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HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES
FROM THE COMPROMISE OF 1850
TO
THE FINAL RESTORATION OF HOME RULE
AT THE SOUTH IN 1877
VOL. VII
']&&&
HISTORY
OF THE
UNITED STATES
FROM
THE COMPROMISE OF 1850
TO
THE FINAL RESTORATION OF HOME RULE
AT THE SOUTH IN 1877
BY
JAMES FORD RHODES, LL.D., Litt.D.
MEMBER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Vol. VII
1872-1877
Nefa If orfc
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1906
All rights reserved
Copyright, 1906,
By JAMES FORD RHODES.
Set up and electrotyped. Published November, 1906.
NorfooolJ 3|tt»s
J. S. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SEVENTH VOLUME
CHAPTER XL
where they will do
The Credit Mobilier
Members of Congress said to have been bribed .
Acts for the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad
Oakes Ames and his Credit Mobilier
Profit of the Credit Mobilier
Oakes Ames's position and justification
Congressional investigation threatened
Legislation threatened .
Ames places Credit Mobilier shares '
most good to us " .
Dividends paid on Credit Mobilier
Evidence taken by the Poland committee
Poland committee recommends expulsion of Oakes Ames
and James Brooks
House censures them .
A partial defence of Ames ......
An intelligent contemporaneous opinion of the transaction
Boutwell, Dawes, Henry Wilson, Bingham, Kelley
The case of Schuyler Colfax
Allison's straightforward course
The case of James A. Garfield . .
Effect of the Credit Mobilier disclosures on public sentiment 18
Corruption in the New York custom house .... 19
" Salary Grab " Act 20
Grant's second inauguration 21
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VI
CONTENTS
ret
Grant halts in Civil Service reform
The case of Collector Simmons
Butler's great influence over Grant
Conkling and the Chief Justiceship
Character of Roscoe Conkling
Other selections ; Williams, Caleb Cushing
Morrison R. Waite, Chief Justice
The Virginius Affair ....
Fish's prompt action ; Castelar's sincere reg:
Great excitement in the United States
War with Spain seems imminent .
Sumner cool and just ....
Fish proceeds with caution .
Fish sends to Madrid the demand of our government
Sickles our minister seems to want war at any price
Virginius affair settled
Great credit due to Fish
Railroad construction before 1873
Feverish business conditions 1872
Jay Cooke building the Northern Pacific Railroad
Business expansion ; glut of railway bonds .
Apparent prosperity
Optimistic reasoning
Failure of Jay Cooke & Co., September 18, 1873 .
Financial panic
Clearing-House certificates
President and Secretary of the Treasury in conference
September 21-27 week of intense gloom
Business paralysis all over the country
Cause of the Financial Panic
The Chicago Fire of 1871 . ...
The Boston Fire of 1872 . .
Incompetent financing of the government
The Commercial Crisis ....
Aftermath of the panic
Assembly of Congress December, 1873, hailed with delight
inflation proposed
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CONTENTS
Vli
Richardson, Secretary of the Treasury, inflates the currency
Sherman, Thurman, Schurz, oppose inflation
The argument for inflation .
Sherman meets it .
Morton advocates inflation .
Thurman speaks against inflation
Schurz's sound philosophy .
The Inflation bill .
Grant vetoes Inflation bill .
The veto a brave and noble act
Sanborn contracts .
Richardson resigns the Secretaryship of the Treasury
Democrats successful in the fall elections of 1874
A true political revolution ....
Reasons for it ..... .
The Resumption Act of 1875
Resumption accomplished on January 1, 1879
Revenue Act of 1875
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CHAPTER XLI
Reconstruction
Texas obtains home rule in 1872 .
Negro rule in Alabama
Corruption in Alabama
Railroad- Aid Mania ....
Corruption and extravagance in Alabama
Movement for liberation
" Campaign lies "
" Campaign lies " exposed
Democratic success in Alabama in 1874
Home rule restored in Alabama .
" Southern Outrages " campaign .
Trouble in Arkansas ....
Grant interferes in Arkansas . .
Poland defeats Grant's project
Arkansas secures home rule . .
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CONTENTS
Daniel H. Chamberlain's statement regarding three years of
negro-carpet-bag rule ....... 147
Negro constituency of South Carolina 148
Scott and Whittemore 149
Governor P. J. Moses 150
Defence of the negro constituency ..... 151
Pike's description of South Carolina legislature . . . 152
Defiant negroes in Charleston 156
State elections of 1868 and 1870 157
Intimidation by negroes 158
Charleston garrisoned by negro militia .... 159
Scott and Moses 160
Daniel H. Chamberlain, governor 161
Character of Chamberlain 161
Action of Governor Chamberlain 162
Chamberlain's patriotic speech at Lexington, 1875 . . 165
Chamberlain's fight with corruption 166
Chamberlain's famous despatch 167
Chamberlain's ambition ....... 167
A general consideration of the policy of negro suffrage . 168
A general consideration of the negro in politics . . . 169
The negro in politics ........ 170
A general consideration of Congressional reconstruction . 171
Character of the Southern people ...... 172
Comparison with other policies 173
CHAPTER XLIII
Contest on the financial question transferred to Ohio . . 175
Hayes-Allen campaign of 1875 ...... 176
A spirited contest 177
Sherman; Schurz; Thurman; McDonald .... 178
Republicans and sound-money principles successful . . 179
Blaine sounds the keynote of the 1876 campaign . .179
Bitter debate in the House 180
Blaine fires the Northern heart . . . . . . 181
Benjamin H. Bristow as Secretary of the Treasury . . 182
St. Louis Whiskey Ring 183
CONTENTS
XI
Prosecution of members of the Whiskey Ring
John B. Henderson relieved from duty as special counsel
Grant's testimony ....
A popular suspicion of Grant
Grant's thorough honesty
Friction between Grant and Bristow
The Belknap scandal . . .
High-water mark of corruption in national affairs
Lowell's view of the subject
George William Curtis's opinion .
George F. Hoar on corruption
James G. Blaine's transactions
Acts as broker with Maine friends
Blaine's Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad bonds
Blaine's defence .....
Charge against Blaine reappears .
The Mulligan letters . . . .
Blaine's defence
Blaine's defence considered .
Blaine swoons on the steps of his church
National Republican convention of 1876
Blaine, Conkling, Morton, candidates
Bristow the reformers' candidate .
Robert Ingersoll presents Blaine .
Blaine against the field
Rutherford B. Hayes nominated .
Blaine sends to Hayes an earnest assurance of suj
National Democratic convention of 1876
Samuel J. Tilden nominated for President .
Character of Tilden
Character of Hayes
Hayes's letter of acceptance ....
Tilden's letter disappointing
Michael C. Kerr, Speaker of the House
Blaine determined the issue of the campaign
" Waving the bloody shirt " . .
Southern Question — the issue
pport
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xii CONTENTS
Attacks on Tilden's personal character
Nast's cartoons .
Ohio and Indiana ; October States
Republicans carry Ohio, Democrats Indiana
Skilful management ; large amount of money spent
" Bulldozing " tactics ; canvass in South Carolina
Stories of outrages fabricated ....
Election day November 7
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CHAPTER XLIV
Hearing the returns 227
Who is elected President, Hayes or Tilden ? 228
Grant's action for the preservation of order at the South . 229
Florida and Louisiana in doubt 229
The great bone of contention, Louisiana .... 230
The Louisiana Returning-Board 230
The "visiting statesmen" 230
Character of Wells President of Returning-Board . . 231
'Vote of Louisiana declared for Hayes 232
Praud charged ; Sherman justifies action of Returning-Board 233
Democratic statement 234
Discussion of the question 235
Crooked work of the Louisiana Returning-Board . . . 236
In a letter to Hayes Sherman defends it .... 237
Sherman's view ; McCulloch's 237
Sherman's visit to Hayes 238
The electors in the several States vote 238
The case of Oregon 239
Constitutional theories 240
The disputed presidency . - . ■ 241
Seriousness of the situation 242
Danger of civil war 243
Charges of corruption against Tilden's friends . . . 244
Tilden's good case 245
Tilden lacks courage . 246
Tilden's indecision 247
Committees of House and Senate ..... 248
House committee 249
CONTENTS
Xlll
the Presi-
Joint meeting of two committees
Plan agreed to on Saturday .
Given up on Monday .
Discussion again in committee
Protracted negotiations
Plans and counter-plans
Electoral Count bill agreed upon
Edmunds introduces the bill into the Senate
Morton opposes it
Conkling's great speech in favour of it
Bill passes the Senate and the House ; signed by
dent ; the Electoral Count Act
The constitution of the Electoral Commission
Bradley the fifteenth man .
Commencement of the count
The case of Florida
O'Conor's argument
Florida adjudged to Hayes ....
Thurman's opinion in the Florida case .
Miller's opinion
Bradley's opinion
Florida counted for Hayes ....
Louisiana counted for Hayes
Oregon and South Carolina counted for Hayes
Anger of the Democrats ....
Hayes declared elected
Evarts's adroitness
0' Conor and Evarts in the Florida case
Bradley's defence ......
The decision of the Electoral Commission discussed
Florida recovers home rule .
Affairs in South Carolina
Was there a bargain about the withdrawal of the troops ? .
Troops withdrawn from the State House of South Carolina
The case of Louisiana
Troops withdrawn from the State House of Louisiana
End of the History ........
General Considerations
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HISTORY OF
THE UNITED STATES
CHAPTER XL
Had the presidential contest been close, a charge made
by the New York Sun, during the heat of it, might have
turned the scale against Grant. It was alleged that in
the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad through
the operations of a construction ring, Oakes Ames, the
leading spirit of those thus associated had, in order to
ensure the performance of certain actions for their bene-
fit, distributed in bribes to members of Congress thirty
thousand shares of Credit Mobilier [the construction
company] worth nine millions of dollars. Fifteen 1 were
named as having received the stock : the Vice-President,
the Secretary of the Treasury, two senators, two ex-
senators, the Speaker and six other members of the
House, besides one ex-representative and one no longer
living. Of these Blaine, Dawes, Henry Wilson, Colfax
and Garfield explicitly denied the charge and, although
the Greeley speakers and journals made the most of it,
1 Others were disclosed in the investigation ; but some of these and of the
original fifteen had nothing to do directly or indirectly with the transaction.
VII. — 1
2 GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION [1872
such impetus had the Grant candidacy gained, that, dur-
ing the campaign, the charge had no influence detrimen-
tal to him or the Republican party but was relegated to
the limbo of " campaign lies."
The charge was a gross exaggeration. Of bribery in
the common acceptance of the term there had been only
three cases ; but there had been other suspicious trans-
actions and when Congress assembled in December
[1872] Blaine, the Speaker, calling S. S. Cox to the
chair, moved for a committee of investigation and his
resolution was at once carried without a dissenting
voice. Cox appointed Luke P. Poland of Vermont,
Banks of Massachusetts, George W. McCrary of Iowa,
William E. Niblack of Indiana and William M. Merrick
of Maryland as the committee. Poland as chairman,
McCrary and the two Democrats [Niblack and Merrick]
were a guarantee that the inquiry would not result in a
whitewashing report. From the reports of this com-
mittee and another select committee on the affairs of
the Union Pacific Railroad Company1 and the testi-
mony taken before them, a fairly accurate story can be
told of this transaction.
By the statutes of July 1, 1862 and July 2, 1864 Con-
gress authorized the construction of the Union Pacific
Railroad, giving it the franchise, and the right of way,
and in addition a loan of twenty-seven millions of gov-
ernment bonds. But this loan was not made a first lien
on the property, as the company was authorized to issue
twenty-seven millions of its own first mortgage securi-
ties. Moreover Congress gave it a vast area of the pub-
lic domain in the form of land grants. For our day this
would be a liberal charter and there would be no diffi-
culty in securing subscribers to the authorized capital
1 The members of this Committee were J. M. Wilson, Samuel Shellabarger,
George F. Hoar, H. W. Slocum, Thomas Swan. The last two named were
Democrats.
Ch. XL.] CKEDIT MOBILIER 3
stock in cash, which the statutes required to furnish a
sound basis for the enterprise. But between 1864 and
1869 conditions were far different. The furnishing of
so large an amount of money by open cash subscrip-
tions or by a syndicate of moneyed men was impossible.
To make a start, to build enough of road to secure the
first pro-rata proportion of the government bonds and a
mileage on which to issue the first railroad bonds, it was
necessary that some men of means, energy and daring
should embark in the enterprise and pledge their indi-
vidual credit. Chief among these men in the case of
Union Pacific was Oakes Ames of Massachusetts. He
and his associates constructed the road in the fashion
then prevailing — they built it on the bonds and took
the stock for the road-building. " How much of the
stock was paid in cash ? " Ames was asked. " It was
all paid in cash, or on account of construction which is
the same thing," he answered.1 Little cash apparently
was paid in.2 Nearly all the stock was issued to the
members of the construction ring who paid for it " at
not more than thirty cents on the dollar in road-
making." 3
Ames and his associates organized a construction com-
pany securing for it an existing charter of the State of
Pennsylvania, called the Credit Mobilier, the stock-
holders in which were substantially identical with those
in the Union Pacific.4 Ordinarily in the railroad build-
ing of the time the construction companies were com-
posed of a select few of the stockholders who, for
personal risks taken and services rendered, were, if suc-
cess attended the operation, eventually recompensed by
the rest. But in the case of Union Pacific the bonds
and the land grant of the government, together with
1 Wilson report, p. 25.
2 At the time of the contract with the Credit Mobilier Company, "per-
haps two or three hundred thousand dollars." Ibid., p. 3.
8 Ibid., p. 3. * Ibid., p. xi.
4 GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION [1872
other privileges, furnished the means for construction
and for the profit of the favoured ring. The Credit
Mobilier either directly or indirectly constructed a large
part of the Union Pacific Railroad and, working with
great energy, managed to finish and open it in May
1869 as well as to make a considerable gain for them-
selves. Oakes Ames in his testimony before the com-
mittee stated the cost of the railroad and its equipment
to be seventy millions and the profits of the contractors
about seven millions,1 but later in his remarks in the
House he admitted that they might be near 110,000,000.
John B. Alley a director of the Credit Mobilier said he
thought the profits of construction were between eight
and nine millions.2 But the Wilson and Hoar com-
mittee 3 say in their report : " It appears then speaking
in round numbers that the cost of the road was
$50,000,000 which cost was wholly reimbursed from
the proceeds of the government bonds and first-mort-
gage bonds ; and that from the stock, the income bonds
and land-grant bonds the builders received in cash value
at least 823,000,000 profit." 4
Oakes Ames was elected to Congress in the autumn
of 1862 and for the four succeeding terms. In Septem-
ber 1865, he took the Union Pacific upon his shoulders
and soon became so heavily involved in the enterprise
that he used his position in the House for his private
interest rather than for the public weal. His personal
acquaintance with his colleagues proved of service in
the schemes for self-protection that he was about to set
1 Wilson report, p. 724. 2 Ibid., p. 5.
8 George F. Hoar says in his Autobiography, vol. i. p. 321, "I had to a
large degree the charge of the investigation in Washington, where the wit-
nesses were examined and in the end the duty of preparing the report."
4 p. xvii. The amount of land-grant bonds issued was $10,400,000 ; in-
come bonds $9,355,000 ; stock $36,762,300, ibid., p. ii. I have not the least
doubt that the committee's estimate of profits is excessive. But on the other
hand, Ames's differing statements deprive his testimony of credit and it is
apparent his knowledge is not exact.
Ch. XL.] CREDIT MOBILIER 5
afoot during the session of Congress that began in
December 1867. At that time, it is true, he and his
associates believed that their greatest difficulties had
been overcome. " We asked no legislation and expected
none " from Congress, he asserted truly,1 but they were
apprehensive that something might be done to interfere
with their expected profits and what they regarded as
their rights. The building of the road, " the spanning
of the continent with a great highway of civilization,"
had appealed to the popular imagination and the public
had looked upon the successive steps of the enterprise
with interest and delight. When Cheyenne was reached
in October 1867 the New York Tribune told the story in
the words " Five hundred miles of civilization " : when
the whole line to San Francisco was completed, civiliza-
tion had advanced 2000 miles to the westward.2
But some inquisitive members of Congress were
beginning to suspect that the law had been evaded and
that a large amount of money was being made in a
manner not intended by the statutes which created the
company. These statutes provided that the stock should
be actually paid for in full in money ; as a matter of
fact it was issued to men "who paid for it at not more
than 30 cents on the dollar in road-making." 3 But,
reasoned Ames and his associates, if that condition of
the charter had been enforced it would have been im-
possible to build the road. Therefore the arrangement
with the Credit Mobilier was wise ; it called into service
the vast personal credit of Ames which was necessary to
prevent the abandonment of the enterprise. On the
other hand, the Wilson-Hoar committee argued, If these
1 Poland report, p. 39.
2 Hollister's Colfax, p. 396 ; New York Tribune, Oct. 28, 1867, May 10,
1869. The Union Pacific R.R. was from Council Bluffs, Iowa to Ogden,
1004 m. The Central Pacific which was built at the same time ran from
Ogden to San Francisco (844 m.) making a total of 1848 m.
3 Wilson report, p. iii.
6 GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION [1872
stockholders could not build the road " according to the
act of Congress, they had no right to build it. They
could easily have represented their difficulty to Congress
which has dealt generously with them from the begin-
ning." l This they should have done in 1865-1866 but
they were probably averse to going to Congress for a
modification of the charter lest the all-engrossing Recon-
struction measures should preclude its being then con-
sidered, or lest onerous conditions should be attached
even if a modification was secured. Knowing that an
evasion of the statutes in this respect would enable them
to proceed with the work, they decided upon this course,
which after many vicissitudes seemed in December
1867 to promise a high degree of success.
Thoroughly proper as the Credit-Mobilier-Union-
Pacific people believed their action to have been, they
were aware that it would not bear the threatened
Congressional investigation. Moreover on December 9,
1867 C. C. Washburn of Wisconsin introduced in the
House " a bill to regulate by law the rates of transpor-
tation over the Pacific Road ; " and subsequently he
and Washburne of Illinois introduced other measures
seemingly inimical to the interests of the company.2
These considerations prompted Ames to take steps to
protect the Union Pacific Railroad against adverse legis-
lation. Three hundred and forty-three shares of the
Credit Mobilier were transferred to him as Trustee. " I
shall put [these]," he wrote from Washington in a
private letter, " where they will do most good to us. I
am here on the spot and can better judge where they
should go." 3 Beginning in December 1867 " he entered
into contracts with a number of senators and represen-
1 Wilson report, p. xix.
2 Poland report, p. iv.; Cong. Globe, pp. 211, 1218, 1861, 2130, 2428.
8 Jan. 25, 1868, Poland Report, p. 4. Ames wrote "I shall," when he
had actually placed a number of shares but a confused thought and expres-
sion runs through his letters and testimony.
Ch. XL.] CREDIT MOBILIER 7
tatives to let them have shares of stock in the Credit
Mobilier Company at par with interest thereon from the
first day of the previous July." Some paid the money
for their shares ; others who were unable to do so had
their stock carried for them by Ames.1 The shares at
this time were worth at least 200. The Poland Com-
mittee traced 160 shares for which contracts were made
for delivery to different members of Congress. A " part
of the purchasers here are poor," Ames wrote in the
private letter from Washington hitherto quoted, " and
want their bonds to sell to enable them to meet their
payment on the stock in the C. M. I have told them
what they would get as dividend and they expect I
think " to receive the 80 per cent, dividend in bonds.2
By January 30, 1868 Ames seems to have completed his
operations for he writes from Washington in a private
letter: " I don't fear any investigation here. ... I
have used this [the Credit Mobilier shares] where it will
produce most good to us I think. In view of . . .
Washburn's move here, I go in for making our bond
dividend in full." 8
When under oath before the committee on December
18, 1872 he was asked, "What did you refer to by
< Washburn's move here ' ? " " Washburn," Ames an-
swered, " made an attack upon the Union Pacific Rail-
road, that we were charging too much fare, that our
lands were enormously valuable, worth five to ten dollars
an acre for the alkali regions on the plains ; that they
[Ames and Company] were not going to build the road
so as to be good for anything ; that the object was to
get the Government bonds and then abandon the road
1 Poland report, p. ill.
2 Ibid., p. v. I have given a liberal paraphrase to a sentence impossible
to parse.
8 Ibid., p. 5. There is here again a confusion of dates. Washburn of
Wisconsin is obviously meant and I have therefore corrected the spelling in
the letter.
8 GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION [1872
to the Government. . . . He wanted to fix a rate of
fare by law beyond which we could not charge." 1 On
February 22, 1868, Ames wrote again confidentially :
" I want that 114,000 increase of the Credit Mobilier to
sell here. We want more friends in this Congress and
if a man will look into the law (and it is difficult to get
them to do it unless they have an interest to do so) he
cannot help being convinced that we should not be in-
terfered with." 2
The dividends paid on this stock during 1868 were : —
January 4, 80 per cent, in first mortgage bonds of Union
Pacific Railroad.
100 per cent, in Union Pacific Railroad stock
June 17, 60 per cent, cash ; 40 per cent, in U.P.R.R
stock.
July 3, 75 per cent, first mortgage bonds U.P.R.R.
75 per cent, in U.P.R.R. stock.
Sept. 3, 75 per cent, first mortgage bonds U.P.R.R.
100 per cent, in U.P.R.R. stock.
Dec. 19, 200 per cent. U.P.R.R. stock.3
Union Pacific Railroad first mortgage bonds were
worth from 80 cents to 97 cents, the stock from 19 cents
to 30 cents. Rating them respectively at 80 cents and 19
cents the holder of ten shares of Credit Mobilier which
cost the member of Congress $1000 and interest from
July 1, 1867 was entitled in 1868 to dividends which
would amount in cash to $3418.50. Only two or three
members who had contracts for the stock received
all these large dividends. Some cancelled their agree-
ments before any were paid to them ; some received one
dividend, others two, and then insisted that the contracts
be abrogated. To some the certificates of stock were
1 Poland report, p. 41. Washburn's speeches in the House hardly justify
Ames's assertion. His main speech was March 20, 1868, Globe Appendix,
p. 298. Washburne's of Illinois of Jan. 19, 1869 comes nearer to it. Globe,
p. 463. 2 Poland report, p. 7. 8 Ibid., pp. 40, 51, 55.
Ch. XL.] CREDIT MOBILIER 9
actually transferred, whilst the title of others to
ownership was merely their agreement with Ames, in
which cases a verbal withdrawal from the transaction
was all that was necessary. The members' unwilling-
ness to hold on longer to the stock or valuable privilege
was due in part to a lawsuit in which the Credit Mobi-
lier was becoming involved and in part to their own
suspicions of the large dividends. It does not appear
that any member of Congress was told of any prospec-
tive dividend except the first ; nor is it certain that even
so much information was imparted to all. In some in-
stances Ames stated that it was good stock and "he would
guarantee that they should get at least 10 per cent, on
their money." Some members asked whether the hold-
ing of the stock would embarrass them in their legisla-
tive responsibility. No, said Ames, " The Union Pacific
has received from Congress all the grants and legislation
it wants and they shall ask for nothing more." *
The Poland committee took evidence in regard to a
number of men whose cases it did not consider in its
report for lack of jurisdiction, but its finding in regard
to Dawes, Scofield, Bingham, Kelley and Garfield will
apply to all the others except three whom I shall spe-
cially mention. The committee absolved them from "any
corrupt motive or purpose " and expressed the opinion
that they had no idea that they were " guilty of any
impropriety or even indelicacy in becoming a purchaser
of the stock."2 It was fully established by the evidence
that Ames had said nothing during the transaction
which would lead the members to understand that they
were expected to return the favour by their votes or
influence in Congress. One incident did indeed look
suspicious. The Washburn bill came up during the
period when most of the members had a contract for
their stock ; and when it " came to a vote," said Poland
1 Poland report, p. iii. 2 Ibid., p. 9.
10 OAKES AMES [1873
in his speech presenting his report, " Ames and all his
friends were found voting in opposition to it." 1 This
with the exception of the statute of April 10, 1869 was the
only positive action of either House. That statute was
passed before all these accounts with Ames were closed ;
but its authorization to remove the office of the Union
Pacific Railroad Company to Boston, which Ames and his
associates desired, was, under the circumstances, entirely
proper ; and the other parts of the Act were restrictive
and safeguarded the interests of the government.2
The Poland committee3 found Oakes Ames "guilty
of selling to members of Congress " shares in the Credit
Mobilier at prices much below their true value with the
intent " to influence the votes and decisions of such
members in matters to be brought before Congress for
action"; and it recommended his expulsion from the
House. It found James Brooks of New York guilty of
corruption as a member of the House and as a govern-
ment director of the Union Pacific Railroad and like-
wise recommended his expulsion.4 The House changed
the resolution for expulsion in both cases to one of cen-
sure, which in the case of Ames was carried by 182 : 36
and in that of Brooks by 174 :32.5 The fact is, the
House had unwittingly executed on these unhappy
men the extreme penalty of the law. The vote of
censure was had February 27, 1873.6 Brooks died on
the April 30 following; Ames on the 8th of May.
The deaths of both men were undoubtedly hastened by
their mortification and disgrace.
1 If those not voting are assumed in opposition, Poland's statement is suffi-
ciently exact. For the votes see Globe, 40th Cong. 2d Sess., pp. 1218, 2130,
2428. 2 For this statute see Poland report, p. 196.
8 The Poland committee was appointed on Dec. 2, 1872, the first day of
the session. It reported on Feb. 18, 1873.
4 Ibid., p. xix.
6 House Journal; Globe; 22 did not vote on the Ames case, 34 on the
Brooks.
6 Neither had been chosen members of the next Congress.
Ch. XL.] OAKES AMES 11
The finding of the committee in the case of Brooks
was just ; 1 that in the case of Ames strictly in accord-
ance with the law. Nevertheless the fate of Ames was
sad. Of a speculative turn of mind, but, with a reputa-
tion for business honesty in his own community, he
went into the Union Pacific Railroad from two motives:
one was to make money ; the other, " the desire to con-
nect his name conspicuously with the greatest public
work of the present century." 2 John B. Alley testified
that Ames's own profits were less than a million, which,
considering the labour and risk involved, was by no means
an excessive recompense. In fact it appears that the
extension from their creditors which the Ames Brothers
were forced to ask in 1870 was due to financial embar-
rassment arising out of their connection with the Union
Pacific Railroad.3
Ames was the product of his time. In business ethics
the man who took a bribe was dishonourable, the man
who gave it was not. But Ames did not think that he
was offering bribes ; 4 he had no idea that he was doing
an immoral or indelicate act ; he thought his transactions
with members of Congress were the " same thing as
going into a business community and interesting
the leading business men by giving them shares." 5
" Was there any purpose on your part," asked Poland
when he was giving his testimony, " of exercising
any influence over members of Congress or to corrupt
them in any way ? " "I never dreamed of it,"
answered Ames ; " I did not know that they re-
quired it, because they were all friends of the road
and my friends. If you want to bribe a man you want
1 1 have not thought it necessary to present the details which justify my
opinion. 2 Ames's defence in the House.
8 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1873, p. 21 ; Poland report, pp.
15, 95.
* There was no connection between Ames and Brooks. Poland's speech,
Feb. 25, 1873. 5 Ibid., Feb. 25.
12 AMES — PATTERSON [1873
to bribe one who is opposed to you, not to bribe one
who is your friend. ... I never made a promise to,
or got one from, any member of Congress in my life,
and I would not dare to attempt it." 1 His remarks which
were read in the House by the clerk2 before the resolu-
tion of censure was passed have the ring of sincerity.
" I have," he said, " risked reputation, fortune, every-
thing in an enterprise of incalculable benefit to the gov-
ernment from which the capital of the world shrank ;
... I have had friends, some of them in official
life, with whom I have been willing to share advanta-
geous opportunities of investment ; . . . I have kept to
the truth through good and evil report ; denying nothing,
concealing nothing, reserving nothing. Who will say
that I alone am to be offered up a sacrifice to appease a
public clamor, or expiate the sins of others ? "
A Senate committee sitting in February [1873] found
James W. Patterson, a senator from New Hampshire,
guilty of corruption and false swearing and reported a
resolution that he be expelled from the Senate.3 Since
but five days of the session remained and his term
expired on March 4, no action was taken on the resolution.
Colonel Chipman, in a letter to Nast of January 26,
18T3 presented an intelligent contemporaneous opinion,
which is pretty nearly the conclusion at which the
historian must arrive. " I have not lost my faith in the
honesty and integrity of such men as Dawes, Bingham,
Garfield," ... he wrote, " but we must have our
ideas as to their sagacity greatly shocked and
lowered. . . . These gentlemen had a little money to
invest. They are all poor, and to turn an honest penny
seemed desirable. The sly and devilish Ames gave
them the opportunity for the investment without fully
acquainting them with the transaction.
i Poland report, p. 32. 2 Feb. 25, Globe, p. 1726.
3 Report No. 619, 42d Cong., 3d sess.
Ch. XL.] CREDIT MOBILIER 13
" Scene second. The campaign comes on ; some whis-
perings about Credit Mobilier stock in the hands of well-
known Republicans. They thought a frank confession
might hurt Grant and that the public would not admit
the investment in the stocks to be a legitimate thing;
hence, they concealed the facts and misled the public.
Scene third. The Congressional Investigation begins.
With the same stupidity they keep back the simple
truth and seek again to cover up facts. Step by step
the disclosures are brought out until the country is
shocked, without knowing exactly why or how. It has
ruined Colfax and Patterson and some others, and
greatly lowered the public opinion in their integrity.
All of them must suffer more or less." l
For its bearing on their future careers something still
remains to be said of the various attitudes towards
Credit Mobilier of a number of men in public life. It is
almost superfluous to write that Boutwell who was a
member of the House at the time of the transactions
took none of the stock. Dawes2 and Henry Wilson
were guilty of impropriety but the public knew that
they were absolutely incorruptible and entirely acquitted
them ; nor did they suffer afterwards for their transac-
tions with Ames. The cases of Bingham and Kelley were
different from these and different from each other but
neither man was guilty of corruption. Colfax was
Speaker of the House at the time and agreed to take
twenty shares of Credit Mobilier. His denial of the
charge made during the campaign was disingenuous. Be-
fore the committee he admitted the contract for the stock
1 Life of Nast, Paine, p. 270. Patterson's name is where the first ellipsis
occurs. Chipman wrote before the Senate committee had taken testimony and
made their report. Of course I do not subscribe to " the sly and devilish Ames."
2 A denial of Dawes in a private letter of Sept. 11, 1872 got into print
without his authority and knowledge. It was over-reticent and led to some
suspicion which was dispelled completely by his statement before the investi-
gating committee.
14 COLFAX [1873
but testified that on reflection he had decided not to
take it and swore that he had never received any divi-
dends. But Ames, by his testimony and an entry in his
famous " Memorandum Book " showed a payment of
11200 as a dividend on the Credit Mobilier to Colfax.1
Colfax appeared before the committee a number of
times and, floundering grievously in an attempt to ex-
plain the contemporaneous deposit of $1200 to his credit
in his bank, only succeeded in getting himself deeper in
the mire. It is impossible to believe that he told the
truth. In the course of his endeavour to account for
these 11200 it transpired that he had received four thou-
sand dollars from George F. Nesbitt of New York who had
sent it ostensibly out of admiration for Colfax, as a con-
tribution for his personal expenses during his vice-presi-
dential campaign of 1868. But it was further disclosed
that Nesbitt was a large stationer and had obtained,
while Colfax was chairman of the Post Office committee
of the House, large contracts for government envelopes.
Hollister, the biographer of Colfax, has made a strong
plea for the innocence of his hero. It is strong in the
presentation of the case itself and in the evident sincer-
ity of the writer. But much as one would like to
believe it and so to share the confidence which the people
of South Bend [Indiana] expressed in the most distin-
guished of its citizens, the plea does not carry conviction.
Although the biographer has failed in this, he has drawn
1 The account with Colfax from the Memorandum Book was : —
S. C. Dr. Ck.
1868 1868
To 20 shares C. M. of A. $2,000 00 March 5, By Cash . . . $ 534 72
To interest 86 72 Teh. 14, Dividends of
June 19, To cash .... 1,200 00 bonds U. P. R. 2000, 80,
$3 286 72 1600 ^ess 3 per cent. . . 1,552 00
June 17, By dividend col-
lected for his account . 1,200 00
Poland report, p. 288.
$3,286 72
Ch. XL.] COLFAX 15
a pathetic contrast of the two periods in the life of Col-
fax. As Speaker and Vice-President he was one of the
foremost men of the nation and even aspired to the
highest office in the land. He was asked by Grant to
become Secretary of State should Fish persist in giving
up the burden ; * after Greeley died he was offered the
editorship of the New York Tribune} In the later
period, he led an inconspicuous life, without influence in
the affairs of the nation ; he earned his livelihood as a
successful popular lecturer, touring the country from
one end to the other.
Hollister's table of contents tells the story. Three
hundred and fifty-eight pages are devoted to the busy
political life of eighteen years and fifty-one to the twelve
years of unavailing regret at the failure of his political
career.3 On March 4, 1869 Colfax may be said to have
reached the height of his fame. Had strength been
needed, he had added it to the Grant presidential ticket.
He was amiable and attractive and one of the most
popular men in the country ; his personal morals, apart
from money affairs, were pure and his domestic life
happy. Brilliant prospects gave him a consciousness of
power which he was at no pains to disguise. On March
4, 1873 he left the capital in humility and disgrace.
Playing upon the ever ready smile on what had seemed
an honest face, the wags of the press now altered his
first name, and, whenever they referred to him in his
comparative obscurity, called him " Smiler " Colfax.
The American people's love of veracity and straight-
forwardness was illustrated in the testimony of William
B. Allison and its consequences. Allison had taken from
Ames ten shares of Credit Mobilier ; and without any
concealment or evasion he gave an account of this trans-
action, of his dividends, of his return of the stock and
1 Aug. 4, 1871. Hollister, p. 356. 2 Ibid., p. 388.
8 He died in 1885 at the age of 62.
16 GARFIELD [1873
the reason therefor. In his testimony he said, "I have no
interest in any matter covertly that I am not willing the
public at any time should know all about." 1 In these few
words he laid down a rule than which none could be safer
or more proper as a guide to public officials and members
of Congress in making investments. Allison's name is
never associated with the Credit Mobilier. From 1873
to the present time,2 he has without interruption been
returned to the Senate by his State of Iowa which is well
known as an intelligent and highly moral constituency.
To those whose memory goes back to the winter of
1873 the mention of the Credit Mobilier brings up pre-
eminently three names, Ames, Colfax and Garfield.
Garfield testified that Ames had offered him ten shares
of the stock and that, after holding the offer under con-
sideration for a while, he had decided not to take it.
" I never owned," he swore, " received or agreed to
receive any stock of the Credit Mobilier or of the Union
Pacific Railroad, nor any dividend or profits arising
from either of them." 3 On the other hand Ames testified
that he procured ten shares of Credit Mobilier for Gar-
field who agreed to take it ; and his Memorandum Book
showed this account.
J. A. G. Dr.
1868 To 10 shares stock Credit Mobilier of A . $1,000 00
Interest 47 00
June 19, To Cash 329 00
$1,376 004
1868 By dividend bonds. Union Pacific Rail- Cb.
road $1000 at 80 per cent, less 3 per cent. 776 00
June 17, By dividend collected for your
account 600 00
$1,376 00
No certificate of stock was ever transferred to Garfield.
» Poland report, p. 308. 2 1906. 8 Poland report, p. 129. * Ibid., p. 297.
Ch. XL.] GARFIELD 17
Garfield admitted that he had received three hundred
dollars from Ames, but testified that this was money
borrowed during the session of 1868. From the evidence
it is easy to see that a misunderstanding might have
occurred, Ames and Garfield carrying away different
ideas from their conversation. Though Ames was a
truthful witness, he does not impress the reader as
having a trained and logical mind ; his memory was
bad for dates and details and much of his testimony is
undoubtedly inaccurate. The entry in the Memorandum
Book, as being supposedly contemporaneous, is indeed
weighty evidence, yet these entries were not always
made on the spot, even though they recorded the true
dates of the transactions.1 What makes the case dam-
aging to Garfield is that the Poland committee, who,
in addition to the record, had the advantage of seeing
the witness face to face, adopted Ames's version.2 The
Poland report, against Garfield's testimony, indicates
that he swore falsely or that his memory had been
treacherous.
While the friends and admirers of Garfield may well
wish that the transaction had a better aspect, it is in-
disputable that he won his case before very intelligent
juries. Standing for re-election to the House in 1874
the burden of his canvass was the explanation of this
and two other charges8; and at one memorable meeting
he invited friends and enemies to be present and put him
to question. His district was composed of Ashtabula,
Geauga, Lake, Portage and Trumbull counties in the
Western Reserve of Ohio, a district celebrated all
over the country for its intelligent and high-minded
people ; it was made up of inquisitive and reflecting
voters. To these he argued his case and received a
vindication.
1 Poland report, p. 448. 2 Ibid., p. vii.
8 These will be considered when in a future volume I speak of Garfield's
candidacy for the presidency.
VII. — 2
18 GARFIELD [1873
This needs some explanation. Garfield's majority in
18T2 had been 10,935 ; in 1874 it was but 6346. His
vote fell off 6600. But it was a year of Republican
disaffection and Democratic success and he suffered
from the general reaction. By the election of 1872
Ohio had sent 13 Republicans and 7 Democrats to the
House ; by that of 1874 the figures were exactly re-
versed [13 Democrats, 7 Republicans]. In the district
adjoining Garfield's, and containing the city of Cleveland,
a Republican majority in 1872 of 2700 was succeeded by
a Democratic majority in 1874 of 2500. Moreover, of
the falling off in Garfield's vote of 6600, 2378 was in
Trumbull county which, having an extensive iron
industry, had become disaffected to Garfield because of
his advocacy of tariff reform.
In 1874, Garfield won his nomination in that sure
Republican district by 100 to 34 blanks ; in 1876 and
1878 he was nominated by acclamation. In January 1880
he received a unanimous nomination from the Repub-
licans of the legislature for United States senator and
was chosen to represent Ohio in the Senate, but on the
day on which he would otherwise have taken his seat he
was inaugurated President of the United States. During
the presidential campaign and at the polls, he received
the significant endorsement of the so-called independent
Republicans. In all these contests, intelligent and honest
men carefully considered his record in the Credit Mobi-
lier case and most of them came to the conclusion that
he had spoken the truth and that Ames and the Poland
committee were mistaken ; of those who doubted the
accuracy of his statements, the greater part believed that
he was at all events innocent of corruption and of
perjury.
The effect of the disclosures on public sentiment was
profound. After one of its greatest victories the Re-
publican party was put on trial. To the trusting con-
stituents, it was a sickening thought that so many of
Ch. XL.] POLAND'S REPORT 19
their leaders had apparently been found wanting. That
Henry Wilson, Dawes, Kelley, Bingham and Garfield
should even be suspected of corruption, that Colfax had
sworn falsely to cover up his operations struck dismay
to Republicans to whom the safety of the country had
seemed bound up in the dominance of their party. With
stern appreciation of the popular sentiment Poland wrote
in his report : " This country is fast becoming filled with
gigantic corporations wielding and controlling immense
aggregations of money and thereby commanding great
influence and power. It is notorious in many state
legislatures that these influences are often controlling, so
that in effect they become the ruling power of the State.
Within a few years Congress has to some extent been
brought within similar influences, and the knowledge
of the public on that subject has brought great discredit
upon the body, far more, we believe, than there were
facts to justify. But such is the tendency of the time,
and the belief is far too general that all men can be
ruled with money, and that the use of such means to
carry public measures is legitimate and proper. No
member of Congress ought to place himself in circum-
stances of suspicion, so that any discredit of the body
shall arise on his account. It is of the highest impor-
tance that the national legislature should be free of all
taint of corruption and it is of almost equal necessity
that the people should feel confident that it is so. In a
free government like ours we cannot expect the people
will long respect the laws, if they lose respect for the
law-makers." *
Not only was there corruption in Congress and the
State legislatures but it was notorious in so important a
branch of the civil service as the New York custom
house. A grave impropriety was exposed in one of the
United States judiciary which led to his resignation.
1 Poland report, p. x.
20 "SALARY GRAB" ACT [1873
To many it seemed by no means unlikely that the
Credit Mobilier and the other affairs that were brought
to light were only the open sores of a festering body
politic : earnest people asked in despair, Is there no
longer honesty in public life ? l
Public sentiment was further outraged by the passage
of the so-called " Salary Grab " act [March 3, 1873].
The question of an increase of salaries was brought
before the House by Butler in a report of the Committee
on the Judiciary in which excellent reasons were given
for the proposed action. The act as finally passed,
Democrats and Republicans alike voting for it, raised
the President's salary from 825,000 to $50,000 a year
and made proper increases for the Justices of the Su-
preme Court, the Vice-President, the members of the
cabinet and the Speaker of the House ; 2 it raised the
pay of senators and representatives from 15000 to 17500
per annum. Our democracy has always been noted for
its failure to comprehend the reasons for paying high
salaries to public servants. In this case it made no
objection to the larger emoluments for the President
and Judges of the Supreme Court but centred its wrath
upon members of the legislative body. Here even the
mere increase of salary, although improperly tacked on
to an appropriation bill, might have been submitted to
after a certain amount of grumbling ; but the law applied
to the members of the present Congress, and the fact
1 My main authorities for this account are the Poland and Wilson re-
ports. I have been helped by Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. ; Appletons'
Annual Cyclopaedia, 1873 ; George F. Hoar's Autobiography, vol. i. ; Life
of Nast, Paine ; Life of Colfax, Hollister ; Life of Garfield, Riddle ; The
Nation. In regard to the New York custom house, see Senate report of
March 3, 1871. S. R. 41st Cong. 3d Sess., No. 380; Conkling's resolution,
Dec. 18, 1871, Globe, p. 159 ; majority and minority reports of Committee
on investigation, June 1872, S. R. 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 227 .
2 The salaries of the Vice-President, Speaker of the House and members
of the Cabinet were fixed at $10,000 each ; the Chief Justice $10,500, the
Associate Justices each $10,000.
Ch. XL.] "SALARY GRAB" ACT 21
that on March 3, 1873 they voted themselves $5000 each
for work done during two years preceding that date
caused an explosion which made them tremble. Sena-
tors and representatives, who voted for the bill, explained
and argued the matter to their constituents. The prece-
dents, they urged truly, were all on the side of the
retroactive provision ; but the public ire was thoroughly
aroused and all arguments were powerless to vindicate
the act. The " salary grab " came to be called the " back
pay steal." In response to the popular indignation a
host of members who had drawn the increased salary
covered it into the Treasury. When the Forty-third
Congress came together at its first session in December
[1873] the subject was at once taken up. Much time
was devoted to it in both the House and the Senate
with the result that on January 13, 1874 a bill was
passed repealing all the increases of compensation except
those of the President and Justices of the Supreme
Court.1
The shadow cast by Credit Mobilier was still deep,
and the murmurs against " salary grab " were rising
ominously when Grant, the head of the party that was
held responsible for both outrages, took the oath of
office, and, on a bitterly cold March day, delivered his
inaugural address. The address was commonplace
enough ; but knowing that a great general and well-
meaning man was entering for the second time upon an
undertaking that he was not equal to, one detects in it
1 The date given is the passage of the bill by the House. It passed the
Senate Jan. 12, and was approved Jau. 20, 1874. McPherson's Hand-Book
of 1874 gives a convenient history of the " Salary Grab " act and its repeal,
p. 3 et seq.
The most important measure of the session of Congress which ended
March 3, 1873, for the subsequent history of the country was the Coinage
Act of Feb. 12, 1873, which demonetized the 412^ grains silver dollar. This
may be more properly considered in connection with the silver legislation of
1878 than now. I desire here to express my many obligations to William
MacDonald's " Select Statutes," 1861-1898.
22 GRANT — CIVIL SERVICE REFORM [1873
a note of pathos, especially in the closing words :
" Throughout the war and from my candidacy for my
present office in 1868 to the close of the last presidential
campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander
scarcely ever equalled in political history, which to-day
I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your ver-
dict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication."
Soon after the inauguration, it became evident that
any reliance on Grant for the accomplishment of reform
in the civil service was vain. George William Curtis
liked him and endeavoured to put the best face on his
faint efforts in that direction, writing on December 2,
1872 to Charles Eliot Norton, "The cabinet is not
friendly but fortunately Grant is tenacious and resolved
upon the spirit which should govern appointments." 1
But on March 18, 1873 Curtis wrote to the President,
" As the circumstances under which several important
appointments have recently been made seem to me to
show an abandonment both of the spirit and the letter
of the civil service regulations, I respectfully resign my
position as a member of the Advisory Board of the
Civil Service." 2 [or as it is frequently called, Civil
Service Commission. Curtis was chairman.] Curtis
here wrote finis to Grant's half-hearted work for a
reform of which he had little comprehension. The pre-
tence continued a while longer. The President appointed
an excellent man in Curtis's place, Dorman B. Eaton ;
he approved "certain further rules" of the Civil Service
Commission; and he referred to the subject in three
different messages.3 But on December 7, 1874 he wrote
in his annual message: "I announce that if Congress
adjourns without positive legislation on the subject of
1 civil service reform ' I will regard such action as a dis-
approval of the system and will abandon it." 4 Con-
1 Life by Edward Cary, p. 232. 3 Richardson, vol. vii. pp. 230, 254, 263.
a New York Times, April 9. * Ibid., p. 301.
Ch. XL.] SIMMONS 'S APPOINTMENT 23
gress did not enact such positive legislation. Competi-
tive examinations were almost everywhere given up,1
and with them even the pretence of reform.
From this point our civil service went from bad to
worse. During the early part of 1874 an appointment
was made which outraged the people of Massachusetts.
So powerful, indeed, was the array of the better element
in the State against the evil influence of one man, that
the affair at once assumed a national importance.
William A. Simmons, a henchman of Butler's, was
nominated for collector of the port of Boston [February
1874]. " Simmons," wrote Merriam, « was a character-
istic product of the times. He was a man of good
private life, a church-goer, a Methodist class-leader, but
a practiced adept in manipulating the lowest class of
voters and in carrying elections by dubious means." 2
Boutwell, now senator, gave the appointment his
approval. Sumner opposed it and by his opposition
made Grant only the more set in his purpose.3 But the
names of the men who sided with the senior senator are
evidence of the unfitness of Simmons for so important
an office. Among them were Washburn, the governor of
the Commonwealth, Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes and
John G. Whittier all of whom wrote to Sumner ad-
versely to Simmons's confirmation. Judge Hoar, George
F. Hoar, Henry L. Pierce and four other Massachusetts
members of the House, making seven out of the eleven,
were of the same mind. The Boston Daily Advertiser
protested vigorously against the appointment and in a
letter to the President said : " Sir, you are beset by evil
advisers ; you are deceived by their representations, and
either through a misapprehension of circumstances or a
want of knowledge of the sentiments of this nation you
1 A notable exception was the New York City Post Office, where a system
of competitive examinations was built up by the Postmaster, Thomas James.
8 Life of Bowles, vol. ii. p. 266.
8 See incident related by George F. Hoar, Autobiography, vol. i. p. 210.
24 GRANT — BUTLER [1874
are led to lend your aid to their schemes. . . . The
employment made of the administrative service of this
country is rotten in root and branch. . . . The great
party . . . led as it now is . . . has only a future of
bitter disaster and disgrace to you, to us [the citizens of
Massachusetts] and to the nation." 1 George F. Hoar
in a personal interview told the President of the dissat-
isfaction of the Republicans of Massachusetts and begged
that the nomination be withdrawn. The Senate com-
mittee reported adversely to the confirmation. But
Grant was obdurate; he would not withdraw Simmons's
name. Conkling and Carpenter it is said championed
his cause in Executive session and in February [1874]
he was confirmed, although Bout well, frightened probably
by the storm that had risen in Massachusetts, voted
against him. Butler was the main factor in securing
the confirmation as he had been in getting the appoint-
ment and his success in both cases was due to the
influence he possessed over the President. " I have a
hold over Grant," Butler said to Judge Hoar, " and he
does not dare withdraw Simmons's name." Owing to a
mutual respect and liking, Judge Hoar could talk more
plainly to the President than any other of the more
cultivated men in public life. In a personal interview,
he urged the withdrawal of the nomination, but to
no effect ; then, hoping perhaps to arouse his indignation,
he broke out, as they sat close together in confidential
talk, " Butler says he has a hold over you." Grant set his
teeth, then drew down his jaw and, without changing
countenance, looked Hoar straight in the eye but said
not a word. A long and painful silence ensued and
Hoar went away.2
1 Feb. 23, 1874 ; TJie Nation, Feb. 26.
2 Conversation with Judge Hoar, Oct. 4, 1893. My other authorities are
Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 589 ; George F. Hoar, Autobiography, vol. i. pp.
210, 386, vol. ii. p. 3. The Nation, Jan.-June, 1874, pp. 116, 131, 148 ;
Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 266. On Feb. 26, 1874, Boutwell from the
Ch. XL.] CONKLING AND CHIEF JUSTICESHIP 25
" Statesmanship in Congress," wrote Thurlow Weed
towards the close of 1873, « is now so low that it will
take many years to build it up to a higher tone. Prob-
ably the most influential man in Congress to-day is
Benjamin F. Butler, — as he is the worst. Massachu-
setts never served the country so badly as when she
sent General Butler to Congress. It is an alarming sign
of the times that a man of his astuteness thinks that
the course he chooses to adopt is one which will give him
a large following." 1
On May 7, 1873 Chief Justice Chase died and the
President, acting upon a matured conviction, offered
[November 8] the place thus made vacant to his most
intimate political friend, Roscoe Conkling.2 When
Grant's purpose leaked out, the independent press
objected strongly to the intended appointment on the
ground that Conkling had devoted himself to practical
politics rather than to his profession, having rarely
appeared before the higher courts and only once before
the Supreme Court of the United States, and that in
his long career he had shown little of the quality of a
statesman. All this was undoubtedly true, yet there
are excellent reasons for the belief that Conkling would
have made a good Chief Justice and that for his own
fame it is to be regretted that he declined the office
which Grant offered him in complimentary and gener-
ous terms. He had had a good training for the place.
Although, contrary to the keen desire of his father, he
had refused to go to college, he learned much from this
Committee on Commerce reported adversely on Simmons's nomination. The
vote stood that day 15 : 20. No quorum. Next day Simmons was confirmed
30 : 16. Boutwell voted no, Conkling did not vote nor did Hamlin, An-
thony and Edmunds. Six New England senators voted no, only one aye,
Sprague. Carpenter and Logan voted aye. Executive Journal, vol. xix. pp.
259, 260. The Boston Daily Advertiser is my authority for the statement
that Conkling and Carpenter urged his confirmation ; also Pierce.
1 Life of Weed, vol. ii. p. 501.
2 Life of Conkling, A. R. Conkling, p. 460.
26 ROSCOE CONKLING [1873
father, a college-bred man, who was for twenty-seven years
a United States district judge, loved good literature and
the society of cultivated and distinguished men. Among
those who resorted to his house were Chancellor Kent,
Justice Smith Thompson [sixteen years justice of the
New York Supreme Court, twenty years on the Supreme
bench of the United States], John Quincy Adams, Mar-
tin Van Buren and Thurlow Weed. For the alert young
Conkling here was an auspicious environment.
He read law at Utica in the office of Francis Kernan,
an able lawyer, later his opponent in contests for elec-
tion to Congress. Conkling was a reader of good books
and, in his excellent speeches, paid great attention to
diction, showing in this respect the influence of his
studies of the Bible, Shakespeare and Milton, Burke and
Macaulay and the nineteenth-century poets. It was said
that he had learned by heart the first book and most of
the third of Bryant's translation of the Iliad ; and one
cannot help wondering if it ever occurred to him that
Agamemnon's estimate of Achilles exactly suited him-
self:—
" This man would stand
Above all others ; he aspires to be
The master, over all to domineer,
And to direct in all things." x
Conkling was barely 44 ; he would undoubtedly have
adapted himself to the atmosphere of the Supreme Court
and been swayed by its solemn traditions. He was an
industrious man and could easily have mastered the
cases ; opinions written in his clear style would have
been a noteworthy addition to our legal lore. It was a
misfortune for the bench as well as for himself that he
declined the appointment.2
i Book I. lines 361-364.
2 See Life of Roscoe Conkling, A. R. Conkling ; Article in Appletons'
Cyclopaedia of Biography ; The Nation.
Ch. XL.] WILLIAMS — CUSHING 27
The capriciousness of Grant's judgment was shown
in his second selection, George H. Williams of Oregon,
his Attorney-General. The Bar Association of New
York City, regarding the office as " second in dignity and
importance to no other under our government," pro-
tested against this nomination and remonstrated ear-
nestly against its confirmation by the Senate as Williams
was " wanting- in those qualifications of intellect, expe-
rience and reputation which are indispensable to uphold
the dignity of the highest national court." It was said
that the Senate, which was more than two-thirds Repub-
lican was almost unanimous for the rejection of the
nomination1 and it was withdrawn.2
Worse remained behind. Caleb Cushing was the
next nomination, sent in, so Tom Murphy3 was reported
as saying, because " they made such a fuss over the
nomination of Williams that the old man got mad."4
Though Cushing was an eminent lawyer and the most
learned of the American counsel at the Geneva Arbitra-
tion, his probity was so seriously in question as to make
his nomination for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
anomalous to a degree. This was the real reason of the
Senate's refusal to confirm the appointment. Two sen-
ators who were friends of the administration wrote in a
private letter that he was condemned "because he lacked
principle." 5 Grant however was saved from another
direct rebuff by the unearthing of a letter written in
March, 1861 by Cushing to Jefferson Davis in which he
recommended to his " dear friend " a renegade civil
1 The Nation, Jan. 8, 1874, p. 18.
2 Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 585. Conkling from the Committee on the
Judiciary reported favourably on Williams (Dec. 11, 1873). On Edmunds's
motion on Dec. 15 the nomination was recommitted. On January 8, 1874, the
President withdrew the nomination at Williams's request. Executive Journal,
vol. xix. pp. 183-189, 210.
8 Ante.
* The Nation, Jan. 22, 1874, p. 51.
6 Howe and Hamlin, Life of Conkling, p. 463.
28 CHIEF JUSTICE WAITE [1874
servant. Assigning this letter as a reason, the Repub-
lican caucus asked the President to withdraw the nomi-
nation, which was done at once [January 13, 1874].1
An effort was now made by Senators Howe and
Hamlin to induce Conkling to reconsider his refusal.
To A. B. Cornell a political friend and co-worker of his
they wrote on January 18 : " The country seems to
require that the Chief Justice should possess high
character, sound principles, great capacity and wide
celebrity. . . . We have the best of evidence that the
President would like to renew the offer to Mr. Conk-
ling. . . . If you will say to us by twelve o'clock to-
morrow that Mr. Conkling will accept, he can be made
Chief Justice by four p.m. . . . There can be no
doubt that we are acting in harmony with our friends
here." Word that circumstances rendered it " inadmis-
sible " for Conkling to take the place, reached Howe in
the Senate chamber shortly after twelve [January 19] ;2
and, on the same day the President, whose mind was
already made up as to his next choice, sent to the Sen-
ate the name of Morrison R. Waite of Ohio who two
days later was unanimously confirmed.
Waite had been brought into national prominence by
his useful service as one of the counsel at the Geneva
Arbitration,3 and his Alma Mater [Yale] had signalized
his return home by conferring upon him the degree of
Doctor of Laws. He had graduated at twenty-one in the
class with William M. Evarts, Benjamin Silliman and
Edwards Pierrepont, another classmate for a part of the
course being Samuel J. Tilden. For years he had been
1 The Nation, Jan. 15, 1874, p. 33 ; Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 585 ;
Richardson, vol. vii. p. 259 ; Executive Journal, vol. xix. pp. 218, 221 ; New
York Tribune, Jan. 14, 15.
2 Life of Conkling, pp. 463, 464.
8 He did not impress Roundell Palmer with his ability. " Mr. Waite," he
wrote, " was a commonplace honest man, with nothing remarkable about
him ; the elevation which awaited him was not then dreamt of by anybody."
Memoirs, vol. i. p. 248.
Ch. XL.] THE VIRGINIUS AFFAIR 29
well known in Ohio as an able lawyer at its distinguished
bar, and at the time of his appointment was presid-
ing over the State constitutional convention by its
unanimous choice. It was in itself an entirely proper
appointment and the Senate and the country felt great
relief at their escape from Williams and Cushing but
they had little idea of the inherent capacity of this
modest son of Ohio.1 " Chief Justice Waite," wrote
Edward L. Pierce, "held the office for fourteen years
and left a name which bears well a comparison with
those of his predecessors."2
Fish, who remained in the State department during
the whole of Grant's two terms, had during 1873 another
opportunity to reflect some honour on an otherwise dis-
credited administration. The civil war, which had been
going on in Cuba for a number of years, still continued
in a " languid, desultory, ferocious and indecisive " 3 way
and an incident of the struggle came near bringing Spain
and the United States to blows. In 1870 an American-
built steamer, the Virginius, had been bought for the
purpose of being used for landing military expeditions
on the island in aid of the Cuban insurgents and she had
actually been to some extent engaged in this work,
being called by one of the Havana newspapers "the
famous filibuster steamer Virginius." 4 On October 31,
1873 she was bound from Kingston, Jamaica to some
point in Cuba, flying the American flag, and carrying a
cargo of war material, as well as 155 passengers and
crew, among whom were some American citizens ; but
the passengers were for the most part Cubans intending
to join the insurgents. Sighted by the Spanish war
steamer Tornado, she turned about and ran towards
Jamaica but was pursued, captured and taken into
1 The Nation ; Appletons' Cyclopaedia of Biography.
2 Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 587.
8 The Nation, Nov. 20, 1873, p. 334.
4 Foreign Relations, 1874, p. 1055.
30 THE VIRGINIUS AFFAIR [1873
Santiago de Cuba. Fifty-three of the crew and passen-
gers were condemned to death by court-martial and
between November 4 and 8 inclusive were shot ; 1 among
them were eight American citizens.
Fish acted promptly. " The capture on the high seas
of a vessel bearing the American flag," he telegraphed
on November 7 to General Sickles, our minister in Spain,
" presents a very grave question, which will need investi-
gation ; . . . and if it prove that an American citizen
has been wrongfully executed, this government will
require most ample reparation." 2 At the same time the
affair was receiving attention in Madrid. Castelar, the
president of the existing but short-lived Spanish Re-
public, abhorred bloodshed and disliked military pro-
nunciamientos? He had the news of the capture of
the Virginias at seven o'clock on the morning of Novem-
ber 6 and at once telegraphed to the captain-general at
Havana " that the death penalty must not be imposed
on any non-combatant without the previous approval of
the Cortes, nor upon any persons taken in arms against
the government without the sanction of the Executive."
Four days later he said to Sickles : " How deeply I
deplore the execution of the four prisoners at Santiago
de Cuba ! [those on November 4]. What a misfortune
that my order was not received in time to prevent such
an act ! It was against the law and the only excuse
offered is that a sentence of death had already been
pronounced against these men.4 Such scandals must
cease." Later Castelar received the intelligence of the
"wholesale butchery and murder"5 with deep concern.
1 Others were sentenced to death but only fifty -three were executed.
2 Foreign Relations, 1874, p. 922.
8 Article Castelar, A. E. Houghton, Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xxvi.
p. 612.
4 It was asserted that these four had been tried and sentenced to death
about two years previously.
6 Words of Fish.
Ch. XL.] THE VIRGINIUS AFFAIR 31
The evidence is clear that his order reached Havana
too late to prevent the executions of November 7 and 8.
There can be no doubt as to the sincerity of his expres-
sions of regret.1
The Virginius affair caused great excitement in the
United States. « The People Aroused," « America Arm-
ing " and " A Burst of Wrath " are some of the news-
paper headings. The many pending grievances of
American citizens, sympathy with the insurgents, desire
for the acquisition of Cuba partly from greed, partly in
order to abate a nuisance so near our coast, — all these
influences combined to magnify the supposed insult to our
flag at the hands of " Spanish ferocity and barbarism."
Influential newspapers of both parties maintained that
the offence could not be wiped out by an apology and
urged the government to " immediate and violent action
against Spain." 2 New York City was the focus of the
excitement ; there indignation over the Virginius was
enforced by the influence of the Cuban revolutionists
who made New York their headquarters. A public
meeting was organized by the Cuban junta, so the
report ran, but the spontaneity of the proceedings
showed that manipulation had not been necessary.
Steinway Hall, full to the doors, listened to an earnest
speech from William M. Evarts the chairman of the
meeting which expressed the popular indignation.
[November 17.] An overflow meeting was held near by
in Tammany Hall, when S. S. Cox made an inflamma-
tory speech. It was evident that the procedure of our
Secretary of State was too slow for the patriots who
gathered in Tammany Hall, as the mention of his name
was greeted with hisses and cries, " Down with Fish."
Governor Hendricks telegraphed to the Steinway Hall
assembly what he thought was the sentiment of Indiana.
i Foreign Relations, 1874, pp. 923, 926, 929, 931, 933.
2 The Nation, Nov. 20, 1873, p. 332.
32 THE VIRGINIUS AFFAIR [1873
" Spain," he said, " cannot be permitted to maintain her
authority in Cuba by means which civilized nations
regard as atrocious, and, in the cause of humanity and
good government the United States should now extend
their sympathy and power over that island." 1 This
undoubtedly expressed the popular feeling from New
York City to the Missouri River. War looked imminent
and the President authorized the Secretary of the Navy
to put our navy on a war footing.2
There were, however, some cool heads and better in-
formed that did not approve the general cry. Sumner
wrote a letter to the Stein way Hall meeting in his best
vein. He deprecated the " war fever " and " the bellig-
erent preparations of the last few days." We should not
forget, he said, " that we are dealing with the Spanish
nation struggling under terrible difficulties to become a
sister Republic and therefore deserving from us present
forbearance and candor. Nor can we forget the noble
President whose eloquent voice pleading for humanity
and invoking our example has so often charmed the
world. The Spanish Republic and Emilio Castelar do
not deserve the menace of war from us." 3 Although
this letter is dated November 15 it was not read at the
meeting of the seventeenth.4 It was intended to pro-
duce an effect and might have done so. It must also
be said that the Steinway Hall gathering and the gen-
eral public were not aware of the doubt as to the right
of the Virginius to carry the American flag and they
knew little if anything of Castelar's prompt action and
nothing of his expression of profound regret.
Meanwhile Fish was proceeding with caution. On
November 12 he informed Sickles confidentially « that
1 New York Tribune, Nov. 18 ; The Nation, Nov. 27, 1873, p. 345.
2 Ibid., Nov. 1873, pp. 329, 332 ; Richardson, vol. vii.p. 242.
8 Sumner's Works, vol. xv. p. 285.
4 It was said it did not reach the committee until the 18th, The Nation,
Nov. 27, 1873, p. 345.
Ch. XL.] FISH'S NEGOTIATIONS 33
grave suspicions exist as to the right of the Virginius
to carry the American flag " and added, " Investigation
is being made." On November 14 he sent by cable to
Sickles the demand of our government : " Unless abun-
dant reparation shall have been voluntarily tendered,
you will demand the restoration of the Virginius, and
the release and delivery to the United States of the
persons captured on her who have not already been
massacred, and that the flag of the United States be
saluted in the port of Santiago, and the signal punish-
ment of the officials who were concerned in the capture
of the vessel and the execution of the passengers and
crew. In case of refusal of satisfactory reparation
within twelve days from this date you will . . . close
your legation and leave Madrid." 1
In all these negotiations Fish made but one slip, and
that was due in part to a misapprehension of the facts
and in part to his failure to make sufficient allowance
for the impetuous temper of our minister to Spain.
Hearing on November 15 from our acting-consul-general
in Havana that the newspapers there reported the
execution of fifty-seven more prisoners and that only
eighteen would escape death, he repeated the news to
Sickles adding : " If Spain cannot redress the outrages
perpetrated in her name in Cuba the United States
will. If Spain should regard this act of self-defence
and justification and of the vindication of long-continued
wrongs, as necessitating her interference, the United
States, while regretting it, cannot avoid the result.
You will use this instruction cautiously and discreetly,
avoiding unnecessarily exciting any proper sensibilities
and avoiding all appearance of menace ; but the gravity
of the case admits no doubt and must be fairly and
frankly met." 2 Official confirmation of the report of
the additional executions was not forthcoming, and
1 Foreign Relations, 1874, pp. 927, 936. 2 Ibid., p. 938, see also p. 1071.
VII. — 3
34 SICKLES'S HAKSHNESS AND HASTE [1873
within a day or two Fish learned that it was incorrect ;
but the mischief was already done in inciting Sickles to
undue harshness and haste. Sickles proceeded as if war
must be had at any price. Castelar promptly sent him
word that the report of further massacres was untrue,
and later he received an assurance from the minister of
State that there had been no executions since the orders
of the government had reached Santiago. These state-
ments he chose to regard as "a vague denial," and in
all his subsequent actions was seen the influence of his
stubborn reliance on the false rumours. He communi-
cated Fish's demand to the minister of State, who, so
he cabled to Fish, characterized it as being " without
foundation, imperious, arbitrary, compulsory and humili-
ating." This was not a fair summary of the Spaniard's
reply, which, though unnecessarily controversial, was
dignified, and ended with a courteous appeal for delay,
in order that all the facts should be ascertained.
The whole text of the reply, being sent by a special
bearer to London and then cabled, did not reach Fish
until later so that for a while he laboured under a
misapprehension.1
Many of Sickles's despatches were of a nature to ex-
cite the State department and, if they leaked out, to
inflame public sentiment in the United States. His
choice of the means for conveying intelligence operated
in a like direction. What made for war was cabled ;
the facts tending to peace were sent by mail. Castelar's
ardent and sincere expressions of regret being told in
letters, did not reach Fish until November 28 and
December 8.2 On November 19, Sickles telegraphed
from Madrid : " Popular feeling runs high here against
United States and this legation. Press violent and
abusive, advising government to order me out of Spain.
1 Foreign Eelations, 1874, pp. 939, 945, 947, 949, 951.
2 Ibid., pp. 923, 924, 931.
Ch. XL.] VIRGINIUS AFFAIR SETTLED 35
Last night a mob was collected to attack and sack the
legation. The authorities interfered and preserved the
peace." 1
On the day before this hysterical despatch was sent,
Sickles, choosing to regard the reply of the Spanish
minister of State as a refusal for reparation, cabled to
Fish that he proposed "to close the legation forthwith";
but in the meantime Admiral Polo, the Spanish minis-
ter at Washington, had entered into .the negotiations.
A result of this new development was Fish's telegram to
Sickles, " the President holds that the demand for a
proper length of time to learn the exact state of the
facts is reasonable."2 Sickles lingered on, but contrived
to stretch the meaning of one of Fish's despatches [No-
vember 25] to such a point that he felt justified in asking
for his passports. Later he withdrew the request ; but,
the peremptory mood again seizing him, he determined
to renew it. This really proved of advantage inasmuch
as it gave Fish a pretext for ordering that the negotia-
tions be dropped at Madrid and advising Sickles that
they would henceforward be conducted at Washington.3
On November 29 Fish and Admiral Polo reached an
agreement. The Virginius and the survivors of her
passengers and crew were to be restored forthwith.
Spain was to salute the flag of the United States on the
25th of December next unless she should prove to the
satisfaction of our government that the Virginius at
the time of her capture was not entitled to carry the
American flag. Spain was to proceed against such of
1 Foreign Relations, 1874, p. 954. The minister of State on Nov. 23
authorized the Spanish minister at Washington to "contradict report in
reference to hostile manifestations against the American minister. General
Sickles is treated with consideration and respect. Some intemperance of
language but the monarchical press was promptly silenced by the threat
of immediate punishment." p. 982.
2 Ibid., pp.951, 955.
8 Ibid., pp. 958, 960, 963, 964, 966. The differences between Fish and
Sickles resulted in Sickles's resignation. Ibid., pp. 973-975.
36 CREDIT DUE TO FISH [1873
her authorities as had infringed Spanish laws or treaty
obligations.1
On December 16 the Virginius with the American
flag flying was delivered to the Navy of the United States
at Bahia Honda, Cuba. In proceeding to New York
she encountered a severe storm and sank off Cape Fear.
On December 18, the surviving prisoners were surren-
dered at Santiago and reached New York in safety.
The documents in the case were submitted to Attorney-
General Williams who decided [December 17] "that the
Virginius at the time of her capture was without right,
and improperly carrying the American flag." The salute
to the flag was therefore dispensed with ; the Spanish
government disclaimed any intent of indignity.2
Fish deserves great credit for proceeding in this cool
and cautious manner when so many strong men were
swayed by the war sentiment of the country. It appears,
too, that the President stood behind him at every stage
of the negotiations. Earl Granville, England's Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, said that Fish's demand for repara-
tion was moderate and just, and this opinion was com-
municated to Castelar.3 Castelar prided himself on
terminating the incident " without too much damage to
the prestige of Spain." 4
In the process of carrying a subject to its logical con-
clusion my narrative has often passed over the most
important event of the year 1873, — the financial panic
which began on September 18 with the failure of Jay
Cooke & Co. Nearly all authorities agree that the para-
1 Foreign Relations, 1874, pp. 970, 987.
2 President's message of Jan. 5, 1874 ; Foreign Relations, 1874, p. 1113.
3 Ibid., p. 959.
4 Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. xxvi. p. 613. My main authorities for
this account are Foreign Relations, 1874 ; the President's messages of
Dec. 1, 1873, Jan. 5, 1874. Richardson, vol. vii. pp. 241, 256. I have also
used The Nation ; Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. ; Sumner's Works, vol. xv.
Ch. XL.] RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION BEFORE 1873 37
mount cause of the panic was excessive railroad con-
struction. The completion of the Union Pacific Railroad
in 1869 marked the beginning of the era. Railroads
were built out into the western wilderness to open up
territory on which grain might be grown to supply
Europe. Coal and iron roads were constructed ; old
railroads increased their facilities by adding either a
second track or long sidings. From 1865 to 1868 inclu-
sive, the average annual increment of new railroad had
been but a little over 2000 miles. But in 1869, 4953
miles had been built ; in 1870, 5690 ; in 1871, 7670 ; and
in 1872, 6167, making over 24,000 miles in four years.1 It
was an axiom in the iron trade that nothing led to so
great a consumption of iron as did the construction of
new lines of railroad. The rails themselves represented
a large quantity of raw iron, and so did the equipment
of the roads — the wheels, axles and other parts of the
cars and locomotives. All this was actually fresh use of
material, increasing the consumption in a vastly greater
degree than did the renewals of old railroads. One of the
great enterprises was that of Cornelius Vanderbilt. The
existing two tracks of his New York Central Railroad
were inadequate to the business available to the road and
he reasoned that he must have four tracks, two to be used
for passenger trains at rapid speed, and two for freight
which, moving slowly but constantly, without inter-
ference and waits, would combine economy with despatch.
A characteristic of this period was the replacement, by
established and financially sound railways, of their old
iron rails by new ones made from Bessemer steel; but the
old iron, which was taken up, went into consumption
as did the scrap from outworn cars and locomotives.
The 24,000 miles of new railroad construction in four
years entailed an enormous business in iron. The coun-
try's iron furnaces and mills, all crowded to their utmost
1 Poor's Manual, 1876-1877.
38 FEVEKISH BUSINESS CONDITIONS [1872
capacity, were not sufficient to meet the demand, and
pig-iron and rails were imported in large quantities
from Great Britain. Activity in one industry breeds it
in another. Through iron there was now an induced
expansion of every business and manufacture in the
country. Part of the earnings of the old railroads was
derived from carrying materials for the construction of
the new. The transportation on the great inland lakes
was affected: vessels had a large amount of business at
high freights and this stimulated the construction of new
lake carriers. Labourers had full employment, wages
were good and immigration was fostered with the result
that every cotton and woollen factory and practically
every workshop of any kind was busy. In a word, dur-
ing 1869, 1870 and 1871 business was good in the quiet
satisfactory way of large sales at fair prices and mod-
erate profits. In 1872, feverish conditions began to pre-
vail, one symptom being the excessively high price of
iron. During that year the average price of No. 1
anthracite foundry pig-iron in Philadelphia was $49
per ton, of iron rails $85, of steel $112, advances over
the previous year respectively of $14, $15, and $12.1 In
Pittsburg and Cleveland prices ruled even higher. The
demand was active, profits were large, and nearly every
iron-master was seized with the desire to expand his
works so as to increase his output. These extensions
required more iron, and accordingly general business
was again stimulated.
Had there been sufficient capital in the country to
finance the construction of these new railroads and had
it been properly applied this extraordinary display of
energy in opening up new country for the raising of
grain and in providing new ways to bring coal and iron
more cheaply and expeditiously to market would have
been a boon. But energy outran available means. The
1 Iron in All Ages, Swank, p. 391.
Ch. XL.] JAY COOKE — NOBTHEKN PACIFIC 39
active spirits, who were building the roads, had to bor-
row the necessary money, and theoretically this was to
be obtained from the sale of bonds. For a while this
plan may have answered ; but a large enterprise, such
as the construction of a new railroad, needed in the long
run the backing of a New York banking-house of large
means and undoubted credit. Thus Jay Cooke & Co.
undertook to finance the Northern Pacific ; Fisk and
Hatch, the Chesapeake and Ohio ; and Kenyon, Cox
& Co., the Canada Southern. They advanced money
for the work of construction, and when a sufficient
mileage had been built on which to base an issue of
bonds they prepared them in the usual manner and
endeavoured to sell them to investors. Jay Cooke &
Co. had had a large experience in the marketing of
government bonds and their scheme of popular sub-
scriptions had brought them celebrity and convinced
them of the efficacy of this method for a flotation of
securities. Their offer of Northern Pacific 7-30 gold
bonds at a price, which yielded nearly 81 per cent,
interest, was advertised everywhere, especially in the
religious newspapers. Their operations as government
agents, their known energy and high character seemed
a guaranty that everything they took hold of would
be carried to a successful issue. Many experienced in-
vestors must have taken these bonds, but a feature of
the flotation was its popularity among clergymen,
school-teachers, and others, whose small savings were
attracted by the high rate of interest. But time and
money were lacking to make this railroad a lucrative
enterprise. Jay Cooke & Co., and other bankers as
well, had overreached the possibilities of their capital :
they had been too sanguine of success in operations that
were in advance of their day.
From the beginning of this " boom " it was recog-
nized that American enterprise had outstripped Ameri-
can capital and recourse was had to Europe whose
40 BUSINESS EXPANSION [1872
financiers were eager to lend. Germany's and Holland's
investments in United States governments had turned
out so advantageously that their confidence in American
securities was unbounded and, except during the period
of the Franco-German war, they sought investments in
American railway bonds for a part of their surplus
capital. England's capitalists had guessed wrong as to
the outcome of our Civil War and, lacking confidence in
Northern finance, had looked askance at our govern-
ment bonds, so that they had little share in the golden
harvest gleaned from their advance in price as the
security became undoubted ; now, therefore, they were
all the more eager for good railway bonds. From
taking the bonds of existing railroads it was but a step
to advancing money for the construction of the new
and in such an operation there was a great apparent
profit. British iron masters had a keen desire for a
part of the great American market and many trans-
actions, through their various degrees, were tantamount
to an exchange of their rails for American bonds. When
Abram S. Hewitt was travelling in South Wales he
found " that the vilest trash which could be dignified by
the name of iron went universally by the name of the
American rail " and by this was meant rails destined to
be shipped to America.1 Later the English promoter
might well have said that the rails were as good as the
bonds, in view of the many defaults in interest after
1873 ; but when the rails wore out after a brief use, or
broke causing fatal accidents, the American may have
thought he had the greater reason to complain.
There was no end to American schemes ; there would
in time have been an end to European money but, for-
tunately for England, Germany and Holland, a sharp
financial panic in May 1873 on the Vienna Bourse
warned every European investor and banker that he
1 Hewitt's report cited in The Nation, April 7, 1870, p. 221.
Ch. XL.] GLUT OF KAIL WAY BONDS 41
must watch carefully his commitments and set his
financial house in order. The Vienna panic stopped the
negotiation in Europe of bonds of new railroads and
made difficult the sale of those of companies of
established credit. The glut of American railway bonds
in Europe forced the New York bankers to carry the
new railroads which they backed, by straining their own
individual credit. This became increasingly difficult.
Money was tight in the autumn of 1872 and ruled high.
In better supply during the following winter and spring
it was fairly easy on call during the early summer of
1873. But securities were carefully scrutinized and at
times the lowest quoted rates were to be had only
with government bonds as collateral. For new enter-
prises, for legitimate trade even, there was a perceptible
gradual hardening of rates and a diminution of the
money supply. Such were the principal developments
in the situation up to the end of August 1873.
At that time it is not surprising that business men
and bankers did not foresee what was coming. Pros-
perity was written all over the face of things. Manu-
facturers were busy, workmen in demand ; streets and
shops were crowded, and everywhere new buildings
going up. Railroad earnings as compared with 1872
showed a gratifying increase. Prices of commodities
were high, demand pretty good ; everybody seemed to
be making money and nobody suspected for a moment
that he was living in a fool's paradise. For the basis
of all this activity appeared to be sound. The wheat
crop was large and the product of corn, though smaller
than that of the previous year, was nevertheless fairly
good. The best authorities reported that the supply
of breadstuffs in Europe would be short and that there
would be a ready demand at high prices for every avail-
able bushel of our exportable cereals.1 Wheat had
1 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Sept. 13, 1873.
42 OPTIMISTIC REASONING [1873
begun to move and the old corn was coming forth ; it
was feared that the capacity of the railroads and ocean
steamships would be insufficient to carry the freight
that was offered them. It was estimated that the cotton
crop would exceed four million bales (then a large
product) and for this the demand in Europe was of
course constant. If prices were high, it might be asked,
were they abnormal ? Transportation was the sure
gauge of activity and was not Cornelius Vanderbilt, the
greatest captain of industry, paying $120 per ton for
steel rails for his four-track road ? Would this far-see-
ing man make such preparations at so high a cost unless
he believed existing conditions permanent ? Money it
is true was tight but this was surely an indication of
prosperity : it was due to the demand of the West and
South for their New York funds in order to move the
crops. Late in the autumn, the greenbacks and other
currency would return to the money centre having been
advantageously employed in sending our surplus products
abroad, and thereby reducing our foreign debts and
enhancing our credit. Such reasoning looked plausible
enough in August 1873.
The fact is there had been overtrading — an excessive
conversion of circulating capital into fixed capital — but
the financial history of our country shows that it is ex-
tremely difficult for bankers and traders to know when
the danger-point has been reached. They know too
well that the tide " taken at the flood leads on to for-
tune " and if this be
" Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries."
Or as they might express it, The croakers and calamity
howlers never achieve success. And now the optimists
were at the helm and did not know that the tide had
turned.
Money grew closer. One unfavourable bank state-
Ch. XL.] FAILURE OF JAY COOKE 43
merit followed another. " Very unfavourable " was
that of September 6. Money on call was 7 per
cent, and one-sixteenth premium. Commercial paper
sold at 9 to 12 per cent. During the week from Sep-
tember 8 to 13 there were a number ©f failures which
" had a bad effect upon the street " causing an " un-
settled feeling and want of confidence." 1 Nevertheless
the failure of Jay Cooke & Co. on September 18 came
like a thunderbolt from a clear sky. " The first an-
nouncement on Thursday that they had suspended was
received with almost derisive incredulity on the part of
the mercantile public."2 But when it was known to
be an actual fact, the Stock Exchange was seized with
frenzy. There was a general rush to sell stocks, but
buyers were exceedingly scarce. Western Union Tele-
graph, " the leading fancy in the market " fell from 89
to 54i ; New York Central " the piece de resistance of
the Stock Exchange " from 104 to 89.3 Next day was
announced the failure of the banking house of Fisk and
Hatch which was believed to be " one of the richest and
soundest " in New York.4 The names of eighteen other
firms, unable to stand by their contracts, were read off
that day in the Exchange.5 The panic terror in Wall
Street caused general distrust throughout the city. A
run began on the Union Trust Co., a " Vanderbilt "
institution, and on the Fourth National Bank. On Sat-
urday morning the Union Trust Co. and the National
Trust Co. suspended and the National Bank of the
Commonwealth failed. The excitement on the Stock
Exchange was intense ; prices declined rapidly ; offers
were many but no one dared to bid. The Governing
i The Nation, Sept. 18, p. 200.
2 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Sept. 20 ; see The Nation, Sept.
25, p. 216.
3 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Sept. 20, 27 ; Horace White,
Fortnightly Review, June 1876, p. 811.
* The Nation, Sept. 25, p. 216. 5 Ibid. ; Harper's Weekly, Oct. 4.
44 FINANCIAL PANIC [1873
committee met at about eleven and decided to close the
Exchange at once until further notice.
In the meanwhile the Clearing-House Association
devised a measure of relief. It decided to issue to
banks, on application, clearing-house certificates to the
amount of 75 per cent, of the face value of their bills
receivable or other securities subjected to a proper
scrutiny, or at par on United States bonds or gold cer-
tificates. These clearing-house certificates might be
used at the clearing-house in the settlement of balances
instead of greenbacks, then the medium in which the
differences were paid. Ten million dollars of them were
authorized and issued. The design was to help the
weaker banks, the failure of which might produce utter
derangement even to the point of overturning the
stronger. " I am not aware," writes Horace White,
" that this device was ever before resorted to as a means
of ballasting commerce against the temporary effects of
a panic."1
On Sunday [September 21] President Grant and his
Secretary of the Treasury, William A. Richardson (who
had succeeded Boutwell) were in New York and had a
conference at the Fifth Avenue Hotel with a number of
the leading business men and financiers of the city.
They were urged to issue a part or the whole of the
so-called reserve of 844,000,000 of greenbacks which had
been retired and cancelled by McCulloch. Boutwell on
three different occasions had reissued small amounts of
it to meet the current expenses of the government 2 but
these had been withdrawn from circulation and the
" reserve " was now intact. "I happened in New York
on that Sunday," said Senator Morton, " and saw the
crowds of bankers, brokers, capitalists, merchants,
1 The Fortnightly Beview, June 1876, p. 812. But see Commercial and
Financial Chronicle, Oct. 11, 1873, p. 478.
2 Cong. Becord, Jan. 16, 1874, p. 704.
Ch. XL.] FINANCIAL PANIC 45
manufacturers and railroad men who throughout that
day thronged the halls, corridors and parlors of the
Fifth Avenue Hotel, beseeching the President to increase
the currency by every means in his power, and declaring
that unless the government came to the rescue nothing
could save the country from bankruptcy and ruin." 1
The President refused to trench upon the reserve for
the purpose of easing the money market but he decided
to purchase bonds with the other surplus greenbacks in
the Treasury.
The week [September 21-27] that followed was one
of intense gloom. The Stock Exchange remained closed.
On Tuesday Henry Clews & Co. suspended and next
day the conservative banking house of Howes and
Macy. The hoarding of money, the inevitable accom-
paniment of financial panics, had begun immediately on
the failure of Jay Cooke but this time it was green-
backs and national bank-notes that were laid away
instead of specie as during previous panics. The fear
that the banks would not redeem their notes did not
exist. Nobody went to a national bank to demand the
redemption of its bills; but large numbers drew out their
deposits in greenbacks or the bills of any national bank
and these they hoarded. Partly in order to discourage
this practice, and partly because of sheer lack of funds,
the banks on September 24 « ceased paying large cheques
at their counters but certified them < good through the
clearing-house.' " 2 Small cheques were cashed as usual.
On the same day the Clearing-House Association author-
ized ten million dollars more of clearing-house certifi-
cates, and these were put out making the issue twenty
millions. Meanwhile the government, having purchased
about $13,000,000 of bonds had reached the end of its
1 March 23, 1874. Cong. Becord, p. 2354. Morton urged on the Presi-
dent the issue of the whole 44 millions to relieve the money market. Foulke,
vol. ii. p. 317. 2 h. White, p. 813.
46 FINANCIAL PANIC [1873
tether and stopped this mode of relief.1 Most of the
greenbacks thus paid out for bonds went into the
Savings Banks and did not help Wall Street but
the moral effect was great. The withdrawal of cur-
rency from the National Banks was succeeded by a run
or a quiet drain on the Savings Institutions, and while
most of these had required the 30 or 60 days' legal notice
from their depositors, the actual possession of a goodly
amount of greenbacks was a tower of strength. Towards
the end of the week 3 to 5 per cent, premium was paid
for currency.
The effects of the Jay Cooke failure and the efforts
to mitigate them were much the same in most of the
other cities of the country as in New York. It was
soon understood that a commercial crisis had come, not
a mere Wall Street panic. The banks had the same
difficulty in getting currency and keeping it ; they found
it impossible to take care of all their customers and
were obliged to let some of the more solvent go to
protest. Good two-name paper brought as high as 21
per cent, per month. Rich men were embarrassed in
paying their personal bills. Most of the Savings Banks
took advantage of their legal protection and required
sixty days' notice before paying their depositors.2
The Jay Cooke failure caused a veritable paralysis in
the industrial regions of Pennsylvania, western New
York and the middle West. The wheels did not all
stop at once but customers could not pay for the goods
which they had ordered, and, most serious matter of all,
manufacturers and proprietors of coal mines could not
obtain the currency to pay their men. Arrangements
were made with the banks to pay them in part ; for the
balance some issued store-orders, some shinplasters or
evidences of credit. Chicago, being the great mart for
1 Eeport of Secretary of Treasury, Dec. 1.
2 There was at least one notable exception in Cleveland.
Ch. XL.] CAUSE OF THE PANIC 47
grain, beef and pork was of all cities the best off, inas-
much as her produce would always fetch money. Cur-
rency flowed thither and her banks did not resort to
the device of clearing-house certificates ; but, because of
the scarcity of small notes, her municipal government
issued five and ten dollar shinplasters.1
On Tuesday [September 30] the Stock Exchange re-
opened having remained eight days closed, an event
unparalleled in its history. No great excitement attended
the operations of the board. The banks were issuing no
more clearing-house certificates and, although the rate
for money on call was 7 per cent, and upwards, and on
commercial paper 15 to 18 per cent, they now felt able
to cope with the situation. On October 13, the National
Trust Co. resumed business and it was expected that
the Union Trust Co. would soon do likewise.2 The
financial panic, properly defined, was over.3
The course of the panic emphasizes the truth of my
statement at the outset that its prime cause was the
excessive railroad building — the putting into roadbed,
rails and equipment a large part of the circulating capi-
tal of the country and all the money that could be bor-
rowed abroad. But other influences may have served to
hasten this panic of 1873, which according to the cyclic
theory came four years before it was due. One of
these was the waste and impoverishment contingent
upon the prosecution of the Civil War ; 4 another, the
1 H. White, p. 813 ; Harper's Monthly, Dec. 1873, p. 129.
2 It resumed Dec. 1.
8 My authorities for this account are the Commercial and Financial
Chronicle; The Nation; Horace White in the Fortnightly Review, June
1876 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1873 ; Hyndman, Commercial Crises
of the Nineteenth Century ; Harper's Monthly, Dec. 1873 ; Harper's Weekly,
Oct. 4, 1873 ; Dewey, Financial History.
4 Stan wood lays stress on this writing, " A truer and more philosophical
view of it [the panic of 1873] is that it was a direct, though long postponed,
consequence of the waste and impoverishment of the war period itself."
American Tariff Controversies, vol. ii. p. 142.
48 CHICAGO FIRE [1871
immense destruction of property by the great fires of
Chicago and Boston.
On the evening of Sunday October 8, 1871 a stable on
the West side of the river in Chicago took fire, and, as
the buildings in that quarter were mostly of wood and
lumber yards were near by, the fire, fanned by a stiff
southwest gale, was soon beyond the control of the fire
department and at midnight leaped across the river to
the South side, working destruction among stores, ware-
houses, public buildings, churches, hotels and theatres.
Again crossing to the North side of the river it swept
clean that comfortable and stately residential quarter
as far as Lincoln Park. The fire raged for twenty-four
hours and burned over an area of 2100 acres, covering
four to five miles from north to south, and one to one and
a half miles from east to west ; 17,500 buildings were
destroyed and 100,000 people rendered homeless. The
loss of life was about 250, of property 200 millions.1
On Saturday evening November 9, 1872 a fire started
at the corner of Kingston and Summer streets in Boston
1 Chicago and the Great Conflagration, Colbert and Chamberlain ;
Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1871; Andrews, The Last Quarter Century,
vol. i. The Nation said Oct. 12, 1871 : "At the close of business on Mon-
day [on the New York Stock Exchange Oct. 9] a gloomy atmosphere, an unde-
fined sense of dread and terror, overhung the entire financial community and
the ablest, calmest, most conservative did not hesitate to express their fear
that the catastrophe of Chicago will prove but the beginning of widespread
financial and commercial difficulty. . . . The destruction of so large an
amount of property at Chicago has a most disastrous effect, and tends to
destroy credit in every direction and to precipitate a panic." My own
recollection from the business point of view in Cleveland coincides with this
statement. There was great excitement on that Monday, as fragmentary
despatches came through with difficulty, telling of the progress of the fire in
destroying well-known buildings on the South side. This was succeeded by
an intense gloom as at noon the cannon boomed out its mournful call for a
meeting of citizens on the Public Square for the purpose of raising money for
the relief of the unfortunate sister city. As we have seen, the fears of the
business community were not realized. The Nation said Oct. 19, " The
panic produced in financial and commercial circles by the Chicago fire has
subsided."
Ch. XL.] BOSTON FIKE 49
and raged all night and next day, destroying nearly all
the buildings in the district bounded by Summer, Wash-
ington, and State streets and the water front, an area
of about sixty-five acres. The money loss was about
73 millions.1
Another cause assigned for the panic was the state of
our circulating medium. » I reject," writes Horace
White, " the notion that the currency, irredeemable
though it be, was any considerable agent in bringing on
the crisis. . . . Irredeemable currency has sins enough
of its own to answer for without loading it with trans-
gressions in no way peculiar to it, and having an entirely
different parentage." 2 This is probably true, but it is
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1872. The fire got speedily beyond the
control of the Fire Department whose operations were hampered by the
prevalence of the epizootic. The Nation of Nov. 14 spoke of "the destruc-
tion of sixty acres of such warehouses and stores as no other city on the
continent could show. ... In their warehouses the merchants of Boston
have of late been accustomed to take a pride, and many a line of solid and
handsome buildings attests the dignity of the ' solid men of Boston.' . . .
Now there is nothing but rubbish remaining of the many hundreds of granite
and iron structures in which the dry-goods merchants, wool merchants and
leather merchants . . . carried on trade. . . . Trinity Church, the Mercan-
tile Library and the Merchants' Exchange went down but the famous Old
South Church was saved."
Phillips Brooks wrote in a private letter on Nov. 12, 1872 : " Last Saturday
night and Sunday were fearful. For a time it seemed as if the thing would
never stop so long as there was anything left to burn. Everybody has suffered,
almost everybody severely. Very many have lost all. ... It began about
eight o'clock Saturday evening and hour after hour it went on growing worse
and worse. Street after street went like paper. There were sights so
splendid and awful as I never dreamed of and now the desolation is bewil-
dering. ... It is pitiable to see the rich men who have been reduced to
poverty in a night." Life, vol. ii. p. 67.
For the effect on the New York Stock Exchange see The Nation, Nov. 14.
The two fires in Chicago and Boston were the largest ever known in this
country and had a profound effect on business thought as introducing a new
element of risk into affairs. The flimsy, wooden buildings on a prairie,
subject to high prairie winds, had explained the Chicago fire, but now the
granite and iron buildings of Boston likewise succumbed to the devouring
element.
2 Fortnightly Beview, June 1876, p. 824.
VII 4
50 INCOMPETENT FINANCING [1871
also a fair presumption that if the country had been on
a specie basis, the panic might have been postponed. In
December 1871 gold touched 108-2-, a decline of 40 from
the high point of December 1865 ; and it seems to me
that clever financing should have brought gold to par dur-
ing 1871. " One-tenth of the money we have used to pay
the public debt not due would have brought us to a
specie standard," declared John Sherman in the Senate
on January 16, 1874. " No one supposes that under an
ordinary state of affairs the currency of the country —
the greenbacks — need be reduced below three hundred
millions to bring us to a specie standard. . . . That
would be a reduction of 156,000,000. Fifty-six millions
of the money that we have applied to the payment of
the debt not yet due would have brought all the remain-
ing greenbacks up to par in gold, would have made our
bank-notes convertible into the standard of gold, and we
would have had, almost without knowing it, specie pay-
ment — a solid, safe and secure basis. . . . Thousands
of men who have been ruined by the false ideas that
have sprung from this fever-heated, depreciated paper
money would be now useful, able and successful business
men, instead of being ruined by bankruptcy." l If
McCulloch had been supported by Congress and if his
policy had been continued during Grant's first admin-
istration or if Sherman's plan, differing though it did
from McCulloch's, had been adopted in its entirety, it is
highly probable that resumption might havre been
reached in 1871 and been afterwards maintained. In
that event the active demand for money during the
autumn of 1872 would have brought gold to this country
from Europe and been available for settling balances
and as a reserve. Indeed, after the failure of Jay Cooke,
a considerable movement of gold from England to the
United States took place, so that the Bank of England
Cong. Becord, p. 701.
Ch. XL.] THE COMMERCIAL CRISIS 61
made successive advances of its rate of discount from 4
to 9 per cent, to check it ; but, because of its greater
value than the paper money, the gold could not enter
into circulation and so afford relief in this most desirable
of all forms.
Though the Wall Street panic was over, the com-
mercial crisis continued. The impetus of good business
had been such that railroad earnings for October had
not been affected but they fell off materially in Novem-
ber. In the general paralysis, receivers of goods could
not pay the freight which was generally settled in cash
and a system of credit was established in accordance
with which the railroads took their customers' cheques
and withheld them from deposit until notified that they
could be paid. On November 1 a number of railroads
defaulted in the payment of the interest on their bonds.
Every solvent consumer curtailed his purchases and
those whose credit was not above suspicion could no
longer buy. Hence resulted a closing of cotton and iron
mills and other manufacturing establishments. La-
bourers were thrown out of employment and their pur-
chasing power ceased. Economies of all sorts were
practised. Commodities were plenty and money scarce.
Failures outside of Wall Street began. The Spragues
of Providence failed with liabilities of over eleven
millions, a larger debt than was owed by the State of
Rhode Island and all its cities and towns taken together.
H. B. Claflin & Co. of New York, the largest whole-
sale dry-goods house in the country asked and received
from their creditors an extension of four and a half
months. The paper of the California and Texas Con-
struction Co., who were engaged in building the Texas
and Pacific Railroad, went to protest ; and what gave
this a national significance was that, together with the
endorsement of a number of Pennsylvania financiers and
railroad men, it bore that of Thomas A. Scott the first
Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Railroad and the
52 AFTERMATH OF THE PANIC [1873
ablest railway manager in America. Before the panic
Scott had been among the most sanguine. It was ru-
moured that the Pennsylvania Railroad would be obliged
to pass its regular semi-annual dividend : this did not
prove true but the company was forced to pay it in
scrip that was made redeemable on March 1, 1875.1
These failures and extensions are an example of what
went on all over the country. One failure led to an-
other for suspicion and dread hung over the whole
business community. Meetings of creditors were fre-
quent. The balances struck by traders and manufac-
turers on January 1, 1874 were dismal reading. How
shall we pull through the year ? was the anxious inquiry
of some. Those whose solvency was undoubted saw
their anticipated profits of 1873 melting away. Their
surplus, instead of being in money or good bills receiv-
able, was largely in notes and accounts that were im-
paired or quite worthless.
The aftermath of the panic of 1873 was of long dura-
tion. No genuine revival of business took place until
1878.2 The mercantile failures for 1873 and the three
years following were $775,000,000 ; the railway defaults
up to January 1, 1876, $779,000,000 of which $226,000,000
of such defaults had occurred before the September panic
began.3 These five years [1873-1878] are a long dismal
1 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Nov. 1, 8, Dec. 13 ; The Nation,
Nov. 6, 13.
2 It is frequently stated that the revival did not take place until 1879 and
so it generally appeared at the time to men engaged in affairs ; but a close
study of business transactions and of trade statistics warrants the statement
in the text.
8 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Jan. 22, 1876, Jan. 20, 1877 ; The
Nation, Aug. 3, 1893. Arthur T. Hadley writes: "The ' Bailroad Gazette '
of Sept. 27, 1878 furnishes statistics concerning forty-five roads dealt in by
the New York Stock Exchange and in soundness presumably above the aver-
age of those in the country. The aggregate value of these roads at their
highest prices in 1873 (reduced to a gold basis) was $567,000,000 ; at the
lowest prices of the same year it had fallen to $380,000,000 ; while in Septem-
ber 1878, it was still only $460,000,000. Still more to the purpose are the
Ch. XL.] INFLATION PROPOSED 63
tale of declining markets, exhaustion of capital, a lower-
ing in value of all kinds of property including real estate,
constant bankruptcies, close economy in business and
grinding frugality in living, idle mills, furnaces and fac-
tories, former profit-earning iron mills reduced to the value
of a scrap heap, labourers out of employment, reductions
of wages, strikes and lockouts, the great railroad riots of
1877, suffering of the unemployed, depression and despair.
The assembly of Congress in December 1873 was
hailed with delight as the country looked to it for finan-
cial relief. Over sixty different remedies embodied
either in petitions or bills were presented to the Senate ;
all these were referred to the Committee on Finance, at
the head of which was Sherman, a master mind in
finance and an accomplished statesman.1 On Decem-
ber 15 a resolution from the majority of the committee
looking to the resumption of specie payments and one
offered by Ferry of Michigan hinting at an inflation of
the paper currency brought the subject before the Senate
and for nearly four months the debate went on. The
consideration of various bills was finally resolved into a
discussion whether the actual greenback circulation
should be increased by act of Congress. As to the addi-
tional amount there was a difference among the " paper
mone3'r trinity " as Thurman called Morton, Logan and
Ferry.2 Ferry desired an increase of $100,000,000 whilst
figures concerning foreclosures furnished at the beginning of each year by
the ' Railway Age.' In 1876 they were sold under foreclosure (this term
being apparently used in a rather wide sense), 3846 miles of road
representing $218,000,000 of capital ; and in the four years succeeding
3875, 3902, 4909, 3775 miles of road representing investments of $199,-
000,000, $312,000,000, $243,000,000, and $264,000,000 respectively [total,
$1,236,000,000]. One-fifth of the railway investment of the country sold
under foreclosure in these five years of settlement 1 " — Lalor's Cyclopaedia,
vol. iii. p. 41.
1 The other members were Morrill of Vermont, Scott, Wright, Ferry of
Michigan, Fenton and Bayard. 2 April 6, 1874. Cong. Becord, p. 2833.
54 RICHARDSON'S ACTION [1873
Morton would for the present be contented with the
reissue of the whole so-called " reserve " which would put
into circulation $44,000,000 greenbacks more than were
out on the day that Jay Cooke & Co. closed their doors.
Before Congress met, however, and afterwards while
the Senate was deliberating, Richardson, the Secretary
of the Treasury, was inflating the currency on his own
account. As a result of the September panic the revenue
of the government had fallen off and to make up the
deficit and provide for his current disbursements, he re-
issued during the first ten days of October, 1873 three
or four millions of the greenback " reserve." As this
seemed an easy way to finance the government he kept
the printing presses going until by January 10, 1874 he
had reissued a total of 26 millions and the greenbacks
outstanding amounted to $382,000,000. 1 When this
action was questioned in the Senate Boutwell came
to the support of his successor in the Treasury Depart-
ment. He had himself, he said, while Secretary issued
on three different occasions a small portion of the 44
millions and McCulloch had once in a small way
availed himself of the same expedient.2 Boutwell had
believed his action legal and so had the Attorney-Gen-
eral. He had informed the Committee on Finance of
the Senate and the Committee of Ways and Means of
the House of his action and these committees and Con-
gress had given a silent consent.3 Sherman's matured
1 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, Oct. 11, 1873 ; Sherman, Cong.
Becord, Jan. 16, 1874, p. 700.
2 Boutwell was hardly candid in the endeavour to support his and Rich-
ardson's method of finance by the authority of McCulloch. One of
Boutwell's increases was 5 millions in Oct. 1872, made, however, by Richard-
son, while the Secretary was absent ; another was $1,500,000, see S. E. D., 42d
Cong. 3d Sess. Nos. 42, 276, Cong. Becord, 1874, pp. 2449, 2450. The
only increase that McCulloch made, unless the amount was paid back within
the current month, was in Jan. 1867, the amount being $929,000.
8 Cong. Becord, p. 704. Boutwell restored the amount of his several
reissues so that at the beginning of Richardson's administration and also on
the day that Jay Cooke failed the amount outstanding was 356 millions.
Ch. XL.] SHERMAN — THURMAN — SCHURZ 55
opinion was contrary to Boutwell's. " I submitted to
the Senate a formal report," he said, " which denied his
[Richardson's] power to issue the $26,000,000 and from
the beginning to the end of this controversy I have held
that that $26,000,000 was unlawfully issued and I now
assert it again." 1 " No man believes more firmly than
I do," declared Thurman, one of the best lawyers in the
Senate, "that the Secretary of the Treasury misunder-
stood the law when he issued this $26,000,000. I have
never seen a legal question upon which my mind was
clearer than that ;"2 and Schurz who had a remarkable
power of assimilating sound legal doctrine arrived at
the same conclusion.3 The dicta of these three senators,
supported as they were by a mass of trained and com-
petent opinion in the Senate, may be regarded as de-
cisive.4 No one questioned Richardson's honesty or
good intentions and of course he acted with the author-
ity of the President ; but to repose in one man the
power of thus inflating the currency was monstrous.
Skilled financiers like McCulloch and Sherman as Secre-
taries of the Treasury would have rejected the thought
of such an operation, yet the incompetent Richardson,
with no real warrant of law and only doubtful prece-
dents, made of every man's business his football.
That Sherman and Thurman of Ohio and Schurz of
Missouri, a Republican, a Democrat and an Independent
should be found thus arrayed against the " paper-money
trinity " was a significant fact. The East with its
greater capital and more stable conditions found adhe-
rence to sound financial doctrine comparatively easy,
while the West, which was largely in debt to the East
and Europe, found it very difficult. Western business
men and manufacturers were clamouring for more
money and were entirely satisfied with the "battle-
1 April 6, 1874, Cong. Becord, p. 2825, see also p. 700.
2 March 26, ibid., p. 2484. 3 March 25, ibid., p. 2442.
4 See also Garfield's remarks in the House, April 9 ; Works, vol. ii. p. 179.
66 ARGUMENT FOR INFLATION [1874
born, blood-sealed " greenback. Indeed it was the best
money they had ever known. Before the Civil War (as
I have previously stated), while the country was on a
specie basis, little specie, except fractional silver pieces,
was in circulation throughout the West. The actual
currency was paper bills, badly engraved or printed,
easily counterfeited, most of it current in the East only
at a discount ; and, when the panics of 1837 and 1857
came, a large part of these promises to pay turned out
to be worthless. The attractive-looking greenbacks
issued by the government could be passed at their face
value from one end of the country to the other and
when the panic came, men hoarded them and the banks
eagerly accumulated them because they were a legal-
tender and invariably good. It is hardly surprising,
then, that Western men, as they contrasted this with
their former wild-cat currency, forgot that the green-
back was a promise to pay and thought it was actually
a dollar. In this time of stress, when they were strug-
gling to meet their promissory notes, striving by all
means to keep the wheels of their factories turning, and
even anxious about their means of living, they naturally
urged their senators and representatives to afford them
the supposed relief so easily in their power. Sherman,
Schurz and Thurman, all able men, feeling that they had
constituents as well as brother senators to convince, in-
formed their speeches during this session with a force
and earnestness that might have been lacking had they
lived in a community thoroughly at one with them-
selves.
" I say to senators," declared Sherman, " that if now,
in this time of temporary panic, we yield one single
inch to the desire for paper money in this country, we
shall pass the Rubicon, and there will be no power in
Congress to check the issue. If you want forty millions
now, how easy will it be to get forty millions again. If
you want one hundred millions now, convertible into
Ch. XL.] SHERMAN— MORTON 67
three sixty-five currency bonds, how soon will you want
one hundred millions more ? Will there not always be
men in debt ? Will not always men with bright hopes
embark too far on the treacherous sea of credit ? Will
there not always be a demand made upon you for an
increase ? And when you have passed the Rubicon
where can you stop ? Where our ancestors stopped at
the close of the Revolution; where the French people
stopped in the midst of their revolutionary fervor ! " 1
" Business," argued Morton, " cannot be revived suc-
cessfully on the old volume of currency. The wants of
the country have been growing. There has been a grow-
ing stringency for the last four or five years. While
the volume of currency has not been increased the
volume of business has, and this stricture has been in-
creasing from day to day. . . . Congress ought to
declare the issue [of greenbacks] legal up to the aggre-
gate amount of four hundred millions. The increase of
the circulation to meet the demands of increasing busi-
ness wealth and population, is not inflation in any reason-
able sense. You might as well talk about inflating the
population of the country. . . . The paper money
issued by one government may be worthless or nearly
so, while that issued by another may be equal in value
to gold, owing to the stability of that government and
the wealthy and prosperous nation it represents. . . .
The great business of this generation, and of generations
to come, is the development and improvement of our
own country, the upbuilding of our industries and the
establishment of our independence commercially as it
was long ago established politically. Our foreign com-
merce is a mere bagatelle when compared with our
domestic trade ; and instead of making the interests and
prosperity of the latter depend on the former, I would
much prefer to reverse their relations. Our country
1 Jan. 16, Cong. Becord, p. 702.
68 LOGAN— THURMAN [1874
more than any other ancient or modern possesses the
elements of commercial independence, for it is capable
of producing nearly all the natural and artificial com-
modities that enter into the wealth, the comfort and
the happiness of nations. That system of finance is
best which most promotes our internal growth and
development, and under which we have so signally
prospered." *
In reply to some remarks of Sherman, Logan said :
" The word < inflation ' is used as a kind of bugbear.
. . . Suppose that we who have proved ourselves faith-
ful as we think to the interests of our country . . . call
you contractionists and extortionists. Suppose we say
that you are trying to contract the currency down to
such a point as to allow the banks to practise extortion
upon the people of this country. ... I am in favor
of an increase of currency up to the business wants of
the people. ... I am in favor of standing by the
$400,000,000." 2
Thurman pursued the same line of argument as his
colleague. " Are we prepared," he asked, " to declare
that under a government which our fathers meant should
be a hard-money government we now mean, against all
the lights of experience the world over, to banish gold
and silver from circulation in the country for all time to
come, and do the business of the country upon nothing
but irredeemable paper, depending for its volume upon
the will and caprice of the moment, or upon the views
of members of Congress, seeking re-election or aspiring
to higher place ? I think not. I do not think that all
the lessons of experience have gone for nothing. I do
not think that all the teachings of political economy are
waste paper. I do not believe that we are yet ready
for this entire revolution upon so great a subject. And
i Feb. 18, March 23, Cong. Becord, pp. 1594, 2353, 2355, 2358.
2 March 30, ibid., pp. 2617, 2618.
Ch. XL.] THURMAN — SCHURZ 69
yet I do say that every step that we propose in the way
of inflation is a step toward that end, and the question
will sooner or later have to be met. Are we to do
the business of this country for all time upon a wholly
irredeemable paper currency, or are we to have the
standard that exists elsewhere throughout the civilized
world ? For it is of no use to say < We only propose to
increase the currency forty, or fifty, or sixty or one hun-
dred million dollars now.' If you increase it one hun-
dred million dollars now, three years hence there will
be another demand for a further increase. The very same
arguments will be used ; the very same pressure will
be brought to bear. Whenever there is overtrading,
whenever people become deeply indebted, or whenever
people have schemes of speculation which can only be
secured by an inflation of the currency that shall turn
men mad in the whirl of speculation or in the desire of
amassing fortunes ; whenever such a state of things
comes about, the same agencies will be at work, the
same efforts will be made that are being made now, and
that are pushing us forward to what I see is likely to be
the result — an inflation of the currency that will only
aggregate the evils under which we at present labor." l
Schurz was one of the bookish men of the Senate and
was at times twitted by his brother senators for his
proneness to draw lessons from history and books on
political economy. He undoubtedly had this in mind
when he put into the mouths of the inflationists words
which stated fairly their opinion. This specie standard
idea they assert is " mere theory." You who are opposed
to more paper currency are " mere abstractionists. We
are practical men which you are not ; you look into
books, but we look into the living, active business of the
country ; we trust the evidence of our senses ; we open
our eyes, and we see what is going on, and from what
i March 24, Cong. Becord, p. 2395.
60 SCHUEZ [1874
we see we draw our conclusions and upon what we see
we build our ideas as to remedies." " I have heard it
said on this floor," Schurz continued, " that Adam Smith,
John Stuart Mill, Ricardo, and all those who recognized
the precious metals as the standard of value and who
thought they would remain so, were in fact nothing but
old fogies. . . . With the senator from Indiana [pre-
sumably Morton] they exclaim, ' Throw theory to the
dogs.' . . . They rely upon nothing but the evidence
of their senses and how can that lead them astray ?
" Some ten or eleven years ago I met in the South
an old farmer who was called by his neighbors « Old
Tatum.' He was a practical philosopher of the same
kind, who relied upon nothing but the evidence of his
senses ; and inasmuch as he could but with difficulty
spell out a word or two in large print, he had a lofty
contempt for book-learning. I liked to talk with the
old man and once in conversation I happened to say
something about the earth moving around the sun.
' Hold on,' said old Tatum, ' what did you say there ?
The earth moving around the sun ! Where did you get
that ? ' ' Well,' I said ' I got it from the books.' ' There
again,' cried old Tatum, and he would fairly roll over
with laughter, — ' there again, from the books. The
earth moving around the sun ! And don't I see every
day with these, my own eyes, the sun moving around
the earth ? Don't I see it rise there in the morning,
and don't I see it go down yonder every evening ? Ah,'
said he, ' you book-men can't fool old Tatum.' What a
shining light old Tatum would have been among the
new school of political economists here ! ' Here I see a
difficulty,' he would say ; 'there are many persons in
the United States who want money ; the difficulty is, of
course, there is not money enough to go around. What
is to be done ? Inasmuch as we make money by print-
ing it, let us print more until it will go around.' You
might say, 'Mr. Tatum, these bits of money are not
Ch. XL.] INFLATION BILL 61
proper money at all ; they are promises to pay money
and the more you print of them the less they will be
worth, and the less they are worth the less you can
do with them in business ; you cannot make the
country rich in that way.' Such talk would not trouble
old Tatum at all. He would laugh right in your face.
< Do we not call these paper notes dollars ? ' old Tatum
would say. < Are they not dollars ? Cannot I read it
with my spectacles in big print upon them, one dollar,
ten dollars, one hundred dollars, and is not the country
better off when it has fifteen hundred millions of these
dollars than when it has only seven hundred and fifty
millions of them ? Ah, you can't fool old Tatum I tell
you.' " 1
The speeches of these five senators were made on
different propositions, but the contest settled down on a
measure providing for the reissue of 18 millions more of
the "reserve." Sherman on the part of the majority of
the Committee on Finance reported a bill, the important
section of which legalized the reissue which Richardson
had made, by fixing the maximum amount of greenbacks
at $382,000,000. This was a compromise between those
favouring contraction and those who were opposed merely
to further inflation. Sherman himself would have pre-
ferred to return to the former limit of $356,000,000 ;
but, as there was no surplus revenue, this could only be
attained by the sale of bonds, a project quite out of the
question, since neither the Senate nor the country could
have been brought to approve it. Sherman's bill was
amended so as to make the maximum of greenbacks
$400,000,000, which meant a further increase of 18 mil-
lions and the reissue of the whole " reserve." This was
a compromise between the moderate and extreme infla-
tionists. In three months Richardson had jauntily
inflated the currency to the extent of 26 millions : the
i Feb. 24, Cong. Becord, p. 1726.
62 GRANT VETOES INFLATION BILL [1874
Senate was a longer time determining upon a farther
inflation of 18 millions. The inflationists had a majority
in Congress and scored a momentary victory. On April
6 [1874] the 400 million bill passed the Senate by 29 to
24,1 eight days later the House by 140 to 102. On April
22 it received the unexpected veto of the President.2
The country had fully anticipated that the work of
Congress would obtain Grant's approval. Two public
letters that he had written during the autumn of 1873
and his annual message3 [December 1] led people to
believe that he was not averse to a moderate increase of
the currency. They had no conception of his mental
disturbance as he grappled with the problem and en-
deavoured to do what was best for the whole country.
His veto of the bill, because of objections to inflation,
came therefore as a surprise. Afterwards he told of
his trial of soul during those April days when he was
trying to come to a decision. " The only time," Grant
said, " I ever deliberately resolved to do an expedient
thing for party reasons, against my own judgment, was
on the occasion of the expansion or inflation bill. I
never was so pressed in my life to do anything as to
sign that bill, never. It was represented to me that
the veto would destroy the Republican party in the
West ; that the West and South would combine and
take the country, and agree upon some even worse plan
of finance ; some plan that would mean repudiation.
Morton, Logan and other men, friends whom I respected,
were eloquent in presenting this view. I thought at
last I would try and save the party, and at the same
time the credit of the nation, from the evils of the bill.
1 Sherman, Schurz, Thurman and the hard-money men voted no ; Ferry,
Logan, Morton and the inflationists, aye.
2 I have been helped in this account by John Sherman's Recollections,
vol. i. ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia,
1874 ; The Nation ; McPherson's Handbook of Politics, 1874.
8 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1873, p. 284 ; Richardson, vol. vii. p. 244.
Ch. XL.] GRANT VETOES INFLATION BILL 63
I resolved to write a message, embodying my own
reasoning and some of the arguments that had been
given me, to show that the bill, as passed, did not mean
expansion or inflation and that it need not affect the
country's credit. The message was intended to soothe
the East and satisfy the foreign holders of the bonds.
I wrote the message with great care and put in every
argument I could call up to show that the bill was
harmless and would not accomplish what its friends
expected from it. Well, when I finished my wonderful
message which was to do so much good to the party
and country, I read it over, and said to myself : ' What
is the good of all this ? You do not believe it. You
know it is not true.' Throwing it aside I resolved to
do what I believed to be right — veto the bill ! I could
not stand my own arguments. While I was in this
mood — and it was an anxious time with me, so anxious
that I could not sleep at night, with me a most unusual
circumstance — the ten days were passing in which the
President must sign or veto a bill. On the ninth day
I resolved inflexibly to veto the bill and let the storm
come." 2
1 Around the World with General Grant, J. E. Young, vol. ii. p. 153.
Edward Atkinson kindly furnished me an account of an interview with
Grant at Charnounix in 1877 in which the ex-President told substantially the
same story. This was previous to the words reported by J. R. Young.
Judge Hoar also informed me of the circumstance [Feb. 7, 1894]. George
F. Hoar spoke of it on the authority of Boutwell and related an interesting
interview which he had with Grant when he was considering the subject.
Autobiography, vol. i. p. 206. See also John A. Kasson in Century
Magazine, April 1897 and Creswell's account reported by A. S. Draper, ibid.,
July 1897. While the bill was pending Edward Atkinson co-operated with a
number of men in the endeavour to arouse public sentiment against it. He
had a part in the Cooper Institute great anti-inflation meeting, making, ac-
cording to The Nation [March 26] "the speech of the evening — an excellent
address in which he completely carried away the audience by the candid,
manly and at the same time vivid way in which he put the actual financial
situation before them." With others Atkinson organized an enthusiastic
meeting of protest in Faneuil Hall and he made an effort by correspondence
to excite the hard-money sentiment of the West.
I have not deemed it necessary to consider a provision of the bill which
64 GRANT'S VETO [1874
The veto was a brave and noble act and had far
greater consequences than the mere prevention of an
issue of 18 million greenbacks. Grant in his veto mes-
sage made a clear and emphatic declaration that he was
unalterably opposed to any inflation of the currency as
being "a departure from true principles of finance " and
" national obligations to creditors." 1 It was notice to
the country and to Europe that we should not part com-
pany with the rest of the civilized world in finance but
that our endeavour would be to return to the recognized
standard. It is the most praiseworthy act of Grant's
second administration and, like the Treaty of Washing-
ton and the Geneva Arbitration of the first, atones for a
multitude of errors.2
The discussions in Congress during the winter and
spring of 1874 formed an excellent education for the
country. Business was no longer so exacting or diver-
sions so frequent that men had not the time to read the
debates. They read and pondered. The hard-money
senators and representatives had much the better of the
argument and their clear and forcible reasoning, sus-
tained as it was by Grant's veto, had a profound influ-
ence on the minds of men.
The President's enjoyment of the prestige of his veto
was not long nor unalloyed. On Ma}r 4, the strongly
Republican Committee of Ways and Means made a
report to the House 3 on the Sanborn contracts which
increased the national bank circulation 46 millions and on which Grant laid
some stress in his veto message.
An act approved June 20, 1874 fixed the maximum amount of greenbacks
outstanding at $382,000,000.
1 Richardson, vol. vii. p. 269.
2 The Nation, April 30, 1874, p. 278 ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii.
p. 230.
8 The members of the committee were H. L. Dawes, chairman, W. D.
Kelley, H. C. Burchard, E. H. Roberts, J. A. Kasson, H. Waldron, L. A.
Sheldon, C. Foster, Republicans ; J. B. Beck, W. E. Niblack, F. Wood,
Democrats. The House according to the Tribune Almanac was composed of
195 Republicans, 88 Democrats, 4 Liberal Republicans.
Ch. XL.] SANBOEN CONTRACTS 65
was written by Charles Foster, a Republican, and which
furnished the public additional evidence of the looseness
of administration in the Treasury Department. The
system of collecting certain delinquent revenue, both
customs and internal, by moieties paid to informers had
met with disfavour and Congress, sitting in 1872, had
repealed the provision of the law which authorized these
moieties in the internal revenue service;1 but earlier,
during the same session, in a committee of conference, the
Senate conferees secured the incorporation in one of the
appropriation bills of a provision empowering the Sec-
retary of the Treasury " to employ not more than three
persons to assist the proper officers of the government in
discovering and collecting any money belonging to the
United States whenever the same shall be withheld." 2
By virtue of this provision, Richardson as Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury under Boutwell and later as
Secretary himself made contracts with John D. Sanborn
of Boston, a henchman of Butler's, for the collection of
taxes which were said to have been evaded by distillers,
railroad companies and others. Such a statute and any
contracts under it amounted to utter repudiation of
correct administrative practice; and even its require-
ments were not carried out by Richardson. Indeed the
contracts seem to have been made and executed, not in
the interest of the government but in order that Sanborn
might secure a goodly sum of money from the 50 per
cent, fee accorded him. Four hundred and twenty-seven
thousand dollars were collected before the business was
stopped and Sanborn received his moiety of $213,500
but of this, so he testified, $156,000 were spent in hiring
men to look up the cases and in other ways. Butler
seemed in some mysterious way to have a hand in the
whole affair and it was suspected that these $156,000
1 Act of June 6.
2 Act of May 8, 1872; Globe, pp. 1325, 2278, 2716, 2893-2895, 3021, 3053-
3055.
VII. — 5
66 RICHARDSON RESIGNS [1874
were employed to give occupation to men who were use-
ful in maintaining his Machine in Massachusetts. A col-
lateral fact, by some invested with significance, is that
in the contest between Dawes and Boutwell for filling
Wilson's place in the Senate this Machine was operated
in favour of Boutwell who was finally successful. The
Committee of Ways and Means cast no imputation on
the integrity of either Boutwell or Richardson but they
declared that Richardson and two of his subordinates
deserved "severe condemnation" for the manner in
which they had permitted the act of May 8, 1872 to be
administered. The House would undoubtedly have been
asked to pass a vote of censure on Richardson had he
not resigned his place.1 His resignation was one good
result of the report of the committee, for he was, in the
words of Edward Atkinson, a " hopelessly incapable "
Secretary of the Treasury.2 Another benefit was the
abolition of the contract system by the so-called anti-
moiety law which received the approval of the President
on June 22.3
In 1872, the preposterous nomination of Greeley pre-
vented a direct vote on the question of confidence or
lack of confidence in Grant's administration when other-
wise that would have been the issue ; but it was patent
that, unless the second administration should be an im-
provement on the first, this question was sure to come
sooner or later to the front. The fall elections of 1873
were from this point of view unimportant ; nevertheless
1 The Assistant Secretary and Solicitor of the Treasury also went out.
2 The Nation, Mar. 26, p. 197.
8 My authorities are H. E. D., 43d Cong. 1st Sess., No. 132 ; Auto-
biography, George F. Hoar, vol. i. chap, xxiii. ; The Nation ; Life of
Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. There were two acts, both approved June 22,
1874. One repealed the Contract Act of May 8, 1872 (ch. 393) and the
other was "an act to amend the customs revenue laws and to repeal moie-
ties" (ch. 391). Moieties in customs had existed to that time; this act
repealed all moieties under customs revenue laws to informers. The moiety
provision goes back to 1799 at least. Act of March 2, 1799, § 91.
Ch. XL.] FALL ELECTIONS 67
they were a portent of the future. Ohio elected a
Democratic governor and a legislature which returned
Thurman to the Senate. Farther west the Grangers,
who for a number of years had been organized in a
secret order, played a part in the political contests.
Their principal aim was to secure "reasonable rates" on
the railroads for their farm products and they protested
against being made to pay a high rate for the carriage
of grain, beef and pork in order to maintain dividends on
watered stock, although they admitted that the railroads
should earn a fair interest on the cost of their construc-
tion and equipment. In co-operation with the Democrats
they elected a governor and legislature of Wisconsin, re-
duced the Republican majorities in Iowa and Minnesota
and displayed some strength in Illinois and Kansas.1
In the fall elections of 1874 the issue was clearly
denned : Did the Republican President and Congress
deserve the confidence of the country ? and the answer
was unmistakably No, although the early contests in
Vermont and Maine gave little indication of it. Even
Blaine, an acute judge of popular sentiment, failed in
his forecast and, as he travelled through the West, gave
his hearers to understand that the next House was cer-
tain to be Republican and himself its Speaker. Those
who may have been inclined to doubts were encouraged
by the revival of the song of 1840 " Oh ! have you heard
the news from Maine ? " and the Republicans of Ohio
and Indiana went to the polls on their October election
day with a certain confidence of success. Bat the Demo-
crats carried both these States and made notable gains
in members of Congress. In November, they elected Sam-
uel J. Tilden governor of New York by 50,000 major-
ity and William Gaston governor of Massachusetts by
7000 and also carried Pennsylvania.
1 The Nation, July-Dec. 1873, pp. 36, 330 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclo-
paedia, 1873, p. 622.
68 POLITICAL REVOLUTION [1874
The Democrats had won a signal victory, obtaining
control of the next House of Representatives which
would stand Democrats 168, Liberals and Independents
14, Republicans 108 as against the two-thirds Republican
majority secured by the election of 1872. Since 1861
the Republicans had controlled the House and now
with its loss came a decrease in their majority in the
Senate. It was joyful news that Butler had been
defeated in one congressional district in Massachusetts
while Professor Julius H. Seelye of Amherst was chosen
as an Independent in another. Henry B. Payne, a hard-
money Democrat, was elected in the Ohio district con-
taining Cleveland, hitherto always Republican ; and
Abram S. Hewitt was sent to the House from New
York City. On the other hand it was a misfortune
that because of the Democratic majority in Missouri,
Schurz, almost an ideal senator, should lose his seat ;
also that William Walter Phelps should not have been
returned to the House from New Jersey. About six
hundred negroes incensed at Phelps's vote against the Civil
Rights bill had supported the Democratic candidate
who was chosen by a majority of seven. Despite the
overturn in Ohio Charles Foster retained his seat by a
majority of 159.1
The political revolution from 1872 to 1874 was due to
the failure of the Southern policy of the Republican
party, to the Credit Mobilier and Sanborn contract
scandals, to corrupt and inefficient administration in
many departments and to the persistent advocacy of
Grant by some close friends and hangers-on for a third
presidential term. Some among the opposition were
influenced by the President's backsliding in the cause
of civil service reform, and others by the failure of
the Republican party to grapple successfully with the
1 The Tribune Almanac ; The Nation ; Life of Bowles, Merriam ; Life of
Blaine, Stanwood ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874.
Ch. XL.] DEMOCRATIC SUCCESS 69
financial question. The depression, following the finan-
cial panic of 1873, and the number of men consequently
out of employment weighed in the scale against the
party in power. In Ohio, the result was affected by
the temperance crusade in the early part of the year.
Bands of women of good social standing marched to
saloons before which or in which they sang hymns
and, kneeling down, prayed that the great evil of
drink might be removed. Sympathizing men wrought
with them in causing the strict law of the State
against the sale of strong liquor to be rigidly enforced.
Since Republicans were in the main the instigators
of the movement, it alienated from their party a
large portion of the German vote.
But the elections did not on the other hand mean that
the country placed implicit faith in the Democratic party.
Many shrank from the contemplation of a rule in which
the South might have a preponderating influence. In-
deed the sentiment of Republicans, who voted the
Democratic ticket or staid away from the polls, in order
to punish their party might have been expressed in the
words of the old Scotch minister's prayer concerning
Charles I, " Laird shak him ower the mouth o' hell but
dinna cast him in." x
One result of the election was the passage of an act
for the resumption of specie payments. It was evident
that whatever was contemplated in that direction must
be accomplished before March 4, 1875 when the Re-
publican House would cease to exist ; for it was certain
that no financial measure could be agreed upon by a
Republican Senate and Democratic House. The Re-
publicans were sounder on the financial question than
the Democrats and it was clear that the policy decided
on must be one of party and the party spirit must be
invoked to carry the bill embodying it through Congress.
1 The Nation, Oct. 22, p. 262.
70 KESUMPTION ACT [1874
John Sherman fully appreciated this necessity and felt
that the business interests of the country demanded a
return to specie payments as speedily as possible.
When Congress came together in December he set
himself assiduously to work ; his knowledge of finance
and his position as chairman of the Committee on Finance
in the Senate constituted him on this question the
leader of his party.
He urged the matter at the first caucus and moved
that a committee of eleven senators be selected to formu-
late a bill. This motion prevailed ; he was appointed
chairman of the committee and Allison, Boutwell,
Conkling, Edmunds, Ferry of Michigan, Freylinghuysen,
Howe, Logan, Morton and Sargent his associates.
Working diligently and in a spirit of mutual concession
they soon agreed on a bill, the first section of which pro-
vided for the coinage of 10-cent, 25-cent and 50-cent silver
pieces to take the place of the paper fractional currency
and met with general approval. The third section, the
important one and the one over which the caucus com-
mittee wrangled, provided for free banking but at the
same time for the withdrawal of greenbacks as fast as
national bank-notes were issued in the proportion of
$80 to 8100 until the greenbacks were reduced to 300
millions ; 1 it further provided that on January 1, 1879
the government should begin the redemption of green-
backs in coin ; and to enable the Secretary of the Treas-
ury thus to resume specie payments, he was authorized
1 Sherman thus explained this in the Senate, "This section, therefore,
by making banking free, provides for an enlargement of the currency in case
the business of the community demands it, and in case any bank in the
United States may think it advisable or profitable to issue circulating medium
in the form of bank-notes under the conditions and limitations of the banking
law. Coupled with that is a provision, an undertaking, on the part of the
United States that as banks are organized or as circulating notes are issued,
either by old or new banks, the Government of the United States undertakes
to retire 80 per cent, of that amount of United States notes." Cong.
Record, Dec. 22, 1874, p. 195.
Ch. XL.] RESUMPTION ACT 71
to use the surplus revenue and to sell bonds for the
purpose of accumulating gold.1
On December 21 Sherman reported the bill to the
Senate, next day it was taken up, discussed, and passed
by 32 to 14, almost a strict party vote.2 The debate
was interesting and Sherman, on introducing it, gave a
clear exposition of the measure.3 It met with opposi-
tion from Thurman, Bayard 4 and Schurz, who ques-
tioned Sherman closely as to whether the greenbacks
which were retired under the act might be reissued.
Sherman tried to evade this question entirely but owing
to the persistence of Schurz was forced to an answer.
" Undoubtedly," he said, " until the reduction of the
United States notes to 8300,000,000 they cannot be
reissued. The process must go on pari passu until the
amount of legal-tender notes is reduced to $300,000,000.
Before that time will probably arrive in the course of
human affairs, at least one or two Congresses will have
met and disappeared, and we may leave to the future
these questions that tend to divide and distract us, rather
than undertake to thrust them into this bill and thus
divide us and prevent us from doing something in the
direction at which we aim." 5
Sherman admitted that the bill was not one which he
himself would have framed could he have had his own
way undisputed; and indeed this question urged by
Thurman, Bayard and Schurz almost proved a stum-
bling-block in the caucus committee. The inflationists
would not have the measure if it provided that these
1 In Dec. 1874, the amount of greenbacks outstanding was $382,000,000,
fractional notes $46,000,000, national bank-notes $347,000,000, total $775,-
000,000.
2 The yeas were all Republican except Schurz, an. Independent. The nays
were all Democrats except Sprague, a Republican, and Hamilton and Tipton,
Independents.
8 Cong. Becord, p. 194.
4 Bayard was an uncompromising hard-money man.
6 Cong. Becord, p. 196.
72 RESUMPTION ACT [1875
retired greenbacks should be destroyed, the contraction-
ists would not have it if it provided that they might be
reissued. Therefore it was determined to leave it an
open question. Edmunds believed that under the bill
they could not be reissued while Morton thought the
contrary ; both supported the bill. In the actual work-
ing of the law, this much-disputed section proved of
small importance. The closing clause of the bill, which
was left to Sherman and Edmunds to draw, turned out
the efficient agent. " To prepare for and maintain re-
demption," Sherman said, " the Secretary of the Treas-
ury may issue either a 4, or a 41 or a 5 per cent, bond,
the lowest that he can sell at par in coin, " to an amount
sufficient to execute the law. " We place in his hands
the surplus revenue of the Government. More than
that, we here by law declare our purpose, the purpose
of a Government and a people that have never violated
their obligations when distinctly made, that at this time
and date we will do these things which amount to a
resumption of specie payments." 1
The " paper money trinity " Morton, Ferry and Logan
voted for the bill ; Thurman against it ; Schurz, though
deeming it inadequate, gave it his vote. The passage
of the bill by the Senate was decisive. The House
passed it by 136 to 98 2 [January 7, 1875] and the Presi-
dent gave it his approval [January 14].
Though Sherman did not wholly like the bill, his
tactful management of it in the caucus committee and
the fact that he had charge of it in the Senate, caused
it to become known as his measure. In not insisting
to the point of disagreement on his own particular views
provided he got a bill which bade fair to accomplish
1 Cong. Becord, p. 196. The words not in quotation are from a letter of
Sherman dated Jan. 10, 1875. Recollections, vol. i. p. 519.
2 All the yeas were Republicans. About a score of Republicans voted
nay ; among them were Dawes, E. R. Hoar, G. F. Hoar, H. L. Pierce, Haw-
ley, hard-money men.
Ch. XL.] EESUMPTION ACT 73
the result, he showed eminently wise political leadership.
He foresaw that the fixing of a date for resumption,
and the authority to sell bonds to procure gold, aided
by the revival of business — a necessary factor in suc-
cess and one on which he confidently counted — would
under skilful management bring us to specie payments.1
As Secretary of the Treasury under President Hayes he
carried out this compromise measure, effecting resump-
tion on January 1, 1879, justifying the action of his
party and winning for himself a place in the front rank
of our finance ministers.2
1 Thurman in the debate stated well the philosophy of a financial panic,
the consequent stagnation in business and the eventual revival, Cong. Record,
p. 197.
2 Besides the Cong. Becord my authorities are John Sherman's Kecollec-
tions, vol. i. ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. ; Life of Morton, Foulke,
vol. ii. ; Financial History, Dewey ; McPherson's Handbook, 1876.
The Revenue Act of March 3, 1875, increased the tax on tobacco and spirits,
added "25 per cent, to the duty upon molasses and sugar of all kinds " and
repealed " the 10 per cent, reduction of duty upon manufactured goods made
by the act of 1872." Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, vol. ii.
p. 188. No other Tariff Act was passed until 1883.
CHAPTER XLI
Let us now return to the subject of Reconstruction.
I have already told the story of the escape of four
States [Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia]
from usurpatory rule and the re-establishment of the
control of intelligence and property. Mention of mis-
government at the South has from the nature of the
case been frequent and some references have been made
to particular communities ; but, to complete the history
of Reconstruction, it is now necessary for me to give
some account of the redemption of the other seven late
Confederate States.
At the November election of 1872 the Democrats of
Texas elected a majority of the legislature and all their
candidates for Congress ; but the Republican governor,
having a four years' term of office, held over. Next year
they chose Richard Coke governor, but the Republican
incumbent and opposing candidate refused, for a while,
on a technically legal point to surrender his office. He
could not however maintain his authority without the
aid of United States troops ; these President Grant
declined to furnish and Coke was peaceably installed.
Entire home rule was re-established. Texas voted for
Greeley in 1872 and ever afterwards for the Democratic
candidates for the presidency.1
The first governor and legislature of Alabama under
1 History of Texas, Garrison, p. 296 ; Why the Solid South, Herbert,
Stewart's article, p. 378 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1872, 1873 ; Tribune
Almanac ; McPherson's Handbook.
74
Ch. XLL] NEGRO RULE IN ALABAMA 75
Congressional reconstruction were Republican ; twenty-
seven negroes sat in the legislature.1 On the recom-
mendation of the governor, W. H. Smith, the legislature
speedily passed acts removing all disabilities from those
disfranchised from voting by the State constitution of
1867 ; 2 every white man thereafter could vote and it is
gratifying to record that these laws were favoured by
the negro members.8 But this good feeling was not
accompanied by decorum and honesty. The Rev.
Mr. Leigh, an English clergyman, who paid a visit to
the Montgomery State House in the early part of 1870,
was struck with the uncouth postures and nauseous
habits exhibited by the negroes in the legislative
chamber. He listened to a debate, which would have
been ludicrous had it not been sad, on the proposition
for an increased grant to the Alabama and Chattanooga
Railroad, and he got the idea that all the negro members
had been bribed to vote for the bill.4 Negroes in
judicial and administrative offices would have been in
any event a source of irritation to the white people
and this irritation was increased by the illiteracy
of the coloured officeholders. Herbert mentions two
county commissioners, three constables and one justice
of the peace who signed with their cross-marks necessary
official papers. In Alabama a justice of the peace has
important judicial authority and this office was held by
a number of negroes who had little education or intelli-
gence. Roderick Thomas, a former slave who had
picked up a little knowledge since he became free, was
first the clerk and afterwards the judge of the criminal
court of the city of Selma which had " jurisdiction
extending even to capital cases." 5 The corruption in
1 Herbert, Solid South, p. 50. Appleton and Brown say 26 ; New York
Tribune about 30 ; Fleming 27, one in Senate, 26 in House, p. 738.
2 Acts of Aug. 11, Oct. 8, 1868. 8 Herbert, p. 50.
4 Ten Years on a Georgia Plantation, Leigh, p. 288.
6 Herbert, p. 53 et seq.
76 CORRUPTION IN ALABAMA [1870
the legislature came largely, through the system of aid
in the construction of new railroads ; the State liberally
endorsed the railroad bonds and in some cases loaned
these companies State securities. The railroad managers
were willing to buy over the legislature and many mem-
bers were eager to accept bribes. Waste and extrava-
gance accompanied the widespread corruption. The
worst swindle was the Alabama and Chattanooga Rail-
road, a project of Northern men. This line was to be
295 miles long running from Chattanooga to Meridian,
Mississippi ; at Chattanooga direct connection was had
with a railroad to Cincinnati, and at Meridian with one to
New Orleans. Properly financed and constructed it might
have become a valuable property and its superintendent
seems to have been an energetic man but it has left
behind it a trail of corruption. The railroad obviously
had an insufficient financial basis and the plan was " to
build it on the bonds" as ran the parlance of the day.
But a corruption fund increases largely the general
expenses and the $16,000 a mile which the State granted
was insufficient, so that recourse was had to an over-issue
of bonds. When this railroad was completed, it should
have received from time to time the State endorsement
on $4,720,000 ; as a matter of fact before it was finished
$5,300,000 of its bonds had been endorsed ; and more-
over $2,000,000 of 8 per cent. State bonds had in addi-
tion been secured through legislative act as a loan.1
This is indeed a dark, episode of Republican-negro rule
in Alabama but there are mitigating circumstances.
The Republican governor Smith was responsible for the
over-issue of the bonds and though a very careless man
he was not corrupt.2 In 1870 a Democratic governor
1 Herbert, Why the Solid South ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia, 1869-
1872 ; Acts of Sept. 22, Oct. 6, 1868, Feb. 11, 1870 ; Commercial and Finan-
cial Chronicle, vol. xx. p. 453, xxi. 322, xxii. 135, 157, xxiii. 55, 225, xxiv.
369, 420, xxv. 186 ; Poor's Manual, 1880.
2 Why the Solid South, p. 53.
Ch. XLL] RAILROAD-AID MANIA 77
and House were elected, but the Republican Senate held
over. The change brought little betterment, except that
corruption and extravagance were on a smaller scale, and
this indeed was largely due to the impairment of the
State's credit. The Democratic governor, so Herbert
writes, carelessly endorsed bonds which constituted an
over-issue. t His operation lacked the magnitude of that
of his Republican predecessor; but, as is frankly admitted
by Herbert, his administration was not a success.1 It
must likewise be taken into account that the Republican
governments of the South in giving aid to railroads
were affected by a disease of the time. Before the
Civil War Massachusetts had given her aid to the con-
struction of the Hoosac Tunnel which resulted in her
being obliged to shoulder and complete the enterprise
[1862-1863-1875] ; and at about the same time [1867-
1869] that Alabama was embarking on her policy of
State grants she loaned $5,000,000 to the Boston, Hart-
ford and Erie Railroad.2 The Western States it is true
had for the most part been cured of State subscriptions
for railroad stock and the issuing or endorsement of
bonds by the State to assist the railroads in their devel-
opment of the country ; but at this period Western
cities, townships and counties were recklessly employ-
ing their credit to further the railroad projects of ener-
getic and unscrupulous men. The South, more con-
servative than the West, was slower to become infected
1 Why the Solid South, p. 56. Tor the political classification see Fleming,
pp. 751, 752. Fleming asserts that the endorsement of the over-issue of bonds
was by Governor Smith but was not discovered until 1871 " when Lindsay
[the Democratic governor elected in 1870] was accused of issuing the bonds.
This he flatly denied, and he was correct," p. 601. Fleming admits that
Lindsay was a "weak executive."
2 In 1836 New York gave its credit to the Erie Railway for three millions.
In 1845 the State released its mortgage on condition of the completion of the
road. (Poor, 1890, p. 120.) Emory R. Johnson, American Railway Trans-
portation, p. 310, says that 19 States first and last gave aid to railroads.
Massachusetts was the only one in New England. I do not think New
York did anything of the sort after 1865.
78 CORRUPTION AND EXTRAVAGANCE [1874
with the State-aid mania and developed the systems of
State, county and city grants simultaneously. In both
sections it was a business attended with corruption ;
in the South the corruption was greater and more un-
blushing than at the West.
In 1872 the Republicans of Alabama elected their
governor who, though encountering some opposition and
requiring to call to his aid a squad of United States
cavalry, secured a legislature dominated by his own
party. Affairs then went from bad to worse and the
financial condition of the State was aggravated by the
panic of 1873. Taxes were high and the State was
bankrupt. The debt during the six years of rule under
Congressional reconstruction [1868-1874] had grown
from $6,848,400 to 125,503,000 including straight and
endorsed railroad bonds ; in addition there was a float-
ing indebtedness estimated at $2,500,000 and overdue
interest estimated at $4,696,000, making a total of
$32,699,000. The assessed valuation of property in
1874 was $159,000,000 ; thus the debt was over twenty
per cent.1 To men of intelligence and property the
condition was intolerable and in 1874 they set to work
with a determination to redeem their State.
