniversary of our Independence.
Benjamin Greene, Esq., delivered an oration, in which he
made the following allusion to the town of Lexington and her
martyred citizens : —

"If there ever was a time when it might be more than ordinarily
the duty of posterity to recount the wonderful achievements, and
to call to mind the insurmountable fortitude and perseverance of
their ancestors; and if there ever was a place peculiarly appropriate
to this important purpose, surely this is the time, this is the place.
For here the thunders of British oppression, which had been ac-
cumulating for years, like the fulminating bolt from the dark and
condensed tempest, burst its barriers, disgorging its direful effects
upon the innocent victims of its cruel and relentless rage; and here
the soil of freedom was first moistened with the blood of her sons.

^ For an account of his character and serxaces, see Ecclesiastical History, and for
an account of his family, see Genealogies of the Lexington Families. [Vol. ii. Ed.]

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 255

"That frail monument shall moulder to the dust, and be mingled
with the corporeal of those whose names it is designed to perpetu-
ate. But their names shall be remembered and repeated by the last
of freedom's race. By their blood they have consecrated this place;
and on the wings of their fame have they borne the name of Lex-
ington through every region of the globe."

During the War of 1812 with Great Britain, party polities
ran high in the State. Lexington was strongly Republican. In
1814, the Fourth of July was celebrated in the town with great
show and parade. By feleven o'clock, four or five thousand
people had assembled. A procession was formed, which
moved to the meeting-house, escorted by a detachment of
Colonel Loring's Fourth Regiment. The services at the
church were as follows: Prayer, by Rev. Edmund Foster;
reading of the Declaration of Independence, by General
Joseph B. Varnum; Oration, by Hon. Timothy Fuller. The
assembly was honored by the presence of General Henry
Dearborn, and several other officers of the army under his
command. The presence of Hon. Elbridge Gerry, Vice-Pre-
sident of the United States, added to the interest of the oc-
casion. General Varnum presided at the table. That the ladies
might participate in the festivities of the occasion, a spacious
marquee was erected on the Green, and a social tea-party was
formed. At least a thousand persons partook of the bounties
of the table. In the evening a splendid ball was given in the
marquee, which was tastefully fitted up for the purpose.

Many distinguished mei\ of the Republican Party, among
whom were Hon. Judge Dana, Hon. Benjamin Austin, Hon.
George Blake, and Hon. William Eustis, honored the occa-
sion by their presence. It was truly a proud day for Lexing-
ton. The Orator of the day alludes to Lexington in this thrill-
ing strain : "This glorious spot, the hallowed scene of this day's
devotion; this happy, favored spot, beheld the first precious,
ruddy drops, shed to redeem our countr;^^. Yonder sacred
pedestal, the faint emblem of our gratitude, declares the
names of the first victims of British injustice. But long after
that shall have crumbled to dust, the faithful page of history,
the hearts of a grateful people shall engrave the deeds, and
transmit the glorious record to remotest ages."

But Lexington did not confine her support of the Govern-
ment, and of the war in which we were engaged, to mere
words. She made provision for the soldiers who might volun-

^56 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

teer, or be called out by the National or State Government,
voting them five dollars bounty, and a sum which would
make up their pay to sixteen dollars a month, including the
amount offered by the General Government.^

The subject of the "Great Bridge" between the towns of
Cambridge and Brighton, which had annoyed the people of
Lexington for about a century, and which required of them
an annual tax for repairs, appeared in 1815 in a form more
oppressive. The bridge was rebuilt at a cost of $1727, of
which Lexington was required to pay $356.64 — a tax suf-
ficiently onerous when it is considered that few if any of the
inhabitants of the town ever passed over it.

In 1821, in order to keep up with the times and make a
little more noise in the world, the town voted to exchange
their church bell for a larger one.

As Lafayette, the distinguished Frenchman, who had
served so faithfully in the Revolution, and by military and
civil talents had contributed so much towards the establish-
ment of our Independence, had consented to become the

' 18 May, 1812. Voted to each Soldier belonging to the Town of Lexington five
doll, as a bounty when Mustered who should turn out by order of Government &
ten dollars pr. Month in Addition to Goverment pay, while in actual Service.

Voted then to reconsider the last Vote as Above. It was then

Voted to give each detached Soldier belonging to Lexington Six dollars as a
bounty when mustered and ten dollars pr. Month while in actual Service in Addi-
tion to the pay of Goverment.

Adj. meeting 1 June 1812. Voted to grant the sum of one Hundred & thirty Dol-
lars to pay the boimty to the Soldiers and Non Commision OflBcers. (authority to
borrow $130.)

Ajpr. 12, 1813. Selectmen "reckon" with Nathan Chandler treasurer. We also
finde due to Nathan Chandler for money he borrowed June 22d 1812 to pay the
detached Soldiers Agreeable to a Vote of the Town. $120-0

June 27 18H. An order to pay Capt. John Parker Seventeen dollars out of the
monies Received of the exempt Soldiers belonging to Lex.

15 Aug. 18H. Voted to make up each Soldier belonging to Lexington who has
been or may be detached by a late Order of Goverment Sixteen dollars pr. Month
while in actual Service. And five dollars as a bounty to each Soldier detached as
aforesaid, when he shall march. (Voted to raise $100 to pay the bounty.)

Nov. 28, 18H. The Selectmen granted an order to pay Mr. John Underwood $29
— o — being detached soldier by Order of Goverment, this Allowance is Agreeable
to a Vote of the Town.

26 Dec. ISlJt. An Order to pay Mr. Peter Wellington $7 — , viz. five dollars for
Nursing and Attendance on Christopher Marsson a Soldier of the U. S. Army taken
into said Peters house sick, & died, also, two dollars for hording David Creasey four
days a Soldier who helpt take care of said Marsson while he lived.

Orders to pay cease 25 Feb. 1815.

15 Aug. 1814. John Mulliken received "40-cents for aireing the town's stock of
Powder." (Ed.)

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 257

guest of a grateful country during his sojourn in America;
and as he would probably desire to visit all the places mem-
orable in the great patriotic struggle in which he had so
nobly participated, it was natural to suppose that he would
delight to visit the spot distinguished as the birthplace of
American Liberty. The good people of Lexington, true to the
spirit of their fathers, extended to the hero and sage a cordial
invitation to visit the place and receive the congratulations
of the admiring throng. To enable the whole people to par-
ticipate as far as possible in paying a tribute of gratitude and
heartfelt admiration, the subject was laid before the inhab-
itants in town meeting assembled. On the 30th of August,
1824, it was

"Voted, That the Board of Selectmen, together with Messrs.
Abijah Harrington, John Muzzey, Elias Phinney, James Brown,
Samuel Downing & Christopher Reed, be a Committee to make
arrangements to give General Lafayette a suitable reception in this
place.

''Voted that the Committee be authorized to draw upon the
Town Treasurer for any sum of money that may be necessary to
defray the expense of the preparation to receive the General."

This vote of the town, giving their Committee the power to
draw from the Treasury without limitation, shows the state of
feeling which pervaded the country at that time. Lafayette
was the guest of the nation, and the entire people were dis-
posed to show him the greatest possible respect. The recol-
lection of his patriotic and valuable services in the field, and
the no less valuable services in procuring aid from the French
Government, endeared him to every American ; and wherever
he went he was hailed with joy and admiration. His tour
through the country was rapid, and was marked everywhere
by the most heartfelt demonstrations of gratitude and admir-
ation. Cavalcades moved forward to meet him, cannon an-
nounced his approach, bells rang out their merry peals of
congratulation and welcome, triumphant arches were thrown
across the streets on which he was to pass, flags tastefully en-
twined, or thrown openly to the breeze, testified to the uni-
versal joy which the community felt. Never did a conqueror,
returning from his victorious exploits, receive such heartfelt
adulation. The pageantry attending the tour of monarchs
through their dominions, escorted and protected by their

258 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

hireling bands of armed men, of which history furnishes many
examples, are mere empty show, ostentatious parade, or
feigned adulation at which the heart sickens, when compared
with the sincere and voluntary homage paid to this illustrious
man by every friend of liberty throughout the land.

On the 2d of September, 1824, Lafayette honored Lexing-
ton with his presence. Attended by his voluntary suite, he
left Boston for our peaceful village. At the line of the town he
was received by a troop of horse and a cavalcade of citizens,
who escorted him to the Common. Here was a beautiful arch
of evergreen and flowers, with a motto, — "Welcome, Friend
of America, to the Birthplace of American Liberty." ^ The
Common was tastefully decorated with flags, and a large con-
course of people had assembled to do honor to one who had
done so much for our country. Among those thus assembled
were the children from the schools, and fourteen of the gallant
men who had participated in the battle of the 19th of April,
1775. After entering the Common, under the arch before men-
tioned, the procession moved to the Monument, where the
following patriotic and eloquent speech of welcome was
delivered by Major Elias Phinney, of Lexington: —

"General: — In behalf of the Committee of Arrangements and
the Inhabitants of Lexington, allow me to tender you the assurance
of their most respectful and cordial welcome to this town. Im-
pressed with a sense of the important services you have rendered
this country, they meet you on this occasion, and upon this mem-
orable spot, with hearts swelling with every emotion which a gen-
erous love for your exalted character, and a grateful remembrance
of the distinguished lustre of your deeds can inspire.

"On this hallowed ground, consecrated by the blood of the first
martyrs to liberty, was kindled that flame which roused the nation
to arms, and conducted them through peril and blood to a glorious
Independence. Here a small band of patriots hurled the first signal
of defiance to a host in arms, and taught the enemies of their country
the appalling truth, that Americans dared to die in defence of their
rights.

"These hardy and virtuous yeomanry of the countrj-^ offer you the
sincere tribute of their warmest affections. Among them your pres-
ence has awakened emotions too powerful for utterance. With the
name of Lafayette is associated every comfort which sweetens the
fruit of their toil, every charm which crowns the altar of domestic

^ This banner, painted on pure linen, is preserved in the Hancock-Clarke house.
Ed.

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 259

happiness. Under the shadow of that glorious fabric, which your
hands have assisted in rearing, they repose in peace and security.
"Permit me. Sir, in common with grateful milHons, to express our
earnest solicitations that a life which has for so many years been
steadfastly devoted to the cause of national liberty — which has so
long encountered, without dismay, the frowns of arbitrary power,
may be preserved for many years to come, a blessing and an honor
to mankind; and when you, Sir, and your brave associates in the
war of the Revolution, shall have ceased from your earthly labors,
instead of the fathers, may their children rise up to bless your mem-
ory, and emulate your virt^ues."

The General, with great sensibility, expressed his warmest
thanks for the flattering attention he had received from the
people of Lexington, the satisfaction and pleasure he felt in
standing upon the soil consecrated by the blood of patriots to
the glorious cause of freedom throughout the world, and the
high gratification he experienced in beholding the surviving
remnant of that heroic band, which here inaugurated that
resistance to tyrants which is obedience to God.

After these ceremonies were over, the General was intro-
duced to fourteen of the Spartan band who had rallied under
the gallant Parker, on the memorable 19th of April, half a
century before, to assert the rights of freemen in the face of
a haughty foe. After exchanging cordial greetings with the
citizens assembled on the Green, the company partook of a
collation prepared for the occasion. Everything went off
agreeably, and the day will long be remembered by those who
were present.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held Decem-
ber 13, 1824, a committee was appointed, consisting of Hon.
Nathan Chandler, Rev. Charles Briggs, Elias Phinney, Amos
Muzzy, Abijah Harrington, Benjamin O. Wellington, Charles
Reed, John Muzzy, and Francis Bowman, Jr., Esquires, to
collect and present to the public a statement of such facts
relative to the affair at Lexington on the morning of the 19th
of April, 1775, as may be supported by undoubted testimony,
and which may be calculated to place the transactions of that
day, before the public, in their true light.

This measure was adopted in consequence of publications^
which claimed for Concord the leading honors of the 19th of
April, 1775. These writers asserted that "at Concord the first

* By Rev. Ezra Ripley, D.D., aiid Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. Ed.

260 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

blood was shed between the British and the armed Amer-
icans," and "that the first forcible resistance" was made at
the North Bridge in Concord. Elias Phinney, Esq., acting for
the committee, of which he was a member, prepared and pub-
lished in 1825,^ a succinct and well-digested history of the
events of that day, so far at least as Lexington was concerned,
— showing conclusively that the first blood on both sides was
shed at Lexington, and that, though the British at Lexington
as at Concord fired first, several of Captain Parker's men
returned the fire. These statements were fully substantiated
by the aflSdavits of several persons who were present and
acting on that occasion. The pamphlet of Major Phinney,
WTitten with ability and candor, went far towards settling
that controversy. The lists of the casualties of that day decide
most conclusively who were at posts of danger and who were
in the forefront of the battle. While Lexington with a single
company had ten killed and ten wounded. Concord with two
companies had no one killed and only four or five wounded,
and one of them a citizen pursuing his ordinary occupation.
Concord, rather unfortunately for her fame, subsequently
engaged in a controversy with Acton, relative to the events of
that day. Josiah Adams, Esq., a native of Acton, delivered a
Centennial Address in his native town in 1835, in which he
defended Captain Davis, who fell gallantly leading the col-
umn to the Bridge occupied by the British troops; and in
doing this he called in question the claims of Concord relative
to the honors of the day. This defence of Captain Davis gave
offence to the citizens of Concord, and a controversy ensued
which drew from Mr. Adams a spicy letter to Lemuel Shat-
tuck, Esq., the author of the History of Concord, in which he
showed conclusively that to Captain Davis and his Acton
company belonged the principal honor of the affair at the
North Bridge.-

^ This pamphlet, through the efforts of Mr. Charles A. Wellington, was repub-
lished in 1875. Ed.

2 Mr. Adams, in his publications, maintains with great force that on the hill where
the Provincials were assembled, the Concord companies both ranked the Acton
company; that they were paraded on the right near the road leading to the Bridge;
that both seniority of rank, and position on the field, would naturally devolve upon
the Concord companies the duty of leading the column down the narrow causeway
to the Bridge; but that in fact Captain Davis, occupying a central position in the Une,
wheeled his company out of the line, and marched in front of the Concord companies
and at the head of the column, to dislodge the British from the Bridge; and that this
must have been done with the approbation of Major Buttrick, who commanded at

FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO THE YEAR 1830 261

In 1825, the citizens of Lexington celebrated the Fourth of
July in a becoming manner. Rev. Caleb Stetson delivered the
Oration, which was replete with patriotic sentiments. After
paying a general tribute to the heroic, self-sacrificing spirit
of our fathers who achieved our independence, the speaker al-
ludes to Lexington in the following peroration : —

"But there are local associations coming home to our hearts —
awakening an intense and absorbing interest. We can never forget
that in this village, — in the little band that stood in fearless array
with the gallant Parker, — the spirit of resistance to British oppres-
sion was first roused to action. Here was shed that blood in which
the Declaration of our Independence was written."

Alluding to those who fell on the 19th of April, he said: —

"Their memory is the legacy of mankind. It will descend with
power and pathos to the bosoms of distant posterity. Yonder Mon-
ument is but an inadequate and perishing memorial of their glory —
but the seal of immortality is already stamped upon it. We carry
forward our vision through the shadowy range of coming genera-
tions, and see it grow brighter and brighter in the dimness of the dis-
tance. And it shall live in every heart that beats in freedom's cause,
when the mausoleums of departed greatness, and the monuments of
pride and power shall have mouldered to oblivion."

the time. He also asserts that on the retreat of the British from Concord, the Acton
men joined in the pursuit and followed them as far at least as Lexington, where one
of their number was killed; but that there is not the least evidence that the Concord
companies ever left their own town during that day; that the assertion that the first
forcible resistance was made at Concord is untrue; that there was forcible resistance
at Lexington several hours before; and that the resistance at Concord was made by
the Acton and not by the Concord men. He also confutes the assertion that when
they marched down to the Bridge and returned the Biitish fire, they had not heard
that the enemy had fiired upon Captain Parker's men at Lexington several hours
before. Any one who wishes to understand the transaction at Concord, and to
honor those to whom honor is due, will do well to read the publications of Mr. Adams.
(See an Address delivered at Acton, July 21, 1835, by Josiah Adams : Boston. Printed
by J. T. Buckingham, 1835, and an Oration delivered in Acton, Mass., on the 29th
of October, 1851, by his Excellency, George S. Boutwell ... it being the Celebra-
tion of the Completion of the Granite Monument erected on Acton Common, over the
Remains of Captain Isaac Davis, and Privates Abner Hosmer and James Hay-
ward. Boston. Bazin & Chandler, Printers, 1852. Also, Letter to Lemuel Shattuck,
Esq., of Boston, from Josiah Adams, Esq., of Framingham. Boston. Damrell &
Moore, Printers, 1850. Ed.)

CHAPTER XI

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867

The Nineteenth of April celebrated by the Town — The Remains of the Martyrs of
1775 removed — Controversy relative to the Ministerial Fund — The Town Hall
— Kossuth visits Lexington — Death of Jonathan Harrington — Breaking-out
of the Rebellion — Lexington sends her Quota of Men — Bounty to the Soldiers.

No one day in the annals of Lexington, save the 19th of
April, 1775, stands out so prominent as April 20, 1835. On
that day, the remains of those heroes who fell on Lexington
Green, in 1775, and who had been interred in the graveyard,
were removed and deposited in a vault, prepared for the pur-
pose, near the base of the Monument, with appropriate cere-
monies, long to be remembered. On the 28th of April, the
year preceding, at a legal town meeting, it was

" Voted to have the remains of those who fell on the 19th of Apr.
1775 removed to a place near the monument (with the consent of
their friends) and inclosed with the monument by an iron fence or
railing."

" Voted, To choose a Committee to carry the foregoing vote into
effect."

The following gentlemen were chosen:

Ben j : O. Wellington Nathaniel Mulliken

Charles Reed William Chandler

Col. Samuel Chandler Rev. Charles Briggs

Col. Phillip Russell Elias Phinney, Esq.
Ambrose Morell

The Committee, impressed with the solemnity and impor-
tance of the subject, wisely selected the Anniversary of their
fall as the day to remove their remains ; and as the event was
one of historic and national importance, they, with equal
wisdom, chose one of the nation's most distinguished orators,
Hon. Edward Everett, to deliver an Address on the occasion.
The names of the persons whose remains were enclosed in the
sarcophagus were, Jonas Parker, Robert Munroe, Samuel
Hadley, Jonathan Harrington, Jr., Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Har-

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867

rington, and John Brown. These persons belonged to Lexing-
ton and were killed in the morning. Three other citizens of
Lexington were killed on the return of the British in the after-
noon, namely, Jedediah Munroe, John Raymond, and
Nathaniel Wyman.

The bodies of the seven individuals belonging to Lexington
were, at the time of their death, enclosed in long wooden
boxes, made of rough boards, and buried in one common
grave in the burying-ground, separate and apart from all other
graves.^ A few days prior to the celebration, their remains
were disinterred under the direction of the Committee, placed
in a wooden coffin, which was enclosed in lead and made air-
tight, and the whole in a mahogany sarcophagus, on the sides
and ends of which were eight urns, bearing the names and
emblematical of the individuals whose remains were con-
tained therein. A deposit was made in the sarcophagus of a
thick leaden box, hermetically sealed, containing the follow-
ing articles: A copy of the History of the Battle of Lexington,
by Elias Phinney, Esq., a sketch of the exercises and orders of
the day, a copy of the Bunker Hill Aurora, and a copy of the
Concord Whig; the names of the President of the United
States, of the Lieutenant [Acting] Governor of Massachu-
setts, and the clergymen of Lexington. To receive the sar-
cophagus, a tomb had been prepared in the rear of the founda-
tion of the Monument.

Salutes and minute guns were fired at intervals during the
morning, and flags raised in honor of the occasion were wav-
ing at half-mast until the close of the funeral services. At an
early hour the village was filled with visitors to the number of
several thousand, notwithstanding the unpropitious state of
the weather. Public and private houses were thrown open
and filled with visitors.

1 See letter of Miss Betty Clarke, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. iv, p. 92: "Father
sent Jonas down to Grandfather Cook's to see who was killed and what their condi-
tion was and, in the afternoon, (of Apr. 19, 1775,) Father, Mother with me and the
Baby went to the Meeting House, there was the eight men that was killed, seven of
them my Father's parishioners, one from Wobmn, all in Boxes made of four large
Boards Nailed up and, after Pa had prayed, they were put into two horse carts and
took into the grave yard where your Grandfather and some of the Neighbors had
made a large trench, as near the Woods as possible and there we followed the bodies
of those first slain. Father, Mother, I and the Baby, there I stood and there I saw
them let down into the ground, it was a little rainey but we waited to see them
Covered up with the Clods and then for fear the British should find them, my
Father thought some of the men had best Cut some pine or oak bows and spread
them on their place of burial so that it looked like a heap of Brush." Ed.

264 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The procession was formed at 11 o'clock, near the Monu-
ment House, and moved under a mihtary escort, consisting of
the Lexington Artillery and a volunteer company of light in-
fantry, commanded respectively by Captain J. F. LeBarron
and Captain Billings Smith. The procession moved to the
burying-ground, where they received the sarcophagus, the
band performing appropriate music during the ceremony.
On arriving at the church, the military opened to the right
and left, the sarcophagus was placed in the broad aisle, and
the procession entered. The pulpit was occupied by the
Chaplain and the Reverend Clergy. In front of the pulpit a
platform had been raised for the orator; and on each side of
him on the platform were seated the survivors of Captain
Parker's company, namely. Dr. Joseph Fiske, Daniel Mason,
Benjamin Locke, William Munroe, Jonathan Harrington,
Ebenezer Simonds, Jonathan Loring, John Hosmer, Isaac
Durant, Josiah Reed. Solomon Brown and Ebenezer Parker
were absent, one living at a great distance, and the other on
account of the infirmities of age. The galleries were occupied
exclusively by the ladies. Notwithstanding the unpromising
state of the weather the preceding evening and that morning,
the church was filled to overflowing, as well as the platform
which had been erected round the church; the windows also
were filled with hearers.

After an appropriate prayer by Rev. James Walker, Hon.
Edward Everett delivered an Address which was listened to
in breathless silence for two entire hours. We shall attempt
no synopsis of this Address. Nothing short of the whole could
give an adequate idea of its power and beauty. It is enough to
say that it has been given to the public, and is one of the hap-
piest efforts of that distinguished orator, whose words have
electrified the country, and whose life, even to the last, was
devoted to the great cause of American Independence.

We cannot, however, dismiss this masterly Address with-
out saying that Mr. Everett gave a succinct statement of the
causes of the American Revolution, passed a justly merited
eulogy upon John Hancock and Samuel Adams, commended
the able and patriotic efforts of Rev. Jonas Clarke, noticed
the preparations made in Lexington to meet the crisis ; and of
the events which occurred on the Common on the 19th of
April, 1775, said: —

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 265

"Another general volley aimed with fatal precision, succeeds. . . .
Several dropped, . . . killed and wounded. Captain Parker now
felt the necessity of directing his men to disperse; but it was not till
several of them had returned the British fire, and some of them more
than once, that this handful of brave men were driven from the
field."

After the close of the exercises at the church, the proces-
sion again formed, and moving around the enclosed battle-
ground to the Monument, the sarcophagus was placed within
the iron railing in a toinb of stone masonry, prepared to re-
ceive it. Three volleys of musketry were then fired over the
grave, and the procession moved on to the pavilion erected
near the Monument House, where a collation was prepared.

Elias Phinney, Esq., Chairman of the Committee of Ar-
rangements, presided at the table. On each side of the Presi-
dent were the invited guests, including Lieutenant-Governor
Armstrong and Aides, Orator and Chaplains, Daniel Web-
ster, Judge Story, President Quincy, Attorney-General
Austin, Adjutant-General Dearborn, and others.

The sentiments given on the occasion were responded to by
the distinguished guests, who passed the highest eulogiums
upon Lexington and her brave minute-men.

Lexington had been blessed in her historic association and
in every department of her history. This had been particu-
larly true of her parochial affairs. It is a lamentable fact that
the spiritual concerns of a community, which should teach
them forbearance and charity, have, in many, very many
instances, been the cause of more disputes and heart-burnings
and have produced more rancor and bitterness than almost
anything else. Lexington, as we have seen, had been an excep-
tion to this too general rule for almost a century and a half.

But alas, for human nature ! offences will come. As soon as
Lexington became a parish, the people took measures to create
a parsonage or ministerial fund, which should secure to them
the means of supporting, or rather aid them in supporting, the
Gospel ministry. They purchased a quantity of land and set
it apart for that purpose. The original cost of the land was
but about $67, which was raised by a tax upon the parish.
This land, or the avails of it, have been cherished with great
fondness and managed with extreme care and fidelity. In
1817, an Act was obtained, incorporating certain persons as

266 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Trustees of the Ministerial Fund, whose accounts were
audited annually by the town. This fund in 1830 amounted to
the sum of $16,600, besides a quantity of land unsold.

In that year a portion of those who had worshipped at the
church of the old parish formed themselves into a Baptist
society, and subsequently a second Congregational society
and a Universalist society were formed in the East Village.

In 1833 an article was inserted in the Warrant for March
Meeting, which gave embodiment to the feeling which pre-
vailed in the eastern section of the town : —

"To see if the town will move the Old Meeting-house, or build a
new one in some central place, where there can be land procured to
build out-buildings; or build a new one in the East Section of the
town, & settle a Minister as Colleague with Rev. Charles Briggs to
supply preaching in both Houses."

The same article was inserted in the Warrant for a meeting in
August of that year; and though these Articles were voted
down by decided majorities, the opposition were not discour-
aged or disheartened. In October, 1834, they procured the
insertion of an Article in the Warrant for a town meeting : —

"To see whether the Town will petition the Legislature of this
Commonwealth, at the present session either to repeal the Act en-
titled * An act to encorporate the Trustees of the Lexington Minis-
terial Fund' or so to modify the same that the equal rights to said
fund and the profits resulting therefrom may be secured to all the
inhabitants of said town agreeably to the intention of its Ancient
Founders."

This article was voted down, 120 to 64.
At a meeting, June 1, 1835, an Article was inserted in the
Warrant : —

"To see if the town will authorize the trustees of the Ministerial
Fund to pay to a Committee chosen for that purpose one half the
income of said funds towards the support of a Congregational min-
ister to preach to that part of the first Congregational society who
worship in the East Village."

This Article discloses the fact that those worshipping in the
East Village still claim to be members of the old society and
vote in their meetings. The town refused to act upon the
Article.

This contest went on for years, and town meeting after

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 267

town meeting was called for the express purpose of obtaining
a portion of this fund. Not only those who resided in the
East Village, but the Baptists and Universalists, who had
formed societies, claimed a share of the fund; and in order to
be more successful, they all retained their membership in the
old parish.

From ill health. Rev. Mr. Briggs resigned his office as
pastor, and Rev. Mr. Swett was invited to take his place. But
this only gave a new opportunity for the disaffected to renew
their demand for a portion of the fund. It would be tiresonae
to go through all the details of this strife. But one thing is
certain, namely, that the income of the fund was the prize
sought. Like the eager heirs of a large estate, they were will-
ing to sacrifice the harmony of the community and the very
object of all preaching in a scramble for the means to pay the
preacher.

As was natural, the opposing parties, though they had no
common sympathy for each other, would unite against the
stronger party and paralyze their efforts. The old society
could not hold a meeting, or settle a minister, or transact their
ordinary parish business, without encountering the opposi-
tion of those who, in a practical point of view, had no sym-
pathy with the society, being alienated, either by doctrinal
sentiments or sectional feelings, from the parish. In 1845 all
parties became weary of the strife and came to a mutual un-
derstanding, by which the income of the fund should be di-
vided between the different religious societies on the basis of
the taxable property held by the members of each society
respectively.

Now that the contest is over, the fund divided on a wise
basis, and most of those who took the lead in that unfortunate
struggle passed ofif the stage, we can look upon this matter
impartially, and hence learn wisdom from the foibles of those
who have gone before us. The character of the town has suf-
fered by this bitter controversy, the effects of which have
hardly yet passed away. And here Lexington does not stand
alone. Almost every town which has had any considerable
fund has experienced a like contest and alienation of feeling
growing out of it.

On the legal rights of the case there is no room for doubt.
All such funds are the property, not of the town, but of
the parish. The law of Massachusetts, as expounded by the

268 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

courts, is clear. Every original township was a parish, and
the two organizations, the Municipal and the Parochial, co-
existed. When a bequest was made to the town, or when the
town created a fund for the support of the minister, the
property vested in the parish — the town being nothing but
trustee for the parish. But the case of the Lexington Fund
was still stronger. The land which formed the basis of this
fund was bought and paid for by the parish, nearly twenty
years before the town had a being. Consequently it belonged
to the parish by as good a title as is known to the law. When,
therefore, a person ceased to be a member of the parish, he
ceased to be a joint owner of the fund. By leaving the parish
he relinquished all right in and control over this parish prop-
erty. Wliile he remained in the parish he would have a right to
vote; but being a member of a corporation, he must submit to
the voice of the majority. If, therefore, those people who had
formed themselves into a Baptist Society, or a Universalist
Society, or who worshipped at the East Village, had left
the old parish, they could have no legal claim upon the
fund. But if they still belonged to the old parish, they were
legally bound by a vote of the majority. So that at no
time during this controversy were any of their legal rights
infringed.

But they claimed that they had an equitable right to their
share of the fund. This certainly deserves consideration. But
on what was such a claim founded.'^ On the original intent of
those who created the fund.? They designed it for the support
of the ministry in their parish, and not in other rival societies
which would tend to break down the parish for which they
were providing. Did they base their claim in equity on the
fact that they were members of the parish, and should have
their share of the profits of the fund? If they were members of
the parish, they were bound in law and equity to abide by the
voice of the majority. Did those at the East Village claim a
portion of the fund on the ground that they lived at a great
distance from the meeting-house.'* It is a notorious fact that
at the time the fund was created and the meeting-house built
on the Common, there was a greater proportion of the inhabit-
ants at the extreme eastern and other out-parts of the town-
ship, as compared with the centre, than there was when they
were urging their plea.

Besides, all pleas of right imply corresponding obligations

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 269

and duties. Suppose the parish had been in debt for their
meeting-house, or for the past salaries of their ministers,
would these discontented persons have been willing to be
taxed to pay that indebtedness? I apprehend that, under
that state of things, they would have regarded it as an act of
injustice to call upon them to help pay the old debt, contracted
it may be before they were born, and would have shown their
unwillingness by leaving the society. And further, was it act-
ing on principles of moral equity to retain their legal mem-
bership, that they might be able to vote themselves a portion
of this fund, when, in fact, they were members of other so-
cieties, which they were laboring to build up at the expense of
the old parish.'^ The facts in the case show that those who
had formed rival societies had no claim in law or equity to any
portion of the fund.

At the same time the old parish were unwise in resisting
the application as long as they did. A little sober reflection
should have taught them that the peace and harmony of the
town was worth more in a civil, social, and religious point of
view than a few hundred dollars of the Ministerial Fund.
They should have seen earlier than they did that a deter-
mined minority would be likely to succeed in the end ; that it
is a safe policy to soothe rather than exasperate an opposi-
tion; and that it is wiser to bestow cheerfully than to wait and
be compelled to yield reluctantly. Had they not brooded over
this fund so long and cherished it with so much fondness,
they might have seen that the tendency of a large fund
is to paralyze rather than quicken religious feeling — the
great object for which the Christian ministry was instituted.
They acted discreetly at last in consenting to a division,
and the only pity is that it was not done at an earlier
day.

We would gladly have passed over this unfortunate page in
the history of this otherwise peaceful town. But the impar-
tial historian should record the unpleasant events which
occur, as well as those which are more agreeable. It is from
this presentation of light and shade that the spirit of the age
may be seen, and the true character of individuals or com-
munities may be known.

The Act of the Legislature, in 1845, providing for a dis-
tribution of the income of the Ministerial Fund, was accepted
by the town by a unanimous vote, March 31, 1845. Thus an

270 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

end was put to that unpleasant and unprofitable contro-
versy.^

When that remarkable man, Louis Kossuth, former Gov-
ernor of Hungary, fled from his country to escape the bar-
barity of Austria, and visited the United States, he was in-
vited by the Governor of Massachusetts, at the request of the
Legislature, to visit our Capital and become the guest of the
State. He complied with the invitation, and during his so-
journ in the State visited most of the principal cities and
towns, where he was received and welcomed by thousands of
the inhabitants. Being an exile from his native land and an
ardent lover of free institutions, he would naturally desire to
visit the birthplace of American Liberty. He was invited to
Lexington. On the 11th of May, 1852, he left Boston, and
taking West Cambridge in his route, he was escorted by the
horsemen of that and the neighboring towns to the boundary
of Lexington, where he was received by the Lexington Com-
mittee and a large cavalcade. The procession then moved to
Lexington Common, where a rostrum had been erected near
the Monument and appropriately decorated. All sides of the
Common were hung with flags, tastefully arranged; at the en-
trance was the inscription — "Welcome to the Birthplace
OF American Liberty." A large concourse of people had as-
sembled at the Green, and the school-children were arranged
along the walk, to greet Kossuth as he passed.

On reaching the platform, Kossuth was introduced by
Colonel Isaac H. Wright to Hon. Charles Hudson, Chairman
of the Lexington Committee, who addressed him as fol-
lows : —

" Governor Kossuth, — As the organ of the citizens of Lexing-
ton, I bid you a cordial welcome to this quiet and peaceful village.
We are assembled here this morning to pay our honors and to
tender our sympathy to one who, in other lands, has so nobly vin-
dicated the rights of man against the encroachments of arbitrary
and despotic power. Your advocacy of human rights, your devo-
tion to the best interests of your beloved country, your labors for
her welfare, and your suffering in her behalf, justly commend you
to the friends of free institutions throughout the world. We rejoice

^ The controversy was reopened later, as is evidenced by a pamphlet, The Origin
and Ownership of the Lexington Ministerial Fund, published in 1879; but the last
echoes of this ancient feud seem now to have died away. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 271

in this opportunity of tendering to you our unfeigned regard, and
to your bleeding country our kindest sympathy.

"We welcome you to this consecrated spot, on which was shed
the first blood in that glorious struggle which made us a free and
prosperous people, and gave us a name among the nations of the
earth. But these blessings were dearly bought. This Green has
been trampled by a foreign foe. Here our fathers met their op-
pressors, and this unpretending stone tells the sad story of their
fate. In yonder humble dwelling,^ our domestic exiles, the pro-
scribed Hancock and Adams, sought a retreat, and, like the heroes
in Grecian story, consulted the patriot priest on the safety of the
Commonwealth .

"But a brighter day has dawned upon our country; and some of
the sainted patriots who passed through those struggles, through
that wilderness of dangers, and that Red sea of blood, are here
to-day to partake of the blessings of this Canaan of rest.

"So may it be with your beloved country! Though a dark cloud
overshadows her, its gilded margin betokens a brighter sky, and
points to the bow of promise. Your country must ultimately be
free. Austria and Russia may combine against her, but their efforts
cannot prosper. Let these tyrants rely upon their fortresses and
their armies — let their legions come up like the locusts of Egypt;
but their trust is vain.

' Jove shakes the feeble props of human trust.
And towers and armies levels with the dust.'

" I again welcome you to the birthplace of American liberty, and
to all the hallowed associations which cluster around this place. I
welcome you to the hearts of this people."

Kossuth in his reply, speaking of those who fell on Lexing-
ton Common, on the 19th of April, 1775, said: —

"It is their sacrificed blood with which is written the preface of
your nation's history. Their death was and ever will be the first
bloody revelation of America's destiny, and Lexington the opening
scene of a revolution, that is destined to change the character of
human governments, and the condition of the human race." -

^ The Clarke House, on Hancock Street.

* Louis Kossuth was truly a wonderful man. A stranger in our coimtry, and only
self-taught in our language, and consequently imacquainted with our history, — he
passed from place to place, speaking almost daily to large assemblies, in different
localities, and displaying a knowledge of the local history of each place which would
actually be instructive to the permanent inhabitants. The readiness with which he
acquired a knowledge of our history, general and local, was surprising. He was, in
fact, a man of remarkable talents. And when we consider the persecution he had
suffered in his own country, the perseverance with which he pursued his efforts for
her independence, we can easily excuse any extravagant theories into which he may

272 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

After Kossuth had finished his remarks, he was introduced
to Jonathan Harrington and Amariah Preston, both soldiers
of the Revolution, and each of them ninety-four years of age,
and to many others of our citizens, when he visited the old
Clarke House. He then moved on to Concord, where he had
another public reception, made a speech, and returned to
Boston the same day.

On the 26th of March, 1854, Jonathan Harrington, the last
survivor of the battle of Lexington, closed his earthly career,
aged ninety-five years, eight months, and eighteen days. At
his funeral a large concourse of people assembled, a military
procession was formed, and the greatest respect was shown to
the memory of one who in his early youth had sounded the
shrill notes of liberty in the ears of foreign oppressors, and had
lived to witness the happy fruits of that Revolution, in the
opening scene of which he had participated.^

We enter now upon that part of our history which connects
us with the mighty struggle to sustain our institutions. Many
of the heroes of the Revolution had lived to see the fruit of their
toils and sacrifices, in the prosperity of their country. They
had seen the nation in her rapid march of improvement and
civilization occupying a proud position among the nations of
the earth — teaching the votaries of freedom throughout the
civilized world that liberty is conducive to national prosper-
ity and greatness. But these sainted patriots had passed off
the stage, leaving a people enjoying greater blessings than
had ever before fallen to the lot of any nation; and we, their
descendants, born to this rich inheritance, had almost for-
gotten the sacrifices through which this vast patrimony was
purchased.

The present generation considered their freedom secure.
They saw the nation moving forward with gigantic strides,
and our flag respected in every part of the habitable earth;
knowing we had nothing to fear from any foreign power and
deeming the Union of the States perpetual, they had suffered
the idea of military defence to pass almost into oblivion.
They had heard the threats of dissolving the Union, but they

have fallen, and any impatience he may have manifested at what he regarded the
backwardness of this country in entering into his visionary scheme of delivering
Hmigary from the yoke of Austria.

* See Genealogy of the Harrington Family, 1st edition. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 273

regarded them as the idle vaunting of the reckless few,
scarcely worthy of a moment's consideration. And when they
saw a few factious leaders of a restless and disappointed
minority quitting their seats in Congress for no other con-
ceivable reason than that they were out-voted at the polls,
they could not believe that they would dare to raise a parrici-
dal hand against the country which bore them. Such was the
confidence of the great mass of the people in the permanence
of the Union, and in the love of country which prevailed even
at the South, that they could hardly dream of taking up
arms against their Southern brethren; fondly believing that
decrees of secession, like paper blockades, would prove per-
fectly harmless in the end. And it was not till the air rever-
berated with the thunders of the artillery opened upon Fort
Sumter that the mass of our people realized that there was
any occasion for buckling on their armor in defence of their
rights.

Fort Sumter was attacked on the 12th of April and taken
possession of on the 14th. On the 15th of April, 1861, the
President issued his proclamation, calling for troops. Several
regiments in Massachusetts responded at once to the call.
Though Lexington, like most of the country towns, had no
organized company, several of our young men volunteered
and enlisted in companies out of town which were under
marching orders. An effort was made to raise a company in
Lexington; but there being no manufacturing or other busi-
ness to retain the young men in the place, it was found dif-
ficult to obtain a full company in the town, and hence they
united with a neighboring town, in the hope of gathering one.
While this effort was being made, a town meeting was held,
at which it was unanimously voted to appropriate the sum of
four thousand dollars to aid the cause. A large committee
was chosen to disburse the same, as far as might be necessary,
to encourage enlistments, and to supply the wants of the
families of those who should enter the service for the period
of three months — that being the only term then required.
Immediately after this appropriation, and before the com-
pany was full, the President announced that no more three-
months' men would be accepted; but that all volunteers must
enlist for three years. In the mean time the State Legislature
assembled and passed an Act confirming contracts already
made by towns in aid of enlistments, and virtually prohibit-

274 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ing such appropriations in future. This changed the whole
state of affairs; and the company, nearly filled, not choosing
to offer themselves for a three years' service, the Committee
felt constrained to confine their expenditures to the amount
already contracted for. The sum actually expended for
clothing, drill-oflBcers, and for supplying the families of sol-
diers in service amounted to about six hundred dollars; and
the Committee in their Report, submitted to the town,
say: —

"In view of the whole subject, the Committee believe that the
money by them disbursed has, under the peculiar and exciting state
of things, under which they were called to act, been expended in
such a manner as to aid the great cause we all have at heart, by con-
tributing to the confort of the gallant men who have entered the
service and of the families they have left behind them."

Under the novel state of things existing at the breaking-out
of the Rebellion, and with the patriotic enthusiasm of the
people, it is not strange that errors were committed and un-
wise expenditures made in very many cases; but the Town
Records of Lexington show that while she had patriotism
enough to make a generous appropriation to encourage men
to enter the service, and to provide for the comfort of them
and their families, she had at the same time wisdom and pru-
dence sufficient to guide her emotions, and to expend no more
than seemed to be conducive to those ends.

While some of our neighboring towns, at the commence-
ment of the war, expended thousands of dollars in a way
which they themselves, at a later period, saw to be fruitless,
Lexington can look back upon her early expenditures with a
conviction that they were judicious, and that the balance of
the appropriation was more wisely and usefully applied at a
later period than it could have been during the first six months
of the war.

But the efforts of the town and the liberality of her citizens
did not stop here. On the 2d of July, 18C2, the people were
called together, "To see what measures the town will adopt
in relation to furnishing the Town's quota of Soldiers under
the call of the President of the United States."

The people having convened, the following preamble and
vote were adopted : —

" Whereas the present alarming state of the Country requires that

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 275

large reinforcements should be sent forward without delay to sus-
tain our gallant soldiers now in the field, and to put down the exist-
ing unrighteous rebellion; and the devoted President of the United
States in the discharge of his official duty, has made an appeal to
the patriotism of the people, and the Governor of the Common-
wealth, prompt to every such appeal, has designated the quota of
men required of every town : — And whereas the Town of Lexington
was the first to seal her devotion to freedom and equal rights in
1775, and the blood of her slaughtered citizens cries to us from
the ground to sustain the cause in which they offered themselves
a living sacrifice; and as every citizen is under the most sacred
obligation to bear his share, if not in the perils, yet in the burdens
and sacrifices of this righteous contest, and bound to encourage,
support, and sustain those who obey their country's call, and man-
fully enrol themselves in defence of our dearest rights and privi-
leges. It is therefore, in open Town Meeting legally called for the
purpose,

" Voted unanimously. That a bounty of one hundred Dollars be
offered to each and every patriotic soldier who will volunteer into
the service of the United States for the period of three years, unless
sooner discharged, to fill the quota of twenty men required of this
town."

Under the above vote twenty men, the town's full quota,
were enlisted, and the sum of two thousand dollars was paid
to the soldiers.

Soon after, a call was made by the President for nine
months' men, and the quota of Lexington was thirty-one. The
town, at a meeting called for the purpose, on the 29th of
August, voted a bounty of two hundred dollars. This quota
was promptly filled by enlisting thirty-^i<;o men, — five of
Mem for three years. Under this vote the town expended six
thousand two hundred dollars.

At a subsequent meeting, the town made ample provision
for the support of the soldiers' families beyond what was
allowed by the State, and requested the Assessors to abate
the poll-tax of all soldiers in the service.

In addition to the sum granted by the town from time to
time to pay the bounty for recruits, individuals subject to
military duty, and others not subject to such duty, contrib-
uted freely to the same object. All such sums, however, were
reimbursed by the town, so that the cost of procuring sol-
diers, except some incidental expenses, was ultimately paid by
he town. Hammon Reed, Esq., Chairman of the Selectmen

276 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

in his report in 1866, states the amount paid by the town for
procuring soldiers during the rebellion, exclusive of the ex-
penses of town officers, to have been $25,692. To this amount
may safely be added, for the sum paid to the families of sol-
diers, beyond what was reimbursed by the State, and for other
incidental expenses, $1500 — making a gross sum of $27,192.
The Selectmen also state that the town had furnished, includ-
ing reenlistments, two hundred and forty-four soldiers, being
nine more than the town's quota.

In addition to this there were organized two sewing-
societies working for the hospitals, which sent forward a
large amount of clothing and stores for the benefit of the sick
and wounded. Lexington also furnished one hospital nurse, ^
whose services were scarcely surpassed by any of that class of
self-sacrificing ladies, who submitted to every hardship and
encountered every danger to relieve the sufferings of the pa-
triotic defenders of our free institutions. As much true moral
courage was required to brave disease in the hospitals as bul-
lets in the field. Of the two hundred and forty-four soldiers
and seamen, being nine more than her quota, that Lexington
furnished, we believe not one brought any dishonor upon the
town. And though Lexington at the commencement of the
rebellion had no military company, and consequently her cit-
izens could commence with no military prestige, yet their
record was creditable to themselves and the place they repre-
sented. Two ^ of our citizens entered the service as captains;
one ^ as second Heutenant, and became a lieutenant-colonel ;
one^ as a private and became assistant-adjutant-general,
with the rank of captain; one^ who went out a non-commis-
sioned officer rose to be major and commissary of subsistence;
one ^ who went out as a private rose to the rank of captain
and major by brevet; and one^ who went out as a private rose
to the rank of quartermaster. Several others became warrant
officers while in service.

Such in brief is the military record of Lexington during the
slaveholders' rebellion — and of this record no intelligent
citizen need to be ashamed. Lexington has been true to her-
self and true to the great principles of civil liberty. She has

^ Mrs. Mary von Olnliausen. (See Phinney Family, Vol. ii. Also Adventures of
an Army Nurse, Little, Brown & Co., 1903. Ed.)

2 Charles R. Johnson, and William Plumer.

3 John W. Hudson. * Charles A. Gould. ^ Loring W. Muzzey.
« Jonas F. Capell. ^ George E. Muzzey.

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 277

contributed her share to sustain those institutions which re-
sulted from the American Revolution, the opening scene of
which was performed within her limits by her own citizens.

When the late unholy rebellion was substantially brought
to a close by the capture of the rebel armies, and the people of
the free States were filled with rejoicing at the glorious event,
the nation was suddenly thrown into a state of consternation
by the tidings of the assassination of our excellent President,
who had, with so muchVisdom and patriotism, conducted us
successfully through the war; and as soon as the first feeling
of surprise had subsided, the emblems of rejoicing were dis-
placed by the insignia of mourning. The flags which were
thrown to the breeze in honor of our victories were lowered
half-mast as a token of the nation's grief ; and the loud huzzas
that were echoing through the air gave place to sighs and la-
mentations ; and the thousand bells which were resounding in
joy and gladness ceased their merry peals, that they might
toll in unison with the sad laments of the people. Everywhere
throughout the free States a solemn silence reigned, and the
whole community felt that the country had met with an irre-
parable loss. All parties, with one accord, were ready to tes-
tify to the worth of the departed statesman and to do honor
to his memory.

The 19th of April, a day dear to every citizen of Lexington,
was set apart for the funeral solemnities at Washington; and
the people throughout the country were invited to observe
the day in some appropriate manner. The people of Lexing-
ton assembled at the Church of the First Parish, which was
suitably draped in mourning, and appropriate services were
performed in the presence of a large and sympathizing assem-
bly. Rev. L. J. Livermore, assisted by Rev. Mr. Savage,
conducted the devotional exercises; Rev. William T. Stowe
delivered an appropriate address; Charles Hudson, from ac-
quaintance with the deceased, spoke of his personal character
and moral worth; and further remarks were made by Rev.
Caleb Stetson. The occasion was one of peculiar interest, and
the assembly retired with a full sense of the nation's loss.

We cannot close this part of our history without recogniz-
ing the hand of God in the trying scenes through which we
have passed. Not only the result of the rebellion, but the

278 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

means employed, show an overruling Providence. Slavery,
the foul blot upon our national character, had become so in-
terwoven into the texture of Southern society and had so far
demoralized the Southern heart that nothing but some great
convulsion in the social system could wipe out the stain.
Under God this crying evil has been the great instrument of
eradicating itself.

Whoever reads the history of this rebellion aright will see
an all-wise Providence restraining the ambitious designs of
unprincipled men, and turning their base instrumentalities
against them. Their bloody massacre at Fort Pillow, by
which they fondly hoped to dissuade the blacks from enter-
ing the army ; their more than savage cruelty at Belle Isle and
Andersonville, by which they hoped to thin the ranks of the
Union armies by starving their prisoners to death, or so re-
ducing them to skeletons that they would be unfit for service
if exchanged, only aroused the indignation of the lovers of our
free institutions, and called our brave men to the field. Yes,
the innocent blood wickedly shed at Fort Pillow cried from the
ground against them ; and the feeble moans of our starving
prisoners in those wretched pens, under the very eyes of the
rebel government, were heard on high, and drew down the
withering frowns of the Righteous Ruler of the universe.

On the other hand, the Lord raised up a man to guide the
nation through this fiery trial and bring this war to a happy
termination. In Abraham Lincoln we had the statesman,
the patriot, and the Christian ruler, that the crisis demanded
— a man of the people, who knew their wants, feelings, and
sentiments, and who was ready at all times to carry out their
views, agreeably to the genius and spirit of our admirable
form of government. If we were asked, who put down the
rebellion, we could answer in the very language of the Pre-
amble of the Constitution, "We, the people of the United
States." The people have put down the rebellion agreeably to
the genius of our government, by the agent of our own choice,
the Heaven-appointed Lincoln. Nor does this detract from
the worth of the man or the value of his services. On the con-
trary, it shows that his talents, his integrity, his abiding trust
in an overruling Providence exactly fitted him for the crisis,
and so enabled him to work out a mighty deliverance for his
people.

The American people with one accord have denominated

FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867 279

George Washington, the "Father of his Country," and
admiring nations have confirmed the designation. And the
future historian, when he narrates the events of the late rebel-
Hon, will place Abraham Lincoln in the same galaxy of illus-
trious men with Washington; and as the former is the ac-
knowledged "Father," so the latter will be the admitted
"Savior of his Country." The names of Washington and
Lincoln will go down to posterity, and their memories will be
cherished by every lover of freedom and equal rights. Wash-
ington, in pure patriatism, and with Christian fortitude,
labored to resist the encroachments of foreign tyrants and to
build up free institutions in his native land; Lincoln, with like
patriotism and fortitude, labored to repel the assaults of do-
mestic traitors and to defend these institutions, so that the
land of his birth might enjoy the blessings of perpetual and
universal freedom. And though Lincoln, by the order of
Providence, had no opportunity to participate in the impor-
tant work of organizing our civil institutions, he enjoyed the
privilege of blotting out the only foul stain which deformed
the work of our fathers. Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipa-
tion, which burst the bonds of slavery and set four millions of
human beings free, reflects the highest honor upon his charac-
ter, and will mark an epoch in the world's history as impor-
tant as that of Magna Charta or the Declaration of Inde-
pendence.

CHAPTER XII

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912

A Period of Transition — Centennial of the Battle — New Town Hall — Railroad
Development — Savings Bank — Water Supply — Parks — Fire and Police
Protection — Electric Railway — Patriots' Day — Public Buildings — Hayes
Fountain — Street Development — The Town Meeting.

With the year 1868, to which Mr. Hudson brought the His-
tory of Lexington, there closed a distinct era in the United
States, and there began a new period of expansion in trade, in
manufacturing, in world-knowledge, and in political ideals,
which in forty-five years has brought this country to a height
of prosperity unimaginable in 1860, to a concentration of vast
wealth that has raised many profound social and political
questions, and to a cosmopolitanism that is bringing in its
train many complex problems.

While Lexington, during this period of nearly half a century,
has maintained its rural and semi-rural character, while its
manufactures are proportionately little greater than they
were in 1868, it has nevertheless been deeply influenced by
these great national changes, and is doubtless soon to be
confronted with many new questions growing out of its near-
ness to Boston, brought almost to its doors by the develop-
ment of cheap and rapid methods of transportation. The
period 1869-1912 may properly be called, therefore, an era of
transition from the time when Lexington was a small rural
community to the time when it will be, inevitably, a closely
built suburb of one of the largest cities in the United States.
In this period of change the town has been confronted with
questions of education, transportation, water supply, build-
ing, lighting, removal of wastes, and consequently of in-
creased taxation, that have brought grave responsibilities to
her officials, and have presented many perplexing problems to
the consideration of her town meetings.

Moreover, because of these national and local changes, the
homogeneity which characterized to an unusual degree the
citizenship of the town during its first hundred and fifty

HAYES MEMORIAL FOUNTAIN AND " MINUTEMAN "

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 281

years of corporate life, has largely disappeared. Not only has
the single church governed by the town meeting given place
to a number of religious organizations, but there has devel-
oped also a wide range of commercial and social interests.
Because of this, there has arisen, at times, some divergence of
views — fortunately only temporary — between those re-
siding in the centre of the town, and conducting their business
affairs there or in Boston, and those living away from the
centre, and dependent mainly upon agriculture.

Almost surrounded by richer and more rapidly growing
towns, with Boston only ten miles away, and with all those
communities spending large sums upon education, roads, and
other public utilities, Lexington has been forced into many
expenditures necessary to maintain a healthy civic growth,
but burdensome upon the taxpayers, and, in the eyes of those
who secure little immediate benefit from them, superfluous.
Therefore, if, to one familiar with local history, there seem to
have been many controversies, those have had their origin
not in any unusual pugnacity on the part of the citizens, but
rather in the peculiar conditions surrounding the town's
development.

A somewhat minute examination of the town records since
1868, and of the debates in the town meetings, would be of
the highest significance to the student of economic history;
but such a method would be out of place in a volume which
can and should be mainly, if not solely, a mere chronicle of
events. During the period since the Civil War there has been
in Lexington, however, only one event of national importance
— -the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the
Battle of Lexington. With that exception, therefore, this
addition to Mr. Hudson's History can be little more than a
record of occurrences, each comparatively small in itself, but
together bringing about changes of lasting importance in the
life of the town.

The close of Mr. Hudson's volume left Lexington at the
moment of beginning to recover from the strain and stress of
the Civil War. Many of her sons and some of her daughters
had taken active part in that fearful struggle; and practically
all the citizens not at the front had bent their energies to such
grave home problems as those of taxation, the raising of sup-
plies, the furnishing of comforts, and the furthering by patri-
otic meetings and in other ways of the Union cause. Active as

282 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the people of Lexington had been in upholding the Federal
armies, they realized that with the coming of peace there
should be brought about as rapidly as possible a re-cementing
of the people of the North and South. They saw in the ap-
proaching centennial of the Battle of Lexington an opportu-
nity to further this healing process by stimulating patriotism
towards the whole nation, in contradistinction to that sec-
tional patriotism which had necessarily been fostered by the
Civil War. It was not, therefore, in a spirit of self-glorifica-
tion, but rather in the mood of fulfilling a patriotic duty, that
the town took steps to prepare for a national celebration on
April 19, 1875.

In November, 1873, an attempt was made to arrange a joint
celebration with Concord. This resulted in a committee, ap-
pointed by both towns, to consider the feasibility of so divid-
ing the exercises that those of Lexington should occupy the
morning and those of Concord the afternoon. No such plan
seeming to be practicable, the idea was abandoned, and, as
events proved, most fortunately; for the congestion was such
that it would have been absolutely impossible to convey the
enormous crowd of visitors from one town to the other.

Decision to hold separate celebrations having finally been
reached, Lexington, at a town meeting held July 11, 1874,
appointed as an Executive Committee, with full power to
make all arrangements, the following: Charles Hudson,
Chairman; M. H. Merriam, W. H. Munroe, W. A. Tower,
G. E. Muzzey, B. C. Whitcher, L. S. Peirce, G. O. Smith,
Webster Smith, E. G. Porter, E. S. Elder, Alonzo Goddard,
C. C. Goodwin, Benjamin Hadley, G. D. Harrington, H.
Holmes, T. G. Hovey, Patrick Mitchell, C. M. Parker, N.
W. Peirce, Levi Prosser, John Pryor, Hammon Reed, R. W.
Reed, A. B. Smith, C. A. Wellington, Walter WeUington,
Henry Westcott, and F. E. Wetherell, Secretary.

This body of citizens was divided into appropriate sub-
committees, the members of which gave largely of their time
and thought, with the result that an excellent programme,
national in its scope and complete in every detail, was ar-
ranged and was carried out in so far as the extraordinary cir-
cumstances of the day allowed. The weather, however, was
unseasonably cold, a heavy fall of snow taking place a few
days before the celebration, and the temperature on the 19th
of April remaining below freezing, with a sharp north wind;

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912

and the crowd, despite the inclement season, was far in ex-
cess of the most extravagant expectations. It is estimated
that at least one hundred thousand persons thronged the
streets, while many thousands more were unable to reach the
town or even to leave Boston. The only means of transporta-
tion, other than on foot or by carriage, was that furnished by
the single-track railroad running from Boston to Concord,
through Lexington, and by a horse-railway extending only to
Arlington, five miles away. Even trains of thirty cars, not
only crowded in the ordinary meaning, but with the roofs
laden with passengers, were wholly inadequate to the moving
of such a throng; and the single highway leading from the
direction of Boston was so congested that progress by vehicle
became wellnigh impossible. That, under such conditions,
it was possible to carry through an elaborate procession, to
hold the other exercises measurably as planned, and to avert
the serious consequences of hunger, cold, and lack of shelter
for such a multitude, was indeed a feat, accomplished by
extraordinary zeal on the part of the committees, supple-
mented by the unstinted hospitality of every householder.

The town and, indeed, the entire route of the British
march from Boston was elaborately decorated; and for the
exercises — held, naturally, on the battle Green, or Common
— there were provided two floored tents, that used for the
morning exercises and for the ball in the evening seating
seven thousand persons, and that for the dinner seating three
thousand seven hundred.

The 19th of April coming on Monday, it was planned to
begin the celebration with special religious services in all the
churches on Sunday morning, followed by a general service in
the larger of the tents on Sunday evening. The cold was so
intense, however, as to compel the use, for the evening serv-
ice, of the Town Hall instead. Rev. Edward G. Porter pre-
sided, special music was rendered by a Lexington chorus of
fifty voices, the sermon was preached by the Rev. William
Adams, D.D., and two hymns written for the occasion, one
by Dr. S. F. Smith and the other by Dr. I. N. Tarbox, were
sung. The many thousands who could not secure admission
to the hall were permitted to inspect the decorations of the
pavilions and to listen to music by the Brockton Band.

The celebration of the 19th of April itself was begun by a
salute of one hundred guns. At half-past ten the formal exer-

284 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

cises, held in the larger of the tents, were opened by a schol-
arly address by Thomas Meriam Stetson, Esq., President of
the day. This was followed by prayer by Rev. Henry West-
cott, minister of the First Parish Church. The Boylston Club
then sang Eichberg's "To thee, O country, great and free,"
and Rev. John Wesley Churchill read Scripture selections
from the Bible presented to the church by Governor Hancock.

The now familiar poem of Whittier's, "Lexington — 1775,'*
written for this occasion, was then read ; and was followed by
an address, with the unveiling of the statues of John Hancock
and Samuel Adams, by the Hon. Charles Hudson.

The orator of the day was the Hon. Richard Henry Dana,
Jr. He proved equal to the great occasion and in terse, vigor-
ous English recited the causes and summarized the steps of
that eventful day. Especially clear and convincing is his
analysis of the attitudes of mind of the Provincials and the
British officers.

"When the British troops marched out this morning, it was not
merely to destroy the military stores collected at Concord, but to
disarm and disperse any military organizations not recognized by
the new laws, and to arrest and commit to prison the leading patri-
ots. If they had come across a town meeting or a congress, held
without authority of the royal governor's warrant, they would have
entered, and dispersed the meeting by the bayonet; and who will
doubt, that, like the Roman senators in their cunile chairs and
stately robes, our ancestors, in their homespun clothes, and on the
plain wooden benches of their office, senators of the town and
county, would have yielded up their lives where they sat, rather
than acknowledge the tyrannical command? It mattered little, and
no one could predict at all, whether the first blow would fall on the
town meeting, the congress in its session, or the militia company on
the training-field.

"... Now, what was all this but a call for martyrdom? The
first that fell must fall as martyrs. The battle would begin with the
shot which took their lives. No call could be made demanding more
fortitude, more nerve, than this. Many a man can rush into battle,
maddened by the scene, who would find it hard to stand in his line,
inactive, to await the volley, if it must come. But our people were
thoroughly instructed in their cause. They had studied it, dis-
cussed it in the public meeting and through the press, carried it to
the Throne of Grace, and tried it by every test they knew. They
had made up their minds to the issue, and were prepared to accept
its results. . . .

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 285

"When the events of that day assumed their serious aspect, the
British sought to prove that this Httle band fired first. Not only is
this improbable, nay, absurd in itself, and contradicted by all our
testimony; but no British officer speaks of more than what he heard
and believed at the time. As they neared Lexington, the report
came to them that some five hundred men were under arms; and I
am not disinclined to reconcile their testimony with the facts, by
the consideration that they heard the roll of our drums, and perhaps
saw the flash or heard the report of our signal-guns, intended to call
our men together, and thought them a defiance; and perhaps ofiicers
in the centre or rear miglit have thought them hostile shots. But
the front knew they had not been fired upon, and saw the short,
thin line of sixty men with arms at rest, Pitcairn, when he rode up
to them, and ordered them to surrender their arms and disperse,
knew they had not fired. He was not the man to talk after hostile
shots. Pitcairn has had the fate which befalls many men who carry-
out orders that afterwards prove fatally ill-judged. When he or-
dered our men to surrender their arms and disperse, he was execut-
ing the orders of his commander-in-chief and of his King. If Britain
was in the right, Pitcairn was in the right. Twice they were ordered
to surrender their arms and disperse; and twice they refused to
obey, and stood their ground. Then came the fatal fire; and why
not? General Gage had been authorized to use the troops for this
very purpose. He was authorized to fire upon the people, if neces-
sary to enforce the new laws, without waiting for the civil magis-
trate. He had resolved to do so. Had that volley subdued the re-
sistance of Massachusetts, Pitcairn would have been the hero of the
drama. Was he to leave a military array behind him, and not at-
tempt to disarm and disband them? If they refused, was he to give
it up? I have never thought it just or generous to throw upon the
brave, rough soldier, who fell while mounting the breastworks at
Bunker Hill, the fault which lay on the King, the Parliament, the
Ministrjs and the commander-in-chief. The truth is, the issue was
inevitable. The first force of that kind which the King's troops
found in martial array was to be disarmed and disbanded; and, if
they refused to obey, they were to be fired upon. Both sides knew
this, and were prepared for it. It is inconsistent in us, and an un-
worthy view of this crisis, to treat it as a wanton and ruthless
slaughter of unoffending citizens by an armed force. It takes from
the event its dignity and historic significance. It was no such acci-
dental and personal matter. It was an affair of state. It was the
inevitable collision between organized forces representing two an-
tagonistic systems, each a de facto body politic, claiming authority
and demanding obedience, on the same spot at the same time. If
our cause was wrong, and resistance to the new laws unjustifiable,
our popular militia was an unlawful band, and ought to surrender

286 HISTORY OF LEXINGTOTT

its arms and disperse. If our cause was right, Captain Parker's
company was a lawful array, and their loaded guns were lawfully in
their hands; they had a right to stand in their line, on their training-
field, before their homes, and beside their church, ready to shed
their blood in the cause, and to fire when fired upon. They were
determined neither to attack nor to fly; neither to surrender their
arms nor to fire first; but to fire when fired upon; all in strict obe-
dience to the line of duty enjoined on them by the Continental Con-
gress, by the votes of the towns, and the counsels of their leaders.
The issue was made up just then and just there. . . . The trial of
that issue, in the presence of the world, began with the first volley
on Lexington Green, and lasted six years. The battle of the 19th
April began on this spot, and ended at Charlestown Neck. The war
of the Revolution began at Lexington, and ended at Yorktown.

"... Our soldiers loaded their guns, by military command, to
fire if fired upon; and the war began with the volley and the falling
of the dead and wounded. It may not be of much account in any
political or strategic sense, but it is a satisfaction to our pride in our
ancestors, to know that rashly, it may be, uselessly, perhaps, but
bravely, beyond doubt, the moment the British fire authorized us
to use the guns we had loaded for the purpose, and met the condi-
tion in Captain Parker's order, 'unless fired upon,' the fire was
returned by men still standing in their line, in their martial array ;
and that the line was not abandoned until they were ordered to
disperse by their captain, who saw that the regulars were hastening
up, on both flanks, to surround and capture them; and that, when
the survivors withdrew, they took their arms with them. It is not
of much account that a regular of the Tenth Regiment, and another,
were wounded, and that the horse of the commander was grazed by
two balls; but it is a satisfaction to know that here in Lexington was
not only the first hostile volley fired by British troops at Provincial
troops, but the first shots fired back by our troops at theirs. You
recall with pride, too, that no sooner had the regulars resumed their
march than your Minute-Men rallied, took six prisoners who had
straggled from the line; joined in the pursuit of the British from the
Lincoln and Concord line to Charlestown Neck; and that in that
pursuit three more men of Lexington laid down their lives, of whom
one had been wounded on the Green in the morning. You read
with ever renewed satisfaction that on the rolls of that day Lexing-
ton stands first: ten of her townsmen killed, — seven in the morning
on the Green, and three in the afternoon in the pursuit, — and first
in the list of wounded, nine; nineteen in all, from your small popu-
lation, who suffered death or wounds in the common cause. The
pecuniary loss of Lexington that day in houses and other property
destroyed, nearly two thousand pounds sterling, bore a large pro-
portion to the whole property of the town. Well did she redeem her

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 287

modest promise to Boston, 'We trust in God, . . . we shall be
ready to sacrifice our estates, and everything dear in life, yea, and
life itself, in support of the common cause.'"

The morning exercises closed with a poem written for the
day by Julia Ward Howe, and the benediction was pro-
nounced by the Rev. Rollin H. Neale, D.D. Immediately
thereafter the invited guests were escorted to carriages, and
joined the procession which had meanwhile been forming at
the corner of what is now Massachusetts Avenue and Middle
Street. Its route was as follows: Main Street (now Masjsa-
chusetts Avenue) to Hancock Street, through Hancock to
Revere Street, through Revere to Bedford Street, and thence
to the Common.

The procession was in three divisions, the Chief Marshal,
Colonel William A. Tower, being escorted by the Ancient and
Honorable Artillery Company. The first division comprised,
among others, the Lexington Minute-Men (who will be re-
ferred to later) ; one hundred men of the Military Order of the
Loyal Legion; veterans of the War of 181^; many distin-
guished guests, including the President and Vice-President
of the United States, members of the Cabinet, and the Gover-
nor and ex-Governors of Massachusetts and other States;
and delegations from the towns which participated in the
battle. The centre division included more such delegations;
while in the left division were representatives of the militia
and of the Grand Army posts, together with various city and
town officials.

About half -past three, — the President of the United
States and others having reviewed the procession, — the
exercises of the dinner were formally begun. The presiding
officer was Mr. Stetson, President of the day, and at the head
table with him were President Grant; Vice-President Wilson;
the Secretary of War, General Belknap ; the Secretary of
State, Mr. Fish; the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Robeson; the
Postmaster-General, Mr. Jewell; Chief -Justice Gray; Gov-
ernor Gaston of Massachusetts; Governor Chamberlain of
South Carolina; and a number of others.

The first toast of the dinner was, of course, to the President
of the United States; and responses to subsequent toasts
were made by Governor Gaston; Governor Chamberlain; the
orator of the day; Chief -Justice Gray; Hon. George B. Lor-

288 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ing, President of the Massachusetts Senate; General WilHam
F. Bartlett; General Chamberlain of Bowdoin College; Hon.
Nathaniel P. Banks; Rev. Edward Everett Hale; and others.
Poems written for the occasion by Rev. William C. Gannett
and Rev. W. R. Huntington, D.D., and set to music, were
sung by the Boylston Club; and letters from distinguished
foreigners and others were read. That from the Hon. William
E. Gladstone has, in view of the occasion, special significance :

*' London, March 5, 1875.
"Gentlemen:

"I have had the honor to receive the letter in which you convey
to me a very warm and courteous invitation to attend the banquet
which it is proposed to hold at Lexington in commemoration of
the attainment of independence by the United States of America.

"The circumstances of the war which yielded that result, the
principles it illustrates, and the remarkable powers and characters
of the principal men who took part, whether as soldiers or civilians,
in the struggle, have always invested it with a peculiar interest in
my eyes, quite independently of the intimate concern of this country
in the events themselves.

"On account of these features, that war and its accompaniments
seem to me to constitute one of the most instructive chapters of
modern histoiy, and I have repeatedly recommended them to
younger men as subjects of especial study.

"With these views, I need not say how far I am from regarding
the approaching celebration with indifference. It is entirely beyond
my power to cross the sea, even with the present admirable com-
munications, for the purpose of attendance. The present time
happens to be for me, even independently of my attendance in
Parliament, one of many urgent occupations which I am not at
liberty to put aside. But I earnestly hope, and I cannot doubt,
that the celebration will be worthy of the occasion.

"In a retrospective view of the eventful period, my countrymen
can now contemplate its incidents with impartiality. I do not
think they should severely blame their ancestors, whose struggle
to maintain the unity of the British Empire is one that must, I
think, after the late great war of the North and South, be viewed in
America with some sympathy and indulgence. We can hardly be
expected to rate very highly the motives of those European powers
who threw their weight into the other scale, and who so sensibly
contributed towards accelerating, if not, indeed, towards determin-
ing, the issue of the war; yet, for one, I can most truly say that,
whatever the motives and however painful the process, they, while
seeking to do an injury, conferred upon us a great benefit, by re-

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 289

leasing us from efforts the continuation of which would have been
an unmixed evil. As regards the fathers of the American Consti-
tution themselves, I believe we can and do now contemplate
their great qualities and achievements with an admiration as
pure as that of American citizens themselves; and can rejoice
no less heartily, that, in the counsels of Providence, they
were made the instruments of a purpose most beneficent to the

world.

"The circumstances under which the United States began their
national existence, and their unexampled rapidity of advance in
wealth, population, enterprise, and power, have imposed on their
people an enormous responsibility. They will be tried, as we shall,
at the bar of history; but on a greater scale. They will be compared
with the men not only of other countries, but of other times. They
cannot escape from the liabilities and burdens which their great-
ness imposes.

"No one desires more fervently than I do, that they may be en-
abled to realize the highest hopes and anticipations that belong to
their great position in the family of man.

"I have the honor to be, gentlemen,

"Your obliged and faithful servant,

"W. E. Gladstone."

The final event of the day was a reception by the President
of the United States in the large pavilion, followed by a ball
in which many hundreds participated. Before leaving the
town, at about 10 p.m., General Grant planted at the east end
of the Common an elm tree which, after many vicissitudes,
died in 1902.

Throughout the day there were exhibited in the Cary
Library relics of great interest, the chief treasure being the
brace of pistols, silver-mounted and elaborately chased, used
by Major Pitcairn in firing upon the Minute-Men on the day
of the battle.^

1 "These famous pistols were brought to Lexington on the day of the celebration
by the Rev. S. I. Prime, D.D., of New York. Their history is uncommonly full and
authentic. After having been fired by Pitcairn on Lexington Common, before any
other firearm was used, they accompanied their owner to Concord. On the return
of the British through Lexington, early in the afternoon, a severe skirmish took
place about a mile and a quarter west of the village, at Fiske's Hill, where Major
Pitcairn was conspicuously engaged in directing the movements of the troops. A
party of Minute-Men fired at him from behind a pile of rails. The Major fell
wounded; and his horse, having lost its rider, ran over the fields, and was captured by
one of the Provincials, and taken to Concord.

"Subsequently the horse and the accoutrements were sold at auction. Captain

290 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The difficulties incident to the crowds and the cold of the
19th of April, 1875, would have been increased had it not
been for the fact that the railroad, which, from its opening
in 1846 ^ until 1873, terminated at Lexington, was in the
latter year opened to Concord ; and for the further fact that in
1871 the Town Hall, which for many years had occupied a
wooden building on the site of the present High School, had
been removed to the existing Town Building erected to house
the town meetings, the Gary Library, a Memorial Hall, the
Masonic Lodge, and the various town officials. It is true that
there was much opposition on the part of the citizens of East
Lexington to a location so far distant from that section, and
that the architecture of the building has always been severely
criticized. The echoes of the somewhat bitter controversy
over the site have, fortunately, long since died away; and
however unpleasing in its exterior the Town Building may be,
its commodious hall has been of great value, both from the
civic and the social standpoint, to the life of the town; while
the generous space thus early given to the Gary Library was a
distinct asset in the development of that valuable institution.

The immediate impulse to the building of a new Town
Hall, a project that had been under discussion for some years
after the close of the Givil War, was given by a proffer of
Mrs. Maria Hastings Gary of six thousand dollars to fit up a
Memorial Hall and Town Library Hall, "provided the Town
should within three years erect a suitable building for munici-
pal purposes, to embrace in its construction suitable accom-
modations for those objects." This proposal was brought
before the town at a meeting in November, 1869, and was
referred to a committee consisting of Messrs, Gharles Hud-
Nathan Barrett purchased the holsters and pistols, marked with Pitcaim's name,
and offered them to General Washington, who declined them.

"They were afterwards presented to General Putnam, who valued them very
highly, and carried them through the remainder of his active service in the war.

"They descended in the family, and became the property of the General's grand-
son, the late John P. Putnam, of Cambridge, New York, whose widow placed them
in the custody of her friend Dr. Prime for exhibition at Lexington. The Secretary of
War is making an effort to obtain them for the museum of the War Department."
(From the Proceedings at the Centennial Celebration of the Battle of Lexington,
April 19, 1875, published by the Town, p. 130.) The pistols were subsequently
secured by the town of Lexington and are on exhibition at the Hancock-Clarke
House. Ed.

^ See Origin of the Lexington & West Cambridge Branch Railroad, by George Y.
Wellington; Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. iii, p. 58. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 291

son, John Hastings, Sergeant C. Whitcher, Hammon Reed,
Luke C. Childs, Warren E. Russell, and Reuben W. Reed,
who were empowered to consult architects and to procure
plans and estimates. The committee reported at a special
town meeting called for the purpose, January 25, 1870, sub-
mitting plans and estimates and recommending the purchase
of the site and the erection of a new Town Hall in accordance
therewith. The report was accepted, its recommendations
adopted, and the same gentlemen constituted a building
committee with necessary powers, and provision made for
funds to pay the cost. Subsequently, in April, 1870, a fur-
ther proposition was received from Mrs. Gary, increasing
her donation in the aggregate to twenty thousand dollars,
whereby ten thousand dollars were secured to the general
purposes of the building, six thousand to the Library, and
four thousand to the Memorial Hall through the Lexington
Monument Association. The building was designed by
Messrs. Gridley J. F. Bryant and Louis P. Rogers, of Boston.

The dedication took place on April 19, 1871. ^ The formal
exercises were preceded by a procession and were followed by
a banquet held in the Lexington Railroad Station. Asa Cot-
trell, Esq., presided at the dedication exercises, the keys were
presented to a group of young men by the Hon. Charles
Hudson, response for those young men was made by James
E. Parker, prayer was offered by Rev. A. B. Muzzey, and an
oration was delivered by Dr. George B. Loring.

The statues in the Memorial Hall have an interesting his-
tory. This is given by Mr. Hudson, active in securing them,
in the published Proceedings at the Centennial Celebration of
the Battle of Lexington, from which the following extracts
are taken : —

"To a certain extent, the statues and tablets which the hall con-
tains are the offspring of the Lexington Monument Association.
The impression becoming prevalent that the monument on the
Common did not comport with modem taste, some of our promi-
nent citizens conceived the idea of superseding it by one more in
accordance with the spirit of the age. In 1850 they obtained an act
of incorporation, and organized a company, making the venerable
Jonathan Harrington, the last survivor of the Battle of Lexington,
their president. Their object seems to have been simply to rear a

1 See Proceedings at the Dedication of the Town and Memorial Hall. T. R.
Marvin & Son, 1871. Ed.

292 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

more fashionable monument in honor of the citizens of Lexington
who fell on the 19th of April, 1775. Nothing, however, was done,
more than to keep up the organization, till 1858, when broader and
more liberal views prevailed. It was then perceived that, though
the existing monument was somewhat antiquated in its appearance,
it bore the impress and breathed the spirit of the Revolution, and
was a fit memorial of the sturdy patriots to whose memory it was
erected; and it was resolved to give the proposed enterprise a
national character, and erect a monument commemorative of the
opening scene of the Revolutionary drama. To carry forward this
idea, Charles Hudson, who had taken an active part in giving a
national character to the enterprise, was entrusted with the devel-
opment of the idea. Encouraged by the countenance of some of our
prominent citizens, among whom were General Samuel Chandler,
Major Benjamin Reed, Colonel Philip Russell, Jonas Munroe, John
Hastings, Bowen Harrington, William Stevens, and others, he
undertook the work; and soon found that the name of Lexington^
and the character of the deeds performed upon her Common, were
quite as fully appreciated beyond the limits of the State as within
its borders. He found no difficulty in organizing a corporation,
consisting of a president and an acting board of directors in Massa-
chusetts, with one vice-president from each of the New England
States, and one from every other section of the country. . . .

"These statues already have a history worthy of mention. When
they were first modelled, the committee had special reference to this
celebration; and, to insure their completion in season, the contracts
stipulated that they were to be delivered in Lexington by the 1st of
January, 1875. Three long months passed after that date, but no
statues had arrived. We became anxious, but could learn nothing
except that they were en route. Weeks of anxiety passed on, but
they brought no statues. One steamer from Liverpool, which was
expected to bring the Adams, arrived at Boston; but no statue was
found on her manifest. There was only one more chance before the
19th; and that consisted mainly in the speed of ' The Parthia,' the
next steamer. At this juncture, it was reported that the sailing-
vessel with the statue of Hancock on board, from Leghorn early in
January, had just reached our coast, and was weather-bound in
Vineyard Haven. This was the state of things at early dawn, on
Saturday the 17th. Neither statue had arrived in port. That even-
ing in the light of the full moon, between the hours of eleven and
twelve, when hope was giving place to despair, the statue of Adams
arrived in our village. We deemed it no desecration of the Sabbath
to place it in position on that day. We had scarcely adjusted the
statue of Adams, when that of Hancock arrived; and, before the
setting of that Sabbath sun, both of these statues were in position
in the village where, one hundred years before, Adams and Hancock

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 293

were enjoying the hospitality of the distinguished clergyman from
whose dwelling they were driven before the rising of the next morn-
ing's sun.

"It is certainly very remarkable, that these statues should leave
the same Italian port a month apart, bound to the same place, —
one going direct by sailing-vessel, and the other by steamer via
England, — and, after months of delay, should arrive at their port
of destination within a few hours of each other; and that, too, on
the very last day when they could have arrived in season for the
celebration."

In the winter of 1872-73, Lexington, in common with
Boston and many other communities in New England, was
visited by a serious outbreak of smallpox. On May 3, 1873,
after ninety consecutive days of sleighing during the winter,
there was again a heavy fall of snow. On August 9, the rail-
road, as already stated, was formally opened through to
Concord. Later it was extended to the Massachusetts Re-
formatory, and a branch railroad (originally narrow-gauge)
was carried from Bedford, half-way between Lexington and
Concord, through to Billerica and Lowell. In this same year
George G. Meade Post 119, G. A. R. (which will be dealt
with subsequently), was first organized.

Having been the pioneer in the numerous one-hundredth
anniversary celebrations of the Revolutionary War, and hav-
ing set a standard of emphasis upon patriotism to the nation
as a whole, Lexington was, of course, deeply interested in the
subsequent celebrations of like character, especially in the
Centennial Exposition held at Philadelphia, in 1876, to com-
memorate the signing of the Declaration of Independence.
It was most fitting, therefore, that, after the close of that
Exposition, steps should be taken to bring the Massachusetts
State Building to Lexington, to be used as a hotel. The
building was carefully taken down, shipped in parts to
Lexington, and reerected on land belonging to the Muzzey
Estate, next to the Town Hall. This unique hotel was opened
in August, 1878, and for fourteen years was famous as a
comfortable place of sojourn, as a goal for sleighing excur-
sions, and as a centre for "Germans" and other private par-
ties. In 1892, however, it was sold to those controlling the so-
called "Keeley Cure " for inebriety, and is still used by them.

In 1882 the Russell House was opened. It is an excellent
hotel, to which guests return year after year, drawn by its

294 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

home-like character, and the genuine hospitahty of its pro-
prietor. Besides this, and the Paul Revere Tavern, there are
in the town a number of good boarding-houses.

As already pointed out, Lexington soon after the close of
the Civil War found herself confronted with many problems
arising from the rapid expansion of trade and industry and of
the coincident growth, not only in population, but also in
complexity of living, of many near-by cities and towns.
Lexington, as Mr. Hudson shows, had always been near the
front in matters of public education, and she had not been
behind her neighbor communities in providing and main-
taining roads. As early as 1846, moreover, railroad communi-
cation had been established with Arlington, Cambridge,
Somerville, and Boston. In doing this there was lost, how-
ever, the picturesque travel by stage-coach and other vehicles
which, together with the through highway journeying from
New Hampshire and Vermont, had given life and activity
for a century and a half to her numerous taverns.^

Lexington was also prompt in providing an essential factor
in the economic life of a town — a savings bank. The Lex-
ington Savings Bank^ was incorporated March 11, 1871, by
the following: Sergeant C. Whitcher, George W. Robinson,
Warren E. Russell, Charles Brown, Matthew H. Merriam,
George L. Stratton, Richard D. Blinn, Charles C. Goodwin,
Isaac N. Damon, Bradley C. Whitcher, Charles Hudson,
Edward Reed, and Thomas B. Hosmer. The first meeting
was held at the Lexington Railroad Station March 25, 1871,
with Charles Hudson as chairman, and Isaac N. Damon as
secretary. The second meeting, three days later, was held
over B. C. Whitcher's store, with S. C. Whitcher, chairman,
and Isaac N. Damon, secretary. The organization meeting
was held in Seminary Hall, April 15 of the same year, and the
following ojQBcers were then elected: President, George W.
Robinson; Vice-Presidents, S. C. Whitcher, M. H. Merriam,
and W. D. Phelps; Secretary and Treasurer, L. G. Babcock.

The bank opened for business in a front room in the house
now No. 464 Massachusetts Avenue. Seven years later,
December 13, 1878, as a precautionary measure, made neces-
sary by the depressed condition of business throughout the

^ See The Old Taverns of Lexington, by Edward P. Bliss; Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc,
Vol. I, p. 73. Ed.

^ For this information the Committee is indebted to Mr. James E. Crone. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 295

country, the bank was placed in the hands of Mr. George W.
Robinson as receiver. Its condition at that time was : assets,
$101,142.88; due depositors, $95,222.52. Depositors were
paid in full, including interest. August 15, 1882, the injunc-
tion was dissolved, and in the following month business
was resumed, with deposits of nearly $25,000 and a surplus of
$6000. Mr. Robinson generously donated to the bank his fees
as receiver. The total deposits at successive intervals were:
1885, $96,054; 1890, $228,180; 1900, $474,667; 1910, $620,000.

The following have" served as officers of the bank: Presi-
dents: George W. Robinson, 1871-1892; Bradley C. Whit-
cher, 1892-1904; George O. Whiting, 1904-. Treasurers:
Leonard G. Babcock, 1871-1873; Oliver P. Mills, 1873-1874;
Charles T. West, 1875-1878; (Receiver, 1878-1882) ; Bradley
C. Whitcher, 1882-1888; Arthur W. Newell, 1888-1889;
James E. Crone, 1889-1904; Bradley C. Whitcher, 1904-
1909; Edwin B. Worthen, 1909- Clerk of Corporation:
Augustus E. Scott, April 23, 1873-.

There remained, however, to be provided for in modern
ways lighting, water supply, telephones, postal service,
removal of wastes, parks, playgrounds, increased space for
cemeteries, and adequate fire and police protection. A gas
company was organized in 1877, and after certain vicissi-
tudes, became well established, supplying a gas made from
petroleum. In 1893 it undertook the supplying also of elec-
tricity and continued to do so until its plant was purchased
by the Edison Electric Illuminating Company, of Boston, in
1909. For more than thirty years, therefore, the streets have
been lighted by modern methods, though not without diffi-
culties in the placing of lights, in the type of lamp to be
used, and in the extending of lighting into the outlying sec-
tions of the town. The New England Telephone and Tele-
graph Company inaugurated a public service in the town
in 1892. Rural free delivery^ was established May 16, 1904,
and general free delivery October 16, 1909.

^ The first U. S. Post Office in Lexington was opened in the ell of the Buckman
Tavern in January, 1813, by Rnfus Meriam, Postmaster. He was succeeded by
his son, John Parkhurst Meriam on the 20th of April, 1826, who continued at the
same location. John Davis was commissioned Postmaster Nov. 15, 1841, and
moved the office to the house now No. 464 Mass. Ave. Leonard G. Babcock was
commissioned Postmaster Mar. 7, 1867, and moved the office to the store now oc-
cupied by W. H. Burke, plumber. No. 432 Mass. Ave. Later Mr. Babcock re-
moved to Gary Hall for a brief time and then to Norris Block, No. 481 Mass.

296 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

In 1881 the Lexington Water Company was organized to
supply water to the citizens and to provide hydrants for the
better protection of their buildings against loss by fire. The
supply, which was ready for use in January, 1885, was secured
from wells driven in a meadow near Lincoln Street, pumped
into standpipes on a hill in that vicinity and on Mount Inde-
pendence in East Lexington. The supply thus obtained was
found in a few years inadequate to the rapidly growing de-
mands and, although the company, and subsequently the
town, which bought the waterworks in 1895, made efforts to
increase that supply, by constructing a reservoir on Middle
Street and by sinking new and deeper wells, the citizens,
after much discussion in town meeting, voted in 1903 to peti-
tion for admission to the so-called Metropolitan System, now
using, as its main reservoir, the extensive Wachusett basin,
formed by the damming, at Clinton, of the Nashua River. In
1912 a new standpipe, 105 feet high, was erected near the old
one at a cost of $19,000. Its top is 443 feet above sea level.

With the greatly increased use of water which follows upon
the substitution of a central water supply for the individual
well and pump, there arose an increasing need for a system of
sewerage, at least for the more thickly settled districts of the
town. The matter seems to have been first discussed seriously
in 1889, when a survey for a system of drainage for the town
was authorized. It has been considered by a number of dif-
ferent committees, each of which has gone into an exhaustive
examination of the problem; and the town, in 1897, went so
far as to secure entrance to the Metropolitan Sewerage Sys-
tem at the Arlington boundary, for which right it has since
paid a yearly tax increasing from $2100 in 1897 to over $4000
in 1911. It has not yet been possible, however, at any town
meeting at which the question has been put to vote, to get a
majority sufficient to authorize the issue of bonds for the
building of the sewers.

For many years the only public space in Lexington was the
Common. Enclosed by a fence made of stone posts and con-

Ave. The present Postmaster, Leonard A. Saville, was commissioned Jan. 81,
1901, and moved the office to the new Savings Bank Building in September, 1904.
The Post Office at E. Lexington was established 24 June, 1836, when Amos Adams
was commissioned Postmaster. William H. Smith was commissioned 27 April,
1852; Augustus Childs, 20 Sept., 1867; Carlton A. Childs, 31 May, 1895; Lucius
A. Austin, 17 Jan., 1900. Office discontinued 15 Oct., 1909, on establishment of
fre« delivery. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 297

necting rails, it was used for baseball and other games and
was not the ornament that it now is. Through the efforts of
the Field and Garden Club ^ this famous bit of ground was in
1886 made into a true park, and has ever since been well
cared for by the town. In the early part of the last century,
Eli Robbins, of East Lexington, built roads, arranged seats,
etc., on Mount Independence, and permitted the use of this
private property by the citizens. And in all sections of the
town, the owners of wooded and hilly property, or of fields
suitable for sports, haVe shown so generous a spirit in the
matter of public use that the reservation of any special areas
for public parks seemed superfluous. The time will soon come
when, looking into the future, it will be wise to set aside large
open spaces for the use of the public forever; and a good
beginning has been made in the gift to the town, by certain
citizens, of the triangular area between Massachusetts Ave-
nue and Lincoln Street, known as Hastings Park, and in the
gift, by Mrs Sarah Bowman Van Ness, of five and one half
acres of land on Pleasant Street, East Lexington. There is
special need, however, of a large area near the centre, to be
used by the youth of the town for athletic sports, skating,
and swimming. There is a baseball field, near Parker Street,
acquired for that purpose by the town in 1896, and, recently,
facilities for swimming have been arranged in the small ponds
formerly used for water supply; but it is the desire and hope
of many citizens that the long-continued, though somewhat
spasmodic, efforts to induce the citizens to extend these
somewhat meagre opportunities will at an early date come
to fruition.

It is hardly an exaggeration to say that almost throughout
the period since the close of Mr. Hudson's History, there has
been agitation to extend the cemetery area in Lexington.
The Old Burying Ground, behind the First Parish Church, was
long ago filled; and the so-called New Cemetery, in the rear
of the Munroe School, has almost no further space available.
Moreover, the Roman Catholics have no opportunity to bury
their dead within the limits of the town. Therefore successive
Cemetery Committees have brought the matter forcefully
to the attention of the citizens, and they and special commit-
tees have presented plans for the purchase of a new area.
The difficulties in the way of finding a site that shall be access-

^ For an account of this organization, see Chapter xxiv, infra. Ed.

298 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ible and not too costly, and that shall secure the approval of
the boards of health, are, however, very great. It is hoped
that the committee now having the problem under consider-
ation will be successful in meeting these difficulties and in
leading the citizens to make early provision for an ample and
beautiful new cemetery.

Since the fighting of fire, with any hope of success, is de-
pendent upon an abundant water supply, it was not until the
laying of mains and the providing of hydrants by the Lex-
ington Water Company, in 1885, that the town could make
any real provision for protection against this ever-present
scourge of American communities. Up to that time there had
been valiant attempts, in which practically all the people
participated, to cope with fire by hand "tubs," fire buckets,
and hand chemical engines; but with the purchase of a steam
fire engine and a chemical engine in 1895, the modern era of
fire fighting really began. In 1895 and 1898, respectively,
adequate engine houses were built in Lexington Centre and
at the Village Hall, East Lexington; in 1895 regular firemen
were employed (they and the fire horses assisting also in
street watering); and within the last year (1912) an auto-
mobile engine has been purchased, the element of time being
the essential factor in a widely scattered community like
Lexington. The town has possessed for some years a modern
fire alarm system; but the main body of firemen are "call"
men, engaged in other vocations; and it will be many years,
of course, before the size and wealth of Lexington will permit
of the employment of a full corps of firemen, on duty at all
hours of the day and night. As is too often the case in Ameri-
can municipalities, the fire department has been more or less
entangled with the political ambitions of individuals; and it
is always, of course, under criticism ; but despite these handi-
caps, it has handled most of the fires which it has been called
upon to combat with skill and efficiency.

Although the constable is one of the earliest of New Eng-
land functionaries, it was not until the opening of the electric
railway that — except on rare occasions — there was any
real need for police service in Lexington. An agricultural and
residence community, with practically no manufactures and
with a steady vote for "no license," the elements essential to
law-breaking were largely absent. The "tramp" problem
was for many years somewhat serious; but one or two officers

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 299

of the law were sufficient to cope with that. Until 1899,
therefore, there were only two policemen. Since then, how-
ever, the number has been increased to six; and while they are
called upon to deal mainly with misdemeanors, such as fruit
stealing, they are kept fully employed. During the year 1911
there were, according to the Town Report, one hundred and
fifty arrests, all — with few exceptions — for minor infrac-
tions of the law. By vote of the town, the police department
was placed under civil service law in 1911. On March 13,
1901, was established aXaw Enforcement Society, which co-
operates with the police in ferreting out and in suppressing
such ofifences as the illegal sale of liquor, gambling, etc.

As already stated, for nearly half a century after 1846 the
only rail communication out of Lexington was by a single-
track railroad to Boston, later extended to Concord and to
Lowell. In 1886 this railroad was double-tracked from Bos-
ton to Lexington; and in the last decade of the nineteenth
century agitation was begun for an electric railway from
Arlington Heights — the limit of the Elevated Railway sys-
tem — through Lexington to Concord and to Billerica, and
from Lexington to Waltham on the one side, and to Woburn
on the other. This project met with such determined oppo-
sition from a large number of citizens that it was not until
December 2, 1897, that permission to lay the tracks was ob-
tained. Though accepted by the Lexington & Boston Street
Railroad Company this franchise was allowed to lapse. A
second franchise was granted February 4, 1899, and the road
was constructed the same year. On the Sunday preceding
April 19, 1900, the Lexington & Boston Street Railway began
to run cars for public transportation, and it now maintains a
service every fifteen minutes throughout the day and evening
from Lexington to Boston (via the Cambridge Subway) ; one
every thirty minutes to Waltham; and one every hour to
Woburn. The normal traffic on these roads is in summer
greatly augmented by travel to and from Lexington Park, an
amusement enterprise maintained by the railway company in
Bedford, just beyond the Lexington boundary line.

In 1894, largely through the initiative and efforts of the
Lexington Historical Society, sustained by many other Lex-
ington citizens, the 19th of April was denominated "Pa-
triots' Day," and made, by act of the Legislature, signed by
Governor Greenhalge on March 16, 1904, a legal holiday

SOO HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

throughout the Commonwealth. The resort to the town in
that year and for some years subsequent was very great.
The exercises on the 19th of April, 1894, were attended by
the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and other State officials,
and included a procession, band concerts, literary exercises, a
banquet, and a ball. Since that date, various modifications of
this general programme have been undertaken, either by the
town directly or by the Lexington Historical Society, with
grants made by the town meeting. That of 1900, being the
one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary of the battle, was
somewhat more ambitious, the Governor again being a guest,
and an elaborate trades procession being organized with sig-
nal success.

In the same year (1894) in wliich the 19th of April was made
a legal holiday, the variously named streets and roads leading
from the centre of Dorchester, with its historic meeting-house,
through Boston, Cambridge, Arlington, and Lexington to the
centre of Concord, were constituted a single thoroughfare
and renamed, with the consent of the several municipalities
concerned, Massachusetts Avenue.

Lexington, in the last twenty years, has been fortunate in
the gift, directly to the town, or to the Lexington Historical
Society, of buildings and monuments that add greatly to its
beauty and interest. In 1892, Miss Ellen A. Stone presented
to the town her homestead, a large, attractive house m East
Lexington, next to the Follen Church; and this property,
known as the Stone Building, is used to house a branch of the
Cary Memorial Library,^ and to provide meeting-rooms for
the people of that section. In 1896, the Hancock-Clarke
House, on Hancock Street, was, through the efforts of a
committee of the Lexington Historical Society, saved from
destruction and preserved as a museum of objects of histor-
ical interest.^ In 1898, under the will of Francis B. Hayes, the
town received a bequest of $10,000 (with interest, amounting
to $11,722.12) with wliich was erected the very beautiful
fountain, with its life-size statue of a Minute-Man, modelled
by Henry H. Kitson, that stands on the Common.^ In 1906,
the Cary Memorial Library, at the corner of Massachusetts

1 See the account of the Library, pp. 405-410, infra. Ed.

2 For a detailed account, see Lexington Historical Society, p. 488, infra. Ed.

^ Though called a statue of Captain John Parker, this is only by courtesy, since
no picture of him is extant. See Town Report for 1898. Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 301

Avenue and Clarke Street, close to the Common, was pre-
sented by Miss Alice B. Cary and other generous members of
the Cary family.^ And in 1911, under the will of James S.
Munroe, the Munroe Tavern, on Massachusetts Avenue,
became the property of the Lexington Historical Society, to
be opened by them to the pubhc under such arrangements as
they may deem wise.^

The Hayes Memorial Fountain,^ referred to in the preced-
ing paragraph, was unveiled on April 19, 1900, by Mr.
Charles M. Parker. Previous to the unveiling, public exer-
cises were held in Hancock Church at 9 a.m. Rev. Carlton
A. Staples, Chairman of the Committee on Construction of
the Fountain, presiding. Prayer was offered by Rev. C. F.
Carter. Mr. William Power Wilson, executor under the will
of Mr. Hayes, was unable to be present, and in his absence
Mr. Staples presented the gift to the town. Mr. Charles A.
Wellington gave a description of the design and construction
of the fountain, indicating that the bold foundation and
flanking walls of native field stones were symbolical of the
sturdiness of our New England ancestors and the old stone
walls from behind which the Minute-Men fired their telling
shot into the ranks of the retreating British. Suitable and
convenient drinking-places are provided for men, horses,
cattle, and dogs, such as are seldom found in a public fountain.
The structure is so arranged and piped that water flows out
from beneath the capstone and pours gently down over the
stones to the several basins with a very natural appearance,
while shrubs and wild flowers contribute appropriately to the
setting. The bronze statue typifies a Minute-Man, sturdy of
character, and resolute in position, with his flintlock musket
grasped by both hands, ready to stand his ground if armed
resistance is necessary. It is a notable work of art and com-
mands general admiration. Mr. George W. Sampson, Select-
man, accepted the gift in behalf of the town. Rev. Edward
A. Horton, D.D., gave a spirited oration, calling to mind the
valor and fortitude of Captain Parker's company of Minute-
Men and drawing lessons of patriotism and good citizenship.
The town has also been wise in the matter of preserving its
records and fortunate in its selection of committees to under-

^ See Cary Memorial Library, pp. 405-410, infra. Ed.
2 See Lexington Historical Society, p. 492, infra. Ed.
* See illustrations. Ed.

