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By henry ADAMS 

f a 

Vol. in. V 







Copyright, 1890 

Bt Chaelks Scribnkr's Sons. 

Copyright, 1918 

By Chabi^s Francis Adams and Horace D. Chapin 



I. The Meeting at Ghent 1 

II. The Treaty of Ghent 24 

III. Close of Hostilities 54 

IV. Decline of Massachusetts 80 

v. Peace Legislation 104 

VI. Retirement of Madison 126 

VII. Economical Results 154 

VIII. Religious and Political Thought .... 175 

IX. Literature and Art 198 

X. American Character 219 

List of Maps and Plans 243 

General Index 245 



During the spring and summer of 1814 the task 
of diplomacy was less hopeful than that of arms. 
Brown and Izard with extreme difficulty defended 
the frontier ; but Gallatin and Bayard could find no 
starting-point for negotiation. Allowed by Castle- 
reagh's courtesy to visit England, they crossed the 
Channel in April, and established themselves in Lon- 
don. There Gallatin remained until June 21, waiting 
for the British government to act, and striving with 
tact, caution, and persistency to bring both govern- 
ments on common ground ; but the attempt was 
hopeless. England was beside herself with the in- 
toxication of European success. 

Although the English newspapers expressed a false 
idea of the general will, and were even at cross pur- 
poses with the Ministry in American matters, their 
tone was in some respects an indifferent barometer 
for measuring the elation or depression of the public 
temper, and exercised some influence, rather apparent 

VOL IX. — 1 


than real, on the momentary attitudes of government. 
Had Castlereagh and his colleagues been really con- 
trolled by the press, no American peace could have 
been made. Whatever spirit of friendship for Amer- 
ica might exist was necessarily silent, and only ex- 
travagant enmity found expression either in the press 
or in society. 

Perhaps because ministers were believed to wish for 
peace with the United States, the London " Times," 
which was not a ministerial journal, made itself con- 
spicuous in demanding war. The " Times " had not 
previously shown a vindictive spirit, but it repre- 
sented the Wellesley and Canning interest, which 
could discover no better course than that of being 
more English than England, and more patriotic than 
the Government. The " Times " was always ably 
written and well edited, but its language toward the 
United States showed too strong a connection with 
that of the Federalists, from whose public and pri- 
vate expressions the press of England formed its 
estimate of American character. 

The " Times " indulged to excess in the pleasure 
of its antipathy. Next to Napoleon, the chief victim 
of English hatred was Madison. For so mild a man 
Madison possessed a remarkable faculty of exciting 
invective. The English press surpassed the American 
Federahsts in their allusions to him, and the "Times" 
was second to no English newspaper in the energy of 
its vituperation. " The lunatic ravings of the philo- 
sophic statesman of Washington " were in its politi- 


cal category of a piece with " his spaniel-like fawning 
on the Emperor of Russia.^ . . . The most abject of 
the tools of the deposed tyrant ; . . . doubtless he ex- 
pected to be named Prince of the Potomack or Grand 
Duke of Virginia." ^ The " Sun " somewhat less 
abusively spoke of "that contemptiljle wretch Madi- 
son, and his gang;"^ but the "Times" habitually 
called him liar and impostor. 

"Having disposed of all our enemies in Europe," 
the " Times " in the middle of April turned its atten- 
tion to the United States. " Let us have no cant 
of moderation," was its starting-point. " There is 
no public feeling in the country stronger than that 
of indignation against the Americans ; . . . conduct 
so base, so loathsome, so hateful. ... As we urged 
- the principle, No peace with Bonaparte ! so we must 
maintain the doctrine of. No peace with James Madi- 
son ! " * To this rule the " Times " steadily adhered 
with a degree of ill-temper not easily to be described, 
and with practical objects freely expressed. " Mr. 
Madison's dirty, swindling manoeuvres in respect to 
Louisiana and the Floridas remain to be punished," 
it declared April 27; and May 17 it pursued the 
idea : " He must fall a victim to the just vengeance of 
the Federalists. Let us persevere. Let us unmask 
the impostor. . . . Who cares about the impudence 

1 The Times, Feb. 4 and 10, 1814. 
3 The Times, April 23, 1814. 
« The Sun, Aug. 4, 1814. 
* The Times, April 15, 1814 


which they call a doctrine ? . . . We shall demand 
indemnity. . . . We shall insist on security for Can- 
ada. . . . We shall inquire a little into the American 
title to Louisiana ; and we shall not permit the base 
attack on Florida to go unpunished." May 18 it 
declared that Madison had put himself on record as 
a liar in the cause of his Corsican master. " He has 
lived an impostor, and he deserves to meet the fate 
of a traitor. That fate now stares him in the face." 
May 24 the " Times " resumed the topic : " They are 
struck to the heart with terror for their impending 
punishment ; and oh may no false liberality, no 
mistaken lenity, no weak and cowardly policy, inter- 
pose to save them from the blow ! Strike ! chastise 
the savages, for such they are ! . . . With Madison 
and his perjured set no treaty can be made, for no 
oath can bind them." When British commissioners 
were at last announced as ready to depart for Ghent 
to negotiate for peace with the United States, June 2, 
the " Times " gave them instructions : " Our demands 
may be couched in a single word, — Submission ! " 