Alongside of the Ku-Klux-Klan there developed the
movement described by General Gordon2 which, according
to William G. Brown, is at this day regarded at the
South as comparable to the German rising for liberty
under the leadership of Baron von Stein.3 It may be
1 Herbert, Why the Solid South, p. 66 ; Fleming, p. 580 ; Auditor's report
and Alabama newspaper cited by Commercial and Financial Chronicle, vol.
xx. pp. 581-583. In the Report of Committee on affairs in Alabama sub-
mitted Feb. 23, 1875 the debt including a floating debt of $3,000,000 is given
at $25,895,000 (p. 1304) but this is in a statement attempting to show that
the Republican administrations had been more economical than the Demo-
cratic. Scott, Repudiation of State Debts, p. 63 gives the debt as $25,464,000,
without floating debt or overdue interest. I have given in the text what I
consider the most correct estimate without vouching for its accuracy.
2 Ante. 8 Atlantic Monthly, May 1901, p. 639.
Ch. XLL] MOVEMENT FOR LIBERATION 79
called the movement for liberation. It pervaded the
canvass in Alabama in 1874. Conditions were favourable
to success. The operation of negro suffrage had consoli-
dated nearly all decent white men into the Democratic
or conservative party ; and the passage by the United
States Senate of a Civil Rights bill, which was substan-
tially Sumner's * measure, had intensified the race issue.
The Republican or Radical party was composed of about
nine-tenths negroes and one-tenth whites. Of these
the negroes as a body were ignorant and their moral
standard was low ; the whites were " chiefly profes-
sional politicians and their hangers-on, who live by
office, and a few worthy people who have been induced
heretofore to act with the Republican party." 2 The
Democrats felt sure that the white people of both par-
ties were in a majority over the blacks ; a subsequent
estimate putting this at 10,000 was not far out of the
way.3 At the North the reaction against the Republican
party was in the air and Virginia, North Carolina and
Georgia were shining examples to the people of Alabama.
In all signs of the times one read the doom of Radical
negro-rule, but the Republicans made a desperate attempt
to save themselves from defeat. This could be effected
only by the intervention of Federal troops, which inter-
vention could be secured only by convincing the north-
ern public and the President that a " reign of terror "
existed in the South. An attempt to prove this was
made by Charles Hays, a Republican representative from
Alabama, in a letter dated September 7, 1874 to Joseph
R. Hawley 4 who vouched for him as " a gentleman of
1 This was passed after Sumner's death. Post.
2 Address of the Democratic State Executive Committee, Oct. 1, 1874,
Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, p. 13.
3 Herbert, p. 63. D. M. Matteson has carefully examined the figures of
the Censuses of 1870 and 1880 and states that Herbert's guess is a safe one.
See also statement of a Montgomery correspondent of New York Tribune,
Oct. 7, 1874.
4 General Hawley was then a Republican representative from Connecticut.
80 CAMPAIGN LIES [1874
unimpeachable honor." Hays wrote, " To-day riots, mur-
ders, assassinations and torturings for the purpose of
terrorizing the true friends of the Government are more
common than they have been at any hour since Lee
surrendered to Grant." But aware that generalities
would no longer sway popular sentiment at the North,
he furnished a bill of particulars of events said to have
occurred during July and August. Captain W. P. Bil-
lings was shot on the public road because he was a
" Yankee " and a Republican ; Thomas L. Ivey, an in-
offensive, intelligent, hard-working negro, a United States
route agent on the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad,
was shot by four unknown men because he was a " nigger
and meddlesome in politics"; a Ku-Klux notice with the
picture of a coffin was posted up on a sign-board on the
cross-roads near Livingston which admonished " all nig-
gers white and black to take warning from the fate of
Billings and Ivey " ; in Sumter County five negroes
were killed for cause unknown ; in Russell County a
protracted religious meeting of negroes was broken up
and many of the coloured people of both sexes were
seized on their way home and cruelly beaten and whipped;
in Coffee County, during a Sunday-school meeting of
coloured men, women and children, a body of white men
rode up and opened fire without saying a word, killing
two and wounding six ; in Choctaw County a number of
whites in ambush fired on a party of negroes returning
from church, killing ten and wounding thirteen ; in Marengo
County W. A. Lipscomb, who belonged to a good Southern
family, was found dead on the public road having been
shot because he was an earnest Republican ; and in Pickens
County it was a public boast that no white man voted
the Republican ticket and lived through the year. Other
alleged threats, warnings and murders were set down.1
1 Boston Daily Advertiser, Sept. 16, 1874 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia,
1874, p. 12.
Ch. XLL] CAMPAIGN LIES EXPOSED 81
This letter of Hays was extensively printed throughout
the North, and undoubtedly persuaded many people that
the Southern Democrats had precipitated a " war of
races " ; it attracted so much attention that the New York
Tribune sent a correspondent to Alabama to investigate
the matter. He, Z. L. W.,1 went to the bottom of things
and made this report : The murders of Billings and Ivey
were well authenticated and were political 2 but they
were committed by desperadoes and received the con-
demnation of all respectable people, a condemnation
which was sincere and not a screen for a tacit approval ;
Hays had affirmed that the Ku-Klux notice mentioned in
his letter was handed to him by a Democrat but in fact
he had gone to Washington before it was posted up —
people in Montgomery thought the warning a Republi-
can invention ; of the five negroes murdered in Sumter
County two met their death for stealing corn, the third
in a fracas with other negroes, the fourth accidentally
shot himself, the fifth was a woman who was killed by
her husband ; the reports of the murders in Russell and
Coffee counties were denied by men more worthy of
credence than Hays ; in Choctaw County the blame and
the provocation lay with the blacks, a conflict seemed
imminent but did not occur, two or three shots were
fired but no one was hurt ; Hays had affirmed that Lips-
comb " was shot to death " but Lipscomb was found to
be alive, and denied having been murdered or assaulted
or even unkindly spoken to ; and in Pickens County
1 The Nation Nov. 19, 1874 says that his name is White.
2 The Democratic-Conservative State Executive Committee said, " there is
not one scintilla of evidence to show that either was killed by Democrats or
for party purposes." Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, p. 14. Curiously
enough the Kepublican majority of the select House Committee which inves-
tigated political affairs in Alabama did not make an absolutely positive
charge. Their words are : Billings and Ivey " were both killed doubtless for
their political opinions." The Democratic minority of the Committee deny
that the murder of Billings was political but seem to admit that of Ivey
might have been. Report No. 262 submitted Feb. 23, 1875, pp. vi, lvi.
VII. — 6
82 CAMPAIGN LIES EXPOSED [1874
white Republicans held office, the United States mar-
shal stated that Republican meetings were advertised
and that there were no longer any Ku-Klux in the State.
" It will thus be seen," Z. L. W. summed up, " that
except the assassination of Billings and Ivey . . . every
report included in Mr. Hays's letter that has been in-
vestigated— including more than three-fourths of all
of them — has turned out to be untrue and that in the
majority of cases Mr. Hays knew his statements were
lies when he wrote them." 1
A correspondent of the New York Tiines, H. C, came
to the same conclusion. No one, he wrote, who comes
to Alabama and travels among the people can fail to
discover that the statements of Hays and others are un-
true in every respect. Visiting all the large cities and
travelling extensively in the country he had discovered
no trace of a reign of terror but saw negroes quietly
at their work with white men as quietly superintending
it. There were absolutely no excitement and no fear.
Even Hays was allowed to go about peaceably [this was
written Oct. 19, six weeks after Hays's letter] making
questionable speeches to ignorant and excitable blacks.
There was no armed organization of white men in the
State and no disposition to maltreat negroes. It was
true that white men killed negroes, and negroes white
men, but all the crimes were not committed for political
reasons.2 The Nation considered the evidence presented
by the two correspondents and came to the conclusion
that " Hays's story turns out to be a complete tissue of
lies from beginning to end." 3 The charges of Hays and
other Republicans were indignantly denied by the Demo-
i New York Tribune, Oct. 12, 15, 17, 1874.
2 New York Times, Oct. 24, 26, 29, Nov. 14, 1874.
8 Oct. 15, 1874, p. 243 ; see also Nov. 19, p. 325. The New York Tribune
had not yet returned to the Republican fold ; the Times was a firm adminis-
tration Republican paper ; The Nation was independent with a Republican
leaning.
Ch. XLL] DEMOCRATIC SUCCESS 83
cratic State Executive Committee who supported their
denial by circumstantial proof.1 The respectable people
of Alabama and the leaders of the movement for libera-
tion were desirous that their followers should avoid all
violence, lest it should provoke the President to send
troops into their State and alienate from them the fa-
vourable sentiment growing in Republican ranks at
the North.
The Republican governor did not call for troops but
the President, moved by the tales of Hays and others,
sent (by virtue of the acts of May 31, 1870 and April
20, 1871) 679 soldiers to Alabama in order to insure a
fair election.2 With this support, United States deputy
marshals made arrests of alleged criminals, but the
potent influence of this small force was its moral effect
in emboldening the negroes to vote the Republican
ticket. Nevertheless property and intelligence were
nerved to a supreme effort, and elected their governor by
a majority of 13,000 and won a preponderance of 27 in
the legislature ; 35 coloured Republican members were
returned.3
A select Committee of the national House of Repre-
sentatives investigated this election and the Republican
members of it reported that the Democrats won by
" fraud, violence, proscription, intimidation and murder."
Fraud was a game both parties played at in the South
during Reconstruction days. The charges of violence
and murder, while the canvass was pending, have been
shown to be largely unfounded. But there were riots
on election day at Mobile, Eufaula and other places in
which the negroes got the worse of it, a number of them
being killed ; the Democrats maintained that the negroes
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, p. 14.
2 Report of Adjutant-General ; circular of Attorney-General, H. E. D. , No.
110, 43d Cong. 2d Sess. ; Grant's message Dec. 1874, Richardson, p. 297.
8 Tribune Almanac ; McPherson, Handbook. On the campaign in gen-
eral, see Fleming, pp. 791, 795.
84 HOME RULE RESTORED [1874
were the aggressors. Proscription is a harsh word to
use of threats to discharge negro labourers for not vot-
ing the Democratic ticket and of social and business
ostracism of white Republicans ; both these methods
however were undoubtedly employed and, from the
nature of the case, it may be presumed that there was
also some intimidation. Touching violence, the Repub-
lican members of the Committee, warned probably by
the discomfiture of Hays, confined themselves largely to
generalities ; but the Democrats taking his charges as a
text were willing to deal with specific facts and on that
account, and because of the general merit of their case,
got the better of the argument.1
No attempt was made by Congress to overturn the
result. The Democrats remained in power and in 1875
adopted a new Constitution. Alabama voted for Grant
in 1872 but ever afterwards gave her electoral votes to
the Democratic candidates for the presidency. " Taxes
are low," wrote in 1890 Hilary A. Herbert, an Alabama
man and Secretary of the Navy during Cleveland's
second administration. " Life, liberty and property are
protected by law [of all the people white and black],
and foreign capital is coming in. . . . The colored
population is progressing everywhere in the State . . .
in morality, intelligence and property." 2
In the autumn elections of 1874, as I have previously
stated, the Republicans suffered an overwhelming defeat.
Their majority in the present House of Representatives
of 115, which was over two-thirds, was converted into a
minority of about 65? Their mismanagement of affairs
1 See majority and minority reports of Report No. 262 submitted Eeb. 28,
1875.
2 Why the Solid South, p. 66. William A. Scott wrote that with principal
and overdue interest, "Alabama's repudiation will not be far from
$15,000,000. " Repudiation of State Debts, p. 63. The funded and unfunded
debt Oct. 1, 1888 was $9,489,500. Poor; World Almanac.
8 The 115 includes 4 Liberal Republicans and 1 Independent Republican.
According to the Tribune Almanac there were in Dec. 1875, 168 Democrats,
Ch. XLL] SOUTHERN OUTRAGES CAMPAIGN 85
at the South was one of the causes which led to this
overturn.1 The leaders of the radical Republicans,
Senators Morton and Conkling, during the campaign,
deemed it wise to put the Southern question to the fore,
or, as it was popularly said " to wave the bloody shirt."
At the New York State Republican convention which was
dominated by Conkling the speeches and platform dealt
mainly with Southern outrages. Morton in a speech at
Indianapolis said that negroes were " hunted like squir-
rels " and he read the letter of Charles Hays to support
his statements regarding Alabama. The Chairman of the
Republican State Central Committee of Indiana sent a
circular to the Republican newspaper editors of the State
suggesting that they give great prominence " until after
the election " to the " horrible scenes of violence and
bloodshed transpiring throughout the South." 2 Such
arguments may have intensified the zeal of some Radicals
but they were ineffectual with a mass of people who
had determined to punish the Republican party by stay-
ing at home or by voting the Democratic ticket.
During his second term, until the autumn of 1874,
Grant had, for the most part, shown moderation in his
policy towards the South but in September through his
Attorney-General he directed Federal interference in the
elections and troops were stationed at convenient points
to assist the United States marshals and attorneys.3
This action, which was defended by him as his " care
that the laws be faithfully executed," was looked upon
108 Republicans, 14 Liberal Republicans, but by Jan. 1877, 8 Liberals
had become Democrats and 3 Republicans. There was also an increase of
Democrats through by-elections so that at the beginning of the second ses-
sion [Dec. 1876] the Democrats had 181, the Republicans 107, Liberal Republi-
cans 3. See also National Conventions and Platforms, McKee.
1 The Nation, Oct. 22, Nov. 12, pp. 262, 312 ; Life of Bowles, Merriam,
vol. ii. p. 232.
2 The Nation, Oct. 15, p. 247 ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. p. 350.
3 Circular of the Attorney-General, Sept. 3, 1874, President's message,
Dec. 7.
86 ARKANSAS [1874
by the Democrats and by some moderate Republicans
as management for himself and his party. It was
bruited about that he desired a third term and was not
averse to using his official position to secure the nomi-
nation and election. The Democrats maintained that
80,000 office-holders were plotting for this end.1 For a
while it had been thought that the severe Republican
defeat had put a quietus to the third-term project ; the
President's annual message was moderate and did not
foreshadow the extreme course to which he afterwards
committed himself. On December 7, 1874 he spoke of
trouble in Arkansas but stated that, as Congress was in-
vestigating it, he had declined to interfere. Exactly two
months later the House Committee made their report :
Luke P. Poland, the chairman, one other Republican
and two Democrats of a committee of five thought that
conditions on the whole were at the present time satis-
factory in Arkansas and that there was no cause for
recommending the interference of the general govern-
ment. The next day showed that either Grant's ambi-
tion agreed with the aim of the Radicals or that the
Arkansas carpet-baggers and the rule-or-ruin partisans
had got hold of him and were leading him athwart the
counsels of the best men of his cabinet.
It should be related that in the spring of 1874, as a
sequel to a disputed election of 1872, Brooks and Bax-
ter,— the heads of two Republican factions, — were in
armed dispute as to who was the rightful governor of
Arkansas. On May 15, the President recognized Baxter
as the lawful Executive, and this action restored peace
and order.
The carpet-baggers had had control of the State for
six years and their administration had been extravagant
and corrupt, but Baxter was now friendly to the rehabili-
tation of the government of intelligence and property.
1 The Nation, Oct. 29, 1874, p. 225.
Ch. XLL] GRANT INTERFERES 87
With his approval the legislature passed a bill calling a
constitutional convention, and the people by a large
majority endorsed this action. The convention assem-
bled in July and adopted a new Constitution 1 which
was ratified in October [1874] by the popular vote. At
the same election the Democrats chose the governor, A.
H. Garland, a legislature and the four Congressmen. On
November 10 the new legislature assembled and shortly
afterwards Governor Garland was installed in his office.2
Now on February 8, 1875 the President sent a special
message to Congress, expressing the opinion that Brooks
had been lawfully elected in 1872, that he had been
illegally deprived of his office, that the adoption of the
new State constitution and establishment of the new
State government was revolutionary and had been
accomplished by violence and intimidation ; indirectly
he made the suggestion that these proceedings be annulled
and that Brooks be restored to the office which was
rightfully his until January 1877.8 There was ground
for the remark of the Springfield Republican, " The Eng-
lish of this message is : Authorize me to make war
upon the government and people of Arkansas, in the
interest of my third term." 4 The President took direct
issue with Poland's committee and exerted his influence
against the resolution which they had reported, that " in
the judgment of this House no interference with the
existing government in Arkansas by any department of
the Government of the United States is advisable."
But Poland, who was a good lawyer and had been Chief
1 The existing constitution was that of 1868.
2 Poland report, H. rep., 43d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 127 ; the Testimony, ibid.,
No. 2 ; Opinions Attorney-General, xiv. 391-400, May 15, 1874 ; Grant's
three messages and papers of April, May 1874, Feb. 1875, H. E. D., 43d Cong.
1st Sess., No. 229 ; S. E. D., ibid., No. 51 ; S. E. D., 43d Cong. 2d Sess., No.
25 ; Brooks's Memorial, S. Mis. Doc, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 65. The four
Congressmen took their seats unchallenged.
8 Richardson, vol. vii. p. 319.
* Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 238.
88 POLAND DEFEATS GRANT'S PROJECT [1875
Justice of the Supreme Court of his State [Vermont],
was equal to the contest and supported his resolution in
an able and convincing speech. He said that the change
from one constitution to another was not a revolution
or usurpation, but as peaceful a movement as ever took
place in Vermont or New York. He intimated that the
contention was between honest government and a State
administration under which " these same men wanted to
carry on the swindling practices they had carried on for
years " when there had been trouble and turbulence.
But now, under the Garland government, everything
was as peaceable and quiet as in the State of Massachu-
setts. Poland carried with him enough of his brother
Republicans to adopt his resolution and defeat the project
of President Grant. In a House in which the Republi-
cans had a two-thirds majority the ayes were 150 and
the noes 81. With Poland voted Dawes, Garfield, Eugene
Hale, J. R. Hawley, E. Rockwood Hoar, George F. Hoar,
Kasson, Phelps and Pierce, truly a good company.1
Governor Garland appointed a day of thanksgiving
for this deliverance and in his proclamation displayed
gratitude for the support of " the true conservative re-
publican sentiment in the North " and urged the people
of Arkansas to prove themselves worthy of the confi-
dence reposed in them by their political opponents.2
1 Cong. Eecorcl, March 2, 1875, pp. 2107-2118.
Lucius Q. C. Lamar, then a member of the House, in an interview at At-
lanta in 1875, spoke of Poland as " the man who saved Arkansas. He abso-
lutely put behind him a lifelong ambition when he made his protest against
Grant's interference. He had for all his life cherished the hope that he
might get a certain judgeship. Just before he made his report on Arkansas
affairs he became aware that his ambition was about to be realized. He
knew that if he made that anti-administration report it would crush his hopes
forever. ... I shall never forget how the gray-haired old hero rose and
spoke that which unspoken would have realized the proudest dream of his
life." Life of Lamar, Mayes, p. 227.
2 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 36. Arkansas has never re-
verted to Republican rule. Grant had carried the State in 1872 but the
Democratic candidates for President have won at each succeeding election.
Ch.- XLL] FORCE BILL 89
Grant and his radical followers succeeded in getting
through the House a stringent Force bill, which, as was
truly said, converted the President into « a sort of
tawdry Caesar." 1 It gave him power to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in Louisiana, Arkan-
sas, Mississippi and Alabama for " two years and from
thence until the end of the next session of Congress
thereafter." 2 In party caucus, Blaine, the Speaker, Po-
land, Garfield and Hawley spoke against it3 but their
arguments were unavailing and it was therefore reported
to the House. Henry L. Pierce, a Republican repre-
sentative from Massachusetts, said in what Butler called
his "maiden speech," that it was well known that the
motive for the introduction of the bill was mainly to
achieve party success. " We are told by high authority,"
he continued, " that one hundred and thirty-eight elec-
toral votes of the reconstructed States rightfully belong
to the Republican party ; and that if the bill now pend-
ing in the House becomes a law it will secure these votes
to that party, and otherwise they will be lost." 4 But
the personal influence of the President and the party
strength wielded by Butler overcame the opposition :
the House passed the bill by 135 : 114.5 Thirty-two
Republicans however voted no,6 and among them were
1 The Nation, Feb. 18, 1875, p. 108.
2 This bill is printed in the Cong. Becord for Feb. 24, 1875, p. 1748.
For amendments see p. 1929.
3 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 238 ; The Nation, Feb. 18, 1875, p. 105.
* Cong. Becord, Feb. 27, 1875, pp. 1885, 1905. The National Bepub-
lican the administration organ in Washington ended an editorial in large
capitals thus : " The passage of this bill is required to preserve to the Re-
publican party the electoral vote of the Southern States. Remember that if
the Democrats carry all the Southern States, as they will if the white league
usurpation in some of them is not suppressed, it will require only fifty elec-
toral votes from the Northern States to elect a Democratic President." Life
of Lamar, Mayes, p. 213 ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, p. 239.
5 Feb. 27, Becord, p. 1935.
6 McPherson. Twenty-seven Republicans did not vote ; of these 8 were
on record as favouring the bill.
90 CIVIL RIGHTS ACT [1875
the same ten, whom I have named, as giving their voices
against the oppression of Arkansas.1 A large number of
the ayes came from men who had failed of re-election
and who looked to the President for their political future
and perhaps for their means of livelihood. Grant, always
faithful to his friends, rewarded many of them with
honourable or lucrative offices.2
The Force bill passed the House February 27 ; it was
read in the Senate a second time by its title but got no
further. There was absolutely no chance of its coming
to a vote, as the session expired by law March 4.
At this session Congress completed its positive legis-
lation on Reconstruction by the passage of the Civil
Rights Act. A little over two months after the death
of Sumner [March 11, 1874] the Senate passed [May 23],
as a sort of memorial to him, a Civil Rights bill which
was substantially in accordance with his ideas but the
House did not reach a vote on it before adjournment.
Nor did they consider the Senate bill at the next ses-
sion, but in February 1875 took up one of their own
which was reported from the Committee on the Judi-
ciary by Butler its chairman who championed it during
its progress through the House. Although Carpenter
warned the Republican majority of the Senate that the
bill was unconstitutional, they nevertheless passed it and
it was approved March 1 by the President. The intent
of the act was to secure to negroes equal rights in inns,
public conveyances, theatres and other places of public
amusement and to prevent them from being disqualified
for service on juries ; it was weaker than Sumner's
original measure in that it did not apply to schools,
cemeteries and churches.3 In 1883 the United States
1 The Arkansas vote was subsequent to that on the Force bill.
2 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 239 ; The Nation, March 4, April 1,
pp. 141, 213.
8 Besides the Cong. Becord and Statutes at Large, see Pierce's Sumner,
vol. iv. pp. 499, 581 ; The Nation, March 4, 1875, p. 141.
Ch. XLL] MISSISSIPPI 91
Supreme Court declared that the 1st and 2d sections of
the Act were unconstitutional and void [those applying
to inns, etc.] ; they held " that the rights which they
endeavored to guarantee were not strictly civil rights at
all but rather social rights and that in either case the
federal government had nothing to do with them." 1
In accordance with my plan I shall now take up the
story of Mississippi. This State remained under Republi-
can rule, the basis of which was negro suffrage, from 1870
to 1875 inclusive. The first Republican governor, James
L. Alcorn, was inaugurated March 10, 1870 ; he had lived
in Mississippi twenty-six years, had been an old-line Whig,
but in convention had voted for the ordinance of seces-
sion ; he had been a slaveholder and was now a planter,
having saved some of his property from the wreckage of
the war which he deplored. In his inaugural address, he
professed his unaltered sympathy with his fellow-South-
erners and disclaimed any affection for their conquerors ;
nevertheless he accepted reconstruction and negro suffrage
and believed in the right of coloured men to hold office
although recognizing that against the laws which secured
these rights were arrayed for the most part " the wealth,
intelligence and social influence of the State." 2
1 Dunning, Atlantic Monthly, Oct. 1901, p. 443 ; 109 U.S. 3. Justice Bradley
delivered the opinion. He stated that the 4th sect, which related to service
on Juries had been held constitutional by the Supreme court [in 1879,
100 U.S. 339]. But "Civil Rights," he said, "such as are guaranteed by
the Constitution against State aggression cannot be impaired by the wrong-
ful acts of individuals. ... It is clear that the law in question cannot
be sustained by any grant of legislative power made to Congress by the
Fourteenth Amendment. . . . This [the Civil Rights law] is not corrective
legislation ; it is primary and direct." Nor does the refusal of admission
to an inn etc. infringe upon the Thirteenth Amendment ; and " if it is viola-
tive of any right of the party his redress is to be sought under the laws
of the State." " Whether Congress in the exercise of its power to regu-
late commerce amongst the several States might or might not pass a law
regulating rights in public conveyances passing from one State to another is
a question which is not now before us." See also Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv.
p. 582.
2 Garner, pp. 279, 280.
92 MISSISSIPPI [1870
On the inauguration of Alcorn, the troops with the
exception of some small detachments in the larger towns
were withdrawn and civil government held sway. Al-
corn was an honest man, of considerable ability and
of some political experience, and the other administra-
tive officers who had been elected on his ticket, one of
whom was a mulatto, were reputable men. The judges
were appointed by the governor and, so far as he
could find competent men, he named Southern Repub-
licans but owing to the paucity of such material he was
obliged to have recourse to Northerners and even
Democrats. Integrity, and on the whole respectable
ability, might be predicated of the judiciary. The Jus-
tices of the Supreme Court were jurists of high repute :
two were old citizens of the State, one a Democrat, the
other a Republican, and the third an ex-Union soldier
from New York, who had come to Mississippi at the
close of the war.1 While the executive and judicial
branches of the government were not equal in character
to the average at the North yet, had they been backed
by an equally intelligent constituency, good government
was not only possible but certain. But an examination
of the legislature reveals the common blight. Thirty-
six negroes were members, most of whom had been
slaves. A number could neither read nor write and,
when they drew their pay, acknowledged its receipt by
making their mark. From out this massive ignorance
there rose, indeed, the occasional shape of enlighten-
ment: a coloured minister such as Revels the quadroon;
also John R. Lynch layman and mulatto who was a
credit to his race and in 1872 made an impartial and
dignified speaker of the House.2 But the aspirations of
most of the negroes were as low as their life experience
had been narrow.
A few examples will show how the dregs of the con-
i Garner, p. 283. 2 Ibid., p. 295.
Ch. XLL] EXTRAVAGANCE AND CORRUPTION 93
stituencies had risen to the surface. The county of
which Vicksburg was the chief town sent four negroes to
the legislature, that which contained Jackson, the State
capital, three ; four represented Adams, the county re-
nowned for "its ancient aristocracy, its wealth and
culture," 1 the county seat of which, Natchez, impressed
the passing visitor, even after the desolation of war, as
an abode of luxury and refinement.
Negroes, carpet-baggers and scalawags controlled the
legislature and " established the public policy of the
State." 2 Owing to a section in the State constitution
of 1868 which prohibited the loan of the credit of the
State to any corporation or the taking of stock therein,
there were happily no railroad-aid swindles such as had
impoverished North Carolina and Alabama. It was by
excessive taxation, by extravagance, waste and corrup-
tion in the use of the public money and by an unneces-
sary multiplication of lucrative offices that the taxpayers
were robbed. One scheme of the Republicans which
caused much dissatisfaction was however inspired by a
laudable purpose, although not executed with wisdom
nor in the end, with honesty. This was the establish-
ment of a school system on a scale of expenditure
suitable to Ohio or Massachusetts but beyond reason in
a poverty-stricken State like Mississippi. The taxation
for the support of the schools became burdensome 3 and
the Ku-Klux-Klan, who had their period of activity in
Mississippi as well as in the other Southern States,
directed their operations mainly to the intimidation of
school-teachers, who taught coloured children and to the
burning of negro schoolhouses and churches. One of
these teachers (Miss Allen of Illinois), whose school was at
Cotton Gin Port in Monroe County, was visited at the
house where she stopped between one and two o'clock at
night [March 1871] by about fifty men mounted and
1 Gamer, p. 270. 2 Ibid., p. 270. 8 Ibid., passim.
94 KU-KLUX-KLAN [1870
disguised. Each man wore a long white robe and his
face was covered by a loose mask with scarlet stripes.
She was ordered to get up and dress which she did
at once and then admitted to her room the captain
and lieutenant who in addition to the usual disguise had
long horns on their heads and a sort of device in front.
The lieutenant had a pistol in his hand and he and the
captain sat down while eight or ten men stood inside
the door and the porch was full. They treated her
" gentlemanly and quietly " but complained of the
heavy school-tax, said she must stop teaching and go
away and warned her that they never gave a second
notice. She heeded the warning and left the county.1
This is a fair example of the mildest form of Ku-Klux
operations but these and the more violent acts, so
Lieutenant-Governor Powers, a Republican, testified,
were confined to seven counties out of seventy-three.2
The opposition to coloured schools, he said further,
came from those who had formerly been overseers and
the lower class, the most ignorant men in the State.3
When Alcorn was a candidate for governor, he de-
clared [November 10, 1869] that, " Society should no
longer be governed by the pistol and the bowie knife,"
and next year the legislature on his recommendation
passed a stringent law directed against the Ku-Klux-
Klan [July 21, 1870] ; 4 but according to Powers [Novem-
ber 8, 1871] it was impossible to break up the organi-
zation by prosecutions in the State Courts while the
execution of the Ku-Klux Act of Congress [April 20,
1871] was having " a very salutary effect indeed." 5
What has been previously stated with regard generally
to the whole South may be repeated with special
reference to Mississippi ; the Ku-Klux outrages practi-
cally came to an end with the year 1872.6
1 Ku-Klux report, Mississippi, vol. ii. p. 777. 8 Ibid. , p. 590.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 583. * Garner, p. 342.
5 Ku-Klux report, Mississippi, vol. i. p. 591. 6 Garner, p. 344.
Ch. XLL] ALCORN — POWERS — AMES 95
Alcorn was elected to the United States Senate and
resigned the office of governor to the regret of the
intelligent and property-holding people but their appre-
hensions at the change were groundless, for the lieuten-
ant-governor, R. C. Powers, who succeeded him, won
their respect and confidence. Powers was an ex-Union
soldier who owned plantations in a number of counties
of the State ; he was a conservative Republican and an
honest man.
All three of the Republican governors of Mississippi
were men of integrity. Adelbert Ames, the third, was
a native of Maine, and a graduate of West Point ; he
had served through the Civil War ending as brevet-
major-general, and had then been made lieutenant-
colonel in the regular army and provisional governor
of Mississippi [1868]. In 1870 he was elected to the
United States Senate. At Washington, the dissension
which had begun between him and Alcorn at home
broke into a rupture, so that both felt the need of
appealing to the people of their State for approval.
Ames in 1873 obtained the regular Republican nomina-
tion for governor and Alcorn ran on a bolters' ticket,
receiving the support of most of the white Republicans
and also of the Democrats, while Ames secured the
negro vote and was elected by 19,000 majority.
The new governor sincerely endeavoured to carry out
the Reconstruction Acts in the letter and the spirit.
He believed that, since the negroes were in the majority,
theirs was the right to rule ; and he constituted himself
their champion, convinced as he was that the white people
when in power would override them and deprive them
of the right to vote. Nevertheless he overrated their
mental capacity and moral caliber. Like the men who
had enacted Congressional reconstruction, he did not
appreciate the great fact of race, that between none of
the important races of mankind was there a difference
so wide as between the Caucasian and the Negro.
96 NEGROES IN OFFICE [1873
Furthermore he was sadly handicapped by his supporters
and associates. The negroes, exceeding the whites by a
population of 61,000, maintained that as they furnished
most of the votes, they should have a fair share of the
offices and demanded at least three out of the seven on
the State ticket. They were accorded the lieutenant-
governor, the state superintendent of education and the
secretary of state who were elected along with Ames.
The first two were unblushing rascals. It was Ames's
custom to go North during the summer, and then the
lieutenant-governor ran riot in pardons and commuta-
tions of sentence ; apparently it was proved that $800
was paid him in hand to secure the pardon of a man
convicted of murder. The State superintendent of
education was under indictment for larceny at Brooklyn
(N.Y.) and for malfeasance as circuit clerk of Warren
county.1 Under him, corruption followed extravagance
in the administration of the schools.
The Africanization of the State may be measured by
a comparison of the legislatures elected in 1869 and
1873 ; in the earlier there were 36 negroes, in the later
64, this last number being considerably over one-third of
the whole body. In the 1873 legislature, the negroes
were re-enforced by 24 carpet-baggers, and the Republi-
cans had an overwhelming majority. It is remarkable that
the State debt did not grow to large proportions : under
carpet-bag-negro rule it increased only a little over a half
a million. But the tax levy for State purposes alone
was augmented from one mill on the dollar in 1869 to
14 mills in 1874. Nevertheless, to realize the misgovern-
ment and corruption which had their source in the
legislature, one must go outside the State capital.
County offices were multiplied so that places were pro-
vided for nearly all the white Republicans who did not
secure federal appointments. In some counties where
Garner, pp. 293, 366.
Ch. XLL] COKRUPTION 97
Republicans were scarce, a man would hold more than
one office. The sheriff was the most important county
officer : his compensation was in fees and perquisites
which in some places mounted up to an excessive sum.
This office was commonly held by a Northern white or a
negro. But few negroes were competent to perform the
duties ; for instance, it was said that the coloured man,
who for four years was sheriff of De Soto County could
neither read nor write. The negro incumbent generally
farmed out his office to a white deputy for a share of
the revenue. The assessors also made large amounts of
money. The boards of supervisors and justices of the
peace were important local officials : these offices were
often filled by negroes and incompetence and dishonesty
reigned. Such were the leeches that drew the strength
of the taxpayers. The tax levy ran from 21 to 5 per
cent, for State, county and township or municipal
purposes ; landowners could not pay their taxes ; and
there was forfeited to the State 6,000,000 acres, nearly
one-fifth of the area of Mississippi, and considerably
more land than was contained within the borders of
Massachusetts and Rhode Island together. Strangely
enough, the financial predicament of the Democratic
counties seemed to be as bad as the Republican.1
Mississippi under carpet-bag-negro rule may be personi-
fied in the picturesque figure of one of her devoted
servants who was destined to play an important part in her
redemption. In her village of Oxford, the seat of her
State University, Lucius Q. C. Lamar might be seen of a
pleasant evening leaning over the white picket fence in
front of his humble cottage. Bare-headed, clad in a
frayed, ink-stained study -gown, he seems drooping like a
1 My authorities for this account are Garner ; Appletons' Annual Cyclo-
paedia, 1870-1874 ; Bancroft, The Negro in Politics ; the two volumes of the
Ku-Klux report devoted to Mississippi ; Barksdale in Why the Solid South ;
The Nation ; Mayes, Life of Lamar ; Ames's testimony with Boutwell
report.
VII. — 7
98 LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR [1874
wounded soldier. His sombre, thoughtful face upturned
to a passer-by in an effort at a nod, tells of the sorrowful
heart within that broods upon his dear suffering State.
Coming upon a life half studious, half active, mainly
solitary, the effect of these days of melancholy and
anxious reflection, when he generously took to himself
the sorrows of his community, was to prepare him for
one of his greatest efforts.1
Lamar was a lawyer and well educated ; in 1850 at
the age of twenty-five he became adjunct professor of
mathematics in the University of Mississippi and ten
years later took the chair of Ethics and Metaphysics.
He served three years [1857—1860] in the national House
of Representatives, was a delegate to the Charleston
Convention, and a member of the Mississippi Conven-
tion of 1861, reporting from the committee the ordinance
of secession which took his State out of the Union.
A colonel in the Confederate Army until illness forced
him to retire from the service, he was then sent to Europe
on a mission to Russia for the Confederate government.
This was not fulfilled, as the Senate did not confirm his
appointment but during 1863 he visited England and
France with much profit to himself. After the war he
taught Psychology, Logic and Law in the Universitjr.
Burdened with debts he told in a few words the story
of many Southern men : " I feel sometimes pretty blue
about the future. How I am to get along I can't see
now ; but I hope to get some law practice in addition to
my salary " [July 26, 1866] .2 On the advent of Repub-
lican administration in Mississippi [1870], he resigned
his professorship and depended for his living upon the
practice of law. During this year he wrote in a private
letter : " The country is in a deplorable state and the
people, with all their sacred convictions scattered to the
winds, are absorbed in the prosaic details of making a
1 Life of Lamar, Mayes, pp. 166-168. 2 Mayes, p. 124.
Ch. XLL] SUMNER'S MAGNANIMITY 99
living. Our public men have become bewildered in the
wreck of all that they considered permanent and true
and know not what to do or advise. There is a perfect
anarchy of opinion and purpose among us. . . . We
feel that the fate of our section is not in our hands ;
that nothing we can do or say will affect the result." 1
Two years of observation and reflection ended with
pointing out to him the way. And the people of
Mississippi knew their man : they inaugurated a move-
ment which resulted in his election to Congress [1872].
He lay under disabilities but, as he had the faculty of
making friends, these were at once removed by a Repub-
lican Congress, generous in the flush of their victory. His
private correspondence shows his dominating thought
was how to bring the two sections together so that each
might see with the eyes of the other ; after two years
the opportunity came : he rose to pronounce the eulogy
on Sumner.
It must be premised that up to the year 1872 the
South hated Sumner almost as bitterly as Thaddeus
Stevens, yet even then there was a difference in the
feeling towards the two due to the high personal char-
acter of the Massachusetts senator. In 1872, Sumner's
support of Greeley for the presidency established a com-
munity of political interest, and in December of the
same year he won Southern regard by his magnanimity
in asking leave in the Senate to introduce this bill :
" Whereas the national unity and good will among
fellow-citizens can be assured only through oblivion of
past differences, and it is contrary to the usage of civil-
ized nations to perpetuate the memory of civil war ;
therefore be it enacted etc., that the names of battles
with fellow-citizens shall not be continued in the Army
Register, or placed on the regimental colors of the
United States." For this Sumner was caricatured by
Mayes, p. 130.
100 LAMAR'S EULOGY [1874
Thomas Nast and censured by the legislature of Massa-
chusetts 1 but he awoke in Lamar's knightly heart a
feeling that found expression on this memorable day
[April 27, 1874].
Beginning in the conventional strain of eulogy, Lamar
soon came to speak out of the fulness of his heart.
" Charles Sumner," he said, " was born with an instinc-
tive love of freedom, and was educated from his earliest
infancy to the belief that freedom is the natural and
indefeasible right of every intelligent being having the
outward form of man. . . . And along with this all-
controlling love of freedom, he possessed a moral sensi-
bility keenly intense and vivid, a conscientiousness which
would never permit him to swerve by the breadth of a
hair from what he pictured to himself as the path of
duty. To a man thoroughly permeated and imbued
with such a creed and animated and constantly actuated
by such a spirit of devotion, to behold a human being
or a race of human beings restrained of their natural
1 Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 550. On account of Sumner's illness, his
bill was laid over in the Senate. It would not have passed. The House
adopted a counter-proposition by a party vote. Before Sumner's death the
resolution of censure by the Massachusetts legislature was rescinded and
annulled by large majorities [Feb. 1874]. Ibid., p. 589. In this con-
nection the action of Congress in 1905 is of interest. On Feb. 28, 1905
the President approved this resolution " That the Secretary of War is
hereby authorized to deliver to the proper authorities of the respective
States in which the regiments which bore these colors were organized
certain Union and Confederate battle flags now in the custody of the War
Department." On Feb. 10, Lamb of Virginia introduced the resolution in the
House ; it was referred to the Committee on military affairs. On Feb. 18, it
was reported without amendment and referred to the Committee of the Whole.
Feb. 21 it was called up by unanimous consent and immediately passed
without debate. No yeas and nays [applause]. On Feb. 23, Alger reported
it to the Senate and it was immediately passed without debate and without
a call for the yeas and nays. Cong. Record, pp. 2381-3131. General Ains-
worth, the Military Secretary, has returned 198 flags, divided thus among
the States : Alabama 14, Arkansas 5, Florida 7, Georgia 24, Kentucky 1,
Louisiana 8, Mississippi 18, Missouri 2, North Carolina 31, South Carolina
14, Tennessee 7, Texas 4, Virginia 63. Washington despatch to Boston
Herald, March 29, 1905.
Ch. XLL] LAMAR'S EULOGY 101
rights to liberty, for no crime by him or them committed,
was to feel all the belligerent instincts of his nature
roused to combat. The fact was to him a wrong which
no logic could justify. It mattered not how humble
in the scale of national existence the subject of this
restraint might be, how dark his skin or how dense his
ignorance. . . . But here let me do this great man the
justice which, amid the excitements of the struggle be-
tween the sections now past, I may have been disposed
to deny him. In this fiery zeal and this earnest warfare
against the wrong, as he viewed it, there entered no
enduring personal animosity towards the men whose lot
it was to be born to the system which he denounced.
It has been the kindness of the sympathy which in these
later years he has displayed toward the impoverished
and suffering people of the Southern States that has
unveiled to me the generous and tender heart which
beat beneath the bosom of the zealot and has forced me
to yield him the tribute of my respect, I might even say
of my admiration. ... It was certainly a gracious act
toward the South — though unhappily it jarred upon
the sensibilities of the people at the other extreme of
the Union and estranged from him the great body of
his political friends — to propose to erase from the
banners of the national Army the mementoes of the
bloody internecine struggle, which might be regarded as
assailing the pride or wounding the sensibilities of the
Southern people. That proposal will never be forgotten
by that people so long as the name of Charles Sumner
lives in the memory of man. . . . Charles Sumner in
life believed that all occasion for strife and distrust be-
tween the North and South had passed away, and there
no longer remained any cause for continued estrange-
ment between these two sections of our common coun-
try. Are there not many of us who believe the same
thing ? Is not that the common sentiment, or if it is
not ought it not to be, of the great mass of our people
102 LAMAK'S EULOGY [1874
North and South ? . . . The South — prostrate, ex-
hausted, drained of her life-blood as well as of her mate-
rial resources yet still honorable and true — accepts the
bitter award of the bloody arbitrament without reserva-
tion, resolutely determined to abide the result with
chivalrous fidelity ; yet as if struck dumb by the mag-
nitude of her reverses she suffers on in silence. The
North exultant in her triumph and elated by success
still cherishes, as we are assured, a heart full of magnan-
imous emotions towards her disarmed and discomfited
antagonist ; and yet as if mastered by some mysterious
spell, silencing her better impulses, her words and acts
are the words and acts of suspicion and distrust. Would
that the spirit of the illustrious dead whom we lament
to-day could speak from the grave to both parties to
this deplorable discord in tones which should reach each
and every heart throughout this broad territory, < My
countrymen know one another and you will love one
another.' "
The eulogy produced a powerful impression. Repub-
licans vied with Democrats in applause. Blaine the
speaker was affected to tears, as were many others.
Lyman Tremain, a radical Republican, visibly moved,
exclaimed, " My God, what a speech ! and how it will
ring through the country ! " 1 Blaine afterwards wrote,
" Lamar pleased the radical anti-slavery sentiment of
New England : he did not displease the radical pro-
slavery sentiment of the South."2 George F. Hoar,
another auditor who soon followed with his own tribute
to Sumner, wrote that hardly any other man could have
said those words and retained his hold on Mississippi,
but they " never shook for a moment the love for Lamar
of a people who knew so well his love for them." 3 This
1 Mayes, p. 188. 2 Twenty Years, vol. ii. p. 546.
8 Autobiography, vol. ii. p. 176. A day or two after the eulogy Lamar in
company with Senator Thurman went to a circus where they witnessed the
usual woman's feat on the flying trapeze. Letting go one trapeze and with a
Ch. XLL] VICKSBURG 103
eulogy, one of the most remarkable ever delivered in
Congress, was an important contributing cause toward
the redemption of Mississippi. " I never in all my life,"
wrote Lamar next day in a private letter, " opened my
lips with a purpose more single to the interests of our
Southern people than when I made this speech." 1
The corrupt and incompetent ring of Vicksburg which
had increased the city debt from 113,000 2 in 1869 to
11,400,000 in 1874 was broken up in August of the later
year by the election of a Reform ticket. In December
the Reform people, among whom were Republicans as
well as Democrats, groaning under an aggregate rate of
taxation of nearly 5 per cent., held a meeting in the
determination to secure an honest county govern-
ment as well. They forced Crosby, the sheriff, to
resign ; he went at once to Jackson to confer with the
governor who told him to consider his resignation as
void and advised him to take steps to regain the pos-
session of his office. In accordance with this advice
Crosby called upon the negroes of the county to sustain
him by force.
Vicksburg was a city of 12,443, over half of whom
were black ; in the county [Warren] the black popula-
tion was more than double that of the white. On the
Sunday at Crosby's instance the ministers in all the
coloured churches urged their congregations to arm and
march to Crosby's aid. This threatened action and an
exaggerated report that all the negroes of the county were
rallying to the sheriff's standard for the purpose of at-
tacking the city, greatly alarmed the white people, mak-
ing them apprehend a negro insurrection with its
wild scream, seeming as if she would fall to the ground, she caught another
and resumed her performance. " Lamar," said Thurman, " that reminds
me of you." " How so ? " "About your speech, you know. You caught
all right ; but if you had missed you'd have broken your neck." Mayes,
p. 191.
1 Ibid., p. 188. a This included the county debt.
104 KIOT AT VICKSBURG [1874
dreaded accompaniments of robbery, killing, burning
and rape. Any one who in carpet-bag days has strolled
on the promenade of Vicksburg of a pleasant Sunday
afternoon and studied the faces and manners of the
negroes to be seen there must have gained some idea of
the terror that seized the people on this occasion.1
Under the direction of the Reform mayor the white
men were organized to meet the danger.
Some of the negroes were under the delusion that
Governor Ames and General Grant would be present in
person as their leaders. On Monday December 7 [1874]
a force of armed blacks approached the city ; a part of
it was the negro militia of the State. A number of
conflicts took place and twenty-nine blacks and two
whites were killed. President Grant issued the usual
proclamation,2 and Sheridan who was in command at
New Orleans sent some soldiers to Vicksburg who rein-
stated Crosby and restored peace.3
A certain attention to chronological order, which in
this case will assist the development of my subject, leads
me now to turn aside for a time from the affairs of
Mississippi to take up those of Louisiana.
The story of Louisiana under carpet-bag-negro rule
from 1868 on is a sickening tale of extravagance, waste,
corruption and fraud. The Republican party was com-
posed of negroes, carpet-baggers and a small number of
native whites, but, as, the coloured population exceeded
the white by 2000 and the negroes were almost wholly
Republicans, they were the real basis of the party at
the ballot-box. When it came to the division of the
offices they got at the outset by no means a proportion-
ate share : their cleverer white allies took most of the
1 1 refer to a personal observation in 1872. 2 Dec. 21.
3 Garner, p. 328 ; Johnston, Miss. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. vi. p. 193. Apple-
tons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874 ; The Cotton States in 1875, Nordhoff, p. 79 ;
The Nation, Jan. -March, 1875, pp. 1, 141 ; Life of Lamar, Mayes, p. 232.
Ch. XLI.] LOUISIANA 105
fat places, but in the composition of the legislature the
constituencies could not be ignored and there the negroes
had a large representation.1 Ignorant beyond any pre-
vious conception of legislators, except in their sister
Southern States, they were not at first as corrupt as their
white colleagues, but this was due not to virtue but to
inexperience. As time went on they proved apt pupils.
Corruption was unblushing. Legislation was openly
bought and sold. " What was the price of a senator ? "
asked a member of a Congressional committee. " I
think, six hundred dollars " was the reply.2 In the
rotunda of the St. Charles Hotel, New Orleans, among
railroad lobbyists who were corrupting the legislature, a
more frequent inquiry than " What's cotton ? " was
" How are negro votes selling to-day ? " 3
Nordhoff saw coloured members of the legislature,
who ten years before were slaves, " driving magnificent
horses, seated in stylish equipages and wearing diamond
breastpins." 4 The grotesqueness and horror of negro
rule struck honest observers no matter what were their
predilections. " I myself," wrote George F. Hoar,
" although I have always maintained, and do now, the
equal right of all men of whatever color or race to a
share in the government of the country, felt a thrill of
sadness when I saw the Legislature of Louisiana in
session in the winter of 1873 [1875]." 5 " I have been
opposed to slavery ever since I sat on my father's knee,"
wrote Charles Nordhoff, "and was taught by him that
slavery was the greatest possible wrong ; but when in
New Orleans last Wednesday [April 1875] I for the first
time saw negro legislators! was unpleasantly startled —
1 About 40 to 46 in a House of 107; in 1873, 10 in a Senate of 36. House
Mis. Doc. 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 211 ; H. E. D. 42d Cong. 3d Sess., No. 91.
2 Report, No. 92, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 26.
8 So I was informed at New Orleans in 1872.
* The Cotton States, p. 43.
6 Autobiography, vol. ii. p. 160.
106 CORRUPTION IN LOUISIANA [1872
not because they were black but because they were
transparently ignorant and unfit. What then must have
been the feelings of men who saw blacks, but lately
their own slaves, and as ignorant as the mules they
drove, preferred before them for office, set over them in
authority, making laws for them — and making them
very badly at that — openly plundering the State, bribed
by rascally whites, and not merely enjoying, but under
the lead of white adventurers, shamefully abusing place
and power ? " 1
In the course of time an adroit and unscrupulous
negro leader was developed who with his lieutenants
grasped at the lucrative offices on the ground that his
people furnished the votes. The negroes eagerly em-
braced the cause of corrupt leaders of their own colour,
who, when elevated to office, had no sense of the dignity
of the position but looked upon it simply as an oppor-
tunity for plunder and felt no shame in bribery and cor-
ruption. The very grossest misgovernment was the
consequence of the combination of these corrupt whites
and blacks and it was furthered by the centralized system
constructed by the State constitution and the legislation
resulting therefrom, which reposed almost despotic powers
in the hands of the governor. The processes of the
thieves resembled those of the Tweed ring of New York.
There were " alteration and erasure of warrants, forgery
of names," unauthorized and illegal issues of warrants
and drawing of mileage by legislative committees for
tours of inspection which were never made.2 There
were all sorts of fraud, bribery and embezzlement in the
different parishes ; 8 mismanagement and corruption in
the school boards. There were corrupt district attor-
neys and judges ; and illiterate negro juries trying
1 The Cotton States, p. 49.
2 The Nation, Jan. 11, 1872, p. 19 ; Warmoth's Annual Message, Jan. 1,
1872. 8 The parish subdivision corresponds to county in other States.
Ch. XLL] LOUISIANA PLUNDERED 107
intricate cases of commercial law. A man openly
charged with theft was elected parish judge by the
coloured people. Another whom the United States
Supreme Court in a decision had alleged guilty of fraud
in the sale of a railroad property was appointed Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court of Louisiana by the gov-
ernor and permitted to retain his place by the legis-
lature.1
The rich and fruitful State of Louisiana, the char-
acteristic products of which strike so powerfully the
Northern visitor, the great commercial city of New
Orleans, full of energetic and broad-minded merchants,
a source of pride to the country before the war, a city
the renown of which reached the limits of civilized
trade, — these were being plundered by a gang of alien
thieves assisted by former bondmen. Louisiana, to use
the phrase of Carlyle was " God's fair Earth and Task-
Garden " and her governors were stealing the substance
of the governed. In 1861 the State tax was 29 cents on
$100 ; in 1868, 521 cents ; in 1872, $2.15 ; in New Orleans
the parish and municipal tax was $3 more. In some
parishes the tax was even higher. The debt of Louisiana
in 1868 at the beginning of Republican rule was 14 mill-
ions ; the estimates of the debt on January 1, 1874 run
all the way from 24 to 50 millions. New Orleans in
1875 had a debt of 22 millions, of which the bonds repre-
senting 17 millions sold for 35 cents on the dollar.
Misgovernment had almost amounted to confiscation.
An estate in New Orleans worth one million in 1867
and yielding a net revenue of 7 per cent., did not five
years later fetch enough rent to pay the taxes, insurance
and usual repairs. " A house and lot assessed for
$36,000 was sold in March 1875 for $11,000." These
instances are quite typical of the general condition.
" Property in New Orleans," wrote Nordhoff, " is
1 Nordhoff.
108 LOUISIANA PLUNDERED [1872
almost worthless and totally unsalable. . . . Good
residence property has fallen since 1868 more than 50
per cent, in value. Rents produce very small net in-
come." In three years [1871-1873] the tax seizures by
the sheriff were 47,491. James B. Eustis, a distinguished
lawyer of New Orleans, testified before the Congres-
sional committee on February 9, 1872 that the misgovern-
ment was as desolating to his city as the great fire of
the previous autumn had been to Chicago. " Capital is
flying from the State," he continued, " commerce is
decreasing and everybody who can is trying to get away.
... It is only a question of time when we shall all be
bankrupt."
In many of the parishes it was just as bad. In St.
Landry [or St. Martin] between November 1871 and
November 1873, 821 plantations and tracts of land were
sold for taxes. " I," wrote Nordhoff, " have seen parish
newspapers three of whose sides were filled with adver-
tisements of tax sales." x
The governors of Louisiana were for the most part
low-minded and sordid men ; among the governed those
qualities were common which in civilized states gener-
ally bring men to the top. But the corrupt government
was maintained by Federal authority whose attitude was
unequivocal as the presence of blue-coated soldiers tes-
tified. This force, be it said, was moral rather than
physical. In all the Southern States on election day
in November 1874 the number of United States troops
was but 4082,2 but behind them were President Grant,
General Sherman and Lieutenant-General Sheridan.
Reference has been made to the Tweed ring of New
York as a pattern of corruption. In New York or in
any corruptly ridden city or State at the North, honest
1 The Cotton States, Nordhoff, pp. 57-63 ; Scott, Repudiation of State
Debts, pp. 110, 111 ; report of Speer and Archer, House Reports, May
30, 1872, p. 21 ; Testimony, p. 534.
2 President's message, Richardson, vol. vii. p. 298.
Ch. XLL] ELECTION OF 1872 109
government could at any time be secured by a single-
minded, well-devised, steadfast combination of the intelli-
gence and property of the community. Honest govern-
ment could likewise have been secured in Louisiana, had
not each movement to this end run against the power of
the United States, exercised in the interest of the Re-
publican party. Such conflicts make up the history of
Louisiana from 1872 to 1877 ; had President Grant with-
drawn his support of the carpet-bag-negro rule, reform
would have been achieved shortly after the autumn elec-
tion of 1872.
Disfranchisement of former Confederates was no
obstacle. On the recommendation of Governor Henry
C. Warmoth, a legislative, confirmed by a popular vote,
removed all disabilities resulting from the war.1 The
next light for the intelligent and property-holding peo-
ple came from a quarrel between two factions of the
Republican party one headed by Governor Warmoth
and the other by S. B. Packard, United States marshal.
An account of this quarrel is not necessary for our pur-
pose, but one result of it was that in 1872 Warmoth
and the Conservatives had joined together to support a
fusion State ticket, headed by John McEnery the candi-
date for governor. The Republicans opposed to him
William P. Kellogg. After the votes were counted both
parties claimed the election of the governor and the
legislature, and in Louisiana to claim a victory meant
to take steps to secure it.
A peculiarity of the Louisiana election law was the
revision of the returns by a returning-board composed of
the governor, the lieutenant-governor, the secretary of
state and two others who were specifically named ; these
had the power to throw out the returns from any voting
places which in their judgment had been carried by
violence, intimidation, bribery or corrupt influences.
Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1869, p. 394, 1870, p. 457.
110 POLITICAL GAME IN LOUISIANA [1873
Now the Republicans claimed over 18,000 majority, the
Fusionists 10,000. Given a vote which could be made
to assume such different complexions and an election
law which conferred such powers, it is easy to see that
in a State where politicians were unscrupulous, those
who had the returning-board would canvass the returns
in favour of their own party. Warmoth had the re-
turns in his own hands but, as the board was not to his
liking, he reconstructed it and in due time the new board
announced the election of McEnery as governor and
enough fusion members to make a majority of the legis-
lature. The Republicans meanwhile got up a returning-
board of their own which, procuring some pseudo-returns,
declared that Kellogg and a Republican majority of the
legislature were elected. Then the two parties settled
down to an intricate political game, one feature of which
was an order of Durell, United States Circuit Judge,
issued at his private lodgings between nine and eleven in
the evening, directing the United States marshal to take
possession of the State House. Packard, who held this
office and was also chairman of the Republican State
Committee, had the United States troops at his service,
by authority of the Attorney-General ; with a military
posse he seized and held the State House ; his action
was sustained by the President. Under the same pro-
tection the Republican legislature met and in due time
Kellogg assumed the authority of governor.
The Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections
investigated the subject and on February 20, 1873, Car-
penter presented the majority report which was signed
by him, Logan, Alcorn and Anthony, all Republicans.
They maintained that, while on the face of the returns,
McEnery was chosen, yet under Warmoth who held the
entire machinery, the election, although unusually free
from violence, had not been fairly conducted. But it
was also true that the Kellogg government could only
be maintained by the military power of the United
Ch. XLL] GRANT'S ACTION 111
States.1 They recommended therefore a new election
and Carpenter introduced a bill for that purpose which
provided machinery that would have ensured a fair
vote.2 This bill failed to pass the Senate, owing largely
to the influence of Morton who was one of the Com-
mittee of investigation and had made a minority report,
recommending non-interference and virtually a recogni-
tion of the Kellogg government. Morton had a power-
ful influence over Grant and to him was mainly due the
President's message on Louisiana [February 25, 1873],
in which he argued in favour of the Kellogg government
and said that, if Congress took no action, he should rec-
ognize and support it.3
Of all the alternatives the President chose the worst.
For literal justice the new election was the thing but
substantial justice would have been done by withdraw-
ing his support from Kellogg ; then a bloodless revo-
lution would have put the McEnery government in
power. This would simply have restored the status of
December 1872 when as Trumbull, one of the committee
of investigation, said in his minority report, " But for
the illegal interference of the United States authorities,
as is stated in the report of the majority, the McEnery
government would have been peacefully inaugurated."
Trumbull made out a good case. He wrote that the
election " was confessedly one of the most quiet and
peaceful elections ever held in the State and the evidence
shows that it was substantially free and fair." Accord-
ing to the census of 1870 there were 153 more white
than coloured voters. Eight to ten thousand negroes
voted the fusion ticket while probably not more than
half that number of whites acted with the Republicans.
These facts tended to show that, despite the frauds in
some parishes, the McEnery majority of 10,000 was " the
1 Report, pp. xlv, 1. 2 This bill is printed in the Globe, p. 1850.
8 Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. p. 284 ; Richardson, vol. vii. p. 212.
112 COLFAX MASSACRE [1873
fairly expressed will " of the people of Louisiana.1 When
Congress adjourned without action, Grant had a chance
to anticipate Hayes in allowing Louisiana to govern her-
self but here, as in so many other cases during his presi-
dency, he missed a grand opportunity. To him, more
than to any other one man, was it due that, owing to
his support of the Kellogg regime, this State had yet to
pass through two more years of turbulence, misrule and
corruption and yet two more of very imperfect rule
before she should obtain a government by her own people
of intelligence and property.
Groaning under the yoke of corruption and feeling
that, when they had attempted at the ballot-box to
overturn it, they had been cheated, it was little wonder
that the impetuous spirits among the people should be
prompted to violence. The words of Grant's inaugural
address, " The States lately at war with the General
Government are now happily rehabilitated," had barely
been uttered, when at Colfax in Grant parish well up on
the Red River and 350 miles from New Orleans, there
occurred a frightful massacre. Some desperate white
men refused to recognize the parish judge and sheriff,
who were commissioned by Governor Kellogg, and an
invasion was threatened to depose them from office.
The sheriff raised a posse of negroes to enable him to
retain possession of the court-house ; these threw up a
small earthwork to fortify their position. On Easter
Sunday, April 13, 1873, a large body of white men rode
into the town and demanded that the negroes lay down
their arms and surrender the court-house. This was
refused. The white men opened fire with a cannon and
drove the negroes from the breastwork ; some of them
fled down the river, some were overtaken and shot.
About sixty or seventy negroes took refuge in the court-
house. This was set fire to ; as the negroes rushed out
Report, pp. lii, lxiii, lxv.
Ch. XLL] COUSHATTA MASSACRE 113
a number were killed and about thirty-seven captured.
The prisoners were shot down in cold blood.1 In all,
fifty-nine negroes were killed and two white men.2
Such occurrences postponed the day of redemption
which was only possible by winning the sympathy of
the Northern public. The words of George F. Hoar set
a popular chord a-vibrating while the more philosophic
statement of The Nation was looked upon as an apology
for violence. Thus wrote Hoar in his report : " This
deed was without palliation or justification • it was delib-
erate, barbarous, cold-blooded murder. It must stand
like the massacre of Glencoe or of St. Bartholomew, a
foul blot on the page of history." 3 The Nation thus :
The " horrible massacre " was " a not unnatural conse-
quence of the position in which Congress left the dispute
between the two factions over the government of the
State. . . . There is now a great outcry for the punish-
ment of these l demons ' but there was no outcry, or at
least no adequate outcry over the disgraceful connivance
at Washington at the state of things which has converted
Louisiana into a South American republic and destroyed
all confidence on the part of all classes, not only in the
law but in a popular vote which produces the law." 4
In August 1874 at Coushatta, a town farther up the
Red River than Colfax, the sequel to an affray between
whites and blacks in which a number of each had been
killed, was that six white Republican office-holders
agreed to comply with the demand for their resignation ;
they surrendered themselves to the members of the
White League who were the attacking party and victo-
rious. While these six Republicans were being taken to
1 u A few who were wounded, but not mortally, escaped by feigning
death."
2 Report of Hoar, Wheeler and Frye, Feb. 1875, p. 13 ; Marshall's report,
p. 10 ; statement of Judge Woods of the United States Circuit Court, cited
by Grant in message Jan. 13, 1875, Richardson, vol. vii. p. 308.
» p. 14. * April 24, 1873, p. 277.
VII. — 8
114 FOSTER-PHELPS-POTTER REPORT [1875
Shreveport under guard, they were intercepted by an-
other band " set upon and deliberately murdered in cold
blood." i
During the summer of 1874 the President withdrew
all troops from the State except a small garrison at New
Orleans. Taking advantage of this, a large number of
citizens of New Orleans rose on September 14 in an ill-
considered attempt at revolution. They erected barri-
cades in the streets and fought with the Metropolitan
police who were mostly coloured ; men were killed on
both sides, in all a score or more. The citizens got
possession of the State House and the Conservative
leaders started to reorganize the government. President
Grant issued a proclamation, sent troops to Louisiana,
who compelled the surrender of the State property and
the disbanding of the armed force that was sustaining
the Conservatives. The United States soldiers then
re-established the Kellogg government.2
In the autumn of 1874 an election for members of the
legislature took place ; on the face of the returns the
Conservatives had a majority of 29 in a House of
Representatives of 111 members. But the returning-
board, an instrument of Governor Kellogg and Marshal
Packard, found, after a session of many weeks, that 53
Republicans and 53 Conservatives had been elected while
as to 5 seats they rendered no decision whatever. The
main grounds on which so many Conservatives were
thrown out were intimidation and fraud. " We are
constrained to declare," say Charles Foster, William
Walter Phelps and Clarkson N. Potter, a sub-committee
of the national House who visited New Orleans, " that
the action of the returning-board, on the whole, was
arbitrary, unjust and, in our opinion, illegal ; and that
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, p. 477 ; Marshall's report, p. 9.
2 Appleton, 1874, p. 479 ; Grant's message, Richardson, vol. vii. p. 309
the different House of Representatives reports.
Ch. XLL] FRAUD IN LOUISIANA 115
this arbitrary, unjust and illegal action alone prevented
the return by the board of a majority of conservative
members of the lower house." 1 During their stay of
eight days in New Orleans Foster and his associates took
much testimony. "No general intimidation of Republican
voters was established," they say. " Of all those who
testified to intimidation there was hardly any one who
of his own knowledge could specify a reliable instance
of such acts, and of the white men who were produced
to testify generally on such subjects, very nearly all, if
not every single one, was the holder of an office." 2
In truth there seems to have been quite as much
intimidation practised by negroes on fellow-negroes,
who were disposed to vote the conservative ticket.
And "alleged intimidation" was used by the Republicans
as a campaign shibboleth. Packard, as chairman of the
Republican State Committee, used his office of United
States marshal to make arrests of white citizens, through
his deputies, who at times bore blank warrants and were
aided by the Federal soldiers, thereby spreading abroad
the idea that the dominant party was determined to win
at all hazards and that any who stood in their way
might suffer prosecution and imprisonment.3
If there was fraud on the conservative side it was
isolated and insignificant ; the Republicans on the other
hand erected it into a system. According to the census
of 1870 there were 153 more white than coloured men
over the age of 21, and there had been no change in this
proportion favourable to the coloured. Yet 90,781
negroes registered, 4000 more than the adult males
returned by the Census, as against 76,823 whites, 10,000
less. " The registration was wholly in the hands of
the Kellogg officials " ; there were in the Republican
1 Report submitted Jan. 15, 1875, No. 101, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 5. 2 Ibid.
8 Ibid., p. 6 ; report of Foster, Phelps, Potter and Marshall, Feb. 23, 1875.
No. 261, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 2.
116 FOSTER— PHELPS [1875
interest " 5200 cases of conceded false registration in
New Orleans alone." Foster and his associates affirm
that so far as concerned violence, intimidation or fraud
on the part of the Conservatives, the election was peace-
able and fair.1
I have drawn these facts from two reports, obviously
written by Foster, and signed by himself, Phelps and
Potter ; and the second report was also subscribed to by
Marshall. Potter and Marshall were Democrats and
must have gratefully agreed to a representation of facts
so much in the interest of their party. But Foster and
Phelps were Republicans and good party men. Foster
was born in western Ohio and his schooling did not
extend beyond the public schools and an academy,
which he left at an early age to help his father in his
store in the town of Fostoria. Succeeding to the busi-
ness, he enlarged and modernized it ; and by virtue of
his occupation as a country store-keeper he had a wide
acquaintance in his community ; he became indeed its
patron saint. If any one needed to borrow money to
improve his farm or to satisfy the mortgage of an im-
portunate creditor ; if any one was in distress, if the
manager of a charitable institution needed money, he
applied to " Charley Foster." He went naturally into
politics but he had reached forty-two when he first ran
for Congress. His district was Democratic but he con-
tested it successfully in 1870 and in the three following
elections.2
William Walter Phelps, born in New York City, came
from a Connecticut family of distinction. He had a
rich father, who gave him every educational advantage,
and he improved his opportunity to the utmost. He
graduated from Yale College with honour and in after
1 Report submitted Jan. 15, 1875, No. 101, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., pp. 1, 2.
2 I have drawn this account from the article in the J. T. White & Co.
National Cyclopaedia of Biography and my own recollections.
Ch. XLL] FOSTER — PHELPS 117
life took a keen interest in the management of that
noble institution. He studied law at the Columbia law
school and after graduation went into active practice.
His father left him a fortune and, while he lived like a
gentleman, he used his money in a way to promote the
welfare of the people. He also devoted his life to their
service looking upon the various offices he held as a pub-
lic trust.1
Foster, who had started life in the " Black Swamp "
of Ohio, and Phelps, a product of the culture and refine-
ment of the East, possessed in common the qualities of
candour and moral courage. They looked upon both
sides of the partisan question which they had to deal
with in the turbulent city of New Orleans with the de-
tachment of a historian in his study ; and they had the
advantage over the historian of meeting their witnesses
face to face. The training of both had been such as to
enable them to know a liar from a truthful and honour-
able man : discrimination as to the character of testi-
mony is an element which pervades their report.
History from her more tranquil standpoint endorses
their verdict ; and, in thinking of the stress of the time,
we cannot fail to give high credit to these men for stat-
ing in unequivocal terms what virtually amounted to
a condemnation of their President's and their party's
policy.
Foster, Phelps, and Potter were still in New Orleans,
when on January 4, 1875 occurred a sequel to the ma-
nipulation of the returns which again attracted the atten-
tion of the country to Louisiana. They saw much, and
this enforced by testimony taken afterwards enabled
them to present a contemporary account of the highest
1 1 have drawn this account from the articles in the Cyclopaedias of Apple-
ton and J. T. White & Co. and the obituary notice in The Nation, June 21,
1894. The Nation of Jan. 21, 1875, said that Foster, Phelps and Potter were
" three as honest, fair-minded and judicious men as could have been selected
from the whole House of Representatives."
118 TROUBLE IN NEW ORLEANS [1875
value. At noon the clerk of the last House called the
roll of the present assembly ; 52 Republicans and 50
Conservatives answered to their names. [A full House
was 111.] Instantly thereafter a number of members
rose but Billieu, a Conservative, held the floor and nomi-
nated Wiltz another Conservative as temporary chair-
man. Paying no attention to a point of order raised
by the clerk he put the motion which was responded to
by loud ayes and equally loud noes, but he declared it
carried. Wiltz sprang to the platform, seized the gavel
from the clerk, was sworn in by a justice, called the
House to order and administered the oath to the mem-
bers in a body. A clerk, sergeant-at-arms and a number
of assistant sergeants-at-arms were appointed ; these
last appeared at once with badges bearing the insignia
of their office. On a motion, which was carried amid
much disorder, the five conservative members from the
parishes left in dispute by the returning-board were
seated. Wiltz was elected speaker and, after taking
the oath, proceeded to swear in the members, but, as
most of the Republicans had withdrawn from the House,
only 60 members in all remained. Fifty were the Con-
servatives who had originally answered to their names,
five more were those who had just been admitted and
five were Republicans. These five Republicans under-
took to withdraw from the hall. Wiltz ordered the
Sergeant-at-arms to prevent their egress in order to avoid
breaking his quorum of fifty-six. Meanwhile the disturb-
ance prevailing in the lobby outside the bar of the
House was increasing. On motion, the commander of
the Federal troops was asked to preserve the peace.
General de Trobriand appeared, accompanied by only
one aid ; a word from him to the crowd in the lobby
restored order. The General retired ; the business of
the House went on. At about three o'clock General de
Trobriand, in uniform, his sword at his side, and two of
his staff in attendance, reappeared, furnished with an
Ch. XLL] SHERIDAN'S BANDITTI DESPATCH 119
order from Governor Kellogg to clear the hall of all
persons not returned as legal members by the re turning-
board. He gave the speaker to understand that he pro-
posed to eject the five members. Speaker Wiltz protested,
but the General was inexorable. He called his soldiers
into the hall and ordered the five expelled. With fixed
bayonets the soldiers approached successively each mem-
ber, sitting in his seat, and forced him to leave the
House. Wiltz and the Conservatives thereupon with-
drew. The Republicans remained and, after effecting a
crude organization, proceeded to business.1
Sheridan was in New Orleans on this day having been
requested by the President eleven days earlier to go
thither in order to ascertain the true condition of affairs ;
he then received authority for assuming the military
command, which he did on the night of January 4.
Next day he sent word to the President to have no un-
easiness as he could easily preserve the peace ; in his
telegram he called certain people of New Orleans " ban-
ditti " and in a second despatch emphasized and elabo-
rated this characterization, giving at the same time his
remedy for the existing difficulty. " I think," he tele-
graphed, " that the terrorism now existing in Louisiana,
Mississippi and Arkansas could be entirely removed and
confidence and fair dealing established by the arrest and
trial of the ringleaders of the armed White Leagues.2 If
1 This account is drawn from the report of Foster, Phelps and Potter
(p. 16) with a few details from the memorial of the conservative members
(Mis. Doc. No. 45, 43d Cong. 2d Sess.). Cf. Wiltz to the President Jan. 4.,
Ex. Doc, No. 13, ibid., p. 21 ; also Hahn's statement, Mis. Doc, No. 46, ibid.
The number of ejected members is variously given but Foster's " five " fits
into the situation.
2 The White League in the State at large was simply another name for
"the conservative party " or "the white man's party." In New Orleans it
was an armed organization 2500 to 2800 strong composed of " reputable citi-
zens and property holders" whose purpose was declared "to be simply pro-
tective." The affair of Sept. 14, 1874 was under their direction. Report
of Foster, Phelps and Potter, p. 8.
120 SHERIDAN [1875
Congress would pass a bill declaring them banditti they
could be tried by a military commission. The ring-
leaders of this banditti, who murdered men here on the
14th of last September and also more recently at Vicks-
burg, Mississippi should, in justice to law and order
and the peace and prosperity of this southern part of the
country be punished. It is possible that if the President
would issue a proclamation declaring them banditti, no
further action need be taken, except that which would
devolve upon me." 1
Grant had ever a lively sense of Sheridan's efficient
support during his last military campaigns. Not long
after the receipt of these " banditti " despatches, he
said, " I believe Sheridan has no superior as a general,
either living or dead, and perhaps not an equal. . . .
He has judgment, prudence, foresight and power to
deal with the dispositions needed in a great war." 2
Now the President at first thought that he was showing
the same qualities in dealing with a delicate situation
in civil affairs. This word was sent by the Secretary
of War to him at New Orleans. " The President and
all of us have full confidence and thoroughly approve
your course ; " and " Be assured that the President and
Cabinet confide in your wisdom and rest in the belief
that all acts of yours have been and will be judicious." 3
When the news of the ejection of members of the
Louisiana legislature by Trobriand and his file of
soldiers was received and Sheridan's despatches were
1 Ex. Doc, No. 13, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 23.
2 Feb. 15, 1875. To Hoar and Frye, Hoar's Autobiography, vol. i.
p. 209.
8 Jan. 6, Ex. Doc, No. 13, 43d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 25. "This despatch was
hastily written by the Secretary of War, who, without intending it, did great
injustice to a part of the Cabinet. We have the authority of General Bel-
knap (Secretary of War) himself for saying that Mr. Fish and Mr. Bristow
(Secretary of the Treasury) indignantly protested against General Sheridan's
atrocious proposition." J. S. Black (1877), Essays and Speeches, p. 319,
note.
Ch. XLL] SCHURZ ON SHERIDAN 121
published, a cry of indignation arose at the North. The
Democrats in the Senate at once gave vent to their
wrath, and while certain other manifestations had some-
what of a partisan tinge, in general the indignation of
Democrats was shared by Republicans. Indeed, as
tested by the autumn elections of 1874, the opposition
to the party in power was in the majority. Schurz was
the able representative of a great number who had
broken with their old party in displeasure without em-
bracing many of the tenets of the Democratic. Thus he
spoke in the Senate : " Sir, no American citizen can
have read without profound regret and equally profound
apprehension the recent despatch of General Sheridan
to the Secretary of War, in which he suggests that a
numerous class of citizens should by the wholesale be
outlawed as banditti by a mere proclamation of the
President, to be turned over to him as a military chief,
to meet at his hands swift justice by the verdict of a
militarjr commission. Nobody respects General Sheridan
more than I do for the brilliancy of his deeds on the
field of battle ; the nation has delighted to honor his
name. But the same nation would sincerely deplore to
see the hero of the ride of Winchester and of the charge
at the Five Forks stain that name by an attempt to
ride over the laws and the Constitution of the country
and to charge upon the liberties of his fellow-citizens.
The policy he has proposed is so appalling, that every
American citizen who loves his liberty stands aghast at
the mere possibility of such a suggestion being addressed
to the President of the United States by a high official
of the Government. It is another illustration how great
a man may be as a soldier, and how conspicuously
unable to understand what civil law and what a con-
stitution mean ; how glorious in fighting for you, and
how little fit to govern you ! And yet General Sheri-
dan is not only kept in Louisiana as the instrument of
the Executive will, but after all that has happened,
122 INDIGNATION MEETINGS [187fl
encouraged by the emphatic approval of the executive
branch of this government.
" I repeat, sir, all these things have alarmed me, and it
seems not me alone. In all parts of the country the
press is giving voice to the same feeling, and what I
learn by private information convinces me that the
press is by no means exaggerating the alarm of the
people. On all sides you can hear the question asked,
1 If this can be done in Louisiana, and if such things be
sustained by Congress, how long will it be before it can
be done in Massachusetts and Ohio ? How long before
the constitutional rights of all the States and the self-
government of all the people may be trampled under
foot ? How long before a general of the Army may sit
in the chair you occupy, sir, to decide contested election
cases for the purpose of manufacturing a majority in
the Senate ? How long before a soldier may stalk into
the National House of Representatives, and pointing
to the speaker's mace, say, take away that bauble.' " x
New York held a large indignation meeting in Cooper
Institute, Boston another in Faneuil Hall. William
Cullen Bryant, an old Republican, had regarded with
increasing disfavour the policy of his party towards the
South. The events in New Orleans astounded him and,
although he was past eighty, he took a prominent part
in getting up the meeting in Cooper Institute ; and he
spoke there " with the vehemence and fire of a man of
thirty " denouncing the action of the soldiers and the
President. Evarts also expressed the sentiment of many
Republicans, but it was felt that the crowd was neither
Democratic nor Republican ; it was American.2 " No
calm and observing man can to-day doubt," wrote
Charles Francis Adams, Jr., " that a vast majority of
1 Jan. 11, Cong. Record, p. 367.
2 The New York meeting was Jan. 11, the Boston Jan. 15; New York
Tribune, Jan. 12 ; Boston Advertiser, Jan. 16 ; The Nation, Jan. 14 ; Life of
Bryant, Godwin, vol. ii. p. 357.
Ch. XLL] INDIGNATION 123
the people are utterly opposed, on the Louisiana issue,
to the existing government. The adverse majorities of
last autumn have quadrupled since the year 1875 began." 1
The legislatures of Ohio, Missouri and Georgia repre-
hended the outrage against civil liberty perpetrated by the
Federal troops in Louisiana.2 Although these legislatures
were Democratic, the formal resolutions and their phrase-
ology are evidence of the deep feeling. On the other
hand the carpet-bag-negro legislature of Mississippi ap-
proved the policy recommended by General Sheridan.3
In response to the Senate's request for information,
the President sent to it a considerable amount of official
correspondence and also a special message [January 13]
in which he defended his recognition and protection of
the Kellogg government. While he did not justify fully
Trobriand's expulsion of the five members, he in no way
disavowed it ; he urged that the action of the soldiers
was directed against fraud, disorder, violence and an-
archy and the right or wrong of it " is perhaps a debat-
able question." He made an apology for Sheridan who
" never proposed to do an illegal act." He seemed to
think it a pity that the General's policy could not be
adopted as it " would if legal soon put an end to the
troubles and disorders " in Louisiana.4
The report of Foster, Phelps and Potter was given to
the public on January 15 and produced a profound im-
pression. It was almost, if not quite unprecedented,
that men of both parties on a Congressional committee
should entirely agree when they investigated a partisan
question ; that instead of a majority and a minority
report there was one only, and that one a production of
striking discernment and candour. The scope of the
report has already been indicated ; it was presented
1 The Nation, Jan. 21, 1875, p. 39.
2 Jan. 14, 19, Georgia's undated, Docs. 47, 62, 63, 43d Cong. 2d Sess.
8 Jan. 12, ibid., No. 60.
* Richardson, vol. vii. p. 312.
124 HO All — WHEELER — FR YE [1875
to a Northern public which had made up its mind that
the negro-carpet-bag governments at the South were
corrupt and oppressive and peace could only be secured
by the establishment of home rule such as existed in
Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. Here, then, was
new strength to the opposition. " The conviction has
been general among the whites since 1872," read the
report, " that the Kellogg government was an usur-
pation. . . . With this conviction is a general want
of confidence in the integrity of the existing State and
local officials ; — a want of confidence equally in their
purposes and in their personnel — which is accompanied
by the paralyzation of business and destruction of values.
... As the people saw taxation increase and prosperity
diminish — as they grew poor while officials grew rich
— they became naturally sore. That they love their
rulers cannot be pretended." 1
The report was damaging to the Republican party and
stiff partisans thought that something ought to be done
to counteract its effect. George F. Hoar, the chairman
of the committee,2 William A. Wheeler and William P.
Frye, good Republicans, proceeded to New Orleans to
make another investigation.3 They remained there
eighteen days ; seeing many people and taking a large
amount of testimony, they came to an appreciation of
the sentiment of New Orleans and Louisiana. Indigna-
tion at the expulsion of the five members had culminated
in a cry of rage when Sheridan called the best people of
their city " banditti." The General was execrated.
He stopped at the St. Charles Hotel and, when he
entered the breakfast room each morning, he was greeted
with loud hisses and groans. Men at table marked
i pp. 6, 7.
3 It was officially ' ' a select committee of seven upon that portion of the
President's message relating to the condition of the South." Hoar, Wheeler,
Frye, Foster, Phelps, Potter and Marshall were the members.
3 Samuel Marshall, Democrat, accompanied them.
Ch. XLI.] SHERIDAN 125
abusive articles in the morning journals and had the
waiters hand them to Sheridan who bowed and smiled
to the sender as if he were receiving a pleasant compli-
ment.1 Threats of assassination were in the air but they
caused him no concern.2 One night, however, he was
irritated at what he deemed a palpable hit from a North-
ern friend. Lawrence Barrett, playing Richelieu at the
New Varieties theatre, invited Sheridan to be present as
his guest and reserved a box for him. The actor had a
host of friends in New Orleans and he felt for them in
their trouble. When he came to the words of Richelieu
in the second act, " Take away the sword ; States can
be saved without it," he spoke them with unwonted
force and fervour. Cheer upon cheer resounded. The
house rose to its feet in an uproar of enthusiasm. At
the end of the act, Sheridan rushed behind the scenes and
with a round oath demanded of Barrett why he put that
in the play ? 3
Sheridan knew no more of law than he did of litera-
ture. He called on Hoar the night before he left New
Orleans and referring to the Force bill then pending
said, " What you want to do, Mr. Hoar, when you get
back to Washington is to suspend the what-do-you-call-
it," meaning of course the writ of habeas corpus.41
Hoar presented to the house February 23, 1875 the report
written by himself and signed also by Wheeler and Frye.
Much of it was devoted to the " outrages " which had
come to be the sole remaining avowed Republican argu-
ment for the continuance of Federal control over the
Southern States. He and his colleagues showed a will-
ingness to believe, when they accepted as substantially
true the figures of Sheridan, who in his inquiry had
1 Hoar's Autobiography, vol. i. p. 208.
2 No attempt was made to do him violence. Ibid. ; Ex. Doc, No. 13,
p. 25. s Incident related to me by Lawrence Barrett.
4 Hoar's Autobiography, vol. i. p. 208.
126 HOAE'S REPORT [1872
wrought himself up to the point of believing on slight
evidence anything bad of the Southern people. The
General's " careful statistics " showed that in Louisiana
from 1866 to February 8, 1875 there had been killed 2141,
and wounded 2115, on account of their political opinions.1
Nordhoff, who had seen Sheridan's figures and the com-
mittee's report, and in addition had made systematic
inquiries of his own, who held no brief for party or sec-
tion, but was painstaking and impartial in his effort to
get at the truth wrote, « I am satisfied that since the
year 1870, except in the Coushatta and Colfax affairs,
most of the murders in Louisiana have been non-political
in their origin and a great proportion of them have been
of negroes by negroes, mainly on account of jealousy in
their relations with their women." 2
Hoar was too honest to suppress facts that made against
his party and so he furnished, though unintentionally, a
fresh indictment of the Congressional policy of recon-
struction and Republican rule in Louisiana. In the
State "78,524 out of 87,121" negro voters could not
read and write, he said. " These masses of illiterate
voters must of necessity to a very large extent be in-
struments in the hands of others, who can influence their
passions or excite their fears." How well he told the
consequence. " There has been great maladministra-
tion," he said ; " public funds have been wasted, public
credit impaired and taxation is heavy. . . . There has
been much dishonesty, much corruption in State and
local administration in Louisiana." 3
Hoar, Wheeler and Frye believed that intimidation
prevented "a full, free and fair election" in 1874 ;4 but
1 Report, p. 14 ; Sheridan's despatch of Jan. 10 gave "nearly 3500." By
Feb. 8 this had grown to 4256.
2 The Cotton States in 1875, p. 48. 8 Report, pp. 8, 23, 28.
* Report, p. 19. Foster, Phelps, Potter and Marshall who submitted a
majority report simultaneously with Hoar's, dissented emphatically from this
statement, p. 1 et seq.
Ch. XLL] WHEELER COMPROMISE 127
the action of the returning-board was wrong ; the method
adopted by the Conservatives " to set right this wrong
was totally objectionable " ; they expressed no judg-
ment " of the lawfulness of the act " of General de
Trobriand but believed that " his interference alone pre-
vented a scene of bloodshed." 1
On the recommendation of Hoar, Wheeler and Frye,
to which tacit consent was given by Foster and Phelps,
Wheeler, who possessed a rare tact for conciliation,
arranged a compromise between the opposing parties
and factions which was carried out. Twelve conserva-
tive members who had been excluded by the return-
ing-board were seated in the House, thus giving the
Conservatives a majority. The Senate remained Repub-
lican. The legislature by resolution agreed not to dis-
turb the Kellogg government during the remainder of
its term.2 The full redemption of Louisiana (and that of
Florida as well) is a part of the history of tne presiden-
tial campaign of 1876 and the disputed presidency which
will later be related.3
1 Report, pp. 21, 22.
2 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 457 ; The Nation, 1875, pp.
197, 268, 270 ; Hoar's Autobiography, vol. i. p. 243.
8 Besides the authorities mentioned I have used in this account Ap-
pletons' Annual Cyclopaedias from 1869 to 1875 ; the file of The Nation for
the same years ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. ; Life of Morton, Foulke,
vol. ii. ; Phelps's Louisiana.
CHAPTER XLII
I shall now resume the story of Mississippi. The
interference of the President, through Sheridan after the
conflict at Vicksburg, obscured the gleam of light from
the Democratic victory in the general congressional
elections of 1874, drawing even from Lamar these de-
spairing words : " I think the future of Mississippi is
very dark. Ames has it dead. There can be no escape
from his rule. His negro regiments are nothing. He
will get them killed up and then Grant will take posses-
sion for him. May God help us ! " 1 But as the months
wore on, confidence was regained and the men repre-
senting the intelligence and property of the State de-
termined to carry the fall election of 1875 and get a
legislature of their own choice. On August 3, the Demo-
cratic convention met and listened at the outset to a
speech from Lamar. " If any one thing is true," he
said, " the people of Mississippi have pledged themselves
to maintain the three amendments to the Constitution
[XIII, XIV, XV] and have no power or desire to change
them." He urged that the sacred rights of "the newly
enfranchised race " be respected and in a private letter
he told of his labouring with his fellow Democrats :
" I have just emerged," he wrote, " from a struggle to
keep our people from a race conflict." 2 Later in the
month the Republicans held their convention and then
began the most exciting canvass which Mississippi had
1 Feb. 15, 1875 to his wife. Mayes, p. 211. 2 Mayes, pp. 254, 258. ,
128
Ch. XLIL] MISSISSIPPI 129
ever known. At the same time an election campaign
was going on in Ohio in which each side held to a prin-
ciple which they deemed vital to the preservation of their
earthly possessions. In both States were large meet-
ings, able speeches, argument, entreaty, keenest interest
and impassioned appeals. In Ohio peace and order pre-
vailed as usual. In Mississippi it was by no means an
ordinary election campaign ; it was war to the knife.
The Republicans fought for the existence of their party,
the Democrats for the dearest rights of liberty and
property.
Mississippi was in many respects a frontier commu-
nity, and slavery had fostered the recourse to knife and
pistol. Everybody went armed. In slave times the
clash was between white men, but now the negroes
carried weapons and the conflicts were those of race in
which desperadoes and turbulent young men made small
bones of killing a negro. At the beginning of the cam-
paign it was estimated that there were 15,000 more negro
than white voters: not more than 5000 negroes could be
counted on to vote the Democratic ticket and these were
more than offset by 9000 white Republicans.1 It was
apparent to the Democrats that in some way a number
of negroes must be gained over or else prevented from
going to the polls. The canvass was to this end and it
was recognized by Lamar and General J. Z. George (the
chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee)
that if violence were used, public opinion at the North
would be stirred up against their cause, and the President
would probably send troops to Mississippi, whose in-
fluence would be potent on the Republican side. It was
a difficult matter for these astute men to restrain their
turbulent followers and they were not always success-
ful, although General George showed on the whole a
high order of ability as a campaign manager.
1 The Cotton States, Nordhoff, p. 75.
VII. — 9
130 RACE RIOTS [1875
A conflict between the whites and the blacks in
Vicksburg on the fifth of July, in which the negroes got
the worse of it, did not lead to serious consequences but
the events of September came near wrecking the Demo-
cratic plan. At Yazoo City the Democrats broke up a
meeting at which Colonel Morgan the sheriff was speak-
ing, fired a number of shots at him with intent to kill
but he escaped unharmed though another white Repub-
lican was murdered. Morgan lay in hiding a number
of days and then fled to Jackson. The affair at Clinton,
a little town ten miles west of the capital and the home
of Mississippi College, was a calamity. At a barbecue
of their own, the Republicans had consented to a joint
debate with the Democrats. Judge Johnston, the first
speaker and a Democrat, was heard without interrup-
tion by an audience of 1200 negroes and 100 white men ;
but soon after Captain Fisher, the Republican, began, a
pistol was fired. Soon there were twenty or thirty shots
in quick succession. A crowd rushed up the hill away
from the speaker's stand, being scattered in every direc-
tion by " a tremendous volley of shots." The armed
white men gathered together and chose a captain. Abel
Anderson, whose testimony I have followed largely, took
a position between the whites and the blacks and, de-
spite the excitement of the moment, uttered words show-
ing the economic advantage of peaceful relations between
the two races. "For God's sake," he exclaimed, "stop
this letting of blood ; look at the cotton fields around
ready for picking. Those hands and that cotton are the
wealth of the country."1 Through his influence, and that
of the Captain and of Judge Johnston the riot was stopped
but already three white Democrats and a number of
negroes had been killed. The aftermath continuing
for days was horrible. Two of the murdered white
men were of good family and highly esteemed in the
Testimony, Boutwell report, p. 290.
Ch. XLIL] AMES ASKS FOR TROOPS 131
community. This circumstance and the general belief
that their bodies were mutilated caused the rage
against the negroes to pass beyond bounds : twenty or
thirty were killed, some being shot down in cold blood.1
On September 7, Governor Ames telegraphed to
President Grant that, " Domestic violence, in its most
aggravated form, exists in certain parts of this State "
and he asked if troops could be sent by virtue of the
presidential proclamation of December 21, 1874.2 Word
in the negative was received and he then asked for
protection under section 4, Article IV of the Constitu-
tion.3 During the previous autumn, the President had
interfered in Alabama under less provocation and with
less reason, but the fall elections of 1874 and the check
he had received in the defeat of his Arkansas project
and his Force bill had warned him that a limit must be
placed to Federal interference with the rights of the
States. On the same day that Ames sent his second
despatch, the Republican State Convention of New York
with George William Curtis as its chairman assembled
at Saratoga and declared for " a just, generous, forbear-
ing national policy in the Southern States and a firm
refusal to use military power except for purposes
clearly defined in the Constitution."4 Moreover there
was a new Attorney-General. George H. Williams had
been forward in his counsel to the President to employ
the Army in the South and when discretionary powers
were reposed in him he used them imperiously. " The
freedom of his < legal mind ' from doubts was one of the
1 Gamer ; Testimony of Anderson, Johnston and Montgomery, Boutwell
report. The Yazoo trouble was Sept. 1, the Clinton began Sept. 4.
2 Ante ; Richardson, vol. vii. p. 322.
8 " The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re-
publican form of government, and shall protect each of them against inva-
sion, and on application of the legislature, or of the Executive (when the
legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence."
* Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 562.
132 GRANT REFUSES TROOPS [1875
most remarkable incidents " of any crisis in which he
was called upon for an opinion. " Somehow it seemed
to him that all states of facts and all emergencies called
for the despatch of troops." 1 But Williams had given
place to Edwards Pierrepont, a good lawyer of New
York City, to whom Ames's request was submitted.
The President, the Attorney-General and every member
of the cabinet who had been consulted were opposed to
sending troops on the showing of the governor. In a
despatch to Pierrepont Grant showed his susceptibility
to the influence of popular sentiment. " The whole
public," he said, "are tired out with these annual
autumnal outbreaks in the South and the great majority
are ready now to condemn any interference on the part
of the government." 2
A number of the white Republicans of Mississippi
who had quarrelled or differed with Ames, among whom
were both the United States senators, used their influ-
ence against the sending of Federal troops to Mississippi
and none were sent.3 Ames was disappointed at this
but, being a man of great courage, he at once set about
preparing for war with the means at hand. He organ-
ized the state militia. The spirit of determination
shown in his call, To arms ! was materialized in a
requisition for 1000 Springfield breech-loaders. From
the nature of the case the militia companies were com-
posed almost entirely of negroes and their marching
and counter-marching through the country drove the
white people to frenzy. Even a cool-headed man like
General George advised the Democrats to form military
organizations that should be able to maintain a front
against the negro militia. Many indications pointed to
1 The Nation, Sept. 23, 1875, p. 193.
2 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 516.
8 There were 100 United States troops at Vicksburg, 120 at Jackson and
200 at Holly Springs. Garner, p. 391, note 5.
Ch. XLIL] PEACE AGREEMENT 133
trouble. A hardware merchant of Vicksburg reported
that with the exception of the first year of the war his
trade had never been so brisk. It was said that 10,000
Spencer rifles had been brought into the State. A fight
took place [October 9] at Friars Point, Coahoma County
in which six negroes and two white men were killed.
Many bloody conflicts would undoubtedly have occurred
between whites and blacks, had it not been for the con-
ciliatory work of George K. Chase, who came to Missis-
sippi as the agent of Attorney-General Pierrepont and
brought about a " Peace Agreement " between the Gov-
ernor and a committee of Democratic citizens with Gen-
eral George at their head.1 Ames agreed to disband his
militia and the Democrats promised to do all in their
power to maintain peace and secure a fair election. Ames
and the Democrats carried out to the letter their respec-
tive parts of the agreement. There appears to be no ques-
tion in regard to Ames ; and the Democrats are vouched
for by Thomas F. Bayard and Joseph E. McDonald who
wrote the minority report of the Senate Committee
which investigated the election, and who were as honour-
able men as ever sat in the upper house of Congress.
" It will be difficult for any mind however prejudiced,"
they said, " to construe any portion of the telegraphic
correspondence " between George and his party associates
throughout the state (which had been seized and was
now in possession of the committee,) " so as to favor
the suspicion that lawlessness of any kind was looked to
as an element for the success of the Democratic party in
that canvass. From first to last there is nothing but
what is creditable to Mr. George and his Democratic
correspondents as honorable, peaceful and law-abiding
citizens."
1 Johnston gives a different account of this Peace conference minimizing
the influence of Chase. Miss. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. vi. pp. 68-75. His account
fits into the situation as well as mine which is largely based on the contempo-
rary evidence.
134 THE "MISSISSIPPI PLAN" [1875
But General George, Ethelbert Barksdale and the
others who strove with them could not control the
desperadoes, the turbulent spirits and the refractory
young men, who had enlisted in the cause of redeeming
Mississippi, and the fact remains that intimidation had
its part in giving the Democrats their large majority.
Violence diminished after the Peace Agreement and, so
far as I have been able to sift the evidence, I believe
that in the riots and race conflicts during this canvass
the Republicans and negroes were at least equally to
blame with the Democrats. But both before and after
the conference of Chase with George, intimidation was
a formidable weapon and, as election day drew near, it
was wielded with great effect. A mild form of it
was the threat to discharge labourers if they voted the
Republican ticket, — a method which the Southerners
might have said they had borrowed from the North.
The real " Mississippi plan " however was to play upon
the easy credulity of the negroes and inspire them with
terror so that they would vote the Democratic ticket or
stay away from the polls. Cannon were dragged through
the country and fired on the public roads in proximity
to Republican meetings.1 At some of these gatherings
the Democrats insisted upon a division of time between
opposing speakers and enforced their demand by the
presence of their rifle clubs.2 During a barbecue in
Jackson six days before the election, they borrowed a
government cannon from the United States camp,
hitched four mules to it and made it a part of their pro-
cession which marched through the streets past the
executive mansion. The procession indeed became a
mob that hooted, stuck their fingers up to their noses,
made insulting grimaces and cried out to the Governor
to go back to " beast Butler," 3 to Massachusetts where
1 Garner, p. 374, note 2. 8 Ames was a son-in-law of Butler.
2 The Negro in Politics, Bancroft, p. 62.
Ch. LXIL] THE "MISSISSIPPI PLAN" 135
he belonged. Some drew their pistols and fired at the
mansion ; one ball passed over the head of Chase who
was looking at the performance from a window. This
was in broad daylight ; in the evening the mob returned
and fired the cannon in the rear of the Governor's man-
sion as well as pistol-shots " making a great disturbance."
Then they wrecked the office of the Pilot newspaper, the
radical and official State organ.1
According to the law, men might vote in their respec-
tive precincts or at the county seat and under the ad-
vice of their leaders it was customary for the negroes to
go in mass to the chief town. In Lowndes County, the
night before the election, squads of white men guarded
the fordways across the Tombigbee River leading from
the black belt to Columbus and, as the black voters ap-
peared, they were turned back from their purpose.2 The
negroes' habit of gathering at the polls before they were
opened suggested another device. A few horsemen with
ropes tied to the pommels of their saddles rode up to a
voting place, where a crowd of black voters were stand-
ing about awaiting the hour when they might deposit
their ballots, and asked the judges how soon the polls
would be opened. " Not for about fifteen minutes " was
the reply. " Well," said the horsemen as they started
off, " then the hanging will not begin for about fifteen
minutes." " Not a word was spoken to the blacks, but
before the fifteen minutes were up not a negro could be
seen." 3 In the counties, where the contest raged the
fiercest, white men generally gave the negroes to under-
stand that they were determined to carry the election,
peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must.
At some time within a month before election day
[between October 5 and November 2] Chase reported to
1 Chase's testimony, Boutwell report, p. 1805. Cf. Barksdale's, p. 475.
2 Garner, p. 394. Cf. vote 1873 and 1875. Boutwell report, p. 38.
8 I?n,,/.».^ft- rv CO -nn-f-j-*
8 Bancroft, p. 63, note
136 THE QUESTION OF TROOPS [1875
the Attorney-General that " there was no chance for a
fair election without the aid of United States troops."
The soldiers (presumably those in the State) were
ordered to interfere if it were necessary to prevent
actual bloodshed.1 No additional troops were sent to
the State ; those already there made no interference.
The Democratic leaders were eager to avert any such
contingency ; indeed their assurances that there would
be a fair election and their efforts to secure it had to
some extent been prompted by a desire to have the
whole matter left to the control of the State authorities.
One reason of their repugnance to the Federal soldiers
is apparent. The presence of the blue-coats put heart
into the negroes, rendering futile the arguments and
entreaties of Democratic citizens and neutralizing the
threats of those engaged in the work of intimidation.
The poor, credulous, much-abused blacks were swayed
by fanciful reasons. Although the United States can-
non was loaned indiscriminately to the two parties for
the purpose of a salute, the fact that the Democrats had
obtained it for the Jackson barbecue, to which refer-
ence has been made, produced a profound impression.
A number of negroes said to George K. Chase, « The
government has gone against us ; they [the Democrats]
have got the government cannon and the government
flag and everything, and no use now to vote." 2
There was however another reason, and an excellent
one, for the endeavours of the Mississippi Democrats to
prevent the use of Federal troops during the election
canvass : this I prefer to present in the words of North-
ern Republicans. Charles Nordhoff, a German, who
had imbibed his anti-slavery opinions as a youthful
immigrant, who had never voted any other national
ticket than the Republican and who was a keen observer,
1 Chase's testimony, Boutwell report, p. 1804.
2 Testimony, Boutwell report, p. 1814.
Ch. XLIL] THE MISSISSIPPI ELECTION 137
an honest and truthful man, visited in 1875, as a cor-
respondent of the New York Herald, six of the Southern
States,1 and, explaining that the pamphlet he published
on his return was a report on political and industrial
conditions, he addressed it to President Grant. " The
Enforcement Acts," he wrote, " have been used in the
last year or two, in all the Southern States I have
seen, almost entirely for political purposes ; and they
are very dangerous and effective tools for this purpose.
But to right personal wrongs they are slow, ineffective
and almost useless. There was I believe a time four or
five years ago, when the Enforcement Acts were valuable
by enabling energetic Federal officers to promptly sup-
press Ku-Klux organizations. But at present these laws
are mere political and partisan instruments." 2 Until this
autumn, in the States which had carpet-bag governors,
said The Nation — and the words have the ring of Godkin,
— " there was going on, preparatory to the election, a
system of wholesale arrests of white citizens by parties of
cavalry on the charges of ' intimidating ' negroes which
from their very nature were incapable of disproof. . . .
There was no doubt at the time in our minds that all this
was part of an electioneering scheme on a great scale, for
which the Force Acts and the Attorney-General's office
were to supply, and did supply, the machinery." 3
The election took place on November 2. The Demo-
crats carried the State by nearly 31,000 ; gained a
majority in the legislature of 93 ; elected their officials
in nearly all of the counties ; and chose four out of the
six members of Congress.4 Intimidation was practically
1 Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, North Carolina, Georgia,
March-July.
2 The Cotton States in 1875, p. 80. Lamar wrote (probably in 1871),
" We are grievously persecuted under the Ku-Klux law." Mayes, p. 166.
3 Sept. 23, 1875, p. 193. This referred to the time when Williams was
Attorney-General.
* John R. Lynch, coloured, was one of the Republicans elected ; the other
was an independent or anti-Ames Republican, supported by the Democrats.
138 THE MISSISSIPPI ELECTION [1875
confined to ten counties out of seventy-three.1 Yazoo
makes the worst showing : the Republican vote in 1873
was 2427, in 1875, 7 : the Democratic increased from 411
to 4044. Democratic leaders of this county in conver-
sation with Frederic Bancroft, who has made a large
personal investigation of affairs at the South, made no
attempt to deny that intimidation and force were
employed.2 No other county shows so glaring a result,
although in some counties the Republican vote was
diminished and in others the ratable increase was not
so great as the Democratic. In the whole State the
diminution of the Republican total was 3462, the in-
crease of the Democratic over fifty thousand. Governor
Ames and Senator Boutwell declared that the State had
been carried by fraud and violence and Boutwell at-
tempted to show, through an analysis of the vote by
counties, that if there had been a free election, the legis-
lature would have been Republican.3 President Grant
wrote on July 26, 1876, " Mississippi is governed to-day
by officials chosen through fraud and violence such as
would scarcely be accredited to savages, much less to a
civilized and Christian people." Ames's is a natural
statement of one who believed that he had been defeated
unfairly while Grant's and Boutwell's are the ebullitions
of partisans in a heated presidential campaign.4
Fraud was charged on both sides : from the character
of the Republican officials, who were largely in control,
it may be inferred that this was a game they could play
at better than their Democratic opponents. That in-
timidation was a factor I think I have shown clearly
enough ; but a careful analysis of the vote and the evi-
dence leads me to believe that, had the enlightened policy
1 Democratic report, p. lxxv. 2 The Negro, p. 64, note.
8 Garner, p. 403 ; Report, p. xxviii.
4 The Boutwell report was presented to the Senate Aug. 7, 1876 and may
be regarded as a campaign document.
Ch. XLII.] THE MISSISSIPPI ELECTION 139
of Lamar and George been strictly adhered to, the
Democrats would have carried the State and secured the
legislature. Intimidation increased their majority and
the number of their members of the legislature ; it
probably gained them the control of some counties. But
without it the practical result would have been the
same, as is evident from certain considerations. It was
the first year that the Democrats of Mississippi had
been thoroughly organized and united since 1868. The
campaign was conducted with a vigour and enthusiasm
that brought to the polls practically every white voter ;
and the political current in the whole country had since
1874 been setting against the Republicans. The split in
the Republican party of Mississippi with its factional
bitterness was another factor. Nor can doubt exist that
many negroes voted with the Democrats from choice.
Ex-Senator Revels and other prominent coloured men
were leaders of this movement. After the election
Revels wrote to President Grant that "masses of my
people have been, as it were, enslaved in mind by un-
principled adventurers " who told them they must vote
for candidates " notoriously corrupt and dishonest " as
" the man who scratched a ticket was not a Republican.
... To defeat this policy, at the late election, men,
irrespective of race, color or party affiliation united and
voted together against men known to be incompetent
and dishonest." 1 Of 25 coloured members of the legis-
lature, one was a Democrat and three were independent
or anti-Ames Republicans.
In the presidential contest of 1876 and afterwards, when
it was sought to fire the Northern heart to resist Demo-
cratic encroachments, a favourite watchword of the
Republicans was that the Mississippi plan of campaign
(and by implication that employed in other Southern
States) was the plan of the shot-gun and Winchester
1 Nov. 6, Garner, p. 399.
140 POLITICAL REVOLUTION [1875
rifle. But Mississippi people speak of the " Revolution
of 1875 " and they are nearer right. Whilst regretting
some of the means employed, all lovers of good govern-
ment must rejoice at the redemption of Mississippi.
Ames held over but he was impeached by the new
legislature in March 1876. There was arranged, how-
ever, a compromise in which Butler, his father-in-law,
and Roger A. Pryor, a native Virginian, now a New
York City lawyer and one of Ames's attorneys, bore a
part. The legislature dismissed the charges of impeach-
ment ; Ames resigned. "He bore himself," wrote Pryor,
" as a brave and honorable gentleman." 1
Home rule was now complete. A Democratic House
of Representatives admitted in December 1875 the
Congressmen who had been chosen ; a Republican Senate
in March 1877 admitted Lamar, the senator elected by
the legislature which had been returned in the autumn
of 1875. No attempt was made by Federal authority to
overturn the government ushered in by the Revolution.2
In truth any serious move in that direction was im-
possible. From December 1875 to December 1889 the
Republicans at no one time controlled together the
presidency, the Senate and the House, and one reason
of their partial exclusion from power was a conviction
on the part of a great number of people that their Re-
construction policy had been a failure.
Since 1876 Mississippi has increased in population and
in wealth ; her bonded indebtedness and taxation are
1 Garner, p. 407. My authorities for this account are Garner ; the Bout-
well and the minority report of the Senate Committee on the Mississippi
election of 1875 ; various testimony printed with the same ; Nordhoff, The
Cotton States in 1875 ; Bancroft, The Negro in Politics ; Appletons' Annual
Cyclopaedia, 1875 ; The Nation, 1875 ; Life of Lamar, Mayes ; Johnston
in Miss. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. vi. ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. ; Life
of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. ; Barksdale in The Solid South ; Yazoo, A. T.
Morgan.
2 Mississippi voted for Tilden in 1876 and ever afterwards for the
Democratic candidates for the presidency.
Ch. XLIL] RECONSTRUCTION IN MISSISSIPPI 141
low. She has done much for education and in other
ways has gone forward in the path of civilization.
A contrast of 1868-1875 with the years succeeding will
show how unpractical and unjust was the endeavour to
found a State on universal negro suffrage in a community
where the blacks exceeded the whites. It is noteworthy
that the remembrance of the misery of carpet-bag-
negro rule has tended to obliterate the memory of the
war's distress. " Those pitiless years of reconstruc-
tion ! " said Bishop Galloway in 1903. " Worse than
the calamities of war were the ' desolating furies of
peace.' No proud people ever suffered such indignities
or endured such humiliation and degradation." a
Universal negro suffrage had a fair trial in Mississippi.
Two coloured men of ability, Revels and Lynch, rose to
the top as leaders. The three Republican governors
were honest and capable. Ames's career was indeed a
tragedy. His courage and devotion to the coloured
people would have won him distinction had not the
plan he set himself to work out been inherently bad.
His government could not go on without concessions
and rewards to the ignorant constituency whose brutish
instincts prevented their developing political capacity
and honesty. But the fault was neither his nor the
negroes. The wrong had been committed by Congress,
as was clearly appreciated by Powers, the second
Republican governor of Mississippi, who had also been
sheriff. After Republican rule was over, he wrote :
" Had the plan of reconstruction been based on sound
principles of statesmanship, its friends would have stood
by it, and the long train of evil and suffering that
resulted from it would have been avoided. Without
justifying any of the crimes that were committed to
overthrow reconstruction, it is eminently proper that
the historian who writes for future generations should
1 Official Register of Mississippi, 1904, p. G18.
142 SOUTH CAROLINA [1870
point out the crime concealed in the so-called congres-
sional plan itself." J
Even worse than that of Louisiana and Mississippi
was the suffering of South Carolina. Worse indeed than
the desolation of the war was that of the negro-carpet-
bag rule from 1868 to 1874. And universal negro suf-
frage had a fair trial. The number of coloured men of
the age of twenty-one and upward was 85,475 as
against 62,547 white.2 With rare exceptions the
negroes could vote freely and fearlessly and it is un-
doubted that, at every election until 1876, the coloured
men who went to the polls far outnumbered the whites.
The legislature elected in 1868 contained 90 black to 56
white members ; 8 that of 1870 about 91 : 61 ; 4 and the
House [a thorough search having failed to discover the
figures of the Senate] of 1872 had 94 black and 30 white
representatives.5 All the coloured men were Republicans.
There were besides a number of white Republicans who
voted with the negroes, so that the Republican ma-
jority was always large, and in 1872 overwhelming [126
Republicans : 31 Democrats].6 The governor's office was
left to the white men. An Ohio carpet-bagger served
from 1868 to 1872, a native white South Carolinian, who
acted with the majority, for the succeeding term of two
years ; both were men of bad repute. As the negroes
came to realize that they furnished practically all the
votes of the Republican party they demanded a larger
share of the offices and, as a result of the election of
1872, there was a coloured Lieutenant-Governor, Treas-
urer and other State officials, President of the Senate
1 Gamer, p. 281. 2 Census of 1870.
8 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., pp. 1239, 1244-1248. After this
count there remain one not specified and nine vacancies. The minority
report, p. 529 gives 98 black to 57 white.
* Ibid., p. 5.
6 The Prostrate State, Pike, p. 14.
6 Tribune Almanac ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, p. 772.
Ch. XLIL] SOUTH CAEOLINA 143
and Speaker, Clerk and Chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee of the House.1
Into such hands had the government of South Carolina
fallen. Though an oligarchy before the war, it had been
economical, pure, honest and dignified. Able men had
sat in the governor's chair ; the legislature was a credit-
able body. A prime requisite for any office in the State
was integrity. And now for six years bribery, corrup-
tion and dishonesty ran riot.
It was an ingenious lot of rogues that went on rob-
bing the State by about every known, tried, or possible
method under a democratic form of government. Char-
ters of incorporation had to be paid for and the ostensi-
ble development of the State lent itself to railroad-aid
swindles. A Democratic member testified before the
congressional committee that the legislature was known
to be unblushingly in the market ; 2 and Judge Carpenter,
a Republican, held the belief in common with every in-
telligent man of South Carolina that " no bill having
any other purpose than a mere public law could be
passed in the legislature without bribery." This belief
was based upon general information and the free admis-
sions of interested men ; of lobbyists and members of
the legislature themselves. Indeed no secret was made
of the fact that the legislature was for sale.3 The Re-
publican members of the Ku-Klux committee admitted
that " venality and corruption in the legislature prevailed
largely ; " 4 but, ignoring the significant Republican ma-
jority they seemed to think they had shifted the respon-
sibility by saying that " all parties " were concerned in
the wickedness. This misleading statement is merely a
bit of partisan recrimination, as the legislature of 1868
had 136 Republican members to 21 Democratic and that
1 Pike, The Prostrate State, pp. 15, 45 ; Bancroft, The Negro, p. 30.
2 Ku-Klux report, p. 87.
8 Ibid., Testimony, S.C., p. 227. * Ibid., p. 87.
144 SOUTH CAKOLINA [1870
of 1870 a Republican majority nearly as great.1 Two
of the Republican members of the Ku-Klux committee
told of a band of " Forty thieves " [" composed of mem-
bers of both political parties and of both colors "] who
held up every bill granting corporate privileges until
they had received money for its passage.2 The local
officials were mainly incompetent and corrupt ; malfea-
sance tainted the school system. Opportunities were
made for spending money. For example a State census
was taken in 1869 at great expense which was entirely
unnecessary as the following year came the United
States census under the direction of the accomplished
superintendent Francis A. Walker. Newspapers were
subsidized : this indeed was necessary for the mainte-
nance of organs for a dominant party that had no reading
public. And of course the ignorant and impoverished
Republican voters were themselves cheated by the legis-
lators whom they kept in power. Playing upon the
laudable desire of the negroes to own land the legisla-
ture appropriated $700,000 to buy tracts of land in dif-
ferent parts of the State and resell it to the freedmen in
small lots on long credit. The Land Commission over-
drew their appropriation and failed to account for
$224,000; they did however spend $577,000 for land.
In Beaufort county they bought worn-out rice fields ; in
Charleston worthless land so remote from railway or
water communication as to have no present value ; in
Chesterfield a vast sand bed not worth a dollar an acre
which was put in to the State at over six dollars ; in
Colleton 53 lots abounding in "swamps, bays and ponds "
and " better for fishing than farming purposes." In short
nearly all the land was old and worn out or else new
1 Tribune Almanac ; Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 81 ; Charles-
ton Courier, Nov. 10, 1870. This does not quite agree with the previous
statement but the difference is not essential.
2 Ku-Klux report, p. 122.
Ch. XLIL] SOUTH CAROLINA 145
and swampy. Judge Carpenter doubted whether the
whole amount saddled on the State at an exorbitant
profit to the land-commission ring was worth $100,000,
and he believed that not a hundred negroes were living
on and cultivating this State-ring land.1
Barbaric extravagance presided over the furnishing
of the State Capitol. Sixteen hundred dollars went for
200 imported china spittoons. Clocks were bought at
$480 each, chandeliers at $650 and French mirrors for
the speaker's room at $750.2 The private lodgings of
negro members were furnished with Brussels and Wil-
ton carpets, mirrors and sofas. A taste for flashy
jewellery was gratified at the expense of the State.3
Fraud and extravagance went hand in hand. The
amounts of the bills were raised before they were ap-
proved and pay certificates issued therefor. In four
years over $200,000 was paid out for furniture, the ap-
praised value of which in 1877 was $17,715. Vicious,
as well as criminal, practices were countenanced, were
even paid for by the State. A bar was set up in a
room of the State House and kept open from eight
o'clock in the morning to the small hours of the next
morning. It held liberal supplies of whiskey and cigars ;
also champagne, port and brandy at a cost for each of
$40 a dozen. " Many of the members would be at the
room before breakfast hunting a drink or eye opener "
and for eighteen hours the carouse went on. State and
national questions were discussed over too frequent
glasses. The private supplies of wines and liquor for
some of the more important members were included in
the appropriation bills. A house of ill fame in the city
of Columbia kept by a coloured woman was furnished
1 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 235; Pike, The Prostrate State,
chap. xix.
2 Ku-Klux report minority, p. 536.
3 Ibid.; Report of the legislative committee (1877-1878) onfrauds, pp. 14, 19.
VII. — 10
146 SCOTT AND MOSES [1872
at the expense of the State.1 Disbursements exceeded
appropriations. Moreover from October 1868 to Octo-
ber 1870 there were expenditures of $1,208,000 for which
no vouchers could be found in the Treasury.2
The State was boldly mulcted of $1000 to reimburse
the loser of a bet on a horse race. The bet was made
by F. J. Moses Jr., the speaker of the House and Whip-
per a negro member, some of whose ill-gotten gains
had been invested in fast horses. The House adjourned
to see the race. Moses lost. Three days afterwards
Whipper moved that "a gratuity of $1000 be voted
to the speaker of this house for the dignity and
ability with which he has presided over its delibera-
tions " ; and this motion was carried.3 R. K. Scott
was the Ohio carpet-bagger who was governor from 1868
to 1872, F. J. Moses Jr., a Jew, the native of South Caro-
lina who served from 1872 to 1874. Both were corrupt
and led their legislatures in stealing from the State.
Associated with them in other executive offices were
men of the same sort. An evidence of the pandering
to the dregs of the community is the pardons granted to
criminals. In his two terms Scott issued 579 ; Moses,
in his one term, 457.4 Referring to Scott's administra-
tion Judge Carpenter said in his testimony, "Men of the
worst character, men who had committed the worst pos-
sible crimes were pardoned and turned loose to prey
again upon the community." 5 The judge in sentencing
to the penitentiary three county commissioners of Barn-
well, who had been convicted of stealing the public
money added, " if you are permitted to stay " and said
1 Report of the legislative committee (1877-1878) on frauds, pp. 9, 10,
17, 202.
2 Ku-Klux report, minority, p. 534. > Ibid. , p. 539.
4 Charleston News and Courier cited by Allen. Governor Chamberlain's
administration in South Carolina, p. 287.
5 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 227. See Judge Poland's quasi-
apology for these pardons. Pike, p. 236.
Ch. XLIL] DANIEL H. CHAMBEBLAIN 147
further that he had " met parties in the streets a few
weeks after he had sentenced them to the penitentiary." 1
Daniel H. Chamberlain, an honest man who was
Attorney-General of the State during the four years of
Scott's administration, wrote to W. L. Trenholm on
May 5, 1871 : " Three years have passed and the result
is what ? Incompetency, dishonesty, corruption in all its
forms, have ' advanced their miscreated fronts,' have put
to flight the small remnant that opposed them, and now
rule the party which rules the State. You may imagine
the chagrin with which I make this statement. Truth
alone compels it. My eyes see it — all my senses testify
to the startling and sad fact. ... I am a Republican by
habit, by conviction, by association, but my republican-
ism is not, I trust, composed solely of equal parts of
ignorance and rapacity." 2
The taxable value of the property of South Carolina
in 1860 exclusive of the slaves was 316 millions and the
annual taxes $392,000 ; in 1871 the taxable property
was 184 millions and the taxes $2,000,000. At the same
time the debt kept on increasing. So confused or so
cooked are the accounts that authorities differ as to the
amount of the debt. But it is somewhere near the
truth to say that the debt of less than 7 millions in
1868 had become by the end of 1871 nearly 29 millions
actual and contingent.3
Those who levied taxes did not pay them. Few,
if any of the office-holders and members of the legisla-
ture, possessed property of the smallest value when they
went into office and they were sustained by the most
ignorant and propertyless constituency that ever bore a
share of government in our country. In the election of
1 The Nation, June 4, 1874, p. 355 ; also Carpenter's testimony, Ku-Klux
report, S.C., p. 236.
2 Testimony, S.C., p. 1251.
8 Scott, The Bepudiation of State Debts, p. 84 ; Pike, chap, xviii.
148 NEGRO CONSTITUENCY OF SOUTH CAROLINA [1870
1868, when Scott was first chosen, there were according
to the estimate of Chamberlain about 80,000 negro votes
cast and 30,000 white men's : not more than 4000 or
5000 white men voted the Republican ticket.1 In
1870, owing to an exciting contest, a large vote was
cast, Scott receiving 85,000, which was almost the exact
number of male negroes over twenty-one.2 Carpenter
thought that not more than 2000 or 3000 whites voted
the regular Republican ticket.3 If the count was fair, it
follows that nearly every negro in South Carolina went
to the polls giving Scott a majority of 33,000. Eighty-
two thousand negroes and 3000 white men re-elected a
governor, whom every man of common sense knew for
a thief and chose a legislature certain to follow in the
path of its predecessor which had outraged honesty and
decency. But what else could have been expected of
such a constituency ? Seventy thousand eight hundred
and thirty of the 85,475 negro voters were illiterate.4
Judge Carpenter, who had been an officer in the Union
army and moved to South Carolina in 1867, testified in
1871 : " The colored population upon the seacoast and
upon the rivers in point of intelligence is just as slightly
removed from the animal creation as it is conceivable
for a man to be. I venture to say that no gentleman
here would be able to understand one of them upon the
witness stand or would be able to know what he meant.
I have had to exercise more patience and more ingenuity
in that particular, to have more explanations and inter-
pretations to find out what a witness meant to say, who
1 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 56 ; this is not accurate but gives
an idea of the proportion. Scott received 69,693 votes ; the Democratic candi-
date, 23,219, Report of Secretary of War, 1868, H. E. D., 40th Cong. 3d Sess.,
No. 1, vol. iii. part i. p. 522.
2 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1870, p. 682 ; U. S. Census, 1870.
3 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 247.
4 " Cannot write " is the term of the census report, but the literature of
the subject goes to show that they could neither read nor write.
Ch. XLIL] SCOTT — WHITTEMORE 149
had witnessed a murder, for instance, than to under-
stand anything else in my life. They talk a very out-
landish idiom utterly unknown to me. They are very
ignorant and still have very strong passions, and these
bad men lead them just as a man would drive or lead a
flock of sheep."1 James S. Pike of Maine, a strong
anti-slavery man before the war and a consistent Repub-
lican during it, visited South Carolina in 1873 and wrote,
" A large majority of all the voting citizens of the State
are habitually guilty of thieving and of concubinage." 2
Given character and fitness as the proper tests for
candidates for office, the negroes almost always voted
wrong. In 1870 the candidates for governor were Scott
and Judge Carpenter. Both were Republicans but Car-
penter ran on the Reform ticket and was supported by
the white people of intelligence and property but the
bulk of the negroes voted for Scott who could not have
been elected to the meanest State office in any State at
the North. On one side the deepest corruption was
certain, on the other the character of the candidate
promised honesty ; but the negroes were told that if
Carpenter were elected he would reduce them to slavery
or failing to do that he " would not allow their wives and
daughters to wear hoop-skirts."3 B. F. Whittemore, the
carpet-bag representative of the first district of South
Carolina in the national House, was found out in an
extensive and unblushing sale of cadetships to the
military academy at West Point and the naval academy
at Annapolis and would have been expelled from the
House had he not resigned. After his resignation he
was censured by an imposing vote.4 Whittemore did
1 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 238.
2 The Prostrate State, p. 70. From the context it is clear Pike meant a
large majority of the negroes. Literally construed it might mean practically
all the negroes which is an unjust aspersion.
3 Ku-Klux report, Testimony, S.C., p. 238.
4 185 : 0, not voting 35.
150 GOVEENOR F. J. MOSES [1872
not deny selling the appointments but offered as his
defence that he had not used the money received from
them for his private purposes but had spent it for the
relief of the people of his district. This satisfied his
negro constituents who returned him by about 8000
majority but the House refused to allow him to take his
seat.1 In the autumn of that year he was elected to the
South Carolina Senate from Darlington county by 1170
majority and still later was chosen by the legislature as
one of the trustees of the State Agricultural College.2
In 1872 the negroes elected as governor F. J. Moses
Jr., who, it was said, had won their favour by dancing
at their balls.3 That as Speaker of the House he was
a notorious rascal proved no disqualification : he was
chosen by a majority of 33,000.4 His opportunities for
stealing were not so good as those of his predecessor.
Although the " people of South Carolina were almost
model tax-payers and had promptly met every year the
burdens imposed upon them " 5 the treasury was gutted
and the credit of the State was gone. Moreover an
amendment to the Constitution had been adopted which
forbade any increase of the debt without the approval of
two-thirds of the voters at a general State election.6
But Moses in some degree made up for the lack of those
opportunities, which Scott possessed, by selling pardons
to criminals by the wholesale.7 He was not renominated
1 Globe, Feb., June 1870 ; The Nation, June 16, 1870, p. 376 ; New York
Tribune, June 6, 1870. The population of the district by the census of 1870
was 105,661 black, 70,642 white. Excluding one county, where the popu-
lation was about even, the vote at the State election of 1870 was 18,515
black, 11,463 white.
2 Pike, p. 41. » Ibid., p. 87.
4 Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia, 1872, p. 738.
6 The Nation, May 9, 1872, p. 299.
6 Passed by the legislature March 13, 1872, ratified by popular vote, Oct.
18, 1872, reaffirmed by the next legislature Jan. 29, 1873 and declared a part
of the Constitution. The article is printed in Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia,
1872, p. 733. * Allen, p, 252.
Ch. XLIL] NEGRO CONSTITUENCY 161
in 1874 owing to the opposition of some shrewd white
leaders in South Carolina and of President Grant, for he
had become known as " the robber Moses " and " the
great South Carolina thief " ; but still devoted to him
were the convicts, the office-holders and the negroes.1
The stream cannot rise higher than its source. The
level of the constituency was reached by their repre-
sentatives, and that was all : here were the floods of
ignorance and dishonesty wonderfully mingled. The
Nation asked of the Charleston Daily Republican how
many members of the South Carolina legislature could
read a page of Pilgrim's Progress. The Republican
replied that " all but three members signed their names
to the pay-rolls — the value of which, as an indication
of the condition of their education, anybody who has
ever seen the laborers' signatures to the pay-roll of any
large public work will appreciate. As to their ability
to read a page of the Pilgrim' 's Progress — about the
easiest reading extant — the Republican says it cannot
tell, ' never having heard any of them read from that
particular book ' ; that they did not graduate at Harvard
or Yale ; but they could read a Pilgrim's Progress of
their own quite similar to Bunyan's and eloquent ; the
story of a journey from the City of Destruction, fenced
with slavery, to the celestial land of liberty, etc' " 2
Another of these extraordinary apologies for ignorance
when covered by a black skin is seen in the sincere ex-
pression of General Howard who passed through Colum-
bia in August 1868. " The legislature is a remarkable
one," he said. " There were more colored men in it
than in that of North Carolina. There seemed more
excitability here, and more people hanging about the
building occupied as a State House who were without
employment. There was here a little I thought of the
1 The Nation, Aug. 6, 27, 1874, pp. 81, 129, Sept. 17, p. 178.
2 Ibid., June 16, 1870, p. 378.
162 SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE [1873
appearance of a rider not yet used to the saddle. Yet
I perceived that these men were in earnest. They were
educating themselves to legislation by legislation. Every
pulse of the heart of the majority beats for the flag,
for the Union. And who would substitute for such a
legislature even extraordinary ability and learning
coupled with disloyal sentiments and intense conviction
of the righteousness of State supremacy ? " 1
James S. Pike, visiting Columbia in February and
March 1873, vividly described the personnel of the South
Carolina House as it issued forth of an afternoon after
adjournment. About three-quarters, he wrote, "be-
longed to the African race. They were of every hue
from the light octoroon to the deep black. . . . Every
negro type and physiognomy was here to be seen from
the genteel serving-man to the rough-hewn customer
from the rice or cotton field. Their dress was as varied
as their countenances. There was the second-hand
black frock-coat of infirm gentility, glossy and thread-
bare. There was the stove-pipe hat of many ironings
and departed styles. There was also to be seen a total
disregard of the proprieties of costume in the coarse and
dirty garments of the field ; the stub jackets and slouch
hats of soiling labor. In some instances, rough woollen
comforters embraced the neck and hid the absence of
linen. Heavy brogans, and short torn trousers it was
impossible to hide. . . . These were the legislators of
South Carolina. In conspicuous bas-relief over the
door of exit, on the panels of the stately edifice, the
marble visages of George McDuffie and Robert Y. Hayne
overlooked the scene. ... < My God, look at this ! '
was the unbidden ejaculation of a low-country planter,
clad in homespun, as he leaned over the rail inside the
House gazing excitedly upon the body in session.
1 General Howard's Address in Sept., Washington Chronicle, Oct. 1,
1868.
Ch. XLIL] SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE 163
"... It is the spectacle of a society suddenly turned
bottom-side up. The wealth, the intelligence, the culture,
the wisdom of the State " are submerged. " In the place
of this old aristocratic society stands the rude form of
the most ignorant democracy that mankind ever saw,
invested with the functions of government. It is the
dregs of the population habilitated in the robes of their
intelligent predecessors and asserting over them the rule
of ignorance and corruption, through the inexorable
machinery of a majority of numbers. It is barbarism
overwhelming civilization by physical force. It is the
slave rioting in the halls of his master, and putting that
master under his feet. And though it is done without
malice and without vengeance, it is nevertheless none
the less completely and absolutely done." x
Of the 124 members of the House, 23 were Con-
servatives from the hill country where the proportion of
negro voters was smaller than elsewhere in the State.
" They are good-looking, substantial citizens," " men of
weight and standing " at home. Powerless to resist the
corrupt and ignorant legislation of their body, they
could only sit silent and watch. " Grouped in a corner
of the commodious and well-furnished chamber, they
stolidly survey the noisy riot that goes on in the great
black Left and Centre, where the business and debates
of the House are conducted." 2
In this body which " is at once a wonder and a shame
to modern civilization " there were 101 Republicans,
94 coloured, 7 white. It is "almost literally a black
Parliament." The Speaker, the clerk, the doorkeepers,
the little pages, the chairman of the Committee of the
Ways and Means, the chaplain — all are black. " At
some of the desks sit colored men whose types it would
be hard to find outside of Congo ; whose costume, vis-
ages, attitudes and expression, only befit the forecastle
i Pike, pp. 10, 11, 12. 2 Ibid., p. 13.
154 SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE [1873
of a buccaneer." 1 All with perhaps the exception of a
half dozen had been slaves and their ancestors had been
slaves for generations. In the legislative hall one is
struck with " the endless chatter." There is no end to
the " gush and babble " of the negro. " The intellectual
level is that of a bevy of fresh converts at a negro camp-
meeting. It is the doggerel of debate." The negro
member is imitative, vivacious, volatile and good-natured.
His misuse of language is ludicrous. At an anecdote or
a joke he bursts into a broad guffaw. His harangue is
incoherent ; he repeats himself ; he will speak a half
dozen times on one question, saying the same thing
over and over again.
But the negro legislators were " quick as lightning at
debating points of order." No one could speak five
minutes without a question of order or privilege being
raised ; and "some of the blackest members" were adepts
at this parliamentary practice. « Their struggles to
get the floor, their bellowings and physical contortions,
baffle description. The Speaker's hammer plays a per-
petual tattoo all to no purpose." The Speaker orders a
member to take his seat. He sits down " hiding himself
from the Speaker by the soles of his boots." In an
instant he again rises and again for a number of times.
" The Speaker threatens, in a laugh, to call < the gem-
man' to order. This is considered a capital joke and a
guffaw follows. The laugh goes round and then the pea-
nuts are cracked and munched faster than ever. . . . But
underneath all this shocking burlesque upon legislative
proceedings we must not forget that there is something
very real to this uncouth and untutored multitude. . . .
Seven [eight] years ago these men were raising corn and
cotton under the whip of the overseer. To-day they are
raising points of order and questions of privilege." They
think that they can do one as well as the other and they
i Pike, p. 15.
Ch. XLIL] SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE 155
prefer the work of legislation to work in the field, " It is
easier and better paid." This experience in Columbia
" is the sunshine of their lives. It is their day of
jubilee. It is their long-promised vision of the Lord God
Almighty." *
Here is an account of a debate on penitentiary appro-
priations in the same House. " Minort (negro) : The
appropriation is not a bit too large. Humbert (negro) :
The institution ought to be self-sustaining. The mem-
ber only wants a grab at the money. Hurly (negro) :
Mr. Speaker : True — Humbert (to Hurly) : You shet
you myuf, sah ! (Roars of laughter.) Greene (negro) :
That thief from Darlington (Humbert) — Humbert : If
I have robbed anything, I expect to be Ku-Kluxed by
just such highway robbers as the member (Greene) from
Beaufort. Greene : If the Governor were not such a
coward, he would have cowhided you before this, or got
somebody else to do it. Hurly : If the gentleman from
Beaufort (Greene) would allow the weapon named to be
sliced from his cuticle, I might submit to the casti-
gation." 2
Such were the legislators — and we have seen what
the Governors were — of this once proud community.
Beverly Nash, a full-blooded negro six feet high, good-
looking, with pleasant manners, who, as a former slave
of W. C. Preston, had been a hotel bootblack and was
now the leader of the Republican party in the South
Carolina Senate 3 said in 1870 : " The reformers complain
of taxes being too high. I tell you that they are not high
enough. I want them taxed until they put these lands
back where they belong, into the hands of those who
worked for them. You toiled for them, you labored for
them, and were sold to pay for them, and you ought to
i Pike, pp. 19, 20, 21.
2 Leigh, Ten Years on a Georgia Plantation, p. 290. See Andrew D. White's
experience in 1873, Autobiography, vol. i. p. 175. 8 Pike, pp. 34, 41.
156 CITIZENS OF CHARLESTON [1872
have them." 1 In 1872 in Beaufort County 700 out of
2300 farms were forfeited on account of non-payment
of taxes : in the whole State 268,523 acres. In the city
of Charleston the taxes on improved real estate equalled
the whole revenue from it.2 The tax-payers of Charles-
ton County had not a single representative in the
legislature.3
Crowds of defiant negroes roamed " through the
charred and desolate streets of Charleston yelling < De
bottom rail's on de top now and we's gwine to keep it
dar!' " 4 What would the people of Massachusetts have
done ? asked the Democrats on the Ku-Klux committee.
How would such negro shouts " through the staid and
decorous streets of Boston " have sounded in the ears of
her citizens ? Although the two cities had been at antip-
odes on the question of slavery this juxtaposition was
apt. Before the war Charleston and Boston were both
cities of distinction in which there had been much in
common. The well-to-do people were cultivated and
refined ; they loved books and fine paintings. The
Charleston man indeed read rarely the literature of New
England in this period of its flower for it was pervaded
more or less with direct or indirect censures of slavery,
but he absorbed the English writers of the eighteenth
century, knew his Shakespeare and there were those
among them who delighted in Montaigne. The
Brahmins of Boston and the patricians of Charleston did
not despise the pleasures of the table and it was not in-
frequently said that in their houses was served the best
Madeira in the country.
It was long before efforts could be made that held out
any promise of successfully overturning this corrupt and
1 Ku-Klux report, minority, p. 399.
2 Report of Eldridge, House Committee on the Judiciary, No. 481,
May 6, 1874 ; ibid., Potter and Ward, May 11.
8 The Nation, May 28, 1874, p. 341 ; Pike, p. 49.
4 Ku-Klux report, minority, p. 540.
Ch. XLII.] STATE ELECTIONS 157
incompetent rule. It had been set up by an election
[1868] which went Republican by default. The dis-
franchising provisions for voters of the Reconstruction
Acts still held and the South Carolina people were so
stunned at the social abyss yawning before them that a
large number of those who were qualified did not go to
the polls. Only 23,000 Conservatives voted for State
officers and Scott was elected by a majority of 46,000.
Two years of corruption under Scott and his legislature
produced dissensions in the dominant party resulting in
a Union Reform movement and the nomination for gov-
ernor of Judge R. JB. Carpenter, a Republican who con-
tested the re-election of Scott. An exciting canvass
ensued. Carpenter received the hearty support of the
Conservatives but attracted few Republican votes, Scott
being re-elected by 33,000 majority. Carpenter declared
his belief that had the election been fair it would have
been " a very close race " ; he had no doubt that many
of the votes for Scott were procured through intimida-
tion and fraud. The Governor had organized 20,000
coloured men into state militia, furnished them with
Winchester and Springfield rifles and just before election
day distributed ammunition among them. Undoubt-
edly the main object of this was the protection of negro
Republican voters but Carpenter charged that the
troops were employed to intimidate negroes who desired
to vote the Reform ticket. He said it was openly pro-
claimed during the canvass that negroes who carried out
such a purpose would be shot ; and he also maintained
that the dominant party " stuffed " the ballot-boxes and
manipulated the returns.1
Allowance must be made for the statements of a
defeated candidate. While, in my investigation of
Southern affairs, 1 have frequently come across evidence
to the effect that negroes made threats against fellow-
i Ku-Klux report, S.C., Carpenter's testimony, pp. 227, 228, 229, 246.
158 INTIMIDATION BY NEGROES [1870
negroes, who announced their intention of voting with
the Conservatives, I have paid little attention to it
because of the patent fact that the coloured men almost
unanimously desired to vote with the Republicans1
whether out of gratitude or with an eye to the spoils or
because it seemed to them that their salvation lay in
voting in opposition to their former masters. Never-
theless the evidence of intimidation by negroes seems
more credible in the case of South Carolina than of the
other states, and this is perhaps accounted for by the
presence there before the war of a large number of free
negroes, who were property owners and may later have
desired to vote with their fellow tax-payers.2 The Scott
party had all the election machinery and could easily have
cheated by " stuffing " the ballot-boxes and falsifying
records ; and the large vote returned for Scott implies
that something of the sort was done. But whatever
intimidation and fraud there were could do no more than
swell a majority already secure. So long as the full
negro vote could be got out, the necessity for cheating
did not exist as the reign of corruption and incom-
petence was sure to continue.
"The riots at Laurens, Union Court-House and Ches-
ter,"3 say the Democrats of the Ku-Klux committee, "were
1 The facts stated in connection with the Louisiana election of 1872 and the
Mississippi election of 1875 are, I think, sporadic exceptions rather than an
invalidation of the general rule.
2 Ku-Klux report, S.C., Wade Hampton's testimony, p. 1230. See two
instances of this intimidation which Hampton saw, p. 1228. Schurz said in
the Senate Jan. 11, 1875 : " I cannot forget, and it stands vividly in my
recollection, that the only act of terrorism and intimidation I ever happened
to witness with my own eyes was the cruel clubbing and stoning of a
colored man in North Carolina in 1872 by men of his own race, because he
had declared himself in favor of the Conservatives ; and if the whole story
of the South were told it would be discovered that such a practice has by no
means been infrequent." Cong. Becord, p. 369.
3 Race conflicts in which the negroes got the worse of it occurring respec-
tively Oct. 20, 1870, the day after the election and in Jan. and March 1871,
Ku-Klux report, pp. 30, 36, 40, 648 et seq.
Ch. XLIL] GRANT'S OPPORTUNITY 159
the direct and immediate consequence of placing arms in
the hands of the negroes" and constituting them the mi-
litia of South Carolina. This seems a logical conclusion.
Of alike attempt of James II at the subjugation of the
English by bringing over Irish troops Macaulay wrote,
" The English felt as the white inhabitants of Charleston
and New Orleans would feel if those towns were occupied
by negro garrisons." 1 When Macaulay penned those
words, he little thought that within twenty-two years'
time his extreme imagined case would become hard mat-
ter of fact. On election day in 1870 in the neighbourhood
of Charleston the coloured " military companies were out,
armed, with their rifles loaded."2 "Nothing can well
justify mob law," said The Nation, "but when a civil-
ized community finds itself subjected to the rule of its
most ignorant members, aided or managed by knavish
adventurers, all rational men know that mob law is not
unlikely to result." 3
What an opportunity was here for President Grant
had he but been moved by the spirit of his report of
December 1865 ! 4 But he saw things awry, confound-
ing the acts of hot-headed young men and desperadoes
with the respectful protests of citizens of intelligence
and property. His policy towards the prostrate State
was stern repression. Largely because of the disturb-
ances in South Carolina which were attributed to the
1 Chap. ix. in vol. ii. published in 1848.
2 Ku-Klux report, S.C., Carpenter's testimony, p. 229. " Matches are
cheap," said in haranguing the negroes the " brazen-fronted scalawag " Joe
Crews, a negro driver in the days of slavery. A line of burning cotton-gin
houses, barns and dwellings was the result. Ku-Klux report passim,
minority, pp. 545, 558 ; Pike, pp. 224, 225.
8 March 9, 1871, p. 150. I must emphasize the fact that The Nation
though independent inclined to the Republicans. It supported Grant for the
presidency in 1868 and 1872 and Hayes in 1876. The Nation said June 16,
1870, p. 378 : We advocated " the extension of the suffrage to the blacks as
an essential feature of reconstruction. . . . We believe still . . . that it
was the best if not the only course open to Congress." i Vol. v. p. 551.
160 SCOTT AND MOSES [1872
operations of the Ku-Klux-Klan he asked Congress for
extraordinary powers which were given him in the Ku-
Klux Act of April 20, 1871 : towards South Carolina
these were employed with rigour.1
In 1871 Governor Scott and his legislature quarrelled.
They charged him with misuse of the public funds and
he intimated that they were corrupt.2 In December
the quarrel came to a head in the threatened impeach-
ment of Scott and the Treasurer of the State [Niles G.
Parker] for fraud in connection with an issue of bonds.3
The anxious Scott by turns threatened and cajoled the
members. At an evening conference Speaker F. J. Moses
Jr. who was opposed to impeachment, lest it should dis-
rupt the party assured Scott of his support and next day
by certain parliamentary rulings brought the House to a
vote at a time when the Governor felt sure of his major-
ity. Impeachment was beaten. By a free use of money
Scott had purchased enough votes of members to save
himself ; and he gave Moses $15,000 for his aid.4
In 1872 the regular Republican convention nominated
F. J. Moses Jr. for governor ; a number of bolters from
it put Tomlinson into the field. The Conservatives
made no nomination and gave Tomlinson but half-
hearted support, partly because they had lapsed into a
" sullen and despairing indifference " and partly because
they did not wish to associate with some Republican
1 Ante. 2 Pike, p. 244.
3 Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia, 1871, p. 700 ; Report of joint financial
investigating committee, p. 267 ; House Journal, pp. 102, 166 ; Reports of
General Assembly, 1871-1872, pp. 901-903.