302 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

take tliat work. Under vote of the town meeting, in 1896,
Messrs. Robert P. Clapp, Carlton A. Staples, and George O.
Smith were constituted a committee to undertake the preser-
vation of the early records of the town, and, under their
direction, the pages of those fast crumbling documents have
been placed between sheets of transparent silk, so that they
may now be handled without damage.

In 1896-98, under the direction of the same committee,
the records of births, marriages, and deaths up to 1898 were
carefully compiled and printed in the form prescribed by the
Commonwealth .

In the forty-five years since the close of Mr. Hudson's
History, marked changes have taken place in the streets, the
buildings, the general appearance, and even the topography
of Lexington. By the creation of the Hobbs Brook Reservoir,
by the city of Cambridge, a large valley in the south part of
the town has been converted into a lake, encircled by a road-
way, greatly altering the appearance of that section. New
areas on the slopes of Granny Hill (or Hancock Heights), on
the plain bounded by Massachusetts Avenue, Lincoln Street,
and Waltham Street, on the high land in the vicinity of the
Munroe Tavern, and at Oakmount, on Waltham Street, have
been opened for good residences; and there has also taken
place, at North Lexington, and at the Arlington border, a
certain amount of development of a speculative character.
This extension of residence territory, together with the open-
ing of street-railway service, has involved much new building
of roads, as well as a widening and straightening of many of
those previously existing. Notable among these improve-
ments have been the building of a state highway from the
corner of Massachusetts Avenue and Middle Street, along
the line of the latter street, to the Lincoln line, continuing
thence through Lincoln, Concord, and Acton; the widening
and practical rebuilding of much of Massachusetts Avenue,
and the rebuilding of Lincoln and Bedford Streets. Notable
buildings added to the town in this period — besides those
already referred to — are the Hancock School,^ on Clarke
Street; the High School^ and Munroe School,^ on Massa-
chusetts Avenue; the Hancock Church ^ and St. Bridget's
Church,^ near the Common; the Baptist Church,^ on Massa-

1 See Chapter xvni, "Education." Ed.

2 See Chapter xvi, "Ecclesiastical History." Ed.

FROM THE YEAR 1867 TO 1912 303

chusetts Avenue; the Episcopal Church/ onMerriam Street;
the Old Belfry Clubhouse on Forest Street; ^ and many not-
able residences. There is at present building, in East Lexing-
ton, a new house for the Adams Grammar and Primary
Schools.

As in the days preceding the Revolutionary War, the town
meeting has continued to be a free forum for the full discus-
sion of municipal affairs; and many interesting debates have
taken place therein. As the expenses of the town grew larger,
however, it was appreciated that appropriations should be
made with greater care and closer scrutiny; therefore, in
1893, there was created a finance committee, made up of
representative citizens, including town officials, to review the
proposed annual budget, to hold hearings regarding it, and
to submit their recommendations to the citizens. A similar
committee has been created in almost every succeeding year,
until 1908, when it was voted to give the committee authority
to sit throughout the year and to review all proposed town ac-
tion involving the raising and expenditure of money. As a
rule the town meeting has been generous and progressive in
providing for the rapidly growing demands of modern muni-
cipal life; and on a number of occasions, such as that brought
about by the threatened coming of a state institution of a
type prejudicial to the best interests of a residential commun-
ity, the citizens have acted promptly and with substantially
a single mind. The importance of the town meeting in the
development of New England communities cannot be too
strongly emphasized; and those of Lexington have played a
peculiarly notable and interesting part.

* See Chapter xvi, " Ecclesiastical History." Ed.

* See Chapter xxv. Ed.

CHAPTER XIII

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, FROM 1692 TO THE DEATH
OF MR. HANCOCK

The Incorporation of the Precinct — The Establishment of the Gospel Ministry —
The Gathering of a Church, and the Ordination of their First Minister — The
Death of Mr. Estabrook, and the Settlement of Mr. Hancock — Settlement and
Death of his Son Ebenezer — The Services, Character and Death of Mr. Han-
cock — His Publications.

As our fathers came to tliis country to establish a religious
commonwealth, and to set up institutions founded on the
great principle of accountability to God, no history of their
settlement can be perfect or complete which does not treat of
their ecclesiastical affairs. These are so intimately connected
with their civil and political liistory that it is difficult in some
cases to say where the one ends and the other begins. By the
early laws of this Province, every tract of territory which was
erected into a town was, by the same act, constituted a
parish. Standing in this double relation, most uf the pa-
rochial business was transacted in town meetings. It was
generally in the town meetings that votes were passed for
building meeting-houses, settling ministers, and providing
for their support. These measures are so nearly associated
with the municipal affairs of the towns — the same individ-
uals being voters both in the town and the parish — that
we shall not attempt to draw any distinct line of separation
between the parochial and the municipal. Under the head of
"ecclesiastical history," we shall not treat of those public
acts performed in town meetings, such as building and re-
pairing houses of worship, but rather present the* spiritual
condition of the people, the character of their religious
teachers, and the acts pertaining to the church, as an organi-
zation distinct from that of the parish.

For about forty years after the first settlements were made
in what now constitutes Lexington, the people were destitute
of a minister whom they could call their own. As the territory
belonged to Cambridge, and as most of the settlers had come
from that town, many of them being members of the church

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 305

in that place, they would naturally adhere to the old society
until the demand for a separate organization should become
pressing. It appears also that the people of Cambridge
proper were anxious that those who had removed to the
"Farms," should continue their relationship with the parent
church. But as the inconvenience to the settlers was great,
they desired to establish a ministry of their own, and to
manage their own affairs as they pleased. As early as 1682,
James Cutler, Matthew Bridge, Sr., David Fiske, Sr.,
Samuel Stone, Sr., Francis Whitmore, John Tidd, Ephraim
Winship, and John Winter, some of the leading and respon-
sible citizens of the Farms, petitioned the General Court for
an act constituting them a distinct parish. This step was
taken, not from any hostility to the old society or church, but
from the great inconvenience of going from five to ten miles
to attend public worship. The great unwillingness on the
part of Cambridge to have this secession from the church
defeated, or rather postponed, the measure for about ten
years. Not until 1691 was it ordered by the General Court
*'That the petitioners be permitted and allowed to invite and
settle an able and orthodox minister for the dispensing of the
Gospel among them."

Immediately after obtaining an act of incorporation as a
precinct, measures were adopted to carry it into effect. A
subscription was started for the erection of a house of worship ;
and early in the season of 1692 the edifice was erected. On
the 22d of April, 1692, Mr. Benjamin Estabrook, who had
probably preached for the people of Cambridge Farms during
some portion of the preceding year, was invited to continue his
labors with them till May, 1693, and provision was made for
his support. Small as were their numbers, and limited as were
their means, they resolved to place themselves in a position
where they should be able in future to give a hberal support to
those who should become their spiritual guides. In April,
1693, they purchased of the town of Cambridge, for this
purpose, "twelve acres of common land on the east side of the
causeway, and the rest of the common land on the other side,
and on the south side of Vine Brook Meadow." This land
was subsequently surveyed and found to contain one hundred
and forty-eight acres. Though this purchase cost the parish
at first but eighteen pounds, it laid the foundation for a
ministerial fund, which has proved amply sufficient to sup-

306 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

port a minister. This land was purchased by the parish and
paid for by a tax upon all within the precinct.

When Mr, Estabrook's year expired, the people gladly re-
engaged him; and such was their attachment to him that in
the summer of 1694, they built and gave him a house on
condition of his becoming their pastor and continuing with
them.^ Their pecuniary embarrassments however were such
that they made but slow progress in preparation for his
permanent settlement. In April, 1696, they made their final
proposition; and on the third of June following, Mr. Esta-
brook gave an affirmative answer to their call. His answer is
recorded with so much simplicity that we will transcribe it.

"Mr. Estabrook was sent for to declare to the people whether he
did accept of the call of the Inhabitants of this place and whether
he wold abide with us to be our settled minestor — his answer was
yes he wold, it was asked him how long, he answered that so far as he
knew so long as he hue it should not be his fait if he ded not he had
no intent to leave us and if he ded leaue us he wold repay the mony
expended for the bulding sd house."

The call being accepted, and the day for the ordination
fixed, it was agreed that a church should be organized at the
same time. A committee was appointed to make arrange-
ments for the ordination, and to "prouid what is nesesary
for the entertainment of the majestrats ministors and mesin-
gers of the chirches that day."

Neither the church nor the parish records give us any in-
formation concerning the council, or the services on the occa-
sion. But Judge Sewall, who was then present as one of the
honored magistrates to take cognizance of the establishment
of a new church, has the following in his manuscript jour-
nal: —

"October 21, 1696. A church is gathered at Cambridge, North
Farms; no relations made, but a Cov^ signed and voted by 10
brethren dismissed from y^ churches of Cambridge, Watertown,
Wooburn, and Concord, for the work. Being declared to be a
church, they chose Mr. Benjamin Estabrook y' Pastor, who had
made a good Sermon from Jer. 3. 15. Mr. Estabrook the Father
managed this, having prayed excellently: Mr. Willard gave y*^
Charge; Mr. Fox the Right Hand of Fellowship. Sung part of y^
48th from y^ 9th v. to the end, — O God, our thoughts. — Mr.

^ This house was 42 feet by 18. It stood a few rods east of Vine Brook.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 307

Stone and Mr. Fiske thanked me for my assistance there. Cam-
bridge was sent to; they had no Teaching officer; they sent Elder
Clark, Hastings, Remington." ^

The church which was gathered on that occasion adopted
a covenant founded on the broad principles of the Gospel,
avoiding those controverted doctrines which have often
proved causes of division.

This covenant was^ signed by the pastor elect, and by
David Fiske, Sr., Samuel Stone, Sr., John Russell, Israel
Mead, Thomas Cutler, Sr., David Fiske, Jr., Samuel Whit-
more, William Reed, John Merriam, Samuel Stone, Jr., and
Thomas Merriam.

The church was further organized by electing John Mer-
riam and Samuel Stone deacons. There were also added to
the church during the nine months of Mr. Estabrook's min-
istry, by recommendations from other churches, the following
persons: Seaborn Fiske, wife of David Fiske, Sr., Sarah Stone,
wife of Samuel Stone, Sr., Elizabeth Russell, wife of John
Russell, Elizabeth Winship, wife of Ephraim Winship, sev-
erally from the church of Cambridge; Sarah Merriam widow,
Sarah Fiske, wife of David Fiske, Jr., Dorcas Stone, wife of
Samuel Stone, Jr., Mary Merriam, wife of John Merriam,
severally from the church of Concord; and Abigail Reed, wife
of Captain William Reed from the church of Wobum. There
were also admitted on their own profession during Mr. Esta-
brook's labors, Joseph Simonds and his wife Mary, Matthew
Bridge and his wife Abigail, Jonathan Poulter and his wife
Elizabeth, Philip Russell, Joseph Stone, Mary Winship,
Abigail Cutler, wife of Lieutenant Thomas Cutler, Mary
Johnson, wife of John Johnson, and Ruth Locke, wife of
Samuel Locke.

Thus a church of thirty-three members was gathered in
about nine months from the settlement of their first minister.
This of itself shows the success with which his labors were
blessed. The relation between Mr. Estabrook and his people
was a happy one, and promised to be productive of much
good. He had been with them several years before his settle-
ment, and hence knew them well and was known of them.
He was their first pastor, and they his first flock. It was the

1 For this, and several other important facts connected with the history of the
church, we are indebted to Rev. Samuel Sewall, of Burlington.

308 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

union of kindred hearts, given in early life; and the happy
fruits of this union show that the attachment had been
mutual, and that the confidence on either hand had not been
misplaced. Both parties were undoubtedly congratulating
themselves on this new relation, and anticipating years of
happiness and prosperity. But how delusive sometimes are hu-
man hopes ! He whose wisdom is unsearchable, and whose ways
are past finding out, saw fit to sunder these ties. On the 22d
of July, 1697, when Mr. Estabrook had completed only nine
months of his ministry, he was called from his earthly labors.
Rev. Benjamin Estabrook was son of Rev. Joseph Esta-
brook, of Concord, who came to this country in 1660, and
entered Harvard College,' where he was graduated in 1664.
He settled in Concord in 1667, where he remained till his
death, in 1711, which was in the seventy-first year of his age
and the forty-fourth of his ministry. Benjamin Estabrook
was born February 24, 1671,^ was graduated at Harvard,
1690, and commenced preaching in Lexington in 1692. In
November, 1693, he married Abigail Willard, daughter of
Rev. Samuel Willard, then of the Old South Church in
Boston. Mr. Estabrook was highly esteemed by his people,
and left the reputation of a pious and devoted servant of the
Lord. Though he was only twenty-six years of age when
called hence, he had already established a reputation which
gave promise of distinction in his profession. He was buried
in Lexington, and his tombstone bears this inscription : —

HERE LYETH INTERRED YE REMAINS OF

MR. BENJAMIN ESTABROOK

LATE & FIRST PASTOR OF YE CHURCH

OF CHRIST IN THIS PLACE

SON TO YE REVD MR JOSEPH ESTABROOK

PASTOR OF YE CHURCH IN CONCORD

WHO DEPARTED FROM US TO CHRIST,

JULY 22D A.D. 1697,

AGED 26 YEARS «& 5 MONTHS

VIRTUS ANTEIT ANNOS.

Immediately on the death of Mr. Estabrook, measures
were adopted to obtain a candidate for settlement. A meet-

1 For a more full account of the Estabrook family, see Genealogical Register,
(Vol. 11. Ed.)

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 309

ing was called November 17, to consider "procuring some
help in ye ministry: Then thare was made choyce of Mr. John
Hancocke to preach with us tille May followinge In order to
further setellement: — It was also agreed that Mr. Hancock
should have eaighten shillinges aweeke, and bare his own
charges: — till May."

Mr. Hancock commenced preaching at Cambridge Farms,
December 12, 1697, and in February following, "It was then
voted by the majore part of y^ people that were present that
Mr. Hancock should ^bee further Invitted to Continue with
us for a settlement; & Dea. Samuel Stone and Lt. David
flSske ware made choyce of by y* Companye to traatte with
Mr. Hancock about his settelling with us."

It seems that the committee chosen to "traatte" with Mr.
Hancock were successful in their preliminaries at least; for in
March, 1698, says the record, "The sallerrye that was for-
merlye granted to y* Reverend : Mr. Benjamin Estabroke was
a second time granted : & confermed upon the Rev. Mr. John
Hancock."

"It was allsoe votted that thay will giue the Reverend Mr:
Jno: Hancocke four score pounds In monye: towards his
settellment: ye one half In ye yeare: 1698: and ye othre halfe
In the yeare: 1699."

The preliminaries being settled, the church by "a Unani-
muse Votte" proposed "to prosede to the ordination of Mr.
Hancock, in conuenient time," and the congregation on the
6th of September, 1698, "votted without the church on the
Afirmatiue; very fully e — att a full mettinge."

The 2d day of November, 1698, was agreed upon for the
ordination, and provision was made by the parish for the
entertainment of the council. The further proceedings on the
occasion we will give in the language of the church records,
written by Mr. Hancock himself.

"Five Churches were Sent unto to Carry on y'^ work of said
Day, viz: the South Church of Christ in Boston, the Churches of
Christ in Cambridge, Newtown, Concord & Woburn, the elders and
messengers whereof appeared, & in the morning, Mr. Willard bemg
chosen moderatour, they preceded, haveing made way for it, &
earnestly Imploring heavens blessing on the affairs of y* day, unto
ordmation, The Rev. Mr. Willard Giving the Charge, & the Rev. Mr
Joseph Estabrook the right hand of fellowship; the elders of the
other Churches assisted by laying on of hands."

310 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Mr. Hancock, being thus settled over the church and soci-
ety at Cambridge North Precinct, continued their pastor till
his death in 1752, having had a peaceful and prosperous
ministry of fifty-Jour years. Rev. John Hancock^ was son of
Nathaniel Hancock of Cambridge (now Newton). He was
born December, 1671, entered Harvard College in 1685,
where he was graduated in 1689. He was ordained, as we
have already stated, November 2, 1698. He married Eliza-
beth Clark, daughter of Rev. Thomas Clark, of Chelmsford,
by whom he had five children — three sons and two daugh-
ters.^

Ebenezer, son of Rev. John Hancock, of Lexington, was
born December 7, 1710. He was graduated at Harvard, 1728,
and prepared himself for the ministry. He was a young man
of great promise; and received a unanimous invitation to
settle at Sherbom, as successor to Rev. Mr. Baker. But the
people of Lexington, fully impressed with his meek, unosten-
tatious piety, and pleased with his easy manners and popular
eloquence, gave him an earnest invitation to settle with
them, as colleague with his father. Ebenezer did not long
hesitate between these calls. The desire to aid his father in
his declining years induced him to accept the invitation of
Lexington. The 2d day of January, 1734, was fixed upon by
the parties, and on that day Rev. Ebenezer Hancock was
solemnly set apart as a co-laborer with his father in the
ministry of Christ. Seven churches were invited to take part
in the ordination, viz. : the Church of Christ in Weston, the
two churches of Watertown, and the churches of Newton,
Cambridge, Medford, and Bedford. Rev. Mr. Hancock, the
father, preached the sermon, and gave the charge, and the
Rev. Mr. Williams, of Weston, the right hand of fellowship.

Though the son engaged ardently in the work of the min-
istry, for the twofold purpose of promoting the cause of his
Divine Master, and of lightening the burden of his devoted
and pious father, then over sixty-three, he lived only to com-
plete the sixth year of his ministry. He died January 28,
1740, greatly beloved and universally lamented, in the thirty-
first year of his age. He was never married.

* See, also. An Address by Rev. Carlton A. Staples in Commemoration of the
Ordination and Settlement of John Hancock. Arhngton: C. S. Parker & Son,
Printers, 1900. Also Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. in, p. 5. Ed.

^ See illustrations — Rev. and Mrs. Hancock. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 311

Of the two daughters of Rev. John Hancock, Eliza, born
February 5, 1705, married Rev. Jonathan Bowman, of Dor-
chester; and Lucy, born April 20, 1713, married Rev. Nicholas
Bowes, of Bedford.^

Though Mr. Hancock was distinguished in his family, he
was more distinguished for his personal merit. He was very
eminent in his day for wisdom, piety, and fidelity in the cause
of his Divine Master; and for a happy talent at preventing
discord and healing animosities among his people. From a
great respect for his age, services, gravity, and dignified de-
portment, he was long honored with the appellation of
"Bishop." For nearly thirty years he was the senior minister
in this part of the county of Middlesex; had for many years
presided in most of the councils for ordination within its
bounds; and had given the solemn charge to twenty-one
ministers, the last of whom was the late Dr. Gushing of
Waltham, at their induction into office. He had the reputa-
tion of being a peacemaker; and his advice and fatherly
counsel were frequently sought by the neighboring churches.
His decision was generally the end of strife.

He was remarkable for his industry and devotion to his
profession. He was early in the morning in his study, and
early in the week at his preparations for the Sabbath. In this
way he was always apparently at leisure, and ready to receive
and entertain all those whom his social habits called to his
house. His success in his profession is evidence of his fidelity.
During his ministry, there were added to the church four
hundred and forty-five by profession, and thirty-two by
letters of dismissal and recommendation from other churches ;
one hundred and eighty owned the covenant, and sixteen
hundred and thirty-seven were baptized.

Mr. Hancock was what might be denominated Calvinistic
in his theology; and yet his grasp of mind and acquaintance
with the world, and his great good sense, made him liberal
and charitable to others. While his own mind was made up,
and his own opinions formed, he was willing that others
should adopt the same manly course, and judge for them-
selves.

In his sermon at the ordination of his son at Braintree, he
says : —

1 For a more particular account of the Hancock family, see Genealogical Register.
(Vol. n. Ed.)

312 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"Where there is so much work to be done, and work of such
importance, it calls for diligence and fidelity. It is God's work, and
must not be done negligently; it is the soul's work, and must not be
done slightly; it is a great work, and of eternal consequences, and
must be done faithfully. Unfaithfulness in the minister is more
unpardonable than in another man, for hereby the cause of Christ,
and the souls of men, are betrayed. Who would make an unfaithful
person a ruler over his goods? Let ministers learn their dependence
both for assistance and success. The power that can furnish you
unto this work, and give you success, is from above. 'T is not from
men, but from God. Men may pray over you, and put their hands
upon you, and bless you in the name of the Lord; but they cannot
bestow the gift of the Holy Spirit upon you. They can confer
orders, but they cannot convey grace."

This extract shows the tone and spirit of his preaching,
when young men are set apart for the ministry. We will give
a specimen of his bold and manly preaching before the rulers
of the Colony. It is from a public lecture delivered before the
authorities : —

"I will speak unto great men; About what? Not about matters
of state, but religion. Not about their farms or their merchandize,
but about their souls. Not about such things as are meerly tem-
poral, but about things which are spiritual and eternal. . . . Great
men are a part of a minister's charge, and must be addressed to at
proper seasons, and on proper occasions. The ministers of Christ
are to take heed unto all their flock over which the Holy Ghost hath
made them overseers; and the great men in some congregations
make up a considerable part of the flock. ... It is the greatest
pride and vanity that can be, for any to think themselves too great
to be spoken to about their duties to perform, or about their sins
and their faults that they may amend them. However, ministers
must speak to them in the name of the Lord, whether they will
hear, or whether they will forbear." . . . "Great men are not
always good; it would be well, it would be happy for all states and
governments, if they were. Indeed, they ought to be good, yea to
be the best of men, yet many times they are the worst, scourges of
the world, and plagues of mankind."

There is another trait in Mr. Hancock's character, which
must not be passed over without notice. He was highly
social ; not merely fond of society, but with a vein of humor or
wit in which he would often indulge. This pleasant, facetious
disposition rendered his society interesting to the young and

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 313

gave him a hold upon their affections, which few ministers
enjoy.

Many anecdotes are related of Mr. Hancock, showing his
facetiousness, and the great control he had over his people
even in temporal affairs. Two neighbors could not agree upon
the division line between their lands — each claimed more
land than the other would yield. The dispute rose high, and
a lawsuit was threatened. Mr. Hancock, hearing of the dis-
pute, called the parties together, took them upon the ground,
and asked them to mdke their statements. When they had
concluded, he took a stake and stuck it into the ground, and
said, "There, neighbor A., your land comes to this stake; and
neighbor B., don't you encroach upon your neighbor beyond
that point." It is only necessary to say that this was the end
of the strife.

It was customary in some of the early churches to have
elders, as assistants to their pastors in certain of their duties;
and sometimes they oflSciated as teachers. There happened
to be two members of Mr. Hancock's church who had an
inclination to fill such an office, and they called upon Mr.
Hancock to confer with him upon the subject. They stated
that his labors were arduous, and he somewhat in years, and
they thought it might be some relief to him to have two elders
chosen. Mr. Hancock told them that he thought well of the
subject; but expressed some doubt whether any persons could
be found who would accept the position. To relieve his mind
on that point, they modestly hinted that they might be
induced to accept the place to relieve him. "Well," said Mr.
Hancock, "I should be very glad to have elders chosen, and
should rejoice to have such gentlemen as you are fill those
positions. I suppose you know the duty of such officers .5^"
"No," replied oneof the gentlemen, "we do not; but we know
that you understand the whole matter, and can easily inform
us." "Well," said Mr. Hancock, "the duties of elders have
never heretofore been very well defined in the church, but
latterly they have settled down to this — the younger elder
is to brush down and harness the pastor's horse when he
wishes to ride out; and the elder elder is to accompany the
pastor when he goes out of town and pay his expenses. I
should like very well to have such officers chosen." The
gentlemen, being taken somewhat by surprise, let the subject
subside, and made no further effort for the choice of elders.

314 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

One of his brethren in the ministry, who knew him well,
thus speaks of this turn of mind : ^ —

"That facetious temper and turn of wit which were natural to
him, and which some people of a different make might think
abounded, he made a very good use of in general, and it served to
scatter the clouds of melancholy that hung upon some people's
spirits, and to stir up a pleasant cheerfulness within them. He did
thereby soften men's tempers, and correct their ill humors, and bring
the fretful, the angry, and the revengeful, into a calm, peaceable,
and forgiving frame. As you have had the reputation of being a
peaceable people, I believe you will readily grant that it has been
very much owing to the pleasant, prudent, and pacific counsels of
your deceased pastor."

Mr. Hancock had great wisdom and sagacity in managing
the affairs of his parish. Though he was a close student, and a
good Biblical scholar, he did not confine his study to books
alone. He mingled with his people, and so learned not only
their wants, but their habits and turn of mind — the secret
springs of action by which they were moved. He was thus
enabled to guide, and in a manner to control them. Mr.
Appleton bears testimony to this in the following passage: —

"He was eminently fitted for this place in its infant state, when
you were few in numbers, and needed a man of such wisdom and
prudence to advise and assist you in your outward and civil, as
well as spiritual, concerns. And I believe it will be allowed that but
few people have had so great help, benefit and comfort of a minister
in all respects, as this people have had in Mr. Hancock. Few minis-
ters have been so much concerned in the various affairs of their
people, as he was in yours ; and yet I never heard him taxed of being
in the least a faulty busybody in other men's matters; for you your-
selves were so sensible of his wisdom, and the goodness of his
capacity, and readiness to direct and advise you, that as I have
understood, you seldom or never engaged in any important or
difficult affair without consulting him upon it."

The wisdom of Mr. Hancock is perhaps in nothing more
conspicuous than in the manner in which he met and con-
trolled the great movement of his day, which was denomi-
nated "new-lightism." Nothing had occurred to awaken
the church or to call forth its energies for a long period, and
most of the clergy had fallen into a state of stupor. This

* Discourses delivered at Lexington the Sabbath after the death of Mr. Hancock,
by Mr. Appleton of Cambridge.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 315

condition of things excited tlie attention and aroused the
energies of such men as Whitefield, and their "new-hght,"
as it was called, spread rapidly on both sides of the Atlantic.
Many of our churches were excited, distracted, and rent
asunder. Many of our clergymen, waking up from their
slumbers, and seeing a little more interest manifested in
matters of religion, fancied that the Gospel was about to be
lost in the blind frenzy of the age; and they declared a war of
extermination against this new movement. Others caught the
fire, and without stopj^ng to inquire whether it were a true
or a false zeal, plunged into the whirlpool, and suffered them-
selves to be carried in every direction by its blind eddies. The
church at Concord was severed in twain, that of Medford was
greatly agitated; and others were more or less disturbed by
this new order of things. Councils were called, books were
written, and all the artillery of the church militant was put in
requisition to oppose the spread of what some deemed a
dangerous heresy.

But in the midst of this commotion Mr. Hancock moved
steadily forward, being aware that the religious as well as the
natural world would have its seasons of refreshing as well as
of drought; and that what was looked upon as the work of the
enemy, was but the natural result of the apathy into which
the churches had fallen. Instead, therefore, of opposing this
spirit of awakening in his society, he availed himself of it,
gave it the right direction, and added many to his church. He
was fully aware that these seasons of peculiar religious inter-
est would come, and had, as early as 1728, added nearly
eighty to his church in a single year. So, in 1741 and 1742, in
the midst of this "new-light" movement, he made about the
same accession to his church, and that without any foreign
aid or unnatural effort. While some of the neighboring clergy
were attempting to smother this religious feeling and thereby
stifle the sincere aspirations of pious souls, and others were
fanning the flame and thereby converting it into a wild and
dangerous conflagration, Mr. Hancock, with truly enlight-
ened zeal, was guiding this spirit of inquiry and feeling of
devotion and thereby aiding the cause of true religion.

Not, however, that Mr. Hancock was wanting in manly
independence. He knew and realized that the pulpit had its
rights, and that to secure these rights he must recognize the
rights of the pews. His intimate acquaintance with his peo-

S16 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

pie, his minute knowledge of their wants, their feelings, their
infirmities, and even their prejudices, enabled him so to ap-
proach every subject of interest as to obtain a candid hearing
and impress a salutary lesson upon his hearers. He did not
dwell in the musty past or in the misty future. He was a
man of the present; ready, however, to study the past that
he might obtain knowledge to guide him in the future. He
was conservative and at the same time progressive; desirous
of bringing about a reformation by implanting Gospel prin-
ciples in the heart. He was more emulous of being a faithful
minister than a noted reformer — fully realizing the oft-
forgotten truth that no reformation is abiding which flows
not from Christian principle. With these views and with
that great good sense obtained by an intimate acquaintance
with human infirmities, he availed himself of all the real
advantages of the Whitefield movement without producing
any of those convulsions which disturbed many parishes.

We have already seen that Ebenezer Hancock, who was
settled as a colleague to relieve his father, died after about six
years' labor. His father, at the death of the son, was nearly
seventy years of age, yet he continued for more than ten
years to discharge the arduous duties of his office up to the
Sunday before his death. And it was remarked by his con-
temporaries that he spoke with nearly the same firmness and
vigor at the age of eighty as at the age of forty. But the
firmest constitution must yield; the most devoted laborer
must cease from his toil. We cannot better describe his sud-
den and unexpected death, than by copying from the title-
page of two discourses delivered at Lexington the Sabbath
after his funeral, by Rev. Mr. Appleton, of Cambridge: —

"Going to bed as well as usual, the night after the 5th of Decem-
ber (1752), and awaking some time after midnight with great pain
in his stomach, died in a few minutes, in the eighty-second year of
his age, and the fifty-fourth of his ministry."

One thing which stands out prominently on the church
records of that day is the discipline of the church, evinced by
the public confessions which were made before the church
and congregation. That these confessions were not always
effectual appears from the fact that some of the members
were arraigned the second time for the same offence.

We have already seen that John Merriam and Samuel

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 317

Stone were chosen deacons at the organization of the church
in 1696. Deacon Stone died in 1703, and Samuel Stone, Jr.,
was elected in his place in 1715. In the year following, Joseph
Estabrook, a brother of their first minister, Rev. Benjamin
Estabrook, was chosen deacon. In 1727, on the death of
Deacon Merriam, Joseph Brown was chosen to fill his place.
In 1733, Deacon Joseph Estabrook died, and the church
made choice of John Laughton, who, in 1744, was dismissed
to the church in Harvard; and Joseph Estabrook, son of
Deacon Joseph, was chosen in his stead. He died in 1740. In
1743, John Stone and Joseph Loring were chosen to that
office. The former died in 1762, and the latter in 1746.

Rev. Mr. Hancock not only performed all the duties in his
own parish, but was often called to the neighboring towns,
when they were without a settled pastor, to administer the
ordinances to the destitute churches. November 25, 1705, he
was called to Groton, where he administered the Supper and
baptized twenty-four persons. Subsequently he baptized
nineteen more in that town. That same year he administered
the ordinance to sixteen persons in Chelmsford; and during
his ministry he baptized about fifty other persons in the
neighboring towns, a list of which he preserved.

Mr. Hancock appears to have been very accurate and care-
ful in keeping a record of all his acts and doings; but unfor-
tunately the records of his marriages before 1750 are lost —
a loss which is severely felt in preparing the genealogies of
many of the early families of Lexington.

Though Mr. Hancock preached on many public occasions,
his only printed discourses are the following: (1) A sermon at
the general election, 1722 — text, Luke xxii, 25. (2) A ser-
mon at the ordination of his son John, in Braintree, 1726 —
text, Luke xxiv, 49. (3) A sermon at the ordination of his
son Ebenezer, in Lexington, 1734 — text, 2 Cor. i, 24. (4) A
sermon at the public lecture in Boston, November 21, 1734,
before his Excellency the Governor and the General Court — •
text, Jer. v, 5. (5) A sermon at the ordination of Rev.
Timothy Harrington, in Lancaster, November 16, 1748 —
text, 1 Cor. IX, 19.

CHAPTER XIV

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, FROM THE SETTLEMENT TO
THE DEATH OF MR. CLARKE

The Call and Settlement of Rev. Jonas Clarke — Introduction of Tate and Brady's
Version of the Psalms — Mr. Clarke's Death and Character.

The loss of such a pastor as Rev. Mr. Hancock was duly
realized by his devoted people. They not only showed their
respect for his memory, but they decided promptly and with
great wisdom that they could best subserve the great cause to
which he had devoted his long and active life by embrac-
ing the first reasonable opportunity of settling another man.
Consequently, at a meeting held May 18, 1753, they not only
chose a committee to supply the pulpit, but instructed them
to "make diligent Inquire after a Gentleman Suetable to
Settell."

Realizing the importance of the subject, and remembering
the teaching of their late pastor, that God would by his provi-
dence guide those who meekly called upon him for aid, before
making the selection they appointed a day of "fasting and
prayer," and invited the clergymen of the neighboring towns
to meet with them on the occasion, to enlighten them by their
wisdom and aid them by their prayers.

On the 19th of May, 1755, the town concurred with the
church and extended a call to Mr. Jonas Clarke ^ to become
their pastor — offering him a salary of eighty pounds and
twenty cords of wood, and one hundred and thirty-three
pounds as a settlement. The call being accepted, the ordi-
nation took place on the 5th of November, 1755.

Between the death of Mr. Hancock and the settlement of
Mr. Clarke, a period of about three years, six were admitted
to the church by letters of dismission from other churches,
four owned the covenant, and fifty-six were baptized. Two
members were in the meantime dismissed to other churches.

After the labors of a public servant as able and faithful as
Rev. Mr. Hancock, and one who was so highly esteemed by

^ See illustrations. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 319

his people and respected by tlie community at large, they
could hardly expect to find a man who would fully come up to
the same standard. And yet Mr. Clarke so succeeded in
meeting public expectation that in a few years he gained the
entire confidence of his people, and acquired such a reputa-
tion in the community as but few clergymen ever enjoy. He
soon exhibited powers not to be cirumscribed by a parish or
confined to the ordinary routine of professional duties.

After the settlement of Mr. Clarke, the cause of religion
received a new impulse, twenty-seven being admitted to the
church during the first year of his ministry.

At the meeting of the church. May 20, 1756, it was voted
unanimously to choose two deacons, and James Brown and
Joseph Loring were elected.

The affairs of the church went on prosperously under Mr.
Clarke, and nothing worthy of note occurred till 1766, when
the church was convened to elect a deacon, and Jonas Stone
was chosen.

"At the same Time read a Petition, of twenty-4 Members, to
know the Minds of the Brethren, relative to the Introduction of
Tate and Brady's Version of the Psalms, together with a select
Number of Dr. Watts's scriptural Hymns, to be sung in public,
instead of the New England Version of Psalms now ia use, — after
some Debate upon the Matter, the Church voted to refer the Con-
sideration of said Petition to thursday, October 2d, next ensuing. —
To which Time the Meeting was then adjourned."

"At a meeting of the Church, in Lexington, upon Adjournment,
on October 2, 1766, Admitted Jonas Stone, by a Letter of Dismis-
sion from the Church of Christ in Rutland. Considered the Peti-
tion, above mentioned, as read in the Church Meeting September 4,
1766 And Voted: To introduce Brady and Tate's Version of the
Psalms, together with a Collection of Dr. Watts's Scriptural
Hymns, to be sung in Public, instead of the New England Version
of the Psalms that has been in Use among Us.

"The church voted by Yeas and Nays and upon sorting and
counting the Votes, It appeared that there was a Majority of
Three to One."

"Voted also to elect some Person to set the Psalm or Tune, and
lead in the Singing for Six Sabbaths next ensuing upon Tryal (or
Liking) as a further Attempt for regular and religious Improve-
ment in that Part of divine Worship.

"The brethren then broug't in their Votes, from which it ap-
peared that Robert Harrington, Jr., was (unanimously) chosen to
this service."

320 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The New England version of the Psalms was prepared, in
1640, by the leading divines of New England; among whom
Rev. John Eliot, Rev. Richard Mather, and Rev. Mr. Weld
were the most prominent in this work. When the several
portions were versified, the whole was committed to Rev.
Henry Dunster, President of Harvard College, and Richard
Lyon, of Cambridge. The work reflects no great honor upon
them as poets.

This version was used generally by the New England
churches up to about the time of which we are speaking. The
earliest version used in the English and also in the American
churches was that of Sternhold and Hopkins, a very literal
rendering of the text, but far from being what good taste
would require. This perhaps led to the New England version,
which was scarcely an improvement upon its English prede-
cessor. There are stanzas and even whole psalms in both that
are barbarous, if not actually ridiculous. Hence we can
pardon the English wit, who thus lampooned one of these
versions : —

" Sternhold and Hopkins had great qualms,
When they translated David's Psalms,

To make our souls full glad:
But had it been poor David's fate.
To hear us sing, or them translate.

By Jove, 't would 've made him mad."

The practice long prevailed in our New England churches
of what was called "lining the hymn"; that is, reading one or
two lines and then singing them, and so on through the whole
hymn. This labor was generally performed by one of the
deacons, and hence obtained the popular designation of
"deaconing the hymn." The introduction of the present
mode of singing in a choir and of reading the hymn from the
desk was in many cases a very delicate subject, and one which
gave great offence, especially to the deacons, who considered
their prerogative invaded.

A good anecdote, bearing upon this point, is related of the
facetious Pierpont Edwards, of Connecticut, of whom it has
been said that "he was of godly stock, but of devious incHna-
tion." Li Connecticut the parishes were formerly all terri-
torial, and there were two and even three in a township. The
people in one of these small parishes erected a meeting-house
and partially covered it with boards; but owing to their

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 821

limited means, and a dissatisfaction growing out of its loca-
tion, they were unable to do more. The building in this situ-
ation stood exposed to the weather till it became so dilapi-
dated that "the rain descended and the winds blew and beat
upon that house and it fell." By this time their old feud had
subsided and they resolved to build another church. The
timber was collected and framed, and on the appointed day
the building was erected. After the raising was over, the
people collected in a group to sing a psalm, appropriate to all
raisings, but particularly so at the raising of a church. Hav-
ing no psalm-book at hand, they looked around for some one
who would be able without a book to repeat the appropriate
psalm, and young Edwards, who happened to be present, was
selected for that duty. He consented to perform that service,
and repeated in a clear and distinct voice the first two lines —

"Except the Lord doth build the house,
The workmen toil in vain."

After singing these lines with becoming emotion, what was
their confusion when they heard this wicked wight utter as
the remaining lines of the stanza —

" Except the Lord doth shingle it,
'T will tumble down again."

But nothing like this, it is presumed, ever occurred in the
town of Lexington. The change of psalm-books and the mode
of singing were adopted without difficulty, and Mr. Clarke was
so well pleased with the change that he entered in his diary —
"October 19, 1766, began to sing the new version of psalms,
and Dr. Watts's hymns." But the introduction of singing by
the choir and singing from the new psalm-book did not do
away with the practice of lining the psalm. This continued
some fifteen years longer.

In November, 1781, the church voted to dispense with
reading the hymns by line in public worship, and chose Cap-
tain Daniel Harrington to lead the singing. In October, 1787,
John Bridge and Nathan Reed were chosen deacons.

Mr. Clarke died November 15, 1805, in the seventy-fifth
year of his age and the fifty-first of his ministry. He was born
December 11, 1730, and was graduated at Harvard, 1752.^

* For a full account of his pedigree and family, see Genealogical Register. (Vol.
II. Ed.)

322 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

During his ministry three hundred and sixty-five were added
to the church by profession and ten by letters from other
churches. Sixty-nine owned the covenant, and ten hundred
and sixty-nine were baptized.

Few towns have been blessed with more distinguished
clergymen than Lexington, in the persons of Mr. Hancock
and Mr. Clarke. They were both eminent for talents, for
piety, for fidelity — for everything which could recommend
the preacher or the pastor, the citizen or the man; and hence
both were greatly esteemed by their people and respected by
the public at large. The aggregate length of their ministry
was one hundred and four years. The influence of each of
these clergymen was great, not only in the town, but in the
community around him. It is not too much to say that
Lexington owes its standing and character more to these
eminent divines than to any other men who ever resided
within her borders. A history of Lexington, without the men-
tion of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke, would be as defective as
one of the Jewish Dispensation without the mention of Moses,
or one of the Revolution without including Washington.

Mr. Clarke was distinguished himself and in his family, as
will be seen in the Appendix.^ His influence was felt in his
parish and in the Colony. We have seen his devotion to the
affairs of state; but this did not lead to a neglect of parochial
duties. There were no jars or difficulties in his church or
society; everything went on smoothly, to the satisfaction of
all concerned. Nor did this quiet arise from indifference or
inattention to the spiritual wants of his people. No minister
was more faithful or preached the Gospel with more fidelity.
The additions to his church show that he preached with
earnestness and power. The fact that under his guidance the
young men in his society formed themselves into an association
for religious improvement and edification is the best com-
mentary upon his religious influence. This society he cher-
ished with special care, as he regarded it a safeguard to the
young and a nursery of the church.

Mr. Clarke had a just appreciation of the ministerial office,
as will appear from an extract from his sermon delivered
at the ordination of Mr. Josiah Bridge, in East Sudbury,
November 4, 1761. Addressing the candidate, he said: —

, » Now Vol. II. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 323

"Dear Sir, as you now present yourself before God and his people,
to take part of this ministry, we trust you do it, not as the horse
rushes into the battle, without consideration, but as the result of
the most serious, solemn, and prayerful deliberation. The office
you take upon yourself is high and responsible, the work you are
engaged in is great and arduous, the charge you are to receive
important and solemn, and the account you must render of your
stewardship at the last day, awfully strict and impartial. To mag-
nify your office, to be faithful in your work, and to keep the charge
you are to receive of theXord, will therefore be your constant care
and most ardent endeavor, as you desire to lift up your head and
give up your account with joy in the day of Christ. Your sacred
regard for the gloiy of God, and the honor of Christ, will excite you
to make his Word and his Gospel the sole standard of your faith and
practice — 'a light to your feet, and a lamp to your path.' And
jealous of the liberty wherewith Christ has made you free, and
willing that your brethren should freely enjoy the same, you will,
we trust, never dishonor yourself, disgrace the ministry, or dis-
please your Lord by receiving or imposing the schemes of fallible
men, however great or good, as a rule of faith and practice."

In doctrine, Mr. Clarke held the views which were gener-
ally prevalent at that day; but he held them in meekness and
charity. He was a pious and practical rather than a denun-
ciatory and controversial preacher. And he strove more
ardently to make men follow the meek and lowly Jesus than
to array themselves under this or that leader. As a pastor he
w*as faithful and devoted, as a Christian he was meek and
resigned, bearing affliction, of which he had a full share, with
a patience and fortitude rarely excelled, firmly believing that
the chastenings of the Lord were ordered in wisdom. As a
man he was justly esteemed by all who knew him. Blessed
with a social nature and being attached to the people of his
charge, he kept up an intimate and familiar intercourse with
them and was ever a welcome visitor at their houses. The old
and the young were always pleased with his society; for to
the dignity of the clergyman, which he never laid aside, he
added the familiarity of a friend and the conviviality of a
companion. His journal, which he kept upon an interleaved
almanac, shows that his house was a place of resort for the
young and old of his parish and for the clergymen and dis-
tinguished persons from abroad. His journal also shows his
method in business and his careful attention to the most
minute affairs. The daily state of the weather, the occurrence

324 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

of remarkable events, tlie visitors who called upon him, the
journeys he or any of his family performed, the visiting of
the schools, the catechising of the children, the deaths in his
parish and of distinguished individuals out of his parish, are
all carefully noted. Nor did the more domestic affairs escape
his attention — the ploughing of his ground, the gathering of
his harvest, even the bringing in of his cabbages and squashes,
the killing of a calf or a pig, and other matters pertaining to
his household affairs, are set down — all going to show that
while he was religiously devoted to his charge as a pastor and
to his country as a citizen, he did not neglect minor matters or
suffer the smallest interest to languish in his hands.

He was a man of method and of industry. As a farmer, by
care and good management he was able on a small salary to
rear up a large family, to cultivate his land, and to leave unen-
cumbered at his death a farm of sixty acres. Nor did his devo-
tion to worldly affairs lead him to neglect his religious duties.
Rev. William Ware, a family connection of Mr. Clarke, in-
forms us that he had seen a manuscript sermon of Mr.
Clarke's, numbered 2179, which would make an average of
fifty-six sermons a year during his whole ministry at Lexing-
ton. When it is considered that his sermons would occupy a
full hour in their delivery, fifty-six original sermons in a year
must require great labor both of body and of mind. He also
published several discourses.^

His personal appearance was naturally dignified and com-
manding, and this was heightened in the desk by his clerical
costume of gown, cassock, and bands, and a wig of immense
dimensions and of snowy whiteness. He was also characterized
by a neatness so extreme as to serve as a constant rebuke to
any want of this graceful virtue in his people. His eloquence
was of a commanding character. His voice was powerful and

^ Mr. Clarke's publications are: (1) A sermon preached to a religious society of
young men in Lexington, 1761 — text, Prov. i, 9. (2) A sermon at the ordination of
Rev. Josiah Bridge, in East Sudbury, 1761 — text, Luke x, 3 and 16. (3) A sermon
at the Artillery Election, 1768 — text, 2 Chron. xvii, 16. (4) A sermon on the use
and excellency of vocal music in public worship, 1770 — text, Ps. xlvii, 6, 7. (5)
A sermon delivered April 19, 1776, with an Appendix containing a narrative of the
events of April 19, 1775. (6) A sermon at the General Election, 1781 — text, Ps.
XLVii, 8, 9. (7) A sermon on the death of Rev. Samuel Cooper, D.D., Brattle Street,
Boston, 1783. (8) A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Joseph Estabrook, at Athol,
1787 — text, Jer. iir, 15. (9) A sermon at the ordination of Rev. William Muzzy, in
Sullivan, N. H., 1798 — text, 1 Thess. ii, 4. In addition to his other labors, he wrote
numerous state papers, of which we have spoken elsewhere.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 325

agreeable, and when excited by his subject, which was fre-
quently the case, it extended beyond the bounds of the
meeting-house and could be distinctly heard by those in the
immediate neighborhood.

But Mr. Clarke, though eminent as a divine, was some-
thing more than is usually implied in that designation. To his
knowledge of the Scriptures and whatever else is generally
supposed to appertain to the clerical profession, he added a
knowledge of men in their individual and in their associated
capacity, and had broad and correct views of civil polity; so
that he might be denominated a statesman as well as a divine.
But though he was distinguished in both these relations, he
did not put these characters on and off at pleasure, assuming
the one at one time and the other at another. In him the
divine and the statesman were coexistent — dwelling to-
gether in perfect harmony, prompting at all times to deeds
politically religious and religiously political. His theology
did not begin and end in certain abstract speculations upon
the divine government in the narrow and restricted sense of
that term. He fully realized that man was created for society,
and that many of his duties and obligations grow out of
the relations which society imposes. Consequently, he viewed
the study of human government as an important part of an
enlightened theological education.

Entertaining these views, he never put off the character of
the clergyman, but brought the solemn sanctions of religion
to bear upon all purposes of state. With him patriotism was
not a blind attachment to one's own country, but a religious
obligation to the land in which we live. On this principle he
animated our fathers to stand by the interests of the Colonies
as one of their highest duties. Regarding all true government
as growing out of the great plan of the Almighty, and believ-
ing that form of government best which approaches nearest
to the divine standard, he was one of the most ardent and
active friends of liberty; and did more, perhaps, than any
clergyman in this vicinity to prepare the public mind for that
sanguinary struggle which gave us a place among the nations
of the earth. He was an intimate friend of Samuel Adams and
John Hancock, and a fellow laborer with them in the cause of
liberty. To his house they frequently repaired, where they
always met with a most cordial welcome, and drew the fire of
patriotism from the sacred altar of religion. His counsels are

326 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

known to have had a great, and perhaps a controlling, influ-
ence upon John Hancock, at a time when he was supposed to
be in doubt relative to his duty.

Mr. Clarke's character for patriotism was so well under-
stood that all the ardent friends of liberty used to frequent
his house; and they never left uninstructed or un warmed
with truly religious, patriotic ardor. His patriotism being en-
grafted upon the holy principles of his religion, it was modest
and unobtrusive, but as firm and as abiding as the source
whence it drew its nourishment. However dark the dispensa-
tion or gloomy the prospect, he was always cheered with the
hope — nay, animated with the conviction — that if we are
faithful to the trust committed to our care, we shall ulti-
mately triumph. And though he was a man of peace and
would sacrifice everything but principle to preserve a filial
regard for the mother country, when he witnessed her wanton
encroachments upon our just rights and her determination to
reduce us to a state of vassalage, he believed that it was our
religious duty to raise the standard of revolt and to resist the
attacks of the oppressor.

That Mr. Clarke had just and enlightened views of the
science of human government and an ardent devotion to the
great cause of justice and equal rights will be seen by the fol-
lowing extracts ^ from his Election Sermon, preached before
His Excellency Governor Hancock and the Honorable Legis-
lature, in 1781 ; —

"Were there no Laws, Magistracy Government nor Shields in
the Earth, for the Preservation of Peace, the guard of Liberty, the
Protection of Property & Life, it is easy to foretell, even without a
Spirit of Prophecy, what the Event must be: — That anarchy. Con-
fusion, Blood and Slaughter, Waste & Destruction would soon take
Place in the Earth. The weak would be devoured by the Strong,
the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy Prey to the
vicious, ambitious, and abandoned — and the longest Sword must
determin the Fate of the World. Hence it appears, I had almost
said to a Demonstration, That under God the Supreme Ruler, This
wise Institution, this richest of Blessings, takes Rise from Necessity.

"It is true Reason teaches the Propriety, Convenience, and all
the social Affections concur to urge the Importance Advantage and
Usefulness of civil Government. But however engaging or Empor-

* Revised from the manuscript, which, with the exception of the last para-
graph, is now in the archives of the Lexington Historical Society. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 327

tant, these Arguments might appear to the benevolent, the wise
& judicious, they would be at best, but a feeble support to the order
of Society, and could never avail to establish a Government, against
the lawless Lusts of vicious, aspiring, or Blood-thirsty Men. It is
Necessity — absolute Necessity alone which is the great Bond of
Society is at the Foundation of civil Government. . . . This neces-
sity, in a great Measure at least, is founded in, & takes its Rise
from the Lusts, Corruption, and Vices of Mankind.

"'Tis not indeed pretended nor even supposed, that any one
Man or any Number of ^ Men, have a natural Right of Superiority,
or an inherent Claim of Dominion, or governmental Authority over
any other Man, or Body of Men. All Men are, by Nature, free,
equal, and independent, in this Matter. It is in Compact, and in
Compact alone, that all just Government is founded. . . . The first
steps in entering into Society, and towards the establishing of
civil Government among a People, is the forming, and ratifying an
origmal Compact for the Regulation of the State — describing &
determining the Mode, Departments, & Powers of Government
And the Rights, Privileges and Duties of the Subjects. This must
be done by the whole Body of the People, or by their Princes,
Leaders, or Delegates, by their Choice Appointment or Consent.
This Right in the People, whether emerging from a State of Nature
or the Yoke of Oppression, is an unalienable Right. It cannot be
disposed of or given up by a People, even though ever so much in-
clined to sell or sacrifice their Birth-Right in this Matter. . . .

"While the social Compact subsists, the whole state, and all its
Members, are bound by it, and a sacred Regard ought to be paid to
it. No Man, Party, Order, or Body of Men in the State have any
Right, Power, or Authority to alter, change, or violate the social
Compact. Nor can any Change, Amendment, or Alteration be in-
troduced but by common Consent. ... It remains, however, with
the Community, State or Nation, as a public. Political Body, at
any Time, at Pleasure, to change, alter, or totally dissolve the Con-
stitution, and return to a state of Nature, or form anew as to them
shall seem Meet. These Principles being admitted, it is evident
that no Man or Body of Men, however great or good — No Nation,
Kingdom or Power on Earth, hath any Right to make or impose a
Constitution of Government upon a free People. . . .

"Equality and Independence are the just Claim — the inde-
feasible Birth-right, of Men. In a State of Nature, as Individuals,
in Society, as States and Nations, Nothing short of these ever did
or ever will satisfy a Man or a People truly Free — truly Brave.
. . . When Opportunity offers, and Power is given, it is beyond
Dispute the Duty of such a Nation to assert its Native Liberty, to
shake off the Tyrant's Yoke, and maintain its Equality and Inde-
pendence among the Nations: and either resume their former, or

328 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

establish a New Constitution of Government, as they shall judge
best. Upon the whole, this is a Right, the Violation, or Infringe-
ment of which, upon any Consideration, whatever, no Man can
justify upon the Principles of Reason, the Laws of Nature, or
the Rules of Equity. Even God himself, the great, the supreme
Ruler of the World, whose Government is absolute and whose
authority is uncontroulable, hath ever paid a sacred Attention
to this important Right — hath ever patronized this interesting
Claim in the Sons of Men. The only Constitution of Government
that can plead its Origin as immediately from Heaven, was the
Theocracy of the Jews. But even this Form of Government,
though dictated by infinite Wisdom, and wrote by the Finger of
God, was laid before his People for their Consideration, and ratified,
introduced, and established by their common Consent. . . .

"A series of oppressive Measures and lawless Claims of Power,
adopted and pursued by the Court of Great Britain in open Viola-
tion of the most sacred Chartered Rights, . . . aroused the spirit of
liberty in the Free-born Sons of America to the highest Pitch : and
no other Alternative being left them but the Sword or Slavery,
the Colonies, unitedly declared their Choice of the former — and
greatly dared to be free! The important Die was cast — and the
glorious Era of Liberty commenced. . . . To Heaven the Appeal
was made. — By Heaven the Claim hath been supported. — And
that God who sittetli upon the Throne of his Holiness, as Gov-
ernor among the Nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed,
hath hitherto maintained our Right to Freedom, Equality, and
Independence — and given Us a Name among the Nations of the
Earth. . . .

"To rouse our Attention, and to give a Spring to the noblest
Exertion, may we realize the Greatness of the Cause, and attend to
the Voice of our Brethren's Blood, who have nobly fought and bled
in its Defence. O, my Fathers & Brethren, All, All is yet at
Stake. All may yet be lost, if We rise not as one Man to the noble
Cause. How inglorious must it be to fail at the Last, where then
the pleasing Scenes of Liberty and Independence, where the glori-
ous Foundations of Safety and Freedom which our Civil Constitu-
tions have laid ! They vanish, they are gone, they are lost ! forever
lost!

"But can this be the Event? Shall this be the fatal end, the
shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made, of
all the bitter sufferings that have been endured, of all the precious
blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it be? Forbid it,
righteous Heaven ! Forbid it, O my country ! America rises indig-
nant at the slavish thought. Her free-born sons are not so lost to
the sentiments of liberty, the love of country, or the feelings of
humanity, as to breathe the most distant idea of such a disgraceful

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 329

end of this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased as to
retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country's inde-
pendence. Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices
that (in such a case) must and will be made of the noble patriots,
wise counsellors, faithful rulers, brave commanders and illustrious
heroes — and in fine of the best friends and the best blood of America,
by the axe or halter, to satiate the rage, and glut the vengeance of a
British conqueror ! Or perhaps, that which is still more affecting and
degrading, to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched
life in poverty, chains, ^slavery, or a cruel imprisonment."

These extracts from a discourse delivered while the War of
the Revolution was still raging — extracts, "which those who
look at, will think too long, but those who read, will think too
short" — clearly show that Mr. Clarke fully understood the
nature of human government, and rightly appreciated the
prerogatives of rulers and the rights and duties of the people.
He was also fully aware that these rights and privileges must
be guarded with care and watchfulness; that freemen must
not only know their rights, but must be ready at all times to
assert and maintain them, if necessary, even by the sword.
Instead, therefore, of condemning war in all cases and under
all circumstances, he would rather sanctify it and bring all
military operations under the control of high religious prin-
ciple. He had no sympathy for the display of mere brute
force, but knew the worth of that true valor which struck for
human rights — for liberty — for God.

In a discourse delivered before the Ancient and Honorable
Artillery Company, in 1768, he presents his views with great
clearness and force : —

" Valour, or true fortitude, is that virtue by which men are enabled
to preserve presence of mind, to possess themselves fully, think
clearly, judge wisely, and act with calmness, firmness and resolu-
tion, in times of great confusion and tumult, in the midst of most
pressing dangers and perplexing distresses. A virtue which excites
to the noblest actions, stimulates to the boldest enterprises, which
reason dictates, judgment directs, or duty calls them to engage in.
. . . True valour is, therefore, to be considered as a moral virtue,
having reason for its foundation, and religion for its encouragement
and support. And where courage, valour or fortitude, has reason
for its basis, and is encouraged, cultivated and supported, by the
principles of religion, it becomes a virtue of the highest rank, and
prompts and leads men on to the most heroic undertakings:
And when properly called, in a cause worthy their attention, it

3S0 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

enables men, with calmness and composure of mind, to face the
greatest dangers, to stand the severest shocks, to meet, undaunted
and serene the charge of the most formidable enemy, and all the
horrors of war. The want of fortitude, is always attended with
disgrace and reproach, frequently with shameful defeats, and some-
times with total destruction. But, inspired with this virtue, a man
may engage the boldest rival, in arms, and perform the most
glorious exploits."

The various resolutions and instructions given to the Rep-
resentatives of the town from time to time, which are found
upon the town records and of which mention has been made,
are all the handiwork of Rev. Jonas Clarke.

As Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke were both distinguished in
their profession, and each of them labored in the vineyard of
their Lord half a century with eminent success, and each died
greatly lamented by the people of the place, and as the char-
acters of these eminent divines are not sufficiently known by
the people of this generation, it is thought that some light
may be cast upon the character of each by drawing a parallel
between them. But, in the first place, we should clearly
understand in what points they agree. No two clergymen out
of Boston filled a larger space in the public mind, in their
respective generations, than Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke.
They were both men of distinguished talents and ardent
piety; of great industry and method in business; and, being
well acquainted with the wants of their people, they were
eminently successful in their calling.

Li theology, their sentiments were very similar, each taking
a practical view of the religion they taught. They knew that
the Gospel, though a scheme of salvation into which the
angels desire to look, was adapted to the wants of men, and
that the earth was the field in which to train men for the
skies. Knowing that religion was designed to fit men to dwell
together harmoniously in heaven, they both strove to induce
them to live peaceably on earth, as the best preparation for
their ultimate abode. But while they both labored to make
their people benevolent, kind, and peaceable as men and as
citizens, they were not insensible to the higher aspirations
and the immortal destiny of the human soul. Hence they
labored to raise men above mere earthly things. Li one word,
though they taught a pure morality, they did not rest in
morality alone; but added thereto an active, ardent piety.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 331

Another leading characteristic in both of these servants of the
Lord was that of independence. Though kind and conciHa-
tory, they were both open and frank in the declaration of
their views, and their preaching was characterized by a bold-
ness which plainly indicated that they preached not the
pleasing words of man's wisdom, but the sublime truths of
the Gospel which God had committed to them, and which
they would proclaim, whether men would hear or forbear.

Agreeing in so many particulars, and conforming so ex-
actly to each other and to the divine standard of a Christian
minister, we can find few traits of character on which to
institute a parallel. But yet it is believed that there are some
points on which they differed, and the exact character of
each will best be shown by the contrast. Though remarkable
for their social qualities, in their intercourse with their fellow
men, Mr. Hancock had more pleasantry and Mr. Clarke
more dignity; and while the former would more frequently
unbend himself and indulge in playful wit or humor, the
latter would always come down to familiar companionship,
but would never put off the character of the clergyman. This
difference arose probably more from the temperament of the
two men than from any real differences of sentiment. Of
Mr. Hancock it may be said that he had more art, more of
what may be called management, than Mr. Clarke; though in
liim it never degenerated into low cunning or craft. He was
minutely acquainted with all the temporal affairs of his
people and here he exerted his influence to a very great ex-
tent, and generally, it is believed, for their best good. Mr.
Hancock and Mr. Clarke were well acquainted with men and
things; but the former knew more of men in their individual
character and the latter in their associated condition. And
hence the one was the better calculated to rear up a feeble
parish in a new settlement and the other to guide a ris-
ing State. Of intellectual power, — that creative energy of
mind which originates and combines, which meets present
emergencies and provides for future contingencies, — the
preference must be given to Mr. Clarke. If Mr. Hancock's
vision was more microscopic, Mr. Clarke's extended over a
broader field; so that the exact observation of the one was
more than compensated by the broader survey of the other.
Mr. Hancock could meet the wants of the present, Mr.
Clarke could anticipate those of the future.

332 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The training of Mr. Hancock's powers was on a scale more
limited than that of Mr. Clarke's. The former circumscribed
his powers to the wants of his parish and the interests of the
churches around him, where he exerted an almost unbounded
sway; while the latter entered upon a broader field and
brought his energies to bear upon the affairs of states and the
destinies of nations ; and if his influence was not as controlling
in his particular sphere as his predecessor's was in his, it was
only because the field was broader and the rivals more num-
erous and distinguished. Mr. Hancock's sphere of labor being
more circumscribed and the themes of his contemplation
being more common, his reputation will be less lasting than
that of Mr. Clarke, who has left his impress upon subjects
which will ever engage the popular mind.

But it is unprofitable to pursue this parallel and point out
differences discoverable in these great and good men. Each
of them filled with fidelity the sphere in which he was placed.
And as they were perhaps equally successful in the common
field, that of the Christian minister, it may be true that if
their circumstances had been reversed, we should see as
many of the characteristics of a statesman in Mr. Hancock as
were so eminently displayed by his distinguished successor.

The remains of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke, with their
wives and several members of their families, were deposited
in the same tomb in the Lexington graveyard and one com-
mon stone marks their resting-place.

CHAPTER XV

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS

The First Parish from the Death of Mr. Clarke to 1868 — Mr. Williams invited to
become the Pastor, and accepts — His Dismissal — Settlement and Dismissal
of Rev. Mr. Briggs — Ministry of Rev. Mr. Swett — Settlement and Death of
Rev. Mr. Whitman — Ministry of Rev. Mr. Barrett — Ministry of Rev. Mr.
Staples — Ministry of Rev. Mr. Livermore — Settlement of Rev. Mr. Westcott
— Second Congregational Society — Labors and Death of Dr. Follen — Minis-
try of Rev. Mr. Dorr — Ministry of Rev. Mr. Bridge — The Union Society —
Settlement of Rev. Mr. Stowe — The Baptist Society and its Clergymen — The
Universalist Society and its Clergymen.

After the death of Mr. Clarke and before the settlement of
his successor, a period of about two years, the church records
are quite meagre. In August, 1807, Mr. Avery Williams was
first heard as a candidp-te, and on the 8th of October he re-
ceived a unanimous invitation to become their pastor. He
accepted the call and was ordained December 30, 1807. Rev.
Dr. Kendall, of Weston, preached the sermon; Rev. Mr.
Marrett, of Burlington, made the consecrating prayer, and
Rev. Dr. Cushing, of Waltham, gave the charge.

His health failing him, by the advice of his physician Mr.
Williams spent a winter at the South, but obtained no perma-
nent relief. The paHsh supplied the pulpit during his absence;
but when it became apparent that his pastoral labors were at
an end, it was arranged with the parish that his connection
with them should terminate in September, 1815.^ His minis-
try was a successful one.

On the 31st of March, 1813, Mr. Wilhams preached a
century sermon, which was published. This discourse is well
written and does credit to the author. It is a succinct and
well-digested sketch of the early settlement of the place. He
pays a just tribute to the memories of his predecessors in the
ministry, Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke. The sermon shows
careful research, sound judgment, and good taste.

In 1819, both church and society extended an invitation to
Mr. Charles Briggs to become their pastor. The invitation
being accepted, the 28th of April, 1819, was agreed upon as

^ For a notice of his family, see Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

834 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the time for the ordination. Rev. Dr. Richmond preached
the sermon and Rev. Dr. Kirkland made the consecrating
prayer.

Nothing of special moment occurred during Mr. Briggs's
ministry. The church records, kept by him, are not only
meagre, but loose, and compare poorly with those of his pre-
decessors. The records of his marriages and of the deaths in
the parish are so imperfect as to be of but little value.

Mr. Briggs was graduated at Harvard in 1815, and his first
and only settlement was at Lexington. His ministry extended
over a period of more than sixteen years, and was on the
whole a successful one, though his health was delicate, and at
times he was scarcely able to attend to his ordinary duties.
Nevertheless, he retained the affections of the people, who
expressed their sympathy by several gratuities, in conse-
quence of his sickness and feeble health. In 1827, the town
voted him five hundred dollars, to be paid out of the Minis-
terial Fund; and in 1835, they voted to give him two hundred
dollars in addition to his salary. During this year, his health
continuing feeble, Mr. Briggs requested that his connection
with the parish be dissolved, which was granted. The feelings
of the town towards him, on the sundering of their relations,
were fully expressed in the following resolution, which was
unanimously adopted : —

"Resolved — That the First Congregational Society in Lexington
exceedingly regret that the health of the Reverend Charles Briggs,
is such as to render it imprudent for him, with a just regard to him-
self & family, to fulfil all the duties appertaining to his Ministerial
office; that his labors among them hitherto will long be remembered
with gratitude and affection; that his talents & ministerial charac-
ter eminently entitle him to their highest respect; that his discreet
& conciliatory deportment has been a strong bond of union to this
Society; — that they most deeply sympathize with him & his
family in his present precarious state of health."

It is due to Mr. Briggs to say that the last years of his min-
istry in Lexington were rendered embarrassing by the un-
profitable controversy growing out of the Ministerial Fund.^
Though he managed prudently, his labors must have been

^ For a presentation of the controversy from the standpoint of the First Congre-
gational Society, see a pamphlet. The Origin and Ownership of the Lexington
Ministerial Fund, issued by the Parish Committee in 1879. Ed.

REV. WILLIAM G. SWETT REV. JASON WHITMAN-

REV. JONAS CLARKE
REV. LEONARD A. LIVERMORE KEV. HENRY WESTCOTT

Past Pastors of the First Parish Church

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS S35

greatly neutralized by the unhappy state of feeling which
pervaded the community.

About a year after Mr. Briggs left the society, Mr. William
G. Swett was invited to become their pastor, with a salary of
seven hundred dollars. He accepted the call, and was or-
dained July 13, 1836. He was son of Colonel Samuel Swett, ^
and was graduated at Harvard in 1828. He was subsequently
settled in Lynn. He married Charlotte B. Phinney, daughter
of Elias Phinney, Esq., of Lexington. On January 15, 1839,
his relations with the society were dissolved at his own re-
quest. During his ministry the controversy relative to the
Fund must have made his position unpleasant. His salary of
seven hundred dollars being deemed insufficient, two hundred
dollars was subsequently added, showing a kind feeling
towards him personally.

After Rev. Mr. Swett left the parish, they continued in a
broken state for some time. That disturbing element, the
Fund, kept the town in commotion; and in this distracted
state of affairs it was difficult to find any man who would
settle with them. The pulpit was supplied from time to time
by such preachers as they could obtain. Rev. George M. Rice
supplied for a period. Rev. Mr. Knapp, by temporary en-
gagements, supplied the desk several months; and after that.
Rev. S. B. Cruft was employed a year or more.

After the close of Mr. Cruft's brief ministry. Rev. Samuel
J. May supplied the desk about six months. He saw the dis-
tracted state of the town and set himself at work to heal these
disorders; and it is due to him to say that by his energetic
labors and conciliatory spirit he did more towards bringing
about an amicable adjustment of the bitter controversy about
the Fund than any other man; for which he received the
thanks of the town.

In 1845, after the Legislature had provided for the division
of the Ministerial Fund among- the different societies, the
first parish, which up to that period had transacted their
business under a town warrant, organized as a parish, under a
warrant issued by William Chandler, justice of the peace.

At a meeting, June 30, 1845, the parish voted unanimously
to invite Rev. Jason Wliitman ^ to become their pastor, on a
salary of nine hundred dollars. Mr. Whitman accepted the

* See Genealogy. (Vol. ir.) Also illustrations. Ed.
' See Illustrations. Ed.

336 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

invitation, and July 30, 1845, was agreed upon for his instal-
lation. Mr. Whitman had previously been settled at Saco,
and at Portland, Maine.

Immediately after the settlement of Mr. Whitman, the
society voted to reconstruct their meeting-house; and at a
meeting held February 9, 1846, William Chandler, Sullivan
Burbank, J. Simonds Parker, William Locke, Isaac Parker,
Isaac N. Damon, and Joseph Davis were appointed a com-
mittee to carry that vote into effect. The committee con-
tracted with Mr. S. B. Temple to remodel the house; and
when it was substantially completed, namely, December 17,
1846, it took fire and was entirely consumed. Being thus
deprived of a place of worship, the Baptist society generously
offered the use of their house every Sunday morning till the
first parish could provide some place for themselves; which
offer was thankfully accepted. The house not being insured,
and the work on the old house being in the nature of repairs,
the loss fell entirely upon the society.

Being thus deprived of a house of worship, the society, at
a meeting held February 15, 1847, voted to erect a new meet-
ing-house, at a cost not exceeding eight thousand dollars, and
chose a committee to carry the vote into effect. The house
was completed and dedicated, February 28, 1848. The pews
were appraised and sold at public auction for a sum sufficient
to pay for the building.^

Though Mr. Whitman was settled over the society under
very flattering circumstances, unforeseen causes disturbed
the peace and prosperity of the parish. The loss of their old
house by fire interrupted in some degree his ministry, and the
division of the people relative to the location of the new house
would naturally impair the harmony of the society; and
though no objection was raised against him, the success of his
ministry must have been somewhat impeded by these un-
toward circumstances. Being in Maine to attend the funeral
of a brother-in-law, he was taken suddenly ill and died a few
weeks before the completion of the new meeting-house.

* The architect of this typical New England meeting-house was Isaac Melvin, of
whom little is known. lie was the architect also of the old Town Hall, — subse-
quently used as a high-school building and now suffering the ignominy of conversion
into a tenement house, — the Stone Budding, in East Lexington, and the beautiful
doorway of the house on the east comer of Massachusetts Avenue and Pleasant
Street. See Architectural Yesterdays in Lexington, by Dr. F. S. Piper, Proc. Lex.
Hist. Soc, Vol. IV, p. 114. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 337

The parish records contain the following brief notice of the
event: —

"The Rev. Jason Whitman died, January '25th, 1848, at Port-
land, Maine, He was buried from the Baptist meeting-house, on
Saturday the 28th."

Mr. Whitman was highly esteemed by his people; and as a
testimonial of their regard for him and his family, the parish,
at their meeting, March 13, 1848, voted, —

"That the salary of bur highly esteemed friend and minister.
Rev. Jason Whitman, deceased, be continued up to the first day of
May next, and be paid to Mrs. Whitman, widow of the deceased, as
a token of the high esteem of the society for him and his family, and
for his unceasing labors to promote the cause of religion, education,
and every good work, while he was permitted to remain among the
living,"

Mr. WTiitman was a man of feeble constitution and yet he
performed a vast amount of labor. He was born in Bridge-
water, April 30, 1799,^ was graduated at Harvard in 1825.
He was settled over a small society in Saco, Maine, where he
married, March, 1832, Mary Fairfield. The society in Saco
being unable to give him a suitable support, he left, and took
the general agency of the American Unitarian Association.
A new Unitarian society being formed in Portland, Maine,
Mr. Whitman was induced to take charge of it, where, by his
almost incessant labor, his health gave way, and he was ad-
vised to seek a warmer clime. He went to Savannah, Georgia,
where his health was soon so improved that he entered upon
his labors in that city and vicinity; but seeing that the South
was no place to preach with the freedom to which he was
accustomed or to educate his children, he returned to Port-
land, in 1842, with invigorated health, where he remained
till 1845, when he received a unanimous invitation to settle
in Lexington. Accepting the call, he was installed, July 30,
1845.

Mr. Whitman was ardently devoted to his profession and
the moral reforms of the day; and never spared himself when
there was a field of labor before him. In addition to his
weekly preparations for the pulpit, he wrote for the periodical
and weekly press. He also published : An Address on Temper-
ance; A Sermon on the Two Natures of Christ; A Sermon on

^ For a more perfect view of the family see Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

338 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Regeneration; A Sermon on Missionary Efforts; Home Prepa-
ration for Scliool — delivered before the American Institute;
A Fourth of July Address; A Memoir of Rev. Edward H.
Edes, of Kennebunk; A Memoir of his brother, Bernard
Whitman, of Waltham; A Memoir of his father, Deacon John
Whitman, of East Bridgewater; Young Lady's Aid — a
course of lectures before the young ladies of Portland; Young
Man's Assistant — a course of lectures to the young men of
Portland; A Volume of Sermons on the Lord's Prayer; A
Sermon at the Ordination of Rev. C. H. A. Dall; and a num-
ber of religious tracts.

Mr. Whitman was a man of modest, unaffected piety, firm
and decided in his religious opinions; and yet far removed
from a narrow, sectarian spirit. By the simplicity of his man-
ners, by his liberal and benevolent disposition and good sense,
he always secured the respect and esteem of the community
in which he lived. His writings are characterized by strength
and directness, guided by practical wisdom, and expressed
with great clearness. His preaching was earnest and direct,
practical and persuasive, and rather conversational than
declamatory in manner.

In his first discourse at Lexington, after his installation, he
gave his new parish a statement of his views and principles —
from which we cite the following: —

"People sometimes seem to feel, that, as the minister receives his
support from them, it is to them that he owes his first allegiance,
and that his great object should be to satisfy them. Upon this
point, my views are different, I feel that my first allegiance is due
to God and to Christ; I believe that I am accountable to God for
what I say; I regard Jesus Christ as the sanctified and sent of the
Father, and his instructions as authorized disclosures of God's will.
He is my master in matters of religion; to his authority I reverently
bow. Whatever his instructions may require me to proclaim as
God's truth, woe be to me if I refrain from preaching it, through
fear of man. Thus far my allegiance to God and Christ extends.
Beyond this I may and I ought to consult the wishes and feelings of
the people with regard to the time and mode of presenting even
Christian truths and sentiments."

Concerning the popular movements of the day, he said: —

"The spiritual prosperity and religious growth of a society, will
be promoted by frequent social religious conference, and by a deep
and active interest in missionary movements.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 339

" On the subject of Temperance, I am, and for years have been,
pledged to total abstinence from the use of all intoxicating drinks
as a beverage. I have, in years past, taken an active part in efforts
to remove the evils of intemperance from the community.

"Upon the subject of Slavery I would say, that, having spent
several months at the South, I entertain a very deep abhorrence of
the system, as based upon injustice and supported by wrong, and
as fraught with evils of the most appalling character to the slave
and to the master, and I know not but as much to the one as to the
other."

The loss of their newly refitted meeting-house was a sore
calamity to the parish; and though they voted to borrow the
money necessary to pay the contractor, by a delay or neglect
on the part of the Committee, who had obtained the money
on their own notes, the matter was suffered to remain un-
settled till a considerable portion of the claim against the
parish became outlawed and the whole loss would have fallen
upon the Committee had not individuals contributed freely
to relieve them of this onerous burden.

After the death of Mr. Whitman, the society heard several
preachers, and on the 19th of March, 1849, gave Mr. Fiske
Barrett,^ then in the Divinity School at Cambridge, a unani-
mous invitation to become their pastor. Mr. Barrett ac-
cepted the invitation, to take efifect after the close of his theo-
logical course. He was ordained September 5, 1849. Mr.
Barrett having tendered his resignation as pastor, the society,
at a meeting held June 27, 1852, voted to accept it. His min-
istry was short and terminated by his own request.

After being destitute of a settled minister for two years, the
society extended an invitation to Mr. Nahor A. Staples, a
graduate from the Theological School at Meadville, Pennsyl-
vania, to become their pastor, with a salary of twelve hundred
dollars. Mr. Staples accepting the invitation, September 20,
1854, was fixed on for the ordination. After laboring with
the parish about two years and two months, Mr. Staples
requested to be dismissed, that he might take pastoral charge
of a new society being formed in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. The
society at a meeting held November 10, 1856, —

"Voted, That we accept the communication of Rev. N. A.
Staples, and accede to his wishes as therein expressed, and that his
connection be dissolved on the last Sabbath of this month.
^ For view of the family see Genealogy. (Vol. n. Ed.)

S40 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

*' Voted, That the Parish Committee transmit to Rev. N. A.
Staples a copy of the above vote, together with an expression of the
regret of the Society at the separation, and their ardent prayer for
his future prosperity and happiness."

During Mr. Staples's ministry the society was prosperous,
and thirty members were added to the church. Mr. Staples
was a young man of more than ordinary talents ; he was active
and indefatigable in his labors, fervent in his eloquence, and
had his life been spared would have become one of the leading
clergymen of the denomination. He died February, 1864, in
Brooklyn, New York, where he had been settled.^

The society after the close of Mr. Staples's ministry was
destitute of a settled minister about a year, when an invita-
tion was given to Rev. Leonard J. Livermore^ to become
their pastor. He accepted the invitation, and was installed,
October 4, 1857. Mr. Livermore remained with the society
nine years, when he asked a dismissal. At a meeting of the
parish called for that purpose, September 3, 1866, they ac-
ceded to his request, expressing at the same time their sincere
regret at the separation. They also, by a public vote, bore
testimony to the value of his labors, "by which the church
had been increased, and the society relieved of a heavy pe-
cuniary burden," and expressed their high appreciation of his
fidelity, self-sacrificing spirit, and purity of character.

At the last communion service, held on the first Sunday of
November, 1866, the church expressed their regard for Rev.
Mr. Livermore, and their regret at his departure, by adopting
by a unanimous vote a testimonial, from which the following
are extracts : —

" We cannot consistently with our own feelings, or in justice to
him, permit this opportunity to pass without some expression of our
attachment to him, our appreciation of his Christian character, and
our regret at the separation. . . . We therefore take pleasure in
saying, as we can in truth and sincerity, that we highly appreciate
the industry and fideUty, the zeal and disinterestedness, with which
he has discharged all his duties as pastor of this church and society,
during the nine years he has labored with us."

After enumerating the fundamental doctrines he had
inculcated, they add : —

* See Genealogy. (Vol. n. Ed.) * See illustrations. Ed,

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 841

"And we rejoice to say that he has taught these doctrines, not
only by precept, but by example, adding to the full force of his
teaching a consistent Christian Character; that we have witnessed
with high satisfaction, his benevolence and liberality, his kindness
to the poor and unfortunate, his Christian sympathy for the sick
and afflicted, his respect for the aged, his devotion to the rising
generation, his faithful efforts, by word and deed, to promote the
temporal and spiritual welfare of the Church and Society, and in
general, his readiness to join in any good work to improve the
morals and elevate the ^Christian character of the community."

As a further testimonial of their attachment to him and
their regret at his leaving them, two hmidred and twenty-
nine of his late parishioners, male and female, presented him a
briefly written expression of their personal regard and esteem
under their ovm signatures respectively, accompanied by a
service of silver plate, as a Christmas gift.

During Mr. Livermore's ministry fifty persons were ad-
mitted to the church and a number of children were baptized.
It is due to him to say that, though his salary was insufficient
to support his family, no member of the parish or town was
more liberal or ready to contribute to every public object
which presented itself. And among the subjects which en-
gaged his attention, we cannot in justice omit to mention his
successful effort to extinguish a heavy claim against the par-
ish, arising from the loss by fire of their meeting-house in
1846.

Two distinct efforts had been made and a considerable sum
had been raised to relieve the Committee, who, by the lapse
of time, had lost their legal claim upon the parish; and yet
forty-five hundred dollars were unpaid. When all further
efforts were relinquished, Mr. Livermore took the matter in
hand, and by his own liberality and effort succeeded in raising
twenty-five hundred and forty-one dollars for the relief of the
Committee, who relinquished all further claim. It is due to
fact to say that of this sum, Mrs. Cary, widow of the late
William H. Cary, of Brooklyn, New York, who had a summer
residence in Lexington, her native town, gave one thousand
dollars.

During the Rebellion, Mr. Livermore preached two sermons,
which were published at the request of his hearers — both of
which were fraught with an enlightened and patriotic devotion
to the cause of liberty and our free institutions. The first was

S42 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

delivered August 6, 1863, on the National Thanksgiving, for
the successes which had attended our arms. We can hardly
find a paragraph which does not breathe an ardent devotion
to country and a firm belief that the Ruler of nations is carry-
ing us forward to a higher and more glorious destiny. We will
make one or two citations from the discourse: —

"There has never been a time, since the war began, so dark and
disastrous as to justify despondency, or regret that the nation chose
to fight rather than submit to falsehood and treachery; but rather
always there has been reason to feel that we were working out the
will of God and our own redemption. . . .

"God works through agents. He makes the heart of the nation
throb with His own detestation of pride, perjury, robbery, cruelty,
lust, anarchy and treason, the seven deadly sins of the enemies of
our national life. He uses the strong right arm of the nation to
smite the blows of His heavy retribution. He uses the folly of the
foolish, and the passions of the violent, like irritating medicines, to
do good in a diseased body politic; but it is a far grander and more
obvious truth, that He uses the whole force of men's just and gen-
erous sentiments, of man's sincerity, self-sacrifice, patriotism and
courage, to build up the solid pillars and walls of His kingdom of
right and mercy."

The other discourse of Mr. Livermore, delivered Septem-
ber 11, 1864, was entitled, Perseverance in the War, the
Interest and Duty. of the Nation. The title of the discourse
shows its design, and the following extracts will show its
spirit : — •

"With those who cry out for peace, because they are at heart
friends of the traitors, and who are ready to put arms into the
hands of their partisans here to inaugurate civil war in the now
peaceful North, I have no shadow of sympathy. A class more wor-
thy of the detestation of all good people I do not know in the wide
world. They are baser than the rebels themselves, as much as dis-
guised and renegade traitors are worse than open foes. With those
who are chiefly moved to their outcry for peace by the dread of
pecuniary loss, I have not much sympathy. I never learned to
admire Esau, who sold his birthright for a mess of pottage; and
there is certainly no more reason to admire those who would chaffer
with malignant traitors in arms, and take the steps which go
straight to the destruction of our glorious heritage, and the shame-
ful extinction of our national unity, to save their dividends or
escape their share of the cost of saving the nation. . . . There can
be nothing but eternal dishonor, and the just judgment of God,

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 343

awaiting us, if the love of money or the fear of its loss controls our
settlement of such questions as those involved in this war.

"Bad as the war is, a wretched, dishonorable peace would be
worse. It would, I truly believe, be a sin against God, and a crime
against man to hold any parley with these enemies of all that is
good, except on the terms constantly held out to them, by our
Government; submission to the authority of the nation, and the
reference of all disputed points to the proper legal tribunals, ajter
peace is reestablished."

Mr. Livermore came to Lexington from Clinton, where he
had labored in the ministry six years — having previously
been settled in East Boston, where he remained the same
length of time. While in Lexington, he was on the School
Committee during the greater part of his ministry, and had
the principal charge of the schools. He was a native of Mil-
ford, New Hampshire.^

Rev. Henry Westcott ^ succeeded Mr. Livermore as pastor
of the society in Lexington, and was installed June 26, 1867.
He had previously been settled in Barre, and had subse-
quently preached a year at West Dedham. He was a native
of Warwick, Rhode Island.'

The Second Congregational Society. — The origin of
this society being a little peculiar, it is not easy to say when it
first had a real existence. It seems by its records that it was
duly incorporated according to law, April 18, 1845; though it
had an organization ten or twelve years before, and had sup-
ported public worship for at least a portion of that time. It
had also, under the designation of the Christian Association,
erected a meeting-house, and disposed of its pews. And
though it was probably a legal body before the action taken
April 18, 1845, it was at that time organized as proprietor of
the meeting-house rather than as a parish. A considerable
portion of the records of this society is comprised in the de-
tails of the doings of the town in relation to a division of the
Ministerial Fund; but as that matter has been treated of in
another place, it need not be repeated here.

As far as appears from the record, which is very meagre,
Rev. Charles FoUen was employed a portion of the time from

* For an account of the family aee Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

* See Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

» For an account of his pastorate see Chap, xvi, infra. See also illustrations. Ed.

344 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1835 to 1840. In the meantime, Ralph Waldo Emerson, John
S. Dwight, and others labored with the society temporarily.
In 1835, the subject of erecting a meeting-house began to
be seriously agitated and a subscription for that object was
started. In 1839, the Association reengaged Dr. Follen for six
months, and active measures were adopted towards erecting
a meeting-house. Being completed, the 15th of January,
1840, was appointed for its dedication; and Dr. Follen, as a
matter of course, was designated to preach the dedication
sermon. In the language of the society record: —

"Dr. Follen was obliged to visit New York previous to the dedi-
cation, and made the necessary arrangements with his brethren in
the ministry to assist him in the ceremonies. The Doctor, wife and
child, with S. L. Lathrop and lady, who were to assist in the choir at
the dedication, left for New York. Soon after their arrival Mrs.
Follen was taken ill, and continued so for weeks. On the 3d of
January, he wrote to the Committee, requesting that the dedication
might be put off for one week, if it could be done without incon-
venience to the society, but expressed his willingness, if the Com-
mittee thought best, to come without his wife, and return again for
her. The Committee, on consultation, thought that as all the ar-
rangements had been made and published, and the pews were
advertised to be sold the same day, it would be detrimental to the
Association to postpone the dedication, and a letter to that effect
was written to Dr. Follen. We expected Dr. Follen; but the even-
ing before the dedication, the Committee met the clergy who had
been invited, and it was agreed that Rev. Mr. Pierpont should
preach, in case Dr. Follen did not arrive in season. The Doctor
not arriving, Mr. Pierpont preached the sermon.

" Thus the house was dedicated January 15, 1840. On the 16th,
news reached Boston of the loss of the steamboat Lexington by fire,
and that nearly all the passengers and crew had perished, and
among them Rev. Dr. Follen, our beloved and much respected
pastor. The news cast a gloom over the whole town and country.
To the people of his flock it was peculiarly trying. They had a
meeting, and agreed to invite Rev. Mr. Stetson, of Medford, to
preach a sermon on the melancholy occasion, who, in the spirit of
Christian friendship, though at short notice, consented. After the
services were over, the people voted that a committee be chosen
to communicate to Mrs. Follen the feelings of respect they enter-
tained for her late husband, and to tender her their Christian
sympathy under her severe affliction,"

The foregoing account, abridged from the parish records.

REV. CHARLES FOLLEN

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 345

tells the sad fate of a worthy and distinguished Christian
minister and philanthropist.

Charles Follen ^ was born in Germany, September 4, 1796,
and was educated at the University of Giessen. His devotion
to the great principles of liberty and his strict adherence to
justice and morality, even before he had finished his studies,
made him somewhat unpopular with the less scrupulous
young men with whom he was associated and excited some
suspicion in the faculty, who were deeply imbued with mo-
narchical principles. And after he had finished his course, read
law, and become a professor, his lectures were found to be too
liberal to suit the taste of the Holy Alliance, which at that
time assumed to control the destinies of Europe. He was
arrested on frivolous pretences and made to feel the weight of
arbitrary and despotic power, so that common prudence
induced him to leave his own country. He first visited
France, but the unsettled state of things there induced him
to seek a more congenial retreat in Switzerland, at that time
the freest nation on the Continent.

In Switzerland, he was called to a professorship in the
Evangelical Council of Education of the Canton of the Ori-
sons, where his liberal views of Christian doctrines soon be-
came objectionable, and he left, carrying with him a certifi-
cate that his "luminous lectures and kind treatment of his
pupils had secured their respect, attachment, and confidence,
in the highest degree." The University of Basle, learning that
Dr. Follen was at liberty, appointed him as a public lecturer at
the University, where he taught the natural, civil, and ecclesi-
astical law, besides some branches of metaphysics, namely,
logic, the philosophy of the mind in its application to relig-
ion, morals, legislation, and the fine arts.

At Basle, for a period, he dwelt in peace and contentment,
being left to the full enjoyment of his religious and political
sentiments. Young men from various parts flocked to the
Universitj^ and all seemed to be prosperous. But while he
and the literary friends by whom he was surrounded were
rejoicing in their political and religious liberty, the tyrants of
Europe were alarmed, when they heard that in Switzerland,
the only free state on the Continent, had been erected a new
temple of freedom. Prussia forbade her young men to visit the
University; and the Holy Alliance, allied for the unholy pur-

^ See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. iii, p. 42. See also illustrations. Ed.

846 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

pose of suppressing freedom, resolved to break up an institu-
tion which they regarded as hostile to their poHcy, Prussia,
Austria, and Russia demanded of the Government of Basle
that Dr. Follen and another liberal professor in the Univer-
sity should be given up to the tribunal of inquisition estab-
lished near Berlin.

Switzerland was averse to yielding to the arbitrary de-
mands of these tyrants, but fearing the power of this com-
bination, at last yielded to their haughty request. Dr. Follen
was advised by his friends to leave the country, but he in-
sisted upon a trial there. Failing in this, and being compelled
to leave to avoid arrest, he sent to the Government the
following note : —

"Whereas the Republic of Switzerland, which has protected so
many fugitive princes, noblemen, and priests, would not protect
him, who like themselves is a Republican, he is compelled to take
refuge in the great asylum of liberty, the United States of America.
His false accusers he summons before the tribunal of God and public
opinion. Laws he has never violated. But the heinous crime of
having loved his country has rendered him guilty to such a degree
that he feels quite unworthy to be pardoned by the Holy Alliance."

He asked a testimonial from the University, which was
readily granted, stating that he had always demeaned himself
as a good and peaceable citizen and had secured the confi-
dence of his associates.

Dr. Follen left Basle secretly for Paris, and from France
took passage for New York in company with his friend Dr.
Beck. In the autumn of 1825, he was appointed teacher of
German in Harvard and took up his abode in Cambridge.
His labors thus far had been mostly devoted to the subject of
ethics as connected with civil government and the rights of
man. But his teaching on these subjects was always based
upon the broad principles of Christianity. Feeling more and
more the importance of the teachings of Christ, he resolved to
enter the ministry; and after studying theology with Dr.
Channing, he commenced preaching. Retaining his connec-
tion with the College, and being promoted to a professorship
which engrossed a good share of his time and attention, he
was hardly in a condition to take the pastoral charge of a
parish; and hence his clerical labors were not confined to any
one locality.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 847

About this time the anti-slavery cause was attracting much
attention, and Dr. Follen, deeply imbued with the love of
freedom, at once espoused it. This step did not meet the
approbation of the cautious and conservative government of
the University, which permitted his professorship to expire.
Being thus cut off from the pecuniary support of the College,
he was thrown upon his other Hmited resources and was com-
pelled to seek employment as best he could to support himself
and family. He conceived the idea of establishing a literary
institution in Boston, but the friends of Harvard could hardly
be expected to encourage it, and it was given up. About this
time he was invited to preach at East Lexington and to assist
them in buildmg up a society in that village. We have seen
with what success he had commenced his work and what
prospect was opened to him and to his devoted people when
by a mysterious providence his earthly labors were brought
to a speedy termination.

Dr. Follen was no common man. Whether we view him
intellectually or morally, we must place him above the ordi-
nary level of our public men. The high and honorable posi-
tions he occupied both in Europe and America, the estimation
in which he was held by the gifted men in our community, and
the able writings he has left, bear ample testimony to his
talents. His mind was of the German cast and strongly im-
bued with the great principles of civil and religious freedom.
Though kind and conciliatory, he was conscientious, firm,
and self-sacrificing, ever ready to follow his honest convic-
tions, regardless alike of his own individual interest or the
frowns of others. As a reformer he was in advance of his age.
He was literally a friend of humanity, and his honest sym-
pathy was ever extended to the oppressed and down-trodden.
In private life, he was meek and gentle, ardently attached
to his family and friends, and ever ready to make any sac-
rifice for their benefit. In a word, for natural and acquired
abilities, for conscientious firmness, for an ardent love of
liberty and the rights of man, for sympathy for the poor,
afflicted, and down-trodden, he had few equals and no
superiors.

Rev. Theodore H. Dorr, having received and accepted a
call, was publicly installed pastor of the church and society,
July 2, 1845. Mr. Dorr continued his pastoral relations with
the parish for four years, when he asked dismissal on the

348 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON ^

ground of inadequate support. He closed his labors August 1,
1849.1

On the 7th of November, 1849, Mr. William F. Bridge was
ordained pastor of the society. In 1852, Rev. Mr. Bridge ten-
dered his resignation, and his connection was dissolved. He
was a son of Josiah and Eunice (Morse) Bridge, of Lancaster,
and grandson of Rev. Josiah Bridge, who was born in Lexing-
ton, 1739, and settled at East Sudbury, now Wayland.
William F. Bridge was bom February 15, 1821, and gradu-
ated at Harvard College in 1846. In settling at Lexington he
in a manner came back to the parental hearthstone.^ After
leaving Lexington, he was settled at Dublin, New Hampshire.

Mr. Bridge was their last settled minister. After the close
of his ministry. Rev. E. P. Crafts, Rev. Caleb Stetson,^ and
others, were employed temporarily. About the commence-
ment of 1863, the Second Congregational Society and the
Universalist made an arrangement by which the two societies
were to unite for the support of public worship, the desk to be
supplied by the joint action of their respective committees.
After acting together about two years, they petitioned the
Legislature to be united. Their prayer was granted, and by
an act passed March 30, 1865, they were made one corpora-
tion, under the name of "The Church of the Redeemer."

The act of the Legislature uniting the two parishes being
accepted by them respectively, they at once organized under
their charter, disposed of the house formerly occupied by the
Universalist Society, and made thorough repairs and an
enlargement of the house formerly occupied by the Second
Congregational Society. Before the legal union, they had em-
ployed Rev. William T. Stowe as their preacher, and he being
highly acceptable to them, was continued as pastor of the
new organization. Mr. Stowe came to Lexington from Brat-
tleboro, Vermont, where he had been preaching to the Uni-
versalist Society.'*

The Baptist Society. — The origin of this society is thus
given by one of its pastors. For more than half a century
there have been a greater or less number of Baptist professors

^ See Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

* See Bridge family in the Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

* See illustrations. Ed.

* See Genealogy. (Vol. ii.) For the later history of this church see Chap, xvt.,
infra. Ed.

REV. OLIVER A. DODGE REV. CHARLES M. BOWERS, D.D.

REV. IRA LELAND
REV. JOHN PRYOR, D.D. REV. LEONARD B. HATCH

Past Pastors of the Baptist Church

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 349

in Lexington; in 1781, most of them became connected with a
Baptist church formed in West Cambridge. But little inter-
est was manifested till 1817, when several united with
churches in other towns. In 1824, the ordinance of baptism
by immersion was first administered in Lexington. In 1830,
meetings were commenced in town. In 1833, Rev. T. P. Ropes
removed to the place and performed the duties of pastor.
During the same year their meeting-house was erected and a
church constituted, consisting of twenty-one members. In
January, 1835, Rev. O.A.Dodge, ^having previously received
and accepted a call, was publicly ordained and set over the
society. Under his ministry the society was prosperous and a
considerable accession was made to the church. Mr. Dodge
died May 18, 1840. The church records contain this tribute
to his memory: "To a mind naturally shrewd, penetrating,
and highly cultivated, he added a warm-hearted piety and an
unwavering activity. Beloved by the church and respected
by all, he died universally lamented."

After the death of Mr. Dodge, Mr. C. M. Bowers ^ ac-
cepted a call, and was ordained, September 9, 1841. Some
dissension arising in the society, in February, 1846, Rev. Mr.
Bowers resigned his pastoral care, and was succeeded by
Rev. Ira Leland,^ who commenced his labors for the parish in
the autumn of 1847. Mr. Leland's connection with the soci-
ety continued ten years, when it closed at his own request.
He was a faithful pastor and a valuable citizen, having for
several years the principal charge of the schools in the town.
Before the settlement of Mr. Dodge and at several intervals
between their settled ministers. Rev. T. P. Ropes had sup-
plied their pulpit. Since the close of Mr. Leland's ministry
they have had no permanent pastor, Rev. Mr. Clark and
Rev. Mr. Savage laboring with the parish, each for a short
time only.^

The First Universalist Society. — It appears from
their records that the constitution or by-laws of this society
were adopted, April 20, 1845. But it is obvious that they had
a partial organization at an earlier period and had for years
supported public worship, at least a portion of the time.

^ See illustrations. Ed.

* See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iv, pp. 158 and 164. Two papers read at the
seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the church October 4, 1909. For the
later history of this church see Chap, xvi, infra. Ed.

S50 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Their meeting-house was erected as early as 1840. Rev.
James M. Usher commenced preaching for them before their
meeting-house was erected and continued their pastor about
five years. After leaving Lexington he became engaged in
business in Boston as a bookseller and publisher. His resi-
dence was in Medford. He was considerably in public life,
and occupied a seat in the State Senate several years.

After Mr. Usher closed his labors with the society, Rev. C.
H. Webster became their pastor and remained with them
about two years. He was succeeded by Rev. W. B. Randolph,
whose ministry lasted about three years. In 1849, Rev. J. A.
Cooledge was settled over the society and remained with
them about four years. ^ The parish being feeble, their house
was closed the greater part of the time from 1859 to 1865.
In 1865 this society united with the Unitarian Society in
the East Village, and employed preachers of each sect, till
they agreed upon Rev. Mr. Stowe. Being united upon him
and finding themselves more nearly allied in doctrinal views
than they had formerly imagined, these societies took the
wise step of giving up their former organizations, became one
body, and secured the labors of Rev. Mr. Stowe, as we have
already seen.