The "Morning Post," a newspaper then carrying 
higher authority than the "Times," used language 
if possible more abusive, and even discovered, Jan. 
18, 1814, " a new trait in the character of the 
American government. Enjoying the reputation of 
being the most unprincipled and the most contempti- 
ble on the face of the earth, they were already known 
to be impervious to any nol)le sentiment ; but it is 
only of late that we find them insensible of the shame 


of defeat, destitute even of the brutish quality of be- 
ing beaten into a sense of their unworthiness and 
their incapacity." Of Madison the " Morning Post " 
held the lowest opinion. He was " a despot in dis- 
guise ; a miniature imitation " and miserable tool of 
Bonaparte, who wrote his Annual Message ; a sense- 
less betrayer of his comitry.^ 

The " Times " and " Morning Post " were inde- 
pendent newspapers, and spoke only for themselves ; 
but the " Courier " was supposed to draw inspiration 
from the Government, and commonly received the 
first knowledge of ministers' intentions. In temper 
the " Courier " seemed obliged to vie with its less 
favored rivals. The President's Annual Message of 
1813 resembled in its opinion " all the productions of 
that vain and vulgar Cabinet ; " it was " a compound 
of canting and hypocrisy, of exaggeration and false- 
hood, of coarseness without strength, of assertions 
without proof, of the meanest prejudices, and of the 
most malignant passions; of undisguised hatred of 
Great Britain, and of ill-concealed partiality and ser- 
vility toward France." ^ " We know of no man for 
whom we feel gi'eater contempt than for Mr. Madi- 
son," said the " Courier " of May 24. These illus- 
trations of what the " Courier " called " exaggeration 
and falsehood, of coarseness without strength, of as- 
sertions without proof, of the meanest prejudices, 
and of the most malignant passions " were probably 

1 The Morning Post, Jan. 27 and Feb. 1, 1814. 
« The Courier, Jan. 27, 1814. 


in some degree a form as used by the " Courier," 
which would at a hint from the Ministry adopt a 
different tone ; but announcements of official acts 
and intentions were more serious, and claimed more 
careful attention. 

Immediately after the capitulation of Paris, March 
31, the Ministry turned its attention to the United 
States, and the " Courier " announced, April 15, that 
twenty thousand men were to go from the Garonne 
to America. Mr. Madison, the " Courier " added, 
had " made a pretty kettle of fish of it." Twenty 
thousand men were about two thirds of Wellington's 
English force, and their arrival in America would, 
as every Englishman believed, insure the success of 
the campaign. Not until these troops were embarked 
would the Ministry begin to negotiate ; but in the 
middle of May the military measures were complete, 
and then the " Courier " began to prepare the public 
mind for terms of peace. 

These terms were the same as those announced by 
the " Times," except that the " Courier " did not ob- 
ject to treating with Madison. The United States 
were to be interdicted the fisheries ; Spain was to be 
supported in recovering Louisiana ; the right of im- 
pressment must be expressly conceded, — anything 
short of this would be unwise and a disappointment. 
" There are points which must be conceded by Amer- 
ica before we can put an end to the contest." ^ Such 
language offered no apparent hope of peace ; yet what- 
» The Courier, May 19 and 24, 1814. 


ever hope existed lay in Castlereagh, who inspired it. 
Extravagant as the demands were, they fell short of 
the common expectation. The " Courier " admitted 
the propriety of negotiation; it insisted neither on 
Madison's retirement nor on a division of the Union, 
and it refrained from asserting the whole British de- 
mand, or making it an ultimatnm. 

The chief pressure on the Ministry came from Can- 
ada, and could not be ignored. The Canadian gov- 
ernment returned to its old complaint that Canadian 
interests had been ignorantly and wantonly sacrificed 
by the treaty of 1783, and that the opportunity to 
correct the wrong should not be lost. The Canadian 
official " Gazette " insisted that the United States 
should be required to surrender the northern part 
of the State of New York, and that both banks of 
the St. Lawrence should be Canadian property .^ A 
line from Plattsburg to Sackett's Harbor would sat- 
isfy this necessity ; but to secure Canadian interests, 
the British government should further insist on ac- 
quiring the east bank of the Niagara River, and on 
a guaranty of the Indian Territory from Sandusky 
to Kaskaskias, with the withdrawal of American 
military posts in the Northwest. A pamphlet was 
published in May to explain the subject for the use 
of the British negotiators, and the required territorial 
cessions were marked on a map.^ The control of 

* Niles, vi. 322. 

' Compressed view of the Points to be discussed in treating 
with America. London, 1814. 


the Lakes, the Ohio River as the Indian boundary, 
and the restitution of Louisiana were the chief sacri- 
fices wished from the United States. The cession 
of a part of Maine was rather assumed than claimed, 
and the fisheries were to be treated as wholly Eng- 
lish. A memorial from Newfoundland, dated Nov. 8, 
1813,1 pointed out the advantages which the war had 
already brought to British trade and fisheries by 
the exclusion of American competition, to the result 
of doubling the number of men employed on the 
Labrador shores; and the memorialists added, — 

" They cannot too often urge the important policy 
... of wholly excluding foreigners from sharing again 
in the advantages of a fishery from which a large pro- 
portion of our best national defence will be derived." 

British confidence was at its highest point when 
the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia 
visited London, June 7, and received an enthusiastic 
welcome. Gallatin obtained an interview with the 
Czar, June 17, and hoped that Russian influence 
might moderate British demands ; but the Czar could 
give him no encouragement.^ Gallatin wrote home 
an often-quoted despatch, dated June 13, warning 
the President that fifteen or twenty thousand men 
were on their way to America, and that the United 
States could expect no assistance from Europe. 