4 Testimony of F. J. Moses before Investigating Committee of Legislature,
Oct. 19, 1877, Report on the Impeachment Swindle, p. 19 ; Appletons' Annual
Cyclopsedia, 1871, p. 700. The vote [Dec. 22, 1871] for impeachment of Scott
was 32 : 63, of Parker 27 : 63 ; House Journal, pp. 177, 178, 181, 184,
185 ; Hemphill, Why the Solid South, p. 95 ; The Nation, Nov. 30, 1871,
p. 345, Jan. 4, Feb. 1, March 14, 1872, pp. 2, 66, 163. Jan. 24, 1872 another
motion to impeach the governor was voted down. House Journal, pp. 303,
304.
Ch. XLIL] CHAMBERLAIN, GOVERNOR 161
rascals who were among the bolters.1 Pike during his
visit in February and March 1873 found the South
Carolina people " gloomy, disconsolate, hopeless." " The
gray heads openly profess that they look for no relief.
They see no way of escape. The recovery of influence,
of position, of control in the State, is felt by them to be
impossible. They accept their position with a stoicism
that promises no reward here or hereafter. They are
the types of a conquered race. They staked all and
lost all. Their lives remain, their property and their
children do not. War, emancipation and grinding taxa-
tion have consumed them. Their struggle now is against
complete confiscation." 2
But unexpected relief came from another quarter. In
1874, Daniel H. Chamberlain was elected governor by
the regular Republicans receiving a majority of 11,500
over the Liberal Republican candidate who was sup-
ported by the Conservatives. A lively interest was
taken in the election, and the largest vote since the be-
ginning of Reconstruction was brought out. The opposi-
tion made considerable gains in the legislature.
Chamberlain was born in Massachusetts in 1835 ; as
a boy he had to work on his father's farm to help in
the support of a large family, and later he taught
school in order get the necessary money to prepare for
college. Thus belated in his entrance he was twenty-
seven years old when he graduated from Yale. Thence
he went to the Harvard Law School but did not com-
plete the course : his strong anti-slavery sentiment im-
bibed at fifteen took him to the war and he went out as
lieutenant in Colonel Henry S. Russell's regiment of
coloured volunteers. Soon after the close of hostilities,
1 The vote fell off considerable from 1870 but Moses received 33,000
majority and the House which Pike has so graphically described was chosen.
The Nation, Aug. 29, Oct. 10, 1872, pp. 130, 226 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclo-
paedia, 1872, p. 736. 2 Pike, p. 14.
VII. — 11
162 GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN [1874
he made an unsuccessful venture in cotton planting on
the Sea Islands near Charleston. He was elected a
member of the South Carolina Constitutional convention
of 1868 and served under the new government for four
years as Attorney-General.1 Despite his manly utter-
ance of 1871,2 he had apparently been so closely associ-
ated with the Scott regime that, although he had talked
reform during the election canvass, he had not convinced
the people of intelligence and property of his sincerity.
Scott and Moses, they said, " prated of economy and
honesty but when they met their radical associates they
smiled as the augurs smiled." 3
But the good government men did not then understand
Chamberlain. " Who does not know that the presence
of one honest man puts to flight a band of robbers ? "
he said in the Tax-Payers' Convention of 1871 and his
administration was an exemplification of these words.
The tone of his inaugural address which outlined his
policy was different from the hypocritical professions
of his predecessors. Men who thought no good thing
could come out of the Southern Republican party had
their eyes opened. The conservative press of South
Carolina uttered words of cheer and most of the North-
ern newspapers from Maine to California spoke with
encouragement urging him to pursue the path he had
clearly defined.4
A large portion of the party which had chosen Cham-
berlain did not like his straightforward and honest ad-
dress. Still less did they like his action. Chamberlain
had been in office only eleven days when the first colli-
sion came. The legislature elected the judges and, for
a vacancy which had occurred in the Charleston circuit,
1 Biographical Sketch, Governor Chamberlain's Administration in S.C.,
Allen, p. 524.
3 Ante.
8 Charleston News and Courier cited by Allen, p. 74.
* Allen, p. 34.
Ch. XLII.] GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN 163
the Republicans nominated W. J. Whipper, an unscru-
pulous negro politician, lacking professional attainments,
a man " notorious in evil." 1 Previous to the election it
was the custom for the members of the legislature to
meet in public assembly and hear addresses from the
candidates who were to be voted for on a later day. To
this meeting Governor Chamberlain went and, after the
three candidates had spoken, he took the floor and gave
his hearers plainly to understand that in point of abil-
ity and character he considered Whipper quite unfit for
the position of judge and that of the three he favoured
Colonel Reed who by a union of reform Republicans and
Conservatives was subsequently elected. The momentum
of this act defeated somewhat later the choice of ex-Gov-
ernor F. J. Moses Jr. as judge of the third circuit.2
In January, 1875, the Governor sent to his legislature
a special message full of " wise, prudent and just " rec-
ommendations.3 In the appointment of Trial Justices
he named Conservatives in localities where he was not
able to find sufficiently well-qualified Republicans. An
outbreak of the usual sort occurring in Edgefield County,
he caused it to be investigated and when the report
came that it was due to the exactions of the county
authorities and " the lawless behavior of the colored
militia" he at once disbanded those companies of the
State troops.4 The Republican corruptionists attempted
to remove the State Treasurer Cardozo, a light mulatto
of good ability, whom Chamberlain believed to be an
honest and faithful administrator. The Governor stood
manfully by his friend and supporter and his position
served as a rallying point for the reform Republicans and
Conservatives who between them defeated the attempt.5
1 Allen, p. 38 ; The Nation, Oct. 10, 1872, p. 226.
2 Allen, chap. iv.
8 Charleston News and Courier cited by Allen, p. 62.
4 Allen, p. 66.
5 Ibid., chap. vii. ; Reynolds, Reconstruction in S.C., p. 298 et seq.
164 GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN [1875
Between March 4 and 18, 1875 the Governor vetoed
four bills of plunder; his record for the session was nine-
teen effective vetoes. He refused to sign the extrava-
gant annual Tax and Supply bill and it did not become
a law. Significant and welcome was the praise of the
Charleston News and Courier, an able, high-toned journal,
characteristically Southern, at times intensely partisan,
almost autocratic in its influence in South Carolina and
now rising to a height of civic patriotism which rendered
its utterances a vivid andaccurate history of Chamberlain's
administration.1 Chamberlain, it said May 14, 1875,
" is as true as steel in the fight against public dishonesty.
... It is due to Mr. Chamberlain that for the first
time in six years there was no considerable stealing dur-
ing the legislative session, and that not one swindling bill
became a law." It alluded to his " scholarly messages,
his patriotic utterances, his unfailing tact and courtesy.
... In the light of his acts since he has been governor,
we say now that, however much appearances were against
him, it is morally impossible that he should have been
either facile or corrupt. . . . Governor Chamberlain
therefore richly deserves the confidence of the people of
this State. The people of South Carolina who have all
at stake, who see and hear what persons outside of the
State cannot know, are satisfied of Governor Chamber-
lain's honesty. ... When he determined to oppose a
square front to corruption in whatsoever guise, he knew
that he must, on that, cut loose from the rogues who
ruled the Republican party up to the time of his election,
and that upon him would be poured out the seventy and
seven vials of wrath. It would have been supreme folly
to provoke their hate if there was anything in his previ-
ous conduct that could expose him to ignominy and
public shame. ... By and with the aid of the Con-
servatives Governor Chamberlain and the small band of
i Allen, p. 77.
Ch. XLIL] GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN 165
honest Republicans defeated the thieves in every engage-
ment. But the men whom he has thrown down, and
who did not want or expect reform, are wild with rage
and despair." J
Chamberlain won the admiration of the North and
received the honour of an invitation to speak at the
dinner of the Centennial celebration at Lexington, April
19, 1875. At the same dinner, General William F.
Bartlett, one of the bravest of Massachusetts soldiers
who had gone to Virginia to live, made a moving plea
for a complete reconciliation between the South and the
North.2 Chamberlain offered to his fellow-citizens "the
fraternal, patriotic greeting of South Carolina. She
marches again to-day to the music of that Union which
a hundred years ago her wisdom helped to devise and
her blood to cement." 3 It was a day for invoking the
common memories of the Revolution. He quoted Ban-
croft, " The blessing of union [of the colonies] is due to
the warm-heartedness of South Carolina " and he might
have added the words of Daniel Webster, " I claim part
of the honor, I partake in the pride of her [South Caro-
lina's] great names. I claim them for countrymen, . . .
Americans all, whose fame is no more to be hemmed in
by State lines, than their talents and patriotism were
capable of being circumscribed within the same narrow
limits. In their day and generation they served and
1 Allen, pp. 106, 107. Chamberlain said in May 1875 : " When I came
into office there were at least two hundred Trial Justices in the State who
could not read or write. The duties of a Trial Justice here are precisely the
same as the duties of Justice of the Peace in other States. Yet previous Gov-
ernors had appointed and commissioned over two hundred men to the impor-
tant duties of this office who could not write or read a word of the English
language." Ibid., p. 140. Reynolds (Reconstruction in S.C., p. 300) wrote,
' ' The course of Governor Chamberlain . . . was heartily commended by
numbers of the conservative papers in South Carolina and by leading jour-
nals, without regard to politics, in other parts of the country."
2 Memoir of Bartlett, Palfrey,
s Allen, p. 125.
166 GOVERNOR CHAMBERLAIN [1875
honored the country, and the whole country; and their
renown is of the treasures of the whole country." 1
This was a bright episode in Chamberlain's life and
it was succeeded by others of the same sort during the
spring and summer when he spoke to the intelligence of
other communities. In November, he had again to take
up the fight against corruption from which a man of
less physical and moral courage would have shrunk.
Eight judges were to be elected by the legislature and
in his annual message he uttered a word of caution :
"Legal learning, a judicial spirit, and a high and un-
blemished personal character," he said, " should mark
every man who shall be elected to sit in the seats of
Harper and Dunkin, of O'Neall and Wardlaw. If all
these qualities are not attainable, let the one quality of
personal integrity never he lost sight of."'1 One day, while
he was absent from Columbia, Whipper was chosen
judge for the first (Charleston) circuit by 83 : 58 and
Moses for the third (Sumter) circuit by 75 : 63. It will
add to our understanding of the situation to mention
the divisions of party and colour in the legislature.
There were now 104 Republicans, 53 Democrats ; 77
coloured men out of the total of 157.3 We may be sure
that nearly all the negroes voted for Whipper and Moses
and all the Democrats against them. The election took
place on a Thursday [December 16, 1875] and on the
following Sunday Chamberlain took up the cudgels. In
an interview with the editor of the Charleston News
and Courier, he said Whipper was " incapable and utterly
unfit for the office of Judge." Moses had been deep in
corruption and bribery and had prostituted "all his official
powers to the worst possible purposes." 4 Chamberlain
signed the commissions of six judges ; having a tech-
nical point of law on his side he refused to sign the
1 Works, vol. vi. (edition of 1903), p. 49. 8 Ibid., p. 9.
2 Allen, p. 193. * Ibid., chap. xiii.
Ch. XLIL] CHAMBERLAIN'S FAMOUS DESPATCH 167
commissions of Whipper and Moses. His action was
approved by the bar and other notables of Charleston.
A mass meeting in that city declaring enthusiastic
approval was followed by others throughout the State.
During this crisis, Chamberlain was invited to the ban-
quet of the New England Society in Charleston on Fore-
fathers' Day [December 22, 1875] and he replied in the
despatch which has become famous as summing up the
result of negro-carpet-bag rule at the South : " The
civilization of the Puritan and the Cavalier, of the
Roundhead and the Huguenot, is in peril." x
"My highest ambition as governor," Chamberlain
said, " has been to make the ascendancy of the Republican
party in South Carolina compatible with the attainment
and maintenance of as high and pure a tone in the ad-
ministration of public affairs as can be exhibited in the
proudest Democratic State of the South."2 With the
majority of his party against him, with its brutal rank
and file blindly or selfishly tolerating their corrupt
representatives, such a consummation could not be, as he
himself years afterwards admitted.3 During his canvass
in 1874 he had said : " The work of reform will be a
constant struggle. ... If in my two years as Governor
I can even ' turn the tide,' I shall be more than rewarded."4
This indeed he accomplished. He began the redemption
of South Carolina ; it was completed under Democratic
auspices. The story of the transference of political
power to the Democrats belongs to the presidential
campaign of 1876 and the disputed presidency.5
1 Allen, p. 200. See the whole of chap. xiii. Whipper and Moses threat-
ened to force their way to the bench. The Governor made ready to repel
force by force and no attempt was made to carry out the threat.
2 Ibid., p. 196. » Atlantic Monthly, April 1901, p. 482.
* Allen, p. 283.
5 In this account I have used the New York Nation ; Appletons1 Annual
Cyclopaedia for the various years ; Bancroft, The Negro ; Hemphill's article
in Why the Solid South ; Keynolds, Eeconstruction in South Carolina, more
than the precise references indicate.
168 POLICY OF NEGKO SUFFEAGE [1875
No large policy in our country has ever been so con-
spicuous a failure as that of forcing universal negro
suffrage upon the South. The negroes who simply
acted out their nature were not to blame. How indeed
could they have acquired political honesty ? What idea
could barbarism thrust into slavery obtain of the rights
of property ? Even among the Aryans of education and
intelligence public integrity has been a plant of slow
growth. From the days of the Grecian and Roman
republics to our own, men have stolen from the State
who would defraud no individual. With his crude ideas
of honesty between man and man, what could have
been expected of the negro when he got his hand in the
public till ? The scheme of Reconstruction pandered to
the ignorant negroes, the knavish white natives and the
vulturous adventurers who flocked from the North ; and
these neutralized the work of honest Republicans who
were officers of State. Intelligence and property stood
bound and helpless under negro-carpet-bag rule. And
the fact that such governments continued to exist, were
supported by Federal authority and defended by promi-
nent Republicans had a share in the demoralization of
politics at the North. Senator Morton represented the
radical view when he declared, " I have no faith in that
virtue which assails with fury, fraud and corruption but
connives at murder, outrage and oppression." 1 More mod-
erate Republicans, aghast at the corruption prevailing
in the Southern governments, lulled an uneasy conscience
with the assurance that the Southern people had brought
the trouble upon themselves — an assertion which seemed
to justify them in sticking to their party when it
" waved the bloody shirt " as an issue in an exciting
presidential campaign. Full relief could only come
through the Democrats and Independent Republicans of
1 Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. p. 369 ; Cong. Becord, Jan. 19, 1876,
p. 498.
Ch. XLII.] NEGRO IN POLITICS 169
the North and it required a remarkable balance of mind
to support Hayes as Lowell did in 1876 and at the same
time take a just view of the Southern question. " The
whole condition of things at the South is shameful,"
he wrote, " and I am ready for a movement now to
emancipate the whites. No doubt the government is
bound to protect the misintelligence of the blacks, but
surely not at the expense of the intelligence of men of
our own blood. The South on the whole has behaved
better than I expected but our extremists expect them
to like being told once a week that they have been
licked." x
From the Republican policy came no real good to the
negroes. Most of them developed no political capacity,
and the few who raised themselves above the mass did
not reach a high order of intelligence. At different
periods two served in the United States Senate, thirteen
in the House ; 2 they left no mark on the legislation of
their time ; none of them, in comparison with their white
associates, attained the least distinction. When the
Southern States recovered home rule, negroes were of
course no longer sent to Congress from the South but they
have had a fair chance at the North where they obtained
the suffrage in every State within a few years after the
Civil War. Politically very active and numerous enough
in some of the Northern States to form a political force,
that has to be reckoned with, no one of them (I believe)
has ever been sent to Congress ; few get into legis-
lature or city council. Very few if any are elected to
administrative offices of responsibility.3 The negro's
1 July 12, Lowell's Letters, vol. ii. p. 174.
2 Progress of a Race, Gibson and Crogman, p. 719, corrected by Matteson.
Blaine, vol. ii. p. 305 furnishes the portraits of five. The maximum number
was reached in the 44th Cong. (1875-1877), when there were seven representa-
tives and one senator.
8 These statements receive a melancholy confirmation from an analysis
of Sinclair's " achievements of the colored race " in this particular and an
adding up of his instances. The Aftermath of Slavery, p. 274.
170 NEGRO IN POLITICS [1875
political activity is rarely of a nature to identify him
with any movement on a high plane. He takes no part
in civil service or tariff reform ; he was not a factor in the
contest for honest money ; he is seldom, if ever, heard in
advocacy of pure municipal government and for him
Good Government Associations have no attraction. He
is greedy for office and emolument ; it is for this reason
that he arrogantly asserts his right to recognition ; and
he has had remarkable success in securing offices under
the Federal government.1 In a word he has been politi-
cally a failure and he could not have been otherwise.
In spite of all the warnings of science and political
experience,2 he was started at the top and, as is the fate
of most such unfortunates, he fell to the bottom.
Truly the negro's fate has been hard. Torn from
his native land he was made a slave to satisfy the white
man's greed. At last, owing to a great moral move-
ment, he gained the long-wished-for boon of freedom ;
and then when in intellect still a child, instead of being
treated as a child, taught gradually the use of his liberty
and given rights in the order of his development, he,
without any demand of his own, was raised at once to
the white man's political estate, partly for the partisan
designs of those who had freed him. His old masters,
who understood him best and who, chastened by defeat
and by adversity, were really his best friends, were
alienated. He fell into the hands of rascals who through
his vote fattened on the spoils of office. He had a brief
period of mastery and indulgence during which his
mental and moral education was deplorable and his
1 According to Sinclair's table (The Aftermath of Slavery, p. 277) there
are 4610 coloured employees in the service of the United States govern-
ment. The contrast with the number elected is remarkable and suggestive.
2 Lowell wrote to Godkin, Jan. 1, 1869 : " This theory of settling things
by what anybody may choose to consider 'humanity,' instead of trying to
find out how they may be settled by knowledge, is a fallacy too common in
this country." Letters, vol. ii. p. 14.
Ch. XLIL] CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION 171
worst passions were catered to. Finally by force, by
craft and by law his old masters have deprived him of
the ballot and, after a number of years of political
power, he has been set back to the point, where he
should have started directly after emancipation. He is
trying to learn the lesson of life with the work made
doubly hard by the Saturnalia he has passed through.
The Congressional policy of Reconstruction was short-
sighted even from the partisan point of view in that it
gave the South a grievance. In that balancing of rights
and wrongs, which must be made in a just consideration
of a great human transaction, the North at the end of the
war could appeal to Europe and to history for the justifi-
cation of its belief that there was on its side a large credit
balance. Some of this it has lost by its repressive, un-
civilized and unsuccessful policy of Reconstruction. More-
over the close sequence of events has led the South to
regard negro rule as the complement of emancipation
with the result that she has sometimes lost sight of the
benefit of the great act which gave freedom to the slaves.
An avowed aim of the Congressional policy of Recon-
struction was to build up a Republican party at the
South. Here was a failure complete and an opportunity
missed. The nucleus of a Republican party was there
in the old-line whigs and Union-men-who-went-with-
their-State. How formidable these were may be seen
by an examination of the popular vote of 1856 and 1860
and reckoning the supporters in the Southern States of
Fillmore in one year and of Bell and Douglas in the
other. At the end of the war they were ready to act
in opposition to the secession Democrats and fire-eaters
[who mainly voted for Breckinridge in I8601] but the
1 In the ten states which, with South Carolina, made up the Southern Con-
federacy the vote in 1860 for Bell and for Douglas aggregated 418,003, for Breck-
inridge 436,772. South Carolina cannot be included as she cast no popular vote
for president. She would have given a very large majority for Breckinridge.
Bell's vote in the Southern States was much larger than Douglas's.
172 SOUTHERN PEOPLE [1875
policy of Congress, which raised the race issue, consoli-
dated all the white men into one party for self-protec-
tion. Some Southern men at first acted with the Repub-
lican party but they gradually slipped away from it as
the colour line was drawn and reckless and corrupt finan-
cial legislation inaugurated.1 No doubt can exist that,
if negro suffrage had not been forced upon the South, a
healthy and respectable Republican party would have
been formed, attaining perhaps the power and influence
which the Democrats have in New England and in con-
tests like those of 1896 and 1900, furnishing electoral
votes for the Republican presidential candidate. And so
far as we can divine, had the matter been left to the
States themselves, suffrage by this time 2 would have been
fully accorded to the negroes on the basis of educational
and property qualifications.
What manner of people were they with whom the
North had to deal at the close of the war ? Let
them be described by George F. Hoar, always a stiff
Republican partisan on the Southern question. Fresh
from his visit to New Orleans in 1875, he wrote : The
Southern men " were unsurpassed among the nations of
the earth in courage, spirit, hospitality and generosity to
their equals. They were apt to command and apt to
succeed. . . . They were able politicians. With the
love and habit of truth which becomes brave men in all
common concerns, they were subtle and skilful diplo-
matists when diplomacy was needed to accomplish any
political end. . . . On the other hand they were domi-
neering, impetuous, impatient of restraint, unwilling to
submit to any government which they did not them-
selves control, easily roused to fierce anger, and when so
roused, both as individuals and in masses, cruel and
without scruple." 3 Eliminating the word " cruel," this
1 See Blaine's lament for the loss of the original Union men, vol. ii. p. 473.
2 1906. 8 House report, submitted Feb. 23, 1875, p. 7.
Ch. XLIL] SOUTHERN PEOPLE 173
is a true characterization of Southern men during the
decade before the war but the lessons of adversity had
cooled their temper without detriment to their manliness,
instilling toleration where arrogance had been before.
An appreciation of this change is found in Hoar's char-
acterization of eight years later and in the repetition of
it after twenty years more as an abiding conviction.
" Although my life politically and personally," he wrote,
" has been a life of almost constant strife with the leaders
of the Southern people, yet, as I grow older, I have
learned, not only to respect and esteem, but to love the
great qualities which belong to my fellow-citizens of
the Southern States. They are a noble race. We may
well take pattern from them in some of the great virtues
which make up the strength, as they make the glory of
Free States. Their love of home ; their chivalrous re-
spect for woman ; their courage ; their delicate sense of
honor ; their constancy which can abide by an opinion or
a purpose or an interest of their States through adversity
and through prosperity, through the years and through
the generations, are things by which the people of the
more mercurial North may take a lesson. And there
is another thing — covetousness, corruption, the low
temptation of money has not yet found any place in our
Southern politics." 1
These were the men we delivered over into the hands
of the negroes and their partisan or corrupt leaders.
But adversity did not crush them. President F. A. P.
Barnard of Columbia College, a man who knew both the
South and the North, wrote on February 16, 1878, " It is
indeed a marvellous thing how, after her trials, the South
still continues to maintain her noble pre-eminence in
statesmanship and in moral dignity." 2
Imaginary comparisons with other civilized govern-
1 Autobiography, vol. ii. p. 162.
2 Life of A. H. Stephens, Johnston and Browne, p. 538.
174 CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION [1875
ments are sometimes useful. It seems to me certain
that in 1865-1867 England or Prussia under similar cir-
cumstances would not so summarily have given the
negroes full political rights. More than likely they
would have studied the question scientifically through
experts and therefore could not have avoided the conclu-
sion that intelligence and the possession of property must
precede the grant of suffrage. Their solution of the
difficulty would therefore have been more in the interest
of civilization. The words of Parkman, " The lion had
had his turn and now the fox, the jackal and the wolf
took theirs," 1 could not have been applied. On the
other hand, with the ideas which prevail in those coun-
tries concerning rebellion against an established govern-
ment, England and Prussia would undoubtedly have
executed Jefferson Davis and others and confiscated
much of the Southern land. The good nature and good
sense of the American people preserved them from so
stern a policy ; and as a choice of evils (since mistakes
it seems were sure to be made) the imposition of
negro suffrage was better than proscriptions, and the
creation of an Ireland or a Poland at our very door.
1 Life of Parkman, Farnham, p. 275. The words were used in a some-
what different application.
Note to Page 149. — Since this chapter was in type Judge W. C. Benet of
Columbia, S.C. has informed me that the inference Carpenter drew from the
"outlandish idiom" was unwarranted. The language of the seacoast
negroes was a patois arising from their inability to pronounce many of the
English consonantal and some of the vowel sounds. It was not gibberish,
was well understood by white men of South Carolina birth and breeding,
living in the seacoast counties, and the use of it implied no lack of intelli-
gence or fidelity.
CHAPTER XLIII
It will be remembered that in my Fortieth Chapter
I gave some account of the discussion and action of
Congress on finance, following the financial panic of 1873.
These terminated in the « Act to provide for the resump-
tion of specie payments " of January 14, 1875, which was
fathered by Senator John Sherman. The contest on
the financial question was now transferred from
Congress to the people of Ohio. Since Pendleton had
raised the " greenbacks " banner and promulgated the
" Ohio idea " the Democrats in this State had inclined
to unsound principles of finance. The continued stagna-
tion of business, the large number of bankruptcies in
1874 and 1875,1 gave them a vantage-ground from which
to attack the policy of the Republican party as embodied
in the Resumption Act. Nominating for governor the
present incumbent, William Allen, they adopted in
their convention this resolution : " that the contraction
of the currency heretofore made by the Republican
party, and the further contraction proposed by it, with
a view to the forced resumption of specie payment has
already brought disaster to the business of the country,
and threatens it with general bankruptcy and ruin. We
demand that this policy be abandoned, and that the
volume of currency be made and kept equal to the
wants of trade, leaving the restoration of legal-tenders
to par with gold to be brought about by promoting the
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 292 ; The Nation, July-Dec.
1875, p. 81.
175
176 OHIO ELECTION [1875
industries of the people and not by destroying them." 1
The Republicans did not formally endorse the Resump-
tion Act but declared " that policy of finance should be
steadily pursued which, without unnecessary shock to
business or trade, will ultimately equalize the purchas-
ing capacity of the coin and paper dollar." 2
The candidate of the Republicans, Rutherford B.
Hayes, was better than their platform. He was well
known as an advocate of honest money and of a straight-
forward payment of the national debt. Allen had rep-
resented Ohio in the United States Senate from 1837 to
1849 but had afterwards remained aloof from active
political life until 1873 when, an " old Democratic wheel
horse " being needed, he was dragged forth from his
retirement and elected governor by a small majority,
but, being the first Democratic governor of his State
since the Republican party was formed, he had attracted
some attention outside of its limits. He was a man of
integrity and fair ability, as well as an effective stump-
speaker, especially conspicuous by reason of his power-
ful and penetrating voice. In Washington he had been
known as the " Ohio gong " ; in this campaign his oppo-
nents called him " fog-horn William Allen." He believed
thoroughly in the financial plank of the platform on
which he stood and he advocated it with an earnestness
that was convincing. He and his followers early took
the field, assumed the aggressive and endeavoured to
force the canvass upon the single issue, " whether Con-
gress shall make money plenty or scarce ; whether it
shall make good times or hard times ; whether it shall
issue to people plenty of their own money — greenbacks
— or take these away, to give to banks the privilege to
issue money." 3 The Republican party, they asserted, is
devoted to the bond holders, the banks, capitalists,
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 607. 2 Ibid., p. 606.
3 The Nation, Aug. 19, 1875, p. 117.
Ch. XLIIL] SPIRITED CONTEST 177
money lenders, property classes and to creditors of all
sorts, but we regard the interests of the people ; and for
your votes they said in their appeals, we offer you
" plenty of greenbacks and good times." It would be a
mistake to suppose that this was entirely the talk of
demagogues ; in many cases the speakers firmly believed
that farmers, labourers and business men, whose only
fault had been that of energy which took them beyond
their financial depth, were being ground down by the
money classes of the country, whose efficient agent was
John Sherman with his Resumption Act and the contrac-
tion of the currency which it necessarily involved. Their
arguments were potent, not only with Democrats but
with many Republicans, who saw their property con-
stantly dwindling, their opportunities for making money
vanishing ; who, harassed with debts, believed that the
dollars in which these were expressed grew more valu-
able every day as that fateful 1st of January 1879 drew
nigh. The Democratic platform was artfully contrived
to catch these men ; and at meetings in every part of
the State, it was being expounded in a way that carried
conviction and gained votes. Hayes and John Sherman
met the issue boldly and defended the Resumption Act,
which, they argued, did not involve a contraction of the
currency. Hayes laid stress on the part which the re-
vival of business would play in bringing the greenbacks
to par with gold and Sherman asserted that the resump-
tion of specie payments would effect the best sort of
inflation, that of gold coin mingling with the paper
money in daily use.
The political battle-ground of Ohio had seen no such
spirited contest since the close of the war ; the impor-
tance of the issue and the earnestness with which it was
discussed caused people of all the Northern States to
look on with a feeling that the financial policy of the
country was at stake in this election. Prominent men
of both parties flocked to Ohio and presented their
VII. — 12
178 SHERMAN AND SCHURZ [1875
arguments before crowded meetings, held daily and
nightly everywhere. Thurman advocated Allen's election
and " straddled " the Democratic platform in a way that
satisfied neither wing of his party and probably not
himself. McDonald, a hard-money Democrat, came from
Indiana to show the Democrats of his own way of
thinking how they might consistently support their
party. Morton, who likewise took part in the campaign,
defended the Resumption Act but appealed to the " soft
money " Republicans by pointing out the dreadful con-
sequences of the dominion of a party, composed largely
of men who had fought against the Union. The Cin-
cinnati Enquirer, the leading Democratic organ, charged
him with introducing into the canvass " the bloody
shirt." Schurz was called home from a well-earned rest
in Switzerland to use his eloquence on the side of hon-
est money. He spoke constantly all over the State in
English and in German, showing a power never before
equalled (I think) of placing cogently before men who
laboured with their hands the elementary truths of sound
finance. It was a campaign of education in which Sher-
man and Schurz bore the most important parts. Sher-
man was able to hold his party pretty closely together
despite what seemed to many of them the harsh policy
of the Resumption Act. Schurz impressed the labouring
men and was efficient in bringing back into the Repub-
lican ranks the Germans who had deserted them during
the previous year on account of the temperance crusade.1
Although the Southern question played a part in the
campaign and the charge by the Republicans that the
Democrats proposed to divide the school fund between
the Catholics and Protestants a still greater one, yet
1 Merriam (vol. ii. p. 244) and The Nation (Oct. 21, p. 256) rate highly
the work done on the right side by Halstead in the Cincinnati Commercial,
and by Stewart L. Woodford on the stump. The Nation also compliments
Grosvenor.
Ch. XLIIL] REPUBLICANS SUCCESSFUL 179
the question to the fore was, Do the people of Ohio
favour an inflation of the currency ? and the voters,
whose number was greater than in any previous contest,
answered No, giving Hayes a majority over Allen of
5544. The election placed for a while a quietus on the
policy of inflation. It consolidated the Republicans into
a hard-money party and it encouraged the Eastern
Democrats who, lacking sympathy with their Ohio
brethren, rejoiced secretly at the defeat of Allen, whose
election would have made him a formidable competitor
next year for the Democratic nomination on a " rag-
money " platform.1
The success of Hayes determined that in the presi-
dential contest of 1876 the issue would not be the finan-
cial question. Blaine, a prominent candidate for the
Republican nomination, saw that the only issue on
which his party could take the aggressive was the
Southern question ; it was one moreover better suited
to his peculiar ability than that of finance and he took
an early opportunity to sound the keynote of the cam-
paign. Samuel J. Randall introduced a bill into the
House of Representatives [December 15, 1875] removing
all disabilities remaining under the Fourteenth Amend-
ment.2 A bill practically identical with this one had
passed the previous House (of which the Republicans
numbered two-thirds) by a large majority, one of whom
was presumably Blaine,3 and Randall apparently thought
1 My authorities are The Nation ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875 ;
Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. ; Article on
R. B. Hayes by C. Schurz in Appletons' Cyclopaedia of Biography, article on
William Allen, ibid. ; my article on C. Schurz in Warner's Library of the
World's Best Literature. I have myself a vivid recollection of this campaign.
2 After considerable inquiry in which he obtained some exact figures
Blaine estimated that there were still about 750 persons under disabilities.
Cong. Becord, Jan. 10, 1876, p. 324. This is a higher estimate than the one
which I adopted in vol. vi. p. 329.
3 The former bill, which was reported by the Committee on Rules on
Dec. 8, 1873 (Becord, p. 91), provided for removing all disabilities imposed
180 BLAINE'S SPEECH [1876
that his measure would encounter no opposition.
Blaine, however, who was now on the floor the leader
of the Republican minority,1 asked time for the con-
sideration of it and, on January 6, 1876, proposed to
offer an amendment,2 the main purpose of which was to
exclude Jefferson Davis from the amnesty ; four days
later he made in advocating it a vehement speech which
irritated exceedingly the representatives from the South.
I do not except Jefferson Davis, Blaine said, because he
was " the head and front of the rebellion. . . . But I
except him on this ground : that he was the author,
knowingly, deliberately, guiltily and wilfully, of the
gigantic murders and crimes at Andersonville. . . . And
I here before God, measuring my words, knowing their
full extent and import, declare that neither the deeds of
the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries nor the massacre
of St. Bartholomew, nor the thumb-screws and engines
of torture of the Spanish Inquisition begin to compare
in atrocity with the hideous crime of Andersonville." 3
Blaine endeavoured to prove Davis's complicity by
presenting considerable ex parte testimony but he failed
to establish the charge, although he goaded the Southern
representatives, one of whom, Benjamin H. Hill, made a
bitter reply in which was mingled much truth and
error. The truth about the treatment of prisoners of
war on both sides could not be elicited in a partisan
debate but Blaine, by his revival of the horrors of
by the Fourteenth Amendment, repealed Act of July 2 (iron-clad oath), pre-
scribing the oath of July 11, 1868. Maynard, who reported it, said it had
the unanimous approval of the Committee which must have included Blaine.
The rules were suspended by 141 : 29 and the bill passed. There was no yea
and nay vote.
1 The House was composed of 168 Democrats, 108 Republicans, 14 Liberals
and Independents. Tribune Almanac, 1876.
2 An account of the parliamentary fencing is given by Stanwood, Life of
Blaine, p. 135. The Amnesty bill not securing a two-thirds vote failed to
pass the House.
8 Cong. Record, p. 324.
Ch. XLIII.] BLAINE'S STANDING 181
Andersonville, his charge against Jefferson Davis, and
his statement that 61 ex-Confederate soldiers were now
representatives in the House with full privileges, fired
the Northern heart and did much to fix the issue of the
next presidential campaign. His speech was unques-
tionably a piece of political adroitness but it shattered
the name for magnanimous statesmanship which he had
acquired in his effort to accord liberal treatment to the
South. " Blaine's strong point," wrote Bowles to Dawes
on December 11, 1873, " was his personal and political
hold on the reformer set — the Evening Post, Chicago
Tribune and Nation crowd." l Bowles thought that his
committee appointments of December 1873 had begun
to estrange this set;2 and this present baiting of the
Southerners for personal or party purposes was action
of a nature hardly fitted to regain their sympathy.
Blaine's biographer affirms that he was not eager for the
presidential nomination ; 8 but supposing that nomination
to have been his aim, he was proceeding more craftily
than he knew, for he had stolen the thunder of Morton
and Conkling, who were the " residuary legatees " 4 of
Grant and who favoured a harsh policy towards the
South.
Blaine and other astute Republican politicians un-
1 The Nation of March 11, 1875 said : " Mr. Blaine has undoubtedly 'come
out very strong ' from the session, and for his ability displayed in managing
the House during the filibustering of the Democrats, as well as his integrity
and skill, has won a great deal of praise from his own party, from the Demo-
crats and from the press. His rise to a position of prominence among the
leading men of his party is a gratifying sign, for he has obtained his honors
not by unscrupulous partisanship, but by hard work in a difficult office, and
has increased his popularity not by buncombe speeches, or the low arts of a
demagogue, but by the exhibition of those qualities of firmness, good sense,
and respect for the rights of others which ought to make a man popular.
He has his faults, no doubt, but, compared with Morton, Logan and the pres-
ent leaders of the Republicans, he seems like an ancient Roman for virtue."
2 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 333.
8 Stanwood, p. 179.
* Merriam, p. 250.
182 BENJAMIN H. BRISTOW [1874
doubtedly thought that their hope of electing a President
lay in diverting the public mind from the corruption and
inefficiency of Grant's administration, of which it seemed
as if there would be no end to the disclosures. There had
been corruption and maladministration in the Interior
and Navy departments ; x and the frauds in the internal
revenue service were now engaging popular attention.
Benjamin H. Bristow, who in June 1874 succeeded
Richardson as Secretary of the Treasury, found that
there was much in his department for an efficient admin-
istrator to reform. He soon discovered that the govern-
ment was not receiving the full amount of revenue
which was its due from the distillation of whiskey in
a number of cities in the West, chief amongst which
1 House Mis. Doc, 44th Cong. lstSess.,Nos. 167, 193; House reports 784, 788,
789, 790, 793, 794. What I shall quote from the Life of Chandler by the Detroit
Post and Tribune, I believe to be accurate and truthful statements : " During
President Grant's second term the Interior Department, notwithstanding the
personal honesty of Secretary Columbus Delano, had fallen into bad repute.
It sheltered abuses and frauds which tainted the atmosphere, but were not
hunted down and removed by its chiefs. From the scandals which this state
of affairs created Mr. Delano finally sought escape by a resignation, which
took effect on Oct. 1, 1875," p. 340. Rev. Dr. William B. Bodine writes me
from Philadelphia under date of Dec. 5, 1904: "I knew Delano intimately
and I knew also the judgment of his neighbors concerning him. He was one
of the truest and most honorable of men, high-minded and noble."
Zachariah Chandler who had lost his senatorship was appointed in
Delano's place receiving his commission Oct. 19, 1875. Chandler was
thoroughly honest and a very capable business man. " No man," writes
his biographer, "could have had less of the professional 'reformer' about
him — in fact he was not chary of expressing the most contemptuous scepti-
cism concerning much that paraded itself as ' reform ' — but the exemplifica-
tion which he gave of practical reform was at once thorough and brilliant.
Without ostentation, without the faintest savor of cant, he went at his work
in unpretentious, business-like, manful and clear-sighted fashion. A firm
believer himself that 'corruption wins not more than honesty,' he gave
durable lessons on that theme in every bureau of the Interior Department,"
p. 340. Schurz who succeeded him said to Chandler, " I think I am express-
ing the general opinion of the country when I say you have succeeded in
placing the Interior Department in far better condition than it had been in
for years, and that the public is indebted to you for the very energetic and
successful work you have performed," p. 355.
Ch. XLIIL] ST. LOUIS WHISKEY KING 183
was St. Louis. The Merchants Exchange Statistics for
1874 indicated, by the excess of whiskey consumed
and shipped over that on which a tax was paid, that the
government was being defrauded of a revenue of
ll^OOjOOO.1 Since 1870 or 1871 there had existed a
Whiskey Ring composed of internal revenue officers and
distillers of St. Louis with official accomplices in Wash-
ington, among whom was divided the money coming
from the illegal abatement of the tax on a large amount
of whiskey. One distiller in 1871 and 1872 distilled
about 8500,000 worth, of which $300,000 was " crooked."
This was not an unusual proportion ; it was asserted
that during 1871, 1872 and 1873 three times as much
whiskey was shipped from St. Louis as paid a tax.2 If
a distiller was honest he was entrapped into some tech-
nical violation of the law by the officials, who by virtue
of their authority seized his distillery, giving him the
choice of bankruptcy or a partnership in their operations;
and generally he succumbed.
John McDonald, who was supervisor of internal rev-
enue in St. Louis for nearly six years, estimated that
during that period the government was in this man-
ner defrauded out of revenue amounting to $2,786,000.3
A goodly part of this went to the official members of the
ring who were accustomed to levy assessments from
time to time on the distillers, the ostensible purpose of
which was to raise a campaign fund for the benefit of
the Republican party and especially to procure a second
and then a third term for Grant. Unquestionably con-
siderable money was used in this way but a good deal
of it stuck to the fingers of the officials, whose peculiar
operations necessitated large personal expenditures.
McDonald, whose salary was 13000 per annum, paid the
1 Secrets of the Great Whiskey Ring, McDonald, p. 47. I do not vouch
for McDonald's figures but I think they are sufficiently exact.
2 Ibid., p. 64, » Ibid., p. 328.
184 WHISKEY KING OPERATIONS [1874
bill of the President and his party at the Lindell Hotel
during their ten days' visit to St. Louis in 1874. The
partial reimbursement of this by some of Grant's friends
must have been welcome, for their common knowledge
and love of horses led to the admiration of a certain pair
by Grant and the gift of them to him by McDonald.
A road-wagon, harness and handsome whip at a total
cost, including the horses, of $1750 were added before
the outfit was sent to the White House and there re-
ceived by Grant with oriental nonchalance.1 McDonald
made Babcock, the President's private secretary, a pres-
ent of a diamond shirt-stud costing $2400, and such
were the familiar relations between the two that Bab-
cock expressed his discontent on discovering a flaw in
the diamond, whereupon it was replaced by another,
finer and more expensive. Some of the money was spent
in other forms of extravagance. Men whose salaries were
small partook frequently of good dinners and suppers in
restaurants with champagne as their ordinary beverage
and, as a further charm in their hours of ease, a " sylph "
was an occasional companion.2
Bristow had two aims, one to stop the stealing, and
the other, which was more difficult, to punish the thieves.
With the co-operation of Edwards Pierrepont, the Attor-
ney-General, and of his energetic solicitor of the Treas-
ury, Bluford Wilson, and with the support, for a while,
of the President, he secured the indictment and convic-
tion of three officials and a journalist in St. Louis and
of one official in Washington. In working up the evi-
dence he unearthed certain facts which affected public
sentiment profoundly at the time, thus adding to the
historical importance of this episode. He ascertained
1 McDonald, pp. 102, 109, 316, 317. Joyce his confidential secretary-
shared with him the expense of the outfit.
2 As to the " Sylph " see McDonald, p. 113 ; on the " Sylph" telegrams,
ibid., pp. 113, 300 and Whiskey Frauds, Testimony, p. 3.
Ch. XLIIL] WHISKEY RING PROSECUTION 185
that Orville E. Babcock, the confidential friend as well
as private secretary of the President, was a member of
the ring and a sharer in its profits. When a letter im-
plying this was shown to the President [at Long Branch
probably on July 29, 1875] he wrote on the back of it,
"Let no guilty man escape," and said," If Babcock is
guilty, there is no man who wants him so much proven
guilty as I do, for it is the greatest piece of traitorism
to me that a man could possibly practice." * But not
long afterwards the President's ardour for the prosecu-
tion of the members of the Whiskey Ring cooled ; and
when, on December 9, 1875, the grand jury in St. Louis
returned a true bill against Babcock " for conspiracy
to defraud the revenue " 2 his attitude became hostile, at
first covertly, then openly. He was exasperated at the
words in the Avery [the Washington official] case of ex-
Senator John B. Henderson who as special counsel on
behalf of the government made during his plea a veiled
allusion to the current suspicion that Babcock's complic-
ity implicated the President and who touched on the
friction which was beginning between Grant and Bristow.
" What right," he asked, " has the President to interfere
with the honest discharge of the duties of a Secretary of
the Treasury ? " Henderson was relieved from further
duty in the prosecution of the cases, every member of
a full cabinet regarding his speech, so Pierrepont testi-
fied, " as an outrage upon professional propriety thus to
reflect upon the President." 8
1 Pierrepont's testimony, March 22, 1876, Whiskey Frauds, 44th Cong. 1st
Sess., Mis. Doc, No. 186, pp. 11, 30 ; McDonald, p. 295.
2 Whiskey Frauds, Testimony, p. 5.
8 Ibid., pp. 5, 69, 70, 364. Henderson was discharged Dec. 10, 1875.
James O. Brodhead in the opinion of Henderson "a very able lawyer"
standing "at the head of the bar in St. Louis" (p. 66) succeeded him.
Bluford Wilson protested against the removal of Henderson, deeming it
"a fatal blow to the prospect of a successful prosecution in Babcock's
case," p. 364.
186 GKANT'S TESTIMONY [1876
Babcock was put upon trial and the proceedings were
marked by an extraordinary occurrence. The President
voluntarily gave his deposition on the part of the defence.
At the White House on February 12, 1876 there assembled
Bristow, Pierrepont, an attorney for the government, an
attorney for Babcock and Chief Justice Waite, who
acted as notary.1 Grant swore : that I have never seen
anything in the conduct or talk of Babcock which
indicated to my mind that he was in any way interested
in or connected with the Whiskey Ring at St. Louis or
elsewhere ; that he has evinced fidelity and integrity as
regards the public interest and performed his duties as
my private Secretary to my entire satisfaction ; that " I
have always had great confidence in his integrity and
efficiency ; " and that I never had any information from
Babcock or any one else indicating in any manner directly
or indirectly that any funds for political purposes were
being raised by any improper methods.2 Grant in his
deposition showed his eagerness for the acquittal of
Babcock and this undoubtedly had weight with the jury,
who, being further influenced by the charge of the judge
in his favour, brought in a verdict of not guilty. On
his acquittal, Babcock resumed his duties at the White
House but did not exercise them long. Public opinion
compelled his withdrawal from that confidential position.
He was indicted afterwards for complicity in a safe
burglary conspiracy, his object being to get hold of
some incriminating documents, but Grant's fostering
care still remained over him;8
Though the judge and the jury did not believe that a
legal case had been made against Babcock no real doubt
1 McDonald, p. 265 ; New York Tribune, Feb. 14, 1876.
2 Ibid., pp.255, 256 ; New York Tribune, St. Louis Daily Times, Feb. 18, 1876.
s Ibid., pp. 284, 335; New York Tribune, Feb. -April 1876. McKee,
Maguire and Avery were pardoned after about six months' imprisonment.
On Jan. 26, 1877, McDonald received his pardon. Later in the year Joyce
was pardoned by President Hayes, ibid., pp. 284, 321, 326.
Ch. XLIIL] SUSPICIONS OF GRANT 187
can remain that he shared in the profits of the ring.
McDonald, all of whose statements must however be
received with caution, relates that at two different times
he gave him a package of bills amounting in each case
to $5000 and that on another occasion he sent him a
$1000 bill in a box of excellent cigars ; that his total
dividends were $25,000.1 The prosecution was hampered
by the unfriendly attitude of the President and some of
his immediate friends but Bristow, Pierrepont and Blu-
ford Wilson were convinced of the guilt of Babcock, whose
general bad name led the public to share this belief.
McDonald asserts that Grant was a silent or honorary
member of the Whiskey Ring ('not that he received any
cash unless Babcock divided his share with him but he
was aware that the profits from illicit distilling were
going into a campaign fund to be used mainly in the
work of securing for him a second and then a third term)
and that in his deposition he perjured himself. Hender-
son desired McDonald to plead guilty and become a witness
for the government (promising him immunity from pun-
ishment) and had he done so, he writes, the President
would have been impeached and removed from office.
Because of his devotion he refused to testify against
Grant and Babcock and went to the penitentiary willingly
in order to preserve Grant and the nation from scandal.2
McDonald utterly fails to make out a case against
Grant;3 and I should not have thought these charges
i McDonald, pp. 106, 120, 148, 316.
2 Ibid., pp. v, 35, 84, 94, 158, 171, 186, 204, 318, 329, 332.
8 McDonald's book is a curious one. Illiterate, according to Grant's
testimony, he could not have written it himself but he undoubtedly furnished
the facts which were arranged and written out by some more competent per-
son. The book was published in 1880, is of the order of campaign literature
and may have been intended as a document against Grant, had he been
nominated in 1880, when he had a very strong following in the Republican
convention and a good chance of success. This theory is substantiated by the
Appendix which contains the charges of corruption against Garfield who did
receive the Republican nomination in 1880.
188 GRANT'S THOROUGH HONESTY [1875
worthy of mention were it not that many good people
at the time believed that Grant's eagerness to remain in
the White House had led him to connive at this dis-
honest way of raising money in his own interest. To
me it is quite incredible that he should have done this,
and my conviction of his innocence is easily explained.
E. Rockwood Hoar, a hard-headed man and an acute
judge of his fellows, knew Grant through and through,
and believed him strictly and thoroughly honest. But
do you feel sure, he was asked, that in all these suspi-
cious transactions no money stuck to his fingers? With
a purposed anachronism to give emphasis to his quaint
remark he replied, " I would as soon think St. Paul had
got some of the thirty pieces of silver." 1 Time, the
gleaner of the true from the false, has revealed to us
Grant's character in its full strength and full weakness,
amply confirming Judge Hoar's confidence in the man
whom he comprehended so well, who to his deep regret
kept much bad company and made "a pretty poor Presi-
dent." And the world believes Grant when he swore
before the Chief Justice and Bristow and Pierrepont
that he knew of no campaign fund which came from
the profits of illicit distilling.
In money matters Grant was as credulous as a child.
He undoubtedly knew of the campaign fund in St.
Louis but had not a suspicion of the process through
which it was raised. Babcock had an extraordinary
fascination for him and could make him believe any-
thing. The private secretary was cheek by jowl with
the other members of the ring who jumped to the con-
clusion that Grant as well as Babcock was privy to their
operations. Grant's suspicions of July 1875 at Long
Branch were allayed by Babcock's explanation of the
evidence which told against him ; and, yielding to his
favourite's cajolery, he came to believe that Babcock
1 Conversation, Oct. 4, 1893.
Ch. XLIIL] GRANT AND BRISTOW 189
was a much persecuted man, whom Bristow pursued for
the purpose of commending himself to the reform ele-
ment in the Republican party and securing the Republi-
can nomination for President.
Plain as this now is, it was not so in February 1876
when Babcock was acquitted. The gap between Grant's
" Let no guilty man escape " of July 1875 and his es-
pousal of Babcock's cause was wide indeed, and when
Babcock was restored to his place in the White House
one hardly knew what to say. Startling, too, was
Grant's evident displeasure with Bristow succeeding
his earlier support of the investigation. His feeling
was intense and seems hardly to have abated two
years later when he said : Any of the candidates for
the Republican nomination in 1876 except Mr. Bristow
" would have been satisfactory to me, would have
had my heartiest support. Mr. Bristow I never
would have supported for reasons that I may give
at some other time in a more formal manner than
mere conversation." x The friction between the two
is seen likewise in Bristow's testimony which though
guarded by an honourable official reticence, alludes
to the sharp severance of their official and personal
relations.2
Altogether the affair was very damaging to the Grant
administration and reflected on the Republican party,
but worse was yet to come. The country was still
thinking of the iniquity of Babcock and others of the
President's friends when, on March 2, Hiester Clymer,
chairman of the Committee on Expenditures in the War
Department, reported that his committee had " found at
the very threshold of their investigations uncontradicted
1 Around the World with General Grant, J. R. Young, vol. ii. p. 273.
2 Bristow gave his testimony on July 7, 1876. He resigned his position
on June 20. As has been indicated my main authorities are the Whiskey
Frauds, Testimony, and McDonald's Whiskey Ring. I have been helped by
The Nation and Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii.
190 THE BELKNAP SCANDAL [1876
evidence of the malfeasance in office by General William
W. Belknap, then Secretary of War." Along with their
report he submitted the testimony which substantiated
their solemn accusation. In 1870, Mrs. Belknap had
suggested to Caleb P. Marsh of New York, at whose
house she was visiting, to apply for a post-tradership on
the frontier and hinted to him that she would not
refuse a portion of the emoluments of the office. Marsh
made application for the valuable post of Fort Sill,
Indian Territory then falling vacant, and received an
intimation from either Mrs. Belknap or the Secretary
that he had better see its incumbent, John S. Evans,
who was in Washington pressing for a reappointment.
Marsh saw Evans and, after some negotiation, the two
agreed that Evans should retain the place in considera-
tion of which he should pay Marsh $12,000 a year, quar-
terly in advance. The first payment was received
probably in November 1870 and one-half of it was sent
to Mrs. Belknap. The death of Mrs. Belknap occurring
shortly afterwards and the money from Evans continu-
ing to come, Marsh sent half of it to Belknap himself,
in bank-notes by Adams express or in certificates of
deposit or perhaps on one or two occasions in a govern-
ment bond. If Belknap chanced to be in New York at
the time of the quarterly remittance he paid him the
money in person. After a while Marsh reduced his
claim on Evans to $6000 per year and consequently cut
down in a like proportion his payments to the Secretary
but during the operation of the contract he received in
all about $40,000 one-half of which went to Mrs. Bel-
knap and the Secretary of War.
The Committee recommended that Belknap " be im-
peached of high crimes and misdemeanors while in
office " and the House by a unanimous vote adopted a
resolution to this effect. It was shortly after three
o'clock on the afternoon of March 2 when Clymer pre-
sented his report to the House, but on the morning of
Ch. XLIIL] CORKUPTION 191
the same day, Belknap, anticipating the action that would
be taken, tendered his resignation to the President, re-
questing its immediate acceptance. He was a personal
friend of Grant's and had been Secretary of War since
the autumn of 1869.1 It had become well understood
that Grant never forsook his friends but stood by them
when they were " under fire " ; in this case expectation
was not disappointed. At about twenty minutes past
ten [March 2] he wrote to Belknap, " Your tender of
resignation as Secretary of War, with the request to
have it accepted immediately, is received and the same
is hereby accepted with great regret."2 Nevertheless
nobody had any doubt as to Belknap's guilt. His dis-
grace was complete and added to the already heavy load
under which Grant and the Republican party were
staggering.3
The high-water mark of corruption in national affairs
was reached during Grant's two administrations. Blaine
and others, as we have seen, wished to divert public at-
tention from it by trying to excite at the North the bit-
ter sectional passions of the Civil War ; but there were
better Republicans and better patriots who believed that
the truth should be told and an effort made to awaken
in their countrymen the spirit of reform. Lowell, writ-
ing before the full disclosures of the Whiskey Ring and
the disgrace of Belknap, said in reference to the proposed
Centennial Exhibition of 1876 : —
1 Appointed on Oct. 13, 1869, sworn in Nov. 1. The Senate on Dec. 9,
1869 confirmed the appointment without a division.
2 The trial of Belknap by the Senate dragged along and the vote on the
articles of impeachment was not taken until Aug. 1. Thirty-seven sena-
tors voted " guilty," 25 " not guilty " and, as the necessary two-thirds were
wanting, conviction was not obtained but 23 of those who voted " not guilty"
did so because they believed that the Senate lacked jurisdiction on account
of the resignation of the defendant.
8 My authorities are House reports, 44th Cong. 1st Sess., Nos. 186, 345,
791 ; Misc. Docs. 84 ; Cong. Becord, vol. iv. part vii. Trial of Belknap;
George F. Hoar, Autobiography, vol. i.
192 EXPOSURE OF EVILS [1876
"Columbia, puzzled what she should display
Of true home-make on her Centennial Day,
Asked Brother Jonathan: he scratched his head,
Whittled awhile reflectively, and said,
'Your own invention and own making too?
Why any child could tell ye what to do:
Show 'em your Civil Service, and explain
How all men's loss is everybody's gain ;
Show your new patent to increase your rents
By paying quarters for collecting cents ;
Show your short cut to cure financial ills
By making paper collars current bills;
Show your new bleaching process, cheap and brief,
To wit: a jury chosen by the thief;
Show your State Legislatures ; show your Rings ;
And challenge Europe to produce such things
As high officials sitting half in sight
To share the plunder and to fix things right;
If that don't fetch her, why you only need
To show your latest style in martyrs — Tweed:
She'll find it hard to hide her spiteful tears
At such advance in one poor hundred years.' " i
George William Curtis said to the New York State Re-
publican Convention on March 22, 1876 : « ' Plain words
are best.' . . . The corruptions of administration ex-
posed in every direction, and culminating at last in the
self-confessed bribery of the Republican Secretary of
War, the low tone of political honor and of political
morality that has prevailed in official Republican service,
the unceasing disposition of the officers and agents of the
administration of this country to prostitute the party
organizations relentlessly and at all costs to personal
ends, has everywhere aroused the apprehension of the
1 The Nation, Aug. 5, 1875, p. 82. The poem was entitled " The World's
Fair, 1876." For Nast's unpublished cartoon suggested by it, see Life of
Nast, Paine, p. 363.
Ch. XLIIL] GEORGE F. HOAR ON CORRUPTION 193
friends of free government, and has startled and alarmed
the honest masses of the Republican party." 1
And finally on May 6, 1876 George F. Hoar, who was
one of the managers of the House in the Belknap Im-
peachment Trial, spoke thus to the senators sitting as
a Court : " My own public life has been a very brief
and insignificant one, extending little beyond the dura-
tion of a single term of senatorial office. But in that
brief period I have seen five judges of a high court of
the United States driven from office by threats of im-
peachment for corruption or maladministration. I have
heard the taunt, from friendliest lips, that when the
United States presented herself in the East to take part
with the civilized world in generous competition in the
arts of life, the only product of her institutions in which
she surpassed all others beyond question was her corrup-
tion. I have seen in the State in the Union foremost in
power and wealth four judges of her courts impeached
for corruption, and the political administration of her
chief city become a disgrace and a by-word throughout
the world. I have seen the chairman of the Committee
on Military Affairs in the House, rise in his place and
demand the expulsion of four of his associates for mak-
ing sale of their official privilege of selecting the youths
to be educated at our great military school. When the
greatest railroad of the world binding together the con-
tinent and uniting the two great seas which wash our
shores, was finished, I have seen our national triumph
and exaltation turned to bitterness and shame by the
unanimous reports of three committees of Congress —
two of the House and one here — that every step of that
mighty enterprise had been taken in fraud. I have
heard in highest places the shameless doctrine avowed
by men grown old in public office that the true way by
which power should be gained in the Republic is to
1 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 255 ; New York Tribune, March 23.
VII. — 13
194 JAMES G. BLAINE [1869
bribe the people with the offices created for their ser-
vice, and the true end for which it should be used when
gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and the
gratification of personal revenge. I have heard that
suspicion haunts the footsteps of the trusted companions
of the President."1
James G. Blaine fell a victim to the malady of the
time. The story of his fall begins on April 10, 1869, on
the last night of the first session of the Forty-first Con-
gress, when a bill was reached which renewed the land-
grant to the State of Arkansas for the Little Rock and
Fort Smith Railroad. An amendment was offered, which
would have killed the bill, causing keen disappointment
to the Arkansas members who had it in charge. In
despair one of them came for advice to Blaine, then
Speaker of the House, who told him that the amend-
ment was not germane to the bill and therefore out of
order. Not having confidence in his knowledge of the
rules, he arranged with Blaine that the point should be
raised by General Logan, to whom Blaine sent his page
with the suggestion. Logan made the point, the Speaker
ruled in his favour, the bill passed the House and became
a law. The ruling was correct and the action of Blaine
was not improper, as at that time he had no interest in
the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad Company ; but
on June 29, 1869, he was considering an offer made him
by Warren Fisher Jr. of Boston for participation in this
very company and writing ; " I do not feel that I shall
prove a dead-head in the enterprise if I once embark in
it. I see various channels in which I know I can be
useful." 2 Blaine's biographer plausibly maintains that
this referred to his future operations as a broker with his
friends in Maine ; 3 but taken in connection with his
1 Cong. Record, vol. iv. part vii. p. 63 ; George F. Hoar, Autobiography,
vol. i. p. 307.
2 Cong. Becord, June 5, 1876, p. 3606. 3 Stanwood, p. 154.
Ch. XLIIL] BLAINE'S TRANSACTIONS 195
subsequent letter of October 4, 1869 in which he told
Fisher to inform Josiah Caldwell (who was one of the
promoters of the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad)
that he had unwittingly done him " a great favor " by
his ruling of April 10, emphasizing the fact by a detailed
history,1 such an assurance reaches the height of in-
delicacy on the part of the officer second in power in
the government. On July 2, 1869 Blaine was hesitating
over " a most liberal proposition " from Fisher,2 which,
as subsequent events show he accepted and in accordance
with the contract he sold in the autumn of 1869 to his
friends in Maine $125,000 of the first-mortgage bonds of
the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad for which
Fisher, who made the delivery of the bonds direct to the
purchaser, received $125,000 in money. As a bonus the
Maine people were given $125,000 preferred stock and
the same amount of common. A Boston investor would
have received in such a transaction $125,000 land-grant
bonds as well, the usual condition of sale being to give
four dollars in securities for one in money. This part
of the bonus was taken by Blaine as a commission ; by
agreement with Fisher he was to receive $125,000 land-
grant bonds and $32,500 first-mortgage bonds as a bro-
kerage for making the sale.3 On four other contracts,
three of which were with residents of Maine, he received
a commission in cash of $15,150 for the sale of $43,150
worth of securities on different terms.4 In these trans-
actions the Speaker of the House placed himself on a
level with unscrupulous promoters of State Street and
Wall Street and, through these and similar operations,
established a business reputation over the country as
one who took in his friends. The ordinary method of
1 Cong. Becord, p. 3606. 2 Ibid.
8 I speak of the contract as modified from $130,000 to $125,000. There
should have been according to the contract a proportionate reduction of the
$32,500. There is a little confusion in the evidence which is not important.
* These securities were delivered by Fisher direct to the purchasers.
196 BLAINE'S LITTLE ROCK AND FORT SMITH [1869
promoters was to represent that having been " let in on
the ground floor " they were themselves investing money
in the enterprise and were able to procure securities for
their friends on the same basis. The evidence does not
show that Blaine made such representations but they are
naturally to be presumed. Blaine's was a sanguine dis-
position and beyond a doubt he thought that the railroad
would be a profitable investment for his friends.
The enterprise was not successful and the transaction
with his Maine friends got Blaine into trouble. The
Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad fell into financial
difficulties, the stock became worthless, the interest on
the bonds was in default, and the Maine people were
disgruntled. Thirteen were in various amounts con-
cerned in the $125,000 transaction, four in the $43,150.
To one or two Blaine had given a guarantee against loss
and in the case of the others he recognized, in the words
of his friend William Walter Phelps, " a moral claim " l
to make the loss good to them. Another phase of the
situation is readily comprehensible. When investments
turn out badly it is to be expected that the investors
will make searching inquiries into their nature and ori-
gin, including in their inquisition those from whom they
acquired the securities. If the thirteen ascertained,
which was an easy matter, that, according to the ordinary
rate of sale, $125,000 land-grant bonds should have gone to
them and if the four found out that they did not get the
full value of their money, they were sure to feel that they
had been tricked by their broker, the Speaker of the
House.2 The disclosure of the facts to his political and
personal friends in Maine meant discredit and possibly
political ruin ; consequently he was impelled by the
strongest considerations to take back their bonds and
1 Blaine's Record, published by the Boston committee of 100, written by
Moorfield Storey, p. 18.
2 In this connection see Life of Blaine, Stanwood, p. 174.
Ch. XLIIL] BLAINE'S TRANSACTIONS 197
return them their money. The letters of Blaine to Fisher
during 1871 show that he was straining every nerve to
raise money. He borrowed at from 8 to 8-| per cent, per
annum. " Politically I am charged with being a wealthy
man," he wrote on October 1. " Personally and pecun-
iarily I am laboring under the most fearful embarrass-
ments." 1 This was partly due to the necessity of raising
the money to reimburse his Maine friends, in which he
was evidently successful by April 18, 1872. He then
wrote, " I am very sure that you have little idea of the
labors, the losses, the efforts, and the sacrifices I have
made within the past year to save those innocent per-
sons, who invested on my request, from personal loss." 2
In the spring of 1871 the Atlantic and Pacific Rail-
road bought 8100,000 bonds and $100,000 stock of the
Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad paying therefor
$79,000 and the Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railroad
took about half that amount at the same rate. These
were bought from an " interest largely engaged in the
construction of the road " 3 at a price greater than their
worth. On December 16, 1871 the Union Pacific Rail-
road bought $75,000 Little Rock and Fort Smith land-
grant bonds paying therefor $64,000, an amount largely
in excess of their market value. Now, as Moorfield
Storey acutely analyzes the testimony, Blaine refunded
to his Maine friends on the two sets of contracts $168,150.
From his Maine friends and from his commission as
broker4 he possessed $160,000 first-mortgage bonds and
$123,000 land-grant bonds ; $150,000 of the first-mortgage
bonds were bought by the Atlantic & Pacific and the
Missouri, Kansas & Texas and $75,000 of the land-grants
by the Union Pacific, realizing a sum somewhat more
1 Cong. Record, June 5, 1876, p. 3606. 2 Ibid., p. 3605.
8 Blaine's speech of April 24, 1876, ibid., p. 2725.
4 For some reason he did not receive the full amount of bonds agreed on.
Concerning this see Fisher's letter of Nov. 8, 1871, Blaine's Kecord, p. 42.
198 BLAINE'S DEFENCE [1876
than sufficient for Blaine to discharge his obligations to
his Maine friends.1 The positive evidence and the coin-
cidence of events furnish the strongest of probabilities
that these railroad companies through their managers
relieved Blaine of his heavy financial burden, expecting
to more than recoup themselves through legislative favours
which the Speaker of the House could readily accord.
All these roads enjoyed land-grants, being to this extent
creatures of the national government and more or less
subject to Congressional control. It is quite possible
that it was not positive legislation but security from in-
terference that was desired. The Springfield Republican
charged him with making up his committees in December
1873 " so as to favor inflation, a high tariff and the
railroad corporations." 2
To my mind the case against Blaine in at least the
Union Pacific matter would be clear were it not for the
evidence of Thomas A. Scott who swore that the $75,000
bonds which went to the Union Pacific were his own
and that the railroad company paid him the excessive
price as a compensation for his services as its President for
a year ; that he had bought the bonds from Caldwell and
did not directly or indirectly know Blaine in the whole
transaction.3 But Scott's testimony is inconsistent with
much of the other evidence and does not fit into the
situation as well the explanation which I have adopted.
The first public notice taken of the matter by Blaine
was in the House on April 24, 1876. " For some months
past," he said, " a charge against me has been circulat-
ing in private and was recently made public — design-
ing to show that I had in some indirect manner received
the large sum of 164,000 from the Union Pacific Rail-
road Company in 1871 — for what services or for what
purpose has never been stated." He made an absolute
1 Blaine's Record, p. 20. 2 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 333.
3 44th Cong. 1st. Sess., House Mis. Docs. 176, p. 47.
Ch. XLIIL] BLAINE'S DEFENCE 199
denial of the charge and supported his denial by a
number of letters the most important of which was
from Thomas A. Scott, who said, " That the Little Rock
and Fort Smith bonds purchased by the Union Pacific
Railroad Company in 1871 were not purchased or
received from Mr. Blaine directly or indirectly, and that
of the money paid by the Union Pacific Railroad Com-
pany, or of the avails of said bonds, not one dollar went
to Mr. Blaine, or to any person for him or for his benefit
in any form." In the case of the Atlantic and Pacific
and Missouri, Kansas and Texas, Blaine said, " that the
bonds sold to them did not belong to me, nor did I have
one dollar's pecuniary interest in the whole transaction
with either company." 1
Nearly every Republican wanted to believe Blaine
and in April 1876 did believe him. He was a capable
and popular man. His very limited knowledge of the
factors in certain public questions did not prevent his
taking a broad view of others. He had an instinctive
understanding of men and a marked aptitude for getting
information out of books ; had he devoted himself to
study and reflection, he might have made a useful states-
man. His personal magnetism fitted him for leadership ;
and, though living in Maine, his greatest popularity was
in Pennsylvania and the West. He had also the quali-
ties of a parliamentary leader, although he had never a
chance fully to display them for during his first service
in the House he was dominated by Stevens and shortly
after his death became its Speaker. Amiable and per-
sonally attractive, few public men have had a constitu-
ency easier to persuade than he ; the masses adored him,
and at the period under consideration he had not wholly
forfeited the confidence of the reformers. The remark
of The Nation of April 27, 1876 was undoubtedly ap-
proved by most of the independent thinkers in the
1 Cong. Becord, April 24, 1876, pp. 2724, 2725.
200 CHARGE AGAINST BLAINE REAPPEARS [1876
Republican party. " In fact, as far as allegation can go,"
it said, " Mr. Blaine has vindicated himself. The only-
thing further he could do would be to submit his proofs
to an investigating committee ; but this does not seem
necessary because there is nothing cloudy in the state-
ment."
Still the charge relating to the Union Pacific would
not down ; in the Cincinnati Gazette of April 27, it ap-
peared again fathered by one of the government direc-
tors. On May 2 the Democratic House ordered its
Committee on the Judiciary to make an investigation of
it. A sub-committee of three at once set to work tak-
ing testimony, the tenor of which was on the whole
somewhat damaging to Blaine, but he had in his favour
the testimony of Thomas A. Scott and it looked on May
31 as if the verdict might be " not proved." But on
that day James Mulligan of Boston, a truthful man, who
had " kept some accounts for Fisher for the Little Rock
and Fort Smith bonds " appeared before the committee
and testified that Elisha Atkins, a director of the Union
Pacific, told him that Blaine gave the $75,000 of Little
Rock and Fort Smith bonds to Scott who made the Union
Pacific Railroad take them at $64,000.1 Mulligan, who
was giving his testimony in a quiet manner, mentioned
incidentally that he had in his possession certain letters
written by Blaine to Fisher which, Blaine supposed, had
been returned to himself. This statement " seemed to
have a remarkable effect upon Blaine " who whispered to
the Republican member of the sub-committee to move an
adjournment which was done.2 After the adjournment
Blaine went during the afternoon to the Riggs House
1 House Mis. Doc. 176, p. 95. Atkins denied ever having made such a
statement, p. 110. Mulligan repeated it, p. 123.
2 Hunton, chairman, sub-committee, Cong. Becord, June 5, 1876, p. 3611.
Stanwood writes that Mulligan had a personal grievance against Blaine and
had vowed vengeance, p. 164. Mulligan swore, " I have no unfriendly feel-
ings to Mr. Blaine whatever." Doc. 176, p. 98.
Ch. XLIIL] the mulligan LETTERS 201
and, in a conference between Atkins, Fisher, Mulligan
and himself, asked Mulligan to give him those letters.
Mulligan refused. Blaine implored Mulligan to think of
his six children and his wife saying that if the committee
should get hold of those letters " it would sink him im-
mediately and ruin him forever." Mulligan still refused.
Blaine then asked permission to read them which was
accorded. Blaine read them over twice and returned
the letters. Mulligan left Atkins's sitting-room where
this scene had taken place and went to his own room.
Blaine followed him and again asked to see the letters
so that he might read them over again consecutively.
Mulligan handed them to him on the condition that they
be returned. What are you going to do with them ?
asked Blaine. I shall not show them to the committee
unless called upon to do so, was the reply. I shall not
publish them unless my testimony is impeached. There-
upon Blaine refused to surrender the letters maintaining
that, as he had written them, they were his property.1 On
June 1 and 2 Hunton asked Blaine to deliver the letters
to the Committee. He refused and on the 2d presented
a letter from J. S. Black and Matt. H. Carpenter, his
counsel, saying that the letters had " no relevancy what-
ever to the matter under inquiry " and advising Blaine
to resist any demand for them to the last extremity.2
It was obvious that if the matter was left thus, the
judgment of the country would be against Blaine for
whom the disclosures could have been made at no more
unfortunate time. The National Republican convention
was to meet in Cincinnati on June 14 and Blaine was
the most prominent candidate for the presidential nomi-
nation. The charge must be met in some way and
1 Doc. 176, p. 98. Blaine gave a different account of the interview, p. 105,
but he made so many misstatements in his defence that I do not consider
him a credible witness. Both agreed that he now had possession of the
letters. They never went out of his possession afterwards.
2 Ibid., p. 110.
202 BLAINE'S DEFENCE [1876
Blaine nerved himself for a supreme effort. Rising in
the House on June 5 to a question of privilege he as-
serted that the resolution commanding an investigation
was aimed solely at him, that because of his speech in
January the feelings of the Southerners " were peculiarly
exasperated" toward him, that while there were seven
Democrats on the Judiciary Committee, the Chairman in
making up the sub-committee, took for its majority
" the two who were from the South and had been in the
rebel army." x Having the complete sympathy of the
Republican members, the spectators on the floor and in
the galleries he made an earnest and common-sense plea
for the inviolability of private correspondence and then
went on : "I have defied the power of the House to
compel me to produce these letters. . . . But, sir, having
vindicated that right, standing by it, ready to make any
sacrifice in the defence of it ... I am not afraid to
show the letters. Thank God Almighty I am not
ashamed to show them. There they are [holding up a
package of letters]. There is the very original package.
And with some sense of humiliation, with a mortification
that I do not pretend to conceal, with a sense of outrage
which I think any man in my position would feel, I in-
vite the confidence of 44,000,000 of my countrymen
while I read those letters from this desk." Blaine then
read the letters with running comments and closed his
speech with a dramatic stroke.
One Reed, a friend or self-constituted champion of
Blaine's, had cabled to Josiah Caldwell in London urg-
ing him to telegraph to the chairman of the Judiciary
Committee that he corroborated fully Scott's testimony.
He at once complied with the request. Proctor Knott,
chairman of the House Judiciary Committee received the
despatch on June l,2 but foolishly refrained from
1 Hunton and Ashe. Ashe denied having been in the Confederate army.
2 Cong. Record, Aug. 3, 1876, pp. 5126-5128.
Ch. XLIIL] BLAINE'S DEFENCE 203
presenting it to the Committee. Caldwell's character was
not high and a mere affirmation of his could not add the
slightest weight to Scott's testimony, but Blaine, know-
ing that the cablegram had been sent, asked Knott, after
he had finished reading the letters, if he had received a
despatch from Caldwell. Knott parried the question
for a moment then admitted that he had and demanded
of Blaine, " How did you hear it ? " Blaine thus
replied, " I heard you got a despatch last Thursday
morning at eight o'clock from Josiah Caldwell com-
pletely and absolutely exonerating me from this charge
and you have suppressed it." The applause was loud
and long. An iteration of this statement with some en-
largement of it ended the speech and there ensued
" protracted applause from the floor and the galleries." 1
"I never saw such a scene in the House," said Garfield.2
It was, said Proctor Knott, " one of the most extraor-
dinary exhibitions of histrionic skill, one of the most
consummate pieces of acting that ever occurred upon any
stage on earth." 3 The feeling of enthusiastic Republicans
who were present was undoubtedly well expressed in
one of the family letters printed in Gail Hamilton's Life
of Blaine : " There never was such a rout. Knott and
Hunton were deserted even by their own party ; not one
of the leading Democrats came to their aid. The cheer-
ing when Mr. Blaine marched down the aisle and charged
Knott with having suppressed the telegram was inde-
scribable. It seemed to come up from all over the
House. It was wild and long and deep. It was a
perfect roar of triumph. Knott seemed to shrink
visibly in the hot flame of wrath." 4 And the mass of
Republicans who read the account in their newspapers
thought that Blaine had won a complete triumph and
1 Cong. Becord, June 5, 1876, pp. 3602-3608.
2 Appletons' Cyclopaedia of Biography, article Blaine.
8 Cong. Becord, Aug. 3, 1876, p. 6126. 4 P. 392.
204 BLAINE'S DEFENCE [1876
their faith in him abided for the rest of his life. " II
faut de l'audace, et encore de l'audace et tou jours de
l'audace." Blaine's defence was a master-stroke. But
it was that of a criminal in the dock not that of a can-
didate for President whose acts while speaker were
questioned. In committee he and his friends made use
of many quibbles known to the law to prevent the
elicitation of the whole truth : and it is probable that
the evidence would not have convicted him in the
court-room. Perhaps the fencing in committee may be
excused as he was on trial by a majority of his political
opponents but in his two speeches when he presented
his case to the House and his fellow-countrymen, he
owed it to his position if he was innocent, to answer
frankly every charge and explain every suspicious cir-
cumstance, concealing nothing, welcoming the fullest
inquiry. He not only failed to do this but in his speech
of April 24, he told six distinct falsehoods.1 His speech
of June 5 was full of evasions ; and the process of throw-
ing dust into men's eyes was effectively used. He did
not read the letters in their chronological order, nor all
that he had taken from Mulligan ; and there was a sus-
picion that he did not read some correctly and that
those which he omitted were more damaging than those
which he read.
Be this as it may, the letters printed in the Congres-
sional Becord in connection with those disclosed in 1884
when Blaine was running for President, and in the light
of the attending circumstances, must lead the historical
critic to a belief in the strong probability of Blaine's
guilt. " I know but little of your obligations to deliver
bonds to others " [than his Maine friends], wrote Fisher
November 8, 1871 ; « but, taking into account the 1100,000
bonds you sold to Tom Scott and the amount of money
you received on the Eastern contracts, our relative posi-
1 Blaine's Record, Storey, p. 9.
Ch. XLIIL] BLAINE'S DEFENCE CONSIDERED 205
tions financially in the Little Rock and Fort Smith Rail-
road bear a wide contrast." 1 " Of all the parties
connected with the Little Rock and Fort Smith Rail-
road," wrote Fisher to Blaine, April 16, 1872, « no one
has been so fortunate as yourself in obtaining money
out of it. You obtained subscriptions from your friends
in Maine for the building of the Little Rock and Fort
Smith Railroad. Out of their subscriptions you obtained
a large amount both of bonds and money free of cost to
you. I have your own figures and know the amount.
Owing to your political position you were able to work
off all your bonds at a very high price ; and the fact is
well known to others as well as myself. Would your
friends in Maine be satisfied if they knew the facts ? " 2
To this Blaine two days later replied : " The sales of
bonds which you spoke of my making, and which you
seem to have thought were for my benefit, were entirely
otherwise. I did not have the money in my possession
forty-eight hours but paid it over directly to the parties
whom I tried by every means in my power to protect
from loss " 3 [the Maine friends].
Blaine's speech of June 5 is not the speech of an
innocent man ; but no more adroit and powerful plea
from one with an itching palm, who had made money
illicitly, can be imagined. It convinced many men of
the highest honour and the majority of the Republican
party that he had been wrongfully accused. But for the
verdict of history, a cold statement in dollars and cents
showing what had become of his Little Rock and Fort
Smith bonds would have been more to the point than
his impassioned rhetoric and fervid declamation. Blaine
had from different sources, as shown by Moorfield Storey,
at least $160,000 first-mortgage and $123,000 land-grant
bonds. He turned in at the reorganization of the road
1 Letter made public Sept. 15, 1884. Blaine's Record, Storey, p. 43.
2 Ibid., p. 44. » Cong. Becord, p. 3605.
206 BLAINE'S SWOON [1876
,000 land-grant and 119,000 first-mortgage bonds, leav-
ing 175,000 land-grants and $141,000 first-mortgage unac-
counted for.1 Blaine (I believe) never explained what
became of them nor have any of his friends. It is fair to
presume therefore that they were disposed of to those three
railroad companies at a price far exceeding their value.
After Blaine's speech of June 5 the sub-committee held
three sessions ; at the last one on Saturday, June 10,
Hunton, the chairman, demanded of Blaine the produc-
tion of the Mulligan letters and Blaine declined to de-
liver them ; nor were they ever afterwards out of his
possession. The committee adjourned until Monday
but on the intervening Sunday after a walk to church
through hot streets he sank down on the church steps in
a swoon. This attack and the ensuing physical prostra-
tion put an end to the investigation. Before he recov-
ered, Morrill, senator from Maine, became Secretary of
the Treasury succeeding Bristow. The Governor of
Maine appointed Blaine for the vacant senatorship, a
choice which the legislature ratified on its assembling
and also elected him senator for six years from March 4,
1877. The jurisdiction of the House over him was doubt-
ful and when Congress met in December a graver question
engrossed its attention. The Committee never made a
report.2
On June 14 the National Republican Convention met
in Cincinnati. There were many candidates for the
nomination but the candidacy of one, who in other cir-
cumstances might have been pressed, was eliminated.
Soon after his second inauguration it began to be noised
1 Blaine's Kecord, p. 20.
2 My authorities are Blame's Record, Storey ; Testimony before the sub-
committee on the Judiciary ; Cong. Becord ; Life of Blaine, Stanwood ; Life
of Blaine, Gail Hamilton ; Life of Bowles, Merriam ; The Nation for 1876 ;
see also letter of William Walter Phelps in The Nation of May 1, 1884 and
The Nation's reply.
Ch. XLIIL] national EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION 207
abroad that Grant would be a willing candidate for a
third term, the talk proceeding largely from a coterie of
political and personal friends. The opposition press
took the movement seriously and maintained that we
were " drifting upon the rock of Caesarism."1 But the
Democratic success in the autumn of 1874 was a severe
blow to the movement. On May 29, 1875 Grant felt
impelled to write a public letter which may be fairly
interpreted as a grudging declination to be a candidate
for a third term.2 The Republican party construed it as
a refusal ; the disclosures of the Whiskey Ring and the
corruption of Belknap lent overpowering weight to this
construction. It is doubtful whether in any event the
movement could have gained a large degree of force.
The country was opposed to a departure from the time-
honoured precedent of Washington and a resolution
affirming the sacredness of this was voted by the House
in December 1875 with only 18 dissentients.3
Two political legatees of Grant, Conkling and Mor-
ton, were prominent candidates ; each had the backing
of his own State. As between the two, Grant, so far as
any word of his went out, was strictly neutral, although
he preferred Conkling because of his sounder financial
views, but believing it probable that a " dark horse "
would win the prize he had fixed upon Hamilton Fish
and had written a letter to be used in his favour should
the proper opportunity offer.4 Nast had the same idea
and shortly before the convention suggested Fish and
Hayes as the ticket.5
Blaine had the strongest following and would unques-
tionably have been nominated had not the charge of
personal corruption been fastened upon him. His
1 New York Herald, Life of Nast, Paine, p. 282.
2 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, p. 743.
8 Dec. 15, the vote was 233 : 18, Record, p. 228.
4 Around the World with General Grant, J. R. Young, vol. ii. p. 275.
6 Life of Nast, Paine, p. 331 ; see Harper's Weekly, June 24.
208 INGERSOLL PRESENTS BLAINE [1876
strength lay largely in the Republican States whose
electoral votes would surely be cast for the nominee of
the convention : from this statement New England must
be excepted as Blaine received from that section the
solid vote of no State but his own. Massachusetts gave
19 of her 26 votes for Bristow the reformers' candidate 1
and her potent influence was in opposition to Blaine.
It must be borne in mind that the delegates to the con-
vention had been chosen before the most damaging dis-
closures against him had been made and that public,
personal and geographical conditions had determined
their instructions and their preferences. Blaine was for-
tunate in being placed before the delegates in one of the
most eloquent of convention speeches, which, beginning
with an apt reply to Dana's statement marshalled the
considerations likely to have weight with the tumultuous
crowd. Richard H. Dana in seconding the nomination
of Bristow on the part of Massachusetts, said : " I tell
you, gentlemen of the convention, I know no other name
which is sure to carry the old Commonwealth of Massa-
chusetts next November. . . . Massachusetts is satisfied
with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow." As Dana
sat down Robert G. Ingersoll rose to present Blaine on
the part of Illinois and said : " Massachusetts may be
satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow. So
am I. But if any man nominated by this convention
cannot carry the State of Massachusetts, I am not satis-
fied with the loyalty of Massachusetts. If the nominee
of this convention cannot carry the grand old Common-
wealth by 75,000 majority I would advise them to sell
out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic head-quarters. I would
advise them to take from Bunker Hill their old monu-
ment of glory." Proceeding with a long list of demands
which the Republicans made on a leader he touched
upon the consideration which marred Blaine's chance
1 On the 3, 4, 5 and 6 ballots five votes went to Blaine, two to Wheeler.
Ch. XLIIL] INGERSOLL PRESENTS BLAINE 209
and the one which gave him peculiar strength. " They
demand," he said, " a man whose political reputation is
spotless as a star ; but they do not demand that their
candidate shall have a certificate of moral character
signed by the Confederate Congress. . . . They call for
the man who has torn from the throat of treason the
tongue of slander ; the man who has snatched the mask
of Democracy from the hideous face of the rebellion. . . .
Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight James G.
Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress
and threw his shining lance full and fair against the
brazen forehead of every traitor to his country and every
maligner of his fair reputation. For the Republican
party to desert that gallant man now is as though an
army should desert their general upon the field of
battle. ... In the name of those that perished in the
skeleton clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby,
whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, Illinois —
Illinois nominates, etc." 1 The presentation of the
remaining candidates followed immediately and it was
thought that if the balloting had begun on that
day Blaine would have been nominated but compelled,
so Blaine wrote in his history, by " the gathering
shades of evening " 2 the convention at 5.15 p.m. decided
to adjourn.
It was clearly a case of Blaine against the field and
it was evident that the nomination would go to
him, or Bristow, or some candidate who had hardly
been dreamed of as a probability. Bristow had com-
mended himself to the reformers by his prosecution of
the whiskey thieves, which, joined to his sterling quali-
ties, eminently fitted him for their candidate. He was
strongly supported by a number of influential news-
papers and, had he lived north of the Ohio River, might
1 Official Proceedings of the National Republican Conventions, Johnson,
pp. 294-296. a Vol. ii. p. 571.
VII. — 14
210 HAYES NOMINATED [1876
have been nominated, but he could not secure the elec-
toral vote of his own State of Kentucky and there were
grave doubts among many Republicans whether or not
it were wise to choose their candidate from a State
whose sympathy was with the South. Two other fa-
vourite sons were placed in nomination, Hartranft the
Governor of Pennsylvania and Marshall Jewell, the
actual Postmaster-General, who was looked upon as
representing in the cabinet with Bristow the cause of
administrative reform. Neither had any chance but it
was an important question to whom would their votes
go. Finally Rutherford B. Hayes had been commended
to the country by John Sherman in a cogent public
letter and he had the unanimous support of his State.
The balloting began on Friday, June 16. On the first
ballot Blaine had 285, Morton 124, Bristow 113, Conk-
ling 99, Hayes 61, Hartranft 58, Jewell 11. Bristow
reached his highest vote, 126, on the fourth ballot ; on
the sixth he had 111 to Hayes 113 and Blaine 308.
Blaine, seated near the telegraph instrument in his own
house in Washington, where he watched the progress of
the balloting noted that Hayes, unlike all the other
candidates, had gained on each successive vote and ex-
pressed the opinion that he would be nominated. Michi-
gan had started the movement toward Hayes by giving
him her solid vote on the fifth and sixth ballots. On the
seventh Indiana withdrew Morton and gave Hayes 25
votes, Kentucky withdrew Bristow in his favour, New
York withdrew Conkling and gave him 61, Pennsylvania
withdrew Hartranft and gave him 28. Twenty-one
of the Massachusetts delegates voted for Hayes. The
ballot stood Hayes 384, Blaine 351, Bristow 21, Hayes
receiving but five votes more than was necessary for a
choice. On the motion of William P. Frye, one of
Blaine's trusted lieutenants, the nomination was made
unanimous. There was a strong undercurrent of feel-
ing in Pennsylvania and New York for Blaine and, when
Ch. XLIIL] WHY BLAINE WAS DEFEATED 211
the break-up came, more votes would have gone to him
from those States had it not been for the conviction that
he was a vulnerable candidate. John Hay, in a letter to
Blaine of June 17, gave a different explanation of the
result. " It is a bitter disappointment to all of us," he
wrote, " but still we can see that you received the great-
est personal tribute yesterday which has ever been given
to a public man in this country. Without a single ma-
chine vote, in face of the most energetic machine work,
you had not only your three hundred and fifty-one votes,
but also the cowardly good-will of the Ohio and Penn-
sylvania delegations, three-fourths of whom would have
voted for you if they had dared defy the machine lash." 1
John Sherman affirms that Blaine was the favourite of
the convention but that the antagonism of Conkling
probably defeated him.2
It will be remembered that Blaine swooned on the
1 Life of Blaine, Gail Hamilton, p. 418.
2 Recollections, vol. i. p. 550. Conkling, being intensely vindictive, had
never forgiven Blaine for his remarks in the House on April 30, 1866. Re-
ferring to Conkling, Blaine said : " As to the gentleman's cruel sarcasm, I
hope he will not be too severe. The contempt of that large-minded gentle-
man is so wilting ; his haughty disdain, his grandiloquent swell, his majestic,
supereminent, overpowering, turkey-gobbler strut has been so crushing to
myself and all the members of this House, that I know it was an act of the
greatest temerity for me to venture upon a controversy with him. But, sir, I
know who is responsible for all this. I know that within the last five weeks,
as members of the House will recollect, an extra strut has characterized the
gentleman's bearing. It is not his fault. It is the fault of another. That
gifted and satirical writer, Theodore Tilton, of the New York Independent,
spent some weeks recently in this city. His letters published in that paper
embraced, with many serious statements, a little jocose satire, a part of which
was the statement that the mantle of the late Winter Davis had fallen upon
the member from New York. The gentleman took it seriously and it has
given his strut additional pomposity. The resemblance is great. It is
striking. Hyperion to a satyr, Thersites to Hercules, mud to marble, dunghill
to diamond, a singed cat to a Bengal tiger, a whining puppy to a roar-
ing lion. Shade of the mighty Davis, forgive the almost profanation of that
jocose satire 1 " Globe, p. 2299. An account of this debate is given by
Gail Hamilton, chap. ix. See also Conkling and Blaine-Fry controversy,
J. B. Fry.
212 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION [1876
steps of his church on Sunday, June 11. Two days later
he sent a despatch to his friends in Cincinnati saying that
he was " entirely convalescent suffering only from physi-
cal weakness." 1 In his defeat he displayed one of his
best traits sending to Hayes at once an earnest assurance
of his support. Stanwood writes that he " was really
not seriously disappointed" at the result, a statement
easy to believe, as with Blaine as presidential candi-
date the issue must have been, as it was eight years
later, his personal character.2
William A. Wheeler of New York was nominated for
Vice-President by acclamation after a ballot had pro-
ceeded far enough to show that he was the undoubted
choice of the convention.3
On June 28 the National Democratic Convention met
in St. Louis and adopted a platform remarkable for its
positive and vigorous expression. The authorship of it
was attributed to Manton Marble, the accomplished
editor of the New York World, and it had indeed a
literary symmetry rare in such documents. It made a
powerful arraignment of the Grant administration and
the Republican party ; declaring that reform was im-
possible within the party now in power and that the
1 Gail Hamilton, p. 396.
2 My authorities are Official Proceedings of Republican National Conven-
tions, Johnson ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Life of Blaine ; Gail
Hamilton, Life of Blaine ; John Sherman'3 Recollections, vol. 1 ; George F.
Hoar, Autobiography, vol. 1 ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii.
3 George F. Hoar wrote, " As soon as the nomination of President Hayes
was declared in the Convention I spent a very busy hour in going about
among the delegates whom I knew, especially those from the Southern
States, to urge upon them the name of Mr. Wheeler as a suitable person for
Vice-President. I have no doubt I secured for him a great many votes, and
that those votes secured him his nomination. James Russell Lowell was a
Massachusetts delegate. He was a little unwilling to vote for a person of
whom he had no more knowledge. I said to him : ' Mr. Lowell, Mr. Wheeler
is a very sensible man. He knows the Biglow Papers by heart.' Lowell gave
no promise in reply. But I happened to overhear him, as he sat behind me,
saying to James Freeman Clarke, I think it was, ' I understand that Mr.
Wheeler is a very sensible man.' " Autobiography, vol. i. p. 244.
Ch. XLIIL] SAMUEL J. TILDEN 213
situation demanded a change of measures and men, it
asked the people to intrust the Democrats with the con-
duct of the government, promising financial, tariff, civil
service and administrative reform. It also promised
economy in expenditures, and, while accepting the
three constitutional amendments " as a final settlement
of the controversies that engendered civil war," called
for home rule at the South. The convention nominated
Samuel J. Tilden of New York for President and
Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana for Vice-President, the
strongest men in their respective States, the electoral
votes of which were necessary for the success of the
Democrats. The only possible objection to Hendricks
— but it was a grave one — was that he was unsound
on the financial question, but, as the hard-money Demo-
crats dictated the platform and the candidate for Presi-
dent, something had to be conceded to the soft-money
wing of the party.
Tilden, now sixty-two years old, was a man of varied
talents. An able corporation lawyer, he had a good
head for business and had amassed a fortune. Selfish
and exacting, he nevertheless believed that honesty is
the best policy and acted accordingly. Active for a
long while in State politics without holding office, he
had no national reputation until the overthrow of the
Tweed ring in which he bore an honourable part.
Entering upon his duties as governor J in January 1875
he soon made an attack on the corrupt canal ring, an
organization composed of both political parties that stole
considerable sums from the State by making excessive
charges for repairs and by drawing money for work
never done at all. He succeeded in overthrowing the
ring ; and this with his excellent messages and speeches
on national affairs showed that he had sound ideas of
government and courage to execute them. Yale College
1 He was elected governor of New York in the autumn of 1874. Ante.
214 RUTHERFORD B. HAYES [1876
showed its appreciation of his work by conferring upon
him the degree of Doctor of Laws. During 1875 and
1876, until the conventions met, the two men who stood
conspicuously before the country for reform were Tilden
and Bristow. The Democrats, with their platform and
the ticket of Tilden and Hendricks, had made their most
powerful possible combination and might well hope for
victory.1
In 1872 the voter for President had a choice of evils ;
in 1876 either vote was a good one. " There is very
little to choose between the candidates," wrote Lowell ;
" though so far as the South is concerned, I rather
sympathize with the Democrats." 2
Hayes, now in his fifty-fourth year, a native of Ohio,
commanding universal respect at home, was until 1875
unknown outside of his own State, although he had
served one term in the national House. A brave soldier
during the war, wounded at South Mountain, he obtained
the rank of brevet-major-general but achieved no dis-
tinction. He was now serving his third term as gov-
ernor and in the canvass of 1875 had shown his mettle.
Hardly any one in the East understood what it meant
for one aspiring to high office to be an unfaltering hard-
money man in Ohio at that day, but Hayes had worked
out his opinions for himself; he knew that he was
right and he was immovable. The thought always
uppermost with him was how best to respond to the
call of duty ; and this it was which drew him into the
public arena when he preferred the pleasures of private
life. Inheriting a considerable estate in 1874 and enjoy-
ing the comforts of his northern Ohio home, he was
loath to leave it but his party deemed him the strongest
man to make the fight against William Allen and infla-
1 See Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. i. ; Blaine, vol. ii. ; History of the
Presidency, Stanwood ; Life of Bowles, Merriam.
a July 12, Letters, vol. ii. p. 174.
Ch. XLIIL] HAYES'S LETTER 215
tion and, when that became clear to him, he hesitated
no longer to enter upon the stubborn contest. Honest
by nature, the idea never entered his head that he could
in the slightest degree, for whatever cause, swerve from
the path of honour. His judgment was sound, not from
intuition, but based on intelligent reasoning. A graduate
of Kenyon College he was a good student in his active
life, reading good books and frequenting the society of
educated men. Slow in thought, speech and action,
when once he made up his mind, he was inflexible and
not tormented by vain regrets. He never had to waste
time and nervous energy in explaining away words and
acts in his past career. Lacking the brilliant parts and
personal magnetism of Blaine and Garfield, he won his
way by plodding industry towards a never changing
goal. Given to deep reflexion, he enriched our political
idiom with, " He serves his party best who serves the
country best." *
From such a man might have been expected by those
who knew him such a letter as really issued from his
pen [July 8] but its directness and sound doctrine were
a complete and agreeable surprise to the reformers of
the East. His discussion of one subject would have
fitted an address to a Civil Service Reform convention.
" More than forty years ago," he wrote, " a system of
making appointments to office grew up, based upon the
maxim, < To the victors belong the spoils.' The old
rule, the true rule, that honesty, capacity and fidelity,
constitute the only real qualifications for office, and that
there is no other claim, gave place to the idea that party
services were to be chiefly considered. . . . This system
ought to be abolished. The reform should be thorough,
radical and complete. We should return to the principles
1 John Sherman's letter of Jan. 21, 1876, Recollections, vol. i. p. 522 ; The
Nation, June 22-29, pp. 390, 408 ; Carl Schurz's article, Appletons' Cyclo-
paedia of Biography.
21G TILDEN'S LETTER [1876
and practice of the founders of the government, supply-
ing by legislation, when needed, that which was formerly
the established custom. They neither expected nor
desired from the public officer any partisan service.
They meant that public officers should owe their whole
service to the government and to the people. They
meant that the officer should be secure in his tenure as
long as his personal character remained untarnished and
the performance of his duties satisfactory. If elected,
I shall conduct the administration of the government
upon these principles, and all the constitutional powers
vested in the Executive will be employed to establish
this reform." x Carl Schurz could not have been sounder
on finance. Hayes demanded the resumption of specie
payments and he spoke of the pacification of the South
with comprehension and sympathy.
Hayes's letter was a great improvement on the glit-
tering generalities and, to some extent, unmeaning
declarations of the Republican platform but Tilden's
[July 31] fell far below the manifesto of the Democratic
convention and was a disappointment to those who had
studied his words and acts as governor. The timidity
and vacillation of his character were displayed in the
larger field of thought. Apparently fearful of repelling
the support of some sections, he indulged in common-
places and paltered with the financial question. In
other respects his letter was laboured and evasive. One
word that he employed caused merriment to the wits of
the campaign. Discussing the holding of the offices by
" a body of political mercenaries " he wrote, " The pub-
lic interest in an honest skilful performance of official
trust must not be sacrificed to the usufruct of the
incumbents." 2 This was seized upon with derision and
the appellation " old usufruct Tilden " coined.
Mark Twain declared outspokenly for Hayes. The
Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876, p. 783. 2 Ibid., p. 790.
Ch. XLIII.] DEMOCKATIC HOUSE 217
letter of acceptance, he said, " corralled " his vote at
once. A Tilden Club, having asked him to assist at
their flag-raising and give counsel, his counsel, expressed
"in the kindest manner," was, "not to raise their flag."1
In their letters Tilden and Hayes placed before the
country questions of administration, both looking to
improvement and both thoroughly competent for the
work which they had set out to perform ; but they
could not determine the issues on which the campaign
was fought. It soon became manifest that in a contest
on such lines the Republicans would be placed on the
defensive and at a decided disadvantage; for it was
difficult to defend the Grant administration, so severely
had it been condemned in the house of its friends. The
tu quoque argument was tried in a criticism of the Demo-
cratic House of Representatives, but this was welcome
ground for the Democrats. Despite some shortcomings,
through ignorance and inexperience, it was the best
House that had sat in Washington for at least six years.
It showed its character in the choice of its speaker,
elevating to that high place Michael C. Kerr of Indiana,
one of its wisest and purest members, one of the most
honourable men in public life whose conduct of his
office was in sharp and wholesome contrast with that
of his predecessors Blaine and Colfax.2 He favoured
resumption of specie payments but could not lead the
House in that direction as his party in the West and
South was not sound on finance. He was an advocate
of a reduction of the tariff and appointed a Committee
of Ways and Means that framed a good tariff bill which
however received little consideration from the House.3
1 Boston Daily Advertiser, Aug. 17.
2 "Mr. Kerr was, we believe, the only man in public life, investigated
during the session, who not merely proved that the charges against him were
unfounded, but came out of the ordeal with a reputation strengthened by the
attacks made upon it." The Nation, Aug. 24.
8 Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, vol. ii. p. 195.
218 POLITICAL CAMPAIGN [1876
But the action of many of his committees gave an invig-
orating tone to public life.1 A Democratic committee
seconded Bristow in his prosecution of the whiskey
thieves ; other committees exposed Belknap, found out
Blaine, and showed up the extravagance and lawlessness
of the Navy Department. The House cut down the
appropriations nearly thirty millions 2 and would have
effected still greater economies had it not been blocked
by the Senate that " secret and irresponsible club," in
the words of Lowell, which governed the country " for
their own private benefit." 3 Kerr was a martyr to
public duty. Afflicted with a wasting disease, which rest
and a change of climate might have stayed, he stuck to
his post and died a few days after Congress adjourned.4
Although Blaine could not compass the nomination,
he determined in his speech of January in the House
the main issue of the campaign. To abuse the South
and revive the passions of the war was his aim and the
aim of those who wrought with him ; and a dastardly
massacre of five negroes at Hamburg, South Carolina
furthered this purpose. This was a line of speech wel-
come to Morton and he declared in the Senate : " My
Democratic friends have but two arguments in this
campaign. The argument has been in the South vio-
lence, intimidation ; and the argument in the North is
the cry of reform and corruption. The first argument
is the shot-gun, the revolver, the bowie-knife, and it is
1 The influence of the choice of Kerr as speaker "has heen felt through-
out the session, and has had the result of making it exceptionally free from
the taint of questionable legislation of any kind." The Nation, Aug. 24.
2 The Nation, Aug. 24, p. 112 ; Randall's speech, Aug. 14, 1876, Becord,
p. 5608. An examination of the official estimates and statements of appro-
priations leads me to the opinion that Randall's estimate of the amount of
reduction, $29,944,000, was full high.
3 April 10, Letters, vol. ii. p. 161.
4 President Grant announced his death in a proclamation of Aug. 21,
characterizing him thus, "A man of great intellectual endowments, large
culture, great probity and earnestness in his devotion to the public interests."
Ch. XLIIL] "WAVING THE BLOODY SHIRT" 219
sharp and murderous ; and the second argument is false
and hypocritical." 1
The argument based on outrages on the negroes at the
South by white Democrats was called in political par-
lance " waving the bloody shirt " ; and the endeavour
was made to associate with it in the Northern mind a
dread of the solid South, a classification into which was
lumped all the former slave States, those which remained
in the Union as well as those which made up the South-
ern Confederacy. These cast 138 electoral votes. Should
they all be given to Tilden, New York and Indiana in
addition, or New York, New Jersey and Connecticut
would suffice to elect him. Thus it was asserted that
it was proposed to govern the country by votes of
"rebels" in conjunction with the slums of New York
City and the cities of New Jersey assisted perhaps by
Indiana, whose loyalty during the Civil War was not
above suspicion. As the " rebel brigadiers " controlled
the House of Representatives and put into the fat offices
of that body their soldiers, so would they in like man-
ner dominate the whole country. " We confront the old
issue," said Wheeler on the stump. " Let your ballots
protect the work so effectually done by your bayonets
at Gettysburg." 2 " We are dealing with a new rebel-
lion," declared Senator Edmunds.8
The "bloody shirt" and the "solid South" placed
before the people in the impassioned rhetoric of Blaine,
Robert Ingersoll and Morton proved powerful arguments
and served to keep the Republicans in the ranks in Ohio
and Indiana, when otherwise many might have been led
to forsake their old party allegiance because of the "hard
times" and by the charge of the Democrats that the party
in power had done nothing to mitigate them but on the
1 July 18, Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. p. 411 ; Cong. Becord, p. 4689.
2 Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii. p. 278.
3 The Nation, Sept. 14, p. 160.
220 SOUTHEEN QUESTION — THE ISSUE [1876
contrary had aggravated the conditions by their policy
of forced resumption. The depression following the
panic of 1873 continued and there was no indication of
a revival of business. The financial policy of the Re-
publican party did not commend itself to manufacturers,
who were barely making both ends meet, and to la-
bourers out of employment and, while there was little
difference between Hayes and Tilden on practical finance,
yet, as in the East, the Republicans gained votes on the
ground that their party was the sounder, so, for the
same reason, they were in danger of losing them in Ohio
and Indiana. And these two were the most important
States in the Union as they held their State and congres-
sional elections in October. " A bloody shirt campaign,
with money, and Indiana is safe," wrote Kilpatrick
to Hayes ; " a financial campaign and no money, and
we are beaten." l Schurz, who was on the Republican
side, tried, almost in vain, to keep other questions be-
fore the people and in the excitement of the contest
Hayes himself was carried along with the tide, writing
to Blaine just as he was about to start on his stumping
tour through Ohio and Indiana : " In this State and in
Indiana the greenback heresy is strong. At the State
elections all factions of the Democrats will be united
against us. . . . Our strong ground is the dread of a
solid South, rebel rule, etc., etc. I hope you will make
these topics prominent in your speeches. It leads people
away from ' hard times ' which is our deadliest foe." 2
Lowell who intended to vote for Hayes sorrowfully con-
fessed : " The worst element of the Republican party
has got hold of the canvass, and everything possible is
done to stir up the old passions of the war. Of course
I with all sensible men hate this, but our protest is
1 Aug. 1, Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876, p. 410. As to Kilpatrick
see my vol. v. pp. 24, 89.
8 Sept. 14, Life of Blaine, Gail Hamilton, p. 422.
Ch. XLIII.] ATTACKS ON TILDEN 221
drowned in the drums and trumpets of a presidential
election." 1
Hayes's personal character was a tower of strength
on the Republican side but Tilden was vulnerable. The
Republicans tried to make out that he was a "railroad
wrecker " or " shark " but this charge does not appear
to have been sustained. More damaging was the charge
respecting his income tax return. Although a rich man
he returned only $7118 as his income for 1862 and next
year a like small amount. In the years thereafter he
made no return whatever2 leaving the amount to be
estimated by the Federal assessor. It was charged that
in 1862 he had a net income of 889,000 and had cheated
the government out of more than $4000. For this ac-
cusation were furnished particulars, which enabled
Tilden to make, so far as this year was concerned, a
good defence. The assumption that, for a rich man, he
had paid too little in the years when he was assessed,
as well as in the two when he made a return, was met
by the explanation that his income-producing property
was largely in railroad stocks and bonds and other
securities, on which the tax was deducted by the com-
panies before the interest and dividends were paid.3
While Tilden complied with the law according to the
conventions of his class and the time, it was another
thing to affirm that he had paid every cent of income
tax due from him which a strict and highly conscientious
interpretation of the statute might have exacted. Had
he remained a private citizen, the affair would never
have been heard of but, as candidate for President,
the Republicans proposed to hold him subject to the
most rigid demands of honour.
Nast, playing upon the pseudo-patriotism of the
1 Sept. 24, Letters, vol. ii. p. 176.
2 With possibly the exception of one year.
\The Nation, Sept. 28, p. 190 ; Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 232.
222 OHIO AND INDIANA [1876
campaign, made Tilden's selfishness in money matters
the subject of a cartoon. Tilden, timid and shrinking,
is placed " between two fires." On one side a Union
soldier, on the other a Confederate demands " Whose
side were you on ? " and " Reformed Usufruct " answers,
"I — I was — busy in court with a Railroad Case." 1
Nast, whose eye was to the doubtful Eastern States
rather than to Ohio and Indiana, made prominent the
unreliability of the Democrats on the financial question.
Picturing inflation as a rag-baby, flabby and limp, need-
ing constant nursing and support, his first use of it was
its portrayal as left on Thurman's doorstep, an apt
allusion to the vain endeavour of the Ohio senator to
hold fast to sound ideas in a State where his party had
embraced the cause of inflation. Another cartoon and
less justifiable displayed Tilden nursing the rag-baby ;
but the rag-baby for the West and the golden calf for
the East was a just representation of the sectional
difference in the Democratic party.2
In Ohio and Indiana the canvass was exciting and
the contest close. Every inch was fought over. The
prominent men of both parties were in the field arguing
their cause and begging for votes. In Ohio the large
number of able men who were running for Congress
added intensity to the struggle. Stanley Matthews,
J. D. Cox, Charles Foster, James Monroe, Garfield and
William McKinley were contestants on the Republican
side, Frank Hurd and Henry B. Payne on the Demo-
cratic.3 Torchlight processions were numerous and on
the Saturday night previous to the election, so wrought
up were both sides, that it was feared that collisions
between the rival bodies might take place — a fear
which happily was not realized. In Indiana Benjamin
Harrison, Republican, contested the election for governor
i Life of Nast, Paine, p. 338. 2 Ibid., pp. 314, 334, 335.
3 Matthews, Hurd and Payne were not elected.
Ch. XLIIL] THE OCTOBER STATES 223
with " Blue Jeans " Williams, a simple and honest farmer
whose sobriquet came from his garb.
On Tuesday October 10 the two States voted. The
Republicans carried Ohio by 6636, the Democrats Indiana
by 5084. Different from nearly all previous October
elections in presidential years, these indicated nothing
but that the contest would still be stubborn and close.
All eyes were directed to New York. Tilden must have
it to win ; it also seemed necessary for Hayes.
The management of the campaign on both sides was
skilful. Chandler, Grant's Secretary of the Interior,
was chairman of the Republican National Committee
and Abram S. Hewitt occupied a similar position in the
Democratic party but Tilden himself had much to do
with the conduct of his own campaign. An adept in
the running of political machinery, he was vacillating
when confronted with a troublesome question of State.
The Republicans asserted that if the Democrats gained
control of the government they would pay the " South-
ern claims," that is the debt of the Confederacy and the
losses and damages incurred by the Southerners during
the war and that they would further provide for com-
pensation for the slaves. Solicitous in regard to the
effect of this iterated and reiterated assertion Hewitt
wrested from Tilden an emphatic declaration against
such a policy and a promise to " veto every bill " provid-
ing for the payment of such claims. With Tildens'
letter once in his hand, Hewitt hastened to publish it
lest he might change his mind and refuse to express
himself in so positive a way.
The Republican National Committee freely levied as-
sessments on the office-holders for their campaign fund
and Chandler was a ruthless collector. The Democrats
criticised this practice and the Republicans retorted that
Tilden was spending an enormous sum of money to secure
his election. " Uncle Sammy's bar'l " was a favourite
phrase and Nast depicted Tilden emptying a large barrel
224 CANVASS IN SOUTH CAKOLINA [1876
of greenbacks or bank-notes into the ballot-box, summing
up in his cartoon the issues of the campaign : " The shot-
gun policy South, the barrel policy North ; " " The solid
South and the solid Tammany ; " " Mr. Tilden's War
record, defeating the tax collector." x
" Bulldozing " tactics do not seem to have been used
to any great extent, if at all, in the South except in
South Carolina. The best argument for the Democrats
in the Northern States was tranquillity in the South and
the whole influence of their party was exerted to this
end. But in South Carolina, negro rule had been so
horrible that her white people had become desperate,
and, to throw it off, had adopted the " Mississippi plan."
They believed, wrote Daniel H. Chamberlain in 1901,
that their choice lay " between violence and lawlessness
for a time and misrule for all time " and they therefore
conducted the campaign "as if it were a life or death
combat." 2 The Hamburg massacre and Chamberlain's
denunciation of it prevented the most logical and com-
mon-sense course, the endorsement of Chamberlain for
governor by the Democrats, who nominated instead a
" straight-out " ticket with Wade Hampton at its head.
Chamberlain was nominated for governor by the Repub-
licans and the contest was bitter, but he has since be-
come its impartial historian. " The progress of the
canvass developed," he wrote in 1901, " not only into
violence of words and manner, but into breaches of the
peace, interference with public meetings called by one
party and latterly into widespread riots. . . . The con-
cealments of the canvass on these points have long been
remitted with the occasion which called for them. It
is not now denied but admitted and claimed by the
successful party that the canvass was systematically con-
ducted with the view to find occasions to apply force and
violence;" and there was "a system of violence and
1 Life of Nast, Paine, p. 341. 2 Atlantic Monthly, April 1901, p. 481.
Ch. XLIIL] SOUTHERN OUTRAGES 225
coercion ranging through all possible grades from urgent
persuasion " to the rule of the mob.1 His recollection is
sustained by the contemporary documents.2 In October,
Governor Chamberlain,3 believing that he needed aid
for the suppression of domestic violence, applied for
United States troops to President Grant who sent a
force into the State. The election passed off without
bloodshed.
South Carolina however did not furnish " outrages "
enough for the Republican argument at the North.
There is evidence that the report of one outrage was a
base fabrication,4 and similar mills probably ground out
1 Atlantic Monthly, April 1901, p. 480.
2 See Governor Chamberlain's Administration in S.C., Allen.
3 His first term continued until December.
4 J. B. Harrison, an observing and truthful correspondent of the New York
Tribune, wrote on July 20, 1881 : "In Mississippi also I was told by a number
of Northern people of an account sent to the Northern press during the
' Hayes campaign ' which located an atrocious political outrage at the place
where I was then visiting. These persons seemed reputable and they all
affirmed that nothing of the kind had ever occurred there. I inquired regard-
ing the author of the despatch, and learning that he was still living a few
miles away I went to see him. He laughed when I told him my errand, took
a fresh chew of tobacco and crossing his feet on the table before him, began
talking of the affair in an easy fluent indifferent style which seemed to indi-
cate that he was glad to have somebody to talk with and would as lief talk of
that subject as any other. • Then the despatch was not really true,' I said.
' Well,' he replied, ' it was true as to the spirit of the South generally at that
time. ' ' But why did you say that such and such things happened at a par-
ticular place if they did not ? ' ' Well now you know it would not be of any
account to say at such a time there was lots o' devilish feeling in the South.
But it rather wakes people up to tell them that something's been done at a
place they've heard of.' ' But it was not true.' But he thought the use of a
fable or parable was justifiable under the circumstances because it was the
only way to give point or effectiveness to any account of the conditions of the
South at that time. 'All writers does pretty much the same thing,' he
urged; 'they have to.' 'Oh I hope not,' I said. 'Well, now if you lived
down here a while you'd find out we have to fight the devil with fire.' The
Northern people who told me of this occurrence were good Republicans and
they were especially indignant about the fabrication because it alarmed some
of their Northern friends who had been prepared to remove to that region
but were now frightened from their purpose." New York Tribune, Extra,
Aug. 1881.
VII. — 15
226 THE ELECTION OVER [1876
other false accounts which swayed public sentiment in
the doubtful Northern States.
This was the Centennial year of American Indepen-
dence, which had been ushered in by the ringing of bells
and the firing of cannon, and a great exhibition was held
in Philadelphia to commemorate the event. The civic
pride of that city was aroused and, enforced by the
enthusiastic co-operation of the rest of the State, it in-
spired an efficient management which organized a
world's fair fitly to be compared with the Paris Expo-
sition of 1867 and the Vienna fair of 1873. With the
education of a mass of our people in art and artistic
things which this Exhibition began, my story has noth-
ing to do, but I refer to it as an amenity softening the
bitterness of the political campaign. The total admis-
sions were nearly ten millions and this number repre-
sented the visit of a mass of good-natured people from
all over the North who forgot for the moment that they
were Democrats or Republicans in their pride of being
Americans. The attendance was enormous in October
and this was the month in which the tension of the
election was highest.
The chances seemed about even. It was thought that
all the Southern States except South Carolina would go
for Tilden. New York was the pivot and was claimed
by both parties. Betting men thought the result a fair
gamble. Morrissey kept open and conspicuous pool-
rooms in New York City, in which thousands of dollars
were staked nightly, with the odds in favour of Tilden.
The excitement had been so intense and prolonged
that when the polls closed in the afternoon of November 7
every thoughtful citizen had a sense of profound relief.1
1 My authorities are The Nation ; New York Tribune ; Appletons' Annual
Cyclopaedia, 1876 ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. ; Life of Bowles, Merriam,
vol. ii. ; Life of Blaine, Gail Hamilton ; Sherman's Recollections, vol. i. ;
Governor Chamberlain's Administration in S.C., Allen; Life of Tilden,
Bigelow, vols. i. and ii. I myself have a vivid recollection of this campaign.
CHAPTER XLIV
In cities and towns, it was a common custom for
men and boys to go out at night to hear the election
returns. On this November 7 the intense anxiety
brought from their homes an unusually large number of
men, who crowded the streets near the newspaper
offices and filled almost to suffocation the rooms of the
different headquarters. Others heard the returns at the
theatres, still others got the news at their clubs. It
was known early in the evening that New York had
gone for Tilden and long before midnight that he had
also carried New Jersey, Connecticut and Indiana. With
these States sure, it was reckoned that he had the
" solid South" or enough of it to insure his election by a
safe majority in the electoral college. Hardly anybody
can have gone to bed that night with any other idea
than that Tilden would be the next President. On
Wednesday, November 8, nearly every morning news-
paper in the country announced his election. But there
were two exceptions. The New York Times and the
New York Herald said that the result was in doubt.
The Herald asked : « Who is elected president ? As we
go to press this question is nearly as much of a mystery as
it was Tuesday morning." In its later and city edition,
the Times tabulated 184 votes for Tilden and 181 for
Hayes, placing in the Hayes column, South Carolina
and Louisiana. Florida, it said, was doubtful but the
Republicans claimed that State, whose four votes would
227
228 WHO IS ELECTED PRESIDENT? [1876
give Hayes 185, a majority of one.1 This news caused
great excitement in New York, which soon spread
throughout the country. At two o'clock in the after-
noon [Wednesday November 8] the Times displayed on
its bulletin board, the figures, Hayes 185, Tilden 184.
At half-past ten that evening the Republican National
Committee issued from the Fifth Avenue Hotel this
bulletin : " Despatches received at these headquarters
report that Louisiana, Florida, South Carolina, Wis-
consin, Oregon, Nevada and California have given Repub-
lican majorities. There is no reason to doubt the
correctness of these reports and if confirmed the election
of Hayes is assured by a majority of one in the electoral
college." 2
The excitement continued for a number of days.
Business was neglected and crowds hung about the
bulletin boards. The party newspapers made claims
and counter-claims, but the dispute settled down to
three States, South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana.
Tilden had certainly 184 electoral votes : the vote of one
of these States would elect him. Hayes had undisputed
166 : he needed South Carolina's 7, Florida's 4 and
1 Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 9.
2 New York Herald, Nov. 9. I have not been able to find any contem-
porary authority for the "historic telegram " of Zachariah Chandler said to
have been sent very early in the morning of Nov. 8, "Rutherford B. Hayes
has received 185 electoral votes and is elected." Blaine, vol. ii. p. 580. This
despatch is given in most of the books. In the Life of Chandler (p. 357) no
day or hour for it is stated but ' ' as soon as the smoke lifted from the battle-
field his despatch appeared." In 1903 Frederick W. Holls told me that he
was in Chandler's room at the time that he wrote the telegram and saw it
or heard it read. At a little after one o'clock in the morning of Nov. 8
Chandler gave it to a messenger to take to the telegraph office. This account
is inconsistent with that given by John C. Reid, editor of the news depart-
ment of the New York Times. Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 11. The New
York Herald of Nov. 9 reports Chandler saying during the afternoon of the
8th : " There is very little doubt now that Hayes is elected. It did look
a little blue last night." At 10.30 p. m. of the 8th, " Chandler has just an-
nounced that if the despatches are correct and he has no reason to doubt
them Governor Hayes is elected beyond a doubt."
Ch. XLIV.] GRANT'S ACTION 229
Louisiana's 8 for the necessary 185. The throngs who
read or listened and asserted their parties' claims were
disputatious and excited, although on the whole good-
natured ; but, as the excitement went on increasing,
angry conflicts were feared, and the newspapers adjured
calmness and begged men to cease crowding together in
the streets and to resume their several vocations.
A step taken by President Grant began to allay the
excitement. On November 10, he sent to Sherman,
the General of the army, this despatch: "Instruct Gen-
eral Augur in Louisiana and General Ruger in Florida
to be vigilant with the force at their command to pre-
serve peace and good order, and to see that the proper
and legal boards of canvassers are unmolested in the
performance of their duties. Should there be any
grounds of suspicion of a fraudulent count on either side
it should be reported and denounced at once. No man
worthy of the office of President should be willing to
hold it if counted in or placed there by fraud. Either
party can afford to be disappointed in the result. The
country cannot afford to have the result tainted by the
suspicion of illegal or false returns." * It soon appeared
that South Carolina's vote honestly belonged to Hayes
but that, on the face of the returns, Tilden had carried
Florida and Louisiana. Had these been Northern States
the dispute would have ceased forthwith. These two
States would have been conceded to Tilden, and his
election secured ; but, under the carpet-bag-negro regime,
the canvassing boards of Florida and Louisiana had the
power to throw out votes on the ground of intimidation
or fraud, and these boards were under the control of the
Republicans. In Florida the returns of the county
canvassers gave a majority for the Tilden electors of 90,
which, because of alleged frauds and irregularities, was
converted into a majority of 925 for Hayes by two of
1 Blaine, vol. ii. p. 581 ; Boston Daily Advertiser, Nov. 11.
230 QUESTION OF LOUISIANA [1876
the three members of the Board of State Canvassers.1
The result was undeniably close and, while the prepon-
derance of the evidence is in favour of Tilden, impartial
and honest men might differ about it : that the regular
certificate should be given to the Hayes electors could
not be counted a monstrous grievance.
The great bone of contention was Louisiana ; and
the scene of the conflict, the turbulent city of New
Orleans. On November 10, President Grant invited a
number of prominent Republicans to go to New Orleans
to witness the canvass of the votes and Abram S.
Hewitt, chairman of the National Democratic Committee,
issued a like invitation to Democrats of similar standing.
Thither repaired twenty-five Republicans and twenty-
three Democrats. Among the Republicans were John
Sherman, Stanley Matthews, J. A. Garfield, W. D. Kelley,
John A. Kasson, Eugene Hale, Cortlandt Parker, M. S.
Quay and Lew Wallace. Among the Democrats, John
M. Palmer, Lyman Trumbull, William R. Morrison,
Samuel J. Randall, A. G. Curtin, J. E. McDonald, J. R.
Doolittle, George W. Julian, Henry Watterson and
W. G. Sumner. These are known as the " visiting
statesmen." The Democrats by letter asked co-operation
on the part of their Republican brethren to secure " an
honest count and true return of the votes " but, as the
Republicans possessed the Returning-Board,2 they de-
clined the offer and stood on the law and the principle
of non-interference with States' rights.3 The Returning-
1 Keport 143, 44th Cong. 2d Sess.,part. i. p. 3, part ii. p. 7. The Democrats
on the committee of the House of Representatives that made this report
maintained that a correction of frauds and irregularities would give a Tilden
majority of 1600. The Republicans asserted that on the face of the returns
Hayes had 43 majority, by the recanvass, 21, part ii. p. 33. The canvassing
board was composed of the Secretary of State, Comptroller, and Attorney-
General. The two first were Republicans and signed the certificate of the
Hayes electors.
2 The name given to the State returning-board.
8 See the correspondence, Ex. Doc. No. 2, 44th Cong. 2d Sess., p. 31.
Ch. XLIV.] RETURNING-BOARD 231
Board of Louisiana invited committees of five of each
of the bodies of " visiting statesmen " to attend their
open meetings. The invitations were accepted and Re-
publican and Democratic witnesses were present at these
sessions.
The Board was composed of James Madison Wells,
Thomas C. Anderson, and two coloured men, Casanave
and Kenner, all Republicans. Wells, its president and
master spirit, now held the lucrative Federal office of the
surveyor of the port in New Orleans. Concerning him,
Sheridan wrote in 1867 to Secretary Stanton : "I say
now unequivocally that Governor Wells 1 is a political
trickster and a dishonest man. . . . His conduct has
been as sinuous as the mark left in the dust by the
movement of a snake." Writing to Grant, Sheridan
charged Wells with " subterfuge and political chicanery "
and said, " He has not a friend who is an honest man." 2
Since 1867, Wells had done the dirty work of Louisiana
politics and had steadily deteriorated in character. An-
derson was corrupt, Kenner had been indicted for lar-
ceny and Casanave was an ignorant nonentity.3 These
same men composed the Returning-Board of 1875, whose
action had been condemned by Foster, Phelps, Hoar and
Wheeler.4 According to the law, the Democrats should
have had representation on the Board and, in its original
constitution, one member had been a Democrat, but he
resigned in 1874, and, although the Board was repeatedly
solicited to fill the vacancy, they steadily refused through
various subterfuges to comply with the statute.
1 He was then governor of the State.
2 June 3, 4. S. E. D., 40th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 14, pp. 213-215 ; Apple-
tons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1867, p. 459.
3 Report 156, 44th Cong. 2d Sess., part i. p. 7. This is known as the Mor-
rison report ; Julian's speech Jan. 8, 1877. Later Speeches, p. 147. John
Sherman's characterization of these men is astounding. Ex. Doc, No. 2,
p. 6 ; post.
* Ante ; Hoar report, Feb. 10, 1875, p. 19.
232 LOUISIANA FOE HAYES [1876
At the sessions which the " visiting statesmen " at-
tended, the returns from each parish 1 were opened and
the votes for the presidential electors examined. In
cases where there were no protests, the returns were
sent to a private room to be tabulated by clerks, all of
whom were Republicans and five of whom were men of
"notoriously bad character," then under indictment for
crimes in the criminal courts of Louisiana.2 Where there
were protests based on charges of intimidation and fraud,
testimony was taken on both sides. Much of the evi-
dence of intimidation was in the form of ex parte affi-
davits, inaccurate as to dates, and some of it was not
connected with the recent election. Nevertheless some
intimidation of negro would-be Republican voters by
white Democrats was clearly shown to have occurred.
On December 2, the Returning-Board went into secret
session.3 Next day, three days before the official canvass
was completed, the United States Marshal in New Orleans
telegraphed to West,4 who was in Washington : "Demo-
cratic boast entire fallacy. . . . Have seen Wells who
says, « Board will return Hayes sure. Have no fear.' " 5
On December 6, the Returning-Board promulgated the
results of their canvass, declaring that the Hayes electors
had majorities ranging from 4626 to 4712. On the face of
the returns, the Tilden electors had majorities varying
from 6300 to 8957. To change this obvious result the
Returning-Board threw out 13,250 Democratic votes and
2042 Republican,6 a net Democratic disfranchisement
1 The parish in Louisiana corresponds to the county in other States.
2 Trumbull, Count of Electoral Votes. Proceedings of Congress and
Electoral Commission, 1877, p. 305. This will be referred to hereafter
as Electoral Commission.
3 Letter of Palmer, Trumbull, Julian and others to Hewitt, Dec. 6. New
York World, Dec. 12.
* Republican senator from Louisiana. 6 Morrison report, p. 9.
6 Palmer-Trumbull-Julian letter. The figures of the Morrison report are
somewhat different (p. 1) but the differences are not essential. See also
Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia, 1876, p. 489 ; Electoral Commission, p. 213.
Ch. XLIV.] THE FRAUD 233
equivalent relatively to the rejection of 70,000 votes in
the State of New York.
No such change from the local and detailed returns
should have been made except on indisputable evidence,
by men of the highest character for honesty and fair-
dealing and through proceedings open to interested
observers. As a matter of fact, Wells and his satellites
in secret conclave determined the presidency of the
United States ; but, before returning the vote of Loui-
siana for Hayes there is little doubt that he offered to
give it to Tilden for 1200,000.!
The most plausible justification of the action of the
Louisiana Returning-Board may be found in John Sher-
man's letter to President Grant of December 6. 2 Sherman
1 The Nation, March 8, 1877, p. 140 ; Trumbull, Electoral Commission,
p.311 ; Speeches and Essays of J. S. Black, p. 325; House Mis. Doc, 44th Cong. 2d
Sess. , pp. 138, 144, 145, 376-378. But see minority report, same Cong, and Sess.
No. 100, part iii. pp. 7, 8, 19. The Potter report in 1879 said, " It is true that
Wells appears to have been for sale, but his price and the payment seem to
have been the only doubt attending the result." House Report, 45th Cong.
3d Sess., No. 140, p. 40. The evidence differs in regard to the amount. One
witness, whose character was impugned by the Republicans, testified that
Wells wanted $200,000 each for himself and Anderson and smaller sums for
the negroes.
2 I have assumed that Sherman wrote the letter which is signed by him-
self and a number of the Republican "visiting statesmen." "Five of the
parishes selected," he said, "in which the greatest violence and intimidation
were practised were East and West Feliciana, which border upon that
portion of Mississippi in which murder and outrage so prevailed, during and
preceding the election as substantially to prevent any Republican vote ; East
Baton Rouge, which borders upon the southern portion of East Feliciana ;
Morehouse, which adjoins the State of Arkansas ; and Ouachita which adjoins
and lies directly south of Morehouse. The geographical position of these
five parishes was well suited to the purpose to be attained ; for it was easy
for the members of the clubs to be formed therein, and who usually perpe-
trated their outrages with masked faces, to pretend that they were committed
by border-ruffians from Mississippi and Arkansas where like outrages had
been perpetrated. The location of these five parishes was not however better
suited to the plan to be accomplished than was the great disproportion exist-
ing therein between the number of white and colored voters. The former
numbered but 5134 ; the latter, 13,244 ; a majority of the latter equal to more
than one third of the entire majority of colored voters in the fifty-seven
234 CLAIM AND COUNTER-CLAIM [1876
parishes of the State. The returns of votes actually cast in these five parishes
suggest that the clubs to whom -was assigned the task of securing Democratic
majorities therein had performed their work of violence and intimidation
effectually ; while the proof discloses that where violence and intimidation
were inefficient, murder, maiming, mutilation and whipping were resorted to.
Instead of a majority of six or seven thousand which the Republicans should
have had in these parishes upon a fair election, there was actually returned
to the returning-board a Democratic majority, for the parishes of East and
West Feliciana, Morehouse and Ouachita, of 3878 ; and in East Feliciana
where the registered colored voters number 2127, not a Republican vote for
electors was cast. In East Baton Rouge, containing 3552 colored registered
voters and but 1801 whites, the Democrats claim a majority of 617. . . . If,
to the Democratic majority from the five parishes as above stated we add the
617 thus claimed and insisted upon before the returning-board, a Democratic
majority of 4495 is the result of an election in five parishes containing 13,244
colored Republicans and but 5134 white Democratic voters. The conclusion
that intimidation and violence alone could have produced this is almost irre-
sistible ; and that such influences were employed, and were supplemented by
murder when that was thought necessary, is established by the proofs already
referred to." Ex. Doc. No. 2, 44th Cong. 2d Sess., pp. 7, 8.
Contrariwise Morrison stated : " Intimidation is claimed to have been of
two kinds : that which deterred colored men from appearing at the polls and
asserting their right of suffrage and that which forced them against their
own free choice to vote the Democratic ticket. The first form of intimidation
finds its refutation in the increased vote over previous elections [16,071 in a
total of 160,964, p. 1] except in East Feliciana Parish. Here the falling off in
the vote is accounted for on other grounds, as established by the testimony.
It was foreseen that the Democratic ticket would prevail by reason of dis-
satisfaction with local government and maladministration, for which Repub-
lican officials were responsible. Instructions were sent to the local Republican
leaders to refrain from voting. No ticket was put forth, and no Re-
publican vote was cast, it being the predetermined purpose to use this
voluntary surrender of the right of voting as an argument to sustain the
charge of intimidation and a pretext for throwing out the vote of the parish,
which was done. . . . There is no pretence that there was, in this parish of
East Feliciana or any other, any display of force at the polls. The fact that
there was no riot or bloodshed in any locality, no force, intimidation or
violence in any parish in Louisiana where both parties voted, gives strong
presumption that there was no valid excuse for the Republican voters in
absenting themselves from the polls, but that they were purposely kept away
to subserve partisan ends. . . . The other form of intimidation alleged to
have been practised in Louisiana and by which the Democratic majorities are
charged to have been secured, is one by which the colored men, under threats
of violence or persecution in various forms, were forced to vote a hated
ticket. The basis of this is the fact that a large number of colored men who
heretofore voted with the Republican party at this election voted with the
Democrats." Adequate reasons for this are presented. Report 156, part i.
pp. 10, 11.
Ch. XLIV.] QUESTION DISCUSSED 235
placed much reliance also on his claim that Louisiana
justly belonged to the Republicans. There were 92,996
white registered voters, 115,310 coloured : these last
would have voted the Republican ticket almost unani-
mously, he argued, had they been free to exercise their
choice and the Republican majority ought to have
been at least 22,000. This argument however is neutral-
ized by the fact of the frauds in the registration of negro
voters. According to the United States census of 1870
the number of negro and white males over the age of
twenty-one was almost exactly equal. The dispropor-
tion between the population and negro registration had
been shown by Foster, Phelps, Potter and Marshall in
1875 ; and to deprive any future similar statement of
force, the government of Louisiana had a State census
taken later in the same year and garbled the figures to
show an excess of 20,000 black over white voters.1 Un-
doubtedly the Republican frauds in registration offset
Democratic intimidation.2
1 Morrison report, p. 5.
8 In their letter to Hewitt, Palmer, Trumbull and Julian, who had sup-
ported Lincoln twice for the presidency and Grant at his first election in com-
mon with Sherman, Garfield and Eugene Hale (signers of the letter
to Grant), and who we may suppose had then been equally good friends
of the negro, wrote: "Another assumption of the Republicans is that all
the colored men in the State are necessarily Republicans. This is
by no means true. We were visited by a large number of colored per-
sons from different parts of the State including the alleged disturbed dis-
tricts, who made speeches and took an active part in the canvass in favor
of the Democratic ticket, and who gave among other reasons for so doing
that they had been deceived by Republican officials, who had proved dis-
honest and corrupt, had robbed them of their school money and burdened
them with unnecessaiy taxes. ... It is certain that thousands of colored
persons voluntarily and actively supported the Democratic ticket. The
entire vote of the State at the recent election is about 15,000 greater than
ever before and even in the parishes where intimidation is charged, it exceeds
in the aggregate any previous vote." Cf. Morrison report, p. 5. Anent
Palmer, Trumbull, Julian and others Hayes however wrote Nov. 7 : " The
Democrats made a mistake in sending so many ex-Republicans. New converts
are proverbially bitter and unfair towards those they have recently left."
Recollections of John Sherman, vol. i. p. 659.
236 LOUISIANA RETURNING-BOARD CROOKED [1876
Based on the declaration of the Returning-Board
Governor Kellogg gave the eight Hayes electors the
regular certificate of election.
If Hayes had envisaged the facts as I now do he
would have refused to accept the presidency from the
Louisiana Returning-Board. On November 27 he wrote
to Sherman at New Orleans : " A fair election would
have given us about forty electoral votes at the South —
at least that many. But we are not to allow our friends
to defeat one outrage and fraud by another. There
must be nothing crooked on our part. Let Mr. Tilden
have the pla*;e by violence, intimidation and fraud,
rather than undertake to prevent it by means that will
not bear the severest scrutiny." 1
There was indeed something " crooked " in the work
of the Louisiana Returning-Board ; it used " means that
will not bear the severest scrutiny," and Hayes did not
therefore live up to the promise of his letter. If he had
any idea of renouncing the place he was dissuaded from
so doing by John Sherman, who saw him just previously
to his visit to New Orleans and immediately after his
return. We may divine the burden of his talk at the
later visit by his letter of November 23 to Hayes. " We
are now collecting," he said, « the testimony as to the
bulldozed parishes. It seems more like the history of
hell than of civilized and Christian communities. The
means adopted are almost incredible, but were fearfully
effective upon an ignorant and superstitious people.
That you would have received at a fair election a large
majority in Louisiana, no honest man can question ; that
you did not receive a majority is equally clear. But
that intimidation of the very kind and nature provided
against by the Louisiana law did enter into and control
the election, in more election polls than would change
the result and give you the vote, I believe as firmly as
1 Recollections of John Sherman, vol. i. p. 559.
Ch. XLIV.] JOHN SHERMAN 237
that I write this. . . . The whole case rests upon the
action of the returning-board. I have carefully observed
them and have formed a high opinion of Governor Wells
and Colonel Anderson. 'They are firm, judicious and, as
far as I can judge, thoroughly honest and conscientious.
They are personally familiar with the nature and degree
of intimidation in Louisiana. They can see that the
intimidation, as organized, was with a view of throwing
out Republican parishes rather than endangering Demo-
cratic parishes. . . . Not wishing the return in your
favor, unless it is clear that it ought to be so, and not
willing to be cheated out of it, or to be < bulldozed ' or
intimidated, the truth is palpable that you ought to have
the vote of Louisiana, and we believe that you will have
it by an honest and fair return, according to the letter
and spirit of the law of Louisiana." 1
Sherman entered the House of Representatives in 1855
and, in common with his Republican colleagues, endured
much from the arrogance of Southern members. His
five and a half years of ante-bellum service and his
earnestness during the war fixed his political thought
for his lifetime and in 1876 he still looked upon the
South as an enemy to be circumvented by any possible
means that were not palpably outrageous. To him a
Democratic administration, with the Southern wing of
the party paramount, meant ruin for the country, and,
if he doubted for a moment the fairness of the Return-
ing-Board, he stifled the doubt by the Jesuitical argument,
which has in a critical time been potent with so many
honourable men. McCulloch, a calm observer, wrote,
" My own opinion at the time was, and still is, that if
the distinguished Northern men who visited those
States2 immediately after the election had stayed at
1 Recollections, vol. i. pp. 558, 559. Hayes's letter of Nov. 27 was in
reply to this.
2 Visitors went also to South Carolina and Florida.
238 SHERMAN AND HAYES [1876
home, and there had been no outside pressure upon the
returning-boards, their certificates would have been in
favor of the Democratic electors." * My study of the
contemporary evidence leads me to this conclusion in
the case of Florida and of Louisiana. It is not to be
supposed that promises of offices or other rewards were
made to the members of the Louisiana Returning-Board
but these men had the feeling that the presence of the
" visiting statesmen " signified that the Great Republi-
can party was at their back and that they would be
taken care of. " Louisiana is safe," telegraphed on
November 17 the United States Marshal from New
Orleans to West at Washington. " Our Northern friends
stand firmly by us. The returning-board will hold its
own." 2 On the promulgation of the decision Sherman,
Garfield and the other Republican " visiting statesmen "
became apologists for the Louisiana Returning-Board
and it was in this frame of mind that Sherman visited
Hayes on his return from New Orleans. He was a
master of the art of persuasion. In visualizing his
honest face and impressive manner I can well imagine
how he urged upon Hayes the conviction that his duty
to his party, and his country as well, demanded his
acquiescence in the situation. It was a pity that Hayes
could not shake off Sherman's influence. Left to him-
self, he would have been capable of refusing the high
office if not honestly obtained and, had he declined to
accept it before the Louisiana Returning-Board made
their return, though he would never have been Presi-
dent, he would have been one of the world's heroes. As
it actually turned out, however, he saw with Sherman's
eyes which were those of a stubborn partisan.
On Wednesday December 6 the different electors in
the several States met and voted. From South Carolina,
Florida and Louisiana there were two sets of returns,
1 Men and Measures, p. 420. 2 Electoral Commission, p. 242.
Ch. XLIV.] THE CASE OF OREGON 239
one giving the votes of these States to Hayes, the other
to Tilden. There were also two sets of returns from
Oregon which came about in this wise. It was undis-
puted that Hayes had carried the State by over 1000
majority but one of the electors, Watts, proved to be a
deputy postmaster and ineligible under the Constitution.
The governor, a Democrat, refused to issue him a certifi-
cate, but certified instead the election of Cronin, who
had received the highest vote of the Tilden electors.
Meanwhile Watts had resigned his position as postmaster.
The Secretary of State, the canvassing officer under the
laws of Oregon, declared that Odell, Cartwright and
Watts, the Republican candidates, had received the
highest number of votes. These three met on December 6.
Watts resigned as elector ; the vacancy so constituted
was filled by his reappointment and the three cast their
votes for Hayes. Cronin, when Odell and Cartwright
refused to act with him, withdrew to a far corner of the
room, declared two vacancies, appointed Democrats to
fill them and this trumped-up electoral college cast two
votes for Hayes and one for Tilden.
Congress had been in session two days when the
electors voted, and when the result, which had been
foreshadowed, was known, the excitement was intense.
According to the regularly authenticated votes, Hayes
had 185, Tilden 184 but the Democrats charged that
the 4 from Florida and the 8 from Louisiana were
stolen. If however the Cronin certificate was held
valid Tilden had 185, Hayes 184 ; but the Democrats
had then no desire for the one vote from Oregon and
had contrived the plan, so as to raise an issue which
would compel Congress to go behind the returns from
Florida and Louisiana and investigate the process by
which these votes had been cast for Hayes.
The Constitution and the statutes in regard to the
counting of the electoral votes were unsatisfactory.
The Constitution said, " The President of the Senate
240 CONSTITUTIONAL THEORIES [1876
shall, in the presence of the Senate and the House of
Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes
shall then be counted." Now, the Republicans argued,
this plainly implies that if there are two certificates
from a State, the President of the Senate must decide
which one is valid and count the votes of those electors
who are mentioned in the valid certificate of appoint-
ment. As the President of the Senate was Thomas W.
Ferry of Michigan, a partisan Republican, who could be
depended upon to carry out the behest of his party,
this meant that the votes of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon
and South Carolina would be counted for Hayes and he
would thus be declared elected. It is an indication of
the strongly defined partisan feeling that Hayes embraced
this doctrine, writing to Sherman on January 5, 1877 :
" I believe the Vice-President alone has the constitu-
tional power to count the votes and declare the result.
Everything in the nature of a contest as to electoral
votes is an affair of the states. The rest is a mere
ministerial duty. Therefore it is not right, in my judg-
ment, for Congress to interfere." 1
The Republicans, who had long combated the tenet
of States' rights, were now its most ardent advocates.