1 See Genealogy. (Vol. ii. Ed.)

CHAPTER XVI

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS (continued)

First Congregational Society — Pastorate of Rev. Henry Westcott — Rev. C. A.
Staples's Ministry of Twenty-three Years — Installation of Rev. J. M. Wilson —
Changes in the Church "Building — Church Organizations — First Baptist
Church — Ministry of Rev. John Pryor — Colonel Conwell's Pastorate — His
Successors — New Edifice — Church Organizations — Second Congregational
(Follen) Church — Ministry of Rev. W. C. Gannett — Succeeding Ministers —
The Roman Catholic (Saint Bridget's) Church — Early Days — Pastorate of
Rev. P. J. Canny — Succeeding Priests — Church Building — Father Harkins
and his Successors — Hancock Congregational Church — The Founding —
Ministry of Rev. E. G. Porter — Erection of a New Chiu*ch — Pastorate of
Rev. Irving Meredith — Installation and Ministry of Rev. C. F. Carter —
Church Organizations — Installation of Rev. G. E. Martin — Church of Our
Redeemer (Protestant Episcopal) — Founding — Building of the Church —
Rectors and Church Officers — Christian Science Society — Organization.

The First Congregational Society.^ — The Rev.
Henry Westcott ^ was installed minister of the First Congre-
gational Society in 1867. He was born at Warwick, Rhode
Island, October 30, 1831, and began his education in the
schools of Warwick, from which he entered Greenwich Acad-
emy, and thence passed to Brown University, and was grad-
uated in 1853. Mr. Westcott was a good student, especially in
mathematics and the sciences, and was highly esteemed
among his college mates. He was an enthusiastic lover of
music and played both the flute and the organ. These accom-
plishments, with his genial nature, made him a welcome and
useful member of every social group with which he became
familiar.

His early religious training had been received in the Bap-
tist Church at Warwick, but while he was in college he lived
with an uncle who was a Unitarian and a member of the
First Church of Providence, whose minister was the eminent
Dr. F. H. Hedge. Under these influences young Westcott
gradually gave up his first theological beliefs and became a
Unitarian before he left college. Directly after graduation he

^ For the preparation of this material the Committee is under obligation to the
Rev. John Mills Wilson. Ed.
* See illustrations. Ed.

352 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

worked for two years as a civil engineer in the building of
railroads, and for two years more he taught mathematics in
a private school at Cincinnati. Then he decided upon the
ministry as his lifework and went to Harvard Divinity School
for four years. Thereafter he served successfully as pastor of
Unitarian churches at Barre, West Dedham, Lexington,
Melrose, and Maiden.

Mr. Westcott's ministry in Lexington was eminently useful
and important during all its term of fourteen years. During
most of this period, besides maintaining the regular Sunday
service, he served as Superintendent of the Sunday School,
besides having an active share in the management of the
choir and in the oversight of the church music. In 1871, he
induced the Society to build a vestry and social room adjoin-
ing the church building in the rear. This was undertaken and
accomplished along with considerable repairs upon the main
building itself. These improvements cost six thousand dol-
lars, and not only was this sum soon collected, but in addition
a church debt of two thousand dollars that had accumulated
in the years preceding Mr. Westcott's settlement was paid.

Upon the approach of the centennial of the Battle of Lex-
ington, April 19, 1875, Mr. Westcott preached several his-
torical sermons which were afterwards printed because of
their striking interest and importance. He was chaplain for
the exercises on the morning of the centennial observances.
He was greatly interested in the project of establishing a
public library in Lexington and was chief among those who
gathered the first collection of books for public distribution.
This small collection was the basis of the Gary Library. Mr.
Westcott was the first Chairman of the Board of Trustees of
Cary Library and held this position until he left Lexington.
It was largely due to his interest in books and his sound, edu-
cated judgment through those earlier years of the library that
a well-balanced and intelligently chosen collection was satis-
factorily begun.

As a preacher he was apt and timely in his themes, and his
sermons show a wise understanding of life and a genuine con-
cern for contemporary affairs. They are characterized by
simplicity and clearness of thought and expression; and his
style is pervaded by a quiet elevation of feeling, not rising
into eloquence, but giving the impression of sincerity. His
influence was genuinely quickening to the better life of the

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 353

people, and his work in the pulpit was efficiently supple-
mented by his services as pastor which disclosed his broad,
tender, and sympathetic nature. He resigned his pastorate
July 1, 1881, to assume the care of two parishes, Maiden and
Melrose, and died in Melrose, July 14, 1883.

The Rev. Carlton A. Staples ^ followed Mr. Westcott and
was installed October 31, 1881. Mr. Staples was born at
Mendon, Massachusetts, March 30, 1827, and was educated
in the public schools o^ Mendon, at Worcester and Uxbridge
Academies, and at the Bridgewater Normal School. He was
a teacher for three years in the grammar school of Water-
town. He prepared for the ministry at Meadville Theological
School, where he was graduated in 1854. He was ordained
and installed as minister of the Meadville Unitarian Church,
where he remained until 1857. From 1857 to 1861 he was the
colleague of Rev. W. G. Eliot at St. Louis; during 1861-62 he
was chaplain in the Union Army. Thereafter followed pas-
torates at Milwaukee, 1862-68; over the Third Unitarian
Society, Chicago, 1868-72; over the First Church, Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, 1872-81.

Mr. Staples's ministry of twenty-three years, ending with
his death in 1904, was the third longest term of service in the
history of the First Congregational Society, standing next to
that of the Rev. Jonas Clarke, 1755-1805. This long pastor-
ate of Mr. Staples had the advantage of coming at the period
of his life when his whole nature had been enriched and ma-
tured by twenty-seven years of varied experience in five
churches and one year as an army chaplain. So that from the
start almost to the end he was able to give the best of himself,
in the wisdom of counsel and of religious faith well tried by
the uses and demands of actual human needs. His influence
in the church was deeply and widely felt and gratefully and
affectionately recognized.^

The years of his ministry were coincident with marked
social changes in the town life, which was passing gradually
from the condition of an old-fashioned rural New England
village to that of the more self-conscious and ambitious style
of a metropolitan suburb. Through this inevitable alteration
of outward life his presence and influence were steadily en-

* See illustrations. Ed.

' See The Voice of the Parish, a pamphlet published by the Society after Mr.
Staples's death. Ed.

354 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

gaged in teaching and enforcing simplicity. He was sturdy
and outspoken in all his preaching and in his criticism of the
needless artificialities and luxury of modern life, and urgent
in his appeals for benevolent enterprises. He was especially
concerned for practical church unity, for as much fellow-
ship between the churches of the town as could be happily
realized; and because of his cordial recognition of the
work of other religious bodies, he won general regard and
affection.

In the town life aside from church activities, Mr. Staples
also left enduring traces of himself, as, for example, through
his exceptional interest in the history of Lexington. This is
amply shown on the records of the town and in the printed
proceedings of the local Historical Society, where the gather-
ing and preservation of many significant facts of early local
history are seen to have been a foremost activity of his life.
The Hancock-Clarke House has been rightly called his monu-
ment, so largely was it due to him that it stands near its
original site, restored and filled with things closely associated
with the American Revolution. As preacher, townsman,
local historian, warm-hearted supporter of all charities, and
friend of all good causes, the Rev. Carlton A. Staples surely
made a most notable success of his life; and a rich share of
all that he was and did is inwrought with the welfare of the
First Congregational Society.

After an interval of eight months from the death of Mr.
Staples, his successor, the Rev. John M. Wilson, was installed
May 10, 1905. Mr. Wilson was called from the First Unita-
rian Society of Fall River, Massachusetts. The seven years of
his Lexington pastorate, by the generous and hearty support
and appreciation of his people, have been happy and fruitful.
The chief event in this ministry has been the enlargement
and complete renovation of the vestry and supper room to
make the many social activities of the church life easier and
pleasanter. The greatly increased social uses of the church in
recent years may be measured by observing that the society
has five active auxiliary organizations, the Sunday School,
the Women's Alliance, the Fraternity of Young People, and
two Lend-a-Hand Societies, each with its own meetings,
luncheons, and general social gatherings.

To meet satisfactorily this growing social resort to the
church, the need of better conveniences and accommodations

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 355

was recognized. At the annual parish meeting of April, 1908,
plans were presented for increasing the size of the vestry and
supper room some twenty feet by extending the building.
This was to secure greater floor space in vestry and supper
room, and a new and larger platform in the vestry with two
anterooms leading from it. The plans included also a new
kitchen and pantry, with the best conveniences, enlarged
staircases and vestibule, a heating apparatus to serve both
the church and vestry j^ and an entrance protected by a porte-
cochere. It is surely a noteworthy sign of the vigor of the
society that this work was determined upon, all the plans
made, accepted, and carried out more extensively than at
first was considered necessary, all in less than a year. Best of
all, although the total cost exceeded twelve thousand dollars,
the greater part of this was raised before the annual meeting
of April, 1909, and at this date, April, 1912, the balance of
debt incurred for these improvements has been fully paid.

The new vestry and supper room were formally opened and
dedicated Thursday evening, October 29, 1908, with exercises
conducted by the minister; and addresses were made by Mr.
George O. Whiting, for the Building Committee, and Mr.
Alonzo E. Locke, for the Parish Committee. The Sunday
School met for the first time in the new vestry on Sunday,
November 1, 1908.

These alterations and enlargements were the third con-
siderable improvements in the meeting-house of the First
Congregational Society. The building was erected in 1847
and was finished and dedicated February, 1848. In the early
part of Rev. Henry Westcott's ministry, 1871, a vestry was
added to the main structure. Again in 1897-98, during Mr.
Staples's pastorate, a new three-manual organ was installed,
no longer in the gallery in the rear of the auditorium, where
the organ had hitherto been, but at the opposite end of the
church behind the pulpit. This organ gave beauty to the
interior of the church, and has been a delight by its sweetness
and impressiveness of tone. This change compelled the re-
moval of some front pews, since the pulpit had to be moved
forward into the audience room to provide a place for the
choir. Finally, in 1908, the enlargements and renovations
already described have so fitted the meeting-house for
worship and social service and so completed its outward
attractiveness that it is commonly spoken of as a fine example

356 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

of New England church architecture, charming in its sim-
plicity and modest beauty.

Nine ministers of this church were graduated at Harvard
in the years given, as follows: Benjamin Estabrook, 1690;
John Hancock, 1689; Ebenezer Hancock, 1728* Jonas Clarke,
1752; Charles Briggs, 1815; William G. Swett, 1828; Jason
Whitman, 1825; Leonard J. Livermore, 1842; John M. Wil-
son, 1890, exactly two hundred years after the first minister.
Avery Williams was graduated at Dartmouth in 1804, and
afterwards studied Theology at Princeton Theological Semi-
nary. Henry Westcott was graduated from Brown in 1853,
and from Harvard Divinity School, 1860. Nahor A. Staples
and Carlton A. Staples were both graduates of Meadville
Theological School. This record clearly shows that this soci-
ety has always strongly favored a well-trained and broadly
educated ministry.

The first Sunday School in Lexington was established in
connection with this parish by Rev. Charles Briggs in 1829.
It has had a continuous and vigorous existence since that
time and has been always an important reenforcement to the
church life. Its work has been for twenty years past supple-
mented and extended into the years of young manhood and
womanhood by the Guild, or Young People's Society. This
society has done excellent service, in spite of unavoidable
fluctuations of interest, and has actively aided in maintaining
loyalty to the church among the young people and inspiring
attachment to the principles and practice of the good life.
The present successor to the Guild is known as the First
Parish Fraternity, and is affording a welcome means for the
expression of social and idealistic interests among the young
people.

Another active auxiliary society which steadily gains in
strength and usefulness every year is the Lexington Branch
of the Women's Alliance. It is the successor of a former or-
ganization called the Sewing Circle. Its activities are both
local and denominational in their scope. It endeavors to serve
the interests of the local church in whatever way may offer,
to help in raising funds for special needs, as well as to further
the liberal movement in rehgion by contributions of money to
struggling churches and by other effective cooperation.

A quite remarkable story of benevolent service is to be
found in the secretary's report at the twenty-fifth anniver'

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 357

sary of the Lexington Lend-a-Hand Society. In a wide va-
riety of ways this useful society of women has devoted itself
for a quarter of a century to gathering many thousands of
dollars and distributing them in private, unrecognized bene-
ficences, as well as to numerous institutions, educational and
benevolent, and also to meet the special exigencies of great
disasters, like the earthquakes at Charleston and San Fran-
cisco. Associated with this, a second group of younger women
called the Unity Lend-a-Hand Society has for some years
done a similar work, increasing the charitable and practical
influences centred in the church, and giving youthful energy
and womanly interest to remedy and lessen personal and
social misfortune. Indeed, it has long been a chief trait of
the First Congregational Society to concern itself with active
benevolence in the town and beyond its limits.^ The con-
stancy of its high religious influence for the two hundred and
twenty years of its history, with its successive forms of
practical effort to diminish suffering, poverty, and disease,
make a noble record of serviceableness to the community
highly honorable to its many faithful adherents of the past
and present and to the spiritual and moral leadership of its
ministers. Especially notable among much devoted service

^ The church possesses a valuable collection of Communion Silver presented by
or in memory of the following persons on the dates affixed : —

One cup by Deacon Samuel Stone, 1715.

One cup by Mr. William Reed, Jim., 1716.

One cup by Mr. Samuel Haugh, 1727.

One cup by Messrs. David Fiske and Philip Russell, 1732.

One cup in memory of Rev. Ebenezer Hancock.

One cup by Messrs. Matthew Bridge and Thomas Meriam, 1745.

One cup by Capt. Samuel Stone, 1752.

One cup in memory of Joseph Bowman, Esq., 1755.

One cup by Deacon Joseph Brown, 1759.

One cup by Mr. Richard Arms, 1763.

Two cups by Thomas Hancock, Esq., 1764.

One cup by Mr. Isaac Stone, 1765.

One cup by Francis Bowman, Esq.

One tankard in memory of Mrs. Rachel Butterfield.

On the 10th of May, 1846, the silver having been brought before the parish, it was
voted to ^ve to Follen Church of E. Lexington five cups, including those pre-
sented by Joseph Brown, Samuel Haugh, and Samuel Stone, and two cups marked
"L. C."

March 3, 1859, some new silver was purchased and three unused cups were made
into a tankard.

September 19, 1719, two cups were purchased.

This silver was exhibited in the great display of old New England Church Silver
at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1911-12.

858 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

from members of the parish is that of Mr. George O. Davis,
with a record of thirty-seven years as Parish Clerk.

The First Baptist Church. — As already noted, the
pulpit for a number of years after the resignatioil of Rev. Mr.
Leland was supplied by ministers temporarily engaged. In
the early '70's, however, the Rev. John Pry or, D.D.,^ was
settled over the society and remained with them for a period
of about ten years, when he resigned. During his pastorate
a notable fair was held, in June, 1875, by means of which an
onerous debt was discharged and necessary repairs to the
church building made.

In 1880, a committee appointed to fill the vacancy left
by the resignation of Dr. Pryor invited Colonel Russell H.
Conwell, noted as a lawyer and lecturer, to preach for a
single Sunday. So successful was he that he determined to
give up the law and to embrace the ministry, to which he had
been ordained in 1879. In the following year he was regularly
installed over the society. Not only did Colonel Conwell fill
the pews every Sunday with his unusual eloquence, but he
brought many into the church, by letter and by baptism.
Moreover, he began at once to urge important and extensive
repairs and improvements, he himself taking active personal
part in the digging and the joinery. During eighteen months
over $8000 was raised. In 1882, Colonel Conwell received a
call to the Grace Baptist Church, Philadelphia, and six years
after going there he established Temple College, of which he
has been president, as well as pastor of the Baptist Temple,
ever since. ^ Following Colonel Conwell, the successive pas-
tors have been: Revs. C. L. Rhoades (1883), M. Bartlett
(1884-85), L. B. Hatch, D.D.^ (1886-91), A. E. Woodsum
(1892-95), J. H. Cox (1895-1901), F. A. Macdonald (1902-
07), and Samuel Knowles (1907-). May 15, 1901, the old
edifice was burned and in the following year the present
building was erected. Beginning in 1897, afternoon services
have been held — with occasional cessations — in various
halls in East Lexington.

^ See illustrations. Ed.

2 R. H. Conwell was bom in Worthington, Massachusetts, February 15, 1842. He
served in the Union Army, being promoted Lieutenant-Colonel in 1865. He prac-
tised law in Minneapolis, 1865-67 and in Boston, 1870-79. He has lectured exten-
sively and is the author of many books. Ed.

* See illustrations. Ed.

FOIiLEN CHURCH CHURCH OF OUR REDEEMER

(Unitarian) (Episcopal)

BAPTIST CHURCH

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 359

The church has one hundred and fifty members, with one
hundred and fifty-four in the Sunday School. It has a board
of six deacons and a Standing, a Prudential, and a Benevolent
Committee. The organization is supported by voluntary
offerings given weekly. The benevolences are contributed in
the same way and are distributed quarterly among eight or
ten different organizations. A separate fund is maintained
for local charities. There are a Ladies' Social Circle, two
missionary organizations, and several classes for the study of
special subjects. October 3, 4, and 5, 1909, the church cele-
brated its seventy-fifth anniversary with special religious
exercises, with a banquet, at which personal reminiscences
were given by a number of members, and with a lecture by
Dr. Conwell.

The Second Congregational Church. — As already
stated, the Second Congregational and the First Universalist
Churches united, under an act of incorporation accepted
April 19, 1865, as the Church of the Redeemer. In 1885,
however, an act was secured and accepted by the society,
changing the name to FoUen Church. Meanwhile the name,
"Church of our Redeemer," had been adopted by the re-
cently formed Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church
(which see p. 375).

Rev. William T. Stowe, who was made pastor of the Second
Congregational Society, in January, 1865, resigned, in No-
vember, 1869, to go to New Orleans, Louisiana. He was suc-
ceeded, in 1871, by Rev. William C. Gannett, son of the
distinguished minister of the Arlington Street Church, in
Boston, who remained imtil 1873, when he accepted a call to
Rochester, New York, where he still remains. During this
period, 1865 to 1873, much was made of the musical service
under the direction of Mr. J. P. Weston.

From 1873 to 1880, Rev. Edwin S. Elder was the settled
minister. In the latter year he received a call to Keokuk,
Iowa. Following his pastorate there were five years during
which the pulpit was suppUed temporarily by a number of
ministers. October 14, 1885, Rev. William H. Branigan was
installed, and remained until July, 1887, when he resigned.
From that year until October 16, 1890, the church was min-
istered to by Rev. Thomas Thompson,^ and in the following

^ See the Genealogical Register, Vol. ii. Ed.

360 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

year came the Rev. George Willis Cooke, well known as a
writer and lecturer. His pastorate extended to July 1, 1897,
when he resigned to undertake other duties.

From February, 1898, to April, 1905, the settled minister
was the Rev. Lorenzo D. Cochrane. During May and June
of the latter year, services were conducted by the Rev. Jabez
T. Sunderland. In the following year the society called the
Rev. Howard A. MacDonald, a graduate, in that year, of
the Meadville Theological School. He was ordained in King's
Chapel, June 26, 1906, and was installed at Follen Church,
October 16 of the same year. Li December, 1909, he resigned
to accept a call from Hood River, Oregon. Since that time
the pastoral duties have been fulfilled by the Rev. I. P.
Quimby, a non-resident.

Within a few years the church building has been greatly
improved by extensive repairs and by providing in the base-
ment commodious rooms for social meetings.

Mr. George O. Smith (referred to at some length in con-
nection with the account of the Lexington Historical Society,
of which he was a generous benefactor) was for twenty-seven
years Parish Clerk of this society.

Saint Bridget's Church: Roman Catholic.^ — There
is a tradition that Mass was said a few times in a house on
Concord Hill in the early fifties; but the first service held by
the Catholics in the town of Lexington, so far as there are re-
cords to prove it, was early in the year 1852, for in the ledger
of the Town Treasurer, under date of March 5, 1852, there
is the entry: "Rent of Town Hall to the CathoHcs, $7.00."
This is where Mass was said occasionally by the Rev. Manasses
P. Dougherty, pastor of St. Peter's Church, Cambridge.

Afterwards, in 1853 or 1854, the use of Robinson Hall,
which is now occupied by the Knights of Columbus, was
secured for services. One reason given for the change was
that the rent was less. This, naturally, was a consideration,
since the number of the congregation was small and their
means scanty. Father Dougherty continued his attendance for
a short while and was succeeded by the Rev. John McCarthy,
and later by the Rev. John Qualey, both of Woburn.

This arrangement continued until August, 1865, when the

1 For this material the Committee is under obligation to the Rev. Michael J.
Owens. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 361

Rev. P. J. Canny, who had been stationed at St. Joseph's
Church, Chambers Street, Boston, was appointed pastor of
the CathoHcs in the towns of Lexington, Concord, and
Assabet, now Maynard, and took up his residence in a house
on the corner of Massachusetts Avenue and Curve Street,
East Lexington. This was while the Rt. Rev. John B. Fitz-
patrick was Bishop of Boston, and as Bishop of Boston the
Church of the First UniversaHst Society (now Village Hall)
was sold to him, November 6, 1865.

Father Canny remained as pastor until August, 1870,
when the Rt. Rev. John J. Williams, Bishop of Boston at that
time, sent the Rev. Matthew Harkins, now Bishop of Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, to take Father Canny's place. Father
Harkins was a young priest who had just returned from his
theological studies in Paris and Rome; and when he looked
over the territory he had to cover he thought Concord a
more convenient place of residence. He resided there until
October, 1870, and was succeeded by the Rev. John Dela-
hunty, who was assisted by the Rev. Michael T. McManus,
now pastor of the Church of the Assumption, Brookline.
These two priests lived in Concord until January, 1871, and
attended the Lexington Catholics, as did their successor, the
Rev. John O'Brien, now the Rt. Rev. Monsignor O'Brien, of
the Sacred Heart Church, East Cambridge.

Father O'Brien remained until March, 1873, when, at his
departure from Concord, the Bishop assigned the Catholics of
Lexington and part of Bedford to the care of the pastor of the
Catholic Church in Arlington. The Rev. Joseph M. Finotti
was then pastor of Arhngton, having been transferred from
Brookline in January of the same year.

At this time it was deemed advisable to have a larger
church which would be more centrally located; therefore the
present site of Saint Bridget's Church was secured in the
summer of 1875 and Bishop Williams sold to "The Inhabi-
tants of the Town of Lexington " the East Lexington Church,
March 23, 1874. " The Lexington Mmute-Man" of August 2,
1873, notices the purchase of the Davis Estate on Monument
Street for $6000 cash, by the Catholics.

There was a house on the land; and again in the "Minute-
Man" of September 13, 1873, there is a note to the effect that
Mr. A. Ball commenced the work of tearing out the interior
of the Davis House, lately purchased by the Catholics; and

362 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

again in the issue of the same paper October 25, 1873, we are
told: "Last Sunday the CathoUcs held service in the building
lately purchased of the Davis Estate on Monument Street,
for the second time." This temporary structure was used for
a couple of years, when the basement of the present church
was completed and the cornerstone laid in November, 1875, by
Archbishop Williams.

Father Finotti remained in Arlington until April, 1876,
and was succeeded by the Rev. Matthew Harkins, who had
come from the parish of the Immaculate Conception, Salem,
thus making him pastor of the Lexington parish for the sec-
ond time. It was during his pastorate that the superstructure
of the present church was built. He remained as pastor until
March, 1884, when he was appointed pastor of Saint James's
Church, Boston, and the Rev. Thomas H. Shahan took the
place vacated by Father Harkins. While Father Shahan was
pastor, the rectory in Lexington and the church in Bedford
were constructed.

During the years 1873 to 1886 the following priests assisted
the different pastors in ministering to the Catholics of Lex-
ington: Rev. John B. Galvin, Rev. Michael D. Murphy, Rev.
James J. O'Brien, Rev. John M. Gallagher, Rev. Thomas I.
Coghlan, Rev. Patrick H. Billings, and Rev. Martin S.
Kelley.

In April, 1866, Bishop Williams made Lexington and
Bedford a parish, and appointed the Rev. Patrick J. Kava-
nagh, of Saint Rose's Parish, Chelsea, pastor. Father
Kavanagh took up his residence in the rectory newly erected
and began to make arrangements for the completion of the
interior of Saint Bridget's Church, which was dedicated
Sunday, May 3, 1891, by Archbishop Williams. On that
occasion the Rev. Lawrence J. O'Toole, of West Newton,
was celebrant of the Mass. He was assisted by the Rev. John
Murphy, of Hopkinton, as deacon, the Rev. Michael
Gilligan, of Medford, as sub-deacon, and the Rev. John Dono-
van, of Charlestown (a native of Lexington), as master of
ceremonies. The Rev. William D. Joyce, O.M.L, of Lowell,
preached the dedicatory sermon. The other priests who as-
sisted at the ceremony were Rev. John Flatley, Cambridge;
Rev. Timothy Brosnahan, Waltham; Rev. Robert Stack,
Watertown; Rev. B. H. Billings and Rev. J. J. O'Brien, ^t.
James's Church, Boston; Rev. James McGlew, Chelsea; Rev.

HANCOCK CHURCH (Congregational)
ST. Bridget's church (Roman CatholIc)

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 363

Michael McCall, Concord; Rev. John Qualey and Rev. James
Gilday, Woburn; and the Rev. Richard Nagle, of the Ca-
thedral of the Holy Cross, Boston.

^ During a part of his pastorate, Father Kavanagh was as-
sisted successively by the Rev. William J. Fennessy and the
Rev. Joseph J. Fitzgerald. Father Kavanagh remained in
Lexington, as pastor, until May, 1904, when the Rev. Mi-
chael J. Owens, of St. Catherine's Parish, Charlestown, was
appointed his successor. During Father Owens's pastorate,
he has been assisted, successively, by the Rev. William J.
Farrell, the Rev. Joseph E. Connelly, and the Rev. Henry J.
Ryan.

The CathoHc population of Lexington, in 1912, is about
1200. The increase has been slow but constant, as may be
seen by consulting the parish baptismal records. During the
first full year after Lexington had become a separate parish,
in 1887, there were eighteen infants baptized; in 1888, there
were twenty-one, and in 1911, there were fifty-three.

The church property, buildings and grounds, have been
much improved in recent years and a new Hook and Hast-
ing's pipe organ was installed in the church in 1909. The
organ was first heard at a pubHc concert December 1, 1909.

The Hancock Congregational Church ^ was organized
in the spring of the year 1868. In the main village two other
churches were already estabhshed. One was the First Parish
Church, with its long and honorable history. At the time of
the theological controversy, in the early part of the nine-
teenth century, this body, unlike many of the neighboring
churches, which were split into two sections, went over en-
tirely to the Unitarian side. This departure accordingly left
among the Congregationalists no church to represent those of
the Trinitarian persuasion. This lack was felt by a group of
earnest men and women, many of whom for a considerable
time had attended the Baptist Church, whose organization
dated from the year 1833. The doctrinal emphasis of this
body, though in the main congenial, was felt to be somewhat
unduly restrictive, especially in regard to participation in the
Communion Service, from which those were excluded who
had not been baptized by immersion. The situation thus

1 The account of Hancock Church was prepared by Rev. Charles F. Carter, a
member of the Committee. Ed.

364 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

viewed in its doctrinal aspect suggests part of the motive
that, coupled with other considerations, led to the formation
of a new ecclesiastical society.

The desire of the founders met peculiarly sympathetic
consideration and practical aid among the churches of the
Woburn Conference. The moral support of these neighboring
bodies and their generous aid in providing a meeting-house,
and in other financial assistance which was continued for
several years, made possible what could not have been under-
taken solely in reliance on local resources. This marked in-
stance of wise and far-seeing fraternal helpfulness entitles
Hancock Church always to be regarded as a child of the
Woburn Conference.

For a house of worship, a building was made available that
bore an interesting history. At the junction of Bedford Road
and Hancock Street, an academy had been established in
1822, duly incorporated by some of the leading citizens of
that time. Seventeen years later this building became the
birthplace of the first state normal school in America, receiv-
ing the impress of the genius of Horace Mann. Here, also,
Frederick Douglass made his first pubhc speech. After some
years of varied history, this property was purchased at a cost
of about eight thousand dollars and, adapted to the uses of
public worship, became the first home of Hancock Church.
On May 20, 1868, it was dedicated to religious uses by a
council from the Woburn Conference, which also assisted in
organizing a church of twenty-three members. For more than
twenty years the congregation worshipped here, while the
church grew steadily in numbers and influence. The experi-
ment, which by many had been regarded as a doubtful one,
justified itself and advanced in public esteem.

On August 17, 1868, the final steps were taken, legally
constituting the Hancock Congregational Society. Under
Charles Hudson, Esq., as presiding justice. Deacon Walter
W. Baker was elected Clerk and Matthew H. Merriam was
chosen Moderator. John Davis was elected Treasurer and
Collector. The basis of association was adopted, affirming
"that this society is to be founded and ever to be continued on
an orthodox Congregational basis, according to the creed and
principles of the Hancock Congregational Church herewith to
be connected and corresponding in doctrine and polity with
the churches composing the Woburn Conference and with

ECCLESIASTICAL < AFFAIRS 365

other churches of like faith." Provision for harmonious ac-
tion in calhng a pastor was made by the adoption of the
following article : —

"The church shall have the right In all cases to select a pastor to
be proposed to the society for its concurrence. If it shall concur in
said selection ... a call shall be given by the church and society
jointly; but if the society do not concur, the church shall select
again, and so again, from time to time, until the church and society
shall agree in a choice ^nd when so agreed a call shall be given to
the person so selected by the church and society as stated above,
that is, jointly."

Under this provision, so carefully framed to secure har-
mony of action, a call was extended to Edward Griffin
Porter ^ to become the pastor of the newly formed church and
on October 1, 1868, he was ordained to that office. With
twenty-four pioneer members and with twelve scholars in the
Sunday School it was a day of small beginnings. Yet there
were men and women who were earnestly devoted to this
new enterprise with a seriousness befitting its character.
Notable among them were Deacon John Davis and Mary
Forbes Phelps, his wife, who are entitled to be regarded as
the founders of the church and who are so commemorated by
a window placed to their honor in the later edifice. With
them others of like spirit were associated: Dr. and IVIrs.
Adams, Deacon and Mrs. Walter W. Baker, Mr. and Mrs.
George F. Chapman, Mrs. AHce D. Goodwin, and Mr. and
Mrs. Franklin Patch. They were simply a large family of
faith, bound closely together by the responsibility of their
undertaking and in earnest to secure a genuine success. Into
this atmosphere Mr. Porter came and undertook his first and
only pastorate. Graduating from Harvard in 1858, he pur-
sued his studies in Berlin, Heidelberg, and Athens for three
years, taking the degree of Master of Arts on his return in
1861. He then entered the Andover Theological Seminary,
where he graduated m 1864. Service on the Sanitary Com-
mission during the latter part of the Civil War temporarily
impaired his health and another journey to Europe became
advisable. Thus his entrance upon the active duties of the
ministry was delayed, but there were abundant compensa-
tions in the breadth of experience gained by travel and in the

^ See illustrations. Ed.

366 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

wealth of information which he was always able and ready so
happily to impart to others. He threw himself with zest into
the life of the new church and by the charm of his personality
and his wide-reaching friendliness he at once gave character
to this growing community of faith.

Its methods were in harmony with those of the Congrega-
tional order in the surrounding towns. The spirit of its pastor
was irenic. He laid no undue stress on theological doctrines,
but rather gave diligent attention to the development of
friendly relations among all the people and especially to the
stimulus and instruction of the young. A marked emphasis
was given to the importance of missions, and it is doubtful if
any church in the country during the later years of his pas-
torate had so many occasions of personal contact with mis-
sionaries and their work as did this inconspicuous, country
church. Here it was that Rev. Joseph Hardy Neesima
preached his first sermon in English and received the first
ten dollars for the founding of the Doshisha in Tokio; while
from the Christian Endeavor Society of this church the
impulse proceeded inaugurating a similar movement in New
Zealand. In the spring of 1887, Mr. Porter, in company with
Rev. Dr. Daniel March, of Woburn, entered upon a tour of
the countries of the world where the American Board of
Foreign Missions was represented by mission stations. This
was a voluntary service, undertaken as a tour of inspection,
one of the first of its kind, and honorable alike to these broad-
minded ministers and to the churches who allowed them thus
to go. From such interest in the world-wide spread of God's
Kingdom there could not help but come a reflex influence
upon the church itself, broadening its conception of the
scope of its work.

One of the incidental results of the intimate connection
between Mr. Porter and those upon the foreign field was seen
in the settlement in Lexington of the veteran missionary,
Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who chose this town for a home during
his later years and whose sturdy form and resolute bearing
on the street down to his ninetieth year brought to mind the
story of his eventful Hfe, with its rare sagacity and practical
sense, while his presence in the church always became an
occasion of renewed veneration and regard.

In 1891, Mr. Porter resigned his pastorate and was dis-
missed on March 2 of that year, being honored with the

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 867

position of pastor emeritus for life. During this period of his
active ministry the church had grown to a membership of
one hundred and eighty-eight, twenty-four of them at this
time being non-residents. Mr. Porter retained his citizenship
in the town, to whose interests he was exceptionally devoted.
In the wide range of his travels throughout the world, he
never forgot that he was a citizen of Lexington, and he did
more than any other individual both at home and abroad to
awaken the sense an4 to extend the knowledge of the town's
exalted history. Gifted with the keen scent of the antiquary
and untiring in research, he brought to hght many historic
facts that otherwise would have passed into oblivion. The
record of his published works, nearly fifty in number, ap-
pended to a memoir printed for the New England Historic
Genealogical Society, is only a partial indication of the in-
dustry and eagerness that kept him constantly on the trail of
items pertinent to the early history of men and affairs in New
England. While he contributed so freely to its historic con-
sciousness, it is equally true that the town with its rich heri-
tage from the past helped Mr. Porter to discover himself,
affording a stimulating field for the exercise of his distinctive
talents. The mating between the town and this Christian
gentleman was a peculiarly happy one.

After his death by pneumonia on February 5, 1900, the
church placed on record its appreciation of his character, hold-
ing a memorial service in his honor and later placing in the new
building a beautiful window bearing the fitting inscription, —

*' Citizen, Minister, Friend."

"With rare friendliness he gave himself unsparingly to others,
drawing out the good in them and helping to confirm it. As a
Christian gentleman he was eminent in social virtue, while his
purity of heart and singularly unblemished speech commended the
gospel he proclaimed. Of distinguished and courtly bearing, he yet
had strong individuality, was bold and persuasive in personal
address, resolute in his undertakings and ejQScient in accomplish-
ment. The memory of his character will long remain as an inspir-
ation to those who knew him."

With the growth of the church it became apparent that
more commodious quarters would soon be necessary. Pre-
liminary discussion was begun in the year 1887, which re-
sulted in the circulation of a subscription paper and in the

368 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

appointment of a Building Committee, of which Mr. Mat-
thew H. Merriam was the Chairman. The present site at the
west of the old Munroe House was purchased and the corner-
stone was laid, with appropriate exercises, on July 26, 1892.
At the inception of this enterprise, it was the avowed purpose
of the people that the new building should be completed free
from debt, but some unfortunate misunderstandings arose
and this laudable purpose failed of attainment. Hence in the
summer of 1893, initial services were held in the new church,
but the formal dedication was postponed until the balance of
indebtedness should be provided.

The cost of the edifice was approximately forty-five thou-
sand dollars. It was built of field stones by Dodge Brothers,
of Somerville, from plans drawn by Mr. Walter J. Paine, an
architect of Boston. The stained glass was furnished by
Redding and Baird of Boston, including the memorial win-
dow to Deacon and Mrs. Davis, given by Mr. and Mrs.
Charles C. Goodwin, to which reference already has been made;
another window, a memorial by Mr. Oscar Patch and Miss
Patch to their parents and to his wife and daughter; and a
third window in memory of Dr. Adams. To these there has
been added a smaller window, the gift of Mr. Alvah C. Stone
to the memory of his wife; and the large memorial of Rev.
Mr. Porter. This was the gift of friends both without and
within the parish and was made, at a cost of sixteen hundred
dollars, by Lewis G. Flagg, of Boston. The rich and har-
monious design represents for its central section a study of
the woman of Samaria with Jesus at the well, as he declares
to her the momentous truth, "God is a spirit and they that
worship Him must worship in spirit and in truth." The sur-
rounding openings contain angelic faces and the entire group
is treated as a composite whole, the blending of light and
shade thus giving unity to the various parts. The excellent
organ was built by Mr. George S. Hutchins of Boston, the
purchase sum of thirty-three hundred dollars being provided
by a special subscription secured through the agency of Mr.
C. C. Goodwin^ and Mr. A. W. Newell,^ both of whom for
many years have been zealous in promoting the interests of
the church, especially in the department of music. During
the entire history of the church a notable and distinctive

1 See illustrations. Ed.

^ Mr. Newell was a victim of the terrible Titanic disaster. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 369

feature has been the character of the music rendered in its
services. For the efficiency of the chorus choir and the spirit
of enthusiasm pervading its work, the devotion of Mr.
Goodwin was mainly responsible, and this is effectively con-
tinued by Mr. Edward P. Merriam.

With the resignation of Mr. Porter, the church was left
without a pastor, and it promptly extended a call to Rev.
Irving Meredith, which was accepted, and the services of
installation took place October 1, 1891, the sermon being
delivered by the Rev.' Robert R. Meredith, D.D,, the distin-
guished father of the new pastor. Mr. Meredith had his
collegiate training at Harvard and Dartmouth. Newspaper
work in Boston widened his experience, as did also his study
of the conditions of workingmen under free trade in Europe,
which was undertaken durmg the presidential campaign of
1888. Direct training for the ministry came to him in Union
Theological Seminary, where he graduated in 1891, and he
was ordained on May 26, at the Tompkins Avenue Congrega-
tional Church of Brooklyn, New York, where his father was
pastor. He also had valuable experience in home missionary
work, during the summer vacations, in Wyoming, Nebraska,
and Dakota, and in the mountains of Pennsylvania and
Maryland.

His first pastorate called out all the enthusiasm of his zeal-
ous nature. By inheritance he was generous, hearty, uncon-
ventional, courageous, impulsive, and outspoken. These
native traits especially attracted the young people to him
and rendered him a peculiarly likable companion in a wide
and varied circle of friends. He was quickly identified with
the social activities of the town and was heartily interested
in its public affairs. His ideal for the church was to make it of
genuine service in the hfe of the community and his inspir-
ation came from the thought of God as "the Father of the
lost Son." His sympathy was keen for those who had gone
astray, and he was eager to bring to them the gospel of re-
demption and to win them to its powers. The new building
which was erected during his pastorate and with his untiring
cooperation, he sought to make a church of the open door,
aying emphasis upon service and a wide response to the
needs of men.

To these ideals the constituency of the church in the main
was not unresponsive. Unfortunately, however, there grad-

370 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ually developed a strained relation between the pastor and
a number of liis people that seriously interfered with efifective
work and the realization of their ideals. From both sides
efforts seem to have been made to restore harmony, but they
were largely unavailing. Hence on May 6, 1894, Mr. Mere-
dith offered his resignation, to take effect on June 1. During
his brief pastorate twenty-eight new members were added to
the church.

With such a cloud hanging over both minister and people,
the unfortunate situation suddenly became tragic, for Mr.
Meredith fell dead on the street, on the evening of May 8,
1894. This sad event, instead of drawing the people to-
gether, intensified the partisan feeling already engendered.
It were better to let the veil of silence rest upon this deplor-
able chapter, and this brief and necessary reference is made
only for the purpose of keeping faith with the facts of history.
For a church cannot escape the ill effects of inner turmoil;
and the personal antipathies that were developed during this
period hindered for a considerable time that complete spirit
of harmony which is the condition of full success.

During the ensuing summer Rev. Dr. Edward A. Stem-
bridge was engaged to supply the pulpit, and he served as
acting pastor for about eighteen months, his preaching being
strongly characterized by the evangelistic note.

On March 26, 1896, Rev. Charles Francis Carter was in-
stalled as pastor. His previous locations had been in Bur-
lington, Vermont, and in Manchester, New Hampshire,
where he began his ministry after leaving Andover Theolog-
ical Seminary in 1883, a year after his graduation. His class
in Yale was that of 1878. The burden of his preaching at the
outset laid frequent emphasis on the word "together," and
the appeal for loyalty to a higher standard than any human
personality found response among the people. This appeared
in a growing spirit of conciliation and good- will. Early in
the year 1899 a personal canvass entirely without public ap-
peal was made by the pastor to see if it were possible to re-
move the indebtedness still resting upon the church. By the
yearly payment of about five hundred dollars, through the
eflaciency of the women's organizations, the amount had
been reduced to nearly eight thousand dollars. The response
was so unanimous and generous that the entire sum was
raised and the formal dedication of the church took place on

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 371

October 22, 1899, initial services having been held September
3, 1893. Rev. Dr. Cyrus Hamlin offered the dedicatory
prayer, the sermon was preached by the pastor from the text
2 Chron. vi, 2, and in the evening an historical address was
given by Rev. E. G. Porter, together with greetings from the
other churches of the town and from the Woburn Conference.
It was an occasion of deep rejoicing and the gain was far
more substantial than the financial item alone would indi-
cate, as the removal of j:he debt carried a pledge of good-will
on every hand.

During this year, also, a new form of admission into church
membership was adopted. The purpose of this change was
to lay the emphasis upon the sincerity of one's personal com-
mitment rather than upon theological requirements, and also
to recognize the responsibility toward one's fellow men such
as is involved in a social conception of Christianity. The cen-
tral article, embodying this idea, is the question put for the
candidate's response upon entering into the fellowship of the
church, " Do you also with us solemnly declare your faith in
God, the Father, and in response to his Holy Spirit unre-
servedly commit yourself to love and obey Him ? Do you en-
gage to work in Christ's way of love and service and, seeking
in all things to be built up in his likeness, do you accept his
spirit to be the ruling spirit in your life?"

In a community of homes the Sunday School always is an
important department of the church and here it has been no
exception. The list of superintendents includes Mr. Edmund
C. Whitney, Mr. F. L. Emery, Mr. A. M. Redman, Mr.
James P. Prince, Mr. E. P. Nichols, and Mr. W. C. Hill.
During Mr. Emery's term, in 1897, a thorough and advanced
system of grading was adopted, placing the main body of the
school on a progressive course, with subjects adapted to the
different classes, the teachers retaining the same subjects
from year to year as the classes moved on. This system was
maintained for several years, but gradually a return was
made to more traditional methods.

During Mr. Carter's ministry it became the custom to hold
a pastor's training class during the fall or winter months for
those of the young people who were ready to be instructed in
the matter of personal religion. From such groups of boys and
girls, about fourteen years of age, who formed these classes,
came a large proportion of those who entered the church on

372 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

confession of faith. From 1896 to 1910 there were received
by letter seventy-six and sixty-one on confession of faith.
This total gain of one hundred and thirty-seven was modified
by deaths and dismissions, so that the steady increase of this
period brought the total membership to the number of two
hundred and thirty in 1910, with a comparatively small num-
ber of absentees.

One of the most efficient organizations of Hancock Church
has been the society of women, popularly known as the
"Thimble Party." With Mrs. Charles C. Goodwin as trus-
tee of this organization, it has maintained interest in Home
and Foreign Missionary work, has rendered much charitable
service both in the community and in missionary fields, has
promoted the social relations of the parish in an admirable
way, and has shown a financial thrift and foresight of most
practical and timely value on many occasions of need. It
contributed largely to the expenses of the hardwood floor
which was laid in the church in 1905 and the carpet provided
at that time for church and chapel; it maintains a fund on
which it has drawn repeatedly for special objects and which
is now being increased with reference to a parish house. Other
material improvements had been made with the modifica-
tion of the chancel and the redecoration of the main audito-
rium and the chapel in 1901, in connection with the placing of
the large window in memory of Mr. Porter. The beautiful
copy of Murillo's Immaculate Conception, made by an art-
ist of Paris, was hung in the church through the generosity
of Mr. Edward P. Bliss, and although this is somewhat of an
innovation in Protestant churches, the picture by its own in-
herent beauty has won a helpful place in the devout feeling
of the congregation.

In the winter of 1907, the men's club of Hancock Church
was organized with Mr. Edward P. Nichols as its first Pres-
ident. He brought characteristic vigor and enthusiasm to
this new project, which at once took its place as a helpful
agency in the life of the church. In addition to the usual fea-
tures it has a benefit fund, which has proven of distinct value
in giving tangible expression to the feeling of Christian sym-
pathy and fellowship when some member is in need.

The broad catholic spirit of the church has been shown in
the annual custom since 1890 of holding union services during
the summer in association with the congregation of the First

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 373

Parisli Churcli. These were instituted when Rev. C. A. Sta-
ples, of the Unitarian Church, was still alive. He found in
them a welcome channel for his tolerant and genial soul, while
the spirit of fellowship which they had developed found ex-
pression in the farewell union service held in Hancock Church
at the close of Mr. Carter's ministry there.

In the spring of 1910, Mr. Carter, being called to the Park
Congregational Church of Hartford, Connecticut, tendered
his resignation, which took effect on June 1. After fourteen
years of service the associations with the people had grown
very close, and Mr. and Mrs. Carter bore to their new field
abundant evidence of friendly regard.

Resolutions adopted by the church were in part as fol-
lows : —

"It is with no ordinary regret that this church parts with one
whose service has been so long, so faithful, and so efficient. He has
brought to us a mind and heart of unusual capacity, and the store-
houses of both have been freely opened to our lasting benefit. . . .
We are deeply conscious of the fact that the loss which we face is
one that will be shared by the whole community, for his humanity
has been of the sort which ignores all boundaries."

In similar vein were resolutions from the Ecclesiastical
Society: —

"We, the Hancock Congregational Parish, desire to put on record
our deep regret, our sincere sorrow, and our sense of loss. We sub-
mit he has no 'call' to leave Lexington. He came to a church
divided and rent by factions. He leaves a church united and har-
monious, its various activities thoroughly organized and in efficient
operation. The work he has accomplished cannot be adequately
stated in terms. His pulpit service has been of the highest order.
To unusual mental equipment he has added deep research and ripe
scholarship. He has not preached Theology, but righteousness as
portrayed in the life and character of Jesus Christ. He has been
liberal and catholic in the highest degree, but never loose. He has
taught that the religion of Jesus Christ squares with reason, and
that between earnest thinking and spiritual living there is no di-
vorce. He has addressed himself to earnest, thoughtful men and
women and 'they have heard him gladly.' The full results of his
preaching will be known only in the eternal years. In the parish
and in the community he has been a 'man among men.' His high
personal character, his unfailing courtesy, his deep and tender
sympathy have won the respect and affection of all who appreciate
the highest qualities of Christian manhood."

374 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"Mrs. Carter has by her womanly traits, her Christian zeal, her
faithful labors and in all social and charitable duties given an ex-
ample by which all should profit. While all have felt the cheer and
inspiration of her ever welcome presence in the social circle, there
are many among us who cherish tender memories of her gentle
ministrations in times of sorrow, and of loving, hopeful words fitly
spoken to hearts bleeding from the wounds of sore affliction."

After a considerable period of careful search for a new
pastor the committee appointed for that purpose reported
favorably on the name of Rev. George E. Martin, D.D., re-
cently the pastor of the Kirk Street Church in Lowell, Mass-
achusetts. Responding favorably to the call, he undertook
the work in January, 1911, and was installed on May 26 of
that year. A graduate of Yale College in 1872 and of the
Yale Divinity School in 1878, with his first pastorate in Brat-
tleboro, Vermont, and the charge of two important Presby-
terian churches, the First Presbyterian in St. Louis and the
Holland Memorial in Philadelphia, he has come to Lexington
with the treasure of a wide and mature experience and has
entered earnestly upon his ministry in Hancock Church,
which already feels the resourcefulness and stimulus of his
touch.

The wisdom and devotion of the founders have found
abundant justification in this church which during the forty-
four years of its existence has grown to a position of recog-
nized strength and influence in this historic community.

During the forty-four years of the church's life, six mem-
bers have served as Clerk, three of whom have covered thirty-
nine years, viz : William R. Cutter, ten years, George E. Muz-
zey, fourteen years, and James P. Prince, the present Clerk,
fifteen years.

The Chuuch of Our Redeemer.^ The first service in
Lexington according to the Use of the Protestant Episcopal
Church was held at the home of Dr. R. M. Lawrence on Wal-
tham Street, on Sunday, March 4, 1883, Dr. Lawrence of-
ficiating as lay-reader. Services were held at different private
houses until April 8, when, by permission of the Selectmen,
their room in the Town Hall served as the place of meeting,
the Rev. Mr. Rand, of Watertown, officiating. On Sunday,

^ For this material the Committee Is indebted to the Rev. George Grey Ballard,
Jr. Ed.

REV. EDWARD GRIFFIN PORTER

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 375

May 27, the first service was held in the "Episcopal Chapel,'*
a building on Main Street, owned by Horace B. Davis, and
rented by members of the congregation for a term of one year.
It had been used as a carpenter's shop. Furnishings were
given by St. John's Church, Jamaica Plain, by St. Paul's,
Boston, and by private individuals.

From this date until January 6, 1884, services were held
regularly in charge of students of the Episcopal Theological
School, Cambridge, and of visiting clergymen. Mr. Wilford
L. Robbins, of the above school, then began his connection
with the incipient parish, which lasted until the close of his
rectorship which began June 22, 1884. In the meantime,
organization as a congregation was effected on Good Friday,
April 11. The following officers were elected: Warden,
Dr. R. M. Lawrence; Clerk, Albert Griffiths; Treasurer,
George S. Jackson. On the following Easter Monday, April
14, it was voted at a parish meeting to adopt the name of
"Church of Our Redeemer." E. I. Garfield, F. G. Davis, and
John Morrow were elected Vestrymen.

At a meeting of the Vestry held October 20, it was voted
that the Treasurer be authorized to purchase a lot, one hun-
dred feet square, at the corner of Oakland and Meriam
Streets, the same to be held by Dr. R. M. Lawrence for the
Church of Our Redeemer until such time as the latter should
be incorporated. An extra twenty-five feet of land fronting
on Oakland Street was bought at the same time by the ad-
vice of Bishop Paddock.

On October 15, 1885, the parish was incorporated. Di-
rectly thereafter Messrs. Robbins, Griffiths, Clarke, Law-
rence, and Jackson were elected a Building Committee.
Plans for a church building were drawn by Mr. E. A. P.
Newcomb, of Boston. The first services were held in the
church, St. John Baptist's Day, June 24,1886: Holy Com-
munion at 7 A.M., Morning Prayer at 10.45; Evening Prayer
at 7.45 P.M., the Rev. A. C. A. Hall, now Bishop of Vermont,
being the preacher at the last service.

During its short life the parish has passed through the
ordinary vicissitudes generally experienced by most organi-
zations of the kind. Though they have been few in number,
strong and devoted men and women have always been found
within it. In June, 1910, ground was broken for a small par-
ish house. The architect is Mr. Edward Reed, a communi-

376 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

cant of the parish. The contractor is Mr. John McKay, of
whose faithfulness too much cannot be said. The Building
Committee is composed of Messrs. Ballard, Francis S. Dane,
and W. T. Crowther.

Since the resignation of the Rev. W. L. Robbins, the parish
has been served by the following : —

From March 25, 1888, to April 1, 1889, Rev. Gustavus
Nicolls, rector.

From April, 1889, to June, 1892, lay-readers in charge.

From June 1, 1892, to September 1, 1893, Rev. A. B. Nich-
ols, minister in charge.

From March 4, 1894, to May 1, 1895, Rev. J. W. Suter in
charge.

From May 1, 1895, to October, 1900, Rev. J. Benton
Werner, rector.

From September 1, 1901, Rev. H. H. Ryder in charge.

From October 13, 1901, to June 1, 1902, Mr. F. B. Blod-
gett, lay-reader.

From June 1, 1902, to May 18, 1903, Rev. F. B. Blod-
gett, minister in charge.

From May 18, 1903, to February 14, 1904, Rev. F. B.
Blodgett, rector.

From May 1, 1904, to June 11, 1905, Rev. J. CuUen
Ayer, rector.

From October 1, 1905, to July 15, 1908, Rev. W. H. P.
Hatch, rector.

From October 1, 1908, to September 1, 1911, Rev. George
Grey Ballard, Jr., rector.

From February 2, 1912, Rev. Arthur B. Crichton.

The Corporation as at present constituted consists of the
present rector. Rev. Arthur B. Crichton; Senior Warden,
Mr. Francis S. Dane; Junior Warden, Mr. W. R. Crowther;
Treasurer, Mr. Irving P. Fox; Clerk, Mr. George A. Woods;
Vestrymen, Mr. Daniel G. Tyler, Mr. Charles H. Miles.

The Christian Science Society^ was organized on the
4th of October, 1903. Sixteen Christian Scientists, resident
in Lexington, met on the above date at the home of Mr. and
Mrs. Leland T. Powers, on Massachusetts Avenue, and per-
fected the necessary organization to enable them to hold
regular religious services in the town. Mr. Frederick L.

* The Committee is indebted to Mr. F. L. Emery for this information. Ed.

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 377

Emery and Mrs. Ada Holt Rowse were elected First and Sec-
ond Readers, respectively, and Kindergarten Hall, on Forest
Street, opposite Muzzey, was leased for a meeting-place.

During the first year Sunday services were held in the
afternoon, but since that time in the forenoon.

Regular Wednesday evening meetings for testimonies of
Christian Science Healing were established during the year
1907.

The society incorporated as a church on the 21st of April,
1910, and then opened a Free Public Reading-Room in the
Bank Building, Massachusetts Avenue, where Christian Sci-
ence literature may be read and purchased.

A free public lecture on Christian Science is given in the
Town Hall every year, under the auspices of the church, the
lecturer being a member of the Board of Lectureship of the
Mother Church in Boston.

The readers of the church serve for terms not exceeding
three years each.

CHAPTER XVII

EDUCATION

Interest felt in Education — A School-house built, and Schools established —
Grammar School — Sometimes a Moving School — Second School-house built
— An Academy established in Lexington — The First Normal School located
there — Increased Interest in Education — High School established — Present
Condition of the Schools — Dr. Lewis's Female Seminary.

It is worthy of observation that the love of country and the
love of learning were always regarded by our fathers as kin-
dred affections, — originating in the same general cause and
seeking the same great end. They regarded these affections
as the offspring of religion and the fruits of an active faith;
and they urged a good education and literary and scientific
attainments as among the most efficient means of securing
piety to God and good-will to his creatures. In their earliest
efforts to set up schools and endow the University, they rec-
ognized the service of God as the great end to be promoted.
In relation to these institutions, they say, —

"We cannot but acknowledge the great goodness of God towards
his people in this wilderness, in raising up schools of learning, and
especially the College, from which there hath sprung many instru-
ments, both in church and state; and we feel that we should show
ourselves ungrateful to God, or unfaithful to posterity, if so good a
seminary of knowledge and virtue should fall to the ground through
any neglect of ours."^

And in establishing the common school system in 1647, they,
in language expressive of their distinctive theological tenets,
say, —

" It being one chief project of Satan to keep men from the know-
ledge of the Scriptures, as in former times keeping them in unknown
tongues, so in these latter times by persuading from the use of
tongues, that so at least the true sense and meaning of the original
might be clouded and corrupted by false glosses of deceivers; to the
end that learning may not be buried in the graves of our fathers, in
church and commonwealth, the Lord assisting our endeavors. It is
* Colonial Laws, p. 80.

EDUCATION 379

therefore ordered by this Court and the authority thereof, — that
every township within this jurisdiction, after the Lord hath in-
creased them to the number of fifty householders, shall thence
forthwith appoint one within their towns, to teach all such children
as shall resort to him to write and read."^

The early inhabitants of Lexington appear to have had a
realizing sense of the importance of learning, and of the neces-
sity of establishing schools as the best means of obtaining it.
While united with Cambridge, they petitioned the town to
grant a certain sum which they might apply to the support
of schools in their midst; and when, by an act of the General
Court, they were clothed with power to raise money them-
selves for schooling, they were not backward in the good
cause. In 1714, the year after the town was incorporated,
they voted to "eract" a school-house, and provided that it
should be "twenty-eight foot long, twenty foot wide, and
eight or nine foot stud."^ This house was situated near the
Monument on the Common. In 1715, they voted to open a
free grammar school and devoted fifteen pounds to its sup-
port. At a meeting. May 14, 1716, the following vote was
passed, which shows that the schoolmaster, at that time,
must have been abroad : —

" Voted, that all scollers that Cum to school; to pai two pens per
week: for Reeding, and: 3: pens per week for righting and siphering
and what that amounts to at the years End: so much of the fifteen
pounds to be deducted and stopt in the Town Treasury whilst the
next year."

Captain Joseph Estabrook was employed as a teacher, and
continued his school five months, for which fifteen pounds
were paid him from the town treasury. By this time the
principle seems to have been settled that a man's school
should be kept five months in the year. But although this
furnished a pretty good opportunity for the larger scholars,
the people could not but perceive that there were wants which
this arrangement did not meet. The smaller children in the
distant parts of the township could not be accommodated by
a school kept in the centre. To remove this difficulty, it was
agreed by the selectmen, at a meeting held July 21, 1717,

* Colonial Laws, p. 186,

* See Early Schools of Lexington, by A. E. Locke. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iv,
p. 5. Ed.

S80 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

"yt Clerk Laurances wife and Epheram Winships wife keep
Schools; from ye day of ye Date hereof; until ye Last day of Octo-
ber next following; and if they have not Scholers SuflBcient as to
number: to amount to 5 Shillings "^ week; at 3 pence ^ Scholer ^
week; Dureing ye Terme aboveSd; Then ye Town to make up what
Shall be wanting of ye 5 Shillings ^ week."

The next year, they voted

" Yt ye select men set up 5 small schools; one of them at ye school
house or center of Sd Town; and four more in ye other Quart's of
ye Town; as Conveniently placed as may be to accomodate ye
Child' in to Quarters; Sd Schools to be Regulated; by ye same rule
as they were ye Last year."

From this time the system of supporting the schools so as
to meet the wants of the people may be considered as per-
manently established. The changes which were made from
time to time were designed to make the system more efficient
and useful and to extend rather than curtail the privileges of
schooling. And the town was careful to employ instructors
of character. The male teachers, when selected from those
living in the town, were from the most substantial citizens,
and the female teachers were the wives and daughters of some
of the first families.

In 1728, the town employed Mr. Ebenezer Hancock, son of
their reverend pastor, to teach the grammar school through
the year. Mr. Hancock was a graduate of Harvard, and ap-
pears to have been a favorite with the people. Subsequently,
when he was settled as a colleague with his father, it was with
the understanding that he should continue his school.

In 1714, the first school-house was built and was situated
on the Common. ^ Here the grammar school was usually kept.

^ See Early Schools and Schoolmasters, by Rev. C. A. Staples. Proc. Lex. Hist.
Soc, Vol. II, p. 158. This supplements so admirably Mr. Hudson's account that it is
here reproduced substantially in full. Ed.

"The first mention of schools upon our town records is in the year following the incorporation
of Lexington, viz.: 1714, when, under date of November 2d, it was voted 'to Eract' a school, to
be placed ' upon the ground lately bought of Mri Muzzey,' meaning, of course, what is now the
Common. It was to be twenty-eight feet by twenty, and, as the record says, 'eight or nine feet
stud,' and finished by October, 1715. The timber used in its construction was to be taken from
the town's land.

"But it is hardly probable that there had been no school within our borders up to this date,
when there must have been at least thirty families living in Lexington. The place had been
settled more than sixty years, a parish had been organized twenty-two years, and a church, with
its minister, maintained for eighteen years. It is improbable that the children, during this
period, were growing up to manhood and womanhood without schools giving them some sort of
education. But they must have been private schools, kept in private houses, and maintained by
subscription or charges for tuition; though, not unlikely, the older children may have attended
school at Cambridge, of which our territory had formed a part. . . .

EDUCATION 381

But as generally happens in such cases, the people in the re-
moter parts of the town complained that the benefits of the
school were not equally enjoyed by all the families in the

"Where was the first school-house located? I have no hesitation in saying on the Common,
on the spot where the old monument now stands. Of this I think there is indubitable proof in the
fact that, when the monument was to be erected, the town voted that it should be placed on
'School-house Hill.' Probably the elevation on which it stands was, originally, much larger and
higher than now, and graded down to its present proportions when the monument was built in
1799. The school-house was a humble frame building, with a huge stone chimney and fire-place
at one end, and a turret at the other end, built in 1733, to hang the meeting-house bell in. Near
the school-house was the well, dug and stoned up in 1732, with curb and sweep, as the record
says, 'for the school and town peaple on Sundays to drink at.' On the other side of the school-
house, in front of Hancock Church, stood the stocks, built the year before the school-house, a
terror to Sabbath breakers, and other evil-doers. The school-house appears to have been finished
in 1715, but the school was not opened until the autumn of the next year, though the town had
voted, in August, to have a school this year, and chose a committee ' to procure a school-master
that will answer the law.' In May, 1716, the town votes £15 for the school, and also that 'each
scholar that comes to it shall pay two pens per week for Reading and three pens for righting and
siphering, and, what that amoxmts to at the end of the year, to be deducted from the £15, and
kept in the town treasury for next year.' The 'righting' was, evidently, the perpendicular
hand now so much talked of, a most difficult kind to teach. The selectmen resolve to pay Capt.
Joseph Estabrook, our first school-master, £15 for five months' teaching, extending from Nov.
1st, 1716, to April 1st, 1717.

"... In 1717 the selectmen resolve to establish two female schools, one at the north, and the
other at the south end of the town. These were schools taught by women for the younger children
and for ' gairls,' and kept in private houses. So well did the experiment succeed that the next year
the town voted to have five women schools, 'to be set up, one at the Center, and the others
convenient.' That at the Center was taught by Mrs. Clapp, in the school-house, probably
during the spring and summer, while Capt. Estabrook followed in the autumn and winter, mak-
ing eight or ten months of school during the year. But in 1719 there was a spasm of economical
reform in the town, and it was voted to give up the women schools and 'have a moving school,
to be kept a quarter of a year in each of four places.' This vote was finally rescinded, and it was
voted to have it kept the whole year at the school-house. It was a triumph of the Center over
the 'outskirts,' as they are called, the beginning of a jealousy and strife between village and
country, which continued with varying results for more than twenty years, or until the district
school-houses were built in 1795-'96.

"During all this period, there was but one school-house in Lexington, that at the Center.
When the outskirts were strong enough in town meeting to vote down the Center, they had a
'moving' or a 'running' school, as they sometimes called it. The school was taken from the
center, and carried around from one quarter to another, staying two months, or sometimes but
one month in a place, and so making the circuit of the town two, three or four times in the year.
But when the Center out-voted the outskirts, then the school was kept in the school-house, and
the outskirts had women schools. It was a continual contest over the whereabouts of the schools.
There are about twenty of these changes from a stationary to a 'running school,' and back again,
recorded in our annals. In 1719 'Sir' John Hancock was employed to teach the school for a year,
at £40. He was the minister of Lexington and grandfather of President John Hancock of the
Continental Congress. This is the only instance of his being called Sir John. . . .

"In 1724 the town was complained of for not keeping a Grammar School. Probably it had
been voted down by the outskirts, but it was soon re-opened, with Capt. Estabrook for teacher,
who remained in charge until he had completed eight years of service. Joseph Estabrook was the
son of Rev. Joseph, of Concord, and brother of Rev. Benjamin, the first minister of Lexington.
He is spoken of as a man of more than ordinary education for that period, a land surveyor, deacon
of the church, captain of the military company, assessor, town clerk, selectman, representative
to the General Court, and school-master. . . .

"In 1725-'26, the Grammar School was taught by Jonathan Bowman, who had graduated
the year before from Harvard, and who took the school, it is not unlikely, that he might take the
minister's fair daughter, Elizabeth Hancock, whom he subsequently married. The school opened
on the first of August each year, and continued until the middle of March, seven and a half
months, for which he received £26. . . .

"Up to this time the Grammar School of Lexington was supported partially by tuition fees
and partially by town appropriation, varying in amount from year to year. But in May, 1727,
it was voted that the school should be free ; and the next year it was voted that it should be a
'running school' at the school-house, and in the four quarters of the town, the school to move
once a month, £45 being appropriated for it. Ebenezer Hancock, who graduated the same year,
1728, from Harvard, now took charge of it, and continued to be the teacher until he became hia
father's colleague in 1734. He received £40 per aimum, and had the Saturdays to himself, hia
father, the minister, making the contract with the town.

"It was now called the 'Grammar and English School,' which probably means that a claasical

382 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

place. To meet this objection, the grammar school was con-
verted into what was denominated a "moving school," and
was kept in difiFerent sections of the town in rotation. But

course was given fitting boys for college, in addition to the English branches. During this
period it was a running school, and ran on this plan, viz.: '1st, thirty-one days in the Center;
2d, South Easterly; 3d, South Westerly; 4th, North Westerly; 5th, North Easterly, and so round
twice,' giving ten months' schooling. Thus it continued running for six years, and with no men-
tion of women schools. In 1737 the teacher, William Fessenden, has a salary of £45, and the
town agrees to pay for his entertainment above ten shillings a week.

"The next year another plan for a running school was adopted. It was to be eight weeks at the
school-house, then to move to the North West Comer for seven weeks, then to the South East
Corner for seven weeks, then to the South West Corner for seven weeks, then to the East Comer
for seven weeks. 'If any comer neglects to provide a place and board for the school-master,
it is to be kept at the school-house.' This year, 1738, seems to have been an A. P. A. year, for it
was voted to warn all the Irish to leave the town — five families. The salary is now advanced to
£80, and Josiah Pearce keeps the school for three years, followed by Matthew Bridge. It was
voted that 'he should have a contribution, by reason of his giving so unusually dear for his
board.' In 1742 the salary had been advanced to £90 and the next year the running school was
stopped at the school-house, and five women schools were opened in the outskirts. . . . While
the Grammar School-master received £90 and board, the five women teachers received but
£25 altogether, or, £5 apiece, the sum actually voted them by the town, and boarded them-
selves! Each Grammar School pupil was, now, required to bring two feet of wood for the fire.

"Rev. Timothy Harrington was installed over the school in 1747-48, on these conditions,
viz.: 'The school to be dismissed on public occasions, but, if the time is lost, it is to be taken out
of his pay, five hours in winter and six hours in summer to be a school-day. Lecture days in town,
half a day at funerals, raisings, ordinations in the neighborhood, and training days to be respected
as holidays.' . . .

"... £16 for women schools or writing schools is appropriated in 1766, but no child living
within 1^ miles of the school-house may attend them.

"We come, now, to the end of the first school-house. It had been in use forty-five years and
was so worn, hacked and battered that it was past being repaired, and was, accordingly, torn
down and a new one erected on the same spot. (A much smaller and humbler building, but 20
ft. square and 6^ ft. between joists, costing £43 13s. 6d.) This, the second school-house, remained
thirty-five years and until 1796, when it was sold to Nathan Kelley for $48.50 and moved away,
history does not inform us where, leaving the Center without a school-house for eight years,
thereafter. This was, no doubt, a triumph for the outskirts. But, to give an idea of the per-
sistency and fierceness of this contest between village and country, I will give you some of the
changes in town votes during a few years. In 1762, voted that the Grammar School remain at the
school-house and £16 be used for women schools. In 1764, voted to have a 'running school and
decide by lot, where it should stop first, second and so on.' In 1765-66, voted not to move it, and
have six women schools. But, in 1767, they set it going again, and had it kept eleven months. In
1768-69-70, voted not to move it and have women schools. In 1773, voted that the town be
divided into ' 7 squadrons for women schools,' and in 1775, voted to have no Grammar School
this year, on account of the heavy charges, but to have women schools in each quarter and that
they be free, appropriating £20 for them. Thus, it would appear that, up to this time, the women
schools had not been wholly free, but the new spirit awakened by the principles of Liberty, opened
the school doors to every child in the town, never to be closed again.

"After the first year of the great Struggle for Independence, the Grammar School appears to
have been continued until 1780, when the town was divided into five parts for women schools;
but two years after the Grammar School was again opened for four months and the women
schools kept open also. In 1784 and '85, Benjamin Green, another graduate of Harvard, was
the teacher at $10 a month, probably with board, which was with Rev. Jonas Clarke, where he
pursued his studies for the ministry. The compensation, $10 a month, seems miserably small
for a college-bred man, but not when we remember that he won a wife at the same time, Lydia
Clarke, the minister's daughter, said to have been the most beautiful and accomplished girl in the
town.

"Benjamin Green succeeded so well that another Harvard graduate, Thaddeus Fiske, followed
him in 1786, who was equally successful, if not in school, at least in winning the hand of another
of the minister's six daughters, Lucy Clarke. Then followed in succession, Pitt Clarke, John
Piper, and Abiel Abbot, as teachers, and all college graduates. The last one at $9 a month.
They were, also, studying for the ministry, but they did not succeed in capturing more of the
Clarke girls, four having already been caught in the matrimonial net, and the others proving
invulnerable to Cupid's shafts.

"In 1792, it was voted not to have the Grammar School at the Center, but to have a Grammar
School in each of the divisions of the town, and this policy seems to have been carried out for
three years, the village being left, apparently, without a school. Probably the children went to
the North, West and East Schools. Thus the outskirts had gained complete ascendancy over
the village and blotted out the school which had been maintained here for more than twenty
years.

EDUCATION 383

this being attended with inconveniences, other expedients
were adopted. At one time it was provided that all who
lived within a certain distance of the school-house on the
Common should furnish all the fuel necessary for the school
free of expense ; while those who lived more remote should be
exempted altogether. But still there was a lurking disposi-
tion to complain of inequality, — forgetting the fact that,
though the inhabitants of the village enjoy greater privileges
than those who live remote from the centre, they have to pay
for those privileges. For one acre of land in a village is often
valued in the assessment list ten times as high as an acre of
the same intrinsic worth, situated remote from the centre.

The school-house in the centre becoming somewhat dilapi-
dated, a new house was erected in its stead in 1761. It was
twenty feet square, and six and a half feet between the floors,
and cost £42. During the Revolution there was no particu-
lar change in the schools. The grammar school in the school-
house was kept nine or ten months each year, and was fur-
nished with teachers competent to instruct in every branch
necessary to be taught. At the same time schools, generally
taught by females, were supported in the different sections of
the town.

After a contest of one or two years on the subject, the
town voted in 1795 to build three school-houses, and chose
a committee to select sites. In 1796, it was " Voted, To

"We come, now, to the time when these out-lying schools were given a local habitation and a
name. Up to 1795 they had been kept in private houses, each quarter furnishing a room for the
school, at the expense of the people patronizing it. But in May, 1795, the town voted to build
three school-houses. East, South and North, and they were completed and occupied the following
year, viz.: 1796, one of these, probably the East, on the hill just beyond the Munroe Tavern,
called Mason's Hill, built there, I suppose, with the idea of accommodating both villages. In the
year 1800 it was voted that teachers must bring certificates of their qualifications. It does not
say from whom, or what the qualifications should be. The Selectmen, also, are requested to visit
the schools to see that they are properly conducted, the first action of the town looking to any
oversight of them, though the minister was accustomed to visit them^once a year and catechise
the children in Bible history and religious doctrines.

"The Scotland district was denied a school-house by vote of the town in 1801, and was
obliged to continue to use a private house. But three years later, in 1804, a vote was passed to
build three more new school-houses, of which one should be in Scotland, one in Smith End, each
eighteen feet by twenty-three, and one in the Center. Thus, after being eight years without a
school-house in this village, the people secured one, probably by uniting with Scotland and
Smith End, and so out-voting the opposition. The new school-house was located on the Com-
mon, the third built there, and was placed forty feet beyond the Monument towards Elm
Avenue, in range with the rear of the Monument. This house is remembered by some of our old-
est people who went to school there. It had what is called a hip roof, and the seats were arranged
in rows, one above the other on each side from an open space in the middle. This building was
afterwards moved down Main Street, just across Vine Brook, where it was used for the school
until a new house was built on the same site. The frame was taken down to the Tufts place,
near Bloomfield Street, where it still holds duty as a stable. The one built in its stead was soon
outgrown and moved up to Waltham Street, where it forms the house now occupied by Mr.
Flood [19 Waltham Street. Ed.], and a new and larger one two stories in height was erected
on the same spot. This was finally converted into a dwelling house by Mr. Horace Davis, and
was succeeded by the old Hancock school-house on Waltham Street, destroyed by fire in 1890.'!

S84 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

0 m

raise $333.33.3 for Schooling the children the present year
voted, to take $100 out of the above sum for a womens
schools." Some feeling was excited not favorable to the
harmony of the schools by the inhabitants in the part of
the town known as " Scotland " persistently demanding, as
their share of the school grant, a sum in proportion to the
tax they paid.

In 1799, the town appropriated $333.33.7 for the support
of men's schools, and $166.66.3 for women's schools. In 1800,
the school grant was raised to five hundred dollars, and the
committee chosen to employ teachers were directed to em-
ploy none unless qualified according to the provisions of law.
In 1804, the town took a decided step towards improving the
condition of their schools. They made the usual grant of five
hundred dollars for schooling, and appropriated one thou-
sand dollars to build three additional school-houses and to
remove two others, so as to accommodate all parts of the
town. Of the three new houses, one was to be located in the
centre of the town, one in "Scotland," so called, and one in
" Smith's End," so called.

Having supplied themselves with school-houses, the town
wisely decided that a larger sum of money should be appro-
priated to support these invaluable institutions. Accord-
ingly, in 1806, the school appropriation was increased to
eight hundred dollars, six hundred dollars of which was to be
expended for schools taught by males, and two hundred dol-
lars for schools taught by females. This arrangement rela-
tive to the appropriation and the division of the money was
continued for several years.

May 3, 1813, "Voted to grant $50 dollars to encourage
Vocl Music in this town."

In 1819, the town appropriated nine hundred dollars for
the support of their schools, being an increase of one hundred
dollars over past appropriations.

At the May meeting in 1821, a Committee, consisting of
Amos Muzzey, Jr., Ambrose Morrell, Isaac Reed, Joseph
Underwood, Jr., John Hastings, and Charles Reed, who had
been chosen at a previous meeting, submitted a detailed re-
port to the town on the general subject of the schools, which
the town accepted. The report was able and well considered;
and to the honor of the Committee it should be stated that
the changes they recommended in the school system were,

EDUCATION 385

six years after, substantially adopted by the Legislature, for
the government of the schools in the Commonwealth.

In 1827, the Legislature passed a general law regulating
the schools throughout the State, and requiring towns to
choose a General Committee to superintend and manage
them. This law made quite a change in the condition of the
schools in some towns. But as Lexington had adopted the
same system, substantially, several years before, the change
here was not immediately perceptible. There was, however,
an increased interest manifest on the subject of common-
school education. Two school-houses were built in 1830, and
the other houses were repaired. The school appropriation
also was increased to one thousand dollars.

In 1837, the school appropriation was increased to four-
teen hundred dollars; and the town voted to erect two new
school-houses, — one in each village, — said houses to be
two stories high, so as to accommodate two schools.

The subject of common-school education in Lexington, as
in almost every other town in the Commonwealth, was in
a manner neglected; or in other words, our district schools
did not meet the wants of the people. There were men in
every town who were in favor of bringing them to a higher
standard. But the mass of the voters, mistaking their true in-
terest, were unwilling to increase the appropriation for their
support. One fatal error had been imbibed by a portion of
the people, namely, that the common schools were designed
for the common people alone; and that those who wished to
give their children suitable advantages must send them to
select schools. They also feared that their children would be
corrupted in their manners and morals by associating with
the children of the masses. Some of this class were willing to
raise money for the support of the district schools ; but they
would not suffer their children to attend them, but sent them
to private schools and academies. By this means they were
able to give their children a better education than their neigh-
bors could give theirs. But this was a mistaken and short-
sighted policy. Li the first place, it was contrary to the spirit
of our free institutions, which open the door of improvement
to all alike, that the poor man's son might have equal advan-
tages with the son of his more wealthy neighbor.

This withdrawing children from the common schools
tended to degrade and keep down the standard of education

386 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

in them. Those wealthy or influential families, which patron-
ized private schools and academies, would, as a matter of
course, feel less interest in the common schools than they
would have done if their own children had been in them; and
their example would also have an influence upon others; and
so tend to reduce in the community the estimate of these lit-
tle democratic institutions, which should be the pride and
boast of our country. Moreover, an injury rather than a
benefit was done to the children educated in these select
schools; for they came from them more ignorant of human
nature than they would have been if they had mixed with the
masses, and seen more of the rough side of that world in
which they were destined to live. Their private education
would naturally induce them to look down upon those who
were educated in the town schools, with whom they must
associate in after life, and upon whom they must in a great
degree depend for support in almost any business in which
they might be engaged.

This state of things did not apply particularly to Lexing-
ton, but to the Commonwealth at large. But while these
academies were increasing, and a comparatively small part
of the rising generation were obtaining a better education
than before, the common schools were either declining or
suffered to remain stationary. This state of things created
an alarm in the public mind, and the philanthropist and the
statesman sought to call public attention to the importance
of raising the standard of the town schools, so as to meet
the wants of the people. And after years of effort, this impor-
tant reform was commenced, and has so far progressed that
academies have, to a great extent, been superseded by public
schools open to all classes of our population.

In 1821, a number of Lexington gentlemen, feeling the want
of a higher standard of education than the town schools
afforded, established an academy within the town.^ A com-
modious house was erected for the purpose, and a school was
opened in 1822, under the charge of Mr. Caleb Stetson, who
had just graduated from Cambridge. And though the school
was small at its opening, under the successful instruction of
Mr. Stetson it became a flourishing institution, numbering
from seventy-five to eighty-five pupils. He remamed as
principal of the academy till the autumn of 1825, when he

1 See Lexington Academy, by A. E. Scott. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. i, p. 88.

EDUCATION 887

was succeeded by Mr. William P. Huntington, In a few
years this school began to languish and was finally given up.

While the academy was in active operation, and, viewed
from that standpoint, the cause of education would seem to
be progressing, the condition of the district schools was by no
means flattering, — less so undoubtedly in consequence of
the existence of the academy. Nor was this peculiar to this
town. The same cause had produced the same effect in every
part of the Commonwealth. A few years later, when specific
returns were made froin every town of the condition of its
schools, the fact became apparent that in those towns where
academies and select schools were maintained, the district
schools were more or less neglected, and were in point of sup-
port below the schools in towns where no such academies
existed.

It should not, however, be inferred from these facts that
academies were useless, or that parents did wrong in all cases
in sending their children to select schools. Academies were
valuable as intermediate institutions between the common
schools and the colleges, and were necessary to fit scholars
to enter the colleges. Nor were parents at fault in all cases
in taking their children from district schools. Every intelli-
gent parent desires to give his children a good education;
and for this purpose and for the good of all classes he should
use his influence to improve the condition of the public
schools, where his own children and the children of those
around him may have opportunities for an education. But
if he fails in bringing the town schools up to a proper stand-
ard, or if he wishes to have his children pursue studies not
taught in the town schools or taught only imperfectly, then
it is right and it becomes his duty to send them where they
can enjoy these opportunities.

The law of 1827, requiring a Town Committee, was the
first step in the improvement of our schools. But the meas-
ure which has done more for the cause of common-school
education than any other was the creation of a State Board
of Education in 1837. Three years previous, a school fund
was created; and although the sum to be divided among the
schools was a mere pittance, the subsequent laws made it a
condition precedent to receiving its share of this fund that
the Town Committees should make a return to the Secretary
of State of the number of scholars in their respective towns,

388 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

the number attending school, the amount of money raised,
and the general condition of the schools.

It was the first time in the history of the Commonwealth
that the true condition of the schools was known to the pub-
lic. After the Board of Education was created, the Secre-
tary, by carefully prepared tables, presented to every town
in the State the condition of the schools in every other town,
so that all could see the standing of his own town as compared
with every other. The abstract of the reports of different
Committees showed the improvements that were adopted in
different parts of the State; and the reports of the Secretary
of the Board soon excited a general interest throughout the
Commonwealth; and the creation of normal schools for the
education of teachers gave an impulse to the cause of com-
mon-school education which has placed Massachusetts ahead
of any of her sister States. In this general improvement
Lexington has participated. We have seen that in 1837, her
school appropriation was carried from one thousand up to
fourteen hundred dollars, and that two new school-houses were
erected and so constructed as to admit of a grading of the
schools.

Soon after the Board was established, Hon. Edmund
D wight, of Boston, generously offered the sum of ten thou-
sand dollars, on condition that the Commonwealth would ap-
propriate the same amount, to be expended under the direc-
tion of the Board in qualifying teachers for common schools.
The Board resolved to establish two normal schools, one in
the easterly and the other in the westerly part of the State;
and to enable them to continue these schools for the period of
three years, so that the experiment might be fully tried, they
required the people of the place where the schools should
be located to furnish the necessary buildings and a certain
amount of funds, to procure a library and apparatus. And
though the applications for the school were numerous, Lex-
ington was deemed by the Board to be the most favorable
place, and one of the schools was here established.^ This was
the first normal school in the country. The school was put
in operation under the care of Mr. Cyrus Pierce,- an able and

^ See the interesting volume, Records of the First Class of the First State Normal
School in America. Privately printed; 1903. Also Lexington Normal School, by
Miss Rebecca Viles. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. i, p. 95. Ed.

* See Memoir of Cyrus Pierce, First Principal of First State Normal School in the

KEV. SAMUEL J. MAY ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ CYRUS PIERCE

HOSEA E. HOLT CHARLES TIDD

EDUCATION 389

experienced teacher, who continued his connection with the
school three years, when he retired, and was succeeded
by Rev. S. J. May. Shortly after, the school was removed
to Newton — simply on local and sectarian grounds. The
school was a decided success, and the experiment tried here
has given rise to four normal schools, which send out annu-
ally several hundred teachers, well qualified to instruct in all
the rudiments of a good English education.

The effect of these schools and the other measiu*es of the
Board of Education has been felt in every part of the State.
In Lexington, from 1837 to 1846, the appropriation remained
at fourteen hundred dollars. In the year following, one hun-
dred dollars was added, and in 1848 it was increased to twenty-
five hundred dollars. In 1851, after a considerable effort, the
town voted to build two new school-houses on the most im-
proved plan; one in the centre and the other in the south dis-
united States, by Rev. Samuel J. May, irom which the following extracts are
taken: —

"On the 3d of July, 1839, he entered upon his labors at Lexington, as principal of the first
Normal School on this continent. . . .

"At the opening of the school, only three offered themselves to become his pupils. The
contrast between the full, flourishing establishment he had just left at Nantucket, and the ' beg-
garly account of empty boxes,' which were daily before him for the first three months, was very
disheartening. . . . However, he had put his hand to the plough, and of course the furrow must
be driven through, aye, and the whole field turned over, before he would relinquish his effort.
. . . He soon made his three pupils conscious that there was more to be known about even
the primary branches of education than they had dreamed of; and better methods of teaching
reading, spelling, grammar, arithmetic, and geography than were practised in the schools.
Their reports of the searching thoroughness and other excellent peculiarities of the Normal
Teacher attracted others to him. The number of his pupils steadily increased from term to
term, until, at the expiration of his first three years of service, there were forty-two. In the
course of those years, more than fifty went out from under his training, to teach, with certificates
of his approbation; and the obvious improvement in their methods of governing children, and
giving them instruction, demonstrated the utility of Normal Schools. . . .

"As soon as practicable, after opening the Normal School at Lexington, Mr. Pierce instituted
the Model Department, — a school composed of the children of the neighborhood, just such as
would be found in most of our country district schools. In that he led his normal pupils, seriatim,
by turns, to apply and test for themselves, the correctness, the excellence of the principles of
teaching, which he was laboring to instil into them. This was the most pecviliar part of the
institution. In the management of it, he evinced great adroitness as well as indomitable perse-
verance, and untiring patience. . . .

" In 1842, at the end of three years, he was obliged to resign his charge. ' It was,' we quote from
the Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Education, ' the ardent desire of the Board to secure the
further services of that gentleman in a place which he has filled with such honor to himself and
such usefulness to the community; but owing to the state of his health and to other circumstances,
he felt obliged to tender his resignation, which the Board most reluctantly accepted. Never,
perhaps, have greater assiduity and fidelity distinguished and rewarded the labors of any
instructor. Mr. Pierce has retired from the employment of teaching; but the models of instruc-
tion which he has left, and his power of exciting an enthusiasm in the noble cause of education,
will long remain as a blessing to the young.'

"... He resumed the charge of the Normal School in August, 1844; — not, however, in
Lexington. The number of pupils had so greatly increased that much larger acconmiodations
were needed than could be furnished in Lexington. A building of suitable dimensions, but
erected for another purpose, had just then been purchased in West Newton. All arrangements
necessary for the school were to be made in it. The devising and superintending of these de-
volved upon Mr. Pierce; and he soon showed, so far as the limits within which he was required to
work would permit, that he knew how a school-room ought to be constructed, arranged, fur-
nished, warmed and ventilated, as well as how those who should be gathered into it, ought to
be instructed."

390 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

trict. This was the signal for new and improved houses in
every section of the town; so that we have now^ in each dis-
trict good and commodious houses, with the modern improve-
ments.

Feeling that the district schools did not fully meet the
wants of the rising generation, in 1854, the subject of a high
schooP was brought before the town, and a Committee, con-
sisting of Ira Leland, Charles Hudson, Jonas Gammell,
Andrew Wellington, Samuel A. Houghton, Charles Tidd,
and Hugh Graham, was chosen to consider the subject, and
report at the next meeting. The Committee recommended
that a high school be established and that five hundred dol-
lars be added to the school appropriation, carrying it up to
three thousand dollars. This report being accepted by the
town and the addition to the appropriation made, the School
Committee put the school in operation. The next year the
appropriation was raised from three thousand dollars to
thirty-seven hundred dollars, devoting one thousand dollars
to the support of the high school.

There was considerable opposition to the high school when
it was first established ; but it has so commended itself to the
good sense of the people and its effects upon the district schools
have been such that the people generally now regard this
school not only as a permanent institution, but one which has
proved a blessing to the community. It has afforded an op-
portunity to every parent to give his children a good educa-
tion at a much less expense than it could have been obtained
in any other way; and what is more and better, some parents
of limited means have been enabled to give their children
such an education as has fitted them for teachers or quali-
fied them for other positions in life, which they never could
have given them if this high school had not been established.
As an economical arrangement, such a school should be con-
tinued. Besides, the maintenance of a high school redounds
to the honor of a town and tends to increase the value of prop-
erty. The town of Lexington has no manufactures to draw
population within her borders. Her growth must, to all ap-
pearances, depend upon those who are seeking pleasant coun-
try residences, and the first question asked by that class more

1 1867. Ed.

2 See Early Days of the Lexington High School, by Miss M. E. Hudson. Proc.
Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. in, p. 117. Ed.

EDUCATION 391

especially is, "What is the condition of your schools?" If
they find that our schools are poor, they will look elsewhere
for a residence; but if they find that we have good schools,
they might be induced to settle among us.

Fears were entertained by some that the establishment of a
high school would operate to the injury of the district schools.
But it has been found to produce the opposite effect. A
new incentive to effort is thrown into the districts, to qualify
their pupils for the high school. A high school also enables
the Committee to mate a more perfect classification of the
pupils and so affords another great advantage to the cause of
education.

The time has arrived when the people demand greater op-
portunities for an education than the common primary or
grammar schools afford, and every statesman and philan-
thropist must see the wisdom and benevolence of supplying
this want by the maintenance of schools of a higher grade,
open alike to the rich and the poor, where all the youth can
meet on one common level, and where there is no distinction
but that which merit originates. Our colleges are institu-
tions which should be highly prized — institutions which
are demanded by the wants of the community. But at the
same time, we know that they are beyond the reach of a vast
majority of the young. Not one in a thousand of our popu-
lation ever enters a college as a student. But a high school
meets the wants of the whole people, and the children in a
town may enter within its walls and enjoy its privileges,
without money and without price. Nowhere, no, not even in
the house of worship, is there such perfect equality, such an
elevation of the poor to an equal level with the rich, as in the
free schools. And the farther this can be extended, the higher
in the walks of science this equality can be carried, the better
for the community at large and for all classes which compose
it.

To indicate the growth of interest felt in the public schools,
the following statement of the annual appropriations for
schools from 1830 to 1867 is given: —

1830 $1,000 1836 $1,000 1842 $1,400

1831 1,000 1837 1,400 1843 1,400

1832 1,000 1838 1,400 1844 1,400

1833 1,000 1839 1,400 1845 1,400

1834 1,000 1840 1,400 1846 1,600

1835 1,000 1841 1,400 1847 1,600

392 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1848 $2,500 1855 $3,700 1862 $3,400

1849 1,600 1856 3,700 1863 3,400

1850 2,400 1857 3,800 1864 4,400

1851 2,500 1858 3,700 1865 4,200

1852 2,500 1859 3,700 1866 4,700

1853 2,500 1860 3,400 1867 5,000

1854 3,000 1861 3,400

The above table shows a commendable increase in the appro-
priations for schools. And by the graduated tables furnished
by the Secretary of the Board of Education, it will be seen
that Lexington takes a high rank among her sister towns. In
the Report of the Secretary of the Board for 1865, showing
the amount expended per head upon all the scholars between
the ages of five and fifteen years, it is seen that Lexington
stands number 17, in a list of three hundred and thirty-four
cities and towns, and that she actually expends $8.49 on
each scholar; while more than half of the towns in the State
expended less than half of that sum. The same Report shows
that in the County, consisting of fifty-two cities and towns,
Lexington stands number 7. In the Report of the Board for
1866, Lexington stands number 11 in the list, having expended
$10.88 upon each scholar, and in the County of Middlesex,
she stands number 5.

From the above exhibit, it appears that Lexington will com-
pare favorably with the towns around her.^

Li connection with the subject of education in Lexington,
the school for young ladies, established by Dr. Dio Lewis,
merits a brief notice.^ This school has some characteristics

^ For the subsequent history of the Lexington public schools see Chap. x\aii, infra.
Ed.

^ See illustrations. Following is a list of the teachers during the second year of the
school {Ed.) : —

Dio Lewia, A.M., M.D., Physical Culture, Anatomy, Physiology, Hygiene, and Chemistry.
Mrs. Helen C. Lewis, Dress, and the Duties of School-mother. Theodore D. Weld, Mental and
Moral Science, Composition, Recitation, the Critical Reading of English Classics, Logic and Rhetoric.
Bradford M. FuUerton, A.M., Ancient Classics, Natural Science, English Philology, and Christian
Evidences. Mrs. Angelina G. Weld, History. Mrs. Julia M. FuUerton, French, Zodlogy, and
Geometry. Miss Martha A. Dudley, Mathematics and English Grammar. (Rev.) E. W. Morley,
A.M., Classics and Natural Science. Mrs. E. J. Cogswell, Mathematics and French. M'lle Adelin
Valentin, French and German. Prof. J. B. Torricelli, Italian and Spanish. Prof. James C. Sharp,
Chemistry. Prof. W. H. Niles, Zoology and Geology. Miss Julia Lazarus, French. Miss Carrie A.
Ingols, English Studies. Miss Belle L. Cooley, English Studies. Prof. Thomas F. Leonard, Elocu-
tion. Prof. B. J. Lang, Piano. Prof. E. Zerdahelyi, Piano and Vocal Music. Miss Estelle Wood-
ward, Piano and Drawing. Miss Mary Semple, Vocal Music. Miss Adela Chadbourne, Piano.
Prof. J. A. Hills, Piano. Mias Anna. Ctiowel], Painting in Water Colors. Rev. B. G. Northrop,
Lecturer on Methods of Study. Rev. L. J. Livermore, Natural Theology. Hon. Charles Hudson.
Local History. James W. Cheeney, Pt'ano. Mrs. C. M. Severance, Prociicai iJMi'cs. Miss Augusta
H. Haskell, Gymnastics. Miss Lizzie Greeley, Gymnastics. Miss Catharine E. Beecher, Domestic
Economy and the Laws of Health.

EDUCATION 393

which distinguish it from the ordinary female seminaries.
Physical development receives a large share of attention. In
addition to the usual branches taught in schools for young
ladies, the new system of gymnastics, of which Dr. Lewis is
the author, is here introduced and made a part of the daily
routine. These gymnastic exercises are so adapted to the
anatomy or physical structure of the human frame, and are
so various in their kinds, that every limb and every muscle
is brought into exercise — giving strength and tone to the

The following extracts from the catalogue are of interest: —

"The design of this School is to secure a symmetrical development of body, mind, and heart;
to give due attention to physical and social culture, while providing thorough instruction in
Literature, Art, Science, and Morals. The studies are so arranged that all the members of the
School are the pupils of each instructor. By this constant contact with the different teachers, a
great variety and extent of mental discipline and culture will accrue to each scholar.

"After years of anxious thought and preparation, this School was opened on the first of Octo-
ber, 1864. The ages of the young ladies ranged from twelve to twenty-three years, seventeen
years being the average. The families represented in the School were among the most intelligent
in New England. Intellectually and morally, our pupils were all we cotild ask; physically, they
were much below the average.

"Accustomed to teach gymnastics among those who Giving at home) had indulged the fashion-
able errors of dress, diet, sleep, bathing, etc., Dr. Lewis had hitherto imperfectly realized the
possibilities of physical culture. Retiring at an early hour; sleeping in large, well-ventilated
rooms; visiting a plain, nutritious table, at proper intervals; bathing frequently under the guid-
ance of intelligent assistants; wearing a physiological dress; and spending several hours a day in
the open air, — these concomitants added far more than had been anticipated to the results of
the gymnastic training. The general development may be inferred when it is stated that, about
the upper part of the chest, the average enlargement was two and three-quarter inches. In the
physical training of this School, lean girls increased in flesh, while the fleshy ones became thinner
and more active.

"We are well satisfied that the common opinion concerning excessive brain-work in our
schools is an error; that our girls, even, may double their intellectual acquisitions, provided their
exercise, bathing, diet, sleep, and other hygienic conditions, be rightly managed.

"During the last year, the School Building has been occupied by more than one hvmdred
pupils, with their teachers, besides thirty or more patients and boys. Hereafter, the entire School
Building will be given up to one hundred young ladies, with their teachers.

"The quiet of the village in which the School is located, consequent upon the almost exclu-
sive devotionof the inhabitants to agricultural pursuits, and the absence of manufactories all sanc-
tion the choice of this place for our purpose. The streets are free from the confusion and noise al-
ways found in large manufacturing towns, and the dissipation of the city is not felt among us.
The stillness favors undisturbed walks, and is conducive to mental application.

"Suggestions to Parents.

"Dress. — Neatness, good taste, and simplicity — the natural expression of good sense, mod-
esty, and refinement — eminently befit school-days; while ambition of fashionable display — the
erethism of a mind weak, ill-balanced, and essentially vulgar — disturbs education, and re-
presses higher aspirations.

"Pocket-money. — Significant words! rife with temptations to omnivorous repletion between
meals, and painfully suggestive of its inevitable effects, — acidity, sallowness, pimples, disturbed
sleep, and bad breath. Pandora's box! full of headaches and other aches, nauseas and vertigoes;
necessitating the excuse, 'not well,' when called for the morning walk; rife with artificial wants,
unscholarly ways, late rising, tardiness, absence, discreditable recitations, and imperilled char-
acter. Few attain honorable distinction at school, who have not been withheld by thoughtful
parents from the manifold temptations of pocket-money.

" Visiting. — Visits to friends, during term-time, unsettle the mind, break in upon habits of
study, the regularity of lessons, and general school order; multiply the burdens of teachers; ex-
cite the discontent of classes whose members are absent; lower their tone, and impede their prog-
ress. They generally disqualify for earnest study and often necessitate imperfect lessons for
days after resuming the school routine. For these reasons, leave of absence should never be asked
except in emergencies that cannot be provided against; and then not through the pupils, but
directly of the Principal. A little forecast during vacation will obviate the necessity of calling pu-
pils away from school to replenish their wardrobe, or to visit the family dentist."

394 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

whole body. The effect of this training is obvious in the fact
that many a young lady, of slender frame and delicate com-
plexion when she enters the school, leaves, at the close of the
year, with that physical development and glow of health so
essential in those who are to become the mothers of the next
generation.

The same general principle is recognized in all the instruc-
tion of the school, by so distributing the branches and exer-
cises as to bring out the latent and neglected powers of each
pupil. For instance, in the dramatic exercises, which are
made somewhat prominent, the self-reliant young lady is to
personate the mild and gentle character, and the bashful and
timid girl to represent a character more bold and daring. In
this way a full and properly developed character is aimed at
in all the instruction, and flattering results have been at-
tained. The discipline of the school is paternal, and great
care and watchfulness are extended over the morals and
health of the pupils. By such a system of training and dis-
cipline, the school has acquired a high reputation and is
favorably known through the country. This is apparent from
the fact that its increasing patrons are distributed, not only
over New England, but throughout the Middle and Western
States.

In the spring of 1864, Dr. Lewis, well and extensively
known as a physical educator, purchased the Lexington
House, which was erected for a hotel, and fitted it up for a
school for young ladies. Having engaged Theodore D. Weld,
for many years Principal of the Eagleswood School in New
Jersey, and other experienced teachers, he opened his school
with twenty pupils. During the term it was increased to
thirty-two. During the next year the number increased to
one hundred and two, and the third year the number reached
one hundred and forty-four.