*'I have also the most perfect conviction," Gallatin 
continued, " that under the existing unpropitious circum- 
stances of the world, America cannot by a continuance 
* Niles, vi. 238. ' Adams's Gallatin, p. 514. 


of the war compel Great Britain to yield any of the 
maritime points in dispute, and particularly to agree to 
any satisfactory arrangement on the subject of impress- 
ment ; and that the most favorable terms of peace that 
can be expected are the status ante helium." 

Even these terms, Gallatin added, depended on 
American success in withstanding the shock of the 
campaign. He did not say that at the time he wrote, 
the status ante helium would be scouted by public 
opinion in England as favorable to the United States ; 
but his estimate of the situation was more nearly 
exact than though he had consulted only the apparent 
passions of the British press. 

" Lord Castlereagh," wrote Gallatin to Clay, ^ " is, 
according to the best information I can collect, the 
best disposed man in the Cabinet." Yet Castlereagh 
did not venture at that stage to show a disposition 
for peace. He delayed the negotiation, perhaps wise- 
ly, six weeks after the American negotiators had 
assembled at Ghent ; and his instructions ^ to the 
British commissioners, dated July 28, reflected the 
demands of the press. They offered, not the status 
ante helium, but the uti possidetis, as the starting- 
point of negotiation. " The state of possession must 
be considered as the territorial arrangement which 
would revive upon a peace, except so far as the same 
may be modified by any new treaty." The state of 
possession, in view of the orders that had then been 

1 Gallatin to Clay, April 22, 1814 ; Adams's Gallatin, p. 506. 
' Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 67. 


given, or were to be given, for the invasion of the 
United States, was likely to cost the Americans half 
of Maine, between the Penobscot and the Passama- 
quoddy; Plattsburg, and the northern part of New 
York, Vermont, and New Hampshire ; Fort Niagara, 
Mackinaw, and possibly New Orleans and Mobile. 
Besides this concession of the uti possidetis, or mili- 
tary occupation at the date of peace, the Americans 
were required at the outset to admit as a sine qua non, 
or condition precedent to any negotiation, that Eng- 
land's Indian allies, the tribes of the Northwestern 
Territory, should be included in the pacification, and 
that a definite boundary should be assigned to them 
under a mutual guaranty of both Powers. Eastport, 
or Moose Island, and the fishing privileges were to 
be regarded as British. With these instructions of 
July 28, the British commissioners, early in August, 
started for Ghent. 

Between Castlereagh's ideas and those of Madison 
no relation existed. Gallatin and his colleagues at 
Ghent were provided with two sets of instructions. 
The first set had been written in 1813, for the ex- 
pected negotiation at Petersburg. The second set 
was written in January, 1814, and was brought to 
Europe by Clay, Neither authorized the American 
commissioners to discuss such conditions as Castle- 
reagh proposed. The President gave his negotiators 
authority to deal with questions of maritime law ; 
but even there they were allowed to exercise no dis- 
cretion on the chief issue in dispute. Monroe's latest 


letter, dated January 28, was emphatic. " On impress- 
ment, as to the right of the United States to be ex- 
empted from it, I have nothing to add," said the 
secretary ; ^ " the sentiments of the President have 
undergone no change on that important subject. 
This degrading practice must cease ; our flag must 
protect the crew, or the United States cannot con- 
sider themselves an independent nation." The Presi- 
dent would consent to exclude all British seamen, 
except those already naturalized, from American ves- 
sels, and to stipulate the surrender of British de- 
serters ; but the express abandonment of impressment 
was a sine qua non of treaty. " If this encroachment 
of Great Britain is not provided against," said Mon- 
roe, " the United States have appealed to arms in 
vain. If your efforts to accomplish it should fail, 
all further negotiations will cease, and you will return 
home without delay." 

On territorial questions the two governments were 
equally wide apart. So far from authorizing a ces- 
sion of territorial rights, Monroe instructed the Amer- 
ican commissioners, both at St. Petersburg and at 
Ghent, " to bring to view the advantage to both 
countries which is promised by a transfer of the 
upper parts and even the whole of Canada to the 
United States." ^ The instructions of January 1 

1 Instructions of Jan. 28, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, 
ill. 701. 

a Monroe's Instructions of June 23, 1813; MSS. State Depart- 
ment Records. 


and January 28, 1814, reiterated the reasoning which 
should decide England voluntarily to cede Canada. 
"Experience has shown that Great Britain cannot 
participate in the dominion and navigation of the 
Lakes without incurring the danger of an early re- 
newal of the war," ^ 

These instructions were subsequently omitted from 
the published documents, probably because the Ghent 
commissioners decided not to act upon them ; ^ but 
when the American negotiators met their British 
antagonists at Ghent, each party was under orders 
to exclude the other, if possible, from the Lakes, and 
the same divergence of opinion in regard to the re- 
sults of two years' war extended over the whole field 
of negotiation. The British were ordered to begin 
by a sine qua non in regard to the Indians, which 
the Americans had no authority to consider. The 
Americans were ordered to impose a sine qua non 
in regard to impressments, which the British were 
forbidden to concede. The British were obliged to 
claim the basis of possession ; the Americans were 
not even authorized to admit the status existinp- 
before the war. The Americans were required to 
negotiate about blockades, contraband and maritime 
rights of neutrals ; the British could not admit 
such subjects into dispute. The British regarded 
their concessions of fishing-rights as terminated by 

^ Instructions of Jan. 1 and Jan. 28, 1814; MSS. State De- 
partment Records. 