The action of a State is final, they asserted, its sov-
ereignty must not be invaded. On the other hand the
Democrats were equally inconsistent. As a party, they
had been defenders of State-rights and their Southern
wing had carried the doctrine to a bitter extremity, but
now they invoked the power of Congress to override
State action and right a grievous injustice committed
by what they had formerly maintained was a sovereign
authority. Yet in the absence of specific legislation it
was not plain how Congress could interfere. Until
complications arose out of the Civil War and Recon-
struction, the count of the electoral votes had proceeded
1 Sherman's Recollections, vol. i. p. 561.
Ch. XLIV.] THE DISPUTED PKESIDENCY 241
without difficulty. In 1865 the twenty-second joint
rule was adopted which put it in the power of either
House to refuse to count the electoral vote of any State
by its separate action as " no vote objected to shall be
counted except by the concurrent votes of the two
Houses." Under this rule were counted the votes of
1865, 1869 and 1873. In 1873 the vote of Louisiana
was rejected by the concurrent action of both Houses
and of Arkansas by the action of the Senate alone.
It is to be remembered that the Senate was now
Republican, the majority being 17 and the House Demo-
cratic with a majority of 74. The twenty-second joint
rule would operate favourably for the Democrats. The
House would reject Florida and Louisiana which would
give Tilden a majority and, if the Senate should try its
hand at throwing out States on account of intimidation
of negro voters, there would be no election and the
House would under the constitutional provision proceed
to an election, taking the votes by States, and so choosing
Tilden. Some Democrats maintained that this rule was
still in force but this contention found little favour in
the Senate. At the first session of this Congress [in
January 1876] the Senate had with practical unanimity
rescinded it and now on December 8 by a vote of 50 : 4
they sustained the decision of the President pro tempore
who decided that the joint rules were no longer in force.1
The dispute in Congress, in the press and among the
people was fierce. The Democrats kept up a persistent
cry of fraud but the Republicans retorted that the fraud
was on the other side. By the operation of the Fifteenth
Amendment, they asserted, negroes became a part of
the representative population, giving the South an in-
crease of 35 electoral votes,2 and yet the Southern white
1 Cong. Record, pp. 97-109.
2 Statement of Sherman, Dec. 14, Cong. Record, p. 187. I have not
attempted to verify the number.
VII. — 16
242 THE DISPUTE [1876
people had through terror prevented the negroes from
voting. No doubt could exist that if they could have
voted freely and without fear, as they were entitled to
under the Constitution and the laws, South Carolina,
Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi and perhaps Alabama
would all have given large and undisputed majorities
for Hayes. The presence of the United States troops
had given him South Carolina and fortunate State laws,
courageously administered, had held for him the votes
of Florida and Louisiana which were his just due.
The Republicans declared emphatically that they pro-
posed to have these votes counted for Hayes. The
situation was virtually this : 4,036,000 Hayes voters * were
arrayed stiffly against 4,300,000 Tilden voters, each
party seeming utterly incapable of comprehending the
other's position.
No prospect was apparent of their reaching any
common ground. When the two Houses should as-
semble in joint meeting for counting the electoral
votes, disagreement was certain. The President of
the Senate would declare Hayes elected ; the House
would proceed to elect Tilden. We shall be « brought
to the point," said Goode a Democratic representa-
tive from Virginia in the House, " where one party or
the other must make an ignominious surrender, or we
must fight. Are gentlemen prepared for the latter
alternative?" A shout of "yes" went up from the
Republican side of the House.2 Henry Watterson
announced in the Louisville Courier Journal that 100,000
unarmed citizens would march to Washington to main-
tain the rights of Tilden.3 One who had been very
prominent in the Southern Confederacy told Henry B.
1 Some modification of the statement regarding the opinion of a number of
Hayes voters will be made later.
2 Jan. 25, 1877, Cong. Record, p. 940 ; James Monroe, Atlantic Monthly,
Oct. 1893, p. 624 ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. p. 442.
8 Life of Nast, Paine, p. 342.
Ch. XLIV.] DANGER OF CIVIL WAR 243
Payne, a representative from the Cleveland district of
Ohio, that he hoped the dispute would be peaceably-
settled but, if it were not, the South would stand behind
him and the Democratic party ; 145,000 well-disciplined
Southern troops were ready to fight on their behalf.
A Republican friend came to Payne during a sitting of
the House and said to him with tears in his eyes, we
shall be cutting one another's throats in this chamber
before the 4th of March ; * and a leading Democrat
went across the House to Garfield's seat and made the
same dire prediction.2 Some senators and representa-
tives derided the idea of danger ; but any one, who lived
through those days in an observing and reflective mood,
or any one, who will now make a careful study of the
contemporary evidence, cannot avoid the conviction that
the country was on the verge of civil war. The number
of men out of employment and in want owing to the
depression of business, the many social outcasts in the
community, whom the railroad riots seven months later
disclosed, constituted a formidable army who were ready
for any disturbance that might improve their condition
or give them an opportunity for plunder. The mass of
adherents on each side, which was clearly indicated by
the closeness of the vote in many Northern States, shows
what a terrible internecine conflict would have followed
a bloody affray on the floor of Congress.
Tilden did not rise to the emergency. In quiet times
he would have made a good President but he was entirely
lacking in both the physical and moral courage needed
in a leader during the turbulent times which succeeded
election day. He had overworked himself as governor
and in February 1875 had suffered a cerebral attack
nearly akin to paralysis.8 During the campaign of 1876
he kept up by adhering to a regimen laid down for him
1 Private conversation. 2 Monroe, p. 524.
8 Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. i. p. 285.
244 CHARGES OF CORRUPTION [1876
by his physician, but he seemed stunned by the fierce-
ness of the presidential dispute. Unfortunately he had
some superserviceable friends who entered into negotia-
tions, looking to the bribery of one or more members of
the canvassing boards of South Carolina and Florida to
issue the regular certificates to some of the Tilden elec-
tors. Money was also called for to carry out the Oregon
scheme. Despatches savouring of corruption were sent
in cipher to Colonel W. T. Pelton, Tilden's nephew, at
15 Gramercy Park, New York, which was Tilden's home,
and used as a residence by Pelton. But Tilden's course
in these matters was really above reproach. He coun-
tenanced in no way any such negotiations and, when the
South Carolina affair was brought to his notice, he
promptly crushed the attempts that were being made in
that direction. His voluntary testimony before a Con-
gressional Committee on February 8, 1879 may be implic-
itly believed. " No offer, no negotiation," he swore, " in
behalf of any member of the Returning-Board of South
Carolina, of the Board of State Canvassers of Florida, or
of any other State was ever entertained by me, or by
my authority or with my sanction. . . . There never
was a moment in which I ever entertained any idea of
seeking to obtain those certificates by any venal induce-
ment, any promise of money or of office, to the men who
had them to grant or dispose of. My purpose on that
subject was perfectly distinct, invariable, and it was
generally assumed by all my friends without discussion.
It may have sometimes been expressed and, whenever
the slightest occasion arose for it to be discussed, it was
expressed. It was never deviated from in word or
act." *
But between November 1876 and March 1877 Repub-
licans were ready to believe any evil of Tilden, and, as
1 Testimony in relation to Cipher Telegraphic Despatches, pp. 272, 274 ;
Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. pp. 182, 186.
Ch. XLIV.] TILDEN'S GOOD CASE 245
the air was full of rumours, little doubt existed amongst
them that he had tried to tamper with the canvassing
boards of South Carolina and Florida and had furnished
money for the operations in Oregon. The statement in
Wells's letter from New Orleans, to Senator West, " Mill-
ions have been sent here and will be used in the interest
of Tilden," 1 also found ready credence.
Tilden had a good case. He had a majority of the
popular vote of 264,000 and a chance of winning support
from many Hayes voters, either because he had the
better cause or because there was greater independence
of thought in Republican than in Democratic ranks.
The rumours of attempted bribery and corruption
injured him with these independent thinkers and the
Democratic procedure in Oregon deprived his cause of
its moral weight. For it was undoubted that Hayes
was entitled to the three votes from Oregon and crooked
Republican procedure in Louisiana did not justify
crooked Democratic procedure in Oregon. While Til-
den's supposed corrupt transactions lost him ground
during December with the independent voters in the
Republican party, the dignified attitude of Hayes was
strengthening the opposite cause. Moreover party con-
siderations were becoming more strictly defined and
were bringing most of those who voted for Hayes into
the party ranks, a striking example of which was seen in
the case of The Nation which " lost nearly three thousand
subscribers [a good percentage probably of its circula-
tion] for refusing to believe that Mr. Hayes could
honorably accept the presidency at the hands of the
Louisiana and Florida Returning-Boards." 2
1 Report 100, 44th Cong. 2d Sess., part iii. p. 6.
2 The Nation, June 25, 1885, p. 516 ; Life of Bowles, Merriam, vol. ii.
p. 303. The first expression (I think) in this wise was on Dec. 14, 1876 :
" We do not ourselves see how Mr. Hayes can, if he he the man he has been
represented, take the place under the circumstances, but that is a matter
between himself and his own conscience,"
246 TILDEN LACKS NERVE [1876
Tilden's infirmity of purpose destroyed his party's
enthusiasm for their candidate. It is apparent now, and
it was apparent then, that two courses lay open to him
after a thorough consultation with the leading Demo-
cratic senators and representatives and his associate on
the ticket, Hendricks. One was to issue a brief positive
address to his 4,300,000 voters. Repudiating the Oregon
business, he should have planted himself on his rights
in Florida and Louisiana and announced that he proposed
to maintain them if he could reckon on the support of
his party and the Democratic House. The result would
have been either yielding by the Republicans or civil
war. Blaine told Bigelow a year or two later that if
the Democrats had been firm, the Republicans would
have backed down,1 but, on the other hand, it cannot be
forgotten that there were three men in control, who
were not accustomed to surrender, Grant, Chandler and
Morton. President Grant was determined to have no
Mexicanization of the American government; he pro-
posed to recognize the de facto President, and, with his
party affiliation, it was certain that between the man
declared to be President by the President of the Senate
and the one elected by the House he would sustain
Hayes. To be prepared for any emergency, he began
concentrating troops in and about Washington.
The other and nobler course for Tilden would have
been to co-operate sympathetically with the leading men
of his party in the Senate and the House in the endeav-
our to bring about a fair compromise so that the in-
duction of the new President should be orderly and
according to law.2 He took neither course, for he could
1 Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 74, note.
2 I have not considered a third course as I cannot imagine the result.
Randall, Ottendorfer, Lamar and Watterson suggested to Tilden [probably
before Dec. 6] that he make some kind of a proposition to Hayes. Testimony
in relation to cipher telegraphic despatches, p. 273 ; Life of Tilden, Bigelow,
vol. ii. p. 186. The Nation referred to this on Dec. 14, p. 350.
Ch. XLIV.] TILDEN'S INDECISION 247
bring himself to no decision : the employment of his
time indicates how little fitted he was for such a crisis.
" Mr. Tilden," wrote Bigelow, " devoted more than a
month to the preparation of a complete history of the
electoral counts from the foundation of the government
to show it to have been the unbroken usage of Congress,
not of the President of the Senate, to count the electoral
votes." 1 This was a useful compilation ; proper work
for an annalist or historian ; but a claimant for the
presidency, who in a crisis wastes his time and exhausts
his nervous energy in such labour, seems hardly suited
to the leadership of men. In December, Senator Thomas
F. Bayard went by request to New York to see Tilden,
spent an evening with him and next day together with
Lamar four hours more. "Mr. Tilden," so Bayard's
apparently inspired biographer wrote, " gave no intima-
tion whatever of his intentions, nor any light upon the
grave subjects under consideration. The compilation of
congressional precedent, then in course of preparation by
Mr. Bigelow, was exhibited and referred to but no plan
of action was indicated." 2 Tilden's tortuous procedure
was exemplified in his writing that portion of the inau-
gural address of the newly elected governor of New
York [Robinson] which referred to national affairs ; it
does not appear that the public was then authoritatively
informed that these were Tilden's words.3 The 4,300,000
Democratic voters and the Democrats in Congress desired
something direct from Tilden which was unequivocally
his, but for this they waited in vain. For any real influ-
ence on the course of events after December 1876, Tilden
1 Life of Tilden, vol. ii. p. 60. The book is entitled The Presidential
Counts, D. Appleton & Co., 1877. The Boston Athenaeum received its copy
on Jan. 6, 1877.
2 Life, by Edward Spencer, p. 261.
8 Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 66. The New York Times said that
the old governor's hand is to be seen in the new governor's message but The
Nation did not know whether this was true or not, Jan. 4, 1877, p. 1.
248 JOINT COMMITTEE [1876
almost entirely disappeared ; Hayes, completely. The
settlement of the difficult}?" devolved upon the Democratic
and Republican leaders in Congress.
On December 7, in the House, George W. McCrary, a
Republican from Iowa, moved for a committee of five
on the matter to act in conjunction with a similar com-
mittee to be appointed by the Senate. This resolution
went to the Committee on the Judiciary, which on
December 14 reported favourably on the project, augment-
ing the number of the Committee to seven. The Senate
adopted a similar resolution and the following Com-
mittees were appointed : House — Henry B. Payne of
Ohio, Eppa Hunton of Virginia, Abram S. Hewitt of
New York, William M. Springer of Illinois, Democrats ;
George W. McCrary of Iowa, George F. Hoar of Massa-
chusetts, and George Willard of Michigan, Republicans.
Senate — Edmunds of Vermont, Morton of Indiana,
Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, Conkling of New York,
Republicans ; Thurman of Ohio, Bayard of Delaware,
and Ransom of North Carolina, Democrats. Thus it
had been arranged that each party should have repre-
sentation on both the Senate and House Committees,
and, as a joint Committee be equally divided politically.
Although Payne's first service in the House was during
the actual Congress [the Forty-fourth] he was named
Chairman of the Committee at the request of Tilden ;
he was likewise the choice of the Speaker, Samuel J.
Randall, who had succeeded Kerr.
Congress sat between Christmas and New Year's
day but the House Committee did not begin their meet-
ings until the 3d of January 1877, holding them com-
monly in the banking and currency committee-room,
formerly the Speaker's room where John Quincy Adams
saw the "last of earth." For a week no apparent
progress was made and, when they met on the evening
of January 10 in the private sitting-room of the chair-
man at the Riggs House, it seemed impossible to escape
Ch. XLIV.] HOUSE COMMITTEE 249
from the impasse. Payne had previously offered a reso-
lution, limiting the function of the President of the
Senate to the opening of the returns and this was now
pressed by Hunton. Hoar and his Republican associates
begged that the resolution be not insisted upon. " The
province of the Committee as I understand it," said
Hoar, " is not to say what power the President of the
Senate has or has not, but what power Congress has in
the premises." " We are unwilling," declared Hoar and
McCrary, " to commit ourselves to the principle of the
Payne resolution. We can conceive of a condition of
things wherein somebody might have to take the bull by
the horns and count the vote, or the country would be
plunged into anarchy and chaos. Suppose that the
House should insist that there had been no election and
refuse to participate in the count. This might consti-
tute an emergency where the President of the Senate,
in the absence of any legislation restricting his duties
under the Constitution, might be called upon to act."
" In case of such a conflict," demanded Hewitt of Hoar,
" between the President of the Senate and the House of
Representatives, would you sooner intrust the liberties
of the people to a single senator, who happened to be
President of the Senate, than to the representatives of
the entire American people ? " 1 Both sides appeared
stiff and unyielding. Whatever plan was proposed by
the one would lead to the seating of Tilden, whilst any
proposition from the other would lead just as surely to
the installation of Hayes. Payne had ordered a colla-
tion and, under the genial influence of the food and
drink and kindly manner of the host, the members of
the Committee began to thaw out and approach the
question in a patriotic rather than partisan spirit.
1 Article of Milton H. Northrup, Secretary of the House Committee,
Century Magazine, Oct. 1901, pp. 925, 926. This will be referred to as
Northrup.
250 JOINT MEETING [1877
McCrary proposed a tribunal outside of Congress to be
carved out of the United States Supreme Court for the
settlement of the disputed presidency. The details of
this plan were discussed until a late hour that night and
during the meeting of the next day when the agreement
was arrived at informally that a Commission consisting
of the five senior associate Justices should be constituted
to decide on the controverted questions. These Justices
were Clifford of Maine, Swayne of Ohio, Davis of Illi-
nois, Miller of Iowa, and Field of California. Clifford
was the only one who had been appointed by a Demo-
cratic President [by Buchanan] but Field, who was one
of Lincoln's appointments, had become a Democrat.
Miller and Swayne were pronounced Republicans and
Davis [all three were appointed by Lincoln] was con-
sidered an Independent.
On January 12, a joint meeting between the House
and Senate Committees was arranged in the room of the
Senate Committee on the Judiciary, when it appeared
that the senators had been working upon somewhat the
same lines as the representatives. Edmunds reported
their proposition for a tribunal to consist of thirteen,
made up of the four senior associate Justices and nine
from the two Houses of Congress. The Senate was to
name five, the House five and one of the ten was then
to be excluded by lot. On Saturday, January 13, the
House Committee in joint meeting assented to the prin-
ciple of the Senate plan but insisted that the lot feature
should apply to the judicial, not the congressional mem-
bers. Before they separated that afternoon a plan was
agreed to which had the support of every member of
the joint Committee except Representative Springer.1
This provided for a Commission of fifteen; five from
1 1 cannot believe that Morton assented, although my authorities are
silent regarding him. He was ill much of the time and quite likely was not
present at this meeting.
Ch. XLIV.] PLAN DISAGREED TO 251
the House, five from the Senate and five from the Su-
preme Court. The names of the six senior associate
Justices [Clifford, Swayne, Davis, Miller, Field and
Strong] were to be put into a hat, one was to be with-
drawn and the five left were to be members of the com-
mission. It was desirable to make a unanimous report
on the following Monday and Conkling earnestly ap-
pealed to Springer not to stand in the way of a measure
which settled the points of contention but Springer was
obdurate and said that he must have until Monday to
think it over.
Until now the secrets of the committee room had
been carefully kept but, between Saturday and Monday,
the plan leaked out. The lot feature was seriously
objected to by the Democrats who declared that they
would not " consent that the great office of President
should be raffled off like a Thanksgiving turkey." 1
Those Republicans, who were well characterized by
Edmunds as " those fellows who believe it foreordained
that Hayes is to be President and think the Constitu-
tion as it is sufficient for their purpose " 2 were alike
strenuous in their opposition. It is the " Dice-box vs.
Ballot-box," said the New York Times. "A simpler
way to settle the matter would be for Mr. Hayes and
Mr. Tilden to . . . 'draw cuts' for the presidency." 8
On Monday, January 15, Payne announced in joint
Committee that so much opposition to the lot feature
had been developed in the House that he was satisfied
that a bill, incorporating such a provision, could not
pass that body. " On reflection," he said, " the House
Committee has decided not to assent to that proposi-
tion. In lieu thereof we again propose the selection of
the five senior associate justices outright, [to make up
1 Northrup, p. 927. 2 Ibid., p. 928.
3 Jan. 13, 17. The second remark as cited was directed at the first lot
feature.
252 DISCUSSION IN COMMITTEE [1877
the fifteen] as in the original House bill. The commit-
tee earnestly believes that the selection of these five,
two being understood to be in sympathy with the
Republicans, two with the Democracy and the fifth
leaning no more one side than the other would assure
the non-partisan character of the commission, and give
the odd number without a resort to the ' lot ' system,
to which there is in many minds a very serious objec-
tion." x Davis being the fifteenth man the discussion
turned on his political preferences. " Judge Davis,"
said Edmunds, "is one of those Independents who stand
always ready to accept Democratic nominations. It
is my observation that such men are generally the
most extreme in their partisanship. I would rather
entrust a decision to an out-and-out Democrat than
to a so-called Independent." Springer replied : " Judge
Davis is just about as much a Democrat as Horace
Greeley was in 1871 ; he is not and never was a Demo-
crat. His most intimate friends, among whom I may
count myself, don't know to-day whether he favored
Tilden or Hayes. He didn't vote at all. Our people
in Illinois, when he was mentioned for the presi-
dency, were utterly hostile to his nomination because he
was not a Democrat, and had no standing in that party.
They only know that he is absolutely honest and fair." 2
On the Sunday [January 14] Hewitt had been in
New York in consultation with Tilden, receiving the
impression that he was in a general way in favour of
some scheme for a commission,3 and on Monday, at the
end probably of the long and indecisive joint conference,
he telegraphed to Edward Cooper for the eye of Tilden :
"The Senate committee will probably reject five and
report six judge plan immediately. Our senators feel
committed to concur. House committee will not con-
1 Northrup, p. 927. 2 Ibid., pp. 927, 928,
8 Conversation with H. B. Payne,
Ch. XLIV.] DISCUSSION 253
cur, and for present will probably not report." J When
he read this despatch Tilden said, " I may lose the
presidency but I will not raffle for it " and through
Cooper he answered Hewitt, « Procrastinate to give few
days for information and consultation. The six-judge
proposition inadmissible." 2
In joint meeting of January 16, Payne read a bill
agreed upon by a majority of the House Committee :
the Commission to be made up of five senators, five
representatives and the five senior associate Justices.
This after a recess the Senate Committee declined to
accept. Conkling had a counter-proposition, either from
the whole Committee or a majority of it, according to
which the four senior Judges, Clifford, Swayne, Davis
and Miller should name the fifth. " Why was Field
dropped out and Davis substituted ? " asked Payne.
" Swayne offsets Clifford ; and now we are asked to
take Davis against Miller whom we understand to be a
very decided partisan. Judge Davis is not a Democrat.
You ask us to take a Democrat and one who is not
more than half a Democrat against two absolute Re-
publicans. I see no equality in such a proposition." 3
Hewitt asked. Is the Chief Justice, Waite, eligible ?
Conkling said, " No " and Thurman stated that " the
Chief Justice for reasons which he was not at liberty to
give, would not consent, under any circumstances, to
serve on the commission." 4 Shortly afterwards the
House Committee retired to consider the proposition of
the senators.
Hewitt thus advised Cooper of the proceedings of the
day : "After protracted negotiations Senate [committee]
receded from six-judge [scheme], declined five-judge and
offered four senior associate justices, who are to choose
the fifth judge, excluding chief justice. Our Senate
1 Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 78. 8 Northrup, p. 930.
2 Ibid. * Ibid.
254 PLANS AND COUNTER-PLANS [1877
friends earnestly favour acceptance, because they do not
believe it possible to pass over } The Democrats
on House Committee believe this is the last chance of
agreement. We cannot postpone beyond eleven to-morrow,
and if we decline, Senate Committee will report their
original plan, to which our friends are committed. Tele-
graph your advice." Tilden replied : " Be firm and cool.
Four-judge plan will not do. Perhaps worse than six." 2
The rest of this despatch and a longer one sent on the
evening of the same day may be interpreted as express-
ing opposition to any possible commission, although the
words are so evasive that a double meaning may be
detected ; but Tilden's anxious wish for delay is appar-
ent. Hewitt and Payne, who were Tilden's representa-
tives on the committee, were forced to proceed on their
own judgment.
On January 17, Payne said that the majority of the
House Committee could not accept the proposition of
the senators, the objection to it being that it classed
Davis as a Democrat. Hewitt made a proposition ('which
it is unnecessary to detail). The Senate Committee
retired to consider it ; at 2.40 p.m. on the resumption of
the joint session they announced their rejection of it
and submitted a counter-proposition, on which they
were all agreed : Appoint the associate Justices from the
first, third, eighth and ninth circuits and let them select
a fifth judge. At this juncture occurred an amenity
which is agreeable to recall. Edmunds, arguing in fa-
vour of this plan, said it would be appreciated by " the
great American public" and added, "I don't mean Henry
Watterson's one hundred thousand Democratic men who
are said to be coming " at which the Democrats inter-
rupted him with, " Oh, they are not coming ; we've
telegraphed them not to come ! "8 The House Committee
then retired to consider the proposition of the senators.
1 Obviously Davis. a Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 79. 8 Northrup, p. 931.
Ch. XLIV.] ELECTORAL COUNT BILL 255
At 4 p.m. Payne announced in joint session that
the House Committee unanimously with the exception
of Hunton, who desired time for reflection, accepted the
Senate Committee's proposition.
In such wise was evolved the famous Electoral
Count Act. The report recommending its adoption
was finally signed by every member of the House Com-
mittee and by all the senators except Morton. Morton
was opposed to calling in any outside tribunal to settle
the dispute but intimated at one of the committee meet-
ings that he would be willing to leave it to the whole
Supreme Court.1
The bill provided that " no electoral vote or votes
from any State from which but one return has been
received shall be rejected except by the affirmative vote
of the two Houses." In the cases of States from which
there was more than one return [Florida, Louisiana,
Oregon and South Carolina] "all such returns and
papers " should be " submitted to the judgment and
decision as to which is the true and lawful electoral
vote of such State " of an Electoral Commission com-
posed of five senators, five representatives and five
associate Justices of the United States Supreme Court.
Four of these were the Judges now assigned to the first,
third, eighth and ninth circuits [Clifford, Miller, Field
and Strong] and these four were to select a fifth. The
decision of the Commission could be overthrown only
by the concurrence of both Houses, acting separately.
There are few sublimer legislative achievements in
our history than this Electoral Count bill framed in the
1 My main authority is Northrup. An account of the work in Committee
was given by S. S. Cox, Three Decades, chap, xxxvi. but his authority was
Northrup, who was the clerk of the Banking and Currency Committee of
which Cox was chairman. Cox's book was published in 1885. Northrup's
article was printed in 1901 and is the fuller and more exact account. Bigelow's
Life of Tilden and Manton Marble's Secret Chapter of Political History
were helpful in rounding out the story.
256 EDMUNDS INTRODUCES BDLL [1877
midst of intense political excitement, and agreea to by
thirteen out of the fourteen members of a bi-partisan
Committee. The almost unanimous concurrence ren-
dered certain the approval of Congress and the country.
To the two chairmen, Edmunds and Payne, must be
given the greatest credit but prominent in sympathetic
co-operation were Conkling, Thurman and Bayard,
Hewitt, Hoar and McCrary. During the Senate debate
Thurman said : " I have one satisfaction that I shall never
lose, and that I should with difficulty find words to express,
in the fact that in that committee there never was an
unkind, or short, or harsh remark or word ; but we
performed our duty as men anxious to do what the
country needed and what the country had a right to
expect from us. For what we have done I take my full
share of responsibility. Praise it, or blame it, I want
no better praise hereafter, no kinder recollection in the
minds of my countrymen than that I contributed my
humble efforts to bring to a peaceable solution this ques-
tion which now agitates this country and endangers
it."1 Morton alone was obstructive, partisan, and un-
patriotic.
On January 20, Edmunds introduced the bill into the
Senate and made a careful exposition of it. He
thought that the fifteen, having regard to the terms of
their oath would not act as partisans but impartially as
judges. He touched upon the vital point at issue :
" It has been said by some that this commission, if this
law passes, having the powers of the two Houses con-
ferred upon them, may go behind the returns, as the
common phrase is. Well, if the two Houses now possess
the constitutional power to do that thing, they also
possessed it on the first Wednesday in December, and
we have only changed the method in the first instance of
taking that step. If the two Houses, by the Constitution
1 Jan. 24, Cong. Becord, p. 892.
Ch. XLIV.] MORTON OPPOSES 257
of the United States, on the first Wednesday in Decem-
ber and now, have no constitutional right to overhaul
the action of a sovereign State in its selection under the
Constitution of its electors, then this commission has no
right to do it." x
Whether or not Congress, and therefore the Commis-
sion possess that right the Commission itself must decide.
He disposed effectually of the alleged power of the
President of the Senate. Quoting the clause of the
Constitution, " The President of the Senate shall, in
the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives,
open all the certificates and the votes shall then be
counted," he said, " The language does not say that the
President of the Senate shall have the power to count
even in the arithmetical sense of the term ; much less
does it say that he shall have the power to decide any-
thing." 2 He had not the slightest doubt of the constitu-
tionality of the proposed act.
Morton opposed the bill. He deemed it a grave objec-
tion that the four judges were selected because of their
political antecedents. Moreover it is a Democratic meas-
ure. " I think," he said, " I do the intelligence of these
distinguished Democratic senators but justice when I say
that they would not go for this bill except that it gave
them a chance for the only thing that can count Mr. Til-
den in, and that is, to go behind the returns. Outside
of that he has no chance, no possible hope. ... I know
that an alarm has been created by threats upon the
part of the Democratic party in various portions of the
country. I know that a panic now exists in this coun-
try and this body, far greater than that of 1873, and
equalled only I believe by that of the battle of Bull Run
in 1861. We are asked to do this upon the score of
magnanimity. . . . We are asked to sacrifice and
surrender advantages which belong to the Republican
1 Jan. 24, Cong. Record, p. 769. 3 Ibid.
VII. — IT
258 CONKLING'S GREAT SPEECH [1877
party as a matter of law, as a matter of right and as
a matter of practice, since this government was first
founded. . . . Are we to apprehend violence ? Are we
to apprehend the invasion of this capital? Are we to
apprehend that if the President of the Senate shall pro-
ceed to count this vote as it always has been done, the
House of Representatives will take some revolutionary
action by which our institutions perhaps may be over-
turned, or that we shall have a dual government ? I am
not afraid of that. I believe that any individual or any
party who attempts that will be utterly crushed out ; I
believe if we go on just as we have gone for more
than three-quarters of a century no man, no party, will
dare to raise their hand. ... In the absence of legis-
lation, the President of the Senate must, to use a
common phrase, ex necessitate rei, count the votes." 1
Sherman also spoke in opposition to the bill, his real
reason being of course that he thought if it were enacted
it would injure the chances of Hayes. He would prefer
the bill to Civil War but he did not believe that the
country was confronted with that alternative. He main-
tained that the bill was unconstitutional and in this
Blaine agreed with him, but such an objection from
these two senators had little weight as against the care-
ful opinions in favour of its constitutionality, given by
such lawyers as Edmunds, Conkling and Thurman.
Thurman made a powerful argument showing that the
bill did not go outside of the Constitution.2
The most notable speech during this great debate was
made by Conkling, who spoke for eight hours with a
force so attractive and convincing that it must have
caused his admirers regret that he did not oftener dis-
play his legal ability, intelligence and oratorical power
1 These extracts are from the two different speeches of Morton of Jan. 22
and Jan. 24, Cong. Becord, pp. 801, 894, 895.
2 Jan. 24, Cong. Becord, p. 888.
Ch. XLIV.] CONKLING'S GREAT SPEECH 259
on the floor of the Senate. He began with : " A study
of the question years ago convinced me of the right and
therefore the duty of the two Houses, to ascertain and
verify electoral votes and declare the true result of presi-
dential elections, or else by an exertion of the law-mak-
ing power to declare how these acts shall be done. My
present judgment does not rest however wholly on pre-
conceived opinions. Some weeks ago, when the inquiry
came to be invested with unprecedented importance,
I reviewed carefully every act and proceeding in our
history bearing upon it, and, without the aid then of
compilations made since, every utterance in regard to it
to be found in books." l He effectually shattered the doc-
trine that the President of the Senate could decide as to
the validity of the returns. On the second day of his
speech he said : " Senators have asked why I devoted
so much pains yesterday to disproving the authority of
the President of the Senate, saying that nobody in the
Senate contends for such a power, or believes it to exist.
The Senator from California [Sargent] is I believe its
only known advocate in the Senate ; but nevertheless
the chief objection to the pending bill prevailing in the
press and in the country at large, is the idea that the
Constitution clothes the President of the Senate with
power to do whatever can be done in deciding on and
making effectual electoral votes, and in judging conflict-
ing certificates. If this objection be well founded, the
bill has no footing."
By a careful historical argument, Conkling showed
that it was Congress which had exercised the power of
counting electoral votes. To Morton and those of his
way of thinking he said : " Let not the representatives
of American States, in this century year, connive at
bringing about a necessity, they know not what, fraught
with consequences they cannot order or foresee. Sup-
1 See Life of Conkling, p. 624.
260 CONKLING'S GREAT SPEECH [1877
pose the Speaker of the House says he is the man of
destiny, that necessity has created him to untie this tan-
gled problem. Suppose the House says it from necessity
is to be the Deus ex machina, suppose any man or any
power chooses to deem himself or itself invoked by
necessity, where are the limits of such a theory. . . .
The pending measure has been called a compromise. If
it be a compromise, a compromise of truth, of law, of
right, I am against it. My life has taught me not to
contrive compromises but to settle issues. Every com-
promise of principle is a make-shift and a snare. It
never stood ; it never deserved to stand. It is the
coward's expedient to adjourn to another day, a con-
troversy easy to govern in the fountain, but hard to
struggle against in the stream. If this bill be such a
compromise, I am against it. But I deny that it is a
compromise, I deny that it compromises anything ; and,
above all, that it compromises right, principle, or the
Constitution. To contest a claim, is not to compromise
it. To insist upon the right, and submit it to an honest,
fair scrutiny and determination, is not to compromise it.
A presidential election has occurred. Unless there is a
tie or a failure, somebody has been chosen. To ascertain
and establish the fact, is not a compromise. To reveal
and establish the truth of a thing already past and fixed,
is as far from a compromise as the east is from the west."
Gonkling concluded his speech thus : " I will vote
for the pending bill. . . . Adopted it composes the
country in an hour. The mists which have gathered
in our land will be quickly dispelled ; business will no
longer falter before uncertainty or apprehension. If
thoughts of anarchy or disorder or a disputed chief
magistracy have taken root, the passage of the bill will'
eradicate them at once. The measure will be a herald
of calmness from sea to sea : it will once again proclaim
to the world that America is great enough, and wise
enough, to do all things decently and in order. It may
Ch. XLIV.] ELECTORAL COUNT ACT 261
be denounced by partisans on the one side and on the
other ; it may be derided by the adventurous and the
thoughtless ; it may be treated with courageous gayety ;
it may not be presently approved by all the thoughtful
and the patriotic. Still I will vote for it, because I
believe it executes the Constitution, and because I be-
lieve it for the lasting advantage of all the people and
of all the States, including that great State whose inter-
ests and whose honor are so dear to me. It may be
condemned now, but time, at whose great altar all pas-
sion and error and prejudice at last must bow, will test
it, and I believe will vindicate it." 1
On the legislative day of January 24, after an all-
night session, the bill passed the Senate by 47 : 17, the
ayes being made up of 26 Democrats and 21 Republi-
cans ; the noes of 16 Republicans and 1 Democrat.
On January 25, the House took up the consideration of
the bill and next day passed it by 191 : 86. The ayes
were made up of 159 Democrats and 32 Republicans ;
the noes of 18 Democrats and 68 Republicans.2 On
January 29, Grant signed it, sending to the Senate an
approving and patriotic message.
The paramount motive of the members of the Senate
and House Committees and of the senators and repre-
sentatives who voted for the bill was patriotism and
the desire to quiet the passions in the country. And,
in effect, the gratification of the people was profound
and general. In their increased self-respect and pride
in their representatives the words of Conkling found
response : " No emergency is so great that forty-five
million free men cannot meet it calmly and safely under
the free institutions they cherish. If 'he who ruleth
his own spirit be greater than he who taketh a city ' 3
i Jan. 23, 24, Cong. Becord, pp. 825, 870, 875, 878.
2 Tribune Almanac. The yea vote in the House is sometimes given 158
Democrats, 33 Republicans.
8 The quotation is not exact. See Proverbs xvi. 32.
262 ELECTORAL COUNT ACT [1877
what shall be said of the grandeur of millions who by
an act as quiet as the wave of a wand can calm the
commotions of a continent in an hour ? " 1
While the ruling motive was patriotism, the analysis
of the vote by political parties shows that it was more
a Democratic than a Republican measure. The Dem-
ocrats felt so sure of the rightfulness of their cause,
especially in Louisiana, that they were ready to submit
it to any fair tribunal of arbitration. Another obvious
consideration had weight with them. If the dispute
came to a dead-lock and an open struggle, the Repub-
licans had a manifest advantage. Ferry 2 would declare
Hayes President and Grant with the army would en-
force that declaration. If the House attempted to elect
Tilden, the Republican members would withdraw and
endorse the action of the Senate. The body which
should choose Tilden would be a rump, whose decision
would have little weight unless it chose to raise the
standard of civil war. To any such movement most of
the members of the Southern wing of the party were
unalterably opposed. We should have no chance against
an organized army, they reasoned ; the remark of a
Virginia representative in a Democratic caucus, " I have
been through one civil war and want no more of it,"
expressed a sentiment that was generally shared.3
The Democrats too had felt sure that Davis would
be the fifteenth man and they had great confidence in
his independent judgment. But the legislature of
Illinois was electing a senator and its Democrats arid
five Independents were eager to beat Logan. After a
number of ballots with no apparent prospect of a choice,
Judge Davis was proposed, and, as he was restive on
the bench and eager for active political life, he consented
to the use of his name. On the fortieth ballot, which
1 Cong. Record, p. 877. a The President of the Senate.
8 Conversation with H. B. Payne.
Ch. XLIV.] ELECTORAL COMMISSION 263
was taken on January 25, the day on which Payne intro-
duced the Electoral Count bill into the House, enough
Democrats united with the Independents to make up
the necessary number and Davis was chosen senator.1
This was a blow to the Democratic party of the country
which had counted on Davis. Conkling had told
Hewitt that he would certainly be the fifteenth man ; 2
and now, although he did not become senator until
March 4, and only resigned his judgeship to take effect
on that day, it was apparent that his service on the Com-
mission would be of doubtful propriety.
On January 30, the Senate chose as its members of
the Electoral Commission, Edmunds of Vermont, Morton
of Indiana, Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, [Republicans]
Thurman of Ohio and Bayard of Delaware [Democrats].
Conkling's biographer states that it was the intention of
the Republican caucus to name Conkling instead of
Frelinghuysen, which in view of his prominence in the
Senate and the useful part he had borne in the Com-
mittee which framed the Electoral Count bill, would
have been a natural appointment, but that Conkling
declined to serve.3 If this be correct he shirked a grave
duty, but the general opinion at the time was that the
Republicans were afraid of Conkling, who was suspected
of believing Tilden to be entitled to the presidency ; and
that he was therefore intentionally ignored in the make-
up of the Commission. The House appointed as its
members, Henry B. Payne of Ohio, Eppa Hunton of
Virginia, Josiah G. Abbott of Massachusetts [Democrats]
George F. Hoar of Massachusetts and James A. Garfield
of Ohio [Republicans].4
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1877, p. 383.
2 Conversation with H. B. Payne. 8 Life, p. 521.
* The Senate, being Republican, could have chosen five Republicans, the
House, being Democratic, five Democrats. It was arranged however between
the two parties that each house of Congress should have partisan representa-
tion on the Commission.
264 THE FIFTEENTH MAN [1877
The four Justices selected Bradley as the fifteenth
man. When the four first assembled Strong said that
Davis would not serve, " I will not believe it," declared
Clifford, " unless I should absolutely have it from his lips
or over his hand." Later Strong brought a statement in
writing from Davis to that effect.1 The exclusion of Davis
was a bitter disappointment to the Democrats but the
Southerners endeavoured to make the best of it. Bradley
presided over the Southern circuit, was personally popular
and had gained favour with the Southern people by his
judicial opinion against the constitutionality of the En-
forcement Act. Of a nervous and sensitive nature he
keenly regretted that the choice had fallen upon him ;
he was expected to sink all political bias and be an
impartial arbiter while his brothers on the bench had
been chosen because of their political predilections.2 But
the duty, which the Chief Justice had shirked and
which Davis adroitly evaded, he accepted without demur.
Thurman, Bayard and Hoar in the sessions of the Joint
Committee and in their speeches in support of the Elec-
toral Count bill scouted the idea that the judges would
act from partisan motives, but Sherman, who was incapa-
ble of the idealistic height of the other three, said in the
Senate debate, " These four grave judges must in some
quiet game select and name the arbiter in whose hands
will rest all the powers of the Senate and the House and
of the States and the people in the selection of a Presi-
dent of the United States."3 This opinion of Sherman
was widely current. It required great moral courage
therefore for a man to assume so weighty a responsi-
bility ; and, at this distance from the passions of the
time, we can appreciate the solemn sense of duty which
swayed Bradley in taking upon himself such a burden.
1 Conversation with H. B. Payne.
3 Joseph P. Bradley, Miscellaneous Writing, pp. 7, 9.
8 Jan. 23, Cong. Becord, p. 820.
Ch. XLIV.] JOINT MEETING 265
On Thursday February 1, at one o'clock, the two
Houses came together in Joint Meeting in the Hall of
the House of Representatives, as the law provided. The
President jpro tempore of the Senate took the speaker's
chair, the Speaker sitting immediately upon his left.
The senators had seats at the right of the presiding
officer and the representatives occupied the rest of the
body of the Hall. The Democrats had recovered some-
what from their disappointment at not having Davis on
the Commission and, in common with the Republicans,
wore cheerful faces, testifying to the good humour which
prevailed on both sides.1 A small square box containing
the certificates of the electoral votes was brought to
Ferry,2 who began the count in the alphabetical order of
the States, opening first the certificate from Alabama
which he handed to Allison, one of the tellers, to read.
The chair asked if there were any objections to the vote
and hearing none directed one of the tellers to announce
that Alabama had given ten votes for Tilden and
Hendricks. The votes of Arkansas, California, Colo-
rado, Connecticut and Delaware were counted in like
manner, three of them for Tilden, two for Hayes.
When Florida was reached, from which State there were
three certificates, objections were made and the case of
Florida was sent to the Electoral Commission, the joint
session having occupied two hours. The Commission
met at three o'clock in the United States Supreme Court
room in the Capitol, Clifford the judge longest in office
in the chair, the act having designated him as president.
The five Judges sat in the centre, wearing their judicial
gowns, the senators at their right, the representatives at
their left.3 The arguments were not begun till the
following day, February 2.
Certificate No. 1 from Florida was in favour of the
1 Monroe, p. 531. 2 The President of the Senate.
3 New York Tribune, Feb. 2.
266 THE CASE OF FLORIDA [1877
four Hayes electors and was signed by the Governor and
Secretary of State. Certificate No. 2 certified the choice
of the Tilden electors and had the signature of the
Attorney-General, the third and Democratic member of
the Board of State Canvassers. The electors mentioned
in No. 1 had cast their votes for Hayes, those in No. 2
for Tilden on December 6, the day required by law.
Certificate No. 3 dated January 26, 1877 was also in favour
of the Tilden electors and embraced an attestation of
their votes on the lawful day. This certificate was author-
ized by quo warranto proceedings ; by a decision of the
Circuit and Supreme Courts of Florida that the Hayes
electors were usurpers and the Tilden electors duly chosen ;
by an act of the new legislature ; and by a certification
under the seal of the State by the new governor [this
legislature and this governor were Democratic].
February 2 was devoted to the arguments of members
of the House who were objectors to the respective cer-
tificates and Saturday the 3d and Monday the 5th to
arguments of counsel.1 The paramount question was,
Ought the Electoral Commission to go behind the returns?
Judge Black maintained that the evidence in regard to
Florida, taken by the committees of both Houses, was
part of the record and that it would be unjust and wrong
to permit counsel to apply to that evidence, " those
snapperadoes of nisi prius practice which might do if
this case, instead of concerning the rights of a whole
nation, related to the price of a sheep. . . . There can
be no objection to the evidence in a court of equity.
. . . For purposes of justice as well as the purposes of
convenience it is necessary that you should pursue the
course of courts of equity and not come the quarter-
1 The counsel on the Democratic side were : Charles O'Conor of N.Y., Jere-
miah S. Black of Penn., Richard T. Merrick of Washington, Ashbel Green of
N.J., William C. Whitney of N.Y. On the Republican side, William M.
Evarts and E. W. Stoughton of N.Y., Stanley Matthews and Samuel Shella-
barger of Ohio.
Ch. XLIV.] THE CASE OF FLORIDA 267
sessions rule over us." x Evarts argued " that this Com-
mission cannot receive evidence in addition to the cer-
tificates, of the nature of that which is offered ; that is,
evidence that goes behind the State's record of its elec-
tion, which has been certified by the Governor as resulting
in the appointment of these electors." 2 For otherwise,
as so many questions were involved, there would be no
end to the investigation and inquiry. No determination
could possibly be reached by the 4th of March when the
new President must be inaugurated.
O'Conor asserted that " there is really nothing in this
broadly presented question of overwhelming incon-
venience. . . . There is no limit to the power of inves-
tigation for the purpose of reaching the ends of justice,
except such as a due regard for public convenience and
the interests of public justice and society at large may
impose in the exercise of this discretionary authority.
. . . The Supreme Court, speaking by the voice of
Judge Story, pronounced all decisions of every descrip-
tion, however solemn, impeachable for fraud and capable
of being reversed. . . . You have a right to go on to
investigate this matter and to determine two things :
first whether the Hayes electoral vote is valid ; and sec-
ondly whether the Tilden electoral vote is valid. The
final decision at which you may arrive might reject either
or might reject both. . . . The Constitution prescribes
no forms save such as have been complied with by the
Tilden electors; the laws of Congress prescribe no forms
that were not complied with by the Tilden electors, save
and except only that they could not obtain the Governor's
certificate ; and it is pretty much conceded, I think, that
the Governor's certificate is not absolutely indispensable
and might be gainsaid and contradicted even if it had
been given. . . . Between these two sets of electors, it
appears to me that we present the best legal title. That
1 Electoral Commission, pp. 82, 83. 2 Ibid., p. 118.
268 THE CASE OF FLORIDA [1877
we have the moral right is the common sentiment of all
mankind. It will be the judgment of posterity." *
0' Conor's argument was the final one in the Florida
case. On Tuesday February 6, the Commission de-
liberated in secret from 10 a.m. to 7.45 p.m. and next
day the discussion was continued until three in the
afternoon when the following order was proposed by
Miller, " That no evidence will be received or considered
by the Commission which was not submitted to the
joint convention of the two Houses by the President
of the Senate with the different certificates, except such
as relates to the eligibility of F. C. Humphreys, one of
the electors." This was determined in the affirmative
by 8:7, Bradley, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen, Garfield,
Hoar, Miller, Morton and Strong voting aye ; Abbott,
Bayard, Clifford, Field, Hunton, Payne and Thurman
no. Abbott moved, " That in the case of Florida the
Commission will receive evidence relating to the eligibil-
ity of Frederick C. Humphreys, one of the persons
named in certificate No. 1, as elector."2 This was carried
by 8 : 7, Bradley voting with the Democrats.
Thursday February 8 was devoted to the evidence
and arguments in regard to the eligibility of Humphreys
who had held the office of shipping-commissioner for
the port of Pensacola ; 3 and on the ninth, the Commis-
sion sat in secret session the whole of the day. That
the Tilden counsel did not make out their case against
Humphreys seems evident from a resolution offered by
Thurman that " Humphreys was not a United States
shipping-commissioner on the seventh day of November
1876 " [the day of the election], but after some debate
this resolution, for some reason which does not appear,
i Electoral Commission, pp. 129, 130, 131, 132, 135. 2 Ibid. , pp. 138, 139.
8 The Constitution provided that " no senator or representative or person
holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed
an elector."
Ch. XLIV.] FLOEIDA ADJUDGED TO HAYES 269
was withdrawn. Finally on the motion of Garfield it
was decided by 8 : 7 that the four electors named in the
certificate signed by the Governor were duly appointed
and that their votes should be counted for Hayes. All
the Republicans including Bradley voted aye, all the
Democrats no. The Commission had been in secret
session from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m. with two intermissions of
an hour and a half; they had adjudged the vote of
Florida to Hayes and practically decided the presidency.
The ground of their decision was : " That it is not
competent under the Constitution and the law, as
it existed at the date of the passage of said act,
to go into evidence aliunde on the papers opened by
the President of the Senate in the presence of the two
Houses to prove that other persons than those regularly
certified to by the governor of the State of Florida, in
and according to the determination and declaration of
their appointment by the Board of State Canvassers of
said State prior to the time required for the performance
of their duties, had been appointed electors, or by
counter-proof to show that they had not, and that all
proceedings of the courts or acts of the Legislature, or
of the executive of Florida, subsequent to the casting of
the votes of the electors on the prescribed day are in-
admissible for any such purpose." 1
Nothing could be more interesting than the discussions
during these long secret sessions of which no steno-
graphic report was made, and no journal printed, except
the bare record of the decisions. Payne kept a diary
of these proceedings but it was never published and
was undoubtedly destroyed by him before his death.2
1 Electoral Commission, pp. 194-197.
2 I applied to Mr. Payne directly and indirectly a number of times for the
use of this diary when I should come to this period of my history. I always
met with a courteous refusal. He told me that he had promised Senator
Edmunds never to publish it without the senator's consent. To a common
friend he intimated that the diary should die with himself.
270 THURMAN'S OPINION [1877
The only authentic account of the arguments is in that
volume the title of which I have abbreviated to " Elec-
toral Commission." 1 These opinions, many of which
were not reduced to writing until some while after
having been given during the secret sessions, are of high
value in the study of the case.
Thurman said : " Now, upon the county returns it is
not denied, and, indeed, appears by evidence already be-
fore us, and not controverted, that the Tilden electors
received a majority of the votes of the people of Florida ;
and it also appears that it was only by throwing out
the votes of counties or precincts that an apparent
majority was shown for the Hayes electors. Had the
canvassing board of Florida any authority to throw out
these votes ? The highest judicial tribunal of that
State, interpreting the statute creating that board and
defining its powers, has decided that the canvassing board,
in throwing out the votes for the Tilden electors and
thereby giving an apparent majority to the Hayes elec-
tors, acted without jurisdiction, and their act was,
therefore, absolutely null and void. ... It is said that
if we go behind the decision of the canvassing board we
must go to the bottom, and may thus be led to investigate
the doings of hundreds of thousands of election officers
in the United States and the qualification of millions of
voters. I reply, non constat. It is not sound logic to say,
that because we cannot investigate everything we shall in-
vestigate nothing, that because we cannot correct all errors
and frauds we shall correct none. The law never requires
impossibilities, but it does require what is possible." 2
Justice Miller said : " The Legislature of Florida has
vested in her board of canvassers the authority to deter-
1 Count of Electoral Votes. Proceedings of Congress and Electoral Com-
mission, 1877, p. 817. The same material is printed in Cong. Becord, vol. v.
part iv. 44th Cong. 2d Sess., " Electoral Commission."
2 Electoral Commission, pp. 834, 835.
Ch. XLIV.] MILLER'S OPINION 271
mine who are elected electors. It has conferred no power
on any tribunal to revise that decision. The board in this
respect represents the State. Its judgment is her judg-
ment and its official certificate is her authorized expression
of what she has done in the matter, and it is conclusive.
... If an elector, or a body of electors, present with
the vote which they cast for President and Vice-President
the evidence which the State has prescribed of their
appointment, the inquiry of the two Houses is answered.
They have been legally and officially informed who are
entitled to vote as electors for that State. There exists
neither in the nature of the duty they are to perform
nor in any language of the Constitution the right to in-
quire into the validity of that appointment, the means
by which it was brought about, the fairness of the elec-
tion by which it was determined, or the misconduct of
the tribunal which the State had created to determine
the result. Much has been said of the danger of the
device of returning boards, and it may be they have
exercised their power in a manner not always worthy
of commendation. But I take the liberty of saying
that such a power lodged in one or in both Houses of
Congress would be a far more permanent menace to the
liberty of the people, to the legitimate result of the pop-
ular vote, than any device for counting these votes which
has as yet been adopted by the States.
"Neither at the time of the adoption of the Constitution,
nor at any time since, would the people of the States
have placed in the hands of Congress the power to con-
stitute itself a returning board as to the votes for
presidential electors, and then upon the vote cast by
those whom they declare to be electors, decide who is to be
President and Vice-President of the United States ; but
that is precisely the power claimed for the two Houses of
Congress and for this Commission representing them." 1
1 Electoral Commission, pp. 1013, 1014.
272 BKADLEY'S OPINION [1877
When the Commission went into the first secret ses-
sion the vote of every member could be divined except
that of the fifteenth man. Anxiety as to Bradley's
position reached the highest possible pitch until he
gave his opinion. He has himself told how hard he
strove to fill his position of arbiter. " The question
was one of grave importance," he wrote, "and to me
of much difficulty and embarrassment. I earnestly
endeavored to come to a right decision, free from all
political or other extraneous considerations. In my
private examination of the principal question (about
going behind the returns) I wrote and re-wrote the
arguments and considerations on both sides as they
occurred to me, sometimes being inclined to one view
of the subject, and sometimes to the other. But finally
I threw aside these lucubrations and . . . wrote out
the short opinion which I read in the Florida case
during the sitting of the Commission. This opinion
expresses the honest conclusion to which I had arrived,
and which, after a full consideration of the whole
matter, seemed to me the only satisfactory solution of
the question." 1
" The practice of the government," said Bradley in
secret session, " as well as the true construction of the
Constitution, has settled that the powers of the Presi-
dent of the Senate are merely ministerial, conferred
upon him as a matter of convenience. ... If any
examination at all is to be gone into, or any judgment
is to be exercised in relation to the votes received, it
must be performed and exercised by the two Houses.
Then arises the question, how far can the two Houses
go in questioning the votes received, without trenching
upon the power reserved to the States themselves ? The
extreme reticence of the Constitution on the subject
1 Letter to the Newark Daily Advertiser, Sept. 2, 1877. Joseph P. Bradley,
Miscellaneous Writings, p. 221.
Ch. XLIV.] BRADLEY'S OPINION 273
leaves wide room for inference. Each State has a just
right to have the entire and exclusive control of its
own vote for the Chief Magistrate and head of the
republic, without any interference on the part of any-
other State, acting either separately or in Congress
with others. If there is any State right of which it
is and should be more jealous than of any other it is
this. And such seems to have been the spirit mani-
fested by the framers of the Constitution. ... It
seems to me to be clear, therefore, that Congress cannot
institute a scrutiny into the appointment of electors by
a State. It would be taking it out of the hands of
the State, to which it properly belongs. This never
could have been contemplated by the people of the
States when they agreed to the Constitution. It would
be going one step further back than that instrument
allows. While the two Houses of Congress are author-
ized to canvass the electoral votes, no authority is
given to them to canvass the election of the electors
themselves. To revise the canvass of that election,
as made by the State authorities, on the suggestion
of fraud, or for any other cause, would be tantamount
to a recanvass. ... It seems to me that the two
Houses of Congress, in proceeding with the count, are
bound to recognize the determination of the State
board of canvassers as the act of the State, and as
the most authentic evidence of the appointment made
by the State ; and that while they may go behind the
Governor's certificate, if necessary, they can only do
so for the purpose of ascertaining whether he has truly
certified the results to which the board arrived. They
cannot sit as a court of appeals on the action of that
board." 1
On February 10, the two Houses met to hear the
report of the Electoral Commission, after which the
i Electoral Commission, pp. 1020, 1021, 1023.
VII. — 18
274 LOUISIANA FOR HAYES [1877
Senate retired to its chamber and ratified the decision
of the Commission in regard to Florida. On Monday
February 12, the House voted the reverse. The Joint
Meeting was resumed and Ferry, the Presiding Officer,
stated that the two Houses not concurring in ordering
otherwise, the decision of the Commission would stand
unreversed and in accordance therewith the Count would
proceed. He directed the tellers to announce the vote ;
and Senator Allison declared that the four votes of
Florida were given to Hayes and Wheeler. The Count
proceeded without interruption until Louisiana was
reached and, as more than one certificate had been re-
ceived from that State, her case in due form was sent to
the Electoral Commission. The case was argued at
length on both sides 1 but the decision was foreshadowed
by that in regard to Florida. For while morally the
Democratic case was stronger in Louisiana than in
Florida it seemed no better from a technically legal
point of view. On Friday February 16, the Commission
came to a vote. Before the main question was put
Abbott offered a number of substitutes, Hunton, Bayard
and Field each another, possibly in the hope of gaining
Bradley's adhesion to some one of the differing propo-
sitions, the adoption of any of which would have
admitted evidence, resulting probably in the adjudg-
ment of Louisiana's vote to Tilden. It was in vain :
they were all voted down by 8:7, Bradley siding
with his brother Republicans. Hoar's motion (the
main question) " That the evidence offered be not
received " was determined in the affirmative by 8:7.
Thurman's proposition to throw out the votes of Louisiana
was similarly rejected ; and by the now familiar vote
1 The counsel on the Tilden side were John A. Camphell of Louisiana,
Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, Matt. H. Carpenter of Wisconsin, Richard
T. Merrick of Washington, George Hoadley of Ohio, Ashbel Green of New
Jersey. The Hayes counsel were the same as in the Florida case, Evarts,
Stoughton, Matthews and Shellabarger.
Ch. XLIV.] DECISION IN LOUISIANA 275
of 8 Republicans to 7 Democrats, the eight electoral
votes of Louisiana were adjudged to Hayes.1
1 Electoral Commission, pp. 416-421. The "brief grounds of the de-
cision" were: "the Commission has by a majority of votes decided, and
does hereby decide, that it is not competent under the Constitution and the
law as it existed at the date of the passage of said act to go into evidence
aliunde the papers opened by the President of the Senate in the presence
of the two Houses to prove that other persons than those regularly certi-
fied to by the governor of the State of Louisiana, on and according to the
determination and declaration of their appointment by the returning officers
for elections in the said State prior to the time required for the perform-
ance of their duties, had been appointed electors, or by counter-proof to
show that they had not ; or that the determination of the said returning
officers was not in accordance with the truth and the fact the Commission
by a majority of votes being of opinion that it is not within the jurisdiction
of the two Houses of Congress assembled to count the votes for President and
Vice-President to enter upon a trial of such question.
The Commission by a majority of votes is also of opinion that it is not
competent to prove that any of said persons so appointed electors as aforesaid
held an office of trust or profit under the United States at the time when they
were appointed, or that they were ineligible under the laws of the State or any
other matter offered to be proved aliunde the said certificates and papers.
The Commission is also of opinion by a majority of votes that the return-
ing officers of election who canvassed the votes at the election for electors in
Louisiana were a legally constituted body, by virtue of a constitutional law,
and that a vacancy in said body did not vitiate its proceedings."
Bradley said in secret session : " If it be true, as alleged, that members of
only one political party remained on it, it may have been an impropriety in
proceeding without filling the vacancy, and the motives of the members may
have been bad motives, corrupt, fraudulent, what not ; but with improprieties
and with the motives of the members we have nothing to do. We are not the
judges of their motives. The question with which we have to do is a question
of power, of legal authority in four members to act. And of this I have no
doubt. ... I cannot bring my mind to believe that fraud and misconduct
on the part of the State authorities, constituted for the very purpose of de-
claring the final will of the State, is a subject over which the two Houses of
Congress have jurisdiction to institute an examination. The question is not
whether frauds ought to be tolerated, or whether they ought not to be circum-
vented ; but whether the Houses of Congress, in exercising their power of
counting the electoral votes, are intrusted by the Constitution with the
authority to investigate them. If in any case it should clearly and manifestly
appear, in an unmistakable manner, that a direct fraud had been committed
by a returning board in returning the electors they did, and if it did not re-
quire an investigation on the part of the two Houses to ascertain by the
taking of evidence the truth of the case, I have no doubt that the Houses
might rightfully reject the vote — as not being the vote of the State. But
where no such manifest fraud appears, and fraud is only charged, how are the
276 LOUISIANA COUNTED FOR HAYES [1877
Similar procedure to that of Florida followed in
regard to Louisiana. The Senate voted to sustain the
decision of the Electoral Commission, the House the
contrary. It is an indication how much stronger in
the forum of public opinion Tilden's case was in Louisi-
ana than in Florida that Conkling, who had voted with
his political brethren in the first, was now absent when
the Louisiana vote was taken and that Henry L. Pierce
and Professor Seelye, Republican representatives from
Massachusetts, protested against counting the electoral
votes of Louisiana for Hayes, although they had sus-
tained the decision of the Commission in regard to
Florida. The Count proceeded. Frivolous objections
were made by the Democrats to votes from Michigan
and Nevada which were overruled and in due course
Oregon was reached ; her case was sent to the Commis-
sion and argued.1 On February 23, at the home of
Thurman, who was too ill to go to the Capitol, the
fifteen voted unanimously that Cronin's vote should not
be counted for Tilden and by 8 : 7 that the vote of
Watts should be counted for Hayes, thus giving Ore-
gon's three votes to Hayes.2 Objected to by the House
two Houses to enter upon a career of investigation ? If the field of inquiry,
were once opened where is its boundary ? Evidently no such proceeding was
in the mind of the framers of the Constitution. The short and explicit direc-
tions there given, that the votes should be first produced before the Houses
when met for that purpose, and that 'the votes shall then be counted,' is at
variance with any such idea. . . . The jurisdiction of the whole matter
belongs exclusively to the States. Let them take care to protect themselves
from the perpetration of frauds. They need no guardians. They are able,
and better able than Congress, to create every kind of political machinery
which human prudence can contrive, for circumventing fraud, and preserving
their true voice and vote in the presidential election.
"In my judgment, the evidence proposed cannot be received." Electoral
Commission, pp. 422, 1029, 1031, 1032.
1 The Tilden counsel were, Merrick, Hoadley, Green and A. P. Morse. The
Hayes counsel, the same as in Florida and Louisiana, Evarts, Stoughton,
Matthews, Shellabarger.
2 Bradley showed the consistency of the action of the Commission in the
cases of Florida and Louisiana on one side and in that of Oregon on the other.
Electoral Commission, p. 1037.
Ch. XLIV.] DEMOCRATS ANGRY 277
but ratified by the Senate the decision of the Commis-
sion was sustained. The Count went on. Objections
without weight were made by the Democrats to votes
from Pennsylvania and Rhode Island which were over-
ruled. South Carolina was reached and sent to the
Commission, which, on February 27, decided unani-
mously that the Tilden electors were not the lawful
ones and by 8 : 7 that the seven votes of South Carolina
should be counted for Hayes. The two Houses, of Con-
gress not concurring to overthrow this decision, it stood,
and the votes in accordance therewith were declared.
Tennessee and Texas were then counted for Tilden.
The Democrats were grievously disappointed at the
decision of the Commission in the case of Florida and,
after Louisiana had been counted for Hayes, they were
sore and angry. They felt that they were being cheated
out of the fairly won presidency ; but the Democratic
senators and two-thirds of the Democratic members of
the House made it evident that they would abide loyally
by the award. Of potent influence among these were
the Southern representatives. After the Florida deci-
sion, Benjamin H. Hill, convinced that the Republicans
would win, consulted with a number of ex-Confederates,
all members of the House, with the result that forty-two
of them " solemnly pledged themselves to each other
upon their sacred honor to oppose all attempts to frus-
trate the counting of the votes for President " as they
" did not propose to permit a second civil war if their
votes could prevent it."1 There were however about
sixty recalcitrant representatives, mostly from the North
and West, who, with no well-defined programme and
with little reason, attempted to delay the proceedings ;
and had an irresolute speaker held the gavel, they might
have caused trouble. But Samuel J. Randall was a man
of force, and having at his back two-thirds of the Demo-
1 Hill's statement, New York Times, June 10, 1878. See also Hill's
remarks in House Democratic caucus Feb. 12, Life, p. 75.
278 FINAL RESULT [1877
cratic representatives and the moral influence of the
Democratic senators, determined that there should be
no serious obstruction to the operation of the law and
the progress of the Count. On February 24, he made a
ruling embodying this determination, and he held the
House well in hand until March 1, when it assembled to
consider the objection to the vote of one elector from
Vermont. The House met at ten in the morning and
dilatory motions almost immediately began. Much ex-
cited talk and some turbulence ensued but, under the
skilful and resolute guidance of the Speaker, the two
hours' debate under the law was had, when the sixty
filibusters renewed their attempts, an Ohio member
declaring, "When fraud is law filibustering is patriot-
ism." At last however the vote on Vermont was
taken. At 10.35 p.m. the Senate entered the Repre-
sentatives Hall, Ferry took the chair and the five votes
of Vermont were counted for Hayes. Virginia and
West Virginia were then counted for Tilden, when Wis-
consin, the last State on the list, was reached. Objec-
tion was made to the eligibility of one elector and at
11.25 p.m. the Senate retired to its chamber. There were
more attempts at filibustering and considerable excite-
ment in the House before and after the two hours' debate,
but the representatives came to a vote so that the Joint
Meeting could be resumed. This was at five minutes
before four in the morning. Wisconsin was counted
for Hayes when Ferry said : " This concludes the count
of the thirty-eight States of the Union. The tellers will
now ascertain and deliver the result to the President of
the Senate." Allison (one of the tellers) stated the
result in detail. Ferry then said : " In announcing the
final result of the electoral vote the Chair trusts that all
present, whether on the floor or in the galleries, will
refrain from all demonstrations whatever ; that nothing
shall transpire on this occasion to mar the dignity and
moderation which have characterized these proceedings
Ch. XLIV.] HAYES DECLARED ELECTED 279
in the main, so reputable to the American people and
worthy of the respect of the world." He announced the
vote as 185 for Hayes and 184 for Tilden and declared
Hayes elected President for four years commencing on
the 4th of March 1877.1 He continued, " The count of
the electoral vote being completed, and the result de-
clared, the joint meeting of the two Houses is dissolved."
The Senate left the Representatives Hall at ten minutes
past four on Friday morning, March 2, 1877.2
The 4th of March falling on Sunday Hayes took
the oath of office from Chief Justice Waite on that day8
and on the following Monday was formally inaugurated.4
1 A similar announcement and declaration was made in regard to Wheeler.
2 Cong. Record, p. 2068.
* The New York Tribune and Boston Advertiser say that Hayes took the
oath on Saturday evening, March 3, at the White House. Waite adminis-
tered it and Grant and Fish were witnesses.
* My authorities for this account of the disputed presidency are docu-
ments of 44th Cong. 2d Sess., Nos. 2, 34, 42. Reports Nos. 100, 143, 156,
561, 598, 678. Report No. 457, 42d Cong. 3d Sess. ; Report No. 261, 43d
Cong. 2d Sess. ; House Mis. Doc, 45th Cong. 3d Sess. Testimony relating to
Florida, Louisiana and the Cipher Telegrams ; Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol.
ii. ; John Sherman's Recollections, vol. i. ; A Grave Crisis in American His-
tory, Milton H. Northrup, Century Magazine, Oct. 1901 ; S. S. Cox, Three
Decades of Federal Legislation ; Manton Marble, Secret Chapter of Political
History; Cong. Record; Count of Electoral Votes, Proceedings of Con-
gress and Electoral Commission, 1877, referred to as Electoral Commis-
sion; Conversation with H. B. Payne and Charles Foster, soon after
Hayes's inauguration ; with H. B. Payne, April 20, 1889, Jan. 3, 1894 ; The
Nation, 1876, 1877 ; New York Times, Herald, World, Tribune, Chicago
Tribune ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopsedia, 1876, 1877 ; Life of Bowles, Mer-
riam, vol. ii. ; Autobiography of G. F. Hoar, vol. i. ; J. S. Black, Essays and
Speeches, The Great Fraud, p. 312 ; Letter to Stoughton, p. 340 ; E. W.
Stoughton, " The Electoral Conspiracy Bubble Exploded," North American
Review, Sept.-Oct. 1877 ; Josiah G. Abbott, Draft of the Address pre-
pared for the Minority of the Electoral Commission ; James Monroe, The
Hayes-Tilden Electoral Commission, Atlantic Monthly, Oct. 1893 ; Stanwood,
History of the Presidency ; Blaine, vol. ii. ; Life of Morton, Foulke, vol. ii. ;
Life of Bayard, Spencer ; Life of B. H. Hill, Hill ; Life of Lamar, Mayes ;
Bradley, Miscellaneous Writings ; Life of Conkling, Conkling ; Gibson, A
Political Crime ; John Bigelow, The Supreme Court and the Electoral Com-
mission, pamphlet ; Life of Nast, Paine ; Poore, Reminiscences, vol. ii. ;
Julian's Later Speeches ; McCulloch, Men and Measures ; Recollections of
George W. Childs ; Garfield's Works, vol. ii. ; Allen's Chamberlain.
280 EVARTS'S ADROITNESS [1877
"We had a first-rate case, but we lost it by imper-
fect pleadings," said Alexander H. Stephens.1 The
implication that the management of the Republican
case was better than that of the Democratic is undoubt-
edly justified if the two be regarded in their entirety.
Evarts had charge of Hayes's cause and showed himself
both diligent and adroit. He was always present at
the sessions of the Commission, presumably listening
intently, ready to see any weak point in an adversary's
plea. He made arguments in the cases of Florida,
Louisiana and Oregon and there is a symmetry and con-
sistency in his pleas for which we look in vain on the
Democratic side. With a good deal of force he charged
his opponents with changing their legal position in the
different cases,2 but Evarts himself, with an eye always
to the fifteenth man, laid down principles which hang
together. While he was in the case from the beginning
to the end, O'Conor argued Florida and then vanished.
Black was in the Florida case and did not again appear
until he attempted to browbeat the Court when South
Carolina was being considered, indulging also in an
impassioned appeal to the Democratic voters of the
country. Trumbull, Carpenter and Campbell argued
the Tilden case in Louisiana and then disappeared,3 but
the inexorable logic of Evarts ran through Florida,
Louisiana and Oregon ; he relied on close legal argu-
ments whilst his Democratic opponents frequently spoke
as from the stump.
This consideration however loses much of its weight
when it is remembered that Tilden lost the presidency
by the decision in the Florida case, which was as well
argued on the Democratic as on the Republican side.
A contemporary opinion, before the decision was ren-
dered, is of value as tending to confirm the impression
1 Johnston and Browne, p. 537. a Electoral Commission, p. 610.
8 Merrick it is true argued Florida and Oregon and filed a brief in Louisiana.
Ch. XLIV.] O'CONOR AND EVARTS 281
which one now derives from a careful reading of the
two great pleas. "To-day," wrote on February 5 the
Washington correspondent of The Nation, " O'Conor and
Evarts finished the argument on the question of juris-
diction and evidence, in speeches which will be long
remembered by all who heard them. . . . When
O'Conor rose to reply there was, I think, a general
feeling among the lawyers who were present that the
case on the Republican side had been, all things con-
sidered, well put, and that what was now needed was
not new argument so much as a careful weighing of the
arguments as they actually stood to determine which
side had the best of it. O'Conor not only undertook to
do this, but to do it in a way which could leave no
vestige of doubt in anybody's mind as to the probable
decision of the case. It was a classical argument, one
that would bear comparison with any that we are
accustomed to refer to as models, and one that, at any
rate for the moment, carried conviction with it. The
positions of the Republican lawyers were first carefully
stated, and then confuted ; their arguments put into
the simplest and most vigorous English ; and instead of
time being wasted on every detail of the case, only those
positions which were real strategic points were attacked.
. . . His whole argument was a masterpiece. Of
what the decision will be it is, of course, impossible to
form any opinion, but it is equally impossible to dispute
the fact that on the opening argument of the last few
days the Democrats have had altogether the best of it." *
Of all those connected with the great lawsuit Bradley
occupied the most responsible and unenviable position ;
and owing to the "deep-seated feeling of injury"
and " keen sense of wrong " 2 on the part of the Demo-
crats has not escaped calumny. One charge was that
"after preparing a written opinion in favor of the
1 Feb. 8, p. 84. 2 Hewitt.
282 BRADLEY'S DEFENCE [1877
Tilden electors in the Florida case" he changed his
views " during the night preceding the vote in conse-
quence of pressure brought to bear upon him by Re-
publican politicians and Pacific Railroad men, whose
carriages it was said surrounded his house during the
evening." " The whole thing is a falsehood," wrote
Bradley on September 2, 1877. "Not a single visitor
called at my house that evening." x Another story was
that when Bradley was wavering, Miller with partisan
argument and overbearing disposition brought him to
his [Miller's] own view by urging that he was the
trustee for four million Republican voters and must prove
worthy of the trust. " During the whole sitting of the
Commission," wrote Bradley," I had no private discussion
whatever on the subjects at issue with any person inter-
ested on the Republican side, and but very few words
with any person. Indeed, I sedulously sought to avoid
all discussion outside the Commission itself. The
allegation that I read an opinion to Judges Clifford and
Field is entirely untrue. I read no opinion to either of
them, and have no recollection of expressing any. If I
did, it could only have been suggestively, or in an
hypothetical manner, and not intended as a committal
of my final judgment or action." 2 Beyond question,
every word which Bradley has written concerning this
matter may be implicitly believed.
If the Electoral Commission had decided to go behind
the returns, the votes of Florida or Louisiana or of both
would inevitably have been either counted for Tilden or
altogether rejected : any one of these results would have
made Tilden President. That such a decision would
have better satisfied the country both at the time and
afterwards is beyond doubt. The argument of " over-
whelming inconvenience" so potently urged by the
1 J. P. Bradley, Miscellaneous Writings, p. 220.
2 Sept. 2, 1877, J. P. Bradley, Miscellaneous Writings, p. 221.
Ch. XLIV.] DECISION DISCUSSED 283
Republican lawyers may be at once dismissed. Though
the law's delay is a familiar fact in American life, it is
none the less true that lawyers and judges can make
haste if the demand is imperative; and ways might have
been found to admit sufficient evidence for an award to
have been arrived at before the 4th of March.
The decision of the Commission was peculiarly aggra-
vating to the Democrats. The Board of State Canvassers
of Florida and the Returning-Board of Louisiana- could
go behind the returns to correct fraud, irregularities and
intimidation of negroes, but when such action had served
to establish the competency of the Hayes electors, the
principle, on which it was based, was repudiated and
the contradictory principle laid down : that returns reg-
ular in form must be counted. The unreasonableness of
altering the doctrine to suit the differing cases stood out,
as it was found that the argument of intimidation of
negro voters had been worn threadbare and could not
prevail in the popular mind against the patent fact of
throwing out thousands of Democratic votes in Lou-
isiana.
But, though in the case under consideration, greater
justice would have been done by correcting the fraud in
Louisiana, the decision of the Electoral Commission was
better law than the opinion of the seven; and, at any
period of our history, except that of the carpet -bag-negro
regime from 1867 to 1877, the application of the principle,
on which it was based, would have given practical jus-
tice. The decision was more in accordance with both
the letter and the spirit of the Constitution and with
common sense American ideas. On the principles which
actuated it the Count was conducted from 1789 to 1865
and has been since 1877, and, in accordance with them,
the Electoral Count Act of February 3, 1887 was framed.
It will be seen that I cannot join in the Democratic
outcry against the singular partisanship of the 8. To
me the partisanship of the 7 is equally obvious. The
284 DECISION DISCUSSED [1877
Democrats had the chance of making out their Repub-
lican brethren thoroughgoing partisans in comparison
with themselves, by voting with them to give Oregon
and South Carolina to Hayes, as they had voted on the
collateral questions in these two cases. In the Electoral
Commission it was partisan bias that determined in
each case (with the possible exception of Bradley's) the
direction of legal thought and the unvarying alignment
of votes. This is the reason why the 8 : 7 has become a
formula of derision to the losers of the great lawsuit,
and not merely because of the majority of one : for, by
this slender majority, have been made many of the most
important decisions of the United States Supreme Court
when political partisanship has exercised little or no
influence. Such a division imports a close question, as
assuredly was, even in law, the disputed presidency.
The suggestion that Hayes should have refused the
presidency in March 1877 seems to me idle. I believe
that he ought to have stopped the action in his favour
of the Louisiana Returning-Board, but after swallowing
this much, he stood as the avowed representative of his
party ; and the party having joined with their opponents
in submitting the dispute to a fair arbitration and having
finally won their cause, he had no choice but to take
the place. Though his moral title to the presidency
was always questioned, his legal title was perfect.
The seriousness of this crisis of three long months
can hardly be over-estimated ; and that the issue failed
to satisfy the rigorous demands of justice is a consider-
ation whose great weight becomes little when opposed
to the true significance of the actual achievement. When
no settlement seemed possible, a settlement was never-
theless effected ; and effected peaceably and according to
due process of law under conditions, which, in nearly
every other country, must inevitably have led to civil
war. A careful legislative act devised by seven Demo-
crats and six Republicans and adopted by Congress
Ch. XLIV.] SOUTH CAROLINA 285
instituted a great lawsuit that was tried under the
forms of law in the United States Supreme Court room
by fifteen jurists. The decision, though deemed a gross
injustice by more than half of the country, was sub-
mitted to without a suggestion of forcible resistance
worth considering. The Democratic party in Congress
and out of it and especially its Southern wing and
Randall, the Speaker of the House, won for themselves the
respect and admiration of the country and of the world.
I have already given an account of the restoration of
home rule to all the late Confederate States except
Florida, South Carolina and Louisiana. On a mandamus
issuing from the Supreme Court of Florida, Stearns,
Republican, who was counted in as Governor by the
Board of State Canvassers, was ousted and Drew, Demo-
crat, was admitted ; and the legislature organized with
a Democratic majority. On January 2, 1877, Drew was
inaugurated : this may be fixed as the date on which
intelligence and property regained control in Florida.
When Hayes was inaugurated as President, he found
two State governments in South Carolina, each claiming
rightful authority, one under Chamberlain as Governor,
the other under Wade Hampton. On the face of the
election returns the Hayes electors had a majority ; but,
to secure a majority for Chamberlain, the Republican
Board of State Canvassers were forced to throw out
the votes of Edgefield and Laurens counties. To settle
the dispute on the principles on which Hayes was in-
ducted into office presented, in view of the undisputed
facts, no serious difficulty.
In his letter of acceptance and inaugural address,
Hayes had spoken of Southern affairs in a liberal tone ;
but the inevitable generalities of such manifestos did
not indicate what his action would be when confronted
at the outset of his administration with this problem
which admitted of no delay in its solution. The ques-
286 WAS THERE A BARGAIN? [1877
tion was, Would he withdraw the United States troops
from South Carolina and Louisiana, without which the
negro-carpet-bag governments could not be sustained ?
Before the Count of the electoral votes was completed,
Stanley Matthews and Charles Foster of Ohio, personal
as well as political friends of Hayes, put into writing
the essence of a conversation with Senator John B.
Gordon of Georgia and Representative J. Young Brown
of Kentucky, which was properly interpreted as an
assurance that Hayes would not continue the policy of
military intervention in the South.1 This was without
the assent of Hayes but it was a statement of what his
action was certain to be. Indeed it was the final admis-
sion of the Republican party that their policy of forcing
negro suffrage upon the South was a failure. Grant,
himself, would have taken action appropriate to this
change of policy, had he continued in the White House.2
As Judge Black said on February 27 in his plea in the
case of South Carolina : The Republicans " offer us
everything now. They denounce negro supremacy and
carpet-bag thieves. Their pet policy for the South is to
be abandoned." 8
It is frequently asserted that without this tacit bar-
gain between the friends of Hayes and the representatives
of the South the electoral Count would not have been
peaceably concluded. I do not so read the story of the
time. After Louisiana was counted for Hayes on Feb-
ruary 20, the Count was sure to proceed to the end.
Democratic recalcitrants might have absented themselves
from the final Joint Meeting but the Senate and a quo-
rum of the House would certainly have attended the
declaration that Hayes was elected President.
1 The date of this letter was Feb. 27. House Mis. Doc, 45th Cong. 2d Sess.,
No. 31, part ii. p. 624 ; Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1877, p. 459.
2 See letter of his Secretary to Packard March 1, and letter of Burke et al.
to Nicholls, Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1877, p. 467.
8 Electoral Commission, p. 698.
Ch. XLIV.] TROOPS WITHDRAWN 287
This explanation was necessary before continuing the
story of South Carolina. On March 23, Hayes sum-
moned Chamberlain and Hampton to Washington ; and
their arrival was followed by full and frank conferences,
the result of which was that the President, with the
unanimous approval of his cabinet,1 determined to with-
draw the United States troops from the State House at
Columbia. This was done on April 10 and, on that
day, Chamberlain withdrew from office and turned over
the records and papers of the executive office to Wade
Hampton.2 « Good government," wrote Chamberlain in
1901, " was fully secured. Economy succeeded extrava-
gance ; judicial integrity and ability succeeded profligacy
and ignorance on the bench ; all the conditions of public
welfare were restored." 3
In Louisiana there were also two contesting State
governments, the Republican under Packard, Governor,
the Democratic under Nicholls, and the decision between
the two, which the President was virtually called upon
to make, presented a grave difficulty. The same Return-
1 Hayes had a strong cabinet : Evarts of New York, Secretary of State,
Sherman of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury, George W. McCrary of Iowa,
Secretary of War, Richard W. Thompson of Indiana, Secretary of the Navy,
Carl Schurz of Missouri, Secretary of the Interior, D. M. Key of Tennessee,
Postmaster-General, Charles Devens of Massachusetts, Attorney-General.
2 Governor Chamberlain's Administration in S.C., Allen; Appletons'
Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876, 1877.
3 Atlantic Monthly, April 1901. Chamberlain also wrote: "If there is
any interest still attaching to the writer's own view, he is quite ready now to
say that he feels sure there was no permanent possibility of securing good
government in South Carolina through Republican influences. If the canvass
of 1876 had resulted in the success of the Republican party, that party could
not, for want of materials, even when aided by the Democratic minority,
have given pure or competent administration. The vast preponderance of
ignorance and incapacity in that party, aside from downright dishonesty,
made it impossible. . . . The real truth is, hard as it may be to accept it, that
the elements put in combination by the reconstruction scheme of Stevens
and Morton [sic, should be Sumner] were irretrievably bad, and could never
have resulted, except temporarily or in desperate moments, in government fit
to be endured."
288 THE CASE OF LOUISIANA [1877
ing-Board which had returned the Hayes electors had
declared the election of Packard and the Republican
legislature. " President Hayes would impeach his own
title were he to refuse Governor Packard recognition "
telegraphed United States Marshal Pitkin to Packard
from Washington.1 It was evident that this charge
would continually be flung in his face by the Democrats
and by those who afterwards called themselves stalwart
Republicans. Hayes showed great moral courage in
meeting the issue. Acting slowly and cautiously 2 with
1 March 2. Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1877, p. 457.
2 Dr. William G. Eliot a Unitarian minister wrote to President Hayes on
March 26 as follows : " I have been in New Orleans the past week. ... I
am quite well acquainted there, and mix freely with all,classes. If you attach
sufficient importance to it to inquire who I am, you can do so from Hon.
Carl Schurz or General Sherman. The result in my mind is that whatever
abstract justice may demand under a strict construction of the Fifteenth
Amendment, the recognition of Packard involves the present and continued
maintenance of his authority by the United States military strength. Upon
this point there is no division of opinion. . . . The population of the city
and State is almost unanimous in refusal to submit to the Packard control,
except at the point of the bayonet. Under Packard the government at
Washington would be the government of Louisiana, except that the details
would be administered by incompetent, timid and half-educated men. I was
yesterday in the legislature, both House and Senate, of the Republican party,
and also in the Governor's parlor ; and although I am and always have been a
Republican, and in every way on the freedom side, I must frankly confess
that I should not be willing to trust my interests to the influences and men
which there control. A large majority of the legislature is composed of
colored people, who are certainly not above the average of respectable negroes
in our cities, and the white members, if I may judge by appearance and
manners are a very second-rate sort of men. Any one individual of decided
ability and good knowledge of parliamentary rule, could easily control the
whole assembly in either House. I cannot wonder at the unwillingness of
property holders and educated people to be under the control of such bodies
of men, even if lawfully elected ; but add to this the universal conviction
here that most of them were not so elected, and the obstinacy of resistance
is only what might reasonably be expected. If the troops are withdrawn
without distinct recognition of either party, the Packard government will
be compelled quickly to give way. . . .
" Under Democratic rule it is not probable that the spirit of the Fifteenth
Amendment will be kept, and scarcely the letter of it, for some years to come.
Things will settle down to about the same level as in Mississippi and Ala-
bama ; and where the blacks are in the majority, or approximating it, they
Ch. XLIV.] TEOOPS WITHDRAWN 289
the aid of an able and fair-minded Commission which
he sent to New Orleans, he finally gave an order on
April 20 for the withdrawal of the troops from the
immediate vicinity of the State House. This was done
on April 24 and the Nicholls government, which repre-
sented the intelligence and property of the State, took
possession of the State House and thenceforward con-
trolled State affairs.1
Considering that Hayes did so much good during his
first seven weeks in office, it is with deep regret that I
mention the greatest blot on his administration. All
the members and clerks of the Louisiana Returning-
Board or some of their relations received lucrative
offices, [mostly if not entirely in the city of New Orleans
itself] mainly from the United States Treasury Depart-
ment at the head of which was John Sherman.2
will be "discouraged" from voting, with whatever degree of moral or
physical force may be requisite to secure the end. They will be entirely free
to vote the Democratic ticket, and beyond that will have freedom with pen-
alty. But gradually that will improve, as the colored people advance in
thrift and intelligence, as new social and political issues arise, and as the
educational interests of the South are better regarded. In the last element
the only sure hope for the future is found, and if an educational test or
qualification for voting could be secured by an Amendment to the Constitu-
tion, we might reasonably look for enduring peace. Such results will be
slow and not quite satisfactory, but in no other direction is the outlook
equally good. I was in New Orleans, in charge of a congregation, part of
the two winters immediately succeeding the war, and am sorry to say that
nothing has been gained since that time. Both the color line and the party
line are more marked, political and social animosity is increased." — Life of
W. G. Eliot by Charlotte C. Eliot, p. 286 et seq.
1 Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876, 1877 ; The Nation.
2 In H. R. 45th Cong. 3d Sess., No. 140, p. 48 [Potter report] is a list of
those connected with the Louisiana count " subsequently appointed to or
retained in office."
Those connected with the Returning-Board are : J. M. Wells, Surveyor ;
N. O. ; T. C. Anderson, Deputy-Collector ; N. 0. ; S. M. Kenner, Deputy
Naval Officer ; N. O. ; G. Casanave's brother, U. S. storekeeper ; N. O. ; C.
A. Vernon (secretary), Inspector, custom house ; N. 0. ; C. S. Abell (secre-
tary), Inspector, custom house ; N. O. ; Y. A. Woodward, clerk, custom
house ; N. O. ; W. H. Green, clerk, custom house ; N. 0. ; P. P. Blanchard,
clerk, custom house ; N. O. ; G. R. Davis, clerk, custom house ; N. O. ;
VII. — 19
290 END OF THE HISTORY [1906
The Hayes-Tilden campaign of 1876 was the last in
which the Southern question was paramount, the last
to be fought out on the issue of the "bloody shirt."
Since then, South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana have
always given their electoral votes to the Democratic
candidates for the presidency.1 With their resumption
of home rule, the first step in the process by which
intelligence and property gained the control of affairs
in all of the Southern States that had joined the Con-
federacy, my history fitly ends. It has covered twenty-
seven years of pregnant events : the compromise on
slavery devised by great statesmen ; its upsetting by an
ambitious Northern senator ; the formation of the Re-
publican party ; the agitation of slavery ; Southern arro-
gance and aggression; the election of Lincoln; the refusal
of the South to abide by the decision of the ballot-box ;
the Civil War; the great work of Lincoln; the abolition
of slavery ; the defeat of the South ; Reconstruction
based upon universal negro suffrage ; the oppression of
the South by the North ; the final triumph of Southern
intelligence and character over the ignorance and cor-
ruption that so long had thriven under Northern mis-
conceptions. The discussion of the main theme, signally
typified in the beginning by Webster's Seventh-of-March
speech and in the end by Hayes's order to remove the
Charles Hill, clerk, custom house ; N. O. ; George Grindley, clerk, custom
house; N. 0.; John Ray (counsel), Special agent, Treasury Department;
A. C. Wells (son of J. M.), Deputy Surveyor; N. 0.; T. A. Woolfley
(affidavit taker), U.S. Commissioner; R. M. J. Kenner (brother), clerk,
naval office. Wells was appointed by Grant in 1875 ; when his term expired
Hayes appointed his son A. C. Wells to the position [1880], and the Senate
rejected him. Executive Journal, vol. xxii. pp. 220, 296.
The official registers of Sept. 30, 1875, Sept. 30, 1877, June 30, 1879, agree
in the main with the list in the Potter report. Four of the men held office
before the electoral count ; all of them but one was appointed to his position
before Sept. 30, 1877. Only one held a presidential appointment. All were
in the New Orleans Custom House but two. Data communicated to me by
D. M. Matteson. See Life of Tilden, Bigelow, vol. ii. p. 54.
1 Written in 1906.
Ch. XLIV.] GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS 291
troops from the State Houses of South Carolina and
Louisiana, has been diversified by a consideration of
collateral topics. My subject has been varied and im-
portant, my materials superabundant and, while con-
scious of my limitations, I have endeavoured throughout
this history of the great conflict, to which I have devoted
nineteen years of my life, to maintain such standards of
research and of judgment as should elicit the utmost of
truth.
What a change between 1850 and 1877 ! A political
and social revolution had been accomplished ; and the
minds of men were attuned to the mighty change. The
United States of 1877 was a better country than
the United States of 1850. For slavery was abolished,
the doctrine of secession was dead, and Lincoln's char-
acter and fame had become a possession of the nation.
From 1877 on, is seen a growingmarvel in national history:
the reunion of hearts which gives to patriotism the same
meaning at the South as at the North. Freedom and
reunion were glorious achievements but in human affairs
blessings do not come unmixed. Other legacies of the
War and Reconstruction were an increase of govern-
mental corruption and a more pronounced tendency
towards bad administration. But there was clamour
where there was an abuse ; and the American people
remained sound at the core.
GENERAL INDEX
Abbott, J. S., Electoral Commission,
vii. 263.
Abbott, J. S. C, Napoleon, iii. 95.
Abolition, obstacles, i. 381 ; probable
effect of Cuban, 394. See also Abo-
litionism, Emancipation, Slavery.
Abolitionism, work, i. 58; and Con-
gress, 67; growth, 73; Webster on,
152; and Kossuth, 242; and
Christianity, 372; increasing popu-
larity, 495 ; and the Constitution,
ii. 57; and Republican party, 98,
436; and John Brown, 410; Corwin
on, 425 ; and disunion, 435 ; held
responsible for secession, attacked,
iii. 172, 173.
Adams, C. F., Sr., supports Hale (1852),
i. 264 ; in campaign of 1860, ii. 484 n. ;
on need of a Jackson, iii. 135 n. ;
and House compromise plan, 267 n-
269 n. ; on reasons for secession,
297, 298; on England's neutrality
proclamation, 419, 420; as minister
to England, 425, 426; on English
sentiment towards the war, 429-431,
433, 434, 457 ; and the Trent affair,
523 n. ; on the war and English
democracy, 530 n. ; on Trent affair
reaction, 534 n. ; and the Alabama,
iv. 85-88, 91 ; on English conserva-
tives and the war, 92 n. ; on Glad-
stone's Newcastle speech, 340 n. ;
instructions to, in case of offered
mediation, 342, 343; probable use
of these, 343; on England and
Emancipation Proclamation, 349 n.,
350 n., 353 n., 354, 357 n. ; on
Russell and the proclamation, 357 n.,
358 n. ; fears a rupture (Feb.-
April, 1863), 363, 366, 367, 372 n. ;
on the cotton famine, urges Ala-
bama claims, 365 ; on Alabama de-
bate, 369 ; on Roebuck's speech,
375 n. ; and the Laird rams, 377-
384; on Mason in England, 386 n.,
387 n. ; faultless course, 387 ; dis-
trusts Napoleon, 389 n. ; sale-of-arms
dispute, 391, 392 ; on scarcity of
labour (1863), v. 205 : on Sumner's
Alabama claims speech, vi. 340,
341 ; arbitrator of Alabama claims,
364 ; on the American Case, 365 ;
and revival of indirect claims, 367,
initiates rejection of them, 370,
371 ; vote on the award, 372 ; con-
duct as arbitrator, 374 ; hero of the
Arbitration, 376; and the Liberal
Republican nomination, 413; let-
ter on his candidacy, 415-417;
balloting for, in the convention, 420,
421.
Adams, C. F., Jr., on issue in 1860,
iii. 264 n. ; acknowledgments to,
iv. 83 n., v. 626 n. ; on Sumner
and Treaty of Washington, vi. 359 ;
on Louisiana affairs (1875), vii. 122,
123.
Adams, H. C, on Legal-Tender act,
iii. 567 n.
Adams, Henry, on Calhoun and Jeffer-
son, i. 380 n. ; on culture function
of America, iii. 5 n. ; on American
indolence, 17 n. ; on pecuniary
honesty, 111 n. ; on legal tender,
568, vi. 229, 264.
Adams, J. H., South Carolina com-
missioner, iii. 215, 223; and Bu-
chanan, 226, 234, 235.
Adams, John, on Webster, i. 138 n.
Adams, John Q., on Calhoun, i. 41 ;
on Channing, 64 n. ; on abolition,
in Congress, 69 ; character and diary,
71 ; and Seward, 162 ; supported
by Fillmore, 178 ; on Everett, 291 ;
on Jefferson Davis, 390 ; on slavery,
494 ; Seward on, ii. 147.
293
294
GENERAL INDEX
Agassiz, Louis, on the negro race, i.
402, vi. 37, 38; on character of
volunteers, v. 189, 190.
Agriculture, introduction of reapers,
iii. 7 to.; grain export (1846-1857),
27; frost of 1859, 56; colleges
subsidized, iv. 58. See also Cotton.
Aiken, William, character, ii. 114;
defeated for speakership, 115; ac-
knowledges election of Banks, 116;
position on Kansas, 238; on the
death of Lincoln, v. 160.
Ainsworth, F. C, on number of arbi-
trary arrests, iv. 231 to., 232 to. ; on
the burning of Columbia, v. 91 to. ;
on punishments in Sherman's army,
101 to., 104 n. ; acknowledgments to,
294 to., 329 n., 457 n. ; on mortality
of prisoners of war, 507, 508 ; work
on the Official Records, 626 n.
Akerman, A. T., Attorney-General, vi.
297, 381 to. ; foils Bullock, 297 ; and
Holden's martial law, 309.
Alabama, secedes, iii. 272, 274 to. ;
anti-secessionists, 274, 275 ; impress-
ment of shoes and leather, v. 354,
355; production of iron, 391, 392;
opposition to conscription, 432;
deserters, 443-445; Union men,
449; Peace Society, 452, 453; re-
construction convention declares se-
cession null, abolishes slavery, 536;
legislature ratifies Thirteenth Amend-
ment, 540; rejects Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6; Johnson's in-
fluence on this, 7 ; under Pope, 79 ;
white and black registration, 83 n. ;
vote on a convention, 85 n. ; dele-
gates to the convention, 88 to. ;
constitutional campaign, petition to
Congress, 95; constitution not rati-
fied, 95, 96 ; attempt to admit, 173,
174; and general readmission act,
176, 177; readmitted, 178; re-
moval of disqualifications, char-
acter of negro officials, vii. 75;
corruption in railroad aid, 75, 76 ;
failure of the Democratic governor,
76, 77 ; Republicans regain control,
debt, 78 : movement for liberation
(1874), 78, 79; white majority, 79;
Hays's letter on reign of terror, 79,
80 ; disproved, 80-83 ; congressional
investigation, 81 to., 83, 84; Grant
sends troops, carpet-baggers de-
feated, 83 ; election frauds and riots,
83, 84 ; new constitution, conditions
since regeneration, 84 : repudiation,
84 n.
Alabama, Adams calls attention to
construction, iv. 85 ; authorities re-
fuse to seize, 85-88 ; delay of the
law officers, 88, 89 ; seizure ordered,
puts to sea, not followed, 89 ; atti-
tude of English cabinet, 90-92;
influence of McClellan's defeat, 93,
94; equipped at the Azores, 94;
England's atonement, 94, 95, vi.
372 ; career, iv. 244, 365, 366 ; par-
liamentary debate on, 367-369 ;
second debate, 372; destroyed, 510;
small direct effect on the war, 511.
See also Alabama claims.
Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad,
corrupt State aid, vii. 76, 77.
Alabama claims, Adams urges, Russell
denies responsibility (1863), iv. 365;
England declines to consider, but
fears precedent, vi. 335 ; R. Johnson
as minister, 335, 336 ; Johnson-
Clarendon convention, 336, 337 ;
it would have been acceptable
earlier, but now rejected, 337 ; Sum-
ner's indirect-claims speech, 337—
339 ; outrageousness of indirect
claims, 339 ; reception of speech, 339,
340; Adams on it, 340, 341; re-
ception in England, 341 ; and Cana-
dian annexation, 341-343, 354-356 ;
caution of Fish, 343 ; unofficial in-
terview with Rose, 343, 344; Fish's
views, 344; his free hand, 349;
Grant's menace (1870), 351 ; Rose's
efforts, 356, 357 ; Sumner's hemi-
spheric flag-withdrawal memoran-
dum, 358, 359; ignored, 359;
Joint High Commission, 359, 360;
Treaty of Washington, 360 ; apology,
rules of arbitration, 361 ; treaty
ratified, 364 ; meeting of Arbitration,
personnel, 364 ; revival of indirect
claims, 364-366 ; resulting excite-
ment in England, 366, 367 ; and
politics, 367, 369 to. ; and Fenian
raids, 367, 368; attempted further
negotiation of indirect claims, 368—
370 ; Fish on them, 369 ; arbitrators
reject indirect claims, 370-372 ; vote
and award, 372, 373; open final
conference, 373; Cockburn's be-
AGASSIZ — ANDERSON
295
Alabama claims — Continued.
haviour, 373-375; his dissenting
opinion, 375 ; glory of the Arbitra-
tion, 375, 376 ; credit for it, 376.
Alaska, purchase treaty, vi. 211;
Sumner supports, Senate ratifies,
opposition, and friendship of Russia,
212; named, 213.
Albany Evening Journal. See Weed.
Albert, Prince, and Trent affair, iii.
525 ; death, 540.
Alcaldes in California, i. 113.
Alcorn, J. L., and amnesty, vi. 326 ;
as governor of Mississippi, vii. 91,
92; and Ku-Klux, 94; senator,
campaign against Ames, 95 ; Louisi-
ana investigation, 110, 111.
Alcott, Louisa M., on John Brown, ii.
409.
Alexander, E. P., Gettysburg, iv.
285, 287.
Alexandria seized, vi. 371.
Alger, R. A., acknowledgment to, iv.
539 n.
Allan, William, as a military critic, iv.
124 n. ; on Antietam, 154 n.
Allatoona Pass, in Atlanta campaign,
iv. 453 ; Hood attacks, v. 8, 9 n.
Allen, Charles, of Massachusetts, at-
tacks on Webster, i. 213-215; Peace
Convention, iii. 305 n.
Allen, J. C, of Illinois, on war-time
prosperity, v. 207.
Allen, Sarah A., and Ku-Klux, vii. 93,
94.
Allen, William, nominated for governor
of Ohio, vii. 175; career, 176;
paper-money advocacy, 176, 177;
defeated, 179.
Allison, W. B., vote on whiskey tax, v.
267 ; opposes contraction of green-
backs, vi. 224 n. ; tariff reformer,
rising statesman, 275 ; and Credit
Mobilier, vii. 15, 16; and Resump-
tion act, 70.
Alton, 111., war prison at, v. 487 n.
Altoona conference, iv. 162 n.
Amalgamation, i. 335, 336, 340-342.
Amelia Court-House, Va., failure of
supplies for Lee, v. 121 n.
Amendments, proposed thirteenth
(1861), iii. 313, 314; Stevens's, on
representation defeated, v. 594, 595.
See also Compromise, and amend-
ments by number.
American party. See Know-nothing.
Ames, Dr., Lincoln claque (1860), ii.
468.
Ames, Adelbert, as governor of Mis-
sissippi, vii. 95, 141 ; and negroes, 95,
96; request for troops refused (1875),
131, 132; arms the negroes, 132,
133 ; peace agreement, 133 ; im-
peachment threatened, resigns,
140.
Ames, Oakes, of Massachusetts, ac-
cused of Credit Mobilier bribing, vii.
1 ; interest in Credit Mobilier, 3, 4 ;
scheme of self-protection, 4-6 ; trans-
actions with congressmen, 6-10, 14,
16; expulsion recommended, cen-
sured, death, 10; guilt considered,
11, 12.
Ammen, Jacob, Shiloh, iii. 621, 622,
624.
Amnesty, President given power, iv.
61; Johnson's proclamation, v. 525;
exceptions, 525, 526 ; special par-
dons, 535; under Fourteenth
Amendment, to scalawags, vi. 201 ;
increasing liberality, 324 ; general
bill and Sumner's Civil Rights bill,
324-327; general bill passes, 327,
328 ; its provisions, 328, 329 ; num-
ber included, notable exceptions,
329 ; full amnesty, 330 ; further per-
sonal acts, 330 n. ; Liberal Republi-
cans on, 419, 424 ; attempted univer-
sal (1875), vii. 179, 180.
Ampere, J. J., on Fugitive Slave law,
i. 208 n. ; on reception to Kossuth,
236 n., 238 n. ; on Douglas, 245,
246 n. ; on Everett, 294 n. ; on Fill-
more, 297 n. ; on slavery, 326, 374 n. ;
on New Orleans, 360 n. ; on the
reaper, iii. 7 n. ; as critic of America,
66; as American self-glorification,
83.
Amusements, ante-bellum, lack of
athletic, iii. 71, 72; at resorts, 76;
music, 84-86 ; ballet, 87 ; theatre,
87-89 ; lyceum, 89-91 ; war time,
in Richmond before the evacuation,
v. 116; at the North, 190, 211, 212;
gayety in Richmond, 424, 425; at
the South, 425-427.
Anderson, Abel, and Clinton riot, vii.
130, 131.
Anderson, R. H., Antietam, iv. 149,
151.
296
GENERAL INDEX
Anderson, Robert, commands in
Charleston Harbour, asks reinforce-
ment, iii. 131, 132 ; and Buchanan's
vacillation, 181, 182; BuelPs in-
structions to, 185, 186 ; instructions
modified, 189, 190 ; removes to
Sumter, 216, 217 ; refuses to return,
218 ; raises the flag, 221 ; despatch on
removal, 224; Black justifies, 225,
232 n., 233 n. ; Northern enthusiasm
for, 235, 236 ; and Star of the West,
246, 247, 250, 251 ; refuses to retire,
248 ; advises against reinforcement,
283; on needs at Sumter (March),
325 ; Lincoln suspects, 326 ; on
disloyalty, 326 n. ; isolated, 347 ;
negotiations with Beauregard, 348,
349; bombardment, 349, 352-354;
surrenders, 354, 355 ; New York
demonstration, 372.
Anderson, T. C, Louisiana Returning
Board, character, vii. 231, 237;
returns Hayes electors, 232, 233 ;
reward, 289 n.
Andersonville. *See Prisoners of war.
Andrew, J. A., and John Brown, ii.
385, 404, 415 ; in Republican con-
vention (1860), 469; and Personal
Liberty laws, iii. 253 n. ; prepara-
tion for war, 362 ; re-elected, iv. 166,
416, 487 ; on emancipation and vol-
unteering, 166 n., 167 n. ; calls for
a new convention, 518 ; supports
Lincoln, 528 ; on war contractors,
v. 209 n. ; as war governor, 235 ;
on Butler, 312 ; on Johnson's policy,
534 ; on the ineligibility section of
the Fourteenth Amendment, 606,
607 ; post-war policy towards the
South, vi. 28, 32, 42, 43; on post-
war loyalty, 43.
Andrews, Sidney, on the reconstruc-
tion conventions, v. 538 ; on the
freedmen, 556-558 ; on North Caro-
lina Union men, vi. 44, 45.
Anglo-Saxon race, invincible, i. 93.
Annapolis, Federal troops in, iii. 373.
Annexations, California and New
Mexico, i. 92, 93 ; Gadsden purchase,
ii. 7; Alaska, vi. 211-213; Sum-
ner's caveat against policy of, 213 ;
attempted, of Danish Islands, 213,
214; desire for Canada, 341-343,
354-356. See also Cuba, San Do-
mingo, Texas.
Anthony, D. R., pressure on Ross to
convict Johnson, vi. 147.
Anthony, H. B., of Rhode Island, vote
on the whiskey tax, v. 268 ; Louisi-
ana investigation, vii. 110, 111.
Antietam campaign, Lee's plan dis-
closed to McClellan, iv. 145, 146 ;
passage of South Mountain, 146 ;
importance of Harper's Ferry affair,
146, 147, 149; division of Federal
authority, 147, 148 ; Lee takes
position, 148; McClellan lets slip
an advantage, 149, 150, 155 ; battle,
cornfield attack, 150, 151 ; Burn-
side's bridge attack, 152, 153 ; forces,
losses, 153, 154 ; Union success,
154-156 ; Lee retreats, ineffectual
pursuit, 155 ; historical significance,
157 ; effect at the North, 164.
Anti-Nebraska party (1854), ii. 60;
Douglas on result of election, 66, 67 ;
Ohio convention, 92 ; anti-slavery,
93. See also Elections (1854), Re-
publican party.
Anti-slavery, early Southern, i. 19;
Society, 59 ; in New England, 58-66.
See also Abolitionism, Slavery.
Appeal of Independent Democrats,
i. 441-444.
Appleton, Nathan, on Northern atti-
tude (Dec. I860), iii. 172 n., 173 n.
Appletons' Complete Guide criticised
at the South, i. 351.
Appomattox campaign, Grant's pur-
suit, v. 120-125; surrender of Lee,
125-129 ; compared with Nashville,
127 n. ; Grant's superior generalship,
130; rejoicing at the North, 130-
132.
Arbitrary arrests, at the North (1861),
border States, iii. 553-555 ; farther
north, 555, 556; Congress on, 556;
public sustains, 556, iv. 171, 172,
415 n. ; criticism of Seward, iii.
557 ; Lincoln and, 557, 558 ; execu-
tive order for release, 558 ; and elec-
tions of 1862, iv. 164, 167; Olds
and Wall cases, 165 ; practice,
Stanton's discharging order, 165 ;
proclamation of Sept. 24, 169 ;
Curtis 's pamphlet on it, 170, 171;
defence, 229 ; compared with Eng-
land in French war, 230-233;
numbers at the North, 230 n.-232 n. ;
unnecessary and wrong, 234, 235;
ANDERSON — ATCHISON
297
Arbitrary arrests — Continued.
specimen orders, 235 n. ; Republican
concern (1863), 235, 236; act of
Congress on, 236 ; Vallandigham
case, 245-252 ; as issue in 1864, 553 ;
at the North and South compared,
v. 470, 471 ; Southern resentment
against, 471-473 ; imagined and real
conditions, 474, 475. See also
Habeas corpus, Press.
Arctic lost, iii. 11.
Argyll, Duchess of, disbelief in Northern
success, iv. 85 n. ; on Emancipation
Proclamation, 344 n., 358 n. ; on
Laird rams, 378 n., 382 n.
Argyll, Duke of, on Seward's reckless-
ness, iii. 425 ; on issue of the war,
430; sympathy with the North,
507 ; on settlement of Trent affair,
541 ; on progress of emancipation,
636 n. ; disbelief in Northern success,
iv. 85 n., 373 n. ; and the Alabama,
90 ; and Laird rams, 382 n.
Arkansas, withdraws from the Charles-
ton convention, ii. 451 ; conserva-
tives control convention on secession,
iii. 310 ; secedes, 385 ; loyal govern-
ment, v. 47, 55 ; Johnson recognizes
loyal government, 526 ; rejects
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 6 ;
under Ord, 79 ; registration under
Reconstruction act, 83 n. ; vote on
a convention, 85 n. ; reconstruction
election, 168, 169 ; readmitted, 174,
175 ; report of outrages, 183 ;
Poland report, Republican factions,
vii. 86 ; new constitution and Demo-
cratic success, 86, 87 ; Grant desires
to interfere, 87 ; Poland's speech, 87,
88 ; House votes against interference,
gratitude of the State, 88; joins
Solid South, 88 n.
Armistead, L. A., Gettysburg, killed,
iv. 289.
Armistice, Blair's project, v. 58, 59,
68 ; Lincoln refuses to consent to,
69 ; Confederate hope for, 76.
Arms, Sharps rifles for Kansas, ii. 105,
153 ; invention of breech-loading,
iii. 6 ; Floyd's supply of the South,
238-241 ; war supply, North and
South, 409, 410, 495; purchase in
Europe, controversy, 573, iv. 391,
392; Northern development of
supply, 426 ; lack of breech-loading,
in the Union army, v. 241, 242; of
the Southern army, 392, 393;
capacity of Northern and Southern
armouries, 393.
Army, appropriation bill in 1856, ii.
201 ; size at South (1867), vi. 75 n.,
76 n. See also Confederate army,
Union army.
Army of Northern Virginia. See
Johnston (J. E.), Lee (R. E.).
Army of the Cumberland. See Rose-
crans, Thomas.
Army of the Ohio. See Buell, Burn-
side, Schofield.
Army of the Potomac, organized, iii.
490, 493; size (1861), 492, 497;
four corps, 614. See also Burnside,
Grant, Hooker, McClellan, Meade.
Army of the Tennessee. See Grant,
McPherson, Sherman (W. T.).
Army of Virginia. See Pope.
Arnold, I. N., of Illinois, slavery bill,
iii. 630.
Arnold, Mathew, on Hawthorne, iii.
93 n. ; on Emerson, 94 n. ; on the
Times, iv. 83 n.
Arnold, Samuel, conspirator, impris-
oned, v. 156.
Art, unproductiveness (1850-1860), iii.
107.
Arthur, C. A., as President, vi. 154.
Ashburton, Lord, and Webster, i. 140.
Ashburton treaty, i. 78, 139, 140.
Ashley, C. S., acknowledgment to, v.
51 n.
Ashley, J. M., of Ohio, Thirteenth
Amendment, iv. 474, v. 49 ; on
confusion over reconstruction, 51 ;
and attempt to impeach Johnson,
vi. 98.
Ashmun, George, in Whig convention
(1852), i. 253; in Republican con-
vention (1860), ii. 463.
Aspinwall, W. H., Union meeting, iii.
174 n.
Assembly, exercise of right of, at the
North and South, v. 474.
Astor, J. J., whitewashes Tweed Ring,
vi. 402.
Astor, W. B., Union meeting, iii. 174 n.
Atchison, D. R., votes on Texas
boundary, i. 181 ; protests against
admitting California, 182; Douglas
not influenced by, 431, 432; Davis
on, 432 n. ; desires slavery in Kansas,
298
GENERAL INDEX
Atchison, D. R. — Continued.
440 ; on Missouri Compromise, 468 ;
leads mob, ii. 81 ; on Kansas, 100 ;
in Kansas struggle, 101 ; in Waka-
rusa war, 105 ; advises peace, 106 ;
Stringfellow on, 106 n. ; Sumner on,
133 ; appeal to slave States, 150 ;
in raid on Kansas, 158, 159.
Atkins, Elisha, and Blaine scandal,
vii. 200.
Atkinson, Edward, on John Brown, ii.
416 n. ; on material prosperity, iii.
6n.; on distribution of wealth, 65 n. ;
on English and American physique,
73, 74; on the Legal-Tender act,
570 n. ; acknowledgment to, v.
626 n. ; and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 412 ; and the infla-
tion bill, vii. 63 n. ; on Richardson, 66.
Atlanta, captured, iv. 523, 524; build-
ings destroyed, v. 16 ; bread riot, 363 ;
iron works, 386 ; amusements, 427 ;
crime, 429. See also Atlanta cam-
paign.
Atlanta campaign, iv. 448-456, 511-
513, 523, 524; forces, 448, 449;
conditions of the contest, 449, 450 ;
Dalton, Resaca, 450; Cassville, 450,
451 ; Federal confidence, 451 ; Fed-
eral line of communication, 451,
452; Allatoona Pass, New Hope
Church, Lost Mountain, 453 ; Kene-
saw Mountain, 453-455 ; Sherman
and Thomas, 455, 456 ; public in-
difference to progress, 467, 511;
Hood supersedes Johnston, 511;
his attacks, 511-513; city captured,
523, 524.
Atlanta Weekly Intelligencers, vitupera-
tion, iii. 402 n.
Atlantic sunk, iii. 26.
Atlantic Monthly, on American phy-
sique, iii. 66; beginning, 96.
Atzerodt, G. A., conspirator, to kill
Johnston, v. 150; hanged, 156.
Augusta, Ga., lighting, v. 357.
Augusta Chronicle, on Sherman's
march, v. 21 n., 25 n. ; on scarcity
of pasteboard, 358 n.
Austria, Hulsemann letter, i. 205, 206 ;
Korzta affair, 416-419. See also
Kossuth.
Averasborough, N. C, battle, v. 106.
Averv, W. O., Whiskey Ring, vii.
186 n.
Babcock, O. E., sent to San Domingo,
character, negotiates a treaty, vi.
347 ; complicity in Whiskey Ring,
vii. 184, 185 ; Grant's testimony and
protection, 186; guilt, 186, 187;
hoodwinks Grant, 188, 189.
Backus, F. T., candidacy (1862), iv.
166 n.
Badger, G. E., Wade's reply to, i. 452,
453 ; on Chase, 462 ; amendment to
Nebraska act, 476.
Baez, Buenaventure, and sale of San
Domingo, vi. 346, 349.
Bagehot, Walter, on American business
energy, iii. 16 n. ; on impeachment
of Johnson, vi. 153-156.
Baggage, Sherman on superfluous, v.
9 n.
Bailey, Gamaliel, on Seward, ii. 46 ; for
Chase and Seward, 175 ; Greeley
and Bowles on, 175 n.
Baker, E. Dv in Whig convention
(1852), i. 253 ; oration on Broderick,
ii. 378, 379; at Ball's Bluff, death,
379, iii. 496.
Baldwin, J. B., on Union men in
Virginia (1861), iii. 386.
Balize, English settlement, i. 200;
King on, 201.
Ballet in America, iii. 86, 87.
Ball's Bluff affair, iii. 496; effect on
McClellan, 498.
Baltimore, Democratic conventions, i.
244, ii. 473-475; Whig convention,
i. 252 ; attack on Federal troops, iii.
362, 363; bridges burned, 363;
troops sent around, 364 ; occupied,
390.
Baltimore American on state-rights
and protection of Washington, iii.
380 n., 381 n.
Baltimore Daily Exchange, on Bu-
chanan's message, iii. 138 n. ; on
financial affairs (Dec. 1860), 162 n.,
163 n. ; on the riot, 363 n. ; change
of front, 390 n.
Bancroft, Frederic, acknowledgment
to, i. 208 n. ; on Southern legislation
on negroes, v. 556 n.
Bancroft, George, honours Kossuth, i.
235, 236 ; as historian, iii. 93 ; in-
difference as to secession, 371 n. ;
on Chase, 569.
Bancroft, H. H., on debt of Texas, i.
189 n.
ATKINS — BEECHER
299
Banking, general suspension of specie
payments (1857), iii. 45-47; ex-
pansion as cause of the panic, 53, 54 ;
Confederate suspension of specie
payments, 544; suspension at the
North, 561 ; clearing-house certifi-
cates (1873), vii. 44, 45. See also
Finances, National banks, Paper
money.
Banks, N. P., character, ii. 108 ; sup-
ported by Greeley, 109, 112, 113,
116; and slavery, 111; elected
speaker, 115; Sherman on, 117;
triumph, 118; desires Fremont's
nomination, 177; nominated by
North Americans, 186; as speaker,
201; speech in Wall Street, 224;
and Personal Liberty law, iii. 253;
in Shenandoah valley, iv. 11, 12;
and Jackson's campaign, 16-19, 21 ;
under Pope, 97; Cedar Mountain,
115; captures Port Hudson, 318;
opposes contraction of the currency,
vi. 224 n. ; Credit Mobilier investi-
gation, vii. 2.
Banshee, blockade-runner, v. 401.
Barksdale, Ethelbert, and peace agree-
ment in Mississippi (1875), vii. 133,
134.
Barksdale, William, and Love joy, ii.
437, 438.
Barnard, G. C, corrupt judge, iii.
65 n., vi. 440 n. ; and Tweed Ring,
394, 395, 409 ; impeached, 409.
Barnum, P. T., and Jenny Lind, iii. 84.
Barnwell, R. W., South Carolina com-
missioner, iii. 215; career and
character, 222; and Buchanan, 226,
234, 235; Confederate Provisional
Congress, 392 n.
Barrere, Nelson, defends Corwin, i.
298 n.
Barrett, Lawrence, and Sheridan in
New Orleans, vii. 125.
Barter at the South, v. 347.
Bartholow, Roberts, on cooking in
the army, v. 250; on immorality in
the army, 260.
Bartlett, W. F., and Liberal Republi-
can movement, vi. 412; plea for
reconciliation, vii. 165.
Baskets scarce at the South, v. 356.
Bates, Edward, candidacy (1860), sup-
ported by Greeley and Blair, ii.
459, 465; balloting for, 469; At-
torney-General, iii. 319 ; and relief
of Sumter, 327, 335.
Battle-flags, Sumner's resolution, vii.
99, 100; return of Southern, 100 n.
Baxter, Elisha, faction in Arkansas,
vii. 86.
Baxter, Richard, on slavery, i. 8.
Bayard, T. F., Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 322 n. ; and Treaty of Washing-
ton, 359, 364 n. ; Senate finance
committee, vii. 53 n.; and Resump-
tion act, 71 ; on Mississippi peace
agreement, 133 ; Tilden consults
(1876), 247; joint committee on
electoral count, 248, 256 ; Electoral
Commission, 263.
Bazaine, Marshal, in Mexico, vi. 206 ;
and Maximilian, 209 ; leaves Mexico,
210.
Beall, Mrs. M. S., acknowledgments
to, iii. 637 n., iv. 539 n.
Beall, J. Y., seizes the Philo Parsons,
v. 331, 332; attempts train-wreck-
ing, 332 ; hanged, 332, 333.
Beauregard, P. G. T., in command at
Charleston, iii. 321 ; and attack on
Sumter, 348-351, 354; fears Federal
attack, 377; "beauty and booty"
proclamation, 435 ; force at Manas-
sas, 443 ; Bull Run, 446-450 ; success
considered, 451, 452 ; Johnston con-
troversy, 452, 453 ; council on in-
vasion of the North, 494 ; in the
West, 619, 620; Shiloh, 620-625;
evacuates Corinth, 628; "bottles"
Butler, iv. 445 ; defends Petersburg,
489, 490 ; in command against
Sherman, v. 11 ; estimate of Georgia's
defensive force, 14 n. ; proclamation
to Georgians, 27 ; on Hood's army,
34 ; and the firing of Columbia, 91 ;
on lack of shoes, 355 ; on scarcity of
food supplies, 359 ; on the Emanci-
pation Proclamation, 459 ; amnesty,
vi. 329.
Beck, J. B., opposes Ku-Klux act, vi.
316 n. ; Ku-Klux committee, re-
port, 322, 323.
Beckman, J. W., Union meeting, iii.
174 n.
Bee Company, engaged in blockade-
running, v. 401.
Beecher, H. W., honours Kossuth, i.
236 ; denounces Kansas-Nebraska
bill, 465; political opinions, ii. 73;
300
GENERAL INDEX
Beecher, H. W. — Continued.
pledges Sharps rifles, 153 ; in cam-
paign of 1856, 220, 223; in cam-
paign of 1860, 485 ; as a lecturer,
iii. 90 ; and revival of 1858, 104, 105 ;
on secession, 139, 141 ; on removal
of Fremont, 485 n. ; opposition to
Lincoln, iv. 462 ; at Charleston, v.
139 ; on evidence of patriotic spirit,
257 ; on the negro question, 559 n. ;
on Johnson, 622 ; protest against
Tweed Ring, vi. 405.
" Beecher 's Bibles," meaning of phrase,
ii. 153.
Belknap, W. W., and Sheridan's
"banditti" telegram, vii. 120 ; cor-
ruption, 189, 190 ; impeached, 190 ;
resigns, 191 ; trial, 191 n.
Bell, John, in committee on Clay reso-
lutions, i. 172 ; Clay's reply to, 175 ;
on New Mexico, 180; against
Lecompton constitution, ii. 297 ;
nomination (1860), 454; and Breck-
inridge, 483 ; proposed withdrawal,
490 ; votes for, 500 ; votes for tariff
act (1857), iii. 44 n. ; and secession,
383, 384.
Belle Isle prison, v. 488.
Belligerency, Lincoln's theory and
England's action, iii. 417-420;
blockade as recognition, 421 n. ;
North concedes, 427-429 ; Seward
on England's recognition, iv. 392.
Bellows, H. W., on the death of
Lincoln, v. 155 n. ; and the origin of
the Sanitary Commission, 244 ;
president of the Commission, 245 ;
procures reorganization of the Medi-
cal Department, 245, 246 ; on dona-
tion of supplies and money, 254, 256.
Belmont, August, at The Hague, ii.
3; campaign contribution (1856),
231 ; on Buchanan and Republican
success, iii. 139 ; on reaction against
Republican success, 144 ; on Crit-
tenden compromise, 156 n., 157 n.,
171 ; on disunion sentiment (Dec.
1860), 207 n. ; and Personal Liberty
laws, 252; on England's neutrality
proclamation, 422 n. ; on English-
war sentiment, 432, 433 ; on war
conditions (1863), iv. 243 n, 244 n. ;
on the revival of business, v. 199.
Benedictine monks desire exemption
from the draft, v. 238.
Benjamin, J. P., and Cuba, ii. 25-27 ;
on Dred Scott decision, 293 ; seces-
sion speech, iii. 241 n. ; and Bu-
chanan (Jan. 1861), 250 n. ; Con-
federate Attorney-General, 295 ;
considered responsible for disasters
(1862), 603; and enlightenment of
Europe, iv. 356 n. ; irritation against
England, 386 ; unpopular, v. 63
speech for continued resistance, 73
and the plan to fire New York, 341
on supply of food, 360, 361; as
Secretary of State, 480 ; integrity,
480, 481 ; in England, 480 n. ; justly
debarred from amnesty, 608.
Bennett, J. G., Chase to, on desire for
Democratic nomination, vi. 163.
See also New York Herald.
Benton, J. H., acknowledgment to, v.
195 n.
Benton, Jessie, wife of Fremont, ii.
225 n. ; and Lincoln, iii. 478.
Benton, T. H., on abolitionists, i. 67;
on Texas question, 78, 85, 87 ; on
Calhoun, 94 ; not alarmed in 1850,
131 ; hears Seward, 166 ; quarrel
with Foote, 169-171 ; criticises
Southern address, 170 ; related to
Fremont, 170 n. ; votes on Texas
boundary, 181 ; for California bill,
182 ; not re-elected to the Senate,
229 ; on Cushing, 393 n. ; against
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 426 n. ; on
Douglas, 489.
Bentonville, N. C, battle, v. 107, 116 n.
Berkeley, Bishop, slave-owner, i. 6.
Bernard, Mountague, Joint High Com-
mission, vi. 360.
Berrien, J. M., in committee on Clay
resolutions, i. 172.
Bethune, Marion, congressman, vi. 302 n.
Bible Society of the Confederate
States, v. 467.
Bigelow, John, denounces Kansas-
Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; on Europe
and the blockade, iii. 548 n. ; on
McClellan's inactivity, 579 ; Mexi-
can negotiations, vi. 207, 208.
Bigler, William, on Buchanan, ii. 287 ;
on John Brown's raid and Im-
pending Crisis, 427 ; in Charles-
ton convention, 449; votes for
tariff of 1857, iii. 44 n. ; Committee
of Thirteen, 151; and Crittenden
compromise, 154.
BEECHER'S BIBLES"— BLAIR
301
Billieu, and conflict in Louisiana legis-
lature, vii. 118,
Billings, W. P., murdered, vii. 80, 81.
Bingham, J. A., member of Joint
Committee on Reconstruction, v.
545 n. ; signs the report, 602 n. ;
threatens the Supreme Court, vi.
12, 13 ; and finality of Fourteenth
Amendment, 13, 14, 15 n. ; opposes
Reconstruction bill, 16 ; amend-
•ments to the bill, 16-19; Butler
altercation, 49 ; and impeachment of
Johnson, 111, 115; impeachment
argument, 132, 138, 139 ; opposes
greenback contraction, 224 n. ; and
Georgia legislature, 290 ; and Credit
Mobilier, vii. 9, 12, 13.
Bird, Frank, and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 412.
Birkenhead. See Laird.
Birney, J. G., candidate of Liberal
party, i. 83.
Bissell, W. H., presidential timber
(1860), ii. 303.
Black, J. S., Attorney-General, ii. 247 ;
controversy with Douglas, 374 ;
urges reinforcements at Charleston,
iii. 127 ; advice on collecting the
revenue, 128 ; criticism of Buchan-
an's failure, 128, 129 ; on Buchanan's
message, 133, 134 ; on coercion
and enforcement of laws, 143 ; and
removal to Sumter, 225, 322 «..,
233 n. ; threatens to resign, Bu-
chanan yields to, 231 ; memorandum
on reply to South Carolina commis-
sioners, 231-234 ; credit for ad-
ministration's change of policy, 236 ;
career and character, 242, 243 ; and
Fort Pickens gwasi-truce, 285 n. ;
and Seward (1861), 287; fears con-
spiracy in Washington, 300 ; Re-
construction acts case, vi. 73 ; ar-
gument on Florida electoral case,
vii. 266, 267 ; on Republicans and
the South (1877), 286.
Black Death, Hecker on, i. 414 n.
Black Friday. See Gold conspiracy.
Black Hawk war, Davis in, i. 390.
Black Republicans, ii. 117, 208, 209.
See also Republican party.
Black Warrior affair, ii. 16, 17, 23, 31,
35, 42.
Blaine, J. G., on character of Stevens,
v. 544 ; on Johnson and Seward, 587,
588 n. ; on demand for negro suf-
frage, vi. 3 ; amendment to Recon-
struction bill, 16-19, 21 ; on great
parliamentarians, 34, 35 ; on Wade,
49 ; on admission of Arkansas,
175 ; favours greenback contraction,
224 n. ; on rising statesmen (1870),
275; and tariff reform (1871), 424;
on Greeley's speeches, 433 ; and
Credit Mobilier, vii. 1, 2 ; on election
of 1874, 67; opposes Force bill, 89;
seeks issue in Southern question, 179 ;
attack on Jefferson Davis, 180;
effect of this on his political pros-
pects, 181 ; Little Rock Railroad
bonds scandal, 194-206 ; on Little
Rock Railroad act, 194 ; brokerage
transaction in its stocks, 194-196 ;
reimburses stock losses of friends,
196, 197 ; suspected disposal of
stocks and bonds, 197, 198 ; denial
in the House, 198, 199 ; capacity,
character, 199 ; investigation, Mul-
ligan letters, 200 ; gets possession
of them, 200, 201 ; speech on them,
201-204; defence considered, 204-
206 ; refuses to deliver letters, ap-
pointed senator, no report on in-
vestigation, 206 ; as presidential
timber (1876), 207, 208; Ingersoll's
nominating speech, 208; why not
nominated, 210-212 ; speech on
Conkling, 212 n. ; supports Hayes,
212; "waves bloody shirt," 219;
on the disputed election, 246 ; op-
poses the Electoral Count bill, 258.
Blair, Austin, in Republican conven-
tion (I860), ii. 465, 469 n. ; and
Liberal Republican movement, vi.
413.
Blair, F. P., Sr., supports Fremont, ii.
177 ; supports Bates, 459 ; in cam-
paign of 1860, 469 n., 484 n. ; on
Lee's resignation, iii. 365 n. ; private
mission to Richmond, v. 58, 59 ;
influence on Johnson, 588 ; urges
displacement of Seward, vi. 70 n. ;
opposes McCulloch, 235 n.
Blair, F. P., Jr., in Republican con-
vention (1860), ii. 469 n. ; and fight
for Missouri, iii. 393, 394 ; and Fre-
mont in Missouri, 477—479 ; on
Fremont's incapacity, iv. 11 n. ;
speech on Chase, 476 ; restored to
the army, 477 ; on pillage in South
302
GENERAL INDEX
Blair, F. P. — Continued.
Carolina, v. 102 ; vote on the whis-
key tax, 267 ; denounces Recon-
struction acts, vi. 192 ; nominated
for Vice-President, 192, 193; Ku-
Klux committee, 322 n. ; and Gratz
Brown, 420.
Blair, Montgomery, retains Chilton,
ii. 404 ; in Republican conven-
tion (1860), 469 n. ; on importance
of Sumter, iii. 135 n. ; Postmaster-
General, 319 ; opposition to appoint-
ment, 320; and relief of Sumter,
327, 335 ; on Sumner's Worcester
speech, 475 n. ; and removal of
Fremont, 477, 478 ; and Trent affair,
523 ; and Emancipation Proclama-
tion, iv. 71 ; Early burns house of,
503 ; resignation requested, 528,
529 ; influence on Johnson, v. 588 ;
urges displacement of Seward, vi.
70 n.
Blanc, Louis, on Gladstone's New-
castle speech, iv. 340 n.
Blankets scarce at the South, v. 354.
Blenker, Louis, with Fremont, iv. 12.
Blockade, ordered, iii. 364, 395 ; and
belligerency, 421 n. ; effective, 489 ;
Cobden on, 530 n., 531 n. ; pressure
felt (1861), 544-548; effect in
Europe, 548 ; Lincoln on efficiency,
iv. 420; effect on conditions at the
South, v. 343 ; life on the blockad-
ing vessels, 398 ; efficiency and im-
portance, 398, 399. See also Block-
ade-running.
Blockade-running, stopped, v. 60 ;
amount of cotton exported by, 280,
281, 404, 409, 410 ; attracts capital,
395, 396 ; development of system,
articles imported, 396 ; type of ves-
sel, method, 397 ; chiefly British,
397, 398; excitement, 398; mostly
by steamers, 398 n. ; extent, 399-
401 ; profits, 401, 407, 408 n. ; legis-
lative encouragement, 401, 402 ; of
Northern manufactures, 402 ; com-
plaints against, at the South, 402-
405 ; interest in, of the Confederate
government, 403, 404; government
monopoly suggested, 403, 404 ; Davis
on, 405 ; importation of luxuries
forbidden, 406 ; government regu-
lation and participation, 406, 407 ;
interest of States, evasion of regu-
lations, 407 ; success of regulations,
407, 408 ; government vessels for,
408, 409.
"Bloody-shirt," first use, vii. 178;
issue in 1876, 218-221.
Blow, H. T., member of Committee of
Ways and Means, v. 266 n. ; mem-
ber of Joint Committee on Recon-
struction, 545 n. ; does not sign the
report, 602 n.
Blue Lodges in Missouri, ii. 79.
Bocock, T. S., in speakership contest,
ii. 421 ; Speaker of the Confederate
House, on discontent in the Confed-
eracy, v. 62, 63 ; on scarcity of
food, 368.
Bodine, W. B., on Delano, vii. 182 n.
Bolton, C. K., acknowledgment to, v.
626 n.
Bonds, Confederate authorized, iii.
294, 396, 544; Federal issues (1861),
437, 559; popularity, 560, 561, iv.
242, 243, 427 ; coin interest, iii. 572 ;
Confederate foreign, floated, iv.
366 ; they fall, 376, 393 ; Jay Cooke
and floating of Federal, 476 ; actual
price and interest, (1864), 509;
foreign purchase, 535 ; Confederate,
preference for notes over, v. 344,
346 ; reason for small issues, 378,
379; Federal, "Ohio idea," pay-
ment in greenbacks, vi. 160-162 ;
Democrats support this (1868), 164;
and tax on, 165 ; consolidation in
five- twenties, 216 ; Sherman's plan
to reduce interest, 231 ; payment
in coin pledged, 241 ; premature
purchase, 257 ; issue of fives, 273,
274 ; premature purchase versus
resumption, vii. 50. See also Debt,
Finances.
Bonham, M. L., interview with Bu-
chanan, iii. 184.
Books at the South, importations and
reprints, original productions, v.
468 ; reliance on old, 468, 469.
Booth, Edwin, as an actor, iii. 87 ; and
the death of Lincoln, v. 148 ; pre-
vents a panic, 339.
Booth, J. B., in New Orleans, i. 401.
Booth, J. W., John Brown compared
to, ii. 415 ; murders Lincoln, v. 141 ;
flight and death, 155, 156; first
plan, 158 n. ; contrasts himself with
Brutus, 161.
BLAIR — BRADLEY
303
Booth, S. M., arrested for rescuing
fugitive slave, i. 499.
Border States, attitude on secession
(Dec. 1860), iii. 214; and compro-
mise, 289 ; and Peace Convention,
307, 308 ; results of convention
elections, 308-310 ; sympathy with
the South, 311, 312; and coercion,
312 ; increased feeling for secession,
344, 345 ; action on secession after
fall of Sumter, 378-394; arbitrary
arrests, 553-555 ; rejects gradual
compensated emancipation, 633, 636,
iv. 65-69, 218.
Borie, A. E., Secretary of the Navy, vi.
238.
Borland, Solon, insulted in Central
America, ii. 9.
Boston, meeting on the compromise
measures, i. 195; which promises
protection to negroes, 198 ; Shad-
rach rescue, 209, 210 ; Sims case,
211 ; consequent excitement, 211-
213; Faneuil Hall denied to Web-
ster, 213; Webster on, 263; Burns
rendition, 500-506 ; revival of
1858, iii. 105-107 ; attack on aboli-
tionists (Dec. 1860), 172, 173;
Union Club, iv. 242; fire, vii. 48,
49 ; mass-meeting on Louisiana
affairs, 122.
Boston Advertiser, on telegraph cen-
sorship, iv. 268 n. ; on Grant's
Virginia campaign, 465, 466 ; on the
appointment of Simmons, vii. 23, 24.
Boston Courier on war-time prosper-
ity, v. 208 n.
Boston Public Library, acknowledg-
ment to, i. 208 n.
Bottles scarce at the South, v. 356, 357.
Botts, J. M., rebukes Choate, i. 255 ;
produces letter from Scott, 256 ; on
Fremont, ii. 205.
Bounties, recruiting, iv. 430 ; broker-
age, jumping, 430, 431, v. 227, 228.
Bourne, E. G., acknowledgments to,
i. 383 n., iii. 51 n., 637 n., iv. 539 n.
Boutwell, G. S., in Republican con-
vention (I860), ii. 469; Peace Con-
vention, iii. 305 n. ; vote on the
whiskey tax, v. 267 ; member of
Joint Committee on Reconstruc-
tion, 545 n. ; signs the report,
602 n. ; and first attempt to impeach
Johnson, vi. 99; impeachment
manager, 115; argument, 132, 134,
145 ; opposes greenback contrac-
tion, 224 n. ; Secretary of the
Treasury, 238 ; policy of selling
gold, 249 ; and Gold Conspiracy,
251, 254, 256, 257; policy of bond
reduction, 257, 258, 274, 275; and
issue of five per cent, bonds, 274 ;
senator, 275 ; and Wells, 279 ; and
San Domingo annexation, 348 ;
and Grant, 363 ; and Credit Mobilier,
vii. 1, 13 ; and appointment of Sim-
mons, 23, 24 ; inflation of the cur-
rency, 54 ; and Sanborn contracts,
66 ; and Resumption act, 70 ; on
fraud in Mississippi (1875), 138.
Bowditch, H. P., on English and
American physique, iii. 74 n.
Bowles, Samuel, denounces Kansas-
Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; reports
proceedings of Know-nothings, ii.
90 n. ; on Seward and Bailey, 175 n. ;
on Fremont, 181 ; on Douglas, 306 ;
on Seward, 436 ; on Lincoln, iii.
305 ; on Lincoln's cabinet, 320 n. ;
on Sumner and Louisiana, v. 54 n. ;
on Grant's candidacy (1868), vi.
159 ; and Liberal Republican move-
ment, 417, 418 ; and nomination of
Greeley, 423; on tariff of 1872,
426 n. ; on industrial support of
Grant, 436; on Blaine (1873), vii.
181. See also Springfield Republi-
can.
Bowles, W. A., Son of Liberty, con-
demned by military commission,
v. 328, 329 ; discharged, 329.
Bowling Green, Confederates evacuate,
iii. 598.
Boyce, W. W., Confederate Provisional
Congress, iii. 292 n. ; favours re-
union, v. 79 n.
Bradbury, J. W., on Compromise
of 1850, i. 194; on Taney and
Johnson, ii. 270 n. ; anecdote on
Sumner, vi. 24 n.
Bradley, J. P., Supreme Court justice,
vi. 268 ; opinion in Legal-Tender
cases, 268, 269 ; appointment con-
sidered, 270-273 ; position on legal-
tender in doubt, 272 ; opinion in
Civil Rights cases, vii. 91 n. ; task
as member of the Electoral Com-
mission, 264, 272 ; opinion on
going behind the returns, 272, 273 ;
304
GENEEAL INDEX
Bradley, J. P. — Continued.
on the Louisiana case, 275 n., 276 n. ;
charges against, considered, 281,
282.
Bragg, Braxton, invasion of Ken-
tucky, iv. 176, 177 ; reception, 177 ;
Perry ville, 179, 180; retires, 180;
Stone's River, 219, 220 ; manoeuvred
out of Tennessee, 395, 396 ; threatens
Rosecrans's scattered forces, 396 ;
reinforced, 397 ; Chickamauga, 397,
398 ; invests Chattanooga, 399 ;
and opening of Union line of supply,
403 ; dissensions in his army, 403,
404; battle of Chattanooga, 405-
407; attacks Schofield, v. 106.
Branch, L. O., challenges Grow, ar-
rested, ii. 424 ; investigates Wash-
ington plot (1861), iii. 301 n.
Branson, Jacob, rescue, ii. 104.
Brayman, Mason, on the overland
cotton trade, v. 288, 295 n.
Bread riots at the South, v. 363 ; in
Richmond, 363, 364 ; attempt to be-
little, 365 ; fear of further trouble,
365, 366; blamed to Federal in-
trigue, 366.
Breckinridge, J. C, on Cutting, i.
480, 481 ; nominated for Vice-
President, ii. 172 ; Vice-President,
in Senate, 356 ; presidential nomi-
nation, 475 ; campaign, 478, 490,
497; and Bell, 483; vote for, 500,
501 ; before Washington, iv. 498 ;
Confederate Secretary of War, v. 74 ;
and the Sherman-Johnston agree-
ment, 166.
Breech-loading arms, invention, iii. 6 ;
inexcusable lack of, in the Union
army, v. 241, 242.
Bremer, Frederika, on negroes, i. 373.
Brett of Cleveland library, acknowl-
edgment to, i. 208 n.
Bright, J. D., in committee on Clay
resolutions, i. 171.
Bright, John, on neutrality procla-
mation, iii. 420 n. ; on ignorance of
American affairs, 504 n. ; advocacy
of the North, 505, 508; on English
sentiment, 505, 506 ; disbelief in
Northern success, 509, 510, iv. 85 n. ;
on the war and slavery, iii. 511 n. ;
on mutual recrimination, 516, 517;
on the Trent excitement, 525, 527,
528, 533 n. ; on distrust, of Seward,
531, 533 n. ; fears war, 534 n., 535 n.,
iv. 372 n. ; appeal for peace, iii.
536 n., 537 n. ; favours arbitration,
537 n., 538 n. ; on the settlement of
the affair, 541, 542; and the Eman-
cipation Proclamation, iv. 344, 345,
349 n., 352 n., 353; on English
newspapers and emancipation, 356,
357 ; on English desire for disunion,
359 n. ; Alabama debate, 367, 369 n.,
372 n., 373 n. ; on Gettysburg
and Vicksburg, 376 n. ; on the sale-
of-arms dispute, 391, 392; on later
English sentiment, 393, 394 ; on
Sumner's Alabama claims speech,
vi. 341.
Brinkerhoff, Jacob, and Greeley's
nomination, vi. 423.
Bristed, C. A., chronicles "society,"
iii. 75; on liveries, 80, 81.
Bristow, B. H., Secretary of the
Treasury, and Sheridan's "ban-
ditti" telegram, vii. 120 n. ; dis-
covers the Whiskey Ring, 182 ; pros-
ecution of the Ring, 184, 187 ;
Grant's displeasure, 189 ; resigns,
189 n. ; as presidential candidate
(1876), 208-210.
British Honduras. See Balize.
Broadwell, W. A., on the Texas prod-
uce loan, v. 346 n.
Broderick, D. C, on poor whites, i.
345 ; against Lecompton bill, ii.
297; against English bill, 300;
and Seward, 305 ; agrees with
Douglas, ii. 358 ; early life, reply
to Hammond, 375 ; contest with
Gwin, 375, 376 ; remark to Forney,
376 ; on Gwin, 377 ; duel with Terry,
377, 378 ; death, 378, 424 ; mourning
for, 379.
Brodhead, J. D., and Whiskey Ring,
vii. 185 n.
Brodhead, Richard, opposes tariff of
1857, iii. 44 n.