On the 7th of September, 1867, when the house had been
refitted and important improvements made, to receive a
larger number of pupils, the building took fire and was en-
tirely consumed. The loss of this noble edifice was deeply
felt, not only by the citizens of Lexington, who regarded it
as a great calamity, but by the friends of physical education
in distant parts of the country. It is gratifying to learn that
Dr. Lewis intends to erect a building, on or near the same
site, which will accommodate an equal number of scholars

o ^
o 2

EDUCATION 395

and be better adapted to the purposes of the school than the
former building.^

Dr. Lewis is justly entitled to the gratitude of the com-
munity for his new system of gymnastics, — a system which
has been introduced into many schools in this country and
in Europe and has called public attention to the subject of
physical training, and so laid a foundation for the education
of the whole man.

It may also be said^ in this connection, that Dr. Lewis has
estabHshed a hospital or "movement cure" in the village,
where he has a considerable number of patients under his
peculiar mode of treatment, which, it is believed, has proved
quite successful.

1 This plan was not carried out. Ed.

CHAPTER XVIII

EDUCATION (continued)

School Development from 1867 to 1912 — Committee on the New Hancock School

— Centralization — New High School — Munroe School — New Adams School

— Administration — Gary Memorial Library — Holt Normal School of Music.

In the preceding chapter Mr. Hudson states that *' in 1851,
after a considerable effort, the town voted to build two new
school-houses, on the most improved plan ; one in the centre
and the other in the south district. This was the signal for
new and improved houses in every section of the town; so
that we have now [1867] in each district, good and com-
modious houses, with the modern improvements." In forty-
five years, however, not only do school buildings deteriorate,
but in this particular period since 1867, the views of the
American people, both as to education and as to what con-
stitute "modern improvements," have experienced a very
far-reaching change. Consequently, in 1912, only one of the
seven buildings occupied in 1867 for school purposes con-
tinues to be so used, and that is to be superseded, during
the coming year, by a modern edifice.

Until 1890, the High School occupied a wooden building
— also used up to 1872 as the Town Hall — on the site of the
existing one ; the Hancock Grammar and Primary Schools were
located in a two-story wooden building, with inadequate
land, on Waltham Street; the Adams Grammar and Primary
Schools were housed in the wooden building — about to be
superseded — on Massachusetts Avenue, East Lexington;
while a large proportion of the children of the town were
taught in four ungraded schools : the Tidd, on Hancock Street,
in the north part of the town; the Franklin, on Concord
Avenue, in the south or "Kite End" district; the Howard,
on Lowell Street, in the "Scotland" district; and the Warren,
on School Street, to accommodate the Concord Hill section.
What was implied in this district system is well set forth in
the report of the Special Committee (Messrs. C. A. Staples,
E. G. Porter, F. O. Vaille, J. O. Tilton, A. M. Tucker, C. A.

EDUCATION 397

Wellington, and A. E. Scott) appointed by the town in 1889
"to consider the subject of building a new school-house for
the Hancock School." In urging the value of enlarged ac-
commodations at the centre of the town in order to permit of
the bringing of pupils from the outlying districts to a central,
graded school-house, the Committee say : —

" If parents in the outer districts realized the disadvantages to
which their children are subjected in the mixed schools which they
are compelled to attend, they would not submit to it without re-
sistance.

" We do not in any way criticize the management of these schools ;
no doubt it is as efficient as the condition of things will admit. We
wish merely to call attention to the evils of the system, and suggest
a remedy.

"The day for ungraded schools in a town like Lexington has
passed away, yet we have four remaining, all isolated and remote
from the homes of most of the pupils, and two of them so small as
to render enthusiasm or interest on the part of either teacher or
pupil impossible.

"It is difficult to conceive of the intolerable classification and
methods which prevail in these schools. The wonder is that the
pupils accomplish anything, and that the teachers are not over-
whelmed with despair. They comprise all grades, from the child
of five years, just learning to read, to the boy of twelve or fourteen,
fitting for the High School.

"In the Franklin School there are at the present time seven or
eight grades, and the teacher somehow ' gets through ' with thirty
recitations daily.

" In the Tidd School there are six grades, with upwards of
thirty recitations.

"In the Howard School six or seven grades, with twenty-four
recitations.

"In the Warren School there appears to be a somewhat closer
classification, but stUl there are at least four grades, with over
twenty recitations.

"Estimate the time that the teachers of these schools can devote
to each recitation or exercise, and compare the results with those
to be attained in a well-classified school, where the teachers have
only a single grade. Think of the long hours of mental stagna-
tion and physical suffering which younger pupils in these schools
endure, and compare this with the mental activity and physical
development possible in the well-graded primary school, under the
charge of a teacher specially fitted for her work.

"In the one case, the child is called out to 'recite' by himself

398 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

or in a class of two or three, it may be; five or possibly ten minutes
are devoted to the exercise, and then the child returns to his seat
to yawn and dawdle away the rest of the session with such desultory
attention as the overtasked teacher can give him while trying to
instruct or rather *to hear' the so-called higher classes recite. In
the other case, every pupil is under the direction of the teacher
during the whole session. They are all engaged in the same work
at the same time; they pass rapidly from one exercise to another;
they become eager and enthusiastic in their work.

"This is almost equally true of the older pupils. The classes are
generally small, many of them recite alone, and their so-called re-
citations are dismally devoid of interest and of that spirit of emu-
lation which is aroused and stimulated in children by contact with
their peers in larger classes in well-graded schools.

"The Committee feel that this system should be no longer suf-
fered, and earnestly recommend that the four schools to which we
have referred be abandoned and merged in the Hancock and Adams
Schools, or perhaps in the Hancock alone. This change would not
only benefit the pupils who are transferred, but it would be of
mutual advantage. . . .

"The present school-houses, although perhaps in geographical
centres, are in uninteresting localities and at long distances from
the district boundaries. Some of the pupils are now carried to
and from school by their parents, and the greater number bring
their dinners and remain through the noon recess.

"We can illustrate this better by again referring to the schools
in detail.

"In the Howard School there are at the present time twenty-one
pupils. In order to make the existence of this school possible, the
Committee have allowed and required the pupils from other schools
to attend there. Two of the pupils reside on Maple Street and be-
long to the Adams, and ten reside at the Crossing and belong to the
Hancock; the remaining nine reside on or near Lowell Street. More
than half of the whole number remain at noon.

"In the Tidd School there are forty-nine pupils. Twenty-three
of these reside on Adams Street, or on Hancock Street near its
junction with Adams Street; two on Lowell Street; seven on Bur-
lington and Grove Streets, and the remaining seventeen at North
Lexington and on Hancock Street. Nearly thirty remain at noon.

" In the Franklin School there are twenty-nine pupils. They all
reside on Waltham Street or on Allen Street and Concord Avenue,
east of Waltham Street. There are none from Concord Avenue,
or that part of the district west of the school-house. All but two
live at long distances from the school-house, and remain at
noon.

" In the Warren School there are thirty-three pupils. Eleven

EDUCATION 399

of these reside on Concord Hill, four near the Water Works, and
nine at or near the comer of Spring and Middle Streets. Nearly-
all remain at noon.

"Furthermore, the school buildings are old, and the cost of re-
pairs and required alterations in the future must be considerably
more than was expended during the past year. They are heated by
stoves, so that the temperature in cold weather varies many de-
grees in different parts of the rooms. The sources of ventilation
are very meagre and faulty, and the teachers, in their desperate
struggle with impure air, resort to open windows, through which
pour the dreaded draughts upon the heads of the pupils. If the
schools are to be continued, a large sum must be expended to
bring the heating and ventilation within the requirements of the
present law.

"The basements are unwholesome, the sanitary arrangements
vile, and an additional expenditure is here required for decency, if
for nothing more.

"The argument is sometimes advanced that the removal of these
schools would depreciate the value of property in the districts, but
it is difficult to conceive how a neglected school-house and yard
with unsightly and unsavory attachments can add much to the
attractiveness of a neighborhood, and it is equally difficult to con-
ceive that intelligent families will seek the outlying farms of our
town for residence with the intolerable school privileges now af-
forded. It is our belief that the fact that all the pupils in these dis-
tricts have the same advantages of good graded schools that the
centres have, will add very greatly to the value of these farms.
Wherever the plan has been adopted, this has been the result; and
although wherever it has been tried there has been opposition at
the outset, it has soon been silenced, and in no case has there been
a desire to return to the old system.

"Objection is also made that the conveyance of so many young
people together may occasion rudeness and lack of discipline, but
we believe it may be so managed as to conduce to good behavior,
punctuality, and good discipline. A week's walking as a punish-
ment for rudeness would be a sufficient corrective in most cases;
but if this should not suffice, the walking time could be indefinitely
extended. Indeed, it is the universal testimony that the bringing
of pupils from the small outside schools to the larger central schools
results in better manners, greater cleanliness, neatness in dress,
more constant attendance, and vastly improved scholarship.

"The memory of early school-days brings back to some of us the
orgies of the noon intermission in district school-houses. The new
school-house will, no doubt, be under supervision at all times.
Large and convenient play-rooms, separate for boys and girls,
will be provided, and those who remain at noon will have more

400 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

comfortable accommodations than they now have for their dinners
and for recreation, and be under greater restraint.

"In stormy and cold weather the exposure is far less for those
who ride, and it has been shown in places where this plan exists
that the attendance of the pupils brought in from the outer dis-
tricts is somewhat better than the average attendance of the whole
school.

"We must not fail to call attention to the better supervision
which is possible under this scheme. Now the supervision of these
schools consists in, perhaps, two or three calls from the Committee
and Superintendent per year; while the schools in the new build-
ing will, no doubt, be under the control of a Principal, and have
the influence of almost daily visits of the Committee or Superin-
tendent.

"The decision of this question has a direct bearing upon the size
of the new school-house, and it is important that the town should
act upon it before action is taken on the matter of building."

As a result of this excellent report, the town voted, in June,
1890, to build a new house for the Hancock School, to discon-
tinue the district schools, and to transport those pupils living
more than a mile from the Hancock or Adams school-houses
to and from those buildings at the town's expense. In the fall
of 1891 the new Hancock School was opened;^ and more than
twenty years of experience have proved the wisdom of the
Committee not only in recommending the erection of a solidly
constructed, dignified brick edifice, with wide stairs and cor-
ridors, and with ample grounds for play, but also in seizing
the occasion of this new building to induce the citizens to
abolish the district system. From the earliest days that sys-
tem had been a source of almost ceaseless controversy within
the town ; the children living remote from the villages had suf-
fered in their educational opportunities; and, because of this
separation into districts, citizens had grown up without
that mutual acquaintance so necessary to good understand-
ing and right feeling. While the expenditure for schools has
advanced rapidly in these twenty years, the quality of teach-
ing, the school attendance, and the educational results have
shown a growth that is fully commensurate with the cost.

The difficulties inseparable from centralizing the schools
of a town should not, however, be minimized. The cost of

^ The Hancock School building was designed by Hartwell and Richardson,
architects; cost, about $61,000. Ed.

EDUCATION 401

transportation proved far greater than was predicted in the
report of the Hancock School Committee; the question of
securing competent supervision of the children on their way
to and from the centres is a serious one; the shifting of school
population in a town covering so large an area as Lexington
brings about complications in the matter of routes; and the
problem of those children who must wait for the barges at
points somewhat distant from their homes is not easy. More-
over, the children from a distance must, of course, spend the
noon recess in the school buildings under supervision; and
the abandonment of the district school-house does, without
question, deprive the rural sections of a convenient centre of
local social life. For all these reasons, there has been from the
beginning more or less opposition on the part of some citi-
zens to the plan adopted in 1891; yet there is every reason
to believe that the town is not likely to return to the system
of district schools, at least for children of grammar and high-
school age.

While the new building was in process of erection, the old
Hancock School, on Waltham Street, was burned, requiring
the use of inconvenient temporary quarters for nearly a year.
The four district school buildings were kept for a number of
years by the town, in the event of a return, after fair trial, to
the district system; but they have now all been razed or sold
for conversion into dwellings. So rapidly did the resort to
the new Hancock School increase that one or two of the dis-
trict buildings were temporarily reopened in the early years of
the present century; ^ and so much more rapid has been the
proportionate increase in school population over that in the
general population, that the School Committee almost every
year find difficulty in providing adequate accommodations
for all the children.

The former Town Hall building, erected in 1846, although
used for over thirty years to house the high-school pupils, was
never really fitted for educational purposes, its single assem-
bly room being as much too large, as its ante-rooms and attic
rooms were too small, to permit of good teaching. Therefore,
after a good deal of agitation and discussion, it was voted, in

^ The Tidd School was closed for the last time in 1903, and all district school-
houses were disposed of soon thereafter. The Tidd School building was built in
1852-53, at a cost of $1583. The Howard School building, built in 1853-54,
cost $1593. Ed.

402 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1901, to erect a brick building on the site of the existing one.
The present edifice ^ was in the following year opened, the
grounds graded, and, some years later, the property in the rear
was made into a suitable place for recreation. By transferring
the ninth-grade pupils from the Hancock and Adams Schools
to this new building, the pressure upon those buildings was
somewhat relieved; but within a year or two, this had again
become so great that, in 1904, the town voted to erect a
school-house, of wood, for children up to the ninth grade, in
the vicinity of Bloomfield Street. This building was in the
following year opened and named the Munroe School.^ Sub-
sequently additional land was purchased in the rear of this
building, giving ample space for play.

Meanwhile the Adams School, in East Lexington, built in
1859,^ was proving more and more unfitted for the demands
of modern education. Successive School Committees did
what they could, by rearranging rooms and putting in mod-
ern sanitation, to mitigate conditions ; and the gift, by Miss
Stone, of a piece of land in the rear of the school, extended the
recreation area. The rapid building development near the
Arlington line has caused such an increase in the school popu-
lation, however, that, for several years, at least one of the
classes has been housed in the Stone Building. Therefore,
during 1911, the town voted to erect a new building of brick,
not on the site of the existing school-house, but on more level
land, with a better exposure to the sun, in the rear of the
Stone Building. This new house is in process of erection.*
When it is finished, Lexington will possess four modern
school-houses of excellent design, well arranged for school
use, and situated in extensive and attractive grounds. More-
over, in spite of the disadvantage of being surrounded by so
many cities and towns able to offer higher salaries, Lexing-
ton has been and still is most fortunate in the quality and
devotion of her public school-teachers. Because of this and
because Lexington early conformed with the state laws re-
quiring adequate supervision, drawing, manual training, etc.,
her schools have continued to maintain the high rank noted,
in 1867, with just pride, by Mr. Hudson.

^ Cooper and Bailey, architects; cost, about $61,500. Ed.
2 Willard D. Brown, architect ; cost, about $28,000. Ed.
^ The original cost was about $4065. Ed.
< The estimated cost is about $60,000. Ed.

EDUCATION 403

Leading citizens of the town have been willing to serve on
the School Committee and have given freely of their time and
thought. The members of the several Building Committees
have shown the same spirit in dealing with the perplexing
problems of providing buildings of a high order on the compar-
atively small appropriations possible in a town like Lexing-
ton. The efforts of these citizens have usually been heartily
supported by the town meetings; and a very generous per-
centage of the revenues of Lexington is annually devoted to
purposes of education." A Superintendent has been employed
since 1886, that office usually having been combined with the
principalship of the High School. From 1906 to 1909, how-
ever, Mr. George P. Armstrong served as Superintendent. He
had no teaching duties, and divided his time between Lexington
and Belmont, where he was also Superintendent of Schools.

With the exception of the interval, 1903 to 1910, the num-
ber of the School Committee has been three and the member-
ship made up usually of men. In the former year, however,
the town, believing it to be desirable to have a larger repre-
sentation, perhaps including women, voted to increase the
number to six. In 1908 it was voted to return, by gradual
reduction, to the smaller membership. There have been fluc-
tuations, also, as is to be expected, in regard to the teaching
of cooking, sewing, and manual training; and there has al-
ways been difference of opinion as to whether or not the
High School should attempt to fit youth for college. A con-
siderable number of young men and women have gone to
colleges and technical schools from the High School, which
has for some years held the so-called "certificate privilege"
in regard to those higher institutions which do not demand
entrance examinations.

It may be of interest to record the increase in school at-
tendance and in appropriations for school purposes, by ten-
year periods since and including 1870: —

1870 1880 1890 1900 1910

District Schools 125 152 177 22 —

Hancock School 114 154 186 456 SS6

Adams School 88 89 105 131 161

High School 46 46 63 91 184

Miinroe School — — — — 227

Total attendance 373 441 531 700 908

Total school appropriation. $7000 $9000 $11,500 $19,500 $36,500

404 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Lexington has had at times, since 1867, excellent kinder-
garten and other private schools and classes, conducted by
women of high ability. That which existed longest was
maintained by Miss Ellen L. Nash, who from 1866 to 1874
occupied the building on Massachusetts Avenue east of
Vine Brook, now used as a dwelling, and who from 1874 to
1881 occupied what is now known as Gary Hall, in the Town
Building. A certain number of children, moreover, have at-
tended schools in Boston ; but, as a rule, it has been the excel-
lent custom of the citizens to make full use of the public
schools. The interest which this engenders has been fostered
in recent years by a Public School Association,^ aiming,
through social meetings at which school problems are dis-
cussed, to bring parents and teachers into close personal
relations.

Following is a list of the Principals of the High School : —

George W. Dow,

1854-56

H. 0. Whittemore,

1856-57

David W. Hoyt,

1857-58

Emory W. Lane,

1858-60

Augustus E. Scott,

1860-66

Lorin L. Dame,

1867-68

William H. Knight,

1868-70

Nathaniel Cliilds,

1870-71

Usher W. Cutts,

1871-72

A. E. White,

1872-77

George R. Dwelley,

1877-80

Frank 0. Carpenter,

1881

Justin E. Gale,

1882 (part of year)

Charles H. Morss,

1882 (part of year)

J. B. Gifford,

1883

John N. Ham,

1883-93

Mark S. W. Jefferson

, 1893-96

Everett P. Carey,

1896-97

Jonathan L Buck, 1897-1901

Henry W. Porter,

1901-06

John F. Hamlin,

1906-08

Frank H. Damon,

1908-

Since the public library^ is to-day properly regarded as an

» Organized April 7, 1908. Ed.

* As early as 1831 an organization known as "The Social Library" was inactive
operation in the town, and a catalogue printed that year, now preserved in the
Cary Memorial Library, gives the titles of 305 books. This library was later merged
in the Farmers' Club Library. Ed.

EDUCATION 405

educational agency of almost equal value with the school,
it is appropriate to include under "Education" an extended
account of the Gary Memorial Library,^ already mentioned
in an earlier chapter.

On December 10, 1867, Mrs. Maria Hastings Gary, of
Brooklyn, New York, "having a regard for her native place
and being prompted by a desire to increase the opportunities
for culture among its inhabitants," offered to the town of
Lexington the sum of ^1000, the interest to be expended for
books, provided the town would vote to establish a free li-
brary, procuring or appropriating $1000 for the purchase of
books and $40 each year thereafter. This sum was to be held
by the Selectmen, the School Committee, and the settled min-
isters of the town as trustees, who also should have the over-
sight and management of the library. These conditions were
heartily approved and the gift was accepted on April 20, 1868.
The town voted to appropriate $1000 when $400 more or
its equivalent in books should be raised. This provision was
doubly met. A Farmers' Club Library, organized in 1835,
and having about seventy-five members, owned 401 volumes
estimated in value at $575, and these were presented to the
town. On October 1 of the previous year, 1867, a stock library
had been formed by twelve associates, to be known as the
Lexington Library Association. There were 228 shares, hav-
ing a par value of $3 per share; 116 shares were presented by
the owners and the town purchased the remainder. Mr.
Benjamin de Forest gave $100, and 153 volumes were con-
tributed by the Hon. Charles Hudson. Thus the generous
proposal of Mrs. Cary found already alive an active desire
for ampler literary advantages and met this hearty and ef-
fective response. It was an instance of the growing apprecia-
tion of good literature which was rapidly extending through-
out the State.

The modest collection of books thus provided was in-
stalled in a room over what is now G. W. Spaulding's store,
and on January 27, 1869, it was opened to the public under
the charge of Miss Marion S. Keyes. The hours were from
one o'clock until five on Wednesday afternoons, and from
one to eight on Saturdays. No one except the Librarian was
allowed to take books from the shelves. Much better accom-

* This account has been prepared by a member of the Committee, Rev. Charles
Francis Carter. Ed.

406 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

modations were provided in 1871, when the books were re-
moved to the lower part of the Town Hall, which had been
admirably fitted for this purpose. This was enlarged in 1883
by incorporating Memorial Hall into the main room, with in-
creased shelving capacity, and the entire room was then re-
decorated.

The resources of the Library have been repeatedly in-
creased by generous gifts. Mr. Warren Sherburne in 1883 gave
money for the purchase of 100 volumes; from Mr. Levi
Prosser in 1884 there was a donation of $215; from Mr.
George W. Robinson several donations of money for the pur-
chase of books; from Miss Caira Robbins for the East Lex-
ington Branch, $25 in 1886; from Mrs. Eleanor S. Beals,
$1000 in 1892; and from Mr. Benjamin Wellington in 1897
the sum of $1000 was received and expended for books for
the Branch; and in 1901 $1000 more was given as a fund to
be placed at interest. In 1871 Mrs. Cary gave further evi-
dence of her generous spirit in the sum of $5000, and a like
amount was received from her estate in 1883. The town it-
self has been liberal in its appropriations and annually has
set aside the dog tax to be added to the other resources, thus
insuring about $800 for the purchase of new books in addi-
tion to the requirements for administration.

These resources have enabled the Trustees to purchase
from month to month such works as seemed desirable and
thus continually to freshen the stream of good literature that
is flowing into the town. The record of circulation repeats the
story that is familiar in other places, telling of a large percent-
age of fiction, — usually from fifty to sixty per cent, coupled
with a commendable record of more serious reading. The
steady increase in the number of books withdrawn is significant
of the growth in Hterary interest not only in this town but
throughout the country. When the Library was first opened
the eagerness of the people showed itself in the use of 1670
volumes within the first three months. In 1885 a circulation
of over 29,000 represented an average of llf volumes for
each inhabitant. The circulation, in 1909, of 44,079 is almost
double the number of books contained in the Library, there
being 22,389 in the Main Library and 2547 in the Branch.
This gratifying growth has been accompanied with a finer
appreciation of the function of such an institution. In the
Report of 1889 the wholesome observation was made that

EDUCATION 407

"the mere adding of books without regard to their useful-
ness is not desirable." About that time special recognition
was given to books of reference. This department has steadily-
grown and its increased usefulness, especially among students
in school and by members of clubs, marks the development
of the Library under modern methods. In 1892 the policy
was confirmed of recognizing the special needs of groups
formed for study, both by the purchase of books and by the
aid of the Librarians in looking up references. At this time,
also, a monthly bulletin of new accessions was instituted, be-
ing prepared, with critical notices, by Mr. James P. Munroe.
A catalogue was projected and pubhshed in 1895 at an ex-
pense of more than $1500, without asking the town for an
appropriation. This largely increased the circulation. A
card catalogue, however, had been begun in 1888, with a
fresh classification and rearrangement of books under the
Cutter System. Such a catalogue, being always up-to-date
and being used in connection with the regular bulletins of
new accessions, has come to supersede the need of a complete,
printed catalogue. The Brown System of charging, modified
to meet local conditions, was adopted in 1906.

With the growth of the Library in its resources and the ex-
tension in the character of its work, there has been a neces-
sary increase in the hours of opening and in the administra-
tive force. In 1898 the hours were from 2 p.m. until 8 p.m.
every week day and until 9 p.m. on Saturdays. During this
year, also, the Juvenile Department was established, al-
lowing the children to have free access to 1800 volumes care-
fully selected in their interest. A proposal to open the Li-
brary on Sunday afternoon was adopted in 1903, but after
a short trial was abandoned. In the same year, however,
the opening from nine until twelve o'clock in the forenoon
was notably successful for six months, and on the basis of this
experience the Library was opened in the following year from
ten in the morning until eight in the evening and on Satur-
days until nine, with a resulting increase of twenty per cent
in the use of the books.

The special interests of East Lexington have been recog-
nized by the establishment of a Branch Library in that sec-
tion of the town. It was first opened on April 19, 1883, in the
Adams School. A committee of ladies under Miss Ellen Dana
raised the sum of $410, to which an appropriation of $225

408 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

was added by the town for books and furnishings. Miss Ellen
Stone offered the Stone Building to the town, and this was
accepted in 1893, the Branch Library then being removed to
this location from a room over Mr. Holbrook's store, where
it had been for nine months previous. At first the Branch was
open only twice a week, but latterly the requirements are for
daily access, while a considerable number of volumes from
the Main Library find circulation through fhis agency.

The administration of the Library has been under the care
of the Trustees, made up of the Selectmen, the School Com-
mittee, and the settled ministers, who have given devoted
and enthusiastic attention to its interests. The Hon. Charles
Hudson was the first Chairman of the Board, from 1868 to
1872, being succeeded by the Rev. Henry Westcott, who held
this office until 1881. Rev. Edward Griffin Porter served from
1881 to 1887 and from 1889 to 1891, Rev. Carlton A. Staples
from 1887 to 1889 and from 1891 to 1904, and Rev. Charles
Francis Carter from 1904 until 1910. The policy of the Trus-
tees has been broad and liberal. While providing the best of
current literature for immediate use, the aim has been to keep
the various departments well balanced and steadily to in-
crease the permanent value of the collection. For several
years a corps of readers has reviewed the proposed works of
fiction prior to their acceptance by the Trustees. Wherever
more serious work has been undertaken by individuals or
groups, indicated needs have been generously supplied, while
the Librarians render a large amount of service to those en-
gaged in special study or research. The list of those who have
served as Librarians is as follows: Miss Marion S. Keyes,
1869-76; Miss Grace S. Wellington, 1877-88; Miss Flor-
ence E. Whitcher, 1889-1897; Miss Marian P. Kirkland,
1898-19—. Miss Helen E. Muzzey and Miss Barbara Mac-
kinnon from 1898 have served as assistants.

The year 1906 was most important for this institution, for
on July 16 the new building was dedicated, Mr. George O.
Whiting, Chairman of the Building Committee, delivering
the keys to Mr. George W. Taylor, Chairman of the Select-
men. The other gentlemen serving efficiently on the Building
Committee were: Dr. J. Odin Tilton, Mr. James S. Munroe,
Mr. James P. Munroe, and Mr. Francis W. Dean. This build-
ing was the gift of Miss Alice Butler Cary in memory of her
adopted and honored parents, William Harris Cary and Maria

WILLIAM H. CARY

MART (pHINNEY)

BARONESS VON" OLNHAUSEN

MRS. WILLIAM H. CARY
ELIAS PHINNEY, ESQ.

EDUCATION 409

Hastings Gary. It was erected at a cost of $50,000, from de-
signs furnished by Willard D. Brown, architect, and located
on land, given by the Gary heirs, at the corner of Glarke Street
and Massachusetts Avenue. At the simple services of dedica-
tion Rev. John M. Wilson offered prayer and Rev. Gharles
F. Garter gave the address. Gordial mention was made of the
honorable motives that found expression in the building, the
filial devotion, the loyal citizenship, the unsparing generosity,
and the advancement of character through love of good liter-
ature, and the building was dedicated as a monument to
these high qualities. The speaker having referred to these as
the corner-stones of the new edifice, a bright woman after-
wards remarked that he "didn't leave a corner-stone un-
turned." The use of the new building bore emphatic witness
to the fitness of its design and the completeness of its furnish-
ing. Not only was the work of administration made easier
and more effective, but the atmosphere of the place seemed
to conspire with more material things to allure people to its
use. Ghildren felt the influence, and while entirely free to use
the books of the Juvenile Department they instinctively ob-
served the quiet demeanor befitting a place of such refinement.
The withdrawal of books at once increased by a very con-
siderable percentage, the reference room was available as
never before, and the beautiful reading-room became a fa-
vored resort. For the appropriate adornment of its interior,
in addition to a fine clock given by Mr. Freeman J. Doe and
a rare picture by Mr. Warren Sherburne, and other gifts,
the Library has been made custodian of some treasured
relics, partly by the Historical Society and partly by the town,
and the visitor is greeted by the faces of Paul Revere, Earl
Percy, and other distinguished reminders of the Revolution,
as well as by the portraits of the founders of the Library, and
by a bust of Theodore Parker. The building is also a centre
of historic interest and information. In 1887 the visitors'
book records 342 strangers coming from nineteen States as
"pilgrims to our shrine of liberty," and this number is being
multiplied many-fold each year with representatives from
every quarter of the globe.

A few waymarks suggest the steady progress of the years.
In 1892 the practice was abandoned of covering books, and
in place of the neat brown paper packages that looked so
orderly on the shelves there is now a considerable bill for re-

410 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

binding, denoting the modern notion that books are to be
used rather than to be preserved. The careless practice of
using matches for book-marks was condemned in 1899, and
human nature, aided by electric devices, is thought to be
improving in this regard. The Booklovers' Club and the
Bodley Club were employed for a time as agencies for fiction,
but these have run their course. Well-selected exhibitions
of photographs, made available through membership in the
Library Art Club, and changed every few weeks, open the
realms of art and of travel in a most entertaining and instruc-
tive way. The Library of Music, given in 1910 in memory of
Charles C. Goodwin by Mrs. Goodwin, has met with immedi-
ate appreciation. Perpetuating the memory of an ardent
lover of music, a genial companion, and upright citizen, it
lays the foundation of an important department which the
Trustees have decided generously to maintain.

The advance which the Library has made in many direc-
tions is shared by other similar institutions and is an index
of our civilization as it moves on into the liberty of what
Milton called "our richest merchandise, truth."

An educational enterprise ^ of nation-wide influence was
the Normal Music School, established at Lexington, by H.
E. Holt, in 1884. Its success may be attributed to two
causes : first, it was founded by one who possessed real genius
for teaching; second, it met a crying educational need of the
time.

Ever since the introduction of music into the public schools
of America, by Lowell Mason and his adherents, the in-
struction had been based, largely, upon the singing of rote
songs and the imitations of models set by the teachers. The
musical material had been made up, chiefly, of excerpts and
adaptations from German text-books. Mr. Holt, one of the
supervisors in the city of Boston, while fully respecting the
service rendered by earlier teachers, felt the inadequacy of
their methods in preparing pupils for the ever broadening
musical life of the nation. With a patience and zeal that may
now well seem phenomenal, and with a foresight which might
be characterized as prophetic, he planned and executed, with
the cooperation of the gifted musician, John W. Tufts, a
series of text-books, known as "The Normal Music Course."

1 For this account the Committee is under obligation to Professor Leo R. Lewis,
of Tufts College. Ed.

EDUCATION 411

The Lexington Summer School of Music served to acquaint
supervisors and teachers with the progressive methods and
highly original material embodied in these text-books.

While, as might be expected, the educational public was,
at first, slow to recognize the merits of the new system, its
conquest of the country was practically complete within a
decade. Rival courses built on similar lines, as well as revi-
sions of older courses, furnished conclusive proof of the
influence of Mr. Holt's ideas.

Fully established as'a leader in musical education, he con-
tinued to develop his original methods, and changed the name
of his school, in the early '90's, to The American Institute of
Vocal Harmony. This school continued its successful career
up to the time of Mr. Holt's death.

The attendance at the school reached, in 1899, the hundred
mark, and thereafter varied from that to one hundred and
fifty. Men and women now occupying prominent positions
in the educational world were attendants at this school; and
hundreds of supervisors and special teachers still look back to
the Lexington School as a source of inspiration and profes-
sional equipment.

In speaking of the success of the school, one should not fail
to recognize the unostentatious, but effective, service ren-
dered by Mrs. Holt, who, particularly in the later years of the
School, helped to strengthen its influence and contributed to
its educational power. One should also recognize the cordial
cooperation of the school authorities and citizens of Lexing-
ton, who welcomed, annually, students coming from various
parts of the country, and by making their stay both pleasant
and profitable, enabled the School to maintain its popularity,
even though rival enterprises sprang up in several states.

CHAPTER XIX

MILITARY AFFAIRS

No Records of the Military — OflScers are mentioned — Men who served in the
French and Indian Wars — List of Captain Parker's Company — At Cam-
bridge in May and June, 1775 — Men who served in the Revolution — Ar-
tillery Company — The Late Rebellion — Men in the Service.

We have no means of giving a full and accurate history of
the military organizations which have existed in the town
from its first settlement. In fact, the only record or intimation
of one consists in the titles given to certain individuals from
time to time in our Records. Before 1700, we find the title
of Captain given to William Reed; in 1712, to Joseph Esta-
brook; and in 1717, to Joseph Bowman.

Without pretending to give a full catalogue of the oflScers
or stating them in the exact order of time, we find the title
of Captain given by the Records to Samuel Stone, Benjamin
Reed, and William Reed, between the years 1740 and 1750,
and in 1761 Benjamin Reed is denominated Major, which
shows that he had been promoted; and soon after Thaddeus
Bowman is honored with the title of Captain. This brings
us up to the commencement of the Revolution. And it is
worthy of special notice that the military men of that day
were the leading men of the town. No one has borne the
title of Captain whose name has not been found on the Board
of Selectmen, or Assessors, or on some of the most important
committees. Even the honor of Lieutenant was enjoyed by
Ebenezer Fiske, Ensign by Robert Harrington, and Quarter
Master by John Bridge, who were, in their day, among the
most popular and distinguished men of the town.

The citizens of Lexington, during her whole history, have
participated largely in the service of the field in times of war.
In the early Indian wars several men from Cambridge Farms
were engaged ; but as what is now Lexington was then a part
of Cambridge, we have no full or distinct account of that
service. But in later periods we find Lexington men scattered
through almost every Massachusetts corps. Though the rolls

MILITARY AFFAIRS 413

are very imperfect and in many instances there is nothing to
designate the place from which the soldiers came, we have been
enabled to collect the following imperfect lists. ^

In 1725, we find the names of the following men from
Lexington : ^ —

Captain Blanchard. John Pierce. Samuel Lawrence.

Corporal John White. Thomas Stearns. Nathaniel Kendal.

In 1740, in the West India service: —

Gideon Powers. " Joshua Winship. Nathaniell Munroe.

Ezekiel Kendall.

In 1745, at the capture of Louisburg, there must have been
some men from Lexington, but as no rolls are preserved, we
cannot give their names. ^

In 1754, we find the names of the following persons: —

Sergeant William Munroe. John Fiske.

Corporal Ephraim Flecher. Joseph Locke.

In 1755, the war with the French and Indians assuming a
more decided character, a large force from Massachusetts
was called out. Some acted under General Winslow at the
eastward, and others in the neighborhood of Lake Champlain.
The imperfect rolls show that Lexington furnished twenty-one
men, and probably more: ^ —

Captain William Reed. Amos Simonds.

Sergeant William Munroe. John Pierce.

Benjamin Edgell.« Joseph Locke.

Since Mr. Hudson may have had access to records and lists, as well as to family
papers, not now available, it has seemed best to retain his lists as printed, with such
addenda in the form of footnotes as appear necessary. Ed.

2 The Massachusetts Muster Rolls give also (Vol. 91, p. 169) Peter Read. Ed.
8 Muster Rolls (Vol. 92, p. 96) give, April 1, 1748, Nathan Simonds and John
Meder, "posted at Fort Shirley." Ed.

^ The following names given by Mr. Hudson have not been found on the Muster
Rolls, as credited to Lexington: —

Captain William Reed, Sergt. William Munroe,

Jonas Munroe, Jr., Benjamin Munroe,

Francis Teel, James Bridge,

Amos Sunonds, William Blodgett,

Simon Newton, Isaac Winship,

David Fiske, David Foster.

In many cases, however, the town is not given on the Rolls; and in some cases the
above names do occur in regiments where there were men from Lexington.
Therefore it is fair to presume that Mr. Hudson's lists are correct. Ed.
6 "Edger" on Muster Rolls (Vol. 93, p. 185). Ed.

414

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Jonas Munroe, Jr.
Josiah Stone.
Nehemiah Estabrook.
Ebenezer Winship.
Benjamin Munroe.
Abraham Scott.
Francis Teel.
James Bridge.

William Merriam.
William Blodgett.
Joseph Munroe, Jr.
Simon Newton.
Isaac Winship.
David Fiske.
David Foster.

In 1756, the war with the French and their Indian allies
continuing unabated, new levies of troops were made, and
Lexington, never backward in such a cause, furnished the
following soldiers : ^ —

Sergeant Robert Wilson.
Henry Harrington, Jr.
Joseph Locke.
Benjamin Bridge.
Samuel Jones.
Nathaniel Piper.
Samuel Nevens,^
Nathaniel Walker.
Benjamin Locke.
Benjamin Whitcomb.^
Zachariah Parker.
Giles Bennett.^

Reuben^ Raymond.
Robert Wilson, Jr.
Samuel Chaffen.
Uriah Holt.
John Stockwill.
John Pierce.
Hugh Maxwell.^
Barnabas Wilson.
Thomas Perry.
Abel Whitcomb.
Nathaniel Parker.
Benjamin Locke.

In 1757, another call was made for men, a considerable
portion of whom were marched to the relief of Fort William
Henry. The following is a partial list of Lexington men: ^ —

Sergeant Samuel ChaflBn.
Roger Wellington.
Jonas Munroe.
Samuel Jones.
John Bridge.
David Munroe.

Thaddeus Munroe.
John Munroe.
Benjamin Muzzy.
Silas Merriam.
Benjamin Merriam.
Simeon Eames.

^ The following names have not been verified from the Muster Rolls (see, how-
ever. Note 4 on previous page) : Benjamin Bridge, Benjamin Locke, and Nathaniel
Parker. Ed.

* "Nevers" on Muster Roll. Ed.

' Credited on Muster Roll as from "Lemingster." Ed.

* "Barnett" on Muster Roll. Ed.

* "Robin" on Muster Roll. Ed.

« "Makwell" on Muster Roll. Ed.

' The following names have not been found on the Muster Rolls: Jonathan Fes-
senden, Josiah Blodgett, Nathaniel Ingersol, James Munroe, and Edmund Munroe.
Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 415

Alexander W. Dole. Nathaniel Ingersol.

Benjamin Farley. Phinehas Blodgett.

John Clapham. John White.

Robert Moore. Joseph Russell.

Jonathan Fessenden. Edward Winship.

Giles Bennett.^ Abraham Scott.

Robert Wilson. James Winship.

Jonathan Ingersol. James Munroe.

Benjamin Edgell. Josiah Blodgett.

Josiah Blodgett. Edmund Munroe.

In 1758, Lexington had the following men in the service : ' —

Ensign Robert Munroe. Edmund Munroe.

Jeremiah Bridge. Thomas Robbins.

Thomas Robinson. James Munroe.

Henry Harrington. Israel Underwood.

Joseph Fassett. Andrew Munroe.

In 1759, Lexington furnished: —

James Winship. Andrew Munroe.

Henry Harrington. James Munroe. ^

Israel Underwood. James Merriam.
Thomas Robbins.

The fall of Quebec, in 1759, did not immediately produce
the submission of Canada. The following year called for more
Provincial troops, and Lexington had a large number of men
in the field. From dilapidated rolls the following names have
been gleaned : —

Captain John Clapham. Aaron Wood.

Ensign Abraham Munroe.^ Alexander McDowell.

Sergeant Joseph Locke. Ebenezer Blodgett.

Corporal David Munroe. Boston Draper.

Samuel Raymond. David Barnard.

James Mann. Andrew Munroe.

James Winship. Thomas Blodgett.

Joseph Reed. Amos Locke.

1 " Barnett " on Muster Roll. Ed.

^ The following names do not appear on the Muster Rolls as from Lexington:
Ensign Robert Munroe, Thomas Robinson, Henry Harrington, Joseph Fassett,
Thomas Robbins, James Mxmroe and Israel Underwood. Ensign Robert Munroe is
credited, however, in 1756, to Lincoln; and a Josiah F. Fassett was Captain of a
Bedford Company in 1762. Ed.

* James Munroe is not found on the Muster Rolls, but one of that name marched
from Cambridge and Worcester, in 1759, in Brattle's Regiment. Ed.

* There was an Ensign Abraham Munroe in Saltonstall's Regiment. Ed.

416 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Robert Fiske. Jolin Jar vis.

James Merriam. Isaac Trask.

Nathan Chandler. Thaddeus Call. 2

Benjamin Dudley. Jeremiah Harrington.

William Dix. Arthur McMuUen.

Edmund Dix. John White.

Abner Scott. ^ Thomas Perry.
Freeborn Hill.

Though the French were in a great measure subdued on the
northern frontier, the treaty of peace not having been con-
cluded, a considerable portion of the troops were retained in
the field in 1762, particularly to watch the Indians. The fol-
lowing men from Lexington were in the service : —

Ensign Abraham Scott. Thomas Perry.

John Jarvis. Joseph Mason.

Freeborn Hill. Silas Merriam.

Israel Trask. Thaddeus Pierce.

Thomas Call. John Smith.

Jeremiah Harrington. Robert Munroe.

Robert Herbert. Stephen Munroe.

William Dix. Josiah Munroe.

Edmund Dix. Jonas ^ Perry.

John Godding. Isaiah Trask.

Thomas Godding. John Wood.
Thomas Robbins.

The foregoing is an imperfect list of the men who served
in the French and Indian wars from 1755 to 1763 *; and it re-

^ Probably Alexander. Ed. ^ Probably Thomas. Ed.

3 Probably James. Ed.

* The following entries, taken from successive volumes of the Muster Rolls, ap-
parently cover all names distinctly credited to Lexington from 1748 to 1763. Ed.

Vol. 92, p. 96. 1 Apr., 1748.

Nathan Simonds. ) " Posted at Fort Shirley."

John Meder. )

Vol. 93, pp. 185-86. "Col. Brattlea'a Regt. for Crown Point, 18 Sept., '55."

Capt. Reed of Lexenton. Jno Pearce.

Benjamin Edger. Joseph Lock, "in Room of Simeon

Jonas Munroe, Jr. Blodgett."

Josiah Stone. William Meriam.

Nehemiah Esterbrook.
Vol. 93, pp. 219-20. Thomas Cheever, Capt. (listed 1755).

Benjamin Edgell. John Pirce.

Joseph Munrow, Jun'. Joseph Lock.

Ebenezer Winship. Samuel Chaffen.

Nehemiah Eaterbrooks.
Vol. 93, p. 384.

Jonathan Fesaenden (b. at Lex. enlisted from Braintree).
Vol. 94, p. 76. 20 Feb., 1756.

Robert Wilson. Robin Raymont.

BenJ* Lock. Henry Herrington.

MILITARY AFFAIRS

417

fleets no discredit upon the town. Her Munroes and Mer-
riams and Winships were found on every battle-field — at
Louisburg, Quebec, Crown Point, Ticonderoga, Fort William

Vol. 94, p. 278. 24 July, 1756.

Samuel Nevera. John Stockwill. ) "Out of Lexington Company all under

Unah Holt. Hugh Makwell. j Capt. Hartwell."

Nath Walker.
Vol. 94, p. 328 (listed 1756).

Robbert Wilson.
Vol. 94, p. 331, and Vol. 95, p. 27.

Giles (or Gills) Barnatt.
Vol. 94, p. 381. 9 Aug., 1756.

xf T^i Jo'ies. Nathl Walker.

Nath Piper. Abel Whitcomb.

JohnPeirce. Barnabas Wilson.

Zachariah Parker.
Vol. 95, p. 200. 9 Feb., 1757.

Robert Willson.
Vol. 95, pp. 246-47. "Capt. Seth Blodgetfs Muster Roll upon the Alarm "S?."

John Clapham.
Robt Moors.
Sam^ Chaffing.
Ben] Edgell.
Jonathan Ingerson.
Phenias Blodget.
John White.
Joseph Russell.
Edwd Winship.
Abreh™ Scott.
James Winship.
Josiah Blodet. ^

Jonas Monro.

John Bridge.

Samll Jones.

Rodger Wilington.

David Monrow.

Thad' Monrow.

John Monrow.

Benj° Muzzy.

Benj" Merriam.

Simond Earns.

Sylos Merriham.

Alex<l McDole.

Benj* Farley.
Vol. 96, p. 339. 24 Feb., 1759.

Israel Underwood.
Vol. 96, p. 409. 1758.

Jeremiah Bridge.
Vol. 96, p. 422. 14 Feb., 1759.

Thomas Robbins.
Vol. 96. p. 423. 12 Feb., 1759.

Henry Herrington.
Vol. 97, p. 216. Filed 5 June, 1759.

"The following names are a full & Just account of those to whom I the Subscriber De-
livered Bayonets in the Company under my Command in Lexington."

Benja Reed, Cop*."

Andrew Munroe.

Benjamin Reed Capta?

John Simonds.

Joshua Simonds.

Joseph Comey.

Matthew Meed.

Ephraim Russell,

Samuel Reed.

Thadd? Perrey.

Stephen Robbins.

Thomas Winship.

Andrew Munroe.

Jacob Whittemore.

Nathll (written in the margin).

Bowman Brown.

Joseph Russell.

Isaac Winship.

Thomas Robbina.

John Peirce.

Nathan Lock.

James Dods.

Jonathan Winship.

Thomas Parker.

Robert More.

Joseph Tidd.

Benj Cutler.

Joshua Bond.
William Tidd.
Francis Brown.
Amos Muzzy.
Nathll Mulliken.
Josiah genm'son.
Josiah Blodget.
Isaac Bowman.
Edmund Bowman.
John Mason.
Jonathan Trask.
William Munroe.
Johua Underwood.
John Robbins.
John Munroe.
William Meriam.
Thadd Peirce.
Andrew Parker.
Ebenezer Winship.
William Bridge.
Samuel Meriam.
John Parker.
Jonath Herrington.
Thomas Jackson.

418 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Henry, and wherever a foe was to be encountered or a daring
deed to be performed. Some of the Lexington men were at-
tached to the famous corps known as "Rogers's Rangers,'*

Vol. 97, p. 313. 20 Nov., 1760; also. Vol. 98. p. 178. 1759.

Joseph Lock.

James Merriam,

James Winship.

Aaron Wood.
Vol. 97, p. 348. 1759.

Benjamin Edgell.
Vol. 97, p. 361. 1769.

Nathaniel Piper.
Vol. 97, p. 389. 1759.

James Mann.
Vol. 98, p. 25. 1760. Joshua Trickey, Jr. (b. at Lex. res. at Almsbury).
Vol. 98, p. 82. (Page crossed out.) Abraham Munroe, res. Stow 1760.
Vol. 98, p. 141. Peter Read, res. Littleton.
Vol. 98. p. 204. 1759.

Thomas Godding.
Vol. 98, p. 215. 24 Dec, 1760.

David Munroe.

Alexander McDowell.

Ebenezer Blodgett.

Boston Draper.
Vol. 98, p. 216. 1759-60.

Andrew Munroe.

Sam' Raymond.

Joseph Reed.
Vol. 98, p. 228. 1760.

Ebenezer Harrington.
Vol. 98, p. 243. 1760.

John Clapham Capt.

David Barnard.

Thos Blodget.

Nathan Chandler.
Vol. 98, p. 303. 1760.

Robert Fisk.
Vol. 98, p. 392. 1759-61.

Thomas Coding.
Vol. 98, p. 415.

Jon* Ingersol, enlisted 1 Apr, .

Vol. 99, p. 71. 29 Dec, 1763.

Thad* Bowman Capt.

Jon" Smith Lieut.

Robert Harrington Ensign.
Also Vol. 99. p. 403. June, 1771. Commissioned for the Fort Regt.
Vol, 99, p. 114. 1 Apr., 1762.

Benjamin Dudley.

Hill Freeborn.

John Jervis.

Isaac Trask.
Vol. 99. p. 122. 1761-62.

Thomas Call.

Jer* Harrington.
Vol. 99. p. 139. 1761-62.

Arthur McMullen,

John White.
Vol. 99, p. 142. 1761-62.

William Dix.

Edmund Dix.
Vol. 99, p. 157. 1761-62.

AIex.» Scott.
Vol. 99. p. 159. 1762.

Amos Look, B. of Jos'*.
Vol. 99, p. 183.

Hill Freeborn.

John Jervis.
Vol. 99, p. 187.

Thomas Perry.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 419

— a corps in which Stark served his military apprenticeship;

— a corps whose name was expressive of the Hfe they led —
ranging through the wilderness, seeking their wary savage foe
by day or by night, in silent glens or secret ambush; — a
corps whose winter quarters were in tedious marchings amid
drifted snows, frozen lakes, and ice-clad hills, relying some-
times upon snowshoes, and sometimes upon skates for loco-
motion, and carrying their only arsenal and commissariat in
their packs. In such a^ corps were some of the hardy sons of
Lexington trained — they, knowing that their lives were in
their own hands, and that their escape from the tomahawk
and scalping-knife, the tortures of the fagot or ignominious
slavery depended entirely upon their own severe trials, per-
petual watchings, and determined courage.

Edmund Munroe, of Lexington, was at one time attached
to Rogers's Rangers, where he acted as an orderly sergeant,
and also as adjutant of the regiment. In a small memoran-
dum book, kept by him at Lake George, in August and
September, 1758,* there are some notices of the events of the
day and a few things of interest. Under date of August 28,
1758, is the following: —

"the Troops to fire a Rejoceing firing this Evening for the success
of His majestys Arms for the Taking of Louisbourgh — The Regis
to be under armes and Line the Brstwork at Six oclock, the firing

Vol. 99, p. 216.

Edmund Diz.
Vol. 99, p. 218. 1762.

William Dix.
Vol. 99, p. 239. 1763.

Abraham Scott.

Thomas Call.

John Coding.
Vol. 99, p. 256. 1761.

Thomas Perry.
Vol. 99, p. 257. 1761.

Hill Freeborn.

John Jarvis.

Joseph Mason.

Silas Meriam.

Thadeus Peirce.
Vol. 99, p. 258. 1761.

John Smith.
Vol. 99, p. 259. 1763.

Robert Munrowe.

Stephen Munrowe.

Josiah Munrowe.

James Perry.

Isaac Trask.

John Woods.

^ This manuscript was found among the papers of Edmund Munroe, Esq., of
Boston, for the perusal of which I am indebted to Francis Brown, Esq. (Now in the
archives of the Lex. Hist. Soc. at the Hancock-Clarke House. Ed.)

420 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

to begin with 21 Guns from the Royal artillery and then from the
Right of the 27th Regt Round the Line and to finish with the Left
of Colo Bagley's Regt this to be Repeated till the whole has fired
three Rounds the Riegts and Guards not to fire but to be formed
in the Rear of the Regts — the Commanding oSicers of Regts to
order a revew of their men at 12 oclock and the balls to be drawn
and to have Catrages without balls made up for the Rejoceing
fire."

But it seems that the Rangers, a separate corps, were on
that joyful occasion to act another part. Under same date,
we have the following : —

"The Rangers to be under arms at six o'clock this evening, to
illuminate the rejoicing for the success of his Majesty's army at
Louisburg, at which time Major Rogers to give to his Ranging
Companies, as a token of his dependence on their Loyalty and
Bravery, a Barrell of Wine treat, to congratulate this good news
to them, and the good behavior of the four Companies of Rang-
ers at Louisburg, which has won to the corps a universal, na-
tional character."

In 1761, Edmund Munroe was promoted to a lieutenancy,
by Governor Barnard, and in March, 1762, he was commis-
sioned as Adjutant of Colonel Richard Saltonstall's Regiment,
and continued in the service till the peace of 1763.

The more recent war of the Revolution, and the great in-
terest we had at stake in the late Rebellion, have thrown the
French war in a great measure into the shade. Few people at
the present time realize the toils, the sufferings, and the sac-
rifices made by the Colony at that time to sustain the cause
and strengthen the arm of the mother country, which was
shortly after raised to crush the patriotic colonists. From
1755 to 1763, the Colony of Massachusetts performed an
amount of military service almost unparalleled. Minot, the
historian, says that in the year 1757, one third part of the ef-
fective men in the Colony were in some way or other in the
field. The patriotic devotion of the Colony and the zeal with
which our brave soldiers served Great Britain should have
excited her gratitude and induced her to respect our rights.

We have no full record of the military organization in
Lexington at the commencement of the Revolution. In 1770,
the officers of the Lexington Company were Thaddeus Bow-
man, Captain; Jonathan Smith, Lieutenant; and Robert

MILITARY AFFAIRS 421

Harrington, Ensign. These officers probably considered them-
selves superseded or discharged after Governor Gage virtually
abdicated government here by refusing to convene the Legis-
lature. The organization of companies of Minute-Men by
the order of the Provincial Congress in 1774 appears to have
been entirely outside of the old military organization. The
company which appeared on the Common in 1775 did not
owe its organization to any law of the Legislature; and it is
probable that Captain Parker and his subalterns had no com-
missions, except that o^ the vote of the company and the ap-
probation of the Committee of Safety. This company com-
prised the principal men of the place and probably constituted
the only actual organization in town at the time. John Parker
was at that time forty-six years of age, and must have been
a man who commanded the confidence of the people. There
were in town at that period, Lieutenant Edmund Munroe
and Ensign Robert Munroe, both of whom had held com-
missions in the French war — besides twenty-five or thirty
more who had seen service; and the fact that John Parker
was selected to command that company, and that these
officers and soldiers were willing to volunteer and serve under
him, shows that he was a man of more than ordinary char-
acter and one to be trusted in any emergency. The result
showed that this confidence was not misplaced. The impor-
tant part acted by this company on the 19th of April, and
subsequently, justly entitles them to a place in the historic
page.

Roll of the Officers and Soldiers of Captain Parker*s Company in

1775 "■

Captain John Parker, Ensign Joseph Simonds.

Lieutenant William Tidd. Clerk Daniel Harrington.

Ensign Robert Munroe. Ord. Sergeant William Munroe.

^ Appended to "An Address, delivered at Lexington, on the 19th (20th) April,
1835, by Edward Everett" (Charlestown, published by William W. Wheildon,
1835), is a note, as follows: —

The following is the list of Captain Parker's Company, as they stood enrolled on the 19th
of April, 1775.

Those marked with an asterisk were present at the celebration on the 20th of April, 1835.

Blodget, Isaac. Buckman, John.

Bowman, Francis, Chandler, John.

Bridge, John. Chandler, John, Jr.

Bridge, Joseph. Child, Abijah.

Brown, Francis, sergeant, wounded. Comee, Joseph, wounded.

Brown, James. Cutter, Thomas.

Brown, John, killed. *Durant, Isaac, living.

Brown, Solomon, living. Eastabrook, Joseph,

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Sergeajit Francis Brown.
Sergeant Ebenezer White.
Corporal Joel Viles.
Corporal Samuel Sanderson.
Corporal John Munroe.
Corporal Ebenezer Parker.

Fessenden, Nathan.

Fessenden, Thomas.
*Fisk, Dr. Joseph, living.

Freeman, Nathaniel, wounded.

Green, Isaac.

Grimes, William.

Hadley, Benjamin.

Hadley, Ebenezer.

Hadley, Samuel, killed.

Hadley, Thomas.

Harrington, Caleb, killed.

Harrington, Daniel, clerk.

Harrington, Ebenezer.

Harrington, Jeremiah.

Harrington, John.

Harrington, Jonathan.

Harrington, Jonathan, Jr., killed.
"Harrington, Jonathan, 3d, living.

Harrington, Moses.

Harrington, Thaddeua.

Harrington, Thomas.

Harrington, William.

Hastings, Isaac.
♦Hosmer, John, living.

Lock, Amos.
♦Lock, Benjamin, living.
♦Loring, Jonathan, living.

Loring, Joseph.

Marrett, Amos.
*Mason, Daniel, living.

Mason, Joseph.

Mead, Abner.

Merriam, Benjamin.

Merriam, William.

MuUiken, Nathaniel.

Munroe, Asa.

Munroe, Ebenezer.

Munroe, Ebenezer, Jr., wounded.

Munroe, Edmund, lieutenant.

Munroe, George.

Munroe, Isaac, Jr., killed.

Munroe, Jedediah, wounded in morning,
killed in the afternoon.

Munroe, John.

Munroe, John, Jr.

Munroe, Philemon.

Munroe, Robert, ensign, killed.

Munroe, William, orderly sg't.
♦Munroe, William, Jr., living.

Nathaniel Farmer.
Samuel Winship.
John Winship.
Joseph Robinson.
Francis Bowman.
Joseph Smith.

Muzzy, Amos.
Parker, Ebenezer.
Parker, John, captain.
Parker, Jonas, killed.
Parker, Thaddeus.
Parkhurst, John.
Pierce, Solomon, wounded.
Porter, Asahel, of Woburn, killed.
Prince, a negro, wounded.
Raymond, John, killed.
Robbins, John, wounded.
Robbins, Thomas.
Robinson, Joseph.
Reed, Hammond.
Reed, Josiah, living.
Reed, Joshua.
Reed, Nathan.
Reed, Robert.
Reed, Thaddeus.
Reed, William.
Sanderson, Elijah.
Sanderson, Samuel.
♦Simonds, Ebenezer, living.
Simonds, Josiah.
Simonds, Joshua.
Smith, Abraham.
Smith, David.
Smith, Ebenezer.
Smith, Jonathan.
Smith, Joseph.
Smith, Phineas.
Smith, Samuel.
Smith, Thaddeua.
Smith, William.
Stearns, Asahel.
Stone, Jonas.
Tidd, John, wounded.
Tidd, Samuel.
Tidd, William.
Viles, Joel.

Wellington, Benjamin.
Wellington, Timothy.
White, Ebenezer.
Williams, John.
Winship, John.
Winship, Simeon.
Winship, Thomas.
Wyman, James.
Wyman, Nathaniel.

A comparison of the two lists shows that three names, Isaac Durant, Joseph Es-
tabrook, and Ebenezer Harrington, included in the 1835 list, are not found in
Mr. Hudson's. On the other hand, nine names, Eli Burdoo, Nathan Munroe, Stephen
Munroe, John Muzzy, Thaddeus Muzzy, Israel Porter, Josiah Smith, Benjamin
Tidd, and Joseph Underwood, recorded by Mr. Hudson, are not found in the 1835
list. The latter list, however, contains several serious misprints: "Cutter" should
be "Cutler"; "Freeman" should be "Farmer"; "Isaac Munroe, Jr.," should be
"Isaac Muzzy, Jr."; "Josiah Simonds" should be "Joseph Simonds"; and "Si-
meon Winship" should be "Samuel Winship." Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS

423

Ebenezer Smith.
Thaddeus Smith.
Abraham Smith.
Josiah Smith.
WilHam Smith.
Samuel Smith.
David Smith.
Phinehas Smith.
Solomon Pierce.
Benjamin Wellington.
Timothy Wellington.
Asahel Stearns.
Thomas Winship.
Thomas Robbins.
John Buckman.
Amos Muzzey.
Jonathan Smith.
Joseph Loring.
Jonathan Loring.
Benjamin Merriam.
John Raymond.
Nathaniel Mulliken.
Daniel Mason.
Joseph Mason.
Elijah Sanderson.
Solomon Brown.
James Brown.
Thaddeus Harrington.
Jonathan Harrington.
Jonathan Harrington, Jr.
Thomas Fessenden.
John Williams.
Jonas Parker.
Dr. Joseph Fiske.
Samuel Tidd.
Samuel Hadley.
Joshua Reed.
John Tidd.
Benjamin Tidd.
Ebenezer Simonds.
James Wyman.
Thomas Hadley.
Benjamin Hadley.

William Grimes.
Isaac Blodgett.
Hammond Reed.
Joshua Simonds.
Nathan Reed.
John Hosmer.
Abner Mead.
Isaac Green.
John Harrington.
Benjamin Locke.
Moses Harrington.
William Harrington.
Jeremiah Harrington.
Thomas Harrington.
Caleb Harrington.
Nathan Fessenden.
Ebenezer Munroe.
Ebenezer Munroe, Jr.
Edmund Munroe.
Stephen Munroe.
Philemon Munroe.
George Munroe.
Jedidiah Munroe.
William Munroe, Jr.
John Munroe, Jr.
Nathan Munroe.
John Chandler.
John Chandler, Jr.
William Merriam.
Isaac Hastings.
Amos Marrett.
Thaddeus Reed.
Thaddeus Parker.
John Parkhurst.
Thaddeus Muzzey.
Jonathan Harrington, 3d.
Nathan Wyman.
Amos Locke.
Robert Reed.
John Robbins.
John Munroe.^
Asa Munroe.
Jonas Stone.

* As Corporal John Munroe and John Munroe, Jr., have been already listed, and
as the 1835 list gives only two of that name, there is reason to believe that this is an
error. Ed.

424

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Abijah Child.
Joseph Bridge.
John Bridge.
William Reed.
Josiah Reed.
Isaac Muzzey.
John Muzzey.
Thomas Cutler.

John Brown.
Israel Porter.
Joseph Comee.
Asahel Porter.
Joseph Underwood.
Prince Estabrook.
Ebenezer Hadley.
Eli Burdoo.

This company not only served in the morning and in the
afternoon of the memorable 19th of April, but on an alarm
at Cambridge in May, and on the day of the battle of Bun-
ker Hill in June, detachments from this company, with the
gallant Parker at their head, repaired promptly to the scene
of action, and offered themselves for active service. The list
of those who served on these occasions is given below. ^

Roll of a Detachment of Captain Parker's Company, called to Cam-
bridge, and who served from May 6 to May 10, 1775

Captain John Parker.
Lieutenant Joseph Simonds.
Sergeant Ebenezer White.
Sergeant Joel Viles.
Sergeant Ebenezer Parker.
Corporal Joseph Mason.
Corporal John Munro.
Samuel Bowman, Drummer,
Jonas Clark, Fifer,
William Smith.
Benjamin Wellington.
John White.
Elijah Sanderson.

Matthew Bridge.
Ebenezer Hadley.
Nathan Munro.
Thomas Harrington.
Phinehas Smith.
Joseph Underwood.
Isaac Hastings.
William Reed (Tertius).
Simeon Snow.
John Winship.
Jonas Parker.
James Brown.
Nathan Underwood.

^ Muster Roll of a Detachment of a Company of Militia of Lexington on Com-
mand at Cambridge from May 11, 1775, to May 15th, both days Included.

By Order of the Committee of Safety. John Bridge, Commander.

John Bridge, Commander.
William Tidd, Lieutenant.
William Munro, Serjeant.
Sam^ Sanderson, Serjeant.
Nathaniell MuUiken, Corporal.
Jonath° Harrington, Fifer.
Amos Muzzy.
Daniel Harrington.
Nathan Reed.
John Parkhurst.
Isaac Blodget.
Joseph Loring, Jun.
Asa Munro.
Samuel Tidd.
Amoa Marrett.

William Harrington.
Abraham Smith.
Enoch Wellington.
Nathan Underwood.
Francis Bowman.
Thaddeus Muzzy.
Thaddeus Reed.
Benj» Danforth, Jun.
John Hoamer.
Benjamin Bowman.
Joseph Smith.
Simeon Blodget.
Benjamin Hadley.
Abijah Child.
Nehem'^ Estabrooke.
Revolutionary Rolls, Vol. 11, pp. 208. 234. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS

425

William Munro, 4th.
Joseph Estabrooke.
Moses Harrington, 3d.
Walter Russell.
Joshua Reed, Jr.j
Isaac Green.
Ebenezer Smith.
John Chandler, Jr.
Ebenezer Munro.
Eli Burdoo.

Robert Reed.
Nathan Fessenden.
Moses Harrington.
Reuben Locke.
Jonathan Loring.
Thomas Harrington.
William Grimes.
John Munro, Jr.
John Harrington.

Total

45.

Muster Roll of a Part of Captain Parker's Company, who were called
to Cambridge, June 17 and 18, 1775 ^

Captain John Parker.
Lieutenant John Bridge.
Lieutenant William Tidd.
Ensign Joseph Simonds.
Sergeant Francis Brown.
Sergeant William Munro.
Sergeant Ebenezer White.
Corporal Joel Viles.
Corporal Samuel Sanderson.
Corporal John Munro.
Corporal Ebenezer Parker.
Joshua Simonds.
Joseph Lock, Jr.
John Munro.
Josiah Blodgett.
Stephen Munro.
Ebenezer Munro.
Benjamin Tidd.
Reuben Reed.
John Muzzy, Jr.
Thaddeus Muzzy.
Samuel Bowman.
William Grimes.
Solomon Pierce.
Jonathan Smith.
Abraham Smith.
John Smith.
Joseph Loring, Jr.
Ebenezer Hadly.
Timothy Wellington.
Jonathan Bridge.

Benjamin Bowman.

John Chandler, Jr.

Nathan Reed.

Nathan Munro.

Reuben Lock.

Edmund Munro (Alarm list).

Thomas Harrington.

Solomon Brown,

Nathan Fessenden.

Samuel Smith.

John Tingell.

Thaddeus Reed.

Timothy Smith.

Samuel Tidd.

Francis Bowman.

Jonathan Loring.

Eli Burdoo.

Joseph Underwood.

Matthew Bridge.

William Munroe, 4th.

George Adams.

William Smith.

John Harrington.

Joseph Smith.

Isaac Hastings.

Phinehas Starns.

William Reed, 3d.

William Eustis.

Ebenezer Munroe, Jr.

Prince Estabrooke.

Total — 61.

1 Revolutionary Rolls, Vol. 13, pp. 60, 61. Ed.
» Revolutionary Rolls, Vol. 13, p. 59. Ed.

426

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The imperfect records of that day do not furnish us with
a complete list of the Lexington men who served in the Revo-
lution or the length of time they were in the field. A large
number of names ^ are found on the rolls in the archives of the
State, but it is impossible to make out a full list or a complete
classification. The best list that we can obtain is the follow-
ing.

A Committee, of which Benjamin Brown was Chairman,
appointed for the purpose, submitted a Report ^ to the town,
dated May 14, 1779, containing the names of the persons who
served, the campaigns in which the service was rendered, and
the amount they were to receive.

* Muster Roll of Captain John Bridge's of Lexington Company in Colonel
Eliezer Brooks's Regiment on Command at Roxbury from March 4, 1776, to March
8, inclusive : —

John Bridge. Captain.
Joseph Simonds, Lieutenant.
Francis Brown, Lieutenant.
Ebenezer White, Ensign.
Joseph Smith, Serjeant.
Ebenezer Parker, Serjeant.
Tim? Wellington, Serjeant.
Moses Harrington, Serjeant,
Thof Fessenden, Clerk.
Isaac Hastings, CorporaL
Solomon Brown, Corporal.
Elijah Sanderson, Corporal.
Levi Harrington, Drummer.
Samuel Mimro.
John Buckman.
William Munro.
Thad» Harrington.
Samuel Sanderson.
Joseph Loring, Jun.
Josiah Jennison.
John Munro.
William Smith.
Phinebas Starna.
John Williams.
John Harrington.
Henry Harrington, Jun.
Benjamin Tidd.
John White.

Stephen Munro.
Benja Wellington.
Ebenezer Munro.
Solomon Peirce.
Joseph Cutter.
James Wyman.
William Grimes.
Josiah Blodgett.
Tho? Harrington.
Reuben Lock.
Robert Reed.
Reuben Reed.
Thomas Clark.
Jesaniah Crosby.
John Tidd.
Matthew Bridge.
John Peek.
Francis Bowman.
Simon Winship.
Walter Russell.
John Muzzy, Jun.
William Munro (4).
Benjamin Lock.
Joshua Reed, Jun,
Abraham Smith.
Samuel Bowman.
Ebenezer Bowman.
Joseph Estabrooke.

Revolutionary

Samuel Downing.
Thaddeus Reed.
Jonathan Bridge.
Jonas Bridge.
John Hosmer.
Joseph Munro.
John Chandler, Jun.
Asahel Starns.
Thomas Adams.
Henry Winship.
James Webber.
Samuel Smith.
Joseph Cox.
Benjamin Pierce.
Jonas Parker.
Adam Tidd.
Pompey Blackman.
Joseph Mason.
Amos Marrett.
Thomas Fox.
Benjamin Meriam.
Joel Viles.
John Munro.
Joseph Lock.
Matthew Farrington.
Thomas Parker.
Joshua Simonds.

Rolls, Vol. 17, p. 64. Ed.

* A most diligent search has failed to reveal the present existence of this Report.
The list is retained, therefore, as originally printed, Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS

427

Military Services rendered by the Inhabitants of Lexington in the War
of the Revolution, from the first Campaign in 1775, to the close of
1877, exclusive of the three years' men.

First Campaign of Eight Months,
1775

£ 3.

Captain Bowman, for his son

Ebenezer, 6 0

Lieutenant Jona. Smith, for his

son Daniel 5 0

Joseph Robinson, . . . " . 5 0

Benj . Stearns, for his son Asahel, 5 0

Abijah Child, for Micah Hager, 5 0
Samuel Sanderson, for Isaac

Durant 6 0

John Winship, 6 0

Benjamin Fiske, for Pauper, . 3 0
Lieutenant Thomas Fessenden,

for Wm. Diamond, ... 5 0

Benj. Brown, for his son James, . 6 0
Joseph Simonds, for Benjamin

Hadley 5 0

Thomas Hadley, Jr 5 0

Bezaleel Lawrence, for Isaac

Green 5 0

Bezaleel Lawrence, for Abner

Mead, 5 0

Benj. Estabrook, Guard, to Asa

Robinson, 5 0

David Fisk, for his son David, 5 0

Abraham Merriam, .... 5 0

Amos Russell, 5 0

John Peck 5 0

Ezekiel Alline 5 0

Total £98 0

Second Campaign of Twelve Months,
to New York

£ s.

Sam'l Hastings, for son Samuel, 19 0

John Winship 19 0

Lieutenant Thomas Fessenden,

for Wm. Diamond, . . . 12 13

Benjamin Brown, for son James, 19 0

William Reed, for son Josiah, . 19 0
Joseph Simonds, for Benjamin

Hadley 19 0

Joshua Simonds, for Daniel

Bemis 19 0

Abraham Merriam 19 0

Joshua Reed, for Ezra Merriam,
or his father, Abraham Mer-
riam, 19 0

£ *.

Ephraim Winship 19 0

Joseph Robinson, . . . . 19 0

Thomas Winship, Guard, to Jere-
miah Robinson 19 0

Saml. Sanderson, for Isaac Du-
rant 19 0

Thomas Locke 19 0

Lieutenant Jona. Smith, for son

Daniel 19 0

Benjamin Stearns, or his son
Hubback, 19 0

Benjamin Wellington, or Ezekiel

Alline 19 0

Benjamin Estabrook, Guard, to

Asa Robinson, 19 0

Daniel Simonds 19 0

Total £354 13

Third Campaign, February, 1775,
Two Months, to Cambridge

£ s.
Captain Francb Brown, . . 1 10

Joseph Simonds, 1 10

John Muzzy, 1 10

John Simonds 1 10

Joel Viles 1 10

Dea. Loring for son Jonathan, . 1 10
Josiah Smith for son Josiah, . 1 10
Rev. Mr. Clarke, for son Jonas, 1 10

Total. £12 00

Fourth Campaign, July, 1775,
Months, to Ticonderoga

Heirs of Lieutenant Edmund
Munroe, deceased, ....

Ebenezer Hadley

Benj. Brown, for son Solomon,

Josiah Smith, Jr

Robert Reed

Captain Francis Brown, .

Lieutenant Daniel Harrington,
for John Smith

Hammond Reed,

Bezaleel Lawrence, ....

Amos Muzzy

John Simonds

Nathan Reed,

Five

£ s.

428

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

£ s.

Jesse Crosby, 9 0

Samuel Munroe 9 0

Benjamin Estabrook, ... 9 0

Elijah Sanderson, .... 9 0

Francis Brown 9 0

Captain Bowman, for son Eben-

ezer, 9 0

Benj. Wellington, ) , . ,

Tim. Wellington, [ ^"^^^^ * 9 0

Joseph Underwood, ) '

John Chandler, 9 0

William Reed 9 0

Daniel Russell, 9 0

Moses Reed 9 0

Jonas Stone paid his fine, ..90

Benjamin Locke, .... 9 0

Total, £225 0

Fifth Campaign, to Ticondeeoga

£ s.

John Muzzy 6 0

Thomas Fox, 6 0

Ensign Robert Harrington, ..39

Total £15 9

Sixth Campaign, July, 1776, Foub
Months, to Dorchester

£ s.

Dr. Joseph Fiske, .... 3 10

Benjamin Tidd, 3 10

Benjamin Smith, Jr., . . . 3 10

Sampson Adams, . . . . 3 10

Eighth Campaign, Three Months,
TO the Jerseys

£ s.

Captain John Bridge, . . . 7 10

Sergeant John Williams, . . . 7 10

Henry Harrington, Jr., ... 3 15

Amos Locke, 3 15

John Muzzy, Jr., 7 10

John Bowman, 7 10

Amos Marret, 7 10

Abijah Childs, 7 10

Ebenezer Munroe 7 10

William Smith, 3 15

Samuel Bridge 7 10

Thomas Cutler 7 10

Phinehas Stearns 7 10

Thomas Robbins, . . . . 1 18

Moses Harrington, . . . . 7 10

Samuel Winship, 7 10

Thomas Robbins, Jr 3 15

Thaddeus Parker 7 10

William Munroe, deceased, . . 7 10

John Munroe, 3 15

John Tidd 3 15

Total £14 00

Seventh Campaign, September, 1776,
TO White Plains

£ 8.

James Wyman, 5 0

Asa Munroe 5 0

Joshua Reed 5 0

William Reed 5 0

John Parkhurst, 5 0

Robert Moor 5 0

Lieutenant Ebenezer White, . 5 0

Benjamin Stearns, .... 5 0

William Tidd, 5 0

Josiah Jenison, 5 0

Benjamin Wellington, ...50

Nathaniel Munroe 5 0

Matthew Bridge, 5 0

Total, £65 0

Total £129 8

Ninth Campaign, December, 1776,
Three Months to Boston, and One
TO Dorchester

£ s.

Ebenezer Smith, 2 0

Daniel Mason 2 0

Isaac Cutler, 2 13

Samuel Munroe 2 0

Lieutenant Daniel Harrington . 2 0

Levi Mead 2 13

Marret Munroe, 2 14

Total £16 0

Tenth Campaign, April, 1777, to
Providence, Two Months

£ s.

William Reed 4 0

Sergeant Moses Harrington, ..40

Thomas Smith 4 0

Joseph Russell 4 0

Henry Harrington, Jr 4 0

Nathaniel Fessenden, ... 4 0

Total, £24 0

MILITARY AFFAIRS

429

Eleventh Campaign, to Benning-
ton, IN 1777

£
Lieutenant Daniel Harrington, . 9
John Muzzy, and others, a man, 9
Philip Russell, and others, a man, 9
William Tidd and others, a man, 9
Ensign Robert Harrington and

others, a man, 9

Robert Moore and others, a man, 9
Thomas Winship and others, a

man, 9 0

Joshua Simonds and others, a

man, 9 0

Sergeant Solomon Pierce, .,90
Phinehas Stearns, and others, a

man, 9 0

Ebenezer Munroe and others, a

man 9 0

Benjamin Stearns, ....90
Amos Munroe and others, a man, 9 0
Samuel Bridge and others, a man, 9 0

Total, £126 0

Twelfth Campaign, to take Bur-

GOYNE

Lieutenant William Munroe,
Lieutenant Thomas Fessenden,
Sergeant Benj. Wellington,
Phinehas Stearns,
Thaddeus Reed, .
John Chandler,
Matthew Bridge, .
John Fiske,

Total £32 0

Thirteenth Campaign, December,
1777, TO Guard the Lines near
Cambridge, Five Months

Abijah Harrington,

Sergeant Timothy Wellington,

£ s.
4 10
4 10

Samuel Smith,
Samuel Bridge,
Benjamin Fiske, .
Jonathan Harrington,
Henry Harrington, Jr.,
Prince Estabrook,
Josiah Mead .
Ebenezer Smith, .

4 10

Total £39 12

Fourteenth Campaign, At Cam-
bridge, Three Months, 1778

£ s.
Lieutenant Daniel Harrington, . 3 10

Levi Harrington 3 10

John Simonds 8 10

Nathaniel Simonds 3 10

William Munroe, 3 10

Joshua Reed, Jr., 3 10

Stephen Locke, 3 10

Amos Muzzy 3 10

Nathaniel Russell 3 10

John Smith,
Cally Newell, . .
Joseph Loring, Jr.,
Thomas Adams, .
William Smith, .

3 10
3 10
3 10
3 10
3 10

Total, £49 00

Fifteenth Campaign at Providence,
June, 1778, Six Months

£ s.

Daniel Smith 5 0

Isaac Hasting 5 0

Hammond Reed, 5 0

Thomas Fox, 5 0

Nathaniel Reed, 5 0

Benjamin Tidd, 5 0

John Mulliken, 5 0

Total, £35 0

Sixteenth Campaign, at Providence, Six Weeks, August, 1778

Captain Francis Brown.
Sergeant Joseph Smith.
Sergeant Samuel Piper.
Sergeant Samuel Brown.
Sergeant Alpheus Bigelow.
Corporal Nathan Brown.
Corporal Silas Wood.
Corporal Henry Gould.

Corporal James Cogswell,
Fifer John Edwards.
Peter Stearns.
Ebenezer Perkins.
John Chandler.
Samuel Pratt.
William Wheeler.
Jonathan Brooks.

Henry Harrington.
Phinehas Hager.
James Holman.
Lot Conant.
Samuel Bond.
Elijah Brown.
Jeremiah Knowlton.
Thaddeus Winship.

430

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Simon Crosby.
Timothy Killock.
James Billings.
John Conant.
Josiah Reed.
John Barrett.
David Melvin.
James Peacock.
James Heyward.
Amos Buttrick.
Joseph Brooks.
John L. Davis.
John Fiske.

Nathan Fiske.
Amos Pierce.
Abner Matthews.
Silas Livermore.
Tilly Mead.
T. Adams.
Josiah Jennison.
Peter Jones.
Henry Morgan.
Isaac Pierce.
Charles Shepard.
Joseph Stratton.
Stephen Munroe.
Paris Michels.

William Richards.
Reuben Ball.
Joseph Turner.
William S. Baker.
John Harris.
John Robbins.
Simeon Heyward.
Thaddeus Bowker.
Charles Flint.
Josiah Meak.
Ebenezer Jones.
Nathan Buttrick.
Isaac Cutter.

Seventeenth Campaign, at Providence, Stx Months
Benjamin Brown. Benjamin Danforth. Simon Winship.

Joseph Reed.

Jesse Crosby.
John Williams.

John Tidd.

The following names are found upon the roll as Lexington
men, and certified to by our Selectmen in 1782: —

William Dimond.
Abraham Merriam.
Joseph Merriam.
Joseph Foot.

Sex Months' Men in 1780

Ezra Merriam. Philip Davis.

James Robinson.
Silas Merriam.
Cato Tuder.
Prince Estabrook.

Henry Harrington.
Richard Winship.
Samuel Crafts.

There are other names, which we cannot classify at all, nor
tell at what time or for what period they served : —

Daniel Simonds.
Silas Burdoo.
Benjamin Sampson.

Jonas Underwood.
Nathan Brown.
Stephen Munroe.

Christopher Mann.
Matthew Farrington.
Nicholas Duren.

It will be seen that in the foregoing lists the same name in
some cases appears more than once. This arises from the
fact that the same person was out in different campaigns;
and if some of the names here given should be repeated in
the following list of those who served in the Continental Line,
the same explanation will apply — they served in the militia
either before or after their service in the regular army. But
after all, the lists are imperfect, as many of the rolls are des-
troyed.

As far as the amounts for the service are carried out, we
have followed the Report of the Committee; but as they
stopped short of the close of the war, and did not include those
who were called out suddenly to meet an emergency, like

MILITARY AFFAIRS

431

Captain Brown's Company, which went to Rhode Island,
we have inserted their names and others which we found upon
the rolls.

The following is the list of the three-years* men, as far as
we can collect them from the dilapidated rolls. ^

Men who enlisted in Lexington for three years, or during the war,
and served in the Continental Line.

Captain Edmund Munroe.
Lieutenant Ebenezer White.
Ensign Daniel Simonds.
Nehemiah Estabrook.
David Fiske.
Samuel Crafts.
Thaddeus Munroe.
Amos Russell.
George Munroe.
Joseph Cox.
Daniel Simonds.
Ebenezer Hadly.
James Fowle.
Thomas Hadly.
Levi Mead.
Pomp Blackman.
Jupiter Tree.
Prince Estabrook.
Daniel Bemis.
Joseph Barny.
Francis Chaffin.
William Crosby.
David Evans.
Benjamin Hadly.
Titus Heywood.
Benjamin Pierce.
Nathan Gale.
Nathan Smith.
Abraham Merriam.
Silas Merriam.

Isaac Parker.

Michael Neagles.

Samuel Harington.

Seth Reed.

Joseph Foot.

John Helden.

Peter Brooks.

Simeon Crosby.

Thomas Clark [reported deserted,

1779].
Philip Davis [also Wenham,

1777-79].
Benjamin Fiske.
Jabez Frothingham.
John Farmer.
William Grimes.
Josiah Gennerson.
Josiah Gilbert.
Samuel Hastings.
David Samson.
Isaac Smith.
Ezra Merriam.
Joseph Merriam.
Abraham Munroe.
Cornelius Lennix.
Abner Mead.
Abraham Winship.
Moses Mead.
Micah Hager.
Asahel Stearns.

* The following names cannot be verified from The Soldiers and Sailors of the
Revolution : Francis Chaffin, Titus Heywood, Josiah Gilbert, David Samson, Ab-
raham Munroe, Abraham Winship, Abel Stearns, David Lanny, David Clark,
Robert Mead, Jonathan Loring, Samuel Munroe, Ebenezer Robinson, and Joseph
Frost. On the other hand, the following three names, omitted by Mr. Hudson, are
credited to Lexington: Stephen Munroe, William Munroe, and Epbraim Winship.
Ed.

432

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Thomas Locke.
Asa Robinson.
Benjamin Samson.
Enoch Wellington.
James Webber.
William Diamond.
Pomp Fiske.
Francis Fullington.
Richard Winship.
Cato Tuder.
Henry Harrington.
James Robinson.
James Wilson.
Asa Miinroe.
Abel Stearns.
Abraham Smith.
David Lanny.
Samuel Pierce.
Francis Brown.
John Smith.
Ebenezer Munroe.
John Hosmer.
David Clark.
Samuel Ditson [Woburn],
Joseph Robinson.

Thomas Hadly.

Thaddeus Harrington.

Amos Marrit.

Robert Mead.

Elijah Sanderson.

Solomon Brown.

Jonathan Loring.

Samuel Munroe.

Jonathan Munroe [also Con-
cord].

Thomas Blodgett.

Ebenezer Bowman [or Concord],

William Locke.

William Locke, Jr. [?].

Edmund Locke [Waltham].

Ebenezer Robinson.

Joseph Frost.

John Tingle.

Abel Winship.

Isaac Durant [also Littleton].

Thomas Locke.

William Tidd.

Robert Fiske [Woburn and An-
dover].

James Robinson.

Several on the foregoing list are known to have been colored
men, and some of them slaves — among whom are Samuel
Crafts, Pomp Blackman, Jupiter Tree, Prince Estabrook,^
Pomp Fiske, Cato Tuder, John Tingle, and perhaps others.
But notwithstanding the color of their skin, they were
deemed worthy to fight side by side with white men to achieve
our Independence. And it is due to our fathers to say that
when slaves enlisted into the service, they were generally per-
mitted to take their freedom if they desired it.

It should also be remarked that some of the foregoing list
had served in the other and shorter campaigns, before enter-
ing the Continental Line; and that some who are enrolled
among the first three-years' men continued in the service by
reenlistment, though their names appear but once.

When we consider that Lexington was at the commence-
ment of the Revolution a small town of only about seven

* See The Existence and the Extinction of Slavery in Massachusetts, by Rev. C.
A. Staples. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iv, p. 48. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 433

hundred inhabitants, no one can pronounce her backward
in supplying men to prosecute to success a war which was so
gloriously commenced within her borders.

And in addition to the men who were duly enrolled for the
service, there was another voluntary organization, known as
"the Alarm List," composed of those who were too infirm,
too old, or too young to be subject to military duty in the field.
These men stood ready to turn out on any sudden emergency.
Such organizations existed in almost every town throughout
the Province, and in many cases included the clergymen of
the parishes, who had not in those days embraced that sickly
sentimentalism, that war in all cases was contrary to the
Gospel and could not innocently be resorted to under any cir-
cumstances — a doctrine which has received a stern rebuke
by the late slaveholders' rebellion. Men of reflection have
become satisfied that a nation, like an individual, is by the
laws of nature — the laws of God — clothed with the right of
self-preservation; and when its existence is threatened, it is
bound by a religious obligation to sustain its being at every
hazard and by all the fair means that God and nature have
put in its power. War is to be dreaded and prevented as far
as practicable; but, like the amputating knife, is allowable to
save the life of the body politic. And though war in itself
is a great calamity and leaves many evils in its train, the his-
tory of the world shows that some of the grandest steps in
civilization have grown out of the wars which at the time
were regarded as great calamities.

It is difficult to tell what the military organization of the
town of Lexington was during the Revolution. In 1779, there
were two military companies ; for the town at a public meet-
ing voted that the interest of the cause required that the two
existing companies be united in one. Immediately after the
close of the war, there was an important change in military
organizations. The people had seen the importance of a mil-
itary force, and the State adopted measures accordingly to
make the militia more efficient.

In Lexington, an artillery company was formed. The
record of its organization is probably lost. It appears by the
Town Records, that at a meeting held December 16, 1784,
the town voted, "That the Artillery Company now forming
in this Town have Liberty to erect an Artillery House on
that part of the Common where the BelKry formerly stood."

434 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

This record, unimportant in other respects, fixes with a good
degree of certainty the period when that company was formed.
Our prescribed hmits will not permit us to pursue its history.

The militia organizations were kept up in Massachusetts
till about 1825, when the military spirit began to wane. Some
were afraid of the expense; others thought the whole thing
unnecessary. Pretended philanthropists ridiculed military
parades, and some pious and shortsighted clergymen would
supersede war by forming Peace Societies, and restrain the
grasping ambition of the nations by holding Peace Conven-
tions and passing abstract Resolutions. Such views and feel-
ings tended to bring the military into disrepute and our militia
system was practically given up. In the cities and large towns
there were a few volunteer companies; and this was all the
organization which in fact existed at the commencement of
the recent rebellion.^

But the late struggle through which we have passed has,
we hope, convinced the reflecting that resolutions are less
protective in an hour of danger than batteries, and that re-
bels have less dread of Peace Conventions than of well ap-
pointed armies. When we consider the important services
rendered by the few organized regiments of Massachusetts,
by appearing promptly at Washington when that city was
threatened, we must see the wisdom of military preparation;
and if our lawmakers are wise, they will see to it that a partial
organization at least be kept up, until the States lately in
rebellion show more humility than they do at present and
manifest a spirit more in accordance with the known will of
the people. Moral suasion has great power; but it is rendered
more efficient when it is known that there is a military arm
which will sustain it in an exigency.

During the rebellion, Lexington, as we have seen, was not
behind her neighboring towns. She furnished more than her
quota of men. The following is a list of men, with their rank
and term of service, as verified by the records at the State
House : ^ —

^ See Military Organizations of Lexington, by A. W. Bryant. Proc. Lex. Hist.
Soc., Vol. n, p. 85. Ed.

' This list, amplified and corrected, is the result of a careful search made by
Lieutenant J. N. Morse, of the Committee. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 435

Officers^ Soldiers and Seamen, either residents of the Town of Lexing-
ton, or who served on her quota in the service of the United States dur-
ing the Rebellion

Adams, Samuel, 20th Inf' y, Aug., 1862, to Mar., 1863.

Angier, Henry A., 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to June, 1862;
wounded and taken prisoner at first Bull-Run battle; was con-
fined at Richmond. 5th Inf'y, Sergt. Co. B, Sept., 1862, to
July, 1863.

Angier, Lucius B., 1st Cav., Co. C, Sept., 1861, to Oct., 1864.

Averill, Trask W., 1st Sharpshooters, Oct., 1862, to Apr., 1864.

Bailey, Wilham, 16th Inf'y, Co. A, Aug., 1863, to Apr., 1864; trans-
ferred to the Navy; died Nov., 1864.

Bannon, John, 16th Inf'y, Co. I, July, 1861, to July, 1864.

Bannon, Peter,^ Navy.

Bartlett, Jonas, 2d Hy. Art. and 17th Inf'y, Sept., 1864, to June,
1865.

Bergain, Francis A., 4th Cav., Co. A, Dec, 1863, to July, 1864;
then transferred to the Navy.

Beriitz, Charles, 4th Cav., Co. A, Dec, 1863, to Nov., 1865.

Briggs, William P., 32d Inf'y, Co, G, June, 1862; transferred Jan.,
1864, to V. R. C. and discharged June, 1865.

Bryant, Frank W., 1st Sharpshooters, Sept., 1861, to Sept., 1862.

Bryant, Josiah, 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.

Buckett, William, 28th Inf'y, Co. I, Mar., 1864.

Buckley, Bowen,^ Navy.

Bull, James J., 3d Cav., Co. B, Mar., 1864, to Sept., 1865.

BuUard, E. R.,i 3d (or 5th) N. Y. Inf'y., Dec, 1861; kUled.

Burnham, George H., Hosp. Steward, U. S. A., July, 1864.

Bussey, John D., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Oct., 1862, to July, 1863.

Butterfield, George H., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.

Butters, Frank V., 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to Aug., 1861.

Butters, Sidney, 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.

Buttrick, Charles F., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to July, 1864.

Buttrick, Isaac F., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to Sept., 1863;
wounded.

Buxton, Charles F.,^ Nov., 1863, 3 years.

Byle, WiUiam,2 Dec, 1863, 3 years.

Byron, John F., 47th Inf'y, Co. G, Oct., 1862; died June, 1863, in
La.

Callahan, John, 30th Inf'y, Co. I, Dec, 1861, to July, 1866.

Cannedy, James, colored, 70th U. S. Colored Inf'y, Dec, 1864.

Capell, Cyrus S., U. S. A. Ord. Corps, Apr., 1864.

* Names of men verified as in service, but no data where they served. Ed.

* Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed.

436 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Capell, Francis H., 47th Inf'y, Co. I, Oct., 1862, to Sept., 1863;
U. S. Ord. Corps, Apr., 1864.

Capell, Jonas F., 16tli Inf'y, July, 1861, to July, 1864; promoted
from Sergt. through the various grades to Capt. and Bvt. Maj.

Carpenter, James R., 43d Inf'y, Co. A, Oct., 1862, to July, 1863;
2d Hy. Art., Co. F, Oct., 1863, to Sept., 1865; Hosp. Steward.

Carroll,' Stephen, 28th Inf'y, Co. A, Mar., 1864, to June, 1865.

Carson, Jacob,^ colored, Mar., 1864.

Chamberlain, Nahum B., 24th Inf'y, Co. A, Aug., 1862, to May,
1865.

Chandler, Edward T., 3d Inf'y, Co. C, Apr., 1861, to July, 1861;
22d Inf'y, Co. F, Sept., 1861, to Oct., 1864; wounded. Enlisted
with the first regiment that left the State for the seat of war.

Chandler, Joseph, 13th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1861, to Jan., 1863;
prisoner at 2d Bull Run.

Chandler, Samuel E., 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to Jan., 1862;
wounded and confined as prisoner from July, 1861, to Feb.,
1862; 12th Inf'y, Co. F, Aug., 1862; Q. M. S., 12th Inf'y, 25
Jan., '63, discharged to accept commission in 7th Mo. Cav.,
where he served as Adjt.

Childs, Thomas W., 2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Sept., 1864, to June,
1865.

Churchill, Ezra S., 2d Hy. Art., Co. D, Aug., 1863; died, July, 1864,
in N. C.

Cody, James, 1st Cav., Co. L, Oct., 1861, to Nov., 1861.

Cole, Alvin, 1st Sharpshooters, Sept., 1861, to Dec, 1862.

Cole, Charles, 1st Cav. and 4th Cav., Co. M, Oct., 1861, to Oct.,
1864.

Cole, Ralph, 16th Inf'y, Co. K, July, 1861, to Aug., 1863.

Connauton, Edward, 56th Inf'y, Nov., 1863.

Converse, James, 2d Inf'y, May, 1864.

Conway, Daniel, 28th Inf'y, Co. B, Dec, 1861; killed at Fredericks-
burg.

Cooper, Eugene A., 2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Sept., 1864, to June, 1865.

Cosgrove, Thomas, 40 Inf'y, Co. F; Post 119.*

Cox, Alonzo H., 3d Hy. Art., Co. B, May, 1863, to Sept., 1865.

Crosby, Sumner, 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to June, 1864.

Crouch, Henry E., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.

Crowley, Daniel, 28th Inf'y, Co. B, Dec, 1861 ; killed at Fredericks-
burg.

Crowley, Jeremiah,^ Navy.

Crowley, John,^ 14th Inf'y, Aug., 1861.

Crowley, Michael, 12th Inf'y, Co. B, Aug., 1862, to July, 1864.

* See p. 450, infra. Ed.

1 Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed,

2 Names of men verified as in service, but no data where they served. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 437

Cutler, Alfred D., 6th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1864, to Oct., 1864.
Cutler, Charles, 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861; died Aug., 1862.
Cutler, Cyrus M., 22 Inf'y, Co. F, Aug., 1861, to Oct., 1864.
Darling, O. B., 45th Inf'y; Post 119.*

Dasey, Michael, 2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Dec., 186S, to July, 1865.
Dean, Charles H., 47th Inf'y, Co. G, Oct., 1862, to Sept., 1863.
Dean, Jarvis W., 35th Inf'y, Co. K, Aug., 1862, to Apr., 1863;

severely wounded at Antietam; 2d Lieut.
DeCoty, William, 12th Inf'y, Co. E, July, 1862; died Oct., 1862,

of wound received at 2^ Bull Run. [William Decosta on roster.]
Dennett, George B., 12th Inf'y, Co. E; Post 119.*
Dillon, William, 21st Inf'y, Co. G, Mar., 1862, to Jan., 1863.
Donnelly, John F., 56th Inf'y, Co. D, Dec, 1863.
Eagan, Matthew, 2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Dec, 1863, to June, 1865.
Earle, Thomas H., 1st Cav., Co. M, Sept., 1861; died, July, 1863,

in S. C.
Edgar, Francis, 3d Cav., Co. B, Dec, 1863, to Sept., 1865.
Estabrook, Luke, 1st Cav. and 4th Cav., Sept., 1861, to Sept., 1864.
Estabrook, William, 1st and 4th Cav., Oct., 1861, to Oct., 1864.
Evans, Mose,^ colored. Mar., 1864.
Fiske, Charles, Jr., Ship San Jacinto.

Fiske, Charles A., 11th Inf'y, Co. K, June, 1861, to Mar., 1864.
Fiske, Charles H., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861; killed at Antietam.
Fiske, Daniel G., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861; to Apr., 1863.
Fiske, Frederick C. D., 18th Inf'y, Co. C, Jan., 1862; killed at 2d

Bull Run.
Fiske, Joseph A., 50th Inf'y, Co. E; Post 119.*
Fiske, Joseph H. R., 11th Inf'y, Co. G, June, 1861; V. R. C, May,

1864, to Nov., 1865.
Fiske, William B.,^ Navy.

Fitch, David, 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Flagg, Charles H., 24th Inf'y, Co. A, Aug., 1861, to July, 1865.
Flint, George, 16th Inf'y, Co. H; Post 119.*
Foley, Patrick, 56th Inf'y, Co. F, Jan., 1864; died July, 1864.
French, Thomas, 4th Cav., Co. A, Dec, 1863, to Nov., 1865; 1st.

Lieut.
Frothingham, Ward B., 22d Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1861, to Oct., 1862.
Fryer, Barney, 2d Inf'y, Co. G, May, 1864.
Gallagher, John, 9th Inf'y, Co. I, June, 1861, to June, 1864; wounded

on the Peninsula and at the Wilderness.
Garmon, Joseph A., Steamer Mississippi, May, 1861, to July, 1867.
Gately, John,^ 5th N. Y. Inf'y.
Gerard, Joseph,^ Navy.

* See p. 450. infra. Ed.

^ Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed.

' Names of men verified as in service, but no data where they served. Ed.

438 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Gleason, William, 1st Lieut. 1st Sharpshooters, Sept., 1861, to

Apr., 1862.
Gossom, Elijah D., 5th Inf'y, Co. C, May, 1861, to Aug., 1861; 16th

Inf'y, Co. K, Nov., 1861, to Apr., 1863.
Gould, Arthur F., 44th Inf'y, Co. A; Post 119.*
Gould, Charles A., 23 Inf'y, Co. I, Sept., 1861, to Oct., 1863; later

Capt. and A. A. G. to Gen. Burnside.
Gray, Patrick, 2d Hy. Art., Co. G, Dec, 1863; prisoner Apr., 1864;

joined Confederate service.
Green, WilUam B., 13th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1861, to Aug., 1864.
Grover, Charles A., 44th Inf'y, Co. A, Sept., 1862, to June, 1863;

2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Aug., 1864, to June, 1865.
Grover, John,i 99th N. Y. Inf'y, Co. K, Dec, 1862.
Grover, William H., 2d U. S. Art.; killed Aug. 29, 1862, at 2d

Bull Run.
Hanford, Albert, 3d Hy. Art., Co. A, July, 1863, to Sept., 1865.
Hanford, Clarence, 3d Hy. Art., Co. A, July, 1863, to Sept., 1865.
Hanscom, John K., 1st Cav., Co. M, Sept., 1861, to May, 1863.
Harding, Alvin W., 5th Inf'y, Co. H, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Harding, Frederick H., 5th Inf'y, Co. H, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Harding, Wilbur F., 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to June, 1861.
Harrington, Andrew A., 11th Inf'y, Co. G, June, 1861.
Harrington, Charles B., 13th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1861; died Sept.