' Diary of J. Q. Adams, iii. 61. 


the "war ; the Americans could not entertain the 

The diplomacy that should produce a treaty from 
such discordant material must show no ordinary ex- 
cellence ; yet even from that point of view the pros- 
pect was not encouraging. The British government 
made a peculiar choice of negotiators. The chief 
British commissioner, Lord Gambler, was unknown 
in diplomacy, or indeed in foreign affairs. A writer 
in the London " Morning Chronicle " of August 9 
expressed the general surprise that Government could 
make no better selection for the chief of its commis- 
sion than Lord Gambler, " who was a post-captain in 
1794, and happened to fight the ' Defence ' decently 
in Lord Howe's action ; who slumbered for some 
time as a Junior Lord of the Admiralty ; who sung 
psalms, said prayers, and assisted in the burning of 
Copenhagen, for which he was made a lord." 

Gambler showed no greater fitness for his difficult 
task than was to be expected from his training ; and 
the second member of the commission, Henry Goul- 
burn, could not supply Gambler's deficiencies. Goul- 
burn was Under-Secretary of State to Lord Bathurst ; 
he was a very young man, but a typical under-secre- 
tary, combining some of Francis James Jackson's 
temper with the fixed opinions of the elder Rose, 
and he had as little idea of diplomacy as was to be 
expected from an Under-Secretary of State for the 
colonies. The third and last member was William 
Adams, Doctor of Civil Law, whose professional 


knowledge was doubtless supposed to be valuable to 
the commission, but who was an unknown man, and 
remained one. 

Experience had not convinced the British govern- 
ment that in dealing with the United States it re- 
quired the best ability it could command. The 
mistake made by Lord Shelburne in 1783 was re- 
peated by Lord Castlereagh in 1814. The miscalcu- 
lation of relative ability which led the Foreign Office 
to assume that Gambier, Goulburn, and William 
Adams were competent to deal with Gallatin, J. Q. 
Adams, J. A. Bayard, Clay, and Russell was not rea- 
sonable. Probably the whole British public service, 
including Lords and Commons, could not at that day 
have produced four men competent to meet Gallatin, 
J. Q. Adams, Bayard, and Clay on the ground of 
American interests ; and when Castlereagh opposed 
to them Gambier, Goulburn, and Dr. Adams, he sac- 
rificed whatever advantage diplomacy offered ; for in 
diplomacy as in generalship, the mdividuaJ com- 
manded success. 

The only serious difficulty in the American com- 
mission was its excess of strength. By a natural 
reaction against the attempt to abolish diplomatic 
offices, the United States government sent into di- 
plomacy its most vigorous men. Under favorable 
conditions, four minds and wills of so decided a 
character could not easily work together ; but in the 
Ghent commission an additional difficulty was created 
by the unfortunate interference of the Senate. Origi- 



nally Gallatin, as was due to his age, services, and 
ability, had been the head of the St. Petersburg com- 
mission; but the Senate refused to confirm the ap- 
pointment. The President at last removed Gallatin 
from the Treasury, and renominated him as a member 
of the Ghent commission after the other members 
had been nominated and confirmed. The Senate 
then gave its approval, — thus making Gallatin the 
last member of the commission instead of the first, 
and placing J. Q. Adams above them all. 

Gallatin was peculiarly fitted to moderate a dis- 
cordant body like the negotiators, while Adams was 
by temperament little suited to the post of modera- 
tor, and by circumstances ill-qualified to appear as a 
proper representative of the commission in the eyes 
of its other members. Unless Gallatin were one of 
the loftiest characters and most loyal natures ever 
seen in American politics, Adams's chance of suc- 
cess in controlling the board was not within reason- 
able hope. Gallatin was six years the senior, and 
represented the President, with the authority of close 
and continuous personal friendship. The board, in- 
cluding Adams himself, instinctively bowed to Galla- 
tin's authority ; but they were deferential to no one 
else, least of all to their nominal head. Bayard, 
whose age was the same as that of Adams, was still 
in name a Federalist ; and although his party trusted 
him little more than it trusted Adams or William 
Pinkney, who had avowedly become Republicans, he 
was not the more disposed to follow Adams's leader- 


ship. Clay, though ten years their junior, was the 
most difficult of all to control ; and Jonathan Rus- 
sell, though a New Englander, preferred Clay's social 
charm, and perhaps also his political prospects, to the 
somewhat repellent temper and more than doubtful 
popularity of Adams. 