Brook Farm community, i. 360.
Brooks, James, of New York, found
guilty of corruption, censured, death,
vii. 10; finding just, 11.
Brooks, Joseph, faction in Arkansas,
vii. 86.
Brooks, Phillips, on the burning of
Columbia, v. 98 n. ; on desire for
news of Sherman, 105 n. ; influence
of Lincoln's character on, 144 n. ;
BRAGG — BROWN
305
Brooks, Phillips — Continued.
on the death of Lincoln, 149, 154 n. ;
on the hard times, 190; on the
period of defeat, 196, 197 ; on the
Sanitary Fair, 258; on Boston fire,
vii. 49 n.
Brooks, Preston, related to Butler, ii.
134; assaults Sumner, 139, 140;
Sumner's attitude towards, 141 ;
Olmsted on, 143 n., 147 ; ovation,
145 ; challenges Burlingame, 146 ;
resignation, 148 ; death, regret, 150 ;
defended by Butler, 149 ; influence
on Buchanan's nomination, 172 ;
presentation to, 224.
Brooms scarce at the South, v. 356.
Brough, John, campaign for governor
(1863), iv. 413-415; hundred-days
men, 498 n. ; charges corruption of
surgeons, v. 228 ; on the critical
financial condition, 233; as war
governor, 235.
Brown, A. G., of Mississippi, on Walker,
ii. 275 ; on Douglas, 294 ; on the
Constitution, 356.
Brown, A. V., Postmaster-General, ii.
247.
Brown, B. Gratz, in Republican con-
vention (1860), ii. 469 n. ; Radical
convention (1864), iv. 463 ; and
Liberal Republican movement, vi.
412 ; candidacy for the presidential
nomination, 420; withdraws in
favour of Greeley, 420, 421 ; vice-
presidential nomination, 421 ; Dem-
ocratic endorsement, 429.
Brown, G. W., on Pottawatomie
massacre, ii. 199 n.
Brown, G. W., and the Baltimore riot,
iii. 363, 364.
Brown, J. E., governor of Georgia,
favours secession, iii. 211 ; favours
reunion, v. 79 n. ; on scarcity of
food, 360 ; on government distil-
lation, 372 ; on conscription, 431-
433, 440, 441 n., 469; on deser-
tions, 442, 444 ; re-election as
governor, 448 ; on the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation, 459 ; character,
and Davis, 476 ; should not have
been disqualified for office, 608 ; and
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 5 ; on
accepting and controlling reconstruc-
tion, 87 ; supports Bullock's candi-
dacy, 170 ; foils him, 297, 298.
VII. — 20
Brown, J. Y., of Kentucky, Matthew's
assurances to, on Hayes's policy,
vii. 286.
Brown, John, partnership with Per-
kins, ii. 161 n. ; character, 161, 162;
in Wakarusa war, 162 ; in Potta-
watomie massacre, 162, 163 ; reply
to his son, 164, 165 ; sincerity, ii.
165 ; captures Pate, 166 ; releases
prisoners, 167 ; report of Oliver on,
197; fanaticism, 216, 217; leaves
Kansas, 237; raid, 383-397; at
Harper's Ferry, 384, 394, 395;
plans, 384, 385 ; Massachusetts
friends, Andrew on, 385, 415 ; con-
ference with Sanborn and Smith,
386, 387; letter to Sanborn, 387;
ancestry, fund for, 388 ; betrayed
by Forbes, 388, 389 ; returns to Kan-
sas, 389 ; liberates slaves, pursuit,
390 ; assisted by Smith, Stearns,
and Sanborn, 390, 391 ; rejects ad-
vice of Frederick Douglass, 392 ;
seizes arsenal, 394 ; retreat to
engine-house, Colonel Washington
on, 395 ; wounded, captured, 396 ;
replies to Mason and Vallandig-
ham, 397, 398; Emerson on Wise
and, 398 ; Emerson and Smith on,
399, 406, 413 ; influenced by history
of Toussaint, 400 ; Southern indig-
nation, 401 ; said to have applied
Seward's doctrine, 402 ; Greeley on,
imprisonment, 403 ; rejects plea of
insanity, 404 ; sentenced, 405 ; let-
ters, 406, 408 ; compared to More,
406 n. ; execution, 408, 409 ; Lieber
and Miss Alcott on, 409 ; Long-
fellow on, 409, 410; Garrison
abolitionists on, 410 ; Davis on,
Douglas on, 411 ; Lincoln and Sew-
ard on, 412, 413, 415; Thoreau
and Hugo on, 414 ; compared with
Socrates and Christ, 414, 415 ; song,
416 ; Atkinson on, 416 n. ; Helper
compared with, 419 ; Lamar on,
421 ; John Sherman on raid, 426 ;
Bigler on, 427 ; Republican conven-
tion on, 464.
Brown, W. G., on barter at the South,
v. 347 n. ; on Ku-Klux, vi. 182;
on the liberation movement, vii.
78.
Brown, W. J., of Indiana, character, i.
118.
306
GENERAL INDEX
Browning, O. H., in campaign of 1860,
ii. 469 n., 484 n. ; Secretary of the
Interior, v. 611 n.
Brownlow, W. G., Pryne debate, i.
354 ; on immigration, 355 ; in the
Loyalists' Convention, v. 621 ; con-
trol in Tennessee, vi. 290 n.
Bruce, Sir Frederick, on the Fenian
invasion, vi. 214, 215.
Brushes scarce at the South, v. 356.
Bryant, W. C, supports Pierce, i. 269 ;
and Lincoln, ii. 458 ; in campaign
of 1860, 485; on the Collins sub-
sidy, iii. 10; productiveness (1850-
1860), 92 ; on the Legal-Tender bill,
567 n., 568 n., 569, 571 n., 572 n. ;
on the capture of Donelson, 598 ;
on England's attitude, iv. 244 n. ;
opposes Lincoln's renomination, 462 ;
encourages Chase's presidential as-
pirations (1868), vi. 163 ; and
Greeley's nomination, 423 ; and
Louisiana affairs (1875), vii. 122.
See also New York Evening Post.
Bryce, James, on American tempera-
ment, i. 115 n., 236 n. ; as a critic on
America, iii. 59 ; on American mu-
nicipal government, 62 n. ; on de-
crease of self-glorification, 83 ; on
humour, 110; on English opinion
during the war, iv. 558.
Buchanan, James, candidacy (1852),
i. 244, 247, 248, 252; career, 246;
on Cuba, 387, 393, ii. 174, 350, 351 ;
minister to England, offer for Cuba,
i. 393 ; letter on presidency, 424 ; ab-
sence from House of Lords, ii. 5 ; dip-
lomatic costume, 6 ; on Marcy, 7 ;
Marcy's instructions, 11; Ostend
manifesto, 38, 40 ; on disagreement
with Great Britain, 120, 121;
on Kansas-Nebraska act, 170, 174,
275, 276 ; nomination, 171, 172 ; po-
litical position, 173 ; on Democratic
party, 202, 203; to Tammany,
203 n. ; Slidell's friendship, 205;
Choate declares for, 206-208, 242;
on effect of Fremont's election,
209 ; Northern clergymen against,
210; integrity, 221, 226; contest
with Fillmore, 222; on danger of
disunion, 227, 228 ; Geary on, 229 ;
Pennsylvania support, 230 ; elected,
235; on Kansas, 237, 349; sym-
pathies, 243; and slavery agita-
tion, ability, 244 ; cabinet, 246,
247 ; on rotation in office, 248 ;
pressed by office-seekers, 249 ; Sew-
ard on inaugural, 268 ; relations
with Taney, 269 ; Lincoln on, 270 ;
sends R. J. Walker to Kansas,
271, 272 ; on Calhoun doctrine, 276 ;
influenced by Southerners, 280 ; on
panic and Kansas, 281 ; break with
Douglas, 282, 322, 355; and Le-
compton scheme, 283 ; and William
Walker, 289, 290 ; Stephens on,
message on Kansas, 291 ; condemned
by Pennsylvania, 343, 344; North
condemns policy, 346 ; on tariff,
360, iii. 56, 57 ; agreement with
Colonization Society, ii. 367 ; re-
fuses patronage to Broderick, 376 ;
and Bigler, 449 ; Covode investi-
gation, 476 ; on American manufac-
tures, iii. 8 ; on ad valorem duties,
29 n. ; on panic of 1857, 54 ;
and Scott's advice as to the forts
(Oct. 1860), 125, 126; Black's ad-
vice on reinforcing the forts (Nov.
1860), 127; failure to do so con-
sidered, 127-130, 183 n. ; character
in the crisis, 130, 131, 227, 228;
continued Southern domination, 131 ;
advice on his message, 132 ; changes
in cabinet, 132, 186, 187, 225, 251 ;
annual message (1860), 132-138;
blames the North, 133 ; on secession
and coercion, 133, 134 ; neglected
opportunity of message, 134-136,
138 ; fears a conflict, inertia con-
demned, 136 ; reception of message,
136-138 ; his policy as cause of
Republican success, 139 ; a bar to
compromise, 181 ; and South Caro-
lina congressmen on Charleston
forts, 182-185, 217, 218; and Buell's
instructions, 186 ; and Scott's appeal
for reinforcements (Dec), 188, 189;
modifies Anderson's instructions,
189, 190; influences over (Dec),
190, 191 ; condition then, 191, 192 ;
and the removal to Sumter, 224,
225 ; interview with South Carolina
commissioners, 225-227 ; question
of pledge on the forts, 227 ; draft
of reply to the commissioners, 230 ;
yields to Black's changes, 231-234 ;
orders reinforcement of Sumter, 234,
235, 245 ; and the commissioners'
BROWNING — BURNS
307
Buchanan, James — Continued.
reply, 235; rehabilitated, 236, 249,
287 ; and guns for Southern forts,
240 ; character of new advisers,
242-244, 249-251 ; appoints a col-
lector for Charleston, 244; and
quasi-tvuce at Sumter, 281, 282 ;
refuses the demand for Sumter, 282,
283 ; promises Anderson aid, 283,
284 ; credit for his change of policy,
285-287 ; and Washington plot, 302 ;
loyalty, 361.
Buckalew, C. R., vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 268 ; on the Omnibus article
of impeachment, vi. 116, 117; and
Tenure-of-Office act, 130 ; candidate
for governor, 433 ; defeated, 437.
Buckingham, J. S., on condition of
slaves, i. 334.
Buckner, S. B., Fort Donelson, iii.
585 ; accepts the responsibility and
surrenders, 592, 593 ; Chickamauga,
iv. 397.
Budd and Buckley's Minstrels in
Richmond, v. 116.
Buell, D. C, and Charleston forts, iii.
185, 186; Shiloh, 619, 625, 626;
advance on Corinth, 628 ; ineffectual
Chattanooga movement, iv. 173,
174 ; Lincoln's dissatisfaction, 174,
175, 182; pursuit of Bragg, 176,
177; covers Louisville, 177, 178;
removal ordered and counter-
manded, 178, 179; Thomas's loyalty,
179; Perryville, 179, 180; and
Lincoln's East Tennessee plan, 181,
182; Morton's animosity, 182, 183;
unpopular, removed, 183 ; removal
unjustified, 184 ; order on trade with
the enemy, v. 282.
Buffalo, opposition to the draft, v. 231.
Buford, Jefferson, Kansas expedition,
ii. 151, 152 ; in sacking of Lawrence,
158, 159 ; expulsion of men, 192.
Buford, John, Gettysburg, first day, iv.
282, 283.
Bull, Ole, in New Orleans, i. 401.
Bull Run, first campaign: clamour for
an advance, iii. 437, 442 ; council of
war, 443 ; plan, 443, 444 ; Federal
march and force, 444 ; Johnston
joins Beauregard, 445, 446 ; battle,
446-449; Federal rout, 449, 450;
loss, 450 n. ; battle considered, 451,
452; responsibility for the failure,
451 n. ; Davis-Beauregard- Johnston
controversy, 452, 453 ; pursuit im-
possible, 453 ; Washington in no
danger, 453, 454 ; McDowell's ad-
verse fortune, Lincoln and defeat,
454 ; effect at the North, 454, 455 ;
at the South, 455, 456 ; abroad, 457,
502.
Second campaign : Jackson gets in
Pope's rear, iv. 121-124; Thorough-
fare Gap not held, 121, 127; Pope
turns on Jackson, 124, 126 ; Lee
marches to join Jackson, 124, 125 ;
forces, 125, 126; Gainesville, 126,
127; Groveton, 127^-129; Porter's
conduct, 128, 138 ; Second Bull Run,
129, 130; Union rout, 130, 131;
McClellan's action, 131-134, 138 n. ;
alarm in Washington, 134-136 ;
Chantilly, 135 ; McClellan in com-
mand, 135-137.
Bulloch, J. D., and Laird rams, iv.
377, 378 ; on purchasing arms, 392 ;
and the blockade-running, v. 404,
408, 409.
Bullock, R. B., elected governor of
Georgia, vi. 169, 170 ; on outrages,
184 ; efforts to secure power, 287
controls legislature, 289 ; attempt
to prevent election, 289, 297
lobbying at Washington, 292 ; elec
tion law, 298 ; charges against, 300
resigns and flees, indicted and ac-
quitted, 301.
Bulwer, H. L., concludes Clay to n-
Bulwer treaty, i. 200, 201.
"Bummers" in Sherman's army, v.
23, 24.
Bunker Hill, negro soldiers at, i. 13.
Burchard, H. C, tariff reformer, vi.
424.
Burke, Edmund, Webster compared
with, i. 160 ; on pacific interference,
ii. 32, 33 ; on progress in America,
iii. 4 ; on jealousy of freedom at
the South, v. 471, 472.
Burley, B. G., Canada to extradite, for
irregular warfare, escapes, v. 335.
Burlingame, Anson, on assault on
Sumner, ii. 145 ; challenged by
Brooks, 146 ; policy as to Douglas,
306 ; in campaign of 1860, 484 n. ;
votes for tariff of 1857, iii. 44 n.
Burns, Anthony, rendition, i. 500-506 ;
interview with Dana and Parker,
308
GENERAL INDEX
Burns, Anthony — Continued.
500 ; sympathy for, 501, ii. 77 ; at-
tempted rescue, i. 503 ; delivered to
owner, 504 ; ransom, 505 n.
Burnside, A. E., takes Roanoke Is-
land, iii. 581 ; refuses McClellan's
command, iv. 103, 137 ; Antietam,
152, 153 ; commands Army of the
Potomac, 188 ; reluctance and in-
competence, 192, 193 ; pontoon
question, defeat inevitable, 193 ;
Fredericksburg, 193-197 ; despera-
tion, 197 ; retires, army loses con-
fidence in, 198 ; acknowledges re-
sponsibility for the failure, 199 ;
wishes to renew the attack, 201,
202 ; mud campaign, relieved, 202 ;
commands Department of the Ohio,
order on disloyalty, 246, 247 ; Val-
landigham case, 247, 248 ; sup-
presses the Chicago Times, 253, 254 ;
occupies Knoxville, 396 ; Longstreet
sent against, 404 ; Sherman relieves,
407 ; and Morgan's raid, v. 314, 315.
Bushnell, Horace, on Douglas, i. 496.
Bushnell, Simeon, trial, ii. 363, 364 ;
imprisonment, 365, 367 ; ovation, 366.
Business, American energy, iii. 16, 17 ;
money stringency and panic (1854),
39, 40; hard times after panic of
1857, 47, 48, 54-56, v. 190 ; honesty,
iii. 110-112; and secession, 122, 123,
162, 171, 172; Southern lack of
tact, 547 ; revival at the North, 559,
560, iv. 266, 267, 509, 510, v. 198-
200 ; first effect of the war, iii. 560,
561 ; cause of revival, v. 200 ; fail-
ures in 1857-1864, 201, 202; revival
delayed by the war, 201 ; sound
conditions, 202, 203 ; share of wage-
earners in the prosperity, 203-206
sectional extent of revival, 206-208
activity at the South, 421-423
prosperity dependent on Confederate
success, cash basis, 423 ; return to
methods of credit, vi. 226 ; hard
times and greenback contraction
(1868), 223-227; and resumption,
228 ; hard times not real, 228, 229 ;
effect of Chicago and Boston fires,
vii. 49 n. ; crisis and depression
after panic of 1873, 46, 47, 51-53.
See also Blockade-running, Cotton,
Finances, Manufactures, Panics,
Tariff, Trade.
Butler, A. J., trade speculation in New
Orleans, v. 304-308.
Butler, A. P., of South Carolina, on
Fugitive Slave law, i. 188 ; on Sum-
ner, ii. 132 n. ; Sumner on, 134, 135 ;
defends Atchison, character, 136 ;
gives Wilson the lie, 145 ; on
attack of Brooks, 149, 150; death,
150.
Butler, B. F., march to Washington, iii.
373, 374; in Baltimore, 390; "con-
traband" order, 466 ; captures Hat-
teras, 489, 490; occupies New
Orleans, 629 ; woman order, iv.
92 n., 93 n. ; removed from New
Orleans, 93 n., v. 307; failure of
James River campaign, iv. 445 ;
political power (1864), 461, 462, 483,
496 ; attack on Petersburg, 488, 489 ;
hold on Grant, 493, vii. 24 ; order
for removal, visits Grant, order sus-
pended, iv. 494, 495 ; explanation
of Grant's action, 495, 496 ; on the
murder of Lincoln, v. 154 n. ; opens
cotton trade at New Orleans, 277-
280 ; interest in corrupt trade there,
303-308 ; administration there, 308,
309; outlawed by Davis, 309, 485,
486; popularity, 309, 310; illicit
trade in the Department of Vir-
ginia, 310, 311 ; Grant removes,
311; character, 312, 313; in cam-
paign of 1866, 624; Bingham
altercation, vi. 49 ; impeachment
manager, 115, 135; his article of
impeachment, 116; considers im-
peachment a political proceeding,
118; opens the case, 119; objects
to cabinet testimony, 125; hopeful
of conviction, 139 ; slated for Wade's
cabinet, 145; and the recusant
senators, 151, 152; advocates tax-
ing bonds, 193 ; and counting of
Georgia's electoral vote (1869), 198-
200 ; opposes greenback contraction,
224 n. ; opposes Public Credit act,
242 ; and control in Georgia, 289 ;
Ku-Klux committee, 320 n. ; and
amnesty, 327, 328; Grant's cham-
pion in the House, 383 ; as a spoils-
man, 389, vii. 25; influence on
Grant's Southern policy, vi. 390;
and salary grab, vii. 20; and Sim-
mons's appointment, 23, 24; and
Sanborn contracts, 65, 66; loses
BURNSIDE — CAMPBELL
309
Butler, B. F. — Continued.
seat, 68; and Force bill, 89; and
Civil Rights act, 90.
Butler, Frances, on Southern condi-
tions, vi. 77, 78; on conduct of the
negroes (1867, 1871), 301, 302.
Butterfield, Daniel, and the Gold
Conspiracy, vi. 251, 252, 257 ; resig-
nation requested, 257.
Cadwallader, George, in Baltimore,
iii. 390, 391.
Caesar and Lincoln, v. 142, 160, 161.
Calderon, dislikes Soul6, ii. 15; Black
Warrior negotiations, 19-21, 34, 35.
Caldwell, Josiah, and the Blaine scan-
dal, vii. 202, 203.
Calhoun, J. C, early nationalism, i. 41 ;
on nullification, 44, 47 ; on tariff,
45 ; and Clay, 48 ; and Webster, 50 ;
on Texas, 79-85, 87; on Oregon
question, 86 ; closet theorist, 94 ;
last term, 119 ; last speech, 127-129 ;
on condition of South, 128; on
fugitive slaves, on California, 129;
fears for the Union, 130; reply
of Webster, 146; compliments Web-
ster, 157; hears Seward, 166; suc-
ceeded by Davis, 168, 390 ; doctrine,
169, ii. 253, 260, 262, 276; publi-
cation of his works, i. 353 ; com-
pared with Jefferson, 379, 380;
Lieber on, Adams on, 380 n. ; and
slavery, 460, ii. 359 ; on Missouri
Compromise, i. 468; Buchanan
compared to, ii. 174; Davis com-
pared to, 347.
Calhoun, John, of Kansas, and ad-
ministration, ii. 239 ; pledges to
Walker, 279, 280 ; flight from Kan-
sas, 289.
California, in 1848, i. 92; slavery in,
94; under military rule, 110;
routes in 1849, 112; De Quincey on,
113; immigration, anarchy, 114;
convention, 115; debate on admission,
122, 124, 129, 135, 136, 163, 181, 182,
184, 188, 191, 196; in compromise
measures, 189 ; and the Union cause,
v. 255 ; does not furnish troops, 255,
256 ; communication with the East,
256 ; funds for Sanitary Commission,
256, 257 ; retains specie basis, 256.
California and Texas Construction Co.,
paper protested, vii. 51, 52.
Callahan, J. M., on the Confederate
government and emancipation, v.
67 n.
Cameron, Simon, in Senate, ii. 283;
difference with Green, 298; sup-
ports army bill, 303; bargain of
supporters (1860), 466, 467; bal-
loting for, 469 ; Secretary of War,
opposition to appointment, iii. 319,
320 n. ; and relief of Sumter, 327;
investigates Fremont, 480, 481 ;
arbitrary arrests, 553-555; report
(Dec. 1861), and negro soldiers,
573 ; corruption and incapacity,
573-576, v. 215 ; dismissed, minister
to Russia, iii. 576; why dismissed,
576, 577 ; fears political effect of the
draft, v. 240 ; and annexation of San
Domingo, vi. 349; and rejection of
Hoar, 378 ; and civil service reform,
381, 388; influence on Grant's
Southern policy, 390.
Camilla, Ga., riot, vi. 190-192.
Camp Butler, war prison, v. 487 n.
Camp Chase, war prison, v. 487 n.
Camp Douglas, plot to release prisoners,
v. 320, 325, 337, 338; trial of con-
spirators, 338, 339.
Camp Morton, war prison, v. 487 n.
Campbell, Lord, on Confederate loan,
iv. 367 n.
Campbell, J. A., in Supreme Court,
ii. 250; in Dred Scott case, 254;
on coercion, iii. 329, 330; negotia-
tions with Seward, 330-332, 336,
337 ; charges bad faith, 338, 340 ; sen-
timent for reunion (1865), v. 65; at
Hampton Roads Conference, 67-71 ;
works for peace, report on Lee's
army, 77-79 ; and Lincoln's memo-
randum on the legislature, 132, 133 ;
arrest ordered, 152; recommends
control of blockade-running, 404;
on the illicit cotton trade, 415; on
substitution and desertion, 437 n.,
438, 439, 445 ; anti-slavery inclina-
tions, 439 ; on the revocation of ex-
emptions, 447 n. ; on the Emanci-
pation Proclamation, 459; on re-
laxed civil administration, 472, 473 ;
drafts laws, 479; as Assistant Sec-
retary of War, 481 ; on Anderson-
ville, 496 ; amnesty, vi. 329 ; counsel
before Electoral Commission, vii.
274 n.
310
GENERAL INDEX
Campbell, James, Postmaster-General,
i. 388.
Campbell, L. D., of Ohio, against
Kansas-Nebraska act, i. 484, 486 ;
assists Burlingame, ii. 146 ; and
tariff of 1857, iii. 44.
Canada, reciprocity treaty, ii. 8, 9 ;
Confederate irregular operations
from, v. 330-334, 337-342; con-
demned, 334 ; and the St. Albans
raiders, 335-337; Fenian raids, vi.
214, 215, 367, 368 ; annexation and
Alabama claims, 341-343, 354-356.
Canby, E. R. S., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 296-298; district com-
mander, vi. 70.
Canning industry during the war, v.
249.
Caperton, A. T., favours reunion, v.
79 n.
Cardoza, Albert, and Tweed Ring, vi.
394, 395; resigns, 409; attempted
impeachment, vii. 163.
Carlotta, Empress, and Mexican throne,
vi. 20&; appeal for Maximilian, 209,
210.
Carlyle, Thomas, on Paris in 1793, iii.
2; on American energy, 16; on the
Civil war, iv. 361, 362, 558.
Carpenter, M. H., on readmission of
Virginia, vi. 284, 285 ; and Georgia
legislature, 292; and Sumner's
Civil Rights bill, 326, vii. 90; and
rejection of Hoar, vi. 378 ; and
civil service reform, 388; and con-
firmation of Simmons, vii. 24, 25 n. ;
Louisiana investigation, 110, 111;
counsel before Electoral Commission,
274 n.
Carpenter, R. B., on corruption in
South Carolina, vii. 143 ; on par-
dons, 146 ; on character of negroes,
148; candidate for governor, 149;
charges fraud, 157.
Carpet-baggers described, vi. 90, 91.
Carrick's Ford, W. Va., battle, iii. 442.
Cartel for exchange of prisoners, ob-
stacles to, adopted, v. 485 ; discon-
tinued, 485, 486 ; alleged violations,
486.
Cartter, D. K., in Republican conven-
tion (I860), ii. 470.
Cass, Lewis, candidacy (1848), i. 97;
in Senate, 108, 109; hears Seward,
166; in committee on Clay resolu-
tions, 171 ; supports compromise
scheme, 173 ; supports Clayton-Bul-
wer treaty, 201 ; and Kossuth, 237,
239, 242; career, Nicholson letter
on popular sovereignty, 244 ; Anglo-
phobia, 245 ; Douglas contrasted
with, 246 ; Clay on, 247 ; candidacy
(1852), 247, 248, 252; Dickinson on,
248 ; and manifest destiny, 295, 300 ;
on Cuban letter of Everett, 296 ;
and Douglas, 424; on Missouri
Compromise, 436 n. ; and Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 458, 459 ; on political
institutions, 459, 460 ; on speech of
Sumner, ii. 138; on intentions of
Pierce, 192 ; and Lecompton scheme,
287 ; Secretary of State, 246 ; and
Charleston forts, iii. 127, 183; and
Buchanan's message, 132 n. ; re-
signs, 187 ; and secession, 187 n.
Cassanave, George, Louisiana Return-
ing Board, character, vii. 231 ; re-
turns Hayes electors, 232, 233 ;
reward, 289 n.
Casserly, Eugene, and annexation of
San Domingo, vi. 349.
Cassville, Ga., Johnston's stand at, iv.
450, 451.
Castelar, Emilio, and Virginius affair,
vii. 30, 31, 36 ; Sumner's plea for, 32.
Catechism for slaves, i. 332 n.
Catholic Church, and yellow fever
(1853), i. 412; and Know-nothings,
ii. 50-52, 57, 90.
Catron, John, in Supreme Court, ii.
250; in Dred Scott case, 255.
Cedar Creek, Va., battle, iv. 536, 537.
Cedar Mountain, Va., battle, iv. 115.
Centennial Exposition, vii. 226.
Central America, Clayton-Bulwer
treaty, i. 199-202 ; dispute over
interpretation of it, ii. 120, 121 ;
Walker's filibustering, 289, 290.
Central America lost, iii. 46.
Chairs scarce at the South, v. 356.
Chamberlain, D. H., Attorney-General
of South Carolina, on the State
government (1871), vii. 147; elected
governor, 161; career, 161, 162;
inaugural, good intentions doubted,
162 ; conflict over judges, 162, 163,
166, 167; vetoes corrupt bills, 164;
Conservatives praise, 164, 165;
at Lexington celebration, 165; fa-
mous despatch, ambition as governor,
CAMPBELL — CHARLESTON HARBOUR
311
Chamberlain, D. H. — Continued.
167 ; on campaign of 1876, 224, 225 ;
asks for troops, 225 j. contested
election, 285 ; withdraws, on the
resulting good government, 287 ;
on failure of carpet-bag government,
287 n.
Chambers, William, on slave-trade,
i. 320-322; as a critic of America,
iii. 65.
Chambersburg, Pa., McCausland's raid,
iv. 504.
Chancellors ville campaign, forces, iv.
258 ; successful inauguration, 258 ;
Hooker's boastful order, 258, 259 ;
Lee outgenerals Hooker, 259 ; bat-
tle, first day, Federal retrograde
movement, 259, 260 ; second day,
Jackson's flank movement, 260, 261 ;
rout of Howard's corps, 261, 262;
wounding of Jackson, 262 ; third
day, Hooker's collapse, Federal
defeat, 262, 263, 264 n. ; Sedgwick
at Fredericksburg, 263, 264;
fourth day, Sedgwick retreats, 264 ;
Federals recross the river, 264 ;
losses, 264; death of Jackson, 264,
265 ; effect at the North, 266, 267.
Chandler, D. T., report on Anderson-
ville, v. 495, 496, 497 n. ; on Winder
and Wirz, 506.
Chandler, Zachariah, succeeds Cass,
ii. 247; in Senate, 283; "blood-
letting " letter, iii. 307 ; on Confisca-
tion act, iv. 61 ; vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 268 ; on loyalty and recon-
struction, vi. 80 n, ; guards Stanton,
113; Ku-Klux committee, 320 n. ;
on annexation of Canada, 342,
343; and Sumner, 353, 354; and
civil service reform, 381, 388; in-
fluence on Grant's Southern policy,
390; as Secretary of the Interior,
vii. 182 n. ; as campaign manager,
223 ; claims election of Hayes, 228.
Chapel Hill, N. C, debate on reunion,
v. 452.
Chapman, Charles, defends Corwin, i.
298 n.
Charleston, in 1860, ii. 441 ; Demo-
cratic convention, 440-452 ; excite-
ment after Lincoln's election, iii.
115-117; and call for a convention,
118, 119; business men endorse se-
cession, 120 ; religious sanction, 120,
121 ; business losses, 122, 123 ;
question of collecting duties at, 128,
221, 222, 244; prayers for the
President omitted, 194; reception
of Ordinance of Secession, 198-201 ;
feels war stress, 551 ; fire, 552 ;
failure of attacks on, iv. 244, 336 ;
feeling against, in the Union army,
v. 87, 88 ; evacuated, destruction
of property, 99 ; destitution, 99,
100; flag-raising at Fort Sumter,
139 ; hotels, 350, 421 ; lighting and
paving, 357 ; municipal market, 371 ;
as a port for blockade-runners, 399,
402 ; musical furor, 427 ; increase
of crime, 429 ; under carpet-bag
rule, vii. 156. See also Charleston
Harbour.
Charleston Courier, on England and
cotton, iii. 416 n. ; on war stress,
551 n. ; on burning cotton, 551 n.,
552 n. ; on pillage by Sherman's
army, v. 25 n.
Charleston Harbour, Buchanan and
Scott's advice (Oct. 1860), iii. 125,
126 ; forts, garrison, 126 ; reinforce-
ment urged by commander, 126 ;
by Black, Jackson's example, 127;
Buchanan's failure to reinforce con-
sidered, 127-130, 135, 136; Anderson
commands, asks garrisons for Sumter
and Pinckney, 131, 132; Buchanan's
message on, 133-135 ; Anderson's
dilemma, 181, 182; Wool's attitude,
182 ; Buchanan and South Carolina
congressmen on, 182-185, 217, 218;
Buell's instructions to Anderson, 185,
186 ; Scott appeals for reinforce-
ment (Dec), 188; instructions modi-
fied, 189, 190; Pickens's request for
Sumter, 192 ; local sentiment on
reinforcement, 196 n. ; Anderson
removes to Sumter, 216, 218; and
refuses to return, 218; flag-raising
on Sumter, State troops occupy the
other forts, 221 ; Buchanan and the
removal, 224, 225 ; his interview
with the State commissioners, 225-
227 ; his attitude and pledge con-
sidered, 227, 228; South Carolina's
overt act, 228-230; reply to the
commissioners, 230-234 ; reinforce-
ment decided upon, 234, 235 ;
Northern rejoicing, 235, 236 ; forty-
muskets episode, 239 n. ; Star of the
312
GENERAL INDEX
Charleston Harbour — Continued.
West expedition, 245-247; mes-
sengers to Washington, 248; polit-
ical importance of the expedition,
248-251 ; guosi-truce, 281, 282 ; Bu-
chanan refuses a demand for Sumter,
282, 283 ; Anderson advises against
relief, 283 ; aid for, promised if
needed, 283, 284; political impor-
tance of Sumter, 284, 345-347;
Confederacy assumes the question,
295 ; scarcity in Sumter, 325 ;
Confederate fortifications, 325, 326 ;
Fox's visit and plan, 327, 328;
Lincoln's cabinet consultations, 327,
335 ; Seward-Campbell negotia-
tions, 330-332, 336, 337; excite-
ment over proposed evacuation, 332,
333 ; Lamon's unauthorized state-
ment, 333, 334, 336; relief expedi-
tion ordered, 335, 337 ; Pickens
notified of intended relief, 337, 338 ;
charge of bad faith considered, 338-
340 ; intercourse with Sumter cut
off, 347; Davis orders attack on it,
347, 348; its surrender demanded,
348 ; Anderson's offer rejected, 348,
349 ; bombardment begins, 349 ;
order for attack considered, 349-
351 ; failure of relief expedition,
350, 351 ; progress of bombardment,
352-354; surrender of Sumter, 354,
355 ; rejoicing in Charleston, 355,
356; uprising at the North, 357-
359; at the South, 381-383 ; Federal
operations, iv. 244, 332, 336.
Charleston Mercury, and public opinion,
iii. 193 n. ; on politicians and seces-
sion, 276 n. ; on formation of the
Confederate States, 293 n., 294 n. ;
on state-rights as a protection to
Washington, 378 n., 381 n. ; on
unity of the North, 399 n., 400 n. ;
vituperation, 401 n. ; hopeful of
success (1861), 402.
Charleston News and Courier on
Chamberlain, vii. 164, 165.
Charleston Republican on negro legis-
lators, vii. 151.
Chase, G. K., peace agreement in
Mississippi, vii. 133 ; reports need of
troops, 135, 136.
Chase, S. P., elected senator, i. 108 ;
first appearance in Senate, 120;
on disunion, 131 ; votes on Texas
boundary, 181 ; for California bill,
182; urges Wilmot proviso, 192
opposed to Clay Compromise, 193
personal appearance, 227, 449
works with Wade and Seward, 229
political bias, 265 ; on Sumner, 268
votes for Sumner's amendment,
269 ; frames Appeal of Independent
Democrats, 441 ; attacked by Doug-
las, 444, 445 ; defends Appeal of
Independent Democrats, 448; on
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 449-452, 460,
462, 476; on Missouri Compromise,
450, 451 ; compared with Seward,
453 ; answered by Douglas, 474,
475 ; favours formation of new
party, ii. 45 ; on election of Grimes,
59; prejudice against, 68; Greeley
on, 92; and slavery, 92, 177; gov-
ernor of Ohio, 93 ; position on
Kansas, 124; Parker on, 175; with-
draws from the presidential contest
(1856), 183; presidential timber
(1860), 303 ; on popular sovereignty,
305 ; on Douglas, 307 ; compared with
Lincoln, 327 ; assists Lincoln, 338 ;
Davis on, 348 ; speech on Oberlin-
Wellington rescue, 366, 367 ; accused
of assisting John Brown, 402 ; on
Seward, 459 ; Dana on, 459 n. ; bal-
loting for, 469 ; in campaign of 1860,
484 n. ; and compromise, iii. 290 ;
Peace Convention, 305 n. ; Secretary
of the Treasury, 319 ; Seward's
opposition to the appointment, 319,
320 ; and relief of Sumter, 327, 335 ;
policy of recognition, 343 ; and
Fremont's proclamation, 473-476 ;
on the fugitive-slave order, 476 n. ;
favours a national bank system,
559; and Legal-Tender bill, 564,
565, 570, 571 ; influence on its
passage, 568, 569 ; on army mis-
management, 575 ; defends Cameron,
577; and McClellan, 579, 607 n.,
iv. 98, 103, 132, 136, 137; on cap-
ture of Donelson, iii. 598 ; on Hunter's
order, iv. 66 n. ; and Pope, 102 ;
first resignation, 205, 206 ; not ac-
cepted, 206 ; trials as financial
secretary, 207, 208, 477, 478; per-
sonal relations with Lincoln, 209,
210, 477, 478, 481, 482, 527, 528 n. ;
character, 209; presidential mania,
210, vi. 168; and final Emancipa-
CHARLESTON MERCUB Y— CHIPMAN
313
Chase, S. P. — Continued.
tion Proclamation, iv. 213 ; popu-
lar loan (1863), 243, 244; and
Hooker, 256 ; on negro soldiers, 335 ;
conference on Chattanooga condi-
tions, 399 ; and suspension of habeas
corpus (1863), 417; report (1863),
427 ; effort for presidential nomina-
tion (1864), 457-460; Lincoln's
magnanimity, 459, 460; withdraws,
460, 469; on Grant's Virginia
campaign, 464, 466, 467 ; patronage
differences with Lincoln, various
resignations, 475-479 ; and Blair's
speech, 476, 477 ; resignation ac-
cepted, 479, 480; at fault in the
controversy, 481-483 ; political use
of patronage, 482; on Lincoln's
reconstruction pocket-veto, 486, 487 ;
supports Lincoln, 527 ; appointed
Chief Justice, v. 45, 46 ; on shin-
plasters, 191 ; issues postage cur-
rency, 193 ; on rise of prices, 200 n. ;
on spirit of speculation, 208; on
the limit of national credit, 233, 234 ;
on the regulation of trade with the
enemy, 282, 283 ; poor administra-
tion of overland cotton trade, poor
judge of men, 301 ; urges negro
suffrage on Johnson, 522, 523 ; plan
for negro suffrage in North Carolina,
524; on finality of the Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 3 ; and trial of
Davis, 53, 57 ; on the interpretation
of the Reconstruction acts, 63, 73-
75 ; on suspending Stanton, 68 ;
warning against removing Stan-
ton, 105; presides over the im-
peachment, 117, 118, 139; on hear-
ing cabinet testimony, 125 ; opinion
of the trial, 139, 140; loses support
of Radicals, 140, 158; on popular
pressure for conviction, 144 ; on the
eleventh article, 148 n. ; and Demo-
cratic nomination (1868), 162, 163,
166, 167 ; steadfast to negro suffrage,
163 ; and McCulloch, 235 n. ; opin-
ion on Legal-Tender act, 258, 259,
269 ; explains change of belief, 259,
269 ; presidential cravings and legal-
tender decision, 266, 267; wrangle
with Miller, 269; and Liberal Re-
publican convention, 418 n. ; death,
vii. 25.
Chatham, Earl of, Corwin compared to,
i. 300; effect of his speeches on
Frederick Douglass, 351.
Chattanooga, strategic value, iv. 173;
Buell's ineffectual movement, 173-
175 ; Rosecrans occupies, 396 ; Fed-
erals besieged in, administration
conference on, Hooker sent to rein-
force, 399; Rosecrans 's irresolu-
tion, starvation threatened, 400, 401 ;
Grant in general command, Thomas
supersedes Rosecrans, 401 ; Thomas
restores morale, 402; opening of
adequate supply line, Grant reaches,
402, 403 ; Confederate dissensions,
403, 404; Sherman reinforces, 404;
battle, 405-407; Sherman's move-
ment, 405, 406 ; Lookout Mountain,
405; Missionary Ridge, 406, 407;
forces and losses, 407 n.
Chesapeake, seizure, v. 330.
Chesnut, James, resigns from Senate,
iii. 118; Confederate Provisional
Congress, 292 n. ; and attack on
Sumter, 349, 350; urges parole of
prisoners, v. 502.
Chew, R. S., sent to Charleston, iii.
337, 338.
Chicago, plots to release Confederate
prisoners at, v. 320, 325, 337, 338;
Johnson at, 619 ; and panic of 1873,
vii. 46, 47 ; great fire, 48.
Chicago Times, Burnside suppresses,
iv. 253, 254 ; war character, 253 n. ;
public indignation, Lincoln rescinds
the order, 254.
Chicago Tribune, on war-time pros-
perity, v. 202; and Liberal Repub-
lican movement, vi. 412 ; and the
convention, 417. See also Medill.
Chickamauga, Bragg turns on the
scattered Federal forces, concentra-
tion effected, Rosecrans unnerved,
iv. 396 ; forces, 397, 398 n. ; battle,
first day, 397; second day, rout of
Federal right and centre, 397, 398;
Thomas's stand, 398; retreat on
Chattanooga, 398, 399; losses,
398 n.
Chilton, R. H., on Andersonville, v.
496, 497 n.
Chilton, Samuel, defends John Brown,
ii. 404, 405.
Chipman, N. P., on presidential am-
bition of justices, vi. 418 ; on Credit
Mobilier scandal, vii. 12, 13.
314
GENERAL INDEX
Chisholm, A. R., and the attack on
Sumter, iii. 349.
Chittenden, L. E., and resignation of
Chase, iv. 479; on the murder of
Lincoln, v. 154 n.
Choate, Rufus, in convention of 1852,
i. 253; personality, 254; speech on
compromise measures, 254, 255 ;
reply to Botts, eulogy of Webster,
255 ; Botts influenced by, 256 ; in-
terview with Webster after conven-
tion of 1852, 260 ; on Uncle Tom's
Cabin, 280 ; on Southern literature,
348 n. ; holds aloof from Republican
party, ii. 97 ; declares for Buchanan,
206-208 ; reply of Curtis to, 208 n. ;
on Buchanan, 242, 244, 292.
Cholera in 1854, ii. 58.
Christian Commission, work, v. 260;
furnishes reading matter, 261, 262;
furnishes relief, finances, relations
with the authorities, 262.
Christiana, Pa., fugitive slave affair, i.
222-224.
Church, S. E., presidential candidacy,
vi. 165, 166.
Churchill, B. P., conspirator, v. 339.
Cicero on the murder of Caesar, v. 160,
161.
Cincinnati, threatened by Kirby Smith,
iv. 175, 176.
Cincinnati Commercial, reports the in-
sanity of Sherman, v. 5 n. ; and
Liberal Republican movement, vi.
412 ; and the convention, 417. See
also Halsted.
Cipher despatches (1876), vii. 244, 245.
Circuit Court, character of Grant's
appointments, vi. 378.
Cisco, J. J., Union meeting, iii. 174 n. ;
resignation, iv. 478, 479.
Cities, increase in population (1850-
1860), iii. 3, 4; corruption before
1860, 61, 62; qualified suffrage as
preventative of corruption, vi. 410,
411. See also cities by name.
Citizenship, Fourteenth Amendment
on, v. 597 n., 603.
Civil rights, bill of 1866, argument
for, v. 580, 581 ; passed, 581 ; main
provision, 581 n. ; Johnson consulted
on, 581, 582; approval urged, 583;
vetoed, 583, 584 ; passed over veto,
584-586 ; importance of final pas-
sage, 586; enforcement, vi. 27;
Sumner's supplementary bill and
amnesty, 325-328; its provisions,
325 n.; act of 1874, vii. 90; de-
clared unconstitutional, 90, 91. See
also Arbitrary arrests, Habeas corpus,
Press.
Civil service, Taylor's removals, i.
102-104; Pierce's clean sweep, 399,
400 ; his use of patronage, 420 ;
Buchanan and rotation, ii. 248, 249 ;
scramble for office (1861), 326, 327;
Lincoln, Chase, and patronage, iv.
482, 483 ; war appointments at the
South, 478; ineligibility to, under
Fourteenth Amendment, 597 n.,
606-608; Johnson's removals, 621,
vi. 47 n., 48 n. ; "loyal" control in
unreconstructed States, 201 ; Mc-
Culloch's policy, 232, 233; frauds,
233; Jenckes's reform bill (1865-
1869), 234; Grant's appointments,
377, 378 ; politicians and Cox's reform,
381, 382; need of special training
ignored, 384, 385; Grant calls for
reform, 385 ; Cox on need of reform,
386; commission (1871), rules,
Congress refuses appropriation, 3S7 ;
Grant not earnest for reform, 387-
390; opposition to reform, 388,
389 ; congressional patronage, 389 ;
Liberal Republican plank, 419 ;
Greeley and reform, 422; Grant
abandons reform, vii. 22, 23 ; ap-
pointment of Simmons, 23, 24;
Hayes on reform, 215, 216 ; cam-
paign contributions, 223. See also
Amnesty, Tenure-of-Office act.
Civil war, and social changes, iii. 60;
Buchanan fears, 136 ; Southern
preparation, 193, 281, 321 ; Southern
aggression, 228-230, 351 ; Virginia's
efforts to delay, 291 ; Southern ex-
pectation, 299, 300 ; uprising of the
North, 357-361, 368-372; of the
South, 381-383 ; superiority of the
North, 397; independence as issue,
398, 399; unity of the North,
Southern disappointment, 399, 400;
subjugation as issue, 400-402, 408;
task of the South, 402, 403 ; of the
North, 403, 404, 406 n., 408 n. ;
Southern unity, Northern miscon-
ception, 404—408 ; rebellion issue,
408, 409 ; belligerency conceded, 427-
429; advance into Virginia, 434,
CHISHOLM — CLIFFORD
315
Civil war — Continued.
435; Southern confidence (1861),
543 ; Northern hope for speedy end
(April 1862), 636; horror, iv. 156,
157 ; Northern despondency, 221-
223, 507-509 ; Gettysburg and Vicks-
burg decide, 293, 319 ; contrast
(1862-1863), 421, 422 ; public opinion
(Dec. 1863), 423-426; professional
beginning, 439 ; resume^ v. 1—3 ;
end, 185 ; forces and casualties, 186,
187; cost, 188; without proscrip-
tions, vi. 49, 50; results, 176 n.
See also Hampton Roads Conference,
Peace.
Clarendon, Lord, on Cuba, ii. 26 n.,
32.
Clark, Charles, on effects of submission,
v. 530 n.
Clark, Daniel, of New Hampshire, in
Senate, ii. 282 ; and Crittenden
compromise, iii. 266 ; member of
Senate Committee on Finance, v.
266 n. ; and Judiciary Committee,
570 n.
Clark, J. B., of Missouri, on John
Sherman, ii. 418-420.
Clark, M. H., elected governor of New
York, ii. 63, 64.
Clarke, J. F., on Channing, i. 64; on
slave-breeding, 317; anecdote told
by, ii. 75.
Clay, C. C, suspected implication in
Booth's plot, v. 157, 158 ; reward
for, 157 ; surrenders himself, 158 n. ;
commission in Canada, 330 ; and
the St. Albans raid, 333, 334.
Clay, C. M., in campaign of 1860, ii.
484 n.
Clay, Henry, on slavery, i. 31, 303,
333; on tariff, 48; defeated by
Polk, 84 ; on Texas question, 87 ;
invited to Free-soilers' convention,
108 ; last appearance with Webster
and Calhoun, 119; described, em-
braces religion, inconsistent on slav-
ery question, 120; on Taylor, 121;
Lincoln's visit to, 121 n. ; speech
on compromise resolutions, 123-
125; on admission of California,
124 ; on New Mexico, 124, 125 ; on
Texas, on Fugitive Slave law, 125,
126, 187, 188; prophecies, 127;
fears for the Union, 130 ; on dis-
union, 137 n., 190, 191 ; and Web-
ster, 143, 149; on Seward, 166;
committee of thirteen, 171, 175 ;
Greeley on, 173, 464 n. ; recom-
mends Webster for Secretary of
State, 179; on New Mexico, 180;
on Missouri Compromise, 191 ; jus-
tification, 191, 192; on Isthmian
ship canal, 199 ; supports Clayton-
Bulwer treaty, 201 ; pledge concern-
ing compromise, 207 ; on execution
of Fugitive Slave law, 208 ; age when
candidate for presidency, 244; de-
clares for Fillmore, 253 ; death and
funeral, 261 ; dies before decline of
Whig party, 285 ; on house slaves,
333, 335 ; on fugitive slaves, 378 ;
and Colonization Society, 382 n. ;
efforts for peace, 428 ; Douglas com-
pared to, 430, 431 ; Douglas on,
446, ii. 322; against Taney, 251;
influence on Lincoln, 327 ; as par-
liamentary leader, vi. 34, 35.
Clayton, J. M., Secretary of State, i.
199 ; concludes treaty with Bulwer,
200; consults King as to British
Honduras, 201 ; defends treaty,
Cass censures, 202 n. ; in Whig
convention (1852), 253 ; amend-
ments to Kansas-Nebraska bill, 476,
490; on British influence with
Spain, ii. 26 ; on Cuba, 33 n. ; on
Kansas, 100; on American ship-
ping, iii. 8.
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, negotiation,
provisions, i. 199 ; support in Senate,
201; ambiguity, 201, 202; Doug-
las criticises, 202 n. ; difficulties
raised by, ii. 120.
Clearing-house certificates, vii. 44, 45.
Clemens, Jeremiah, on disunion, i.
242 ; on Sumner, 268.
Clemens, S. L. See Twain.
Clergymen, exemption from the draft,
v. 239.
Cleveland, Grover, meaning of election,
i. 3.
Cleveland, characteristics, ii. 361 ;
revival of 1858, iii. 103 n. ; and the
death of Lincoln, v. 148 ; alarm
over the raids from Canada, 334 n. ;
Johnson's speech, 618, 619 ; con-
vention of soldiers and sailors, 622.
Clifford, Nathan, opinion on legal-
tender, vi. 262, 267, 269; Electoral
Commission, vii. 250, 251, 255.
316
GENEEAL INDEX
Climate, and character, iii. 16; and
American physique, 69, 70.
Clingman, T. L., against California bill,
i. 182; scheme concerning Cuba, ii.
23 ; acknowledges election of Banks,
116; disapproves of Douglas, 373,
492.
Clinton, Miss., riot, vii. 130, 131.
Clothing, lack of, at the South, v. 353-
356.
Clymer, Hiester, and Belknap scandal,
vii. 189, 190.
Coan, T. M., acknowledgment to, iii.
637 n.
Cobb, Howell, elected speaker, i. 117;
pledge concerning compromise, 207 ;
advises Pierce, ii. 120, 121 ; in cam-
paign of 1856, 228 ; Secretary of
the Treasury, 246, 247 ; influence in
Kansas, 277 ; influences Buchanan,
280; causes panic, 500; resigns, iii.
132, 186, 187 ; as financial secre-
tary, 186 n. ; and secession, 212 ;
Confederate Provisional Congress,
292 n. ; candidacy for Confederate
President, 293 ; on uprising of the
South, 382 n, ; Sherman wastes
his plantation, v. 22 ; on discontent
at the South, 63; on enlisting
slaves, 67 ; on substitutes, 440 ;
recommends abandonment of con-
scription, 447 ; on Andersonville,
495 ; suggests parole of anti-Lincoln
prisoners, 501 ; and Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6.
Cobb, T. R. R., on advantage of seces-
sion, iii. 299 n.
Cobden, Richard, on Cuba, ii. 31, 32 ; on
precipitancy of secession, iii. 299 n. ;
on peaceful separation, 343 n. ;
sympathy for the North, 506 ; on the
Trent excitement, 528, 529 ; on the
blockade, 530 n., 531 n. ; on Sew-
ard, 532, 533; on the English war
party, 535; on Palmerston's con-
duct, 535 n. ; disbelief in Northern
success, iv. 85 n. ; on the Alabama
affair, 89 n.
Cobden Club accused of bribing tariff
reformers, vi. 276.
Coburn, John, Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 320 n.
Cochrane, John, investigates Washing-
ton plot (1861), iii. 301 n. ; can-
didacy (1864), iv. 464.
Cockburn, Alexander, arbitrator of
Alabama claims, vi. 364; and the
indirect claims, 370 ; vote on the
award, 372, 373; behaviour, 373-
375 ; on his fellow arbitrators,
373 n. ; dissenting opinion, 375.
Coercion of a State, and execution of
the laws, iii. 130, 134, 142-144
232 n., 233, 234, 312, 330, 344
Buchanan denies the right, 133
Lincoln's pre-presidential attitude,
160.
Coffee, duty on, iii. 438 n. ; substitutes
at the South, 545, v. 351; duty
removed, vi. 425.
Coke, Richard, governor of Texas, vii.
74.
Cold Harbour, Va., battle, iv. 445, 446 ;
loss, Grant's regret, 446.
Cole, C. H., plan to capture the Michi-
gan, v. 330, 331.
Colfax, Schuyler, policy as to Doug-
las, ii. 306 ; assists Lincoln, 338 ;
in the House, 418; opposes tariff
act of 1857, iii. 44 n. ; on scramble
for office (1861), 327 n. ; farewell to
Lincoln, v. 140, 141 ; on the death
of Lincoln, 154 n. ; speaker, 545 ;
votes on Civil Rights bill, 586; on
loyalty and reconstruction, vi. 80 ;
presidential bee, 158; nominated for
Vice-President, 159 ; elected, 195 ;
and Sumner's Civil Rights bill, 326 ;
why not renominated, 427 ; at Gree-
ley's funeral, 440 n. ; Credit Mobi-
lier scandal, vii. 1, 13 ; connection
considered, 13, 14; effect on his
career, 15.
Colfax, La., massacre, vii. 112, 113.
Collamer, Jacob, Greeley on, ii. 130;
speech on Kansas published, 131 ;
in Senate, 282 ; on Kansas, 293 ;
complimented by Vermont, 470;
opposes tariff act of 1857, iii. 44 n. ;
Committee of Thirteen, 151 ; and
Crittenden compromise, 154, 165 ;
compromise offer, 175 n. ; opposes
legal tender, 571 ; on the draft, iv.
328 n. ; vote on the whiskey tax, v.
268; on the overland cotton trade,
295.
Collie & Co., engaged in blockade-run-
ning, v. 401.
Collier, R. P., and the Alabama, iv.
87, 371 n., 372 n.
CLIMATE — CONFEDERATE ARMY
317
Collins, E. K., steamship line, subsidy,
speed competition with Cunard
line, iii. 9 ; subsidy increased, 10 ;
loss of the Arctic, 11; further in-
crease vetoed, 11, 12; loss of the
Pacific, subsidy revoked, failure, 12.
Colonization of negroes, Fillmore's
scheme, i. 296, 297 ; authorized,
iv. 60, 61; Lincoln's policy, 67;
futile attempt, 216 n. See also
Colonization Society.
Colonization Society, failure, i. 381 ;
Garrison on, 382; H. Martineau on,
382 n. ; and Buchanan, ii. 367.
Colorado, territory formed, iii. 312;
bill to admit, vetoed, v. 598 n.,
vi. 48.
Colton, Walter, on California, i. Ill ;
alcalde of Monterey, 113.
Columbia, S.C., responsibility for
burning, v. 90-98; destruction of
public buildings, destitution, 98.
Columbia College welcomes Kossuth,
i. 235.
Columbus, Ky., Confederates evacuate,
iii. 598.
Columbus, Ohio, war prison at, v.
487 n.
Columbus Crisis, on fictitious pros-
perity, v. 203; on immorality, 212.
Commerce. See Cotton, Railroads,
Shipping, Trade.
Committee of thirteen, Senate (1860),
membership considered, iii. 151-
153 ; agrees on a bipartisan ma-
jority, 153 ; rejects Crittenden com-
promise, 153, 154 ; Republican re-
sponsibility for this, 154-156; Re-
publican compromise offer, 175-
177 ; reports failure to agree, 178,
179.
Committee of thirty-three, House,
appointed, pacific resolution, iii.
177.
Compound interest notes, currency,
vi. 223 n.
Compromise (1860-1861), Buchanan's
suggestion, iii. 135 ; Weed's sug-
gestion, 144, 145 ; its reception, 145,
146; possibility (Dec), Crittenden,
150; Senate committee of thirteen,
151-153 ; committee rejects Crit-
tenden measure, 153, 154; Republi-
can responsibility for this, 154, 155,
165 n., 166 n. ; Crittenden, would
have checked secession, 155 ; Sew-
ard's course, 156-158, 162, 163,
258-260, 288, 289 ; Lincoln opposes,
on territorial slavery, 159-162; his
responsibility for rejection, 164-167 ;
Republican antagonism considered,
167-171 ; and further annexation,
168-170 ; Northern desire, 170-174,
310-312; Republican offer, 175-
177; House committee's pacific
resolutions, 177 ; attitude of cotton
States, 178, 179; attitude of border
States, 214, 289, 314 n., 315 n. ; fail-
ure of committee of thirteen, 178;
Pickens denounces, 196; proposal
for popular vote on, 254, 262;
Douglas on, 254 n., 255 n. ; move-
ment and that of 1850, 257, 258;
popularity of proposed vote, 260,
261, 261 n.-263 n. ; Republican
justification for preventing it con-
sidered, 262-266, 290; Crittenden,
defeated in the Senate, 266, 267;
House plan, 267-269; plan for
compensated emancipation, 269-
271; Peace Convention, 290, 291,
305-308; proposed amendment
guaranteeing State slavery, 313,
314 ; the South and a general con-
vention, 316 ; Lincoln considers it
impossible (1863), iv. 408 ; continued
professed belief in, by Democrats,
428, 532, 535. See also Secession.
Compromise of 1850; Clay's resolu-
tions and speech, i. 122-127, 333;
Calhoun opposes, 127-130; Webster
on, 144-160; Seward on, 162-168,
193 ; Davis's demand, 168, 169, 388 ;
Senate committee of thirteen, 171-
173; Taylor opposes, 175; Fill-
more's cabinet favours, 179 ; com-
pleted, 181-183 ; Mann on, 189 n.,
193 ; a credit to Clay and Webster,
191, 192; a relief to the North,
193-195; Fillmore on, 207, 230;
Mississippi favours, 227 ; resolution
of Foote concerning, 243 ; conven-
tions of 1852 on, 249, 253; Choate
favours, 254, 255; Corwin on, 300;
Douglas on, 426, 427, 433, 446,
447 ; generally accepted, 428 ; Dixon
on, 433 ; Washington Union on,
437 n. ; Toombs on, 461.
Confederate army, character at attack
on Sumter, iii. 352, 355 «., 374;
318
GENERAL INDEX
Confederate army — Continued.
unlimited volunteering authorized,
396 ; generals, 459 n. ; western line
(Jan. 1861), 581, 582; Conscription
act, 606, 607 ; number surrendered,
v. 185 ; size, 186 ; casualties, 186,
187; record, 187, 188; lack of
clothing, Federal uniforms worn,
353, 354 ; lack of blankets and shoes,
354, 355 ; problem of food supplies,
372; take food by force, 373; im-
pressment of food for, 373, 374;
pay in arrears, 378; arms and
ammunition, 392-395 ; interest in
trade with the North, 413 ; conscrip-
tion, 431-434 ; exemptions and sub-
stitutes, 434-441 ; desertions, 441-
447 ; religious revival, 466, 467 ;
management of War Department,
481. See also Prisoners of war,
and campaigns and commanding
generals by name.
Confederate Congress, Provisional,
first measures, iii. 292-295, 321, 322,
395, 396; Davis's message (Nov.
1861), 543; financial measures, 543,
544 ; Sequestration act, 464, 465 ;
suspension of habeas corpus, 601,
603, v. 453-457, 470, 471; poor
quality of permanent, iii. 603 ;
Conscription acts, 606, 607, v. 431,
433-435, 439-441; and Davis, 62,
63, 80, 478, 479; desire for peace,
62, 77-79 ; public discontent with,
63 ; authorizes enlistment of slaves,
80, 81 ; appeals to the people, 81 ;
prohibits circulation of greenbacks,
347; agricultural tithe law, 348;
resolution on corn planting, 367 ;
increases salaries, 369 ; law regulat-
ing impressment, 373, 374; ap-
propriations for railroads, 389 ;
regulation of blockade-running, 406,
407; act on export of cotton, 411;
law on cotton-mill profits, 422, 423 ;
act on frauds on the government,
430; resolution on the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation, 460; resolution
on Southern women, 465; refuses
to make Treasury notes legal tender,
470 ; lack of records, statutes, secret
proceedings, 479; personal alterca-
tions, 479, 480 ; resolution on negro
prisoners, 486.
Confederate navy, Florida, iv. 80, 81 ;
Alexandria seized, 371 ; Napoleon
instigates construction, 389 ; Rus-
sell's protest, 393, 394; manage-
ment, v. 480. See also Alabama,
Laird rams, Merrimac.
Confederate States, congressmen rec-
ommend formation, iii. 178 ; provi-
sional government formed, 291, 292;
officials elected, 292, 293; Davis's
inaugural, 293, 294 ; administra-
tive provisions, 294, 321 ; assumes
federal questions, 295, 321, 322;
commissioners to Washington, 295,
328-340; Davis's cabinet, 295;
intercourse with the North, 296 ;
European commissioners, 321, 417,
457; flag raising, 321; Constitution,
322-324 ; based on slavery, 324, 325 ;
Chase's policy of recognition, 343;
Lincoln determined on reunion, 343,
344 ; border States join, 379, 380, 383,
384, 396 ; belligerency recognized,
417-420, 421 n., 427-429; elections
(1861), 487, 488; inauguration of
permanent government, 600, 601 ;
foreign loan, iv. 366. See also Davis
(Jefferson), South.
Confiscation, Southern, of Northern
debts, iii. 396, 464, 465; Northern,
of slaves, 464; Fremont's procla-
mation, 470, 472 ; bill for, provi-
sions, iv. 60, 61 ; progress of the
bill, 61, 62; threatened veto, 62
63 ; modified and signed, 63-65
Lincoln promises leniency, v. 71
Johnson on, 521 n. ; Stevens pro-
poses, 551 n., vi. 29 ; House ignores
Stevens's project, v. 554; practically
none, vi. 49 ; as alternative of ac-
cepting reconstruction, 84.
Congdon, C. T., on Douglas, i. 492;
on Gardner, ii. 65, 66.
Congress (32), Collins subsidy, iii. 10;
steamboat inspection, 25-27 ; (33)
Collins subsidy, 11, 12; tariff, 41;
(34) tariff, 43, 44; corruption, 60;
(35) tariff, 56, 57.
Thirty-sixth : tariff, iii. 57, 58, 315,
316 ; withdrawal of Southern mem-
bers, 118, 119, 215, 271; annual
message, 132-136; Southern mani-
festo, 177, 178 ; approval of Ander-
son's action, 236 ; and appointment
of a collector for Charleston, 244,
245 ; electoral count, 300-302 ; con-
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS — CONGRESS
319
Congress, Thirty-sixth — Continued.
spiracy investigation, 301 n. ; con-
ciliatory legislation, 312, 313. See
also Compromise.
Thirty-seventh : an extra-session
called, iii. 360 ; message, volunteers
ordered, 437 ; first financial measures,
437, 438 ; Lincoln's arbitrary acts
ratified, 438, 439 ; support of Lincoln,
441, 442, iv. 64, 65, 240, 421 ; reso-
lution on the war, confiscation, iii.
464, iv. 60-64 ; first annual message,
iii. 553 ; political prisoners, 556, iv.
236; taxation, iii. 562, iv. 58-60;
legal-tender, iii. 562-572, iv. 237,
238 ; corrupt government contracts,
iii. 574-576; prohibits slavery in
the territories, 630, 631 ; and in the
District, 631 ; compensated eman-
cipation, 631, 635, iv. 70, 71, 216-
218; sagacity and effect, 57, 58,
240 ; various acts, 58 ; policy of
Democratic opposition, 227-229 ;
conscription, 236, 237 ; $900,000,000
loan act, 238, 239 ; effect on finances,
242, 243 ; resolution on mediation,
349 n. ; fractional currency, v. 191,
194.
Thirty-eighth: complexion, iv. 163,
164, 4l9 ; first annual message, 419-
422 ; supports the war policy, 422,
423 ; policy of Democrats, 423, v.
269, 270; recruiting, iv. 426, 427;
financial legislation, 428 ; authorizes
a lieutenant-general, 433 ; French
in Mexico, 471, 472; Thirteenth
Amendment, 472-474, v. 48-50;
repeals Fugitive Slave law, iv. 474,
475; vetoed act on reconstruction,
485-487 ; second annual message, v.
46; counts the electoral vote, help-
less on reconstruction question, 51 ;
opposition to Lincoln's plan of
reconstruction, 52 ; fails to recognize
loyal government of Louisiana, 53-
55 ; act to relieve scarcity of labour,
205 ; whiskey tax of 1864, alleged cor-
ruption, 263-273 ; House Committee
of Ways and Means, Senate Com-
mittee on Finance, 266 n. ; character,
269, 271 ; personnel of Senate, 270 n. ;
and the overland cotton trade, 295,
296 ; and the Michigan affair, 335.
Thirty-ninth: should have been
convened in extra session, v. 528-530 ;
meets, leaders, 541 ; Southern States
excluded, 544, 545 ; Joint Committee
on Reconstruction, 545 ; first annual
message, 546-548; first sentiments
as to reconstruction, 549, 553, 554 ;
House affirms sacredness of war debt,
550; policy of the radicals, 550,
551 ; reports on the South, 551-
553 ; influences on, as to policy
of reconstruction, 565; Freedmen's
Bureau bill, 568-574, 598; Senate
Committee on the Judiciary, 570 n. ;
resolution against admitting South-
ern representatives, 572 ; public
dread of breach with Johnson, 575 n. ;
conference between Johnson and
Reconstruction Committee, 575 n. ;
and Johnson after the February 22
speech, 578-580; Civil Rights bill,
580-586 ; amendment on basis of
representation defeated, 594, 595 ;
passage of Fourteenth Amendment,
595-597, 610; evident terms of
reconstruction, 597, 598 ; Tennessee
admitted, 598; abortive efforts,
598 n. ; plan of reconstruction con-
sidered, 598, 599 ; report of Recon-
struction Committee, 600-602 ;
character of Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 602-608 ; intent as to enforce-
ment of new basis of representation,
605, 606 ; character of offer to the
South, 609; its finality, 609, 610,
vi. 2-4; adjourns, v. 611; Johnson
on, 616, 618, 619 ; sustained by the
people, 625, 626 ; negro suffrage in
the District, vi. 9, 10 ; and Supreme
Court, 11, 12, 267; effect on, of
rejection of Fourteenth Amendment,
13; Reconstruction act, 13, 15-21;
growth of radicalism, 30, 45-47 ;
Tenure-of-Office act, 47, 129-132;
Nebraska admitted, 48 ; internal-
revenue, 217, 218; tariff, 219-222;
greenback contraction, 222, 223 ;
civil service reform, 234.
Fortieth : complexion, v. 625, 626 ;
Reconstruction acts, vi. 21, 64;
Wade President of the Senate, 48,
49 ; governs the country, con-
demns the removal of Sheridan, 72 ;
checks Southern policy of absentee-
ism, 94, 96 ; deprives the Supreme
Court of jurisdiction over recon-
struction, 96, 97; readmission of
320
GENERAL INDEX
Congress, Fortieth — Continued.
reconstructed States, 173-178;
character of reconstruction mem-
bers, 178, 179 ; and the ratification
of the Fourteenth Amendment, 178;
Georgia senators not admitted, 197 ;
counts the electoral vote, 197-200 ;
offices in unreconstructed States,
201; Fifteenth Amendment, 201-
204; purchase of Alaska, 212;
Danish West Indies, 213, 214; in-
ternal-revenue, 218, 233 ; stops
greenback contraction, 224, 229 ;
civil service reform, 234. See also
Impeachment.
Forty-first : Danish West Indies, vi.
214; Public Credit act, 241, 242;
Tenure-of-Office act, 243; further
conditions of reconstruction, 244-
246, 284-287; national-bank notes,
refunding, 273; tariff, 275, 280;
internal-revenue, 280 ; Georgia legis-
lature, 288-293; ratification of
Fifteenth Amendment, 293, 294;
Enforcement acts, 294-297, 312;
readmission of Georgia, 302 ; sale
of cadetships, 306 ; personal amnesty
acts, 324 ; Johnson-Clarendon con-
vention, 337 ; annexation of San
Domingo, 349-354; civil service re-
form, 386, 387.
Forty-second : Ku-Klux report, vi.
320-324; full representation, 330;
complexion, 330, 331; Ku-Klux
act, 331 ; amnesty and civil rights,
324-329; Treaty of Washington,
364 ; and the indirect claims, 368 ;
tariff, 424-426; Credit Mobilier
investigation, vii. 1-19 ; salary
grab, 20, 21 ; Sumner's battle-flags
resolution, 99, 100 ; Louisiana af-
fairs, 110, 111.
Forty-third : complexion, vi. 438
repeal of salary grab, vii. 21 ; ap
pointment of Simmons, 23, 24
Weed on character, 25 ; inflation
bill, 53-62 ; Grant vetoes it, 62-64
Sanborn contracts, 64-66; Re-
sumption act, 69-73 ; Revenue act
73 n. ; Alabama affairs, 83, 84
Arkansas affairs, 86 ; Force bill, 89
90; Civil Rights act, 90, 91; La-
mar's eulogy on Sumner, 100-102
Louisiana affairs, 114-127.
Forty-fourth: complexion, vii. 68,
84 n., 85 n. ; corruption investiga-
tions, 189-191, 218; Blaine scandal,
198-206 ; third-term resolution, 207 ;
character, 217 ; Electoral Count act,
239-243, 248-262; Electoral Com-
mission, 263 ; counting of the
electoral vote, 265-279.
Congress sunk by the Merrimac, iii. 610.
Conkling, Roscoe, in campaign of I860,
ii. 484 n. ; opposes Legal-Tender
bill, iii. 564; charges against Fry, v.
228, 229; member of Joint Com-
mittee on Reconstruction, 545 n. ;
signs the report, 602 n. ; and read-
mission of Alabama, vi. 177 n. ;
favours greenback contraction,
224 n. ; and readmission of Virginia,
284, 285; and Georgia legislature,
292; and Sumner's Civil Rights
bill, 326 n. ; and Sumner, 353, 354 ;
and rejection of Hoar, 378; on
civil service reform, 388 ; influence
on Grant's Southern policy, 390;
stumps for Grant's re-election, 434;
and confirmation of Simmons, vii.
24, 25 n. ; nominated for Chief
Justice, 25 ; declination considered,
training, 25, 26 ; adheres to declina-
tion, 28 ; and resumption, 70 ;
"bloody-shirt" campaign, 85; as
presidential timber, 207 ; antago-
nism to Blaine, 211 ; Blaine's speech
on, 211 n. ; joint committee on
electoral count, 248, 253, 256;
speech on Electoral Count bill, 258-
262; why not on Electoral Com-
mission, 263 ; shirks vote on Louisi-
ana electoral count, 276.
Conness, John, member of Committee
on Finance, v. 266 n.
Connolly, R. B., in Tweed Ring, vi.
393, 396 ; accounts copied and
published, 405, 406 ; attempt to
bribe the Times, 406 ; a scapegoat,
407, 408 ; appoints a deputy, re-
signs, 408 ; flight, 409.
Conrad, C. M., Secretary of War, i. 179.
Conscription at the South, rigorous, v.
66 ; exemption of cotton-mill hands,
422, 423; original age limit,
Brown attacks, Davis defends, 431 ;
wise policy, opposition, 432 ; de-
clared constitutional, 432, 433 ; age
limit restricted, 433, 434; contro-
versy over exemptions, 434, 435;
CONGRESS — COR WIN
321
Conscription at the South — Continued.
exemptions and evasions, 435, 436 ;
substitutes, price and frauds, 436-
439 ; substitution prohibited, 439 ;
those who had furnished sub-
stitutes made liable to service,
440, 441 ; further reduction of age
limit, exemptions curtailed, 441 ;
threatened organized resistance,
445 ; revocation of exemptions, 446,
447 ; exemption of overseers, 461 ;
closes colleges, 469. See also
Draft.
Constitution, Federal, Gladstone on,
i. 16 ; Lowell on, 20 ; a covenant
with death, 74 ; used in campaign
of 1856, ii. 220; Lincoln on, 335;
convention of 1860 on, 464 ; Con-
federate, iii. 322-324. See also
amendments and mooted questions
by name.
Constitutional Union party, conven-
tion (1860), ii. 454; vote, 500, 501.
Constitutions, reconstruction, con-
ventions, vi. 85, 91, 92 ; suffrage, 87,
88, 92; negro delegates, 88-90;
character, 90.
Contracts, irregularities in army and
navy, v. 214-224. See also Cor-
ruption.
Convention of 1817 and the Michigan
affair, v. 334, 335.
Conventions, reconstruction, v. 535-
539, vi. 85, 91, 92; National Union,
v. 614-616 ; Southern Loyalists',
621, 622; Cleveland and Pittsburg
Soldiers' and Sailors', 622, 623.
See also Elections, Secession.
Cony, Samuel, on the draft, v. 239, 240.
Cooke, Jay, floats five per cent, bonds,
vi. 274 ; commission, 476 ; aids Mc-
Culloch, 216 ; finances Northern
Pacific construction, vii. 39 ; failure,
43.
Cooper, Edward, union meeting, iii.
174 n.
Cooper, James, in committee on Clay
resolutions, i. 171.
Cooper, Samuel, joins the Confederates,
iii. 326 n.
Copperheads, spirit in the West (Jan.
1863), iv. 223, 224; use of the
term, 224, 225; first use, 224 n.
See also Sons of Liberty.
Corbett, Boston, kills Booth, v. 156.
VII. — 21
Corbin, A. R., and Gold Conspiracy,
vi. 250-253.
Corinth, Miss., Halleck's advance, iii.
628, 629; Confederate attack, iv.
180.
Cork scarce at the South, v. 116.
Corker, S. A., congressman, vi. 302 n.
Corn crop, short in 1863, v. 210.
Corning, Erastus, Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n.
Cornwell, C. H., on corrupt trade at
New Orleans, v. 305 n.
Corruption, public, in legislatures
before 1860, iii. 60, 61; municipal,
61, 62; vote buying, 62, 63; in-
creasing (1860), 63, 64; and private
morality, 112, 113; in Missouri
under Fremont, 469, 482, 483; in
army and navy contracts, 573-577,
iv. 532, 533, v. 215-219 ; exagger-
ated, 219-221 ; honest administra-
tion, 224-226 ; recruiting frauds,
227, 228 ; alleged, in Congress, 263-
271; illicit cotton trade, 285-294,
413, 414; extent among army
officers, 303; Butler and the illicit
trade, 303-313; at the South,
429-431 ; post-bellum, in Georgia,
vi. 300; Poland's warning (1873),
vii. 19 ; spread, 19, 20 ; in Ala-
bama, 75, 76; in Mississippi, 93,
97 ; in Louisiana, 105—107 ; in
South Carolina, 143-145 ; in Federal
departments, 182, 189-191; high-
water mark of national, 191 ; Lowell
on (1875), 191, 192; Curtis on, 192,
193; Hoar on, 193, 194. See also
Blaine, Credit Mobilier, Sanborn
contracts, Tweed Ring, Whiskey
Ring.
Corse, J. M., defends Allatoona, v. 8,
9 n.
Corwin, Thomas, on slavery in terri-
tories, i. 96; hears Seward, 166;
Secretary of the Treasury, 179 ;
and Gardiner claim, 298, 299 ; char-
acter, 299 ; anecdote, 299 n. ; speech
on Mexican war, 300 ; and com-
promise of 1850, 300, 301 ; Seward
on, 301 n. ; on Fugitive Slave law,
301 ; Sargent on, 301 n. ; assists
Lincoln, ii. 338 ; speech in speaker-
ship contest, 422 ; on abolitionists,
425; in Republican convention
(1860), 469 n. ; in campaign of
322
GENERAL INDEX
Corwin, Thomas — Continued.
1860, 484 n. ; and Erie gauge war,
iii. 22; compromise plan, 267, 269.
Cotton, Confederate export on, iii.
294 ; Confederate restrictions on
export, 396; Southern dependence
on, 404 ; as a factor in recognition,
415-417, 433; famine in England,
503, iv. 84 n., 363, 364 ; Confederates
burn, iii. 551 ; destroyed by Sher-
man and the Confederates, v. 21,
87; captured at Savannah, 29,
299, 420 ; importance of overland
trade in, to Lee's army, 62; in-
fluence of European desire for, on
Federal policy, 275, 276; policy at
the South, 276, 277, 411, 412;
movement at New Orleans, 276 n. ;
attempt to establish trade in, at
New Orleans, 277-280; exports to
Europe, 280, 281, 404, 409, 410;
effect of small exports on European
manufacturing centres, 281 ; North-
ern regulations of overland trade,
281-283; Memphis as a mart, 283,
284 ; legitimate overland trade, 284 ;
illicit trade and corruption, 285-294 ;
what the Confederates received in
the trade, 285, 286; payment in
specie, 286, 287 ; Grant on the trade,
290, 302; price at the North, 290;
effect of trade on the Union army,
289, 293; war prolonged by the
trade, 291, 296-298; attempts of
the military to restrict the trade,
291-294, 296-298; Congress and
the overland trade, 295, 296 ; Lin-
coln's attitude, 298, 299, 301 ; amount
and source of the overland trade,
299, 300; the South profits more
by the trade, 300, 301, 420; evils
result from poor administration,
301 ; Grant given control over the
trade, 302, 303 ; extent of corrupt
trade in the army, 303; Butler
and the corrupt trade, 303-313
Confederate loans on, 345, 346, 382
decrease in planting, 366, 367
fiscal plan based on, 381, 382
South withholds, to force recogni-
tion, 382; planters continue to
raise, 382, 383 ; manufactures at
the South, 394, 395, 422, 423;
price at the South and in Liverpool,
396 n., 404; cargo of a blockade-
runner, 401 ; government control
of export, 404-409 ; export through
Matamoras, 409 ; overland trade
essential to the South, 411; Davis
and the overland trade, 412, 413,
417, 418 ; Seddon and the overland
trade, 413, 419, 420; illicit trade
by Southern army and civilians, 413,
414, 417-419; attempts to check
the trade and conflict of authorities,
414, 415 ; vacillation of Confederate
authorities, 415-417 ; Treasury
Department controls the trade, 418 ;
duties collected on the trade, 419 ;
importance of, in the war game, 420 ;
poor crop (1866), vi. 77 ; tax on, 77,
218.
Cotton-gin and slavery, i. 19, 25.
Couch, D. N., Malvern Hill, iv. 47 ; and
Antietam, 152, 153 ; Fredericks-
burg, 196, 197 ; on movement to
Chancellorsville, 258; at Harris-
burg, 276.
Coursol, C. J., and the St. Albans
raiders, v. 336.
Courts, at the South, v. 472 ; under
military commanders, vi. 76; new
circuit, 378. See also Supreme
Court.
Cousin, Victor, on Everett, i. 291.
Covode, John, in campaign of 1860, ii.
484 n. ; offers impeachment resolu-
tions, vi. 107.
Covode investigation, ii. 476.
Cowan, Edgar, member of Committee
on Finance, v. 266 n. ; Johnson Re-
publican, absent at vote on Freed-
men's Bureau bill, 571 ; supports
the veto, 572; votes against Civil
Rights bill, 581 ; supports the veto,
585.
Cox, J. D., on the firing on Sumter,
iii. 359 n. ; in western Virginia, 436,
489 ; on the army and fugitive
slaves, iv. 61 n. ; on the withdrawal
from the Peninsula, 107 n. ; South
Mountain, 146 ; Antietam, 152, 153 ;
on tactics at Antietam, 154 n. ; on
McClellan, 190; on Schofield's fore-
sight, v. 13 n. ; on romantic charac-
ter of Sherman's march, 17 n. ; on
conduct of Sherman's army, 23,
24 n. ; at Franklin, 35-37; on
Thomas's delay, 41 ; on Lincoln and
Congress, 51 n. ; tribute to, 52 n. ;
COTTON — CUBA
323
Cox, J. D. — Continued.
on outrages in North Carolina, 103 ;
on Sherman and Halleck, 177 n. ;
on breech-loading rifles, 242 n. ;
effort to reconcile Johnson and
Congress, 578; at the Pittsburg
convention, 623 ; and the war port-
folio under Johnson, vi. 101 ; Secre-
tary of the Interior, career and
character, on reconstruction, 238,
239; on E. R. Hoar, 240; on the
appointment of Strong and Bradley,
271 ; opposes San Domingo annexa-
tion, 347, 348; and Grant, 363, 381 ;
civil service reform, politicians hate,
381 ; resigns, 382 ; public opinion
on resignation, 382 ; article on re-
form, 386 ; and Liberal Republican
movement, 412 ; and nomination of
Greeley, 423 ; congressional cam-
paign (1876), vii. 222.
Cox, S. S., on Douglas, i. 439 n. ; on
Toombs and Crittenden compro-
mise, iii. 155 n. ; Democratic leader,
iv. 227 n. ; opposes abolition amend-
ment, v. 49 ; Ku-Klux committee
vi. 322 n. ; Credit Mobilier committee,
vii. 2; and Virginius affair, 31.
Crampton, Sir J. F. T., recruiting in-
cident, dismissed, ii. 186-188.
Craven, J. J., on Davis in prison, vi. 55.
Crawford, G. W., and Galphin claim, i.
202, 203 ; Seward on, 203 n. ; charges
against, 204; Taylor's confidence in,
205.
Crawford, M. J., in speakership contest,
ii. 420; on Seward, 422; Con-
federate Provisional Congress, iii.
292 n. ; commissioner to Washing-
ton, 295; reception, 328, 329, 334,
337 n., 338 n. ; and Campbell's ne-
gotiations, 329-332, 336, 340.
Credit Mobilier, newspaper charges
bribery, vii. 1,2; congressional in-
vestigation, 2 ; origin, work, pay-
ment, 2-4 ; fears investigation and
unfavourable legislation, 4-6 ; trans-
actions with congressmen, 6-10;
dividends, 8; report on bribery, 9,
10, 12; guilt considered, 11; con-
temporary opinion, 12, 13 ; Colfax's
connection, 13-15 ; Allison's con-
nection, 15, 16; Garfield's connec-
tion, 16-18.
Creoles of Cuba, ii. 29.
Creswell, J. A. J., Postmaster-General,
vi. 240.
Crews, Joe, incites to arson, vii. 159.
Crime. <See Corruption, Morals.
Crimean war, recruiting for, in United
States, ii. 186.
Crittenden, J. J., Attorney-General, i.
179; on Fugitive Slave law, 188;
on Scott, ii. 189 ; in debate on
Kansas, 293 ; opposes Lecompton
constitution, 297 ; amendment to
Kansas admission bill, 299 ; Lincoln
disappointed in, 322; on Buchanan's
message, iii. 138 n. ; character,
offers a compromise, 150; com-
mittee of thirteen, 151 ; on probable
effect of his compromise, 155 n.,
156 n. ; proposes a popular vote on
it, 254, 262 ; still hopeful, 287, 288 ;
resolution on the purpose of the
war, 464; and Bragg 's invasion, iv.
177.
Crittenden, T. L., at Shiloh, iii. 625.
Crittenden, W. L., in Lopez expedition,
captured and shot, i. 219 ; resulting
excitement at New Orleans, 220.
Crittenden compromise. See Com-
promise.
Crook, George, Fisher's Hill, iv. 527 n.
Crosby, Peter, and Vicksburg race
riot, vii. 103, 104.
Crystal Palace of New York, i. 414-
416.
Cuba, proposed conquest, i. 193, 295;
Lopez expedition, 216-222; Fill-
more against expedition, 218; sym-
pathy for, 222; Everett on, 294;
Pierce on, 385, ii. 17, 18 ; Buchanan
on, i. 387, ii. 25 n., 174; Polk's
offer for, i. 393; Soul<§ on, Palm-
erston on, 394 ; Marcy desires,
423, ii. 10, 11, 41; Black Warrior
affair, 16, 17, 23, 31, 35, 42; sup-
posed attempts to Africanize, 25-27 ;
Clarendon on, 26 n., 32; plans to
attack, 28-30; Cobden on, 31, 32;
Clayton on, 33 n. ; proposed pur-
chase, 37 ; Ostend manifesto, 39, 40 ;
Spanish minister on, 42 ; debate on
bill to purchase (1859), 350-354;
Davis on, 373 ; insurrection, vi. 345,
vii. 29; Rawlin's interest, Grant's
belligerency proclamation signed,
vi. 345; not issued, 345, 346. See
also Virginius.
324
GENERAL INDEX
Cumberland sunk by the Merrimac, iii.
610.
Cunard line, rivalry with Collins line,
iii. 9, 10.
Curry, J. L. M., on scarcity of paper,
v. 358 ; defeated for the Confederate
Congress, 449, 452 ; amnesty, vi. 329.
Curtin, A. G., against Seward, ii. 466 ;
Greeley on, 470 ; urges tariff ques-
tion, 479, 480 n. ; in campaign of
1860, 497, 498; and Lee's invasion
(1862), iv. 144; (1863) 276, 277;
on arbitrary arrests, 235, 236; re-
elected, 416 ; as war governor, v.
235; "visiting statesman," vii. 230.
Curtis, B. R., on Compromise of 1850,
i. 195 ; on McLean, ii. 186 n. ; in
Supreme Court, 250 ; training, Web-
ster's confidence in, 251 ; in Dred
Scott case, 252 ; on Missouri Com-
promise question, 253 ; on Taney,
254 ; Dred Scott dissenting opinion,
257-260; on Declaration of Inde-
pendence, 258, 465 ; on powers of
Congress, 259 ; on slavery, 260 ; on
authority of Supreme Court, 263 ;
Executive Power pamphlet, iv. 170,
171 ; on Stanton, v. 181 ; on Con-
gress and the Supreme Court, vi.
97; Johnson's counsel, 118; as a
lawyer, 120; opens the case for the
defence, 121-124; doubtful of the
verdict, 124.
Curtis, G. T., on Webster, i. 155, 156;
Shadrach case, 209 ; Sims case, 211 ;
on Lincoln's campaign, ii. 498 n.
Curtis, G. W., on Olmsted, i. 304 n. ;
on journal of Fanny Kemble, 305 n. ;
on Crystal Palace, 414-416; reply
to Choate, ii. 208 n. ; supports
Fremont, 211, 214; in campaign of
1856, 212, 215 ; in Republican con-
vention (1860), 463; in campaign
of 1860, 484 n., 485; on American
marine, iii. 8 ; on American physique,
66, 67, 68 n., 71 n. ; on life at Sara-
toga, 76 «., 77 n., 78, 79; on
Americans abroad, 79 n., 80 n. ;
on generations of singers, 86 n. ;
as essayist, 94 ; on Tupper, 108 n. ;
lecture cancelled (Dec. 1860), 173;
on Fernando Wood, v. 266; attack
on Douglas, 620 n. ; on Grant as
president, vi. 377 n. ; and civil
service reform, 387, 388, 390, 422,
vii. 22; and Nast's cartoons (1872),
vi. 435 ; attitude towards the South
(1875), vii. 131 ; on Federal corrup-
tion, 192, 193.
Curtis, S. R., and Fremont, iii. 480,
481 ; clears Missouri, 617.
Cushing, Caleb, Attorney-General, i.
388, 389 ; influence on Pierce's
nomination, 390, 391 ; career and
character, 391, 392; Lowell on,
392; desires appointment of Davis,
393 ; Benton on, 393 n. ; on aboli-
tionism, 420, 421 ; influence with
Pierce, 482 ; supports Kansas-Ne-
braska bill, 483; and Soule, ii. 24;
in Charleston convention, 445 ; mis-
sion to South Carolina, iii. 192, 201 ;
and Trent affair, 521 ; counsel at
Geneva Arbitration, vi. 364; and
American Case, 365 ; nominated for
Chief Justice, opposition, letter to
Davis, withdrawn, vii. 27, 28.
Custer, G. A., on outrages in Texas, vi.
25.
Cutler, W. P., despairs of Northern
success, iv. 221.
Cutting, F. B., and Kansas-Nebraska
bill, i. 480; Breckinridge on, 480,
481.
Dabney, Thomas, on wearing Yankee
uniforms, v. 353; on Sheridan's
devastations, 383 ; on conditions of
transportation, 388, 389.
Dahlgren, Ulric, raid on Richmond, v.
514, 515.
Dakota, territory formed, iii. 312.
Dallas, G. M., on dismissal of Cramp-
ton, ii. 187 ; Lord Palmerston on,
188.
Dalton, C. H., on the Legal-Tender
bill, iii. 570 n.
Dalton, Ga., battle, iv. 450; surrender
to Hood, v. 8.
Dana, C. A., honours Kossuth, i. 236 ;
denounces Kansas-Nebraska bill,
463; on McLean, ii. 180, 181; on
Fremont and Seward, 223 ; on cam-
paign of 1856, 232; on Chase and
Seward, 459 n., 461 ; in campaign
of 1860, 484 n. ; on the hard times
(1854), iii. 39; as Lincoln's agent
at the front, iv. 302 n., 304 n. ;
on negro soldiers, 335, 336 ; on
Chickamauga, 398; on Rosecrans
C UMBER LAND — DAVIS
325
Dana, C. A. — Continued.
in Chattanooga, 400, 401 ; on Mis-
sionary Ridge, 406, 407 ; on the
pursuit of Early, 503 ; Assistant
Secretary of War, honesty and ef-
ficiency, v. 221 ; on contract frauds,
217 ; on the cotton trade, 289, 290.
Dana, N. J. T., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 295 n., 302 n.
Dana, R. H., interview with Anthony
Burns, i. 500; on the new Republi-
can party, ii. 95 n. ; on Choate, 206 ;
on Webster, 262; and the Trent
affair, iii. 521 ; on English insolence,
542 n., 543 n. ; on Hunter's order, iv.
66 n. ; on Lincoln, 210 n., 478; on
Grant's appearance, 438, 439 ; on
Sumner, v. 54 n., vi. 41 ; nominates
Bristow, vii. 208.
Daniel, J. M., on Davis's prayer
proclamations, iv. 8 n. See also
Richmond Examiner.
Daniel, P. V., in Supreme Court, ii. 250.
Danish West Indies, attempted pur-
chase, vi. 213, 214.
Danville, 111., draft riot, v. 232.
Darwin, C. R., belief in Southern
success, iii. 510; on the war and
slavery, 511 n. ; on lacking sym-
pathy with the North, 515, 543, iv.
359 n.
Davis, David, of Illinois, bargain with
friends of Caleb Smith, ii. 466 ; with
friends of Cameron, 467 ; in cam-
paign of 1860, 484 n. ; on military
trials, iv. 251, 252; dissent in Hep-
burn vs. Griswold, vi. 262 ; and
Liberal Republican nomination, 413 ;
presidential ambition, 417, 418 ;
checked, 418 ; votes for, 420 ; and
Electoral Commission, vii. 250 ; po-
litical preference discussed, 252 ;
eliminated from the Commission,
elected senator, 262-264.
Davis, G. B., work on the Official
Records, v. 626 n.
Davis, G. W., work on the Official
Records, v. 626 n.
Davis, Garrett, on Kentucky senti-
ment (June 1861), iii. 392 n. ; on
Southern sentiment, 407 n. ; on
Kentucky and Fremont's proclama-
tion, 471 ; and Bragg 's invasion, iv.
177.
Davis, H. W., of Maryland, at celebra-
tion of Lundy's Lane, i. 270; on
Buchanan and Civil war, iii. 136 ;
resolution on French in Mexico, iv.
471; plan of reconstruction, 485;
manifesto, 487 ; calls for a new con-
vention (1864), 518; on Lincoln's
usurpations, v. 51 n. ; on Dawes,
534 n.
Davis, J. C, at Sumter, iii. 246.
Davis, J. C. B., agent in Geneva
Arbitration, vi. 364 ; American Case,
364-366.
Davis, Jefferson, on speech of Webster,
i. 157; states Southern claim, 168;
compromise ultimatum (1850), 169;
votes on Texas boundary, 181 ; pro-
tests against admission of California,
182 ; against territorial bills, 184 ;
on situation in 1850, 189 n. ; refuses
command of Cuban expedition, 217 ;
gubernatorial contest with Foote,
226, 227, 390; on slavery, 371, ii.
359 ; influenced by Calhoun, i. 380 ;
Secretary of War, 388; career, 389,
390 ; Cushing advocates appoint-
ment, 393 ; friendship with Pierce,
421 ; and Kansas-Nebraska bill,
432 n., 483 ; assists Douglas, 437 ;
trusted by Pierce, 438; Pierce
influenced by, 482 ; desires to up-
hold Soul6, ii. 24; friendship with
Quitman, 27 ; promotes cause of
filibusters, 28 ; sympathy with
Missourians, 85 ; on Reeder, 86 ;
favours Missouri party in Kansas,
122; position on Kansas, 240;
compared with Buchanan, 245 ;
speech on Kansas, 294, 295; de-
nounces Walker, 275; influence
in Kansas affairs, 277 ; compared to
Calhoun, 347; Northern tour, 347,
348 ; speech at Jackson, 348 ; dis-
cussion with Douglas, 357, 358,
on the slave-trade, 372 ; on Cuba
and disunion, 373 ; on John Brown,
411; resolution on protection of
territorial slavery (1860), 430, 455,
456 ; influence in Charleston con-
vention, 445 ; arrogance in Senate,
454 n., 455 n. ; debate with Douglas,
455, 456 ; tries to concentrate oppo-
sition to Lincoln, 490; advises
Buchanan on his message, iii. 132 ;
on cause of secession, 148, 149, 255-
257 ; committee of thirteen, 151 ; and
326
GENERAL INDEX
Davis, Jefferson — Continued.
Crittenden compromise, 154, 154 n.,
155 n., 169 ; and manifesto of
Southern congressmen, 177, 178 ;
and Buchanan (Dec), 190 n. ; and
the removal to Sumter, 224; on
Buchanan (Jan.), 249 ; withdraws
from the Senate, 271, 272; con-
spiracy charge considered, 276;
provisional President, 292 ; reluctant
acceptance, 293; inaugural (1861),
293-294; (1862), 600, 601; vetoes
a slave-trade bill, 294 n. ; cabinet,
295 ; on effect of secession on slavery,
298; expects a war, 299, 300; on a
general convention, 316 ; and the
Confederate flag, 321 ; and Seward's
assurance as to Sumter, 339, 340;
and attack on Sumter, 347-351 ;
and Maryland, 380; on indepen-
dence as the issue, 398, iv. 515, 516,
520, v. 68, 76, 78, 80 ; vituperation,
iii. 402 n. ; and Bull Run, 452, 453 ;
Johnston controversy, 458, 459, v.
110; and attitude of Europe, iii.
417 ; elected President under per-
manent Constitution, 487 ; popu-
larity (1861), 489 n. ; and a
Northern invasion, 494, 495 ; mes-
sage (Nov. 1861), 543, 544 ; proclaims
martial law, 601, v. 453, 454; up-
holds Winder, opposition develops,
iii. 603 ; and Richmond panic, iv.
7-10; and Lee, 30, 53, 54, 121;
on McClellan's plan, 34 n. ; and Lee's
plan against McClellan, 35, 36 ; at
Gaines's Mill, 40; at Glendale,
46 ; on failure to crush McClellan,
54 n. ; and Pope's orders, 102; and
Lee in Maryland, 142, 143; and
Vicksburg, 300, 313-315; and
Bragg 's army, 403, 404 ; divulges
plan against Sherman, v. 7, 8; dis-
approves of Hood's invasion, 14;
on food capacity of Georgia, 20 ;
on moral effect of Sherman's march,
26; Blair's mission to, 58, 59; pro-
poses a peace conference between
the "two countries," 59, 67, 68;
and Congress, 62, 63, 80, 454, 478,
479; public loses confidence in, 63;
influence, 64, 65, 79 ; autocracy, 65,
80; on arming the slaves, 66; ap-
points commissioners to meet Lin-
coln, 67, 68; and emancipation,
67 n. ; on the Hampton Roads Con-
ference, 72 ; master oration on con-
tinued resistance, 72, 73 ; hopes for
an armistice, 76 ; knowledge of the
true military condition, 79 ; on the
evacuation of Charleston, 99 ; com-
pared with Lincoln, 109, 475, 482;
flight from Richmond, 118; Lin-
coln's attitude, 134; false charge
of complicity with Booth, 157, 158,
521, 522; council after Lee's sur-
render, 162, 163 ; approves of
Sherman-Johnston agreement, 170 ;
captured, 182, 183; specie taken
by, from Richmond, 184; outlaws
Butler, 309, 485, 486; credentials
to Thompson, 320 ; manifesto on
the Michigan affair, 332, 340,
341 ; and the St. Albans raid
and attempted arson of New York,
341, 342; confession of national
bankruptcy, 345; on scarcity of
food, 360, 361 ; on speculators,
362, 363, 424; and the bread
riot, 364 ; pleads for corn-planting,
367 ; salary and household expenses,
369 ; complaints to, on impress-
ment, 374-377; real head of War
Department, 377, 481 ; policy of
impressment necessary, 378-380 ;
defective administration, 380, 430;
diplomacy of withholding cotton,
382 ; and the blockade-running,
403-409 ; and the overland cotton
trade, 412, 413, 417-420; and the
Conscription act, 431—435, 439-441 ;
attempt to check desertion, 443 ;
temporary factional opposition to,
448 ; disaffected minority, 449, 450 ;
fears Union sentiment in North
Carolina, 450; and Vance, 450, 451 ;
and the secret societies, 452, 453,
455, 456 ; and the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus, 453-457, 471 ;
political arrests, 457, 458 ; on the
Emancipation Proclamation, 459,
460; provocation for use of arbi-
trary power, 472, 473 ; Northern
belief in tyranny of, 474 ; socialistic
power, 475 ; and the governors, 475,
476 ; as a controversialist, 476 ;
and Stephens, 477, 478 ; and Yancey,
control of appointments, 478 ; and
his cabinet, 480, 481 ; ill health, 481,
482; domestic life, 482; on treat-
DAVIS — DELAWARE
327
Davis, Jefferson — Continued.
ment of prisoners of war, 489, 490;
knowledge of conditions at Ander-
sonville, 496, 502, 503 ; should have
paroled the prisoners, 501, 502;
extent of responsibility for Ander-
sonville, 503, 504; on deaths of
prisoners of war, 506, 507 ; and offers
to dispose of Federal officials, 513,
514; and Dahlgren's raid, 514, 515;
humanity, 515 ; animosity of John-
son, 522 ; clemency for, invoked,
538; justly debarred from holding
office, 608; as a factor in the cam-
paign of 1866, 625 ; at Fortress Mon-
roe, ironed, vi. 50, 51 ; fear of a
rescue, 51, 52 ; better treatment, 52,
53 ; problem of disposing of, 53-55 ;
reaction in favour of, 55 ; bailed, 56,
57 ; ovation in Richmond, 57, 58 n. ;
judges certify a disagreement, in-
cluded in Johnson's amnesty, trial
abandoned, 57 ; magnanimity of re-
lease, later years, 58 ; excluded from
congressional amnesty, 329, 330;
Blaine's attack, vii. 180.
Davis, Mrs. Jefferson, on negroes, i.
375 ; on prices in Richmond, v. 348 ;
plaits straw, 356 ; Memoir of her
husband, vi. 58, 59; restoration of
copyright, 59.
Davis, John, of Massachusetts, prevents
passage of Wilmot proviso, i. 90 ;
steamboat inspection law, iii. 25-27.
Davis, Nicholas, of Alabama, as anti-
secessionist, iii. 275.
Davis, Rev. Noah, narrative of his
life, i. 364, 365.
Davis, Reuben, of Mississippi, mani-
festo of Southern congressmen, iii.
177, 178.
Dawes, H. L., in Whig convention
(1852), i. 253; refuses to vote for
Webster, 258 ; predicts war, iii.
174, 175 ; investigates Washington
plot, 301 n. ; investigates Fremont,
469 n. ; on war-time prosperity, v.
207, 208 ; and Johnson's policy, 534 ;
favours greenback contraction, vi.
224 n. ; and tariff of 1872, 426 n. ;
and Credit Mobilier, vii. 1, 9, 12;
and Resumption act, 72 n. ; opposes
interference in Arkansas, 88 ; and
the Force bill, 89, 90.
Dayton, W. L., Washburne on, ii.
183 n. ; nomination, 184 ; home,
203 ; in campaign of 1860, 484 n.
Dead line in the war prisons, v. 506.
Deaths in both armies, v. 186, 187;
in war prisons, 506-508.
De Bow, J. D. B., on condition of
slaves, i. 306; on cotton culture,
311 ; on condition of South, 313 n. ;
ability, 353 ; on railroad accidents,
iii. 24 ; on Northern morals, 97 n.
De Bow's Review, on text-books, i. 351 ;
character, 353.
Debt, public, loan of 1858, iii. 55 ;
$900,000,000 loan act, iv. 238, 239;
increase (1863), 427; authorized in
1864, 428; amount (April, Sept.,
1865), v. 188, 234 n., vi. 216; Chase
on, v. 233, 234 ; Confederate cotton
loans, 345, 346, 382 ; State repudia-
tion of Confederate, 536-538, 597 n.,
608; fear of repudiation of Union
war, 549, 550 ; its sacredness
affirmed, 550, 597 n., 608; and
consolidation in 5-20 bonds, vi.
216; McCulloch's reduction, 217
payment in gold pledged, 241, 242
decrease by bond purchases, 257
Refunding act (1870), 273, 274
reduction (1869-1873), 274; Ala-
bama's reconstruction debt, vii. 78 ;
its repudiation, 84 n. ; Mississippi's
reconstruction, 96 ; Louisiana's, 107 ;
South Carolina's, 147 ; Confederate,
as issue in 1876, 223. See also
Bonds, Paper money.
Declaration of Independence, in cam-
paign of 1856, ii. 220; Taney on,
256, 257; B. R. Curtis on, 258;
Lincoln on, 319, 320; G. W. Curtis
on, 463.
Defeat, the North during period of, iv.
221-223, v. 195-198.
De Fontaine, F. G., on Southern crops
in 1862, v. 366, 367.
De Grey and Ripon, Earl, Joint High
Commission, vi. 360 ; and revival of
the indirect claims, 367, 370.
Delano, Columbus, in convention of
1860, ii. 469 n. ; Secretary of the
Interior, corruption under, vii.
182 n.
Delaware and secession, volunteers,
iii. 394 ; slavery conditions in 1865,
v. 49 ; Democratic majority in 1866,
625.
328
GENERAL INDEX
Delaware, Fort, Del., used as war
prison, v. 487 n.
Democratic party, and Texas, i. 77;
strengthened, 185; and spoils sys-
tem, 399; restored to power (1853),
385, 386; supremacy, 422; Doug-
las on, 430 ; weakened by Kansas-
Nebraska act and Ostend manifesto,
ii. 44; position on slavery, 240;
broken up by Davis and his followers,
359; free trade and slavery, hi.
41, 42, 57; latent hostility to the
war, 485 ; and emancipation, iv.
164, 167,217-219,228; Copperheads,
Butternuts, and War, 224, 225;
leaders of war opposition, 225-227 ;
policy in Congress during the war,
227-229, 423, v. 269, 270; Lowell
on, iv. 425 ; cry corruption, v. 219 ;
call of a country meeting, 233 n. ;
support Johnson, 564; and Four-
teenth Amendment, vi. 10; and the
impeachment, 113; ascendency in
the South foreshadowed, efforts to
prevent it, 285 ; formation of the
Solid South, 290 n., 300, 301, vii.
74, 83, 84, 87, 88 n., 137, 140;
good result of endorsing the Liberal
Republican platform, vi. 439 ; Ohio
platform (1875), vii. 175, 176. See
also Elections, Sons of Liberty.
Denison, G. S., on Butler and the illicit
trade at New Orleans, v. 303-308.
Dennison, William, gubernatorial con-
test, ii. 3S0, 381 ; elected, 383 ;
and Personal Liberty law, iii. 253 ;
Postmaster-General, attitude on
negro suffrage, v. 524, 527 ; effort to
reconcile Congress and Johnson,
578; resigns, 611.
Dent, Louis, candidacy for governor
of Mississippi, vi. 246.
Denver, J. W., governor of Kansas, ii.
289 ; against Lecompton consti-
tution, 292.
Depew, C. M., on New York Tribune,
ii. 72 n. ; in campaign of 1860, 484 n.
Derby, Lord, opposes mediation, iv.
364.
Desertions from the Confederate army,
v. 74, 75, 432, 441-443; increase
after Gettysburg and Vicksburg, 443,
444 ; defiant attitude of deserters,
444, 445 ; checked, 445, 446 ; num-
ber, 447.
De Trobriand, P. R., and the Louisiana
legislature, vii. 118, 119, 127.
Detroit, opposition to the draft, v. 231.
Devens, Charles, candidacy (1862), iv.
167 ; Attorney-General, vii. 287 n.
Dew, T. R., Pro-slavery Argument, i.
316, 368.
Deweese, J. T., of North Carolina,
sells cadetships, vi. 306.
Dewey, D. R., on currency of com-
pound interest notes, vi. 223 n.
De Witt, Alexander, signs Appeal of
Independent Democrats, i. 442 ;
and tariff of 1857, iii. 44.
Dicey, A. V., on Benjamin in Eng-
land, v. 481 n.
Dicey, Edward, on criticism of the
North, iii. 514 n., 515 n. ; on the
war and slavery, 518 n., 548 n. ;
on the Army of the Potomac, 604.
Dickens, Charles, influence of, on Eng-
lish war opinion, iv. 362.
Dickinson, D. S., in committee on
Clay resolutions, i. 171 ; favours
Fugitive Slave law, 183; on slave-
owners, 209 n. ; refuses to be a
presidential candidate, on Cass,
248 ; elected governor, iii. 486, 487 ;
opposition to Lincoln, iv. 518.
Diplomatic costume, before 1853, ii.
1, 2; Marcy's order, 2; action of
the ministers, 2-6.
Disabilities. See Amnesty, Suffrage.
Disloyal secret societies at the South,
v. 452, 453. See also Sons of
Liberty.
Disraeli, Benjamin, on Gladstone's
Newcastle speech, iv. 340 n. ; op-
poses mediation, 364; and the in-
direct claims, vi. 370 n.
District of Columbia, Clay resolution
respecting, i. 122 ; Clay on, 125 ;
slave-trade in, 182-184, 196; Crit-
tenden compromise on slavery in,
iii. 150 n. ; compensated emancipa-
tion, 631 ; negro suffrage, vi. 9, 10.
See also Washington.
Disunion, Clemens on, i. 242; Douglas
on, ii. 331, 487, 488; threats (1860),
487; Seward on, Lowell on, 488;
Lieber on, 489. See also Compro-
mise, Secession.
Dix, J. A., offered a secretaryship, i.
387 ; releases Pierce, 388 ; offered
the French mission, political bias,
DELAWARE — DOUGLAS
329
Dix, J. A. — Continued.
395; on Pierce, 482; on the Crit-
tenden compromise, iii. 170 ; Union
meeting, 174 n. ; Secretary of the
Treasury, career and character, 251 ;
and Fort Pickens quasi-truce, 285 n. ;
and Buchanan, 286 ; flag despatch,
287 ; on Twiggs's treachery, 326 n. ;
on proposed evacuation of Sumter,
333 ; arbitrary arrests, 554 ; on
irregular warfare, v. 332 ; arranges
a cartel, 485 ; candidate for gov-
ernor, vi. 433.
Dixon, Archibald, of Kentucky,
amendment to Nebraska bill, on
Missouri Compromise, and com-
promise measures, i. 433 ; Douglas ac-
cepts amendment, promises to sup-
port Douglas, 434 ; Pierce opposed
to the amendment, 437 ; on Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 441.
Dixon, James, of Connecticut, in
Senate, ii. 282 ; on slavery and the
war, iii. 468 n. ; Johnson Republican,
on the annual message, v. 548 ;
votes for Freedmen's Bureau bill,
571; supports the veto, 572; votes
for Civil Rights bill, 581 ; absent at
vote on veto, 585.
Dobbin, J. C, Secretary of the Navy, i.
388.
Dodd, H. H., prominent Son of Liberty,
v. 324.
Dodge, A. C, restrains Benton, i. 171.
Dodge, W. E., Peace Convention, iii.
305 n. ; protest against Tweed Ring,
vi. 405.
Donaldson, J. B., United States
marshal, proclamation on Lawrence,
ii. 157 ; supports Jones, 158.
Donelson, A. J., nominated for Vice-
President, ii. 119.
Donelson, Fort, strategic value, iii.
581, 582; Grant marches against,
582, 585 ; repulses naval attack,
585 ; Confederates decide to cut
their way out, 585, 586 ; Union
force, 586 ; Confederate assault, 586-
589 ; counter-attack ordered, 589,
590; Smith's charge, 590, 591;
Wallace's charge, 591, 592; Con-
federate council, escape of Floyd
and Pillow, 592, 593 ; Buckner sur-
renders, Grant's terms, 593 ; effect,
598; Northern rejoicing, 598, 599;
effect in England, 599 ; at the South,
599, 600; success not followed up,
617, 618.
Doolittle, J. R., in Senate, ii. 283;
and Cuban bill, 352 ; in campaign of
1860, 484 n. ; committee of thirteen,
iii. 151 ; and Crittenden compro-
mise, 154, 166, 167; vote on the
whiskey tax, v. 268 ; supports John-
son's policy, votes for Freedmen's
Bureau bill, 571 ; supports the veto,
572 ; absent at vote on Civil Rights
bill, 580 ; supports the veto, 585 ; at
the National Union ^Convention,
616; on Tenure-of-Office act,vi. 130,
131; "visiting statesman," vii. 230.
Dortsch, W. T., favours reunion, v.
79 n.
Doubleday, Abner, at Sumter, iii. 246.
Douglas, S. A., supports compromise
scheme, i. 173 ; on the Union-
saving caucus, 173 n. ; bill on ad-
mission of California, 181 ; absent at
vote on the Fugitive Slave law,
183 ; on fugitive slaves, 187 ; ad-
dress at Chicago, 197; on Clayton-
Bulwer treaty, 202 n. ; in conven-
tion of 1852, 244; career and
character, 245, 471 ; Ampere on,
245 n. ; views on Cuba and Mexico,
Whig journal on, 246 ; biographies,
246 n. ; defeat (1852), 247, 248, 252 ;
favours doctrine of manifest destiny,
295 ; on Cuban letter of Everett,
296 ; rivalry with Cass, 424 ; desires
support of South, 424, 425 ; report
on territories, 425-428 ; on slavery
in Nebraska, 426 ; on Missouri
Compromise, 427, 435, 436, ii. 265;
on Compromise of 1850, i. 427, 433 ;
proposition concerning Nebraska,
428 ; ambition, 429 ; imitates Clay,
430 ; compared with Clay, 431 ; not
influenced by Atchison, Toombs,
or Stephens, 431, 432; on Nebraska
bill, 431 n. ; discussion with Dixon,
433, 434; seeks aid of President,
436, 481; seeks aid of Davis, 437;
Washington Union on, 437 n. ; Pierce
promises support, 438 ; Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 439, ii. 127 ; Cox on,
i. 439 n. ; course endorsed by ad-
ministration, 441 ; false methods,
443; attacks Chase, 444, 445; de-
bate on Kansas-Nebraska bill,
330
GENERAL INDEX
Douglas, S. A. — Continued.
446-448, 461, 462, 470-475; on
Clay and Webster, 448; on Chase,
Seward, and Sumner, 454 ; dis-
trusted at the South, 468; Seward
on, 474, ii. 284 ; answers charge of
Chase and Sumner, i. 474, 475 ; on
speech of Everett, 474; invents
doctrine of popular sovereignty,
476, 477 ; on clergymen in politics,
479; Richardson supports, 480;
pertinacity, 483; criticised by Ben-
ton, 489, 490 ; political opinions,
491; intellect, 492; compared
with other statesmen, 493 ; civil
war precipitated by, 494; Bushnell
on, 496 ; on Know-nothings, ii. 56 ;
refuted by Lincoln, 61 ; howled
down at Chicago (1854), 61, 62;
reply of Lincoln to, at Springfield,
62 ; on the result of the election,
66, 67 ; compared with Seward, 69 ;
disturbed by Lincoln, 70; warned
by Lincoln, 80, 81 ; in Virginia, 88 ;
on situation in Kansas, 125 ; Kan-
sas bill, 127; Mrs. Stowe on, 127-
129; Greeley on, 129, 338 n. ; on
Sumner, 134, 138, 139; Sumner on,
135, 137, 138 ; on assault on Sumner,
148, 149; political strength (1856),
169, 170; votes for, in the conven-
tion, 171, 172; urges nomination
of Buchanan, 172 ; introduces the
Toombs Kansas bill, 191 ; offers an
amendment, 192 ; position on slavery,
194; on Kansas, 196, 285; in cam-
paign of 1856, 230; Buchanan com-
pared with, 245 ; Taney compared
to, 261 ; on Dred Scott decision, 264 ;
urges submission to Supreme Court,
271 ; urges Walker to go to Kansas,
272; breaks with Buchanan, 282,
302, 303, 322, 355; on Lecompton
scheme, 283-287, 293, 297; Wise
on, 290; Brown on, 294; removal
of friends, 295 ; Raymond on, 296 ;
against English bill, 300; co-opera-
tion with Seward, 305-307; Chase
on, 307 ; on Lincoln, 313, 314, 340,
472, 491, 492 ; Lincoln on, 316, 317,
334, 335, 336, 337 ; ovation in
Chicago (1858), 317, 318; gift to
University of Chicago, 318; Lin-
coln's reply to, 319, 320; debates
with Lincoln, 321-343; challenged
by Lincoln, 321 ; first debate with
Lincoln, 323 ; on the negro, 324 ;
catechises Lincoln, 326 ; Freeport
doctrine, 327, 328 ; compared with
Lincoln, 329, 330; on disunion, 331,
487, 488; defeats Lincoln, 339
Parker on, 342 ; Southern tour, 354
removed from chairmanship, 355
discussions with Davis, 357, 358
455, 456; political position (1859)
359; on the slave-trade, 369, 370
article on Popular Sovereignty
373, 374 ; controversy with Black
374 ; Lincoln on the article, 383
on John Brown, 411 ; altercation
concerning, 423 ; declaration to
Southern senators, 429, 430; in-
fluence in Charleston convention,
440, 443-445 ; Buchanan opposes
nomination, 450; Yancey against,
452 ; Stephens on, 453 ; attitude
towards the South, 457; question
of withdrawal, 474, 475, 490, 491;
nominated, 475 ; and the tariff,
480, iii. 44; strength as candi-
date, ii. 483 ; catechised by South-
erners, 491, 492; tour in cam-
paign of 1860, 493 ; votes for, 500,
501 ; speaks at South against seces-
sion, iii. 146 ; committee of thirteen,
151 ; and Crittenden compromise,
154; hopeful for compromise, 253,
254, 287, 288; supports a popular
vote, 254 ; speech on secession and
compromise, 254 n., 255 n. ; at
Lincoln's inauguration, 318 ; ad-
vises evacuation of Sumter, 333,
340, 341; loyalty, 360, 361, 414;
calamity of his death, 414, 415 ;
monument, v. 617, 619 ; Curtis
attacks, 620 n. ; as parliamentary
leader, vi. 34, 35.
Douglass, Frederick, on condition of
slaves, i. 305, 310, 317 ; on teaching
slaves, 330; on moral effect of
slavery, 343 ; reads Columbian
Orator, 351; on Uncle Tom, 364;
early notions of geography, 378;
nominated by abolitionists, ii.
186 n. ; conference with John
Brown, 392; goes to Canada, 401.
Dow, C. M., murdered, ii. 104, 162.
Downs, S. W., in committee on Clay
resolutions, i. 172.
Doyle family murdered, ii. 163.
DOUGLASS — EDMUNDS
331
Draft at the North, resistance (1862),
iv. 164, 165 ; law for national, 236,
237 ; Sherman on the law, 241 n. ;
necessity, 320 ; enrolment disturb-
ances, 320, 321 ; drawing begins
in New York City, exemption
clause, 321 ; riot, first day, 322-325 ;
attacks on negroes, 324; second
day, 325-327 ; Seymour's action,
325, 326; third day, draft sus-
pended, troops arrive, 327 ; fourth
day, riot suppressed, 327, 328 ;
damage done, 328 ; Lincoln refuses
to postpone, 329 ; irregularities cor-
rected, 329, 330; peacefully re-
sumed, value, 330; results in 1863,
426; call and results in 1864, 429;
exemption repealed, 506 n. ; op-
position, v. 230-235 ; desire for
exemptions, 238, 239 ; fear of po-
litical effect, 239, 240; resistance
fostered by Sons of Liberty, 326 ;
Seymour's action as issue in 1868,
vi. 194. See also Conscription.
Dred Scott decision, Buchanan's refer-
ence to, ii. 245 ; case, 252, 253 ;
original decision, 253 ; injection of
purpose to settle territorial slavery
question, 253-255; Stephens's fore-
cast, 255 ; Taney's opinion, 255-257 ;
concurring opinions, 257 ; dissent,
257-260; Taney's fault, 260-262;
public opinion on, 262-264 ; and
popular sovereignty, Douglas on,
264-266, 307, 318; political effect,
266, 332, 334, 348; Lincoln on,
266-268, 270, 271, 316, 319; Seward
on, 268; as a plot, 268-271; Ben-
jamin on, 293 ; and Freeport doc-
trine, 327, 328; and Fourteenth
Amendment, v. 603.
Drew, G. F., governor of Florida, vii. 285.
Drink, decrease, iii. 96, 97 ; intemper-
ance in Washington, v. 212 ; sobriety
in the Union army, 250 ; sentiment
against, in the United States, 268,
269 ; price of wine at the South,
350; intemperance at the South,
428, 429. See also Whiskey.
Drouyn de Lhuys, Edouard, Mexican
negotiations, vi. 207, 208.
Duane, W. J., removed by Jackson, ii.
250.
Dudley, T. H., and the Alabama, iv. 86,
87.
Duelling at the South, i. 361 ; Northern
sentiment opposes, ii. 424.
Duke, B. W., on conduct of Morgan's
raiders, v. 314 re. ; on the Copper-
heads and Morgan's raid, 316.
Dunbar, C. F., acknowledgment to, v.
223 n.
Dunn, W. M., pacific resolution, iii. 177.
Durell, E. H., and Louisiana contested
election, vii. 110.
Durkee, Charles, in Senate, ii. 283.
Early, J. A., Antietam, iv. 151 ; Chan-
cellorsville, 263 ; in Pennsylvania,
272, 273; in Shenandoah valley,
invades Maryland, Monocacy
Bridge, 497 ; threatens Washington,
497-499; force, 498; plan, 499;
lets his chance slip, 500 ; Grant's
inertia, 500-502 ; confronted by
Wright, retires, 502, 503 ; ineffectual
pursuit, 503-505 ; sends McCausland
to Pennsylvania, 504 ; Sheridan 's
campaign against, 526, 527, 536,
537.
"Eating-crow," use in 1872, vi. 429,
430.
Eaton, D. B., Civil Service Commission,
vii. 22.
Echo captured, ii. 367.
Eckert, T. T., and the military tele-
graph, v. 225 n.
Economic conditions, material prog-
ress, iii. 3, 4, 6 ; culture results, 5 ;
cause of progress, 15 ; influence of
personal character and institutions,
15, 16. See also Agriculture, Busi-
ness, Commerce, Finances.
Edmunds, G. F., appointed senator, v.
585 ; on finality of Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 3 ; and readmission
of Alabama, 177 n. ; and Tenure-of-
Office act, 129; and the electoral
count (1869), 197, 198, 200; and
readmission of Virginia, 284; and
Georgia legislature, 291, 292; on
Fugitive Slave law and Enforce-
ment act, 295 ; as a lawyer, 315,
316; reports the Ku-Klux act, 316;
and annexation of San Domingo,
350 n. ; and removal of Sumner,
362 n. ; and rejection of Hoar, 378,
379 n. ; and civil-service reform,
388; influence on Grant's Southern
policy, 390; and Resumption act,
332
GENERAL INDEX
Edmunds, G. F. — Continued.
vii. 70, 72; "waves the bloody
shirt" (1874), 219; joint committee
on electoral count, 248 ; on Judge
Davis's politics, 252 ; credit for the
Electoral Count bill, 256 ; expounds
it, 257 ; Electoral Commission, 263.
Edmundson, H. A., excitement on
Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 486 ; sup-
ports Brooks, ii. 144.
Education, ante-bellum condition at
South, i. 350-352 ; influence of ma-
terial prosperity on, hi. 5 ; Southern,
during the war, v. 469 ; Ku-Klux
activity against negro, vii. 93, 94.
Edwards, Jonathan, slave-owner, i. 5.
Eggleston, G. C, on unity of Virginia
sentiment, iii. 387 n. ; on a revival
in the army, v. 466, 467.
Eldridge, Asa, as captain of a Collins
liner, iii. 9 ; lost, 12.
Election law, Federal, provisions, vi.
312; amendment, 331; repeal, 331,
332 ; attempts to nullify under
Hayes, 333 n., 334 n. See also
Enforcement.
Elections, 1848: Democratic platform
and nominee, Whig nominee and no
platform, Van Buren's candidacy,
result, i. 97.
1852: Democratic convention, i.
243, 244 ; candidates for nomina-
tion, 244; balloting, 247, 248;
Pierce nominated as a dark horse,
248; platform, 249; Whig con-
vention, 252, 253 ; candidates, 253 ;
platform, 253-255 ; balloting, nomi-
nation of Scott, 256-259 ; dissatis-
faction with Scott, 262, 263; Web-
ster's nomination, 263 ; canvass,
270-274; State elections, 274, 276;
Scott's tour, 274-276 ; Democratic
success, 277, 278.
186 4 : question of a new party, ii.
45-47; formation of anti-Nebraska
or Republican party, 47-49 ; in-
jection of Know-nothingism, 50-56 ;
lawlessness, 56-58 ; early State
elections, 58-61 ; campaign in
Rlinois, 61-63; in New York, 63-
65 ; in Massachusetts, 65, 66 ; re-
sult and the anti-Nebraska move-
ment, 66-68.
1855 : Republican success in Ohio,
ii. 92, 93; canvass in New York,
Seward's speeches, 93-95 ; Know-
nothing success, 95 ; small interest,
development of leaders, 96, 97;
attitude of old-line Whigs, 97 ;
development of Republicanism,
97, 98.
1856: Republican Pittsburg con-
vention, ii. 118-120 ; Know-nothing
split, 119, 120, 186; Democratic
problem, 169, 170; Democratic con-
vention, candidates, 170, 171 ; plat-
form, 171, 174, iii. 41 ; balloting,
nomination of Buchanan, ii. 171—
174; objections to Seward or
Chase as Republican nominee, 174-
177 ; Fremont as candidate, 177-
179, 181, 182, 221, 222, 225, 226;
advocacy of McLean, 179-181 ; Re-
publican convention, 182 ; nomina-
tion of Fremont, 183-185; platform,
184 ; territorial slavery issue, 202 ;
sectionalism issue, 202-204 ; threats
of disunion, 204-206, 208, 209;
attitude of old-line Whigs, 206-
208, 215 ; character of Republican
support, 210-215, 220; Kansas as
Republican asset, 218-220 ; con-
duct of the canvass, 221, 222;
doubtful States, 222; campaign
enthusiasm, 222-226 ; State elec-
tions, 226, 235 ; State contest in
Pennsylvania, 226-234; election of
Buchanan, 235 236; its meaning,
241-243.
1858 : Illinois convention, ii. 314
Lincoln's speech before it, 314-317
Douglas's Chicago speech, 317-319
Lincoln's reply, 319, 320; joint
debate arranged, 320, 321 ; the de-
bates, 323-338 ; Freeport doctrine,
327, 328; success of Douglas, 339;
public interest in the contest, 340-
342 ; administrative defeat, 343,
344, 346; Seward's "irrepressible
conflict " speech, 344-346.
1859 : California contest, ii. 374-
379; Ohio election, 380-383; Re-
publican success, 383.
1860 : Democratic convention at
Charleston, ii. 440-443 ; problem of
candidate and platform, 443-445 ;
platform reports, 445-449 ; Douglas
platform adopted, 450; withdrawal
of Southern delegates, 450, 451 ;
futile balloting, adjournment, 452;
EDMUNDSON — ELECTIONS
333
Elections, 1860 — Continued.
Constitutional Union convention,
454; Republican convention, 456-
458 ; candidates for the nomination,
458-463; platform, 463-465; com-
binations against Seward, 465-
468 ; balloting, Lincoln nominated,
469, 470; reception of the nomina-
tion, 470-473 ; adjourned Demo-
cratic convention, 473, 474 ; further
secession, 474, 475 ; Douglas nomi-
nated, 475; seceders' convention
nominates Breckinridge, 476 ;
doubtful States, 477, 478; tariff
issue in Pennsylvania, 478-480;
slave-trade issue, 480-482 ; charac-
ter of the canvass, 482-486, 493;
disunion argument, 487-490; effect
to consolidate opposition to Lincoln,
490, 491; Douglas's tour, 491-493;
Seward in the canvass, 493-496 ;
contest in New York, 497-500;
State elections, 498, 499 ; vote,
500-502 ; electoral vote counted, iii.
300-302.
1861 : conditions and results of
Federal, iii. 486, 487; Confederate,
487, 488, v. 448.
1862 : Democratic success, iv. 163,
164 ; contributing influences, 164,
165 ; and arbitrary arrests, 165 ;
absence of soldier vote, 165, 166;
and emancipation, 166, 167; catch-
word, 167 ; New York canvass, 167-
169.
1863: Lincoln's letter, iv. 408-
412; Ohio canvass and result, 412-
415 ; Union success, 416 ; civil liberty
and draft as issues, 416-418.
1864 ■' radical disaffection, iv. 456,
457 ; efforts for nomination of Chase,
457-460; popular demand for Lin-
coln's nomination, 460, 461, 468,
469 ; efforts to postpone Union
convention, radical candidates, 461-
463 ; radical convention, 463, 464 ;
Lincoln renominated, 468; Grant's
candidacy, 469 ; Johnson's nomina-
tion for Vice-President, 469, 470;
Lincoln on his own nomination,
470 ; French in Mexico as issue, 471,
472; Wade- Davis manifesto, 487;
peace and slavery issue, 514, 515,
521, 522, 532, 535, 536; movement
for new Union convention, 518, 519 ;
Lincoln's success deemed impos-
sible, 520-522; Democrats nomi-
nate McClellan, 522 ; "war a failure"
issue, 522-524, 529-531, 534, 535;
Grant's campaign letter, 525, 526;
State elections, 526, 536 ; effect of
Atlanta and Mobile, 524, 527 ; and
of Shenandoah, 527, 537 ; radicals
support Lincoln, 527, 528 ; Blair-
Fremont bargain, 528, 529 ; slanders
on Lincoln, 531 ; Democratic argu-
ments, 531-534 ; issue of corruption,
532, 533; of arbitrary action, 533,
534 ; Union arguments, 535, 536 ;
Lincoln's success assured, 536 ;
vote, 538 ; war meaning of Lincoln's
success, 538, 539 ; electoral vote
counted, v. 51.
1866: character, v. 614 ; National
Union convention, 614—616 ; John-
son's tour, 617-621 ; Southern
Loyalists' convention, 621, 622;
conventions of soldiers and sailors,
622, 623; issue, 623; vituperation,
624 ; humour, 624, 625 ; influencing
factors, 625; result, 625, 626; and
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 2.
1868 : reconstruction hastened for,
vi. 94 ; effect of impeachment trial
on Chase's hopes, 140, 158; Repub-
lican platform, 152, 153, 159;
Grant nominated, 158; his political
attitude, 158, 159 ; his acceptance,
vice-presidential nomination, 159 ;
Pendleton's candidacy, Democrats
and "Ohio idea," 159-162; Chase's
Democratic aspirations, 162, 163 ;
enthusiasm for Pendleton, Demo-
cratic platform, 164; balloting in
Democratic convention, 165-167 ;
fitness of Seymour's nomination,
168; influence of Southern events,
179; reconstruction issue, 191-193;
financial issue, 193, 194; issue of
revived Copperheadism, 194 ; cam-
paign enthusiasm, 194, 195 ; Demo-
crats hopeful, 195 ; result, 195, 196 ;
factor of Grant's popularity, 196;
campaign at the South, 196, 197;
electoral vote counted, Georgia's
vote, 197-200.
1872 : development of Liberal Re-
publican party, vi. 412-414; its
available candidates, 413, 415-418;
it attracts politicians, 414, 415;
334
GENERAL INDEX
Elections, 1872 — Continued.
party professions and deeds, 416,
417 ; Liberal convention, 417-419 ;
platform, 419, 420; balloting, Gree-
ley nominated, 420, 421 ; nomina-
tion considered, 421-424 ; Repub-
lican convention, Grant renominated,
426, 427 ; Democratic convention,
427-429 ; endorsement of Greeley,
429-431; State elections, 431-434,
437 ; Greeley's tour, South as issue,
432, 433 ; foreign vote, Greeley
catch words, 434 ; personalities, 434,
435; Grant's strength, 436, 437;
vote, 437; possibility of Adams's
success, 438; and Credit Mobilier
scandal, vii. 1, 2.
1874: portent in 1873, vii. 66,
67 ; administration condemned, State
elections, 67; Democratic success,
68 ; its causes, 68, 69 ; its meaning,
69 ; South as issue, 85.
1876: Ohio election in 1875, vii.
175-179 ; greenbacks issue elimi-
nated, 179 ; South as issue, 179, 181 ;
Republican convention, 206 ; Grant
eliminated, 206, 207; candidates for
the nomination, 207-210; balloting,
Hayes nominated, 210, 211; why
Blaine was defeated, 211, 212;
vice-presidential nominee, 212 ;
Democratic convention, platform,
nominees, 212, 213 ; character of
nominees, 212-214, 221, 222 ; letters
of acceptance, 215-217; "bloody
shirt" and Solid South issue, 218-
221; Nast's cartoons, 221, 222;
"rag-baby" issue, 222; State elec-
tions, 222, 223 ; campaign manage-
ment, Southern-claims issue, 223 ;
campaign contributions, bull-dozing
at the South, 224, 225; fabricated
" outrages, " 225, 226; even chances,
226 ; post-election excitement, 227 ;
result contested, 227-229; Grant's
action, 229 ; Hayes electors re-
turned for Florida, 229, 230; "visit-
ing statesmen" for Louisiana, char-
acter of Louisiana Returning Board,
231 ; it returns Hayes electors,
232, 233 ; the return considered,
233-235; Sherman's defence of the
Board, 233 n., 234 n. ; Morrison's
denunciation, 234 n. ; Hayes accepts
the return, 236; influence of "visit-
ing statesmen," 237, 238; Oregon
case, 239 ; right of President of
Senate to count the vote, 239, 240,
249, 257-259; question in Congress
of going behind the returns, 239, 240,
256, 257 ; twenty-second joint rule
rescinded, 241 ; dispute in Congress,
241, 242; danger of civil war, 242,
243, 258, 262; Tilden's weakness,
243, 244; cipher despatches, 244,
245 ; courses open to Tilden, 246 ;
his indecision, 247 ; joint committee
appointed, 248 ; discussion in House
committee, 248, 249 ; plan for tri-
bunal of justices, 250 ; meeting of
joint committee, "lot" plan, 250,
251 ; rejection of lot feature, 251 ;
plan for five senior justices, Davis's
politics discussed, 251, 252; Tilden
on the plans, 252-254 ; four-justices-
to-select-a-fifth plan, 253-255 ; final
plan for Electoral Count bill, 255 ;
the bill as an achievement, 255, 256 ;
discussed in Congress, 256-261 ;
becomes a law, 261 ; paramount
motive of the act, 261, 262; a
Democratic measure, 262 ; Davis
eliminated from the Commission,
262, 263; members of the Com-
mission, 263, 264; Bradley's posi-
tion as fifteenth man, 264, 272;
elector count begun, Florida vote
sent to the Commission, 265; the
Florida case, 265, 266 ; arguments
on going behind the returns, 266-
268 ; decision against it, eligibility
of a Florida elector, 268; Florida
counted for Hayes, 269, 273, 274;
opinions of commissioners, 270-273 ;
Louisiana counted for Hayes, 274-
276 ; decision, 275 n. ; Bradley's opin-
ion, 275 n., 276 n. ; Oregon counted
for Hayes, 276, 277; also South
Carolina, 277 ; Democratic acquies-
cence, 277, 284, 285; Randall and
filibustering, 277, 278; Hayes de-
clared elected, 278, 279 ; manage-
ment of the cases, 280, 281 ; charges
against Bradley considered, 281,
282; decision of Commission con-
sidered, 282, 283 ; question of par-
tisanship, 283, 284; justice of
Hayes's acceptance, 284.
Electoral Commission. See Elections
{1876).
ELECTORAL — EMERSON
335
Elgin, Lord, reciprocity treaty, ii. 8.
Eliot, C. W., on negro troops, iv. 333
334 ; on necessity of special training,
vi. 384, 385.
Eliot, Samuel, against Kansas-Ne-
braska bill, i. 466.
Elliot, W. G., on Louisiana affairs,
(1877), vii. 288, 289.
Elliott, J. H., on slavery and secession,
Hi. 120 n.
Ellis, J. W., and secession, iii. 383.
Ellsler, Fanny, ballet, iii. 86, 87.
Elmira, N.Y., opposition to the draft,
v. 231 ; war prison at, 487 n., 500 n.
Elmore, Rush, as a slave-holder in
Kansas, ii. 154 ; attempts to in-
fluence Buchanan, 292.
Ely, A. B., on Cameron's corruption,
iii. 575 n., 576 n.
Elzey, Arnold, on unrest in Rich-
mond, v. 365.
Emancipation, Lyell on, i. 382; plan
for compensated (1861), iii. 269-
271; Butler's "contraband" order,
466 ; awakening of Northern opinion,
468; Fremont's proclamation, 470-
472 ; resulting Republican factional
differences, 472-476; Lincoln's
policy of gradual compensated,
631-633, iv. 65-68, 215, 216; Lin-
coln's wisdom and magnanimity,
iii. 633-635 ; Congress adopts the
policy, 635, iv. 70, 71 ; border
States reject it, iii. 635, 636, iv. 68,
69 ; swift progress, iii. 637 ; Con-
fiscation act and, iv. 60 ; Lincoln
and the radicals, 64, 65, 72; Hun-
ter's order, 65 ; Lincoln's proclama-
tion on it and on gradual compen-
sated, 65, 66; Lincoln's "war
power " attitude, 69, 70 ; first
cabinet meeting on Proclamation,
71, 72; Proclamation delayed, 72;
Greeley's "prayer," 72, 73; Lin-
coln's answer, 73-76 ; Lincoln's
study of the question, 157-159 ;
decided upon, Antietam furnishes
the opportunity, 159, 160 ; second
cabinet meeting on Proclamation,
160, 161 ; preliminary Proclama-
tion issued, 161 ; disappointing
reception, 162, 163 ; effect on stocks,
163 n. ; and the elections, 164, 166 ;
Curtis 's pamphlet on Proclamation,
170; people sustain, 171; final
Proclamation issued, 212, 213 ; con-
stitutional justification of it, 213,
214 ; and servile insurrection, 213,
214, 422, v. 458-460; effect of the
Proclamation, iv. 214, 215 ; pre-
liminary Proclamation well timed,
215 ; bill to compensate Missouri
fails, 216, 217 ; attitude of various
factions, 217-219, 228; gradual, in
West Virginia, 239 n., 240 n. ;
Proclamation in England, 343-345,
358 n. ; demonstration there, 349-
354 ; attempt to counteract the
demonstration, 354-357 ; English
sentiment classified, 358-360; Lin-
coln's political letter on, 409-411 ;
Lincoln on effect of the policy, 421,
422 ; progress of sentiment, 424 ;
Thirteenth Amendment, 472-474, v.
48-50, 539, 540; legal necessity of
the amendment, iv. 473 n., 474 n. ;
and Lincoln's reconstruction plan,
484; right of Congress, 486; and
Lincoln's peace terms, 514, 519, 520,
v. 58, 69, 70 ; and election of 1864,
iv. 532, 535, 536 ; importance of
Proclamation, v. 2 ; news of, spread
by Sherman, 26 ; in Maryland, 48 ;
in Missouri, 49 n. ; by loyal govern-
ment of Louisiana, 53 ; Lincoln
favours indemnity, 71, 82; distri-
bution of Proclamation, 243 ; effect
at the South of Proclamation, 458-
460 ; effect on the slaves, 463 ;
Southern States adopt, 535-537 ;
sentiment of National Union con-
vention, 614, 615.
Emerson, R. W., on philanthropists,
i. 60; on Webster, 159; on Fugi-
tive Slave law, 207, 208 ; on Parker,
290; on climate, 358 n. ; on Afri-
can race, 372; on Kansas-Ne-
braska act, 498 ; supports Fremont,
ii. 211; on Kansas, 218, 219;
on John Brown and Wise, 398; on
John Brown, 399, 406, 413, 415 ; on
American physique, iii. 66 ; as a
lecturer, 89, 90 ; on discomforts of
a lyceum tour, 91 ; in 1850-1860, 93,
94, 96 ; on the uprising of the North,
358; on hard times (1861), 561 ; on
Lincoln's re-election, iv. 538, on
Carlyle and the war, 558 ; on
the murder of Lincoln, v. 155 n. ;
on Forbes, 242.
336
GENERAL INDEX
Emigrant-Aid Company, in Kansas, ii.
78, 79; Reeder on, 85, 86; settles
Lawrence, 102 n., 103 ; Pierce on,
22 ; Douglas on, 125, 129 ; Sumner
on, 126.
Emily, sale of quadroon girl, i. 337.
Emmet, Robert, on Seward, ii. 176 n. ;
on Fremont, 178.
Endicott, William, acknowledgments
to, v. 308 n., 626 n. ; on taxing
bonds, vi. 193 n.
Enforcement acts, passage of first, vi.
294-296; and Fugitive Slave law,
295 ; declared unconstitutional, 296,
316; second, 312; passage of Ku-
Klux act, 312-316; its enforce-
ment, 317, 319, 320; prosecutions
under, 317 n., 318 n. ; fate, 331 n-
334 n. ; amendment of second, 331 ;
bill of 1875, vii. 89, 90 ; as a political
tool, 137.
English, J. E., vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267.
English bill, passage, ii. 299, 300;
rejected in Kansas, 301 ; Chase on,
307 ; Buchanan's connection, 476.
Epizootic and election of 1872, vi.
438 n.
Ericsson, John, builds the Monitor, iii.
609, 610.
Erie, Pa., railroad war, iii. 20-23.
Erie Railroad, Gould and Fisk's
management, vi. 247, 248; and
Gold Conspiracy, 249.
Errett, Russel, on Stevens, ii. 184 n.
Eugenie, Empress, and Cuban ques-
tion, ii. 32.
Eustis, J. B., on New Orleans (1872),
vii. 108.
Evans, A. J., Beulah and Macaria, v.
468.
Evarts, W. M., in Whig convention
(1852), i. 253; in Republican con-
vention (1860), ii. 465, 469, 470
in campaign of 1860, 484 n.
doubts Northern success, iii. 510
sent to London, iv. 372 n.
opinion of Johnson, vi. 114; John-
son's counsel at impeachment, 118;
on Butler's opening, 120; on
cabinet testimony, 125 ; negotiates
appointment of Schofield, 126-129 ;
as a lawyer, 135 ; argument, 136-
138; confident of acquittal, 138;
Attorney-General, 157; counsel at
Geneva Arbitration, 364; protests
against Tweed Ring, 405 ; and Vir-
ginius affair, vii. 31 ; on Louisiana
affairs (1875), 122; counsel before
Electoral Commission, 266 n., 274 n.,
276 n. ; argument in Florida case,
267 ; management of the cases,
280 ; Secretary of State, 287 n.
Everett, Edward, and Webster, i.
138 n., 287, 293 ; supports Clayton-
Bulwer treaty, 201 ; Secretary of
State, 291 ; career and character,
291-293; Cuban letter to England
and France, 294-296 ; Ampere on,
294 n. ; Cass and Douglas on letter,
296 ; Harper's Magazine on it, 296 n. ;
Marcy compared to, 417 ; speech
against Kansas-Nebraska bill, 455-
458; on Compromise of 1850, 455,
457 ; on his conservatism, 456 n. ;
Webster interpreted by, 457 ; Doug-
las on, 474 ; presents protest of
clergymen against Kansas-Nebraska
act, 478; on Kansas election, ii. 83,
84 ; on assault on Sumner, 143 ;
supports Fillmore, 208 ; on conser-
vative hope in Buchanan, 243 ;
overrates Buchanan, 244; nomi-
nated by Constitutional Union con-
vention, 454 ; on material progress,
iii. 4; on American marine, 8; on
lack of exercise, 71, 72 ; as a lecturer,
91 ; on Crittenden compromise, 170;
loyalty, 361 ; on character of the
army, 397 n., 398 n. ; and Trent
affair, 521 ; on Seward's Mexican
diplomacy, iv. 472 n.
Ewell, R. S., in Jackson's Shenandoah
campaign, iv. 14-16 ; corps com-
mander, 268; Northern invasion,
270, 272 ; threatens Harrisburg, 273,
276 ; on the evacuation of Rich-
mond, v. 119; on the death of
Lincoln, 159.