5, 1862.
Harrington, George D., 22d Inf'y, Co. F; Post 119.*
Hatch, Edward E., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861; killed at Gettys-
burg.
Healy, John, 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to Aug., 1863.
Hildreth, George B.,^ Sept., 1861.
Hildreth, John C, 1st and 4th Cav., Co. M, Sept., 1861, to Sept.,

1864.
Hobson, James, Sergt. 1st Battalion, Hy. Art., Co. B, Oct., 1862.
Holmes, Isaac W., 45 Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Howard, John, 16th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1861, to Mar., 1862.
Hudson, John W., 2d Lieut. 35th Inf'y, Aug. 1862, to June, 1865;

promoted through the several grades to Lieut.-Col. commanding

Regt.
Isherwood, James, 20th Inf'y, Aug., 1862.
Jacobson, Daniel, 2d Inf'y, May, 1864.

Johnson, Abraham W., 45th Inf'y, Co. H, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Johnson, Alfred, 4th Cav., Co. A, Dec, 1863, to Nov., 1865.
Johnson, Charles R., Capt. 16th Inf'y, Aug., 1861; wounded at

Chancellorsville and at Gettysburg; died July 17, 1863.

♦ See p. 450, infra. Ed.

* Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed.
' Names of men verified as in service, but no data where they served. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 439

Johnson, Henry, 5th Inf'y, Co. G, May, 1861, to Aug., 1861.

Jones, Henry M., 1st Cav., Co. M, Oct., 1861.

Jones, Samuel H., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863;

2d Hy. Art., Co. H, and 17th Inf'y, Co. G, Aug., 1864, to July,

1865.
Jones, William W., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, July, 1862; transferred to

V. R. C. Jan., 1864; U. S. Vet. Vols., Feb., 1865, to Feb., 1866.
Keefe, Michael, 2d Hy. Art. and 17th Inf'y, Sept., 1864, to June,

1865.
Kelly, Thomas, 20th Inf'y, Co. A, Aug., 1861; killed at Gettysburg.
KendaU, Frank O., Sergt. 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July,

1863.
Keniston, Ira G., 45th Inf'y, Co. C, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Keniston, Isaac F., 16th Inf'y, Co. F, July, 1861, to July, 1864.
Keniston, Warren, 38th Inf'y, Co. F, Aug., 1862, to Mar., 1864.
Kneeland, Anderson H., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861, to July,

1864.
Kneeland, Francis H., 12th Inf'y, Co. E; Post 119.*
Lawrence, Sayles V., 1st Sharpshooters, Oct., 1862.
Leary, Timothy, 40th Inf'y, Co. F, Sept., 1862; transferred Oct.,

1862, to the 4th U. S. Art.
Lent, August, 28th Inf'y, Mar., 1864, to June, 1864.
Linsey, George, 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861, to July, 1864.
Locke, Everett S., 2d Hy. Art., Co. H; Post 119.*
Locke, William M., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to July, 1864.
Logan, Jeremiah, 19th Inf'y, Co. B, Mar., 1862, to Dec, 1862;

wounded at Antietam; 28th Inf'y, Co. A, Mar., 1864, to Mar.,

1865.
Lomas, Edward H., Q. M. Sergt. 4th Cav., Co. A, Feb., 1865, to

Nov., 1865.
Lovewell, Henry A., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861, to Aug., 1862;

Sergt.
Maguire, James, 3d U. S. Art., May, 1864, 3 years.
Maloney, John, 28th Inf'y, Co. B, Jan., 1862, to Dec, 1864.
Manley, Cornelius, 2d Hy. Art., and 17th Inf'y, Co. E, Sept.,

1864, to June, 1865.
Manley, John, 12th Inf'y,Co.B, July, 1862; killedat Fredericksburg.
Manning, William, Jr., 28th Inf'y, Co. A, Mar., 1864, to June, 1865.
Marchant, Benjamin M., 35th Inf'y, Co. D, Aug., 1862, to June,

1865; Sergt.
McCarthy, Timothy, 2d Hy. Art., Co. B; Post 119.*
McGrath, Luke, 2d Hy. Art., and 17th Inf'y, Co. E, Sept., 1864,

to June, 1865.
McLaughlin, John J., 3d Hy. Art., Co. E, Oct., 1863.
McMahan, Charles, 16th Inf'y, Co. A, July, 1861, to July, 1864.
* See p. 450, infra, Ed.

440 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

McMahan, Dennis, 56th Inf'y, Co. C, Dec, 1863, to July, 1865;

prisoner at Petersburg and died at Andersonville.
Mead, John, 16th Battery, Mar., 1864; and drowned Jan., 1865,

in Va.
Melvin, William W., 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to Aug., 1861;

5th Inf'y, Co. H, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Merriam, William A., 47th Inf'y, Co. G, Oct., 1862, to Sept., 1863.
Mills, Thomas, 2d Inf'y, May, 1864.
Murphy, T.,^ 16th Inf'y.
Muzzey, Charles O., U. S. S. Kearsarge, Nov., 1861; killed Feb.,

1864.*
Muzzey, George E., Q. M. 12th Inf'y; Post llO.f
Muzzey, Loring W., Capt. and Com. of Sub. 6th A. C. Brvt.

Maj. Post 119.t
Nason, William G., 43d Inf'y, Co. A, Oct., 1862, to July, 1863.
Nay lor, Adam, colored, 5th Cav., Co. C, May, 1864, to Oct.,

1865.
Nevin, John, May, 1864; died before mustered in.
Nourse, Milton, 47th Inf'y, Co. G, Oct., 1862, to Sept., 1863.
O'Brien, James S., 2d Hy. Art., Dec, 1863; died Aug., 1864, in

Andersonville prison.
O'Brien, Thomas S., 28th Inf'y, Co. C; Sergt. Jan., 1864.
O'Donnell, Hugh, 20th Inf'y, Co. C, Aug., 1862.
O'Neil, John, 16th Inf'y, Co. F, July, 1861, transferred Aug., 1863,

to V. R. C.
Owens, Robert, 2d Hy. Art., Nov., 1863.
Parker, Charles M., 24th Inf'y, Co. D; Post llQ.f
Penniman, Nathaniel W., 1st Sharpshooters, Oct., 1862, to July,

1864.
Peters, Adam, 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861, to July, 1864.
Peters, John, 12th Inf'y, Co. E; Post 119.t
Plumer, William, Capt. 1st Sharpshooters, Sept., 1862, to Oct.,

1863.
Potter, Charles L., Sergt. 3d Hy. Art., Co. C, Aug., 1863, to Sept.

1865.
Puffer, Charles H., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861; wounded at

Fredericksburg; died Feb., 1863, at Alexandria.
Purcell, Patrick, V. R. C, May, 1864, to Mar., 1865.
Pushee, Luther H., 1st Cav., Co. B, Oct., 1861.
Ramsey, Royal, 5th Inf'y, Co. K, May, 1861, to July, 1861.
Rankin, Richard, 28th Inf'y, Co. B, Mar., 1864.
Russell, Eugene F., 1st Battalion Hy. Art., Co. F, Aug., 1864, to

June, 1865.

^ Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed.
* See Vol. n, p. 484. Ed. t See p. 450, infra. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 441

Saville, Clifford, 45 Inf'y, Co. D.; Post 119.*

Sawin, Thomas K., 45th Inf'y, Co. E, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.

Sawyer, John, 28th Inf'y, Mar., 1863.

Sheehan, James, 2d Hy. Art., Co. G, Dec, 1863; died Sept., 1864,

in Anderson ville prison.
Sherman, John G., 12th In'fy, Co. E, July, 1863; wounded at

Fredericksburg and transferred to V. R. C, Apr., 1864.
Simonds, Charles F., 6th Inf'y, Co. D, July, 1864, to Oct., 1864.
Simonds, George, Jr., 45th Inf'y, Co. D; Post 119.*
Simonds, Joseph, 22d Inf'y, Co. F, Sept., 1861; died Oct., 1862,

from wounds received at Malvern Hill, Va.
Smith, George H., 13th Inf'y, Co. C, July, 1861, to July, 1864.
Smith, William,^ colored, 2d Hy. Art.

Smith, Winsor, 13th Inf'y, Co. B, July, 1861, to Dec, 1862.
Somes, E. H.,^ colored, 2d Hy. Art.

Stearns, Henry W., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, June, 1861, to July, 1864.
Stimpson, Adam, 20th Inf'y, Aug., 1862.
Swain, Thomas, 2d Inf'y, May, 1864.
Thompson, Charles, 55th Inf'y, Feb., 1865, to Sept., 1865.
Thorn, Benjamin F., 12th Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861; killed at An-

tietam.
Tidd, Charles L., 48th Inf'y, Co. A, Sept., 1862, to Sept., 1863.
Trask, A.\ 5th N. Y. Inf'y, 1861.

Trull, George A., 24th Inf'y, Co. D, Aug., 1862, to Dec, 1864.
Viglo, William, 3d U. S. Art., May, 1864. [Called Kilo on roster.]
Walsh, Martin, 1st Cav. and 4th Cav., Co. L, Oct., 1861, to Nov.,

1865.
Wheeler, George A.,^ U. S. Army, May, 1864.
Wheeler, George G., 2d Class Fireman on Lackawanna, Sept., 1864,

to July, 1865.
Wheelock, Henry L., 1st Sharpshooters and 19th Inf'y> Co. K,

Oct., 1862, to June, 1865.
White, Richard F., 16th Inf'y, Co. H, and 11th Inf'y, Co. F, July,

1861, to June, 1865.
Whitman, John F., service in North Atlantic blockading squadron

early in the war; reenlisted as acting ensign in 1864 and served

until July, 1868.
Williams, Curtis, colored, 54th Inf'y, Co. B, Nov., 1863, to Aug.,

1865.
Williams, James A., 12 Inf'y, Co. E, June, 1861, to July, 1864.
Wilson, Charles, 2d Inf'y, May, 1864.

Winning, William, 44th Inf'y, Co. H, Sept., 1862, to June, 1863.
Wright, George W., 45th Inf'y, Co. D; Post 119.*

* See p. 450, infra. Ed.

^ Names that appear on list published by Mr. Hudson, but not verified. Ed.

* Names of men verified as in service, but no data where they served. Ed.

442 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Wright, John, 1st Hy. Art., Co. L, Nov., 1863; transferred to Navy

and discharged, Sept., 1866.
Wright, Walter R., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to Jiily, 1863.
Wright, Willis L., 45th Inf'y, Co. D, Sept., 1862, to July, 1863.
Wyman, Moses, 2d Hy. Art., Co. H, Sept., 1864, to June, 1865.

During the first two or three years of the war there were
a large number of enlistments from Massachusetts into the
Navy and many of these were not credited on any town's
quota. In order to rectify this. Congress passed an Act, ap-
proved July 4, 1864, under which these enlistments were as-
signed to the town or city of their residence, where such
residence could be clearly settled, and the others were di-
vided 'pro rata among the different cities and towns.

Lexington had forty-one such names, three of which are
included in the Hudson list, and three others could not be
verified as credited to Lexington. The remaining thirty -five
follow.

Navy

Bowers, George F., July, 1863, to July, 1864.

Darne, George W., Oct., 1861, to Sept., 1863.

Delay, John, Oct., 1861, to July, 1864.

Dickenson, Hallowell, Oct., 1861, through the war.

Fabens, George O., May, 1863, to May, 1865.

Faucon, E. H., July, 1861, to Sept., 1865.

Feilbeirg, Uhic, June, 1863, to Sept., 1865.

Fenton, John, Mar., 1865, to May, 1866.

Fernandez, Manuel, Feb., 1864, to Feb., 1865.

Ferney, Thomas H., June, 1862, to Apr., 1865.

Finney, George, Dec, 1861, to Nov., 1865.

Flansburg, John W., Aug., 1863, to Oct., 1865.

Ford, Jefferson, Aug., 1861; died June, 1864.

Freeman, Simeon N., Aug., 1861, to July, 1865.

French, John A., Aug., 1863, to Nov., 1865.

Frost, George W., Aug., 1861, to Dec, 1865.

Hanscom, John, Feb., 1864, to Feb., 1865.

Kenniston, Thomas, Feb., 1864, to Sept., 1864.

Parbit, Richard, Nov., 1863, 1 year.

Parker, Charles, Oct., 1863, 1 year.

Partridge, John, Sept., 1863, to Oct., 1864.

Pattee, William T., Nov., 1863, to Nov., 1864.

Peck, Thomas M., Oct., 1863, to Nov., 1864.

Petiford, Henry, Oct., 1863, to Sept., 1864.

Philips, Addison W., Nov., 1863, to Nov., 1864.

MILITARY AFFAIRS

443

Pittman, Charles,

Nov.,

1863, to Nov., 1864.

Polsiver, Albert,

Nov.,

1863, to Jan., 1865.

Post, Daniel,

Oct.,

1863; deserted May,

1864,

Purser, John,

Nov.,

1863, to Nov., 1864.

Rank, John,

Sept.,

. 1861, to Oct., 1863.

Richardson, Richard,

Sept.j

, 1861, 2 years.

Simonds, Winfield S.,

Oct.,

1861, to Jan., 1862.

Smith, Charles G.,

Oct.,

1861, to June, 1863.

Sullivan, James,

Oct.,

1861, to Oct., 1863.

Sullivan, James, ^

Oct.,

1861; deserted, Oct.,

1862,

CHAPTER XX

MILITARY AFFAIRS (continued)

Memorial Hall — The Tablets — George G. Meade Post 119, G. A. R. — W. R. C.
97 — Minute-Men of 1875.

As already stated, Lexington, soon after the close of the
Civil War, took steps to express in permanent form her appre-
ciation of the services of those of her citizens who had helped
in the preservation of the Union. It was decided to place in
the projected Town Building a Memorial Hall, commem-
orating the patriotism of the soldiers of both the Revolution-
ary War and the Civil War. Until the removal of the Cary
Library to its own building, this Memorial Hall served very
appropriately as a vestibule to the Library, and is now passed
through in entering the offices of the various town boards.
The general shape of this Memorial Hall is octagonal, and
in four niches, placed alternately, are life-size marble statues
of a Minute-Man of the Revolution, a soldier of the Civil
War, John Hancock, and Samuel Adams. ^ On the walls of
the Memorial Hall are two marble tablets reading as follows :

Tablet 1.

THE PLEDGE AND ITS REDEMPTION.

RESPONSE OF LEXINGTON TO THE APPEAL OF BOSTON DEC. 1773.

" WE TRUST IN GOD, THAT SHOULD THE STATE OF OUR AFFAIRS
REQUIRE IT, WE SHALL BE READY TO SACRIFICE OUR ESTATES
AND EVERY THING DEAR IN LIFE, YEA AND LIFE ITSELF, IN
SUPPORT OF THE COMMON CAUSE."

NAMES OF THE CITIZENS OF LEXINGTON WHO FELL IN FREE-
DOM'S CAUSE, APRIL 19, 1775.

Ensign Robert Munboe. Caleb Harrington.

Jonas Parker. Jonathan Harrington, Jr.

Samuel Hadlet. Jedediah Munroe.

John Brown. John Raymond.

Isaac Muzzey. Nathaniel Wyman.

"They poured out their generous blood like water, be-
fore THEY knew whether IT WOULD FERTILIZE THE LAND OF

freedom or of bondage."

Webster.

* For a detailed account of the acquisition of the statues of Hancock and Adams,
see Chap, xn. Ed.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 445

Tablet 2

THE SONS DEFENDED WHAT THE FATHERS WON.

NAMES OF RESIDENTS ;0F LEXINGTON AND OTHERS SERVING
ON HER QUOTA, WHO GAVE THEIR LIVES TO THEIR COUNTRY
IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.

Frederick D. Fiske, 12,^ Reg't. KUled Aug. 29, 1862, at 2nd Bull
Run.

Charles H. Fiske, 12, Reg't. Killed Sept. 17, 1862, at Antietam.

Benjamin F. Thorn, 12; Reg't. Killed Sept. 17, 1862, at Antietam.

William De Coty,^ 12, Reg't. Died Oct. 18, 1862, of a wound
received at 2nd Bull Run.

John Manley, 12, Reg't. Killed Dec. 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg.

Charles. H. Puffer, 12, Reg't. Died Feb. 7, 1863, of a wound re-
ceived at Gettysburg.'

Chas. B. Harrington, 13, Reg't. Died Sept. 5, 1863,* of disease
contracted in the service.

Capt. Chas. R. Johnson, 16, Reg't. Died July 17, 1863, of wounds
received at ChanceUorsville and Gettysburg.

Charles Cutler, 16, Reg't. Died Aug. 29, 1862,^ of disease con-
tracted in the service.

Edward E. Hatch, 16, Reg't. Killed July 3, 1863, at Gettysburg.

John O'Neil, 16, Reg't. Died May 11, 1867, of disease contracted
in the service.

Corp. Joseph Simonds, 22, Reg't. Died Oct. 5, 1862, of a wound
received at Malvern Hill.

Charles Flagg, 24, Reg't. Died Oct. 1, 1866, of disease contracted
in the service.

Warren Kinnaston, 38, Reg't. Died June 22, 1864, of disease con-
tracted in the service.

John F. Byron, 47, Reg't. Died in the service June 4, 1863.

Dennis McMahon, 56, Reg't. Died July 12, 1865,^ at Ander-
sonville Prison.

Thos. H.Earle, 1, Reg't. Cav'y. Died July 24, 1863, at Hilton
Head.

Timothy Leary, 40, Reg't. Mass. & 4, U. S. Art'y. Killed May
3, 1863, at ChanceUorsville.

^ Not on the 12th Regiment roster; was in 18th Regiment and credited to Lex-
ington.

* William De Coty is the name all through the Town Records, but the name on
the military rolls is Wm. Decosta.

2 Self-evident error; should be Fredericksburg.

* He died in 1862, while in the service.

* Died while in the service.

* Regiment roster gives July 12, 1865, as date of discharge, not date of death.

446 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

William Grover, 2, Reg't. U. S. Art'y. Killed Aug. 29, 1862, at
2nd Bull Run.

Charles O. Muzzey, Captain's Clerk, perished with the crew of
the U. S. Steamer Housatonic, destroyed by a Rebel torpedo,
Feb. 1, 1864, in the Harbor of Charleston.

It is fair to say that a direct outcome of the establishing of
a Memorial Hall was the founding of the George G. Meade
Post 119, Grand Army of the Republic;^ for the idea of creat-
ing such a Post in Lexington originated at the time when
Memorial Hall was being furnished and additional funds
for that purpose were urgently needed.

In this matter the soldiers very naturally took an active
interest. As a result of their discussion of the situation, it
was suggested that a Post be formed, and that this Post in-
augurate a two days' fair, from which it was hoped to net
sufficient funds to complete the furnishing of the hall as
planned. Both projects were successfully carried out. The
Post was chartered and organized in March, 1873, with George
H. Cutter, Commander; and, with the generous help of the
citizens, the fair held in April netted over eighteen hundred
dollars, a sum which was used towards paying for the statues
which fill the four niches of the hall.

The Post started with twenty-two members and admitted
six more during the first year, using Masonic Hall for head-
quarters. Then came a period of indifference or lack of initia-
tive, when the only duties performed for nine years were the
Memorial Day exercises; but at a meeting in June, 1882, new
officers were chosen, and all present agreed to attend each
monthly meeting for a year. From this time, which might
well be called the critical point in the existence of the Post,
the interest of the comrades has been continuous; there has
been slow but sure gain in financial condition and great im-
provement in quarters.

The Post's standing in the Department has, since the re-
vival, been creditable at all times, and in some respects far
better than that of many larger Posts. The average member-
ship has been between thirty-five and forty, with a total of
sixty-six, out of which number thirty-one have died.

^ The history of Post 119, G. A. R., has been prepared by Lieutenant J. N.
Morse, of the Committee. Ed.

CHARLES T. WEST
GEORGE E. MUZZEY

LEONARD G. BABOOCK

LOUIS E. CRONE

IRA F. BURNHAM

ORIGEN B. DARLING
ALBERT A. SHERMAN

MILITARY AFFAIRS 447

Being obliged to leave Masonic Hall soon after the reor-
ganization, the Post secured a small room in Norris's Block,
the only available place, and stayed there from 1882 to 1889,
when the hall at the west end of the same building was hired
and furnished at considerable expense by donations from the
members, and a generous amount from the W. R. C. 97 re-
sulting from a fair. This hall, although a great improvement,
was far from what was wanted, and committees were chosen
at times to see if more satisfactory quarters could be had.
When the Bank Block was built the present quarters were
secured, and since then the comrades have looked on this hall
as their home, very likely to be permanent, although the rent
would be too high were it not for some underletting and the
aid of friends.

The finances for several years following 1882 were a matter
of great concern, but the outgo was kept strictly within the
income, although it took "eternal vigilance" and various
entertainments to keep free from debt. A "Sunlight Dance"
on February 22 was one of the features of 1891, and this
seemed to give so much satisfaction to both the Post and
the public, especially the children, that it has been continued
to the present time.

The Post has had from the first a good-sized Relief Fund
which has proved sufficient to meet all demands. There has
been expended from this fund for the aid and comfort of not
only the Post members, but other needy veterans as well,
over eight hundred dollars, besides considerable more given
from the Post funds.

There is a Post lot in the cemetery awaiting any soldier
who is not provided for. The Post has supplied several head-
stones where the soldiers' graves would otherwise be un-
marked, and is still willing to aid further in this direction, if
need be.

As, in the wartime, the ladies of Lexington were actively
interested in preparing and sending comforts to the boys at
the front, ^ so in the early days of the Post the books show
many votes of thanks for their assistance on Memorial Day.
After the organization of W. R. C. 97 in 1887, their efforts
were redoubled, with the result of much needed assistance
both personal and financial, made possible partly through
fairs, entertainments, suppers, etc. Their care of and visits

1 See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. ii, p. 197.

448 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

to our sick comrades is only another feature of their help.
Their membership has averaged about sixty-five.

Another most gratifying occurrence was the organizing
of the George G. Meade Association of Lexington in 1904,
which numbers between sixty and sixty-five members, with
all the settled ministers of the town as honorary members.
These Associates have not only furnished valuable financial
aid, one third of which goes into the Relief Fund, but many
enjoyable outings and occasions that will be pleasant mem-
ories for the comrades in the days to come. Their participa-
tion with the Post on Memorial Day, by assisting in placing
the flowers, is a pledge that this beautiful commemoration
will be faithfully continued when there shall be no Post mem-
bers.

May 30 was designated as Memorial Day by General John
A. Logan, Commander in Chief of the G. A. R. in 1868. This
is the one day in the year that appeals most urgently to each
comrade, and the exercises of that day have always been
performed with full ranks, even in the years between 1874
and 1882. Then the exercises of the day were simple, the
Post assembling in the street near the post-office in the early
afternoon with a band, marching to the cemetery with flow-
ers, and holding a short service there. Sometimes the return
would include a march around the Common, with a stop at
the Monument, before breaking ranks. Evening service in
Town Hall closed the day.

The flowers used varied from time to time, beginning with
elaborate wreaths of roses; then flowers were donated by
citizens, and ladies volunteered to put them in shape. Occa-
sionally potted plants were used and the laurel wreath added.
As the number of bouquets required increased, they have
been bought ready-made. During most of these years, the
town has generously voted sufficient appropriation to pay the
day's expense.

As the days of 'Ql-65 get more distant and the ranks of
the survivors grow smaller and smaller, there appears a more
cordial and personal public sentiment which is partly shown
in the following account of the day in 1910. The day's duties,
however, began the Sunday before, when the Post, on invita-
tion, attended service at one of the churches and heard a
sermon appropriate to the time. On Memorial Day, before
the march, there had usually been a service in the Town Hall,

MILITARY AFFAIRS 44«

but this year, for the first time in recent years, these two serv-
ices were combined and held in the Town Hall the previous
Sunday evening. The oration was by a former townsman,
Mr. L. E. Bennink. The Roll of Honor, seventy-three names,
read by the Post Adjutant, included all deceased members
of the Post and all other ex-soldiers and sailors buried in the
town.

On Memorial Day morning, details with flags and flowers
visited Mount Auburn and other places near-by where Post
members are laid. According to a custom established in 1892
the Post visited Bedford by invitation, and decorated the
graves of fifty-three Civil War veterans, two of deceased Post
members, and twenty Revolutionary soldiers, holding the
usual services in their cemetery.

About two o'clock the Post with invited veterans and Post
Associates, all as one company for the day, marched from
Post Hall to the front of Town Hall, where "Open ranks"
were formed and the flowers and wreaths brought from
Gary Hall by the school-girls and given to those in line.
Then began the march to the cemetery, the Post, preceded
by about sixty school-girls in white; about sixty-five uni-
formed school color guards; the Lexington Minute Men in
new Continental uniforms, commanded by Major Alfred
Pierce; and the Band. The original battalion of Lexington
Minute-Men were Post escort in 1875.

In the cemetery, after a short service was held, each grave
was visited, and a bouquet and wreath deposited, with the
flag waving above. Taps were sounded and the return march
made to Town Hall, where more flowers were taken, and the
Revolutionary veterans in the old cemetery and on the Com-
mon were remembered in the same way. While the W. R. C.
97 work is not prominent, it is nevertheless important and
helpful, as the ladies have much to do in arranging the flow-
ers, and in preparing and serving a lunch after the exercises
are over.

The comrades have always been glad to enlist the services
and interest of the children and teach as best they could the
principles of loyalty and patriotism. To this end, in 1891,
the Post presented a large flag to the Hancock School, and
through the liberality of others all the schools were supplied.
Commander Darling devoted much time to organizing, drill-
ing, and uniforming the color guards, who were to care for

450 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

these flags. These guards have been our escort on May 30
each year since.

Another work in this line undertaken by both Post and
Corps is to have an officer with the title of "Patriotic In-
structor," who on all suitable occasions speaks and suggests
ways to keep this subject before the younger generation.
One of these ways is to observe Flag Day, as the Corps have
for several years, the Post and the public always attending and
many young people taking part.

In 1895, Mr. Warren Sherburne presented the Post with
a large volume prepared expressly for recording the personal
war history of each member of the Post. This has been writ-
ten and now constitutes a most precious record of the war serv-
ices rendered by comrades of Post 119.

The comrades remember with pleasure their trip to Wash-
ington, D. C, in 1892, to the National Encampment of the
G. A. R., which was made possible through the generous do-
nations of fellow citizens. As this was, to many, the first op-
portunity to visit familiar localities connected with their serv-
ice, it made the occasion doubly enjoyable.

Roster of George G. Meade Post 119

Note. Abbreviations: Ex. = expiration of service; Dis. = dis-
charged for disability; D. = died. Where the State is not mentioned
in denoting a military organization, Mass. is to be understood.
Many names on this list appear in Vol. II where further detail of
service is recorded.

Babcock, Leonard G.,"E," 11th 111. Inf., Sept., '61, to Mar., '63.

Dis. Severely wounded at Ft. Donelson, Tenn. Subsequent serv-
ice in Vicksburg. D. 1900.
Bacon, Charles H., "F," 12th Vt. Inf., Aug., '62, to July, '63. Ex.
Ball, Alamander L., "G," 16th Vt. Inf., Oct., '62, to Aug., '63. Ex.

D. 1902.
Batchelder, Ira F., "I," 11th Vt. Inf., Aug., '62, to July, '65. Ex.

Wounded at Cold Harbor, Va. D. 1909.
Brooks, Herbert L., "E," 52d Inf., Oct., '62, to Aug., '63. Ex.;

"K," 60th Inf., July, '64, to Nov., '64. Ex.
Brown, John H. (colored), U. S. Bark "Fernandina," June, '62, to

June, '65. Ex.
Burke, Thomas, "C," 33d Inf., Aug., *62, to May, '65. Wounded

in arm at Resaca, Ga. Dis.
Burnham, Ira F., "E," 48th Inf., Sept., '62, to Sept., '63. Ex.

D. 1911.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 451

Butters, Frank V., "K," 5th Inf., Apr., '61, to July, '61. Ex.
Butters, Sidney, "D," 45th Inf., Sept., '62, to July, '63. Ex.

Wounded at Kingston, N. C. D. 1897.
Clarke, Cyrus D., Lieut. 2d Cal. Cav., Sept., '61, to Jan., '65. Ex.
Colby, Moses E., "E," 13th N. H. Inf., Sept., '62, to Feb., '63. Dis.
Cosgrove, Thomas, "F," 40th Inf., Sept., '62, to June, '65. Ex.

Wounded at Drewry's Bluff and at Petersburg, Va. Received a

medal of honor from the Sec'y of War for bravery at Drewry's

Bluff. D. 1912.
Covell, Oatman A., "M," 2d N. Y. Cav., Sept., '61, to Mar., '62.

Dis.; "K," 96th N. Y. Inf., Mar., '65, to Feb., '66. Ex. D. 1911.
Cox, Rev. John H., "E," 23d Inf., Jan., '64, to June, '65. Ex.
Crone, Louis E., "E," 22d Inf., Sept., '61; 2d Lieut. Oct., '62; 1st

Lieut. Dec, '62; "G," 17th Vet. Res. C, June, '63, to May, '65;

Capt. 42d U. S. Inf., July, '66, to Dec, '70. Lost an arm at

Gaines's Mill, Va. D. 1891.
Cutter, George H., "H," 3d Wis. Inf., Apr., '61, to Aug., 'Q5. Ex.

as 1st Lieut.
Darling, Origen B., "D," 45th Inf., Sept., '62, to July, '63. Ex.;

"B," 1st Batt. Heavy Art'y, Oct., '63, to Feb., '65; Capt. "L,"

12th U. S. Col'd Heavy Art'y, Feb., '65, to Apr., '66. Ex.

D. 1899.
Davis, Fred, "D," 6th Inf., July, '64, to Oct., '64. Ex.
Davis, Samuel, 4th Maine Inf., June, '61, to Sept., '62,
Dennett, George B., "E," 12th Inf., Aug., '62, to Feb., '65. Ex.

Prisoner at the Wilderness and confined at Andersonville and

Florence, S. C.
Fiske, Joseph A., "E," 50th Inf., Aug., '62, to Mar., '63. Dis.
Flint, George, "H," 16th Inf., June, '61, to July, '64. Ex. Wounded

at the Wilderness. D. 1908.
Folsom, George W., "I," 35th Inf., Aug., '62, to June, '65. Ex.

Wounded.
Foster, William B., "D," 5th Inf., July, '64, to Nov., '64. Ex.
Gay, John G., "A," 20th Inf., Aug., '61, to May, '62, Dis.
Gould, Arthur F., "A," 44th Inf., Aug., '62, to June, '63. Ex.

D. 1890.
Gurney, George N., "K," 25th Maine Inf., Sept., '62, to July, '63.

Ex.
Ham, William F., "I," 3d U. S. Art'y, Sept., '64, to Sept., '67. Ex.

D. 1908.
Harrington, George D., "F," 22d Inf., Sept., '61, to Oct., '64. Ex.
Hensley, George H., Gunboat " Aries," July, '62, to July,' 64. Ex.
Homans, Walter H., Ship " Pequot," June, '64, to Jan., '65. Ex.

D. 1897.
Jones, George F., "F," 44th Inf., Sept., '62, to June, '63. Ex.

D. 1898.

452 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

KaufFmann, Charles G., "E," 158th N. Y. Inf., Aug., '62, to June,

'65. Ex. as 1st Serg't. Wounded at Ft. Harrison and Ft. Gregg,

Va.
Kimball, George, "A," 12th Inf., June, '61, to July, '64. Ex.

Wounded at Fredericksburg and at Gettysburg.
Kneeland, Francis H., "E," 12th Inf., June, '61, to July, '64. Ex.

D. 1896.
Lawrence, George O., S.S. " Rhode Island," Nov., '62, to Dec, '63.

Ex.; "C," 1st Batt. Frontier Cav., Jan., '65, to June, '65. Ex.

D. 1910.
Leavitt, Alonzo, "B," 1st Batt. Heavy Art'y, Oct., '62, to June,

'65. Ex. D. 1897.
Locke, Everett S., " H," 2d Heavy Art'y, Sept., '64, to June, '65. Ex.
Maynard, John F., "F," 5th Inf., July, '64, to Nov., '64, Ex.

D. 1904.
McCarthy, Timothy, "B," 2d Heavy Art'y, and "E," 17th Inf.,

Sept., '64, to June, '65. Ex.
McDonald, Albert S., "A," 47th N. Y. Inf., Nov., '62, to Aug., '65.

Ex. as 2d Lieut.
Morse, John N., "D," 35th Inf., Aug., '62, to Jan., '65. Dis. as 1st

Lieut. Wounded at Weldon R. R. and at Poplar Grove Church,

Va.
Moulton, Samuel, "E," 1st Inf., May, '61, to May, '64. Ex.

D. 1906.
Mullen, Daniel, Str. " South Carolina," June, '62, to May,' 65. Ex.
Muzzey, George E., Q. M., 12th Inf., July, '61, to Oct., '65. Ex.

D. 1896.
Muzzey, Loring W., Q. M. 12th Inf., Apr., '61, to Oct., '65. Ex.;

Capt. and Com. of Sub. 6th A. C. Brt. Maj. D. 1909.
Packard, Daniel E. P., "F," 84th N. Y. Inf., July, '61, to July, '65.

Ex. D. 1898.
Page, Grovener A., "D," 33d Inf., Aug., '62, to Apr., '64. Dis.

Lost an arm at Missionary Ridge. D. 1898.
Parker, Charles M., "D," 24th Inf., Aug., '62, to Dec, '64. Ex.
Patten, B. W., "D," 33d Inf., Aug., '62, to June, '65. Ex.
Peters, John, Jr., "E," 12th Inf., June, '61, to July, '64. Ex.

Wounded at Antietam.
Phillips, Aseph W., " G.," 7th Inf., June '61, to June, '64. Ex.
Prescott, John H., "B," 32d Inf., Nov., '61, to Feb., '63. Dis.;

"G," 6th Inf., July, '64, to Oct., '64. Ex.
Putnam, Charles, U. S. S. " Ossipee " and " Pinola," Sept., '62, to

Oct., '65. Ensign. Ex.
Rankin, Charles H., "A," 6th Inf., July, '64, to Oct., '64. Ex. Also

service with 41st Inf. in La. 1862-'63.
Saville, Clifford, "D," 45th Inf., Aug., '62, to Sept., '63. Ex.

Wounded at Kingston, N. C. D. 1908.

MILITARY AFFAIRS 453

Sherman, Albert A., "G," 1st Cav., Sept., '61, to July, '65. Ex.

1st Serg't. D. 1908.
Simonds, George, Jr., "D," 45th Inf., Sept., '62, to July, '63. Ex..

D. 1900.
Stone, Norman B., "E," 16th Vt. Inf., Aug., '63, to July, '64. Ex.
Tyler, Henrv H., "C," 39th Inf., Aug., '62, to June, '65. Ex.
Walcott, Willard, "D," 53d Inf., Oct., '62, to Sept., '63. Ex.

Wounded at Port Hudson. D. 1898.
West, Charles T., "B," 4th Vt. Inf., Aug., '62, to June, '65. Ex.

D. 1908.
Whitney, Edmund C, "I," 53d Inf., Oct., '62, to Sept., '63. Ex.

Wounded at Port Hudson. D. 1898.
Worthley, Charles T., "G," 47th Inf., Oct., '62, to Sept., '63. Ex.
Wright, George W., "D," 45th Inf., Sept., '62, to July, '63. Ex.

Total membership, 66.
Present membership, 22.

The Minute-Men of 1875 ^ was an organization which grew
out of the celebration of the ninety-ninth anniversary of the
Battle of Lexington, April 19, 1874, at which so large a caval-
cade of young men appeared in the procession that it seemed
possible to form them into a military body for escbrt and
other duties at the approaching centennial anniversary. A
meeting was, therefore, held with a view of organizing an
infantry company to be attached to the State militia. The
majority of men available, however, were disinclined to tie
themselves to a permanent organization, and application
was made, therefore, to the Adjutant General of the Com-
monwealth, and his permission was obtained, to organize a
local company for the special purposes of the Lexington Cen-
tennial. Arms and equipment were loaned from the Water-
town Arsenal. Two companies, aggregating about one hun-
dred men, were organized, a drillmaster was secured from
the Federal garrison at Fort Warren, and on his advice a
battalion organization was adopted in August, 1874.

In September two camps of instruction of two days each
were established on Lexington Common, the equipment
being furnished by the State. The use of the Town Hall
was allowed for drill, and the exercises were largely attended
by the citizens. During the fall a dress uniform, which was
a facsimile of that of the Continental Line during the Revo-

^ For the information relative to the Lexington Minute-Men, the Committee is
indebted to Messrs. A. D. Cutler and E. F. Breed. Ed.

454 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

lution, was adopted, and those in charge were so careful to
have the uniform exact that General Washington's epaulets
were borrowed from the Boston Museum as patterns for
those of the officers of the new company. To perfect the
equipment, flint-lock muskets and powder-horns were secured
for the rank and file, and swords of Revolutionary pattern
for the officers. Drilling was faithfully carried on during the
entire winter of 1874-75. The committee on the Lexington
Centennial contributed a thousand dollars towards the uni-
forms and equipment, and in order to raise the necessary bal-
ance, an honorary membership at a minimum cost of five
dollars was established. An appeal for such membership
was sent throughout the country, and met with a generous
response. Nevertheless, there was a final deficiency, which
was liquidated mainly through the generosity of a citizen of
Lexington.

Descendants of Ensign Robert Munroe, of Captain Park-
er's Company, who was killed on the Common, April 19,
1775, presented the battalion with a fine flag, ornamented
with the town coat of arms and patriotic mottoes.

On the day of the centennial celebration the Lexington
Minute-Men constituted the escort of the First Division of
the procession, the right of line having been quite properly
assigned to the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.
Headquarters were established in a triangular field between
Elm Avenue and the railroad; and, notwithstanding the severe
cold of the day and the difficulties of marching through the
dense crowds, the battalion made an excellent appearance.

The following two months were devoted to preparing for
the centennial of the Battle of Bunker Hill, in which the
Minute-Men had been invited to participate. On the morning
of the 17th of June, 1875, the battalion was given an honor-
able position in the parade, nearly twelve miles long, which
marched through many of the principal streets of Boston, as
well as of Charlestown. A prominent feature of this proces-
sion was the appearance therein of several military bodies
from the Southern States.

The special purposes for which the Lexington Minute-Men
of 1875 were created having been fulfilled, there was a cessa-
tion of activity until September, 1875, when an attempt was
made to form a permanent company to succeed to the privi-
leges and property of the earlier one. The first meeting of the

MILITARY AFFAIRS . 455

organization was held in January, 1876, and subsequent
meetings were held in April of that year, when the organiza-
tion was finally disbanded for lack of interest and support. It
had been arranged to attend the Centennial Exposition in
Philadelphia, but the expense of transportation and subsist-
ence proved too great for the carrying-out of the plan.
Following is a list of the officers : —

Major : Loring W. Muzzey .

Adjutant: A. D. Cutler.

Surgeon: William J. Currier.

Paymaster: George O. Davis.

Quartermaster: Frank P. Hovey.

Commissary : John N. Morse.
First Company —

Capt. : George H. Cutter.

1st Lieut.: Charles A. Fowle.

2d Lieut. : Everett S. Locke.
Second Company —

Capt.: C. G. Kauffmann.

1st Lieut.: John F. Maynard.

2d Lieut. : James A. Mitchell.

In 1910 the organization of Lexington Minute-Men was
revived under a charter granted by Governor Draper on May
5. The Constitution reads as follows: —

"We, the undersigned, by virtue of the permission of his Ex-
cellency, Eben S. Draper, Governor of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, as granted May 5, 1910, do hereby form in Lex-
ington a Military Organization to be known as the Lexington
Minute-Men.

"The purpose of this Association is to perpetuate the historical
traditions of April 19, 1775, and to foster and promote a spirit of
patriotic allegiance and service to our Town, State, and Country."

Sixty members signed the Constitution and By-Laws, at
the meeting for organization, and the following officers were
elected: —

Major and Commander: Alfred Pierce.

Treasurer: Christopher S. Ryan.

Clerk: Ezra F. Breed.

Captain, Co. A: John R. Hughes.

1st Lieutenant, Co. A: C. Edward Glynn.

2d Lieutenant, Co. A: William S. Bramhall.

Captain, Co. B: E. Quincy Cole.

456 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1st Lieutenant, Co. B: William F. Young.
2d Lieutenant, Co. B: Thomas E. Freeman.
Major's Staff —

Adjutant: George F. Reed.

Quartermaster: J. Willard Hay den, Jr.

Chaplain: Rev. Samuel Knowles.

Surgeon: Dr. J. O. Tilton.

Paymaster: C. S. Ryan.

Sergt. Major: Ezra F. Breed.

Since that date the organization has grown to a member-
ship of one hundred and twenty and takes in the following
towns: Lexington, Bedford, Arlington, Waverley, Waltham,
Maynard, Acton, Stow, Burlington, and Medford. It has
had also another company, known as Company C, Bedford.
Many members from these different towns are descendants
of the Minute-Men who fought in 1775.

CHAPTER XXI

MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

List of Selectmen — School Committees — Assessors — Town Clerks — Treas-
urers — Committees of Correspondence — Representati\ es — Senators.

It may be gratifying to us to know who have enjoyed the
confidence of the people from time to time and who have
filled the principal places of honor and trust in the town. It is
proposed to give a list of the Selectmen, School Committees,
Assessors, Clerks, and Treasurers. Also to give the names of
the Representatives and Senators, as far as the same can
be ascertained. Such lists ^ not only show who were the prom-
inent men at different periods, but also the views and habits
of the people in relation to rotation in office.

List of Selectmen, from the Incorporation of the Town to the present
day, together with the years they served; arranged in the order in
which they first entered upon their office.

Matthew Bridge, 1713,2 13.

WUliam Reed, 1713,2 14^

Francis Bowman, 1713,2 13, 15, 16, 21,

24, 26-28.
Joseph Simonds, 1713.'
John Merriam, 1713,2 13, 19-21, 23.
Joseph Estabrook, 1713, 15-17, 36.
Thomas Blodgett, 1713, 18-20, 22-24.
Joseph Bowman, 1714-16, 21, 24, 26, 27,

29, 31, 33-38.
Samuel Stone. 1714, 15, 23.
William Munroe, 1714-16, 32.
Joseph Tidd, 1714.
Joseph Fassett, 1716, 17. 19, 21, 25-27,

SO. 39.
John Lawrence, 1716, 17, 22, 25, 26, 31.
Benjamin Wellington, 1717-23, 25-30,

32, 33, 36. 37.

Thomas Merriam, 1717, 22, 23, 31.

John Munroe. 1718-20, 25.

John Poulter, 1718.

Thomas Cutler, 1718.

Samuel Locke, 1720. 29.

Joseph Brown, 1722, 24, 25, 27.

William Munroe,^ 1724, 30, 34, 35.

Samuel Winship, 1728-30, 32, 33.

George Munroe, 1728.

Thomas Cutler, 1729. 31, 33, 34.

John Mason, 1729, 31, 34-36.

Jonathan Simonds, 1732.

Matthew Bridge. Jr., 1732, 33, 40, 44,

45.
WiUiam Reed, 1734-38, 43, 53, 54, 57,

59, 61.
John Stone, Jr., 1734-37, 39. 40, 46, 48,

52.

^ These lists have been verified from the records, and have been brought down to
date. Ed.

2 The first election was held March SO, 1713, and the second March 15, 1713-14,
Ed.

^ It frequently happens, in this list, that the same name appears at different
times; but the individuals are not the same. The family names being the same,
create some confusion.

458

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Joseph Estabrook, 1737, 38.

John Laughton, 1738.

Benjamin Reed. 1738, 41, 42, 44-46, 48,

60.
Benjamin Smith, 1739-42, 44, 45, 47,

49, 53-55, 58.

Isaac Bowman, 1739, 43, 47, 53-55, 59-

60.
Ebenezer Fiske, 1739, 40, 43, 45, 47, 49,

50, 53, 54, 57.

Daniel Simonds, 1740, 55.

John Muzzy, 1741, 42, 44.

Daniel Tidd, 1741, 42, 46, 48-52, 57.

Samuel Stone, 1741, 42.

Josiah Parker, 1743-45, 53-55.

Joseph Stone, 1743.

Joshua Simonds, 1746.

John Bridge, 1746, 56.

Isaac Stone, 1747, 48, 50.

John Hoar, 1747, 48.

David Cutler, 1749-50.

Thomas Robbins, 1749.

Nathaniel Trask, 1750.

Amos Muzzy, 1750.

Robert Harrington, 1752, 62-66, 68-72,

74, 77, 78, 83, 84.
Daniel Brown, 1752, 61.
Jonathan Lawrence, 1752.
John Mason, 1755.
Jonas Stone, 1756, 59, 61-71, 73.
Hezekiah Smith, 1756.
James Brown, 1756.
Thaddeus Bowman, 1756-61, 65, 66,

69-71, 73.
Joseph Bridge, 1757.
Samuel Bridge, 1758-60.
Jonas Munroe, 1758.
Joseph Loring, 1758.
John Buckman, 1760.
Joseph Tidd, 1761, 66, 67, 68.
Ebenezer Smith. 1762-64, 69.
Marrett Munroe, 1762-64, 68.
Benjamin Brown, 1762-66, 68-70.
Samuel Stone, Jr., 1765, 67.
Samuel Hastings, 1768, 73, 78.
Hammon Reed. 1770, 72, 74, 80, 89.
Josiah Smith, 1771, 72, 74, 76, 77.
Jonathan Smith, 1771.
Thomas Robbins, Jr., 1772, 74, 78.
John Chandler, 1772, 74, 76, 79, 81-84,

86, 89.
Jonathan Harrington, 1773, 76.
John Muzzy, 1773.
Thomas Parker, 1776, 77.
Nathan Simonds, 1776.
Philip Russell, 1776, 77.

William Tidd, 1776, 78, 79, 83, 87, 88.
Joshua Reed, 1777, 78, 80.
Thomas Winship, 1779. 81.
Daniel Harrington, 1779. 85, 86.
William Munroe, 1779, 82-84, 89, 90, 94,

95.
Benjamin Brown, 1780.
William Reed, 1780.
Amos Marrett, 1780.
Benjamin Estabrook, 1781, 82.
Phinehas Steams, 1781, 82.
Francis Brown, 1781-84.
Joseph Simonds, 1784, 87, 88. 90, 94.
Amos Marrett, 1785, 86, 89-91.
Nathan Reed, 1785-88. .

Joseph Smith, 1785, 89-91, 93.
Benjamin Wellington, 1785, 92.
Amos Muzzy, 1786-88.
John Bridge, 1787, 88, 90, 94, 95,
John Parkhurst, 1791.
Joel Viles. 1791.
Joseph Fiske, Jr., 1791, 93.
Thomas Fessenden, 1792.
Isaac Hastings, 1792-98, 1802-4, 9-11.
John MuUiken, 1792, 93, 96-1800, 2, 8,

5-16.
Jonas Bridge, 1792-98.
Joseph Smith, 1793.
James Brown, 1794, 1802, 3.
David Fiske, 1795.

Abijah Harrington, 1795, 1802, 3, 9, 10.
John Chandler. 1796-98.
Nathan Chandler, 1796-1800, 4, 9-17.
Stephen Winship, 1799-1801.
Thomas Tufts, 1799, 1800.
Nathan Dudley, 1799-1801.
Joshua Russell, 1801-3.
Joshua Reed, 1801.
Josiah Smith, 1801, 4-6.
Nathan Russell, 1804-6.
Thomas Locke, 1804.
Jacob Robinson, 1805, 6.
Joshua Swan, 1805, 6.
Amos Muzzy, Jr., 1807, 8, 17-19.
John Muzzy, 1807, 8.
Nathan Munroe, 1807, 8.
Abram Smith, 1808.
Joseph Underwood, 1809.
Charles Reed. 1810-21, 30.
Nathan Fessenden, 1811-13.
James Brown, Jr., 1812-13.
Benjamin O. Wellington, 1814-16, 29-

31.
John Muzzy, Jr., 1814-16.
Amos Muzzy, Jr., 1817-19,
Nathaniel Cutler, 1817-23.

MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

459

Isaac Reed, 1817.

Phinehas Lawrence, 1820-23.

Benjamin Reed, 1822-27.

Nathaniel Mulliken, 1824-29, 47.

William Chandler, 1824-27.

Francis Bowman, 1828.

Francis Wyman, 1828, 29.

John Mulliken, Jr., 1830. 31.

Joel Viles, 1831-35, 52-56.

Philip Russell, 1832-40, 49, 50, 52, 56,

57.
Solomon Harrington, 1832-36^
Charles Robinson, 1836, 37, 66, 67.
Isaac Mulliken, 1837-40.
Sidney Lawrence, 1838, 39.
Benjamin Muzzey, 1840-43, 48.
Charles James, 1841, 42.
Nehemiah Wellington, 1841.
Billings Smith, 1842.
Jonathan S. Parker, 1843, 44, 49.
Albert W. Bryant, 1843-47.
Pelatiah P. Pierce, 1844^6.
Stephen Locke, 1845, 46.
Galen Allen, 1847, 48, 51.
Joseph F. Simonds, 1848, 49.
Simon W. Robinson, 1850, 51.
Joseph Howe, 1850, 51.
Alonzo Goddard, 1852-56, 65, 68-70.
Isaac N. Damon, 1852-56, 75.
Charles Hudson, 1857-62, 68-74.1
Loring S. Pierce, 1857-59, 1872-74.1
David A. Tuttle, 1858. 59.
Webster Smith, 1860-64, 76-79, 86-95.
William H. Smith, 2d, 1860-64.

Hammon Reed, 1863-65.

Eli Simonds, 1865.

John W. Hudson, 1866, 67.

Sylvanus W. Smith, 1866, 67.

Charles Robinson, 1867, 68.

Charles Nunn, 1869.

Walter Wellington, 1869.

S. C. Whitcher, 1870, 71.

R. W. Reed, 1870-72.1

Joseph Frederick Simonds. 1872.1 80-85.

Bradley C. Whitcher. 1872-75,1 80-85.

Charles M. Parker. 1872.1

Franklin Alderman, 1875.

Otis Wentworth, 1876-79.

Albert W. Bryant, 1876-84. 86-88.

I.evi Prosser, 1883.

Dr. Robert M. Lawrence, 1884, 85.

Walter Blodgett, 1885, 86.

Charles T. West, 1887-89.

Rufus W. Holbrook, 1889-92.

George E. Muzzey, 1890-96.

Edwin S. Spaulding, 1893-1904.

John F. Hutchinson, 1896-98, 1901-03.

William H. Whitaker, 1897, 98, 1908-

11.
Charles A. Fowle, 1899.
George W. Sampson, 1899, 1900.
George W. Spaulding, 1900, 01.
George W. Taylor, 1902-07.
Edward C. Stone, 1904.
Frank D. Pierce, 1905—.
Henry A. C. Woodward, 1905-11.
Edward P. Bliss, 1912—.
George H. Childs, 1912—.

List of the Members of the School Committee, from 1830 to the
present day

Rev. Charles Briggs, 1830-35.

William Muzzey, 1830, 34.

Joseph Merriam, 1830, 31.

John Muzzey, 1830, 31, 36, 37.

Ambrose Morell, 1830.

Samuel Fiske, 1831, 35.

Benjamin Muzzey, 1831-36, 38-40.

Charles Tidd, 1832-34, 36-46, 49, 55,

57-59, 63.
Benjamin O. Wellington, 1832-36.
Nathaniel Mulliken, 1832, 33.
Philip Russell, 1836.
Isaac Mulliken, 1837.
James Brown, 1837.
Rev. William G. Swett, 1837.
Samuel Stetson, 1837, 41.

1 Two boards in 1872.

Billings Smith, 1837.

Rev. O. A. Dodge, 1837-40,

OUver Locke, 1841.

Rev. James M. Usher, 1842.

W. K. Knapp, 1842.

Rev. Charles M. Bowers, 1843, 44.

John Nelson, 1843.

Rev. Samuel J. May, 1844.

Rev. Samuel B. Cruft, 1844.

Charles H. Webster, 1845.

James Parker, 1845.

Rev. Jason Whitman, 1846, 47.

Rev. T. H. Dorr, 1846-49.

Webster B. Randolph, 1847, 48.

Rev. Ira Leland, 1848-57.

Volney Wilder, 1849,2

' Part of a year.

460

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Rev. Fiske Barrett, 1850, 51.

J. A. Cooledge, 1850, 51.

Curtis Cutler, 1852.

Rev. William F. Bridge, 1852.

Charles Hudson, 1853, 56, 57.

Dr. Howland Holmes, 1852, 63, 55, 58-

59.
Curtis Capell, 1854.
E. P. Crafts, 1854, 55.
C. F. Dunbar, 1856.
Jonas Gammell, 1857, 59-71.
Rev. L. J. Livermore, 1858-66.
Rev. Caleb Stetson, 1860.
Luke C. Childs, 1865-67.
John W. Hudson, 1867-70.
Charles Tidd, 1868-74,
Rev. Edward G. Porter, 1869-72.
Augustus E. Scott, 1871-74.
Charles A. Wellington, 1873, 74.
Hammon Reed, 1875.
William Plumer, 1875, 76.
Franklin Patch, 1875.
A. B. Adams, to fill a vacancy in 1875.
Gershom Swan, to fill a vacancy in 1875.
William R. Cutter, to fill a vacancy in

1875, 1876-81.
Rev. E. S. Elder, 1875-80.
James R. Reed, 1877-83.
Albert W. Bryant, to fill a vacancy in

1880, 81-88.
Benjamin P. Brown, 1882-85, 89-91.
George H. Reed, 1884, 85.

Rev. Carlton A. Staples, 1886.

Edward P. Bliss, 1886-1901.

Miss Ellen A. Stone, 1887.

Dr. Robert M. Lawrence, 1888-90.

James P. Munroe, 1891-93, 1906-08.

Robert P. Clapp, 1892, 93.

Alfred Pierce, 1892-97.

Henry H. Hamilton, Mr. Munroe's un-
expired term 1893, 94-99.

George W. Sampson, 1894, 95.

Edwin A. Bayley, 1896-98.

Charles H. Wiswell, 1898-1902.

Rev. James Benton Werner, 1899, 1900.

Herbert S. Teele, 1900, 01.

Dr. Fred S. Piper, 1902-04.

Rev. Lorenzo D. Cochrane, 1902-04.

Francis J. Garrison, 1903-06.

Miss Sarah E. Robinson, 1903-05, Re-
signed.

Mrs. Hannah T. Carret, 1903-10.

Rev. Forester A. MacDonald, 1903-05.

Willard D. Brown, 1905. To fill va-
cancy.

Edward P. Nichols, 1905.

Mrs. Mary W. Ferguson, 1906. To fill
vacancy.

George D. Milne, 1906, 07.

Charles B. Davis, 1906-08.

George F. Reed, 1907 — .

George L. Walker, 1907-09.

Jay O. Richards, 1908—.

Arthur L. Blodgett, 1909—.

List of Assessors, from the Incorporation of the Town to the -present
time, with the years they respectively served ; arranged in the order in
which they first appear upon the records

Francis Bowman, 1713, 13, 15, 27.

William Munroe, 1713.

Samuel Stearns, 1713, 16.

Joseph Estabrook, 1713.

Matthew Bridge, 1713.

John Munroe, 1714.

Samuel Locke, 1714.

Joseph Brown, 1714, 15.

John Merriam, 1715.

Joseph Fassett, 1716-19, 24, 27, 30,

31.
Benjamin Wellington, 1716-27, 29, 31-

33, 35.
Thomas Blodgett, 1717.
Nathaniel Whittemore, 1718.
John Mason, 1719-21, 23, 25, 80, 31.
William Munroe, 1720.
Joseph Brown, 1721, 22, 26.

John Laughton, 1722-24, 28, 29, 34, 35,

38, 41.
Nathaniel Trask, 1725, 39, 40.
Josiah Parker. 1726, 28, 34, 36-38, 40,

42-45, 47-50, 52-55.
William Munroe, 1728, 29, 32.
Isaac Bowman, 1730, 32, 36, 37, 39, 40,

42, 46-49, 55.
Matthew Bridge, Jr., 1735, 39.
Benjamin Reed, 1734, 37.
Ebenezer Fiske, 1736.
Daniel Tidd, 1738, 44, 47, 48, 51, 52,

54-57, 68.
Nehemiah Abbot, 1741.
Joseph Bridge, 1741.
Benjamin Smith, 1742.
Amos Muzzy, 1743, 49.
Jonas Merriam, 1743.

MUNICIPAL ATFAIRS

461

Daniel Brown. 1744, 53.

Isaac Stone, 1745.

Thaddeus Bowman, 1745, 50, 53, 56-63,

65, 66, 69,
John Stone, 1746.
William Reed, 1746.
John Muzzy, 1746.
Thomas Bobbins, 1746.
John Hoar, 1750.
John Buckman, 1751, 52, 54, 55, 60, 64,

67.
Benjamin Brown, 1756-€2, 64-69, 74,

77, 78, 83.
Jonathan Lawrence, 1758, 62, 63.
Jonas Stone, 1759, 61, 63, 67-72.
John Parker. 1764-66, 74.
Josiah Smith, 1770-73, 76, 79, 80.
Thaddeus Parker, 1770, 71, 73, 77.
Joseph Mason, 1772, 73, 79-89, 95.
Edmund Munroe, 1774, 76, 77.
William Tidd, 1776, 79-91.
John Bridge, 1778, 90-92.
Daniel Harrington, 1778.
John Chandler, 1780-82, 88, 89.
James Wyman, 1781.
Thomas Winship, 1782-87.,
Joseph Simonds, 1784, 87, 88.
Benjamin Brown, 1785. 86, 89-91.
Francis Bowman, 1792, 93.
Isaac Winship, 1792-1813, 14.
Rufus Merriam, 1793, 94.
Levi Mead, 1794.
Isaac Hastings, 1795, 1801-3, 11.
Joseph Smith, 1796-98, 1804.
William Tidd, 1796-99.
Jonathan Harrington, 1799, 1800, 17-19.
Joseph Simonds, Jr., 1800, 10, 11, 17.
Nathan Chandler, 1801-3,5-9,15,16,21.
Josiah Smith, 1801, 11.
Nathan Munroe, 1801.
Abijah Harrington, 1804-9, 12-16, 21.
Rufus Merriam, 1810, 11.
Nathaniel Mulliken, 1812-14, 19-24.
John Muzzy, Jr., 1815, 16.
Benjamin O. Wellington, 1817, 18.
William Chandler, 1818, 19, 26-29.
Oliver Locke, 1820-24.
Daniel Chandler, 1820-22.
Benjamin Reed, 1823.
Nathan Chandler, Jr., 1824, 25.
Jacob Robinson, Jr.. 1825, 26. 30, 31.
Josiah Smith, Jr., 1825-27.
Samuel Fiske, 1827-29, Sl.i
1 Part of a year. Ed.

Philip Russell, 1828-31, 42.

Isaac Mulliken, 1830-40, 43, 44.

Francis Wyman, 1831.1

William Clapp, 1832, 33, 35.

Charles Reed, 1832-35.

James Brown, 1834, 36, 37.

John Muzzey, 1836.

Charles Tidd, 1837-42.

Jacob Robinson, Jr., 1838-40.

Oliver Locke, 1841, 42.

William Clapp, 1841.

John Reals, 1843, 44, 54.

Charles Robinson, 1843, 44.

William Chandler, 1845-52, 60, 62.

Jonas C. Wellington, 1845, 50.i

Silas Cutler, 1845, 46, 50-52.

Isaac Parker, 1845-48, 50.»

Nathan Fessenden, Jr., 1847-49, 58, 61,

67.
Stephen Locke, 1849.
Jonathan S. Parker, 1850-57, 59.
J. C. Wellington, 1850, 52-54.^
Charles Brown, 1853, 63.
William H. H. Reed, 1855.
Billings Smith, 1855.
Charles Nunn, 1856-59.
Charles Hudson, 1856.
Joseph F. Simonds, 1857, 61, 64-

67.
Warren Duren. 1858.
A. W. Crowningshield, 1859-62, 64.
William Locke, 1860.
Eli Simonds, 1860.
A. W. Bryant, 1860, 63.
Loring S. Pierce, 1864-67.
Joseph F. Simonds, 1867-97.*
Nathan Fessenden, 1867-72," 78.
Loring S. Pierce, 1867-69, 72.*
Isaac N. Damon, 1868-70.
John P, Reed, 1870.
Eli Simonds, 1870.
Oliver P. Mills, 1871.
Walter Wellington, 1872-1900.*
Leonard A. Saville, 1874, 75, 90-94.
Horace B. Davis, 1876-89.
George W. Sampson, 1895-1900.
Quincy Bicknell, Jr., 1898, 99.
Everett S. Locke, 1900-07.
Charles G. KaufiFmann, 1901-10.
George H. Cutter. 1901-10.
Henry E. Tuttle, 1908 — .
George H. Jackson, 1911 — .
Charles H. Bugbee, 1911 — .
« Two boards In 1872. Ed.

462

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

List of Town Clerks, from the Incorporation of the Town to the pre-
sent day, in the order in which they appear upon the record

Matthew Bridge, 1713, 13.
Joseph Bowman, 1714, 15.
Joseph Estabrook, 1716, 17, 24.
Benjamin Wellington, 1718-23, 25-28,

30. 32, 33, 37, 38.
John Mason, 1729, 31, 34-36.
Isaac Bowman, 1739, 47, 53, 54.
Matthew Bridge, Jr., 1740.
Daniel Tidd, 1741, 42, 46, 48-52.
Josiah Parker, 1743-45, 55.
Thaddeus Bowman, 1756-61, 65.
Benjamin Brown, 1762-64, 66-69.
Joseph Mason, 1770-90, 95.
Joseph Fiske, Jr., 1791-93.

Rufus Merriam, 1794.

Nathan Chandler, 1796-1803.

Obadiah Parker, 1804.

John Mulliken, 1805-16.

Charles Reed, 1817-23.

Nathaniel Mulliken, 1824-31.

Charies Tidd, 1832-38.

John Mulliken, Jr., 1839-43.

James Keyes, 1844.

Albert W. Bryant, 1845-67.

Leonard A. Saville, 1868, 69, 74-1900.

Leonard G. Babcock, 1869-73.

George D. Harrington, 1901-11.

Charles W. Swan, 191 1-.

List of Town Treasurers from the Incorporation of the Town to the
present day, with the years they served; arranged in chronological
order

Matthew Bridge, 1712-16.
John Munroe, 1717-20.
Joseph Estabrook, 1721-24.
Joseph Loring, 1725, 26.
Benjamin Wellington. 1727-29, 36.
Matthew Bridge, Jr., 1730-32, 40.
William Munrce, 1733-35.
Isaac Bowman, 1737-39.
Nehemiah Abbot, 1741.
John Stone, 1742, 43.
John Bridge, 1744-46.
Jonas Merriam, 1747-54.
Jonas Stone, 1755-78.
John Chandler, 1779-89.
Benjamin Brown, 1790.
Francis Bowman. 1791, 92.
John Mulliken, 1793-1800.
Amos Muzzy, Jr., 1801-3, 5, 6.
Nathan Chandler, 1804, 7-16, 19.
Rufus Merriam, 1817, 18.
John Muzzy, Jr.. 1820-23.
Charles Reed, 1824-31.

Nathaniel Mulliken, 1832-35, 37. 38,

49-54, 56, 58, 59.
William Chandler, 1836.
Jonathan S. Parker, 1839-44.
John Viles, Jr., 1845-49.
J. C. Wellington, 1855.
James S. Munroe, 1857.
Charies Nunn, 1860-64.
Leonard A. Saville, 1865.
Webster Smith. 1866.
Isaac N. Damon, 1867.
Albert W. Bryant, 1868-70.
Billings Smith, 1870.
George O. Davis, 1871.
Leonard G. Babcock, 1872, 73.
Isaac N. Damon, 1874-79. Resigned.
Charles T. West, part of 1879 and 1880,

1881-86.
Edwin S. Spaulding, part of 1880, 87-90,

95, 96.
Leonard A. Saville, 1891-94.
George D. Harrington, 1897-.

Committees of Correspondence

As these Committees constituted a kind of government, or
at least a channel of communication through the Colony; and
as they were generally composed of the most intelligent and
reliable men in the town, it is well to give their names : —

MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

463

1773.
Captain Thaddeus Bowman.
Deacon Jonas Stone.
Ensign Robert Harrington.
Deacon Benjamin Brown.
Deacon Joseph Loring.

1776.

Deacon Jonas Stone.
Captain John Bridge.
Lieutenant Edmund Munroe.
Lieutenant Joseph Simonds.
Lieutenant Francis Brown.

1778.
Deacon Benjamin Brown.
John Chandler.

Hammond Reed.
Jonathan Harrington.
Joseph Smith.

1780.

Benjamin Danforth.
C. Joseph Phelps.
Bezaleel Lawrence.
Benjamin Tidd.
Joshua Simonds.

Called also a Committee of Safety.

1781.
Samuel Hastings.
Lieutenant Benjamin Wellington.
Samuel Tidd.

List of Representatives to the General Court from the Incorporation
of the Town to the present day, with the years they served; arranged
in chronological order

William Reed, 1714, 16, 17.

Francis Bowman, 1715, 20, 22, 26, 27,

32, 33.
Joseph Bowman, 1718, 31, 34-37.
Thomas Blodgett, 1719, 21.
Joseph Estabrook, 1723, 25.
Benjamin Wellington, 1728-31.
Joseph Fassett, 1738-40.
William Reed, 1742-47, 59-62, 64-70.
Isaac Bowman, 1748, 49.
Benjamin Reed, 1750-58, 63, 68.
Jonas Stone, 1771-77.
Robert Harrington, 1778-81.
Benjamin Brown, 1783-86.
Joseph Simonds, 1787-93, 95-1802.
Isaac Hastings, 1803-5.
William Munroe, 1806, 7.
Nathan Chandler, 1808-12, 21, 22, 24.
James Brown, 1813-17.
Abijah Harrington, 1825.
John Muzzy, 1825, 27.
Samuel Fiske, 1828-30.
Charles Reed, 1831, 32.
Ambrose Morell, 1832, 33.
John Mulliken, Jr., 1834, 35.
Philip Russell, 1834-36, 39, 48-51.
Nehemiah Wellington, 1836-38.
Isaac Mulliken, 1837, 40, 41.
Phinehas Lawrence, 1839.
Charles James, 1842.
Benjamin Muzzey, 1843, 44.
Sullivan Burbank, 1846; 47.

William Chandler, 1852, 53.
Charles Brown, 1854.
Curtis Cutler, 1855.
Simon W. Robinson, 1856.
Charles Hudson, 1857.
Charies K. Tucker, 1858.
Abraham W. Crowningshield, 1859.
P. W. Chamberiin, Bedford, 1860.
Oakes Tirrell, Jr., Burlington, 1861, 65.
William Henry Smith, 1862.
William A. Tower, 1863.
William Winn, Burlingto^, 1864, 66, 70,
75. ,

William A. Steams, Bedford, 1867.
John C. Blasdel, 1868.
Richard D. Bliim, 1869, 74.
Humphrey Prescott, Carlisle, 1871.
William M. Ashby, Bedford, 1872.
Elijah Marion, Burlington, 1873.
Webster Smith, 1876.
William S. Gleason, Billerica, 1877.
John Winn, Burlington, 1878, 95.
Augustus E. Scott, 1879, 80.
Charles A. Corey, Bedford, 1881.
Ebenezer Baker, Billerica, 1882.
Leonard A. Saville, 1883.
George R. Cobb, Billerica, 1884.
Henry Wood, Bedford, 1885.
Franklin Jaquith, Billerica, 1886.
Henry J. Hosmer, Concord, 1887.
Edwin H. Blake, Bedford, 1888.
John F. Hutchinson, 1889.

464 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Charles S. Wheeler, Lincoln, 1890.
Richard F. Barrett, Concord, 1891, 92.
Matthew H. Merriam, 1893, 94.
William R. Hayden, Bedford, 1896.
George F. Mead, 1897, 98.
J. Howell Crosby, Arlington, 1899, 1900,
01, 02.

Edward C. Stone, 1903, 04.

Arthur J. Wellington, Arlington, 1905,

06.
Horace D. Hardy, Arlington, 1907, 08.
Edwin A. Bayley, 1909, 10.
John G. Brackett, Arlington, 1911, 12,
Frank D. Peirce, 1913.

In the vacant years up to 1857, the town was not repre-
sented. Since 1857, Lexington has been included, with one
or more neighboring towns, in a Representative District,^
the several towns furnishing the Representative somewhat
in rotation, qualified in part by the number of inhabitants
in the several towns constituting the District.

Senators and Councillors
Nathan Chandler, 1825-28. Samuel Chandler, 1839.

When Nathan Chandler was chosen, the Senators and
Councillors were chosen as one body, and the Legislature
selected nine from that body as Councillors. Mr. Chandler
was several times selected for that purpose. In 1882, William

^ Every corporate town was entitled to elect a Representative to the General
Court by Article 2, Chapter 1, of the State Constitution, the representation being
based upon the number of ratable polls.

Article 12 of the Amendments to the Constitution made a new method of repre-
sentation, based upon the number of ratable polls, it being ratified November 14,
1836.

Article 13 of the Amendments to the Constitution based the representation upon
the number of inhabitants in towns, it being ratified April 6, 1840.

Article 21 of the Amendments to the Constitution created districts, it being rati-
fied May 21, 1857.

Chapter 308, Acts of 1857, apportioned the number of Representatives for
each county, and the County Commissioners established Burlington, Bedford, and
Lexington as the 18th Middlesex District.

Chapter 103, Acts of 1866, apportioned the number of Representatives for each
county, and the County Commissioners established Lexington, Bedford, Burlington,
and Carlisle as the 21st Middlesex District.

Chapter 15, Acts of 1876, apportioned the Representatives for each county, and
the County Commissioners established Lexington, Burlington, Bedford, and Billerica
as the 18th Middlesex District.

Chapter 256, Acts of 1886, apportioned the Representatives for each county, and
the County Commissioners established Lexington, Lincoln, Concord, Bedford, and
Burlington as the 19th Middlesex District.

Chapter 509, Acts of 1896, apportioned the Representatives for each county, and
the County Commissioners established Arlington and Lexington as the 13th Middle-
sex District.

Chapter 497, Acts of 1906, apportioned the Representatives for each county, and
the County Commissioners established Arlington and Lexington as the 29th Middle-
sex District. Ed.

MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS 465

A. Tower was Councillor; and in 1884-85, Augustus E.
Scott was Senator.

Delegates

Jonas Stone was Delegate to the First Provincial Con-
gress, 1774, and tlie Second and Third, 1775.

Rev. Jonas Clarke was Delegate to the Convention
which formed the Constitution in 1779; Benjamin Brown,
a Delegate to the Convention which ratified the Constitution
of the United States, 1788.

Nathan Chandler was a Delegate to the Convention to
Revise the Constitution in 1820; and Joel Viles in the Con-
vention to Revise the Constitution in 1853.

CHAPTER XXII

TOPOGRAPHY ^

Situation and Extent — Soil and Productions — Hills — Health of the Place
and Longevity of its Inhabitants — Roads and Railroads — The Great Bridge
— Manufactures.

Lexington is a post-town in the County of Middlesex,
situated in latitude 42° 26' 50" North, and in longitude 71°
13' 55" West. It is about eleven miles west-northwest from
Boston, about six miles easterly from Concord, and about
fifteen miles southeast by south from Lowell. It has Win-
chester, Woburn, and Burlington, on the northeast; Bedford
and Burlington, on the north; Lincoln, on the west; Waltham,
on the southwest; and Arlington, on the southeast. The
township, like most of those in the neighborhood, is some-
what irregular in its shape, and contains about nineteen
square miles, or 12,160 acres. It is generally more elevated
than any adjoining town,^ unless it be Lincoln, and hence
the water from Lexington runs in almost every direction.
As it is the watershed, the streams are small, and they find
their way to the ocean through the Shawshine, Mystic, and
Charles Rivers. The water power in the town is inconsider-
able, and what there is, is remote from the centre. In the
easterly part, at the outlet of the Great Meadow, so called,
was erected the first mill in the township, probably as early
as 1650. It was then owned by Edward Winship, of Cam-
bridge, and was given by his will to his son Edward, and
remained more than a century in the family.^ There is
another and more valuable privilege on Vine Brook, near the
boundary of Burlington, though it is at present unimproved.

The township is generally uneven, furnishing a pleasant
variety of hill and dale. Though the surface is frequently
broken, the soil for the most part is productive. The rock form-

* This is taken from the chapter in Hudson's History headed " Miscellaneom."
Ed.

* The elevation of the road-bed of Massachusetts Avenue at the j miction of
Waltham Street is 223.6 feet. (United States Geological Survey.) Ed.

' See Reminiscences of the Fur Industry, by G. O. Smith, Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc,
Vol. II, p. 171. Ed.

TOPOGRAPHY 467

ation, through a great part of the township, is a species of
greenstone; and though it often crops out of the ground, the
rock is so irregular and the sides so precipitous that the soil
is deep, and often capable of cultivation up to the very face
of the ledge. The presence of this rock indicates a hard, but
at the same time a warm and productive soil, well adapted
to grass and fruit trees.

There are many good farms in the town, and their value is
greatly enhanced by the peat swamps,^ which are found in
almost every neighborliood. These swamps, when properly
drained, constitute some of the most valuable land for culti-
vation, and at the same time serve to fertilize the rest of the
farm. The material taken from the ditches is extensively
used as a manure, and will of itself pay the labor of draining.
Lexington, as a whole, may be considered a first-class agri-
cultural town, and has been somewhat distinguished for its
hay, fruits, and other agricultural productions; but more
particularly for its milk dairies, which send to market 350,000
gallons of milk annually.^

The village of Lexington is pleasantly situated on land
comparatively level; and though it is elevated more than
two hundred feet above tide water, being surrounded by
hills more or less distant, and having meadows on either
hand, it has the appearance of being rather low. It is eleven
miles from Boston, five miles from Waltham, Woburn, and
Bedford, and four miles from Burlington and Lincoln. In
the centre of the village is the Common, a triangular plot of
ground, situated at the junction, and lying between the
roads leading to Concord and to Bedford. It contains about
two acres, and is perfectly level, with the exception of a gen-
tle swell rising some five or six feet in a circular form, on
the southerly side, on which is situated the Monument,
erected to the memory of the first Revolutionary martyrs.^
The borders of the Common are skirted by rows of elm, ash,
and other ornamental trees.

Following Massachusetts Avenue towards Boston, the
houses grow more sparse for about three fourths of a mile,
when they become more frequent; and one soon finds himself

^ Several attempts have been made to convert these peat deposits into a mer-
chantable fuel, but thus far without much success. Ed.

2 This was in 1867. See the Milk Business, by G. O. Smith, Proc. Lex. Hist.
Soc, Vol. II, p. 187. Ed.

* Several other commemorative tablets are now on the common. Seep. 551. Ed.

468 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

in the midst of another village, known as East Lexington,
fully half as populous as the Centre. Both villages are
adorned with ornamental shade trees, which extend to every
part ; and in several places on the main street, huge and ven-
erable elms attract the notice of the traveller. The character
of the soil is such that both villages are, in a remarkable
degree, free from those pests of many country villages —
mud and dust.

Though Lexington has no elevations which would justify
the appellation of mountains, yet there are within her limits
a great number of hills, which command extensive prospects
and present fine landscape views. These elevations are
generally more or less abrupt, showing fragments of green-
stone in their more precipitous sides, and having their sum-
mits crowned with the same kind of rock in a more smoothed
and flattened form.

In the centre of the town, within five or six rods of the
Common from which it is separated by the street, rises
"Belfry Hill," so called, from the fact that a structure was
formerly erected on this hill, in which the church bell was
hung.^ This elevation, which is nearly hidden from the street
by the houses and shade trees, is about forty feet above the
Common, and standing in a bend of the road, presents a
good view of the village, and of the roads approaching it on
every side.

Meriam's Hill, situated about eighty rods northeasterly
of the village, is elevated seventy or eighty feet above Main
Street, and affords a good view of the central part of the town.
The village from this eminence^ presents a fine appearance.
The lofty elms and other ornamental trees, which skirt the
streets and shade the dwellings, give to the village an aspect
peculiarly rural; and when the trees are in full foliage the
prospect is one of great beauty, exhibiting in one view neat,
commodious, and even stately dwellings, embowered in
shady groves, with fertile fields and wooded hills in the
background.

Hancock Height. About one hundred and twenty rods
northeasterly of Meriam's Hill, and forming a part of the
same swell of land, rises abruptly one of the most conspicuous

^ This has now been restored. See chap, xxiv, p. 490. Ed.
^ Since Mr. Hudson's writing, this hill has been built upon with many attract-
ive residences. Ed.

TOPOGRAPHY 469

elevations in the town. The altitude of this hilP is greater
than any other in the township, except the highest portions
of the range between Monument ^ and Lincoln Streets; and,
rising from a lower level, and standing out isolated and
alone, on the margin of the valley of Vine Brook, with an
elevation of about one hundred and seventy-five feet above
it, this hill has a grand and imposing appearance, and
affords a magnificent prospect. Standing on its summit,
you have almost the whole northern and eastern part of the
town in full view.

Nor is the prospect confined to the township. The village
of Burlington and the city of Woburn, with the high grounds
beyond, bound your prospect on the northeast. On the east
you have the hills in Winchester, Mount Gilboa, and other
high lands in Arlington in view; and between these, a part of
Somerville, the towering shaft on Bunker Hill, and a portion
of the city of Boston may be seen, reflecting the rays of the
rising or setting sun. To the southeast, the eye takes in the
Blue Hills in Milton, the elevated lands in Newton, Prospect
Hill in Waltham, and the high grounds in Weston. Towards
the west and northwest the prospect is still more extensive.
Passing over the village of Bedford, the high lands of West-
ford, Groton and the intermediate towns, the eye rests upon
the lofty Wachusett in Princeton, the first land which meets
the eye of the mariner as he approaches the coast. Farther
to the north, you behold the Watatick in Ashby, and the
hills in New Ipswich; and still farther, in the State of New
Hampshire, the grand Monadnock, with brow half seen, and
half concealed in clouds, fixes and bounds the view.

This hill is nearly devoid of wood, having only a few
stunted pines and cedars upon it. But it has one feature
which is somewhat characteristic of a mountain, — a pond
of lasting water upon its side, about twenty feet below its
summit, containing from one to two acres. This hill had
acquired the insignificant name of "Granny Hill," but the
inhabitants in town meeting assembled, in November, 1867,
gave it the more worthy name of "Hancock Height," in
honor of their first permanent minister, and his grandson,
Hon. John Hancock, of Revolutionary memory, whose

1 Three hundred and sixty feet according to map of the United States Geological
Survey. Ed.

2 Now Massachusetts Ave. Ed.

470 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

association with and regard for the town are well known and
recognized.^

Davis's Hill,^ situated about half a mile northwesterly
from the Common, is a fine elevation of land, rising about
one hundred and forty feet above the meadow which lies at
its southeasterly base. This hill is less abrupt and broken
than Hancock Height, having in many parts a tolerably
good soil, which has been cultivated nearly to its summit.
This elevation, like the others in the neighborhood, overlooks
the village, and affords much the same prospect toward the
north and west as the one last mentioned. This range of
high land continues to the southwest, and though it has
several depressions, it rises, after passing the road to Con-
cord, to an elevation greater than any land in the town. The
highest parts are covered with a good growth of wood.

FiSKE Hill, situated on the road to Concord, about a mile
and a third from the village, is elevated at least one hundred
feet above the valley with which it is surrounded, and fur-
nishes an extensive view to the north, west, and south. The
old road, over which the British passed in their expedition
to Concord in 1775, wound its way up the sides of this hill,
and passed the ridge not far below its highest elevation. Near
the summit of this hill. Colonel Smith attempted to rally his
flying troops and make a stand against his pursuers. But his
efforts were fruitless. His troops were soon put to flight, and
he was severely wounded.

There are several hills of considerable elevation in the
southerly part of the town, near the old Concord Turnpike,
which command views more or less extensive.

Loring's Hill,^ about half a mile southerly from the
centre of the town, rises somewhat abruptly from the
meadows which skirt Vine Brook, to the height of about one
hundred and fifty feet. It is covered with wood; and the
underbrush having been removed, it affords a delightful

^ Regardless of the vote of the town, the name in common use to-day is Granny
Hill, while "Hancock Height " is seldom heard. Granny Hill is used by the United
States Geological Survey. The name originated from "Granny" Harrington (Abi-
gail), widow of Henry Harrington, who lived on the easterly side of the hill now
known as Grant Street. She died January 23, 1820, aged 94 years. Ed.

* Now known as Robinson Hill. Ed.

' The United States Geological Survey map gives the elevation as three hundred
and sixty feet. There is but a few feet difference in elevation between Loring Hill
and Granny Hill. Ed.

TOPOGRAPHY 471

ramble for those who seek the cooling shade, to meditate
upon the beauties of nature.

There is a range of high lands on the southerly side of the
great road leading to Boston, commencing a little south-
easterly of the Town Hall, which, though interrupted by
several depressions, extends into Arlington. The swell above
the old Munroe Tavern is considerably elevated, and over-
looks the village and a large portion of the town. It was on
the northern declivity of this hill that Lord Percy placed
one of his field-pieces on the 19th of April, 1775; and from
this spot threw his shot in every direction, where he could
discover any of the Americans assembling, — one of which
perforated the meeting-house on the Common. The elevated
portions of this range, southwesterly of the village of East
Lexington, command a prospect of great extent and rare
beauty. Not only the northeasterly portion of the town, but
the city of Medford, with its numerous dwellings and public
buildings, are displayed to view. Nor rests the prospect here;
the city of Lynn, and the dark blue ocean beyond, whitened
by the sails of the hardy fishermen and the enterprising
merchants, give variety and grandeur to the scene.

Mount Independence, near the East Village, rises ab-
ruptly about one hundred and thirty feet above the main
street. It is nearly opposite the church, and commands a
full view of the village, and the high lands on the opposite
side of the broad meadows which spread out on each side of
Mill Brook. The prospect from this hill is truly delightful,
and the people in that part of the town have shown their
good sense in giving it a name worthy of its character and
the town where it is situated. On the 4th of July, 1824, a
piece of ordnance was presented by a citizen of the village,
for the use of the inhabitants; and the name of "Mount
Independence" was given to this hill, under the folds of the
Stars and Stripes, and amid the roar of cannon and the huz-
zas of the citizens. It was near the foot of this hill that the
British on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, committed
one of their first acts of aggression, by disarming one of the
Lexington Militia (Mr. Benjamin Wellington), who was on
his way to join his fellow townsmen in arms at the Common.

Farther to the south, this elevated range ^ rises still higher,

* The town has had brought before it at intervals a proposition to construct a

472 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

with a more extended prospect, particularly to the south and
east, enabling the eye to take in Newton, and the great
extent of beautiful country intervening. At the lower end
of the East Village, this range is considerkbly depressed, but
soon rises again as it approaches the line of Arlington, giving
a good view toward the north.

Being an elevated township, the water is pure and the air
salubrious; and hence Lexington in all periods of her history
has been regarded as one of the most healthful places in the
vicinity. This fact is so well known and acknowledged that
invalids from the city frequently resort here for the improve-
ment of their health. The topography of the country, the
rural scenery, the orderly quiet of the place, and the purity
of the atmosphere render Lexington a desirable place of
residence.

The sanitary character of the town may be seen in the
longevity of its inhabitants. In 1776, among the recorded
deaths were one person aged 88 years, one aged 84, three
aged 83, and two aged 79. Between 1779 and 1790 inclusive,
there were one aged 96, one aged 95, one aged 93, two aged 92,
three aged 90, one aged 88, and four aged 85. Nor was this
longevity confined to the last century. In 1819, there were
among the recorded deaths, one person aged 99, one aged
942, and two aged 94; and in 1822, two aged 92. In the Church
Records of 1835 is the following entry: "Deaths during the
preceding fifteen years, three- hundred and twenty-one.
Over 80 years of age, forty; over 90, ten; 95, one; 99, one."

In 1854, there died in Lexington persons of the following
ages : one of 80, one of 87, one of 90, one of 92, and one of 95 ;
in 1855, one of 86, one of 88; in 1856, one of 93, one of 81,
one of 80; in 1858, one of 82, one of 83, one of 88, and one
of 91; in 1860, one of 82, one of 83, and one of 88; in 1861,
two of 80, one of 81, one of 86, and one of 92; in 1862, one
of 85, and two of 86; in 1863, one of 83, and one of 87; in
1864, one of 83, and one of 87; in 1865, one of 80, one of 82,
and two of 84; in 1866, two of 80, one of 91, and one of 93.
One other case deserves mention. Mary Sanderson, great-
grand-daughter of William Munroe, the original emigrant,
died October 15, 1852, aged 104 years and 5 days.

Lexington, from its geographical position, has been pretty

boulevard along this range, from Lexington Centre to Arlington Heights. No de-
finite action has as yet resulted. Ed.

TOPOGRAPHY 473

thoroughly cut up by roads. Before railroads diverted the
travel, there were three great thoroughfares from Boston into
the country, running through the entire length of the town:
the Concord Turnpike through the southern, the Middlesex
Turnpike^ through the northern, and the Old Concord Road ^
through the central part of the town. These, with the roads
to Bedford, Lincoln, Weston, Waltham, Watertown, Woburn,
and Burlington, brought a large amount of travel through
the place. Stages werq run daily, and large teams from the
northern part of the State, arid from New Hampshire and
Vermont, to and from Boston, could be seen upon the roads
almost any hour in the day.

But the introduction of railroads has diverted all the long
travel from the town; and were it not for the increased local
travel, our roads would be left almost desolate. Seeing this
diversion of travel, the people of the town felt the necessity
of doing something to prevent the population, as well as
travel, from leaving the place. Railroads being the order of
the day, that mode of communication seemed to be the only
thing which would keep Lexington within the list of prosper-
ous towns and connect her with the commercial metropolis.
One of her most enterprising citizens, Benjamin Muzzey,
Esq., took the matter in hand, and by his zeal and persever-
ance, he was enabled, by the aid of others and the liberality
of our citizens, to build a railroad connecting Lexington with
Boston.^ This road has been a blessing to the town, and the
people owe a debt of gratitude to the memory of him by whose
zeal and energy this has been obtained.

Lexington, considering her territory, has a large extent of
roads to support. The aggregate length of her roads is about
sixty-five miles — making at least three hundred acres de-
voted to public ways. The town is not particularly burdened
with bridges, having only two or three of any magnitude.
But the greatest grievance which the town has ever suffered

* Owing to the destruction, many years ago, of the bridge over the Concord River,
this old turnpike has long been abandoned as a through road to Lowell. It consti-
tutes, however, as does also the Concord Turnpike, one of the many beautiful drives
in Lexington. Ed.

2 Both these roads to Concord have been in large measure superseded by the
"State Road," which, leaving Massachusetts Avenue in East Lexington, follows
Middle Street, midway between the older avenues, to a point beyond Fiske Hill,
where it rejoins Massachusetts Avenue. Ed.

^ See Origin of the Lexington and West Cambridge Branch Railroad, by George
Y. Wellington. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. iii, p. 58. Ed.

474 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

has been the support of the "Great Bridge," so called, be-
tween the city of Cambridge and the town of Brighton. After
paying tribute to the town of Cambridge about a century and
a half, in 1859, by the effort of the Chairman of the Select-
men, an act was obtained from the Legislature, exempting
the town from any further support of a bridge eight miles dis-
tant from them, and one over which they rarely, if ever, trav-
elled.

Lexington is almost entirely destitute of manufactures.^
In the easterly part of the town, the dressing of furs ^ used to
be carried on to some extent; but at the present time that has
ceased.

1 The M. H. Merriam Company has a factory for leather findbgs on Oakland
Street, and the Jefferson Union Company one for steam fittings on Grant Street.
Ed.

* See Reminiscences of the Fur Industry, by George O. Smith. Proc. Lex. Hist.
Soc, Vol. II, p. 171. Ed.

CHAPTER XXIII

STATISTICS ^
Origin of the name "Lexington" — Population — Valuation — Slavery.

We have already seen that Lexington was incorporated,
March 20, 1712, Old Style, which, by our present mode of
reckoning, would be March 31, 1713.2 It took its name from
Robert Sutton, who bore the title of Lord Lexington.^ The
family of Lexington, of which Sir Robert was, in the female
line, the representative, was of considerable antiquity and
note in England. Robert Sutton, Baron de Lexington, lived
in the time of Henry III and died June 4, 1250, without issue.

1 Taken from Mr. Hudson's chapter headed "Miscellaneous," the statistics of
population and valuation being brought down to 1910. Ed.

2 It may be interesting to some to state the occasion for the change from Old
to New Style. The Julian Year consisted of three hundred and sixty-five days
and six hours — making the year too long by about eleven minutes. In 1582,
Pope Gregory XIII attempted to reform the Calendar. From the time of the Coun-
cil of Nice to the time of Gregory, this excess of eleven minutes amounted to ten
days. In order to ob^^ate this error, it was ordained that the year 1582 should con-
sist of only three himdred and sixty-five days, and that ten days, between the 4th
and 14th of October, should be thrown out of the Calendar for that year; and also,
to prevent any further irregularity, that no year commencing a century should be
leap-year, excepting each four hundredth year; whereby three days are abated
every four hundred years, that being nearly equal to eleven minutes for every year
during that period, leaving an error of only one day in fifty-two hundred years.

The Calendar before the days of Gregory was called the "Julian," after Julius
Csesar, who regulated it, and has since the change been commonly denominated
"Old Style," and the Calendar of Gregory has been denominated "New Style."
Though the New Style was at once adopted in Romish countries, such was the
prejudice of Great Britain to the Romanists that it was not adopted by her or
in her Colonies till 1752. Previous to that year, two methods of beginning the
year prevailed in England; the ecclesiastical and legal year beginning on the 25th
of March, and the historical year on the 1st of January. The change of Style adopted
by England in 1752, fixed the 1st of January as the commencement of the year, and
abolished the distinction between the legal and historical year.

This difference in the commencement of the respective years led to a system of
double dating from the 1st of January to the 25th of March — thus: January 10,
1724-5 or 172|, the 4 denoting the ecclesiastical, and the 5 the historical year.
From 1582 to 1699 the difference in the Styles was ten days; from 1700 to 1800,
eleven days; and since 1800, twelve days. In changing Old to New Style, care should
be taken not to confound the centimes. Many mistakes have arisen from not re-
garding the century in which the event occurred.

» See "Origin of the Name Lexington" by A, E. Scott, Esq. Proc. Lex. Hist.
Soc, Vol. I, p. 9.

476 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

John de Lexington, a younger brother of Robert, was four
times appointed Keeper of the Seal by the King. Another
brother, Henry de Lexington, was Bishop of Lincoln in 1254.
With this generation the line of Lexington became extinct.
But a sister, Alice, married Roland de Sutton, from whom de-
scended Robert, Lord Lexington. His father was made
Baron of Lexington by Charles I, and died in 1688. Robert
was his only son, and sustained several important offices, the
duties of which he discharged with ability and honor. In
1698, he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary to the Imperial
Court of Vienna, where he remained till the Peace of Ryswick,
when he returned to England, and was appointed one of the
Lords of the Bedchamber. He was, in 1712, selected to con-
duct the negotiations with Spain. He died in 1723.

When the Precinct of North Cambridge was incorporated
as a town in 1713, Lord Lexington was in the very height of his
popularity, and his name was familiar among all who stood
near the throne. A custom is said to have prevailed in Massa-
chusetts in those days, when a town was incorporated, to pass
the order or act, and send it to the Governor with a blank for
the name to be filled by him. Joseph Dudley was at that time
Governor of the Province, and the fame of Lord Lexington
would naturally suggest his name to any Chief Magistrate as
a suitable one for the town. But there is another reason why
Governor Dudley should wish to do honor to the popular Eng-
lish negotiator, viz. : they were distant relatives; the Dudleys
being of the Sutton family, and taking the surname of Dudley
from the barony of that name. So that the name of Lexing-
ton given to this town, would, if given by the Legislature, be
a compliment to the Governor, and if given by the Governor
himself, would be a compliment to his friend and relative.

But little thought they when they were honoring a British
Lord, by giving his name to this township, that Lexington
was to become a watchword for freemen throughout British
America. It has been stated elsewhere that the deeds of the
19th of April so warmed the hearts of the hardy hunters in the
wilds of Kentucky that they baptized their camp by the name
of Lexington. The veneration for this town, and for the asso-
ciations which cluster around it, has been such that the au-
thorities of remote States have recurred to the opening scene
of the Revolution, and have given to a portion of their terri-
tory the name of our own beloved town. Hence, we have

STATISTICS

477

twenty-four counties, cities, and towns by the name of Lexing-
ton, scattered over every section of our wide, extended coun-
try, including the Pacific States — a fact of which the inhab-
itants of old Lexington have just reason to be proud.

It will be interesting to witness the growth of the town
through every period of its history from the first settlement
to the present day. It will be seen by the following tables that
its progress has not been rapid. In 1754, a portion of the ter-
ritory and population was taken from Lexington to form the
town of Lincoln. The" French and Revolutionary wars which
followed kept the population nearly stationary for thirty or
forty years.

As Lexington was a part of Cambridge till 1713, we have no
records of her population till after that period. Nor have we
any authentic census till 1790. But from a careful analysis of
all the documents which bear upon the subject, and a full con-
sideration of scattering tax-bills, number of polls, the effects
of Philip's, the French, and the Revolutionary wars, the
known emigration and immigration from and to the town-
ship, the change of the town lines, and the general laws of
population, we can safely estimate the population of Lexing-
ton for each decennial period; and though the numbers may
not be perfectly accurate, they are a close approximation,
sufficiently near for all practical purposes.

The following table will show the population at the com-
mencement of each decade : —

Year. Population.

1650 30

1660 60

1670 90

1680 160

1690 256

Year.

1700 . .
1710 . .
1720 . .
1730 . .
1740 . .

Population.

. . 350
. . .453

. . 568
, . .681
. . .724

Year.

1750 . . .
1760 . . .
1770 . . .
1780 . . .

Population.
. . 761
. . 760
. . 755
. . 750

The above is unofficial.

1790

WTiite males under 16 yrs. . . .212
'* 16 yrs. and upwards . 251

White females (of all ages) .
"All other free persons " .

. . 470
. . 8

Total males . .

. . .463

Aggrega

te . . . .

. . 941

478

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

1800

White males under 10 yrs. .

" 10 yrs. and under 16
16 " " 26

26 " " 45

" 45 " and upwards

Total males

148
91
90
96
81

506

White females under 10 yrs. . .129

" 10 yrs. and under 16 . 78

•• 16 " " 26 . 96

" 26 " " 45 . 98

" 45 " and upwards . 93

Total females 494

"All other free persons, except Indians, not taxed" 6

Aggregate 1,006

1810

White males under 10 yrs.

, 123

" 10 yrs. and under 16

16 " " 26

. 105

26 " " 45

. 103

" 45 " and upwards

. 102

Total males ....

. 515

White females under 10 yrs. . .130

" 10 yrs. and under 16 . 68

16 " " 26 . 119

26 " " 45 . 95

** 45 " and upwards . 115

Total females 527

"All other free persons except Indians, not taxed" 10

Aggregate 1,052

1820

White males under 10 yrs. . .141

" 10 yrs. and under 16 . 81

16 " " 26 . 119

26 " " 45 . 140

" 45 " and upwards . Ill

Total males 592

White females under 10 yrs. . . 153

" 10 yrs. and under 16 . 77

16 " " 26 . 105

26 " " 45 . 139

" 45 " and upwards . 130

Total females 604

Free colored, imder 14 yrs. 1 male and 1 female; 45 yrs, and upwards, 2 females.
Aggregate 1,200

1830

White males under 5 yrs.

" 5 yrs. and under 10

10 " " 15

15 " " 20

20 " " 30

80 " " 40

40 " " 50

50 " " 60

60 " " 70

70 " " 80

80 " " 90

Total males

105

White fema

es under 5 yrs.

, ,

106

5 yrs.

and under 10 .

10 "

15 "

20 .

141

20 "

122

117

30 "

. 99

40 "

50 "

60 "

70 "

80 "

777

Total females

. 763

Free colored, 10 years and under 24. 2 males and one female.
Aggregate 1,543

STATISTICS

479

1840

White males under

5 yrs.

White fem

Eiles und

5 yrs

. and under 10 .

5yr

« «

15 .

10 '

« ««

15 •

« «

169

20 '

i< «

105

30 '

« i<

40 '

<( «

60 .

50 '

" ««

70 .

60 •

« f<

70 '

" "

90 .

80 •

i( «

100

90 •

Total males

. 824

Total females

rlO.

15 .

20.

104

30.

143

40.

50.

60 .

70.

80.

90.

100.

818

Aggregate 1,642

1850

White females under 1 year

1 year and under 5 .

5 yrs.
10 "
15 "
20 "
30 "
40 "
50 "
60 "
70 "
80 "
90 "
100 "

Total females 960

Free colored, 1 male and 4 females.

Aggregate 1,893

White males under 1

year .

" 1 year

and und

er 5 .

5 yrs.

10.

10 •'

15 .

15 "

20.

20 "

30.

191

" 30 "

40.

123

40 "

50.