Personal rivalry and jealousies counted for much 
in such a group ; but these were not the only obsta- 
cles to Adams's influence. By a misfortune com- 
monly reserved for men of the strongest wills, he 
represented no one but himself and a powerless 
minority. His State repudiated and, in a manner, 
ostracized him. Massachusetts gave him no support, 
even in defending her own rights ; by every means 
in her power she deprived him of influence, and 
loaded him with the burden of her own unpopu- 
larity. Adams represented a community not only 
hostile to the war, but avowedly laboring to produce 
peace by means opposed to those employed at Ghent. 
If the Ghent commission should succeed in making 
a treaty, it could do so only by some sacrifice of 
Massachusetts which would ruin Adams at home. 
K the Ghent commission should fail, Adams must 
be equally ruined by any peace produced through 
the treasonable intrigues or overt rebellion of his 

Such a head to a commission so constituted needed 
all the force of character which Adams had, and 
some qualities he did not possess, in order to retain 
enough influence to shape any project into a treaty 


that he could consent to sign ; while Gallatin's singular 
tact and nobility of character were never more likely 
to fail than in the effort to make allowance for the 
difficulties of his chief's position. Had Castlereagh 
improved the opportunity by sending to Ghent one 
competent diplomatist, or even a well-informed and 
intelligent man of business, like Alexander Baring, 
he might probably have succeeded in isolating Adams, 
and in negotiating with the other four commissioners 
a treaty sacrificing Massachusetts. 

The five American commissioners were ready to 
negotiate in June ; but Castlereagh, for obvious rea- 
sons, wished delay, and deferred action until August, 
doubtless intending to prevent the signature of a 
treaty on the basis of uti possidetis until after Sep- 
tember, when Sherbrooke and Prevost should have 
occupied the territory intended to be held. In May 
and June no one in England, unless it were Cobbett, 
entertained more than a passing doubt of British 
success on land and water ; least of all did the 
three British commissioners expect to yield British 
demands. They came to impose terms, or to break 
negotiation. They were not sent to yield any point 
m dispute, or to seek a cessation of arms. 

At one o'clock on the afternoon of August 8, the 
first conference took place in the Hotel des Pays Bas 
at Ghent. After the usual civilities and forms had 
passed, Goulburn took the lead, and presented the 
points which he and his colleagues were authorized 
to discuss, — (1) Impressment and allegiance; (2) 
vou IX. — 2 


the Indians and their boundary, a sine qua non ; 
(3) the Canadian boundary ; (4) the privilege of 
landing and drying fish within British jurisdiction. 
Goulburn declared that it was not intended to con- 
test the right of the United States to the fisheries, 
by which he probably meant the deep-sea fisheries ; 
and he was understood to disavow the intention of 
acquiring territory by the revision of the Canada 
boundary ; but he urged an immediate answer upon 
the question whether the Americans were instructed 
on the point made a sine qua non by the British 

The Americans, seeing as yet only a small part 
of the British demands, were not so much surprised 
at Goulburn's points as unable to answer them. 
The next day they replied in conference that they 
had no authority to admit either Indian boundary or 
fisheries into question, being without instructions on 
these points ; and in their turn presented subjects 
of discussion, — Blockades and Indemnities ; but 
professed themselves willing to discuss everything. 

In the conversation following this reply, the British 
commissioners, with some apparent unwillingness, 
avowed the intention of erecting the Indian Territory 
into a barrier between the British possessions and the 
United States ; and the American commissioners de- 
clined even to retire for consultation on the possi- 
bility of agreeing to such an article. The British 
commissioners then proposed to suspend conferences 
until they could receive further instructions, and their 


wish was followed. Both parties sent despatches to 
their Governments. 

Lord Castlereagh was prompt. As soon as was 
reasonably possible he sent more precise instructions. 
Dated August 14,^ these supplementary instructions 
gave to those of July 28 a distinct outline. They 
proposed the Indian boundary fixed by the Treaty of 
Greenville for the permanent barrier between British 
and American dominion, beyond which neither gov- 
ernment should acquire land. They claimed also a 
" rectification " of the Canadian frontier, and the ces- 
sion of Fort Niagara and Sackett's Harbor, besides 
a permanent prohibition on the United States from 
keeping either naval forces or land fortifications on 
the Lakes. Beyond these demands the British com- 
missioners were not for the present to go, nor were 
they to ask for a direct cession of territory for Can- 
ada " with any view to an acquisition of territory as 
such, but for the purpose of securing her possessions 
and preventing future disputes ; " ^ yet a small ces- 
sion of land in Maine was necessary for a road from 
Halifax to Quebec, and an arrangement of the North- 
western boundary was required to coincide with the 
free navigation of the Mississippi. 

As soon as the new instructions reached Ghent the 
British commissioners summoned the Americans to 
another conference, August 19 ; and Goulburn, read- 

* Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 86. 

2 Note of British Commissioners, Aug. 19, 1814; State Papers, 
Foreign Affairs, iii. 710. 


ing from Castlereagh's despatch, gave to the Ameri- 
cans a clear version of its contents.^ When he had 
finished, Gallatin asked what was to be done with the 
American citizens — perhaps one hundred thousand 
in number — already settled beyond the Greenville 
line, in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan ? Goul- 
burn and Dr. Adams replied that these people must 
shift for themselves. They added also that Moose 
Island and Eastport belonged to Great Britain as 
indisputably as the county of Northamptonshire, and 
were not a subject for discussion ; but they would 
not then make a sme qua non of the proposition 
regarding the Lakes. The conference ended, leav- 
ing the Americans convinced that their answer to 
these demands would close the negotiation. Clay 
alone, whose knowledge of the Western game of brag 
stood him in good stead, insisted that the British 
would recede.^ 

The British commissioners the next day, August 
20, sent an official note containing their demands, 
and the Americans before sending their reply for- 
warded the note to America, with despatches dated 
August 19 and 20, announcing that they intended 
to return " a unanimous and decided negative." ^ 
They then undertook the task of drawing up their 
reply. Upon Adams as head of the conmiission fell 

* Diary of J. Q. Adams, iii. 17, 18, 
2 Diary of J. Q. Adams, iii. 20, 101. 