Ewing, Thomas, Seward consults, i.
166 n. ; at celebration of Lundy's
Lane, 270; Peace Convention, iii.
305 n. ; on Stanton's suspension, vi.
99; on Cox for Secretary of War,
101 ; advises against removing
Stanton, 103, 104; nominated Sec-
retary of War, 111.
Exchange. See Prisoners of war.
Exemptions. See Conscription, Draft.
Exiles, Marcy on protecting, i. 418.
EMIGRANT — FILLMORE
337
Export duties, Confederate revenue
from, v. 344.
Ezra Church, Ga., battle, iv. 512.
Failures, business, 1857-1861, v. 201 ;
1862-1864, 202. See also Panics.
Fair Oaks, Va., battle, iv. 24-28 ; con-
dition of wounded, v. 253.
Falkner, R. P., on wages and prices
during the war, v. 204, 206; ac-
knowledgment to, 626 n.
Fall River Line, Fisk's management,
vi. 248.
Farnsworth, J. F., Ku-Klux com-
mittee, vi. 320 n.
Farragut, D. G., and Star of the West,
hi. 249; New Orleans, 629; on
Kearsarge-Alabama fight, iv. 511 n. ;
Mobile Bay, 524; tour with John-
son, v. 617.
Fasting and prayer, Davis's proclama-
tion, iv. 8; forged Federal proc-
lamation, 467, 468; real Federal
proclamation, 508.
Fayetteville, N.C., Sherman at, v.
104; destruction of the arsenal, 105.
Felton, C. C, supports Fremont, ii. 211.
Fenianism, Canadian raids, vi. 214,
215, 367, 368; and annexation of
Canada, 254.
Fenton, R. E., in campaign of 1860, ii.
484 n. ; Committee of Ways and
Means, v. 266 n. ; vote on the whis-
key tax, 267; and Liberal Repub-
lican movement, vi. 414, 415, 417,
418 ; Senate Committee on Finance,
vii. 53 n.
Ferry, O. S., of Connecticut, favours
greenback contraction, vi. 224 n.
Ferry, T. W., of Michigan, in Repub-
lican convention (1860), ii. 469 n. ;
on Stanton and Lorenzo Thomas,
vi. 108-110; and inflation, vii. 53,
54 ; and Resumption act, 70, 72 ;
and counting of the electoral vote,
240, 262.
Fessenden, W. P., in Whig convention
(1852), i. 253; on Pottawatomie
massacre, ii. 198 n. ; in Senate,
282; on Seward, 304; in campaign
of 1860, 484 n. ; and compromise, hi.
176 ; Peace Convention, 305 n. ; on
fluctuating opinion on Legal-Tender
bill, 569 n. ; opposes legal-tender,
571 ; and Confiscation act, iv. 63 ;
VIL — 22
Secretary of the Treasury, 480, 481 ;
on constitutionality of the Emanci-
pation Proclamation, 486 n. ; on
critical financial condition in 1864,
v. 234; chairman of Committee on
Finance, 266 n. ; and the whiskey
tax, 268, 271, 272 ; and the overland
cotton trade, 301 ; on Johnson's
policy, 532 n. ; leader in the Senate,
541 ; chairman of Joint Committee
on Reconstruction, 545 ; on Freed-
men's Bureau bill, 569, 570; on
Congress, Johnson's policy, and the
South, 570, 571 ;' waits upon John-
son, 575 n. ; constructive ability,
591 ; career and character, 591—
594 ; and the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 599 ; report on reconstruction,
600-602 ; and finality of the Amend-
ment, vi. 3 ; and Reconstruction
bill, 18, 46, 47 ; on need of negro
suffrage, 31 ; opinion and vote on
impeachment, 141, 142; no pressure
on, for change of vote, 146, 149 n. ;
accused of corruption, 152 ; action
commended, 156 ; and readmission
of Alabama, 177 to. ; in campaign
of 1868, 194; death a loss to Sen-
ate, 293.
Field, C. W., Atlantic cable, hi. 12-14.
Field, D. D., in campaign of 1860, ii.
484 n. ; Peace convention, hi. 305 n.
Field, M. B., on authorship of Ostend
manifesto, ii. 40 ; delivers letter to
Soul6, 41 ; controversy over appoint-
ment, iv. 479.
Field, S. J., Hepburn vs. Griswold, vi.
262, 267; dissent in Legal-Tender
cases, 269.
Fifteenth Amendment, and consistency,
vi. 201, 202; necessity, 202, 203;
form, 203 ; nullification foretold,
203, 204; as a condition of recon-
struction, 245, 289; Grant's mes-
sage on ratification, 293, 294. See
also Enforcement.
Filibusters, at work, ii. 27 ; connection
with Soule, 28. See also Cuba,
Walker (William).
Fillmore, Millard, in House, supports
J. Q. Adams, as Vice-President, in
favour of Clay's compromise, Web-
ster on, differs from Seward,
i. 178 ; cabinet, 179 ; approves
the Fugitive Slave law, 188,
338
GENERAL INDEX
Fillmore, Millard — Continued.
189; consults Crittenden, 188; on
compromise, 206, 207 ; on Northern
views, 207 ; proclamation to enforce
Fugitive Slave law, 210 ; concurs in
proposed reduction of postage, 216 ;
endeavours to prevent Cuban ex-
pedition, 218; recommends indem-
nification of Spanish consul, 222 ;
sends troops to Christiana, Pa.,
223; on slavery agitation, 230, 231 ;
candidacy for renomination, Clay
declares for, 253 ; votes for, in
convention of 1852, 256, 257;
Southern delegates pledged to,
258; accepts his defeat with equa-
nimity, 260; on negro coloniza-
tion, 296; character, 297; Wilson
on, Ampere on, member of Coloni-
zation Society, 297 n. ; as President,
301 ; execution of Fugitive Slave
law, 302 ; nominated by Ameri-
cans, ii. 119; on campaign of 1856,
204 ; support, 206, 233 n. ; on Mis-
souri Compromise repeal, 215 ; integ-
rity, 221, 226; in campaign of 1856,
222 ; on Dred Scott decision, 263.
Finality, Chase on doctrine, i. 268.
Finances, Federal difficulties (Dec.
1860), iii. 251; first Confederate
measures, 294, 543, 544; Federal
report (Dec. 1861), 558-560; prob-
lem of immediate means (1862),
652; Chase's ability and trials, iv.
207, 208, 477, 478; low state (1863),
242; result of legislation (1863),
242, 243; legislation (1864), 428;
critical state (1864), 509, 510, v. 233,
234; Confederate, break down, 62,
345; speedy reduction of war ex-
penses, 186 ; cost of the war, 188 ;
sources of Confederate revenue, 344 ;
Confederate produce loans, 345, 346,
382 ; barter at the South, 347 ; Con-
federate tithes, 348, 372, 379, 380;
hopelessness of Confederate, 349 ;
Confederate impressment, 373-380;
lack of credits at the South, 379 ;
Stephens's policy, 381, 382; man-
agement of Confederate Department
of the Treasury, 480; McCulloch's
policy, vi. 217. See also Banking,
Bonds, Business, Debt, Internal-
revenue, Money, Panics, Paper
money, Tariff.
Finkelnburg, G. A., tariff reformer,
vi. 424.
Fire-engine, steam, political effect, iii. 7.
Fish, Hamilton and Kansas-Nebraska
bill, i. 477; Secretary of State,
career and character, 240; reluc-
tant acceptance, 240, 241 ; caution
in Alabama claims negotiations, 343 ;
interview with Rose, 343, 344;
views on the question, 344 ; pre-
vents recognition of Cuban belliger-
ency, 345, 346; and San Domingo
annexation, 348, 349 ; and Grant,
348, 379, 383 ; free hand in Alabama
claims negotiations, 349 ; and annex-
ation of Canada, 354-356; terms
offered to England, 356 ; quarrel
with Sumner, removal of Motley,
357 ; official interview with Sumner
on the claims, 358 ; ignores Sumner's
memorandum, 359 ; Joint High
Commission, 360; credit for Treaty
of Washington, 361 ; and the
American Case, 365 ; and revival
of indirect claims, 367-370 ; and
Virginius affair, vii. 30, 32-36;
and Sheridan's "banditti " despatch,
120 n. ; as presidential timber
(1876), 207.
Fisher, H. T., and Clinton riot, vii. 130.
Fisher, Warren, Jr., Blaine's trans-
actions, vii. 194, 195, 204, 205.
Fisher, Fort, N.C., captured, v. 60.
Fisher's Hill, Va., battle, iv. 526, 527.
Fishery question, reciprocity treaty
on, ii. 8.
Fisk, James, Jr., character, vi. 247-249 ;
interest in Gold Conspiracy, 252,
254; on Black Friday, 254-256;
repudiates, 256; and Tweed Ring,
394, 399, 400.
Fisk and Hatch, finances Chesapeake
and Ohio construction, vii. 39;
fails, 43.
Fitch, G. N., attack on Douglas, ii. 287.
Five Forks, Va., battle, v. 113.
Flag, Confederate, iii. 321.
Fletcher, John, Studies on Slavery,
i. 369, 370.
Florence, Italy, plague, i. 409, 413 n.
Florence, S.C., war prison at, v. 497.
Florida, withdraws from the Charles-
ton convention, ii. 451 ; secession,
iii. 372, 374 n. ; first reconstruction
convention, v. 538 n. ; ratifies
FINALITY — FORSTER
339
Florida — Continued.
Thirteenth Amendment, 540 n. ;
rejects Fourteenth Amendment, vi.
6; under Pope, 79; white and
black registration, 83 n. ; vote on a
convention, 85 n. ; delegates to the
convention, 88 n. ; reconstruction
election, 169; readmitted, 177;
Hayes electors returned, vii. 229,
230; case before Electoral Com-
mission, 265-269; vote counted for
Hayes, 269, 273, 274; carpet-bag
rule overthrown, 285.
Florida, sails from England, iv. 80, 81 ;
acquittal at Nassau, 81 ; indemnity
for damage by, vi. 372.
Floyd, J. B., on fugitive slaves, i.
136; Secretary of War, ii. 246;
ignores John Brown conspiracy, 393 ;
and reinforcement of the forts, iii.
183 n., 188 ; instructions to Ander-
son, 185, 186 ; loses influence over
Buchanan, 191 ; and removal to
Sumter, 223-225 ; irregular finan-
cial transactions, 225, 236-238
resignation requested, resigns, 225
and distribution of arms, 238-241
and secession, 240; at Fort Donel-
son, 585 ; turns over the command,
escapes, 592, 593 ; relieved from
command, 600.
Follet, O., on removal of Fremont, iii.
484 n.
Food, American diet, iii. 70, 72, 73, 76 ;
prices at the South, v. 60, 349, 369,
371 ; of the Union army, 249, 250 ;
at the South, scarcity, 359-361, 383,
384; short crops in 1862, 359, 366,
367 ; effect of defective transporta-
tion on scarcity, 361, 385; specula-
tion, 362, 363; riots, 363-366;
attempt to force production, 366,
367 ; increased crops, 367 ; depre-
ciated currency prevents relief, 367,
368; suffering in Richmond, 368,
369; fear of starvation, 370, 371;
municipal shops, 371 ; impressment
for the army, 373-380; of prisoners
of war at the North, 487 ; and at the
South, 488, 490, 491 ; at Anderson-
ville, 492-494.
Foot, Solomon, of Vermont, in Sen-
ate, ii. 282; death, v. 585.
Foote, A. H., captures Fort Henry, iii.
582 ; attack on Donelson, 585.
Foote, H. S., of Mississippi, praises
Webster, i. 157 ; defends Southern
address, 170; quarrel with Benton,
169-171 ; supports compromise
scheme, 173, 243 ; canvass against
Davis, 226, 227; on Kossuth, 237,
242 ; on Cass, ii. 287.
Forbes, Hugh, betrays John Brown,
ii. 388, 389.
Forbes, J. M., on scarcity of labour, v.
205; patriotic work, 242, 243;
president of the Loyal Publication
Society, 262 ; charges corruption in
Congress, 270.
Force bill, attempted (1875), vii. 89,
90. See also Enforcement.
Ford, G. L., acknowledgment to, i.
456 n.
Ford, P. L., acknowledgment to, i.
456 n.
Ford, W. C, acknowledgment to, v.
626 n.
Foreign affairs, Seward's impracti-
cable notions (April 1861), iii. 342;
influence of slavery issue, 548;
Seward as minister, iv. 207; Con-
federate department, v. 480. See
also Blockade, and nations by
name.
Foresti calls on Kossuth, i. 231.
Forney, J. W., clerk of House, ii. 115
on Buchanan and Kansas, 228
and campaign contributions (1856)
231 ; on campaign of 1856, 233
opposes Lecompton scheme, 282
Wise on, 290; on misuse of patron-
age, 296; on Broderick, 300; on
Douglas-Lincoln contest, 341 ; on
the Sherman-Johnston agreement,
v. 172 ; Johnson on, 576.
Forrest, Edwin, as an actor, iii. 87.
Forrest, N. B., escapes from Donelson,
iii. 593 ; saves Hood's army from
capture, v. 42, 43 ; on the over-
land cotton trade, 295 n. ; and the
Fort Pillow massacre, 511-513; and
the Cleveland soldiers' convention,
622.
Forster, W. E., sympathy for the
North, iii. 506, 519 n., iv. 80; and
the Trent affair, iii. 528 ; on the Ala-
bama affair, iv. 89 n. ; trend toward
mediation, 363 ; Alabama debate,
367 ; and revival of indirect claims,
vi. 367, 370, 371.
340
GENERAL INDEX
Forsyth, John, Confederate commis-
sioner, iii. 295 ; reception, 328,
329, 334, 337 n., 338 n. ; on New
York neutrality conspiracy, 369 n.,
370 n. ; on dispersion of Hood's
army, v. 43; on scarcity of food,
359, 360.
Forts, Southern, Scott advises rein-
forcement (Oct. 1860), iii. 125, 126;
means for it, 129 ; probable political
effect, 129, 130, 135, 136; Bu-
chanan's message on, 133-135;
Floyd's shipments to, 239, 240.
See also Charleston Harbour, and
forts by name.
Foster, Charles, of Ohio, on Sanborn
contracts, vii. 65 ; re-elected, 68 ; re-
port on Louisiana election (1874),
114-116, 123, 124; training and
character, 116, 117; on conflict in
Louisiana legislature, 117-119; con-
gressional campaign (1876), 222;
assurance on Hayes's Southern
policy, 286.
Foster, J. G., "forty-muskets" episode,
iii. 239 n. ; at Sumter, 283.
Foster, L. S., of Connecticut, in Sen-
ate, ii. 282.
Fourteenth Amendment, passes the
House, v. 595, 596 ; modified in
Senate, House concurs, 596 ; pro-
visions, 597 n., vi. 2 ; a logical re-
sult, v. 602, 603 ; considered, citizen-
ship, 603 ; basis of representation,
603, 605 ; Southern opinion on basis
of representation, 604, 605 ; probable
intention of Congress as to enforce-
ment of basis of representation, 605,
606; ineligibility to office, 606-608;
war debts, 608, vii. 223 ; finality, v.
609, 610, 623, vi. 3, 4, 9, 13, 14;
ratification, v. 609 n., vi. 178 ; John-
son attacks, v. 610, 611; Johnson
prevents ratification, vi. 4, 7-9 ;
South rejects, 5, 6; reasons for re-
jecting, 6, 7 ; mistake in rejecting,
9, 10, 13 ; ratification a condition
of reconstruction, 22, 23. See also
Amnesty, Civil rights, Enforce-
ment.
Fowler, J. S., pressure on, for convic-
tion of Johnson, vi. 146 ; votes to
acquit, 149 ; action commended, 156.
Fox, C. J., effect of his speeches on
Frederick Douglass, i. 351.
Fox, G. V., Assistant Secretary of the
Navy, plan to relieve Sumter, iii.
327; visits Charleston, 327, 328;
failure of expedition, 350, 351 ; im-
provises a navy, 489 ; honesty and
efficiency, v. 221.
Fractional currency, v. 194, 195 n.
France, proposition as to Cuba, i.
294; Everett's reply, 295; and cap-
ture of New Orleans, iii. 630 ; senti-
ment on Civil war, iv. 390 n. ;
blockade-running, v. 397, 398. See
also Napoleon III.
Franklin, Benjamin, diplomatic cos-
tume, ii. 2, 11.
Franklin, W. B., joins McClellan, iv.
4; Second Bull Run, 130, 133 n. ;
Harper's Ferry, 146; Fredericks-
burg, 194, 195, 197 n. ; and the mud
campaign, 202; relieved of com-
mand, 202 n.
Franklin, Tenn., criticism of the cam-
paign, v. 32, 33 ; Schofield retreats
to, 34, 35; forces, 35; battle, 35,
36; losses, 36, 37.
Frayser's Farm, Va., battle, iv. 46.
Frazer, Trenholm, & Co., engaged in
blockade-running, v. 401.
Frederick the Great, supposed sword
of, taken by John Brown, ii. 394.
Frederick City, Md., Jackson in, iv.
140, 141; McClellan in, 145; Early's
levy on, 497.
Fredericksburg campaign, question of
pontoons, Federal defeat inevitable,
iv. 193 ; forces and positions, 193,
194; Burnside's plan, Federal grand
divisions, 194, 195 ; attack by the
left, 195; assault on Mayre's
Heights, 195-197 ; losses, Burnside's
desperation, 197; Federals with-
draw, Lee lets his advantage slip,
effect on Federal morale, 198 ;
responsibility, effect on Lincoln,
199 ; at the North, 200 ; further plan
of advance, 201, 202; mud cam-
paign, Burnside relieved of com-
mand, 202; Sedgwick's attack (May
1863), 263.
Free-love movement, iii. 98, 99.
Free-soil party, in campaign of 1848,
i. 97; members in Congress (1849),
117; and Compromise of 1850, 192;
in campaign of 1852, 264, 277 ; and
Pierce, 420.
FORSYTH — FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW
341
Freedmen. See Negro suffrage,
Negroes.
Freedmen 's Bureau, arguments for
the bill, v. 568-570; bill passed,
571; vetoed, 571, 572, 574; veto
sustained, 572 ; necessity of bureau
recognized, 572, 573 ; administra-
tion, operations, 573, vi. 27 ; John-
son on, v. 573, 574 ; another bill
passed over the veto, 598 ; effective
as a political machine, vi. 185 ;
continued, 185, 186; Southerners
on, 186 ; end, 186 n.
Freeman, E. T., on Hood's army, v.
43 n.
Freemantle, A. J. L., on Charleston
hotels, v. 350, 420 ; on lighting and
paving in Charleston, 357 ; on travel
at the South, 387 ; on blockade-
running, 397, 399, 402; on a slave
auction, 463 ; book reprinted at
the South, 468.
Frelinghuysen, F. T., in convention
of 1860, ii. 469 n. ; Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n. ; and Reconstruction bill,
vi. 18 ; and readmission of Alabama,
177 n. ; and Resumption act, vii.
70 ; joint committee on electoral
count, 248 ; Electoral Commission,
263.
Fremont, J. C, elected senator, i. 116;
related to Benton, 170 n. ; nomina-
tion, ii. 174, 184, 185 ; on Kansas,
177; support, availability, 177, 178,
210-212, 220, 235, 236; Pike on,
178, 179 ; character, 181 ; on sla-
very, 182 ; Washburne on, 182 n. ;
Stevens on, 183 ; nominated by
North Americans, 186 ; Toombs on,
190, 204; political position, 202;
as a sectional candidate, 203 ;
Southerners on, 205, 209; Choate
decides against, 206-208 ; Buchanan
on, 209 ; campaign charges against,
221, 222, 225, 226; Dana on, 223;
enthusiasm for, 224, 225 ; distrusted
in Pennsylvania, 227 ; Reeder de-
clares for, 232; election feared by
Southern governors, 233 ; de-
feated, 235 ; popularity, 303 ; cam-
paign compared with that of 1860,
477 ; Missouri command, iii. 468 ;
and Lyon, 468, 469 ; charges against,
469, 470, 482, 483; investigated,
469 n., 477, 480, 481 ; emancipation
proclamation, 470-472 ; resulting
Republican factional differences,
472-476 ; removal demanded, 476,
477, 480; and the Blairs, 477, 478,
iv. 529 ; opposition to removal, iii.
479, 480; removed, 481, 482; as a
martyr, 483, 484 ; command in
western Virginia, iv. 11, 12; and
Jackson's campaign, 14, 15, 21, 22;
under Pope, 97 ; relieved of com-
mand, 114 n. ; candidacy (1864),
461, 462, 464; withdrawal, 519, 529.
Fremont, Jessie B., and Lincoln, iii.
478.
French, W. H., Gaines's Mill, iv. 42;
Antietam, 151.
French Arms debate, vi. 434 n.
French Revolution, ordinary life dur-
ing, iii. 1, 2.
Frietchie, Barbara, myth, iv. 140.
Front Royal, Va., battle, iv. 18.
Frothingham, O. B., on Parker's ser-
mon on Webster, i. 289 n.
Fry, J. B., and draft riot, iv. 327;
honesty and efficiency, 329, v. 221 ;
on substitute brokers and bounty-
jumpers, 227 ; on examining sur-
geons, 228 ; unfounded charges
against, 228-230 ; and opposition
to the draft, 230-232.
Frye, W. P., Louisiana investigation,
vii. 124-127.
Fugitive Slave law, act of 1793, i. 24;
act of 1850, Seward on, 163, 188,
506 n. ; passed, 182, 183 ; exposi-
tion, 185-189 ; compared with
Roman law, 186 ; cotton States not
greatly affected by, 186-188; Clay
on, 187 ; Butler on, Crittenden on,
Webster on, 188 ; approved by Fill-
more, 188, 189, 302; public meetings
approve, 195 ; Georgia convention
insists on, 196 ; public condemnation,
196-198, 212, 222, 223, 225, 226;
Douglas defends, 197 ; Sumner on,
197, 198, 208; negroes at North
alarmed by, promised protection
against, 198 ; Seward Whigs on, abo-
litionists resist, 207 ; Emerson on,
207, 208, 498; Clay on execution,
Parker on, 208 ; Mason on execution,
208, 209 ; Ampere on, 208 n. ; Shad-
rach rescue, 209, 210; Fillmore's
proclamation to enforce, 210; Sims
case, 211-213 ; Christiana affair, 222-
342
GENERAL INDEX
Fugitive Slave law — Continued.
224; Jerry rescue, 224-226; as a
touchstone, 230 ; supported by Whig
convention (1852), 253; Scott's atti-
tude, 256 ; New York Tribune on,
259 ; memorial of Friends concern-
ing, 265 ; proposed repeal, 266 ; Sum-
ner's oration on, 266-268 ; Bryant
on repeal, 269 ; general acquies-
cence in, 278, 279, 428 ; Mrs. Stowe
on, 279; Whittier on, 280; Uncle
Tom's Cabin directed against, 284
Corwin on, tolerated at North, 301
St. Paul quoted in support of, 370
Pierce's attitude, 385; supported
by clergymen, 479 ; becomes a dead
letter, 490; revulsion of feeling as
to, 499; effect of Kansas-Nebraska
act on, 500 ; Burns case, 500-506 ;
attitude of Republicans, ii. 48;
Toucey bill to enforce, 77 ; in
Kansas, 99 ; disagreement of Sum-
ner and Butler on, 136 ; Lincoln's
attitude, 326, 327 ; prominence,
360, 361 ; Oberlin-Wellington rescue,
361-367; repeal demanded, 366;
Weed's suggested modification, iii.
145 ; Crittenden compromise on,
151 n. ; Republican compromise
offer, 175, 176 ; not repealed by
Confiscation act, iv. 60 n., 61 n. ;
enforcement (1862), 60 n., 61 n. ;
repealed, 474, 475 ; and Enforce-
ment act, 295. See also Fugitive
slaves.
Fugitive slaves, Constitution on, i. 18 ;
in Clay compromise, 122 ; Clay on,
125, 126, 378; Calhoun on, 129;
Floyd's proposition, 136 ; Webster
on, 147, 152, 153, 187; Seward on,
167, 187 ; identification, 185 ; Doug-
las on, 187 ; statistics, 187 n. ; dis-
cussed in Senate, 208, 209; United
States marshal paid for delivering,
209 n. ; proposed appropriation for
capture, 266 ; Washington on, 267 ;
Parker on, 290; number, 378; why
so few, 379 ; in Compromise of 1850,
427 ; rescued at Milwaukee, 499 ;
Personal Liberty laws, ii. 73, 74, 76,
77, 360 ; Underground Railroad, 74-
77; sympathy for, at Oberlin, 361;
repeal of Personal Liberty laws, iii.
252, 253. See also Emancipation,
Fugitive Slave law.
Fuller, H. M., political position, ii. 110.
Fuller, R., on Lincoln, iii. 368 n.
Fusionists, efforts in 1860, ii. 499 ;
Weed on, 500.
"Fuss and Feathers," sobriquet of
Scott, i. 273.
Gadsden purchase, ii. 7.
Gaines's Mill, Va., battle, iv. 39-43.
Gainesville, Va., battle, iv. 126, 127.
Gallatin, James, and Legal-Tender bill,
iii. 564, 569 n.
Galloway, C. B., on reconstruction
days, vii. 141.
Galphin claim, urged by Crawford, i.
202; adjusted, 203.
Gamble, H. R., governor of Missouri,
iii. 394.
Gardiner claim, i. 298; debate, 298,
301.
Gardner, H. J., governor of Massa-
chusetts, ii. 65 ; vetoes Personal
Liberty bill, 77.
Gardner, J. L., at Moultrie, iii. 126.
Garfield, J. A., Chickamauga, iv. 398 ;
and the whiskey tax, v. 264, 267 ;
on finality of Fourteenth Amend-
ment, vi. 3 ; on Johnson and the
Amendment, 5 ; on rejection of it,
13 ; favours greenback contraction,
224 n. ; on evils of inconvertible
greenbacks, 227, 228; as a tariff
reformer, rising statesman, 275 ;
attacked for membership in Cob-
den Club, difficult position as a
reformer, 277; attitude on the
tariff, 277 n., 278 n. ; on congress-
men and office-seekers, 386 n. ; and
Credit Mobilier, vii. 1, 9, 12; con-
nection considered, 16, 17; popular
verdict, 18; opposes interference
in Arkansas, 88 ; opposes Force
bill, 89; on Blaine's Mulligan letters
speech, 203 ; congressional cam-
paign (1876), 222; "visiting states-
man," 230; Electoral Commission,
263.
Garland, A. H., amnesty, vi. 329;
governor of Arkansas, vii. 87 ; grati-
tude to the House, 88.
Garnett, R. B., Gettysburg, killed, iv.
289.
Garrison, W. L., begins abolitionist
movement, establishes Liberator, i.
53; apostle of abolition, 55; a
FUGITIVE SLAVES — GETTY
343
Garrison, W. L. — Continued.
non-resistant, indicted by North
Carolina, reward offered for, by
Georgia, 57 ; efforts at the North,
58 ; mobbed in Boston, 61 ; influ-
ence, 62, 63, 65, 496, ii. 435 ; favours
a purely moral movement, i. 74, 291 ;
Lowell and Whittier on, 75 ; pro-
tests against Fugitive Slave law,
212 ; work, 291 ; remark to negroes,
323; early efforts, 327; judged as
infidel, 331 ; burns the Constitution,
ii. 56, 57 ; a United States marshal
on, 75 ; on Seward, 434 ; active in-
fluence ceases, 435; on revival of
1858, iii. 105, 106; and secession,
141; at Fort Sumter, v. 139; and
the freedman, 557. See also Lib-
erator.
Garvey, A. J., and Tweed Ring, vi. 397.
Gas, poor quality of, at the South, v.
357.
Gaston, William, elected governor of
Massachusetts, vii. 67.
Gaulden, W. B., speech on slavery,
ii. 481.
Gay, S. H., on restoration of McClellan,
iv. 137 n. ; on Lee's invasion, 144 n. ;
on inaction of McClellan and Hal-
leck, 184, 185.
Geary, J. W., succeeds Shannon, ii.
217, 229 ; despatch on Kansas, 230 ;
Buchanan on, 237 ; Pierce on, 238 ;
resignation, 239.
G6net, Edmond, Kossuth compared to,
i. 235.
Geneva Arbitration. See Alabama
claims.
George III. favours slavery, i. 8.
George, J. Z., policy in campaign of
1875, vii. 129 ; and peace agreement,
133, 134.
Georges, Mdlle., her impersonation of
Marguerite de Bourgogne, ii. 12.
Georgia, convention (1850) and the
compromise, i. 196 ; contrasted
with New York, 354 ; withdraws
from Charleston convention, ii. 452 ;
canvass on secession convention, iii.
207; Stephens's speech, 210, 211;
secession, 272, 274 n. ; anti-seces-
sionists in the convention, 275 ;
source of supplies for Confederate
army, v. 20; discontent with Con-
federate government, 63 ; production
of iron, 392 ; opposition to con-
scription, 432 ; deserters, 443-445 ;
Union men, 449; "disloyal" secret
society, 453 ; opposition to sus-
pension of habeas corpus, 456; re-
construction convention repeals se-
cession, abolishes slavery, repudiates
war debt, 537 ; amount of war debt,
537 n. ; character of the convention,
538, 539 ; invokes clemency for
Davis, 539 ; ratifies Thirteenth
Amendment, 540 ; attitude towards
the freedmen, 560, 561 ; rejects
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 5, 6;
appeal against Reconstruction acts,
73, 74; under Pope, 79; number of
whites disfranchised, 82, 83 ; white
and black registration, 83 n. ; vote
on a convention, 85 n. ; convention
and constitution, 87 ; delegates to
convention, 88 n. ; reconstruction
election, candidates for governor,
169, 170 ; the whites and the consti-
tution, vote, character of legislature,
170; act to readmit, 176, 177; ex-
pulsion of negro legislators, 179,
180; Camilla riot, 190-192; sena-
tors not admitted, 197 ; question of
counting electoral vote, 197-200;
denied readmission, 287 ; issue of
renewed outrages (1869), Bullock's
intrigue, Terry's report, 287, 288;
further condition of reconstruction,
288, 289; Terry's purge, negro
legislators restored, radicals control,
289 ; attempt in Congress to prolong
the legislature, 289-293; attempt
to prevent the election, 297, 298;
election law, 298; campaign (1870),
298-300 ; overthrow of radicals, 300,
301 ; charges against Bullock, his
flight, 300, 301 ; conduct of ne-
groes, 301, 302; finally readmitted,
302 ; political condition since re-
demption, 302, 303. See also Brown,
J. E.
Germans, increasing political impor-
tance, i. 273 ; and campaign of 1852,
276 ; colony in Texas, 358 ; oppose
Kansas-Nebraska act, 495 ; and
campaign of 1872, vi. 434; and
temperance crusade, vii. 69.
Germany and the Civil war, iv. 388 n.,
535.
Getty, G. W., Fisher's Hill, iv. 527 n.
344
GENERAL INDEX
Gettysburg campaign, Lee's invasion,
iv. 268-270; Hooker's plan, Lin-
coln's advice, 270, 271 ; Hooker's
march, 272; cavalry, 272, 282;
Ewell in Pennsylvania, 272, 273;
militia called out, 273, 276; alarm
in Pittsburg, 273, 274; desire for
McClellan, 274, 277, 278, 286; con-
duct of the Confederates, 274, 275 ;
general alarm, 275, 276; Harris-
burg threatened, 276 ; alarm in
Philadelphia, 278, 279; Meade su-
persedes Hooker, 280, 281; Meade's
plan, 281, 282; Lee concentrates at
Gettysburg, 282; battle, first day,
282, 283 ; second day, forces, posi-
tion, Longstreet's plan, Lee's con-
tempt for his foe, 284, 285; Con-
federate assaults, 285; Federal
gloom, 285, 286 ; third day, morning
fighting, 286, 287; bombardment,
287; Pickett's charge, 287-290;
Lee's self-control, 290, 291 ; losses,
290 n. ; question of countercharge,
291 ; Lee-Longstreet controversy,
291, 292 ; Lincoln announces victory,
reception, Lee's retreat, 293; should
have ended the war, 293, 319 ;
Lincoln and Meade's failure to
attack, 293, 294, 296, 297; Lee at
the Potomac, 294, 295 ; he crosses
into Virginia, 296 ; Lincoln's address,
297, 298 ; news in England, 375, 376,
382 n. ; effect on the Confederate
army, v. 443, 444.
Gibbes, R. W., collections destroyed
at Columbia, v. 95, 96.
Gibson, Milner, and the Alabama, iv. 90.
Giddings, J. R., against slavery,
fails to support Winthrop, i. 117;
on Brown of Indiana, 118; con-
siders cry of disunion gasconade,
132 ; error respecting Webster, 149 n. ;
on Webster, 154, 158 ; against
Texas Boundary bill, 189 ; and
Compromise of 1850, 193 ; partner-
ship with Wade, 228 ; sustains Hale,
264; frames Appeal of Independent
Democrats, 441 ; and Republican
platform (1860), ii. 463; conciliated,
464.
Gilchrist, C. A., on the overland cot-
ton trade, v. 294 n.
Gildersleeve, B. L., on prices in Rich-
mond, v. 350 ; on privations at the
South, 370 ; on literature at the
South, 468, 469 ; on college attend-
ance, 469 n.
Gillem, A. C, and Mississippi conven-
tion, vi. 92; on Mississippi election,
171, 172.
Gilmer, J. A., in contest for speaker,
ii. 421 ; and Lincoln, hi. 161, 181.
Gilmore, J. R., mission to Richmond,
iv. 515.
Gist, W. H., seeks co-operation of
cotton States, iii. 114; recommends
a convention, 115; on slavery and
secession, 120 n. ; and reinforce-
ment of the forts, 183 n.
Gladstone, T. H., Englishman in Kan-
sas, ii. 199 n., 200 n.
Gladstone, W. E., on the Constitution,
i. 16 ; sympathy for the North, iii.
540, 541 ; favours the South, iv. 80 ;
Newcastle speech, 339-341 ; hopes
for, but doubts, reunion, 392, 393 ;
and revival of indirect claims, vi.
366-368, 369 n., 370 n.
Glendale, Va., battle, iv. 46.
Glenn, D. C, speech in Charleston con-
vention, ii. 451.
Godkin, E. L., on Chase's presidential
mania (1868), vi. 163; on Pendleton
enthusiasm, 164; on Loyal Leagues,
180, 181 ; on Southern outrages,
184 ; on expulsion of Georgia negro
legislators, 190; on the Camilla
riot, 191 ; on the campaign, 194.
See also Nation.
Godwin, Parke, honours Kossuth, i.
236 ; anti-slavery influence, iii. 99 ;
on McClellan 's inactivity, 579.
Goethe, on Napoleon, v. Ill n. ; on
paper money, 206 n.
Gold, disovered in California, i. Ill;
California output as cause of pros-
perity, iii. 27; export, tariff, and
panic (1857), 51 n., 52 n. ; and
expansion of credit, 52. See also
Gold Conspiracy, Money.
Gold Conspiracy, Gould's scheme, fac-
tor of government gold sales, vi.
249 ; attempt to interest Grant, 249,
250 ; Gould's bull pool, 250 ; govern-
ment gold sales suspended, 250, 251 ;
interest of officials, 251 ; continued
decline of gold, 251, 252; Fisk
enters the pool, 252 ; pressure for
government sales, gold advances,
GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN — GRANT
345
Gold Conspiracy — Continued.
252; Grant's alarm, 252, 253;
Gould unloads secretly, Fisk buys,
254; Black Friday, 254-256; gov-
ernment sells gold, collapse, 255, 256 ;
effect, 256 ; Grant's innocence, 256-
257.
Goldsborough, L. M., takes Roanoke
Island, iii. 581.
Goldsborough, N.C., union of Sher-
man and Schofield, v. 107.
Good Friday and the murder of Lin-
coln, v. 153, 154.
Goode, John, on danger of civil war
(1877), vii. 242.
Gordon, G. H., on Butler's illicit
trade, v. 310, 311.
Gordon, J. B., at Appomattox, v. 125 ;
nominated for governor of Georgia
(1868), character, vi. 169, 170;
defeated, 170 ; on the Ku-Klux act,
181 ; on Southern objections to re-
construction, 186-188 ; on the
Georgia election (1870), 300; on
Grant, 391 ; assurances given, as to
Hayes's policy, vii. 286.
Gorsuch, Edward, pursues two fugi-
tive slaves, i. 222 ; shot, 223.
Gosport navy yard abandoned, iii. 364.
Gottschalk, L. M., in New Orleans, i.
401.
Gough, J. B., as a lecturer, iii. 108.
Gould, Jay, character, vi. 247 ; man-
agement of Erie Railroad, 247, 248 ;
and Tweed Ring, 394, 399, 400;
bails Tweed, 408. See also Gold
Conspiracy.
Governors of States, relations with
Lincoln, v. 235-237 ; and with Davis,
475, 476.
Grady, Henry, on fidelity of the slaves,
v. 460, 461.
Graham, W. A., Secretary of the
Navy, i. 179 ; in Confederate Senate,
counsels reunion, v. 78, 79 n. ; elec-
tion to the Senate, 448 ; governor of
North Carolina, on abolition of
slavery, 615 ; amnesty, vi. 329.
Grand Gulf, Miss., Federal attack, iv.
306 ; evacuated, 307.
Granger, Francis, Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n.
Granger, Gordon, Chickamauga, iv.
398.
Grangers, rise, platform, vii. 67.
Grant, U. S., expedition against Fort
Henry, iii. 582 ; captures Fort
Donelson, 582-593; "unconditional
surrender," 593; career and charac-
ter, 594-598; and Halleck after
Donelson, 618, 619 ; at Pittsburg
Landing, 619 ; neglects defensive
measures, 620 ; Shiloh, 620-627 ; im-
perturbability, 624, 625, v. 16; pres-
sure for removal, iii. 627 ; Lincoln up-
holds, 627, 628; displaced, Sherman
persuades, from - resigning, 628 ; on
McClellan, iv. 192 n. ; before Vicks-
burg, 300; futile projects, com-
plaints against, 301, 302; Lincoln's
faith in, slandered, 302 ; as a general,
302, 303, v. 2; on trial, iv. 303;
problem and plan, 303, 304; run-
ning the batteries, 305 ; Porter's co-
operation, 305 n. ; crosses the river
below Vicksburg, 306, 307; Port
Gibson, 307 ; plan to beat the enemy
in detail, 307, 308; abandons his
base, Raymond, Jackson, 308;
Champion's Hill, Big Black River,
309; siege of Vicksburg, 309-316;
on Johnston, 314 n. ; receives the
surrender, 316, 317 ; major-general
in regular army, 317; at the sur-
render, 318 ; on negro soldiers, 335 ;
commands Military Division of the
Mississippi, 401 ; interview with
Stanton, appoints Thomas to super-
sede Rosecrans, 401 ; at Chattanooga,
402; orders up Sherman, 404;
battle of Chattanooga, 405-407;
appointed lieutenant-general and
general-in-chief , 433 ; and Sher-
man and McPherson, 433-435 ; Sher-
man's advice, 435; commissioned,
435, 436; plan, 436, 439, 440;
lionized, 436, 437 ; appearance and
manner, 437-439; Wilderness, 440-
442; advance continued, 442;
Spotsylvania, 442-444; "if it takes
all summer" message, 443; "ham-
mering" policy, 443, 444 n. ; at
North Anna River, 444, 445; Cold
Harbour, 445, 446 ; moves south of
the James, 447, 488; campaign and
losses considered, 447, 448; public
opinion of campaign, 464-467, 507,
508; candidacy (1864), 469; failure
to take Petersburg, 488-490; re-
duced condition of army, 490, 491 ;
346
GENERAL INDEX
Grant, U. S. — Continued.
Lincoln visits, 491-493 ; disap-
pointment, renewed intemperance,
493; Butler's hold on, 493-496,
vii. 24; and Early's invasion, iv.
500-502; and pursuit of Early,
503-505 ; no intention to super-
sede, Lincoln's warning, 505-507 ;
army's opinion, 507 n. ; Peters-
burg mine, 516, 517; on war and
political conditions (Aug. 1864),
525, 526, 558 ; on contraband news,
v. 6 n. ; on Sherman's plan, 10,
12; on Hood's invasion, 11; confi-
dence in Sherman's success, 28; and
Thomas's delay at Nashville, 38-41 ;
work accomplished by end of 1864,
43, 44; on Southern conscription,
66 ; on desertions from the enemy,
75 n. ; conference with Lincoln and
Sherman, 107, 108 ; condition of his
general plan (March, 1865), 108, 109 ;
in the final campaign, 110, 111; his
subordinates, 111; force then, 111;
final campaign before Petersburg,
112-114; repulses a sortie, fears re-
treat of Lee, 112; Five Forks, 112,
113; general attack, 113; occupies
Petersburg and Richmond, 114, 119 ;
pursuit of Lee, 120-125; demands
Lee's surrender, 123; meeting with
Lee, appearance, 125 ; feeling, 126 ;
terms of surrender, 126-128 ; num-
ber surrendered, stops rejoicing,
after the surrender, 129 ; zenith of
career, 129 n. ; checks further mili-
tary preparation, outgenerals Lee,
130; farewell to Lincoln, 140; plot
to kill, 141, 149, 150; orders arrest
of Confederate leaders, 151, 152;
and the Sherman-Johnston agree-
ment, 169, 170; reviews the armies,
185 ; on efficiency of army trans-
portation, 226 ; on troops to en-
force the draft, 235 ; on new and
refilled regiments, 240; commends
the Christian Commission, 262 ; and
the overland cotton trade, 288-290,
302, 303, 311, 312; removes Butler,
311; on a Southern cotton factory,
395 ; on exchange of prisoners, 499,
500; on post-bellum conditions at
South, 551, 552; on reconstruc-
tion, 561 ; on responsibility for
Johnson's policy, 587 n. ; tour with
Johnson, 617; uncertain political
attitude (1867), vi. 66; on taking
Stanton's place, 67, 68; on the re-
moval of Sheridan, 68, 69 ; yields
office to Stanton, 99 ; alienated by
Stanton, 100 ; quarrel with Johnson,
100-103, 236; its political result,
103 ; on the impeachment and Scho-
field's nomination, 127-129; and
Tenure-of-Office act, 132, 243; Re-
publican nomination, 158; previous
attitude, 158, 159 ; accepts it, 159 ;
peace shibboleth, 193 ; elected, 195,
196 ; popularity as an issue, 196 ;
and Mexican empire, 206 ; inaugu-
ration, opportunity, 236 ; cabinet,
236-241 ; on public credit, 241 ;
and reconstruction of Virginia and
Mississippi, 244-246, 284; and
Gold Conspiracy, 249-256 ; no com-
plicity in it, 256, 257 ; Supreme
Court appointments, 268; charge
of packing the court considered,
270-273 ; on Georgia outrages
(1869), 288; and Fifteenth Amend-
ment, 293, 294; and Bullock's in-
trigues, 297 ; and Holden 's martial
law, 309 ; Ku-Klux message, 312 ;
enforcement of Ku-Klux act, 317,
319 ; on amnesty, 325 ; and annexa-
tion of Canada, 343, 354, 355 ; and
Cuban belligerency, 345, 346 ; de-
sires San Domingo, 346, 347; pa-
triotic motive, 347 ; and Babcock's
San Domingo treaty, 347, 348;
and Fish, 348, 379, 383; insist-
ence on San Domingo, 349, 351 ;
bespeaks Sumner's support, 349 ;
quarrel with Sumner, 350-352;
strikes at him through Motley, 350,
351 ; menace on Alabama claims,
356; secures Sumner's removal,
362 ; act not justified, 362-364 ; on
indirect claims, 369 n. ; wreck of
fame, associates, 377 ; character of
appointments, 377, 378 ; and Hoar,
378; requests Hoar's resignation,
379-381 ; and Cox's resignation,
381, 382 ; Hoar's anxiety concerning,
accepts gifts, attitude towards the
presidency, 383 ; rates money high,
383, 384 ; Lowell's judgment, un-
fitness for the presidency, 384;
and civil service reform, 386-390,
422, vii. 22 ; disappointment of
GRANT — GEE AT BRITAIN
347
Grant, U. S. — Continued.
Southern policy, vi. 390, 391 ; re-
nominated, 427 ; Sumner's philippic,
431; cartooned, 435; support of
business interests, patriotic support,
436; re-elected, 437; at Greeley's
funeral, 440 n. ; second inaugura-
tion, vii. 21 ; note of pathos, 22 ;
appointment of Simmons, 23, 24 ;
nominations for Chief Justice, 25-
29 ; and the panic, 44, 45 ; vetoes
inflation bill, 62-64; popular con-
demnation of administration, 66, 67 ;
and Alabama (1874), 83; federal
interference at the South and third-
term agitation, 85, 86 ; and Arkan-
sas, 86-88; and Force bill, 89, 90;
and Vicksburg riot, 104; and New
Orleans rising, 114; supports Kel-
logg's election, 110-112; and Sheri-
dan's "banditti " despatch, 120, 123 ;
refuses troops for Mississippi (1875),
131, 132; on fraud in Mississippi,
138 ; policy towards South Carolina,
159, 160; corruption under, 182 n.,
189-194 ; and Whiskey Ring cam-
paign contributions, 183; and Mc-
Donald, 183, 184; and Babcock's
complicity, 185 ; testimony for him,
186 ; no complicity in the Ring,
187-189 ; contemporary belief in
complicity, break with Bristow, 189 ;
and Republican aspirants (1876),
189, 207 ; and Belknap's resignation,
191 ; elimination of third-term issue,
206, 207; Democrats arraign, 212,
213 ; on Kerr, 218 n. ; post-election
order, 229; sends "visiting states-
men " to New Orleans, 230 ; and the
disputed election, 246, 261, 262.
Granville, Lord, and revival of in-
direct claims, vi. 367, 370 ; on
Cockburn's dissenting opinion,
375 n. ; on Fish and the Virginius
affair, vii. 36.
Gray, Asa, on the reception of Wilkes,
iii. 522 n. ; on settlement of the Trent
affair, 539, 542 ; on the national
loan, 560 ; on Lincoln, iv. 461, 469 ;
on character of the volunteers, v.
189.
Gray, William, on Democrats and the
war, iii. 486 n. ; on estrangement with
England, 542; on the Legal-Tender
bill, 570 n.
Great Britain, and slavery, i. 7; and
the Texas question, 81, 87 ; Central
America questions, 199-202, ii. 120,
121 ; in Cuban question, i. 294, 295,
ii. 25 ; Pierce on, i. 422 ; and Atlantic
cable, iii. 13; panic (1857), 50; and
Morrill tariff and secession, 315, 316 ;
importance of attitude on the war,
415, iv. 244 ; Southern expectations
based on cotton, iii. 415-417 ; neutral-
ity proclamation, 417, 418; Northern
resentment of it, 419-422; proclama-
tion justified, 420 n., 421 n. ; Seward's
menace, 423-425 ; Adams modifies
it, Northern sentiment improves,
426, 427 ; order on prizes, 429 ;
feeling towards the North and issue
of the war, 429-434 ; and Bull Run,
457, 502 ; classification of senti-
ment, 502-505, iv. 77, 78, 358-362,
558; effect of cotton famine, iii.
503, iv. 84 n., v. 275; attitude of
the government, iii. 504 ; Bright on
conditions (1861), 505, 506, 508,
509 ; supporters of the North, 506,
507 ; political basis of sentiment,
507, 508 ; belief in Southern success,
509, iv. 84, 85, 373 ; suppression of
slavery issue as excuse for senti-
ment, iii. 510-513, 516 n. ; Northern
denunciations, 516, 517; perverse
blindness to the war's moral issue, 518,
iv. 79, 80; strict neutrality, iii. 519;
Russell's proposed mediation (1861),
519, 520; and the blockade, 530 n.,
531 n. ; and Fort Donelson, 599 ;
and New Orleans, 630 ; influence of
revolutionary sympathy, iv. 76, 77 ;
Florida episode, 80, 81 ; avoids overt
acts, 81, 82, 94; attitude of the
Times, 82-84 ; debate on mediation
(1862), 84; effect of McClellan's
failure, 84, 85 ; and Butler's woman
order, 93 n. ; political prisoners
during the French war, 230-233 ;
trend towards intervention, 337-339 ;
Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 339—
341 ; non-intervention policy con-
tinued, 341, 342; cause of this
reaction, 342, 343; and the pre-
liminary Emancipation Proclama-
tion, 343-345 ; declines French sug-
gestion of mediation, 347; demon-
stration in support of emancipation,
349-354; defence of slavery, 354-
348
GENERAL INDEX
Great Britain — Continued.
356; effort to counteract demon-
stration, 356, 357; sentiment of
literary men, 360-362 ; anxiety over
attitude of Parliament (Feb. 1863),
362, 363 ; cotton distress diminished,
363, 364 ; Alabama debate, 367-369 ;
Alexandria seized, 371 ; pro-South-
ern meetings, 373, 374; Roebuck's
speech and motion, 374, 375; and
Gettysburg and Vicksburg, 375, 376,
382 n. ; Confederate irritation,
Mason withdraws, 386 ; as chief
obstacle to recognition, 388; later
sentiment during the war, 392—394 ;
better feeling in the North, 418 ;
amount of cotton exported to,
during the war, v. 280, 409, 410;
and the raids from Canada, 336.
See also Alabama, Alabama claims,
Laird rams, Trent.
Great Lakes, Convention of 1817 and
the Confederate raids, v. 334, 335.
"Great Objector," sobriquet of Hol-
man, v. 267.
Greeley, Horace, on Whigs and slavery,
i. 108; on Clay and Webster, 173;
sustains Scott, 264; at celebration
of Lundy 's Lane, 270 ; views on
slavery, 271 ; denounces Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 463 ; on Clay, 464 n. ;
on Pierce and Douglas, 495 ; reports
resolutions of anti-Nebraska con-
vention, ii. 63 ; on Seward, 68 ;
character and influence, 71, 72;
hankers for office, 72 ; Seward on,
72 n. ; on Chase, 92 n. ; on Know-
nothingism, 111, 118; on election of
Banks, 116; assaulted by Rust, 118;
on Raymond, 118 n. ; on Kansas,
126; on Douglas, 129, 338 n. ; on
Seward and Collamer, 130; on
Bailey and Chase, 175; supports
Fremont, 177; on McLean, 180;
on Banks, 224 ; on campaign funds,
231; on campaign of 1856, 232;
dissolves firm of Seward, Weed, &
Greeley, 305, 472 n. ; favours re-
turn of Douglas to Senate, 306; on
speakership contest, 425; on Lin-
coln's speech at Cooper Institute,
431; supports Bates (1860), 459;
in convention of 1860, 465 ; on the
convention, 467, 468, 470, 471;
Defrees on, 471 n. ; as a stump-
speaker, 484 n. ; causes defeat of
Seward, 494 ; on New York in cam-
paign of 1860, 497 n. ; on Erie
gauge-war, iii. 22, 23; on hard
times and tariff (1854), 40; on free
trade and slavery, 42, 57; on
Guthrie's tariff report (1856), 43;
on tariff of 1857, 44 n. ; on hard
times (1857-1858), 47, 54, 55 ; on tariff
and panic, 50 ; advocates peaceful
disunion, 140, 141 ; loses senator-
ship, 141, 142; recants, 142, 164-
166 ; on popularity of compromise,
262 n. ; on Lincoln's blindness to
danger of war, 343 n. ; misconcep-
tion of Southern union sentiment,
405 n. ; tribute to Douglas, 415n. ;
"prayer of twenty millions," iv.
72-76; advocates mediation, 222;
animosity of draft rioters, 324; op-
poses Lincoln's renomination, 461 ;
peace negotiations, 513, 514, 517,
518 ; calls for a new convention, 518 ;
a teetotaler, v. 269, vi. 434 n. ;
signs Davis's bail bond, 57, 58 n. ;
on resumption, 230; as a protec-
tionist, 275, 276 ; and Liberal Re-
publican movement, 412 ; as a
possible candidate, 413 ; Fenton's
support, 418; dictates the tariff
plank, 419, 420; nominated for
President, 420, 421 ; nomination
considered, 421-423 ; and civil ser-
vice, 422 ; and the South, 423, 432,
433 ; reception of nomination, 423,
424 ; needs Democratic endorse-
ment, 427, 428; receives it, 429;
"boiled crow" for Democrats, 429,
430 ; villification of Democrats, 430 ;
humour of the endorsement, 430,
431; support, 431; tour, 432, 433;
and foreign vote, catch phrases,
434 ; Nast's cartoons, 435 ; de-
feated, 437 ; death, 439, 440 ; on his
defeat, 404 n. See also New York
Tribune.
Green, A. H., as controller, vi. 408.
Green, Ashbel, counsel before Elec-
toral Commission, vii. 266 n., 274 n.,
276 n.
Green, Duff, organizes Southern Lit-
erary Company, i. 351 ; interview
with Lincoln, iii. 156 n., 180.
Green, J. S., of Missouri, against Doug-
las, ii. 287; in debate on Kansas,
GREAT LAKES — HABEAS CORPUS
349
Green, J. S. — Continued.
293; affray with Cameron, 298;
favours English bill, 299.
Greensborough, N.C., union meeting,
v. 452.
Gregory, W. H., and recognition of
the Confederacy, iii. 429.
Grenfell, St. Leger, condemned for
plot to release prisoners of war, v.
338; sentence commuted, 338, 339;
escapes, 339.
Greytown. See San Juan.
Grider, Henry, member of the Joint
Committee on Reconstruction, v.
545 n. ; minority report on recon-
struction, 602 n.
Grier, R. C, tries Hanaway, i. 224 ;
in Supreme Court, ii. 250; in Dred
Scott case, 255 ; on Missouri Com-
promise, 257 ; resignation, vi. 262 ;
decision in Hepburn vs. Griswold,
262, 263, 267 ; resignation advised,
263.
Grierson, B. H., raid, iv. 319, 320.
Griffith burned, iii. 25.
Grimes, J. W., on slavery, elected
governor of Iowa, Chase congratu-
lates, ii. 59 ; on the speakership
contest, 424 ; on Lincoln, 473 n. ; on
Sumner, 477 ; committee of thirteen,
iii. 151 ; and Crittenden compromise,
154, 166, 167; predicts war, 174;
compromise offer, 175 n., 176; on
Buchanan's imbecility, 191 ; Peace
Convention, 305 n. ; on Lincoln the
dictator, 558 ; on army corruption,
574; on Hunter's order, iv. 66 n. ;
on public opinion on emancipation,
159 n., 166 ; on the Missouri com-
pensation bill, 218 n. ; on Grant's
Virginia campaign, 467 ; on John-
son's succession to the presidency,
v. 147 n. ; on frauds on the govern-
ment, 216-219; on the Smith
Brothers case, 224 ; on disloyal secret
societies, 230 ; and the whiskey tax,
264, 268 ; member of the Joint Com-
mittee on Reconstruction, 546 n. ;
on the plan of reconstruction, 599 ;
signs report on reconstruction, 602 n. ;
on judicial character of impeach-
ment, vi. 119; influenced by rejec-
tion of cabinet testimony, 125 n. ;
opinion and vote, 142, 154; not
pressed to change his vote, 146, 150 ;
illness during the trial, 148 ; accused
of corruption, 152 ; action com-
mended, 156; on England and
Sumner's indirect-claims speech, 341.
Grimke, Sarah, rebuked for slave-
instruction, i. 330 n.
Grinnell, J. B., on war-time prosper-
ity, v. 208.
Griswold, J. A., vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267; on Reconstruction bill,
vi. 16.
Groesbeck, W. S., Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n. ; counsel for Johnson at
impeachment, vi. 118; argument,
133, 134.
Grosvenor, C. H., in Ohio campaign
(1875), vii. 178 n.
Grote, George, and the Civil war, iv.
360, 361.
Groveton, Va., battle, iv. 127-129.
Grow, G. A., Keitt attacks, ii. 297;
endorses Impending Crisis, 419 ;
Branch challenges, arrested, 424.
Grund, F. J., as a critic of America, iii.
65, 68.
Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty, ii. 7.
Gurowski, Count, as Seward's secre-
tary, iii. 425 n. ; on arbitrary arrests,
556 n. ; on McClellan's inactivity,
579 n.
Guthrie, James, Secretary of the
Treasury, i. 388, iii. 38; tariff dis-
cussions, 38-43 ; Peace Convention,
305 n.
Gwin, W. M., elected senator, i. 116;
contest with Broderick, ii. 375, 376 ;
Broderick on, 377.
Habeas corpus, privileges of writ of,
suspended in Baltimore, iii. 390, 391 ;
Congress and Lincoln's suspension,
438, 439; Confederate martial law,
601, v. 453, 454 ; Federal suspension
and election of 1862, v. 164; power
to suspend in Congress only, 229 ;
law on suspension, 236 ; proclamation
suspending (1863), 416, 417; at the
South, Congress authorizes suspen-
sion, v. 453 ; opposition to suspen-
sion, 454; renewal of the act au-
thorizing suspension, with limita-
tions, 454, 455 ; authorization of
suspension expires, 455 ; Davis urges
renewal, Congress suspends, with re-
strictions, 455, 456 ; final expiration
350
GENERAL INDEX
Habeas Corpus — Continued.
of suspension, attempt to renew fails,
456, 457 ; political arrests under sus-
pension, 457, 458 ; suspension at
North and South compared, 470,
471. See also Arbitrary arrests.
Hadley, A. T., on effect of panic on
railroads, vii. 52 n., 53 n.
Hagerstown, Md., Early's levy on, iv.
497.
Hahn, Michael, loyal governor of
Louisiana, v. 52.
Hale, E. E., Man without a Country, iv.
246.
Hale, Eugene, of Maine, opposes inter-
ference in Arkansas, vii. 88 ; and
Force bill, 89, 90; "visiting states-
man," 230.
Hale, J. P., of New Hampshire, hears
Seward, i. 166 ; votes on Texas
boundary, 181 ; for California bill,
182 ; on Wilmot proviso, 193 ; on
Kossuth, 242; nominated by Free-
soilers, support, 264; on Sumner,
268; votes for Sumner's amend-
ment, 269 ; denounces Kansas-Ne-
braska bill, 465; on Pierce, ii. 121,
122; Greeley on, 130; Kansas speech
published, 131 ; on Toombs bill, 191 ;
in campaign of 1856, 223 ; in Senate,
282 ; against Lecompton bill, 297 ;
rebukes Seward, 303, 304; discus-
sion of amendment of, 355, 356 ; ac-
cused of assisting John Brown, 402 ;
and arbitrary arrests, iii. 556 ; on
frauds in naval contracts, v. 218.
Hall, A. O., in Tweed Ring, vi. 393,
396; and stolen vouchers, 408.
Hall, Basil, on abolition, i. 366.
Hall, N. J., sent to Washington, iii. 248.
Hall, N. K., Postmaster-General, i.
179.
Hall, Newman, and Emancipation
Proclamation, iv. 351, 357 n.
Halleck, H. W., western command, iii.
582; and Grant after Donelson, 618,
619; takes the field, 628; advance
on Corinth, 628, 629; fugitive-
slave order, iv. 60 n. ; general-in-
chief, 97, 98; and McClellan's
plan, 103, 104; and withdrawal
from the Peninsula, 104, 105, 111,
112 ; and command in the field in Vir-
ginia, 113, 114; directs Pope's move-
ments, 115; indecision and inca-
pacity, 119-121, 134; and Harper's
Ferry (Sept. 1862), 143, 146, 147;
and Buell, 174, 175 ; and Fredericks-
burg, 201 ; and Hooker, 256, 271,
280 ; on Meade, 291 n. ; conference
on Chattanooga, 399 ; on waste of
the army (1864), 506; animosity
towards Charleston, v. 87, 88 ; Sher-
man's anger against, 177 ; on the
overland cotton trade, 281, 287, 293 ;
on the Sons of Liberty, 326 ; stops
exchange of prisoners of war, 486.
Halstead, Murat, on Seward, ii. 465 ;
and Liberal Republican movement,
vi. 417, 418; and nomination of
Greeley, 423 ; in Ohio campaign of
1875, vii. 178 n.
Ham argument in defence of slavery,
i.372.
Hamilton, Alexander, on negro sol-
diers, i. 14; Webster's eulogy, 161;
on presidential electors, ii. 442, 443;
on American indolence, iii. 16 n.
Hamilton, C. A., Marais des Cygnes
massacre, ii. 389.
Hamilton, M. C, of Texas, and Re-
sumption act, vii. 71 n.
Hamlin, Hannibal, on Taylor and
disunion sentiment, i. 134 n. ; and
Taylor, 175 ; elected governor of
Maine, ii. 226; in Senate, 282;
nomination for Vice-President, 471 ;
elected, 500; called a mulatto, iii.
123; and Conkling's nomination for
Chief Justice, vii. 28.
Hammond, J. H., of South Carolina,
on panic of 1857, i. 313 ; on state of
society at South, 347 ; in Pro-slavery
Argument, 367 ; on Lecompton con-
stitution, ii. 292 ; on the South, 347 ;
on slave-trade, 367, 368 ; reply of
Broderick to, 375 ; on speakership
contest, 424 ; on convention at
Charleston, 440; on Lincoln's elec-
tion, 490; resigns seat, iii. 119.
Hammond, W. A., surgeon-general, v.
246; supports the Sanitary Com-
mission, 255.
Hampton, Wade, Sr., entertains Howe,
ii. 390.
Hampton, Wade, Jr., against firing
cotton in Columbia, v. 91 ; accuses
Sherman of burning Columbia, 96 ;
on Johnson's policy, 564 n. ; should
have been left eligible to office, 608 ;
HADLE Y — HAWTHORNE
351
Hampton, Wade, Jr. — Continued.
amnesty, vi. 329 ; contested election
for governor, vii. 285 ; election con-
ceded, 287.
Hampton Roads. See Merrimac.
Hampton Roads Conference, origin,
v. 58, 59 ; Southern commissioners,
67; Davis's instructions, 67, 68;
meeting, 68 ; Lincoln's terms, Mex-
ican diversion, 68, 69 ; no armistice,
69 ; question of reconstruction, 69,
70 ; Lincoln promises leniency and
favours indemnity for slaves, no
results, 71 ; Southern hopes for an
armistice, 72; Davis on, 72, 73.
Hanaway, Castner, warns Gorsuch, i.
223 ; trial for treason, 223, 224.
Hancock, W. S., Gettysburg, first day,
iv. 283; third day, 287, 289;
wounded, 289, 290; Cold Harbour,
446 ; district commander, vi. 69 ;
presidential candidacy (1868), 165,
166.
Hanks, I. M., Ku-Klux committee, vi.
322 n.
Hanks, John, in Illinois convention of
1860, ii. 458.
Hardee, W. J., battle of Atlanta, iv.
512; unable to worry Sherman, v.
17 ; refuses to surrender Savannah,
evacuates, 29 ; amnesty, vi. 329.
Harding, Sir John, and the Alabama, iv.
88, 89.
"Hards," Democratic faction in New
York, i. 389, 481.
Harlan, James, elected senator from
Iowa, ii. 59; in Senate, 130, 283;
Kansas speech published, 131 ;
Peace Convention, iii. 305 n. ; Sec-
retary of the Interior, v. 527 n. ;
on negro suffrage, 528 n. ; and
Johnson's policy, 532 n., 541 n. ;
resigns, 611 ; and annexation of San
Domingo, vi. 349.
Harney, W. S., sent to Kansas, ii. 272.
Harper, Fletcher, and Tweed Ring, vi.
404.
Harper, William, on slave-labor, i.
308; Pro-slavery Argument, 314 n.,
367 ; on slave instruction, 329 ; on
negro women, 333; on slavery, 341,
347 n.
Harper's Ferry, abandoned, iii. 364;
Jackson sent to capture (Sept. 1862),
iv. 143; effect of Halleck's indeci-
sion, 146, 147; surrender, 147;
and Gettysburg campaign, 280, 281.
See also Brown (John).
Harper's Monthly, on American phy-
sique, iii. 66 n.-68 n. ; before 1860,
94, 95.
Harris, I. G., governor of Tennessee,
and secession, iii. 383.
Harris, Ira, of New York, vote on the
whiskey tax, v. 268, 273 ; member
of the Joint Committee on Recon-
struction, 546 n. ; and of Senate
Judiciary Committee, 570 n. ; signs
report on reconstruction, 602 n.
Harrisburg, Pa., Lee's objective in
1862, iv. 142; Ewell threatens, 273,
276.
Harrison, Benjamin, candidate for
governor of Indiana, vii. 222; de-
feated, 223.
Harrison, Frederic, on Lincoln, v.
144 n.
Harrison, J. B., on fabricated outrages
(1876), vii. 223 n.
Harrison, W. H., political success, i.
259; Scott compared with, 269;
speeches, 275 ; campaign and that
of 1856, ii. 225.
Hart, A. B., acknowledgment to, v.
308 n.
Hartranft, J. F., presidential candidacy
(1876), vii. 210.
Harvard Library, acknowledgment to,
i. 208 n.
Haskin, J. B., attempt to bribe, ii. 300 ;
excitement during speakership con-
test, 424.
Hatteras Inlet captured, iii. 490.
Havemeyer, W. F., protest against
Tweed Ring, vi. 405 ; reform mayor,
410.
Hawley, J. R., on outrages in North
Carolina, v. 103 ; and Resumption
act, vii. 72 n. ; and Hays, 79 ;
opposes interference in Arkansas,
88 ; and Force bill, 89.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, deprived of
office, i. 103 ; on partisan removals,
104 n. ; biography of Pierce, 250,
251; on Scott, 274; friendship with
Pierce, 277, 396, 397; on J. Y.
Mason, 395; appointed consul at
Liverpool, Sumner's congratulations,
character, 396 ; as a writer, 397-
399, iii. 93; Motley on, i.
352
GENERAL INDEX
Hawthorne, Nathaniel — Continued.
398, 399; on office-seekers, 399;
on American shipping, hi. 8; on
Collins-Cunard rivalry, 10; on
American physique, 68 n., 69 n.,
73 n. ; on the occupation of Ma-
nassas, 605 ; on the outcry against
McClellan, 606.
Hay, John, acknowledgments to, iv.
539 n., v. 626 n. ; on change in
Lincoln's appearance, 237, 238; on
Lincoln and the Sons of Liberty,
328.
Hayes, R. B., on Fremont's proclama-
tion, in. 473 n. ; elected governor of
Ohio, vi. 93, vii. 176, 179 ; and Federal
control of elections, vi. 333, 334 ; hard-
money advocate, vii. 177 ; nomi-
nated for President, 210; character,
213, 214; letter of acceptance, on
civil service reform, 215, 216 ;
"waves the bloody shirt," 220;
election contested, 227-229; South
Carolina conceded to, 229 ; Florida
returned for, 229, 230; on Demo-
cratic "visiting statesman," 235 n. ;
desires a clean election, 236 ; Sher-
man persuades, to accept the
Louisiana return, 236-238 ; on
right to count the electoral vote,
240 ; dignified attitude, 245 ; favour-
able decisions of the Electoral Com-
mission, 269, 275-277; declared
elected, 278, 279; takes the oath,
279 ; acceptance considered, 284 ;
Southern policy, 285, 286 ; question
of a bargain, 286 ; withdraws the
troops from South Carolina, 287;
cabinet, 287 n. ; and Louisiana
affairs. 288, 289; withdraws the
troops from there, 289 ; rewards
the Louisiana Returning Board,
289. See also Elections (1876).
Hayne, I. W., and Sumter, iii. 248 ;
negotiations in Washington, 281-
283.
Hays, Charles, on Alabama reign of
terror, vii. 79, 80; charges dis-
proved, 80-83.
Hayti recognized, iv. 58.
Head, F. H., on nomination of Lin-
coln, ii. 472 n.
Heintzelman, S. P., corps commander,
iii. 614 ; Fair Oaks, iv. 25 ; Glendale,
46; Second Bull Run, 130.
Helper, H. R., Impending Crisis, ii.
418, 420, 421, 426, 428; abused in
Congress, 422.
Henderson, G. F. R., on McClellan, iv.
52 n.
Henderson, J. B., of Missouri, and
compensated emancipation, iv. 68 n.,
228 ; vote on the whiskey tax, v.
268 ; on the overland cotton trade,
296 ; impeachment vote influenced
by rejection of cabinet testimony,
vi. 125 n. ; opinion and vote, 142,
150; pressure on, for conviction,
146 ; action commended, 156 ; fore-
tells nullification of Fifteenth Amend-
ment, 202, 203 ; and Whiskey Ring,
vii. 185.
Hendricks, T. A., on Chase and Jay
Cooke, iv. 476 n. ; vote on the
whiskey tax, v. 268, 272 ; member
of the Senate Judiciary Committee,
570 n. ; presidential candidacy
(1868), vi. 165, 166; defeated for
governor, 195 ; on McCulloch, 235 n. ;
gubernatorial candidacy (1872),
433 ; elected, 437 ; on Virginius
affair, vii. 31, 32; nominated for
Vice-President, 213.
Henry, Patrick, on overseers, i. 307.
Henry, Fort, Tenn., strategic position,
iii. 581, 582; captured, 582.
Henry Clay burned, iii. 26.
Hepburn vs. Griswold, decision, vi.
258, 259; dissent, 259-262; stand-
ing of court on, 262, 263 ; decision
considered, 263-265 ; opposition to de-
cision, 265; and Chase's presidential
cravings, 266, 267 ; overruled, 268.
Herbert, H. A., on Alabama since re-
generation, vii. 84.
Herndon, W. H., criticises Lincoln's
Springfield speech (1858), ii. 315,
316; on Fremont's proclamation,
iii. 475 n.
Heroes of America, secret society, v.
453, 456.
Herold, D. E., conspirator, joins
Booth in flight, v. 155, 156; cap-
tured, hanged, 156.
Hewitt, A. S., on foreign rails, vii. 40;
elected to Congress, 68 ; manages
Tilden's campaign, 223 ; sends
" visiting statesmen" to New Orleans,
230; joint committee on electoral
count, 248, 252-254, 256.
HAY — HOCK
353
Hickman, John, in campaign of 1856,
ii. 228 ; in campaign of 1860,
484 n. ; investigates Washington
plot (1861), iii. 301 n.
Hicks, T. H., governor of Maryland,
fears a conspiracy, iii. 300 ; Unionist,
301, 308 ; and passage of Federal
troops, 363, 364, 367, 373 ; and seces-
sion, 388; and arbitrary arrests,
554 n.
Higginson, H. L., on Shaw and negro
soldiers, iv. 333 n. ; acknowledg-
ment to, v. 626 n.
Higginson, T. W., protests against
Fugitive Slave law, i. 212; attempts
to rescue Burns, 503 ; befriends
John Brown, ii. 385, 390; un-
molested after John Brown raid, 401.
Higher-law doctrine, proclaimed by
Seward in 1850, i. 163; in Oberlin-
Wellington rescue, ii. 364.
Hildreth, Richard, Whiteslave, i. 326 n.
Hill, A. P., Mechanicsville, iv. 38, 39;
Gaines's Mill, 40, 42; Glendale, 46;
Antietam, 149, 152; corps comman-
der, 268 ; in Northern invasion, 270,
273.
Hill, A. S., on Lincoln and anti-slavery,
iv. 64 n. ; on administrative ex-
travagance, 208 n.
Hill, B. H, Sr., exhorts Georgia to re-
sist Sherman, v. 27 ; favours reunion,
79 n. ; personal altercation with
Yancey, 479, 480; and Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6; on registering
under Reconstruction acts, 84 ;
suasion to negroes, 189; and Grant
and Bullock's intrigue, 297 ; advice
in Georgia campaign (1870), 299,
300 ; on reconstruction and party
affiliation, 303 ; amnesty, 329 ; on
Grant, 391 ; on effect of Liberal
Republican movement, 439 n. ; and
Blaine's attack on Davis, vii. 180;
and the electoral count, 277.
Hill, B. H., Jr., on Bullock, vi. 301.
Hill, D. H., on McClellan's plan, iv.
34 n. ; Gaines's Mill, 40, 42 ; Malvern
Hill, 47, 48 ; arranges a cartel, v. 485.
Hill, Joshua, senator, vi. 302 n. ; on
the Ku-Klux, 314; and amnesty,
326.
Hillard, G. S., on Everett, i. 292, 293 ;
and Fugitive Slave law, ii. 76 ; sup-
ports Fillmore, 206.
VII. — 23
Hillyer, W. S., on Grant and Stanton,
vi. 100 n.
Hines, T. H., on the Copperheads, v.
316 ra. ; in Canada, 320 ; and the
Sons of Liberty, 324, 325 ; in Chi-
cago to rescue prisoners, 325.
Hoadly, George, on Fremont's proc-
lamation, iii. 473 7i., 474 n.
Hoar, E. R., on Lincoln and Chase, v.
45, 46; on Lincoln and Stanton,
181, 182; Attorney-General, vi.
239; character, 239, 240; appoint-
ment as Justice rejected, 268, 378,
379 n.; Legal-Tender cases, 268;
charge of packing Supreme Court
considered, 270-273; on Sumner-
Grant quarrel, 352 ; Joint High Com-
mission, 360; and Grant, 363, 378,
383 ; and the American Case, 365 ;
and appointment of Circuit Court
judges, 378 ; why requested to re-
sign, 379, 3S0 ; character of Grant's
request, 380, 381 ; public opinion
on resignation, 382, 383 ; and ap-
pointment of Simmons, vii. 23, 24;
confronts Grant on Butler's in-
fluence, 24; and Resumption act,
72 n. ; opposes interference in Arkan-
sas, 88; and the Force bill, 89, 90;
on Grant and the Whiskey Ring,
188.
Hoar, G. F., on Chase's presidential
cravings, vi. 266 ; on the appoint-
ment of Strong and Bradley, 270,
271 ; on full representation in the
House, 330 ; on Sumner-Grant quar-
rel, 352 ; on Sumner's vanity, 353 ;
on C. F. Adams's strength as a
candidate, 438; Credit Mobilier
investigation, vii. 2 n., 4 n. ; and the
appointment of Simmons, 23, 24;
and Resumption act, 72 n. ; opposes
interference in Arkansas, 88 ; and
the Force bill, 89, 90; on Lamar's
eulogy on Sumner, 102; on Louisiana
negro legislators, 105 ; on the Colfax
massacre, 113; report on Louisiana
affairs, 124-127 ; on public corrup-
tion (1876), 193, 194; and the
nomination of Wheeler, 212 n. ;
joint committee on electoral count,
248, 256; Electoral Commission,
263.
Hock, Baron von, on Legal-Tender act,
iii. 567 n.
354
GENERAL INDEX
Hoffman, J. T., as Tweed's creature,
vi. 394, 400; how elected governor,
as presidential timber, 400; vicis-
situdes, 400 n., 401 n.
Holcomb, J. P., Confederate commis-
sioner in Canada, v. 330.
Holden, W. W., accused of reunion
sentiments, v. 450 ; newspaper,
mobbed, 451 ; writes to Andrew
Johnson, 451, 452; defeated for
governorship, 452 ; provisional gov-
ernor of North Carolina, 526 ; as
elected governor, vi. 304, 305 ; and
disqualifications, 306; martial law,
308, 309; impeached, 310.
Hollister, O. J., on Colfax and Credit
Mobilier, vii. 14, 15.
Holls, F. W., on Chandler's "Hayes is
elected" telegram, vii. 228 n.
Holman, W. S., opposes abolition
amendment, v. 49 ; sobriquet, vote
on whiskey tax, 267.
Holmes, O. W., on assault on Sumner,
ii. 147 ; on the Republican party,
485 ; on American physique, hi.
67, 68; on lack of athletics, 72;
productiveness (1850-1860), 93, 94;
on public opinion (Feb. 1861), 311;
on capture of Donelson, 598; on
Merrimac- Monitor fight, 613 ; on
the call for 300,000, iv. 56 n. ; on
war growth of anti-slavery, 160 n. ;
on the period of defeat, v. 197; on
Sumner's lack of imagination, vi.
42 ; and the appointment of Sim-
mons, vii. 23.
Holmes, W. S., investigation of Fre-
mont, iii. 469 n.
Holmes County, Ohio, draft riot, v.
230, 232 n.
Holt, Sir John, decision on slavery, i. 9.
Holt, Joseph, and Charleston forts,
iii. 183, 282, 283; Postmaster-
General, 183 n. ; Secretary of War,
225 ; and Buchanan's reply to the
commissioners, 230, 234; as Bu-
chanan's adviser, 244; and Star
of the West expedition, 250, 251 ;
and Anderson, 326 ; on Kentucky
and Fremont's proclamation, iv.
471, 472; as claims commissioner,
v. 214, 215; Judge-Advocate-Gen-
eral, on the Sons of Liberty,
318, 327; credulity, 521; on the
trial of Davis, vi. 53, 54.
Homespun clothing at the South, v.
355, 356.
Homestead bill, urged by Seward, ii.
352 ; failure, 360 ; passed, iv. 58.
Hood, J. B., supersedes Johnston, iv.
511; attacks at Atlanta, 511-513;
evacuates, 523 ; moves on Sher-
man's communications, avoids bat-
tle, v. 8, 9 ; threatens no quarter,
8 n. ; Sherman expects him to fol-
low through Georgia, 10, 11, 14 n. ;
begins invasion of Tennessee, 11,
33; effect on Union plans, 11, 12,
15; Davis disapproves of invasion,
14 ; force, 31 ; army without con-
fidence in, 33, 34 ; as a general, bad
conditions for marching, 34 ; pur-
sues Schofield, 34, 35 ; force at
Franklin, 35 ; repulse at Franklin,
36, 37; force before Nashville, 37;
drops the offensive, 37, 38; rout at
Nashville, 41-43 ; relieved of com-
mand, 43; army disintegrated, 43,
44.
Hooker, Joseph, Williamsburg, iv.
5 ; Antietam, wounded, 150 ; Fred-
ericksburg, 194, 197 ; and the mud
campaign, 202 ; supersedes Burnside,
202, 256 ; Lincoln's advice, 256, 257 ;
restores morale of army, 257 ; Chan-
cellorsville, 257-264; plan to offset
Lee's northward march, 270, 271 ;
and Halleck, 271 ; and his officers,
271, 272; northward march, 272,
279, 280; use of cavalry, 272; and
Harper's Ferry garrison, relieved of
command, 280; sent to Chatta-
nooga, 399; Lookout Mountain,
405.
Hooper, Samuel, in Republican con-
vention (1860), ii. 469 n.; and
Legal-Tender act, iii. 563; advice
on luxuries, v. 210; on Committee
of Ways and Means, 266 n. ; vote
on the whiskey tax, 267.
Hoosac Tunnel, State construction, vii.
77.
Horsey, Stephen, Son of Liberty, mili-
tary trial and condemnation, v. 328,
329 ; discharged, 329.
Hotels, Richmond, before the evacua-
tion, v. 116; prices at the South,
350; at Charleston, 421.
House-divided-against-itself speech by
Lincoln, ii. 339, 374.
HOFFMAN — HUNTON
355
House of Representatives, speaker-
ship contests (1855), ii. 108-117;
(1859), 418-427; benches intro-
duced into, 423. See also Congress.
Houston, Samuel, plots with Jackson,
i. 76 ; for California bill, 182 ; greets
Kossuth, 239 ; circulates speech of
Seward, 453 ; against repeal of
Missouri Compromise, 475; blocks
secession, iii. 207.
Hovey, A. P., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 288.
Howard, Mrs., as Topsy, i. 282.
Howard, Cordelia, impersonation of
Eva, i. 282, 283.
Howard, J. M., of Michigan, vote on
the whiskey tax, v. 268 ; member of
Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
546 n. ; signs the report, 602 n. ; and
Reconstruction bill, vi. 18; warning
on negro suffrage, 40 ; illness post-
pones vote on impeachment, 144;
votes to convict, 150.
Howard, O. O., Chancellorsville, iv.
259-262 ; Gettysburg, first day, 282,
283 ; on negroes set free by Sher-
man's march, v. 26 n. ; on the burn-
ing of Columbia, 92, 94, 95 ; on out-
rages in South Carolina, 100, 101 ;
as head of the Freedmen's Bureau,
573, vi. 185 ; vacillates on its con-
tinuance, 185, 186; on Southern
elections (1868), 196, 197; on negro
legislators, vii. 151.
Howard, W. A., of Michigan, Kansas
investigation, ii. 127 ; on Kansas,
196 ; Oliver on, 197 ; opposes Eng-
lish bill, 299; in campaign of 1860,
484 n. ; investigates Washington
plot (1861), iii. 301 n.
Howden, Lord, in Soule's difficulty, ii.
13.
Howe, S. G., assists John Brown, ii.
385, 389, 390 ; goes to Canada, 401 ;
San Domingo commission, vi. 354.
Howe, T. O., of Wisconsin, member of
Senate Committee on Finance, v.
266 n, ; and Reconstruction bill, vi.
18; and Tenure-of-Office act, 129;
opinion and vote on impeachment,
140, 141; and Conkling's appoint-
ment, vii. 28; and Resumption act,
70.
Howell, C. N., on Cuban expedition,
i. 220 n.
Hughes, John, interference in public
schools, ii. 51.
Hughes, Thomas, sympathy with the
North, iii. 507 ; on contemptuous
criticism of the North, 515 n., 516 n. ;
and emancipation, iv. 357 n.
Hugo, Victor, on John Brown, ii. 414.
Hiilsemann, Webster correspondence, i.
205, 233 ; and Koszta affair, 417, 418.
Humour, American sense, iii. 108-110.
Humphreys, A. A., Fredericksburg, iv.
197; Gettysburg, 285; corps com-
mander, v. 111.
Humphreys, B. J., on duty towards the
negroes (1866), vi. 26.
Humphreys, F. C, eligibility as
elector, vii. 268.
Hungary, Hiilsemann letter, i. 205,
206; Koszta affair, 416-419. See
also Kossuth.
"Hunkers," Democratic faction in
New York, i. 389.
Hunt, A. S., on the murder of Lincoln,
v. 155 n.
Hunt, Leigh, on American business,
iii. 18.
Hunt, Mrs. R. L., on Southern senti-
ment (May 1861), iii. 405 n.-407 n.
Hunt, S. B., on the army ration, v. 249.
Hunt, T. G., and Kansas-Nebraska
bill, i. 485.
Hunt, W. G., Union meeting, iii. 174 n.
Hunter, David, and Fremont in Mis-
souri, iii. 480-482 ; emancipation
order, iv. 65, 66; in Shenandoah
valley, 496; and Early's inva-
sion, 497, 498 ; incompetence, 503 ;
relieved of command, 505.
Hunter, R. M. T., in Southern tri-
umvirate, ii. 294; favours English
bill, 299; and tariff of 1857, iii. 43;
committee of thirteen, 151 ; and Crit-
tenden compromise, 154; and Bu-
chanan (Dec. 1860), 190 n. ; and
removal to Sumter, 224; and Con-
federate commissioners, 328, 329 ;
reunion sentiment (1865), v. 65, 78;
at the Hampton Roads Conference,
67-71 ; speech for continued resist-
ance, 73 ; deprecates further resist-
ance, 75, 76; wealth, 421.
Hunton, Eppa, Blaine investigation,
vii. 202, 206; joint committee on
electoral count, 248, 255; Electoral
Commission, 263.
356
GENERAL INDEX
Huntsville, Ala., meeting on death of
Lincoln, v. 159.
Hurd, Frank, congressional campaign
(1876), vii. 222.
Hurlbut, S. A., visit to Charleston, iii.
328 ; Shiloh, 623 ; on overland cotton
trade, v. 289.
Huse, Caleb, builds blockade-runners,
v. 399.
Huszar, Koszta affair, i. 417.
Hyer, Tom, Lincoln claque (1860), ii.
468.
Ice, scarcity at the South, v. 351, 352.
Illinois, goes Democratic (1862), iv.
163 ; Yates and the legislature, 223,
224 ; opposition to the draft, v. 230,
232; Sons of Liberty in, 318.
Immigration, to California, i. 114, ii.
90 n. ; Brownlow on, i. 355 ; Lin-
coln urges encouragement, iv. 420;
in 1857-1864, v. 201, 202.
Impeachment of Johnson, early desire
for, vi. 48, 98 ; Stanton suspended,
vi. 65-68 ; futile attempt to impeach,
98, 99 ; Senate requires Stanton's
reinstatement, 99; Stanton re-
moved, 103-107; resolution offered
on removal of Stanton, 107 ; posses-
sion of the War Office, 107-111;
House resolution to impeach an-
nounced to the Senate, 111 ; pub-
lic excitement, coup d'ttat feared,
113, 114; change in sentiment on,
114, 115; misdemeanour considered
palpable, country supports the
House, managers, 115; articles, 116;
eleventh, "Omnibus," article, 116,
117; Chase presides, senators sworn,
117; proceedings open, 117, 118;
President's counsel, answer and re-
plication, 118; Chase as presiding
officer, 118, 139; court or political
body? 118, 119, 121, 144, 149 n. ;
trial begins, attendance, 119; open-
ing for prosecution, 119, 120; tes-
timony, 120 ; opening for defence,
violation of Tenure-of-Office act re-
butted, 120-122; President's right
to test this law, 122-124, 137;
cabinet testimony ruled out, 124,
125 ; effect of this on the result, 125 ;
and nomination of Schofield as
Secretary of War, 126-129; Grant's
views, 127, 128; confidence of
prosecution shaken, 129 ; inten-
tion of Tenure-of-Office act consid-
ered, 129-132; arguments, 132-139;
management of prosecution, 135 ;
both sides hopeful, 138, 139; con-
duct of the trial, 139; Chase's
opinion, 139, 140; superiority of
counsel for the defence, 140 ; opinions
of senators, Sherman's, 140, 141 ;
appointment of Thomas considered,
141, 142; Fessenden's opinion, 141,
142; Grimes's, 142; Henderson's,
142, 143 ; as to suspension of Stan-
ton, 142 n. ; Trumbull's, 143, 144;
postponement of vote, 144 ; popular
pressure for conviction, 144, 145 ;
radicals desire presidential patron-
age, 145 ; pressure on Henderson,
on Fowler, 146; doubt as to West
Virginia senators, 146, 147; press-
ure on Ross, 147, 153; session for
vote, 147, 148; vote ordered on
eleventh article, 148 ; Chase on this
article, 148 n. ; verdict in doubt,
148, 149 ; acquittal on eleventh
article, 149, 150; further adjourn-
ment, 150, 151 ; rage of the radicals,
151 ; attempt to prove corruption,
151, 152; foreign belief in corrup-
tion, 152; Republican convention
on, 152, 153; acquittal on second
and third articles, adjournment sine
die, 153, lesson, 153, 154; influence
on vice-presidential nominations,
154; no further danger of political
impeachments, 154, 155 ; righteous-
ness of the judgment, 155 ; strength-
ens the Executive, 155; public
acquiescence, 155, 156; glory of the
recusants, 156; without effect on
finances, Johnson during the trial,
Stanton retires, Schofield confirmed,
156.
Imports, luxuries at the North, v. 209-
211; Confederate revenue from,
344 ; by blockade-runners, 396, 402,
405; luxuries forbidden, 406. See
also Tariff.
Impressment at the South of food
supplies, regulations, v. 373, 374;
opposition, 374-377 ; necessary,
377-380 ; diminishes production,
383.
Income tax, imposed (1862), iv. 59;
increase (1864), 428; reduction
HUNTSVILLE — IVE Y
357
Income tax — Continued.
(1870), unpopular, vi. 280; diffi-
culties and violation, Mark Twain
on, 281-283; not renewed (1872),
426.
Index, Confederate English organ, iv.
356.
Indiana, Democratic success (1862),
iv. 163 ; Morton and the legislature,
223, 225 n., 226 n. ; Republican
success (1863), 416; (1864), 536;
disloyal secret society, opposition to
the draft, v. 230, 317; Morgan's
raid, 313-317; strength of Sons of
Liberty in, 318-320; political cam-
paign of 1864, Democratic opposi-
tion to a proposed rising, 323;
rising frustrated, 323, 324; political
capital from plot, 324; arrest of
plotters, 325 ; bitter party feeling,
326, 327 ; Republican success (1866),
625 ; campaign of 1868, vi. 195 ; of
1872, 432, 433, 437; Democratic
success (1874), vii. 67; (1876), 222,
223, 227.
Indianapolis, war prison at, v. 487 n. ;
Johnson at, 619, 620.
Indians, in Nebraska, i. 425, 426 n. ;
incursions in Mexico, ii. 7.
Indigo-culture under slavery, i. 5.
Indirect claims. See Alabama claims.
Ingersoll, J. H., and Tweed Ring, vi.
396.
Ingersoll, R. G., nominates Blaine, vii.
208, 209; "waves the bloody shirt,"
219.
Inglis, J. A., reports the Ordinance of
Secession, hi. 198.
Ingraham, D. N., demands release of
Koszta, i. 417 ; upheld by Marcy,
418; Congress confers medal on, 419.
Ink scarce at the South, v. 356.
Insurrection, servile, feared, i. 376,
377; and emancipation, iv. 213, 214,
422, v. 458-460.
Intellectual life (1850-1860), influence
of material prosperity, iii. 5 ; of
society, 79, 80; public amusements,
84-91; literature, 91-96; Southern,
during the war, v. 424-427, 468-470.
Interior Department, corruption, vii.
182 n.
Internal revenue, act of 1862, iv. 58-
60 ; of 1864, 428 ; tax on cotton, vi.
77; general reduction (1866-1868);
217, 218; frauds in collecting, 233;
reduction (1870), 280; income tax
considered, 280-283 ; reduction
(1872), 426; Sanborn contracts,
vii. 64-66; abolition of moieties,
65 ; increase (1875), 73 n. See also
Whiskey.
Inventions during 1850-1860, hi. 6, 7.
Invisible Empire of the South, vi. 180.
Iowa, election (1862) and emancipa-
tion, iv. 166; Republican success
(1863), 416; disloyal secret societies,
v. 230; Republican success (1866),
625.
Irish, increased political importance,
Scott on, i. 273.
Iron, depression and campaign of
1860, ii. 478-480; elements of in-
dustrial progress in, iii. 33, 34;
protection sought (1850), 38; rates
under Morrill tariff, 58 n. ; increased
production (1850-1860), 59 n. ; price
of pig (1862-1864), v. 199; scarcity
at the South, 358, 389-391; pro-
duction at the South (1860-1864),
390 n., 392 n. ; daily capacity of
furnaces, 391 n. ; manufactures at
the South, 391, 392; consumption
by Confederate government, 392 ;
tariff of 1870, vi. 275, 276, 279;
stimulation of industry (1869-1872),
vii. 37, 38; importations, 39, 40.
Iron-clad vessels, foreign experiments,
iii. 609 ; Merrimac and Monitor,
609, 610; their fight, 612, 613;
foreign interest in, 614. See also
Laird rams.
Irregular warfare, Confederate, from
Canada, v. 330-342.
Irrepressible-conflict speech, Seward's,
ii. 344-346, 402, 411, 460.
Irving, "Washington, supports Fre-
mont, ii. 211 ; death, 411 ; last years,
iii. 91.
Isabella of Spain in 1854, ii. 37.
Island No. 10 captured, iii. 628.
Island Queen seized and sunk, v. 331,
332.
Itajuba, Vicomte d', member of
Geneva Arbitration, vi. 364; vote
on the award, 372; Cockburn on,
373 n.
Italy, Mommsen on slavery in, i. 382,
383.
Ivey, T. L., murdered, vii. 80, 81.
358
GENERAL INDEX
Jackson, Andrew, and Calhoun, i. 48;
on an Isthmian ship-canal, 199 ;
Buchanan supports, 246; invents
spoils system, 400; and diplomatic
costume, ii. 2; removes Duane, con-
fidence in Taney, 250; disliked by
Marshall, 250, 251 ; appoints Taney
Chief Justice, 251 ; decay of his
party, 451 ; and nullification, iii.
127, 189 n.
Jackson, C. F., governor of Missouri,
and secession, iii. 393, 394 ; deposed,
394.
Jackson, T. J., First Bull Run, origin
of sobriquet, iii. 447 ; career and
character, 460-462, iv. 265; plan
of Shenandoah campaign, 13, 14;
battle of McDowell, 14, 15 ; moves
against Banks, 15, 18; and the
mutiny, 15, 16; Winchester, 18, 19;
alarm in Washington, 19 ; eludes
pursuit, 20-22; and Lee, 29 n. ;
and Lee's plan against McClellan,
34, 35, 37; Gaines's Mill, 40, 42;
failure at Glendale, 46, 54 n. ; Cedar
Mountain, 115; march around
Pope's flank, 121, 122; in Pope's
rear, 123; Pope turns on, 124, 126;
Gainesville, 126, 127; Groveton,
127-129; Barbara Frietchie myth,
140, 141 ; captures Harper's Ferry,
143, 147 ; rejoins Lee, 149 ; Antie-
tam, 151 ; Fredericksburg, 194 ;
flank movement at Chancellorsville,
260-262; wounded, 262; death,
264 ; effect of death on the Confeder-
ate cause, 264, 265.
Jackson, Mich., Republican conven-
tion, ii. 48.
Jackson, Miss., Democratic riot, vii.
134, 135.
James, Thomas, civil service reform,
vii. 23.
James, William, on meaning of the
Civil war, iv. 334, 335.
James River, Monitor on, iv. 7-10 ;
failure of Butler's campaign, 445.
Jamison, D. F., and Sumter, iii. 248.
Japan, Perry's treaty, ii. 8.
Jaquess, J. F., mission to Richmond,
iv. 515.
Jay, John, desires Lincoln's with-
drawal, iv. 519 n. ; on disloyalty in
New York City, v. 231 ; on necessity
of negro suffrage at the South, vi. 32.
Jay, William, on negro burnings, i.
326 n.
Jefferson, Thomas, and slavery, i. 10-
13, 343, 379; Ordinance of 1784, 15;
estate, 316 ; on negro temperament,
322; South rejects philosophy of,
348 ; criticised by Hammond, 367 ;
Henry Adams on, 380 n. ; founder
of Democratic party, 483 ; influence
on political parties, ii. 117; decay of
his party, 451 ; policy, 502.
Jefferson, Fort, Fla., held by Federals,
iii. 285 n.
Jemison, Robert, favours reunion, v.
79 n.
Jenckes, T. A., vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267 ; civil service reform, vi.
234, 387.
Jenkins, C. J., elected governor of
Georgia, v. 539 n. ; on the freedmen,
560 ; and Fourteenth Amendment,
vi. 6; appeals to the Supreme
Court on Reconstruction acts, 73 ;
removed, 76.
Jenks, C. W., acknowledgment to, v.
195 n.
Jennings, Anderson, and Oberlin-Wel-
lington rescue, ii. 362.
Jennings, L. J., and Tweed Ring, vi.
401; attempt to bribe, 405, 406.
See also New York Times.
Jerry, fugitive slave, befriended by
Gerrit Smith, i. 224; rescued, 225.
Jewell, Marshall, presidential candi-
dacy (1876), vii. 210.
Jewett, Captain, Lobos Islands affair, i.
297 n.
John, fugitive slave, rescue at Welling-
ton, ii. 362.
Johnson, Andrew, contrasted with
Fillmore, i. 302 ; attacks Corwin,
298 n. ; and Buell, iv. 183; Lincoln
and vice-presidential nomination,
469, 470 ; why nominated, 470 ; plot
to murder, v. 141, 150; fitness for
presidency doubted, conduct at in-
auguration as Vice-President, 147;
takes oath as President, 150 ; address,
150, 151 ; considered a radical, 151,
welcomed by the Republicans, 154;
refuses to commute Mrs. Surratt's
sentence, 157; proclamation against
Davis, 157, 521, 522; disapproves
the Sherman-Johnston agreement,
169 ; reviews the Union armies, 158 ;
JACKSON — JOHNSON
359
Johnson, Andrew — Continued.
as governor, charges fraud in Rose-
crans' army, 219, 220; and the con-
demned Sons of Liberty, 328, 329 ;
ill fitted for task of reconstruction,
517; career and character, 517-520;
egotistical harangues as President,
520, 521 ; vindictiveness against
Southern leaders, 521, 546 n. ; de-
sires their impoverishment, 521 n. ;
animosity towards Davis, 522 ; and
negro suffrage, 522-525, 527, 535,
547 ; abrupt change of policy, 523 ;
proclamation of amnesty, 525, 526 ;
policy on reconstruction, 526, 527;
soundness of action, 528 ; mistake
in not convening Congress, 528-530 ;
radical opposition to his policy, 531—
533, 541 n., 549, 550 ; policy receives
public approval, 533-535 ; de-
mands repudiation of Southern
war debts, 537 ; also abolition of
slavery and repeal of ordinance of
secession, 537 n. ; disturbed by reac-
tionary sentiment at the South, 540,
541, 554, 555 ; annual message (1865),
546-548; reception of it, 548; final
conference with Sumner, 550 ; John
Sherman on, 550; and the Demo-
cratic support, 564, 565 ; why his
policy was not adopted by Congress
565 ; Fessenden on Congress and
570; veto of Freedmen's Bureau
bill, 571, 572; veto sustained, 572
and the Freedmen's Bureau, 572-
574; public reception of veto, 574
February 22d speech, 575-577 ; pub-
lic dread of breach with Congress,
statement to Reconstruction Com-
mittee, 575 n. ; effect of the
speech, 577 ; and Congress after
the speech, 578-580 ; consulted on
Civil Rights bill, 581, 582 ; Stevens's
coincidental sarcasm, 582 ; John
Sherman loses faith in, 582, 583 ;
urged to sign Civil Rights bill, 583 ;
vetoes it, 583, 584 ; inconsistency of
veto, 584 ; bill passed over the veto,
584-586 ; reasons for his fall, question
of Seward's influence, 587, 588 ; other
influences, 588; his own worst
enemy, 589, 622 n. ; effect of his
obstinacy, 589; inconsistency and
dogmatism, 589, 590; Reconstruc-
tion Committee on his policy, 600,
602; and the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 610, 611, vi. 4, 7-9 ; changes in
the cabinet, v. 611 ; receives support
of National Union convention, 615,
616 ; indiscreet utterance on Con-
gress, 616; thought to contemplate
a coup d'itat, 616, 617; electioneer-
ing tour, 617-620; speech at New
York, 617, 618; at Cleveland, 618,
619 ; at Chicago and St. Louis, 619 ;
at Indianapolis, 619, 620 ; discredited
by tour, 620, 621 ; partisan removals,
621, vi. 47 n. ; Beecher on, v. 622 n. ;
his policy the issue in 1866, 623 ;
defeat of his policy, 625, 626 ; ignores
the lesson of the election, vi. 5 ; hope
of compromise with Republicans, 6,
10, 11; no principle in his op-
position, 1 1 ; and enforcement of
Civil Rights act, 27 ; responsible
for congressional reconstruction
policy, 47 ; and trial of Davis,
53, 55, 56 ; and execution of the
Reconstruction acts, 60; requests
Stanton's resignation, 65, 66;
seeks Grant for Stanton's place,
66-68; suspends Stanton, removes
Sheridan, 68 ; removes Sickles, 70 ;
fatuity of suspending Stanton, 70—
72 ; impotence in reconstruction
matters, 71 ; House condemns re-
moval of Sheridan. 72 ; reports
Stanton's suspension, Senate non-
concurs, 99 ; quarrel with Grant,
99-103, 236 ; and recommendation
of Cox for Secretary of War, 101,
102 ; Ewing's advice against re-
moving Stanton, 103, 104; W. T.
Sherman's advice, 104, 105 ; explains
programme in Stanton affair, 105,
106; denies plan of a coup d'etat,
removes Stanton, appoints Lorenzo
Thomas ad interim, 106 ; reports
removal, Senate denies his right, 107 ;
desire for a court decision, 108, 112;
nominates Ewing, impeached, 111;
radicals and the patronage, 145 n. ;
last months quiet, 157; and the
Democratic nomination, 165; re-
fuses to displace Seward and Mc-
Culloch, 234, 235. See also Impeach-
ment.
Johnson, H. V., of Georgia, nominated
for Vice-President, ii. 475 ; proposes
delay of secession, iii. 275 ; signs the
360
GENERAL INDEX
Johnson, H. V. — Continued.
Ordinance, 278 ; favours reunion
(1865), v. 79 n. ; on impressment,
376, 377; fears failure of supplies,
383 ; on speculation, 424 ; elected
to the Confederate Senate, 448;
president of the Georgia Reconstruc-
tion convention, on the freedmen,
560 ; should not have been debarred
from holding office, 608 ; and
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 6 ; ad-
vice on registering under the Recon-
struction acts, 84, 85 ; amnesty, 329.
Johnson, Reverdy, connected with
Galphin claim, i. 203 ; Seward on,
203 n. ; charges against, 204 ; plea
in Dred Scott case, ii. 255 ; influences
Taney, 269, 270; Peace Conven-
tion, iii. 305 n. ; on loyalty of Mary-
land, 388 n., 389; and suspension
of habeas corpus, 439 n. ; on neces-
sity of Thirteenth Amendment, iv.
474 n. ; on negro suffrage, v. 56 ; on
the cotton trade at New Orleans ;
277, 278 ; member of the Joint Com-
mittee on Reconstruction, 546 n. ;
minority report on reconstruction,
602 n. ; and Reconstruction bill, vi.
18, 21 ; Alabama claims treaty, 215,
336, 337; conduct as minister, 335,
336.
Johnson-Clarendon convention, con-
cluded, vi. 336 ; provisions, 336 n.,
337 n. ; rejected by the Senate, 337.
Johnson's Island, attempt to release
prisoners at, v. 330-332; prison for
officers, 487 n.
Johnston, A. R., and Clinton riot, vii.
130.
Johnston, A. S., western command, iii.
582; and fall of Fort Henry, 582;
and of Donelson, 600 ; orders Shiloh
attack, 620, 621 ; killed, 623.
Johnston, Alexander, on number of
political prisoners, iv. 230 W.-232 n.
Johnston, J. E., force in Shenandoah
valley, iii. 443 ; outgenerals Patter-
son, joins Beauregard, 445, 446;
Bull Run, 446-450; success con-
sidered, 451, 452; Beauregard
controversy, 452, 453; career, and
Lee and Davis, 458, 459, v. 110;
retires to Manassas, council on in-
vading the North, iii. 494, 495;
force (Oct., Dec. 1881), 497; re-
tires from Manassas, 605 ; takes
advantage of McClellan's inactivity,
606, 607, 617 ; Yorktown line, 616,
iv. 3,4; Fair Oaks, 24-28 ; wounded,
26 ; on failure to crush McClellan,
54 n. ; Vicksburg campaign, 307-
309 ; and siege of Vicksburg, 310,
313-315; Grant on, 314 n. ; con-
ditions of Atlanta campaign, 448,
449 ; and Sherman, 449, 450 ; re-
treat to Atlanta, 450-456; re-
moved, 511 ; on Sherman's army, v.
86; in command against Sherman,
Sherman on, attacks at Averasbor-
ough, 106 ; and at Bentonville, 107,
116 n. ; force, 109; on the death
of Lincoln, 159, 163, 164; re-
treats, 161 ; advises against further
resistance, 162 ; asks for a truce,
162, 163; first conference with
Sherman, 163, 164 ; political agree-
ment with Sherman, 165-168;
agreement not confirmed, surren-
ders, 170; and the illicit cotton
trade, 414, 415 ; amnesty, vi. 329.
Johnston, W. F., nominated for Vice-
President, ii. 186 n.
Jones, George, and Tweed Ring, vi.
401; attempt to bribe, 402. See
also New York Times.
Jones, J. B., on the evacuation of
Richmond, v. 119; on scarcity of
clothing, 355; on scarcity of food,
360, 361, 368, 369; on the bread
riot, 363, 364; on salaries and
prices, 369 ; on the wealthy class,
420, 421 ; on profits of manufac-
turing, 422, 423 ; on official cor-
ruption, 429-431 ; his book a genuine
diary, 431 n. ; on exemptions from
conscription, 436; on substitutes,
438 ; on fidelity of the slaves,
460 n.
Jones, Joseph, on Andersonville, v.
494.
Jones, S. J., arrests Branson, ii. 104;
message to Shannon, 105 ; shot, 155,
156; raid on Lawrence, 158, 159.
Jones, Thomas, connection with
Booth, v. 155, 156.
Joyce, J. A., Whiskey Ring, vii. 186 n.
Juarez, B. P., as President, vi. 205 ;
and execution of Maximilian, 211.
Judd, N. B., in Republican convention
(1860), ii. 469 n.
JOHNSON — KEITT
361
Juilliard vs. Greenman, vi. 270 n.
Julian, G. W., did not vote for Brown,
i. 118 n. ; against Texas and New
Mexico bills, 182 ; candidate for
Vice-President, 264; on Know-
nothings, ii. 56; on Fremont's
proclamation, iii. 472 n. ; Ohio
canvass (1863), iv. 414; opposition
to Lincoln, 463 ; on Johnson and
the radicals, v. 151 ; on the Sher-
man-Johnston agreement, 173; vote
on the whiskey tax, 267; "vis-
iting statesman," vii. 230; on ac-
tion of Louisiana Returning Board,
235 n.
Kane, G. P., and Baltimore riot, iii.
363.
Kansas, Atchison on, i. 440, ii. 100 ;
effort to make a free State, i. 496 ;
Emigrant-Aid Company in, ii. 78,
79; mob-law in, 81, 82; Reeder
on, 83 ; interest in, at South, 84, 85 ;
Pierce on, 85, 121, 238 ; contest over,
87 ; Seward on, 99 ; Clayton on, 100 ;
convention at Topeka, 103 ; request
for admission, 107 ; Raymond on,
119; Hale on, 122; message of
Pierce on, 122, 123 ; proclamation
of Pierce on, 124 ; Collamer on, 125 ;
Douglas on, 125, 285 ; House com-
mittee on, 127, 196; Sumner on,
132 ; preparations at South for war
in, 150; Northern press on, 152;
Bryant on, 153; Mrs. Robinson on,
154; struggle in, 166, 167; Bu-
chanan on, 170, 174, 237, 275, 276,
344 ; McLean on, 179 ; Republican
convention of 1856 on, 184 ; Toombs
bill on, 189-196; protest against
employment of troops in, 201 ;
G. W. Curtis on, 213; guerrilla
warfare, 216, 217 ; Spring's History,
218; efforts to relieve, 219, 220;
Geary on, 230 ; fraudulent returns
in, 278 ; Walker on, 288 ; message
of Buchanan on, 291, 292; debate
on admission, 293 ; Stephens on,
298 ; rejects English bill, 301 ; con-
vention of 1860 on, 464 ; admitted,
iii. 312 n. ; and negro suffrage (1867),
vi. 89. See also Kansas-Nebraska
act, Lecompton constitution.
Kansas-Nebraska act, predecessors of
the bill, i. 425; Douglas's report,
popular sovereignty, 425-428 ;
fatality of the measure, 428, 429;
motive of Douglas, 429-431 ; re-
sponsibility for it, 431, 432; North-
ern press on, 432, 444, 463; Dixon's
amendment, 433, 441 ; Sumner's
amendment, 433, 434; Douglas
accepts Dixon's amendment, 434;
Douglas consults Davis on, 437 ;
substitute bill, provision for two
territories, 439-441 ; Appeal of In-
dependent Democrats, 443 ; Chase
on, 449-452, 460; Wade on, 452;
Seward on, 453, 454 ; Sumner on, 454,
455 ; Everett on, 455-458 ; Cass on,
458, 459 ; urged by Douglas, 461, 462 ;
Beecher and Hale on, 465; resolu-
tions requesting the President to
veto, 465, 466 ; protests against, 467,
468 ; advocated at South, 469, 470 ;
Douglas closes debate on, 470-475 ;
clergy against, 477-480 ; Richardson
urges, 480, 483, 484 ; supported by
Pierce's cabinet, 482, 483 ; excite-
ment over, in House, 485, 486 ; pro-
test against, in New York City, 487 ;
number of speeches on, 487, 488;
Benton against, 489; consequences,
490, 491 ; Southern opinions, 496,
497 ; Emerson on, 498 ; Fugitive
Slave law stifled by, 500; effect on
Cuban question, ii. 33 ; Democratic
party weakened by, 44 ; formation
of party opposed to, 47 ; position
of Republicans on, 48; effect on
Iowa elections, 59 ; Lincoln on, 62,
334, 335; Collamer on, 125; inter-
pretation in Kansas, 157 ; effect of
Dred Scott case, 264-266, 327, 328.
Kant, Immanuel, enjoyment of Nou-
velle He"loise, i. 282.
Kasson, J. A., in Republican conven-
tion (1860), ii. 469 n. ; member of
Committee of Ways and Means, v.
266 n. ; and the whiskey tax, 267 ;
opposes interference in Arkansas,
vii. 88; and the Force bill, 89,
90; "visiting statesman," 230.
Kate, blockade-runner, v. 399.
Kearny, Philip, killed, iv. 135.
Kearsarge destroys the Alabama, iv.
510, 511.
Kegs scarce at the South, v. 356.
Keitt, L. M., threatens Simonton, ii.
144; attacks Grow, 297, 298; on
362
GENERAL INDEX
Keitt, L. M. — Continued.
disunion, 420 ; on slavery and seces-
sion, iii. 120 n. ; interview with
Buchanan, 184; Confederate Pro-
visional Congress, 292 n.
Kelley, W. D., on the iron-trade, ii.
480 n. ; vote on the whiskey tax, v.
267 ; as a protectionist, vi. 276, 278 ;
and Credit Mobilier, vii. 9, 13;
"visiting statesman," 230.
Kellogg, W. P., contested election for
governor of Louisiana, vii. 109-111 ;
Grant recognizes, 111; recognition
unjustifiable, 111, 112; govern-
ment overthrown and restored, 114;
and conflict in the legislature, 119;
Foster report on his government,
124; Wheeler compromise, 127.
Kellogg, William, of Illinois, quarrel
with Logan, ii. 423; defends Love-
joy, 438; Lincoln's letter to, on
compromise, iii. 160, 161.
Kemble, Fanny, journal, i. 305 ; G.
W. Curtis on, 305 n. ; on negro
quarters, 307 n. ; on slave-labor,
308; on negro women, 310, 311;
on preaching to negroes, 331 ; on
social evil at South, 336 ; on Uncle
Tom's Cabin, 363 ; on negro in-
surrection, 376.
Kemper, J. L., Gettysburg, killed, iv.
289.
Kenesaw Mountain, Ga., battle, iv.
453-455.
Kennedy, R. C, hanged for attempt-
ing to fire New York, v. 340.
Kenner, D. F., secret mission to Eu-
rope, v. 67 n.
Kenner, L. M., of Louisiana Returning
Board, character, vii. 231; returns
Hayes electors, 232, 233; reward,
289 n.
Kentucky, withdraws from Baltimore
convention, ii. 474; no secession
convention called, iii. 310; refuses
to furnish troops, 391 ; attempted
neutrality, 391, 392 ; loyalty assured,
392, 598; and Fremont's proclama-
tion, 471, 472, 473 n., 476; Con-
federate lines (Jan. 1861), 581;
Bragg's invasion, alarm, 175-177;
reception of Bragg, 177, 178 ; battle
of Perryville, 179, 180; slavery
conditions (1865), v. 49; Sons of
Liberty in, 318; Democratic suc-
cess (1866), 625. See also Border
States.
Kenyon, Cox, and Co., finances Canada
Southern construction, vii. 39.
Kernan, Francis, vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267; candidate for governor
of New York, vi. 433.
Kerr, M. C, opposes a rising in In-
diana, v. 323 ; opposes the Ku-Klux
act, vi. 316 n. ; as speaker, vii. 217,
218 ; death, 218.
Ketchum, Morris, and Legal-Tender
bill, iii. 569 n., 570 n.
Kettell, T. P., on condition of South,
i. 213 n.
Key, D. M., Postmaster-General, vii.
287 n.
Keyes, E. D., corps commander, iii.
614; Fair Oaks, iv. 25.
Kickapoo Rangers in Kansas, ii. 107.
Kilpatrick, H. J., character, v. 24;
pillage by his troops, 89; in cam-
paign of 1876, vii. 220.
King, J. A., on Seward, ii. 176 n.
King, Preston, in Senate, ii. 283 ; in
Republican convention( 1860) , 469 n. ;
influence on Johnson, v. 588; com-
mits suicide, 588 n.
King, Rufus, on Everett, i. 291 ; Sew-
ard on, ii. 147.
King, Rufus, Gainesville, iv. 126, 127,
127 n.
King, T. B., sent to California, i. 110.
King, W. R., in committee on Clay reso-
lutions, i. 172; on British Hondu-
ras, 201 ; nominated for Vice-Presi-
dent, 249.
Kingston, N.Y., opposition to the
draft, v. 231.
Kingston, N.C., battle, v. 106.
Kirk, G. W., martial law in North
Carolina, vi. 308.
Kirkley, J. W., acknowledgments to,
iii. 323 n., 444 n. ; work on the
Official Records, v. 626 n.
Kirkwood, S. J., proclamation against
Knights of the Golden Circle, v.
230; on enforcement of the draft,
232.
Knapp, F. N., in Sanitary Commission,
v. 253.
Knight, E. H., on the reaper and sew-
ing-machine, iii. 6 n., 7 n.
Knights of the Golden Circle. (See
Sons of Liberty.
KELLEY — LAMAR
363
Knights of the White Camelia, vi.
180, 183 n. See also Ku-Klux.
Knitting needles scarce at the South,
v. 356.
Knott, Proctor, and Blaine's defence,
vii. 202, 203.
Know-nothing party, principles, ii.
50-52 ; methods, 53, 54 ; on Roman
Catholicism, 54 ; popularity, 55 ;
denounced by Wise, 56, 88; and
slavery, 56, 89, 90, 119, 120;
attacked by Irishmen, 57, 58;
influence in Pennsylvania election,
60 ; denounced by Douglas, 61 ;
grand council in New York, 63, 64 ;
success in elections of 1854, 64-
66 ; combated by Beecher, 73 ;
Union degree, 87 ; secrets exposed,
91 ; New York Republicans on,
93; Greeley on, 111, 118; nomi-
nates Fillmore (1856), 119; con-
demned by Democratic platform,
171 ; North American nomination,
186 ; electoral votes, 235.
Knoxville, Burnside occupies, iv. 396 ;
Longstreet sent against, 404; Sher-
man relieves, 407.
Kossuth, Louis, leadership, i. 205 ;
flight, rescue, arrives at New York,
231; ovation there, 231-233; en-
thusiasm for his cause, 233, 234;
asks for intervention and funds,
234; New York press on this, 234,
235 ; receives delegations, tact,
235; banquet, 235, 236; question
of his official reception, enthusiasm
of congressmen, 237, 238 ; reception
at Washington, 238; Webster and
intervention, 238 ; reception in the
Senate, and Houston, 239 ; Web-
ster's banquet speech, 239, 240;
received in the House, at the West,
240 ; failure of mission becomes
patent, 240; House expresses its
opposition to intervention, 240, 241
small amount of money raised, 241
reason for interest in, 241, 242
and slavery, basis of failure, 242
expense of entertaining, 242, 243
personal habits, 243.
Koszta, Martin, protected by United
States, 416, 417 ; defended by In-
graham, 417; defended by Marcy,
418 ; release, 419.
Ku-Klux-Klan, origin, different so-
cieties, membership, vi. 180; and
Loyal Leagues, 180, 181 ; Gordon on
object, 181 ; methods of intimidat-
ing negroes, 181-183; act of 1870
on, 296 ; not active in Georgia cam-
paign (1870), 298, 299; activity
in North Carolina, 306-308 ; Grant's
message on, 312, 313; act of 1871
(Ku-Klux act), 313-316, 331; act
declared unconstitutional, 316, 333 ;
enforcement of act, 317, 319, 320;
prosecutions, 317 n., 318 n. ; cessation
of activity, 319, 320; congressional
report on, 320-324; and the move-
ment for liberation, vii. 78; alleged
activity in Alabama (1874), 80-82;
and negro schools in Mississippi,
93, 94; Mississippi's ineffectual law
on, 94.
Laboulaye, Edouard, on Lincoln and
liberty, iv. 415 n.
Labour, share in the war-time pros-
perity, v. 203-206; scarcity, 205.
Lafayette, Marquis de, reception, i.
233, 263 ; Kossuth compared to,
235 ; reception by Senate, 239 ;
Lopez and Crittenden compared to,
394.
Laird, John, boasts of building the
Alabama, iv. 367, 368; and Johnson,
vi. 336.
Laird rams, meetings against, iv.
370 n. ; Seward's instructions on,
377 ; blind ownership, 377, 378, 384 ;
Law Office decides against detain-
ing, 378, 379 ; Russell promises
watchfulness, 379; Adams's last
efforts and famous despatch, 378,
380 ; distance complicates negotia-
tions, 380, 381 ; Russell decides to
detain, 381-383 ; precautions against
escape, 383, 384 ; seized, purchased
by the Admiralty, 384 ; loss to the
Confederate cause, 385; plan of
operations, 385 n. ; action on, and
escape of the Alabama, 386 ; Adams's
and Russell's conduct, 387, 388.
Lamar, L. Q. C, on John Brown, ii.
421 ; amnesty, vi. 329 ; on Poland
and Arkansas, vii. 88 n. ; under
carpet-bag government, career, 97-
99 ; elected to Congress, desire for
reconciliation, 99, 101, 102; eulogy
on Sumner, 100-102 ; its effect, 102,
364
GENERAL INDEX
Lamar, L. Q. C. — Continued.
103; despairs of Mississippi's re-
generation, effort to prevent a race
conflict, 128; policy in campaign of
1875, 129; senator, 140; Tilden
consults (1876), 246 n., 247.
Lamon, W. H., visit to Charleston, iii.
328; unauthorized statements on
Sumter, 333, 334, 336.
Lane, H. S., against Seward, ii. 466 ;
in campaign of 1860, 484 n., 498.
Lane, J. H., indictment, ii. 156; rep-
resents free-State cause, 216, 219;
leaves Kansas, 237; in Kansas
troubles, 274; supports veto of
; Civil Rights bill, v. 585.
Lane, Joseph, nominated for Vice-
President, ii. 475 ; campaign, 478.
Langston, Charles, speeches, ii. 365,
366; imprisonment, 365, 367.
Lansing, W. E., Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 320 n.
Lathers, Richard, Union meeting, iii.
174 n.
Law-and-order party in Kansas, ii.
103.
Lawrence, A. A., on mob in Kansas,
ii. 82 ; on Lincoln, 473 n. ; on Legal-
Tender bill, iii. 570 n. ; on scarcity
of labour, v. 205 ; as a bounty
broker, 243.
Lawrence, William, impeachment
brief, vi. 120 n.
Lawrence, Kan., plan to attack, ii.
103-106, 156, 157; sacked, 158,
159.
Laws, A. M., overland cotton trade,
v. 303.
Lead scarce at the South, v. 358.
LeBlond, F. C, on the tariff, vi. 219.
Lecky, W. E. H., on selfishness of
corn-law agitation, iii. 31 n. ; on
England and the Civil war, iv. 78 n.
Lecompte, S. D., charge to grand jury,
ii. 156; reported removal, 238.
Lecompton constitution, framing, pro-
visions, ii. 277-279 ; provision for
voting, 279 ; Walker denounces, 280 ;
Douglas on, 283, 284, 286-288, 318;
recommended by Buchanan, 291,
349 ; Elmore and Denver against,
292; bill to admit under, 293, 297;
English bill, 299-301; rejected by
Kansas, 301 ; Seward on, 305 ;
Chase on, 307; Broderick and,
375 ; Republican convention of 1860
on, 464.
Lee of Massachusetts refuses to vote
for Webster, i. 258.
Lee, Henry, on opposition to negro
soldiers, iv. 334; on scarcity of
labour, v. 205.
Lee, R. E., refuses command of Cuban
expedition, i. 217; captures John
Brown, ii. 396; resigns his commis-
sion, iii. 365 ; commands Virginia
forces, 380 ; as an asset, 41 1 ; career
and character, 411-413; and John-
ston, 458 ; in western Virginia, 489 ;
strictures on, iv. 7, 8; and Jackson's
Shenandoah campaign, 13, 14;
commands the Army of Northern
Virginia, 29, 30 ; and Jackson, 29 n. ;
and Davis, 30, 53, 54, 121; and
McClellan's plan, 33; plan against
McClellan, 34-37; Seven Days, 38-
49; deceived by McClellan's move-
ments, 45; force (Aug. 1862), 105,
126; problem of Pope's campaign,
115-117; outmanoeuvred by Pope,
117, 118; sends Jackson around
Pope, 121, 122 ; marches to join
Jackson, 124, 125, 127 ; Second Bull
Run, 130; invades Maryland, 139-
141 ; address, 141 ; reception, 141,
142 ; intention, objective point, 142 ;
divides his force, sends Jackson
against Harper's Ferry, 143; plans
disclosed to McClellan, 145-147
position at Antietam Creek, 148
failure of campaign, 149, 155, 156
Antietam, 150-155 ; tactics, 154
155 ; retreat into Virginia, 155
Fredericksburg, 193-198; lets his
advantage slip, 198; Chancellors-
ville, 257-264; on the wounding of
Jackson, 265 ; reorganizes his army,
268; plans an invasion (1863), in-
tention, 268-270; march, 270; in
Pennsylvania, 273, 276; conduct of
his army, 274, 275 ; and absence of
Stuart's cavalry, 282 ; Gettysburg,
282-290 ; contempt for his foe, 284 ;
and Napoleon, 284, 292, 293; self-
control after Pickett's charge, 290,
291 ; Longstreet controversy, 291,
292 ; retreat, 293 ; at the Potomac,
294, 295; crosses safely, 296;
autumn campaign, 395 ; Wilderness,
440-442 ; soldiers object to his expos-
LAMON — LINCOLN
365
Lee, R. E. — Continued.
ing himself, 441, 444; Spotsylvania,
442-444 ; at North Anna River, 444,
445 ; Cold Harbor, 445, 446 ; ignorant
of Grant's crossing of the James, 488 ;
and attack on Petersburg, 489, 490;
and Early's invasion, 497, 499 n. ;
supplies affected by Sherman's
march, v. 21 ; scarcity of food for
his army, 60, 61, 64, 73, 74; made
general-in-chief, influence and public
confidence in, 64, 79; on enlisting
slaves, 66, 67, 81 ; desertions, 74,
75 ; despairs of success, 76, 80 ; sug-
gests military convention to Grant,
77, 124; Campbell's report on his
army, 78, 79 ; on the military sit-
uation, 79 ; political caution, 79,
80; on Sherman's northward march,
86; force (March 1865), 111; con-
siders question and route of re-
treat, 111, 112; unsuccessful sortie,
112; final campaign at Petersburg,
112-114; evacuates Petersburg and
Richmond, 114, 119; retreat, 120-
125 ; fatal delay for supplies, 121 ;
surrender demanded, 123 ; meet-
ing with Grant, appearance, 125 ;
terms of surrender, 126-128 ; num-
ber surrendered, 128, 129 ; Grant
furnishes rations, after the surren-
der, farewell address, 129 ; out-gen-
eralled by Grant, 130; army fare,
349, 350 ; on impressment, 377 ; on
trade with the North, 418 ; on exemp-
tions, 446 ; favours making Treasury
notes legal tender, 470 ; on exchange
of prisoners, 498, 500 ; on Dahlgren's
raid, 514, 515; humanity, 515; on
policy of reconstruction, 562 ; on
negro suffrage, 563 ; on settlers from
the North, 563, 564 5 on Johnson's
policy, 564 n., vi. 72; on basis' of
representation, v. 604, 605 ; should
not have been debarred from hold-
ing office, 608 ; on accepting and
controlling reconstruction, vi. 86.
Lee, S. D., and attack on Sumter, iii.
349.
Legal tender. See Paper money.
Legal-Tender cases, decision, vi. 268,
269 ; dissent, 269 ; decision con-
sidered, 270; court not packed for,
270-273.
Letcher, John, on election frauds
(1856), ii. 233 n., 234 n. ; and tariff
of 1857, iii. 44; and secession, 301,
378, 383 ; Hunter burns house, iv.
496 n. ; and the bread riot, v. 364.
Lewis, Sir G. C, and the Alabama, iv.
90 ; non-intervention speech, 341 ;
death, 372 n.
Lewis, J. T., hundred-days men, iv.
498 n.
Lexington, Ky., Kirby Smith occupies,
iv. 175.
Libby prison, v. 487, 488; mined, 515.
Liberal Republican party, origin in
Missouri, newspaper support, vi.
412 ; individual support, 412, 413 ;
presidential timber, 413, 415 ; New
York mass meeting, 413, 414; at-
tracts disappointed politicians, 414,
415; Adams's letter, 415-417;
Davis's aspirations checked, 417,
418; mass convention, character,
418; voting procedure, mistake in
making Schurz chairman, 419 ; plat-
form, 419, 420 ; balloting, 420, 421 ;
nomination of Greeley considered,
421-423 ; new nomination attempted,
423, Democratic endorsement, 428-
431 ; campaign, 432-435 ; defeat, 437 ;
possibility of success under Adams,
438; good results of movement, 439.
Liberator, established by Garrison, i.
53; motto, 55; Nat Turner insur-
rection not influenced by, Southern
laws against, demand for suppres-
sion, 57 ; influence, 62 ; criticises
opposing faction of abolitionists, 74 ;
Garrison in, 327. See also Gar-
rison, W. L.
Liberia, negro colony, i. 382; recog-
nized, iv. 58.
Library of Congress, acknowledgment
to, i. 208 n.
Lieber, Francis, on slavery, i. 94 n. ;
on Southern conditions, 350 n. ; on-
Southern character, 359 n. ; on
Sumner, ii. 142 n. ; on election of
Buchanan, 242; on John Brown,
409; denounced at the South, 486;
on sincerity of disunion threats, 489 ;
on anxieties in 1864, v. 234.
Lieber, Oscar, death, ii. 489 n.
Lincoln, Abraham, on the Mexican war,
i. 92; on Seward, 101, applies for
office under Taylor, 103 ; visits Clay,
121 n. ; watchword, 161 ; reference
GENERAL INDEX
Lincoln, Abraham — Continued.
to slave-dealers, 325 n. ; mental disci-
pline, 492 ; on anti-Nebraska elec-
tions, ii. 61 ; reply to Douglas (1864),
62; speech at Peoria, Douglas
disturbed by, 70; on popular
sovereignty, 80, 81, 381 ; sup-
ports McLean (1856), 182; candidacy
for Vice-President, 184; on Dred
Scott decision, 266-268, 270, 271 ;
on Declaration of Independence,
267, 334; career and character,
308-313, iv. 209-211, v. 142-144;
religious feeling, ii. 312, iv. 160 n. ;
relations with Douglas, ii. 313 ;
Douglas on, 313, 314, 318, 340, 472,
477; nominated for senator, 314;
house-divided-against-itself speech,
314-317; on Douglas, 316, 317,
320, 339, 340; first speeches in the
canvass, 319, 320; on slavery, 319,
326, 331-337, 381, 432, 481 n. ;
challenges Douglas to joint debate,
arrangement, 321 ; problem of the
votes, 321-323 ; joint debates, 323-
338; as a speaker, 323, 324, 332,
333 ; at Ottawa, 324-326 ; and abo-
litionism, 325 ; and public opinion,
326, iv. 423; at Freeport, Douglas's
questions, ii. 326, 327 ; questions to
Douglas, Freeport doctrine, 327, 328
compared with Douglas, 329, 330
compared to Webster, 332, 333
at Galesburg, 333; at Alton, 334
assisted by Corwin, Chase, and Col-
fax, 338 ; defeated, 339 ; effect of the
debates, 340-343 ; Longfellow and
Parker on, 342 ; Jefferson Davis 's
opinion, 348; Ohio speeches, 382,
383; on John Brown, 412; Cooper
Institute address, 430-432, 436, 458 ;
Greeley on, 431 ; on disunion, 432 ;
criticised by abolitionists, 435; as
presidential timber, in Illinois State
convention, 458; struggle for the
nomination, 458-463, 466-468 ; bar-
gains, 459; compared with Seward,
460 ; balloting and claque, 468-470 ;
reception of nomination, 471-473 ;
Phillips on, 473 ; Lawrence on, Grimes
on, 473 n. ; conditions of the campaign,
482-486, 493 ; clergymen against,
485 n. ; South threatens disunion in
case of election of, 487-490; at-
tempted union of the opposition, 490,
491 ; Douglas on election of, 491, 492,
494; Schurz on, 493, 498; on New
York as doubtful, 497 ; and Fugitive
Slave law, 499, iii. 176 ; popular vote
for, ii. 500; Longfellow on election
of, 501, 502; Motley on election of,
502 ; appreciation of humour, iii. 109,
110, v. 223 ; election as reason for se-
cession, iii. 114, 115, 149, 195, 196,
254 n., 255 n. ; on Buchanan, 137 n. ;
on probable effect of Crittenden
compromise, 156 n. ; offers State
portfolio to Seward, 158; Weed's
consultation, 158, 159; opposes
compromise on territorial slavery,
159-162; responsibility for rejection
of Crittenden compromise, 164; his
action considered, 167-171 ; not
appreciative of danger of war, 174;
measures to retard secession, 179-
181 ; effort for Southern cabinet
member, 180, 181 ; and House plan
of compromise, 269 ; journey to
Washington, unfavourable impres-
sion, 302-305 ; inaugural, 316-318;
its reception, 318, 319 ; cabinet, 319 ;
contention over its formation, 319,
320; patience and tact, 320; prin-
cipal purposes, 325 ; and Sumter
problem, 325, 326 ; and office-seekers,
326, 327 ; cabinet councils on Sum-
ter, 327, 335 ; use of anecdotes,
334 n., 335 n, ; orders relief of Sumter,
335, 337 ; notifies South Carolina,
338; and Seward's assurances on
Sumter, 338-341; and Seward's
"Thoughts," 341, 342; determined
on reunion, 343, 345, 398, 399 ; and
political necessity of the relief, 345-
347 ; call for militia, 359, 360 ; calls
extra session of Congress, 360 ; and
passage of troops through Mary-
land, 363, 364, 367, 368; orders a
blockade, 364; fears for safety of
Washington, 368, 374, 376; and
loyalty of Maryland, 390; and of
Kentucky, 392 ; calls for three-years
volunteers, 394, 395 ; silence on
slavery, 399 ; misconception of
Southern Union sentiment, 405—
408; and Seward's English despatch
(May 1861), 425; sentiment tow-
ards England, 426, 427 ; arbitrary
acts approved by Congress, 438, 439 ;
appeal to the people, 439, 440 ; popu-
LINCOLN
367
Lincoln, Abraham — Continued.
lar trust, 440, 441, iv. 171, 172, 415 n. ;
mastership acknowledged, hi. 441 ;
as a dictator, 441, 442, v. 475 ; coun-
cil on an advance (June), hi. 443 ; and
Bull Run defeat, 454; and Confisca-
tion act, 467, iv. 62-64 ; order on fugi-
tive slaves, hi. 467, 468; and Fre-
mont's proclamation, 470-472, 476;
and charges against Fremont, 477,
478, 480, 481; removes him, 481,
482; forbearance with McClellan,
501, 502 ; and the Trent affair, 522,
537, 538; first annual message,
553 ; and arbitrary action, 553,
556 to., 557, 558, iv. 169-172, 234,
235, 248, 250, 254, 255, 423, v. 470-
473; and Legal-Tender bill, iii. 572;
suppresses Cameron's suggestion of
negro soldiers, 573 ; dismisses Cam-
eron, 576, 577; and Stanton, 578,
v. 181, 182; war council (Jan. 1862),
iii. 579-581 ; War Order Number 1,
581 ; and McClellan 's plan, 607, 608 ;
faith in McClellan wanes, 615 ;
and McDowell's corps, 615, iv. 6;
begs McClellan to "strike a blow,"
iii. 616, 617; upholds Grant after
Shiloh, 627, 628; and gradual
compensated emancipation, 631-
633, iv. 65-69, 215, 216; wisdom of
his policy on slavery, iii. 633-636 ;
thanksgiving proclamations, 636, iv.
320 n. ; on McClellan at Yorktown,
3 to., 4; and McClellan 's slow ad-
vance, 5 ; and Fremont's Virginia
command, 11, 12; and Jackson's
campaign, 18-22 ; McClellan 's polit-
ical letter to, 38; and Gaines's
Mill, 44; and failure of Peninsular
campaign, 49, 50; calls for 300,000,
55, 56 ; and anti-slavery radicals,
64 n., 65, 72; and Hunter's order,
65, 66; and Greeley's "prayer," 72-
76 ; study of the emancipation
question, 69, 70, 157-160, 213,
214, 409-411, 486; postpones first
Emancipation Proclamation, 71, 72;
continued confidence in McClellan,
95, 96; and Pope's orders, 101;
and the depriving of McClellan,
133, 134; restores McClellan, 135,
137 ; and Antietam, 155 ; cabinet
meeting on emancipation, 160, 161 ;
issues the Proclamation, 161 ; dis-
appointed in its reception, 162, 163
and the election of 1862, 163
and East Tennessee, 173, 181, 182
dissatisfaction with Buell, 174, 175,
178, 182; removes him, 183; orders
McClellan to move (Oct.), 185; acerb
letter to him, 187, 188; removes
him, 188, 189; and Fredericksburg,
194, 199, 201, 203; relieves Burn-
side, 202; cabinet crisis, 203-206;
political sagacity, 206, 207; rela-
tions with Seward, 207, 211, 212;
and financial affairs, 207, 208; re-
lations with Chase, 209, 210, 477,
478, v. 45, 46 ; contemporaries fail to
appreciate, iv. 210, 211, 478; issues
final Emancipation Proclamation,
212, 213; declines French offer of
mediation, 222, 348; and more
greenbacks, 238; and Congress, 240,
241, 422, 423; and Vallandigham
case, 248, 250, v. 321 to. ; and suppres-
sion of Chicago Times, iv. 254 ; apol-
ogy for arbitrary action, 254, 255;
caution to Hooker, 256, 257 ; com-
mand in person suggested, 266 ; ad-
vice on Lee's invasion, military
knowledge, 271 ; and the demand for
McClellan 's recall (June 1863), 278;
relieves Hooker, appoints Meade,
280 ; announces Gettysburg victory,
293 ; and Meade's failure to attack,
293, 294, 296, 297 ; Gettysburg ad-
dress, 297, 298; on opening of the
Mississippi, 318; and opposition to
the draft, 329, v. 230-232 ; and Sey-
mour, iv. 330-332 ; on negro soldiers,
333, 335, 336, 410, 411 ; Manchester
address to, 350; and privateering,
367 n. ; conference on Chattanooga
conditions, 399 ; political letter
(1863), 408-412; on peace, 408, 409 ;
as issue in 1863, 412; Laboulaye on,
415 to. ; suspends habeas corpus
(1863), 416, 417; third annual
message, 419-422 ; on effect of
emancipation policy, 421, 422 ;
Lowell's estimate (Dec. 1863), 425,
426; commissions Grant, 435, 436;
radical opposition to renomination,
456, 457, 461-463, 483, 484; and
Chase's presidential aspirations, 459,
460; popular demand for renomina-
tion, ridicule of radical convention,
464 ; and Grant's Virginia campaign,
368
GENEKAL INDEX
Lincoln, Abraham — Continued.
466, 491, 492; and forged fasting
proclamation, 467, 468; renomi-
nated, 468; and Grant's candidacy,
469; and Johnson's nomination,
469, 470; "swap-horses" speech,
470; and French in Mexico, 472;
patronage differences with Chase,
475-479, 481-483; accepts Chase's
resignation, 479, 480; appoints
Fessenden, 480, 481 ; political use of
patronage, 482, 483 ; reconstruction
policy, 484, 485, v. 55, 56, 134-137,
559 ; and negro suffrage, iv. 485, v.
56, 136, 524; "pockets" Davis's re-
construction bill, iv. 486, 487 ; Wade-
Davis manifesto, 487; visits Grant's
army (June), 491-493 ; and the
negro troops, 492, 493 ; and Early's
invasion, 497-503 ; on the pursuit
of Early, 505 ; cautions Grant against
"attrition," 506; continued con-
fidence in Grant, 506, 507 ; and
Greeley's peace negotiations, 513,
514 ; peace ultimatum, 514, 515, 519,
520, v. 57, 58 ; continued dissatisfac-
tion with, iv. 518, 519; longing for
military success, 520 ; re-election
deemed impossible, 520-522 ; procla-
mation on Atlanta and Mobile, 524 ;
and Sheridan's victories, 526, 537 ;
radicals support, 527, 528 ; ousts Blair
as a political bargain, 528, 529 ;
slandered, 531 ; re-election certain,
536; re-elected, 538; meaning of
re-election, 538, 359 ; importance of
the Emancipation Proclamation, on
Vicksburg, v. 2 ; and Sherman in
1861, 3, 4; and Sherman's march,
10, 28-30; on Thomas's delay at
Nashville, 38 ; congratulates Thomas,
42; appoints Chase Chief Justice,
45, 46 ; last annual message, 46 ; on
reconstruction in Louisiana and Ar-
kansas, 47, 53, 135-137; on Mary-
land's new constitution, 47; effort
for an abolition amendment, 48;
radical opposition to his reconstruc-
tion policy, 51 n., 54 n., 134, 137,
151 ; berated by congressmen, 51 n. ;
Sumner's opposition, 54, 55, 137 ;
personal relations with Sumner, 56,
57 ; adheres to the Emancipation
Proclamation, 58, 69; relation to
Blair's mission, 58, 59, 69; willing
to receive a peace agent, 59 ; at the
Hampton Roads Conference, 68-
71 ; promises leniency in enforcing
confiscation acts, 71 ; favours in-
demnity for emancipation, 71, 82;
forbids Grant to discuss political
matters with Lee, 77 ; magnanimity,
82, 83, 134; second inaugural, 83,
84 ; conference with Grant and Sher-
man at City Point, 107, 108; and
Davis as rulers, 109, 110, 475, 476,
482; in Petersburg, 114, 115; in
Richmond, 120; on conditions of
peace after Lee's surrender, 132,
133 ; letter on the Virginia legisla-
ture, 133, 134; last days, 134-138;
attitude towards Davis, reads from
Macbeth, 134; last speech on recon-
struction, 134—137; on the status of
the seceded States, 135 ; last cabinet
meeting, 137, 138; his presage-
ful dream, 137 ; to effect reconstruc-
tion before Congress met, 137 ; assas-
sinated, 139-142; Whitman's poem
on, 140 ; last hours, 140, 141 ; un-
guarded, declines to take precau-
tions, 142; and Caesar, 142, 160;
fame, 142-144; effect of assassina-
tion in Washington, 146 ; mourning
for and desire to avenge, 147-149;
Confederate authorities accused of
complicity, 147, 148, 151, 152,
154 n., 157, 158; funeral services,
152, 153 ; religious sentiment on
his death, 153, 154; fate of the
conspirators, 155-157, 159 n. ; South-
ern sentiment on his death, 159,
160, 163, 164; news of his death
in Sherman's army, 163-165; and
the Richmond clergy, 180; de-
cision in the Smith Brothers
case, 222, 223; knowledge of the
people, 233; burdens in 1864, 233,
234; and the governors, 235
trouble over quotas, 235, 236
effect on, of burden of the war, 237
contrast in two life masks, 237, 238
exemption annoyances, 238, 239
politics and the draft, 239, 240
question of new regiments or refilled
old ones, 240, 241 ; first opinion on
the Sanitary Commission, 245 ; on
the soldiers and the women, 258,
259 ; commends the Christian Com-
mission, 262; anxious to appease
LINCOLN — LOTHROP
369
Lincoln, Abraham — - Continued.
Europe with cotton, 275, 276 ; and
the overland cotton trade, 281, 298,
301-303 ; on Butler, 308 n. ; and the
Sons of Liberty, 319, 322, 327, 328;
and the raiders from Canada, 332,
333 ; and the writ of habeas corpus,
470, 471 ; silent on alleged Southern
cruelties, 504, 505 ; great in omissions,
505; and the Fort Pillow massacre,
512, 513 ; offers to dispose of, made
to Confederate authorities, 513, 514 ;
caution and humanity, 515 ; fitness
for task of reconstruction, 516, 517;
and Stevens, 543.
Lind, Jenny, in America, hi. 84-86.
Lindsay, R. B., as governor of Ala-
bama, vii. 77.
Lines, C. B., company for Kansas, ii. 135.
Lipscomb, W. A., reported murder, vii.
80, 81.
Literature, golden age (1850-1860), iii.