113

50 "

60 .

60 "

70.

70 "

80.

80 "

90.

90 "

100.

" 100 and upwards

Total males

928

1860

White males under 1 year

" 1 year and under 5

5 yrs.

10 "

15 "

20 "

30 "

40 "

50 "

60 "

70 "

80 "

90 "

10,
15
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100

105

132

206

179

122

Total males 1,162

Free colored, 1 male.

Aggregate

White females under 1 year .
" 1 year and under

5 yrs

10 "

15 "

20 "

30 "

40 "

50 "

60 "

70 "

80 "

Total females

112

10.

101

15.

103

20.

113

30.

223

40.

174

50.

109

60.

70.

80.

90.

1,166

2,329

480

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The succeeding population by age-periods, according to
the State Censuses of Massachusetts, was as follows: —

Aoe-Pebiods

Under 5 years . . .
5 years and under 10
10 years and under 15
15 years and under 20
20 years and under 30
30 years and under 40
40 years and under 50
60 years and under 60
60 years and under 70
70 years and under 80
80 years and under 90
90 years and under 100
Unknown . . .

Totals

1865

Male Female

119

118

117

141

139

121

111

1056

135

115

103

210

178

113

1164

1875

Male Female

94
113

122

130

201

174

137

120

111

110

126

195

196

172

114

1263

Male Female

103

118

136

307

169

154

108

100

1357

87
106
128
278
171
183
128
104
60
18

1895

Male Female

132

136

105

125

346

306

200

156

1692

141
137
135
125

376
297
193
163
136
74
26

1905

Male Female

165

192

189

167

323

369

313

196

122

2127

164

210

205

178

421

427

331

188

151

2403

The total population by even ten-year periods, according
to the United States census, was as follows : —

1870
1880

2277 1890 .
2460 1900 .

. 3197 1910
. 3831

4918

The valuation of the town is more uncertain than its popu-
lation. The mode of valuing property and the fluctuating
character of the currency make it almost impossible, for the
first one hundred years, to give any just and connected view
of the growth of the town in wealth. Up to 1693, there was no
valuation or tax separate from that of Cambridge. The first
tax-bill for the minister's salary in 1693 shows the relative
wealth of the different individuals, but furnishes no data for
the valuation of the precinct. By presenting in a tabular form
the polls and valuations at different periods, we are enabled
to form some idea of the growth of the place. Though it must
be borne in mind that the basis of polls and of the valuations
dififered somewhat in different periods.

STATISTICS

481

List of Polls and Valuations at Different Periods.

Years.

Polls.

Valuation.

Years,

Polls.

Valuation.

1729

191

1820

306

234,366

1735

202

1830

368

247,466

1745

206

1840

489

561,549

1750

219

1850

522

1,869,453

1769

192

1860

581

1,813,634

1771

185

1865

615

1,747,459

1775

208

1870

629

2,254,831

1785

196

1880

708

2,589,337

1790

205

1890

955

3,878,189

1800

219

$251,052

1900

1168

5,182,060

1810

304

310,967

1910

1490

7,820,980

The fidelity of history requires that something should be
said on the subject of slavery.^ This evil was introduced into
the country before the planting of the Massachusetts Colony;
and though our laws were hostile to the institution, yet the
love of gain pcompted its gradual introduction into the Col-
ony, till our seaports, and all the towns near the coast, had
more or less slaves. Dr. Belknap informs us that rum distilled
in Massachusetts was one fruitful source of the slave trade;
that vessels engaged in that base traffic generally carried out
a cargo of our rum.

Lexington did not escape the contamination of this evil.
In 1735, it appears from the town valuation that there were
twenty slaves in the town, held by the following persons, viz. :
Francis Bowman, Esq., held two; Deacon Samuel Stone, one;
Captain Joseph Bowman, one; John Overing, two; Francis
Bowman, Jr., one; John Bridge, one; Nehemiah Abbott, one;
Joseph Merriam, one; Ebenezer Fiske, one; Isaac Stone, two;
Thomas Cutler, one; Edward Winship, one; Jonathan Har-
rington, one; Joseph Simonds, one; John Muzzy, one; Samuel
Locke, one; and Samuel Green, one. In 1744, the number was
eighteen, and they were owned singly by different persons, ex-
cept Francis Bowman, Joseph Bowman, and Amos Muzzy,
who had two each. This number gradually diminished, till in
1775 there were but five slaves in the town, — owned respec-
tively by Ebenezer Fiske, Samuel Bridge, Robert Harrington,
William Tidd, and Benjamin Estabrook. Though slaves to

1 See The Existence and the Extinction of Slavery in Massachusetts, by Rev. C.
A. Staples. Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. iv, p. 48. Ed.

482 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

some extent were held in Lexington, they were in most cases
kept as house servants. Not more than one family, that we
are aware of, ever engaged in the traflSc of slaves. One who
did engage in this trade was subjected to an inconvenience
attendant upon owning property in man. In 1727, Benjamin

, of Lexington, offered a reward for a runaway, whom he

describes thus: "He speaks very good English, is about
twenty-six years of age, had no hat on, but had a horse lock
about one of his legs; and was lately the property of John
Muzzy, of Mendon."

Though slavery existed in Massachusetts, it was exempt
from many of the evils which were connected with it in the
Southern States. The slaves were generally taken into the
families, and were treated like the other servants. They also
enjoyed the same religious privileges as the whites. They had
seats in the meeting-houses; they owned the covenant, had
their children baptized, were admitted to the churches, and
sat down at the same communion table with their masters.
Lexington Records contain full evidence of the enjoyment of
these rights. By the Laws of Massachusetts, slaves were ca-
pable of holding property, had free access to our courts, and
whenever they sued for their liberty, it was granted either
by the court or by the jury. Slavery in Massachusetts was
never hereditary by law. There never was a time when our
courts would not have given freedom to the children of slaves.

These facts show that slavery existed here in a modified
form; and Massachusetts was one of the first States to blot
it out entirely, which was done by her Constitution in 1780.
Though these facts do not justify, they extenuate the conduct
of our fathers, and should teach us to judge them by the prac-
tice and spirit of the age in which they lived.

CHAPTER XXIV

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS

Lexington Field and Garden Club — Founding, and Officers — Field Meetings

— Civic Improvements — Lexington Historical Society — Its Organization

— The Old Belfry — Hancock-Clarke House — Bequests — Publications —
Revision of Hudson's History of Lexington.

The Lexington Field and Garden Club.^ A few public-
spirited and progressive men, earnestly interested in the wel-
fare and development of Lexington, met at various times in
the spring of 1876 to discuss certain projects for public im-
provement in the town, resulting in the appointment of a
committee of three, Messrs. A. E. Scott, M. H. Merriam, and
J. J. Rayner, to consider the matter of a permanent associa-
tion, and to report upon a plan of organization.

Notices of a meeting to be held at the house of Mr. M. H.
Merriam were very generally circulated, and at this meeting,
which was well attended, the Committee reported a Preamble
setting forth the objects of the Association, together with a
Constitution and By-Laws.

The Preamble reads as follows : —

"The object of this Association shall be the care and protection
of trees and shrubs in the streets and public places of Lexington,
and the improvement of the town by the planting of additional
trees and ornamental plants, the study and development of the
natural resources of this vicinity, the cultivation of taste in arbori-
culture and horticulture, 2 and the discussion of these and kindred
subjects."

Fifteen years later, in May, 1891, the Club was incorpo-
rated, to enable it to receive and hold property.

* The Committee is indebted to Miss Whitman and to Mr. F. L. Emery for the
account of the Field and Garden Club. Ed.

* In 1830 or 1831, Daniel Chandler built the first hothouse in Lexington, fill-
ing it with passion-flowers, century plants, fig and orange trees, hydrangeas, and
other things rare in those days. Ed.

484 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The officers chosen to serve the first year of the Club were:

President, M. H. Merriam.

f A. E. Scott.
Vice-Presidents, < G. W. Robinson.

( Miss E. W. Harrington.
Secretary, Miss K. Whitman.

Treasurer, A. C. Stone.

Executive Committee, <

fRev. E. G. Porter.
Mr. Levi Prosser.
Miss M. F. Whitman.
Mrs. G. O. Whiting.
Miss CaroHne Wellington.

In the more than thirty years of the Club's existence, there
have been only four presidents and the same number of secre-
taries. There have been more frequent changes in the execu-
tive committee, many leading citizens, both men and women,
having served as officers. The four presidents have been: Mr.
M. H. Merriam, Mr. G. O. Whiting, Mr. A. S. Parsons, and
Mr. F. L. Emery (now serving). The four secretaries have
been: Miss WQiitman, Miss E. W. Harrington, Mr. G. O.
Davis, and Mr. E. M. Mulliken (now serving).

Many of the earlier meetings took place at the homes of the
president and secretary. Later they were all held at the Se-
lectmen's Room in the Town Hall. The adoption of a name
caused much discussion; but, finally, "The Field and Gar-
den Club" was unanimously voted.

In view of the improvements now under way at the Centre
Railroad station, it is interesting to note that the first subject
of town improvement brought up for discussion was relative
to the plot in front of the station. At this day it is hard to
realize the unsightly condition of the depot yard more than
thirty years ago, a veritable "slough of despond," right in
the centre of the village. This plot, since dignified by the
name of Railroad Park, was then in sad need of grading, with
miserable driveways and insufficient lighting. From the be-
ginning to the end of the old records, this subject was contin-
ually coming up for discussion.

Field meetings were a very popular feature of the Club's
activities, and in the old records are full and enthusiastic re-
ports of them. The first one took place on June 17, 1876, in
the glen near Listening Hill in Woburn, known as Shaker

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 485

Glen, with about fifty people participating. The success of
this first field meeting caused many more to follow. At one
of them, June 18, 1877, the Appalachian Club of Boston was
the guest and Shaker Glen the chosen spot. Laurel outings
were much enjoyed, and were nearly always taken in the di-
rection of Wilton, New Hampshire.

An excursion (1888) to Mount Wachusett, described in the
records, and another to Rutland, Massachusetts (1890), both
full of interest and enjoyment, bring to a close the field meet-
ings which had proved such a social as well as instructive
feature of the Club's activities. A notable social event was the
reunion and banquet of the Club, given at the Russell House,
which brought together a large assemblage of townspeople.

The attention of the Club was early directed to the Com-
mon, or Battle Green, which from its conspicuous position
and historic interest should be one of the most attractive
spots in the village, and which greatly needed attention.
There was considerable opposition to any change being made
in that sacred spot ; but the committee chosen for the under-
taking, with Mr. J. S. Munroe as Chairman, did, with the
cooperation of the town, such judicious work that it is now
admitted by all that the town has been much improved and
beautified.

The purchase and preservation of the lot of land at the
junction of the Concord and Lincoln roads, known now as
Hastings Park, was one of the works of the Club. The land
being about to be sold, members of the Club subscribed liber-
ally for its purchase. The land was presented to the town for
future care, after being graded, trees, vines, and shrubs
planted, and otherwise improved under the direction of the
Club.

The triangle at the junction of Hancock and Revere Streets
was one of the unsightly spots graded and put in order by the
Club. Another triangle in East Lexington, at the junction of
Main and Pleasant Streets, has been cared for under its su-
pervision.

Trees were planted and taken care of in various parts of
the town, and many of those which now ornament the village
were planted under the auspices of the Field and Garden
Club. For a considerable period the Club arranged in the
spring of each year for citizens to purchase, at reasonable
prices, trees and shrubs, thus encouraging a larger planting.

486 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Roused to action by the wanton cutting-down of some fine
old trees, the Club secured the annual election of a tree war-
den, with authority in the matter of cutting. In this connec-
tion should be noted the expensive but successful war which
the citizens, in cooperation with the town, the State, and the
Department of Agriculture, have been obliged to wage against
the gypsy and brown-tail moths and other tree pests.

The neglected condition of the cemeteries and their ap-
proaches was considered, and the town was asked for an ap-
propriation to be expended under the auspices of the Club,
which it readily granted, and the improvements have been
made.

The attention of the Club having been called to the bad
condition of the gutters during the summer months, a com-
mittee was chosen to look into the matter and to insist on
the vote of the town in regard to that subject being enforced.
Much in this direction and in that of the care of the grassed
spaces between the roadways and sidewalks has been accom-
plished.

The Club's activities were not confined merely to village
improvement and social field meetings. There were attempts
in a literary direction. Two or more courses of lectures, given
under the auspices of the Club, proved very popular and
netted a small increase in its funds.

The Club has each year directed the attention of the Select-
men to such poles of the telephone and other companies along
the highways of the town as required painting, and, in nearly
every instance, the Selectmen have been able, through the
owners of the poles, to have them promptly painted so as to
render them as inconspicuous as possible.

Touching this matter, the Club, for a number of years,
assisted the Selectmen in an effort to secure the elimination of
unnecessary poles along Massachusetts Avenue from a point
in East Lexington to Lexington Centre. For much of this dis-
tance there had existed for years, on one side of the avenue,
three separate lines of poles, occupied respectively by the tel-
ephone, the electric light, and the street-railroad company.
These have now been combined into a single line.

Among the more recent public works executed by the Club
is the triangular plot at the junction of Massachusetts Avenue
and Woburn Street. Later the improvement of the grounds
surrounding the Town Hall was taken in hand, and here

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 487

again, with the cordial cooperation of the Selectmen, the
Club caused the necessary plans to be drawn, and completed
the improvements as they at present exist.

Perhaps the most important recent work of the Club has
been the further improvement of the railroad yard at Lexing-
ton Centre. Few appreciate how difficult it has been to bring
about and carry into effect a change involving the joint ac-
tion of a large railroad corporation, the town and other offi-
cials, and individual property owners. In this work the
Club has had the close cooperation of the Chairman of the
Board of Selectmen, many conferences with the railroad
officials having been required both in Boston and on the
grounds.

In connection with the improvement of the main yard,
fronting upon Massachusetts Avenue, the railroad found it
necessary to build a freight house in a lot of land between
Meriam and Hancock Streets. The typical freight house
erected in this location would have been very unsightly and
detrimental to the neighborhood, so the Field and Garden
Club sought to secure a more attractive building. After re-
peated conferences with the railroad, at which different plans
were submitted, the railroad finally consented to adopt plans
furnished by the Club and contributed by Mr. Willard D.
Brown, of Lexington, which have been the means of obtain-
ing a freight house that is not only inoffensive but really
ornamental. In adopting these plans the railroad incurred an
expense amounting to several hundred dollars more than the
building originally contemplated would have cost.

Under the plan of improvement now under way, the fence
at the northerly end of the railroad yard abutting on Meriam
Street is to be removed, a curbing laid, and grass and shrub-
bery planted, extending inward for a distance of from fifteen
to twenty-five feet. The shrubbery and trees at the back
will completely screen the yard from Meriam Street. The
freight track extending along the railroad station is to be set
in a distance of fifteen feet and a hedge about four hundred
feet long is to be planted. This is to consist of shrubs and
poplar trees so arranged in groups as practically to screen the
yard from Massachusetts Avenue and the station platform.

One of the older members and active workers of the Club,
Mr. George O. Smith, at his death showed his appreciation of
the Field and Garden Club, and his desire that the good work

488 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

should be continued, by leaving to it a legacy of twenty-five
hundred dollars.

The Lexington Historical Society. The Society^ was
organized on March 16, 1886, in response to the following cir-
cular letter which had been sent to numerous citizens of the
town : —

"Dear Sir:

"It is proposed to form a Society in Lexington for historical
research and study in matters connected with the history of the
town, and of families and individuals who have been identified
with it; also for the suitable commemoration from year to year, by
appropriate services, of the great event which has rendered the
town forever memorable in the annals of our country, the object
being to perpetuate a knowledge of our local history and to awaken
and sustain new interest in the honor and good name of Lexington.

" For the purpose of organizing this Society, a meeting will be held
in the Selectmen's Room at the Town Hall on Tuesday evening,
March 16, 1886, at 7.30 o'clock, to which you are cordially invited.

"E. G. Porter.
" C. A. Staples."

At this first meeting, Mr. George O. Whiting was chosen
temporary Chairman, and Mr. Herbert G. Locke, temporary
Secretary.

The project was discussed by Rev. Carlton A. Staples, Rev.
Edward G. Porter, Rev. George W. Porter, Messrs. H. G.
Locke, William A. Tower, A. E. Scott, M. H. Merriam, and
others. Upon motion of Mr. Herbert G. Locke, it was voted
unanimously that a society be formed in accordance with the
purposes set forth in the circular latter dated March 1, 1886.

Eighty-four names were subscribed as members, and a com-
mittee chosen to draft a constitution and by-laws. March
23, 1886, a constitution was adopted, and on April 13, 1886,
officers were elected as follows : —

President, Augustus E. Scott.

Vice-Presidents, Mary E. Hudson, Matthew H. Mer-

riam, Herbert G. Locke, William A.
Tower, and Katharine Whitman.

Treasurer, Leonard A. Saville.

Corresponding Secretary, Rev. Edward G. Porter.

Recording Secretary, Alonzo E. Locke.

Historian, Rev. Carlton A. Staples.

Custodian, Dr. Robert M. Lawrence.

^ This account has been prepared by Dr. Fred S. Piper, of the Committee. Ed.

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 489

Article II of the By-Laws reads as follows : —

"The objects of this Society shall be the study of the history
of Lexington and of individuals and families identified with it; the
preservation of such knowledge and of such relics as illustrate its
history; and the commemoration by fitting public services of the
event which has rendered the town forever memorable in the annals
of our country."

At this meeting, seven valuable relics from Mr. Frederick
Hassam were presented, and a committee of nine members
was appointed "to consider and treat with Mr. Henry Sand-
ham for the purchase of his painting. The Battle of Lexing-
ton."

July 20, 1886. Voted: That the Council cause a corporation
to be formed of as many of their number as is convenient;
that the organization and by-laws conform as nearly as pos-
sible to the present organization and constitution of the So-
ciety; and that the by-laws provide that all members of the
Society shall become members of the Corporation.

July 28, 1886. A corporation to be known as "Lexington
Historical Society" was duly effected, by-laws adopted, and
the same officers elected as previously chosen by the Society.

August 11, 1886. Voted: To transfer all money and pro-
perty belonging to the Society to the Corporation and to dis-
continue further meetings of the Society.

A special meeting was held in the Town Hall August 11,
1886, for the reception and unveiling of Sandham's painting.
The Dawn of Liberty.

The picture was presented by Mr. Matthew H. Merriam
on behalf of the Picture Committee, and was received by the
President in the name of the Society. Over thirty-one hun-
dred dollars had been raised by subscriptions and contributed
to the purchase of this picture in the first six months' exist-
ence of the Society. The painting, representing the conflict
on Lexington Green, April 19, 1775, is on a canvas six by ten
feet, and remains where it was first hung in Lexington Town
Hall. Mr. Sandham, the painter, was born in Montreal, Can-
ada, 1842, and died in London, England, June 21, 1910.

October 12, 1886. Fourteen new members were elected and
two papers were read by members of the Society.

December 14, 1886. Sixteen new members were elected
and three papers were read, all by members of the Society.

490 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

April 10, 1888. Rev. Carlton A. Staples read a paper on tlie
Hancock-Clarke House and made a plea for its preservation.

At the meeting of March 12, 1891, Carlton A. Staples,
Charles M. Parker, and James S. Munroe were chosen a com-
mittee to purchase the Old Belfry (then on the Parker estate)
and restore it to a suitable location near its original position.

On March 24, 1891, the Society voted to place the Old
Belfry on the New (Hancock) School grounds.

April 14, 1891. Voted: To hold dedicatory service relative
to the restoration of the Old Belfry, on Saturday, April 18,
1891, at 4 P.M. [Badly decayed and beyond repair, the Old
Belfry was destroyed by a gale June 20, 1909, and repro-
duced by the Society in March, 1910.]

April 14, 1892. Voted : To hold two meetings, the coming
year, in the "Stone Building," and on December 12, 1892, a
meeting was held there.

A course of five public lectures was held in 1893 and 1894
and another course in 1894 and 1895.

March 20, 1894. A resolution was adopted favoring the
change of the name of Main Street to Massachusetts Avenue.

March 10, 1896. Rev. C. A. Staples urged the Society to
take action to preserve the Hancock-Clarke House, as the
owner proposed to tear it down soon; and the Society voted
to appoint a committee to consider the matter.

October 24, 1896. This committee reported to the Society;
whereupon it was voted to purchase the Hancock-Clarke
House and procure a new location for it on Hancock Street,
inasmuch as the owner positively refused to allow it to re-
main on the original lot where it was built, about 1698.

The house was purchased and presented to the Society by
Mrs. Helen L. Ware Greene, a great-grand-daughter of Rev.
Jonas Clarke. The necessary funds for purchasing a new lo-
cation, moving and repairing the building were contributed
by patriotic societies and public-spirited citizens, and the
Hancock-Clarke House was moved from the site it had occu-
pied for almost two hundred years to its present location on
the opposite side of Hancock Street, late in the fall of 1896.
The total expense assumed by the Society in purchasing, mov-
ing, and restoring the house and the purchase of the new lot
was approximately thirty-two hundred dollars.^

In the fall of 1902 an addition was built in the rear of the

1 See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. m, p. 138. Ed.

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 491

house as a shelter for a commodious fireproof vault which has
been provided for the more valuable possessions.

The Hancock-Clarke House is kept open every day in the
year and no admission fee is charged to visitors. For the suc-
cessful management and good care of the house the Society
is indebted to Mrs. Ellen B. Lane, who has devoted herself
to the task for the past ten years.

Thus within the first ten years of the Society's existence,
it had raised and expended for public purposes more than
six thousand dollars.

In 1896 the Society was instrumental in securing action by
the town for the preservation, by a process of placing the
pages between sheets of silk, of the original Town Records,
at a cost to the town of about five hundred dollars; and in
1898 the publication by the town of its Vital Statistics (8vo,
Cloth, 484 pp.), Robert P. Clapp, Carlton A. Staples, and
George O. Smith, Committee.

Bequests. October 11, 1904, the Society received a bequest
of three thousand dollars from the estate of the late Robert
Charles Billings, through Mr. Thomas Minns, surviving ex-
ecutor. The principal is invested as the Robert Charles Bil-
lings Fund, and the income is used for the general purposes of
the Society.

January 18, 1905, a gift — not a trust — of one hundred
dollars was received from the estate of Elvira M. Harrington.

In 1905 and 1906 a bequest of ten thousand dollars was
received from the estate of Mr. George Orlando Smith, a past
president of the Society. This bequest is invested, and the
income, for a period of fifteen years, must be expended for
specific purposes, after which time the income may be used
for the general purposes of the Society. The uses to which
this income must be put for the first fifteen years are "his-
torical research for matter pertaining to the efforts of citizens
or natives of the town of Lexington in the Revolutionary
period for the freedom and independence or for the advance-
ment and welfare of the people of the United States of Amer-
ica, and for the publication of the same."^

Mr. Smith also left a generous sum of money to the town of
Lexington for educational purposes, with some restrictions as
to its uses.^

1 See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc, Vol. in, p. 165. Ed.
* See Chapter xxvi, infra, p. 521. Ed,

492 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

The notice for the regular meeting of the Society in Feb-
ruary, 1911, reads as follows: —

"The February meeting of the Society will be held in the Han-
cock-Clarke House on Tuesday, February 14, at 7.30 p.m.

"The Society will take action at this time upon the bequest of
our late fellow member, Mr. James S. Munroe. The fourth clause
in Mr. Munroe's will is as follows : —

"'Fourth: — Believing that those landmarks in our country's history,
which have become identified as monuments of great social and political
events, ought to be preserved to posterity, not alone for their intrinsic
interest but more especially for their power in bringing to the minds and
hearts of that posterity a realization of the courage, self-sacrifice and
loyal devotion of our forefathers, — I make the following bequest: — I
give, devise and bequeath unto the Lexington Historical Society, a corpor-
ation organized under the laws of this Commonwealth, that portion of my
real estate known as the Munroe Tavern. The estate herein devised is
bounded northerly by Massachusetts Avenue, easterly, southerly and
westerly by the driveways lying nearest to the Tavern Building. This
devise is made upon the express condition that said Historical Society shall
keep the premises in good repair and forever maintain the same in sub-
stantially their present or original condition, — shall pay all taxes and
other municipal charges and assessments, if any, which may be levied
thereon, — shall appoint a suitable custodian to have charge thereof, and
shall at stated and suitable times open the house for the inspection of the
public. Said Society shall make such reasonable rules and regulations for
the care of said Munroe Tavern as it may deem expedient, and shall have
the right to charge a reasonable admission fee. If, however, said Society
shall refuse to accept this devise, or in case of such acceptance, shall cease
to exist, or shall faO to comply with the conditions herein set forth, 1 give,
devise and bequeath said real estate to the Town of Lexington upon the
same conditions; but if said Town shall refuse to accept said devise, or
having accepted said devise, shall not comply with the conditions herein
set forth, 1 devise said real estate to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
upon the same terms and conditions as above set forth, but if said Com-
monwealth shall refuse said gift, then 1 devise said real estate to my heirs at
law. I direct my executors in case the aforesaid devise shall be accepted as
aforesaid, to erect within said Munroe Tavern in some suitable place, a
bronze tablet reciting in appropriate language that the aforesaid devise
is the gift of my late brother, William H. Munroe, and myself. I further
authorize and empower my executors in their discretion to give to said
Historical Society, or to said Town or Commonwealth to be placed in said
Tavern, such pieces of furniture or other articles of household furnishing,
belonging to my estate as have an historical interest. '

"Upon receipt of the notice of this bequest, the President re-
ferred the matter to a committee of five for consideration, with the
request that it should report to the Society at this meeting. The
President took this action in order to give the matter the most
careful and intelligent consideration and to facilitate the business.

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 493

"The Committee appointed to make arrangements for a suitable
observance of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the organization of
this Society, desires to report that plans are made for a banquet,
to be held on the evening of March 16 in the social rooms of the
First Parish House. Suitable music and after-dinner speaking will
form a part of the programme. Hon. James O. Lyford, of Concord,
New Hampshire, Naval Oflicer at the port of Boston, will be the
guest of the Society and make an address."

At the meeting, February 14, 1911, the Committee to
whom Mr. Munroe's "bequest had been referred, reported in
writing in detail, whereupon the Society voted : —

"That the Lexington Historical Society hereby accepts the de-
vise made to it by the will of the late James S. Munroe of that por-
tion of his real estate known ^s Munroe Tavern, and that the
Society regards and will treat the gift as a sacred trust, receiving,
maintaining, and caring for the property agreeably to the express
conditions named in the will.

"The Society also records its appreciation of the generosity and
public spirit on the part of Mr. Munroe which prompted the be-
quest, and directs the Recording Secretary to send to the executors
of his will a copy of this vote."

This old hostelry is now in good repair and open daily to
visitors in accord with Mr. Munroe's wishes.

Robert Charles Billings, son of Ebenezer and Elizabeth
(Cleverly) Billings, was born on Fort Hill in Boston, January
3, 1819, lived all his life in Boston, and died there June 12,
1899.

He came from Colonial stock, his father being of the Billings
family of West Roxbury and his mother of the old Nash fam-
ily of Weymouth.

He attended Boston public schools, and entered the dry-
goods business of Thomas Tarbell & Co., when fourteen
years of age.

He filled responsible positions in this firm with ability, was
taken into partnership, and after an active and very success-
ful business life for sixty-six years in this company, he died
its senior member and chief owner. ^ He was twice married
but left no children.

George Orlando Smith, son of William L. and Hannah
Lane Smith, was born in East Lexington, January 5, 1832.
^ Extract from Technology Review, Vol. n, pp. 4-5. Ed.

494 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

His boyhood was in a home where hard work and strict econ-
omy taught lessons in industry and self-rehance. His school-
ing was limited to the public schools of Lexington, but his
education went on as long as he lived, and in his later years
he possessed qualities of mind and character typical of the
true gentleman above any culture guaranteed by the col-
leges.

For a large part of his life he conducted, very success-
fully, a cigar-store in Boston, where he accumulated a modest
fortune which he bequeathed to public purposes. Mr. Smith
never married. He was one of the most interested members
and faithful workers in the Lexington Historical Society, of
which he was Corresponding Secretary for many years and
President in 1902, declining a reelection in 1903.

For the last few years of his life he resided in Somerville,
where he died November 16, 1903.^

Miss Elvira Mead Harrington was born in Lexington,
near the Common, February 18, 1832.

Her father was Nathan Harrington, son of Nathan, born in
Lexington, February 29, 1792, and her mother was Martha
I. Mead, born June 6, 1797. During her girlhood Miss Har-
rington lived in Lexington, always in sight of the Common,
but after the death of her parents, resided elsewhere most of
the time.

For many years she was a teacher in the Boston public
schools, and later was connected with the Boston Provident
Association.

She died in Arlington October 15, 1904, and is buried in the
Old Cemetery in Lexington.

Publications. The Society has published four volumes of
Proceedings, each octavo, cloth, and one volume octavo,
square, cloth, of epitaphs and inscriptions taken from the
gravestones of the old cemeteries of the town. It also has in
manuscript the inscriptions from all remaining gravestones
in town up to 1910.

The several volumes of Proceedings are made up of brief
extracts from the records, and of papers read before the So-
ciety, — the papers being limited to those only which treat
of Lexington history.

> See Proc. Lex. Hist. Soc., Vol. iii, p. 164. Ed,

CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS 495

Volume I, pp. 223, was published in 1889;
Volume II, pp. 248, in 1900;
Volume III, pp. 206, in 1905;
Volume IV, pp. 192, in 1912;
Epitaphs, pp. 169, with chart, in 1905.

In 1891, A Handbook of Lexington, freely illustrated and
bound in cloth, was prepared by a Committee of the Society,
and published. In 1910 a guide-book, prepared by Dr. Fred
S. Piper, was purchased from its former publisher, Mr. Irving
P. Fox, and re-issued in an edition of three thousand copies
by the Society. The volumes of Proceedings have been in
demand very extensively all over the United States.

The Archives contain many manuscripts and pamphlets
relating to local history, and valuable relics of bygone days.

To mention only a few of its many possessions, the Society
owns the Sandham painting; oil portraits of Rev. and Mrs.
John Hancock, by Smibert; an oil portrait of Colonel William
Munroe, by Greenwood; an oil portrait of Hon. Francis B.
Hayes ; three original engravings of the Battle of Lexington
and Concord, by Doolittle; three badges of honor presented
to the late Baroness von Olnhausen, one of which is the Iron
Cross presented by the Emperor of Germany (Clara Barton
was the only other woman in America to receive this honor) ;
drum and muskets used at the Battle of Lexington; sword of
Robert Newman; lantern owned by Paul Revere; rare pam-
phlet, Instructions of General Thomas Gage to Captain
Brown and Ensign de Bernicre in February, 1775, with Ap-
pendix Giving Brief Account of the Happenings of April 19,
1775, published in Boston, in 1779; ink-well and sermon-case
and traveling-bag used by Theodore Parker; dress-coat worn
by Hon. William Eustis as Minister at the Court of The
Hague; stamp of the British Stamp Act, etc. There is a
complete card index to the more than thirteen hundred arti-
cles now owned by the Lexington Historical Society. The
Society maintains a "Committee on Library and Exchange,"
and makes an annual appropriation for the purchase and pre-
servation of books, engravings, and photographs of historical
importance.

Public commemoration services have been held annually
on the 19th of April for many years, at the expense of the
Society and have been addressed by many noted speakers,

496 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Governors of the Commonwealth, statesmen, and other pub-
lic officials.

In October, 1908, largely in recognition of the approaching
two hundredth anniversary of the incorporation of the town
of Lexington, the Historical Society voted to revise and re-
publish the History of Lexington, by Hon. Charles Hudson,
and to make a new and complete genealogy. The following
committee was chosen to supervise the work: —

Mr. James P. Munroe, Chairman;

Mr. John N. Morse, Secretary;

Miss Mary E. Hudson;

Rev. Charles F. Carter;

Miss Sarah E. Robinson;

Dr. Fred S. Piper;

Mr. Albert S. Parsons.

This work, involving much time, labor, and an expense
approximating six thousand dollars, has been the greatest
undertaking upon which the Society has entered.

The membership of the Society has averaged about two
hundred; at present it exceeds three hundred, and it possesses
funds and property to the value of twenty-five or thirty
thousand dollars, its trusts being carefully administered.

The following gentlemen have been honored as presidents
for the years set against their respective names : —

Augustus E. Scott, 1886-87.

Matthew H. Merriam, 1888-89.

Rev. George W. Porter, 1890-91.

Albert S. Parsons, 1892-93-94.

Robert P. Clapp, 1895-96.

James P. Munroe, 1897 (declined reelection).

Edward P. Nichols, 1898-99.

Rev. Carlton A. Staples, 1900-01.

George Orlando Smith, 1902 (declined reelection).

Rev. Charles F. Carter, 1903-04.

Edward P. Bliss, 1905-06.

George O. Whiting, 1907-08.

Dr. Fred S. Piper, 1909-10.

Alonzo E. Locke. 1911- .

CHAPTER XXV

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS ^

S. W. Robinson Lodge, A. F. and A. M. — Old Belfry Club — Lexington Chapter,
D. A. R. — Musical Organizations — Dramatic Clubs — Monday Club — Art
Class — Tourist Club— Friday Club — Outlook Club —Colonial Club —
Waverley Club — Shakespeare Club — Knights of Columbus — Lexington
Grange — Equal Suffrage League — Golf Club — Finance Clubs.

Simon W. Robinson Lodge, A. F. and A. M. Lexington
possessed a Masonic Lodge in the eighteenth century, Hiram
Lodge, A. F. and A. M., having been instituted December
12,1797. For many years its meetings were held in the hall of
the Munroe Tavern. Subsequently it was removed to West
Cambridge (now Arlington), where its hundredth anniver-
sary was duly celebrated in 1897.

In 1870, the Masons of Lexington, because of difficulty in
getting to Hiram Lodge, and because of a desire to extend
Freemasonry, secured a charter for a lodge in their town. It
was named after Simon W. Robinson, a resident of Lexington,
who was very prominent in Masonic matters and who had
held almost all the high offices in the Grand Lodge of Massa-
chusetts.^

I For the information contained in this chapter the Committee is under obliga-
tion to Mrs. Fred K. Brown, Mrs. Edward H. Crosby, Mrs. Charles C. Goodwin,
Miss Mary E. Hudson, Mrs. Frank H. Locke, Mrs. George W. Taylor, Mrs. Sarah
Bowman Van Ness, Miss Katharine Whitman, Mrs. H. A. C. Woodward, Messrs.
Charles B. Davis, E. M. Mulliken, Albert S. Parsons, Alfred Pierce, James P.
Prince, Christopher S. Ryan, Allen C. Smith, and Edward C. Stone. Ed.

* " Brother Robinson was made a Mason in 1819, in Mount Lebanon Lodge,
of which Lodge he was made an honorary member in 1849, for his long and valuable
service.

"Having filled the more important chairs in Royal Arch Chapter, also in the
Grand Royal Arch Chapter, Grand Scribe of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of
Massachusetts, Grand King in 1836, Grand High Priest in 1837-8-9, and also
filling important oSices in the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, he was elected Grand
Master in 1840, presiding during his term with marked ability and benefit to the
Craft in the oldest Masonic jurisdiction in our country.

"In Templar Masonry he also filled the highest positions, and presided as Grand
Commander over the Grand Encampment of Massachusetts and Rhode Island.

"In 1851 he received the 33d degree from the Supreme Council at Boston.

"He was Grand Treasurer of the H. E. in 1859, and Lieutenant Grand Com-
mander under the distingmshed Brother Raymond in 1861, which ofiBce he held until

498

HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Following is a list of the Worshipful Masters ;

John C. Blasdell, 1870-71

George O. Davis, 1872-73

Augustus E. Scott, 1874-75

George O. Davis, 1876

Everett S. Locke, 1877-78

James E. Crone, 1879-80

Quincy Bicknell, 1881-82

Charles G. Kauffmann, 1883-84
Quincy Bicknell, 1885-86

Edwin J. Nourse, 1887-88

Alfred Pierce, 1889-90

Herbert T. Richardson, 1891

George C. Goodwin, 1891-92

George W. Sampson, 1893-94

Charles W. Swan, 1895-96

Frank H. Locke, 1897-98

Frank Peabody, 1899-00

John McKay, 1901-02

George A. Warner, 1903-04

Charles F. Nourse, 1905-06

William H. Whitaker, 1907-08

Arthur D. Stone, 1909-10

Edward C. Stone, 1911-12

The office of treasurer was filled from almost the beginning
down to 1900 by Charles C. Goodwin or Walter Wellington
(both deceased) ; from 1900 to 1910, Frank Peabody; 1910 to
date, John McKay.

After Leonard G. Babcock gave up the secretaryship,
Henry M. Reed was elected. He was followed by George H.
Cutter, who in turn was succeeded by Charles W. Swan.
When the latter gave it up, Byron C. Earle was elected and
still fills the position.

During the first years, the membership was small, and up
to 1905, had increased to only about one hundred. In 1911,
however, there are one hundred and eighty-five members.
The Lodge is prospering, fills an acceptable niche in the
town's life, and in a quiet way does much good.

The charter members were : —

John C. Blasdell.*
George O. Davis.
Leonard G. Babcock.
Josiah Bryant.*
Chas. C. Goodwin.*
Horace B. Davis.*
Geo. D. Harrington.
Chas. K. Tucker.*

Warren E. Russell.*
Augustus E. Scott.
George S. Butters.*
Asa Cottrell.*
Sergeant C. Whitcher.*
Bradley C. Wliitcher.*
George E. Muzzey.*

1865, when he became M. P. Sovereign Grand Commander of the Supreme Council,
Ancient Accepted Rite, for the Northern Masonic jurisdiction of the United States,
duties which he discharged with credit to himself and satisfaction to the brethren,
until his resignation of that office on the 16th day of May, 1867, being the last officia 1
position he held in the Masonic Society, in which he had devoted over forty years."
(From the By-Laws of Simon W. Robinson Lodge.) Ed.
* Deceased.

GEORGE W. ROBIXSON BENJAMIN MUZZEY

REV. CALEB STETSON
GEN. SAMUEL CHANDLER SIMON W. ROBINSON

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 499

The first organization, on March 13, 1871, was as follows:

John C. Blasdell, Worshipful Master.

Geo. O. Davis, Senior Warden.

Augustus E. Scott, Junior Warden.

Leonard G. Babcock, Secretary.

Sergeant C. Whitcher, Treasurer.

Chas. C. Goodwin, Senior Deacon.

Chas. K. Tucker, Junior Deacon.

George E. Muzzey, Senior Steward.

George F. Jones, Junior Steward.

Alamander L. Ball, Tyler.

The Old Belfry Club was organized on the 13th of June,
1892, at a gathering in Gary Hall, in the Town Hall Building,
of some of the prominent citizens as follows : —

Rev. Irvmg Meredith, Dr. J. O. Tilton, E. K. Houghton, A. M.
Redman, John F. Hutchinson, Walter K. Shaw, Frederick O.
Vaille, F. Foster Sherburne, Edward P. Bliss, William W. Reed,
Theodore P. Robinson, L. E. Bennink, Robert P. Clapp, and W. E.
Harmon.

The Club was incorporated under the provisions of the
115th Chapter of the Public Statutes of the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts and its purpose stated as follows: —

"The association and accommodation of a Society or Club in
the town of Lexington in this Commonwealth, having for its ob-
ject the promotion of good fellowship, social intercourse, temper-
ance, and morality in said town, and the encouragement of athletic
exercises; such accommodation to consist in part of a Club-House
wherein shall be maintained places for reading rooms, libraries,
and social meetings."

The first meeting after organization was held in Cary Hall
on June 21, 1892, and Robert P. Clapp was elected Chairman,
and L. E. Bennink, Clerk. At this meeting a code of By-Laws
was adopted and the following temporary officers of the
Club were elected : —

President, Robert P. Clapp.

1st Vice-President, William W. Reed.

2d Vice-President, Dr. J. O. Tilton.

3d Vice-President, Kelsey M. Gilmore.

Secretary, L. E. Bennink.

Treasurer, Theodore P. Robinson.

500 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

At a meeting of the Club held on July 13, 1892, President
Clapp in the Chair, a list of one hundred and seventy-nine
members, principally citizens of the town of Lexington, were
elected.

On July 19, 1892, a meeting was called in the Town Hall,
and the following permanent officers were elected : —

President, Robert P. Clapp.

1st Vice-President, F. O. Vaille.

2d Vice-President, Miss Alice B. Gary.

3d Vice-President, Mrs. B. F. Brown.

Secretary, L. E. Bennink.

Treasurer, William W. Reed.

f Walter K. Shaw,
I William E. Harmon,

Executive Committee, -^ Dr. J. O. Tilton,

Kelsey M. Gilmore,
Rev. Irving Meredith.

Plans were immediately begun for securing a piece of
ground and building a Club-House; and a Bond Committee
was appointed to raise the necessary funds for this purpose.
At this meeting the membership was limited to two hundred
and fifty.

The Executive Committee first secured a lot of land for the
Club-House at the corner of Muzzey and Forest Streets, and
then proceeded to secure plans from several architects. The
plan finally chosen was that of Mr. R. M. Bailey, of Boston,
and the building of the house was commenced in the summer
of 1893.

The Club voted to issue $15,000 of first mortgage bonds to
raise the necessary amount to pay for the land, building, and
furnishings; and subscriptions were obtained by the Bond
Committee. Messrs. B. F. Brown, George O. Whiting, and
F. E. Ballard were made trustees of the bonds.

The Building Committee consisted of E. K. Houghton,
Chairman; R. P. Clapp, Hammon Reed, E. A. Shaw, and
J. F. Turner. The building was completed and dedicated on
January 24, 1894; and the total cost of land, building, and
furnishings was $13,775.

The plans for the organization of this Club and the house
thereon were somewhat different from the ordinary club,
inasmuch as women were made full members to the same
extent as men. They have the same freedom of the Club-

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 501

House as the men at all times, no restrictions whatever being
placed upon their use of it. The plan has proven most suc-
cessful, and the Old Belfry Club, no doubt, owes in great
part its success to the support given it by the ladies since the
beginning.

The Presidents of the Club have been as follows : —

Robert P. Clapp, 1892-94
John F. Hutchinson, 1895

A. M. Redman, 1896-98
Dr. Nathaniel H. Merriam, 1899
Herbert G. Locke, 1900

Frank E. Clark, 1901-02

Walter W. Rowse, 1903^4

Edward P. Merriam, 1905-06
Edwin B. Worthen, 1907

Charles B. Davis, 1908-09

George E. Briggs, 1910-11

Elwyn G. Preston, 1912-

The membership of the Club has been increased from time
to time, and under the presidency of Mr. Rowse, when a
winter series of entertainments at the expense of the Club
was inaugurated, grew to four hundred, where it remains at
the present time. The membership is now full, and there are
thirty-three applications for resident membership on the
waiting list.

Financially the Club has been successful from the start,
and the bonds have been reduced from the original issue of
$13,775 to a present issue of $7,850.

The Club for many years past has given a most excellent
series of entertainments during the winter, free to all mem-
bers; has carried through each season a successful series
of informal parties; has been the gathering-place for nearly
all the social events of the town; and has been the means
of getting together and entertaining the young people in a
very much more satisfactory manner than was ever possible
before. The Club is considered by all as a great success and
as a distinct asset to the town.

Lexington Chapter, Daughters of the American
Revolution. In the winter of 1894, at the request of the
State Regent, Mrs. Charles M. Green (Helen Ware Lincoln),
the ladies of Lexington, descendants of Revolutionary

502 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

patriots, were invited to meet her at the home of Miss Susan
Wood Muzzey, Massachusetts Avenue, Lexington, and to
present their names for membership in a Lexington Chapter,
Daughters of the American Revolution, when it should be
formed.

Miss Emma C. Hamlin, daughter of Rev. Cyrus Hamlin,
well known for his work in Robert College, Constantinople,
was appointed Regent to organize the chapter; and on March
12, 1894, a certificate authorizing her to fulfil such duties
was issued by the National Society, D. A. R., at Washington
by the President-General, Mrs. Letitia Green Stevenson.

On January 1, 1895, another meeting was called by Mrs.
Green at the home of Miss Muzzey, Mrs. Daniel Lothrop, of
Concord, being present and addressing the meeting.

On September 19, 1895, the ladies who were to constitute
the charter members of the chapter met with Mrs. Green in
the vestry of the First Parish Church of Lexington. Miss
Hamlin having resigned the regency, Mrs, Sarah Bowman
Van Ness, a former member of the Warren and Prescott
Chapter of Boston, was appointed to complete the work;
and the election of Mrs. Van Ness as Regent by the Execu-
tive Board of the National Society, D. A. R., took place at
Washington, D. C, on October 3, 1895.

Mrs. Van Ness is a descendant of the early Puritans and
Pilgrims of Massachusetts on her paternal side and from the
Cavaliers, who made the first settlement in Virginia and were
the founders of Maryland, on her maternal side.

The charter of the chapter bears the name of "Lexington,'*
and was granted by the Executive Board of the National
Society, D. A. R., at Washington, on October 19, 1895, with
the following sixteen names of oflScers and members : —

Regent, Mrs. Sarah Bowman Van Ness.

Secretary and Treasurer, Miss Emma Catherine Hamlin.
Registrar, Mrs. Helen Hilgar Gookin Munroe.

Miss Mary E. Hudson, Mrs. Etta C. Pierce,

Mrs. Rebekah Eliza Robinson, Miss Theodora Robinson,

Miss M. Alice Munroe, Miss Elmira Munroe,

Miss Susan Wood Muzzey, Mrs. Carrie E. Locke,

Mrs. Eli M. Robbins, Mrs. Ella C. Bigelow,

Mrs. Esther M. Tidd Barrett, Miss Sarah E. Holmes.
Mrs. Fannie Russell Herrick,

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 503

But it was not until November 7, 1895, that the organiza-
tion became legal. The first regular meeting was held Satur-
day, October 19, 1895, at two o'clock, at the home of Mrs.
Van Ness, Pleasant Street, East Lexington, when Mrs. James
W. Cartwright, of the Paul Revere Chapter, read a paper.

Included in the early work of the Chapter was the awarding
of prizes to the school-children of Lexington for creditable
papers on historical subjects ; also the supplying of the schools
with copies of the coat of arms of each of the original thirteen
States. By personal solicitation of the Regent, Mrs. Van
Ness, the sum of $904 was collected and given to the Lex-
ington Historical Society towards the preservation of the
Hancock-Clarke House in Lexington.

After serving for eight years as Regent of the Lexington
Chapter, Mrs. Van Ness resigned in February, 1903, and was
succeeded by Mrs. Medora Robbins Crosby in April, 1903,
as Regent. Mrs. Crosby had resigned from the Paul Revere
Chapter of Boston, of which she was a charter member, to
accept the office. Mrs. Crosby had a number of direct ances-
tors who participated in the Battle of Lexington. They were
Thomas Robbins, Stephen Robbins, Stephen Robbins, Jr.,
Samuel Winship, and Joshua Simonds.

Mrs. Charles M. Green, who was a direct descendant of
Rev. Jonas Clarke, joined the Chapter January 11, 1905, and
was elected Vice-Regent, an oflSce which she held until her
death, November 2, 1911.

During the administration of Mrs. Crosby, the Chapter
has adhered to the general lines followed by the national
organization, subscribing to the work of patriotic education
and contributing to the Southern Mountaineers' schools for
both blacks and whites.

Regular meetings are held the third Thursday of each
month from September to June, when papers on historical
subjects are read, followed by a social hour.

From 1906 up to 1912, the Chapter has contributed to-
wards the Continental Hall at Washington, a chair for the
Banquet Hall, also for the Massachusetts State Room, and
one hundred dollars to the general building fund which en-
rolled the names of Eli M. Robbins and Henrietta Gaines
Robbins on the Roll of Honor Book. It has also aided in the
preservation of the Royall House, Medford, Massachusetts.

The most important work of the Chapter has been the

504 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

placing of a boulder with a tablet on the Battle Green at
Lexington, marking the site of the Old Belfry from which the
alarm was rung to call the Minute-Men on April 19, 1775.
In 1910, a committee was formed, comprising Mrs. Medora
Robbins Crosby, Regent, Mrs. Charles M. Green, Vice-
Regent, Miss Susan Wood Muzzey, Mrs. Ralph E. Lane, and
Mrs. Carrie E. Locke. October 19, 1910 was the day selected
for the unveiling exercises.

The programme consisted of a procession headed by a
band from the United States Navy Yard at Charlestown,
Massachusetts, which had been especially detailed for this
occasion by the Secretary of the Navy at Washington, D. C. ;
a company of Lexington Minute-Men under command of
Captain Alfred Pierce; the Lexington Fife and Drum Corps;
the color-guard and the school-children singing "America."
It was an imposing spectacle as it marched from Munroe
Tavern up Massachusetts Avenue to the Battle Green, where
the dedicatory exercises were held. Rev. Samuel Knowles,
Chaplain of the Minute-Men Company, offered a prayer,
followed by Mrs. Charles H. Masury, Honorary State Regent
of Massachusetts, D. A. R.; Mr. James P. Munroe made an
eloquent historical address, and J. Willard Brown, Com-
m.ander of the G. A. R., impressed upon the vast audience
the importance of marking and preserving historic spots.
Mr. Edwin A. Bayley closed with an address on "Patriotism
and Politics."

The boulder was then unveiled by Miss Elizabeth S.
Parker, great-grand-daughter of Captain John Parker, who
commanded the Minute-Men April 19, 1775. The Regent,
Mrs. Crosby, then in the name of the Lexington Chapter,
D. A. R., presented the boulder and tablet to the town of
Lexington, which was appropriately accepted by Mr. Frank
D. Pierce, Chairman of the Board of Selectmen.

Lexington has always been interested in music and musical
organizations, and although it is impossible to present a com-
plete account of the various instrumental and vocal societies
which have flourished here, we find evidence that the towns-
people have shown activity for many years in musical mat-
ters.

About the year 1855, a singing-school, conducted by Mr.
Leonard Marshall, was held in Robinson Hall. All ages were

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 505

represented; indeed, both old and young joined in making
a joyful sound, and the youthful accompanist was so small
that she needed an unusually high stool to reach the piano.

Later, Mr. Bird, of Watertown, conducted a school in the
same hall, and for many winters these classes were a popular
form of amusement and instruction. At the close of a success-
ful course of lessons conducted by Mr. H. S. Thompson in
the High School Building, the cantata of "Esther" w^as
presented in the First Parish Church before a large and
enthusiastic audience, and later "The Haymakers" was
given, with Mr. Prentiss, of Arlington, as conductor. It is a
fact worthy of note that chorals, cantatas, and what were
known as "psalm tunes" were given much prominence in all
the singing-schools of the day.

Lexington furnished its full quota of singers when the
Peace Jubilee was held in Boston in June, 1872. Professor
Torrington, who later became a leader in the musical life of
Toronto, Ontario, instructed the Lexington vocalists who
participated in this unique event.

It is also pleasant to recall the Holt Normal School of
Music, which was conducted by Professor and Mrs. H. E.
Holt for several years during the summer season. The mem-
bers of this school were chiefly non-residents, but they were
most generous in sharing their exercises and concerts with
the public.^

In 1886 was established the Lexington Male Chorus,
with twenty members, which number was later considerably
increased. It continued for eight years, the conductor during
the entire period being Mr. E. Cutter, Jr.

In 1891, the Lexington Orchestral Club of about
twenty-five members was formed, with Professor J. B. Claus,
of Maiden, as leader. Mr. Claus had been formerly a band-
master in the German army, and his somewhat militant
methods were decidedly stimulating to the members of the
Orchestra. For several winters, the Club presented a series
of concerts; and among the members were musicians of no
mean ability. Later the organization changed its name to the
Verdi Orchestra, and Mr. Marshall, of Arlington, became
the director. Mr. Charles C. Goodwin, a patron and lover of
good music, devoted himself with untiring zeal to the welfare
of these organizations.

^ For an account of this school, see Chapter xviii, ante. Ed.

506 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

During the past few years, Lexington has had no large
orchestra, but Mr. James Blodgett has directed a small group
of amateur musicians who have generously given their serv-
ices to entertainments in aid of charity.

The East Lexington Brass Band, with eighteen mem-
bers, flourished for five years under the direction of Mr. John
H. Wright; and in 1898, the Colonial Orchestra, which is still
active, was formed.

The Lexington Drum Corps was organized in 1893, and
has maintained its existence from that date uninterruptedly
to the present time. Since its organization the Corps has
appeared in every parade in Lexington, and has been promi-
nent always on April 19. The members have participated in
several large parades in other places and have always been
well received.

A large percentage of the boys of Lexington has been con-
nected with the Corps at some time, and the annual dances of
the organization have been a feature in the social life of the
town. The Corps has always enjoyed the friendship and
assistance of the townspeople to a marked degree, and the
patronage of two well-known citizens, Mr. F. E. Ballard and
the late Mr. William A. Butler, was so highly appreciated
that the Corps elected them honorary members.

In closing, it seems appropriate to remember not only
those who participated actively in the various musical organ-
izations, but to acknowledge the debt which each of the
musical interests of Lexington owes to the public spirit of the
citizens who gave their generous support and cooperation.

Lexington has always been enthusiastic in its support of
dramatic entertainments, and has had a number of excellent
amateur actors among its citizens. The earliest formal organ-
ization of which there seems to be record is the Lexington
Social and Dramatic Club. It was established January 1,
1868. As its name indicates, it served the double purpose of
stimulating the social life of the town and of cultivating the
dramatic talent of some of its members.

Its membership was very large, including many who never
appeared upon the boards in any way. A long hall, known as
Robinson's, and as Seminary Hall, over the old stores for-
merly standing near the junction of Massachusetts Avenue
and Waltham Street, was hired for the purpose, and for four

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 507

years was the headquarters of the Club. Here, during the
season, which usually continued from early autumn till late
in the spring, social dances and dramatic entertainments
alternated at fortnightly intervals.

The dances were entirely informal, with music of a very
simple character, sometimes furnished by home talent.

The dramatic entertainments were in charge of committees
specially appointed for each evening. On these committees
the names of Frank Whiting, George C. Dupee, Leonard G.
Babcock, George O. Smith, and Dr. Dio Lewis were promi-
nent. They were assisted in their labors by many well-known
ladies of the town. To the gentlemen above named was due
much of the success of the Club during its four years of
existence. By their ingenuity, and their patience in over-
coming obstacles seemingly insurmountable, a small, dark,
and most unpromising stage was made convenient and
attractive.

These entertainments were at first very simple, but gradu-
ally assumed a character somewhat more ambitious. "Still
Waters Run Deep," "Meg's Diversion," "Nine Points of the
Law," "Chimney Corner," and "Helping Hands" were
among the plays produced, with scenery which, though of
home manufacture, was often very effective and pleasing.

At the end of four years the members of the company
became somewhat scattered, and the Social and Dramatic
Club ceased to exist, although some of its members, early in
1872, rendered two plays on the stage of the newly dedicated
Town Hall, in aid of the fund for the statuary in Memorial
Hall.

Scarcely a winter since 1872 has failed to see one or more
plays given in the Town Hall, in the Village Hall in East
Lexington, or in other meeting-places. An organization, of
which Mr. John F. Maynard was the leading spirit, pre-
sented a number of excellently given plays in the eighties,
and later, on the somewhat inadequate stage of the Old
Belfry Club, serious dramas were for several years well
staged and acted by members of that organization ; but not
until 1906 (it is believed) was there created a formal organiza-
tion, as a successor to the Social and Dramatic Club of 1868.
The Lexington Dramatic Club was in that year brought
together, and in the ensuing six years it has given creditable
presentations, in the Town Hall, of such plays as " David

508 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Garrick," "Esmeralda," "The Private Secretary," and "The
Amazons." The successive presidents of this Club have been :
Messrs. W. M. Hatch, C. C. Doe, H. H. Putnam, and Mrs.
Edwin Read.

The Monday Club is an organization of women formed
in 1882. Its meetings have been continued every season
with unabated interest, although its limited membership of
sixteen in number has had many changes from deaths and
removals from town.

Its officers, elected for life, have been: President, Mrs.
Benjamin F. Brown, succeeded in 1909 by Mrs. Charles C.
Goodwin; Secretary and Treasurer, Mrs. William A. Harris.

The programmes of each year's work have been varied,
consisting of studies in Art, Literature, Travel, History, and
Drama, all interesting and profitable. Many social and
literary entertainments have been given from time to time,
to which the husbands of the members, and other friends,
have been invited.

The cordial and informal hospitality, found in the homes
where the meetings have been held, has helped to cement
close ties of friendship among the Monday Club members,
as they have shared in the joys and sorrows which thirty
years have brought to one or another of this little company;
and the fruits of their studies and neighborly intercourse are
counted as some of the most precious and valuable experi-
ences of their lives. The programmes have been as follows : —

The Study of French, 1882-84.

Chautauqua Course, 1884-88.

American Literature, 1888-89.

English Literature, 1889-90.

French History and Literature, 1890-91.

German History and Literature, 1891-92.

Study of Art, 1892-97.

Study of Shakespeare, 1897-99.
Roman History, 1899-1900.

Italian History, 1900^1.

American History, 1901-04.

Bible Study, 1904-05.
Cities and Countries of the Old World, 1905-06.

The Island World, 1906-08.
Selected Readings and Current Events, 1908-12.

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 509

The Art Class had its origin in a Study Class of six
women, who began meeting regularly in 1889. In 1893, its
membership was increased to fourteen, with the title of "The
Art Class," its President being Mrs. Sylvia R. Brown, and its
Secretary, Mrs. Mary L. Russell. The Class has interpreted
its name in its broadest sense, and has explored many of the
paths radiating from "Art."

In its earlier years the history of painting, sculpture, and
architecture received its attention, and more recently music
and literature have b"feen included in its study. A feature of
its weekly, or fortnightly meetings, since its earliest organiza-
tion, has been the free discussion of current events. There
has been but one vacancy in its original membership, caused
by removal from town. At the present time the Class num-
bers eighteen, with Mrs. Grace G. Merriam, President, and
Mrs. Katie G. Reed, Secretary.

The Tourist Club was formed in October, 1890.
The charter members were fifteen, and the whole number,
since the Club started, has been thirty-two.

The following outlines of study have been followed : —

Scotland,

1890-92,

England,

1892-95.

France,

1895-97,

Germany,

1897-99.

American Historj',

1900-03.

The Bible,

1904-05,

Italy,

1906-07,

The Netherlands,

1908-09.

English Novelists,

1909-10.

Literature,

1910-12.

Its presidents have been Mrs. H. A. C. Woodward, Mrs.
E. A. Bayley, Miss Carrie E. Bacheller, Mrs. W. I. Bradley,
Mrs, J. L. Norris and Mrs. J. P. Prince.

The Friday Club was organized December 26, 1895, by a
committee appointed by the Follen Alliance, with which it
was always affiliated.

Presidents: Mrs, Georgie E. Locke, 1896.

Mrs, Jeannette Worthen, 1897-1900.
Mrs. Annie Teele, 1901.

Mrs. Cora S. Cochrane, 1902.

Mrs. Frances A. Kendall, 1903-04.

510 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Outline of its work. 1895-96, a trip to California under the
leadership of Mrs. E. T. Harrington; also conducted a course
of lectures.

1896-97. Life and works of some of the noted American
authors; also the study of current events.

1897-98. Study of English history; alternating with cur-
rent events.

1898-1900. Famous authors again, with fifteen minutes
each day for current events.

1900-01. Study of astronomy; also of physiology under
direction of Dr. Sanford, of Arlington.

1901-02. An imaginary journey through the British Isles,
making a study of the country and cities through which the
club passed. Fifteen minutes spent at each meeting discussing
some popular book. In January, the Friday Club was in-
vited to join with the other clubs of the town in forming a
Literary Union, and it was unanimously voted to accept the
invitation.

1902-03. Studied the Rubaiyat, by Omar Khayyam.

1903-04. Studied Browning.

The Outlook Club. In March, 1902, a society known as
the Literary Union was formed with a membership of two
hundred and fifty. For two years this society existed with
Mrs. F. E. Ballard and Mrs. James P. Prince respectively as
chairmen .

In the spring of 1904, the Union was organized under the
name of The Lexington Outlook Club, a constitution adopted,
and Mrs. James P. Prince elected as President. The object
of the Club, as stated in the preamble of the constitution, is
"the promotion of the ethical, social, and intellectual culture
of its members." No philanthropic work has been under-
taken by the Club, and it has never joined the Federation of
Women's Clubs.

In 1909, the membership was increased to two hundred
and seventy-five, where it still remains. The Club member-
ship has been filled each year, and there has been a waiting
list. The following persons have served as President: Mrs.
James P. Prince, Mrs. Charles B. Davis, Mrs. Francis E.
Tufts, Mrs. Clarence E. Sprague, Mrs. George D. Milne,
Mrs. Edwin Read, Mrs. J. O. Tilton, Mrs. Frederic L. Fowle.

The meetings are held on Tuesday afternoons, with the

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 511

exception of the annual Guest Night, which occurs in the
evening.

Once each year the Club gives a children's afternoon, to
which the children of the higher grades in the pubhc schools
are invited.

It has been the aim of the Programme Committee to make
each year's programme a well-balanced one. Music, litera-
ture, science, art, history, travel, research, economics, and
current events have each received its share of attention.
The talent engaged has always been of the highest order.

The Colonial Club, limited to fourteen members, was
organized for the study of colonial history, January 7, 1904,
and was indefinitely suspended. May 18, 1909.

The first paper was written on the general geology and
topography of Massachusetts Bay and the Islands. Then
followed papers on the Stone Age, the Discoveries, Fire, Tin,
etc., the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age, the causes that led
up to the colonization of America; and papers on Oliver
Cromwell; religious suppression in England; and the move-
ments of the Puritans and Pilgrims.

Each of the States was taken in the order of its coloniza-
tion; its growth, wars, religion, schools, social and industrial
condition; also papers on architecture, furniture, and house-
hold arts. The history was carried down to the beginning of
the Civil War.

The Waverley Club, under a different name, dates back
to 1880, when a group of young women met and organized
a Reading Club. Weekly meetings were held and informal
readings of travels, literature, and biography were continued
for eleven years.

In 1891, a regular course of study was undertaken, an
experienced and competent teacher, Mrs. Edwin G. Champ-
ney, was secured, and, under the name of the History Class,
the members gave four years of thorough and earnest study
to English, French, German, and American history.

Since 1895, much time has been given to the reading of
Shakespeare's plays, and to the study of the Lake poets, and
other modern British and American writers.

In 1896, while deeply engaged in the life and works of Sir

512 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Walter Scott, the name of Waverley Club was adopted, and
is still retained.

While the membership has not been large, the work done
has been thorough and profitable, the association always
pleasant, and the Club still retains on its rolls some of the
charter members of the Reading Club of 1880. It has had
only two presidents, Mrs. Frank C. Childs and Miss Ellen E.
Harrington.

Shakespeare Club. Many literary and reading clubs
have flourished in Lexington, but the Lexington Shakespeare
Club, organized February 26, 1898, and continuing its activi-
ties for seven years, meeting weekly or fortnightly during the
winter months for reading and the study of Shakespeare's
plays, deserves special mention. It read every play attributed
to Shakespeare, and many of them many times. It promoted
frequent public lectures or readings upon them, and gave to
the High School Library a fine edition of the works of the
great dramatist.

Its founders were: Mr. A. W. Stevens, Mrs. Francis E.
Tufts, and Mrs. Albert S. Parsons. Its Presidents were: Mr.
A. W. Stevens, Mr. Albert S. Parsons, Rev. Charles F.
Carter, James P. Prince, Esq., James R. Carret, Esq., and
Mr. Benjamin F. Brown.

Lexington Council No. 94, Knights of Columbus, was
instituted in the Town Hall, July 10, 1894, with twenty-five
charter members, Michael F. Collins being Grand Knight.

The present officers are : —

Jolin G. Fitzgerald, Grand Knight.

Eugene T. Buckley, Deputy Grand Knight.

Charles J. Dailey, Chancellor.

William Viano, Recording Secretary.

Frederick J. Spencer, Financial Secretary.

B. J. Harrington, Treasurer.

James S. Montague, Advocate.

William B. Gorman, Warden.

James J. Waldron, Inside Guard.

Peter J. Welch, Outside Guard.

Christopher S. Ryan, Lecturer.

Edward H. Mara, )

Joseph P. Ryan, > Board of Trustees.

Dennis H. Collins, )

Rev. Michael J. Owens, Chaplain.

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS 513

The hall of the Council is located at 434 Massachusetts
Avenue, and the membership is one hundred.

Lexington Grange, No. 233, Patrons of Husbandry,
was organized by Deputy William T. Herrick on December
3, 1903, with thirty-five charter members. The first Master
of the Grange was Clarence H. Cutler, and D. F. Hutchinson
was elected Chaplain, which office he has held to the present
time. The Grange has at present two hundred and four
members (one hundred and seven female and ninety-seven
male), and meets the second and fourth Wednesday evenings
of each month at Historic Hall.

The Lexington Golf Club was organized April 12, 1895,
with John B. Thomas as President. The Club established a
nine-hole course on the south slope of the hill back of the
Munroe Tavern, using the old barn of the Tavern as a club-
house, and the course extending from Percy Road across
Middle Street.

December 2, 1899, it was voted to lease the Vaille Farm on
Hill Street, North Lexington; and on January 17, 1900, the
Club was incorporated and the existing club-house on the Hill
Street site constructed. The Vaille Farm was purchased for
the use of the Club in September, 1906. The site is an un-
usually beautiful one, with extensive views of the New Hamp-
shire hills; and, in addition to an excellent golf course, the
Club has tennis-courts and a swimming-pool supplied from
springs.

The present membership is one hundred and fifty.

The Lexington Equal Suffrage League was formed
November 6, 1900, at a largely attended meeting in the home
of Mr. and Mrs. George S. Jackson on Oakland Street. There
were present several survivors of a society which had been
formed for the same purpose in East Lexington, some years
previous, in favor of the equal political rights of men and
women, and much enthusiasm was shown.

Its first officers were its chief promoters : —

President, Mr. A. W. Stevens.

,,. Ti . , , f Mrs. George S. Jackson.

Vice-Presidents, | ^^^ ^^^^^ j^^^^ean Greeley.

514 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Recording Secretary, Mr. Francis J. Garrison.

Corresponding Secretary, Mrs. Hannah McLean Greeley.
Treasurer, Miss Elizabeth W. Harrington.

Regular meetings were held, first at members' houses,
later in the Kindergarten Building, on Forest Street. Public
meetings with distinguished speakers from Boston were held
in the Town Hall, and a strong society of sixty to seventy
members was active in the propaganda for several years.

It interested itself in securing an amendment to the Town
By-Laws, requiring that two members of the School Com-
mittee of five should be women, and brought out a large vote
by women for School Committee, — 293 being registered in
1903, of whom 239 voted.

Mrs. Mary C. Jackson has been President for several years.

There are four clubs in Lexington the purpose of which is to
enable the members, by combining their resources, to secure
good returns upon sound investments. The earliest of these
was The Lexington Associates, organized in 1885. Its
officers are : —

President, Alfred Pierce.

Vice-President, Robert P. Clapp.
Treasurer, Charles B. Davis.

Secretary, George E. Stone.

( Alfred Pierce.
Trustees, I Robert P. Clapp.

( Charles B. Davis.

The Lexington Club was brought together in 1886, and
was reorganized, under a declaration of trust, in March, 1892.
Its present membership is eighteen, and its officers are: —

President, J. F. Russell.

Vice-President, F. F. Sherburne.
Secretary, E. M. Mulliken.

Treasurer, W. W. Reed.

( W. W. Reed.
Trustees, I G. E, Stone.

( G. L. Gilmore.

Its assets are mainly in mortgage loans and Boston real
estate.

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS

515

In 1892 was formed the East Lexington Finance Club,
with a membership of twenty-five. Its holdings are in real
estate.

April 4, 1906, the Lexington Investment Club organ-
ized with twenty members, increased in 1908 to twenty-five.
Its present officers are : —

President,
Vice-President,
Secretary, "
Treasurer,

Trustees,

Clifford W. Pierce.
Ed. B. Worthen.
Allen C. Smith.
G. I. Tuttle.

S Lester T. Redman.
George F. Smith.
J. J. Walsh.

CHAPTER XXVI

BENEFACTIONS

Act creating Trustees of Public Trusts — Gammell Legacy — Bridge Gift — Beals
Legacy — Gilmor Legacy — Hayes Fountain Fund — Smith Legacy — French
Legacy — Residuary Estate of G. O. Smith — Fellowship of Charities —
Home for Aged People — Flower Mission.

While, in a town like Lexington, the problems of poverty
and relief are not so difficult as in a manufacturing com-
munity, no place is free from the questions arising from the
old age, orphanage, or mental or physical incapacity of cer-
tain of its citizens. As already pointed out by Mr. Hudson,^
Lexington, as was true of other New England towns, was
from the beginning extremely careful that no one likely to
become a charge upon the town should be permitted to ac-
quire rights of domicile. Eloquent, too, of the attitude of the
forefathers, as contrasted with modern humanitarianism, is
the fact that even Lexington was guilty of stealthily and at
night transporting paupers, for whose support it did not feel
itself responsible, to the common or other public place of the
several towns to which it believed them chargeable, leaving
them there as a visible evidence of repudiation.

As a whole, however, Lexington has always been both gen-
erous and humane in the treatment of her dependents;^ and,
as is indicated by the accounts of the work of philanthropy
carried on in the several churches,^ her people have been
unusually responsive to the calls of charity. Through the
religious and fraternal organizations, as well as through
individual giving, sums aggregating large amounts have been
provided, not only for the relief of Lexington citizens, but
also for the help of good causes everywhere. The charities of
Boston and of Massachusetts, the work of home and foreign
missions, the needs arising from great disasters, such as the
Chicago fire and the San Francisco earthquake, have found

1 Page 63, ante. Ed.

* It is worthy of note that until quite far into the nineteenth century inmates of
the "poor-farm" were compelled to wear a distinctive and rather conspicuous uni-
form. Ed.

' See Chapter xvi, ante. Ed.

BENEFACTIONS 517

in the citizens of Lexington a response much greater and
more prompt, it is generally conceded, than from many other
towns with far larger financial resources.

Gifts and bequests having been made from time to time to
the town, it has seemed good business policy to create a
special board to administer them. Therefore, at the request
of the town meeting, the Legislature of 1910 passed the
following act, which was then accepted by the town : —

"An Act to authorize the town of Lexington to borrow money to
repay or reimburse its Trust Funds and to provide for the Cus-
tody and Management of its Trust Property.
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in
General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as
follows : —

"Section 1. The town of Lexington, for the purpose of repaying
or reimbursing certain trust funds received by said town, and sub-
sequently paid out and expended by it for the general expenses of
the town, is hereby authorized to borrow a sum not exceeding thirty-
five thousand dollars, and to issue notes or bonds therefor, payable
at periods not exceeding twenty -five years from date of issue; such
notes or bonds shall be signed by the treasurer and countersigned by
the selectmen, shall bear interest, payable semi-annually, at a rate
not exceeding four and one half per cent, per annum and shall be sold
or disposed of in such manner, or upon such terms, as the treasurer
and selectmen shall determine. At the time of issuing said notes or
bonds the town shall provide for the payment thereof in such an-
nual payments as shall extinguish the debt within the time pre-
scribed within this act, and when a vote to that effect has been
passed, the amount required therefor shall be raised annually by
taxation in the same manner in which other taxes are raised with-
out any further vote or action of the town.

"Section 2. The town may at its next annual meeting, or at a
special meeting duly called for the purpose, elect by ballot in the
same manner as other town officers are elected a board of three
citizens who shall serve without compensation and who shall be
called Trustees of Public Trusts, one of whom shall serve until the
annual meeting in the year 1912, one until the annual meeting in
the year 1914, and one until the annual meeting in the year 1916,
and at the annual meeting in the year 1912 and biennially there-
after the town shall elect one trustee for the term of six years and
until his successor is elected and qualified.

" Section 3. Unless it shall be otherwise provided or determined
by vote of the town, or by the terms of the instrument creating the
trust, said Board shall take, hold, manage, invest, reinvest, admin-

518 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

ister and dispense all the estates and properties, real and personal,
and the proceeds thereof, which have already been, or which may
hereafter be devised, bequeathed or otherwise given to or conferred
upon said town of Lexington, for public or charitable objects, in-
cluding the trust funds referred to in Section 1, and also any proper-
ties devised, bequeathed or otherwise conferred upon said Board for
the benefit of said town or any public or charitable objects therein.
Said Board may invest and reinvest all said estates and properties,
real and personal, and the proceeds thereof, in such other estates
and securities, real and personal, as it may deem safe and proper,
having always in mind the security of the principal sums of said
trusts.

"Section 4. A vacancy in said Board shall be created by the
death, the removal for cause by the Supreme Judicial Court, the
removal of his legal residence from said town, or the resignation in
writing delivered to the selectmen, of any member of the Board,
and any vacancy shall be filled by the election of a new member
by ballot for the remainder of the term so vacated at a meeting of
the voters duly called for the purpose.

"Section 5. Said Board shall take, hold, and manage all sums
of money deposited with the treasurer of said town for the care and
preservation of cemetery lots under the provisions of the laws of the
Commonwealth, and may invest the same in the Lexington Sav-
ings Bank or other savings bank in this Commonwealth in separate
accounts with each deposit and shall pay over from the income
thereof to the proper persons the sums necessary to carry out the
purposes of said deposits.

"Section 6. Said Board shall do all acts necessary to or proper
to be done for the purpose of carrying into effect the provisions of
this act, and shall annually make a full report to said town of the
amounts and investments of all property and deposits held by them
hereunder and of their doings in relation thereto.

"Section 7. Nothing in this act contained shall be construed
as restricting, enlarging or in any way changing the terms of the be-
quests or donations under which said estates are devised or given.

" Section 8. This act shall take effect upon its acceptance by
said town at a legal meeting duly called for the purpose,"

The Board thus created administers, in addition to the
special funds bequeathed for the care of cemetery lots, the
following trusts : —

The Jonas Gammell Legacy. Accepted by the town July
11, 1874: —

" I give and bequeath to the town of Lexington five hundred dol-
lars ($500) upon the condition that said town shall receive the same

BENEFACTIONS 519

and keep it safely invested, and expend the income thereof in pur-
chasing such luxuries and delicacies for the inmates of the town alms-
house as are not usually furnished them and shall tend to promote
their health and comfort. Such income shall be expended by the
Overseers of the Poor and two ladies, residents of the town, to be
annually appointed for that purpose by the Selectmen of the town.
This legacy is made upon the express condition that if that part of
the town called East Lexington ever be incorporated as a separate
town, the same shall be transferred and paid over to such new town,
to be held by such new town upon the conditions and for the pur-
pose aforesaid."

The Samuel J. Bridge Gift. Given 1880. Accepted March
7,1881: —

"Know all men by these presents, that I, Samuel J. Bridge,
hereby give to the inhabitants of the town of Lexington in the
County of Middlesex and State of Massachusetts, the sum of two
thousand dollars, a permanent fund to be called "The Bridge
Charitable Fund" to be held in trust by said town, for the purposes
and in manner hereafter mentioned, to wit : Said sum of two thou-
sand dollars is to be invested in a note of said town of Lexington,
or some other town in Massachusetts, or in some safe, good, and
reliable security, and two-thirds of the annual income accruing from
said fund shall be annually distributed or expended at Christmas
or in December or January or other suitable time at the discretion
of the Selectmen or the Overseers of the Poor of said town of Lex-
ington among the deserving poor of said town of Lexington with-
out distinction of sex or religion, and I wish no especial publicity
to be given to the names of the parties receiving the benefit from
said fund.

"The remaining one-third of the income shall be reserved an-
nually and placed at interest in some safe security, until the said
one-third reserved shall with accumulated interest thereon, amount
to two thousand dollars, then the annual income of said four thou-
sand dollars may be distributed or expended on the deserving poor
of said town of Lexington in the manner aforesaid."

Eleanor S. Beals Legacy. Accepted by the town June 8,
1891: —

"I bequeath to town of Lexington the sum of two thousand dol-
lars, in trust, the income to be expended for the benefit of worthy,
indigent, aged men and women, over sixty years of age, American
born, to be called the Beals Fund."

Harriet R. Gilmor Legacy. Accepted March 5, 1894 : — ■
"I give to the town of Lexington, in said Massachusetts, the

520 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

sum of five liimdred dollars, to be safely invested and held in trust
forever, and the income thereof to be expended under the direction
of the Overseers of the Poor of said town, for the benefit of poor
people in said Lexington, whether the same shall be inmates of the
almshouse in said town or otherwise."

Hayes Fountain Fund. Created March 11, 1901: —

"Your committee [on the erection of the fountain] recommend
that it [the balance remaining from the bequest of F. B. Hayes] be
held by the town and known as 'The Hayes Fountain Trust Fund,'
that it be invested in a town note or other security, and the income
used for the perpetual care of the fountain, and the grounds im-
mediately around it."

George O. Smith Legacy. Accepted October 23, 1905: —

"To the town of Lexington in trust twenty -five hundred dollars,
the income thereof to be expended by the 'Field and Garden Club '
so long as said ' Field and Garden Club ' shall be in existence, and
in case said 'Field and Garden Club' shall dissolve or cease its
work, the income to be expended by a committee chosen by the
citizens for that purpose, to serve without pay, in setting out and
keeping in order shade and ornamental trees and shrubs in the
streets and highways of said town, or the beautifying of unsightly
places in the highways. In case this bequest shall not be accepted
by the town, or if the income shall remain unexpended for a longer
term than two years in succession, then this my bequest and any
unexpended balance of income shall revert to my estate and be
appropriated as hereinafter provided."

Charles E. French Legacy. Accepted October 10, 1907: —

"I give to the town of Lexington, Massachusetts, two thousand
($2000) to be invested in the town of Lexington bonds, the annual
income thereof to be expended for silver medals for its public gram-
mar and high schools, subject to the same conditions, limitations
and restrictions as in the medal bequest to the town of Braintree,
Massachusetts.

"The conditions, limitations and restrictions contained in the
medal bequest to the town of Braintree are as follows: —

" ' I give to the town of Braintree two thousand dollars ($2000)
in trust, the amount to be invested in town of Braintree bonds,
such part of the annual income of which as may be necessary to
be expended in the purchase of three (3) silver medals in each of the
public high and grammar schools of said town, to be distributed
for the best scholarship (military and mechanic arts not included)
of the class graduating from each school, provided, however, that

BENEFACTIONS 521

a sufficient fund shall not (prior to my decease) have been set
apart by others for the same purpose. The unexpended income to
be added to and remain a part of the fund.'

"I give to the town of Lexington, Massachusetts, two thousand
($2000) dollars in trust to be invested in town of Lexington bonds,
the annual income thereof to be devoted to the care of the older
part of the cemetery in which repose the remains of my great-great-
great-grandparents Rev. John Hancock and wife. The vault inclos-
ing their remains to receive due care."

Besides the legacy mentioned above, and in addition to the
generous bequest to the Lexington Historical Society,^ Mr.
George O. Smith left two other funds in the following
terms : —

" Tivelfth. All the residue and remainder of my estate of every
kind and nature, and in case of the non-acceptance or non-compli-
ance with the conditions of the bequests of $2500 to the town of
Lexington and $5000 to the Lexington Historical Society, those
amounts are to be added thereto, I give, devise, and bequeath to
Albert S. Parsons and Edwin S. Spaulding, the executors herein
named, together with Charles A. Wellington (Edward P. Nichols,
in codicil, Mr. Wellington having deceased), James P. Munroe
and Charles B. Davis, all of Lexington, and their successors, in
trust, for the following purposes : One thousand dollars set apart,
the income thereof to be annually offered and paid in two prizes
to the pupils of either of the Lexington Schools — High or Gram-
mar — who shall write the best and second best essay or paper on
Patriotic Statesmanship in contrast with Politicalism or Partisan
Statesmanship in their effects on National Progress and Prosperity.
Three-fifths of said income as a prize for the best, and two-fifths for
the second-best essay, the award to be made by a competent com-
mittee chosen as judges, who shall not know who the authors are
until their decisions have been made, the papers to be read in pub-
lic if found to be feasible.

"The balance of this fund I wish devoted to furnishing of a
technical education to graduates of the High School in Lexington
— who were born in that town — such as may be furnished by
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, or schools of a similar
character or grade — to such graduates as may from the poverty
of their parents or other causes or circumstances be unable to pro-
cure means for such an education, but being fitted for and worthy
of such expenditure, may, by loan or payment of tuition by the
Trustees, be furnished with sufficient means to acquire it. A loan
would seem preferable, as in that way the student would retain his

1 See Chapter xxiv. Ed.

522 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

personal independence, and indications would point to a more suc-
cessful result. It seems desirable that the income of this fund or
a portion at least may be made available at as early a date as pos-
sible, but as it is not possible to fix the amount of such income, and
as it is my wish to increase the amount to a sum sufficient to give
to every worthy applicant the benefit of it, and moreover as I wish
to encourage a desire for such education in the pupils of the ' Adams
School ' and to give an opportunity for one student perpetually from
that school, I desire that the first applicant to receive its benefits
shall be a graduate of the school now known as the 'Adams School'
in East Lexington, and until a graduate from that school applies
for a scholarship as a loan or for payment by the Trustees and
receives such benefit, the income shall be added to the principal
fund. . . .

"It is my wish that female graduates of the High School shall
enjoy equal privileges and benefits of the fund with male graduates.
By judicious management and the addition of a portion of the in-
come each year, the principal fund will increase in time to an amount
of considerable importance. The requirements of the future in mat-
ters of education will not stop short of the best, even in Lexing-
ton, and the increase in population, sure to come, may demand
Technical Schools in this town, in which case — everything being
equal as to facilities afforded — it might be wise and practicable
to expend the income for tuition in such school. But unless afford-
ing first class opportunities for a thorough education in such branches
as may be taught at the ' Massachusetts Institute of Technology,*
I think it would yield better results if the older institution should be
patronized. If from financial crises or other causes the income at
any time be diminished and in the judgment of the Trustees it would
be for the interest of the Trust to temporarily suspend the loans
for, or the payment of tuitions, to increase the principal amount
of the fund so as to afford greater usefulness at a later period, I
authorize them to do so.

"The time when additions to the principal fund shall cease,
must be left with the Trustees to decide, as the circumstances and
requirements of future times may in their judgment dictate, but I
hope not before the amount of the fund has increased to One hun-
dred thousand dollars at least, which with the low rate of interest
and income likely to prevail, will make the income of that sum
meagre enough.

"Eighth — To Miss Ellen Dana, Edwin S. Spaulding, Mrs.
Davis, wife of George O. Davis, Mrs. Munroe, wife of James P.
Munroe and Francis E. Ballard, all of Lexington aforesaid and their
survivors and successors, I give one thousand dollars, in trust, for
the following purposes — such an amount never to exceed one

BENEFACTIONS 523

half of the principal sum — to be expended from time to time as
may be needed in the purchase of such articles for the alleviation
of sick persons in the town of Lexington as are not within reach of
persons of small means, such as roller-chairs, patent beds, and like
articles useful in other than ordinary illness, to be loaned without
charge for their use, except to such as are amply able and willing
to pay a moderate charge. The balance of the fund to be kept
at interest, the income to be used for keeping such articles in
repair or for purchasing other like articles for use in sickness and
to pay for care and storage, when such articles are not in use.
Should the funds increase at any time be3''ond the needs for
these purposes, the surplus may be used for the purchase of
flowers or delicacies for the sick who may be unable to purchase
them.

"I modify Item eight of my said will by which I gave to certain
persons in Lexington as trustees the sum of one thousand dollars
for purchase and care of certain articles of furniture for the allevia-
tion of persons sick with other than ordinary illness, and leave it
discretionary with said trustees whether to buy or hire such articles
from the income of the fund."

The Lexington Fellowship of Charities ^ was or-
ganized on May 14, 1901. Its purpose is the nursing of the
sick, especially those of limited means, and the giving of
instruction in home nursing and hygienic living. The Fellow-
ship also aims to be a medium of communication between the
charitable organizations of the town, and to that end the
President confers with those who have in charge funds de-
voted to charitable work, whether in connection with town
or church organizations.

There are two classes of membership, annual and life. Any
person may become an annual member by the payment of at
least one dollar. Life membership consists in the payment of
fifty dollars at one time. Any town organization which con-
tributes at least five dollars annually is entitled to one
representative on the Board of Directors.

Since December, 1901, two nurses have been employed by
the Fellowship, — Miss Manning from 1901 to 1903, and
Miss Helen A. Hines from 1903 until the present time.

12,767 visits have been made, an average of 1232 yearly.

Contributions toward the support of the organization have
amounted to $7532 during the eleven years of its existence,
an annual average of $684.72.

1 For this information the Committee is indebted to Miss Amy E. Taylor. Ed.

524 HISTORY OF LEXINGTON

Whenever it is possible, the patients are expected to con-
tribute to the funds of the Society. The collections from this
source have been $2422, averaging $220 yearly.

October 1, 1912, there were one hundred and eleven annual
members and four life members; the latter are Miss Alice B.
Gary, Mrs. Mary C. Robinson, Miss Frances M. Robinson,
and Miss Ellen M. Tower.

The annual meeting is held on the first Tuesday evening of
November.

Officers

Presidents, 1901-10, Rev. Charles F. Carter.

1910-11, Rev. George G. Ballard, Jr.

1911- , Amy E. Taylor.
Vice-President, 1901- , Ellen M. Tower.
Secretaries, 1901-07, Mrs. George L. Gilmore.

1907-12, Ellen E. Harrington.

1912- , Mrs. H. L. Houghton.
Treasurers, 1 901-06, Rose M. Tucker.

1906-08, Mrs. A. M. Redman.
1908- , Bertha M. Hutchinson.

The first directors elected were : —

George O. Davis. Mrs. Walter B. Perkins.

Mrs. William A. Harris. Mrs. George H. Reed.

Katharine A. Kiernan. Edwin S. Spaulding.*

Mrs. S. W. Locke. Rev. Carlton A. Staples.*

Dr. N. H. Merriam. George W. Taylor.

Harry A. Patterson. Mrs. A. C. Washburn.
Charles T. West.*

In April, 1904, largely upon the initiative of Miss Elizabeth
W. Harrington, who then gave one thousand dollars, there
was formed a Corporation, the purpose of which is to raise
funds for establishing a Home foe Aged People. Under
the will of Miss Harrington, who died May 16, 1906, two thou-
sand dollars more was bequeathed to this Corporation, and,
through gifts and annual dues, the funds now exceed six thou-
sand five hundred dollars. The officers of the Corporation
are: —

President, Frederick L. Emery.

Secretary, Everett M. Mulliken.

Treasurer, Alonzo E. Locke.
* Deceased.

BENEFACTIONS

525

Ever since 1890, Lexington has maintained a branch of
the flower work carried on by the "Mutual Helpers" of
Boston, the purpose of which is to send from the gardens of
the country flowers to cheer and comfort the sick and "shut-
ins" of the city.

mu<.

APPENDIX

Jonas Clarke's Narrative of the Battle of Lexington — List of the Provincials
"Killed, Wounded, and Missing" — Depositions (taken in 1824-25) of Sur-
vivors of the Battle — Inscriptions on Lexington Tablets — Lexington Physi-
cians — The Birds of Lexington.

Opening of the War of the Revolution, 19th of April,
1775. A Brief Narrative of the Principal Transactions
of that day, by Jonas Clarke, Pastor of the Church in
Lexington.^

As it was not consistent with the hmits of a single discourse to
give a full account of the particulars of this most savage and mur-
derous affair; the following plain and faithful narrative of facts,
as they appeared to us in this place, may be matter of satisfaction.

On the evening of the eighteenth of April, 1775, we received two
messages; the first verbal, the other by express, in writing, from
the committee of safety, who were then sitting in the westerly part
of Cambridge, directed to the honorable John Hancock, Esq; (who,
with the honorable Samuel Adams, Esq; was then providentially
with us) informing, "that eight or nine officers of the king's troops
were seen, just before night, passing the road towards Lexington,
in a musing, contemplative posture; and it was suspected that they
were out upon some evil design."

As both these gentlemen had been frequently and even publicly,
threatened, by the enemies of this people, both in England and
America, with the vengeance of the British administration : — And
as Mr. Hancock in particular had been, more than once, personally
insulted, by some officers of the troops, in Boston; it was not with-
out some just grounds supposed, that under cover of the darkness,
sudden arrest, if not assassination might be attempted, by these
instruments of tyranny!

To prevent any thing of this kind, ten or twelve men were imme-
diately collected, in arms, to guard my house, through the night.

In the mean time, said officers passed through this town, on the
road towards Concord : It was therefore thought expedient to watch
their motions, and if possible make some discovery of their in-
tentions. Accordingly, about 10 o'clock in the evening, three men,
on horses, were dispatched for this purpose. As they were peace-
ably passing the road towards Concord, in the borders of Lincoln,

^ Appended to a sermon preached by him in Lexington, April 19, 1776. (Lexing-
ton, Massachusetts, The Lexington Historical Society, 1901.) Ed.

APPENDIX 527

they were suddenly stopped by said oflScers, who rode up to thera,
and putting pistols to their breasts and seizing their horses' bridles,
swore, if they stirred another step, they should be all dead men!
The officers detained them several hours, as prisoners, examined,
searched, abused and insulted them; and in their hasty return (sup-
posing themselves discovered) they left them in Lexington. Said
officers also took into custody, abused and threatened with their
lives several other persons; some of whom they met peaceably
passing on the road, others even at the doors of their dwellings,
without the least provocation, on the part of the inhabitants, or
so much as a question asked by them.

Between the hours of twelve and one, on the morning of the
nineteenth of April, we received intelligence, by express, from the
Honorable Joseph Warren, Esq.; at Boston, "that a large body of
the king's troops (supposed to be a brigade of about 12, or 1500)
were embarked in boats from Boston, and gone over to land on
Lechmere's point (so called) in Cambridge : And that it was shrewdly
suspected, that they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores,
belonging to the colony, then deposited at Concord," in consequence
of General Gage's unjustifiable seizure of the provincial magazine
of powder at Medford, and other colony stores in several other
places.

Upon this intelligence, as also upon information of the conduct
of the officers as above-mentioned, the militia of this town were
alarmed, and ordered to meet on the usual place of parade; not
with any design of commencing hostilities upon the king's troops,
but to consult what might be done for our own and the people's
safety: And also to be ready for whatever service providence might
call us out to, upon this alarming occasion, in case overt acts of
violence, or open hostilities should be committed by this mer-
cenary band of armed and blood-thirsty oppressors.

About the same time, two persons were sent express to Cam-
bridge, if possible, to gain intelligence of the motions of the troops,
and what route they took.

The militia met according to order; and waited the return of
the messengers, that they might order their measures as occasion
should require. Between 3 and 4 o'clock, one of the expresses re-
turned, informing, that there was no appearance of the troops, on
the roads, either from Cambridge or Charlestown; and that it
was supposed that the movements in the army the evening before,
were only a feint to alarm the people. Upon this, therefore, the
militia company were dismissed for the present, but with orders to
be within call of the drum, — waitmg the return of the other mes-
senger, who was expected in about an hour, or sooner, if any dis-
covery should be made of the motions of the troops. But he was
prevented by their silent and sudden arrival at the place where he

528 APPENDIX

was, waiting for intelligence. So that, after all this precaution, we
had no notice of their approach, 'till the brigade was actually in
the town, and upon a quick march within about a mile and a quar-
ter of the meeting house and place of parade.

However, the commanding officer thought best to call the com-
pany together, — not with any design of opposing so superior a
force, much less of commencing hostilities; but only with a view to
determine what to do, when and where to meet, and to dismiss and
disperse.

Accordingly, about half an hour after four o'clock, alarm guns
were fired, and the drums beat to arms; and the militia were col-
lecting together. Some, to the number of about 50, or 60, or possibly
more, were on the parade, others were coming towards it. In the
mean time, the troops having thus stolen a march upon us, and to
prevent any intelligence of their approach, having seized and held
prisoners several persons whom they met unarmed upon the road,
seemed to come determined for murder and bloodshed; and that
whether provoked to it, or not ! When within about half a quarter
of a mile of the meeting-house, they halted, and the command was
given to prime and load; which being done, they marched on 'till
they came up to the east end of said meeting-house, in sight of
our militia (collecting as aforesaid) who were about 12, or 13 rods
distant. Immediately upon their appearing so suddenly, and so
nigh, Capt. Parker, who commanded the militia company, ordered
the men to disperse, and take care of themselves; arid not to fire.
Upon this, our men dispersed; ^ — but, many of them, not so
speedily as they might have done, not having the most distant idea
of such brutal barbarity and more than savage cruelty, from the
troops of a British king, as they immediately experienced ! — ! —
For, no sooner did they come in sight of our company, but one of
them, supposed to be an officer of rank, was heard to say to the
troops, "Damn them; we will have them!" Upon which the troops
shouted aloud, huzza'd, and rushed furiously towards our men.
About the same time, three officers (supposed to be Col. Smith,
Major Pitcairn and another officer) advanced, on horse back, to the
front of the body, and coming within 5 or 6 rods of the militia, one
of them cried out, "ye villains, ye Rebels, disperse; Damn you,
disperse!" — ^ or words to this effect. One of them (whether the

^ In reading Parson Clarke's Narrative, it should not be forgotten that he had
every reason, in April, 1776, when the outcome of the revolt against Great Britain
was still most uncertain, to emphasize the aggression of the British troops and to
minimize the measure in which their fire was returned. On the other hand, after
the successful termination of the Revolutionary War, there was every incentive to
magnify the part which the Minute-Men played in meeting that first onslaught.
All accounts of the Battle of Lexington, and all depositions regarding it, should be
read with this change of attitude clearly in mind. Ed.

APPENDIX 529

same, or not, is not easily determined) said, "Lay down your arms;
Damn you, why don't you lay down your arms!" The second of
these officers, about this time, fired a pistol towards the militia,
as they were dispersing. The foremost, who was within a few yards
of our men, brandishing his sword, and then pointing towards
them, with a loud voice said to the troops, "Fire! By God, fire!"
— which was instantly followed by a discharge of arms from the
said troops, succeeded by a very heavy and close fire upon our party,
dispersing, so long as any of them were within reach. Eight were
left dead upon the ground! Ten were wounded. The rest of the
company, through divine goodness, were (to a miracle) preserved
unhurt in this murderous action!

As to the question, "Who fired first?" — if it can be a question
with any; we may observe, that though General Gage hath been
pleased to tell the world, in his account of this savage transaction,
"that the troops were fired upon by the rebels out of the meeting-
house, and the neighboring houses, as well as by those that were
in the field; and that the troops only returned the fire, and passed
on their way to Concord; " — yet nothing can be more certain than
the contrary, and nothing more false, weak or wicked, than such
a representation.

To say nothing of the absurdity of the supposition, that 50,
60, or even 70 men, should, in the open field, commence hostilities
with 12, or 1500, of the best troops of Britam,i nor of the known
determination of this small party of Americans, upon no consider-
ation whatever, to begin the scene of blood^ — A cloud of witnesses,
whose veracity cannot be justly disputed, upon oath have de-
clared, in the most express and positive terms, that the British
troops fired first: ^ — And I think, we may safely add, without the
least reason or provocation. Nor was there opportunity given, for
our men to have saved themselves, either by laying down their
arms, or dispersing, as directed, had they been disposed to; as the
command to fire upon them was given almost at the same instant,
that they were ordered, by the British officers, to disperse, to lay
down their arms, etc.

In short, so far from firing first upon the king's troops; upon the
most careful enquiry, it appears, that but very few of our people
fired at all; and even they did not fire till after being fired upon by
the troops, they were wounded themselves, or saw others killed, or

1 " 1200 or 1500, was the number we then supposed the brigade to consist of:
though afterwards, by the best accounts, it appeared, that there were but about 800."

2 " From a most intimate acquaintance with the sentiments of the inhabitants of
this town, then collected m arms, I think I may boldly assert, that it was their known
determination not to commence hostilities, upon the king's troops; though they were
equally determined to stand by their rights to the last." ^

3 " See narrative and depositions, published by authority."

530 APPENDIX

wounded by them, and looked upon it next to impossible for them
to escape.

As to any firing from the meeting-house, as Gage represents; it
is certain, that there were but four men in the meeting-house,
when the troops came up : and they were then getting some ammu-
nition, from the town stock, and had not so much as loaded their
guns (except one, who never discharged it) when the troops fired
upon the militia. And as to the neighbouring houses, it is equally
certain, that there was no firing from them, unless after the disper-
sion of our men, some, who had fled to them for shelter, might fire
from them upon the troops.

One circumstance more, before the brigade quitted Lexington,
I beg leave to mention, as what may give a further specimen of the
spirit and character, of the officers and men, of this body of troops.
After the militia company were dispersed and the firing ceased,
the troops drew up and formed in a body, on the common, fired a
volley and gave three huzzas, by way of triumph, and as expressive
of the joy of victory and glory of conquest! — ! Of this transac-
tion, I was a witness, having, at that time, a fair view of their
motions, and being at the distance of not more than 70 or 80 rods
from them.