• Despatch of AHg. 19, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, 
iii 708. 


the duty of drafting formal papers, — a duty which, 
without common consent, no other member could 
assume. His draft met with little mercy, and the 
five gentlemen sat until eleven o'clock of August 
24, " sifting, erasing, patching, and amending until 
we were all wearied, though none of us was yet 
satiated with amendment." At the moment when 
they gave final shape to the note which they believed 
would render peace impossible, the army of General 
Ross was setting fire to the Capitol at Washington, 
and President Madison was seeking safety in the 
Virginia woods. 

Only to persons acquainted with the difficulties of 
its composition did the American note of August 24 
show signs of its diverse origin.^ In dignified temper, 
with reasoning creditable to its authors and decisive 
on its issues, it assured the British negotiators that 
any such arrangement as they required for the Indi- 
ans was contrary to precedent in public law, was not 
founded on reciprocity, and was unnecessary for its 
professed object in regard to the Indians. The other 
demands were equally inadmissible : — 

"They are founded neither on reciprocity, nor on any 
of the usual bases of negotiation, neitlier on that of uti 
possidetis nor of status ante helium. They are above all 
dishonorable to the United States in demanding from 
them to abandon territory and a portion of their citi- 
zens ; to admit a foreign interference in their domestic 
concerns, and to cease to exercise their natural rights 

* Note of Aug. 24, 1814 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, iii. 711. 


on their own shores and in their own waters. A treaty 
concluded on such terms would be but an armistice." 

The negotiators were ready to terminate the war, 
both parties restoring whatever territory might have 
been taken, and reserving their rights over their re- 
spective seamen ; but such demands as were made 
by the British government could not be admitted even 
for reference. 

The American reply was sent to the British com- 
missioners August 25, " and will bring the negotia- 
tion," remarked J. Q. Adams, "very shortly to a 
close." 1 The American commissioners prepared to 
quit Ghent and return to their several posts, while 
the British commissioners waited for instructions 
from London. Even Gallatin, who had clung to the 
hope that he could effect an arrangement, abandoned 
the idea, and believing that the British government 
had adopted a system of conquest, prepared for an 
immediate return to America.^ Goulburn also noti- 
fied his Government that the negotiation was not 
likely to continue, and reported some confidential 
warnings from Bayard that such conditions of peace 
would not only insure war, but would sacrifice the 
Federalist party. " It has not made the least im- 
pression upon me or upon my colleagues," reported 
Goulburn to Bathurst.^ 

1 Diary of J. Q. Adams, Aug. 25, 1814, iii. 23. 
a Adams's Gallatin, p. 524. 

« Goulburn to Bathurst, Aug. 23, 1814; Wellington, Supple- 
mentary Despatches, ix. 189. 


At that point the negotiation remained stationary 
for two months, kept alive by Liverpool, Castlereagh, 
and Bathurst, while they waited for the result of 
their American campaign. The despatch of August 
20 crossed the Atlantic, and was communicated to 
Congress October 10, together with all other papers 
connected with the negotiation ; but not until October 
25 did the American commissioners write again to 
their Government. 


The British note of August 19 and the American 
rejoinder of August 24, brought about a situation 
where Lord Castlereagh's influence could make itself 
felt. Castlereagh had signed the British instructions 
of July 28 and August 14,^ and himself brought the 
latter to Ghent, where he passed August 19, before 
going to Paris on his way to the Congress at Vienna. 
He was at Ghent when Goulburn and his colleagues 
held their conference and wrote their note of Au- 
gust 19 ; 2 and he could not be supposed ignorant 
of their language or acts. Yet when he received 
at Paris letters from Goulburn, dated August 24 
and 26,^ he expressed annoyance that the AmericanV 
commissioners should have been allowed to place 1 
England in the attitude of continuing the war for / 
purposes of conquest, and still more that the Brii^ 
ish commissioners should be willing to accept that 
issue and break off negotiation upon it. In a letter 

* Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 67, 86. 

« Diary of J. Q. Adams, Aug. 19 and 20, 1814, iii. 19, 21. 

• Goulburn to Bathurst, Aug. 24, 1814 ; Wellington Supple- 
mentary Despatches, ix. 190. Goulburn to Castlereagh, Aug. 26, 
1814 ; Wellington Supplementary Despatches, ix. 193. 


to Lord Bathurst, who took charge of the negotia- 
tion in his absence, Castlereagh suggested ideas alto- 
gether different from those till then advanced in 

" The substance of the question is," said Castlereagh, 
" Are we prepared to continue the war for territorial 
arrangements? And if not, is this the best time to make 
our peace, saving all our rights, and claiming the fisher- 
ies, which they do not appear to question ? In which case 
the territorial questions might be reserved for ulterior dis- 
cussion. Or is it desirable to take the chance of the cam- 
paign, and then to be governed by circumstances? . . . 
If we thought an immediate peace desirable, as they are 
ready to waive all the abstract questions, perhaps they 
might be prepared to sign a provisional article of In- 
dian peace as distinct from limits, and relinquish their 
pretensions to the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, and 
possibly to admit minor adjustments of frontier, including 
a right of communication from Quebec to Halifax across 
their territory. But while I state this, I feel the difficulty 
of so much letting down the question under present 

At the same time Castlereagh wrote to Goulburn, 
directing him to wait at Ghent for new instructions 
from London.2 Lord Liverpool shared his disapproval 
of the manner in which the British commissioners 
had managed the case, and replied to Castlereagh, 

* Castlereagh to Bathurst, Aug. 28, 1814; Castlereagh Corres- 
pondence, X. 100. 