91; lights, 91-94; magazines, 94-
96; expurgated Shakespeare, 108;
Southern war-time, v. 468, 469.
"Little Giant," Douglas called, i. 245.
Little Rock and Fort Smith Railway
bonds. See Blaine.
Livermore, T. L., comparison of Nash-
ville and Appomattox campaigns,
v. 127 n. ; on forces and losses in the
Civil war, 186-188.
Lobos Islands affair, i. 297.
Logan, J. A., acknowledgment to, i.
493 ; success in Illinois, ii. 321 ;
quarrel with Kellogg, 423; sent to
supersede Thomas, v. 41 ; on the
burning of Columbia, 94 ; guards
Stanton, vi. 113; impeachment
manager, 115; opposes greenback
contraction, 224 n. ; and confirma-
tion of Simmons, vii. 25 n. ; advo-
cates inflation, 53, 58; and Re-
sumption act, 70, 72; Louisiana
investigation, 110, 111.
Logan, S. T., Peace Convention, iii.
305 n.
London, great plague, i. 409, 413.
London Daily News, supports the
North, iii. 507 n. ; on the war and
slavery, 511 n. ; on the Trent affair
and arbitration, 533 n., 534 n. ; on
the Alabama debate, iv. 369 n., 370 n.
London Star supports the North, iii.
507 n.
VII. — 24
London Times, on the Atlantic cable,
iii. 13 n. ; on the tariff and secession,
316 n. ; on withholding cotton,
416 n. ; on the neutrality proclama-
tion, 418 n. ; on slavery and the war,
430 n., 510 n., 511 n., on secession,
433 n. ; supports the South, 504,
509 ; ungenerous criticism of the
North, 514 ; on the Trent affair, 523,
527 n. ; influence, 529 n., 530 n.,
iv. 83 n. ; on proper reception of
Mason and Slidell, iii. 540 n., 541 n. ;
on M onitor-M errimac fight, 614 n. ;
and Emancipation Proclamation,
iv. 344 n., 357 n. ; defends slavery,
354, 355 ; on the St. Albans raid, v.
336.
Long, J. F., congressman, vi. 302 n.
Longfellow, H. W., on Uncle Tom's
Cabin, i. 280 ; on Sumner, ii. 142 n. ;
supports Fremont, 211, 212; on Lin-
coln, 342 ; on John Brown, 409, 410 ;
on Lincoln's election, 501 ; produc-
tiveness (1850-1860), Courtship of
Miles Standish, iii. 92, 96 ; on Sum-
ner's despondency, v. 196.
Longstreet, James, on McClellan's
plan, iv. 34 n. ; Gaines's Mill, 40,
42 ; Glendale, 46 ; Malvern Hill, 47 ;
marches to join Jackson, 124; at
Thoroughfare Gap, 127; Second
Bull Run, 130 ; on Antietam, 154 n. ;
on death of Jackson, 265 n. ;
corps commander, 268 ; in Maryland
and Pennsylvania, 270, 273; ob-
jects to the Gettysburg attack, 284 ;
and Pickett's charge, 287, 288;
Lee controversy, 291, 292; Chicka-
mauga, 397 ; sent against Knox-
ville, 404 ; abandons tiie siege, 407 ;
wounded at the Wilderness, 441 ; at
Appomattox, v. 125; on accepting
reconstruction, vi. 86, 87.
Lopez, Narcisso, expedition to Cuba, i.
216-220; becomes tool of specula-
tors, 217; embarks for Cuba, 218;
lands near Havana, garroted, 219 ;
fate of followers, 219, 220 ; Soule" on,
394.
Loring, E. G., and Burns, i. 504;
unpopularity, 505 n.
Lothrop, T. K., acknowledgments
to, iv. 539 n., v. 203 n., 234 n.,
626 n.
370
GENERAL INDEX
Louisiana, withdraws from Charleston
convention, ii. 451 ; secession, iii.
272, 274 n. ; seizes Federal coin,
322; loyal government, v. 47, 52;
electoral vote not counted (1865),
51 ; loyal constitutional conven-
tion, 52, 53; Lincoln on, 53, 135-
317; abolishes slavery, action on
negro suffrage, 53; Senate fails to
recognize, 53-55; Johnson recog-
nizes, 526; harsh legislation on
freedmen, 558; under Sheridan, vi.
76, 78; white and black registra-
tion, 83 n., vote on a convention,
85 n. ; delegates for the convention,
88 n. ; reconstruction election, 169 ;
readmitted, 176, 177; reports of
outrages (1868), 183-185; Repub-
lican party in, vii. 104; negro
officials, corruption, 105, 106; cen-
tralization, 106; processes of thiev-
ing, 106, 107 ; taxes, debt, 107, 108 ;
government maintained by Federal
troops, 108, 109 ; disabilities re-
moved, Republican factions, 109 ;
Kellogg-McEnery contested elec-
tion, 109, 110; congressional in-
vestigation (1873), 110, 111; Grant
upholds Kellogg, 111; election con-
sidered, 111, 112; Colfax massacre,
112, 113; Coushatta massacre, 113,
114; legislative election (1874), New
Orleans rising, 114; Foster report on
it, 114-117 ; conflict in the legislature,
117-119; Sheridan's "banditti" de-
spatch, 119, 120; Grant commends
it, 120-123; Northern indignation
over it, 120, 123; public reception
of the Foster report, 123, 124; Hoar
report, 124-127 ; extent of outrages
125, 126 ; Wheeler compromise, 127
presidential vote contested (1876)
230; "visiting statesmen," 231
character of Returning Board, 231
Hayes electors returned, 232, 233
return considered, 233-235; vote
counted for Hayes, 274-277; con-
tested State election (1877), 287,
288; Northern man on conditions,
288 n., 289 n. ; troops withdrawn,
overthrow of carpet-bag government,
reward of the Returning Board, 298.
Louisville, alarm over Bragg 's invasion,
v. 175-177; Buell covers, 177, 178.
Louisville Courier- Journal and Liberal
Republican movement, vi. 412, 417.
Lovejoy, E. P., killed at Alton, i. 72,
ii. 334.
Lovejoy, Owen, typical abolitionist,
ii. 321 ; anti-slavery speech, 437—
439; Hammond on speech, 440;
in campaign of 1860, 484 n. ; on
McClellan's inactivity, iii. 578; on
Fernando Wood, v. 266, 267.
Lowe, Robert, on Canada, vi. 355 n.
Lowell, J. R., on Garrison, i. 75; on
the Mexican war, 87, 88; on
slavery, 152; on Mrs. Stowe, 279;
on Uncle Tom's Cabin, 280; on
Olmsted, 304 n. ; on Cushing, 392;
on Seward, ii. 472, 494; on the Re-
publican party, 486 ; on disunion,
488 ; on American intellectual life,
iii. 5 ; on dulness of American life,
83, 84 ; on Emerson as a lecturer, 90 ;
productiveness (1850-1860), 93,94;
Atlantic Monthly, 96; confuses
coercion and enforcement of laws,
143 n. ; on cause of secession, 149 n. ;
on Buchanan, 228 n. ; on Anderson,
235 n., 236 n. ; on the Peace Con-
vention, 306 ; on England and seces-
sion, 316 n. ; on the uprising of the
North, 357 n., 358 n. ; on McClellan,
499 ; on feeling towards England,
542, iv. 418; on hard times (1861),
iii. 560; on Lincoln's administration,
iv. 415 n., 424-426, 461; on the
political gloom (1864), 517; on
Chase, 527 n. ; on Farragut, 528 n. ;
on Lee's surrender, v. 132; on the
period of defeat, 198 ; on morals
during the war, 213, 214; on John-
son's tour, 620; on Stevens, 624;
on E. R. Hoar, vi. 239, 240; on
Sumner's Alabama claims speech,
339, 340, 340 n.-342 n. ; on Grant's
cabinet, 379 ; on Grant as President,
384 ; on carpet-bag government, vii.
169; on national corruption (1875),
191, 192; and the nomination of
Wheeler, 212 n. ; on the candidates
(1876), 214; on the campaign, 220,
221.
Lowell, Mass., Free-soil meeting, i.
196.
Lowry, Robert, on the murder of
Lincoln, v. 154 n.
LOUISIANA — McCLELLAN
371
Loyal Leagues, and Ku-Klux, vi. 180,
306, 307; purpose, 180, 181.
Lucretius on the plague, i. 405.
Lundy 's Lane, Whig celebration (1852),
i. 270.
Luxury and display, and panic of 1857,
iii. 53, 54 n. ; war time, at the North,
v. 209-211 ; in Richmond, 424, 425.
Lyceum system, iii. 89, 105 n. ; chief
lectures, 89-91 ; discomforts, 91.
Lyell, Sir Charles, on condition of
slaves, i. 334; on illegitimacy, 339,
340; on slavery, 373; on Southern
hospitality, 374 ; on emancipation,
382; as a critic of America, on
American poor health, iii. 66.
Lynch, J. R., as an official, vii. 92;
elected to Congress, 137 n.
Lyon, Nathaniel, and fight for Mis-
souri, iii. 393, 394; and Fremont,
468 ; defeat and death, 469.
Lyons, Lord, mediation of, suggested,
iii. 367 ; on slavery as the issue, 430 ;
conduct of Trent negotiations, 536 ;
reward, 540 n. ; on arbitrary arrests,
555 n., 556 n.
McAllister, Fort, Ga., captured, v. 29.
Macaulay, T. B., on Uncle Tom's
Cabin, i. 279; on Jeffreys, ii. 238;
on demagogism, iii. 49, 50; on
evils of clipped silver, v. 348.
Macbeth, Mayor, on secession as a
revolution, iii. 120 n.
McCall, G. A., reinforces McClellan, iv.
31, 32; Glendale, 46.
McCall, S. W., on Johnson's removals,
vi. 48 n.
McCardle case, vi. 96, 97.
McCausland, John, Pennsylvania raid,
iv. 504 ; pursuit, 504 n. ; effect of
Northern industry on, v. 203.
McClellan, G. B., in western Virginia,
proclamation, iii. 436, 437, 442;
popular hero, 442, 490, 500, 501 ; in
command at Washington, 462, 463 ;
career and character, 463, 615, 616,
iv. 3, 4, 192 ; organizes the army, iii.
490, 493; ignores Scott, 490-492;
inactivity acquiesced in, 493, 494,
497 ; magnifies the enemy, 491-493,
498, iv. 36, 37, 41, 50, 154; com-
plete sway, iii. 492; indecision on
attacking, 495-500; succeeds Scott,
497; superiority over Johnston's
force, 497, 498, 604, 605; unfitness
for the command, egotism, 499, iv.
10, 11 ; inactivity censured, iii.
578; and Lincoln's war council
(Jan. 1861), 579-581 ; Lincoln orders
an advance, 581 ; occupies Manassas,
605 ; and exposure of enemy's
weakness, 605, 606; allows Con-
federates to recuperate by delay,
606, 607, 617; plan of campaign,
Lincoln yields to it, 607, 608; why
retained in corhmand, 608; com-
mand restricted to Army of the
Potomac, 614, 615; movement to
the Peninsula begins, 615; and
withholding of McDowell's corps,
615, 616, iv. 3, 4, 6, 17, 18; before
Yorktown, iii. 616 ; Lincoln's plea for
immediate action disregarded, 616,
617; siege of Yorktown, 617, iv.
2-4 ; Williamsburg, 4, 5 ; slow ad-
vance, 5 ; and James River route,
6, 7; and Richmond panic, Confed-
erate contempt for, 10; and Jack-
son's campaign, 19, 22-24; Fair
Oaks, 24-28; reinforced, 31, 32;
hesitates again, 32, 33 ; probable
plan, 33 ; fatality of delay, 34 ; ig-
nores Lee's movements, 37, 38;
political letter to Lincoln, 38 ; Seven
Days, 39-49 ; misapprehension at
Gaines's Mill, 40-42; demoralized,
Savage's Station despatch, 43, 44;
anticipates a change of base, 44, 45 ;
and failure of Peninsular campaign,
49-53, 54 n. ; absence from the field,
51, 52; question of reinforcing, 95,
103; Lincoln's continued confi-
dence in, 95, 96 ; growing opposition
of radicals, 98, 102, 103, 190-192;
and Pope, 99; plan (July), 103, 104;
ordered to withdraw, 104-106, 111 ;
plan and protest (Aug.), 106, 110-
112, 116, 117; withdrawal consid-
ered, 106-109 ; why he did not re-
sign, 109, 110; withdraws, 112, 113;
question of command, 113, 114, 119,
132 ; deprived of command, 132 ; and
Pope's campaign, 133, 134, 138 n. ;
restored to command, 135-137 ; pur-
suit of Lee in Maryland, 144, 145 ;
discovers Lee's plans, 145, 146 ;
South Mountain, 146; loses an ad-
372
GENERAL INDEX
McClellan, G. B. — Continued.
vantage, 149, 150, 155; Antietam,
150-155; defective tactics, 154;
ineffectual pursuit of Lee, 155 ;
procrastinates, 184-186; ordered to
move, 185; Lincoln's acerb letter;
186-188; moves, relieved of com-
mand, 188 ; removal a mistake, 188-
190; popular demands for recall
(June 1863), 277, 278; (1864), 507;
supports the Democrats (1863),
416; army's opinion of, 507 n. ;
nominated for President, 522 ; repu-
diates the "war a failure " issue, 525 ;
as a candidate, 530, 531 ; defeated,
538.
McClelland, Robert, Secretary of the
Interior, i. 388.
McClernand, J. A., Donelson, iii. 586;
Shiloh, 623; and Grant, iv. 301,
319 n. ; Vicksburg, 305, 306 ; on the
overland cotton trade, v. 285, 286.
McClure, A. K., on the tariff, ii.
480 n. ; on Lincoln and Greeley, iv.
75 n.
McCook, A. McD., Shiloh, iii. 625,
626.
McCook, G. W., nominates Seymour,
vi. 167.
McCrary, G. W., Credit Mobilier
investigation, vii. 2; joint com-
mittee on electoral count, 248,
256; proposes a tribunal, 250;
Secretary of War, 287 n.
McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of the
Treasury, on negro suffrage, v. 524;
on Johnson's policy, 532 n.,
534 n. ; on opposition to it, 549,
550; on the Civil Rights veto,
583 n. ; supports his chief, 611, vi.
234, 235; and Davis in prison, 55,
56; on requesting Stanton's resig-
nation, 65; career, 215; character,
task, consolidates the debt, 216;
work accomplished, 216, 217; and
Wells, financial policy, 217 ; and
greenback contraction, 222, 223 ;
on evils of inconvertible greenbacks,
225, 226 ; on safety of contraction,
226, 227; other plans to offset in-
convertible greenbacks, 229 ; con-
traction policy considered, 231, 232;
and Congress, 232; civil service
appointments, 232-234; and Chase,
235 n. ; inflates the currency, vii.
54 n. ; on "visiting statesmen,"
237, 238.
M'Cunn, J. H., and Tweed Ring, vi.
394, 395 ; impeached, 409.
Macdonald, Sir J. A., Joint High
Commission, vi. 360.
McDonald, J. E., Democratic nominee
for governor in Indiana, opposes a
rising, v. 323; joint debate with
Morton, 326, 327; on Mississippi
peace agreement (1875), vii. 133;
in Ohio campaign, 178; "visiting
statesman," 230.
McDonald, John, member of the
Whiskey Ring, vii. 182, 183; par-
doned, 186 n. ; accuses Grant of
complicity, 187; his book, 187 n.
McDowell, Irvin, plan for Bull Run
campaign, iii. 443 ; march, 444 ;
battle, 446-449; rout, 449, 450;
defeat considered, 451, 452, 454;
plan of advance (Jan. 1861), 451,452,
454 ; corps commander, 614 ; re-
tained to protect Washington, 615 ;
and junction with McClellan, iv. 3,
4, 6, 17, 18; ordered to Shenandoah
valley, 18, 20; pursuit of Jackson,
21, 22 ; effect on the Peninsular
campaign, 22, 23, 31 ; under Pope,
97, 118, 125; and Thoroughfare
Gap, Groveton, 127; Second Bull
Run, 130; relieved of command,
138 n.
McDowell, Va., battle, iv. 14, 15.
McDuffie, George, on slavery, i. 68,
366, 367.
Mace, Dan, on Fremont, ii. 177, 178.
McEnery, John, contested election for
governor of Louisiana, vii. 109-111 ;
justly elected, 111, 112.
McGowan, Samuel, on slavery and se-
cession, iii. 119 n., 120 n.
MacGuire, Mrs. J. P., on carpet blan-
kets, v. 354; on scarcity of paper,
358; on suffering for food, 368; on
salaries and prices, 369.
Mclntire, Peter, appointed collector of
Charleston, iii. 244.
Mackay, Charles, on slave-owners, i.
325 n. ; on negroes, 373, 377 ; as a
critic of America, iii. 66.
McKee, William, Whiskey Ring, vii.
186 n.
McClelland — marc y
373
McKinley, William, on peace, v. 186 n. ;
congressional campaign (1876), vii.
222.
McLaws, Lafayette, Antietam, iv. 149,
151.
McLean, John, candidacy for Repub-
lican nomination (1856), on Kansas,
ii. 179; Greeley and Dana on, 180;
supported by Lincoln, 182; speech
of Stevens on, 183; votes in the
convention, 184 ; objections to, 185 ;
in Supreme Court, 250; in Dred
Scott decision, 257; candidacy
(1860), 459.
McLean, Washington, on Democrats
and the war, iii. 485.
McPherson, J. B., Vicksburg, iv. 305,
306 ; brigadier in regular army, 318 ;
and Grant, 434; Atlanta campaign,
448 ; killed, 512.
McQueen, John, interview with Bu-
chanan, iii. 184.
McRae, C. J., plan for government
control of blockade-running, v. 404,
408.
Madison, James, on slavery, i. 21, 41,
60; on the Union, 52; slaves,
316; on negro women, 336; on race
question, 383 ; policy, ii. 502.
Magazines of 1850-1860, iii. 94-96.
Magoffin, Beriah, governor of Ken-
tucky, refuses to furnish troops, iii.
391.
Magrath, A. G., secession convention,
iii. 197; and Sumter, 248; attempt
to hold Charleston, v. 99.
Magruder, J. B., Yorktown, iii. 616 ;
Gaines's Mill, iv. 40, 41 ; Savage's
Station, 46 ; Malvern Hill, 47.
Maguire, Constantine, Whiskey Ring,
vii. 186 n.
Mails. See Post-office.
Maine, Republican success (1854), ii.
59, 60; (1864), iv. 526; as a politi-
cal barometer, v. 239 ; Republican
success (1866), 625 ; campaign of
1868, vi. 194. See also Cony.
Major, Minor, Confederate conspirator,
v. 339.
Mallory, Robert, of Kentucky, mem-
ber of Committee of Ways and
Means, v. 266 n.
Mallory, S. R., of Florida, on Cuban
question, ii. 352 ; Confederate Secre-
tary of the Navy, efficiency, iii. 295,
v. 480 ; on negro suffrage, 562, 563.
Malvern Hill, Va., battle, iv. 47, 48.
Manassas Junction, Lincoln orders
seizure, iii. 581 ; Federals occupy,
605, 606 ; Jackson raids, iv. 123.
See also Bull Run.
Mangum, W. P., in committee on Clay
resolutions,, i. 172. ^
Manifest destiny doctrine, i. 295, 395.
Mann, Horace, on Cobb, elected to
Congress, votes for Winthrop, i. 118 ;
on Wilmot proviso, 132; faith in
Webster, 149 ; on Webster, 154, 158 ;
against Texas and New Mexico
bills, 182 ; on House of Representa-
tives, 184 ; on compromise measures,
189 n., 193 ; on exclusion from
Faneuil Hall, 211, 212; on Kossuth,
242; on Congress in 1852, 265; on
Sumner, 268; on the human race,
371 n. ; on Thackeray's lectures, iii.
90 n.
Manners. See Social conditions.
Mansfield, Lord, decision on slavery, i.
9, 10.
Mansfield, J. K. F., Antietam, killed,
iv. 150.
Manufactures, effect of panic of 1857,
iii. 48 ; growth, 59 n. ; war-time, at
the South, iron, v. 391, 392; cotton,
394, 395; leather and wool, 395;
prosperity and profits, 421-423. See
also Tariff.
Manumission of negroes, i. 378. See
also Emancipation.
Marais des Cygnes massacre, ii. 389.
Marble, Manton, frames Democratic
platform (1876), vii. 212.
March to the sea. See Sherman, W. T.
Marcy, W. L., candidate in conven-
tion of 1852, i. 244; and Mexican
war, 246, 247 ; Mt. Marcy named for,
247 ; fails to secure nomination, 247,
248; Secretary of State, 388, 389;
leads the "Softs," opposes Free-soil
movement, character, 389 ; Kostza
affair, 417-419 ; influence in cabinet,
420 ; ambition, 423 ; Buchanan on,
423, ii. 7 ; and Kansas-Nebraska bill,
i. 481, 483; reforms diplomatic cos-
tume, ii. 1, 2; reciprocity treaty
with Canada, 8; Black Warrior
affair, 18; against Cuban expedi-
374
GENERAL INDEX
Marcy, W. L. — Continued.
tion, 31 ; confidence of North in,
33, 188 ; position on Cuban question,
34, 37 ; reply to Calderon, 35 ; letter
to Soule, 38 ; on Ostend manifesto,
41 ; and Soule, 42 ; Jefferson Davis
compared with, 240, 245; on rota-
tion in office, 248.
Marmaduke, Vincent, plot to release
prisoners of war, v. 338.
Marsh, C. P., and Belknap scandal, vii.
190.
Marshall, Humphrey, on slavery con-
test, ii. 117.
Marshall, John, supplements Webster,
i. 137; ability, ii. 249; Taney sup-
ported by, 250, 251 ; death, 251 ;
authority for Legal-Tender act, vi.
260.
Marshall, S. S., report on Louisiana
election, vii. 116.
Marshals, Federal, and Fugitive Slave
law, i. 185, 209 n.
Martial law at the South, iii. 601-603,
v. 453-456.
Martin, R. M., plan to fire New York
City, v. 339.
Martineau, Harriet, on Calhoun, i. 44;
on cotton culture, 312; on slaves
of Madison, 316; on Southern
society, 336, 338, 342, 374; Simms
on, 342, 367 ; as a critic of America,
iii. 66, 80, 83 ; on American poor
health, 66; on the war and slavery,
511 n.
Maryland, withdraws from Baltimore
convention, ii. 474; and secession,
iii. 301, 308, 388-391 ; opposition to
passage of Federal troops, 362-364,
367, 368, 373, 374 ; Confederate aid
for, 380; failure to secede a pro-
tection to Washington, 380, 381 ;
arbitrary arrest of legislators, 553,
554; Lee's invasion and reception,
iv. 139-142; McClellan's pursuit,
144-146; Antietam, 146-155; re-
treat of Lee, 155, 156; bill to
compensate for emancipation,
217 n. ; Early's invasion, 497;
vote for a constitutional conven-
tion, v. 47, 48; slavery abolished,
48 ; popular vote on abolition, 48 n. ;
Democratic majority in 1866, 625.
See also Border States.
Mason, J. M., Calhoun's speech read by,
i. 127; in committee on Clay reso-
lutions, 172 ; votes on Texas bound-
ary, 181 ; protests against admission
of California, 182 ; on execution of
Fugitive Slave law, 208, 209; on
disunion, ii. 205 ; questions John
Brown, 397, 398, 406, 414 ; votes for
tariff of 1857, iii. 44 n. ; and Bu-
chanan (Dec), 190 n. ; Confederate
commissioner to England, captured,
iii. 520 ; released, 538 ; on loss of New
Orleans, 630; applies for recogni-
tion, iv. 337 ; on England and
Emancipation Proclamation, 358 n. ;
on hope of recognition, 362, 363,
364 n., 365 n. ; and the Alabama
debate, 368, 369; withdraws, 386;
uselessness, 386 n., 387 n.
Mason, J. Y., minister to France,
Hawthorne on, contempt for aboli-
tionists, discourtesy to Sumner, i.
395 ; uniform at French court, ii. 4 ;
rebuked by Marcy, 5 ; signs Ostend
manifesto, 38; influenced by Soule,
40.
Massachusetts, hated at South, ii.
84; Personal Liberty law, 77, 78;
railroad liability law, iii. 25 ; modi-
fies Personal Liberty law, 253 ;
first troops for the war, 362, 363,
373, 374; election (1862) and
emancipation, iv. 166, 167 ; Repub-
lican success (1863), 416; and
Johnson's policy, v. 534; goes
Democratic (1874), vii. 67; State
aid for railroads, 77. See also
Andrew.
Massachusetts Eighth Regiment, march
to Washington, iii. 373, 374.
Massachusetts Sixth Regiment, riot in
Baltimore, iii. 362.
Matamoras, Mexico, cotton trade, v.
409.
Matches scarce at the South, v. 357.
Matteson, D. M., on Enforcement acts
prosecutions, vi. 317 n., 318 n. ;
on cessation of Ku-Klux activity,
319 n., 320 n. ; on fate of Enforce-
ment acts, 331-334.
Matthews, Stanley, and Liberal Re-
publican movement, vi. 412; on
Greeley's nomination, 423, 424 ; sup-
ports Grant, 424 n. ; congressional
campaign (1876), vii. 230; counsel
MARMADUKE — MICHIGAN
375
Matthews, Stanley — Continued.
before Electoral Commission, 266 n.,
274 n., 276 n. ; assurance on Hayes's
Southern policy, 286.
Maury, D. H., on popularity of seces-
sion, iii. 279 n. ; on Virginia seces-
sion sentiment, 385 n.
Maximilian, acceptance of Mexican
throne, character, vi. 205, 206 ; pre-
carious rule, 206 ; and withdrawal
of French troops, 209, 210 ; executed,
210, 211.
May, S. J., influences Channing, i. 65 ;
befriends Jerry, 224 ; on Fugitive
Slave law, 225; on Underground
Railroad, ii. 75.
Maynard, Horace, Ku-Klux com-
mittee, vi. 320 n.
Meade, G. G., Gaines's Mill, iv. 42;
Fredericksburg, 195 ; Chancellors-
ville, 259 ; succeeds Hooker in com-
mand, 280, 281 ; plan in pursuit of
Lee, 281, 282 ; Gettysburg, 282-291 ;
Lincoln and failure to attack Lee,
293-297 ; brigadier in regular army,
320 n. ; autumn campaign, 395 ; as
a commander, 448 ; efficient coad-
jutor, v. Ill ; in final pursuit of
Lee, 121, 123; army reviewed, 185;
on Dahlgren's raid, 515; on Georgia
election (1868), vi. 170; on condi-
tions in Alabama, 174 ; commands
Department of the South, 178; on
Camilla riot, 191 n. ; and Fenian
invasion, 214.
Meagher, T. F., Gaines's Mill, iv. 42.
Mechanicsviile, Va., battle, iv. 38,
39.
Mediation. See Great Britain, Na-
poleon III.
Medical Department, Federal, charac-
ter of examining surgeons, v. 228 ;
reorganized, 245, 246 ; ratio of sick,
efficiency, 247, 251-253.
Medicines, lack of, at the South, v. 352,
353.
Medill, Joseph, on Northern despond-
ency, iv. 200 n., 222 n. ; on support-
ing the administration, 241 n.
Meigs, M. C, investigates Fremont, iii.
477 ; honesty and efficiency, 573, v.
221, 224-226; desponds, iv. 200; on
drain of gold, v. 210.
Memminger, C. G., Confederate Pro-
visional Congress, iii. 292 n. ; Con-
federate Secretary of the Treasury,
295, v. 480; wealth, 421.
Memphis, centre of overland cotton
trade, v. 283-286, 291, 292, 411;
anti-negro riot, 614 n.
Merchant marine. See Shipping.
Meredith, W. M., Secretary of the
Treasury, pays interest on Galphin
claim, i. 203; Seward on, 203 n. ;
denies knowledge of Crawford's in-
terest, charges against, 204.
Merrick, R. T., counsel before Electoral
Commission, vii. 266 n., 274 n.,
276 n.
Merrick, W. M., of Maryland, Credit
Mobilier investigation, vii. 2.
Merrimac, rebuilt as an iron-clad, iii.
609; destroys Hampton Roads ves-
sels, 610, 611; resulting scare, 611;
fight with the Monitor, 612, 613;
power broken, 613 ; destroyed, 613 n.,
iv. 6 ; foreign interest in, iii. 613 n.
Mesilla valley ceded to United States,
ii. 7.
Methodist Episcopal Church, Webster
on, i. 145.
Mexican war, i. 87-93; Webster on,
145; Marcy's attitude, 246; Scott
in, 259; Corwin on, 300; how re-
garded at South, 387; Davis in,
390.
Mexico, protests against slavery in
Texas, i. 93 ; mooted conquest of,
193; payment to, 213, 214; Gar-
diner claim, 298 ; Gadsden purchase,
ii. 7; joint expedition against, iv.
345; French project, 345, 346;
uneasiness over French conquest,
418; Congress and French conquest
(1864), 471, 472; Lincoln's careful
diplomacy, 472; Blair's scheme con-
cerning, v. 58, 59 ; figures in Hamp-
ton Roads Conference, 68, 69; em-
pire, vi. 205, 206; American post-
war attitude, 206-208; withdrawal
of French troops demanded, 208;
troops withdraw, 208-210; fall of
the empire, 210, 211.
Michigan, Republican convention
(1854), ii. 49; and Peace Conven-
tion, iii. 306, 307;. resolution of
legislature on army contracts, v.
215; and negro suffrage (1867), vi.
89.
376
GENERAL INDEX
Michigan, plan to capture, v. 330-332 ;
Davis's manifesto on raid, 332 ;
effect of raid on Convention of 1817,
334, 335.
Miles, D. S., surrenders Harper's Ferry,
iv. 147.
Miles, N. A., and ironing of Davis, vi.
50, 51.
Miles, W. P., of South Carolina, inter-
view with Buchanan, hi. 184; Con-
federate Provisional Congress, 292 n.
Military trials. See Milligan, Vallandig-
ham.
Mill, J. S., on Civil war and slavery,
iv. 79 n. ; on English desire for dis-
union, 359; on French sentiment,
390 n.
Mill Spring, Ky., battle, iii. 581.
Milledgeville, Ga., Sherman at, v. 18,
20, 21.
Millen, Ga., destruction at, by Sher-
man, v. 22 ; war prison at, 497.
Miller, H. V. M., senator, vi. 302 n.
Miller, S. F., dissent in Hepburn vs.
Griswold, vi. 259-262 ; wrangle with
Chase, 269 ; Electoral Commission,
vii. 250, 251, 255 ; on going behind
the returns, 270, 271.
Milligan, L. P., Son of Liberty, mili-
tary trial and condemnation, v. 328,
329 ; released, 329 ; Congress and
decision on, vi. 12.
Millson, J. S., denounces Sherman, ii.
420.
Milroy, R. H., in western Virginia, iv.
13; and Jackson's campaign, 14.
Milton, John, on impressment, v. 375 ;
on Yankee goods through the block-
ade, 402 n.
Milwaukee, opposition to the draft, v.
232.
Minnesota, admitted, ii. 417; and
negro suffrage (1867), vi. 89.
Minnesota and the Merrimac, iii. 610,
611.
Minute-men at the South, ii. 487.
Missions, Southern interests, v. 467.
Mississippi, Davis-Foote contest, i. 390 ;
withdraws from Charleston conven-
tion, ii. 451 ; secession, iii. 272,
274 n. ; on slavery and secession, 280 ;
produce loan, v. 356 n. ; opposition
to conscription, 432 ; reunion senti-
ment, 452 n. ; "disloyal!-' secret
society, 453; opposition to suspen-
sion of writ of habeas corpus, 456 ;
reconstruction convention abolishes
slavery, declares secession null, 535 ;
ignores negro suffrage, 535, 536 ;
rejects Thirteenth Amendment, 540,
540 n. ; legislation on the freedmen,
540, 558, vi. 26; rejects Fourteenth
Amendment, 6; appeal against
Reconstruction acts, 72, 73 ; under
Ord, 76, 79; registration under Re-
construction acts, 83 n. ; vote on a
convention, 85 n. ; delegates to the
convention, 88 n., 90 ; its character,
90, 91 ; reconstruction election, in-
timidation, constitution defeated,
171, 172; second election, disfran-
chisement defeated, Republican suc-
cess, 244, 246; readmitted under
further conditions, 286 ; negro sena-
tor, 287 ; Alcorn as radical governor,
vii. 91, 92; character of judiciary,
92 ; of legislators, 92, 93 ; extrava-
gance and corruption, school sys-
tem, 93 ; Ku-Klux activity, 93, 94 ;
Ku-Klux law, 94; Alcorn- Ames
campaign, 95 ; Ames and the negroes,
95, 96 ; Africanization, State tax,
96 ; corrupt county government, 96,
97; Vicksburg riot, 103, 104; re-
generation despaired of, Lamar on
Reconstruction Amendments, 128;
desperation of campaign of 1875,
128, 129; Democratic policy in
campaign, 129, 136, 137; race
riots, 130, 131; Ames's request for
troops refused, 131, 132; negro
militia, conflict imminent, 132, 133 ;
peace agreement, its good faith, 133 ;
use of intimidation and force, 134,
135, 137, 138; Federal troops not
used, 135-137; restored to home
rule, 137, 140; use of fraud, 138;
Democratic success not dependent
on irregularities, 138-140; advance
since regeneration, 140, 141 ; joins
Solid South, 140 n. ; fair trial of
negro suffrage, 141.
Mississippi, Kossuth embarks on, i. 231.
Mississippi River, Confederates de-
clare for free navigation, hi. 296
commercial importance, iv. 299
Confederate control, 299, 300
opened, 318.
MICHIGAN— MORGAN
377
Missouri, votes against secession, iii.
310; fight for, 393, 394, 617; Fre-
mont commands, 468; army cor-
ruption, 469, 470, 482, 483; Fre-
mont's emancipation proclamation,
470-472; Fremont removed, 476-
484; Federal bill to compensate
emancipation in, iv. 216-219 ; abol-
ishes slavery, v. 49 n. ; Sons of
Liberty in, 318, 319; Republican
success (1866), 625; Liberal Re-
publican movement, vi. 412. See
also Border States.
Missouri Compromise, adoption, i. 36-
39; Webster on, 98; Clay on, 191;
Nashville convention on, 196 ; Doug-
las on, 427, 436, 446-448; moral
force, 428, 429; set aside by Ne-
braska bill, 432 ; discussed by Dixon
and Douglas, 433, 434; Douglas
hesitates to override, 435; repeal,
436 n., 466, ii. 67, 68, 73, 202, 311;
Appeal of Independent Democrats
on, i. 442, 443; Chase on, 450,
451 ; Seward on, 454 ; Calhoun on,
468 ; Atchison on, 468, 469 ; Benton
on, 489; Lincoln on, ii. 70; Sher-
man on, 117; Buchanan on, 170;
Fillmore on, 215; bearing on Dred
Scott case, 252; Taney on, 257;
Curtis on, 260, 263 ; Benjamin on,
293 ; proposal to restore, iii. 145.
Missouri River, pro-slavery embargo
on, ii. 166.
Mobile, lighting, v. 357; bread riot,
363; amusements, 427; increase of
vice and crime, 429.
Mobile Bay, battle, iv. 524.
Moieties, Sanborn contracts, vii. 64-66 ;
abolished, 66 n.
Mommsen, Theodor, on the Civil war,
i. 1 ; on slavery, 382, 383 ; on Caesar,
v. 142.
Money, suspension of specie payments
during the panic, iii. 44-46, 54 ; dur-
ing the war, at the South, 544; at
the North, 561 ; premium on specie,
561, iv. 69, 509, 544, v. 191 ; metal
tokens, 191 ; resumption of subsidi-
ary coin, 194; export of gold, 210,
211 ; California retains specie basis,
256 ; lack of specie at the South, 379 ;
government gold sales, vi. 249. See
also Gold Conspiracy, Paper money.
Monitor, construction, iii. 609, 610
battle with the Merrimac, 611-613
foreign interest in, founders, 613 n.
on the James, iv. 7-10.
Monocacy Bridge, Md., battle, iv. 497.
Monroe, G. H., on Sumner's Worcester
speech, iii. 475 n. ; acknowledg-
ments to, iv. 539 n., v. 626 n.
Monroe, James, in Republican conven-
tion (I860), ii. 469 n. ; on Fremont's
proclamation, iii. 474 «. ; congres-
sional campaign (1876), vii. 222.
Monroe doctrine, attitude of Pierce,
i. 385.
Monterey, Cal., gold frenzy, i. 111.
Montesquieu, on economic influence of
liberty, iii. 15; on abuse of power,
v. 142.
Montez, Lola, in New Orleans, i. 401.
Montgomery, William, amendment to
Lecompton bill, ii. 299.
Montgomery, Ala., intemperance, v. 429.
Montijo, Countess of, criticises Mme.
Soul6, ii. 12.
Moore, J. W., on Ku-KIux and Loyal
Leagues, vi. 306, 307.
Morals, of slaves, i. 332-343 ; of slave-
holders, 343-345; Northern high
standard, iii. 96 ; increased temper-
ance, 96, 97; sexual, 97-100; free-
love movement, 98, 99; survival of
puritanism, 107, 108; pecuniary
honesty, 110-112; public and pri-
vate, 112, 113; war- time immorality
at the North, v. 212-214; war
balance of good and evil, 214; in
the Union army, 250, 251, 260; in-
crease of vice and crime at the South,
427-429. See also Corruption.
Morehead, C. S., on the South and
compromise (1850), i. 136 n.
Morell, G. W., Malvern Hill, iv. 47.
Morey, George, on Legal-Tender bill,
iii. 570 n.
Morgan, A. T., Yazoo riot, vii. 130.
Morgan, E. D., of New York, and
Personal Liberty law, iii. 253 ; vote
on the whiskey tax, v. 268 ; sup-
ports veto of Freedmen's Bureau
bill, 572 ; votes for Civil Rights bill,
581 ; votes against veto of it, 585 ;
and readmission of Alabama, vi.
177; favours greenback contrac-
tion, 224 n.
378
GENERAL INDEX
Morgan, G. W., on war with England,
iii. 522 n. ; manages Pendleton's
candidacy, vi. 164.
Morgan, J. H., raid in Kentucky, iv.
174; trans-Ohio raid, v. 313-317;
captured, 315; and the Copper-
heads, 316, 317; escapes, 320.
Morley, John, on Arthur Young, i.
304 n.
Mormons, difficulties with, ii. 303.
Morrell, D. J., as a protectionist, vi.
276.
Morrill, J. S., of Vermont, tariff act,
ii. 476, 478, iii. 57-59; substitute
for Legal-Tender bill, 564, 566,
568 n. ; on war-time prosperity,
v. 207; and the whiskey tax, 263,
264, 267 ; member of Committee of
Ways and Means, 263, 266 n. ; on
Fernando Wood, 267; member of
Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
545 n. ; signs the report, 602 n. ;
and readmission of Alabama, vi.
177 ; on tariff on wool, 221 ; on
Ku-Klux act, 314; and San Do-
mingo, 350 n. ; Senate Committee on
Finance, vii. 53 n.
Morrill, L. M., of Maine, in campaign of
1860, ii. 484 n. ; Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n. ; on the overland cotton
trade, v. 296 ; and Sumner's Civil
Rights bill, vi. 326; and San Do-
mingo, 350 n. ; Secretary of the
Treasury, vii. 206.
Morris, I. N., on uproar in House, ii.
421.
Morrison, W. R., "visiting statesman,"
vii. 230; on Louisiana Returning
Board, 234.
Morse, C. F., on the Atlanta campaign,
iy 452 n., 454 n. ; on the "bum-
mers, " v. 23 n. ; on pillage in South
Carolina, 88 n.
Morton, O. P., in campaign of 1860,
ii. 484 n. ; animosity against Buell,
iv. 182, 183 ; fears loyalty of legis-
lature, 223, 225 n., 226 n. ; hundred-
days men, 498 n., 558; re-elected,
536; on Stanton, v. 179; despond-
ent, 196 ; as war governor, 235 ;
on creating armies, 241 ; and Mor-
gan's raid, 314; and the Sons of
Liberty, 319, 320; contest for re-
election, 323; makes political capi-
tal out of proposed rising, 324;
joint debates, 326, 327; on John-
son's policy, 534; urges approval of
Civil Rights bill, 583 ; on necessity
of negro suffrage, vi. 39 n. ; on effec-
tiveness of Fifteenth Amendment,
203, 204 ; on greenback contraction,
223 ; resumption plan, 230 ; op-
poses Public Credit act, 242; and
Georgia legislature, 291 ; on En-
forcement act, 294 ; on Ku-Klux
act, 313 ; and Sumner's Civil Rights
act, 326 n. ; and San Domingo,
349 ; and Sumner and San Domingo
commission, 351-353 ; on the civil
service, 388; influence on Grant's
Southern policy, 390; on politicians
and Liberal Republican movement,
414 ; stumps for Grant, 434 ; on the
panic, vii. 44, 45 n. ; advocates in-
flation, 53, 54, 57, 58 ; and Resump-
tion act, 70, 72; "waves the bloody
shirt," 85, 218-220; Louisiana in-
vestigation, 111 ; on carpet-bag
governments, 168; in Ohio cam-
paign (1875), 178; as presidential
timber, 207 ; joint committee on
electoral count, 248, 250 n. ; opposes
the Electoral Count bill, 255, 257,
258; Electoral Commission, 263.
Moses, F. J., reimbursed for a racing
bet, corrupt governor of South
Carolina, sells pardons, vii. 146, 150,
151 ; and attempt to impeach Scott,
160; election, 160, 161; and the
judgeship, 166, 167.
Mosquito Coast, English protectorate,
i. 200.
Motley, J. L., on Webster, i. 288 n.;
on Marble Faun, 397, 398; on
Lincoln's election, ii. 502 ; as a his-
torian, on the Autocrat, iii. 93 ;
on revival of 1858, 106 n. ; on Eng-
land and Morrill tariff, 315, 316; on
England's neutrality proclamation,
420 n. ; on American bitterness
over it, 421, 422; on Lincoln and
England, 427 ; on Lincoln, 461 ;
interview with Russell, 519; on
England and Southern aristocracy,
iv. 356 n. ; on election of 1863, 416;
on Kearsarge-Alabama fight, 510 n.,
511 n. ; on Lincoln's re-election, 538 ;
on rejoicing at the North, v. 131,
MORGAN — NA TION
379
Motley, J. L. — Continued.
132 n. ; resignation as minister re-
quested, vi. 350, 351 ; removed, 357.
Moultrie, Fort. See Charleston Har-
bour.
Mudd, S. A., connection with Booth,
v. 155 ; imprisoned, 157.
Mulattoes, proportion in slave States,
i. 340, 341 ; proportion in United
States, 339-341.
Mulligan, James, and Blaine scandal,
vii. 200, 201.
Mulligan letters. See Blaine.
Mumford, W. B., executed by Butler,
v. 486.
Mungen, William, on negro limita-
tions, vi. 39 n.
Munitions. See Arms.
Murat, Achille, on slavery, i. 373, 374 ;
on ballet in America, iii. 87 n.
Murfreesborough. >See Stone's River.
Murphy, Thomas, Grant's companion-
ship, vi. 383 ; as collector, 383 n. ;
on appointment of Cushing, vii. 27.
Music, Jenny Lind, iii. 84-86 ; opera,
86, 87.
Nahant, Mass., as a resort, iii. 79.
Nails as currency at the South, v. 345.
Napoleon I., on necessity of confi-
dence, v. 16 n. ; Goethe on, 111 n.
Napoleon III., and diplomatic cos-
tume, ii. 4; and recognition of the
South, iii. 519, 542, iv. 94 n., 374,
375 n. ; England's friendship and
Trent affair, iii. 529 n. ; direct offer
to mediate, iv. 222, 223, 347, 348
Mexican expedition, 345, 346, 418
suggests joint mediation, 346, 347
instigates construction of Confeder-
ate ships, 389; tortuous course sus-
pected, 389, 390; and Mexican
empire, vi. 205 ; expects American
interference, 206 ; reason for with-
drawing from Mexico, 208, 209 ;
faith with Maximilian, 209 ; resists
Carlotta's appeal, 210; and Paris,
392.
Nasby, Petroleum V., on Lincoln, ii.
310; Lincoln's delight in his writ-
ings, v. 223 ; on opposition to the
draft, 232 n. ; on Johnson's removals,
621 n.; on the campaign of 1866,
624, 625.
Nash, Beverly, as leader of South
Carolina negroes, vii. 155, 156.
Nashville, Confederates evacuate, iii.
598, 600; Thomas stationed at, v.
9 ; criticism of the campaign, 32, 33 ;
opposing forces at, 37, 38; Thomas's
delay in attacking Hood, 38-41 ;
battle, 41, 42; losses, 42; pur-
suit of Hood, 42, 43; campaign
compared with Appomattox, 127 n. ;
as a cotton mart, 411.
Nashville convention, i. 173, 174; dis-
satisfied with compromise, claims
right of secession, 196.
Nassau, port for blockade-runners, v.
397.
Nast, Thomas, on the National Union
convention, v. 616 ; on the campaign
of 1866, 624, 625; on Hoffman, vi.
400 ; and overthrow of Tweed Ring,
401 ; on Astor's whitewashing com-
mittee, 402 ; on Broadway widening,
attempt to coerce his publishers,
404; his "Ring" cartoon, 406, 407;
feared, attempt to bribe, 407; on
Greeley and Liberal Republican
movement, 413; on D. Davis's
presidential aspirations, 418; car-
toons in campaign of 1872, 435 ; sug-
gests Republican nominees (1876),
207 ; cartoons in campaign of 1876,
221-224.
"Natick Cobbler," sobriquet of Henry
Wilson, ii. 96.
Nation, on Johnson's policy, v. 534,
535 ; on Johnson's annual message,
548; on Johnson's tour, 620; on
Stevens, 624; on finality of Four-
teenth Amendment, vi. 4 n. ; on
McCulloch's contraction policy, 232;
on frauds in internal revenue,
233 n. ; on Tenure-of-Office act, 243 ;
on Georgia carpet-bag officials, 298;
on wreck of Grant's fame, 377; on
Hoar's resignation, 382, 383; and
Liberal Republican movement, 412-
414; on Greeley and civil service,
422; supports Grant, 423; on
character of Democratic convention,
428, 429; on "boiled crow" for
Democrats, 429, 430 n. ; on Chicago
fire and finances, vii. 48 n. ; on Bos-
ton fire, 49 n. ; on Hays's Alabama
reign-of -terror letter, 82; on Colfax
380
GENERAL INDEX
Nation — Continued.
massacre, 113; on Enforcement acts,
137 ; on South Carolina negro legis-
lators, 151 ; and militia, 159 ; on
Blaine's prospects (1875), 181 n. ;
on Blaine's defence, 199, 200; on
Kerr, 217 n. ; on Hayes and
Louisiana Returning Board, 245 ;
on O 'Conor before the Electoral
Commission, 281. See also Godkin.
National banks, Chase advocates, iii.
559; authorized, iv. 239; of little
aid during the war, 239 n. ; increase
in notes, vi. 273.
National Intelligencer, on telegraph
censorship, iv. 268 n. ; demands
McClellan's recall (June 1863),
277.
National Republican on the Force bill,
vii. 89 n.
National Union convention, character
and effect on public opinion, v. 614-
616, 617; on abolition of slavery,
614, 615; on Johnson's policy, ex-
cludes Copperheads, 615; Johnson's
indiscreet speech, 617.
Nativism, Scott accused of, i. 272.
See also Know-nothing.
Naturalization, Scott on, i. 273 ;
Know-nothings on, ii. 52.
Navy. See Confederate navy, Union
navy.
Nebraska, bill to admit, pocketed, v.
598 n. ; admitted, vi. 48. See also
Kansas-Nebraska.
Negro soldiers, Cameron suggests
(1861), iii. 573; employment au-
thorized, iv. 61 ; freed slaves to be
accepted, 213; effect of Emancipa-
tion Proclamation, 215 ; at Fort
Wagner, 332, 333; Lincoln on, 333,
335, 336, 410, 411 ; Shaw monument,
333-335; Confederate law on, 334,
v. 486; and Lincoln, iv. 492, 493;
proposed enlistment in Southern
army, v. 66, 67, 80, 81; in Union
army, question of exchange, 498,
499; treatment as prisoners, 499,
510 ; Fort Pillow massacre, 510-513 ;
and suffrage, vi. 38 n., 39 n.
Negro suffrage, attitude of Lincoln and
radicals (1864), iv. 485; action of
loyal government of Louisiana, v.
53 ; Sumner insists on, 55, 56, 523,
532, 550, 551, 595, 609, 610; Lin-
coln on, 56, 136, 524; Johnson's
attitude, 522-525, 527, 535, 547;
Chase urges, 522, vi. 163 ; Lincoln's
cabinet on, v. 524; Chase's plan for,
in North Carolina, 524 ; W. T. Sher-
man on, 525, 573 n. ; Schofield on,
525 ; Northern sentiment on, 527,
528, 554 ; Johnson suggests qualified,
to Mississippi, 535, 536 ; Southern
opposition, 536 n., 553, 562 ; Stevens
proposes, 551 ; Schurz advocates,
for protection, 553 ; Southern lead-
ers on, 562, 563 ; negro attitude on,
563 ; Stevens 's amendment for, de-
feated, 594, 595 ; bill for, in District
of Columbia, 598 n. ; Reconstruction
Committee on, 602 ; provision for,
in Fourteenth Amendment consid-
ered, 603-606; and election of 1866,
vi. 3; universal for District of
Columbia, 9, 10; in Reconstruction
acts, 17-19, 22, 46; trend toward
qualified, at the South, 28, 29;
as a protest against rebel and Cop-
perhead control, 31, 32, 34; Sum-
ner's responsibility, 35, 36, 42;
negro limitations ignored, 39; a
mistake, 42; Tennessee confers, 49;
registration under Reconstruction
acts, 83 n. ; negroes in constitutional
conventions, 88; at the North
(1867), 89 ; negroes in first Southern
legislatures, 170; Georgia legisla-
ture expels coloured members, 179,
180; congressional efforts to pro-
tect, 177, 285, 312; and Loyal
Leagues, 180, 181 ; Freedmen's
Bureau and politics, 185, 186; hu-
manitarian aspect, 200, 201 ; Fif-
teenth Amendment, 201-203, 293,
294; Republican platform on (1868),
202 ; nullification of Amendment
foretold, 203, 204 ; coloured political
corruption, 305 ; Republican blind-
ness to results, 324 ; coloured officials,
vii. 75, 92, 93, 96, 103, 142, 143;
failure, 141, 142, 168-170; South
Carolina negroes as a constituency,
147-149; as legislators, 151-155;
adhesion to Republican party, 158,
235 n. ; universal, brings no real
good, coloured congressmen, 169;
negroes in Northern politics, 169,
170; education test advocated
(1877), 289 n.
NATIONAL BANKS — NEW ORLEANS DELTA
381
Negroes, civil rights, i. 365, 3G6 ;
Emerson on, 372 ; transported to
Liberia, 382; Madison on, 383;
Agassiz on, 402, vi. 37, 38 ; in Cuba,
ii. 29; in Kansas, 100; excluded
from Kansas, 107; Taney on, 255,
256 ; free, 258, 259 ; Lincoln on, 267,
325 ; Douglas on, 324 ; Davis on,
357 ; and New York draft riot, iv.
324; Stevens's proposals for pro-
tection, v. 551 ; Southern legislation
on, 555 ; mental condition of, at the
South (1866), 556, 557; expect a
division of the land, 557, 558, vi.
189, 190 ; unwilling to work, v. 558 ;
legislation on, explained, 558, 559 ;
problem should have been left to
the South, 559-561 ; Georgia be-
stows full civil rights on, 561 ;
opinion of soldiers on legislation, 562 ;
early outrages on, 563, vi. 24-26;
Freedmen's Bureau bill, v. 568-572,
598; Freedmen's Bureau, 572-574,
vi. 185, 186; Civil Rights act, v.
580-586, vi. 27 ; citizens by Four-
teenth Amendment, v. 597 n., 603 ;
New Orleans riot, 611-613; Memphis
riot, 714 n. ; improved legislation
on, vi. 26 ; protection, 27 ; pro-
tection under military government
76; and Ku-Klux-Klan, 181-183
suasion of former owners, 189
militia, 323, vii. 157-159, 163
supplementary Civil Rights bill,
vi. 325, 326, vii. 90, 91; Ku-Klux
opposes education, 93, 94 ; defiant
attitude, 155, 156; hard fate, 170,
171. See also Colonization, Eman-
cipation, Negro soldiers, Negro
suffrage, Reconstruction, Slavery,
Slaves, and Southern States by
name.
Nelson, Samuel, in Supreme Court, ii.
250; in Dred Scott case, 253,
254, 257; and Charleston Harbour
negotiations, iii. 329, 330, 332;
decision in Hepburn vs. Griswold, vi.
262, 267; dissent in Legal-Tender
cases, 269; Joint High Commis-
sion, 360.
Nelson, T. A. R., on Congress and
conciliation, iii. 314 n., 315 n. ; on
the Emancipation Proclamation, v.
459; counsel for Johnson at im-
peachment, vi. 118.
Neutrality, American, i. 236; Pierce
enforces, ii. 31 ; English proclama-
tion, iii. 417-420; Northern resent-
ment, 419-422; proclamation justi-
fied, 420 n., 421 n.
Nevada, territory organized, iii. 312.
New England and the South, i. 349.
New England Loyal Publication So-
ciety, v. 262, 263.
New Granada, Polk's treaty, i. 199.
New Hope Church, Ga., battle, iv.
453.
New Jersey, Democratic success (1862),
iv. 163; (1864), 538; opposition to
the draft, v. 231.
New Mexico, in 1848, i. 92; slavery in,
93, 94; Compromise of 1850 on,
122, 172, 181, 182; Clay on, 124,
180 ; appeals for protection, 125 ;
Webster on, 149 ; former area, 150 n. ;
declares against slavery, 151, 180;
attempted State government, 180;
Taylor on, 190; Ranney on, legis-
lature establishes slavery, ii. 382 ;
Douglas on, 383 ; Republicans offer
to admit as a slave State, iii. 176 ;
House plan to admit, 267, 268 n.,
269 n, ; repeal of slave code not
pressed, 312, 313, 314 n. ; statehood
bill defeated, 314 n.
New Orleans, Union meeting (1850),
i. 196; excited over Cuban expedi-
tion, 220; riot, 221; indemnifica-
tion of Spanish subjects at, 222;
quadroon society, 338, 339; Am-
pere on, 360 n. ; yellow fever, 400,
402-413 ; actors and musicians in
(1S53), 401 ; Howard Association,
403, 404, 407, 412, 413; mor-
tality, 404, 413; press on yellow
fever, 408 ; soil, 409, 410 ; and South
Carolina's secession, iii. 206; cap-
tured, 629; effect abroad, 630;
Butler's woman order, iv. 92 n.,
93 n. ; cotton trade during the war,
v. 276-280, 411 ; Butler and illicit
trade, 303-308; Butler's rule, 308,
309; anti-negro riot, 611-613; John-
son on the riot, 619; the riot as a
campaign argument, 625 ; and Sheri-
dan, vi. 78, vii. 124, 125; under
carpet-bag rule, 107, 108; rising
against Kellogg, 114.
New Orleans Delta, spurious accounts
of Cuban expedition, i. 220.
382
GENERAL INDEX
New Orleans Union, denounces Cuban
expedition, i. 220; mob attacks
office, 221.
New York, contrasted with Georgia,
i. 354; position in 1860, ii. 474,
497 n. ; efforts of fusionists in, 499 ;
Democratic success (1862), iv. 163;
canvass, 167-169 ; Republican suc-
cess (1863), 416; election (1872), vi.
433, 437 ; Democratic success (1874),
vii. 67 ; State aid for Erie Railroad,
77 n.
New York Central Railroad, four
tracks, vii. 37.
New York City, Union meeting de-
clares for the Fugitive Slave law,
i. 195 ; citizens defray expenses of
slave-owners, 209 ; spoils system in,
399; summer-heat of 1853, 415;
in panic of 1857, iii. 46 ; agitation
of the unemployed, Wood's dema-
gogism, 48-50 ; corrupt government
(1860), 62 n., 63 n. ; society (1860),
75, 76; revival of 1858, 103-105;
and compromise (Dec. 1860), 173,
174; patriotic uprising, 368-372;
neutrality plot, 369 ; earlier indif-
ference, 370 n., 371 n. ; Union
League Club, iv. 241, 242; draft
riot, 321-328 ; disloyalty in, v. 231 ;
Metropolitan Fair, 257, 258; at-
tempted arson, 339-342 ; Virginius
affair mass meeting, vii. 36; mass
meeting on Louisiana affairs, 122.
See also Tweed Ring.
New York Evening Post, on Crittenden
compromise, iii. 264 n. ; on tele-
graph censorship, iv. 268 n. ; and
McClellan, 278 n. ; on Johnson, v.
622 n. ; and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 412 ; supports Grant,
423. See also Bryant, W. C.
New York Herald, on American marine,
iii. 8 ; on New York City govern-
ment (1856), 62 n. ; on flunkeyism,
81 ; change of front, 371 ; Anglopho-
bia, 505, 516, 517; influence, 517;
abandons Johnson, v. 621 n.
New York Journal of Commerce, forged
fasting proclamation, iv. 468.
New York Seventh Regiment, ovation,
iii. 372 ; march to Washington, 372-
374.
New York Times, on panic of 1857, iii.
46 ; on American physique, 67 n. ;
on decline of morals, v. 212; and
overthrow of Tweed Ring, vi. 401 ;
attacks based on suspicion, 401, 402 ;
attempts to bribe, 402, 406 ; on
Broadway widening, 404 ; pub-
lishes Connolly's accounts, 405, 406;
on alleged reign of terror in
Alabama, vii. 82.
New York Tribune, influence, ii. 71, 72 ;
on railroad speed, iii. 24 n., 25 n. ;
on New York City government
(1860), 62 n. ; on financial affairs
(Nov. 1860), 162 n. ; on compen-
sated emancipation, 270; its war-
cry, 437 ; on commercial effect of
the war, 560; on Cameron's dismis-
sal, 576 n. ; on the recruiting scandal,
iv. 430 n., 431 n. ; on Grant's Vir-
ginia campaign, 465 ; charges corrup-
tion in Congress, v. 265, 266, 268,
269 ; on alleged reign of terror in
Alabama, vii. 81, 82. See also
Greeley.
New York World, on financial affairs
(Dec. 1860), iii. 163 n. ; on Republi-
cans and compromise, 165 n., 166 n.
Burnside's order on, iv. 253, 254 n.
on Grant's Virginia campaign, 465
on the Union nominations (1864),
471 n. ; slanders Lincoln, 531 ; on
fictitious prosperity, v. 203; and
Liberal Republican movement, vi.
412.
Newark, N. J., draft riot, v. 231.
Newberry, J. S., on patriotic influence
of Sanitary Commission, v. 257.
Newport, R. I., as a resort, iii. 78, 79.
Newspapers, Richmond, before the
evacuation, v. 115-117 ; war-time, at
the South, 357, 358, 473, 474. See
also Press.
Niagara Falls, celebration of battle of
Lundy's Lane, i. 270.
Niblich, W. E., Credit Mobilier inves-
tigation, vii. 2.
Nicaragua, proposed route through,
i. 199 ; England captures San Juan
from, pledges not to molest, 200;
Walker in, ii. 242, 289.
Nicaragua Transit Company, ii. 9.
Nicholls, F. T., contested election for
governor of Louisiana, vii. 287, 288;
takes possession, 289.
Niebuhr, G. B., on American business
morals, iii. 110.
NEW ORLEANS UNION— NORTHWEST ORDINANCE
383
Nitre and Mining Bureau, Confed-
erate, v. 393.
Noel, Baptist, and emancipation, iv.
357 n.
Nordhoff, Charles, on Louisiana negro
legislators, vii. 105, 106; on New
Orleans in 1875, 107, 108; on extent
of outrages, 126; character, 136,
137 ; on Enforcement acts as polit-
ical tools, 137.
Norfolk, Va., Confederates evacuate,
iv. 6.
North, uprising, iii. 357-359, 368-
372; despondency, 221-223, 507-
509; Union Leagues, 241, 242; war
spirit (1863), 243, 244; effect of
Chancellorsville, business activity,
266, 267 ; eagerness for peace (1864),
513, 517, 518; rejoicing over Lee's
surrender, v. 130-132 ; mourning
for Lincoln, 147-149, 152-154;
normal aspects during the war,
189 ; pervading influence of the war,
189, 190, 198; hard times, simple
living, personal grief, 190; substi-
tutes for silver change, 191-194,
195 n. ; during period of defeat, 195-
198; revival of business, 198-203;
reality and participators in the pros-
perity, 203-208; luxury and dis-
play, 209, 210; movement to check
luxury, 211; increased gayety, 211,
212 ; immorality and its compen-
sations, 212-214; corruption, 214-
221, 227-231, 263-273; honest and
efficient administrators, 221-227;
opposition to the draft, 230-232,
326 ; anxieties in 1864, 233 ; private
patriotic enterprise, 242-244 ; Sani-
tary Commission, 244-259; Chris-
tian Commission, 260-262 ; Loyal
Publication Society, 262, 263 ; alarm
over Confederate raids from Canada,
334, 335; suspension of writ of
habeas corpus, 470, 471 ; provoca-
tion for use of arbitrary power,
472, 473 ; freedom of the press,
473, 474; right of assemblage, re-
ciprocated belief in despotism at the
South, 474; liberty in, compared
with the South, 474, 475. See also
Business, Sons of Liberty, Social
conditions.
North American Review, under Everett,
i. 293; attack on Johnson, v. 620 ».
North Americans, convention, ii. 186.
See also Know-nothing.
North Anna River, Grant and Lee at,
iv. 444, 445.
North Carolina, withdraws from the
Baltimore convention, ii. 474 ; and
compromise, iii. 307, 308 ; votes
down a convention, 309 ; enthusiasm
for the Confederacy, secedes, 383;
reunion sentiment and disturbances,
v. 63, 75, 449-452; treatment by
Sherman's army, 102; outrages by
Schofield's army, 102-104; opposi-
tion to agricultural tithes, 348;
regulation of prices, 362 ; opposition
to impressment, 375 ; protest against
cotton burning, 415 n. ; opposition
to conscription, 432, 445 ; deserters,
442-445 ; opposition to suspension
of writ of habeas corpus, 456 ;
Chase's plan for negro suffrage in,
524; Johnson's proclamation on re-
construction, 526, 527 ; sentiment
after the surrender, 530; recon-
struction convention, declares seces-
sion void, 536 ; war debt repudiated,
536, 537 ; character of the conven-
tion, 538, 539; Thirteenth Amend-
ment ratified, 540; reactionary
election, 541 ; rejects Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6 ; under Sickles, 78,
79 ; number of whites disfranchised,
82; white and coloured registration,
83 n. ; vote on a convention, 85 n. ;
convention and constitution, 88 ;
delegates to the convention, 88 n. ;
reconstruction election, 169 ; read-
mitted, 176, 177; corrupt carpet-
bag rule, 304-306 ; Ku-Klux activity,
306-308; Holden's martial law, 308,
309 ; coloured militia, 309 ; Demo-
cratic success, 309, 311 ; debt in-
crease, Republican lost opportunity,
impeachment of Holden, 310; joins
Solid South, 311; election of 1872,
431. See also Vance.
North Carolina salutes Kossuth, i.
232.
Northern Pacific, financing of construc-
tion, vii. 39.
Northrop, L. B., Confederate com-
missary-general incompetent, v. 63.
Northwest, growth, i. 193, 194.
Northwest Ordinance of 1787, i. 15, 16,
31.
384
GENERAL INDEX
Norton, A. S., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 2S8.
Norton, C. E., manages Loyal Publica-
tion Society, v. 262 ; editor of North
American Review, 620 n. ; ac-
knowledgment to, 626 n.
Norton, D. S., of Minnesota, Johnson
Republican, votes for Freedmen's
Bureau bill, v. 571 ; supports the
veto, 572 ; votes against Civil Rights
bill, 581 ; supports the veto, 585.
Nugent, Robert, suspends the draft,
iv. 327.
Nullification, i. 40-45, ii. 74; Jackson's
action, iii. 189.
Nurses to the Union army, v. 251-253.
Oath, iron-clad, v. 541 n., vi. 82 n. ;
repeal advocated, v. 610; in Recon-
struction acts. vi. 23, 80-82; Stan-
bery's opinion, 02 ; explanatory act,
64.
Oberlin College, character, ii. 361, 362.
Oberlin-Wellington rescue, ii. 362-367.
O'Brien, F. J., on march to Washing-
ton, hi. 373, 374.
O'Brien, James, betrays Tweed Ring,
vi. 405.
O 'Conor, Charles, Union meeting, iii.
174 n. ; counsel for Davis, vi. 55 ;
Reconstruction act case, 73 ; and
overthrow of Tweed Ring, 408 ;
counsel before Electoral Commission,
vii. 266 n. ; argument in Florida
case, 267, 268, 281.
Office, ineligibility under Fourteenth
Amendment, v. 597 n., 606-608;
South resents it, vi. 6, 7. See also
Civil service.
Official Records of the Rebellion, on
prisoners of war, v. 483, 484 ; his-
torical value, 626 n.
Oglethorpe, J. E., on slavery, i. 5.
Ohio, and Personal Liberty laws, iii.
253; goes Democratic (1862), iv.
163, 165 ; candidates, 166 n. ; elec-
tion of 1863, 412-415 ; of 1864, 536 ;
resolution of legislature on army
contracts, v. 215, 216 ; Morgan's
raid, 313-317 ; Sons of Liberty in,
318; goes Republican (1866), 625;
and negro suffrage (1867), vi. 89;
campaign of 1868; 195 ; of 1872, 432,
437; goes Democratic (1873, 1874),
vii. 67; temperance crusade, 69;
campaign of 1875, 175-179 ; nomi-
nees and platforms, 175, 176 ; paper-
money issue, 176, 177; prominent
men on the stump, 177, 178; other
issues, Republican success, 178;
State election in 1876, 222, 223.
Ohio salutes Kossuth, i. 232.
"Ohio idea," vi. 160-162.
Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Co.,
failure, iii. 45, 52, 53.
O'Laughlin, Michael, conspirator, v.
149 ; imprisoned, 156.
Olcott, H. S., unreliable article on army
frauds, v. 220, 221.
Olds, C. N., on Fremont's proclama-
tion, iii. 474 n.
Olds, E. B., attacks Corwin, i. 298 n. ;
arbitrary arrest, iv. 165.
Oliphant, Laurence, on Washington
City, ii. 9 n.
Oliver, J. M., on pillage in North Caro-
lina, v. 102.
Oliver, Mordecai, Kansas investiga-
tion, ii. 127; investigates Potta-
watomie massacre, 164 ; report, 197,
198.
Olmsted, F. L., works, i. 303 n. 304 n. ;
Lowell on, Curtis on, 304 n. ; on con-
dition of slaves, 305, 306, 318; on
overseers, 308 ; reply of overseer to,
309 ; on cotton culture, 312 ; on slave
labour, 314; on slave-breeding, 317;
on slave-whipping, 325 n. ; on slaves
in Virginia, 327 ; on slave instruc-
tion, 330; on social evil at South,
337 ; on effect of slavery on the
young, 343 ; on poor whites, 344 ;
on slave-holders, 349 ; on German
colony of Texas, 358; on Uncle
Tom's Cabin, 363; on slaves as
property, 369; on Charleston, 377;
on Underground Railroad, ii. 74;
on Preston Brooks, 143 n. ; secretary
of the Sanitary Commission, his
great work, v. 245, 246 ; first report
on the army and the Commission,
247-251 ; Miss Wormeley on, 252,
253 ; on character of the volunteers,
260.
Onesimus, Southern writers on, i. 370.
Ord, E. O. O, corps commander, v.
Ill; in pursuit of Lee, 121, 123;
bars Lee's retreat, 124; as district
commander, vi. 76, 79; McCardle
case, 96.
NORTON — PANICS
385
Order of American Knights. See Sons
of Liberty.
Ordnance of the Confederate army, v.
392, 393. See also Arms.
Oregon, controversy over, i. 86, 95, 96 ;
admission, ii. 417 ; constitution, 418 ;
electoral vote (1876), vii. 239; vote
counted for Hayes, 276, 277.
O'Rourke, M. J., copies Connolly's
accounts, vi. 405.
Orr, J. L., confession of Brooks to, ii.
150; on Lecompton message, 297;
on election of Lincoln, 490; South
Carolina commissioner, hi. 215, 223 ;
and Buchanan, 234, 235; favours
reunion (1865), v. 78, 79 n. ; governor
of South Carolina, and Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6; policy toward
negroes, 28.
Orsini, Felice, John Brown compared
to, ii. 414.
Osawatomie, Kan., sacked, ii. 167.
Ostend manifesto, provisions, ii. 38-
40 ; Marcy on, 41 ; anti-slavery and
European opinions on, 43 ; Demo-
cratic party weakened by, 44; Re-
publican convention of 1856 on,
185 ; used against Buchanan, 221 ;
reasserted, 351.
Ottendorfer, Oswald, and Greeley's
nomination, vi. 423 ; and Tilden,
vii. 246 n.
Ould, Robert, on treatment of prison-
ers of war at the North, v. 488, 489 ;
on condition of prisoners, 504 n.
Overseers, Patrick Henry on, i. 307;
brutality, 308.
Owen, R. D., work as claims com-
missioner, v. 214, 215.
PACIFIC lost, hi. 12.
Pacific Railroad, agitation for, i. 422,
ii. 359 ; authorized, iv. 58 ; com-
pleted, vii. 5. See also Credit
Mobilier.
Packard, S. B., faction in Louisiana,
vii. 109, 110; and election of 1874,
115 ; contested election for governor,
287, 288; Federal support with-
drawn, 289.
Packer, W. F., and Personal Liberty
law, iii. 253.
Page, T. J., plan of operation for the
rams, iv. 385 n.
VII. — 25
Pails scarce at the South, v. 356.
Paine, Thomas, Lincoln influenced by,
ii. 312.
Paine, W. W., congressman, vi. 302 n.
Painter, U. H., estimate of Lee's army,
iv. 51 n.
"Pale Faces," vi. 180. See also Ku-
Klux.
Palfrey, F. W., on Antietam, iv.
154 n. ; on McClellan, 190 n.
Palmer, J. M., Peace Convention, iii.
305 n. ; and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 412 ; "visiting states-
man," 230; on Louisiana Returning
Board, 235 n.
Palmer, Sir Roundell, on England and
recognition, iv. 348 n., 349 n. ;
Alabama debate, 367, 369, 372 n. ;
counsel before Geneva Arbitration,
vi. 364 ; on American Case, 365 ; on
Waite, vii. 28 n.
Palmer, W. J., on capture of Con-
federate treasure, v. 184 n.
Palmerston, Lord, on Webster, i. 222;
on Uncle Tom's Cabin, 282; on
abolition in Cuba, 394 ; and Central
America, ii. 120, 121 ; on Dallas,
188; on cotton and Morrill tariff,
iii. 433 ; attitude on the war, 504,
529 n., 530 n. ; policy of neutrality,
519, 520; suppresses Seward's Trent
despatch, 533, 534 ; attitude towards
intervention, 542, iv. 81, 82, 337-
343, 363, 369 n., 393; and the
Times, 83; and the Alabama, 91,
92, 368, 369, 372 n. ; politics of his
attitude, 92; and Laird rams, 382.
Panama Canal, Clay on, i. 199 ; Great
Britain and, 200, 201.
Panics, 1857: preliminary money
panic (1854), iii. 39, 40; warnings,
crash, 45; suspensions and runs,
45-47 ; failures, 46 n. ; resulting
hard times, 47, 48, 54-56, v. 190,
198-202 ; agitation of unemployed,
iii. 48-50 ; in England, 50 ; and the
tariff, 50-52; and gold exports,
51 n., 52 n. ; causes, 52, 53, 54 n. ;
resumption, 54.
1873 : and cessation of greenback
contraction, vi. 229 ; excessive rail-
road construction, vii. 36, 37 ; stimu-
lation of other industries, 37, 38 ; lack
of supporting capital, 38, 39 ; financ-
386
GENERAL INDEX
Panics, 1873 — Continued.
ing of railroad construction, foreign
bond purchases, 39, 40; foreign
panic, 40, 41 ; glut of railroad bonds,
money tight, 41-43 ; panic not ex-
pected, 41, 42; overtrading, 42;
failure of Jay Cooke, 43 ; panic in
Wall Street, 43, 44; clearing-house
certificates, pressure for more green-
backs, 44, 45; government bond
purchases, hoarding of money, 45,
46; panic outside New York, 46;
paralysis of industry, 46 ; financial
panic over, 47; its cause, 47-51;
commercial crisis, 51, 52; after-
math, 52, 53.
Paper scarce at the South, iii. 546, 547,
v. 357, 358.
Paper money, excessive bank issues
before 1857, iii. 53, 54; treasury
notes, 55, 559; Confederate issues,
321, 396, 544; Southern difficulties
in manufacturing, 547 ; Southern
shinplasters, 550; Spaulding's legal-
tender measure, support of it
in Congress, 563 ; opposition there,
Morrill's substitute, 564, 566, 568 n. ;
attitude of bankers, 564, 569;
Chase's attitude, 564, 565; legal-
tender clause considered, 566-568 ;
Chase's influence, 568, 569 ; passage
of Legal-Tender act, 571, 572; Con-
federate, not legal tender, 572, 573,
v. 470; more greenbacks (1863), iv.
237, 238; fractional, 238, v. 194,
195 n. ; national-bank notes author-
ized, iv. 239 ; of little war aid, 239 n. ;
interest-bearing notes (1864), 428;
limitation to greenbacks, 428 ; scar-
city and depreciation of Southern,
v. 60, 346, 347, 378; Southern,
loses currency, 61, 62, 373, 378;
greenbacks at the South, 61, 62,
346, 347; Northern shinplasters,
191, 195 n. ; postage stamps, 191,
192, 195 n. ; postage currency, 193,
194, 195 n. ; municipal fractional
notes, 193, 196 n. ; supports the Con-
federacy, 344 ; preferred to bonds at
the South, 344, 346; amount of
Confederate, 344; State, municipal,
corporate, and private, at the South,
compulsory funding of Southern,
345 ; values and, at the South, 346 ;
350, 362, 367 ; burden of Southern,
348, 349; "Ohio idea," payment
of bonds in greenbacks, vi. 160-162;
concomitant inflation or repudia-
tion, 161, 162; greenbacks "real
money " in the West, 162, vii. 55,
56; Democrats uphold "Ohio idea,"
vi. 164 ; Republican platform on it,
193, 194; amount of greenbacks
(Sept. 1865), McCulloch's contrac-
tion policy, 222, 230; contraction
authorized, 222, 223; amount re-
tired, 223 ; contraction and hard
times, 223, 228 ; contraction stopped,
224; circulation of compound-in-
terest notes, 223 n. ; objections to
contraction considered, 224-229 ;
evils of inconvertible, 225, 229;
Garfield on evils, 227, 228; other
plans to offset, 229 ; McCulloch's
policy considered, 231, 232; Public
Credit act, 241, 242; Hepburn vs.
Griswold, legal tender unconstitu-
tional in part, 238, 259, 267; dis-
senting opinion, 259-262 ; decision
considered, 263-267; Legal-Tender
cases, former decision reversed, 268,
270 ; decision considered, 270 ; State
decisions on legal tender, 272; na-
tional-bank notes increased, attempt
to apportion, 273 ; pressure during
panic for inflation, vii. 44, 45 ; as
cause of the panic, 49-51 ; resump-
tion possible before 1873, 50 ; Senate
debate on inflation (1873, 1874),
53-61 ; inflation by Secretary of
Treasury, 54, 55; inflation bill, 61,
62; Grant vetoes it, 62, 63; anti-
inflation meetings, 63 n. ; veto con-
sidered, 64; Resumption act, 69-
73; issue in Ohio campaign (1875),
175-179; and campaign of 1876,
179, 222.
Paris under Napoleon III., vi. 392.
Parke, J. G., corps commander, v. Ill ;
pierces the Confederate line, 113.
Parker, Cortlandt, "visiting states-
man," vii. 230.
Parker, Joel, of Massachusetts, on
Lincoln's despotism, iv. 169 n.
Parker, Joel, of New Jersey, requests
recall of McClellan, iv. 277.
Parker, N. G., attempt to impeach, vii.
160.
PAPER — PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN
387
Parker, Theodore, on danger of dis-
union (1850), i. 132 n. ; on Webster,
155, 156, 158; on Fugitive Slave
law, 197, 208; on Shadrach rescue,
210, 290; address on Sims, 211;
sermon on Webster, 288-290 ; char-
acter, 289, 290; Emerson on, effect
of his sermon, 290; on slavery's
control of Senate, 291 n. ; accused
of infidelity, 330, 331; against
repeal of Missouri Compromise,
466 ; influence in anti-slavery cause,
496; and Anthony Burns, 501, 502;
connection with Underground Rail-
road, ii. 75 ; on Seward and Chase,
175 ; on Fremont, 182 ; influences
Lincoln, 312 ; on Lincoln, 342 ; assists
John Brown, 385, 388, 389 ; journey
to Cuba, 390; on hard times (1857),
iii. 47, 48 ; and revival of 1858, 106,
107.
Parkman, Francis, on warlike in-
stinct, on the death of slavery, v.
188 n.
Parley, Peter, criticism of his writings
at the South, i. 352.
Paroles, trouble over, v. 486, 499.
Parsons, L. B., as superintendent of
army transportation, v. 226, 227.
Parsons, L. E., and Fourteenth Amend-
ment, vi. 7, 8.
Pate, H. C, captured by John Brown,
ii. 166.
"Pathfinder," sobriquet for Fremont,
ii. 225.
Patterson, J. W., of New Hampshire,
favours greenback contraction, vi.
224 n. ; and San Domingo, 349 ;
guilty of Credit Mobilier corruption,
vii. 12, 13.
Patterson, Robert, share in plan of
Bull Run campaign, iii. 443, 444;
force, 444; fails to hold Johnston,
445, 446; responsible for Bull Run
disaster, 451 n.
Patti, Adelina, in New Orleans, i. 401.
Pattison, Thomas, on the overland
cotton trade, v. 292, 293.
Patton, R. M., and Fourteenth Amend-
ment, vi. 7.
Paulding, Hiram, stops Walker's ex-
pedition, ii. 289.
Paymaster's department, honesty and
efficiency, v. 224.
Payne, H. B., speech in Charleston
convention, ii. 446, 447; congres-
sional campaign (1876), vii. 222;
joint committee on electoral count,
248, 251, 254 ; Electoral Commission,
263 ; diary on it, 269.
Payne, Lewis, attempts to murder
Seward, v. 145, 146; hanged, 156.
Peace, Lincoln on ways of obtaining
(1863), iv. 408, 409 ; Northern yearn-
ing (1864), 513, 517, 518; Greeley's
negotiations, 513, 514; Lincoln's
conditions, 514, 519, 520, v. 68-70,
132,133; Davis's ultimatum, South-
ern attitude (1864), iv. 515, 516,
520. See also Hampton Roads Con-
ference.
Peace Convention, call, 290, 291 ;
meeting and results, 305, 306; pub-
lic attitude, 306, 307; historical
significance, 307, 308.
Peace Society of Alabama, v. 452, 453.
Peach Tree creek, Ga., battle, iv. 512.
Pearson, R. M., decision on substitute
law, v. 440, 441 ; on desertion, 442.
Peck, H. E., in Oberlin-Wellington
rescue, ii. 365, 366.
Pelton, W. T., "cipher despatches,"
vii. 244.
Pemberton, J. C, Vicksburg force, iv.
308; moves on Grant's "base," 308,
309; driven into Vicksburg, 309;
besieged, 309-316; surrenders, 316,
317; and the overland cotton trade,
v. 413.
Pendleton, G. H., Democratic leader,
iv. 227 n. ; candidacy (1864), 523 n. ;
member of the Committee of Ways
and Means, v. 266 n ; vote on the
whiskey tax, 267; as presidential
timber (1868), vi. 159; and "Ohio
idea," inconsistency, 160-162; sup-
porters, managers, 164; New York
objects to, 165; balloting for, 165,
166; withdraws, 166; on the stump,
194.
Peninsular campaign, plan, iii. 607,
608; withholding of McDowell's
corps, 615,616, iv. 6; Yorktown, iii.
616, 617, iv. 2-4 ; Williamsburg, 4, 5 ;
advance to the Chickahominy, 5;
James River route, 6, 7 ; Monitor
and Richmond panic, 7-10; effect
of Shenandoah campaign, 22, 23;
388
GENERAL INDEX
Peninsular campaign — Continued.
forces (May), 24; (June 20), 33;
(July 25), 44; disposition of Union
force, 24, 25; Fair Oaks, 25-28;
Lee in command, 29 ; Confederates
fortify, 29-31 ; heavy weather, 31 ;
Federal reinforcements, 31, 32;
McClellan's hesitation, 32, 33 ; his
plan, 33, 34; fatality of delay, 34;
Lee's plan, 34-37; Seven Days, 37-
49; Mechanicsville, 38, 39 ; Gaines's
Mill, 39-44; retreat to the James,
44-49 ; Malvern Hill, 47, 48 ; losses,
48; failure, 49-54; failure to crush
McClellan, 54 n. ; effect at the North,
56, 57; effect in England, 84, 85;
question of reinforcement, 95, 103 ;
withdrawal, 97, 104-106, 109, 111-
113; McClellan's plan and protest,
103, 104, 106, 110-112; withdrawal
considered, 106—109.
Pennington, A. C. M., Greeley on, ii.
112; elected speaker, 426.
Pennsylvania, abolition society, i. 22 ;
campaign of 1856, ii. 226-234; of
1860, 498 ; Democratic success ( 1 862) ,
iv. 163; Republican success (1863),
416 ; McCausland's raid, 504 ; Repub-
lican success (1864), 536 ; opposition
to the draft, v. 232 ; Republican suc-
cess (1866), 625; campaign of 1868,
vi. 195; of 1872, 432, 433, 437;
Democratic success (1874), vii. 67.
See also Gettysburg.
Peoria, 111., peace meeting, v. 322.
Periodicals. See Magazines, News-
papers.
Perkins, Simon, partnership with John
Brown, ii. 161 n. ; acknowledgment
to, v. 391 n.
Perkins, Warren & Co., not abolition
merchants, i. 195 n.
Perrin, R. S., on mind and lan-
guage, i. 370 n. ; acknowledgment
to, 383 n.
Perry, H. J., aids in settling Black
Warrior affair, ii. 42 n.
Perry, L. J., work on the Official Rec-
ords, v. 626 n.
Perry, M. C, treaty with Japan, ii.
8».
Perryville, Ky., battle, iv. 179, 180.
Personal Liberty laws, enactment, ii.
73, 74, 76, 77; Republicans offer
repeal, iii. 175, 267; as a cause of
secession, 203, 210, 275; repeal or
modification, 252, 253.
Petersburg, Va., failure to capture
(June 1864), iv. 488-490; failure of
mine, 516, 517; final campaign be-
fore, v. 112-114; evacuated, 114;
Lincoln in, 114, 115.
Petigru, J. L., Unionist, iii. 124, 194;
Lincoln consults, 328.
"Petroleum people," v. 209.
Pettigrew, J. J., and Anderson, iii.
218.
Pettus, J. J., on salt famine, v. 352 ; on
price of food, 359.
Phelan, James, on exemptions, v. 446.
Phelps, S. S., of Vermont, in committee
on Clay resolutions, i. 171.
Phelps, W. W., of New Jersey, loses his
seat, vii. 68 ; opposes interference in
Arkansas, 88 ; and Force bill, 89, 90 ;
report on Louisiana election, 114-
116, 123, 124; training and charac-
ter, 116, 117; on conflict in legis-
lature, 117-119.
Philadelphia, meeting on Fugitive
Slave law, i. 195 ; and Erie gauge
war, iii. 22, 23 ; and compromise,
173; Union League Club, iv. 241,
242; alarm during Lee's invasion,
278, 279; Great Central Fair, v.
258 ; National Union convention,
614-616; Southern Loyalists' con-
vention, 621, 622.
Philippi, W. Va., affair at, iii. 436.
Phillips, Wendell, becomes an aboli-
tionist, i. 72 ; never voted, 74 ; on
Fugitive Slave law, 197 ; address on
arrest of Sims, 211 ; an exponent of
abolitionism, 290; influence, 496, ii.
435; on arrest of Burns, i. 502; on
Kansas, ii. 167 ; on the Union-savers,
428; on Seward, 434, 495 n. ; on
Lincoln, 473 ; as a lecturer, iii. 90 ;
mobbed (Dec. 1860), 173; on arbi-
trary arrests, 555 n., 556 n. ; Johnson
denounces, v. 576, 577; on Johnson,
578?i.
Philo Parsons, seizure, v. 331, 332,
340.
Physique, American, lack of health, iii.
66-68 ; poor health advertised, 68 ;
climatic conditions, 69, 70 ; diet, 70 ;
lack of exercise, 71, 72; degeneracy
not proven, 72 ; improvement, 72-
74; female beauty, 75 n.
PENNINGTON — PILOTS
389
Pickens, F. W., on agriculture, i. 360 n. ;
demand for Fort Sumter, iii. 192,
196 ; elected governor of South Caro-
lina, 194 ; career and character, 194,
195 ; on secession, 195, 196 ; and
removal to Sumter, 218 ; takes pos-
session of other forts, 221 ; de-
fends firing on Star of the West,
247 j and relief of Sumter, 333, 336,
338.
Pickens, Fort, Slemmer removes to,
iii. 280, 281 ; gwasz-truce on, 284,
285; order to reinforce, 328; Scott
advises evacuation, 334; relief,
345, 346, 356.
Pickett, G. E., charge at Gettysburg,
iv. 287-290.
Pierce, E. L., in Republican convention
(1860), ii. 469 n. ; superintends fugi-
tive slaves, iii. 467 ; on Trent affair,
539 n. ; tribute to, iv. 344 n., 345 n. ;
on Sumner and negro suffrage, vi.
35.
Pierce, Franklin, address at Concord,
i. 195 ; and Clayton-Bulwer treaty,
202 ; nomination, 248 ; career and
character, 249-251 ; Democrats sur-
prised by nomination, 251 ; accepts
nomination, 252 ; Van Buren de-
clares for, Chase refuses to sup-
port, 264; slanders against, 271;
doggerel contrast with Scott, 271 n. ;
charges against, inclined to side with
South, 272; Scott's defence, 274;
intimacy with Hawthorne, 384, 396,
397; tribute to Webster, election,
277; inaugural, affliction, 384;
criticised by Whig journals, 384, 385 ;
on Cuba, on patronage, and Fugi-
tive Slave law, 385 ; popularity and
slavery, 386; and Cuba, 387, 394;
and Dix, 387, 395; cabinet, 387-
389 ; friendship and influence of
Davis, 390, 422, 437, 438, ii. 85;
and Cushing, 393 ; diplomatic ap-
pointments, 393-396 ; Benton on,
393 n. ; distribution of offices by,
399; opens exhibition in Crystal
Palace, 415 ; unpopularity, 419, 420,
423 ; lack of firmness, accused of
Free-soilism, 420 ; Cushing on, 420,
421 ; regarded as an abolitionist,
connection with John Van Buren,
421 ; first annual message, 422 ;
vanity, 423; Douglas on election
of, 430; and Kansas-Nebraska bill,
436-438, 481-483, 490; Dix on,
482 ; and Black Warrior affair, ii.
17, 18; and Soul^'s action, 24; in-
decision in Cuban question, 30;
warning to filibusters, 31 ; criticised
by Calderon, 35; connection with
Ostend manifesto, 44; and Reeder,
80, 86; and Missourians in Kan-
sas, 85; encourages Aiken, 114;
Hale on, 121, 122; message on
Kansas, 122, 123; and sack of
Lawrence, 160; view of Topeka
legislature, 168; political strength,
169, 170; candidacy for renomina-
tion, 171, 172; and army appropria-
tion bill (1856), 201; Buchanan on
policy of, 229 n. ; on Geary, 238;
devotion to South, 240, 241 ; Lin-
coln on, 270 n. ; Buchanan compared
to, 292; Schurz on, 493; vetoes
Collins subsidy, iii. 12.
Pierce, H. L., and appointment of
Simmons, vii. 23 ; and Resumption
act, 72 n. ; opposes interference in
Arkansas, 88; and Force bill, 89;
opposes Louisiana electoral vote
decision, 276.
Pierce, William, arbitrary arrest, iv.
235 n.
Pierrepont, Edwards, Union meeting,
iii. 174 n. ; Attorney-General, op-
poses sending troops to Mississippi,
vii. 132; and Whiskey Ring, 184,
187.
Pike, J. S., on Fremont and McLean, ii.
178-181 ; on Supreme Court, ii. 255,
262 ; on Reverdy Johnson, 269 n. ;
on Seward, 461 ; on growing corrup-
tion (I860), iii. 63, 64; on Critten-
den compromise, 168 n. ; on popu-
larity of compromise, 262 n. ; on
South Carolina voters, vii. 149 ; on
negro legislators, 152-155.
Pilgrim Fathers, Cass on, i. 460.
Pillow, G. J., at Fort Donelson, iii.
585 ; turns over the command and
escapes, 592, 593 ; deprived of com-
mand, 600 ; on deserters, v. 442-445.
Pillow, Fort, Tenn., massacre, v. 510-
512; Forrest's responsibility, 512,
513; investigation, 512; no retalia-
tion, 512, 513.
Pilots desire exemption from the draft,
v. 238.
390
GENERAL INDEX
Pinkney, William, as an orator, i. 34 ;
on admission of Missouri, 35, 36.
Pittsburg, alarm over Lee's invasion,
iv. 273, 274 ; opposition to the draft,
v. 232; Soldiers' convention, 622,
623.
Pittsburg Landing. See Shiloh.
Pius IX., suppresses Uncle Tom's
Cabin, i. 282; influence in elec-
tions, ii. 55 ; gift demolished by mob,
57.
Planter captured by slaves, v. 464.
Platforms, party, and deeds, vi. 416,
417.
Plumly, B. R., and removal of Fre-
mont, iii. 479-481.
Plutarch on fearlessness of Caesar, v.
142.
Plymouth, Mass., anti-slavery vote,
i. 71.
Point Lookout, Md., war prison, plan
to rescue prisoners, iv. 499 ; tents
only shelter, v. 487.
Poland, L. P., member of the Senate
Judiciary Committee, v. 570 n. ;
Ku-Klux committee, vi. 320 n. ;
Credit Mobilier investigation, vii. 2;
warning against corruption, 19 ;
report on Arkansas conditions, 86 ;
defends it against Grant, 87, 88 ;
sacrifices his ambition, 88 n. ; op-
poses Force bill, 89.
Poland, Ostend manifesto on, ii. 39;
division, 43.
Political arrests at the South, v. 457,
458. See also Arbitrary arrests.
Politics, American seriousness, iii. 2,
3 ; parties non-existent at the South,
v. 447, 448; election conditions at
the South, 448. See also Elections,
and parties by name.
Polk, J. K., elected President, i. 84;
on the Oregon question, 86 ; con-
cludes treaty with New Granada,
199; and Pierce, 250; objections
to supporting, ii. 266; Schurz on,
493.
Polk, Leonidas, methods with slaves,
i. 331 ; on Uncle Tom's Cabin, 363;
killed, iv. 453 ; on the overland cot-
ton trade, v. 414.
Polo de Bernab6, Jos6, Virginius affair,
vii. 35, 36.
Polygamy, Republican convention of
1856 on, ii. 184.
Pomeroy, S. C, refuses to yield Sharps
rifles, ii. 159 ; and Chase's candidacy
(1864), iv. 458; pressure on Ross to
convict Johnson, vi. 147, 148.
Pool, John, Ku-Klux committee, vi.
320 n.
Poor whites, condition, i. 344; op-
pressed by slave-holders, 345, 346;
in Civil war, 346, 347, 380 ; imitate
slave-holders, 362; Helper on, ii.
419.
Pope, John, and Fremont, iii. 480;
captures Island No. 10, advance on
Corinth, 628 ; commands Army of
Virginia, iv. 97 ; energy, 98, 99 ;
and McClellan, 99; address to the
army, 99, 100 ; four orders, 100-102 ;
force, 114, 125; takes the offensive,
114, 115; Cedar Mountain, advance
to the Rapidan, 115; Lee's problem
and plan against, 115-117; with-
draws behind the Rappahannock,
117, 118; and his army, 118, 119,
134, 135; and Halleck's indecision
and incapacity, 119-121 ; Jackson's
flanking movement, 121-123 ; does
not hold Thoroughfare Gap, 122, 127 ;
Jackson in rear of, 123 ; marches
against Jackson, 124, 126 ; Groveton,
127-129; and Porter, 128; Second
Bull Run, 129, 130; retreat, 130,
131 ; McClellan 's attitude, 131-134,
138 n. ; deprived of command, 137,
138 n. ; as district commander, vi.
79.
Popular sovereignty, doctrine, i. 244,
476, 477, ii. 79, 110, 264, 305-307;
Lincoln on, 319; Douglas on, 357,
373, 374; Republican convention
of 1860 on, 464.
Population, growth (1850-1860), iii.
3,4.
Port Gibson, Miss., battle, iv. 307.
Port Hudson, La., captured, iv. 318 ;
paroles, v. 486, 499.
Port Royal, S.C., captured, iii. 490.
Porter, D. D., attack on New Orleans
forts, iii. 629; Vicksburg, iv. 305,
306 ; on the overland cotton trade,
v. 292, 293.
Porter, Fitz-John, Mechanicsville, iv.
38, 39; Gaines's Mill, 39-43; and
Pope, 125; Groveton, 127; alleged
disobedience, 128; Second Bull
Run, 130, 131 ; court-martial, 138 n.
PINKNEY — PRISONERS OF WAR
391
Porter, Horace, on Lee's surrender, v.
127, 128; and Gold Conspiracy, vi.
251, 256.
Post-office, reduction in postage, i.
215, 216; transportation payment
for foreign mails, iii. 12 n. ; South-
ern mails in 1861, 142, 222, 296;
Confederate, v. 387, 480.
Postage currency, v. 192, 195 n.
Postage stamps, as currency, v. 191,
192, 195 n. ; as currency at the
South, 345.
Pottawatomie massacre, ii. 163, 165,
391 ; Oliver's report on, 197-199.
Potter, C. N., report on Louisiana
election, vii. 114-116, 123, 124; on
conflict in legislature, 117-119.
Potter, J. F., quarrel with Pryor, ii.
437-439.
Powder, supply at the South, v. 393.
Powell, L. W., committee of thirteen,
iii. 151 ; and Crittenden compromise,
154, 169; on corrupt contracts,
575.
Powers, R. C, on Ku-Klux in Missis-
sippi, vii. 94 ; as governor, on policy
of reconstruction, 141, 142.
Pratt, D. D., Ku-Klux committee, vi.
320 n.
Prentiss, B. M., at Shiloh, surrenders,
iii. 623.
Prescott, W. H., last years, iii. 91, 92.
President, right to test laws affecting
his powers, vi. 123, 124; effect
on, of the impeachment of Johnson,
155.
Press, Southern anti-bellum, i. 353 ;
freedom of, at the North and South,
iii. 553, v. 473, 474; suppression of
Chicago Times, iv. 253, 254; cen-
sorship of news, 266, 267 n., 268 n. ;
at the South under military govern-
ment, vi. 78, 96. See also Newspapers.
Preston, J. T. L., at execution of John
Brown, ii. 409.
Preston, W. C, on San Jacinto victory,
i. 93.
Price, W. P., congressman, vi. 302 n.
Prices, slaves (1859), iii. 56; at the
South, of food and conveniences, v.
60, 349, 350, 362, 369, 371 ; high, at
the North, 190; pig iron (1862-
1864), 199 ; Chase on rise of, 200 n. ;
and wages or salaries, 203-206, 361,
362, 369 ; cotton at the North, 290 ;
rise of, and cheap money at the
South, 436, 350, 362; attempted
regulation, 362, 371 ; of cotton at
the South and in Liverpool, 396 n.,
404.
Prince, Henry, on the overland cotton
trade, v. 293.
Pringle, R. A., on secession as revolu-
tion, iii. 120 n.
Prisoners of war, belligerency basis,
iii. 428; plan to release, at Point
Lookout, iv. 499 ; plots to liberate
Confederates, v. 320, 325, 330-332,
337, 338 ; lack of candid discussions
on, 483; material on, 483-485;
difficulties in arranging a cartel,
exchange under the cartel, 485 ; ces-
sation of exchange, 485, 486; extra-
cartel exchanges, trouble over pa-
roles, 486 ; conditions in Northern
prisons, 487 ; Northern prisons,
487 n. ; conditions in Richmond pris-
ons, 487, 488 ; mutual complaints as
to treatment, 488-490; prejudiced
statements, 490, 491 ; no intentional
ill-treatment, difficulties, bad man-
agement, better off in the North,
chief elements in bitterness of con-
troversy, 491 ; establishment of
Andersonville, 491, 492; conditions
at Andersonville, 492; scarcity and
quality of food there, 492-494; en-
suing horrors, 494-496; deaths at
Andersonville, 494 »., 496; number
of prisoners there, 495 ; transfer
from Andersonville to other prisons,
497 ; Confederates desire to renew
exchange, question of negro prisoners,
Halleck offers man-to-man exchange,
Lee insists on parc'e of excess, 498;
exchange of free negroes offered, 498,
499; Grant's policy of no exchange,
499, 500; Confederates offer man-
to-man exchange, 499, 500; Grant
accepts it, 500; extent of Southern
responsibility for Andersonville, 500,
501 ; South should have paroled
prisoners, 501, 502 ; extent of Davis's
knowledge and responsibility for
conditions, 502-504; Northern be-
lief in deliberate policy at Ander-
sonville, 503, vii. 180; Lincoln's
silence, v. 504, 505 ; Northern re-
taliation, 505; suffering in North-
ern prisons, responsibility, 505, 506;
392
GENERAL INDEX
Prisoners of war — Continued.
punishments and shooting, dead line,
character of commandants and
guards, 506 ; numbers and deaths,
North and South, 507 ; balance of
reproach, 508; treatment of negro,
509, 510 ; Fort Pillow massacre, 510-
513.
Private enterprise, in aid of the Union
cause, v. 242-244 ; in aid of the Con-
federate, 464, 465, 467. See also
Christian Commission, Sanitary
Commission.
Privateers, Confederates issue letters
of marque, iii. 364; as pirates,
364, 429; applications for Confed-
erate letters, 395 n,, 396 n. ; boome-
rang of American attitude, 419 ;
England denies refuge for prizes,
429; Florida, iv. 80, 81; Lincoln
does not authorize, 367 n. See also
Alabama.
Produce loans at the South, v. 345,
346, 382.
Pro-slavery Argument, i. 367.
Prosperity, of 1850-1857, iii. 4 ; factor
in national life, culture results, 5 ;
compared with other periods, 6 ;
general causes, 14—18 ; special, of
this period, 18; Southern (1859),
56 ; war time, at the North, v. 198,
208. See also Business, Panics.
Provost-marshal's department, organ-
ized, iv. 237 ; frauds in substitute
brokerage, v. 227, 228 ; false charges
against Fry, 228-230 ; draft troubles,
230-232. See also Draft.
Pryor, R. A., on Helper's Impending
Crisis, ii. 421 ; on Seward, 422 ; in-
terrupts Lovejoy, 437; challenges
Potter, 439 ; and attack on Sumter,
iii. 349; and Ames's resignation, vii.
140.
Public Credit act, vi. 241, 242.
Public lands, homestead debate (1859),
ii. 352-354 ; homestead law passed,
iv. 58.
Pugh, G. E., against Lecompton bill,
ii. 297; favours English bill, 300;
agrees with Douglas, 358 ; in Charles-
ton convention, reply to Yancey,
448; against Davis resolution,
456; votes for tariff of 1857, iii.
44 n. ; on probable effect of Critten-
den compromise, 156 n. ; manages
Pendleton's candidacy (1868), vi.
164.
Punch, on slavery as a war issue, iii.
432 n. ; on English sympathies,
433 n., 434 n.
Puritanism, Tocqueville on, i. 357;
survival, influence on art, iii. 107 ;
on diversion, 107, 108.
Putnam, Herbert, acknowledgment
to, v. 626 n.
Putnam, Sarah A., on scarcity of
paper, v. 358; on lack of political
names, 447.
Putnam's Magazine, character, iii. 95.
Quadroon giels, life led by, i. 338,
339.
Quakers, on slavery, i. 24 n., 265;
revival during the draft, v. 239.
Quartermaster 's department, Union,
and the railways, military telegraph,
appropriations, v. 225 ; care for the
soldiers' comfort, 225, 226; trans-
portation, 226, 227.
Quay, M. S., "visiting statesman," vii.
230.
Quinby, I. F., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 288, 289.
Quincy, Edmund, becomes an aboli-
tionist, i. 72.
Quincy, Josiah, letter on Fugitive
Slave law, i. 197.
Quotas, trouble over State, v. 235,
236.
Rachel in America, iii. 87, 88.
Railroads, extension (1850-1860), i.
416, iii. 18, 19; conditions of travel,
19-21 ; Erie war, 20-23 ; accidents,
23, 24; liability laws, 25; in panic
of 1857, 46 ; building as cause of
panic, 52, 53 ; objections to Sun-
day trains, 100, 101 ; deterioration
of Southern, 546, v. 61, 384 ; Pacific,
authorized, iv. 58 ; Sherman destroys
Georgia, v. 20, 21 ; patriotism of
Northern companies, 225 ; trans-
portation of Union troops and sup-
plies, 226, 227 ; exemption of em-
ployees from draft, 238 ; Southern,
inadequate to the demand, 385 ;
lack of rails, 385, 386, 389; ex-
periences of travel on, 386-389; in
the hands of Union forces, 386 n. ;
remedies suggested for Southern,
PRIVATE ENTERPRISE — RECONSTRUCTION
393
Railroads — Continued.
rolling stock impressed, government
appropriations, 389 ; profits at the
South, 422 ; Confederate government
monopolizes business, 475 n. carpet-
bag mismanagement of Southern,
vi. 300, 301, 305, vii. 75, 76; Pacific,
completed, 5 ; excessive construc-
tion (1869-1872) 37, 47; lack of sup-
porting capital, 38, 39; financing of
construction, 39; European pur-
chase of bonds, 39, 40 ; foreign rails,
40 ; glut of bonds, 41 ; effect of
panic of 1873, 51, 52; Granger
movement, 67; mania of public
aid, 77, 78. See also Blaine, Credit
Mobilier.
Rainey, J. H., on amnesty, vi. 328.
Raleigh, N. C, Sherman in, v. 161,
162; wooden-shoe factory, 356;
riots, 451.
Raleigh Progress, on the Richmond
mass meeting, v. 73 n. ; demands
peace, 75.
Raleigh Standard. See Holden.
Raleigh State Journal mobbed, v.
451.
Randall, A. W., Postmaster-General, v.
611 n.
Randall, S. J., vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267 ; resolution on the war
debt, 550; favours greenback con-
traction, vi. 224 n. ; amnesty bill
(1875), vii. 179, 180; "visiting states-
man," 230; suggestion to Tilden,
246 n. ; and filibustering on the
electoral count, 277, 278.
Randolph, G. W., and the overland
cotton trade, v. 412.
Randolph, John, on slave-selling, i.
320 n. ; on dread of negro insurrec-
tion, 376; Wise compared to, ii.
88.
Randolph County, Ala., mob free
deserters, v. 432.
Ranelagh, Lord, on Napoleon and the
South, iv. 94 n.
Ranney, R. P., associated with Wade,
i. 229 ; as a lawyer, ii. 380 ; contest
with Dennison, 381 ; on the ter-
ritories, 382; candidacy (1862), iv.
166 n.
Ransom, M. W., senator, vi. 330;
joint committee on electoral count,
vii. 248.
Rantoul, Robert, votes on Foote reso-
lution, i. 243 n.
Rawlins, J. A., Secretary of War, vi.
240; and Cuba, 345; death, 346.
Raymond, H. J., honours Kossuth, i.
236 ; denounces Kansas-Nebraska
bill, 463 ; and formation of new party,
ii. 46; nominated for lieutenant-gov-
ernor, 63 ; envied by Greeley, 72 ; ad-
dress at Pittsburg convention, 118,
119; in campaign of 1856, 223; on
Lecompton constitution, 293; on
Douglas, 296 ; in Republican conven-
tion (1860), 471 n. ; votes for Freed-
men's Bureau bill, v. 571; does not
vote on Civil Rights bill, 581;
supports the veto, 586; votes for
the Fourteenth Amendment, 596;
and the National Union convention,
614.
Raynor, Kenneth, efforts of, to build
up Know-nothings, ii. 87.
Read, T. B., Sheridan's Ride, iv. 537.
Reagan, J. H., Confederate Postmas-
ter-General, iii. 295 ; amnesty, vi.
329.
Real estate purchases at the South, v.
421, 422.
Reciprocity treaty with Canada, ii. 8.
Reconstruction, Sumner's State-sui-
cide doctrine, iv. 484; Lincoln's
plan, 484, 485, v. 55, 56 ; Davis bill,
iv. 485, 486; Lincoln's pocket veto,
486, 487 ; Wade-Davis manifesto,
487 ; loyal governments in Arkansas
and Louisiana, v. 47, 52, 53 ; helpless-
ness of the House (Thirty-eighth
Congress) concerning, 51 ; loyal gov-
ernment of Louisiana, not recog-
nized, 53, 55 ; Sumner insists on
negro suffrage, 55, 56, 523, 532,
550, 551, 595, 609, 610; Lin-
coln on, at Hampton Roads Con-
ference, 69, 70; Lincoln's mag-
nanimous spirit, 82, 83; Lincoln's
attitude after the surrender, 132-
134; radical opposition to it, 134,
137; status of the seceded States,
135, 569, 601 ; Lincoln defends loyal
government of Louisiana, 135-137;
Lincoln hopes for speedy executive,
137; Johnson's vindictive attitude,
151, 521, 522, 546 n. ; Sherman-
Johnston agreement, 167, 168 ;
agreement disapproved, 169 ; essen-
394
GENERAL INDEX
Reconstruction — Continued.
tials of successful, 516; Lincoln's
fitness to undertake, 516, 517 ;
Johnson's unfitness, 517; Johnson
and negro suffrage, 522-525, 527,
535, 547; Johnson's change of
policy, 523, 524; proclamation of
amnesty, 525 ; exceptions, 525
526; Johnson's sound policy
526, 527; his mistake, 528-530
South fears retribution, 530, 531
and welcomes Johnson's policy, 531
radical opposition, 531-533, 541 n.
549, 550 ; public approval, 533-535
conditions at the South, pardons, 535
measures of reconstruction conven-
tions, 535-538 ; Johnson proposes
qualified negro suffrage, 535 ; South-
ern opposition to negro suffrage,
536 n., 553, 562; Johnson's injunc-
tions to the conventions, 537 ;
character of the conventions, 538,
539 ; elections at the South, 539 ;
ratification of Thirteenth Amend-
ment, 539, 540; reactionary senti-
ment at the South, 540, 541, 554, 555 ;
Congress excludes the reconstructed
States, 544, 545; Joint Committee
on Reconstruction, 545; Johnson's
message, 546-548; first sentiment
of Congress, 549, 554; Stevens's
policy, 551, 553, 554, vi. 29, 176, 177 ;
Grant and Schurz on conditions at
the South, v. 551-553 ; Southern legis-
lation on negroes, 555, 556 ; motive
of the legislation, 556, 558, 559 ;
mental condition of the freedman,
556-558 ; negro rights should have
been left to the South, 559-561;
Georgia confers civil rights on
negroes, 561 ; opinions of soldiers
on, 561, 562; opinion of Southern
leaders on negro suffrage, 562, 563;
negro attitude on suffrage, outrages
on negroes, 563; Southern opposi-
tion to Northern settlers, 563, 564;
Southerners and Democrats support
Johnson, effect, 564, 565; why
Congress disregarded Johnson's pol-
icy, 565; purpose of Freedmen's
Bureau bill, 568-570; Fessenden
on conditions, 570, 571 ; veto of
Freedmen's Bureau bill, 571, 572;
resolution against Southern represen-
tation, 572 ; Freedmen's Bureau, 572-
574, vi. 185, 186 ; Johnson's February
22 speech and its effect, v. 575-580 ;
public dread of breach between John-
son and Congress, 575 n. ; Johnson
and the Reconstruction Committee,
575 n. ; Civil Rights bill, 580, 581 ;
veto of it, 581-584 ; passed over the
veto, 584-586 ; Stevens's representa-
tion amendment, 594, 595 ; Four-
teenth Amendment passed, 595-
597; terms on which Congress
would readmit the Southern States,
597, 598; Tennessee readmitted,
598; a Freedmen's Bureau bill
passed, 598; plan of Congress com-
mended, 598, 599; plan a com-
promise, 599; report of the Re-
construction Committee, 600-602 ;
Fourteenth Amendment considered,
602-608 ; enforcement of new basis
of representation, 605, 606; char-
acter of offer of Congress, it should
have been accepted, 609; finality
of the offer, 609, 610, 623, vi. 2-4, 9,
13, 14 ; Johnson and the Fourteenth
Amendment, v. 610, vi. 4-9 ; anti-
negro riots, v. 611-613, 614 n. ;
political conventions, 614-616, 621—
623 ; Johnson 's tour and speeches,
616-620; fear of a coup d'etat by
Johnson, 616, 617; Johnson dis-
credits his policy, 620, 621 ; issue in
election of 1866, 623; public ap-
proval of policy of Congress, 625,
626; fatefulness of rejection of
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 6, 9, 10,
13; bill called up, 13; provisions of
bill, 15; Stevens's introduction, 15,
16 ; Bingham-Blaine amendment
voted down, 16, 17; Stevens forces
the bill through the House, 17,
18 ; bill in Senate, Bingham-Blaine
amendment offered, Republican cau-
cus, question of negro suffrage, 18,
19, 46 ; caucus substitute passes
Senate, 19, 20; House amendment,
20, 21 ; passage of bill, veto, passage
over veto, 21 ; Supplementary act,
21 ; provisions of acts, 22, 23 ; ex-
cuse in Southern conditions con-
sidered, 23-29 ; enforcement of Civil
Rights act, 27 ; growth of radical
ideas, 30 ; acts conservative measures
but radical triumph, 30, 31 ; country
sustains the acts, 31 ; negro suffrage
RECONSTRUCTION — REEDER
395
Reconstruction — Continued.
and continued Republican control,
31, 32, 34; based on a mistaken
idea of Southern sentiment, 32, 33 ;
responsibility of Stevens, Sumner,
and Johnson, 34—36, 47; negro
racial limitations ignored, 36-40;
mistake of negro suffrage, 42; ig-
nores Southern conservatives, 43-
45, 80, 81 ; Johnson and execution
of the acts, 60 ; assignment of com-
manders, 60, 61 ; dual government
at the South, 61, 62, 64; Stanbery's
interpretation of the acts, 61-64 ;
act nullifying the interpretation,
64; Congress all powerful, 71;
Supreme Court declines to entertain
cases, 72-74 ; wisdom of this deci-
sion, 74, 75; social demoralization
of the South, 75 ; government by dis-
trict commanders, 75-79 ; removals,
76, 77 ; economic demoralization
of the South, 77, 78; registra-
tion, 79-82; oath, 80, 81; verifi-
cation of oath, 81 ; iron-clad oath
for registry officials, 81, 82; whites
disfranchised, 82, 83 ; number of
whites and blacks registered, 82 n.,
83 n. ; advice of Southern leaders
on registering, 83-87 ; policy of
registering and not voting, 83-85,
94 ; as an alternative of confiscation,
82; vote on conventions, 85, 86;
constitutional conventions, suffrage
provisions, 87, 88, 92; negro dele-
gates, 88-90; character of constitu-
tions, 90 ; carpet-baggers and scala-
wags, 90, 91 ; influence of election of
1867 on policy, 93, 94; Congress
thwarts abstention policy, 94, 96 ;
Supreme Court deprived of jurisdic-
tion, 96, 97 ; Democratic platform
denounces (1868), 165; general
readmission act, fundamental con-
ditions of readmission, 177; Four-
teenth Amendment ratified, troops
remain in reconstructed States,
character of reconstructed congress-
men, 178; Ku-Klux-Klan, Loyal
Leagues, 180-183; reported out-
rages (1868), 183, 184, 196, 197;
truth of reports, 184, 185 ; basis
of Southern white antagonism,
186-189 ; their appeals to negroes,
189 ; negroes and land division, 189,
190; attitude of Democratic can-
didates (1868), 192, 193; humani-
tarian motive of congressional, 200,
201 ; control of offices in unrecon-
structed States, 201 ; Fifteenth
Amendment, 201-204 ; execution left
in Grant's hands, 244, 245; rati-
fication of Fifteenth Amendment
required, 245, 246; further con-
ditions imposed, 284-286 ; awaken-
ing Northern opinion on evils, 293 ;
first Enforcement act, 294-296 ;
watchfulness of .Congress, 296, 297 ;
effect on Southern parties, 302, 303,
310; Republican attitude, 311, 391,
392; question of general martial
law, 311, 312; second Enforcement
act, 312; Ku-Klux act, 312-316,
331; its enforcement, 317-320; re-
port on Ku-Klux, 320-324 ; amnesty,
324-330; affects Republican pres-
tige, 325, 331 ; Schurz on conditions
(1872), 327 n. ; full representation ac-
complished, 330 ; congressional posi-
tive work completed, 331 ; fate of
Enforcement acts, 331-333; Grant's
failure, 390, 391 ; Liberal Republican
platform on, 419 ; Greeley's attitude,
423, 432, 433 ; Democratic endorse-
ment, 439 ; and election of 1874, vii.
85 ; Grant's policy of Federal in-
terference, 85, 86 ; attempted Force
bill, 89, 90; Enforcement acts as
political tools, 137; failure, 141, 142,
168, 169 ; political shortsightedness,
170; character of people subjected
to it, 172, 173 ; bright side, 174 ; as
issue in 1876, 179-181, 213; fab-
ricated outrages, 225, 226. See
also States by name.
Redpath, James, on Kansas, ii. 167.
Reed, J. P., elected circuit judge, vii.
163.
Reeder, Andrew, appointed governor
of Kansas, ii. 80; on Kansas elec-
tion, 83 ; criticised by Pierce, 85
removed, 86, 99 ; elected delegate
102; claims seat in House, 126
attempt to arrest, 156 ; escape
illegal election, 197; exclusion, 201
advocates free Kansas, 216-219
declares for Fremont, 232; political
sympathies, 239 ; in Republican con-
vention (1860), 469 n. ; in campaign
of 1860, 484 n.
396
GENERAL INDEX
Registration under Reconstruction
acts, process, vi. 79-82; number of
whites disfranchised, 82, 83 ; whites
and coloured registered, 82 n., 83 n. ;
advice of Southern leaders on, 83-
85.
Reid, D. S., on Seward, ii. 194.
Reid, Whitelaw, on Grant at Shiloh, iii.
624, 625 ; desires Lincoln's with-
drawal, iv. 519 n. ; supports Lin-
coln, 528; and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 417.
Religion, instruction of slaves, i. 328-
332; power (1850-1860), iii. 100;
Sabbath observance, 100, 101 ; re-
vival (1858), 101-107; survival of
puritanism, 107, 108 ; in the Union
army, v. 260, 261 ; conditions at the
South, 466, 467.
Religious Herald, slaves advertised in,
i. 324.
Reno, J. L., killed, iv. 152.
Representation, basis of, Stevens's
amendment, v. 594, 595 ; in Four-
teenth Amendment, 597 n., 603,
605 ; Reconstruction Committee on,
601, 602; Southern opinion, 604,
605; probable intention of Con-
gress as to enforcement of new, 605,
606.
Republican party, anti-slavery basis,
i. 285; formation, 490, ii. 45-49;
early State victories, 59, 60 ;
Seward on, 95 ; two elements in, 97,
98; expansion, 210; and abolition-
ism, 436 ; Seward on, Holmes on, 485 ;
Lowell on, 486 ; conservatism, 502 ;
realizes burden of success, iii. 138, 139,
146 ; attitude on secession crisis, 138-
146, 314 n. ; defeats Crittenden com-
promise, 154-156, 167-171, 263-
265 ; reaction against, 172 ; com-
promise offer, 175-177; factional
difference over Fremont's proclama-
tion, 472-476, 483, 484; influential
leaders (1864), iv. 483; wasted
chance for Southern party, vi. 302,
303, 310, vii. 171, 172; attitude on
the South, vi. 311, 391, 392; loses
ground, split, 325; and carpet-bag
government, vii. 168, 169. See
also Elections, Liberal Republican.
Repudiation. See Debt.
Resaca, Ga., battle, iv. 450 ; Hood be-
fore, v. 8.
Resumption, greenback contraction as
step towards, vi. 222, 229, 230 ; Gar-
field on need, 227, 228; advantage
to business, 228 ; possibility of, be-
fore 1873, 229, 230, vii. 50 ; Greeley's
plan, Morton and Sherman's plan,
vi. 230; pledge (1869), 241; Hep-
burn vs. Griswold a step towards,
265 ; time for action, vii. 69 ; Re-
publican caucus and bill (1874), 70;
its provisions, 70, 71 ; question of
right to reissue greenbacks, 71, 72;
passage of bill, 72 ; Sherman's con-
nection, 72, 73 ; successful operation,
73.
Retaliation, Northern, for treatment of
prisoners of war, v. 505, 506 ; mutual
abstinence of North and South, 515.
Revels, H. R., senator, vi. 287; as an
official, vii. 92; opposes carpet-bag
rule, 139.
Revival of 1858, iii. 101-103 ; in New
York, 103-105 ; in Boston, 105-107.
Reynolds, J. F., Gaines's Mill, iv. 42;
Fredericksburg, 195 ; Gettysburg,
killed, 282, 283.
Reynolds, J. H., conspiracy investi-
gation, iii. 301 n.
Reynolds, J. J., on the overland cotton
trade, v. 295 n.
Rhett, R. B., on slavery and secession,
iii. 120 n. ; Confederate Provisional
Congress, 292 n.
Rhode Island repeals Personal Liberty
law, iii. 253.
Rhodes, D. P., acknowledgments to,
iv. 539 n., v. 626 n.
Rice, A. H., of Massachusetts, advice
on luxuries, v. 210; vote on the
whiskey tax, 267.
Rice, B. F., of Arkansas, Ku-Klux
committee, vi. 320 n.
Rice, Dan, in New Orleans, i. 401.
Rice, H. M., of Minnesota, committee
of thirteen, 151 ; and Crittenden
compromise, 154.
Rice culture under slavery, i. 27 n.
Richards, C. A. L., on period of defeat,
v. 197.
Richardson, I. B., Antietam, killed, iv.
151.
Richardson, R. B., on Andersonville,
v. 483 n.
Richardson, W. A., of Illinois, urges
Kansas-Nebraska bill, i. 480, 483,
REGISTRATION — ROBINSON
397
Richardson, W. A. — Continued.
484, 488; Hunt appeals to, 485;
nominated for speaker, ii. 108,
109 ; adheres to popular sovereignty,
110; defeated, 114; in Democratic
convention (1856), 172; and
Douglas's willingness to withdraw
(1860), 474, 475; and treason, hi.
62 n.
Richardson, W. A., of Massachusetts,
Secretary of the Treasury, and the
panic, vii. 44; inflates the currency,
54, 55 ; Sanborn contracts, 65, 66 ;
resigns, incapacity, 66.
Richmond, Dean, and Douglas's will-
ingness to withdraw (1860), ii. 475.
Richmond, capture feared (April 1861),
hi. 377, 378 ; capital of Confederacy,
396 ; saturnalia, 548, 549 ; war stress
not felt (1861), 550; under martial
law, 601, 602; Winder's rule, 602,
603 ; panic and the advance of the
Monitor, iv. 7-10 ; after Fair Oaks,
28 n. ; mass-meeting for continued
resistance, v. 72, 73 ; evacuated, 114,
118, 119; conditions preceding the
evacuation, 115-117; hotels, 116,
421; theatres, 116, 425, 426; fire
and pillage, 119; occupied by Union
forces, 119, 120; Lincoln in,
Union newspaper, theatre reopened,
120; prices and comfort, 349, 350;
lighting, 357; bread riot, 363-365;
further trouble feared, 365, 366 ;
population in 1863, 365 n. ; suffering
for want of food, 368, 369 ; poverty,
369, 370; municipal shop, 371;
metropolitan character, 424; ex-
travagance, 424, 425 ; day of fast-
ing, 426; Starvation Club, 426;
racing, 427 ; vice and crime, 427, 428 ;
vigilance committee, 428 ; benefi-
cent work, 465 ; war prisons, 487,
488; Dahlgren's raid, 514, 515;
ovation to Davis (1867), vi. 57.
Richmond Dispatch, on Sequestration
act, hi. 465 n. ; last Confederate issue,
v. 115, 116; on Yankee goods
through the blockade, 402 n.
Richmond Enquirer, urges attack on
Washington, iii. 376 n. ; on uprising
of the South, 382 n. ; on Northern
unity, 400 n. ; vituperation, 402 n. ;
on Davis (1861), 489 n. ; on the
theatre, v. 425, 426.
Richmond Examiner, on Yankee
school-masters and slaves, i. 350 n. ;
on New York City, iii. 369 n. ; urges
attack on Washington, 376 n.,
377 n. ; on uprising of the South,
382 n. ; on secession sentiment, 385 ;
on western Virginia, 387 n. ; on
Northern unity, 400 n. ; vitupera-
tion, 401 n. ; on demoralization,
549 ; on smuggling, 549, 550 ; on
Lee, iv. 7, 8 ; on homespun, v. 356 n. ;
on bad gas, on scarcity of paper,
357; on the theatre, 425; on in-
temperance, 428.
Richmond Whig, on popularity of
compromise, iii. 263 n, ; on Unionism
in Virginia, 309 ; on secession senti-
ment, 385 n. ; on Northern unity,
400 n. ; vituperation, 401 n. ; on
Davis (1861), 489 n. ; on Winder's
rule, 602; on Grant, v. 115; appears
as a Union paper, 120; on pros-
perity of railroads, 422 n.
Ricketts, J. B., at Thoroughfare Gap,
iv. 127; Monocacy Bridge, 497;
Fisher's HiU, 527 n.
Riddle, A. G., on higher law, ii. 364;
on the opposition to Lincoln, iv.
463 n.
Riots, draft, iv. 320-328, v. 231 ; bread,
at the South, 363 ; bread, at Rich-
mond, 363-366; blamed to Federal
intrigue, 366 ; New Orleans anti-
negro, 611-613 ; Memphis anti-negro,
614 n. ; Camilla, vi. 190-192 ; Vicks-
burg, vii. 103, 104; Colfax, 112, 113;
Coushatta, 113, 114 ; Mississippi race,
130, 131.
River and Harbour bill opposed by
Douglas, ii. 61.
Rives, W. C, Peace Convention, iii.
305 n.
Roanoke Island captured, iii. 581.
Robert E. Lee, blockade-runner, v. 401.
Roberts, M. O., whitewashes the Tweed
Ring, vi. 402.
Robinson, Charles, in Kansas struggle,
ii. 102 ; on rescue of Branson, 104 ;
on Sharpe's rifles, 105 ; in Wakarusa
war, 106 ; elected governor of Kan-
sas, 107 ; on national committee,
119; appeals to Pierce, 124; in-
dictment, 156; arrest, 157; burn-
ing of house, 159; threatened with
lynching, 166; imprisonment, 216;
GENERAL INDEX
Robinson, Charles — Continued.
on campaign of 1856, 233 n. ; re-
lease, 237 ; followers, 277.
Robinson, Mrs. Charles, on Kansas, ii.
154, 155.
Robinson, J. C, of Illinois, Ku-Klux
committee, vi. 322 n.
Robinson, J. F., governor of Kentucky,
and Bragg 's invasion, iv. 177.
Robinson, Lucian, opposition to Lin-
coln, iv. 464, 519 n.
Robson, Stuart, on Johnson, v. 518.
Rock Island, 111., war prison at, v.
487 n.
Rockwell, J. E., on the murder of
Lincoln, v. 154 n.
Rocky Mountains, Fremont in, ii. 225.
Rodman, I. P., Antietam, iv. 152.
Roebuck, J. A., speech and motion on
recognition, iv. 374, 375 ; and John-
son, vi. 336.
Rogers, A. J., of New Jersey, member
of the Joint Committee on Recon-
struction, v. 545 n. ; minority re-
port, 602 n.
Rogers, S. H., of North Carolina, con-
gressman, vi. 330.
Rogers, Thorold, on immigrants, i.
355 n.
Rollins, E. H., in Republican conven-
tion (1860), ii. 469 n.
Roman, A. B., Confederate commis-
sioner, iii. 295.
Rome, slavery in, i. 370, 381.
Roosevelt, Theodore, as President, vi.
154.
Root, J. M., resolution on Compro-
mise of 1850, i. 135.
Ropes, J. C, on removal of McClellan,
iv. 188 n. ; acknowledgment to,
539 n. ; on Sherman's plan, v. 12 n. ;
on Sherman's skill, 18; tribute to,
52 n.
Rose, John, and Alabama claims
negotiations, vi. 343, 344, 356, 357.
Rosecrans, W. S., in western Virginia,
iii. 489 ; Corinth, iv. 180 ; succeeds
Buell, 183; movements justify
Buell, 184 ; Stone's River, 219, 220 ;
inactivity, 395; manoeuvres Bragg
out of Tennessee, 395, 396 ; concen-
trates under danger, unnerved,
396; Chickamauga, 397-399; in-
capacity at Chattanooga, 400, 401 ;
relieved of command, 401 ; on trade
with the South, v. 286; and the
Sons of Liberty, 319.
Rotation in office, Buchanan and
Marcy on, ii. 248 ; as conducted by
Buchanan, 249. See also Civil ser-
vice.
Rothschilds, and Mexican indemnity,
i. 214.
Rousseau, J. J., Uncle Tom's Cabin
compared with Nouvelle Hiloise, i.
282, 284 ; Smile, 284 ; effect of these
works, 285.
Rousseau, L. H., on Sheridan as dis-
trict commander, vi. 78 n., 79 n. ;
commands Department of Louisiana,
178.
Rusk, T. J., on steamboat accidents,
iii. 26, 27.
Russell, Earl, and Southern commis-
sioners, iii. 417, 457; on neutrality
proclamation, 418 n. ; on the issue
of the war, 430, 504; proposes
mediation, 519 ; and the Trent
affair, 525, 534 n., 542 n. ; and the
Alabama, iv. 85, 88, 90, 91, 372 n. ;
and Mason, 337, 386; trend
towards intervention, 337-339 ; re-
action, probable cause, 341-343 ;
declines Napoleon's suggestion of
mediation, 347; and Emancipation
Proclamation, 357; denies respon-
sibility for Alabama depredations,
365 ; seizes the Alexandria, 371 ;
and Laird rams, 377-384; conduct
considered, 387, 388; sale-of-arms
dispute, 391, 392; protests against
Confederate action, 393, 394; on
the St. Albans raid, v. 336 ; and the
indirect claims, vi. 368, 369 n.,
370 n.
Russell, A. D., corruption, iii. 62 n.
Russell, W. H., on Lincoln's use of
anecdotes, iii. 334 n., 335 n. ; on
Seward's foreign policy, 342 n. ;
on Virginia and secession, 345 n. ;
on Southern privates, 352 n. ; on
Charleston and fall of Sumter, 355 «.,
356 n. ; on New York City before
and after Sumter, 370 n., 371 n. ; on
applications for Confederate letters
of marque, 395 n. ; on impossibility
of Northern success, 403 n., 509 n. ;
on unanimity of the South, 407 n. ;
on the intensity of feeling, 408 n.,
409 n, ; on cotton as the arbiter,
ROBINSON— SCHENCK
399
Russell, W. H. — Continued.
416, 417 ; effect of his letters, 431 n. ;
on a slave auction, 431 n., 432 n. ;
on state-rights, 433 n. ; on McClel-
lan's army, 493, 495; on English
sentiment, 508; on the war and
slavery, 511 n.
Russell, Majors, & Waddell, corrupt
transactions, iii. 237, 238.
Russia assists Austria in Hungarian
revolt, i. 231, 234, 240; friendship
for the North, iv. 388, declines Na-
poleon's suggestion of mediation,
347 ; demonstration of friendship,
418; sells Alaska, vi. 211-213.
Rust, Albert, assaults Greeley, ii. 118.
St. Albans, Vt., Confederate raid, v.
333, 334; action of Canadian au-
thorities, 335-337 ; money refunded,
337; Davis's connection, 341; a
dark episode, 342.
St. John Island, attempted purchase,
vi. 213.
St. Louis, war prison at, v. 487 n. ;
Johnson's speech, 619. See also
Whiskey Ring.
St. Michael's Church in Charleston, ii.
444.
St. Paul, opposition to the draft, v. 232.
St. Thomas Island, attempted pur-
chase, vi. 213.
Sala, G. A., irresponsible statements,
v. 219.
Salaries and prices during the war, v.
206, 361, 362, 369.
Salary grab, vii. 20, 21.
Salisbury, N.C., bread riot, v. 363;
war prison at, 497.
Salt, lack of, at the South, v. 352.
Samana Bay, Grant desires, vi. 347.
"Samaritan," diary, i. 404; on puri-
fication of atmosphere, on yellow-
fever symptoms, 405; anecdotes,
406-413.
San Domingo, scheme to sell, vi. 346;
Grant's interest, 346, 347; Bab-
cock's unauthorized treaty, 347 ; op-
position of cabinet, 347, 348 ; second
treaty, Sumner and Grant, 349 ; re-
jected by Senate, 349, 350; Grant's
persistence, 351 ; commission to in-
vestigate, 351—354 ; Sumner's "dance
of blood!' speech, 353; final failure,
354.
San Francisco, money for the Sanitary
Commission, v. 255.
San Jacinto victory, Preston on, i. 93;
Houston in, 239.
San Juan, captured by British, i. 200;
bombardment, ii. 9, 10.
Sanborn, F. B., friend of John Brown,
ii. 385 ; conference with him and
Gerrit Smith, 386, 387; letter
from Brown, 387; at Revere House
meeting, 389; aids Brown, 390;
goes to Canada, 401.
Sanborn, J. D., contracts, vii. 64—66.
Sanborn contracts, vii. 64-66.
Sandford, C. W., and draft riot, iv. 326.
Sanford, Henry, and Mason's diplo-
matic costume, ii. 3, 4.
Sanitary Commission, inception and
purpose, v. 244, 245 ; official recogni-
tion, organization, 245; care of
sick and wounded, 246, 247, 251-
253 ; inquiry into evils and their
prevention, 248-251 ; relief work,
253, 254; donations and use of
funds, 254-257, 259; patriotic in-
fluence, spreads news, 257 ; fairs,
257-259; moral effect on the sol-
diers, 259; report on treatment of
prisoners, 503 n.
Saratoga as a resort, iii. 76-78.
Sargent, A. A., and Resumption act,
vii. 70.
Saturday Review, on the war and
slavery, iii. 430 n., 510 n. ; supports
the South, 504; unjust criticism of
the North, 514; on Monitor-Merrv-
mac fight, 614 n. ; on cotton famine,
iv. 84 n. ; on Butler's woman order,
93 n. ; on Emancipation Proclama-
tion, 344 n. ; defends slavery, 355 ;
on French sentiment, 390 n. ; on the
impeachment trial, vi. 152 n., 155 n.
Savage's Station, Va., battle, iv. 46.
Savannah, Sherman's objective, v. 18;
captured, 29, 30; cotton captured
at, 29, 299, 420 ; behaviour of Union
army in, 30, 31 ; meeting on death
of Lincoln, 159.
Saxe, J. G., as a humourist, iii. 109.
Scalawags described, vi. 91.
Scammon, E. P., Antietam, iv. 152.
Schell, Augustus, signs Davis's bond,
vi. 57.
Schenck, R. C, in campaign of 1860, ii.
484 «. ; in western Virginia, iv. 13 ;
400
GENERAL INDEX
Schenck, R. C. — Continued.
battle of McDowell, 14, 15 ; berates
Lincoln, v. 51 n. ; on Confederates
in Federal uniform, 354; and
Tenure-of-Office act, vi. 130; op-
poses greenback contraction, 224 n. ;
Joint High Commission, 360.
Schleiden, Rodolph, on the task of the
North, iii. 407 n., 408 n. ; on Gurow-
ski, 425 n. ; on Lincoln and England,
426; on English relations, 457; on
Sumner's Worcester speech, 475 n.
Schofield, J. M., Atlanta campaign, iv.
448 ; sent to Thomas, v. 13 ; fore-
sight on Hood's movements, 13 n. ;
retreats to Franklin, 34; at Spring
Hill, 34, 35; force at Franklin, 35;
battle, 35-37; retreat to Nashville,
37; in North Carolina, 102, 103;
outrages by his army, 103, 104; at-
tacked at Kingston, 106 ; junction
with Sherman, 107 ; on Sherman's
northward march, 107 n. ; on
the Sherman-Johnston agreement,
168 n. ; on negro suffrage, 525; on
reconstruction sentiment in North
Carolina, 530; and Virginia's re-
jection of Fourteenth Amendment,
vi. 8, 9 ; as district commander, 79 ;
offered War portfolio, 126, 127;
Grant's advice, 127-129 ; permits
the nomination, 128 ; nomination ap-
proved, 156 ; and disfranchisement
in Virginia, 173.
Schurz, Carl, in Republican convention
(1860), ii. 465, 469 n. ; in the cam-
paign, 484 n., 498 ; on the South, 489 ;
on Lincoln, 493 ; on Sumner's Wor-
cester speech, iii. 475 n. ; on European
sentiment (1861), 511 n— 513 n. ;
on Groveton, iv. 129 n. ; Chancel-
lorsville, 261 ; campaign speeches
(1864), 535; on Johnson's policy,
v. 541 n. ; on conditions at the
South (1865), 552, 553; and Georgia
legislature, vi. 292 ; on Enforce-
ment bill, 294-296; on Ku-Klux
act, 314, 315 ; and Sumner's Civil
Rights bill, 326 n. ; on conditions at
the South (1872), 327 n. ; and San
Domingo, 349 ; and civil-service
reform, 387; heads Liberal Repub-
lican movement, 412, 414 ; president
of. the convention, favours Adams,
419, 421 ; and nomination of Gree-
ley, 423, 431, 438; Nast cartoons,
435 ; on Richardson's right to issue
greenbacks, vii. 55 ; denounces in-
flation, 59-61 ; loses seat, 68 ; and
Resumption act, 71, 72; on Sheri-
dan's "banditti" despatch, 121, 122;
on intimidation at the South, 258 n. ;
on Chandler as Secretary of the
Interior- 182 n. ; in Ohio campaign
(1875), 178; in campaign of 1876,
220 ; Secretary of the Interior, 287 n.
Sclopis, Count, arbitrator of Alabama
claims, vi. 364; on rejection of in-
direct claims, 371 ; vote on award,
372 ; Cockburn on, 373 n. ; rebukes
Cockburn, 374.
Scofield, G. W., Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 320 n. ; and Credit Mobilier, vii.
9.
Scott, John, of Pennsylvania, Ku-Klux
report, vi. 320-322, Senate Com-
mittee on Finance, vii. 53 n.
Scott, R. K., as governor of South
Carolina, vii. 146; re-elected, and
the negroes, 149; attempt to im-
peach, 160.
Scott, R. N., work on the Official
Records, v. 626 n.
Scott, T. A., executive ability, iii. 573 ;
and California and Texas Construc-
tion Co., vii. 51, 52; and the Blaine
scandal, 198-200.
Scott, Winfield, in Mexican war, i.
89-91 ; foresees Civil war, 131 ;
candidacy for Whig nomination,
253; and Fugitive Slave law, 256,
262 ; nominated, 256 ; bar-
gain on nomination, 258, 259 ;
as a military candidate, autobiog-
raphy, 259, 260, 269, 270; and
Seward, 262; opposition and sup-
port, 262-264; disproves charges
against Pierce, 271 ; charge against,
272; on naturalization, 272, 273;
anecdotes of, 273 ; Hawthorne on,
Van Buren on, 274 ; Western tour,
274-476; speeches ridiculed, 276;
defeated, 277 ; Crittenden on, ii. 189 ;
on campaign of 1860, 428; advice
as to the forts (Oct. 1860), iii. 125,
126 ; appeals for their reinforce-
ment, 188; supports removal to
Sumter, 226 ; and Star of the West
expedition, 234, 245 ; becomes Bu-
chanan's adviser, 249, 250; and
SCHLEIDEN — SEVEN PINES
401
Scott, Winfield — Continued.
Fort Pickens, 281, 285, 334; fears
plot in Washington, 300, 302; ad-
vises evacuation of Sumter, 326,
327, 341 ; and Lee, 365 n. ; fears for
safety of Washington, 367, 375 ; de-
nounced at the South, 408, 409 ;
and Patterson's part in Bull Run
campaign, 443-446; and McClellan,
490-492; retires, 497.
Secession, Webster and Clay on threats,
i. 190, 191 ; Douglas on threats, ii.
491, 492 ; Lincoln's election as reason,
iii. 114, 195, 196, 254 n., 255 n. ;
sentiment in South Carolina, 115-117;
call for a convention there, 117-119;
slavery as cause, 119, 122, 148, 149,
203, 280, 548, v. 67, 83 ; as revolu-
tion, iii. 120 n. ; and business, 120,
122, 123, 162, 163, 171, 172; South
Carolina considers it necessary, 121,
122 ; unanimity of South Carolina,
123 ; coercion and enforcement of
the laws, 130, 133, 134, 142-144;
Buchanan on, 133; probable effect
on, of a stalwart policy, 129, 130,
134-136; Republicans as arbiters,
138, 139, 146; duty of South to
submit, 139, 140; as treason, 140;
"go-in-peace" attitude, 140-142,
145, 146 ; Douglas condemns, 146 ;
tangible grievances, 146-148 ; in-
tangible grievance, 148, 149 ; South
Carolina convention and ordinance,
196-203 ; Republicans and danger
of war, 174, 175 ; manifesto of South-
ern congressmen, 177, 178; Lin-
coln's efforts to retard, 179-181 ;
South Carolina Declaration of
Causes and Address, 203-206; and
tariff, 204, 315, 316 ; belief in North-
ern violation of the Constitution,
205, 206 ; reception of Address,
206 ; attitude of other cotton States
(Dec), 206, 206 n., 207 n. ; canvass
in Georgia, 207-214 ; South Carolina
commissioners, 215 ; State seizes
Federal property, 221, 222; Davis
on, 255-257 ; other cotton States
secede, 272 ; conspiracy theory con-
sidered, 272-279, 280 n. ; lack of
popular vote on ordinances, 276,
277 ; no intimidations, 277 ; evolu-
tion of movement, 277, 278; posi-
tion of Union men, 278, 279; rash-
VII. — 26
ness and folly, 296-300 ; suicidal
policy for slavery, 298, 299 ; as a
move for better terms, armed re-
sistance ignored, 299, 300; set back
in border States, 301 ; Lincoln's
inaugural on, 317, 318 ; sentiment
in Virginia, 344, 345 ; Virginia
secedes, 378, 379, 385-387; North
Carolina secedes, 383 ; Tennessee
secedes, 383, 384 ; Arkansas secedes,
385 ; failure of Maryland move-
ment, 388-390 ; of Kentucky move-
ment, 391, 392; of Missouri move-
ment, 393, 394; no movement in
Delaware, 394 ; declared null or re-
pealed, v. 535-537, 538 n. See also
Charleston Harbour, Compromise.
Seddon, J. A., and Seward (1861), iii.
289 n. ; Peace Convention, 305 n. ;
on coercion, 312 ; Confederate Sec-
retary of War, popular discontent
with, v. 63 ; resigns, 65 ; on cur-
rency and barter, 347 ; attempts to
suppress news of the bread riot, 365 ;
on the necessity of impressment, 377 ;
on the railroads, 385; on blockade-
running, 401, 402; and the over-
land cotton trade, 413, 419, 420;
on speculators, 424 ; on deserters,
432; on exemptions from conscrip-
tion, 435, 436 ; on political arrests,
457, 458 ; on the socialistic tenden-
cies of the Confederate government,
475 n. ; as Secretary of War, 481 ; on
Andersonville, 503 ; on offer to
assassinate Federal officials, 513, 514.