Whether this step was honorary to the detachment, or agree-
able to the rules of war — or how far it was expressive of bravery ,
heroism and true military glory, for 800 disciplined troops of Great
Britain, without notice or provocation, to fall upon 60, or 70,
undisciplined Americans, who neither opposed nor molested them,
and murder some and disperse the rest, and then to give the shout
and make the triumph of victory, is not for me to determine; but
must be submitted to the impartial world to judge. That "there
is a God with whom is the power, and the glory, and the victory,"
is certain : but whether he will set his seal to the triumph, made upon
this most peculiar occasion, by following it with further successes,
and finally giving up this people into the hands of those, that have
thus cruelly commenced hostilities against them, must be left to
time to discover. But to return from this digression, if it may be
called a digression.

Having thus vanquished the party in Lexington, the troops
marched on for Concord, to execute their orders, in destroying the
stores belonging to the colony, deposited there. They met with
no interruption in their march to Concord. But by some means or
other, the people of Concord had notice of their approach and de-
signs, and were alarmed about break of day; and collecting as soon,
and as many as possible, improved the time they had before the
troops came upon them, to the best advantage, both for concealing
and securing as many of the public stores as they could, and in pre-
paring for defence. By the stop of the troops at Lexington, many

APPENDIX 531

thousands were saved to the colony, and they were, in a great meas-
ure, frustrated in their design.

When the troops made their approach to the easterly part of the
town, the provincials of Concord and some neighbouring towns,
were collected and collecting in an advantageous post, on a hill,
a little distance from the meeting-house, north of the road, to the
number of about 150, or 200: but finding the troops to be more
than three times as many, they wisely retreated, first to a hill about
80 rods further north, and then over the north-bridge (so-called)
about a mile from the town: and there they waited the coming of
the militia of the towns adjacent, to their assistance.

In the mean time, the British detachment marched into the cen-
ter of the town. A party of about 200, was ordered to take pos-
session of said bridge, other parties were dispatched to various
parts of the town, in search of public stores, while the remainder
were employed in seizing and destroying, whatever they could
find in the town-house, and other places, where stores had been
lodged. But before they had accomplished their design, they were
interrupted by a discharge of arms, at said bridge.

It seems, that of the party above mentioned, as ordered to take
possession of the bridge, one half were marched on about two miles,
in search of stores, at Col. Barret's and that part of the town: while
the other half, consisting of towards 100 men, under Capt. Lawrie,
were left to guard the bridge. The provincials, who were in sight
of the bridge, observing the troops attempting to take up the planks
of said bridge, thought it necessary to dislodge them, and gain
possession of the bridge. They accordingly marched, but with ex-
press orders not to fire, unless first fired upon by the king's troops.
Upon their approach towards the bridge, Capt. Lawrie's party
fired upon them, killed Capt. Davis and another man dead upon
the spot, and wounded several others. Upon this our militia
rushed on, with a spirit becoming free-born Americans, returned
the fire upon the enemy, killed 2, wounded several and drove them
from the bridge, and pursued them towards the town, 'till they
were covered by a reinforcement from the main body. The provin-
cials then took post on a hill, at some distance, north of the town:
and as their numbers were continually increasing, they were pre-
paring to give the troops a proper discharge, on their departure
from the town.

In the mean time, the king's troops collected; and having dressed
their wounded, destroyed what stores they could find, and insulted
and plundered a number of the inhabitants, prepared for a retreat,

"While at Concord, the troops disabled two 24 pounders; de-
stroyed their 2 carriages, and seven wheels for the same, with their
limbers. Sixteen wheels for brass 3 pounders, and 2 carriages with
limber and wheels for two 4 pounders. They threw into the river

532 APPENDIX

wells, etc. about 500 weight of ball: and stove about 60 barrels of
flour; but not having time to perfect their work, one half of the
flour was afterwards saved." ^

The troops began a hasty retreat about the middle of the day:
and were no sooner out of the town, but they began to meet the ef-
fects of the just resentments of this injured people. The provincials
fired upon them from various quarters, and pursued them (though
without any military order) with a firmness and intrepidity, be-
yond what could have been expected, on the first onset, and in such
a day of confusion and distress! The fire was returned, for a time,
with great fury, by the troops as they retreated, though (through
divine goodness) with but little execution. This scene continued,
with but little intermission, till they returned to Lexington; when
it was evident, that, having lost numbers in killed, wounded, and
prisoners that fell into our hands, they began to be, not only fa-
tigued, but greatly disheartened. And it is supposed they must
have soon surrendered at discretion, had they not been reinforced.
But Lord Percy's arrival with another brigade, of about 1000 men,
and 2 field pieces, about half a mile from Lexington meeting-house,
towards Cambridge, gave them a seasonable respite.

The coming of the reinforcement, with the cannon, (which our
people were not so well acquainted with then, as they have been
since) put the provincials also to a pause, for a time. But no sooner
were the king's troops m motion, but our men renewed the pursuit
with equal, and even greater ardour and intrepidity than before,
and the firing on both sides continued, with but little intermission,
to the close of the day, when the troops entered Charlestown, where
the provincials could not follow them, without exposing the worthy
inhabitants of that truly patriotic town, to their rage and revenge.
That night and the next day, they were conveyed in boats, over
Charles-River to Boston, glad to secure themselves, under the cover
of the shipping, and by strengthening and perfecting the fortifica-
tions, at every part, against the further attacks of a justly incensed
people, who, upon intelligence of the murderous transactions of
this fatal day, were collecting in arms, round the town, in great
numbers, and from every quarter.

In the retreat of the king's troops from Concord to Lexington,
they ravaged and plundered, as they had opportunity, more or
less, in most of the houses that were upon the road. But after they
were joined by Percy's brigade, in- Lexington, it seemed as if all the
little remains of humanity had left them ; and rage and revenge had
taken the reins, and knew no bounds! Clothing, furniture, provi-
sions, goods, plundered, broken, carried off, or destroyed! Buildings
(especially dwelling-houses) abused, defaced, battered, shattered,
and almost ruined! And as if this had not been enough, numbers of
^ " See Rev. Mr. Gordon's account."

APPENDIX 533

them doomed to the flames ! Three dwelling houses, two shops and
a barn, were laid in ashes, in Lexington! ^ Many others were set
on fire, in this town, in Cambridge, etc. and must have shared the
same fate, had not the close pursuit of the provincials prevented,
and the flames been seasonably quenched! Add to all this; the un-
armed, the aged and infirm, who were unable to flee, are inhumanly
stabbed and murdered in their habitations! Yea, even women in
child-bed, with their helpless babes in their arms, do not escape the
horrid alternative, of being either cruelly'' murdered in their beds,
burnt in their habitations, or turned into the streets to perish with
cold, nakedness and distress ! But I forbear — words are too insig-
nificant to express, the horrid barbarities of that distressing day ! ! ! ^

Our loss, in the several actions of that day, was 49 killed, 34
wounded, and 5 missing, who were taken prisoners, and have since
been exchanged. The enemy's loss, according to the best accounts,
in killed, wounded and missing, about 300.

As the war was thus began with savage cruelty, in the aggressors;
so it has been carried on with the same temper and spirit, by the
enemy in but too many instances. Witness the wanton cruelty,
discovered in burning Charlestown, Norfolk, Falmouth, etc. But
as events which have taken place since the ever memorable nine-
teenth of April, 1775, do not properly come within the compass of
this narrative, they must be left for some abler pen to relate.

1 " Deacon Loring's house and bam, Mrs. Lydia Mulliken's house, and her son's
shop, and Mr. Joshua Bond's house and shop."

2 " 'Quorum pars magna fui.' Vir."

534

APPENDIX

The following is a correct List of the Provincials/ who

WERE killed, wounded AND MISSING IN THE ACTION OF THE

19th of April, and the towns to which they respectively
belonged.

Town.

Killed.

Wound.

Missing.

Lexington

Jonas Parker,

Robert Munroe,

Samuel Hadley,

Killed in the

Jonathan Harrington, Jun.,
Isaac Muzzy,

Morning.

Caleb Harrington,

John Brown, J

Jedidiah Munroe, |^.^^^^ .^ ^^^

John Raymond, V Afternoon.
Nathaniel Wyman, )

John Robbins,

Solomon Pierce,

John Tidd,

Joseph Comie,

Wounded in

Ebenezer Munroe, Jun.,
Thomas Winship,

the Morning.

Nathaniel Farmer,

Prince Estabrook (colored),

Jedidiah Munroe, J

Francis Brown, wounded in the afternoon.

Cambridge

William Marcy, ^

Moses Richardson,

John Hicks,
Jason Russell,

► Killed.

Jabish Wyman,

Jason Winship, ^

Samuel Whittemore, Wounded.

Samuel Frost, ) Missina
Seth Russell, \ ^*^^*^-'7-

Concord

Charles Miles, 'J

Nathan Barnet, V Wounded.

Abel Prescott, j

^ Appended to Phinney's History of the Battle at Lexington, Boston, 1825. Ed. i

APPENDIX

535

Town.

Needham

Lieut. John Bourn,
Elisha Mills,
Amos Mills,
Nathaniel Chamberlain,
Jonathan Parker,
Eleazer Kingsbury,
Tolman,

> Killed.

Wounded.

Sudbury

Josiah Haynes, ) Killed.

Asahel Reed, )

Joshua Haynes, Jun. Wounded.

Acton

Capt. Isaac Davis,
Abner Hosmer,
James Hey wood, ^

}

Killed.

Bedford

Jonathan Wilson, Killed.

Job Lane,

Wounded.

WOBURN

Asahel Porter,
Daniel Thompson,
George Reed,
Jacob Bacon,

Johnson,

Killed.
V Wounded.

Medford

Henry Putnam,
William Polly,

Killed.

Charlestown

James Miller,
C. Barber's son,

Killed.

Wound,

Missing.

1 Killed in Lexington, at the house formerly owned by Benjamin Fisk. He was
coming to the house, and met a British soldier coming out. They both took aim aud
fired, and both fell.

536

APPENDIX

Town.

Killed.

Wound.

Missing.

Watertown

Joseph Coolidge, Killed.

Framingham

Daniel Hemenway, Wounded.

Dedham

Elias Haven, Killed.
Israel Everett, Wounded.

Stow

Daniel Conant, Wounded.

ROXBURY

Elijah Seaver, Missing.

Brookline

Isaac Gardner, Esq., Killed.

Billerica

John Nickols, j Wounded.
Timothy Blanchard, )

Chelmsford

Aaron Chamberlain, ) j^^^„^,^
Oliver Barron, )

Salem

Benjamin Pierce, Killed.

Newton

Noah Wiswall, Wounded.

APPENDIX

537

Town.

Killed.

Wound.

Missing.

Danvers

Henry Jacobs, ^
Samuel Cook,

Ebenezer Goldthwait,

George Southwick,

> Killed.

Benjamin Daland,
Jotham Webb,

Perley Putnam, j
Nathan Putnam,
Dennis Wallace,

)- Wounded.

Joseph Bell,

Missing.

Beverly

Reuben Kenyme,
Nathaniel Cleves,

Killed.

Samuel Woodbury,
William Dodge, 3d,

y Wounded.

Lynn

Abednego Ramsdell,

Daniel Townsend,
William Flint,

^Killed.

Thomas Hadley,
Joshua Felt,
Timothy Munroe,
Josiah Breed,

Wounded.
Missing.

The enemy lost 65 killed: 180 were wounded, and 28 taken
prisoners. Holmes's Annals.

■ An English account, published in the Historical Collections,
states their loss to have been 73 killed, 174 wounded, and 26
missing.

538 APPENDIX

Depositions (taken in 1824-25) of Ten Survivors of the
Battle of Lexington *

No. 1

I, Elijah Sanderson, of Salem, in the county of Essex, cabinet-
maker, aged seventy-three years, on oath depose as follows :

In the spring of 1775, I resided at Lexington, and had resided
there then more than a year. In the spring of that year, the officers
of the British regular troops in Boston were frequently making ex-
cursions, in small parties, into the country, and often, in the early
part of the day, in pleasant weather, passed through Lexington,
and usually were seen returning before evening. I lived then on the
main road, about three quarters of a mile east of the meeting-house.

On the evening of the 18th April, 1775, we saw a party of officers
pass up from Boston, all dressed in blue wrappers. The unusually
late hour of their passing excited the attention of the citizens. I took
my gun and cartridge-box, and, thinking something must be going
on more than common, walked up to John Buckman's tavern,
near the meeting-house. After some conversation among the citi-
zens assembled there, an old gentleman advised, that some one
should follow those officers, and endeavour to ascertain their object.
I then observed, that, if any one would let me have a horse, I would
go in pursuit. Thaddeus Harrington told me, I might take his,
which was there. I took his, and Solomon Brown proposed to ac-
company me on his own horse. Jonathan Loring also went with
us. We started, probably, about nine o'clock; and we agreed, if we
could find the officers, we would return and give information, as the
fears were, that their object was, to come back in the night, and
seize Hancock and Adams, and carry them into Boston. It had
been rumoured, that the British officers had threatened, that Han-
cock and Adams should not stay at Lexington. They had been
boarding some time at Parson Clarke's.

We set out in pursuit. Just before we got to Brooks's in Lincoln,
while riding along, we were stopped by nine British officers, who
were paraded across the road. They were all mounted. One rode
up and seized my bridle, and another my arm, and one put his pis-
tol to my breast, and told me, if I resisted, I was a dead man. I
asked, what he wanted. He replied, he wanted to detain me a little
while. He ordered me to get off my horse. Several of them dis-
mounted and threw down the wall, and led us into the field. They
examined and questioned us where we were going, &c. Two of them
staid in the road, and the other seven with us, relieving each other
from time to time. They detained us in that vicinity till a quarter

* Appended to Phinney's History of the Battle at Lexington, Boston, 1825. Ed.

APPENDIX 539

past two o'clock at night. An officer, who took out his watch, in-
formed me what the time was. It was a bright moon-hght after
the rising of the moon, and a pleasant evening. During our de-
tention, they put many questions to us, which I evaded. They
kept us separately, and treated us very civilly. They particularly
inquired where Hancock and Adams were; also about the popula-
tion. One said, "You've been numbering the inhabitants, haven't
ye? " I told him how many it was reported there were. One of them
spoke up and said, "There were not so many, men, women and
children." They asked as many questions as a yankee could.

While we were under detention, they took two other prisoners,
one Allen, a one-handed pedlar, and Col. Paul Revere; also, they
attempted to stop a man on horseback, who, we immediately after
understood, was Dr. Prescott's son. He was well mounted, and,
after turning from the road into the field toward us, he put spurs
to his horse and escaped. Several of the officers pursued him, but
could not overtake him. - ^ - ^ ^e

After they had taken Revere, they brought him withm half a
rod of me, and I heard him speak up with energy to them, " Gentle-
men, you've missed of your aim!" One said, rather hardly, "What
of our aim!" Revere replied, "I came out of Boston an hour after
your troops had come out of Boston and landed at Lechmere's
Point, and if I had not known people had been sent out to give in-
formation to the country, and time enough to get fifty miles, I
would have ventured one shot from you, before I would have suf-
fered you to have stopped me." Upon this, they went a little aside
and conversed together. They then ordered me to untie my horse,
(which was tied to a little birch,) and mount. They kept us in the
middle of the road, and rode on each side of us. We went toward
Lexington. They took all of us, (Revere, Loring, and Brown, and
myself.) My horse not being swift, and they riding at considerable
speed, one of the officers pressed my horse forward, by striking him
with his hanger. When we had arrived within fifty or one hundred
rods of the meeting-house, Loring (as he afterwards informed me)
told them, "The bell's a ringing, the town's alarmed, and you re
all dead men." They then stopped — conferred together. One then
dismounted, and ordered me to dismount, and said to me, "I must
do you an injury." I asked, what he was going to do to me now? He
made no reply, but with his hanger cut my bridle and girth, and
then mounted,and they rode ina good smart trot on toward Boston.
We then turned off to pass through the swamp, through the mud
and water, intending to arrive at the meeting-house before they
could pass, to give information to our people. Just before they got
to the meeting-house, they had halted, which led us to hope, we
should get there first; but they soon started off again at full speed,
and we saw no more of them.

540 APPENDIX

I went to the tavern. The citizens were coming and going; some
went down to find whether the British were coming; some came
back, and said there was no truth in it. I went into the tavern,
and, after a while, went to sleep in my chair by the fire. In a short
time after, the drum beat, and I ran out to the common, where the
militia were parading. The captain ordered them to fall in. I then
fell in. 'T was all in the utmost haste. The British troops were then
coming on in full sight. I had no musket, having sent it home, the
night previous, by my brother, before I started for Concord; and,
reflecting I was of no use, I stepped out again from the company
about two rods, and was gazing at the British, coming on in full
career. Several mounted British officers were forward ; I think, five.
The commander rode up, with his pistol in his hand, on a canter, the
others following, to about eight or ten rods from the company, per-
haps nearer, and ordered them to disperse. The words he used
were harsh. I cannot remember them exactly. He then said,
"Fire!" and he fired his own pistol, and the other officers soon
fired, and with that the main body came up and fired, but did not
take sight. They loaded again as soon as possible. All was smoke
when the foot fired. I heard no particular orders after what the
commander first said. I looked, and, seeing nobody fall, thought
to be sure they could n't be firing balls, and I did n't move off.
After our militia had dispersed, I saw them firing at one man,
(Solomon Brown,) who was stationed behind a wall. I saw the wall
smoke with the bullets hitting it. I then knew they were firing balls.
After the affair was over, he told me he fired into a solid column of
them, and then retreated. He was in the cow yard. The wall saved
him. He legged it just about the time I went away. In a minute or
two after, the British musick struck up, and their troops paraded
and marched right off for Concord.

I went home after my gun, — found it was gone. My brother
had it. I returned to the meeting-house, and saw to the dead. I
saw blood where the column of the British had stood when Solomon
Brown fired at them. This was several rods from where any of our
militia stood; and I then supposed, as well as the rest of us, that
that was the blood of the British.

I assisted in carrying some of the dead into the meeting-house.

Some days before the battle, I was conversing with Jonas Parker,
who was killed, and heard him express his determination never to
rim from before the British troops.

In the afternoon I saw the reinforcement come up under Lord
Percy. I then had no musket, and retired to Estabrook's Hill,
whence I saw the reinforcement meet the troops retreating from
Concord. When they met, they halted some time. After this, they
set fire to Deacon Loring's barn; then to his house; then to widow
Mulliken's house; then to the shop of Nathaniel MuUiken, a watch

APPENDIX 541

and clock maker; and to the house and shop of Joshua Bond. All
these were near the place where the reinforcements took refresh-
ments. They hove fire into several other buildings. It was extin-
guished after their retreat.

During the day, the women and children had been so scattered
and dispersed, that most of them were out of the way when the re-
inforcements arrived.

I now own the musket, which I then owned, and which my brother
had that day, and told me he fired at the British with it.

Elijah Sanderson.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Essex, ss. December 17th, 1824. — Then the above-named Eli-
jah Sanderson, a gentleman of truth and respectability, subscribed
and made oath to the above-written affidavit, before

Benj. Merrill, Just. Peace and Quorum.

No. 2

I, William Munroe, of Lexington, on oath do testify, that I
acted as orderly sergeant in the company commanded by Capt.
John Parker, on the 19th of April, 1775; that, early in the evening
of the 18th of the same April, I was informed by Solomon Brown,
who had just returned from Boston, that he had seen nine British
officers on the road, travelling leisurely, sometimes before and some-
times behind him; that he had discovered, by the occasional blow-
ing aside of their top coats, that they were armed. On learning this,
I supposed they had some design upon Hancock and Adams, who
were then at the house of the Rev. Mr. Clarke, and immediately
assembled a guard of eight men, with their arms, to guard the
house. About midnight. Col. Paul Revere rode up and requested
admittance. I told him the family had just retired, and had re-
quested, that they might not be disturbed by any noise about the
house. "Noise! " said he, "you'll have noise enough before long.
The regulars are coming out." We then permitted him to pass.
Soon after, Mr. Lincoln came. These gentlemen came different
routes. Revere came over the ferry to Charlestown, and Lincoln
over the neck through Roxbury; and both brought letters from Dr.
Warren in Boston to Hancock and Adams, stating, that a large
body of British troops had left Boston, and were on their march to
Lexington. On this, it was thought advisable, that Hancock and
Adams should withdraw to some distant part of the town. To this
Hancock consented with great reluctance, and said, as he went off,
"If I had my musket, I would never turn my back upon these
troops." I however conducted them to the north part of the town,
and then returned to the meeting-house, where I arrived at about

542 APPENDIX

two o'clock on the morning of the 19th, On the arrival of Col.
Revere, the alarm had been given, and, on my return, I found Capt.
Parker and his militia company paraded on the common, a little in
the rear of the meeting-house. About that time, one of our messen-
gers, who had been sent toward Cambridge to get information of the
movement of the regulars, returned and reported, that he could not
learn, that there were any troops on the road from Boston to
Lexington, which raised some doubt as to their coming, and Capt.
Parker dismissed his company, with orders to assemble again at the
beat of the drum. Between day-light and sun-rise, Capt. Thaddeus
Bowman rode up and informed, that the regulars were near. The
drum was then ordered to be beat, and I was commanded by Capt.
Parker to parade the company, which I accordingly did, in two
ranks, a few rods northerly of the meeting-house.

When the British troops had arrived within about a hundred
rods of the meeting-house, as I was afterwards told by a prisoner,
which we took, "they heard our drum, and supposing it to be a
challenge, they were ordered to load their muskets, and to move at
double quick time." They came up almost upon a run. Col. Smith
and Maj. Pitcairn rode up some rods in advance of their troops, and
within a few rods of our company, and exclaimed, "Lay down your
arms, you rebels, and disperse!" and immediately fired his pistol.
Pitcairn then advanced, and, after a moment's conversation with
Col. Smith, he advanced with his troops, and, finding we did not
disperse, they being within four rods of us, he brought his sword
down with great force, and said to his men, "Fire, damn you,
fire!" The front platoon, consisting of eight or nine, then fired,
without killing or wounding any of our men. They immediately
gave a second fire, when our company began to retreat, and, as I
left the field, I saw a person firing at the British troops from Buck-
man's back door, which was near our left, where I was parading
the men when I retreated. I was afterward told, of the truth of
which I have no doubt, that the same person, after firing from the
back door, went to the front door of Buckman's house, and fired
there. How many of our company fired before they retreated, I can-
not say; but I am confident some of them did. When the British
troops came up, I saw Jonas Parker standing in the ranks, with his
balls and flints in his hat, on the ground, between his feet, and heard
him declare, that he would never run. He was shot down at the
second fire of the British, and, when I left, I saw him struggling
on the ground, attempting to load his gun, which I have no doubt he
had once discharged at the British. As he lay on the ground, they
run him through with the bayonet. In the course of the day, I was
on the ground where the British troops were when they first heard
our drum beat, which was about one hundred rods below the
meeting-house, and saw the ends of a large number, I should judge

APPENDIX 543

two hundred, of cartridges, which they had dropped, when they
charged their pieces. About noon, I was at the north part of the
town, at the house of a Mr. Simonds, where I saw the late Col.
Baldwin, who informed me, that he had the custody of some pris-
oners, that had been put under his charge, and requested to know
of me what should be done with them. I gave my opinion, that they
should be sent to that part of Woburn, now Burlington, or to
Chelmsford. On the return of the British troops from Concord,
they stopped at my tavern house in Lexington, and dressed their
wounded, I had left my house in the care of a lame man, by the
name of Raymond, who" supplied them with whatever the house
afforded, and afterward, when he was leaving the house, he was
shot by the regulars, and found dead within a few rods of the house.

William Munroe.

Middlesex, 1th March, 1825. — Then personally appeared the
aforesaid William Munroe, and made oath to the truth of the afore-
going affidavit, by him subscribed, before me,

Amos Muzzy, Justice Peace.

No. 3

I, John Munroe, of Lexington, a collector of tolls for the Middle-
sex Turnpike, being in the seventy-seventh year of my age, on oath
do depose and say, that I was a corporal in the Lexington company
of militia, which was commanded by the late Capt. John Parker,
in the year 1775; that, for some weeks previous to the 19th of April
of that year, the company was frequently called out for exercise,
and desired to furnish ourselves with arms and ammunition, and to
be in constant readiness for action.

On the morning of the 19th, at about two o'clock, as near as I can
recollect, Francis Brown, who was sergeant in the same company,
called me out of my bed, and said, the British troops had left Bos-
ton, and were on their march to Lexington. I immediately repaired
to the place of parade, which was the common, adjoining the meet-
ing-house, where sixty or seventy of the company had assembled in
arms. Capt. Parker ordered the roll to be called, and every man
to load his piece v/ith powder and ball. After remaining on pa-
rade some time, and there being no further accounts of the approach
of the regulars, we v/ere dismissed, but ordered to remain within
call of the drum. About day -light, Capt. Parker had information,
that a regiment of British troops were near, and immediately or-
dered the drum beat to arms. I took my station on the right. While
the company were collecting, Capt. Parker, then on the left, gave
orders for every man to stand his ground until he should order them
to leave. Many of the company had withdrawn to a considerable
distance, and, by the time sixty or seventy of them had collected.

544 APPENDIX

the drum still beating to arms, the front ranks of the British troops
appeared within twelve or fifteen rods of our line. They continued
their march to within about eight rods of us, when an officer on
horseback, Lt. Col. Smith, who rode in front of the troops, exclaimed,
"Lay down your arms, and disperse, you rebels!" Finding our
company kept their ground, Col. Smith ordered his troops to fire.
This order not being obeyed, he then said to them, " G — ^d damn
you, fire!" The front platoon then discharged their pieces, and,
another order being given to fire, there was a general discharge
from the front ranks. After the first fire of the regulars, I thought,
and so stated to Ebenezer Munroe, Jun. who stood next to me on
the left, that they had fired nothing but powder; but, on the second
firing, Munroe said, they had fired something more than powder,
for he had received a wound in his arm; and now, said he, to use
his own words, "I'll give them the guts of my gun." We then both
took aim at the main body of the British troops, — the smoke pre-
venting our seeing any thing but the heads of some of their horses,
— and discharged our pieces. After the second fire from the British
troops, I distinctly saw Jonas Parker struggling on the ground, with
his gun in his hand, apparently attempting to load it. In this situ-
ation the British came up, run him through with the bayonet, and
killed him on the spot. After I had fired the first time, I retreated
about ten rods, and then loaded my gun a second time, with two
balls, and, on firing at the British, the strength of the charge took
off about a foot of my gun barrel.

Such was the general confusion, and so much firing on the part of
the British, that it was impossible for me to know the number of
our men, who fired immediately on receiving the second fire from
the British troops; but that some of them fired, besides Ebenezer
Munroe and myself, I am very confident. The regulars kept up a
fire, in all directions, as long as they could see a man of our com-
pany in arms. Isaac Muzzy, Jonathan Harrington, and my father,
Robert Munroe, were found dead near the place where our line
was formed. Samuel Hadley and John Brown were killed after they
had gotten off the common. Asahel Porter, of Woburn, who had
been taken a prisoner by the British on their march to Lexington,
attempted to make his escape, and was shot within a few rods of
the common. Caleb Harrington was shot down on attempting to
leave the meeting-house, where he and some others had gone, before
the British soldiers came up, for the purpose of removing a quantity
of powder that was stored there.

On the morning of the 19th, two of the British soldiers, who were
in the rear of the main body of their troops, were taken prisoners
and disarmed by our men, and, a little after sun-rise, they were
put under the care of Thomas R. Willard and myself, with orders
to march them to Woburn Precinct, now Burlington. We con-

APPENDIX 545

ducted them as far as Capt. James Read's, where they were put
into custody of some other persons, but whom I do not now recol-
lect.

John Munroe.

Middlesex, ss. December 28th, 1824. — Then the above-named
John Munroe made oath to the truth of the foregoing affidavit, by
him subscribed, before me,

Nathan Chandler, Justice of the Peace.

No. 4

I, Ebenezer Munroe, of Ashburnham, in the county of Worces-
ter and commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the seventy-third year
of my age, on oath dep)ose and say, that I was an inhabitant
of Lexington in the county of Middlesex in the year 1775; that,
during the night of the 18th of April of that year, I was alarmed
by one Micah Nagles, who stated, that the British troops were on
their march from B(»ton, and that Lieut. Tidd requested myself
and others to meet on the common as soon as possible. I accordingly
repaired to the common, the usual place of parade, where I found
Capt. Parker, and, I should think, about forty of the company had
collected. The weather being rather chilly, after calling the roll,
we were dismissed, but ordered to remain within call of the drum.
The men generally went into the tavern adjoining the common.
In the mean time, persons were sent toward Boston to get some
intelligence, if possible, of the regulars. The last person sent was
Thaddeus Bowman, who returned between day-light and sun-rise,
and informed Capt. Parker, that the British troops were within a
mile of the meeting-house. Capt. Parker immediately ordered the
drum beat to arms. I was the first that followed the drum. I took
my station on the right of our line, which was formed from six to
ten rods back of the meeting-house, facing south. About seventy
of our company had assembled when the British troops appeared.
Some of our men went into the meeting-house, where the town's
powder was kept, for the purpose of replenishing their stock of
ammunition. When the regulars had arrived within eighty or one
hundred rods, they, hearing our drum beat, halted, charged their
guns, and doubled their ranks, and marched up at quick step. Capt.
Parker ordered his men to stand their ground, and not to molest
the regulars, unless they meddled with us. The British troops came
up directly in our front. The commanding officer advanced within
a few rods of us, and exclaimed, "Disperse, you damned rebels!
you dogs, run! — Rush on my boys ! " and fired his pistol. The fire
from their front ranks soon followed. After the first fire, I received
a wound in my arm, and then, as I turned to run, I discharged my
gun into the main body of the enemy. As I fired, my face being

546 APPENDIX

toward them, one ball cut off a part of one of my ear-locks, which
was then pinned up. Another ball passed between my arm and my
body, and just marked my clothes. The first fire of the British was
regular; after that, they fired promiscuously. As we retreated, one of
our company, Benjamin Sampson, I believe, who was running with
me, turned his piece and fired. When I fired, I perfectly well recol-
lect of taking aim at the regulars. The smoke, however, prevented
my being able to see many of them. The balls flew so thick, I
thought there was no chance for escape, and that I might as well
fire my gun as stand still and do nothing. I am confident, that it
was the determination of most of our company, in case they were
fired upon, to return the fire. I did not hear Capt. Parker's orders
to his company to disperse. When the British came up in front of
the meeting-house, Joshua Simonds was in the upper galleiy, an
open cask of powder standing near him, and he afterward told me,
that he cocked his gun and placed the muzzle of it close to the cask
of powder, and determined to "touch it off," in case the troops had
come into the gallery. After our company had all dispersed, and
the British had done firing, they gave three cheers. After they had
marched off for Concord, we took two prisoners, who were con-
siderably in the rear of the main body. I carried their arms into
Buckman's tavern, and they were taken by some of our men, who
had none of their own. I beheved, at the time, that some of our
shots must have done execution. I was afterward confirmed in this
opinion, by the observations of some prisoners, whom we took in
the afternoon, who stated, that one of their soldiers was wounded
in the thigh, and that another received a shot through his hand.

Ebenezer Munroe.

Middlesex, ss. 2d April, 1825. — Then personally appeared the
aforesaid Ebenezer Munroe, and made oath to the truth of the afore-
going statement, before me,

SxEfPHEN Patch, Justice Peace.

No. 5

I, William Tidd, of Lexington, in the county of Middlesex, do
testify and declare, that I was a lieutenant in the company of
Lexington militia, commanded by Capt. John Parker, in the year
1775; that, previous to the 19th of April of that year, it was ex-
pected the British would soon commence hostilities upon the then
Provincials; that said company frequently met for exercise, the
better to be prepared for defence; that, on the evening previous to
the 19th, a number of the militia met at my house for the above
purpose; that, about two o'clock on the morning of the 19th, I was
notified, that, the evening previous, several of the British oflBcers
had been discovered riding up and down the road leading to Con-

APPENDIX 547

cord; that they had detained and insulted the passing inhabitants;
and that a body of the regulars were then on the march from Boston
towards Lexington; — I then immediately repaired to the parade
ground of said company, where, after its assemblage and roll call,
we were dismissed by Capt. Parker, with orders to assemble at the
beat of the drum; — that, at about five o'clock of said morning,
intelligence was received, that the British were within a short dis-
tance; and, on the beat to arms, I immediately repaired to where
our company were fast assembhng; that when about sixty or seventy
of them had taken post,dhe British had arrived within sight, and
were advancing on a quick march towards us, when I distinctly
heard one of their oflScers say, " Lay down your arms and disperse,
ye rebels ! " They then fired upon us. I then retreated up the north
road, and was pursued about thirty rods by an oflScer on horse-
back, (supposed to be Maj. Pitcairn,) calling out to me, "Damn
you, stop, or you are a dead man!" — I found I could not escape
him, unless I left the road. Therefore I sprang over a pair of bars,
made a stand, and discharged my gun at him; upon which he im-
mediately returned to the main body, which shortly after took up
their march for Concord.

William Tidd.

Middlesex, ss. December 29, 1824. — William Tidd, aforemen-
tioned, personally made oath to the truth of the foregoing declar-
ation, by him subscribed, before,

Nathan Chandler, Justice of the Peace.

No. 6

I, Nathan Munroe, of Lexington, in the county of Middlesex
and state of Massachusetts, do testify and say, that I was enrolled
as a soldier in the company commanded by Capt. John Parker of
said Lexington, in the year 1775; and, knowing that several British
officers went up the road towards Concord in the evening of the
18th of April of said year, I, with Benjamin Tidd, at the request of
my captain, went to Bedford in the evening, and notified the in-
habitants through the town, to the great road at Merriam's Corner,
so called, in Concord, and then returned to Lexington. When ar-
rived at the common, the bell was ringing, and the company col-
lecting. I immediately got my arms and went to the parade. Capt.
Parker gave orders to us to load our guns, but not to fire, unless we
were fired upon first. About five o'clock in the morning, the British
made their appearance at the east end of the meeting-house, near
where our men were, and immediately commenced firing on us.
I got over the wall into Buckman's land, about six rods from the
British, and then turned and fired at them. About the middle of the
forenoon, Capt. Parker, having collected part of his company,

548 APPENDIX

marclied them towards Concord, I being with them. We met the
regulars in the bounds of Lincohi, about noon, retreating towards
Boston. We fired on them, and continued so to do until they met
theii' reinforcement in Lexington.

Nathan Munroe.

Middlesex, ss. Lexington, December 22, 1824. — Then the
above-named Nathan Munroe made oath to the above, and sub-
scribed his name to the same, before me,

Amos Muzzy, Justice of the Peace.

No. 7

I, Amos Lock, of Lexington, in the county of Middlesex, testify
and declare, that, between two and three o'clock on the morning
of April the 19th, 1775, I heard the bell ring, which I considered
as an alarm, in consequence of a report, that, John Hancock and
Samuel Adams were at the house of the Rev. Jonas Clarke, and that
it was expected, the British would attempt to take them. There-
fore Ebenezer Lock and myself, both being armed, repaired, with all
possible speed, to the meeting-house. On our arrival, we found the
militia were collecting; but, shortly after, some person came up the
road with a report, that there were not any regulars between Bos-
ton and Lexington. Consequently we concluded to return to our
families. We had not proceeded far, before we heard a firing; upon
which we immediately returned, coming up towards the easterly
side of the common, where, under the cover of a wall, about twenty
rods distant from the common, where the British then were, we
found Asahel Porter, of Woburn, shot through the body; upon
which Ebenezer Lock took aim, and discharged his gun at the Brit-
ons, who were then but about twenty rods from us. We then fell
back a short distance, and the enemy, soon after, commenced their
march for Concord.

Amos Lock.

Middlesex, ss. December 29, 1824. — Then the above-named
Amos Lock personally appeared, and made oath to the truth of the
foregoing aflSdavit, by him subscribed, before me,

Nathan Chandler, Justice of the Peace.

No. 8

I, Joseph 'Underwood, of Lexington, in the seventy-sixth year
of my age, on oath do testify, that, on the evening of the 18th
April, 1775, in consequence of a report, that some British officers
had passed through town toward Concord, about forty of the militia
company assembled, early in the evening, at Buckman's tavern,
near the meeting-house, for the purpose of consulting what meas-

APPENDIX 549

ures should be adopted. It was concluded to send persons toward
Concord to watch the motions of the British officers; and others
towards Boston, to ascertain if there were any movements of the
British troops. A guard was stationed at the house of the Rev. Mr.
Clarke, for the purpose of protecting Hancock and Adams, who were
then residing at Mr. Clarke's. The first certain information we had of
the approach of the British troops, was given by Thaddeus Bow-
man, between four and five o'clock on the morning of the 19th, when
Capt. Parker's company were summoned by the beat of the drum,
and the line formed. When the regulars had arrived within about
one hundred rods of our line, they charged their pieces, and then
moved toward us at a quick step. Some of our men, on seeing
them, proposed to quit the field, but Capt. Parker gave orders for
every man to stand his ground, and said he would order the first
man shot, that offered to leave his post. I stood very near Capt.
Parker, when the regulars came up, and am confident he did not
order his men to disperse, till the British troops had fired upon us
the second time.

Joseph Underwood.

Middlesex, ss. 7 March, 1825. — Then personally appeared the
said Joseph Underwood, and made oath to the within statements
by him subscribed, before me,

Amos Muzzy, Justice of Peace.

No. 9

I, Abijah Harrington, one of the representatives to the General
Court from the town of Lexington, on oath do testify, that, in
April, 1775, I lived about a mile and a quarter below the meeting-
house in Lexington. After hearing the firing, on the morning of the
19th, and not getting any certain information whether the British
had killed any of our men, I went up to the meeting-house, soon
after the regulars had marched off for Concord, and, at the distance
of about ten or twelve rods below the meeting-house, where I was
told the main body of their troops stood, when they were fired upon
by our militia, I distinctly saw blood on the ground, in the road,
and, the ground being a little descending, the blood had run along
the road about six or eight feet. A day or two after the 19th, I
was telling Solomon Brown of the circumstance of my having seen
blood in the road, and where it was. He then stated to me, that he
fired in that direction, and the road was then full of regulars, and
he thought he must have hit some of them.

I further testify, that I have heard the late Deacon Benjamin
Brown repeatedly say, that he took a British soldier prisoner, on
the morning of the 19th, a few rods below the meeting-house, im-

550 APPENDIX

mediately after the regulars left tlie common for Concord, and took
his gun from him.

Abijah Harrington.

Middlesex, ss. Uh April, 1825. — Then personally appeared
the aforesaid Abijah Harrington, and made oath to the aforegoing
affidavit, before me.

Amos Muzzy, Justice of Pence.

No. 10

I, James Reed, of Burlington, in the county of Middlesex and
commonwealth of Massachusetts, do testify and declare, that,
soon after the British troops had fired upon the militia at Lexing-
ton, on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, and had taken up
their march towards Concord, I arrived at the common, near the
meeting-house, where I found several of the militia dead, and others
wounded. I also saw a British soldier march up the road, near said
meeting-house, and Joshua Reed of Woburn met him, and de-
manded him to surrender. He then took his arms and equipments
from him, and I took charge of him, and took him to my house, then
in Woburn Precinct. I also testify, that E. Welsh brought to my
house, soon after I returned home with my prisoner, two more of
said British troops; and two more were immediately brought, and I
suppose, by John Munroe and Thomas R. Willard of Lexington;
and I am confident, that one more was brought, but by whom, I
don't now recollect. All the above prisoners were taken at Lexing-
ton immediately after the main body had left the common, and
were conveyed to my house early in the morning; and I took charge
of them. In the afternoon five or six more of said British troops,
that were taken prisoners in the afternoon, when on the retreat
from Concord, were brought to my house and put under my care.
Towards evening, it was thought best to remove them from my
house. I, with the assistance of some others, marched them to one
Johnson's in Woburn Precinct, and there kept a guard over them
during the night. The next morning, we marched them to Bille-
rica; but the people were so alarmed, and not willing to have them
left there, we then took them to Chelmsford, and there the people
were much frightened; but the Committee of Safety consented to
have them left, provided, that we would leave a guard. Accord-
ingly, some of our men agreed to stay.

James Reed.

Middlesex, ss. January 19, 1825. — Then the within-named
James Reed subscribed and swore to the aforenamed statement,
before

Amos Muzzy, Justice oj Peace^

APPENDIX

551

Inscriptions on All the Historic Tablets in the
Town of Lexington ^

On the Stone Pulpit on the Common

Site of the Fibst Three Meeting
Houses in Lexington
I. Built 1692 when thb Town was a

Parish op Cambridob.
II. Built 1713 on the incobpoeation of
Lexington. ,,

III. Built 1794. Buened 1846. This spot is
thus idkntipied with the Town's

HiSTOKY FOB 150 YEARS.

PASTORATES

Benjamin Estabrook .

1692-1697

John ELancock . . .

1698-1752

Jonas Clarke . . .

1755-1805

Avery Williams . .

1807-1815

Charles Briggs . .

1819-1835

WILLLA.M G. SWETT .

1836-1839

Jason Whitman . .

. 1845-1846

Tablets on Houses facing tie Common

HOUSE BUILT 1690
known AS THB

Buck MAN Tavern

a rendezvous op the

Minute Men
a mark for british bullets

APRIL 19 1775

HOUSE OF

Jonathan Harrington

WHO WOUNDED ON THE COMMON
APRIL 19 1775

deaooed himself to thb

door and died at his

wife's feet

HOUSE OF

Marrett AND Nathan
MuNROE

BUILT 1729
A witness OF THB BATTLE

BIRTHPLACE OF

Deliverance Munrob

DAUGHTER OP

Marrett and Deliverance Munroe

AND WIPE OF

Ensign John Winship
this tablet placed by delrvbrance munrob

CHAPTER DAUGHTERS OP REVOLUTION
MARCH 1900

On the Boulder

LINE OF THE MINUTE MEN
APRIL 19 1775

STAND YOUR GROUND DON'T FIRE UNLESS
FIRED UPON BUT IP THEY MEAN TO HAVE A WAR
LET IT BEGIN HERE

— Captain Parker

On the Common

THE SITE OF THE BELFRY

FROM WHICH THB ALARM WAS RUNG APRIL 19, 1775

THIS TABLET WAS ERECTED BY THE

LEXINGTON CHAPTER

DAUGHTERS OP THE AMERICAH REVOLUTION

Tablet on the Old Belfry

THIS Belfry was erected on this hill in 17C1

AND REMOVED TO THE COMMON IN 1768. IN IT

WAS HUNG THE BELL WHICH RANG OUT THE

ALARM ON THE 19tH OF APRIL 1775

IN 1797 IT WAS REMOVED TO THE PARKER HOME-
STEAD IN THE SOUTH PART OP THB TOWN
IN 1891 IT WAS BROUGHT BACK TO THIS SPOT BY THB

Lexington Historical Society

» Taken from Lexington : A Handbook, by Fred S. Piper, 1904. Ed.

55^

APPENDIX

Tablets on Hancock Street

BUILT 1G98 ENLABGKD 1734

RESIDENCK OF

Rev. John Hancock 55 years

AND OP HIS SUCCESSOR

Rev. Jonas Clakkb 50 years

HERE Samuel Adams and John Hancock

were sleeping when aroused by

Paui. Reverb April 19 1775

BUILT 17o2
HOUSE OP

Dr. Joseph Fisk

WHO ATTENDED THE WOUNDED APRIL 19 1775

AND SERVED IN THE CONTINENTAL ARMY

AS SUROKON THROUGHOUT THE WAR

Stone Tablets on the Concord Road

AT THIS WELL APRIL 19 1775

James Haywakd of Acton

MET A BRITISH SOLDIER WHO RAISING HIS GUN

SAID YOU ARE A DEAD MAN

AND SO ARE YOU REPLIED HaYWARD

BOTH FIRED THE SOLDIER WAS INSTANTLY

KILLED AND HAYWARD MORTALLY

WOUNDED

This Bluff was used as a Rallying

Point by the British

APRIL 19 1775

AFTER A SHARP FIGHT THEY RETREATED TO

FiSKB Hill from which they were

DRIVEN IN OBEAT CONFUSION

Stone Cannon on the Grounds of the High School

NEAR THIS SPOT

EARL PERCY

with reenforcements planted a

fibldfiecb to cover the retreat of the

British Troops

APRIL 19 1775

Massachusetts Avenue

On the Hill to the South was Planted

One of the British Fieldpieces

APRIL 19 1775

to command the village

and its approaches and near this place

sevbbal buildings were bubned

Earl Percy's
Headquarters and Hospital

APRIL 19 1775

The Munroe Tavern

BUILT 1695

Wohurn Street

HOUSE OF

Benjamin Merriam

ONE OF THE MiNUTE MEN WHOSE FAMILY FLED

ON THE APPROACH OF THE BRITISH

WHO PILLAGED THE HOUSE

APRIL 19 1775

East Lexington

HOME OF

Jonathan Harrington

THE LAST

Survivor of the Battle of Lexington
born july 8 1758 died march 27 1854

APPENDIX 553

Physicians who have lived and practised Medicine in
Lexington ^

Robert^ Fiske was born at Lexington March 8, 1689; died at
Lexington April 18, 1752, son of David and Sarah.

He married at Woburn, May 26, 1718, Mary Stimpson, of
Reading. They had nine children, of whom Robert, the third,
and Joseph, the fifth, became physicians in Lexington. He re-
sided on Hancock Street, now No. 63, and is buried in Old Ceme-
tery, Lexington. His inventory shows a library consisting of
"General Practice of Physic," "English Dispensatory," and
"The Structure and Condition of Bones."

Joseph^ Fiske was born at Lexington October 13, 1726; died at
Lexington January 8, 1808, son of Dr. Robert* and Mary (Stimp-
son).

He married at Lexington, December 12, 1751, Hepsibah Ray-
mond, daughter of Jonathan. They had three children. He prac-
tised medicine in Lexington from 1751 to 1808, residing on
Hancock Street, where his father had lived. He is buried in the
Old Cemetery, but has no gravestone. He was in active practice
at the time of the Battle of Lexington, and cared for the wounded,
assisted by his son Joseph.

Robert^ Fiske was born at Lexington January 23, 1722; died
about 1762. Son of Robert* and Mary (Stimpson).

He married, first, Mrs. Abigail Glover; secondly, Betty Wilson
(intention Woburn July 27, 1748). He appears to have wandered
about considerably, and came from Woburn to Lexington only a
year or two before he died. He was in the French War of 1760,
and was taxed in Woburn from 1752 to 1762.

Joseph^ Fiske was born at Lexington December 25, 1752; died at
Lexington September 27, 1837, son of Joseph^ and Hepsibah
(Raymond).

He married at Lexington, July 31, 1794, Elizabeth Stone,
daughter of Jonas. He studied medicine with his father and Dr.
John Warren, and surgerj' with Dr. J. C. Warren; established his
residence on Hancock Street, now No. 63, and practised medicine
from 1773 or 1774 to 1837. He was a member of Captain Parker's
company of Minute-Men, assisted his father in caring for the
wounded April 19, 1775, and was later in the Continental Army.
He was Second-Lieutenant June 1 to December 3, 1776; Surgeon's
Mate June 1, 1777, and Surgeon April 17, 1779, to close of the
1 Compiled by Dr. Fred S. Piper, of the Committee. Ed.

554 APPENDIX

war. He was present at the surrenders of both Burgoyne and
Cornwallis. He was an original member of the Massachusetts
Society of Cincinnati and of the Massachusetts Medical Society.
Buried in the Old Cemetery, Lexington. (See illustrations.)

David^ Fiske was born at Lexington November 23, 1760; died at
Lexington November 20, 1803, son of Robert^ and Betty (Wil-
son).

He married (probably at Lexington), August 9, 1754, Abigail
Harrington, daughter of Robert. He resided at the corner of
Bedford Street and Elm Avenue, where he purchased the house
and land of Mrs. Ruth Harrington in 1777. He probably prac-
tised medicine in Lexington about twenty-five years. He was
buried with Masonic honors, probably in the Old Cemetery, but
has no gravestone.

Thomas^ Whitcomb was born at Lancaster, Massachusetts, in
1774, son of Asa and Betty (Sawj'er) ; died in Lexington March
3, 1829 (G. S.). (V. S. give date of death as March 26, 1829.)
Buried in Old Cemetery.

His father was one of the wealthiest and most prominent
citizens of Lancaster, representing the town in the General Court
for eight successive years from 1766 to 1774, and held a commis-
sion of Colonel in the Revolution.^ He married at Lexington,
June 7, 1810, Mrs. Hannah Chandler, widow of Joseph and
daughter of John Bridge. They had one child, Elizabeth Bridge,
who married N. H. Gerry. ^ Dr. Whitcomb resided on Lincoln
Street, on the estate now known as Vine Brook Farm or Esta-
brook and Blodgett Farm. He bought the Dr. David Fiske
residence, now No. 8 Elm Avenue, but probably never lived
there.

In a letter dated May 27, 1886, Rev. Artemas B. Muzzey says
of Dr. Whitcomb : "I remember him well (1812-15) . . . He was
tall and slender, had large, dark, and piercing eyes: looked like
one who felt he was born to command. Ambition was written on
every feature and movement. He was orderly sergeant in the
Lexington Artillery Company. ... In February, 1815, when
the news of peace between England and our country reached
Lexington, although the snow was deep, her two field-pieces were
dragged through its depths and placed in front of the meeting-
house, and Dr. Whitcomb commanded their discharge."

He practised in Lexington about twenty -five years, and was a
member of the Massachusetts Medical Society from 1817 to 1829.

^ See Sparks's Life of Washington, pp. 160-61; and Whitcomb Genealogy, 1904,
by Charlotte Whitcomb. Ed.
^ See Genealogy, Vol. ii. Ed.

APPENDIX 555

Stillman' Spaulding was born at Chelmsford August 17, 1788;
died at Lexington May 28, 1860; son of Job and Sarah (Proctor).
He married, at Chelmsford, May 13, 1819, Lucy Butterfield,
daughter of John and Rebecca (Kendall). They had five children.
He received the degree of A.B. from Harvard in 1798, and of M.D.
from Middlebury College in 1810. He was a member of the
Massachusetts Medical Society, of Hiram Lodge, A. F. and A.M.
and of the First Church in Lexington. He located in Lexington
in 1811, and for a time lived at Buckman Tavern, but later he
resided at the corner of Massachusetts Avenue and Clarke Street,
Buried in Cemetery opposite Bloomfield Street. (See Proc. Lex.
Hist. Soc, Vol. Ill, p. 19. See also illustrations.)

John Nelson was born at Milford, September 8, 1790; died in
Woburn March 21, 1864.

He married Lucinda Parkhurst of Milford. Their adopted
daughter, Catharine, married John Viles, 1845. He studied medi-
cine with Dr. Thurber of Mendon and began practice in Car-
lisle in 1816. He moved from Carlisle to Lexington in 1835, and
from Lexington to Woburn in 1846. While in Lexington, he lived
where the Russell House now stands, 347 Massachusetts Avenue.
He was a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society from
1826 to 1855. He was Trial Justice in Woburn, and for a time
held a position in the Custom-House, Boston.

William Jackson ^ Curkier was born at Bow, New Hampshire,
February 21, 1815; died at Lexington October 27, 1884; son of
Jonathan and Cynthia (Whitney).

He married at Lexington, January 23, 1845, Susan Butter-
field Spaulding, daughter of Dr. Stillman Spaulding. They had
two children, Charles, who died in 1870, and William B. He re-
ceived the degree of M.D. from Berkshire Medical Institute in
1839, and located in Lexington in 1840, where he spent the re-
mainder of his life. He located first in the East Village, now No.
153 Massachusetts Avenue, but removed to the Centre, now 416
Massachusetts Avenue, and later to the house on Muzzey Street,
corner of Raymond Street. Dr. Currier's sympathy, honesty,
and professional skill commanded the enduring respect and affec-
tion of his fellow-citizens to an unusual degree. He was a mem-
ber of the Massachusetts Medical Society from 1843 to 1882.
Buried in Cemetery opposite Bloomfield Street. (See illustra-
tions.)

Rowland* Holmes was born in Halifax, Massachusetts, January
16, 1815; died in his carriage at Arlington November 16, 1893;
son of Howland and Huldah (Copeland) .

556 APPENDIX

He married at Albany, New York, August 28, 1849, Sarah
Maria Wellington Cotting, of Arlington, daughter of William.
He was educated at Bridgewater and Phillips Exeter Academies,
Harvard A.B. 1843, Harvard A.M. 1846, Harvard M.D. 1848,
and L'ficole de Medecine, Paris. He was a member of the First
Church, Lexington, the New England Historic Genealogical
Society, the Farmers' Club of Lexington, and the Massachusetts
Medical Society. He was Justice of the Peace for twenty -five
years, and member of the School Committee. He practised medi-
cine for forty -two years, having settled in Lexington in 1851. His
last residence was Massachusetts Avenue, corner of Waltham
Street. Buried in Cemetery opposite Bloomfield Street. (See
illustrations.)

John Preston Sutherland was born at Charlestown February
9, 1854, son of John and Mary (Ross).

He married at Boston, March 10, 1879, Evelyn Greenleaf
Baker, daughter of James. He received the degree of M.D. from
Boston University School of Medicine in 1879. He located in
Lexington in 1879, and removed to Concord in 1880. He was
Professor of Anatomy in Boston University School of Medicine,
for nearly twenty years, and since 1908 has been Professor of
Theory and Practice of Medicine. He has been Dean of Boston
University School of Medicine the past dozen years. As a phy-
sician and scientist, he hAs an international reputation. He is a
member of the Massachusetts Homoeopathic Medical Society,
the American Institute of Homoeopathy, and is Secretary of the
International Homoeopathic Congress.

Seth^ Saltmarsh was born at Salem November 14, 1811; died at
Lexington, February 8, 1897; son of Seth and Anna (Andrews).
He married at Philadelphia, Mary Henrietta Sandford, daugh-
ter of Isaac. He received the degree of M.D. from the University
of Pennsylvania in 1837. He studied at Harvard Divinity School
and was ordained a Unitarian clergyman at Windsor, Vermont,
in 1848. He held several pastorates covering about twenty -five
years. He located in Lexington in 1880, and practised medicine
the remainder of his life; with office at 464 Massachusetts Avenue.
He was a member of the Massachusetts Homoeopathic Medical
Society. (See illustrations.)

JosiAH Odin^ Tilton was born at Limerick, Maine, July 29, 1853;
son of Jeremiah and Abigail Stearns (Freese).

He married, first, at Peterboro, New Hampshire, April 30,
1884, Hattie Amanda French, daughter of Henry K.; secondly,
at Concord, New Hampshire, October 31, 1894, Florence Gard-

DR. WILLIAM J. CURRIER DR. STILLMAN SPAULDING

DR. JOSEPH' FISKE

DR. ROWLAND HOLMES DR. SETH SALTMARSH

APPENDIX 557

ner Stratton, daughter of George L. He received the degree of
A.B. from Colby in 1875, of A.M. Colby, in 1878, of M.D. from
the University of the City of New York in 1882. He is a Free-
mason, a member of the Appalachian Mountain Club, Massa-
chusetts Medical Society, and American Medical Association.
He has served the town on the Board of Health, and is school
physician. He located in Lexington September 1, 1883, and re-
sides at No. 1 Elm Avenue.

George Brackett Rice was born at Westford, July 19, 1859, son
of Rev. George M. an^ Percis Fayette (Weeks).

He married at Andover in 1886, Mrs. Jeannette Noyes. He
received the degree of M.D. from Boston University School of
Medicine in 1886. He located in Lexington in June, 1886, and
removed from town in October, 1886. He is a skillful surgeon in
diseases of the nose and throat, and holds the Professorship in
this subject at Boston University School of Medicine. He is a
member of the Massachusetts Homoeopathic Medical Society
and the American Listitute of Homoeopathy. His father
supplied the First Church, Lexington, in 1840-41.

Henry Charles ^ Valentine was born at Plymouth, Michigan,
October 24, 1863, son of Charles Wesley and Mary Antoinette
(Fralick).

He married at Lexington, April 15, 1896, Mary Foster Sher-
burne, daughter of Warren. He received the degree of M.D. from
the University of Michigan in 1892, and located in Lexington
in the same year. He is a Knight Templar, member of the Massa-
chusetts Medical Society, American Medical Association, and
Boston Medical Library Association. He served the town on
the Board of Health from 1894 to 1900, and has been town phy-
sician since 1894. He resides at 408 Massachusetts Avenue.

Fred Smith ^ Piper was born at Dublin, New Hampshire, Novem-
ber 21, 1867, son of Jonas Brooks and Elizabeth Melville (Cow-
ing).

He married, first, at Peterboro, New Hampshire, August 27,
1891, Mable Marion Scott, daughter of John; secondly, at Skow-
hegah, Maine, October 3, 1900, Grace Elise Judkins, daughter of
John. He received the degree of M.D. from Boston University
School of Medicine in 1890, and has done post-graduate work
at the Harvard Medical School. He located, in 1890, in Hills-
boro. New Hampshire, and moved to Lexington January 5, 1897.
He is a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society, American
Medical Association, Massachusetts Homoeopathic Medical So-
ciety, and American Institute of Homoeopathy. He is a Lecturer

558 APPENDIX

on Practice in Boston University School of Medicine, a Knight
Templar, and Past President of Lexington Historical Society.
He resides at 462 Massachusetts Avenue.

Sherwin Gibbons was born at Boston, August 7, 1871, son of
William Taylor and Elizabeth Shepherd (Gibbens).

He married, first, at West Roxbury, October 15, 1899, Anna
Judson Pearce, daughter of William B.; secondly, at Dedham
February 16, 1903, Dr. Mary Alice Pearce (M.D., Boston Uni-
versity 1896), daughter of William B. He received the degrees
of A.i3., 1894, and M.D., 1898, from Harvard. He located in
Lexington in 1898, and removed to Los Angeles, California, in
1901. He is a Thirty-Second Degree Mason, and has served on
the Board of Health in Los Angeles since 1909.

Samuel Danforth Bartlett was born at Boston April 25, 1875,
son of Dr. George Pinkham, of Woburn and Boston, and Ade-
laide L. (Danforth).

He received the degree of M.D. from Harvard in 1898, and
located in Lexington in 1901, succeeding Dr. Gibbons. He re-
moved from Lexington in 1908 or 1909.

Bertha C. Downing was born at Kennebunk, Maine, March 22,
1863, daughter of Justin Streeter and Jane Alcock (Stiles).

She received the degree of M.D. from the Woman's Medical
College of Pennsylvania in 1896, and of Ph.D. from Clark Uni-
versity in 1910; thesis "Subnormal Children." She located in
Lexington in 1902, and removed from town about 1909. While
here, she lived in three or four different houses, including 8 Elm
Avenue, 522 Massachusetts Avenue, and lastly at the corner of
Massachusetts Avenue and Middle Street, East Lexington.

William Lester^ Barnes was born at Providence, Rhode Island,
May 28, 1878, son of WilHam Henry and Caddie Eva (Porter).
He married at Boston in 1906, Esther Ritchie Wyman, daugh-
ter of James. He received the degrees of A.B., 1900, and M.D.,
1904, from Harvard, and served in Boston City Hospital in
1904-1906. He is a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society
and American Medical Association. He located in Lexington in
1906, — first at 386 Massachusetts Avenue, and later at 362
Massachusetts Avenue.

WiNSOR Marrett^ Tyler was born at Cambridge April 28, 1876,
son of Daniel G. and Mary E. (Marrett).

He married at Lexington, October 22, 1910, Gertrude Mabel
Ball, daughter of Lucius W. and M. Carrie (Harrington) . He re-

APPENDIX 559

ceived the degrees of A.B., 1899, and of M.D., 1903, from Har-
vard, served in Boston City Hospital in 1903-05, and in Lying-in
Hospital of the City of New York. He is a member of the Massa-
chusetts Medical Society and of the American Medical Asso-
ciation, and is much interested in Ornithology. He located in
Lexington in 1906, first at 454 Massachusetts Avenue, and later
at 522 Massachusetts Avenue.

James Joseph^ Walsh was born at Woburn September 10, 1887,
son of John A. and Mary E, (Shea).

He married at St. Lkzare, P. Q., April 29, 1908, Celina Ville-
neure, daughter of Jeremie and Victorenne (Chevries). He re-
ceived the degrees of M.D. and CM. from McGill University,
in 1909, and is a member of the Canadian Medical Association.
He located at Lexington in 1910, first at 454 Massachusetts
Avenue, and later at 390 Massachusetts Avenue.

560 APPENDIX

A List of the Birds or Lexington, Massachusetts ^

It is i^y hope that, with the exceptions noted below, the following
list includes not only all the species of birds which occur in Lexing-
ton at the present time, but those species as well which during the
last fifty years have ceased to frequent the town.

In dealing with an area as small as Lexington one is hampered by
the absence of records for the town of some of the rarer birds which
are known to occur in the vicinity. For this reason, although with-
out much doubt they rarely visit Lexington, I have omitted from
the list three hawks, — the red-tailed, the rough-legged, and the
duck hawk, and the barred owl.

In the case of the birds which no longer visit the town, and in the
case of those species which, although they still occur in Lexington,
have recently decreased in abundance, I have made clear the dis-
tinction between their former and their present status by enclosing
in parentheses all records which do not apply to the present time.

Mr. Walter Faxon has very kindly aided me in the preparation
of the list.

I have used the following abbreviations : —

P R = Permanent Resident T V^ = Transient Visitor S R = Summer Resident
W V = Winter Visitor A = Abundant C = Common

U = Uncommon R = Rare I = Irregular

X = Of casual or accidental occurrence ( )=Read "formerly"

s= spring a= autumn

1 Pied-billed grebe, Podilymbus podiceps.

(U S R) U T V

2 Dovekie, AUe alle.

3 Herring gull, Larus argentatus.

R V s and a

4 American merganser, Mergus americanus.

C V s and a

5 Mallard, Anas platyrhynchos.

RT V

6 Black duck, Anas rubripes.

C T V and probably R S R

7 Green-winged Teal, Nettion carolinense.

RTV

8 Pintail, Dafila acuta.

RTV

9 Wood duck, Aix sponsa.

(RSR). Probably RTV

1 Compiled to May, 1912, by Dr. Winsor M. Tyler. Ed.

^ Unless specified by the addition of "s" or "a," transient visitors occur during
both northward and southward migrations. Ed.

APPENDIX

561

10 American golden eye,

U V s and a

11 Canada goose,

(C T V) U T V

12 American bittern,

USR

13 Least bittern,

(RSR)

14 Great blue heron,

UTV

15 Green heron,

USR

16 Black-crowned night heron,

CSV

17 Virginia rail,

RSR

18 Sora,

RSR

19 Florida gallinule,

(RSR)

20 American coot,

RTV

21 American woodcock,

U T V and R S R

22 Wilson's snipe,

UTV

23 Pectoral sandpiper,

(UTV) Probably UTV

24 Least sandpiper,

RTV

25 Semipalmated sandpiper,

RTV

26 Greater yellow-legs,

RTV

27 Yellow-legs,

Clangula clangula americana.
Branta canadensis.
Botaurus lentiginosus.
Ixobrychus exiles.
Ardea herodias.
Butorides virescens.
Nycticorax nycticorax naevius.
Rallus virginianus.
Porzana Carolina.
Gall inula galeata.
Fulica americana.
Philohela minor.
Gallinago delicata.
Pisobia maculata.
Pisobia minutilla.
Ereunetes pusillus.
Totanus melanoleucus.
Totanus flavipes.

RTV. Probably not present in spring.

28 Solitary sandpiper,

CTV

29 Spotted sandpiper,

CSR

30 Semipalmated plover,

RTV

31 Bob-white,

CPR

32 Ruffed grouse,

CPR

33 Mourning dove,

R T V and probably RSR

34 Marsh hawk,

CTV

Helodromas solitarius.

Actitis macularia.

Aegialitis semipalmata.

Colrnus virginianus.

Bonasa umbellus.

Zenaidura macroura carolinensis.

Circus hudsonius.

562

35 Sharp-shinned hawk,

C T V and R S R

36 Cooper's hawk,

C T V and U S R

37 American goshawk,

RWV

38 Red-shouldered hawk,

CSR

39 Broad-winged hawk,

UTV

40 Golden eagle,

41 Bald eagle,

42 Pigeon hawk,

RTV

43 American sparrow hawk,

U P R and C S R

44 American osprey,

CTV

45 American long-eared owl,

RPR

46 Saw- whet owl,

RWV

47 Screech owl,

CPR

48 Great horned owl,

RWV Possibly RSR

49 Snowy owl,

RWV

50 Yellow-billed cuckoo,

USR

51 Black-billed cuckoo,

CSR

52 Belted kingfisher,

CSR

53 Hairy woodpecker,

UPR

54 Downy woodpecker,

CPR

55 Yellow-bellied sapsucker,

UTV

56 Red-headed woodpecker,

R at all seasons.
67 Northern flicker,

C P R and A S R

58 Whip-poor-will,

USR

59 Nighthawk,

(R S R) U T V

APPENDIX

Accipiter velox.

Accipiter cooperi,

Astur atricapillus.

Buteo lineatus.

Buteo platypterus.

Aquila chrysaetus.

Haliaeetus leucocephalus.

Falco columbarius.

Falco sparverius.

PandioD haliaetus carolinensis.

Asio wilsonianus.

Cryptoglaux acadica.

Otus asio.

Bubo virginianus.

Nyctea nyctea.

Coccyzus americanus.

Coccyzus erythrophthalmus.

Ceryle alcyon.

Dryobates villosus.

Dryobates pubescens medianus.

Sphyrapicus varius.

Melanerpes erythrocephalus.

Colaptes auratus luteus.

Antrostomus vociferus.

Chordeiles virginianus.

APPENDIX

563

60 Chimney swift,

CSR

61 Ruby-throated hummingbird,

C T V and U S R
m Kingbird,
CSR

63 Crested flycatcher,

RSR

64 Phoebe,

CSR

65 Olive-sided flycatcher, ^

RTV

66 Wood pewee,

CSR

67 Yellow-beUied flycatcher,

RTV

68 Alder flycatcher,

RTV

69 Least flycatcher,

CSR

70 Homed lark,

CTV

71 Prairie horned lark,

RSR

72 Blue jay,

CPR

73 Canada jay,

74 American crow,

CPR

75 Bobolink,

CSR

76 Cowbird,

CSR

77 Red- winged blackbird,

A T V and C S R

78 Meadowlark,

R P R and C S R

79 Orchard oriole,

RSR

80 Baltimore oriole,

CSR

81 Rusty blackbird,

CTV

82 Bronzed grackle,

A T V and C S R

83 Pine grosbeak,

IWV

84 Purple finch,

CPR

Chaetura pelagica.
Archilochus colubris.
Tyrannus tyrannus.
Myiarchus crinitus.
Sayomis phoebe.
Nuttallornis borealis.
Myiochanes virens.
Empidonax flaviventris.
Empidonax trailli alnorum.
Empidonax minimus.
Otocoris alpestris.
Otocoris alpestris praticola.
Cyanocitta cristata.
Perisoreus canadensis.
Corvus brachyrhynchos.
Dolichonyx oryzivorus.
Molothrus ater,
Agelaius phoeniceus.
Sturnella magna.
Icterus spurius.
Icterus galbula.
Euphagus carolinus.
Quiscalus quiscula aeneus.
Pinicola enucleator leucura-
Carpodacus purpureus.

564

85 American crossbill,

ICWV

86 Wliite-winged crossbill,

RWV

87 RedpoU,

I W V Sometimes A

88 Holboell's redpoll,

One record

89 American goldfinch,

CPR

90 Pine siskin,

CTVandlWV

91 Snow bunting,

RWV

92 Vesper sparrow,

CSR

93 Savanna sparrow,

CTV

94 Grasshopper sparrow,

RSR

95 Henslow's sparrow,

RSR

96 White-crowned sparrow,

UTV

97 White-throated sparrow,

ATV

98 Tree sparrow,

A T V and C W V

99 Chipping yarrow,

ASR

100 Field sparrow,

CSR

101 Slate-colored junco,

A T V and C W V

102 Song sparrow,

R P R and A S R

103 Lincoln's sparrow,

RTV

104 Swamp sj>arrow,

CSR

105 Fox sparrow,

CTV

106 Chewink,

CSR

107 Rose-breasted grosbeak,

CSR

108 Indigo bunting,

CSR

109 Scarlet tanager,

CSR

APPENDIX

Loxia curvirostra minor.

Loxia leucoptera.

Acanthis linaria.

Acanthis linaria holboelli.

AstragaJinus tristis.

Spin us pinus.

Plectrophenax nivalis.

Pooecetes gramineus.

Passerculus sandwichensis savanna.

Ammodramus savannarum australis.

Passerherbulus henslowi.

Zonotrichia leucophrys.

Zonotrichia albicollis.

Spizella monticola.

Spizella passerina.

Spizella pusilla.

Junco hyemalis.

Melospiza melodia.

Melospiza lincolni.

Melospiza georgeana.

Passerella iliaca.

Pipilo erythrophthalmus.

Zamelodia ludoviciana.

Passerina cyanea.

Piranga erythromelas.

APPENDIX

565

110 Purple martin,

(U S R) R T V

111 Cliff swallow,

RSR

112 Barn swallow,

CSR

113 Tree swallow,

USR

114 Bank swallow,

RSR

115 Cedarbird,

A T V and U S R

116 Northern shrike,

uwv

117 Red-eyed vireo,

ASR

118 Warbling vireo.

Locally CSR

119 YeUow-throated vireo.

CSR

120 Blue-headed vireo,

C T V and R S R

121 White-eyed vireo,

(R S R) Very rare at the present time

Progne subis.
Petrochelidon lunifrons.
Hirundo erythrogaster.
Iridoprocne bicolor.
Riparia riparia.
Bombyeilla cedrorum.
Lanius borealis.
Vireosylva olivacea.
Vireosylva gilva.
Lanivireo flavifrons.
Lanivireo solitarius.
Vireo griseus.

122 Black and white warbler,

CSR

123 Brewster's warbler,

R S R in one locality

124 Golden-winged warbler,

USR

125 Nashville Warbler,

USR

126 Tennessee warbler,

RTV

127 Northern parula warbler,

CTV

128 Cape May warbler,

RTV

129 Yellow warbler,

CSR

130 Black-throated blue warbler,

CTV

131 Myrtle warbler,

ATV

132 Magnolia warbler,

CTV

133 Chestnut-sided warbler,

ASR

134 Bay-breasted warbler,

RTV

Mniotilta varia.
Vermivora leucobronchialis.
Vermivora chrysoptera.
Vermivora rubricapilla.
Vermivora peregrina.
Compsothlypis americana usneae.
Dendroica tigrina.
Dendroica aestiva.
Dendroica caerulescens.
Dendroica coronata.
Dendroica magnoha.
Dendroica pensylvanica.
Dendroica castanea.

566

APPENDIX

135 Black-poll warbler,

ATV

136 Blackbumian warbler,

UTV

137 Black-throated green warbler,

CSR

138 Pine warbler,

Locally CSR

139 Palm warbler,

RTVa

140 Yellow palm warbler,

CTV

141 Prairie warbler,

RSR

142 Oven-bird,

ASR

143 Water-thrush,

CTV

144 Connecticut warbler.

Locally C T V a

145 Mourning warbler,

RTV

146 Northern yellow-throat,

CSR

147 Yellow-breasted chat,

Dendroica striata.

Dendroica fusca.

Dendroica virens.

Dendroica vigorsi.

Dendroica palmarum.

Dendroica palmarum hypochrysea.

Dendroica discolor.

Seiurus aurocapillus.

Seiurus noveboracensis.

Oporornis agilis.

Oporornis Philadelphia.

Geothlypis trichas.

Icteria virens.

(R S R) Very rare at the present time.

148 Wilson's warbler

UTV

149 Canadian warbler,

CTV Possibly RSR

150 American redstart,

CSR

151 Titlark,

RTVs— CTVa

152 Mockingbird,

Wilsonia pusilla.
Wilsonia canadensis.
Setophaga ruticilla.
Anthus rubescens.
Mimus polyglottos.

Of very rare occurrence at any season; one recent record.

153 Catbird,

CSR

154 Brown thrasher,

CSR

155 House wren,

RSR

156 Winter wren,

RTVs— CTVa

157 Long-billed marsh wren,

(USR)

158 Brown creeper,

CWV

159 White-breasted nuthatch,

CPR

Dumetella carolinensis.
Toxostoma rufum.
Troglodytes aedon.
Nannus hiemalis.
Telmatodytes palustris.
Certhia familiaris americana.
Sitta carolinensis.

160 Red-breasted nuthatch,

I C T V and R W V

161 Chickadee,

CPR

162 Golden-crowned kinglet,

C T V and U W V

163 Ruby-crowced kinglet,

CTV

164 Wood thrush,

RSR

165 Wilson's thrush,

CSR

166 Grey-cheeked thrush,

RTV

167 Bicknell's thrush,

RTV

168 Olive-backed thrush,

CTV

169 Hermit thrush,

CTV

170 American robin,

A S R and I W V

171 Bluebird

CSR

APPENDIX

Sitta canadensis.
Penthestes atricapillus.
Regulus satrapa.
Regulus calendula.
Hylocichla mustiiina.
Hylocichla fuscescens-
Hylocichla aliciae.
Hylocichla aliciae bicknelli.
Hylocichla ustulata swainsoni.
Hylocichla guttata pallasi.
Planesticus migratorius.
Sialia sialis.

567

Introduced Species

172 Ring-necked pheasant, Phasianus torquatus.

Increasingly CPR

173 Domestic pigeon, Columba domestica.

Sometimes breeds in wild state.

174 House sparrow. Passer domesticus.

Less CPR than formerly.

INDEX

Abbot, Abiel, 382.

Abbot, Nehemiah, 460, 462,

481.
Abbott, Joseph, 196.
Acton, men of, in action at
Concord, 160, 161; killed and
wounded, 1§5, 535; 204, 260,
261.
Adams, A. B., 365, 368, 460.
Adams, Mrs. A. B., 365.
Adams, Amos, 296.
Adams, George, 26, 33, 425.
Adams, Hannah, 181, 199.
Adams, John, 99, 101; delegate
to Continental Congress,
116.
Adams, Joseph, 181.
Adams, Josiah, 161, 260, 261.
Adams, Sampson, 428.
Adams, Samson, 229.
Adams, Samuel, 5, 68, 87, 97;
efforts to have him sent to
England for trial,l98; 99, 100;
saw prospect of independ-
ence, 101; 103, 104, 108,
110; delegate to Continental
Congress, 116; presided at
anniversary of Boston Mas-
sacre, 128; 132, 133; to be
seized, 134, (111. 134); ex-
cepted from pardon, 135;
warned, 137, 138; British
threatened, 139; 141; re-
paired to Burlington, 144;
memorable exclamation, 146;
149, 175, 196, 208; letter
to Lee, 211, 212; 213, 214,
216, 264, 284, 325, 435, 444,
526, 538, 541, 548, 549.
Adams, T., 430.
Adams, Thomas, 426, 429.
Adams, Rev. William, 283.
Adams, Zabdiel, 189.
Adams school. See Schools.
Adrniralty, Courts of, juris-
diction extended, 93.
Alarm List, 433.
Alderman, Franklin, 459.
Allen, Galen, 459.
Alliance, Women's, 356.
Alline, Ezekiel, 427.
Ames, Levi, 122.
Ammunition, to be kept in the

parish, 38; "aireing," 256.
Andrews, Anna, 556.
Andros, Sir JEdmund, ap-
pointed governor with des-
potic powers, 91 ; imprisoned,
91; 92, 110.
Angier, Henry A., 435.
Angier, Lucius B., 435.
Aplin, John, 33.
Appleton, Rev., 57, 314, 316.
Arlington incorporated, 24.
Arms, Richard, 357.
Armstrong, George P., 403.
Armstrong, Lieut.-Gov., 265.
Art Class, 508.
Artillery company, 433.
Ashby, William M., 463.
Aspinwall, Col., account of,

182.
Aspinwall, William, 182.
Assessors, list of, 460.

Austin, Atty.-Gen., 265.
Austin, Benjamin, 255.
Austin, Lucius A., 296.
Averill, Trask W., 435.
Axlin, John, 33.
Ayer, Rev. J. CuUen, 376.

Babcock, Leonard G., 294,295,
(111. 446), 450, 462, 498, 499,
50V.
Bacheller, Carrie E., 509.
Bacon, Charles H., 450.
Bacon, David, 186.
Bacon, Jacob, 185, 535.
Bacon, John, 185.
Bacon, Reuben, 185.
Bagley, Col., 420.
Bailey, R. M., 500.
Bailey, William, 435.
Baker, Amos, 161, 186.
Baker, Ebenezer, 463.
Baker, Evelyn Greenleaf, 556.
Baker, James, 556.
Baker, Lieut., 128.
Baker, Rev., 310.
Baker, Walter W., 364, 365.
Baker, Mrs. Walter W., 365.
Baker, William S., 430.
Balch, Benjamin, 133.
Baldwin, Ensign, 128.
Baldwin, Loammi, 166, 543.
Ball, Alamander L., 361, 450,

499.
Ball, Gertrude Mabel, 558.

Ball, Lucius W., 558.

Ball, M. Carrie, 558.

Ball, Reuben,'430.
Ballard, Francis E., 500, 506,
522.

Ballard, Mrs. Francis E., 510.

Ballard, George Gray, 374, 376,
524.

Bancroft, Mr., 199, 208.

Bank, Lexington Savings, 294.

Banks, Nathaniel P., 288.

Bannon, John, 435.

Baptist church.' See'.Churches.

Barber, C, 535.

Barber, Edward, 186.

Barber, John, 186.

Barker, Lieut., 155.

Barnard, Col., 169.

Barnard, David, 415, 418.

Barnard, Gov., 420.

Barnatt, Giles, 417.

Barnes, Caddie Eva, 558.

Barnes, Esther Ritchie, 558.

Barnes, Mr., 56.

Barnes, William Henry, 558.

Barnes, William Lester, 558.

Barnet, Nathan, 534.

Barnett, Giles, 414.

Barny, Joseph, 431.

Barre, 95.

Barrett, Col., 127; not a pro-
scribed patriot, 135; re-
moved stores, 156; men or-
dered to retire over North
Bridge, 158; 159, 160, 162,
163, 164, 201, 204, 214, 216,
218 531.

Barrett, Esther M. Tidd, 502.

Barrett, Rev. Fiske, 339, 460.

Barrett, John, 157, 430.

Barrett, Nathan, 157, 168, 185,
289.

Barrett, Richard F., 404.

Barron, Oliver, 186, 536.

Bartlett, Adelaide L., 558.

Bartlett, George Pinkham, 558.

Bartlett, Jonas, 435.

Bartlett, Rev. M., 358.

Bartlett, Samuel Danforth,558.

Bartlett, William F., 288.

Barton, Clara, 495.

Batchelder, Ira F., 450.

Bates, Oliver, 186.

Battle of Lexington, company
formed, 148; Capt. Parker's
orders, 149; British fire, 150;
men killed, 152, 153; propor-
tionalloss,154; British march
to Concord, 155; Gen. Heath
arrived, 178; assumed con-
trol, 179; effect on the pub-
lic mind, 188; controversy
with Concord,192-204; news
traveled, 216; sympathy
aroused, 217; news carried
to England, 220; card issued
by British ministry, 221; ef-
fect of news in England, 222;
Clark's narrative, 526, (111.
Frontispiece, 148); centen-
nial celebration, 282.

Bay ley, Edwin A., 460, 464.
504.

Bayley, Mrs. Edwin A., 509.

Beals, Eleanor S., gifts, 406,
519.

Beah, John, 461.

Beck, Dr., 346.

Bedford, killed and wounded,

185, 535.

Beecher, Catharine E., 392.

Belcher, Gov., 92.

Belfry, erected, 60; (111. 190);

restored, 490.
Belfry Hill, 468.
Belknap, Dr., 140, 481.
Belknap, Gen., 287.
Bell, given by Isaac Stone, 60,

(Tongue, 111. 106) ; new, 256.
Bell, Joseph, 186, 537.
Bemis, Daniel, 427, 431.
Bemis, Samuel, loss, 174.
Bennett, Giles, 414, 415.
Bennink, L. E., 449, 499, 500.
Bent, Thomas, 185.
Benton, J. H., 63.
Bergain, Francis A., 435.
Berkeley, Gov., 14.
Beriitz, Charles, 435.
Bernard, Gov. Francis, 94;

deadly enemy to colony, 96;

dissolved the General Court,

97; refused to order a new

election, 97, 98; succeeded

by Hutchinson, 99.
Bernard, Lieut. Col., 128.
Betts, John, 22.
Beverly, killed and wounded,

186, 537.

Bicknell, Quincy, 461 , 498.
Bigelow, Alpheus, 429.
Bigelow, Ella C, 502.
Bigelow, Col. Timothy, 154
155.

570

INDEX

Billerica, incorporated, 21;
killed and wounded, 186,
536.

Billings, Rev. B. H..362.

Billinga, Ebenezcr, 493.

Billings, Elizabeth, 493.

Billings, James, 430.

Billings, Rev. Patrick H., 362.

Billings, Robert Charles, 491,
493.

Bills, two, passed by Parlia-
ment. 109; acted upon by
Gen. Gage, 110.

Bird, Mr., 505.

Birds, list of, 560.

Blackman, Pompey, 426, 431,
432.

Blakei Edwin H., 463.

Blake, George, 255.

Blanchard, Capt., 413.

Blanchard, Luther, 185.

Blanchard, Timothy, 186, 536.

Blasdel, John C, 463, 498, 499.

Blinn, Richard D., 294, 463.

Bliss, Edward P., 294, 372,

459, 460, 496, 499.
Blodet. iSee Blodgett.
Blodget. See Blodgett.
Blodgett, Arthur L., 460.
Blodgett, Ebenezer, 415, 418.
Blodgett, Rev. F. B., 376.
Blodgett, Isaac, 229, 421, 423,

424.
Blodgett, James, 506.
Blodgett, Josiah, 414, 415, 417,

425, 426.
Blodgett, Nathan, loss, 174.;
Blodgett, Phenias, 417.
Blodgett, Phinehas, 415.
Blodgett, Seth, 417.
Blodgett, Simeon, 416, 424.
Blodgett, Thomas, 27,, 32, 40,

42, 46, 415, 418, 432, 457,

460, 463.
Blodgett, Walter, 459.
Blodgett, William, 413, 414.
Bloggitt. See Blodgett.
Blogit. See Blodgett.

Bond, Joshua, loss, 174; 229,

417, 533, 541.
Bond, Samuel, 429.
Boston, endorsement of doings

of, 73, 81 ; laid under martial

law, 101.
Boston Massacre, 99.
Boston Neck, fortified, 112.
Boston Port Bill, 105; passed,

107; in operation, 108; bells

tolled, fasting and prayer

over, 108; 210.
Boston tea party, 104.
Botta, 198.

Boulder, (III. 152), 651.
Bourn, John, 535.
Boutwell, George S., 261.
Bowers, Rev. Charles M., (111.

348), 349, 459.
Bowers, George F., 442.
Bowes, Nicholas, 311.
Bowker, Thaddeus, 430.
Bowman, Capt., 57, 84, 427,

428.
Bowman, Benjamin, 424, 425.
Bowman, Ebenezer, 426, 427,

428, 432.
Bowman, Edmund, 417.
Bowman, Francis, 25, 33, 35,

46, 259, 357, 421, 422, 424,

425, 426, 459, 460, 461, 462,

463, 481.
Bowman, Isaac, 56, 73, 77, 417,

458, 460, 462, 463.
Bowman, iTohn, 428.
Bowman, Jonathan, 311, 381.

Bowman, Joseph, 25, 40, 50,

54, 55, 357, 412, 457, 462,

463, 481.
Bowman, Justice, 53, 57.
Bowman, Nathaniel, 25, 33,

417.
Bowman, Samuel, (111. 152),

424, 425, 426.
Bowman, Thaddeus, 56, 69, 77,

81, 148, 412, 418, 420, 458,

461, 462, 463, 542, 545, 549.
Brackett, John G., 464.
Bradley, Mrs. W. I., 509.
Bramhall, William S., 455.
Branigaa, Rev. William H.,359.
Brattle, Col., 416.

Breed, Ezra F., 453, 455, 456.

Breed, Josiah, exchanged, 185;
186, 537.

Bridg. See Bridge.

Bridge, Abigail, 307.

Bridge, Benjamin, 414.

Bridge, Col., 215.

Bridge, Eunice, 348.

Bridge, James, 413, 414.

Bridge, Jeremiah, 415, 417.

Bridge, John, 22, 23, 26, 227,
229, 321, 412, 414, 417, 421,
424, 425, 426, 428, 458, 461,

462, 463, 481, 554.
Bridge, Jonas, 426, 458.
Bridge, Jonathan, 425, 426.
Bridge, Joseph, 56, 421, 424,

458, 460.

Bridge, Josiah, 322, 324, 348.

Bridge, Matthew, 26, 29, 32,
33, 34, 40, 46, 305, 307, 357,
382, 424, 425, 426, 428, 429,
457, 460, 462.

Bridge, Samuel, 56, 77, 428,
429, 458, 481.

Bridge, Samuel J., 519.

Bridge, William, 417.

Bridge, Rev. William F., in-
stalled, 348; 460.

Bridge Charitable Fund, 519.

Briggs, Rev. Chas., 259, 262,
266; resigned, 267; 333; re-
solutions, 334; 335. 356, 459,
551.

Briggs, George E., 501.

Briggs, William P., 435.

British troops, to be sent to
Boston, 97; two regiments
arrive at Boston, 98; quar-
ters or rations refused, 98;
two more regiments, 108;
23d Royal Welsh Fusileers,
111; landed at Cambridge,
146; halted and loaded, 150;
British soldier killed by
hatchet, 162; return from
Col. Barrett's, 162; destruc-
tion by, at Concord, 164;
intercepted at Merriam's
corner, 165; at Lincoln, 166;
at Fiske hill, 167; saved by
Lord Percy, 168; placed two
field pieces, 172; pillaging,
174; retreat, 177; sufiFerings
of, 183; take shelter in
Charlestown, 183; fatigue
and exhaustion, 184; losses,
127, 184, 537.

Brookline, killed, 186, 536.

Brooks, Eliezer, 426.

Brooks, Herbert L., 450.

Brooks, Jonathan, 429.

Brooks, Joseph, 430.

Brooks, Joshua, 186.

Brooks, Major, 165.

Brooks, Peter, 431.

Brooks' tavern, severe skir-
mish near, 166.

Brosnahan, Rev. Timothy, 362.

Brown, Benjamin, 65, 69, 77,
81; loss, 174; 232; instruc-
tions to, 244; 251, 426, 427,
430, 458, 461, 462, 463, 465,
549.

Brown, Benjamin F., 460, 500,
512.

Brown, Mrs. Benjamin F., 500,
508.

Brown, Capt., reconnoissance
of, 126; 159, 161, 221, 431,
495.

Brown, Charles, 294, 461, 463.

Brown, Daniel, 53, 64, 458,
461.

Brown, Dea., 55,' 84.

Brown, Elijah, 429.

Brown, Francis, 153; grant to,
154; wounded, 166; 185, 227,
229, 232, 417, 419, 421, 422,

425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 432,
458, 463, 534, 543.

Brown, James, 195, 257, 319,
421, 423, 424, 427, 458, 459,
461, 463.

Brown, John, killed, 153; 185,
191, 263, 421, 424, 444, 534,
544.

Brown, John H., 450.

Brown, Jonas, 185.

Brown, Joseph, 40, 56, 317,
357, 457, 460.

Brown, J. Willard, 504.

Brown, Leroy S., 143.

Brown, Nathan, 429, 430.

Brown, Nathaniel, 417.

Brown, Reuben, 157.

Brown, Samuel, 429.

Brown, Solomon, information
concerning British officers,
138; 139; prisoner, 141; 195,
264, 421, 423, 425, 426, 427,
432, 538, 539, 540, 541, 549.

Brown, Sylvia R. (Mrs. Fred
K.), 497, 509.

Brown, Thaddeus, 65.

Brown, Willard D., 402, 409,
460, 487.

Brown, Zaccheus, 175.

Bryant, Albert W., 434, 459,
460, 461, 462.

Bryant, Frank W., 435.

Bryant, Gridley J. F., 291.

Bryant, Josiah, 435, 498.

Buck, Jonathan I., 404.

Buckett, William, 435.

Buckinghamshire, Earl of, 105.

Buckley, Bowen, 435.

Buckley, Eugene T., 512.

Buckman, John, 421, 423,

426, 458, 461, 538.
Buckman Tavern, (III. 38),

143, 195.
Bugbee, Charles H., 461.
Bull, James J., 435.
Bullard, Col., 215.
Bullard, E. R., 435.
Burbank, Sullivan, 336, 463.
Burdoe, Philip, 48.
Burdoo, Eli, 422, 424, 425.
Burdoo, Silas, 430.
Burgoyne, Gen., 125.
Burke, 95.

Burke, Thomas, 450.
Burke, W. H., 295.
Burnham, George H., 435.
Burnham, Ira F., (111. 446),

450.
Burying Ground, Old, 297.
Bussey, John D., 435.
Butler, Joseph, 157.
Butler, William A., 506.
Butterfield, George H., 435.

Butterfield, John, 555-

Butterfield, Lucy, 555.

Butterfield, Mrs., 357.

Butterfield, Rebecca, 555.

Butters, Frank V., 435, 451.

Butters, George S., 498.

Butters, Sidney, 435, 451.

Buttriok, Amos, 430.

Buttrick, Charles F., 435.

Buttrick, Isaac F., 435.

Buttrick, Major John, deposi-
tion of, 160; 161, 204, 213,
260.

Buttrick, Nathan, 430.

Buxton, Charles F., 435.

Byle, William, 435.

Byron, John F., 435, 445.

CsBsar, Julius, 475.

Call, Thaddeus, 416.

Call, Thomas, 416, 418, 419.

Callahan, John, 435.

Cambridge, history of Lexing-
ton involved with, 15; name
given the town, 20; British
troops landed, 146; Great
Bridge barricaded, 178;
killed and wounded, 185, 534.

Cambridge Farms, 15; first
settlement, 23; made a dis-
tinct parish, 30; petition to
be made a town, 41.

Campbell, Douglass, 12.

Cannedy, James, 435.

Cannon, destruction of at Con-
cord, 164; Lord Percy plants
two, 172; stone, 552.

Canny, Rev. P. J., 361.

Capell, Curtis, 460.

Capell, Cyrus S., 435.

Capell, Francis H., 436.

Capell, Jonas F., 276, 436.

Carey, Everett P., 404.

Carly, William, 27, 32, 33.

Carpenter, Frank O., 404.

Carpenter, James R., 436.

Carret, Hannah T., 460.

Garret, James R., 512.

Carroll, Stephen, 436.

Carson, Jacob, 436.

Carter, Charles Francis, 301,
363; installed, 370; resigned,
373; 405, 408, 409, 496, 512,
524.

Carter, Mrs. Charles F., 373,
374.

Cartwright, Mrs. James W.,
503.

Gary Memorial Library, 300,
(111. 516).

Gary, Alice Butler, 301. 408,
500, 524.

Gary, Maria Hastings, offer of,
290; 291, 341,405, (III. 408),
409.

Gary, William Harris, 341,
408, (111. 408).

Castle William, 98; troops
quartered there, 100; 103,
104.

Celebration, 4 July 1814, 255.

Cemetery, new, 297.

Centennial celebration, 282.

Chadboume, Adela, 392.

Chaffen, Samuel, 414, 416.

Chaffin, Francis, 431.

Chaffin, Samuel, 414.

Chaffing, Samuel, 417.

Chamberlain, Aaron, 186, 536.

Chamberlain, Gen., 288.

Chamberlain, Gov., 287.

Chamberlain, NahumB., 436.

Chamberlain, Nathaniel, 185.

Cbamberlin, Nathaniel, 535.

INDEX

Chamberlin, P. W., 463.
Champney, Mrs. Edwin G.,

511.
Champney, Richard, 22.
Chandler, Daniel, 461, 483.
Chandler, Edward T., 436.
Chandler, Hannah, 554.
Chandler, John, 175, 229, 421,

423, 425. 426, 428, 429, 458.

461, 462, 463.
Chandler, Joseph, 436, 554.
Chandler, Nathan, 27, 256,

259, 416, 418, 458, 461, 462,

463, 464, 465, 545, 547, 548.
Chandler, Samuel, 262, 292,

464, (111. 498).
Chandler, Samuel E., 436.
Chandler, William, 262, 335,

■836, 459, 461, 462, 463.

Channing, Dr., 346.

Chapman, George F., 365.

Chapman, Mrs. George F., 365.

Charlestown, British arrive at,
182; killed and wounded,
186, 535; delay in arrival of
Essex militia, 187.

Charter, annulled, 91 ; restored
modified, 92.

Chatham, Lord, 117, 125.

Cheeney, James W., 392.

Cheever, David, 115.

Cheever, Thomas, 416.

Chelmsford, wounded,186,536.

Chevries, Victorenne, 559.

" Chevy Chase," 170, 177.

Child, Abijah, 421. 424. 427,
428.

Childs, Augustus, 296.

Childs, Cariton A., 296.

Childs, Mrs. Frank C, 512.

Childs, George H., 459.

Childs, Luke C., 291, 460.

Childs, Nathaniel, 404.

Childs, Thomas W., 436.

Christ Church. See Old North
Church.

Christian Endeavor Society,
366.

Church, Dr. Benjamin, 101,
115, 119, 219.

Churches: —

Baptist church, 302; origin
of, 348; T. P. Ropes first
pastor, 349; later history,
358; (111. 358).

Christian Science Society,
organized. 376.

Church of Our Redeemer.
(111. 358) : organized, 374.

Church of the Redeemer,
348.

First Congregational (Uni-
tarian) Parish, organized as
a parish, 335; later history,
351; (111.352).

First Universalist, 349.
Follen Church. (lU. 358),
359.

Hancock Congregational
Church. 302, (III. 362) ; or-
ganized. 363; Edward G.
Porter ordained. 365; new
building, 368; Irving Mere-
dith. 369; Charles Francis
Carter installed, 370; George
E. Martin installed, 374.

Saint Bridget's, organiza-
tion, 360; (111. 362) ; dedicated,
363.

Second Congregational
Society, 343; building dedi-
cated, 344; ministers, 347,
348; united with Universal-
ist, 348; 359.

571

Churchill, Ezra S., 436.

Churchill, John Wesley, 284.

Civil War, beginning, 273; en-
listment, 435, 442.

Clapham, John, 415, 417. 418.

Clapp. Mrs.. 381.

Clapp, Robert P., 302, 460,
491, 496, 499, 500, 501, 514.

Clapp, William, 461.

Clark, David, 431, 432.

Clark, Elizabeth, 310.

Clark, Frank E., 501.

Clark, Judah, 26.

Clark, Rev., 349.

Clark, Richard, 83.

Clark, Thomas, 310, 426, 431.

Clarke, Betty, 173, 189, 263.

Clarke, Cyrus D., 451.

Clarke, Rev. Jonas, called, 56;
settlement, 57; note, 59; 60.
68; state papers, 69; 73, 76,
86. 87; articles stolen from,
122; kindled the patriotism
of the people. 132, 133; Han-
cock and Adams remained
with, 134; Revere arrived,
140; 144, 146, 149, 152, 173.
175. 176, 197; anniversary
sermon, 189; 213, 233, 238,
244, 251, 252, 253; death,
254. 321; 263, 264, 307; or-
dained, 318; introduction of
Tate and Brady's version of
the Psalms, 319; character,
comparison with Mr. Han-
cock, 322-32; (III. 334);
publications, 324; election
sermon, 326; discourse before
Ancient and Honorable Ar-
tillery, 329; 333, 353, 356,
382, 427; delegate, 465; 490,
503; narrative, 626; 538, 541,
548, 549, 551, 552.

Clarke, Jonas, 173, 424, 427.

Clarke, Lucy, 382.

Clarke, Lydia, 382.

Clarke, Mr., 375.

Clarke, Pitt, 382.

Clarke, Sally, 173.

Claus, J. P., 505.

Cleveriy, Elizabeth. 493.

Cleves. Nathaniel, 186, 537.

Clinton, Gen., 125.

Clubs, 483, 499-515.

Cobb, George R.. 463.

Coburn, F. W., 128, 149, 183.

Cochrane, Cora S., 509.

Cochrane, Rev. Lorenzo D.,
360, 460.

Cody, James, 436.

Coghlan, Rev. Thomas L, 362.

Cogswell, Emily J., 392.

Cogswell, James, 429.

Colby, Moses E., 451.

Cole, Alvin. 436.

Cole. Charles, 436.

Cole. E. Quincy. 455.

Cole. Ralph. 436.

Collins, Dennis H., 512.

Collins, Edward, 22.

Collins, Michael F., 512.

Colonists, expectations of, 67.

Come. See Comee.

Comee, John, 33, 40.

Comee, Joseph, 152,153; grant
to, 154; 185, 417, 421, 424.
534.

Comey. See Comee.

Comie. See Comee.

Committee of Safety, select
Worcester and Concord as
depots of supplies, 120; votes
of, 130; adjourned to meet at
Arlington, 130; remove store

572

INDEX

from Concord, 137; policy of,
213, 220.

Committee ofJSupplies, straits
of, 136; amounts of supplies,
137.

Committees of Correspon-
dence, suggested, 5; 81; or-
ganized in eighty towns,
101; 463.

Common, land bought, 39; sub-
scription, 40; deed, 40 ; (111.
466), 467; improved, 485.

Commy. See Comee.

Conant. Col., 139, 175.

Conant, Daniel, 186, 536.

Conant, John, 430.

Conant, Lot, 429.