^ Castlereagh to Goulburn, Aug. 28, 1814 ; Castlereagh Cor« 
respondeuce, z. 102. 


September 2, that the Cabinet had already acted in 
the sense he wished : ^ — 

" Our commissioners had certainly taken a very erro- 
neous view of our policy. If the negotiation had been al- 
lowed to break off upon the two notes already presented, 
or upon such an answer as tiiey were disposed to return, 
I am satisfied that the war would have become quite 
popular in America." 

The idea that the war might become popular in 
America was founded chiefly on the impossibility of 
an Englishman's conceiving the contrary ; but in truth 
the Ministry most feared that the war might become 
unpopular in England. 

"It is very material to throw the rupture of the nego- 
tiation, if it is to take place, upon the Americans," wrote 
Liverpool, the same day, to the Duke of Wellington ; ' 
" and not to allow them to say that we have brought for- 
ward points as ultimata which were only brought forward 
for discussion, and at the desire of the American commis- 
sioners themselves. The American note is a most im- 
pudent one, and, as to all its reasoning, capable of an 
irresistible answer." 

New instructions were accordingly approved in Cab- 
inet.3 Drawn by Bathurst, and dated September 1, 
they contained what Liverpool considered an " irre- 
sistible answer " to the American note of August 24 ; 

> Liverpool to Castlereagh, Sept. 2, 1814 ; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 214. 

' Liverpool to Wellington, Sept. 2, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 212. 

« Draft of note, etc., Sept. 1, 1814 ; Wellington Supplemen- 
tary Despatches, ix. 245. 


but their force of logic was weakened b_y the admis- 
sion that the previous British demands, though cer- 
tainly stated as a sine qua non, were in reality not 
to be regarded as such. In private this retreat was 
covered by the pretext that it was intended only to 
keep the negotiation alive until better terms could 
be exacted. 

*' "We cannot expect that the negotiation will proceed 
at present," continued Liverpool's letter to Castlereagh ; 
" but I think it not unlikely, after our note has been de- 
livered in, that the American commissioners will propose 
to refer the subject to their Government. In that case the 
negotiation may be adjourned till the answer is received, 
and we shall know the result of the campaign before it 
can be resumed. If our commander does his duty, I am 
persuaded we shall have acquired by our anns every 
point on the Canadian frontier which we ought to insist 
on keeping." 

Lord Gambier and his colleagues communicated 
their new instructions to the American negotiators in 
a long note dated September 4, and were answered by 
a still longer note dated September 9, which was also 
sent to London, and considered in Cabinet. Bathurst 
felt no anxiety about the negotiation in its actual stage. 
Goulburn wrote to him that " as long as we answer 
their notes, I believe that they will be ready to give 
us replies," and urged only that Sir George Prevost 
should hasten his reluctant movements in Canada.^ 

* Qoulbum to Bathurst, Sept. 5 and 16, 1814 ; Wellington 
Supplementary Despatches, ix. 221, 266. 


Bathurst wrote more instructions, dated September 
16, directing his commissioners to abandon the de- 
mands for Indian territory and exclusive control of 
the Lakes, and to ask only that the Indians should be 
included in the peace.^ The British commissioners 
sent their note with these concessions to the Ameri- 
cans September 19 ; and then for the first time the 
Americans began to suspect the possibility of serious 
negotiation. For six weeks they had dealt only with 
the question whether they should negotiate at all. 

The demand that the Indians should be included in 
the treaty was one that under favorable circumstances 
the Americans would have rejected ; but none of them 
seriously thought of rejecting it as their affairs then 
stood. When the American commissioners discussed 
the subject among themselves, September 20, Adams 
proposed to break off the negotiation on that issue ; 
but Gallatin good-naturedly overruled him, and Adams 
would not himself, on cool reflection, have ventured 
to take such responsibility. Indeed, he suggested an 
article for an Indian amnesty, practically accepting 
the British demand.^ He also yielded to Gallatin the 
ungrateful task of drafting the answers to the British 
notes ; and thus Gallatin became in effect the head of 
the commission. 

All Gallatin's abilities were needed to fill the place. 
In his entire public life he had never been required to 

* Draft of note, etc., Sept. 16, 1814 ; Wellington Supplemen- 
tary Despatches, ix. 263, 

* Diary of J. Q. Adams, Sept. 20, 1814, iii. 38. 


manage so unruly a set of men. The British commis- 
sioners were trying, and especially Goulburn was 
aggressive in temper and domineermg in tone ; but 
with them Gallatin had little trouble. Adams and 
Clay were persons of a different type, as far removed 
from British heaviness as they were from the Vir- 
ginian ease of temper which marked the Cabinet of 
Jefferson, or the incompetence which characterized 
that of Madison. Gallatin was obliged to exert all 
his faculties to control his colleagues ; but when- 
ever he succeeded, he enjoyed the satisfaction of feel- 
ing that he had colleagues worth controlling. They 
were bent on combat, if not with the British, at 
all events with each other ; and Gallatin was partly 
amused and partly annoyed by the unnecessary energy 
of their attitude. 