Sedgwick, John, Antietam, wounded,
iv. 151; Chancellorsville, 263, 264;
Spotsylvania, killed, 443.
Sedgwick, W. T., on the canning in-
dustry, v. 249 n.
Seelye, J. H., elected to Congress, vii.
68 ; opposes Louisiana electoral vote
decision, 276.
Senate, character before 1820, i. 33;
in 1850, 119. See also Congress.
Senter on removal of Fremont, iii,
484 n., 485 n.
Sequestration act, Confederate, iii.
464, 465; its operation, 465 n.
466 n. See also Confiscation.
Settle, Thomas, in Republican con-
vention (1872), vi. 426.
Seven Days. See Peninsular.
Seven Pines, battle, iv. 24-28.
402
GENERAL INDEX
Seward, F. W., assault on, v. 145 ; on
gayety in Washington, 211.
Seward, W. H., influence over Taylor,
i. 101, 102, 109, 166, 178; enters the
Senate, 120; does not fear disunion
(1850), 131, 133 n.; on Webster,
138 n., 139 n. ; as governor, char-
acter, 162 ; as J. Q. Adams's succes-
sor, 162, 167; on slavery (1848),
162; speech on Compromise of
1850,163-168; higher-law doctrine,
163, 164, 167, 168; radicals follow,
168 ; opposes the compromise, 173 ;
on death of Taylor, 177; votes on
Texas boundary, 181 ; pairs on
other compromise measures, 184;
on Fugitive Slave law, 187, 188;
insists on Wilmot proviso, 192, 193 ;
supports Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 201 ;
on Galphin claim, 203 n. ; anti-
slavery senatorial coterie (1851),
229; and Kossuth, 237-239, 242;
influence in Whig convention (1852),
258; and Scott, 262-264; on Cor-
win, 300; on domestic slave-trade,
321 n. ; visits Virginia, 328 n. ; on
amalgamation, 342 ; on negroes in
Virginia, 373 ; speech on Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 453, 454 ; on Missouri
Compromise, Douglas on, 454; on
opposition to the bill, 463 ; on
Douglas, 474, ii. 284 ; desires to pre-
serve Whig party (1854), 46 ; Greeley
on, 68, 130 ; compared with Douglas,
69; Greeley breaks with, 72, 305,
472 n. ; on Greeley's letter, 72 n. ;
denounces fugitive-slave legislation
(1855), 77; Republican leader,
campaign speeches, 93-95 ; on slave-
holders, 94, 95 ; on party conditions
(1855), 95; against Southern oli-
garchy, 97, 98; on Kansas slave
code, 99; Kansas speech as cam-
paign document, 131 ; on Simmer's
condition, 140 n., 215; on assault
on Sumner, 147; political strength,
attitude on the nomination (1856),
174-177, 183; Weed's influence,
176; position on slavery, 177; on
Toombs bill, 191; Reid on, 194;
on the House, 202 n. ; Dana on, 223,
459 n., 461 ; on Pennsylvania con-
ditions, 227 n. ; accuses Weed of
betraying him, 236 n. ; on Buchanan
and Dred Scott decision, 268;
Taney on, 270; conference with
Walker, 272, 273 ; Raymond on, 296 ;
votes against Lecompton bill, 297;
opposes English bill, 299 ; on Stuart
and Broderick, 300; and the army
bill (1858), 303-305; supports popu-
lar sovereignty, 305-307; Chase
rebukes, 305 ; compared with Lin-
coln, 327; on the irrepressible con-
flict, 344-346, 495, 496; Davis on,
348, 373; Northern press on, 348,
349; on Cuba bill, 352; on the
territories, 382 n. ; knowledge of
John Brown 's movements, 389 ;
accused of assisting Brown, 402, 421,
422; on Brown, 412, 413; on dis-
union, 433, 434, 488; Garrison on,
434, 435; Phillips on, 434, 435,
495 n. ; Bowles on, 436 ; attitude of
South towards, 443 ; efforts to
nominate (1860), Chase on, 459;
position, 460, 461; Pike on, 461;
Bryant on, 461, 462; support and
opposition, 465-469 ; Lincoln on,
467 ; enthusiasm for, 468 ; defeat,
469, 470; Weed's grief, 471;
Lowell on, 472, 494; on African
slave-trade, 482; in the campaign,
484 n. ; on the Republican party,
485 ; on his failure to be nomi-
nated, 493, 494 ; article on Lin-
coln's nomination, 494; Swett on,
Western tour, 495 ; predicts suc-
cess in New York, 498; and tariff
of 1857, iii. 44; on Buchanan's mes-
sage, 137 ; committee of thirteen,
151 ; and Crittenden compromise,
154, 164; and idea of compromise,
156-158, 163, 164, 288, 289 ; offered
State portfolio, 158 ; and Weed's
compromise utterances, 159 n. ;
speech at New England Society
dinner, 162, 163 ; does not fear war,
174; compromise offer, 175; and
removal to Sumter, 226, 230 n. ;
importance in the crisis, vanity,
accepts State portfolio, 258; speech
on compromise, 259, 260 ; and Black,
287 ; fears plot at Washington, 300,
302 ; Secretary of State, 319 ; op-
position to Chase's appointment,
319, 320; considered head of the
administration, 320 n. ; on the
scramble for office, 326; and relief
of Sumter, 327-335 ; and Confeder-
SEWARD — SHENANDOAH VALLEY
403
Seward, W. H. — Continued.
ate commissioners, 328, 329, 334,
337 n., 338 n. ; conciliation policy,
330 ; Campbell negotiations on Sum-
ter, 330-332, 336; officiousness of
action, 339-341; "Thoughts for
President's consideration," 341, 342;
meddles in relief expedition, 351 ;
menacing despatch to England
(May), 423-425; acknowledges Lin-
coln's mastership, 441 ; pacific de-
spatch on Trent affair, 523-525 ;
on England and the war, 524 n. ;
conduct of Trent negotiations,
524 n., 536 ; distrusted in Eng-
land, 531-533; favours release of
Mason and Slidell, 537; letter
releasing them, 538; and arbitrary
arrests, 555, 557, iv. 235 n., 413 ; en-
gineers call for 300,000, 55; and
Emancipation Proclamation, 71, 72;
on McClellan after Seven Days, 96 ;
on Antietam, 155 ; radicals demand
removal, 204, 205; resignation not
accepted, 206; personal relations
with Lincoln, 207, 211, 212; and
Laird rams, 377 ; as foreign minis-
ter, 387 ; distrusts Napoleon, 389 n. ;
sale-of-arms and belligerency dis-
putes, 392 ; conference on Chat-
tanooga conditions, 399 ; and French
in Mexico, 472, vi. 206-209 ; on the
campaign (1864), iv. 527; at the
Hampton Roads Conference, v. 68;
attempt to murder, 141, 145, 146;
on demand for labour, 205 ; on the
raids from Canada, 335; question of
influence on Johnson, 587, 588,
611; illustrates Johnson's attitude,
590 n. ; on cabinet resignations,
611 n. ; tour with Johnson, 617;
resignation offered (1867), vi. 69,
70 n. ; announces ratification of
Fourteenth Amendment, 178 ; and
execution of Maximilian, 211; pur-
chase of Alaska, expansionist, 213 ;
negotiation for Danish West Indies,
213, 214; and Alabama claims, 215.
Sewing-machines, introduction, iii. 7 n.
Seymour, Horatio, nominated for
governor (1854), ii. 63, 64; on pop-
ularity of compromise, iii. 262 n. ;
indifference as to secession, 371 n. ;
gubernatorial canvass (1862), iv.
167-169; as leader of Democratic
opposition, 225; and Gettysburg
call for militia, 273, 276 n. ; and draft
riot, 325, 326, v. 231 ; desire to post-
pone and test legality of draft, 329 ;
and Lincoln, 330-332; political
speeches (1864), 531; endorses
Chase's aspirations (1868), 166;
nominated for President, 166, 167;
character as candidate, 168; and
Reconstruction acts, 192; hurt by
action on draft riots, 194 ; speeches,
vote, 192.
Shadrach rescue, i. 209, 210, 290.
Shakespeare, William, plays expur-
gated, iii. 108.
Shaler, N. S., on American climate, iii.
70 n. ; on death of slavery in Ken-
tucky, v. 49 n.
Shannon, Wilson, made governor of
Kansas, ii. 103 ; in Wakarusa war,
105 ; asks for United States troops,
106; Pierce's instructions to, 124;
arms Buford's men, 152 n. ; re-
fuses protection to Lawrence, 158;
Pierce warns, 160 ; and Pottawat-
omie massacre, 166 ; proclamation
against armed bands, 166, 167;
succeeded by Geary, 217; flight,
229; Geary compared with, 237.
Sharpe's rifles in Wakarusa war, ii. 105.
Sharpsburg. See Antietam.
Shaw, R. G., Fort Wagner, killed, iv.
332 ; and negro soldiers, 333 ;
monument and commemoration,
333-335.
Shea, George, and Davis's complicity
in Andersonville, vi. 55.
Shellabarger, Samuel, and Reconstruc-
tion bill, vi. 21, 23; Credit Mobi-
lier investigation, vii. 2 n. ; counsel
before Electoral Commission, 266 n.,
274 n., 276 n.
Shenandoah, indemnity for damage by,
vi. 372.
Shenandoah valley, Jackson's cam-
paign, iv. 11-23 ; Union force (May),
11-13; Jackson's force and plan, 13,
14; battle of McDowell, 14, 15;
Federal blunders, 16-18; rout of
Banks, 18, 19 ; futile plan to cap-
ture Jackson, 19-22; effect of cam-
paign, 22, 23 ; Hunter's success
and devastations (1864), 496, 497;
Early's success, 497; ineffectual
pursuit of Early, 503-505; Grant's
404
GENERAL INDEX
Shenandoah valley, — Continued.
order for devastation, 504 n. ; Sheri-
dan in command, 505 ; his campaign,
526, 527, 536, 537 ; his devastations,
v. 383.
Shepley, G. F., and the New Orleans
trade, v. 305 n.
Sheridan, P. H., comes to the front,
iv. 220 ; Missionary Ridge, 406 ;
commands in Shenandoah valley,
505; Winchester, 526; Fisher's
Hill, 526, 527; Cedar Creek, 536,
537; Read's poem, 537; Grant's
reliance on, v. Ill ; in the final cam-
paign before Petersburg, 112, 113;
in the pursuit of Lee, 120-124;
destruction in the Valley, 383 ; on
the negro problem, 562; on the
New Orleans riot, 613 ; as district
commander, vi. 61, 78 ; on Stan-
bery's interpretation, 62 ; removed
from district command, Grant's
protest, 68, 69 ; House condemns
removal, 72; removes governors,
76; accused of presidential aspira-
tions, 78 ; sent to Mexican border,
206; and Vicksburg riot, vii. 104;
"banditti" despatch, 119, 120;
Grant supports it, 120, 123 ; public
condemns it, 120-123; New Or-
leans ostracizes, 124, 125; and
Barrett's Richelieu, legal ignorance,
125; on Wells, 231.
Sherman, John, acknowledgment to, i.
493 n. ; on Banks, ii. 117; Kansas
investigation, 127 ; threats against,
164; on Kansas, 196 ; on Democrats
and free Kansas, 228 n. ; on Le-
compte, 238 n. ; speakership contest,
418-426; and Impending Crisis,
418-420, 425, 426 ; Southern denun-
ciations, 420, 422, 425 ; in campaign
of 1860, 484 n. ; and tariff of 1857,
iii. 44 n. ; on Buchanan and Repub-
lican success, 139 n. ; votes for
Legal-Tender bill, 571, 572; on call
for 300,000, iv. 56 n. ; on Confisca-
tion act, 62 ; and emancipation,
160 n. ; on the elections (1862),
170 n. ; on General Sherman's attack
on Vicksburg, 221 n. ; and Lincoln,
240 ; on his share in legislation
(1863), 241 n. ; on Ohio campaign
(1863), 412; on popularity of the
war, 423; on lionizing Grant, 436,
437 ; on Jay Cooke and government
loans, 476 n., 477 n. ; on the Sher-
man-Johnston agreement, v. 172;
on the revival of business, 199, 200,
202 ; on war-time prosperity, 208 ;
and the whiskey tax, 264, 268, 271,
272; member of Committee on Fi-
nance, 266 n. ; final opinion on
Johnson's policy, 548 n. ; on John-
son, 550, 579, 580; on Democratic
support of Johnson, 564; loses con-
fidence in Johnson, 582, 583 ; on
finality of Fourteenth Amendment,
610, vi. 3, 4; on Johnson's tour, v.
620; on Reconstruction bill, vi. 18,
19, 31, 46, 47; on Southern outrages,
25 ; warning on negro suffrage, 39 ;
on election of 1867, 93, 94; on dan-
ger in Johnson-Stanton trouble, 114;
and intention of Tenure-of-Office
act, 130, 131 ; opinion and vote on
impeachment, 140, 141 ; and John-
son's patronage, 145 n. ; on im-
peachment and finances, 156; on
Grant's candidacy, 158, 159 ; on
hard times and contraction (1868),
223; resumption plan then, 230;
objection to contraction, 230, 231 ;
and "Ohio Idea," 231 ; and Stewart's
appointment, 238; votes for Public
Credit act, 242; on the Ku-Klux,
242; and Sumner's Civil Rights bill,
326 n. ; and San Domingo, 350 n. ;
and civil service reform, 388; in-
fluence on Grant's Southern policy,
390; stumps for Grant, 434; on
bond purchases versus resumption,
vii. 50; Senate Committee on
Finance, 53 ; on Richardson's right
to issue greenbacks, 54, 55; de-
nounces inflation, 56, 57 ; compro-
mise inflation bill, 61 ; and Resump-
tion bill, 70-73 ; puts it in operation,
73; in Ohio campaign (1875), 177;
nominates Hayes, 210; "visiting
statesman, " 230 ; defends Louisiana
Returning Board, 233 n., 234 n., 236,
237 ; persuades Hayes to accept the
return, 236-238 ; point of view, 237
opposes Electoral Count bill, 258
on the Electoral Commission, 264
Secretary of the Treasury, 287 n.
rewards the Returning Board, 289.
Sherman, T. W., captures Port Royal,
iii. 490.
SHEPLEY — SHERMAN
405
Sherman, W. T., on discovery of gold I
in California, i. Ill n. ; on condition
of slaves, 310, 334; on slave-trade,
337; on Bull Run, iii. 444, 451;
Shiloh, 622, 623, 626; dissuades
Grant from resigning, 628 ; on stop-
ping enlistments, 637 n. ; on Shenan-
doah campaign, iv. 20 n. ; on dis-
grace of generals, 202 n., 203 n. ;
failure at Vicksburg, 221 ; and
Grant's Vicksburg plan, 304, 309,
310; in Vicksburg campaign, 305,
308 ; brigadier in regular army, 317,
318; reinforces Chattanooga, 399,
404; commands Army of the Ten-
nessee, 404; battle of Chattanooga,
405, 406 ; relieves Knoxville, 407 ;
on bounty system, 431 ; Grant's
friendship, 433-435; advice to
Grant, 435 ; commands Military
Division of the Mississippi, 436; on
lionizing Grant, 437 n, ; on profes-
sional beginning of the war, 439 ;
on Wilderness campaign, 444 n. ;
conditions of Atlanta campaign,
448, 449; and Johnston, 449, 450;
advance to Atlanta, 450-456; and
Thomas, 456, 457; success attracts
little attention, 467 ; before Atlanta,
511-513; on death of McPherson,
512; captures Atlanta, 523, 524;
career to 1861, v. 3; and Lincoln in
1861, 3, 4; at Bull Run, ordered
West, estimate of force necessary to
clear Kentucky, 4 ; reported insane,
4, 5; as a general, 5-7, 16; charac-
ter, hostility to newspapers, 6 ; pro-
poses march to the sea, 7, 9-11 ;
Davis divulges plan against, 7, 8 ;
Hood's movement on his communi-
cations, 8, 9; on superfluous bag-
gage and slow movements, 9 n. ;
expects Hood to follow him, 10, 11,
14 n. ; on Hood's invasion of Ten-
nessee, 11, 12, 15; strategy of his
plan, 12, 44; Thomas's essential
share, 12; confidence in Thomas,
13 ; proper division of his force with
Thomas, 13-15 ; cuts his communi-
cations, 15, 16; first news of, before
Savannah, 15 n. ; begins his march,
16, 17 ; force, 17 ; care and skilful
preparation, 17, 18; at Milledge-
ville, 18, 20; foraging, 19; de-
stroys railroads and supplies, 20-23 ;
defines war, 23; pillaging, 23, 24;
disposition towards the bummers,
23 n. ; character of his commanders,
24; rarity of personal outrages,
24, 25 ; effect of the march on sla-
very, 25, 26; moral effect on the
Confederacy, 26, 27, 30, 60; in-
effectual resistance to his march,
27, 28; Northern apprehension,
Grant's confidence, 28; captures
Fort McAllister, threatens harsh
measures against Savannah, occupies
the city and presents it to Lincoln,
29; Lincoln's thanks, 29, 30; in
Savannah, 30, 31 ; on the Nashville
campaign, 33 ; northward march,
force, natural difficulties, 85, 86;
supplies and foraging, 86 ; confi-
dence of his soldiers, 86 n. ; destruc-
tion of property, 87-90; feeling
against South Carolina, 87, 88, 100 ;
Confederate retaliation, 89; re-
sponsibility for the burning of
Columbia, 90-98; relief for Colum-
bia, 98 ; compels evacuation of
Charleston, 99; outrages in South
Carolina, 100-102; scarcity of pun-
ishment, 101 ; treatment of North
Carolina, 102; at Fayetteville, 104;
communicates with Grant, 104, 105 ;
destroys Fayetteville arsenal, on
the condition of his army, 105 ; on
the campaign, 105, 106 ; opposed
by Johnston, Averasborough, 106;
Bentonville, 107, 116 n. ; junction
with Schofield, 107; importance of
northern march, 107; on contem-
porary arrival of supplies, 107 n. ;
conference with Lincoln and Grant,
107, 108; force at Goldsborough,
108; Grant's reliance on, 111;
marches to Raleigh, on Lee's sur-
render, 161 ; agrees to meet John-
ston for military negotiations, 163 ;
and the death of Lincoln, 163-165 ;
first conference with Johnston, 163,
164; reasons for political negotia-
tions with Johnston, 165, 166 ; politi-
cal agreement with Johnston, 166—
168 ; exceeds his authority, 167, 168 ;
defence of his agreement, 168, 169 ;
agreement disapproved, 169 ; noti-
fies Johnston, who surrenders, 170;
acknowledges his mistake, 170,
175; Stanton excites public senti-
406
GENERAL INDEX
Sherman, W. T. — Continued.
ment against, by misrepresentations,
171-175; mistake does no harm,
176 ; anger against Stanton and
Halleck, 176-178; army reviewed,
185 ; on absenteeism, 227 n. ; on
State quotas, 236 n. ; on the Chris-
tian Commission, 262; on the over-
land cotton trade, 284-288, 295 n.,
299, 302, 311, 312; on food sup-
plies at the South, 361 ; on negro
suffrage, 525, 573 n. ; on Southern
legislation on the negroes, 561, 562;
on Howard, 573; on Sumner and
Stevens, 574 n. ; and Cox for
Secretary of War, vi. 101 ; on
Grant- Johnson quarrel, 102; and
Johnson's offer of the War port-
folio, 103; advises against Stanton's
removal, 104, 105; on party plat-
forms, 417; on the Ku-Klux, 314;
on nominations in 1872, 431.
Sherman, William, murdered, ii. 163.
Shields, James, and Kossuth, i. 238,
239, 242 ; sent to McDowell, iv. 12,
13, 16, 17 ; sent back to the Valley,
20; pursuit of Jackson, 21, 22.
Shiloh, Tenn., position of Union army,
iii. 619 ; collection of Confederate
army, 619, 620; Federals neglect
defence, 620; Confederate attack,
620, 621 ; question of surprise,
Grant on first day, 621, 622; first
day, measure of Confederate suc-
cess, 622-625 ; death of Johnston,
623; Union reinforcements, second
day, Confederates retreat, losses,
625; credit for success, 626; Grant
censured, 627.
Shinplasters, at the South, iii. 550, v.
345 ; at the North, 191, 195 n.
Shipping, prosperity of American, iii.
7, 8; tonnage (1861), 8 n.; Collins
steamship line, 9-12 ; subsidy, 9, 10 ;
and tariff, 58.
"Shoddy people," v. 209.
Shoes, lack of, at the South, v. 354,
355 ; wooden, 356.
Shorter, J. G., on salt famine, v. 352;
recommends curtailment of cotton
planting, 366.
Sickles, D. E., Chancellorsville, iv.
260-262 ; Gettysburg, wounded,
283, 285; on the overland cotton
trade, v. 292, 293; as district com-
mander, vi. 61, 76-79; removed, 70;
court of inquiry denied to, 70 n. ;
Virginius affair diplomacy, vii. 34,
35; resigns, 35 n.
Sigel, Franz, under Pope, iv. 114;
Pope's opinion of, 118; in Shenan-
doah valley (1864), 496, 497.
Silliman, Benjamin, supports Fremont,
ii. 211; on campaign of 1856,
234 n.
Simmons, J. F., in Senate, ii. 283; in
Republican convention (1860), 469 n.
Simmons, W. A., nominated for col-
lector of Boston, character, vii. 23;
opposition, 23, 24; confirmed, 24.
Simms, W. G., on slavery, i. 68 ; apol-
ogy for slavery, 341 ; on Harriet
Martineau's "Morals of Slavery,"
342, 343 ; as a writer, 348 n. ; Pro-
slavery Argument, 367, 368; on
popularity of secession, iii. 276;
house destroyed by Sherman's
troops, v. 87.
Simonton, J. W., on Wade and Sew-
ard, ii. 130; threatened by Keitt,
144; on Toombs bill, 191; on
Douglas, 284, 290; on Buchanan,
290.
Sims, T., fugitive-slave case, i. 211;
addresses on surrender of, 211-213.
Sisters of Charity in yellow fever of
1853, i. 407.
Slate pencils scarce at the South, v.
356.
Slave-holders morals, i. 343-345; oli-
garchy, 345, 346; at Northern re-
sorts, iii. 78.
Slave-trade, domestic : conditions,
breeding, i. 315-317; separation
of families, 317-319 ; auctions, 319-
322 ; Seward on, 321 n. ; advertise-
ments, 323, 324; social position of
dealers, 324, 325; in Richmond' be-
fore the evacuation, v. 116, 117;
during the war, 462, 463.
Foreign: scheme to reopen, i.
497, ii. 241, 370, 371; violation of
prohibition, 367-370; Douglas on,
369, 370 ; Cuban, 369 ; discussed in
convention at Vicksburg, 371 ; Davis
on, 372 ; Crittenden compromise on,
iii. 151 n. ; Confederates prohibit,
294, 322, 323 ; Davis vetoes act on,
294 n., first capital punishment of a
trader, iv. 66 ; treaty to suppress, 67.
SHERMAN — SLOCUM
407
Slavery, becomes the dominating ques-
tion, i. 2 ; early features, 3-7 ;
Oglethorpe on, Whitefield on, 5;
Penn on, in New England, con-
sidered an evil, 6; English views, 7;
Baxter on, in Virginia and Mary-
land, 8; Wesley on, 10; Jefferson
on, 10-13, 15; Burke on, 11, 12;
extent in 18th century, 11; Massa-
chusetts Supreme Court on, Metho-
dists on, 14; not named in the
Constitution, 17 ; Madison on, 21-
23, 40; Webster on, 27, 145-148;
Clay on, 31, 303; Seward on, 39, ii.
194, 433 ; Garrison on, i. 55, 59, 62,
63; in the West Indies, 60; Chan-
ning on, 64-66, 379; Emerson on,
Benton on, Simms on, McDuffie on,
68; in 1837, 72; in Mexico, 76;
attitude of California towards, 116;
in territories, Clay resolution respect-
ing, 122; feeling in New England
against, 132; Davis on, 168; limits
of economic justification, 303, 304;
and cotton, 311-314; M. C. Butler
on, 313 n. ; effect on whites, 343-
345; Brownlow on, 354; Tocque-
ville on, 356, 357; declaration of
German colony regarding, 359; in-
fluence on social intercourse, 361 ;
Spencer on, 362 n. ; Uncle Tom's
Cabin as a correct picture, 362-365 ;
defended by clergymen, 363, 364;
Southern defence, Simms on, 366 ;
essays on, by Southern writers, 367,
368; Dew on, 368; scriptural ar-
guments, 370-372; Lincoln on,
381, ii. 319, 326, 331, 332, 335, 336,
432 ; Mommsen on, i. 382, 383 ; po-
sition of Pierce on, 386; in Ne-
braska, 426; provisions in Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 427; Douglas on,
447, ii. 327, 331, 333; Chase on,
i. 449, ii. 93 ; Sumner on, i. 445, 490,
ii. 132, 133, 135; J. Q. Adams on,
i. 494; reaction in Boston as to,
506 ; Clayton on, ii. 33 n. ; in
Ostend manifesto, 43; party op-
posed to, 47; position of Republi-
cans on, 48; position of Know-
nothings on, 89 ; Kansas slave code,
99; prohibited by Topeka conven-
tion, 103; Banks on, 112; discus-
sion in Congress, 117; Raymond on,
119; Republican convention of 1856
on, 184 ; Buchanan on, 246 ; Taney
on, 256, 257; Curtis on, 260; Le-
compton convention on, 279; John
Brown on, 397, 398; Republican
convention of 1860 on, 464 ; Motley
on, 502; and free trade, iii. 41, 42,
57; as cause of the war, 119, 122,
148, 149, 203, 280, 399, 548, v. 67, 83 ;
suicidal policy of secession, iii. 298 ;
amendment to guarantee in States,
313, 314; Confederate Constitution
recognizes, 322 ; as corner-stone of
Confederacy, 324, 325 ; Europe and
the issue, 430, 431, 510-513, 516 n.,
518, 519, iv. 79, 80; issue and the
blockade, iii. 548 ; prohibited in the
territories, 630, 631 ; effect of Sher-
man's march on, v. 25, 26; condi-
tions in Delaware (1865), 49 ; condi-
tions in Kentucky, 49 n. ; revolution
of sentiment concerning, 50. See
also Compromise, Emancipation.
Slaves, efficiency as labourers, i. 303,
309, 314; food, clothes, 305-307;
quarters, 307; day's work, 307;
overseers, treatment, as property,
307-310; condition of women,
breeding, 310, 311, 315-317; value,
314, 315, ii. 368, 369, iii. 56; mar-
riage i. 317, 318; whipping, 325-
327; instruction, 327-330; religious
training, 330-332; morals, 332,
333 ; house-servants, 333, 334 ; amal-
gamation, 334-343 ; desire for free-
dom, 377 ; liberated by John Brown,
ii. 389-391 ; fidelity during the war,
v. 458-462, 560, 561; value to
Southern fighting force, 461 ; crimes,
462; and the Union soldiers, 463,
464; divided allegiance, seizure of
the Planter, 464. See also Emanci-
pation, Fugitive slaves, Negroes.
Slemmer, A. J., removes to Fort
Pickens, iii. 280, 281.
Slidell, John, on neutrality, ii. 23 ; and
assault on Sumner, 148, 149; on
Cuba bill, 354; commissioner to
France, captured, iii. 520; released,
528 ; on France and capture of New
Orleans, 630; and Napoleon, iv. 346,
348. See also Trent affair.
Slocum, H. W., Gaines's Mill, iv. 40;
Gettysburg, 283 ; on the negroes in
Sherman's march, v. 26; Credit
Mobilier investigation, vii. 2 n.
408
GENERAL INDEX
Smedes, Susan D., on distress of the
fixed-income class, v. 367, 368; on
fidelity of the slaves, 462.
Smith, B. G., acknowledgment to, v.
223 n.
Smith, C. B., promised cabinet posi-
tion, i. 466 ; in campaign of 1860,
ii. 484 n. ; Peace Convention, hi.
305 n. ; Secretary of the Interior,
319; and relief of Sumter, 327,
335 ; resigns, iv. 206 n.
Smith, C. F., Donelson, iii. 586; leads
charge, 590, 591 ; supersedes Grant,
619; death, 626.
Smith, E. K., Bull Run, iii. 449;
Kentucky invasion, iv. 175, 176 ;
surrender, v. 184, 185 ; destitution of
his troops, 296, 297 ; and the trade
with the North, 297, 415, 416, 418;
on the Texas produce loan, 346 n. ;
on Confederate currency, 347.
Smith, G. W., council on invasion of
the North (1861), iii. 494.
Smith, Gerrit, befriends Jerry, i. 224;
denounces Fugitive Slave law, 225 ;
nominated for President, ii. 186 n. ;
subscribes money for Kansas, 219 ;
assists John Brown, 385-387, 389,
390, 391 n. ; on John Brown, 391 n.,
399; insanity, 401.
Smith, Goldwin, on cotton famine, iii.
503 ; on Alabama debate, iv. 370 n.,
371 n. ; on Sumner's Alabama
claims speech, vi. 341.
Smith, Justice J., and the St. Albans
raiders, v. 336, 337.
Smith, P. F., in Kansas, ii. 237.
Smith, Richard, on removal of Fre-
mont, iii. 483, 484; desires Lincoln's
withdrawal, iv. 519.
Smith, W. F., Savage's Station, iv.
46 ; Fredericksburg, 195 ; supply
line at Chattanooga, 402, 403 n. ;
battle of Chattanooga, 405 ; attack
on Petersburg, 488, 489 ; Butler con-
troversy, 494, 495.
Smith, W. H., governor of Alabama,
vii. 75 ; and corrupt railroad bonds,
76, 77.
Smith, William, on scarcity of food, v.
371.
Smith Brothers case for frauds on
the government, v. 221-223.
Smuggling, belligerent, vii. 549, 550.
See also Trade.
Social conditions, effects of slavery on
the whites, i. 343-345; Southern
culture, 347, 348 ; North and South
oompared, 354-359 ; Northern, in-
fluence on business, iii. 16, 17 ;
luxury before 1857, 53, 54 n. ; for-
eign critics, 59, 65, 66; causes of
change, 60 ; wealth and poverty, 64 ;
physique, 66-74; "society," 75-82;
interestingness questioned, 83, 84;
public amusements, 84-91 ; intel-
lectual life, 84-96; gospel of work,
99, 100; religion, 100-107; puritan-
ism and art, 107, 108; seriousness
and humour, 108-110; good nature,
110 ; Southern war-time, 548, 549, v.
421-431; Northern war-time, 209-
221 ; Southern, during reconstruc-
tion, vii. 156, 172, 173. See also
Corruption, Morals, North, South,
Slavery.
Socialism, Kossuth and, i. 235; of the
Confederate government, v. 475.
Society, Southern, i. 359-362; in
New York City (1860), iii. 75, 76 ; at
resorts, 76-79; vapidness, 79, 80;
European travel, 79 ; spread of
flunkeyism, 80, 81 ; problems, 81,
82 ; improvement, 82, 83 ; dulness,
83, 84.
Socrates, Lincoln compared to, ii. 309 ;
John Brown compared with, 415.
"Softs," Democratic faction in New
York, Free-soilers merged in,
Marcy chief of, 389, 481.
Sons of Liberty, Morton gives informa-
tion of, iv. 223 n. ; oppose enlist-
ments and protect deserters, v. 230,
326; and Morgan's raid, 316, 317;
formation, former names, 317 ; rites,
317, 318 ; final name, and 'allandig-
ham, 318, 320, 321; membership,
locality, 318; design, 318, 319;
government knowledge concerning,
319; military organization, 320;
plans of the radicals, 320; and the
Confederate agents, 320-322, 324,
325 ; rising planned, preliminary
peace meetings, 321 ; little danger
of an outbreak, 322, 323; Demo-
cratic opposition to proposed rising,
323 ; arms seized, Democratic pros-
pects injured, rising postponed, 324 ;
plotters demoralized, plan aban-
doned, 325, 326; arrests, 325; real
SMEDES — SOUTH
409
Sons of Liberty — Continued.
harm done by, 326 ; Holt's alarm,
327; Lincoln's contempt, 327, 328
military trial of leaders, 328, 329
released by Supreme Court, 329
further attempt to release Camp
Douglas prisoners, 338.
Sons of '76, disloyal secret society, v.
230. See also Sons of Liberty.
Soul6, Mme., criticised by Duke of
Alba, ii. 12.
Soul6, Nelville, duel with Duke of
Alba, ii. 12, 13.
Soul6, Pierre, appointed minister to
Spain, on Cuba, on abolition, i. 394 ;
Spain hesitates to receive, 394, 395 ;
London Times on, speech to Cuban
exiles, 395; instructions, ii. 10,
11, 18; diplomatic costume, 11;
duel with Turgot, 13; position at
Madrid, 15; Black Warrior nego-
tiations, 18-21, 24, 25, 34-37; and
filibusters, 28 ; relations with Marcy,
35, 37, 41 ; trying position, 36 ;
protects queen dowager, 37 ; Ostend
manifesto, 38-42; influences Bu-
chanan, 40 ; resigns, 42.
South, oligarchy, i. 345-347, 380, ii.
98 n. ; political life, i. 347, 348;
culture, 348-350; education, 350-
353 ; contrast with the North, 354-
359 ; climate, 358 ; society, 359-
362; prosperity (1859), hi. 56;
during the war, learns economy,
544, 545 ; food products, 545 ;
deterioration of railroads, 546, v.
384-386 ; scarcity of paper, iii. 546,
v. 357, 358; lack of business tact,
iii. 547; demoralization (1861), 548,
549 ; intercourse with the North,
549, 550; war stress not felt (1861),
550, 551 ; Charleston suffers, 551,
552; exhaustion, despondency, and
discontent, v. 60-64; high prices,
60, 349, 350, 362, 369, 371 ; reunion
sentiment and disturbances, 65, 75-
80, 447, 450-452; arming of the
slaves, 66, 67, 80, 81 ; purpose of the
war, 67; doom anticipated, 74; ap-
peal of Congress, 81 ; contributions
to the dying cause, 117, 118; Lincoln
against proscription, 137, 138; de-
sire to avenge Lincoln on, 154 n. ;
sentiment on death of Lincoln, 159,
160; general effect of the blockade,
343 ; lack of tea and coffee, 351 ; of
ice, 351, 352 ; of salt, 352 ; of medi-
cine, 352, 353; of clothing, 353-
356; of small wares, 356, 357; of
gas, 357 ; of metals, 358 ; scarcity
of food, 359-361, 368-371 ; scarcity
and defective transportation, 361 ;
privations of fixed-income and
salaried classes, 361, 362; specula-
tion and extortion, 362, 363, 371, 424 ;
bread riots, 363-366 ; increased area
of grain planting, 366, 367; effect
neutralized by depreciated currency,
367, 368 ; feels full force of poverty,
369, 370; State laws against distil-
lation, 372; diminished area of
food-growing region, 383, 384 ; con-
ditions of travel, 386-389 ; scarcity
of iron, 389-391 ; iron manufactures,
391-392 ; cotton manufactures, 394,
395 ; tanneries and woollen facto-
ries, 395 ; attitude of wealthy men,
421, 422; accumulation of fortunes,
421 ; real-estate investments, 421,
422; business activity and profits,
422, 423 ; prosperity dependent on
Confederate success, 423 ; extrava-
gance and gayety, 424, 425 ; amuse-
ments, 425-427 ; earnestness of
better class, 427 ; increase of vice
and crime, 427-429 ; official cor-
ruption, 429-431 ; no political par-
ties, 447, 448; elections, 448, 449;
Union men, 449, 452 n. ; disaffected
minority, 449 ; general sentiment for
independence, 450 ; "disloyal " secret
societies, 452, 453 ; suspension of
writ of habeas corpus, 452-457. 470,
471 ; political arrests, 457, 458 ;
beneficent work for the soldiers, 464,
465 ; devotion of the women, 465 ;
their anxieties, 465, 466; their
indignation, 466; religious condi-
tions, 468, 469; education, 469;
470; jealous of liberty, 471, 472;
opposition to arbitrary power, 472 ;
provocation for arbitrary power,
472, 473; courts, 473; freedom of
the press, 473, 474; right of as-
sembly, 474; conditions of govern-
ment compared with the North,
474, 475; why subjugated, 481;
post-bellum character of whites, vii.
172, 173. See also Blockade-run-
ning, Confederate, Cotton, Davis,
410
GENERAL INDEX
South — Continued.
Finances, Paper money, Recon-
struction, Secession, Slavery.
South Carolina, Unionist victory
(1851), i. 226; Lieber on, 350 n.;
withdraws from Charleston conven-
tion, ii. 451; and Lincoln's election,
iii. 114, 115; long-standing disunion
majority, 115, 116; which becomes
unanimity, 116, 117, 123, 328; and
1776, 117; convention called, 117-
119; military preparation, 118, 193;
senators resign, 118, 119; secession
and slavery, 119-122; considers
secession as necessary, 121, 122;
intolerance, Petigru, 124; conven-
tion election, 124, 125 ; business de-
pression, 193, 194; Pickens gov-
ernor, 194, 195; secession convention,
196, 197; Ordinance, 198; recep-
tion of it, 198, 199; ceremony of
signing it, 199-203; Declaration of
Causes and Address, 203-206 ; com-
missioners to Washington, seizes
Federal property, 221, 222; Sher-
man's march through, v. 85, 86;
destruction of property, 87-90;
feeling against, in the Union army,
87, 88-100; outrages by Sherman's
troops, 100-102; attempted regula-
tion of prices, 362 ; opposition to
impressment, 374 ; controversy over
exemptions, 434, 435; deserters,
443-445 ; reconstruction conven-
tion repeals secession, abolishes
slavery, 536 ; character of the con-
vention, 538, 539; ratifies Thir-
teenth Amendment, 540 ; legislation
on freedmen, 558, vi. 26; represen-
tation under Fourteenth Amend-
ment, v. 603; rejects Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 6; under Sickles,
78, 79; number of whites dis-
franchised, 82 ; white and coloured
registration, 83 n. ; delegates to the
convention, 88 n. ; reconstruction
election, 169; readmitted, 176, 177;
reported outrages (1868), 183; negro
officials, vii. 142, 143, 165 n. ; cor-
ruption, 143, 144; Land Commis-
sion, 144, 145; legislative extrav-
agance and vice, 145, 146; Scott
and Moses as governors, sale of par-
dons, 146, 147, 150, 151; tax and
debt, 147, 155, 156; negro constit-
uency, 147-149; Whittemore as a
characteristic product, 149, 150;
negro legislators, 151-155; defiant
attitude of negroes, 155, 156;
Scott-Carpenter election, 156-158 ;
negro militia, race conflicts, 157-
159; Grant's policy of repression,
159, 160 ; attempt to impeach Scott,
160; restoration despaired of, 160,
161 ; Chamberlain elected governor,
161 ; conservatives distrust him,
162; conflict over appointment of
judges, 162, 163, 166, 167; Cham-
berlain prevents corruption, 163,
164; negro militia disbanded, 163;
conservatives praise Chamberlain,
164, 165; Chamberlain's impossible
ambition, 167 ; State election (1876),
intimidation, 224, 225, 285; con-
ceded to Hayes, 229; vote counted
for Hayes, 277 ; Federal troops with-
drawn, Democrats control, 287;
Chamberlain on Republican govern-
ment, 287 n. See also Charleston,
Charleston Harbour.
South Carolina Tract Society, v. 467.
South Mountain, Md., battle, iv. 146.
Southern claims in campaign of 1876,
vii. 223.
Southern Literary Company, i. 351.
Southern Loyalists 'convention, v. 621,
622.
Southern Rights convention, i. 226.
Soutter, J. T., Union meeting, iii.
174 n.
Spain, assured of friendship of United
States, i. 218 ; and New Orleans riot,
220-222; Soul6 appointed minister
to, 394; hesitates to receive Soul6,
395; Marcy on, ii. 10, 11 ; queen of,
14; crisis in, 16; roads in 1854, 18;
revolution in, 37 ; Ostend manifesto
on, 39. See also Cuba.
Spalding, R. P., in Republican con-
vention (1856), ii. 183; defends
Bushnell, 364.
Spaulding, E. G., and Legal-Tender
act, iii. 563 ; on demand for more
greenbacks, iv. 237; on national-
bank currency, 239 n.
Speakership contests (1855), ii. 108-
115; (1859), 418-427.
Spectator, supports the North, iii. 507 ;
on the war and slavery, 511 n. ; on
Seward and the Trent affair, 524 n. ;
SOUTH CAROLINA — STANTON
411
Spectator — Continued.
on influence of the Times, iv. 83 n. ;
on cotton famine, 84 n. ; on Glad-
stone's Newcastle speech, 340 n. ;
on Emancipation Proclamation,
344 n. ; on Lincoln's message (1862),
350 n. ; on the Alabama debate,
369 n.
Speculation in food at the South, v.
362, 363, 371, 424. See also Panics.
Speech, freedom of, effect of slavery on,
i. 375. See also Arbitrary arrests.
Speed, James, Attorney-General, atti-
tude on negro suffrage, v. 524, 527 ;
Sumner on, 533, 611 ; resigns, 611 ;
in the Southern Loyalists' conven-
tion, 621 ; and trial of Davis, vi. 53.
Speer, Emory, on Southern legislation
on negroes, v. 556 n.
Spencer, Herbert, on climate, i. 358 n. ;
on slavery, 362 n. ; on influence
of railways, iii. 17 n. ; on American
women, 98; on gospel of work,
99 n.
Speyers, Albert, Black Friday, vi. 254,
255.
Spoils system in the military service, v.
219. See also Civil service.
Spotsylvania Court House, Va., battle,
iv. 442-444.
Sprague, William, and Personal
Liberty law, iii. 252, 253; on the
Sherman-Johnston agreement, v.
172 ; and Resumption act, vii. 71 n.
Spring, L. W., history of Kansas, ii.
218.
Spring Hill, Tenn., battle, v. 34, 35.
Springer, W. M., joint committee on
electoral count, vii. 248, 250, 251;
on politics of Judge Davis, 252.
Springfield, 111., war prison at, v. 487 n.
Springfield, Mass., meeting on Fugi-
tive Slave law, i. 197.
Springfield Republican, on war-time
prosperity, v. 203, 209 n. ; on im-
morality in Washington, 312; on
the Fourteenth Amendment, 603 n. ;
on Wells, vi. 279 n. ; on Cox's resig-
nation, 382; and Liberal Republi-
can movement, 412, 417. See also
Bowles.
Spurgeon, C. H., and Emancipation
Proclamation, iv. 351.
Staempfli, Jacques, arbitrator of Ala-
bama claims, vi. 364 ; vote on award,
372; Tenterden and Cockburn on,
372 n., 373 n.
Stager, Anson, superintendent of mili-
tary telegraph, v. 225 n.
Stallo, J. B., and Liberal Republican
movement, vi. 412.
Stanbery, Henry, Attorney-General,
v. 611 n. ; interpretation of Recon-
struction acts, vi. 62, 63 ; on actions
of Sickles, 70; counsel for Johnson
at impeachment, 118; Senate re-
jects reappointment, 157.
Stanton, E. M., early encounter with
Lincoln, ii. 312; Attorney-General,
and Buchanan's reply to South
Carolina commissioners, iii. 230,
234; and Buchanan, 243, 244, 286,
287; and Fort Pickens guasi-tiuce,
285 n. ; and Sumner (1861), 287;
on Campbell, 330 n. ; on Virginia and
secession, 344 n., 345 n. ; fears for
safety of Washington, 376; Secre-
tary of War, 578 ; character, ser-
vices, relations with Lincoln, 578,
iv. 211, v. 175, 178-182, 237; and
Merrimac scare, iii. 611 ; stops en-
listments, 636, iv. 57; and Jackson's
campaign, 16, 19; and failure of
McClellan, 49, 50; and the Seven
Days, 56, 57; continued confidence
in McClellan, 96; and Pope's orders,
101 ; deprives McClellan of com-
mand, 132 ; opposition to McClellan,
136, 137; and arbitrary arrests, 165,
235 n. ; dissatisfaction with Buell,
174, 175, 178, 183 ; and Fredericks-
burg, 201 ; conference on Chatta-
nooga conditions, 399 ; Indianapolis
interview with Grai-t, 401 ; report
(1863), 426, 427; on Sherman's
recklessness of speech, v. 6 n. ; on
Sherman's proposed march, 10; on
capture of Savannah, 30; on
Thomas's delay at Nashville, 38,
39 ; congratulates Thomas, 42 ;
anxious for news of Sherman, 104,
105 ; solicitous of Lincoln's safety,
114; disturbed by Lincoln's Vir-
ginia letter, 134; on Lincoln's last
cabinet meeting, 138; and the
Sherman- Johnston agreement, 169-
175; Sherman's anger against, 176-
178 ; and the Richmond clergy, 179,
180; hatred of corruption, 216;
honesty and efficiency, 216, 221;
412
GENERAL INDEX
Stanton, E. M. — Continued.
and the draft, 230-232, 238-240;
and the governors, 235-237 ; and
the question of new or refilled regi-
ments, 240, 241 ; commends the
Christian Commission, 262 ; on the
overland cotton trade, 294; stops
exchange of officers, 485; on treat-
ment of prisoners of war, 489, 490;
on exchange of negro prisoners,
498; attitude on negro suffrage,
524, 527; on Johnson's policy, 528;
approves of the Civil Rights bill,
583; and the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 611; and the policy of Con-
gress, 611 n. ; refuses to make the
tour with Johnson, 617; and trial
of Davis, vi. 54 ; radical sympathies,
resignation requested and refused,
65; suspended, 68; fatuity of sus-
pension, 70, 71; why he "stuck,"
71, 72; restored by the Senate, 99;
alienates Grant, 100; Ewing's and
Sherman's advice on, 103-105 ;
removed, refuses to vacate, 106, 107 ;
holds possession, and Thomas's de-
mand for the office, 108-110; per-
forms routine duties, 1 12 ; prepares
to resist ejectment, 112, 113; advises
veto of Tenure-of-Office act, 123,
125; and purpose of the act, 130-
132; retires, 156; appointed a Su-
preme Court ju»tice, death, 268.
Stanton, F. P., sent to Kansas, ii. 272,
273; displeases Free-State party,
273; in Kansas election, 278; re-
moved, 288, 289.
Stanwood, Edward, on war taxes, vi.
217; on Wool act of 1867, 221, 222;
on cause of panic of 1873, vii. 47 n.
Star of the West expedition, iii. 245-
247 ; military importance, 248, 249 ;
political importance, 249, 250; at-
titude of the North, 250, 251.
Starvation Club in Richmond, v. 426.
State Department, Confederate, man-
agement, v. 480.
States' rights, Confederate Constitu-
tion on, iii. 322 ; as a protection to
Washington, 378, 380, 381 ; Russell
on, 433 n. ; and the suspension of
writ of habeas corpus, v. 472 ; as
issue in the electoral count (1877),
vii. 240.
Steamships, Collins line, iii. 9-12 ; ac-
cidents, Federal inspection law, 25-
27.
Stearns, G. L., warning to John Brown,
ii. 389; assists Brown, 390, 391;
goes to Canada, 401 ; on Johnson
and the Democrats, v. 564.
Stearns, M. L., governor of Florida,
ousted, vii. 285.
Stebbins, H. G., of New York, mem-
ber of Committee of Ways and
Means, v. 266 n.
Steele, W. G., investigation of Fre-
mont, iii. 469 n.
Stephens, A. H., defends slavery, i.
118, 133; criticises Taylor, 176;
pledge concerning compromise,
207 ; supports Webster, 257 ; re-
fuses to support Scott, 262; de-
fends Corwin, 298 n. ; Douglas not
influenced by, 432 ; on factious op-
position, 484 ; in debate on Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 485, 488; on Kan-
sas-Nebraska act, 496 ; on election
of Banks, ii. 113; offers advice to
Pierce, 120, 121 ; on use of money
in 1856, 231 n. ; on Dred Scott case,
255 ; on Walker-Paulding affair,
290; on Keitt-Grow fight, 298;
favours English bill, 299 ; on dis-
union, 453; on Lincoln's election,
490; on American shipping, iii. 8;
Lincoln correspondence, 179 ; career
and character, 208-210; speech on
secession before Georgia legislature,
210, 211 ; despairs of delaying seces-
sion, 212; opposes recession in the
convention, 275 ; signs the Ordi-
nance, 278 ; on Confederate Pro-
visional Congress, 292; Vice-Presi-
dent, 293, 487, 488 ; and commission
to Washington, 295 n. ; expects a
war, 299, 300; "corner-stone"
speech, 324, 325; on Richmond
panic (April 1861), 377 n., 378 n.;
commissioner to Virginia, 379 ; on
uprising of the South, 382-384;
on Northern anarchy, 402 n. ; trib-
ute to Douglas, 415 n, ; not in
favour of reunion (1865), v. 65, 447,
450 ; at Hampton Roads Conference,
67-71; on Davis's master oration,
72 ; on impressment, 376 ; fiscal pol-
icy, 381, 382; experience of travel,
388 ; on the Conscription act, 432 ;
discontented, 449; on public senti-
STANTON — STONE'S RIVER
413
Stephens, A. H. — Continued.
ment as to the war, 450 ; opposition
to suspension of habeas corpus, 454,
456 ; on military despotism at the
North, 474; and Davis, 477, 478;
suggests parole of prisoners of war,
501 ; on deaths of prisoners of war,
506, 507 ; candidacy for Senate
opposed by Johnson, 540; elected,
541 n. ; on the freedmen, 560, 561 ;
on negro suffrage, 563 ; on John-
son's policy, 564 n. ; on basis of
representation, 604 ; should not
have been disqualified, 608; and
Fourteenth Amendment, vi. 6; and
Georgia's reconstruction constitu-
tion, 170 ; on reconstruction senti-
ment, 176, 177 ; amnesty, 329 ; on
electoral count (1877), vii. 280.
Stephens, Linton, on socialistic ten-
dencies in Confederate government,
v. 475 n.
Stevens, I. I., Chantilly, killed, iv. 135.
Stevens, Thaddeus, and Compromise
of 1850, i. 182, 193; on dodging
vote on Fugitive-Slave bill, 183 ;
pleads cause of Hanaway, 224; on
McLean, ii. 183 ; on Southern
threats, 420 ; in Republican conven-
tion (1860), 469 n. ; in campaign of
1860, 484 n. ; and financial problem
(1862), hi. 562; and Legal-Tender
bill, 563 ; and Lincoln, iv. 240, 462 ;
on Davis and Booth's plot, v.
158 n. ; member of the Committee
of Ways and Means, 266 n. ; vote on
the whiskey tax, 267; opposition
to Johnson's policy, 531-533; on
Dawes, 534 n. ; career and char-
acter, 541-544 ; leader in the House,
544 ; moves Joint Committee on
Reconstruction, 545 ; reconstruction
policy, 551, 553, 554, vi. 29, 34;
W. T. Sherman on, v. 574 n. ; John-
son denounces, 576, 577 ; on John-
son, 578 n. ; coincidental sarcasm,
582 ; lacks constructive ability, 591 ;
introduces a representation amend-
ment, 594 ; attacks Sumner, reports
Fourteenth Amendment, 595 ; signs
report on reconstruction, 602 n. ;
and finality of the Fourteenth
Amendment, 609, vi. 3, 9 ; campaign
speeches, v. 624 ; on Milligan de-
cision, vi. 12 ; calls up Reconstruc-
tion bill, 13; vindictiveness, 14, 15;
on the bill, 15 ; on Bingham-Blaine
amendment, 17 ; forces bill through
House, 17, 18; on Senate's substi-
tute, 20; and Union men, 24; as a
parliamentary leader, 34, 35 ; respon-
sibility for Reconstruction acts, 47;
on Johnson's removals, 47 «., 48 n. ;
and trial of Davis, 56 ; and impeach-
ment of Johnson, 111 ; impeachment
manager, 115; Omnibus article, 116,
117; considers impeachment a po-
litical proceeding, 119; argument
at the trial, 132, 134, 135; and
management of the trial, 135 ; and
Johnson's patronage, 145 ; and ad-
mission of Alabama, 174; of Ar-
kansas, 174, 175; advocates paying
bonds in greenbacks, 193, 194;
death, 199 n, ; and purchase of
Alaska, 212 ; on the tariff, 219 ; op-
poses greenback contraction, 224 n.
Stevenson, J. E., Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 320 n.
Stewart, A. T., on government finances
(1862), iii. 570 n. ; appointed
Secretary of the Treasury, character,
found ineligible, vi. 237 ; effort to
exempt him from the law, 237, 238.
Stewart, W. M., of Nevada, Senate
Judiciary Committee, v. 570 n. ;
supports veto of Freedmen 's Bureau
bill, 572; opposes veto of Civil
Rights bill, 585.
Still, William, on Jerry rescue, i.
224 n. ; and Underground Railroad,
ii. 75.
Stillman, W. J., on the period of de-
feat, v. 198.
Stillson, J. B., interview with Johnson,
vi. 105, 106.
Stockton, J. P., of New Jersey, un-
seated, v. 585.
Stockton, R. F., nominated for Presi-
dent, ii. 186 n.
Stoeckl, Edward de, Alaska negotia-
tions, vi. 211.
Stone, G. A., at Columbia, v. 92-94.
Stone, G. H., acknowledgment to, i.
493 n.
Stone, Henry, on W. T. Sherman, v. 18.
Stone, W. M., hundred-days men, iv.
498 n.
Stone's River, Tenn., battle, iv. 219,
220 ; effect, 220.
414
GENERAL INDEX
Storey, Moorfield, on Groesbeck's
argument, vi. 134; on the Blaine
scandal, vii. 197, 198, 205, 206.
Stoughton, E. W., counsel before
Electoral Commission, vii. 266 n.,
274 n., 276 n.
Stowe, C. E., on removal of Fremont,
iii. 485 n.
Stowe, Harriet B., struggles, i. 279;
Sumner on, 280; George Sand on,
281 n. ; at play of Uncle Tom's
Cabin, 282; criticised, 363-365;
description of Douglas, ii. 127-129 ;
Bred, 212; on revival of 1858, iii.
103; on personal bereavements, v.
190; on war-time prosperity, 199.
See also Uncle Tom's Cabin.
Stringfellow, B. F., on Kansas, ii. 100;
in Kansas struggle, 101 ; on Atchi-
son, 106 n. ; in sacking of Lawrence,
158 ; Stephens on, influences Toombs,
190.
Stringham, S. H., captures Hatteras,
iii. 489, 490.
Strong, William, appointed justice, vi.
268 ; opinion in Legal-Tender cases,
268, ?69 ; appointment considered,
270-273 ; Electoral Commission, vii.
251, 255.
Stuart, A. H. H., Secretary of the Inte-
rior, i. 179.
Stuart, C. E., of Michigan, opposes Le-
compton bill, ii. 297; and English
bill, 300 ; cooperates with Seward,
305 ; agrees with Douglas, 358.
Stuart, J. E. B., raid around McClellan,
iv. 35; Gettysburg campaign, 274,
282.
Studies on Slavery, i. 369.
Sturtevant, Leonard, arbitrary arrest,
iv. 235 n.
Substitutes, frauds of brokers at the
North, v. 227, 228; troubles over,
at the South, 436-441.
Suffrage, vote buying before 1860, iii.
62, 63 ; Senate votes down tem-
porary disfranchisement of rebels, v.
596 ; disfranchisement of rebels in
Tennessee, 598 n. ; disfranchisement
under Reconstruction acts, vi. 21,
23, 31, 61, 62, 64, 80, 81 ; registra-
tion under the acts, 79-82 ; number
of whites disfranchised, 82, 83 ;
disfranchisement in reconstruction
constitutions, 87, 88, 92, 173, 174,
244-246; qualified, as a preventa-
tive of municipal corruption, 410,
411 ; disabilities removed in re-
constructed States, vii. 75, 109.
See also Negro suffrage.
Summers, G. W., Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n. ; on Virginia and seces-
sion, 345 n.
Sumner, Charles, address on slavery
(1849), i. 108; on Webster, 139; on
Fugitive Slave law, 197, 198, 208,
266-268, 499; senator, 227, 228;
character, 227, 228, ii. 141, 142, vi.
41, 42, 359, 363, 364; views on
slavery, i. 228, 334 n. ; speech on
Kossuth, 237 ; supports Kossuth,
242 ; presents memorial of Society of
Friends, 265 ; reception of Fugitive-
Slave law speech (1852), 268; on
Uncle Tom's Cabin, 280; Mason's
discourtesy, 395; on Hawthorne's
appointment, 396 ; signs Appeal of
the Independent Democrats, 442 ;
Douglas on, 454, ii. 134, 138, 139;
speech against Kansas-Nebraska
bill, i. 454, 455 ; Douglas answers
charge of, 474, 475 ; on Kansas-
Nebraska act, 490; favours forma-
tion of new party, ii. 45; moves
repeal of Fugitive-Slave law, 77;
supplemented by Wilson, 96 ; crime-
against-Kansas speech, 131-135;
promises a philippic, 132 ; Butler on,
132 n. ; on Atchison, 133 ; Quarterly
Review on, 133 n. ; on Butler, 134,
135 ; on Douglas, 135, 137 ; basis of
attack on Butler, 136; assaulted by
Brooks, 139, 140; effect of the
assault, 140, 141 ; return to Senate,
141, 282 ; public sentiment on the
assault, 143-150; Everett on the
assault, 143; circulation of speech,
147; witnesses of assault, 148, 149;
Butler's speech on the assault, 149,
150; on young Republicans, 215;
and campaign of 1856, 223, 224 ; and
the Lecompton bill, 297 ; more radi-
cal than Lincoln, 327 ; conversation
with Lincoln, 339, 340; accused of
assisting John Brown, 402 ; speech
on barbarism of slavery (1860), 476,
477 ; Grimes on, 477 ; and Stanton
(1861), iii. 287; and compromise,
290 ; on subjugation, 408 n. ; on
Southern cotton delusion, 416 n. ;
STOREY — SUMTER
415
Sumner, Charles — Continued.
and Fremont's proclamation, Worces-
ter speech, 472, 473, 475 n. ; and
Trent affair, 522, 523, 537 ; influence
in foreign affairs, 425 ; votes for
Legal-Tender bill, 571, 572; and
Cameron, 577 ; on Confiscation act,
iv. 61, 62; and treason, 62 n. ; on
war powers, 70 n. ; on Lincoln and
slavery, 72 n. ; faith in Northern
success, 222 ; on war conditions
(1863), 243, 244; on war prosperity,
267 n. ; on fear of English war,
369 n., 370 n. ; and French in Mexico,
472; and repeal of Fugitive-Slave
law, 475 ; State suicide doctrine,
484 ; on faith in Grant, 493 n. ; de-
sires Lincoln's withdrawal, 519 n. ;
opposes Lincoln's reconstruction
policy, v. 54-56, 137 ; insists on
negro suffrage, 55, 56, 523, 532,
550, 551, 595, 609, 610; political
power, 55, vi. 340; personal rela-
tions with Lincoln, v. 56, 57 ; house
guarded, 146 ; on Sherman's anger,
178 n. ; despondent, 196 ; and the
Smith Brothers case, 222 ; on Lin-
coln's fondness for Nasby's writings,
223 ; vote on the whiskey tax, 268,
273; urges negro suffrage on John-
son, 522, 523; on the Thirty-ninth
Congress, on executive reconstruc-
tion, 529; opposition to Johnson's
policy, 532, 533, 549, 550; on
Stevens's wit, 544, 545; final
conference with Johnson, 550 ; recon-
struction policy, 550, 551 ; on out-
rages on negroes, 563 ; and Trum-
bull, 566, 567; W. T. Sherman on,
574 n. ; Johnson denounces, 576 ;
expression on Johnson, 577 n. ; on
influences on Johnson, 588, 589;
objections to Stevens's representa-
tion amendment, 595; votes for
Fourteenth Amendment, 596; and
finality of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 609, 610, vi. 3, 9 ; on Johnson
and the amendment, v. 610, 611;
and Reconstruction bill, vi. 18, 19,
46 ; negroes monopolize his sym-
pathy, 24 ; on Reconstruction acts,
29, 30; responsible for negro
suffrage, 35, 36; ignores negro
racial limitations, 39, 40; negro
suffrage policy a mistake, 40, 42;
as a constructive statesman, 40, 41 ;
lacks imagination, 41, 42; and pur-
chase of Alaska, 212, 213; caveat
against expansion, 213; and Mc-
Culloch's appointments, 232, 233;
and appointment of Stewart, 238;
and Georgia legislature, 291 ; Civil
Rights bill prevents amnesty, 325-
327; on constitutional interpreta-
tion, 326; votes against amnesty,
328; on provisions of Johnson-
Clarendon convention, 337; in-
direct-claims speech (1869), 337-
339; its reception, 339-341; and
annexation of Canada, 342; Grant
bespeaks support for San Domingo
annexation, 349 ; opposes annexa-
tion, 349, 350; quarrel with Grant,
350-352; and removal of Motley,
350, 351, 357 ; opposes San Domingo
commission, 352-354 ; quarrel with
Fish, 357; official interview with
Fish, 358 ; hemispheric-flag-with-
drawal memorandum, 358, 359;
hurt vanity, 359 ; removed from head
of Foreign Relations Committee, 362 ;
removal unjustified, 362, 363 ; votes
for Treaty of Washington, 363;
shortcomings, 363, 364; ignores a
demagogic opportunity, 368 ; and
Liberal Republican movement, 412;
as a possible candidate, 413 ; sup-
ports Greeley, 431 ; Nast cartoons,
435 ; and appointment of Simmons,
vii. 23; on Virginius affair, 32;
death, the Civil Rights acts as
memorial, 90 ; the battle-flags resolu-
tion, 99, 100; Lamar's eulogy, 100-
102.
Sumner, E. V., sent to Soul6, ii. 34;
denies request of Shannon for
troops, 106 ; disperses Kansas
Free-State legislature, coerces
Brown, 67; expels Buford's men,
192; corps commander, iii. 614;
Fair Oaks, iv. 25, 26 ; Savage's
Station, 46 ; Antietam, 150 ; Freder-
icksburg, 194; relieved, 202 n.
Sumner, W. G., on change in Ameri-
can energy, iii. 17 n. ; "visiting states-
man," vii. 230.
Sumter, Fort, Federal attack (1863),
iv. 244; demolished, 336; cere-
monious flag-raising (1865), v. 139.
See also Charleston Harbour.
416
GENERAL INDEX
Supreme Court, Tocqueville on, ii.
249 ; members in 1857, 250 ; Chase
Chief Justice, v. 45, 46; Milligan
decision, 329 ; war decisions and
Congress, vi. 11, 12; congressional
movement against, 12, 13; denies
jurisdiction in reconstruction cases,
72-74 ; wisdom of this, 74, 75 ; Mc-
Cardle case, Congress deprives the
court of reconstruction jurisdiction,
96, 97 ; Hepburn vs. Griswold, Legal-
Tender act unconstitutional, 258-
265 ; change in number of justices,
267; Grant's appointment of justices,
268; Legal-Tender cases, Hepburn
vs. Griswold reversed, 268-270;
not packed for Legal-Tender cases,
270-273; on Enforcement acts,
296 n. ; on Ku-Klux act, 316 ; Grant's
nominations for Chief Justice, vii.
25-29; Civil-Rights cases, 91. See
also Dred Scott.
Surratt, J. H., conspirator, escapes,
v. 157, 159 n. ; capture and trial,
159 n.
Surratt, Mary E., connection with
Booth, v. 155; hanged, 156, 157.
Swan, Thomas, Credit Mobilier inves-
tigation, vii. 2 n.
Swayne, N. H., dissent in Hepburn vs.
Griswold, vi. 262; and Electoral
Commission, vii. 250, 251.
Sweeney, P. B., in Tweed Ring, vi.
393, 396; resigns, 408; flight, 409;
compromises, 409 n.
Sweet, B. J., and the plot to release
Confederate prisoners, v. 337-339.
Swett, Leonard, on Lincoln, ii. 467 n.
Syracuse, N.Y., meeting on Fugitive
Slave law, i. 196.
Tacitus, on civil war, v. 23 n. ; on
the murder of Cffisar, 160.
Taine, H. A., on business and pleasure
during French Revolution, iii. 2.
Talbot, Theodore, sent to Washington,
iii. 248.
Tallmadge, James, and Missouri Com-
promise, i. 30, 32.
Tammany Hall, in Democratic conven-
tion (1860), ii. 440; as factor in
Tweed Ring, vi. 303.
Taney, R. B., character, and Jackson,
ii. 250 ; appointed Chief Justice, 251 ;
in Dred Scott case, 252, 254 ; opinion,
255-257; on Missouri Compromise,
257; error, 260-262; correspond-
ence with Curtis, 262; Douglas on,
264 ; reasoning, 266 ; resents charge
of Seward, 270 ; Lincoln on, 270 n.,
334; position on slavery, 359;
and suspension of habeas corpus,
iii. 439 n. ; death, v. 45.
Tanneries at the South, v. 395.
Tariff, New England opinion, i. 194 ;
Pierce on, 422; Buchanan on, ii.
360 ; in campaign of 1860, 464, 498,
499 n. ; urged by Curtin, 479 ;
Douglas on, 480 ; McClure on, 480 n. ;
of 1846 as cause of prosperity,
ad valorem duties and fraud, iii. 27-
30; commended as an issue, 30;
policy of protection considered, 31-
38, 58, 59; protection for iron
sought (1850), 38; Guthrie's recom-
mendations of reduction, 38-43 ;
association of slavery and free-
trade, 41, 42, 57; non-partisan, of
1857, 43-45; and panic of 1857, 50-
52; increase called for (1858), 56,
57; attempted revision, 57; Mor-
rill act, 57, 58 ; and shipping, 58 ;
and secession, 122, 204 ; Confeder-
ates adopt act of 1857, 294 ; effect
abroad of Morrill, 315, 316, 430, 431 ;
Confederate Constitution forbids
protection, 322; Confederate reve-
nue measure, 396 n., 397 n. ; first
war act, 438 n. ; coin payments re-
quired, 572; increase (1862), iv.
60; (1864), 428; Confederate reve-
nue from, v. 344 ; justification of
war, vi. 218, 219 ; bill to increase
passes House (1866), 219; Wells's
report (1866), 219, 220; and bill,
220, 221 ; which passes Senate, 221 ;
Wool act (1867), 221, 222; demand
for reform (1870), 275, 278; antag-
onism to reform, 275, 276; "Brit-
ish bribe" charge, 276, 278; Gar-
field's attitude, 277 n., 278 n. ;
Wells as a reformer, 278, 279 ; com-
promise act of 1870, 279; resulting
reduction, 279, 280 ; and Liberal Re-
publican movement, 412, 420, 422;
reform efforts (1872), 424, 425; com-
promise act of 1872, 425, 426 ; San-
born contracts, vii. 64-66 ; moieties
abolished, 66 n. ; increase (1875),
73 n.
SUPREME COURT — TERRITORIES
417
Taussig, F. W., on wages and prices
during the war, v. 204; on Wells's
tariff bill, vi. 220.
Taxation, direct tax ordered, iii. 437;
Confederate direct tax, 544 ; North-
ern willingness, resolution on
amount, 562 ; Confederate revenue
from, v. 344 ; tithes at the South,
348, 372, 379, 380 ; at South under
carpet-bag rule, vii. 78, 93, 96, 107,
108, 147, 155, 156. See also In-
ternal revenue, Tariff.
Taylor, Sir Henry, on Canada, vi. 355 n.
Taylor, Moses, whitewashes Tweed
Ring, vi. 402.
Taylor, Richard, on Hood's army, v.
33 ; surrenders, 182 ; and the over-
land cotton trade, 415-417, 419 ;
on the fidelity of the slaves, 460 n. ;
on Grant's attitude towards the
presidency, vi. 383.
Taylor, W. H., on Southern despond-
ency, v. 76 n.; on Sherman's north-
ward march, 86.
Taylor, Walker, offers to abduct Lin-
coln, v. 514.
Taylor, Zachary, in Mexico, i. 87, 88 ;
elected President, 97 ; character,
99 ; cabinet, 100 ; on rotation in
office, 102 ; change of views, 109,
134, 135; on government of Cali-
fornia, 110; on California and New
Mexico, 119; relations with Clay,
121 ; firmness towards Southern
Whigs, 133, 134; and threats of dis-
union, 134; opposes compromise
scheme, 175 ; illness, criticised by
Stephens and Toombs, 176; death,
mourning for, Seward on, 177; on
Texas and New Mexico, 190; and
Galphin claim, 204 ; and Hungarian
revolution, 205.
Taylor, Fort, Fla., held by Federals,
iii. 285 n.
Tea, duty on, iii. 438 n. ; lack of, at
the South, v. 351 ; duty removed,
vi. 425.
Tehuantepec, proposed route through,
i. 199, 201.
Telegraph, Atlantic cable, iii. 12-14 ;
censorship, iv. 267 n. ; military, v.
225.
Temperance, legislation in Maine, ii.
49; in other States, 50; influence
of the agitation, iii. 96, 97 ; senti-
VII. — 27
ment, v. 268, 269 ; Ohio crusade, vii.
69.
Ten Eyck, J. C, on the overland cotton
trade, v. 295, 296.
Tennessee, withdraws from Baltimore
convention, ii. 474; and compro-
mise, iii. 307, 308; votes down a
secession convention, 309, 310; at-
tempted neutrality, 383; secedes,
384; sentiment (June 1861), popu-
lar vote on secession, 384 n. ; Lin-
coln and Eastern Unionists, iv. 173,
181, 182; Hood's invasion, effect on
Union generals, v. 11, 12; electoral
vote not counted, 51 ; production of
iron, 392 ; Union men, 449 ; read-
mission delayed by veto of Freed-
men's Bureau bill, 574; readmitted,
reasons for, 597, 598; disfranchises
rebels, white suffrage, politics of
representatives, 598 n. ; basis of
representation, 605, 606; negro
suffrage, vi. 49 ; political conditions
(1867-1869), 290 n. ; Democrats con-
trol, 311. See also Border States.
Tennyson, Lord, and Civil war, iv.
362.
Tenterden, Lord, agent in Geneva
Arbitration, vi. 364 ; on Staempfli,
372 n., 373 n. ; on Cockburn's be-
haviour, 374.
Tenure-of-Office act, passed, vi. 47;
Stanton's suspension, 68 ; Senate
orders reinstatement of Stanton,
99 ; Stanton removed, Senate denies
the right, 106, 107; Johnson's de-
sire to test the law frustrated, 112;
Johnson impeached for violating,
116; charge of violating rebutted,
121, 122; President's right to test
the law, 122-124 ; history of fram-
ing and intention, 129-132; Grimes
on unconstitutionality, 142 n. ; at-
tempted repeal, modification, final
repeal, 243.
Territories, slavery in, i. 93-98; Sew-
ard on slavery question, 163, 164;
report of Douglas on, 425-428;
Weed's compromise on slavery in,
iii. 145 ; Crittenden compromise on,
150, 153, 154 ; Lincoln opposes
slavery compromise, 159-162; Crit-
tenden compromise defeated, 266,
267 ; slavery in, and secession, 297,
298; slavery question ignored by
418
GENERAL INDEX
Territories — Continued.
Congress, 312, 313; slavery pro-
hibited, 630, 631.
Terry, A. H., report on Georgia out-
rages, vi. 288; purge of the legis-
lature, 289.
Terry, D. S., duel with Broderick, ii
377, 378 ; death, 379.
Texas, settlement, independence, i. 76
attempted annexation (1837), 77
Webster opposes annexation, 77-79
intrigue for annexation (1843), 78,
79; annexation treaty, 80; which
Senate rejects, 80-82; attitude of
England, 81, 82; question in
campaign of 1844, 83-85 ; an-
nexation by joint resolution, 85,
387 ; Clay's resolutions on public
debt and boundary, 122 ; Clay on,
125, 126 ; Webster on, 152 ; bound-
ary and right to divide in Com-
promise of 1850, 172, 181, 182,
189; debt, 189; Taylor's attitude,
Stephens on, 190; Everett on, 295;
German colony, 358 ; withdraws
from Charleston convention, ii. 451 ;
secession, hi. 207, 273, 274 n. ; prod-
uce loan, v. 346 ; Confederate cur-
rency in, 374; importance to the
Confederacy, 359 ; export of cotton,
409 ; qualified negro suffrage brought
up in reconstruction convention,
536 n. ; reconstruction convention,
538 n. ; ratifies Thirteenth Amend-
ment, 540 n. ; rejects Fourteenth
Amendment, vi. 5 ; under Sheridan,
76, 78 ; registration, 83 n. ; vote on
a convention, 85 n. ; delegates,
88 n. ; reconstruction completed,
245, 246 ; readmission, 286 ; over-
throw of carpet-bag rule, vii. 74.
Thackeray, W. M., on slaves, i. 374 n. ;
on Southern sensitiveness, 377 n. ;
on American physique, iii. 66; on
American women, 75 n. ; on Ameri-
can society, 80; lecture tour, 90.
Thayer, Eli, efforts in Kansas, Gree-
ley sustains, ii. 78; methods, 79;
on raid on Lawrence, 160 n. ;
in Republican convention (1860),
469 n.
Thayer, J. B., manages the Loyal
Publication Society, v. 262.
Theatre, stars of 1850-1860, iii. 87, 88 ;
stock companies, 88; religious ob-
jection, 88, 89 ; war time, at the
South, v. 116, 425, 426.
Thian, R. P., acknowledgment to, iii.
322 n.
Thirteenth Amendment, passes Senate,
iv. 472-474 ; legal necessity, 473 n.,
474 n. ; adoption assured, 538 ; passes
House, v. 48-50 ; ratification at the
South, 539, 540; in force, generally
anticipated, 540.
Thomas, G. H., Mill Spring, iii. 581;
advance on Corinth, 628; offered
Buell's command, iv. 178; loyalty
to Buell, 179; as a general, 220;
Chickamauga, 398 ; supersedes
Rosecrans, 401 ; Missionary Ridge,
406 ; Atlanta campaign, 448 ; and
Sherman, 456, 457 ; sent to Nash-
ville, v. 9; doubts Sherman's plan,
10 ; essential share in Sherman's
plan, 12, 44 ; Sherman's confidence
in, 13; adequacy of his force, 13-15,
32 ; criticism of his Nashville cam-
paign, 32, 33 ; force at Nashville,
38; delay in attacking Hood, 38-41;
Logan sent to supersede, 41 ; de-
feats and pursues Hood, 41-43;
praise for, made major-general in the
regular army, 42; commends the
Christian Commission, 262 ; on
Southern legislation on the negroes,
562; on Southern outrages, vi. 25;
on Ku-Klux, 182.
Thomas, Lorenzo, investigates Fre-
mont, iii. 480, 481 ; appointed
Secretary of War ad interim, vi. 106 ;
and Stanton, 106-110; threatens
force, 107, 108, 112, arrested, 108;
Johnson impeached for appointing,
116, 141.
Thomas, P. F., Secretary of the Treas-
ury, and reply to South Carolina
commissioners, iii. 230; resigns, 251.
Thomas, Roderick, negro judge, vii.
75.
Thome, J. A., on negroes, vi. 36 n.
Thompson, Jacob, Secretary of the
Interior, ii. 247 ; influence in Kan-
sas, 277 ; should have resigned (Dec.
1860), iii. 132; disunion activity,
190, 191 ; and reply to South Caro-
lina commissioners, 230; resigns,
251 ; unjustly implicated in Booth's
plot, v. 157, 158; reward for, 157;
Confederate commissioner in Can-
TERRY — TOOMBS
419
Thompson, Jacob — Continued.
ada, 320; and Vallandigham, 320,
321 ; plots with the Sons of Liberty,
321 ; 322, 324-326 ; credentials, 330 ;
attempt to release prisoners at John-
son's Island, 330-332 ; plan to re-
lease prisoners at Camp Douglas,
337-339; not concerned in the St.
Albans raid, other schemes, 339 ;
plan to fire New York, 339-341;
funds, 341, 342; his schemes and
Dahlgren's raid, 514; justly ex-
cluded from amnesty, 608, vi. 329.
Thompson, R. W., Secretary of the
Navy, vii. 287 n.
Thoreau, H. D., on John Brown, ii.
413, 414.
Thorndike, Mrs. R. S., acknowledg-
ments to, v. 9 n., 583 n.
Thornton, Sir Edward, and annexation
of Canada, vi. 354, 355 ; Joint High
Commission, 360.
Thoroughfare Gap, Va., in Second Bull
Run campaign, iv. 122, 127.
Thorwaldsen group in Crystal Palace
exhibition, i. 415.
Thucydides, on the plague, i. 405 ;
on divergence of the Greeks, ii.
489 ; on war, v. 23 n. ; on the fruits
of revolution, 100 n.
Thurman, A. G., and Georgia legisla-
ture, vi. 292 ; on Enforcement act,
295; on martial law in North Caro-
lina, 308; on Ku-Klux act, 313,
316; as a lawyer, 315, 316; and
Sumner's Civil Rights bill, 326 ; on
full representation in Senate, 330;
and Treaty of Washington, 359,
364 n. ; on Richardson's right to issue
greenbacks, vii. 55; denounces in-
flation, 58, 59 ; and Resumption act,
71, 72 ; on panics, 73 n. ; on Lamar's
eulogy on Sumner, 102 n., 103 n. ;
in Ohio campaign (1875), 178;
joint committee on electoral count,
248, 256 ; Electoral Commission,
263 ; opinion on going behind the
returns, 270.
Ticknor, George, on Channing, i. 64 ;
on gold fever, 113 n. ; on Uncle
Tom's Cabin, 284; supports Fill-
more, ii. 206 n. ; as a writer, iii.
93; on uprising of the North, 358
n. ; on sentiment towards rebels,
427, 428.
Tilden, S. J., Union meeting, iii. 174 n. ;
indifference as to secession, 371 n. ;
in Democratic convention (1868),
vi. 166; and overthrow of Tweed
Ring, 408 ; elected governor, vii. 67 ;
nominated for President, 213 ; career
and character, 213, 214; letter of
acceptance, "old usufruct," 216;
character as a campaign issue, 221,
222; and Southern claims, 223;
his "barrel," 223, 224; election
contested, 227-229 ; counted out in
Florida, 229, 230; and in Louisiana,
232-236; does not meet the emer-
gency, 243, 244; and "cipher de-
spatches," 244, 245; his good case,
245 ; courses open to, 246 ; indecision,
247 ; and electoral count plans, 252-
254; adverse decisions of Electoral
Commission, 269, 275-277; declared
defeated, 278, 279.
Tillinghast, C. B., acknowledgment to,
v. 626 n.
Tipton, T. W., and Resumption act,
vii. 71 n.
Tithes, agricultural, at the South, v.
348, 372; unavoidable, 379, 380.
Tocqueville, Alexis de, on amalga-
mation, i. 335 ; on mulattoes, 339,
340 ; on slavery, 356, 357 ; on aboli-
tion, 366 ; on negro insurrection,
376 ; on the Supreme Court, ii. 249 ;
on American seriousness, iii. 2, 3,
108, 109 ; on American commerce,
7 ; on business energy, 16 n. ; on
legislation and progress, 29 n. ; as a
critic of America, 59 ; on American
conversation, 79 n. ; on self-glori-
fication, 82, 83 ; on monotony of
society, 83; on morals, 97 n.; on
women, 97 n., 98 n. ; on gospel of
work, 99 n., 100 n. ; on religion,
100; on pecuniary honesty, 111 n.,
112 n.
Tod, David, in Baltimore convention
(1860), ii. 475; elected governor,
iii. 486, 487; and Kirby Smith's
threatened invasion, iv. 176 ; and
Buell, 183 ; as war governor, v. 235.
Tokens, metal, at the North, v. 191.
Tomlinson, Reuben, candidacy for gov-
ernor of South Carolina, vii. 160,
161.
Toombs, Robert, and slavery, i. 118,
133, 194; criticises Taylor, 176;
420
GENERAL INDEX
Toombs, Robert — Continued.
against California bill, 182 ; pledge
concerning compromise, 207 ; sup-
ports Webster, 257 ; refuses to
support Scott, 262 ; Douglas not in-
fluenced by, 431, 432 ; on Compro-
mise of 1850, 461 ; advises Pierce,
ii. 121 ; sees assault on Sumner, 148 ;
bill on Kansas, 189, 196; lecture in
Boston, 190 ; character, 191 ; on
Fremont, 204; in Southern trium-
virate, 294; colloquy with Wade,
295 ; Raymond on, 296 ; on Cuba
bill, 353 ; committee of thirteen, iii.
151 ; and Crittenden compromise,
154, 154 n., 155 n., 169 ; on Cobb as
Secretary of the Treasury, 186 n. ;
and secession, 211, 213, 214; con-
spiracy charge against, considered,
276 ; Confederate Provisional Con-
gress, 292 «.'; candidacy for Con-
federate President, 293 ; Confederate
Secretary of State, 295; and attack
on Sumter, 347, 348 ; on impress-
ment, v. 376, 378; on cessation of
cotton culture, 382, 383 ; and Four-
teenth Amendment, vi. 6 ; excluded
from amnesty, 329.
Topeka Constitution adopted, ii. 103,
107; illegality, 195.
Toucey, Isaac, bill to enforce Fugitive
Slave law, ii. 77; Secretary of the
Navy, 246, 247 ; and reply to South
Carolina commissioners, iii. 230.
Tourgee, A. W., on the Ku-Klux, iii.
307.
Toussaint, Louverture, influence, i.
352, ii. 401.
Townsley, James, in Pottawatomie
massacre, ii. 163.
Trade, grain export (1846-1857), iii. 27 ;
Webster on balance, 36, 37 ; bellig-
erent intercourse, 549, 550, v. 274,
275 ; military restrictions removed,
130 ; prosperity of Southern mer-
chants, 421. See also Blockade-
running, Business, Cotton, Slave-
trade.
Train wrecking by Confederates from
Canada, v. 332.
Transportation of troops, frauds in
contracts, v. 216, 217, 226; effi-
ciency, 226, 227. See also Railroads,
Shipping.
Travel. See Railroads.
Treason, Civil war as, iii. 428 ; Confisca-
tion act on, iv. 60, 62.
Treasury Department, Confederate,
management, v. 480.
Treasury notes. See Paper money.
Tremain, Lyman, on Lamar's eulogy
on Sumner, vii. 102.
Trenholm, G. A., and South Carolina
convention, ii. 118; on slavery and
secession, 119; on regulation of
blockade-running, v. 408.
Trent affair, capture of Mason and
Slidell, iii. 520; Northern rejoicing,
520-522; Lincoln's attitude, 522,
523; Seward's attitude and pacific
despatch, 523-525 ; excitement in
England, 525; England's demand,
525, 526; and attitude, 526-531,
535; French attitude, 529 n., 537;
England's distrust of Seward, 531-
533 ; movement towards arbitra-
tion, 533 ; Palmerston suppresses
Seward's despatch, 534; English
war party and preparations, 534,
535 ; cabinet-discussion of England's
demand, 535-538 ; Prussian and
Austrian attitude, 537 n. ; release of
Mason and Slidell, 538; public
sentiment supports the release, 539,
540; England's thankfulness, 540-
542 ; bitter effects, 542, 543 ; South-
ern disappointment, 543.
Trescot, W. H., on reinforcement of
the forts, iii. 183 n. ; on Cass and
secession, 187 n. ; and South Caro-
lina commissioners, 223, 224.
Trinity Church, New York, praise
service, v. 131, 132.
Trollope, Anthony, on the war and
slavery, iii. 518 n.
Trumbull, Lyman, elected senator, ii.
62 ; in Senate, 130, 283 ; on Toombs
bill, 191; defeats Lincoln, 311; in
campaign of 1860, 484 n. ; votes for
tariff of 1857, iii. 44 n. ; and com-
promise, 176 ; and arbitrary ar-
rests, 556; and Confiscation act, iv.
61, 63; on necessity of Thirteenth
Amendment, 473 n., 474 n. ; on
Sumner's opposition, v. 54 ; vote on
the whiskey tax, 268; chairman of
Senate Judiciary Committee, 565 ;
career and character, 565-568 ; on
the Freedmen's Bureau bill, 568,
569, 574 n. ; on the veto of the bill,
TOPEKA CONSTITUTION— UNCLE TOWS CABIN
421
Trumbull, Lyman — Continued.
572; on the Civil Rights bill, 580,
581 ; consults Johnson on the bill,
581, 5S2; on the veto of the bill,
584 ; and the original congressional
plan of reconstruction, 599 ; in the
campaign of 1866, 624 ; and Recon-
struction bill, vi. 18, 46, 47 ; opinion
and vote on impeachment, 143,
154 ; not pressed to convict, 146 ;
accused of corruption, 152 ; action
commended, 156; and readmission
of Alabama, 177; on imposing
further reconstruction conditions,
284-286; and Georgia legislature,
290-292; as a lawyer, 315, 316;
opposes Ku-Klux act, 316; and
amnesty, 325 ; and Sumner's Civil
Rights bill, 326 n. ; and San Domingo,
350 n. ; civil-service reform, 387 ;
and Liberal Republican movement,
412,414; candidacy, 413, 420; sup-
ports Greeley, 431 ; Louisiana in-
vestigation, vii. Ill; "visiting
statesman," 230; on action of
Louisiana Returning Board, 235 n. ;
counsel before Electoral Commis-
sion, 274 n.
Tubs scarce at the South, v. 356.
Tupper, M. F., read, iii. 108 ; on Trent
affair, 526.
Turgot, Marquis de, duel with Soul6,
ii. 12, 13 ; instructed to crush Soul6,
14.
Turkey, releases Kossuth, i. 231 ; and
Kostza affair, 417.
Turner, Nat, insurrection, i. 57, 327;
Frederick Douglass threatened with
fate of, 330; effect of insurrection,
377 ; admired by John Brown, ii. 162.
Twain, Mark, on income tax, vi. 281-
283; supports Hayes, vii. 216, 217.
Tweed, W. M. See Tweed Ring.
Tweed Ring, condition of New York
under, vi. 392, 393 ; members of the
Ring, Tweed's career, Tammany
Hall as factor, 393 ; method of re-
taining control, 393, 394 ; aspires to
control of State, elects Hoffman
governor, 394 ; new charter, 395,
396, 410 ; ad interim Board of
Audit, 396; methods of stealing,
raising accounts, 396, 397; division
of proceeds, 397 ; armoury bills,
397 ; county Court House, 397, 398 ;
widening of Broadway, 398, 403, 404 ;
monopoly of supplies, other sources
of plunder, 398; amount of steal-
ings, 399; Tweed's extravagance,
and Erie Railroad, 399, 400 ; height
of power, 400 ; instruments of down-
fall, Times and Nast, 401 ; attacked
on suspicion, 401, 402; white-
washed, 402 ; gifts to the poor,
control of legislation, statue project,
403; death of Watson, 403, 404;
sense of security, 404, 405 ; accounts
published, 405, 406; fears Nast's
pictures, 406, 407 ; mass meeting,
Committee of 70, 407 ; Booth Com-
mittee, 407, 408; vouchers stolen,
408 ; reformers gain control of Con-
troller's office, Tweed arrested, 408 ;
overthrow, fate of members, 408-
410; reform not permanent, 410;
qualified suffrage as a preventative,
410, 411.
Twenty-second joint rule, operation in
1869, vi. 198-200; rescinded, vii.
241.
Twiggs, D. E., treachery, iii. 326 n.
Tyler, Daniel, Bull Run, iii. 444.
Tyler, John, and Texas, i. 79, 85, 87;
character, 79 ; cabinet, 143 ; con-
trasted with Fillmore, 302; ap-
points Cushing minister to China,
391 ; on disunion, ii. 209 ; Peace
Convention, iii. 291, 305, 307; on
unity of the North, 399 n. ; hopeful
of Southern success, 402.
Tyler, John, Jr., on privations at the
South, v. 371.
Tyndall, John, on Emerson, iii. 94 n.
Tyng, S. H., on the murder of Lincoln,
v. 154 n.
Ullman, Daniel, gubernatorial candi-
dacy in New York, ii. 64.
Uncle Tom's Cabin, influence, i. 278,
ii. 131 ; publication, Macaulay on,
sale of, in England, Whittier on,
Longfellow on, Lowell on, Choate on,
Garrison on, Sumner on, i. 280 ;
Emerson on, 280 n. ; reception in
Paris, 281 ; letter in N.Y. Tribune on,
Heine and George Sand on, 281 n. ;
Lord Palmerston on, suppressed
in Italy, dramatized, 282 ; acted in
London and Paris, 283 ; Ticknor on,
effect on young men, 284, 285;
422
GENERAL INDEX
Uncle Tom's Cabin — Continued.
criticised, 324; correct picture, 362,
377; Fanny Kemble and Olmstead
on, 363; Douglass on, 364; circu-
lation in South, 376; on Under-
ground Railroad, ii. 76; influence,
131 ; compared with Impending
Crisis, 419.
Underground Railroad, routes, method,
ii. 74, 75 ; managers, 75, 76 ; re-
sults, 76, 77; at Oberlin, 361, 362.
Underwood, J. C, and trial of Davis,
vi. 56, 57.
Underwood, W. L., on the canning in-
dustry during the war, v. 250 n.
Union, fears of Webster and others
for, i. 130-132; Seward on main-
tenance, 165. See also Disunion,
Secession.
Union army, disloyalty of officers, iii.
326; call for three-months militia,
359, 360 ; first three-years call, 394,
395 ; increase of regular, total es-
tablishment (May 1861), 395; char-
acter of volunteers, 397 n., 398 n.,
v. 189, 190, 260; loyalty of regu-
lar rank and file, iii. 398 n. ; size
(July 1861), 360; (Dec. 1861), 573;
final size, v. 186; Congress ratifies
illegal call, iii. 438, 439 ; carelessness
and corruption in contracts, 481-
483, 573-577, v. 215-217; reasons
for success of Western, iii. 594 ; en-
listments stopped, 636, iv. 57; call
for 300,000, 55, 56; nine-months
militia call, 107 n. ; development of
generals at the West, 220; pay,
242 n., 432 ; condition, 243 ; develop-
ment of cavalry, 272; call of Oct.
1863, 417, 418; conditions of
recruiting (1863), 426; unlimited
recruiting authorized, 426, 427 ;
calls and results in 1864, 429;
abuse of bounty system, substitute
brokerage, 430, 431, v. 227, 228;
character of recruits (1864), 431,
432; grade of lieutenant-general,
433 ; hundred-days men, 498 n. ;
difficulty in recruiting (1864), 506,
508, 509 ; grand review, v. 185 ; dis-
bandment, 185, 186; casualties,
186, 187; record, 187, 188; inade-
quate administrative system, 216,
218, 219, 284; spoils system, 219;
frauds exaggerated, 219-221 ; honest
and efficient administrators, 221,
224; paymaster's department, 224;
quartermaster's department, 224—
226 ; military telegraph, 225 ; care
for the comfort of the soldiers, 225,
226; transportation service, 226;
unjust charges against provost mar-
shal's department, 228-230; op-
position to the draft, 230-232;
trouble over State quotas, 235, 236 ;
exemptions, 238, 239; new regi-
ments or refilled ones, 240; unex-
cusable lack of breech-loading arms,
241, 242 ; Sanitary Commission and
its work, 244-259 ; reorganization
of the medical department, 245, 246 ;
casualties by wounds and disease,
247 ; proportion of sick, 247 ; early
sanitary condition, 248, 249; food
and cooking, 249, 250, 254 ; sobriety,
amusements, 250; savings, 250, 251 ;
efficiency of surgeons, 251 ; care of
sick and wounded, 251-254; work
of the Christian Commission, 260-
262; morals and religion, 260, 261
homesickness, reading matter, 261
officers forbidden to trade, 282
extent of corruption through the
cotton trade, 289, 303. See also
Draft, Negro soldiers, Prisoners of
war, and campaigns and command-
ing generals by name.
Union degree adopted by Know-
nothings, ii. 87, 88.
Union Leagues, iv. 241 ; Club, 241, 242.
See also Loyal Leagues.
Union men at the South, none in
South Carolina (1860), iii. 123, 328;
except Petigru, 124 ; and Buchanan's
message, 138 ; insignificant, 278,
279; in western Virginia, 386,
387 n. ; Northern misconception, 404-
408; during the war, v. 447, 449-
452; Stevens on, after the war, vi.
15, 16; as excuse for Reconstruc-
tion acts, 23, 24; evidences of out-
rages on (1867), 24-26; a negligible
factor, 43-45 ; protection under
military rule, 76.
Union navy, increase, iii. 395 ; im-
provised, 489 ; contract frauds, 575,
v. 217, 218 ; Lincoln on, iv. 411, 420 ;
inadequate administrative system,
v. 218, 219; honest administration,
221, 224; Smith Brothers case, 221-
UNDERGROUND RAILROAD — VICKSBURG
423
Union navy — Continued.
224 ; officers forbidden to trade, 282.
See also Blockade, and commanding
officers by name.
Union Pacific. See Credit Mobilier.
Union party. See Republican.
Union-savers, Phillips on, Bryant on,
ii. 428.
United States, peaceful genius, v. 238.
United States Bank, war with Jackson,
ii. 250.
United States vs. Cruikshank, vi. 296.
United States vs. Reese, vi. 296.
University of Virginia during the war,
v. 469.
Upshur, A. P., and Texas, i. 78.
Usher, J. P., Secretary of the Interior,
attitude on negro suffrage, v. 524;
resigns, 527 n.
Utah, territory organized by Com-
promise of 1850, slavery not pro-
hibited, i. 122, 172, 181, 182; Mor-
mon war, ii. 303.
Utrecht treaty and slavery, i. 7.
Vaxlandigham, C. L., and Compromise
of 1850, i. 195 ; interrogates John
Brown, ii. 397 ; anti-war speech, iv.
226, 227; character, 245, 246;
military trial for disloyal utterances,
247, 248 ; banished, 248 ; trial con-
sidered, 248-250; Lincoln's connec-
tion with it, 250, 251, 254, 255;
mischievous precedent, 251, 252;
bad policy of trial, 252; candidacy
for governor, 252, 412-415; re-
turns, 519 n., v. 221 n. ; and the Sons
of Liberty, 318, 321; and Thomp-
son, 320, 321 ; opposed to offensive
action, 323 ; excluded from the
National Union convention, 615;
Pendleton's manager (1868), vi.
1 64 ; opposes Hendricks 's candidacy,
166.
Van Buren, J. D., and Legal-Tender
bill, iii. 572 n.
Van Buren, John, influence with Pierce,
i. 421 ; on Douglas's Nebraska bill,
429.
Van Buren, Martin, nominated by
Free-soilers for President, i. 97 ; de-
clares for Pierce, 264; on Scott and
Pierce, 274 ; and suggestion of
mediation (1861), iii. 367 n.
Vance, Z. B., supposed to favour re-
union (1865), v. 79 n. ; on scarcity of
food, 360; on speculation, 362; on
effect of depreciated currency, 368 ; on
impressment, 375, 376; on increase
of crime, 428, 429 ; on conscription
436, 440, 441, 445, 446 ; on deserters
442, 444 ; elected as governor, 448
and the reunion sentiment, 450
and the riots in Raleigh, 450, 451
threatens to recall North Carolina
troops, 451 ; re-elected, 452 ; op-
poses martial law, 454 ; on the
Emancipation Proclamation, 459 ;
character, and Davis, 475, 476 ;
should not have been disqualified,
608 ; on negro political corruption,
vi. 305 ; refused seat in the Senate,
311 ; amnesty, 329.
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, interest in Nic-
aragua transit, i. 199 ; railroad
construction (1873), vii. 37, 42.
Van Trump, Philadelph, Ku-Klux
committee, vi. 322 n.
Van Vechten, Philip, lieutenant un-
der Lopez, i. 220 n.
Van Winkle, P. G., member of Senate
Committee on Finance, v. 266 n. ;
supports veto of Freedmen's Bureau
bill, 572 ; votes against Civil Rights
bill, 581 ; supports the veto, 585 ;
doubt as to his impeachment vote,
vi. 146, 147 ; votes to acquit, 150 ;
action commended, 156.
Vermont, modifies Personal Liberty
law, iii. 253 ; goes Republican (1864),
iv. 526; (1866), v. 625.
Vernon, Ida, actress in Richmond, v.
426.
Veto, bills passed over, before John-
son's administration, v. 586 ; Grant's
inflation bill, vii. 62-64. See also
Johnson.
Vice. See Morals.
Vicksburg, Sherman's failure to cap-
ture, iv. 221 ; importance, 299,
300; strategic value to Federals,
Grant commands expedition against,
300; futile canal schemes, discom-
forts of Union army, 301 ; com-
plaints against Grant, 301-303 ;
Grant's problem and plan, 303-305;
running the batteries, 305 ; Grant
crosses below, 306, 307; Port Gib-
son and Grant Gulf, 307; Grant's
movement against Johnston, 307,
424
GENEKAL INDEX
Vicksburg — Continued.
308; forces, Grant abandons his
base, Raymond, Jackson, 308 ; Pem-
berton's movement on Grant's
"base," 308, 309; Champion's Hill,
Big Black River, 309; town in-
vested, 309-312; assaults, 310, 311;
Johnston advises abandonment, 310 ;
Grant's reinforcements, 311; con-
dition of the besieged, 312, 313,
315, 316; Johnston's efforts to re-
lieve, 313-315; surrender, 316-
318; Grant's skill and reward,
317; Northern rejoicing, 318, 319;
should have ended the war, 319 ;
thanksgiving, 320 n. ; news in Eng-
land, 375, 376, 382 n. ; effect of sur-
render on Southern army, v. 443,
444 ; trouble over paroles, 486, 499 ;
race conflict (1874), vii. 103, 104.
Victoria of England and the war, hi.
525, iv. 338 n.
Vigo County, Indiana, call for a
Democratic barbecue, v. 233 n.
Virginia, Dew on, i. 368 ; withdraws
from the Baltimore convention, ii.
474; calls Peace Convention, hi.
290, 291 ; Whigs control the seces-
sion convention, 301, 309 ; repudi-
ates Peace Convention compromise,
307 ; character of Unionism, 309 ;
pledged to resist coercion, 312 ;
flux of secession sentiment, 344, 345 ;
militia force, 375 ; convention passes
secession ordinance, 378, 385-387 ;
popular vote on it, 378, 379, 386,
387; joins the Confederacy, 379,
380; loyalty of Western, 386,
387 n., 435-437, 442; Federal troops
invade, 434, 435 ; importance to the
Confederacy, 462 ; Lincoln's letter
on the legislature, v. 133 ; govern-
ment salt manufacture, 352 ; pro-
duction of iron, 391, 392 ; acts against
gambling and intemperance, 428;
deserters, 443; "disloyal" secret
society, 453, 456 ; Johnson recog-
nizes the loyal government, 526,
527; rejects Fourteenth Amend-
ment, vi. 6; Johnson's influence in
this, 7-9; under Schofield, 79;
number of whites disfranchised, 82;
registration, 83 n. ; vote on a con-
vention, 85 n. ; delegates to the
convention, 88 n. ; constitutional
convention, 172, 173; provision on
disfranchisement, no election, 173 ;
reconstruction election, disfranchise-
ment defeated, conservative success,
245, 246 ; further conditions of re-
admission, 284, 285 ; readmitted,
286; saved from radical rule, 303,
304.
Virginia Military Institute during the
war, v. 470.
Virginius affair, capture of vessel, vii.
29, 30 ; execution of prisoners, 30 ;
Fish's demand, 30-33; Castelar's
attitude, 30, 31 ; war fever, New
York meeting, 31, 32 ; Sumner's
plea for peace, 32 ; vessel without
right to American flag, 33, 36 ;
rumour of further massacre, 33, 34 ;
Sickles 's harshness and haste, 34, 35 ;
Fish-Polo agreement, 35, 36; res-
titution, credit to Fish, 36.
"Visiting statesmen" in New Orleans,
vii. 230, 231.
Vogdes, Israel, and Fort Pickens, iii.
328, 346.
Volney, Count, Lincoln influenced by,
ii. 312.
Volunteers. See Confederate army,
Union army.
Voorhees, D. W., Democratic leader,
iv. 227 n. ; on war-time prosperity,
v. 206, 207.
Waddell, A. M., Ku-Klux committee,
vi. 322 n.
Wade, B. F., compared with Sum-
ner, i. 227 ; early life, partner-
ship with Giddings, 228 ; anti-
slavery senatorial coterie (1851),
229 ; supports Scott, 264 ; votes to
repeal Fugitive-Slave law, 269 ;
speech, against Kansas-Nebraska
bill, famous retort, 452, 453 ; favours
formation of new party, ii. 45 ; on
Toombs bill, 192; in Senate, 283;
and the Lecompton bill, 293, 297;
on "cramming slavery, " 295 ; agree-
ment with Cameron and Chandler
to resent insults, 298 ; on moribund
Locofocoism, 302; "niggers for the
niggerless," 353; presidential tim-
ber (1860), 459; in campaign of
1860, 484 n. ; opposes tariff of 1857,
iii. 44 n. ; committee of thirteen, 151 ;
and Crittenden compromise, 154,
VICTORIA OF ENGLAND — WASHBURNE
425
Wade, B. F. — Continued.
163; on McClellan's inactivity, 578;
and Confiscation act, iv. 63 ; and
Lincoln, 65; manifesto, 487; op-
poses Lincoln's reconstruction policy,
v. 54 n. ; and Lincoln's Virginia
letter, 134 ; has faith in Johnson, 151 ;
desires postponement of draft, 240;
vote on the whiskey tax, 268; op-
posed to Johnson's policy, 533; and
finality of Fourteenth Amendment,
vi. 3 ; President -pro tern, of Senate,
48, 49; on Grant's political at-
titude (1867), 66; hope of the radi-
cals as Johnson's successor, 145; on
Grant's candidacy, 158; loses vice-
presidential nomination, 159; San
Domingo commission, 354.
Wade, Edward, signs Appeal of In-
dependent Democrats, i. 442.
Wadsworth, J. S., Peace Convention,
iii. 305 n. ; gubernatorial candidacy
(1862), iv. 167; Wilderness, killed,
442.
Wages and prices during the war, v.
203-206.
Wagner, Fort, S. C, assault, iv. 332 ;
capture, 336.
Waite, M. R., opinion on Enforcement
acts, vi. 296 n. ; counsel before
Geneva Arbitration, 364 ; appointed
Chief Justice, career, fitness, vii. 28,
29 ; and Electoral Commission, 253.
Wakarusa war in Kansas, ii. 105, 106.
Walker, Amasa, and Lincoln, iv. 519 n.
Walker, F. A., on mulattoes, i. 341 n. ;
on greenbacks, iii. 568, vi. 229, 264 ;
onAntietam, iv. 154; on McClellan,
190 n. ; on Grant's assaults, 443 ;
acknowledgment to, 539 n.
Walker, G. C, governor of Virginia,
vi. 304.
Walker, J. G., Antietam, iv. 149, 151.
Walker, L. P., Confederate Secretary
of War, iii. 295; boast, 361.
Walker, R. J., appointed governor of
Kansas, ii. 271, 272; inaugural, aim
and task, 273, 274 ; promises a popu-
lar vote on constitution, 274 ; pre-
vents trouble, 274, 281 ; Southern
leaders denounce, Buchanan up-
holds, 275; popularity, 276; in
Kansas election, 277, 278 ; denounces
Lecompton constitution voting plan,
280 ; resignation, 288 ; favours Eng-
lish bill, 301; tariff of 1846, iii.
28.
Walker, R. W., favours reunion, v.
79 n.
Walker, William, in Nicaragua, ii. 242;
arrested by Paulding, 289 ; Stephens
on, 290.
Wall, Miss, acknowledgment to, v.
626 n.
Wall, J. W., arbitrary arrest, iv. 165.
Wall Street, panic of October, 1860, ii.
500. See also Panics.
Wallace, W. H. L., Shiloh, killed, iii.
623.
Wallace, Lewis, Donelson, iii. 586, 589,
591, 592; on Smith's charge, 590,
591; Shiloh, 619, 624, 625; Monoc-
acy Bridge, iv. 497; "visiting
statesman," vii. 230.
Wanderer, slaver, ii. 368, 369.
War debt. See Debt.
War Department, Belknap scandal,
vii. 189-191. See also Cameron,
Confederate army, Seddon, Stanton,
Union army.
Ward, Artemus, as a humorist,
Lincoln's appreciation, iii. 109, 110.
Ward, E. B., slated for Wade's cabinet,
vi. 145.
Warmoth, H. C, faction in Louisiana,
vii. 109, 110.
Warner, C. D., on New York Tribune,
ii. 71 n.
Warren, G. K., Gettysburg, iv. 285;
corps commander, v. 111.
Warren, S. D., acknowledgment to, v.
481 n.
Washburn, C. C, of Wisconsin, on the
overland cotton trade, v. 291-294 ;
and Union Pacific, vii. 6—9.
Washburn, Israel, governor of Maine,
on Douglas, ii. 306 ; and Personal
Liberty law, iii. 253.
Washburn, W. B., governor of Massa-
chusetts, and appointment of Sim-
mons, vii. 23.
Washburne, E. B., of Illinois, on Repub-
lican convention (1856), ii. 182 n. ;
on McLean, 183; Lincoln's letter to,
on compromise, iii. 161 ; investigates
Fremont, 469 n., 482, 483; desires
time to fill quotas, v. 240; vote on
the whiskey tax, 267 ; member of the
Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
545 n. ; does not sign the report,
426
GENERAL INDEX
Washburne, E. B. — Continued.
602 n. ; hopeful of conviction of
Johnson, vi. 139 ; appointed Sec-
retary of State, 237 ; complimen-
tary appointment, resigns, 240 ;
and Union Pacific, vii. 6, 8 n.
Washington, George, on negro sol-
diers, i. 13, 14; as a slave-owner,
21 ; Kossuth compared to, 237 ;
non-intervention doctrine, 242 ;
letter on fugitive slave, 267 ; Sum-
ner on precept of, 268; slaves, 315,
316; on price of land, on slavery,
356; civil dress, ii. 5; position on
slavery in territories, 259; disin-
terestedness, v. 142.
Washington, Lewis, arrested by John
Brown, ii. 394; on Brown, 395.
Washington, Martha, escaped slave of,
i. 267.
Washington, D.C., Oliphant on, ii.
9 n. ; anti-bellum society, iii. 81 n. ;
plot feared (Feb. 1861), 300-302;
fears for safety (April), 361, 362,
366-368; connection with North
severed, 366 ; troops arrive, 373, 374 ;
military possibility of capture, 374-
376 ; groundless alarm, protected
by states'-rights, 376-381 ; not in
danger after Bull Run, 453, 454;
alarm over Jackson's advance, iv.
19; after Pope's defeat, 134-136;
Early threatens, 497-500; oppor-
tunity to seize neglected, 500 ;
Grant's inertness, 500-502; saved,
502, 503 ; effect on, of murder of
Lincoln, v. 146 ; grand review, 185 ;
gayety, 211 ; immorality, 212.
Washington, Treaty of, negotiations,
vi. 360 ; provisions, 361 ; ratified,
364. See also Alabama claims.
Watson, J. M., arbitrary arrest, iv.
235 n.
Watson, J. W. C, favours reunion, v.
79 n.
Watson, James, effect of death on
Tweed Ring, vi. 403, 404.
Watson, P. H., and Sumner and Stan-
ton, iii. 287 n.
Watson, William, on the onus of ag-
gression, iii. 351 n., 352 n.
Watterson, Henry, and Liberal Repub-
lican movement, vi. 417, 418, 423 ;
"visiting statesman," vii. 230;
threatened march on Washington
(1876), 242, 254; suggestion to
Tilden, 246 n.
Watts, T. H., on impressment, v. 375,
378; elected governor of Alabama,
449.
Wayland, Francis, Moral Science
criticised at South, i. 351, 369.
Wayne, J. M., in Supreme Court, ii.
250 ; and Dred Scott case, 254, 255,
257.
Wealth, increase (1850-1860), iii. 3;
distribution, 64 ; war fortunes at
the North, v. 209; at the South,
421, 422. See also Business.
Webb, J. W., denounces Kansas-
Nebraska bill, i. 463 ; od Seward, ii.
307.
Webster, Daniel, on Ordinance of
1787, i. 16; on cotton interest, 26;
on nullification, 42 ; and Calhoun,
50 ; on the Union and Constitution,
51, 131, 148; on slavery (1837), 72;
on Texas question, 77, 78; Ash-
burton treaty, 78, 139, 140; on
Oregon question, 86; on the Mexi-
can war, 91, 145; on Calhoun's
theory, 98, ii. 276; last term in
Senate, i. 119; career and character,
137-144, 215; patriotism, 141, 142;
presidential ambition, 142, 158-160;
political independence, 142, 143;
charges against, 143, 157, 158;
seven th-of-March speech, 144-148 ;
on divergence on slavery question,
145, 146; on slavery and the new
territory, 146, 147; on fugitive
slaves and abolitionism, 147, 148,
152, 153, 187 ; supports the compro-
mise, 148, 149, 171, 179, 184;
speech considered, 149-154, 158-
161 ; substitute Fugitive-Slave bill,
153 n. ; reception of speech, 154-158 ;
Whittier on, 155 ; testimonials to,
156; Calhoun on, Foote on, 157;
Emerson on, 159; denies incon-
sistency, 159 n. ; compared with
Burke, 160, 161 ; on Hamilton, 161 ;
influence on Civil war, 161 n. ;
Seward rebuts argument of, 164;
on Seward, 166 n. ; in committee
on Clay resolutions, 171 ; Greeley
on, 173; on Nashville convention,
174 ; on Fillmore, 178 ; Secretary of
State, supports Fugitive Slave law,
188 ; on secession, 190, 191 ; cabinet
WASHINGTON — WEST
427
Webster, Daniel — Continued.
objects to paper of, 190 n. ; justifi-
cation, 191, 192; supports Clay-
ton-Bulwer treaty, 201 ; Hulse-
mann letter, 205, 206 ; Boston re-
fuses to receive, 213 ; Allen's charge
against, and Mexican debt, 213-215 ;
gift to, 214, 215; on Spain and
Cuba, 218, 221, 222; praised by
Palmerston, 222 ; and Kossuth, 236-
240 ; candidacy for Whig nomination
(1852), 253-258; approves the plat-
form, 253 ; Choate on, 255 ; votes
for, 256 ; grief over defeat, 260, 261 ;
literary project, 260 n. ; independent
nomination, Boston's tribute to,
261 ; Parker on this, 263 n. ; last
days and death, 285-287 ; mourn-
ing for, Everett on funeral, 287;
funeral, 287, 288 ; sermons on, 288 ;
Motley on, 288 n. ; Parker's sermon
on, 288-290 ; and Everett, 292, 293 ;
in affair of Lobos Islands, 297 ; Marcy
compared to, 417; interpreted by
Everett, 457; Douglas on Everett's
interpretation 474 ; influence, ii.
74; against Taney, recommends
Curtis, 251; Dana on, 262; Hale
on, 304 ; Lincoln inspired by, 314,
327 ; compared with Lincoln, 332,
333, 342; Garrison on, 434; on
American shipping (1824), hi. 7, 8;
on national prosperity (1820), 14, 15 ;
on ad valorem duties, 28 ; on pro-
tection (1824), 32, 35-38 ; on balance
of trade, 36, 37; and Jenny Lind,
84 n., 85 n. ; on legal tender, vi. 160,
225, 263, 264; on South Carolina,
vii. 165, 166.
Webster regiment sings John Brown
song, ii. 416.
Weed, Thurlow, on Fillmore-Seward
patronage understanding, i. 101 ;
on seven th-of-March speech, 166 n. ;
denounces Kansas-Nebraska bill,
463; and Seward, ii. 46, 68, 176 n. ;
influence, 63 ; Greeley breaks with,
72, 305 ; sympathy for fugitive
slaves, 75 ; supports Fremont, 177,
183 ; Seward accuses, of treachery
(1856), 236; projects for campaign
funds (1860), 462 ; in Republican con-
vention (1860), 465 ; Greeley on, 470 ;
grief at defeat of Seward, 471 ; sup-
ports Lincoln, 495, 497; on fusion-
ists, 500; compromise measure, iii.
144, 159, 166 n., 288; consultation
with Lincoln, 158, 159 ; and Lincoln's
cabinet, 180; on disunion sentiment
(Dec), 207 n. ; and McClellan, iv.
278 ; on the spirit of speculation, v.
208; on anxieties in 1864, 234; on
arrogance of reconstruction, vi. 188 ;
on Butler and decline of Congress
(1873), vii. 25.
Weitzel, Godfrey, occupies Richmond,
v. 119; Lincoln's letter to, on Vir-
ginia legislature, 133 ; and the Rich-
mond clergy, 179, 180.
Welles, Gideon, in Republican conven-
tion (1860), ii. 469 n. ; Secretary of
the Navy, iii. 319 ; and relief of
Sumter, 327, 335 ; improvises a
navy, 489 ; and Trent affair, 521 ;
integrity and administration, 575, v.
219, 221, 224; opposes Lincoln's
Virginia letter, 134 n. ; on negro suf-
frage, 524 ; on Southern extremists,
555; and Johnson, 611; tour with
Johnson, 617 ; testimony at im-
peachment, vi. 124, 125.
Welling, J. C, on Seward and Sumter,
iii. 332 n., 333 n.
Wellington, Duke of, rewards, vi.
383 n.
Wells, D. A., on increasing inequality
of wealth, iii. 64 n. ; on the whiskey
tax, v. 273 n. ; as Special Commis-
sioner of the Revenue, and McCul-
loch, vi. 217 ; report on the tariff,
219, 220; tariff bill, 220, 221; on
evils of inconvertible greenbacks,
225, 226 ; on safety of contraction,
226; on returning prosperity, 228;
and Congress, 232; on internal-reve-
nue frauds, 233; as a tariff re-
former, 278; reappointment pre-
vented, 279 ; and nomination of
Greeley, 423.
Wells, J. M., of Louisiana Returning
Board, character, vii. 231, 237 ;
returns Hayes electors, 232, 233 ;
makes offer to Democrats, 233 ; ac-
tion considered, 233-235; reward,
289 n.
Wentworth, John, supports Fremont,
ii. 177.
West, Confederate hope for union with,
iii. 296; and greenbacks, vii. 55,
56.
428
GENERAL INDEX
West Virginia, nucleus, iii. 386; in-
dependent movement, 435, 436;
Federal success, 436, 437, 442, 489 ;
admitted, iv. 239 n., 240 n. ; Re-
publican majority (1866), v. 625.
Western and Atlantic Railroad, car-
pet bag mismanagement, vi. 300,
301.
Western Reserve bar, i. 229.
Whaley, B. J., on slavery and seces-
sion, iii. 120 n.
Wheaton, Frank, Fisher's Hill, iv.
527 n.
Wheeler, Joseph, and Sherman's
march, v. 27, 28 ; impedes Sherman's
progress in South Carolina, 86 ; and
cotton burning, 87; depredations,
90, 104.
Wheeler, W. A., Louisiana investiga-
tion, vii. 124-127 ; effects a com-
promise there, 127 ; nominated for
Vice-President, 212; "waves the
bloody shirt," 219 ; declared elected,
279 n.
Whig party, and slavery, i. 107, 108 ;
and Compromise of 1850, 133, 184,
207; Clay and Southern, 135, 192;
dissolution, 185 ; extinction, 285 ;
principles, ii. 47; Seward on, 95.
See also Elections.
Whipper, W. J., and South Carolina
judgeship, vii. 163, 166, 167.
Whiskey, debate and action of Con-
gress on taxing stock on hand, v.
263-265; corruption charged, 265,
266; charge considered, 266-271;
further debate on taxing stock on
hand, 271-273 ; profits made on
stock on hand, 273 ; Southern State
laws against distillation, 372;
frauds, reduction of tax, vi. 233.
See also Whiskey Ring.
Whiskey Ring, Bristow discovers, vii.
182, 183; campaign contributions,
183; operations and participants,
183, 184; trials, 184; Babcock's
complicity, 184, 185 ; Grant's atti-
tude, Henderson's reflection on
Grant, 185; Babcock's trial, Grant's
testimony, 186; Babcock's guilt,
186, 187; Grant innocent of com-
plicity, 187, 188; contemporary be-
lief in Grant's complicity, 189.
White, A. D., on American cities, iii.
62 n., 63 n. ; on foreign opinion of
impeachment vote, vi. 152 ; San Do-
mingo commission, 354.
White, Horace, and Liberal Republican
convention, vi. 417, 418; on clear-
ing-house certificates, vii. 44 ; on
greenbacks and the panic, 49.
White, R. G., on abolitionists and seces-
sion, iii. 172 n.
White League, in Louisiana, vii. 113,
119 n. ; Sheridan's despatch on, 119,
120.
Whitefield, George, on slavery, i. 5, 10.
Whiteley, R. H., congressman, vi. 302 n.
Whitfield, J. W., elected Kansas dele-
gate, ii. 80; in House, 126; com-
mands Missourians, 167 ; illegal
election, 197; exclusion, 201.
Whiting, W. H. C, on evils of block-
ade-running, v. 402.
Whitman, Walt, poem on death of
Lincoln, v. 139, 140.
Whitney, Eli, cotton-gin, i. 19, 25.
Whitney, W. C, counsel before Elec-
toral Commission, vii. 266 n.
Whittemore, B. F., sells cadetships,
resigns, censured, vii. 149 ; attempt
to reinstate, 150.
Whittier, J. G., on Garrison, i. 75;
poem on Webster, 155; on Uncle
Tom's Cabin, 280; supports Fre-
mont, ii. 212; on results in 1856,
236; in campaign of 1860, 485;
productiveness (1850-1860), iii. 93;
Barbara Frietchie, iv. 140; on ap-
pointment of Simmons, vii. 23.
Whittingham, W. R., loyalty, iii. 389.
Whittlesey, Elisha, on Crittenden
compromise, iii. 170.
Wide-awakes, origin, ii. 224 n. ; or-
ganization, 483 ; how regarded at
the South, 487.
Wigfall, L. T., and surrender of Sumter,
iii. 354.
Wilderness, Va., battle, iv. 440, 441 ;
disappointment to both generals,
losses, 441.
Wildman, Miss, acknowledgments to,
iv. 539 n., v. 626 n.
Wilkes, Charles, captures Mason and
Slidell, iii. 520 ; reception, 520-522.
Wilkeson, Frank, on condition of
Grant's army (June 1864), iv. 490,
491 n. ; on soldier's opinion of
Grant and McClellan, 507 n.
Wilkinson, Allen? murdered, U> 163.
WEST VIRGINIA — WINTHROP
429
Willard, George, joint committee on
electoral count, vii. 248.
Willey, W. T., supports veto of Freed-
men's Bureau bill, v. 572; votes for
Civil Rights bill, 581 ; votes against
the veto, 586 ; doubt as to his im-
peachment vote, vi. 146, 147 ; votes
to convict, 150.
William III. and slavery, i. 7.
Williams, G. H., of Oregon, member
of the Joint Committee on Recon-
struction, v. 546 n. ; signs the re-
port, 602 n. ; and Reconstruction
bill, vi. 18 ; and Tenure-of-Office act,
130; Joint High Commission, 360;
nominated for Chief Justice, opposi-
tion, withdrawn, vii. 27; attitude
towards the South, 131, 132.
Williams, J. D., elected governor of
Indiana, vii. 223.
Williams, Thomas, of Pennsylvania,
impeachment manager, vi. 115; ar-
gument, 132; and Tenure-of-Office
act, 130.
Williamsburg, Va., battle, iv. 5.
Willis, N. P., declares for Fremont, ii.
212; on life at resorts, iii. 77; on
problems of "society," 81, 82.
Wilmington, N.C., port closed, v. 60 ;
meeting on the death of Lincoln, 159,
160; as a port for blockade-runners,
397, 399, 400, 402.
Wilmot, David, in Republican conven-
tion (1860), ii. 463; in campaign of
1860, 484 n. ; Peace Convention, iii.
305 n.
Wilmot proviso, i. 89, 90; Mann on,
132; Southern feeling respecting,
134-136; not applied to New
Mexico, 182 ; excluded from com-
promise measures, 191 ; Hale on,
193 ; stifled by Kansas-Nebraska
act, 498 ; Benjamin on, ii. 293 ; voted
for by Lincoln, 310.
Wilson, Bluford, and Whiskey Ring,
vii. 184, 185 n., 187.
Wilson, Henry, of Massachusetts, on
Taylor and secession threats, i.
134 n. ; against Fugitive Slave law,
212 ; on election of Sumner, 228 n. ;
supports Hale, 264 ; elected to Senate,
ii. 66 ; and Northern Know-nothings,
90 ; rise, 96 ; leaves Know-nothing
party, 97 ; speech on Kansas question,
130; speech published, 131; chal-
lenged by Brooks, 145 ; on Toombs
bill, 191; on disunion, 208; in cam-
paign of 1856, 223 ; visit to Kansas,
275 ; in Senate, 282 ; on Douglas and
Broderick, 300; policy as to Doug-
las, 306; and John Brown's plan,
389 ; in campaign of 1860, 484 ; votes
for tariff of 1857, iii. 44 n. ; on Wash-
ington society, 81 n. ; opposition to
Lincoln, iv. 463 n. ; charges ex-
amining surgeons with corruption, v.
228; vote on the whiskey tax, 268,
273; on Johnson's policy, 532 n. ;
on Southern outrages, vi. 25; on
political value of negro suffrage, 34 ;
political warning on Southern con-
ditions (1869), 287, 288, 292; on
Ku-Klux act, 314; nominated for
Vice-President, 427; elected, 437;
at Greeley's funeral, 440 n. ; and
Credit Mobilier, vii. 1, 13.
Wilson, J. F., of Iowa, and Thirteenth
Amendment, iv. 474 ; on war-time
prosperity, v. 208; and Reconstruc-
tion bill, vi. 6; and earlier attempt
to impeach Johnson, 99 ; impeach-
ment manager, 115; and Tenure-
of-Office act, 130; opposes green-
back contraction, 224 n.
Wilson, J. G., on Fillmore, i. 297 n.
Wilson, J. H., captures Davis, v. 182,
183.
Wilson, J. M., of Indiana, Credit Mobi-
lier investigation, vii. 2 n.
Wilson's Creek, Mo., battle, iii. 469.
Wiltz, L. A., conflict in Louisiana legis-
lature, vii. 118.
Winchester, Va., Jackson routs Banks,
iv. 18; Sheridan's victory, 526.
Winder, J. H., martial-law rule in
Richmond, iii. 601-603 ; on scarcity
of food at Andersonville, v. 493;
urges parole of prisoners, 502 ; bru-
tality, 506.
Windom, William, vote on the whiskey
tax, v. 267.
Wine, price at the South, v. 350.
Winston, P. H., acknowledgments to,
v. 452 n., vi. 310 n.
Winter, T. D., on conditions in Ten-
nessee (June, 1861), iii. 384 n.
Winthrop, R. C, Whig candidate for
speaker, i. 117; succeeds Webster in
Senate, against Fugitive Slave law,
182; holds aloof from Republican
430
GENERAL INDEX
Winthrop, R. G. — Continued.
party, ii. 97 ; on Kansas, 189 n. ;
supports Fillmore, 206; and com-
promise, iii. 171, 311 n. ; and Copper-
headism, iv. 225 n. ; political speeches
(1864), 530-534; on Lincoln, v.
144 n. ; on war scenes, 198 ; on flood
of immorality, 212, 213.
Winthrop, Theodore, on ovation to
Seventh Regiment, iii. 372.
Wirth, Max, on cause of panic of 1857,
iii. 51 n., 52 n., 54 n.
Wirz, Henry, on conditions at Ander-
sonville, v. 493, 495, 496 n. ; policy
of decimation attributed to, 503 ;
brutality, hanged, 506.
Wisconsin, legislative corruption
(1856), iii. 61 n. ; modifies Per-
sonal Liberty law, 253 ; goes Demo-
cratic (1862), iv. 163; (1873), vii.
67.
Wise, H. A., on Know-nothings, ii. 56,
88 ; supports Buchanan, 170, 171 ;
on Fremont, 205; on campaign of
1856, 209; on Lecompton scheme,
290 ; on John Brown, 398 ; demand
for Gerrit Smith, 401 ; campaign in
western Virginia, iii. 489.
Wister, Owen, on Grant at Appomat-
tox, v. 129 n.
Wolseley, Lord, on McClellan's retreat,
iv. 54 n.
Women, Thackeray on American,
iii. 75 n. ; influence, 97, 98; of
the North, Lincoln's tribute, v.
259; of the South, devotion, 465;
anxiety, 465, 466; indignation,
466.
Wood, Dr., attends Taylor, i. 176.
Wood, Fernando, demagogism (1857),
iii. 48-50 ; corrupt mayor, 62 n. ;
and neutrality of New York,
369, 372; amendment to the whis-
key tax, v. 263, 264 ; character, 266,
267; excluded from the National
Union convention, 615.
Wood, T. J., Missionary Ridge, iv.
406.
Woodford, S. L., in campaign of 1860,
ii. 484 n. ; on destitution at Charles-
ton, v. 100; in Ohio campaign
(1875), vii. 178 n.
Woods, C. R., on the burning of Colum-
bia, v. 94.
Woods, W. B., on the .burning of
Columbia, v. 94; opinion on Ku-
Klux act, vi. 316 n.
Woodson, Daniel, instructions to Colo-
nel Sumner, ii. 1G7.
Wool, J. E., and Southern forts, iii.
182 ; Peace Convention, 305 n. ;
and Harper's Ferry, iv. 146, 147;
and draft riot, 326.
Wool, growth of manufactures, iii.
59 n. ; manufactures at the South,
v. 395; tariff act of 1867, vi. 221,
222.
Woolsey, T. D., on England's neutrality
proclamation, iii. 420 n. ; and the
American Case, vi. 365.
Worden, J. L., Monitor-Merrimac
fight, iii. 612, 613.
Wormeley, Katherine P., experience
as an army nurse, v. 251-253.
Wortley, Lady, on condition of slaves,
i. 373 ; as a critic of America, iii. 65,
80.
Wright, G. G., Senate Committee on
Finance, vii. 53 n.
Wright, H. G., western command, iv.
174; saves Washington, 503; corps
commander, v. Ill; pierces Con-
federate lines, 113.
Wright, M. J., work on the Official
Records, v. 626 n.
Wright, William, of New Jersey, and
the vote on the Civil Rights veto, v.
585.
Wyeth, J. A., on the Fort Pillow mas-
sacre, v. 513 n.
Wyman, Miss, acknowledgments to,
iii. 389 n., iv. 539 n., v. 626 n.
Wyman, H. H., acknowledgment to, v.
195 n.
Yale College welcomes Kossuth, i.
235.
Yancey, W. L., speech in Charleston
convention, ii. 447, 448; against
Douglas, 452 ; and anti-secessionists,
iii. 274, 275; sent to Europe, 321;
opposition to martial law, v. 454;
and Davis, 478 ; personal altercation
with Hill, 479, 480.
Yates, Edmund, letter to the women
of England, i. 319 n.
Yates, Richard, and Personal Liberty
law, iii. 253; and Buell, iv. 183;
and his legislature, 224 ; on political
effect of the draft, v. 240.
WINTHROP — YOUNG
431
Yellow fever in New Orleans, i. 400,
402-413 ; compared with plague of
fourteenth century, 143 n. ; in 1858,
ii. 350.
Yerger, William, on the abolition of
slavery, v. 614,
York, Pa., Confederates capture, iv.
272, 273.
Yorktown, Va., Confederate line, iii.
616; siege, iv. 2-4.
Youmans, E. L., on discomforts of
lyceum tours, iii. 91 n.
Young, B. H., raid on St. Albansy v.
333, 334 ; arrested in Canada, 334 ;
released, 335-337.
Young, P. M. B., congressman, vi. 302 n.
This index was made for me by D. M. Matteson.
' // is not probable that we shall see a more complete or better-balanced
history of our great civil war." — The Nation.
HISTORY OF THE
UNITED STATES
FROM THE COMPROMISE OF 1850
BY JAMES FORD RHODES
Complete in seven octavo volumes, attractively bound in dark
blue cloth, with gilt tops and lettering
1850-1854
11.
1854-1860
in.
1860-1862
IV.
1862-1864
V.
1864-1866
VI.
1866-1872
VII.
1872-1877
The first volume tells the history of the country during the four years'
futile attempt to avoid conflict by the Missouri Compromise, ending with
its repeal in 1854.
The second volume deals with the stirring events which followed this re-
peal, through all the Kansas and Nebraska struggles, to the triumph of the
then newly organized Republican party in the election of Lincoln in i860.
The third volume states the immediate effect upon the country of Lin-
coln's election ; covers the period of actual secession ; the dramatic open-
ing of the war, the almost light-hearted acceptance of it as a " three-months'
picnic " ; and closes in the sobering defeat of Bull Run.
The fourth volume follows the progress of the war in vivid discussions of
campaigns, battles, the patient search for the right commander, and the
attitude toward this country of the British government and people.
The fifth volume opens with the account of Sherman's march to the sea.
The adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment, Lincoln's assassination, John-
son's administration, and the state of society in the North and the South at
the end of the exhausting war are fully treated. The volume ends with an
account of the political campaign of 1866.
The sixth volume deals with the Reconstruction Acts and their execution,
the impeachment of President Johnson, the Ku Klux K'an, the Freed-
men's Bureau, the ratification of the XI Vth and the passage of the XVth
amendments, and with foreign and financial affairs.
The seventh volume deals with the Credit Mobilier scandal, the " Salary
Grab" Act, the financial panic of 1873, the continued Reconstruction,
with a summing up. It closes with an account of the presidential cam-
paign of 1876 and the disputed presidency.
Price of the set, $17.50 net
Per volume, $2.50 net
PUBLISHED Br
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
64-66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
PRESS COMMENTS ON THE
History of the United States
By JAMES FORD RHODES
By Andrew McLaughlin, in "The American Historical
Review"
Vol. I. " Mr. Rhodes has shown unusual skill in handling re-
dundant or conflicting testimony; and he has shown
himself a historian and not a partisan. . . . He is
writing a political and social history with rare judgment,
accuracy, and patience, with good literary skill, and with
sincerity and honesty of purpose."
From " The New York Tribune "
" A work like this, so temperate in thought, so elevated
in style, so just and reasonable in exposition, so large in
comprehension of causes and effects, and so tolerant and
truly catholic in conclusions, could not have been written
if the momentous period under consideration had not
been closed. In no other recent contribution to the
study of American politics is there so true a sense of his-
torical perspective as in these volumes. The field of
view is definitely outlined so that it is not obscured by
haze and mist on the outer confines. Within it events,
tendencies, legislation, political administrations, and the
men who have been making history hand over hand, ap-
pear in their rightful relations.
Vol. II. " The picture is perfect in proportion and in composition.
It is a complete survey of a period that is finished. It is
a work of great dignity of purpose, and is rich in re-
sources of learning and political and moral philosophy.
The style, while less stately and rhetorical than that of
Bancroft, is direct, trenchant, often epigrammatic, and
always luminous. Every page bears evidence of pains-
taking and laborious research. Every chapter has the
impress of a cultivated, thoroughly equipped mind and
of a magnanimous, tolerant nature,"
2
From "The Athenaeum," London
Vol. II. " Mr. Rhodes not only takes great pains, but he has
the art of giving pleasing literary expression to his con-
clusions."
From "The Spectator," London
" Mr. Rhodes's first volume deals mainly with slavery as
an institution in the Southern States, and the various
political compromises by which it was sought to prevent
that institution from becoming the cause — or at least
the excuse — for disintegration and civil war. In the
second we seem to drift helplessly toward the conflict.
. . . We have indicated that one of Mr. Rhodes's chief
excellences as a literary artist is his power of character-
ization. This is admirably illustrated by his sketches of
Charles Sumner and John Brown. . . . These volumes
are something more and better than a gallery of political
portraits. But the portraits will, from their being so well
executed, remain longer in the memory than anything
else."
From " The Saturday Review," London
Vol. III. " Mr. Rhodes is not merely impartial and laborious,
but he is determined that his research and the judicial
character of his work shall be patent on the face of his
writing. He almost always tells us, if not directly, at least
by implication, the process by which he arrives at his
conclusions, and the nature of the conflicting views be-
tween which he strikes a balance. His impartiality, too,
is really judicial, and never results from missing or under-
rating the greatness of the issues wherewith he is dealing.
... It is one of the most readable works on the
subject which it has been our fortune to meet."
From "The Daily Chronicle," London
" Although Mr. Rhodes is long, he is never dull. He
can tell a story ; he can expound a series of connected
arguments with great skill ; he can pierce to the heart of
his subject and reveal the essential purpose of the
3
Vol. III. political struggle of the period. He has his convictions,
which are strong and sound ; but he is never, so far as
we have observed, other than scrupulously fair all round."
From " The Edinburgh Review," Scotland
"Mr. Rhodes's work is full, intelligible, and, on the
whole, impartial. . . . We read his work with increas-
ing respect as we proceed. We acknowledge the
thoroughness with which he has investigated a great his-
torical episode, and the impartiality with which he has
approached a subject which stirred his fellow-country-
men to the very depths of their souls."
From " The Nation," New York
Vol. IV. " We find ourselves following with unflagging interest
his strong synthesis of current facts, actions, and opin-
ions, which make vivid the actual life of the time. We
breathe the atmosphere of the period itself, and share
the doubts, the fears, and the deep solicitude of the
actors in it. . . . The historian so well preserves his
own balance of judicial calmness, and his full knowledge
of all the facts which should temper and modify our
judgment is so well at his command, that we easily
yield to his interpretation of events even against our own
predilections. Our consciousness of this effect upon our-
selves goes far to make us believe that here we have
something very near to what time will prove to be the
accepted story of the nation's great struggle for self-
preservation. . . . The definite clearness of judgment
and the right-minded fairness of criticism shown in each
chapter support our earlier judgment that the whole book
will be a trustworthy guide and a friendly companion in
our study of the time, as ^indispensable to those whose
canons of political judgments may differ from the author's
as to those who fully accord with him."
From " The Yale Review "
" For the conception and execution of the task in this
spirit, Mr. Rhodes is exceptionally well qualified."
4
By W. A. Dunning, in " The American Historical Review "
Vol. IV. " Mr. Rhodes has now attained that agreeable position
in which a new volume of his history is distinctly an
'event.' The position has its responsibilities; but the
present volume offers abundant evidence that the author
is quite capable of sustaining them. In guiding us
through the central heat of the Civil War, he never loses
the clearness of head and the calmness of spirit with
which he brought us up to the conflagration."
By Frederic Bancroft, in " Harper's Weekly "
"No writer of United States history has ever made
such thorough use of all the materials and shown such
industry and good judgment, together with much literary
skill. . . . He sees with extraordinary clearness the
leading characteristics of great men. His descriptions
of the heroes, like Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan,
Lee, and Jackson, are realistic and impressive. . . . He
shows us the real Abraham Lincoln as no one else has
ever done. ... It greatly enhances the permanent
value of this great work, which is sure to remain a
standard."
From " The New York Tribune "
Vol. V. "Mr. Rhodes is painstaking in research, showing a
full acquaintance with the sources of accurate knowledge.
He has capacity for weighing evidence and grasping the
essential truth of contemporary impressions or reports of
eye-witnesses, while guarding against insufficient induc-
tions, balancing them with less vivid official records.
He has charm and lucidity of style and a rare gift for
quotation, not the trick of essayists who make a pastiche
of other people's clever sayings, but the faculty of seizing
the word or phrase from letter, speech, or debate which
reflects the actual movement of events and makes his
reader the participant in a living scene. Above all he is
inflexibly judicious, without causes to plead, friends to
eulogize, or enemies to condemn, but with one sole aim,
the truth."
5
From " The Speaker," London
Vol. V. "Masses of records, pamphlets, newspapers, private
letters, have been ransacked in order to correct the false
traditions which register contemporary misconceptions
and hallucinations during times of turmoil and passion.
The havoc wrought by war among the non-combatants
has never been described with more convincing fidelity
than in the painstaking account given by Dr. Rhodes of
the condition of the South during 1863 and 1864, and
his rendering of events during the presidency of Andrew
Johnson is a singularly careful attempt to assist the judg-
ment of citizens in understanding the most tangled bit of
modern American history."
By Win. Roscoe Thayer, in " The Atlantic Monthly "
" In selecting and presenting evidence, he is conspicu-
ously fair ; and his plain style reassures those who fear
that brilliance means untrustworthiness."
By Walter L. Fleming, in ' ' The Political Science Quarterly ' •
Vol. V. " In summing up, it may be said that the history of
Mr. Rhodes, while as fair and judicial as any American
can now make it, is distinctly from the Northern stand-
point ; that there is the intent, usually successful, to meet
the other side with fairness, though a sympathetic treat-
ment of both sides is naturally impossible at present. . . .
As a whole the book is far superior in liberality to any-
thing that has yet been written."
" The New York Sun »
" The volume contains 626 pages, not one of them
dull or unworthy the critical attention of the student of
history. The author's grasp of detail is sure, his sense
of proportion seldom, if ever, at fault ; his judgment of
the reader's interest in a subject admirable ; and his
impartiality can never be doubted. His style is ade-
quate, never lacking in vigor, precision, and color. No
one need hesitate to hail Mr. Rhodes as one of the great
American historians."
6
11 The New York Times "
Vol. V. " Since Mr. James Ford Rhodes began to publish his
now famous ' History of the United States from the
Compromise of 1850,' twelve years have elapsed, years
filled with events in the art and science of history writing ;
yet nothing has lessened the interest of scholars and the
general public in this important work. From time to time
new instalments have been quietly, unostentatiously given
to the reading world, until now the fifth volume is before
us. It was a great undertaking — an account of our
momentous Civil War and its consequences on American
destiny. The first volume set a hitherto unattained
standard of judgment, of criticism, of fairness to all
parties concerned. Not a single chapter nor a single
paragraph of the four succeeding ones has fallen short
of the high promise of the first."
GENERAL COMMENT
From "The Times," London
"The serious students whom the subject attracts will find Mr.
Rhodes's work indispensable."
From " The Herald," Boston, Mass.
" The work is thoroughly admirable in point of style — clear, concise,
and really fascinating in its narrative. A more thoroughly readable
book has seldom been written in any department of literature. . . .
We commend these volumes to those in search of a war history, as
much the most readable and interesting, as well as the most genuinely
instructive, of anything on the subject that has yet appeared. It will
afford a revival of memories to the older class of readers, and a value
in instruction to the younger, difficult to be overestimated."
By Charles Dudley Warner, in "Harper's Magazine "
" Written with a freshness of style which will appeal even to those
who are not interested in its subject. Its vivid biographical sketches
portray the men of whom they treat. It shows no little research, and
no small amount of literary skill ; it is, above all, honest and impartial."
7
From " The English Historical Review "
"Without a touch of rhetoric he brings out in full force the
moral and economical evils of slavery as it existed in the South, its
baneful effect on domestic life, on class relations, on industry. But
he never fails to distinguish with singular fairness between the evil
of a system and the moral responsibility of those individuals on
whom the maintenance of a system has almost of necessity devolved."
From " The Daily News," London
" His history, the work of an acute thinker and an earnest and
liberal-minded politician, will doubtless take rank as a standard
authority on the period with which it deals."
From " The Evening Post," New York
: " There is the same abundant and almost exhaustive collation of
material, the same simplicity and directness of method, the same
good judgment in the selection of topics for full treatment or for
sketchy notice, the same calmness of temper and absence of passion-
ate partisanship. He may fairly be said to be a pupil of the Gardi-
ner school and to have made the great English historian a model
in subordinating the literary element to the judicial, and in compel-
ling his readers to accept his guidance as that of a trustworthy pilot
through the mazes of conflicting evidence and the struggles of op-
posing principles."
From " The Plain Dealer," Cleveland
" In truth, Mr. Rhodes's ' History of the United States ' has the
fascination of a novel, while it has been accepted on both sides of the
Atlantic as standing in the very front rank of histories of the period
for its accuracy and sound judgment, as well as its pellucid style."
By Wm. G. Brown, in " The American Historical Review"
"It is not unreasonable, I think, to claim for the work of this
American historian an importance not quite equalled by the word of
any of his contemporaries who are uniting history in the same tongue.
The judgment of competent critics is . . . fairly unanimous, and the
essence of their consensus is,, that Mr. Rhodes tells the truth. It
would probably be hard to improve on that plain statement of the
solid excellence of all his work. And it conveys, in his case, very
high praise."
8
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