Concord, depot of supplies,
120; battle of, 155-65; situa-
tion of, 156; news of deaths
at Lexington known, 157;
diagram, 163; controversy
over relative claims of Con-
cord and Lexington, 192-
204, 260.

Congress, Continental, dele-
gates to, 116; sessions at
Philadelphia, 116; recom-
mendations of, 149.

Congress, First Provincial, 85;
met at Salem, adjourned
to Concord, 114; adjourned
to Cambridge, 114; recom-
mended organization of mi-
litia, appointed officers, com-
mittees of safety and supply,
115; sent delegates to Con-
tinental Congress, 116.

Congress, General, at New
York, 94.

Congress, Second Provincial,
address, 119; appoint a day
of fasting and prayer, 120;
adjourn, 120; met at Con-
cord, 129; recommendations
of, 136; 208, 209, 212, 213.

Connauton, Edward, 436.

Connelly, Rev. Joseph E., 363.

Convention, assembled at Bos-
ton, 97; four counties meet,
110; one held at Concord,
110; that at Salem forbidden,
111.

Convers, Edward, 21.

Converse, James, 436.

Conway, Daniel, 436.

Conwell, Col. Russell H., 358.

Cook, Rev., 57.

Cook, Samuel, 186, 189, 537.

Cooke, Rev. George Willis,
360.

Cookse, Sarah, 64.

Cooledge, Rev. J. A., 350, 460.

Cooley, Belle L., 392.

Coolidge, Joseph, 186, 536.

Cooper, Benjamin, 181.

Coof)er, Eugene A., 436.

Cooper, Rachel, 181.

Cooper, Rev., 99.

Cooper, Rev. Samuel, 324.

Copeland, Huldah, 555.

Corey, Charles A., 463.

Cosgrove, Thomas, 436, 451.

Cotting, Sarah Maria Welling-
ton, 556.

Cotting, William, 556.

Cotton, John, 57.

Cottrell, Asa, 291, 498.

Councillors, 4j64.

Covell, Oatman A., 451.

Cox, Alonzo H., 436.

Cox, Rev. John H., 358, 451.

Cox, Joseph, 426, 431.

Cox, Lieut., 128.

Cradle of Liberty, 6.
Crafts, Rev. E. P., 348, 460.
Crafts, Samuel, 430, 431, 432.
Creasey, David, 256.
Crichton, Rev. Arthur B., 376.
Cromwell, Oliver, 151.
Crone, James E., 294, 295, 498.
Crone, Louis E., (111. 446), 451.
Crosby, Jasaniah, 229.
Crosby, Jesaniah, 426.
Crosby, Jesse, 428, 430.
Crosby, J. Howell, 464.
Crosby,, MedoraRobbins (Mrs.

Edward H.,) 497, 503, 504.
Crosby, Simeon, 431.
Crosby, Simon, 430.
Crosby, Sumner, 436.
Crosby, William, 431.
Crouch, Henry E., 436.
Crowley, Daniel, 436.
Crowley, Jeremiah, 436.
Crowley, John, 436.
Crowley, Michael, 436.
Crowninshield, Abraham W.,

461, 463.
Crowther, W. T., 376.
Gruft, Rev. Samuel B., 335,

459.
Cuba, expedition to, 62.
Cudworth, Capt., 166.
(IJummings, Henry, 189.
Currency, below par, 47; de-
preciation of, 239; table

showing depreciation, 241.
Currier, Charles, 555.
Currier, Cynthia, 555.
Currier, Jonathan, 555.
Currier, Susan Butterfield, 555.
Currier, William B., 655.
Currier, William Jackson, 455,

555, (111. 556).
Gushing, Rev. Jacob, 189, 311,

333.
Gushing, Col. Thomas, 101,

116; to be seized, 134; 218,

219.
Cutler, Abigail, 307.
Cutler, Alfred D.. 437, 453,

455.
Cutler, Benjamin, 417.
Cutler, Charies, 437, 445.
Cutler, Clarence H., 513.
Cutler, Curtis, 460, 463.
Cutler, Cyrus M., 437.
Cutler, David, 458.
Cutler, Isaac, 428.
Cutler, James, 26, 29, 305.
Cutler, John, 32, 33, 40.
Cutler, Nathaniel, 458.
Cutler, Silas, 461.
Cutler, Thomas, 32, 33. 38, 40,

46, 307, 422, 424, 428, 457,

481.
Cutteller. See Cutler.
Cutter, E., 505.
Cutter, George H., 446, 451,

455, 461, 498.
Cutter, Isaac, 430.
Cutter, Joseph, 426.
Cutter, Thomas, 421.
Cutter, William R., 374, 460.
Cutting, David, 64.
Cutts, Usher W., 404.

Dailey, Charles J., 512.
Daland, Benjamin, 537.
Dall, C. H. A., 338.
Dame, Lorin L., 404.
Damon, Frank H., 404.
Damon, Isaac N., 294, 336,

459, 461, 462.
Dana, Ellen, 407, 522.
Dana, Judge, 265.
Dana, Richard Henry, 284.

Dane, Francis S., 376.

Danforth, Adelaide L., 558.

Danforth, Benjamin, 424, 430,
463.

Danforth, Thomas, 22.

Danvers, meeting of Alarm
List, 133 ; minute-men arrive
at Menotomy, 178; killed,
wounded and missing, 186,
537; number men lost, 187.

Darting, Origen B., 437, (111.
446), 451.

Dame, George W., 442.

Dartmouth, Eari of, 104; let-
ter to Gage, 107, 108; Gov.
Gage's letter to, 112; instruc-
tions to Gov. Gage, 118; 125;
seizure of the leaders pro-
vided for, 135.

Dasey, Michael, 437.

Daughters of the American
Revolution, 501 ; charter
members, 502; boulder, 504.

Davis, Charles B., 460, 497,
501, 514, 521.

Davis, Mrs. Charles B., 510.

Davis, Ebenezer, 182.

Davis, Ezekiel, 185.

Davis, F. G., 375.

Davis, Fred, 451.

Davis, George O., 358, 455,
462, 484, 498, 499, 522, 524.

Davis, Mrs. George O., 522.

Davis, Hepzebah, loss, 174.

Davis, Horace B., 375, 383,
461, 498.

Davis, Capt. Isaac, 169; heads
column, 160; killed, 161; 162,

185, 204, 260, 261, 631, 535.
Davis, John, 295, 364, 365,368.
Davis, Mrs. John, 368.
Davis, John L., 430.

Davis, Joseph, 336.

Davis, Philip, 430, 431.

Davis, Samuel, 461.

Davis, Thomas, 175.

Davis's Hill, 470.

Dawes, William, (III. 134);

brings alarm, 140; set out

for Concord, 141; 175, 176.
"Dawn of Liberty," (111. 148).

489.
Dean, Charles H., 437.
Dean, Francis W., 408.
Dean, Jarvis W., 437.
Dearborn, Adj. Gen., 265.
Dearborn, Henry, 255.
D'Bernicre, Ensign, Narrative,

126; 157, 158, 167, 197, 495.
Declarations and Resolves, 73.
Decosta, William, 437, 445.
DeCoty, William, 437, 445.
Dedham, killed and wounded,

186, 536.
Delahunty, Rev. John, 361.
Deland, Benjamin, 186.
Delay, John, 442.
Delegates, 465.

Dennett, George B., 437, 451.
Depositions, committee on,

259.
Derby, Capt. Richard, carried

the' news of the Battle of

Lexington to England, 220;

222.
Devens, Mr. Richard, 115, 119,

138; watched forsignals, 139;

140, 175, 176.
Diamond, William, 427, 430,

432.
Dickenson, Hallowell, 442.
Dillon, William, 437.
Ditson, Samuel, 432.
Ditson, Thomas, 128. /

INDEX

573

Dix, Edmund, 64, 416, 418,
419.

Dix, Esq., 218.

Dix. William, 416, 418, 419.

Dodge, Rev. O. A., (111. 348),
349, 459.

Dodge, William, 186, 537.

Dods, James, 417.

Doe, C. C, 508.

Doe, Freeman J., 409.

Dole, Alexander W., 415.

Donnelly, John F., 437.

Donovan, Rev. John, 362.

Dorr, Rev. Theodore H., in-
stalled, 347; 459.

Dougherty, Rev. Manaases P.,
360.

Douglas, Robert, 194, 200.

Douglass, Frederick, 364.

Dow, George W., 404.

Downer, Eliphalet, 180.

Downing, Bertha C, 558.

Downing, Jane Alcock, 558.

Downing, Justin Streeter, 658.

Downing, Samuel, 257, 426.

Dramatic Clubs, 506, 507.

Draper, Boston, 415, 418.

Draper, Gov. Eben S., 455.

Draper, William, 196.

Drum, 148, 150, (111. 190), 495.

Drum Corps, 506.

Dudley, Benjamin, 416, 418.

Dudley, Gov. Joseph, 46, 476.

Dudley, Martha A., 392.

Dudley, Mr., 168.

Dudley, Nathan, 458.

Dudley, Thomas, 21.

Dunbar, C. F., 460.

Dunklee, Nathaniel, 26, 48.

Dunster,Rev. Henry, 144,320.

Dunster, Samuel, 144.

Dupee, George C, 507.

Durant, Isaac, 264. 421, 427,
432.

Duren, Nicholas, 430.

Duren, Warren, 461.

Dwelley, George R., 404.

Dwight, Edmund, 388.

Dwight, John S., 344.

Eagan, Matthew, 437.
Eames, Simeon, 414.
Eams, Simond, 417.
Earle, Byron C, 498.
Earle, Thomas H., 437, 445.
Ears, cutting off, 162.
East Lexington Brass Band,

506.
East Lexington Finance Club,

515.
Edes, Rev. Edward H., 338.
Edgar, Francis, 437.
Edgell, Benjamin, 413, 415,

416,417,418.
Edger, Benjamin, 413, 416.
Edison, Electric Illuminating

Co., 295.
Edwards, John, 429.
Edwards, Pierpont, 320.
Elder, Rev. Edwin S., 282, 359,

460.
Electric lights. 295.
Eliot, John, .320.
Eliot, Rev. W. G., 353.
Emerson, Rov., 156, 157.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 344.
Emery, Frederick L., 376, 377,

483, 484, 524.
England, state of feeling

towards, 88.
Episcopal church. See

Churches.
Equal Suffrage League, 513.
Essex regiment, 182, 183.

Estabrook, Rev. Benjamin,
invitation to, 31, 305; en-
gaged, 34; called, 35; house
built, 36; salary increased,
36; accepted call and ordina-
tion, 37, 306; death of, 37,
308; 307, 309, 317, 356, 381,
551.

Estabrook, Mrs. Benjamin, 36.

Estabrook, Benjamin, loss, 174 ;
427, 428, 458, 481.

Estabrook, Francis, 175.

Estabrook, Joseph, 40, 63, 308,
309, 317, 324, 379, 381, 412,

421, 425, 426, 457, 458, 460,
462, 463.

Estabrook, Luke, 437.
Estabrook, Nehemiah, 229,

4a4, 416, 424, 431.
Estabrook, Prince, 153, 185,

422, 424, 425, 429, 430, 431,
432, 534.

Estabrook, William, 437.
Estabrooke. See Estabrook.
Esterbrook. See Estabrook.
Esterbrooks. See Estabrook.
Eustis, William, 255, 425, 495.
Evans, David, 431.
Evans, Mose, 437.
Evelyn, W. Glanville, 114.
Everett, Edward, 132, 152, 262,

264,421.
Everett, Israel, 186, 536.

Fabens, George O., 442.
Fairfield, Mary, 337.
Farley, Benjamin, 415, 417.
Farmer, John, 431.
Farmer, Nathaniel, 153; grant

to, 154; loss, 174; 185, 422,

534.
Farmers' Club Library, 405.
Farrar, Jonathan, 157.
Farrell, Rev. William J., 363.
Farrer, Samuel, 158.
Farrington, Matthew, 426, 430.
Fassett, Joseph, 26, 48, 54, 415,

457, 460, 463.
Fassett, Josiah F., 415.
Faucon, E. H., 442.
Feilbeirg, Ulric, 442.
Fellowship of Charities, 523.
Felt, Joshua, 186, 537.
Fennessy, Rev. William J., 363.
Fenton, John, 442.
Ferguson, Mary W., 460.
Fernandez, Manuel, 442.
Ferney, Thomas H., 442.
Fessenden, Jonathan, 414,

415, 416.
Fessenden, Nathan, loss, 174;

422, 423, 425, 458, 461.
Fessenden, Nathaniel, 428.
Fessenden, Thomas, loss, 174;

229, 422, 423, 426, 427, 429,

458.
Fessenden, William, 382.
Field and Garden Club, 297,

483.
Finance Committee, 303.
Finney, George, 442.
Finotti, Rev. Joseph M., 361.
Fire department, 298.
First Congregational Society.

See Churches.
First Universalist Society. See

Churches.
Fish, Mr., 287.
Fisher, Jabez, 119.
Fiske, Abigail, 554.
Fiske, Benjamin, 173; loss, 174;

427, 429, 431, 535.
Fiske, Betty, 554.
Fiske, Charles, 437.

Fiske, Charles A., 437.
Fiske, Charles H., 437, 445.
Fiske, Daniel G., 437.
Fiske, David, 29, 30, 31, 32,

33, 34, 35, 40, 305, 307, 309,

357, 413, 414, 427, 431, 458,

653, 554.
Fiske, Ebenezer, 55, 412, 458,

460, 481.
Fiske, Elizabeth, 653.
Fiske, Frederick C. D., 437,445
Fiske, John, 413, 429, 430.
Fiske, Jonathan, 40.
Fiske, Joseph, 27, 229, 264,

422, 423, 428, 458, 462, 552,

553, (111. 556).
Fiske, Joseph A., 437, 451.
Fiske, Joseph H. R., 437.
Fiske, Mary, 553.
Fiske, Nathan, 430.
Fiske, Pomp, 432.
Fiske, Robert, 40, 416, 418,

432, 553, 554.
Fiske, Samuel, 459, 461, 463.
Fiske, Sarah, 307, 553.
Fiske, Seaborn, 307.
Fiske, Thaddeus, 382.
Fiske, Widow, 40.
Fiske, William B., 437.
Fiske Hill, 167, 168, 470.
Fitch, David, 437.
Fitzgerald, John G., 512.
Fitzpatrick, Rt. Rev. John B.,

361.
Flagg, Benjamin, 155.
Flagg, Charles, 445.
Flagg, Charles H., 437.
Flagg, Lewis G., 368.
Flansburg, John W., 442.
Flatley, Rev. John, 362.
Flecher, Ephraim, 413.
Flint, Charles, 430.
Flint, George, 437, 451.
Flint, John, 57.
Fhnt, Mr., 21.
Flint, William, 186, 537.
Flood, Mr., 383.
Foley, Patrick, 437.
FoUen, Charles, .343, (111. 344),

344, 345, 346, 347.
FoUen, Mrs. Charles, 344.
Follen Church. See Churches.
Folsom, George W., 451.
Foot, Joseph, 430, 431.
Foot of the Rocks, 178.
Ford, Jefferson, 442.
Forest, Benjamin de, 405.
Fort Independence, 98.
Fort Wilham Henry, 414.
Foster, David, 413, 414.
Foster, Rev. Edmund, 1 65, 166,

255.
Foster, Gideon, 179.
Foster, William B., 451.
Fowle, Charles A., 455, 459.
Fowle, Mrs. Frederic L., 510.
Fowle, James, 431.
Fox, Irving P., 376, 495.
Fox, Mr., 306.
Fox, Thomas, 426, 428, 429.
Fralick, Mary Antoinette, 557.
Framingham, woimded, 186,

536.

Francis, , 186.

Franklin, Benjamin, 219.
Freeborn, Hill, 418, 419.
Freeman, Mr., 218, 219.
Freeman, Nathaniel, 422.
Freeman, Simeon N., 442.
Freeman, Thomas E., 456.
Freese, Abigail Stearns, 656.
French, Charles E., 520.
French, Hattie Amanda, 556.
French, Henry K., 656.

574

INDEX

French, John A., 442.
French, Thomas, 437.
French and Indian Wara, 61;

men in service, 62; 413.
Friday Club, 609.
Frost, George W., 442.
Frost, Joseph, 431, 432.
Frost, Samuel, 185, 534.
Frothingham, Jabez, 431.
Frothingham, Richard, 138,

183, 198, 215.
Frothingham, Ward B., 437.
Frye, Col., 215.
Fryer, Barney, 437.
Fuller, Timothy, 255.
Fullerton, Bradford M., 392.
FuUerton, Julia M., 392.
Fullington, Francis, 432.
Fund, ministerial, origin of,

35.
Fur factory, 24.
Fur industry, 466, 474.

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 98; ap-
pointed governor, 107 ; landed
at Boston, 108; 110,111, 112;
adjourned Court at Salem,
114; 116; instructions from
Lord Dartmouth, 118; 120,
124; policy of, 125; sent out
spies, 126; 129; sent out de-
tachments, 131; 134; ofiFered
Eardon, 135; dissolved the
egislature, 136; planned se-
cret expedition to Concord,
137; detailed officers, 138;
139, 143, 147, 169; sent re-
inforcements, 170; 182, 184,
185, 187; official report from
Col. Smith, 194; 196, 199,
202, 221, 222, 223, 285, 421,
495. 527, 529.

Gale, Justin E., 404.

Gale, Nathan, 431.

Gallagher, John, 437.

Gallagher, Rev. John M., 362.

Galvin, Rev. John B., 362.

Gammell, Jonas, 390, 460; be-
quest, 518.

Gannett, Rev. William C, 288,
359.

Gardner, Henry, 85, 115, 182,
219.

Gardner, Isaac, 186, 536.

Garfield, E. I., 375.

Garmon, Joseph A., 437.

Garrison, Francis J., 460, 514.

Gas Company, 295.

Gaston, Gov., 287.

Gately, John, 437.

Gay, John G., 451.

General Court, convened at
Salem, 112.

Gennerson, Josiah, 431.

Gennison, Josiah, 417.

Gerard, Joseph, 437.

Gerry, Elbridge, remained at
Menotomy, 138; escaped
from British. 146; 255.

Gerry, Elizabeth Bridge, 554.

Gerry, Mr., 218, 219.

Gerry, N. H., 554.

Gibbens, Elizabeth Shepherd,
558.

Gibbons, Anna Judson, 558.

Gibbons, Elizabeth Shepherd,
558.

Gibbons, Mary Alice, 558.

Gibbons, Sherwin, 558.

Gibbons, William Taylor, 558.

Gifford, J. B., 404.

Gilbert, Josiah, 431.

Gilday, Rev. James, 363.

Gill, Mr., 115.

Gilligan, Rev. Michael, 362.
Gilmor, Harriet R., bequest,

519.
Gilmore, George L., 614.
Gilmore, Mrs. George L., 624.
Gilmore, Kelsey M., 499, 600.
Gladstone, Hon. William E.,

letter of, 288, 289.
Gleason, William, 438.
Gleason, William S., 463.
Gloucester, Duke of, 223.
Glynn, C. Edward, 455.
Goddard, Alonzo, 282, 469.
Godding, John, 416, 419.
Godding, Thomas, 416, 418.
Coding. See Godding.
Goffee, Edward, 22, 23, 25.
Goldthwait, Ebenezer, 186,

537
Golf Club, 513.
Goodwin, Charles C., 282, 294,

368, 369, 498, 499, 505.
Goodwin, Alice D. (Mrs.

Charles C), 365, 368, 372,

497, 608.
Goodwin, George C, 498.
Gordon, Parson, 142, 171, 172,

195, 198.
Gorman, William B., 512.
Gossom, Elijah D., 438.
Gould, Arthur F., 438, 451.
Gould, Charles A., 276, 438.
Gould, Henry, 429.
Gould, James, 143.
Gould, Lieut., 127, 128, 149;

exchanged, 185.
Gowing, Elizabeth Melville,

557.
Graham, Hugh, 390.
Graham, James, 198.
Grammar School, 379.
G. A. R., 446.
Grange, No. 233, Patrons of

Husbandry, 613.
Granny Hill, 469, 470.
Grant, Col., 117.
Grant, Gen., 287, 289.
Grant, Joseph, 34.
Gray, Harrison, 85.
Gray, Mr., 287.
Gray, Patrick, 438.
Great Bridge, 41, 46; barri-
caded, 178; 256, 474.
Greeley, Hannah McLean, 513,

614.
Greeley, Lizzie, 392.
Green, Benjamin, 382.
Green, Helen L. Ware (Mrs.

Charles M.), 490, 501, 602,

503, 504.
Green, Isaac, 422, 423, 425,

427.
Green, Samuel, 481.
Green. William B., 438.
Greene, Benjamin, 264.
Greenhalge, Gov., 299.
Greenleaf, Mr., 116.
Greenville, 253.
Gridley, Jeremiah, 93.
Gridly, Capt., 182.
Griffiths. Albert, 375.
Grimes, William, 26, 422, 423,

425, 426, 431.
Grover, Abigail, 563.
Grover, Charles A., 438.
Grover, John, 438.
Grover, William, 446.
Grover, William H., 438.
Gurney, George N., 451.

Hadley, Benjamin, 282, 422,

423. 424. 427. 431.
Hadley. Ebenezer, 422. 424,

425, 427, 431.

Hadley, Samuel, killed, 153,
185, 191. 262, 422, 423, 444,
534, 544.

Hadley, Thomas, 186, 422.423,
427. 431. 432. 537.

Hagar, Micah, 427. 431.

Hager. Phinehas, 429.

Hale. Rev. Edward Everett,
288

Hall, Rev. A. C. A., 376.

Hall, Lieut., 184.

Ham, John H., 404.

Ham. William F.. 451.

Hamilton. Henry H., 460.

Hamilton, Lieut.. 128.

Hamlin. Rev. Cyrus. 366, 371,
602.

Hamlin, Emma Catherine,
502.

Hamlin. John F.. 404.

Hancock-Clarke House, (111.
38), 300; purchased, 490.

Hancock, Ebenezer, called as
colleague with his father, 61 ;
ordained, 52; settlement and
death, 54. 310; 68. 316. 317,
366, 357, 380, 381.

Hancock, Eliza. 311.

Hancock. Elizabeth. 381.

Hancock, Gov. John. 96. 100,
101, 103, 104; chairman
Provincial Congress, 114;
member of Committee of
Safety, 116; delegate to Con- '
tinental Congress, 116; 119,
129,132, 133; to be seized,
134; (111. 134), 135; warned.
138; British threatened, 139,
140, 141 ; repaired to Burling-
ton, 144; 146. 149, 175. 176,
196, 197, 213. 214, 216;
aided the new meeting-house,
251; 264, 284, 325, 326, 381,
444, 469. 526, 638, 639, 541,
548, 549.

Hancock, Rev. John, called, 37 ;
ordained, 38, 309; salary in-
creased, 39; gratuity voted,
51 ; colleague given. 51 ; died,
55; bill for funeral of. 56; (111.
304), 310; called "Bishop,"
311; extracts from sermons,
312; character and services,
313-16; discourses, 317; 318,
322; comparison with Mr.
Clarke, 330-32; 333, 356;
"Sir," 381; 469, 495, 520,
551, 552.

Hancock, Madame. 65, (III.
304), 469, 495. 521.

Hancock, Lucy. 311.

HancockChurch. SeeChurches.

Hancock Height. 468.

Hancock Men's Club. 372.

Hancock School. See Schools.

Hanford. Albert, 438.

Hanford, Clarence, 438.

Hanscom, John, 442.

Hanscom. John K.. 438.

Harding. Alvin W.. 438.

Harding. Frederick H.. 438.

Harding, Wilbur F.. 438.

Hardy, Horace D., 464.

Harkins, Rev. Matthew, 361,
362.

Harlow, George H.. 27.

Harmon. WilUam E.. 499. 500.

Harrington. Abigail. 470, 654.

Harrington, Abijah, 154, 195,
257, 259, 429. 458, 461, 463;
deposition, 549, 650.

Harrington, Andrew A., 438.

Harrington, B. J., 512.

Harrington, Bowen, 143, 292.

INDEX

575

Harrington, Caleb, killed, 152;
153, 185, 191, 262, 422. 423,
444. 534, 544.
Harrington, Charles B., 438,

445.
Harrington, Daniel, (House,
lU. 60), 142, 155, 229, 232;
led the singing, 321; 421, 422,
424, 427, 428, 429, 458, 461.
Harrington, Ebenezer, 418,

422.
Harrington, Mrs. E. T^ 510,
Harrington, Elizabeth W., 173,
484, 514; started the Home
for Aged People, 524.
Harrington, Ellen E., 512,

524.
Harrington, Elvira Mead, be-
quest to Hist. Soc, 491,
494. ^

Harrington, George Dennis,

282, 438, 451, 462, 498.
Harrington, Henry, 229, 414,
415,416,417,426.428,429.
430, 432, 470. .
Harrington, Jeremiah, loss.

174:416.418,422,423.
Harrington, John, 27, 48, 422.

423. 425, 426.
Harrington, Jonathan, (House,
111. 38), (Portrait, 111. 152);
killed, 153; loss, 174; 185,
191, 262, 264; death of, 272;
291. 417, 422, 423, 424, 429,
444, 458, 461, 463, 481. 534. i
544. 651. 552. !

Harrington, Levi, 426, 429.
Harrington, M. Carrie, 558.
Harrington. Moses. 422. 423,

425. 426. 428.
Harrington. Nathan, 494.
Harrington, Robert, 69, 81;
loss, 174; 319, 412,418, 421,
428, 429, 458, 463, 481, 554.
Harrington, Ruth, 554.
Harrington, Samuel, 431.
Harrington, Solomon, 459.
Harrington, Thaddeus, 422,

423, 426, 432, 538.
Harrington. Thomas. 423, 424,

425. 426.
Harrington. Timothy. 317. 382.
Harrington. William. 422. 423,

424.
Harris, John, 430.
Harris, Mrs. William A., 508,

524.
Hartwell. Capt., 417.
Hartwell, William, 26.
Harvard, Rev. John, 19.
Harvard College founded, 19.
Haskell, Augusta H., 392.
Hassam, Frederick, 489.
Hastings, Elder, 307.
Hastings, Isaac, 422, 423. 424.
425. 426. 429. 458, 461. 463.
Hastings, John, 290, 292. 384.
Hastings, Samuel, 427, 431,

458, 463.
Hastings, Thomas, 26.
Hastings Park, 297, 485.
Hatch, Edward E., 438.
Hatch, Rev. L. B., (111. 348).

358.
Hatch, Rev. W. H. P., 376.
Hatch, W. M., 508., ,. , .„ ^
Hatchet, British soldier killed

with, 162.
Haugh, Samuel, 357.
Hauxshaw, Lieut., 127.
Haven, Elias, 186, 536.
Hawley, Joseph, 208, 212.
Hayden. J. Willard, 456.
Hayden, William R., 464.

Hayes, Francis B., 300, 495,

520.
Hayes Memorial Fountain,

(III. 280), 300, 301.
Haynes, Joshua, 185, 535.
Haynes, Josiah, 185, 535.
Hayward, James, 161; killed,

168; 185, 261, 552.
Healy, John, 438.
Heath, William, 115, 119, 178,
179, 183, 187; took command.
215.
Hedge. Ann. 64.
Hedge. Dr. F. H.. 351.
Helden. John, 431.
Hemenway, Daniel, 186, 536.
Henry, Patrick, 212, 217.
Hensley, George H., 451.
Herbert, Robert, 416.
Herlarkenden, Roger, 23.
Herrick, Fannie Russell, 502.
Herrick, WilUam T., 513.
Hews, John, 32, 33.
Heyward, James, 430.
Heyward, Simeon, 430.
Heywood, James, 535.
Heywood, Titus, 431.
Hicks, John, 185, 534.
High School. See Schools.
Highways, 48, 302, 473.
Hildreth, George B., 438.
Hildreth, John C, 438.
Hill, Freeborn, 416.
Hill, W. C, 371.
Hills, J. A., 392. _ . ,

Hills: Belfry. 468; Davis e.
i 470; Fiske. 470; Granny.
469-70; Hancock Height,
468; Loring's, 470; Mount
Independence, 471.
Hillsborough, Lord, 97.
Hines, Helen A., 523.
Historical Society, Lexington,
organized, 488; incorporated,
489; "Dawn of Liberty,'
489; Hancock-Clarke House
purchased, 490; old Belfry
restored, 490; bequests to,
491; Munroe Tavern, 492;
publications, 494; presidents,
496.
Hoar, Daniel, 26.
Hoar, John. 56, 157, 458, 461.
Hobbs, Josiah, 32, 33.
Hobson, James, 438.
Holbrook, Rufus W., 408, 459.
HoUowell, Commissioner, 134.
Holman, James, 429.
Holmes, 199. , „^„ ^„„

Holmes, Rowland, 282. 460,

555, (111. 556).
Holmes, Huldah, 555.
Holmes, Isaac W., 438.
Holmes, Sarah E., 502.
Holmes, Sarah Maria WelUng-

HoU^'Sa E., (111. 388), 410.

411. 505.
Holt. Mrs. Hosea E., 411. 505.
Holt, Uriah, 414, 417. .

Holt Normal School of Music,

410,505. ^ ^^,

Homans, Walter H., 451.
Home for Aged People, 524.
Hooker, Rev., 16; removal to

Conn., 18; 19.
Hooker, Mrs., 18.
Horton, Rev. Edward A., 301.
Hosmer, Abner, killed, 161;

162, 185, 204, 261. 536.
Hosmer, Henry J.. 463.
Hosmer, John, 264, 422, 423,

424, 426, 432.
Hosmer, Joseph, 159.

Hosmer, Thomas B., 294.
Hotels: Massachusetts House,
293; Paul Revere Tavern,
294; Russell House, 293.
Hothouse, first, 483.
Houghton, E. K., 499, 500.
Houghton, Mrs. H. L., 524.
Houghton. Samuel A.. 390.
Hovey. Frank P., 455.
Hovey, Thomas G., 282.
Howard, John, 438.
Howe. Gen.. 126.
Howe, John, 126.
Howe, Joseph, 459.
Howe, Julia Ward, 287.
Hoyt, David W., 404.
Hudson, Charles, 270, 277, 280,
281, 282, 284, 290, 291, 292,
294, 364, 390, 392, 396, 402,
405, 408, 459, 460, 461, 463,
496.
Hudson, John, 144, 162.
Hudson, John W., 276, 438,

459, 460.
Hudson, Mary E.. 390, 488,

496, 497, 502.
Hughes, John R., 455.
Hull, Lieut., 127.
Hunt, Isaac, 40.
Huntington. William P., 387.
Huntington, Rev. W. R., 288.
Hurd, Jacob, 66.
Hutchins, George S., 368.
Hutchinson, Bertha M., 524.
Hutchinson, D. F., 613.
Hutchinson, Elisha, 83.
Hutchinson, Governor, 83, 93.
99 ; unsatisfactory answer
of. 100; 101 ; guilty of treach-
ery, 102, 103; 134.
Hutchinson, John F., 459, 463,

499, 501.
Hutchinson, Richard, 64.
Hutchinson, Thomas, 83.

Incorporation of Lexington,

order for, 46.
Independence, idea of, 206.
Ingersol, Jonathan, 415, 418.
Ingersol, Nathaniel, 414, 415.
Ingerson, Jonathan, 417.
Ingols, Carrie A., 392.
Inn, first, 48.
Iron Cross, 495.
Isherwood, James, 438.

Jackson, George H., 461.
Jackson, George S., 375, 513.
Jackson, Mary C. (Mrs. George

S.), 513. 514.
Jackson, Thomas, 417.
Jacobs, Henry, 186, 537.
Jacobson, Daniel, 43S.
James, Charles, 459, 463.
Jaquith, Franklin, 463.
Jarvis, John, 416, 419.
Jay's treaty, condemned, 252.
Jay, "Jonney," 263.

Jefferson, Mark S. W., 404.

Jenison, Josiah, 428.

Jennison, Josiah, 426, 430.

Jervis, John, 418.

Jewell, Mr., 287.

Johnson, . 186. 535.

Johnson. Abraham W., 438.

Johnson, Alfred, 438.

Johnson, Charles, 27.

Johnson, Charles R., 276, 438,
445.

Johnson, Henry, 439.

Johnson, John, 27, 32, 33, 307.

Johnson, Mary, 307.

Johnson, Obadiah, 33.

Johnson, Thomas, 32.

576

Johnson, William, 32, 33.
Jones, Ebenezer, 430.
Jones, George F., 451, 499.
Jones, Henry M., 439.
Jones, Madam, 146.
Jones, Peter, 430.
Jones, Samuel, 414, 417.
Jones, Samuel H., 439.
Jones, Rev. Thomas, 146.
Jones, William W., 439.
Joyce, Rev. William D., 362.
Judkins, Grace Elise, 557.
Judkins, John, 557.

Kauffmann, Charles G., 452,
455, 461, 498.

Kavanagh, Rev. Patrick J.,
362, 363.

Kebe. See Kibbe.

Keefe, Michael, 439.

Kelley, Rev. Martin S., 362.

Kelley, Nathan, 382.

Kelly, Lieut., 128.

Kelly, Thomas, 439.

Kendal, Nathaniel, 413.

Kendall, Dr., 333.

Kendall, Ezekiel, 413.

Kendall, Frances A., 609.

Kendall, Frank O., 439.

Kendall, Rebecca, 555.

Kendall, Thomas, 26, 48.

Keniston, Ira G., 439.

Keniston, Isaac F., 439.

Keniston, Warren, 439.

Kennison, Reuben, 186.

Kenniston, Thomas, 442.

Kenyme, Reuben, 537.

Keyes, James, 462.

Keyes, Marion S., 405, 408.

Kibbe, Sherebiah, 40, 46.

Kieman, Katharine A., 524.

Killock, Timothy, 430.

Kilo, William, 441.

Kimball, George, 452.

Kingsbury, Eleazer, 185, 535.

Kinnaston, Warren, 445.

Kirktand, Marian P., 408.

Kirkland, Dr., 333.

"Kite End," 396.

Kitson, Henry H., 300.

Knapp, Rev., 335.

Knapp, W. K., 457.

Kneeland, Anderson H., 439.

Kneeland, Francis H., 439, 452.

Knight, Jonathan, 32.

Knight, Lieut., 127.

Knight, William H., 404.

Knights of Columbus, Lexing-
ton Council, No. 94, 512.

Knowles, Rev. Samuel, 358,
456, 504.

Knowlton, Jeremiah, 429.

Kossuth, Louis, 171; visit of,
270-72.

Ladd, Luther Crawford, 192.
Lafayette, Gen., 223; visit of,

256-58.
Lamson, David, 171, 172.
Lane, Ellen B., 491.
Lane, Emory W., 404.
Lane, Hannah, 493.
Lane, Job, 185, 535.
Lane, Mrs. Ralph E., 604.
Lang, B. J., 392.
Lanny, David, 431, 432.
Larkin, Dea., 140, 175.
Lathrop, S. L., 344.
Laughton, John, 317, 458,

460.
Laurance, Clerk, 380.
Laurie, Capt., 158; killed, 161;

531.
Law Enforcement Society, 299.

INDEX

Lawrence, Abbott, 26.

Lawrence, Amos, 26.

Lawrence, Bezaleel, 427, 463.

Lawrence, George O., 452.

Lawrence, John, 26, 34, 39. 48,
457.

Lawrence, Jonathan, 458, 461.

Lawrence, Phinehas, 459, 463.

Lawrence, Rev., 57.

Lawrence, Robert M., 374, 375,
459, 460, 488.

Lawrence, Samuel, 413.

Lawrence, Sayles V., 439.

Lawrence, Sidney, 459.

Lawrie. See Laurie.

Lazerus, JuHa, 392.

Leary, Timothy, 439, 445.

Leavitt, Alonzo, 452.

LeBaron, J. F., 264.

Lechmere's Point, 141, 146.

Lee, Arthur, 108, 109, 211; note
issued to British public by,
221; 222.

Lee, Col. Charles, 115; re-
mained at Menotomy, 138;
escaped from British, 146.

Leland, Rev. Ira, (111. 348),
349, 358, 390, 459.

Lend-a-Hand Societies, 357.

Lendrimi, 199.

Lennix, Cornelius, 431.

Lent, August, 439.

Leonard, Thomas F., 392.

Lester, Ensign, 128.

Letter of British officer, 117.

Letter of Col. Revere, 175.

Lewis, Dio, (111. 388); School,
392; 394 (Building, 111. 394),
395, 507.

Lewis, Helen C, 392.

Lewis, Leo R., 410.

Lexington, AUce de, 476.

Lexington, Henry de, 476.

Lexington, John de, 476.

Lexington, Lord, 475.

Lexington, Robert, Baron de,
476.

I.«xington, order of incorpora-
tion, 45; North and South
sides, 53; territory set oS to
form Bedford, 55; situation
of, 143, 446; places named
for it, 218, 476, 477; men
furnished in the Revolution-
ary War, 227; Lexington's
Declaration of Independ-
ence, 228; raise quota, 236,
243; prices of staple com-
modities, 237; quota for Civil
War, 275; bounty, 275; peti-
tion for incorporation, 305;
water power, 466; soil, 466;
health and longevity, 472;
roads, 473; steam railroad,
473; manufactures, 474;
origin of the name, 475; pop-
ulation, 477-80; slavery,
481; valuation, 481.

Lexington Academy, 386.

Lexington Associates, 514.

Lexington Club, 514.

Lexington Investment Club,

515.
Lexington Park, 299.
Library, Gary, 405.

Library, Cary Memorial, 404,

408.
Library, East Lexington

branch, 407.
Lincoln, formation of, opposed,
55; petition of, 57; incorpo-
rated, 58; wounded, 186.
Lincoln, Abraham, memorial
services, 277; 278, 279.

Lmcoln, Benjamin, clerk of

Provincial Congress, 114.
Lincoln, Col., 115.
Lincoln, Gen., 249.
Lincoln, Helen Ware, 501.
Lincoln, Mr., 541.
Linsey, George, 439.
Lists: —

American loss in killed,
woimded and missing, 185,
534.

Assessors, 460.
Birds, 560.

British loss in killed,
wounded and prisoners, 127.
Capt. Parker's Company.
421.

Civil War soldiers, 435.
Committees of Corres-
pondence, 463.

Representatives, 463.
School Committee, 459.
Selectmen, 457.
Soldiers in Colonial and
Revolutionary Wars, 413.

Subscribers to first meet-
ing house, 32.

Tax bill for minister's sal-
ary, 33.

Town Treasurers, 462.
Livermore, Leonard J., 277,
(111. 334), 340, 341, 342,343,
.356, 392, 460.
Livermore, Silas, 430.
Lock. iSee Locke.
Locke, Alonzo E., 355, 379,

488, 496, 524.
Locke, Amos, 26, 194, 415, 418,
422, 423,428;deposition,548.
Locke, Benjamin, loss,174; 264,
414,416, 422,423,426,428.
Locke, Carrie E., 602, 504.
Locke, Ebenezer, 194, 548.
Locke, Edmund, 432.
Locke, Everett S., 439, 452,

455, 461, 498.
Locke, Frank H., 498.
Locke, Georgie E. (Mrs. Frank

H.), 497, 609.
Locke, Herbert G., 488, 501.
Locke, Joseph, 32, 33, 39, 40,
413, 414, 416, 416, 418, 425,
426.
Locke, Nathan, 417.
Locke, Oliver, 459, 461.
Locke, Reuben, 425, 426.
Locke, Ruth, 307.
Locke, Samuel, 40, 307, 457,

460, 481.
Locke, Stephen, 429, 459, 461.
Locke, Mrs. S. W., 524.
Locke, Thomas, 427, 432, 458.
Locke, William, 336, 432, 461.
Locke, William M., 439.
Logan, Jeremiah, 439.
Logan, John A., 448.
Lomas, Edward H ., 439.
Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth,

142.
Loring, George B., 287, 291.
Loring, Jonathan, 139; prisoner,
141; 264,422, 423,425,427,
431, 432, 538, 539.
Loring, Joseph, 40, 56, 77, 81;
loss, 174; 317, 319, 422, 423,
424, 425, 426, 427, 429, 458,
462, 463, 533, 540.
Loring'a Hill, 470.
Losses from British depreda-
tion, 174.
Lossing, 200.

Lothrop, Mrs. Daniel, 602.
Louisburg, expedition to, 62;
capture of, 413.

INDEX

577

Lovewell, Henry A., 439.
Lowell, Mr., 144, 176.
Lowry, Capt., 127.
Lyford, James O., 493.
Lynn, killed, wounded and

missing, 186, 537.
Lyon, Richard, 320.

McCall, Rev. Michael, 363.

McCarthy, Rev. John, 360.

McCarthy, Timothy, 439, 452.

Maccarty, Rev., 68, 155.

McCloud, Ensign, 128.

McDole, Alexander, 417.

McDonald, Albert S., 452.

MacDonald, Rev. Forester A.,
358, 460.

MacDonald, Rev. Howard A.,
360.

McDowell, Alexander, 415, 418.

McGlew, Rev. James, 362.

McGrath, Luke, 439.

McKay, John, 376, 498.

Mackenzie, Alexander, 27.

Mackinnon, Barbara, 408.

McLaughlin, John J., 439.

McMahan, Charles, 439.

McMahan, Dennis, 440.

McMahon, Dennis, 445.

McManus, Rev. Michael T.,
361.

McMuUen, Arthur, 416, 418.

Madison, Col., 129.

Madison, James, 217.

Maguire, Francis, 26.

Maguire, James, 439.

Makwell, Hugh, 414, 417.

Male Chorus, 505.

Maloney, John, 439.

Manley, Cornelius, 439.

Manley, John, 439. 445.

Mann, Christopher, 430.

Mann, Horace, 364.

Mann, James, 415, 418.

Manning, Miss, 523.

Manning, William, 439.

Mansfield, Lieut. Col., 216.

Maps, 17, 145.

Mara, Edward H., 512.

March, Dr. Daniel, 366.

Marchant, Benjamin M., 439.

Marcy. William, 185, 534.

Marion, Elijah, 463.

Marrett, Amos, 422, 423, 424,
426, 428, 432, 458.

Marrett, John, 144.

Marrett, Mary E., 558.

Marrett, Rev., 146, 333.

Marrit. See Marrett.

Marshall, Leonard, 504.

Marshall, Mr., 505.

Marsson, Christopher, 256.

Martin, Rev. George E., in-
stalled, 374.

Mason, Chris., 51.

Mason, Daniel, 264, 422, 423,
428.

Mason, John, 28, 39, 40, 46,
67; loss, 174; 417. 457, 458,
460, 462.

Mason, Joseph, 416, 419. 422,
423, 424, 426, 461, 462.

Mason, Lowell, 410.

"Mason's Hollow," 28.

Masonic Lodge, 497.

Massachusetts, first to deny
right of Parliament to legis-
late for her, 90; first to baffle
the ministry, 104; attempt
to form a State constitution,
230; objections to it, 233.

Massachusetts Avenue, 300.

Masury, Mrs. Charles H., 504.

Mather, Richard, 320.

Matthews, Abner, 430.
Mauduit, Mr., 134.
Maxwell, Hugh, 414.
May, Rev. Samuel J., 335, (III.

388), 389, 459.
Maynard. John F., 452, 455,

507.
Mead, Abner, 422, 423, 427,

431.
Mead, Cornelius, 59.
Mead, David, 40.
Mead, George F., 464.
Mead, Israel, 33, 307.
Mead, John, 440.
Mead, Josiah, 429.
Mead, Levi, 229, 428, 431, 461.
Mead, Martha I., 494.
Mead, Matthew, loss, 174; 237,

417.
Mead, Moses, 431.
Mead. Robert, 431,432.
Mead, Thomas, 40, 48, 50.
Mead, Tilly, 430.
Meak, Josiah, 430.
Meder, John, 413, 416.
Medford, killed, 186, 535.
Meeting house, subscription

for first, 32; location of, 34;

"repayered," 36; seats built

for the women, 38; second

built, 42; money granted, 47;

seating, 49, 51; third, 251.

252; burned, 336; rebuilt,

336.
Melvin, David, 430.
Melvin, Isaac, 336.
Melvin, William W., 440.
Menotomy, now Arlington, 24,
Meredith, Rev. Irving, 369,

370, 499, 500.
Meredith, Rev. Robert R.,369.
Meriam. See Merriam.
Merriam, Abraham. 427, 430.

431.
Merriam, Benjamin, loss, 174;

414, 417, 422, 423, 426, 552.
Merriam, Deacon, 47, 317.
Merriam. Edward P., 369, 501.
Merriam, Ezra, 427, 430, 431.
Merriam, Grace G., 509.
Merriam, James, 416, 416, 418.
Merriam, John, 32, 33, 37, 40,

46, 50, 307, 316, 457, 460.
Merriam, John Parkhurst, 295.
Merriam. Jonas, 460, 462.
Merriam, Joseph, 32, 33, 40,

430, 431, 459, 481.
Merriam, Mary, 307.
Merriam, Matthew, 464.
Merriam, Matthew H., 282,

294, 364. 368. 483. 484, 488,

489, 496.
Merriam, Nathaniel H., 501,

524.
Merriam. Robert, 32, 38, 40.
Merriam, Rufus, 28, 49, 295,

461, 462.
Merriam, Samuel, 417.
Merriam. Sarah, 307.
Merriam, Silas, 414. 416. 419,

430, 431.
Merriam. Sylos, 417.
Merriam, Thomas, 38, 40, 42,

307, 357, 467.
Merriam, Widow, 33.
Merriam, William, 414, 416,

417, 422, 423.
Merriam, William A., 440.
Merriam's Corner, 165.
Merriam's Hill, 165, 468.
Merriham. See Merriam.
Merrill, Benjamin, 541.
Metropolitan Sewerage Sys-
tem, 296.

Metropolitan System, 296.

Michels, Paris, 430.

Miles, Capt., 159, 161.

Miles, Charles, 185, 534.

Miles, Charies H., 376.

Military records, wanting, 412;
services, 427.

Militia, number of men In ser--
vice, 62; pro rata, 442.

Milk business, 467.

Mill, first, 24, 466.

Miller, James, 182, 186, 535.

Mills, Amos, 185, 535.

Mills, Elisha, 185, 535.

Mills, Oliver P., 295, 461.

Mills, Thomas, 440.

Milne, George D., 460.

Milne, Mrs. George D., 510.

Minister, choice of first, 31;
salary, 33 ; death of Rev. Ben-
jamin Estabrook, 37, 308;
John Hancock called, 37;
candidates to succeed Rev.
John Hancock, 56 ; settlement
and death of Rev. Ebenezer
Hancock, 310; Jonas Clarke
called, 56; settled, 57;
death, 254; Avery Williams
ordained, 254, 333; Charlea
Briggs accepted, 333; Wil-
liam G. Swett, 335; suc-
cessors, 335.

Ministerial fund, 305, 334,
335.

Ministerial land, bought, 34;
trouble over, 265.

Minns, Thomas, 491.

Minot, , 420.

Minot. Capt. George, 158, 185.

Minot, Mr., 56.

Minot, Timothy, 157, 203.

Minute-Men of 1775, Provincial
Congress recommended or-
ganization, 115; roll called
on Common, 142; company
formed, 148; fired upon, 150;
killed, 153; captured British
prisoners, 155; followed to
Lincoln, 166; rallied, 178;
Danvers men arrive, 178;
rules and regulations of, 226;
detachment of, serving May
6-10, 424; May 11-15,424;
June 17-18, 425; Capt. John
Bridge's Co., 426.

Minute-Men of 1875, 453.

Minute-Men of 1910, 455.

Mitchell, James A., 455.

Mitchell, Patrick, 282.

Monday Club, 608.

Monroe. See Munroe.

Montague, James S., 512.

Monument, petition for, 189;
additional grant, 190; (III.
190); inscription on, 191;
memorial to Congress, 251.

Monument Association, 291.

Mount Independence, 297, 471 .

Mountains, visible, 469.

Moore, Golden, 22.

Moore, Robert, 415, 417. 428,
429.

Moors. See Moore.

More. See Moore.

Morell, Ambrose, 262, 384,
459, 463.

Morgan, Henry, 430.

Moriey, Rev. E. W., 392.

Morrell, Isaac, 189.

Morrow, John, 376.

Morse, Eunice, 348.

Morse, John N., 434, 446, 452.
455, 496.

Morss, Charles H., 404.

578

INDEX

Moulton, Mrs., 164.
Moulton, Samuel, 452.
Mullen, Daniel, 452.
MuUiken, Everett M., 484,

497, 514. 524.
MuUiken, Isaac, 459, 461,463.
Mulliken, John, 256, 458, 459,

462, 463.
Mulliken, Lydia.loss, 174; 533,

546.
Mulliken, Nathaniel, 172, 196,

262, 417, 422, 423, 424. 429,

459,461,462.540.
Munroe, Abraham. 415, 418,

431.
Munroe, Amos, 429.
Munroe. Andrew, 415, 417,418.
Munroe, Asa, 422, 423. 424.

428. 432.
Munroe, Beniamin, 413, 414.
Munroe, Daniel, 40.
Munroe, David, 414, 415, 417,

418.
Munroe, Deliverance, 551.
Munroe, Ebenezer, 149; fired

at British, 150; 151, 153;

grant to, 154; 172, 185, 194.

422, 423, 425, 426, 428, 429,
432, 534, 544; deposition,
545; 546.

Munroe, Edmund, 84, 154;
rules and regulations of min-
ute-men, 226; 227, 229, 414,
415; order book, 419; 420,
421, 422, 423, 425, 427. 431,

461, 463.
Munroe, Elmina, 502.
Munroe, George, 40, 422, 423,

431, 457.
Munroe, Helen Hilgar Gookin,

502.
Munroe, Isaac, 422.
Munroe, James, 414, 415.
Munroe, James P., 407, 408,

460, 496, 504, 521, 522.
Munroe, Mrs. James P., 522.
Munroe, James S., 301, 408,

462, 485. 490; bequest, 492;
493.

Munroe. Jedediah. 151; killed,
153, 166; 185, 263, 422, 423,
444, 534.

Munroe, John. 32. 33, 38, 40,
42, 47, 149; fired at British,
150; 151, 152, 172, 194,414,
417, 422, 423, 424, 425, 426,
428, 457, 460, 462; deposi-
tion, 543, 545, 550.

Munroe, Jonas, 60, 292, 413,
414, 416, 417, 458.

Munroe, Jonathan, 432.

Munroe, Joseph, 414. 416. 426.

Munroe, Josiah, 416, 419.

Munroe, Marrett, (House, 111.
60). 144; loss, 174; 428, 458,
551.

Munroe, M. Alice. 502.

Munroe. Nathan, 194, 422,

423, 424. 425. 458, 461; de-
position, 547; 648, 551.

Munroe, Nathaniel, 413, 428.
Munroe, Philemon, 422, 423.
Munroe, Robert, killed, 153;
185, 191,262,415,416,419,

421, 422, 444. 454, 534, 544.
Munroe, Samuel, 426,428,431,

432.
Munroe, Stephen, 416, 419,

422, 423, 425. 426, 430, 431.
Munroe, Thaddeus, 414, 417,

431.
Munroe, Timothy, 186, 537.
Munroe, William, 27, 32, 33,

34, 35, 40, 46, 50; posted

guard at Clarke house, 138;
interview with Revere, 140;
148,150,(111.152). 172; loss,
174; 175. 194. 250. 264, 413,
417, 421, 422, 423, 424, 425,
426, 428, 429, 431, 457. 458.
460. 462, 463, 495; deposi-
tion, 541, 543.

Munroe, William H., 282, 492.

Munroe School. See Schools.

Munroe Tavern, (111. 38), 172,
175. 301, 492.

Munro. See Munroe.

Munrow. See Munroe.

Murphy, Rev. John, 362.

Murphy, Rev. Michael D., 362.

Murphy, T., 440.

Mutual Helpers, 525.

Muzze. See Muzzey.

Muzzey, Amo-s, (111. 152) ; loaa,
174; 232, 254, 384, 417. 422.

423. 424, 427, 429, 458, 460,
462, 481, 543, 548, 549, 550.

Muzzey, Rev. Art«mas B. J291,

554.
Muzzey. Benjamin, 28. 32, 33,

34, 36, 39, 40, 42, 380, 414,

417,459,463,473,(111.498).
Muzzey, Charles O., 440, 446.
Muzzey, George E., 276, 282,

374, 440, (111. 446), 452, 459,

498, 499.
Muzzey, Helen E., 408.
Muzzey, Isaac, killed, ;153; 185,

191, 262, 424, 444, 534, 544.
Muzzey, John. 40, 48, 257, 259,

422, 424, 425, 426, 427. 428,

429, 458, 459, 461, 462, 463,

481, 482.
Muzzey, Loring W., 276, 440.

452, 455.
Muzzey, Richard, 40.
Muzzey, Susan Wood, 502, 504.
Muzzey, Thaddeus, 422, 423,

424, 425.

Muzzey, Rev. WilKam, 324,

459.
Muzzy. See Muzzey.

Nagle, Rev. Richard, 363.

Nagles, Micah, 545.

Narrative, D'Bernicre. 126.
(Fac-simile of title page,
111. 126); Paul Revere, 175;
Jonas Clarke, 526.

Nash, Ellen L., 404.

Nason, Elias, 171.

Nason, William G., 440.

Natick. killed. 186.

Naylor, Adam, 440.

Neagles, Michael, 431.

Neale, Rev. Rollin H., 287.

Needham J^illed and wounded,

185, 535.

Neesima, Joseph Hardy, 366.
Nelson, Catharine, 555.
Nelson, John, 459. 555.
Nelson. Lucinda, 555.
Nelson, Thomas, 26.
Nesbit, Co!., 128.
Nevens, Samuel, 414.
Nevers, Samuel, 414, 417.
Nevin, John, 440.
New England Telephone and

Telegraph, 295.
New Salem, man died of es-

haustion, 186.
Newcomb, E. A. P., 375.
"Newe Towne," capital, 16.
Newell, Arthur W., 295, 368.
Newell, Cally, 429.
Newman, Robert, 495.
Newton, killed and wounded,

186, 636.

Newton, Simon, 413, 414.

Nichols, Rev. A. B., 376.

Nichols, Edward P., 371, 372,
460, 496, 521.

Nichols, John, 186, 536.

Nicolis, Rev. Gustavus, 376.

Niles, W. H., 392.

Nineteenth of April, early cele-
bration of, 189; 1835, 262;
1875, 282.

Nixon, Lieut. Col., 216.

Normal School, 388, (III. 394).

Norris, Mrs. J. L., 509.

North Bridge, detail to secure,
158; detachment sent, 159;
Americans formed, 159; who
should head column, 160;
orders to pass, 160; Ameri-
cans fire, 161; British retreat
from, 162.

North Church, Old, 139, 140.
147. 175.

North. Lord, introduced the
Boston Port Bill, 105; 107.
224.

Northrop, Rev. B. G., 392.

Norton, Mr., 115.

Nourse, Charles F., 498.

Nourse, Edwin J., 498.

Nourse, Milton, 440.

Nowell, Anna C, 392.

Noyes, Jeanette, 557.

Nunn, Charles, 459, 461, 462.

Nutting, Ebenezer, 34.

O'Brien, Rev. James J., 362.

O'Brien, James S., 440.

O'Brien, Rev. John, 361.

O'Brien, Thomas S., 440.

O 'Donnell, Hugh, 440.

Old Belfry Club, 303; organ-
ized, 499; building, 500;
presidents, 501, (111. 516).

Old Style, 475.

Oliver, hung in eflSlgy, 95.

Olnhausen, Mary, Baroness
von, 276, (III. 408), 495.

O'Neil, John, 440, 445.

Orange, Prince of, 91.

Orne, Col. Azor, 115, 119; re-
mained at Menotomy, 138;
escaped from the British,
146.

Otis, James, 87; opposed writs
of assistance, 93; 94, 98.

O'Toole, Rev. Lawrence J.,
362.

Outlorfc Club, 510.

Overing, John, 481.

Owens, Rev. Michael J., 363,
612.

Owens, Robert, 440.

Packard, Daniel E. P., 452.
Paddock, Bishop, 375.
F^ge, Grovener A., 452.
Paine, Robert Treat, 116.
Paine, Walter J.. 368.
Palfrey, John, 26.
Palmer, Col. Joseph, 119.

197.
Palmer, Mr., 115.
Parbit, Richard, 442.
Parke, Richard, 22, 25.
Parker, Andrew, 417.
Parker, Charles, 442.
Parker, Charies M., 282, 301.

440, 452, 459, 490.
Parker, Ebenezer, 264, 422,

425, 426.
Parker, Elizabeth S., 504.
Parker, Isaac, 336, 431, 461.
Parker, James, 459.
Parker, James E.. 291.

INDEX

579

Parker, John, 26, 87; called the
roll, 142; received certain in-
telligence of approach of
British, 148; 149; commands
of, 150; 154, 155, 157; rallied
men at Lincoln, 166; 193-
202, 204, 213. 214, 256, 259,
260, 261, 264, 286, 301, 417,
421, 422, 424, 425, 454, 461,
528, 541, 542, 543, 545, 546,
547.

Parker, Jonas, fired at British,
150; 152; kiUed, 153; 185,
191, 199, 262, 422, 423, 424,
426, 444, 534, 540, 542, 544.

Parker, Jonathan, 185, 535.

Parker, Jonathan Simonds,
336, 459, 461, 462.

Parker, Josiah, 58, 59, 458,
460, 462.

Parker, Nathaniel, 414.

Parker, Obadiah, 462.

Parker, Thaddeus, 237, 422,

423, 428, 461.

Parker, Theodore, 148, 150,

409, 495.
Parker, Thomaa, 229, 232, 426,

458.
Parker, Zachariah, 414, 417.
Parkhurst, John, 232, 422, 423,

424, 428, 458.
Parkhurst, Lucinda, 555.
Parkhurst, Nathaniel, 196.
Parkman, William, 160.
Parliament, right of, to tax, 89;

two objectionable bills, 109;

acted upon by Gen. Gage,

110.
Parsons, Albert S., 484, 496,

497 512 521.
Parsons, Mrs. Albert S., 512.
Parsons, Capt., 127; detailed

to capture North Bridge,

158; 162, 164.
Partridge, John, 442.
Patch, Franklin, 365, 460.
Patch, Mrs. Franklin, 365.
Patch, Miss, 368.
Patch, Oscar, 368.
Patch, Stephen, 546.
"Patriots' Day," 299.
Pattee, William T., 442.
Patten, B. W., 452.
Patterson, Harry A., 524.
Payson,Rev. Phillips, 171, 172,

189.
Peabody, Frank, 498.
Peacock, James, 430.
Pearce. See Pierce.
Peat, 467.
Peck, John, 427.
Peck, Thomas M., 442.
Peek, John, 426.
Peirce. See Pierce.
Pelham, Herbert, 22. 23.
Penniman, Nathaniel W., 440.
Perce. See Pierce.
Percy, Lord, 127 ; led a detach-
ment to Jamaica Plain, 131;

139; letter to Gen. Gage, 168;

letter to Gen. Harvey, 169;

170; met the retreating

troops. 172; 175, (III. 176).

176. 177, 178. 180, 181. 182.

183. 184, 187, 222. 223, 409,

471. 532. 540. 552.
Perkins. Ebenezer, 429.
Perkins, Mrs. Walter B., 524.
Perrey. See Perry.
Perry, James. 416, 419.
Perry, Jonas. 416.
Perry. Thaddeus. 417.
Perry, Thomaa, 414, 416, 418,

416.

Peters, Adam, 440.

Peters. John. 440. 452.

Petiford, Henry. 442.

Petition, to be a distinct parish,
29; granted, 30.

Phasit. See Fassett.

Phelps, C. Joseph, 463.

Phelps, Mary Forbes, 365.

Phelps, William D., 294.

Philips, Addison W., 442.

Phillips, , 101.

PhilHps, Aseph W., 452.

Phinney. Chariotte B., 335.

Phinney, Elias, 139, 143, 147,
195, 257; •welcome to La-
fayette, 258; 259; History of
Battle of Lexington, 260;
262, 263, 265, 335, (111. 408),
534, 538.

Phipps's farm, 146.

Pickering, Col., 182; com-
plaints against, 187.

Pierce, Alfred, 449, 455, 460,
497, 498, 504, 514.

Pierce, Amos, 430.

Pierce, Anna Judson, 558.

Pierce, Benjamin, 186, 426,
431, 536.

Pierce, Clifford W., 515.

Pierce, Cyrus, 388, (111. 388).

Pierce, Etta C, 502.

Pierce, Frank D., 459, 464, 504.

Pierce, Isaac, 430.

Pierce, James, 26.

Pierce, John, 413, 414,416, 417.

Pierce, Joseph, 33, 40.

Pierce, Josiah, 382.

Pierce, Loring S., 282, 459,
461.

Pierce, Mary Alice, 558.

Pierce, Nathaniel W., 282.

Pierce, Pelatiah P.. 459.

Pierce, Samuel. 432.

Pierce, Solomon, 153, 185, 422,
423, 425, 426, 429, 534.

Pierce, Thaddeus, 416, 417,
419.

Pierce, William B., 558.

Pierpont, Rev., 344.

Pigeon, John, 119.

Piper, Elizabeth Melville, 557.

Piper, Fred Smith, 336, 460,
488, 495, 496, 553, 557.

Piper, Grace Elise, 557.

Piper, John, 382.

Piper. Jonas Brooks. 557.

Piper, Mabel Marion, 557.

Piper, Nathaniel, 414, 417, 418.

Piper. Samuel, 429.

Pitcaim, Major John, 87, 126;
pressed forward, 147; order
to the Provincials to dis-
perse, 150; in command,
151; 152; horse struck, 154;
unhorsed, 167; pistols, 168,
(III. 32); (Portrait, lU. 176),
177, 195, 197, 198, 200, 285,
289, 528, 542, 547.

Pitt, 95, 253.

Pittman, Charles, 443.

Pledge. 84.

Plumer, William, 276,440. 460.

Pole. Capt.. 127, 159, 164.

Police, 298.

Polly, William, 186. 535.

Polsiver, Albert. 443.

Pomeroy. Seth. 115.

Pompey. 65.

Poore. Thomas. 64.

Pope Gregory XIII, 475.

Population, 248. 253.

Porter, Asahel, killed. 163; 185.
191. 422. 424. 535, 544, 648.

Porter, Caddie Eva, 658.

Porter, Rev. Edward Griffin,
282. 283; ordained, 365; 366,
367. 369. 371. 372. (III. 374).
396, 408, 460, 484, 488.

Porter, Rev. George W., 488,
496.

Porter, Henry W., 404.

Porter, Israel, 422, 424.

Post, Daniel, 443.

Post, 119, George G. Meade,
293, 446.

Post office, 295.

Postmasters, 295.

Potter, Charles L., 440.

Potter, Lieut., 128.

Poulter, Elizabeth, 307.

Poulter, John, 33, 38, 46, 457.

Poulter, Jonathan, 36, 38, 39,
307.

Pound built, 47.

Powers, Gideon, 413.

Powers, Leland T., 376.

Powers, Mrs. Leland T., 376.

Pratt, Samuel, 429.

Preble, Jedediah, 115.

Prentiss, Mr., 505.

Prescott, Abel, 185, 534.

Prescott, Humphrey, 463.

Prescott, James, 215.

Prescott, John H., 452.

Prescott. Dr. Samuel, eluded
capture, 141; gave alarm,
156; 176, 539.

Prescott, William, 215.

Preston, Amariah, 272.

Preston, Capt., 99.

Preston, Elwyn G., 501.

Prices of labor and articles ,
237.

Prime, Rev. S. I., 289, 290.

Prince, James P., 371, 374,497 ,
512.

Prince, Mrs. James P., 509,
510.

Printing press first set up, 14.

Prisoners, British, taken, 155.

Proclamation, Gov. Gage's,
118.

Proctor. Sarah. 555.

Proprietors, first, 22.

Prospect Hill, 182.

Prosser, Levi. 282, 408. 459,
484.

Provincials killed, 185, 534.

Provisions, convoy of. de-
tained. 171; captured, 172.

Pryor, Rev. John, 282, (111.
348), 358.

Psalms, 319. 320.

Puffer. Charles H.. 440, 445.

Purcell, Patrick, 440.

Puritans, early settlers. 7;
traits. 10-12; Colonies com-
pared with others. 13, 14.

Purser, John, 443.

Pushee, Luther H., 440.

Putnam, Aaron, 56.

Putnam, Amos, 186.

Putnam, Charies, 452.

Putnam, Edmund, 133.

Putnam, Gen., 168, 216, 290.

Putnam, Henry, 186, 535.

Putnam, H. H., 508.

Putnam, John P., 290.

Putnam, Nathan, 186. 537.

Putnam. Periey. 186, 537.

Putnam, Tarrant, 133.

Qualey, Rev. John, 360, 363.
Quebec, fall of, 415.
Quimby. Rev. I. P., 360.
Quincy. Dolly, 173.
Quincy, Dorothy, (111. 136),
146.

580

INDEX

Quincy, Josiah, 211.
Quincy, Pres., 265.

Railroad, steam, extended to

Concord, 290; development,

293, 299; electric, 299.

Ramsay, , 199.

Ramsay, Royal, 440.
Ramsdell, Abednego, 186, 537.
Rand, Rev., 374.
Randolph, Rev. Webster B.,

350, 459.
Rank, John, 443.
Rankin, Charles H., 452.
Rankin, Richard, 440.
Raymond, Hepsibah, 553.
Raymond, John, 153, 175, 185,

263, 422, 423, 444, 534, 543.
Raymond, Jonathan, 553.
Raymond, Reuben, 414.
Raymond, Robin, 414, 416.
Raymond, Samuel, 415, 418.
Raymont. »See Raymond.
Rayner, J. J., 483.
Read, Mrs. Edwin, 508, 510.
Redman, A. M., 371 , 499, 501.
Redman, Mrs. A. M., 524.
Redman, Lester T., 515.
Reed, Abigail, 307.
Reed, Asahel, 185, 535.
Reed, Benjamin, 56, 59, 292,

412, 417, 458, 459, 460, 461,

463.
Reed, Capt., 416.
Reed, Charles, 259, 262, 384,

458, 461, 462, 463.
Reed, Christopher, 257.
Reed, Edward, 294, 375.
Reed, George, 185, 535.
Reed, George F., 456, 460.
Reed, George H., 460.
Reed, Mrs. George H., 524.
Reed, Hammon, 275, 282, 290,

423, 458, 459, 460, 600.
Reed, Hammond, 229, 427,

429, 463.

Reed, Henry M., 498.

Reed, Isaac, 384, 459.

Reed, James, 172, 545; depo-
sition, 550.

Reed, James R., 460.

Reed, John P., 461.

Reed, Joseph, 415. 418, 430.

Reed, Joshua, 232, 422, 423,
425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 458.
550.

Reed, Josiah, 264, 422, 424,
427, 430.

Reed, Katie G., 509.

Reed, Mr.. 144.

Reed, Moses, 428.

Reed, Nathan, 321, 422, 423,

424, 425, 427, 458.
Reed, Nathaniel, 429.
Reed, Peter, 413, 418.
Reed, Reuben, 425, 426.
Reed, Reuben Willard, 282,

291, 459.
Reed, Robert, 229, 422, 423,

425, 426, 427.
Reed, Samuel, 417.
Reed, Seth, 431.

Reed, Thaddeus, 422, 423, 424,
425, 426, 429.

Reed, William, 26, 32, 33, 35,
38, 40, 42, 46, 48, 50, 54, 55,
56, 58, 65, 69, 73, 76, 77, 81,
307, 357, 412, 413, 422, 424,
425, 427, 428, 457, 458, 461.
463.

Reed, William H. H., 461.

Reed, William W.. 499, 500,
.514.

Regiments, Sam Adams's, 100.

Remington, Elder, 307.

Remington, Jonathan, 3.5.

Representative, to serve for
six shillings, 54; pay to the
town receipts over three
shillings. 59; instructions to,
69, 77, 84, 244, 250; list of.
463.

Representative districts, 464.

Reservoir, Hobbs Brook, 302.

Resolutions of various count-
ies, 113.

Resolves, 76. 83.

Revere, Paul, rode to Philadel-
phia, 104; (111. 134), 139; ride
to Lexington, 140; started
for Concord, 141; reply to
British officers, 142; accom-
panied Hancock and Adams
to safety, 144; own narra-
tive, 175; 409, 439, 495, 541,
542.

Revolution, commencing 19
April 1775, 87.

Reynolds, W. L., 27.

Rhoades, Rev. C. L., 358.

Rhodes, T. H., 18.

Rice, George Brackett, 557.

Rice, Rev. George M., 335,557.

Rice, Jeannette, 557.

Rice, Persis Fayette, 557.

Richards, Jay O., 460.

Richards, William, 430.

Richardson, Herbert T., 498.

Richardson, Moses, 185, 534.

Richardson, Richard, 443.

Richmond, Rev., 334.

Ripley, Ezra, 193, 202, 259.

Roads, development of. 148,
302, 473.

Robbins, Caira, 406.

Robbins, Eli, 297.

Robbins, Eli M., 503.

Robbins, Henrietta Gaines
(Mrs. Eli M.), 502, 503.

Robbins, John, 153, 185, 195,
417, 422, 423, 430, 534.

Robbins, Stephen, 417, 503.

Robbins, Thomas, 415, 416,
417, 422, 423, 428, 458, 461,
503.

Robbins, Rev. Wilford L., 375,
376.

Robbinson, James, 64.

Robeson, Mr., 287.

Robinson, Asa, 427, 432.

Robinson, Charles, 459, 461.

Robinson, Col., 161.

Robinson, Ebenezer, 431, 432.

Robinson, Frances M., 524.

Robinson, George W. , 294, 295,
406, 484, (111. 498).

Robinson, Jacob, 458, 461.

Robinson, James, 430, 432.

Robinson, Jeremiah, 427.

Robinson, Joseph, 422, 427,
432.

Robinson, Lieut. Col., 160.

Robinson, Mary C, 524.

Robinson, Rebekah Eliza, 502.

Robinson, Sarah E., 460, 496.

Robinson, Simon W., 459, 463,
497, (111. 498).

Robinson, Theodora, 502.

Robinson, Theodore P., 499.

Robinson, Thomas, 415.

Roe. See Munroe.

Roff, Daniel, 64.

Rogers, Louis P., 291.

Rogers, Major, 420.

Romney, ship-of-war, arrives
at Boston, 96.

Ropes, Rev. T. P., 349.

Ross, Hannah, 64.

Ross, Mary, 556.
Rowse, Ada Holt, 377.
Rowse, Walter W., 501.
Roxbury, missing, 186, 536.
Rugg, Thomas, 33, 40.
Russell, Amos, 427, 431.
Russell, Chambers, 58.
Russell, Daniel, 428.
Russell, David, 40.
Russell, Elizabeth, 307.
Russell, Ephraim, 417.
Russell, Eugene F.. 440.
Russell, James, 40.
Russell, Jason, 180, 185, 534.
Russell, J. F., 514.
Russell, John, 22, 32, 33, 40,

307.
Russell, Joseph, 415, 417, 428.
Russell, Joshua, 458.
Russell, Mary L., 509.
Russell, Nathan, 458.
Russell, Nathaniel, 429.
Russell, Philip, 27. 32, 33, 40,

229, 232, 262, 292, 307, 357,

429, 458, 459, 461, 463.
Russell, Seth, 185, 534.
Russell, Walter, 425, 426.
Russell, Warren E., 291, 294,

498.
Russell, William, 40.
Ryan, Christopher S., 455, 456,

497. 512.
Ryan, Rev. Henry J., 363,
Ryan, Joseph P., 512.
Ryder, Rev. H. H., 376.

Salem, meeting forbidden. 111;
Gen. Gage convened court,
112; Gen. Gage adjourned
it without day, 114; Provin-
cial Congress adjourned to
Concord, 114; failure to cap-
ture stores, 126; men arrive
at Charlestown too late,
182, 183; killed, 186, 536.

Saltmarsh, Anna, 556.

Saltmarsh, Mary Henrietta,
556.

Saltmarsh, Seth, 556, (111. 556).

Saltonstall, Richard, 420.

Sampson, Benjamin, 194. 430,
546.

Sampson, Elisabeth, 64.

Sampson, Elizabeth, loss, 174.

Sampson, George W., 301, 459,
460, 461, 498.

Samson, Benjamin, 432.

Samson, David, 431.

Sanderson, Elijah, 139; pris-
oner, 141; 144, 195, 196, 422,
423, 424, 426, 428, 432; dep-
osition, 538; 541.

Sanderson, Samuel, 422, 424,
425, 426, 427.

Sandham, Henry, 489.

Sanford, Isaac, 556.

Sanford, Mary Henrietta, 556.

Savage, Rev., 277, 349.

Saville, Clifford. 441, 452.

Saville, Leonard A., 296, 461,
462, 463, 488.

Sawin, Thomas K., 441.

Sawyer, Betty, 554.

Sawyer, John, 441.

School Committee, 459.

Schools, first, 39; establish-
ment of, 60; school house
"eracted," 379 ; early schools
and schoolmasters, 380; mov-
ing, 381, 382; second school-
house built, 382, 383;
"vocl" music introduced,
384; recommendations of a
committee, 385; increased in-

INDEX

581

terest throughout the State,
388; annual appropriations,
391; report of special com-
mittee, 397; district schools
discontinued, 400; appropri-
ations by 10-year periods,
403; superintendent of, 403;
private, 404.
Adams School, 303,(111. 394),

396, 398, 400; new build-
ing, 402, (111.400).

Franklin School, 396. 397,

398.
Hancock School, 302, 396,

397, 398; new building,
400, (111. 400) ; old building
burned, 401.

High School, 302; organized
390; (111.394); new build-
ing, 402, (111. 400); prin-
cipals, 404.

Holt Normal School of Mu-
sic, 505.

Howard School, 396, 397,

398, 401.
Lexington Academy, 386.
Munroe School, (111. 400).

402.

"Scotland," 384.

Singing school, 504.

"Smith's End," 384.

Tidd School, 396. 397, 398,
401.

Warren School, 396. 397.
398.
"Scotland," 27.
Scott, Abner, 416.
Scott, Abraham, 414, 415, 416,

417, 419.
Scott, Alexander, 416, 418.
Scott, Augustus E., 295, 386,

404, 460, 463, 465, 475, 483,

484, 488, 496, 498, 499.
Scott, John, 557.
Scott, Mabel Marion, 557.
Seaver, Elijah, 186, 536.
Seaver, Mr., 197.
Selectmen, 2, 3; list, 457.
Semple, Mary, 392.
Senators, 464.
Settlers, earliest, 24; hardships

and privations, 43.
Severance, Mrs. C. M., 392.
Sewall, Judge, 306.
Sewall, Samuel, 307.
Shahan, Rev. Thomas H.. 362.
Shakespeare Club, 612.
Sharp, James C, 392.
Shattuck, Lemuel, 135, 160,

161, 193, 202. 259, 260,

261.
Shaw, E. A., 500.
Shaw, Walter K., 499, 500.
Shawshine, granted to Cam-
bridge, 20, 21.
Shays, Daniel, rebellion, 248.
Shea, Mary E., 559.
Sheehan, James, 441.
Shepard, Charles, 430.
Sherburne, F. Foster, 499, 514.
Sherburne, Mary Foster, 557.
Sherburne, Warren, 406, 409,

450, 557.
Sherman, Albert A., (111. 446),

453.
Sherman, John G., 441.
Shirley, Gov., 171.
Shuckburg, Dr. Richard, 171.
Signatures to Lexington declar-
ation of independence, 229.
Simonds, Amos, 413.
Simonds, Charles F., 441.
Simonds, Daniel, 427, 430, 431,
458.

Simonds. Ebenezer, 264, 422,
423

Simonds, Eli, 459, 461.

Simonds, Ensign, 38.

Simonds, George, 441, 453.

Simonds, John, 229, 417, 427,
429.

Simonds, Jonathan, 457.

Simonds, Joseph, 27, 32, 33, 34,
40, 46, 77, 189, 227, 229,
251, 307, 421, 422. 424, 425,
426, 427, 441, 445, 457. 458.

461, 463, 481.

Simonds, Joseph Frederick,

28,451,459, 461.
Simonds, Joshua, 53; ready to

blowup the church, 152; 417.

422, 423, 425, 426, 429, 458,

462, 503, 546.
Simonds, Josiah, 422.
Simonds, Mary, 307.
Simonds, Mr., 5^13.
Simonds, Nathan, 413. 416.

458.

Simonds, Nathaniel, 429.

Simonds, Winfield S.. 443.

Slavery. 481.

Small-pox, 251.

Smith, , 186.

Smith, A. Bradford, 25.

Smith, Abraham, 422. 423. 424.
425, 426, 432.

Smith, Abram, 458.

Smith, Abram B., 282.

Smith, Allen C, 497, 515.

Smith, Benjamin, 55, 428, 458,
460.

Smith, Billings, 264, 459, 461.
462.

Smith, Capt., 161.

Smith, Charles G., 443.

Smith, Daniel, 427, 429.

Smith, David, 186, 422, 423.

Smith, Ebenezer, 422, 423, 425,
428, 429, 458.

Smith, Lieut. Col. Francis, 126,
127, 128, 146; found country
alarmed, 147; 151; remained
in the center of Concord,
158; 162, 163; rallied men at
Fiske Hill, 167; perilous con-
dition of British troops, 169;
sent for reinforcements, 170;
176, 177, 178, 183; official
report to Gen. Gage, 194;
222, 470, 528, 542, 544.

Smith, George F., 515.

Smith, George H., 441.

Smith, George Orlando, 24, 282,
302, 360, 467, 474; legacy to
Field and Garden Club, 487;
491; legacy to Historical So-
ciety, 493 ; 496, 507, 520. 521.

Smith, Hannah, 493.

Smith, Hezekiah, 458.

Smith, Isaac, 431.

Smith, John, 33, 416, 419, 425,
427, 429, 432.

Smith, Jonathan, loss, 174; 229,
418, 420, 422, 423. 425, 427,
458.

Smith, Joseph, 422.424, 425,

426, 429, 458, 461, 463.
Smith, Josiah, 229, 232, 422,

423, 427, 458, 461.
Smith, Nathan, 431.
Smith, Phinehas, 422, 423,

424.
Smith. Samuel. 422, 423. 425,

426 429.
Smith, Dr.' S.F., 283.
Smith, Sylvanus W., 459.
Smith, Thaddeus, 422, 423.
Smith. Thomas, 33. 428.

Smith, Timothy. 196, 425.
Smith, Webster, 282, 459, 462,

463.
Smith, William, 158, 160, 422,
423, 424, 425, 426, 428. 429,

441.
Smith, William H., 296, 459.
Smith, William Henrv-, 463.
Smith, William L., 493.
Smith, Winsor, 441.
Snow, Joanna, 64.
Snow, Simeon, 424.
Social Circle, 359.
Social Library, 404.
Somerset, man of war. 127,

140, 175.
Somes, E. H., 441.
Souter, Capt., 128.
Southwick, George, 186, 537.
Spaulding, Edwin S., 459, 462, '

521, 522, 524.
Spaulding. George W., 405,

459.
Spaulding, Job, 555.
Spaulding, Lieut. Col., 216.
Spaulding, Sarah, 555.
Spaulding, Stillman, 555, (111.

556).
Spaulding, Susan Butterfield,

555.
Spencer, Frederick J., 512.
Sprague, Mrs. Clarence E., 510.
Stack, Rev. Robert, 362.
Stamp Act, 69; items, 70;

repealed, 81, 95; passed, 94.
Staples, Rev. Carlton A., 22,

301, 302, 310; installed, 353;

354, 355, 356, 373, 3S0, 396,

408, 432, 460, 481, 4S8, 490,

491, 496, 524.
Staples, Rev. Nahor A., 339,

340, 356.
Stark, Col., 216.
Starns. See Stearns.
Statues of Hancock and Adams

unveiled, 284; history of,

292; 444; " Captain Parker,"

300.
Stearns, Abel, 431, 432.
Stearns, Asahel, 422, 423, 426,

427, 431.

Stearns, Benjamin, 26, 427,

428, 429.

Stearns, Henry W., 441.

Stearns, Hubback, 427.

Stearns, Isaac, 32, 33, 40, 46.

Stearns, John, 33.

Stearns, Mr., 56.

Stearns, Peter, 429.

Stearns, Phinehas, 425, 426,

428, 429, 458.
Stearns, Samuel, 40, 40, 460.
Stearns, Solomon, 1S5.
Stearns, Thomas, 413.
Stearns, William A., 463.
Stedman, 139, 170.
Stedman, Capt., 130.
Stembridge, Dr. Edward A.,

370.
Sterns. See Stearns.
Stetson, Rev. Caleb, 261, 277,

348, 386, 460, (111. 498).
Stetson, Rev.. 344.
Stetson, Samuel, 459.
Stetson, Thomas Meriam, 284.
Stevens, A. W., 512, 513.
Stevens, William, 292.
Stevenson, Letitia Green. 502.
Stiles, Jane Alcock, 558.
Stimpson, Adam, 441.
Stimpson, Mary, 553.
Stockbridge, Hannah, 64.
Stocks, built, 47.
Stockwill, John. 414. 417.

582

INDEX

Stone, Abigail, 64.

Stone, Alvah C, 368, 484.

Stone, Arthur D., 498.

Stone, Bradley, 160.

Stone, Capt., 218.

Stone, Col., 219.

Stone, Daniel, 32, 33, 40.

Stone, David, 33.

Stone, Dea., 58, 84, 85.

Stone, Dorcas, 307.

Stone, Edward C, 459, 464,

497, 498.
Stone, Elizabeth, 553.
Stone, Ellen A., 300, 402, 408,

460.
Stone, George E., 514.
Stone, Hannah, 40.
Stone, Isaac, 60, 357, 458, 461,

481.
Stone, James, 69.
Stone, John, 32, 33, 40, 55, 56.

317, 457, 461, 462.
Stone, Jonas, 69, 73, 77, 81,

227, 229, 232, 319, 422, 423,

428, 458, 461, 462, 463, 465,

553.
Stone, Joseph, 33, 38, 40, 307,

458.
Stone, Josiah, 414, 416.
Stone, Mr., 18, 307.
Stone, Norman B., 453.
Stone, Samuel, 29, 31, 32, 33,

34, 35, 36, 40, 42, 69, 305,

307, 309, 317, 357, 412, 457,

458, 481.
Stone, Sarah, 307.
Stone Building, 300, (Jll. 616).
Story, Judge, 265.
Stow, wounded, 186, 536.
Stowe, Rev. William T., 277,

348, 350, 359.
Stratton, Florence Gardner,

557.
Stratton, George L., 294, 557.
Stratton, Joseph, 430.
Subscription for Common, 40.
Sudbury, attack by men at

Hardy's Hill, 166; killed and

wounded, 185, 535.
Sullivan, James, 443.
Sullivan, Mr., 218.
Sunderland, Lieut., 128.
Sunderland, Rev. Jabess T.,

359.
Suter," Rev. J. W., 376.
Sutherland, Evelyn Greenleaf,

556.
Sutherland, John, 656.
Sutherland, John Preston, 556.
Sutherland, Mary, 556.
Sutton, Robert de, 475, 476.
Sutton, Roland de, 476.
Swain, Thomas, 441.
Swan, Charles W., 462, 498.
Swan, Gershom, 460.
Swan, Joshua, 468.
Swett, Samuel, 335.
Swett, Rev. William G., 267,

(111. 334), 335, 356, 459, 661.
Symons. See Simonds.

Tarbox, Dr. I. N., 283.

Tax Bill, for minister's salary,

33; of 1696, 34.
Taylor, Amy E., 623, 524.
Taylor, Dr., 197, 218, 219.
Taylor, George W., 408, 459,

624.
Taylor, Mrs. George W., 497.
Tea party, Boston, 104.
Tea tax, 82.
Teed. See Tidd.
Teel, Francis, 413, 414.
Teele, Annie, 509.

Teele, Herbert S., 460.
Telephone, 295.
Temple, Josiah, 185.
Temple, S. B., 336.
"Thmable party," 372.
Thomas, Gen., 215.
Thomas, John, 115.
Thomas, John B., 513.
Thompson, Charles, 441.
Thompson, Daniel, killed, 167;

185, 535.
Thompson, H. S., 505.
Thompson, Rev. Thomas, 359.
Thompson, William, 165.
Thorn, Benjamin F., 441, 445.
Thorp, Thomas, 185.
Thurber, Dr., 555.
Tidd, Adam, 426.
Tidd, Benjamin, 196, 422, 423,

425, 426, 428, 429, 463, 547.
Tidd, Charles, 27, (House, 111.

60), (Portrait, 111. 388), 390,

459, 460, 461, 462.
Tidd, Charles L., 441.
Tidd, Daniel, 33, 56, 458, 460,

462.
Tidd, John, 29, 32, 33, 34, 36;

struck down, 162; 163; grant

to, 164; 186, 305, 422, 423,

426, 428, 430, 634.

Tidd, Joseph, 32, 33, 36, 40, 46,
48, 66, 417, 467, 458.

Tidd, Lieut., 545.

Tidd, Samuel, 32, 33, 229, 422,
423, 424, 425, 463.

Tidd, William, 149; pursued
by an officer, 152; 194, 229,
417, 421, 422, 424, 425, 428,
429, 432, 468, 461, 481, 545;
deposition, 546; 547.

Tilton, Abigail Stearns, 656.

Tilton, Florence Gardner (Mrs.
J. O.), 510, 557.

Tilton, Hattie Amanda, 556.

Tilton, Jeremiah, 556.

Tilton, Josiah Odin, 396, 408,
456, 499, 500, 556.

Tingell, John, 426.

Tingle, John, 432.

Tirrell, Oakes, 463.

Tolman, John, 185, 535.

Torricelli, J. B., 392.

Torrington, Professor, 505.

Tourist Club, 609.

Tower, Ellen M., 624.

Tower, William A., 282, 287,
463, 465, 488.

Town Clerks, 462.

Town Hall, built, 290; Memo-
rial Hall, 444; (111. 616).

Town meetings, value of, 4, 5;
forbidden, 6; 303.

Town officers, first, 46.

Town Records,beginning of ,31 ;
preservation of, 302, 491.

Town Treasurers, 462.

Towns, duties of, 2, 3.

Townsend, Daniel, 186, 537.

Trask, A., 441.

Trask, Isaac, 416, 418, 419.

Trask, Isaiah, 416.

Trask, Israel, 416.

Trask, Jonathan, 26, 417.

Trask, Nathaniel, 468, 460.

Tree, Jupiter, 431, 432.

Trickey, Joshua, 418.

Trull, George A., 441.

Trumbull, Gov., 196.

Trust Funds, 517.

Tryon, Gov., 105.

Tucker, Alexander M.. 396.

Tucker, Charles K., 463, 498,
499.

Tucker, Rose M., 524.

Tuder, Cato, 430, 432.
Tufts, Mrs. Francis E., 510,

612.
Tufts, John W., 410.
Tufts, Thomas, 468.
Turner, J. F., 500.
Turner, Joseph, 430.
Tuttle, David A., 469.
Tuttle, G. I., 615.
Tuttle, Henry E., 461.
Tyler, Daniel G., 376, 658.
Tyler, Gertrude Mabel, 558.
Tyler, Henry H., 453.
Tyler, Mary E., 558.
Tyler, 'Winsor Marrett, 558,

660.
lythingmen, 52.

Underwood, Israel, 415, 417.
Underwood, John, 256.
Underwood, Joshua, 417.
Underwood, Jonas, 430.
Underwood, Joseph, 194, 198,

384, 422, 424, 425, 428, 458;

deposition, 548; 649.
Underwood, Nathan, 424.
U. S. Geological Survey, 466,

469, 470.
Usher, Rev. James M., 350,

459.

Vaille, Frederick O., 396 , 499,

500.
Valentin, Adelin, 392.
Valentine, Charles We8ley,557.
Valentine, Henry Charles, 657.
Valentine, Mary Antoinette,

657.
Valentine, Mary Foster, 557.
Van Ness, Sarah Bowman, 297,

497, 502, 603.
Varnum, Joseph B., 255.
Verdi Orchestra, 505.
Viano, William, 512.
Viglo, William, 441.
Viles, Joel, 237, 422, 424, 425,

426, 427, 458, 459, 462, 465.
Viles, John, 555.
Viles, Rebecca, 388.
Villeneure, Celina, 559.
Villeneure, J6r6mie, 669.
Villeneure, Victorenne, 559.
Vital Records, compiled, 302.

Walcott, Willard, 453.

Waldron, James J., 512.

Walker, George L., 460.

Walker, James, 264.

Walker, Nathaniel, 414, 417.

Wallace, Dennis, 186, 537.

Walpole, Horace, 170.

Walsh, Celina, 669.

Walsh, James Joseph, 515, 559.

Walsh, John A., 659.

Walsh, Martin, 441.

Walsh, Mary E., 659.

War, French and Indian, 413.

War of 1812, 255, 256.

Ward, Artemas, 115.

Ward, Gen., superseded Gen.
Heath, 215.

Wardwell, Elihue, 40.

Ware, William, 324.

Warner, George A., 498.

"Warning out," 63; examples,
64.

Warren, Gen., 100, 103.

Warren, J. C, 553.

Warren, John, 198, 220, 553.

Warren, Dr. Joseph, 115, 119,
128; sent a messenger to Lex-
ington, 137; 140, 175, 178,
179, 180, 196, 197, 208, 210,
211,213, 627,541.

INDEX

583

Washburn, Mrs. A. C, 524.

Washington, Gen. George, 168;
visit of, 251; 279, 289, 454.

Water company, 296.

Watertown, killed, 186, 536.

Watson, Abraham, 119, 138.

Watson, John Lee, 140.

Watson, Mr., 115, 218.

Waverley Club, 511.

Webb, Jotham, 186, 537.

Webber, James, 426, 432.

Webster, Rev. Charles H., 350,
459.

Webster, Daniel, 265.

Weeks, Percis Faj'ette, 557.

Welch, Peter J., 512.

Weld, Angelina G., 392.

Weld, Rev., 320.

Weld, Theodore D., 392, 394.

Wellington, Andrew, 390.

Wellington, Arthur J., 464.

Wellington, Benjamin, made
prisoner, 148; 238, 406, 422,
423, 424, 426, 427, 428, 429,
457, 458, 460, 462, 463, 471.

Wellington, Benjamin O., 259,
262,458,459,461.

Wellington, Caroline, 484.

Wellington, Charles A., 260,
282,301,397,460,521.

Wellington, Enoch, 424, 432.

Wellington, George V., 473.

Wellington, George Y., 290.

Wellington, Grace S., 408.

Wellington, Jonas C, 461, 462.

Wellington, Nehemiah, 459,
463.

Wellington, Peter, 256.

Wellington, Roger, 25, 414,
417.

Wellington, Timothy, 422, 423,
425, 426, 428, 429.

Wellington, Walter, 282. 459,
461, 498.

Welsh, E., 550.

Wentworth, Otis, 459.

Werner, Rev. James Benton,
376, 460.

West, Charles T., 295, (111.
446), 453, 459, 462, 524.

West Cambridge, changed to
Arlington, 24; committees
of safety and supply in ses-
sion, 138; convoy of British'
provisions cut off, 171 ; fight-
ing, 178, 179, 181 ; men killed
and wounded, 185, 534.

Westcott. Rev. Henry, 282,
284 , (III. 334) , 343 ; installed,
351; 352, 353, 355, 356, 408.

Westford, wounded, 186.

Weston, J. P., 359.

Wetherby's Tavern, 138.

Wetherell, F. E., 282.

Wheeler, Charles S., 464.

Wheeler, Francis, 157.

Wheeler, George A., 441.

Wheeler, George G., 441.

Wheeler, Timothy, subterfuge
of, 164.

Wheeler, William, 429.

Wheelock, Henry L., 441.

Wheelock, Lieut. Col., 216.

Whitaker, William H., 459,
498.

Whitcher, Bradley C, 282, 294.
295, 459, 498.

Whitcher, Florence E., 408.

Whitcher, Sergeant C, 290,
294, 459, 498, 499.

Whitcomb, Abel, 414, 417.

Whitcomb, Asa, 554.

Whitcomb, Benjamin, 414.

Whitcomb, Betty, 554.
Whitcomb, Elizabeth, 654.
Whitcomb, Hannah, 554.
Whitcomb, Thomas, 554.
White, A. E., 404.
White, Capt. Benjamin, 115,

119.
White, Daniel, 26, 34.
White, Ebenezer, 422, 424. 425,

426, 428, 431.
White, John, 413, 415. 416.

417, 418, 424, 426.
White, Richard F., 441.
Whiting, Frank, 507.
Whiting, George O., 295, 355,

408, 484, 488, 496, 500.
Whiting, Mrs. George O., 484.
Whitman, Rev. Jason, (111. 334) ,

335," 336; death, 337; dis-
courses, 338, 339; 356, 459,

551.
Whitman, Mrs. Jason, 337.
Whitman, John, 338.
Whitman, John F., 441.
Whitman, Katharine, 483, 484,

488, 497.
Whitman, M. F., 484.
Whitmore, Francis, 25, 29, 40,

45 305.
Whitmore, Samuel, 25. 32. 33,

40, 46, 307.
Whitney, A. O., 192.
Whitney, Cynthia, 555.
Whitney, Ebenezer, 34.
Whitney. Edmund C, 371.

453.
Whitney, Lieut. Col., 216.
Whittemore, Abigail, 64.
Whittemore, H. O., 404.
Whittemore, Jacob, 417.
Whittemore, Nathaniel, 26, 64,

460.
Whittemore, Samuel, 180, 185.

534.
Whittier, John Greenleaf. 284.
Wilder, Volney, 459.
Willard, Abigail, 308.
Willard, Mr., 56.
Willard, Rev. Samuel, 306,308,

309.
Willard, Sj^non, 21.
Willard, Thomas R., 544, 550.
Williams, Rev. Avery, 254;

ordained, 333; 310, 551.
Williams, Curtis, 441.
Williams, James A., 441.
Williams, John, loss, 174; 422.

423, 426, 428, 430.
Williams.Rt. Rev. John J., 361,

362.
Wilson, Barnabas, 414, 417.
Wilson, Betty, 553, 554.
Wilson, Charles, 441.
Wilson, James, 34, 46, 48, 432.
Wilson, John, 34.
Wilson, Rev. John Mills, 28,

351,354,356,409.
Wilson, Jonathan, killed, 167;

185 535
Wilson, Robert, 414, 415. 416,

517.
Wilson, Vice-Pres., 287.
Wilson, William Power. 301.
Winn, John, 463.
Winn, William, 463.
Winning, William, 441.
Winship, Abel, 432.
Winship, Abraham, 431.
Winship, Ebenezer, 414, 416,

417.
Winship, Edward, 22. 24, 415,

417, 466, 481
Winship, Eliza 307.

Winship, Ephraim, 24, 29, 32,
33, 34, 35, 40, 305, 307, 380.

427, 431.
Winship, Henry, 426.
Winship, Isaac, 413, 414, 417.

461.
Winship, James, 415, 417, 418.
Winship, Jason, 180, 185, 5.34.
Winship, John, loss, 174; 422.

424, 427, 651.
Winship, Jonathan, 417.
Winship, Joseph, 24.
Winship, Joshua, 413.
Winship, Lydia, loss, 174.
Winship, Margaret, loss, 174.
Winship, Mary, 64, 307.
Winship, Richard, 430, 432.
Win.ship, Samuel, 24, 32, 33.

36, 40, 51, 422, 428, 457.

503.
Winship, Simeon, 422.
Winship, Simon, 426. 430.
Winship, Stephen, 458.
Winship, Thaddeus, 429.
Winship, Thomas, 153, 185.

417, 422, 423, 427, 429, 458,

461, 534.

Winslow, , 90.

Winslow, Gen., 413.
Winter, John, 29, 32, 33. 305.
Winthrop, Mrs., 21.
Winthrop, Stephen, 21.
Wiswall. See Wiswell.
Wiswell, Charles H., 460.
Wiswell, Noah, 186, 536.
Woburn, killed and wounded.

185. 535.
W. R. C, 97, 447.
Wood, Aaron, 415, 418.
Wood, Henry, 463.
Wood, John, 416.
Wood, Silas, 429.
Wood, Sylvanus, 148, 200.
Woodbury, Samuel, 186, 537.
Woods, George A., 376.
Woods, John, 419.
Woodsum, Rev. A. E., 358.
Woodward, Estelle, 392.
Woodward, Henry A. C, 459.
Woodward, Mrs. Henry A. C,

497, 509.
Woodward, Samuel, 189.
Worcester, depot of supplies,

120.
Worthen, Edwin B., 295, 501,

515.
Worthen, Jeannette, 509.
Worthley, Charles T., 453.
Wright, George W., 441, 453.
Wright, Isaac H., 270.
Wright, John, 442.
Wright, John H., 506.
Wright, Walter R., 442.
Wright, Willis L., 442.
Writs of Assistance, 93.
Wyman, Amos, 146.
Wyman, Esther Ritchie, 558.
Wyman, Francis, 459, 461.
Wyman, Jabez, 180, 185.
Wyman, Jabish, 534.
Wyman, James, 422, 423, 426.

428, 461, 558.
Wyman, Mrs., 146.
Wyman, Moses, 442.
Wyman, Nathan, 423.
Wyman, Nathaniel, killed, 153,

167; 185. 186, 263, 422, 444,
534.

Yankee Doodle, 170.
Young, William F., 456.

Zerdahelyi, E., 392.

M.,

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Full text of "History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868"

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