The first divergence occurred in framing the reply 
to the British note of September 19, which while 
yielding essentials made a series of complaints 
against the United States, — and among the rest re- 
proached them for their attempt to conquer Canada, 
and their actual seizure of Florida. Adams, who 
knew little about the secrets of Jefferson's and Madi- 
son's Administrations, insisted on resenting the Brit- 
ish charges, and especially on justifying the United 
States government in its attacks upon Florida. Bay- 
ard protested that he could not support such a view, 
because he had himself publicly in Congress de- 
nounced the Government on the subject of Florida; 
and Gallatin was almost equally committed, for, as he 


frankly said, he had opposed in Cabinet for a whole 
year what had been done in Florida before he could 
succeed in stopping it.^ Clay said nothing, but he 
had strong reasons for wishing that the British nego- 
tiators should not be challenged to quote his notori- 
ous speeches on the conquest of Canada. Adams 
produced Monroe's instructions, and in the end com- 
pelled his colleagues to yield. His mistake in press- 
ing such an issue was obvious to every one but him- 
self, and would have been evident to him had he not 
been blinded by irritation at the British note. His 
colleagues retaliated by summarily rejecting as cant 
his argument that moral and religious duty required 
the Americans to take and settle the land of the 
Indians. 2 

After much discussion their note was completed and 
sent, September 26, to the British commissioners,^ 
who forwarded it as usual to London, with a letter 
from Goulburn of the same date, written in the worst 
possible temper, and charging the American commis- 
sioners with making a variety of false and fraudu- 
lent statements.'* While the British Cabinet detained 
it longer than usual for consideration, the Ameri- 
cans at Ghent felt their position grow weaker day 
by day. 

* Diary of J. Q. Adams, Sept. 25, 1814, iii. 41. 
^ Diary of J. Q. Adams, Sept. 25, 1814, iii. 42. 

' American note of Sept. 26, 1814 ; State Papers, Foreign 
Affairs, iii. 719. 

* Goulburn to Bathurst, Sept. 26, 1814; Wellington Supple- 
mentary Despatches, ix. 287. 


Nothing warranted a serious hope of peace. Goul- 
burn and his colleagues showed no thought of yield- 
ing acceptable conditions. The London " Courier " 
of September 29 announced what might be taken for 
a semi-official expression of the Ministry : — 

" Peace they [the Americans] may make, but it must 
be on condition that America has not a foot of land on 
the waters of the St. Lawrence, ... no settlement on 
the Lakes, ... no renewal of the treaties of 1783 and 
1794; . . . and they must explicitly abandon their new- 
fangled principles of the law of nations." 

Liverpool, writing to Castlereagh September 23,^ 
said that in his opinion the Cabinet had " now gone to 
the utmost justifiable point in concession, and if they 
[the Americans] are so unreasonable as to reject our 
proposals, we have nothing to do but to fight it out. 
The military accounts from America are on the whole 
satisfactory." The news of the cruel humiliation at 
Bladensburg and the burning of Washington arrived 
at Ghent October 1, and caused British and Ameri- 
cans alike to expect a long series of British triumphs, 
especially on Lake Champlain, where they knew the 
British force to be overwhelming. 

Goulburn exerted himself to produce a rupture. 
His letter of September 26 to Bathurst treated the 
American offer of an Indian amnesty as a rejection of 
the British ultimatum. Again Lord Bathurst set him 
right by sending him, October 5, the draft of a recip- 

1 Liverpool to Castlereagh, Sept. 23, 1814 ; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 278. 


rocal article replacing the Indians in their situation 
before the war ; and the British commissioners in a 
note dated October 8^ 1814, communicated this article 
once more as an ultimatum.^ Harrison's treaty of 
July 22 with the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees, 
and other tribes, binding them to take up arms 
against the British, had then arrived, and this news 
lessened the interest of both parties in the Indian 
question. None of the American negotiators were 
prepared to break off negotiations on that point at 
such a time, and Clay was so earnest to settle the 
matter that he took from Gallatin and Adams the 
task of writing the necessary acceptance of the Brit- 
ish ultimatum. Gallatin and Clay decided to receive 
the British article as according entirely with the Amer- 
ican offer of amnesty, and the note was so written.^ 

With this cordial admission of the British ultima- 
tum the Americans coupled an intimation that the 
time had come when an exchange of general projects 
for the proposed treaty should be made. More than 
two months of discussion had then resulted only in 
eliminating the Indians from the dispute, and in 
agreeing to maintain silence in regard to the Lakes. 
Another great difficulty which had been insuperable 
was voluntarily removed by President Madison and his 
Cabinet, who after long and obstinate resistance at 

> British note of Oct. 8, 1814 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, 
iii. 721. 

^ American note of Oct. 13, 1814 ; State Papers, Foreign Af- 
fairs, iii. 723. 


last authorized the commissioners, by instructions 
dated June 27, to omit impressment from the treaty. 
Considering the frequent positive declarations of 
the United States government, besides the .rejection 
of Monroe's treaty in 1807 and of Admiral War- 
ren's and Sir George Prevost's armistice of 1812 for 
want of an explicit concession on that point, Mon- 
roe's letter of Jiine 27 was only to be excused as an 
act of common-sense or of necessity. The President 
preferred to represent it as an act of common-sense, 
warranted by the peace in Europe, which promised to 
offer no further occasion for the claim or the denial 
of the British right. On the same principle the sub- 
ject of blockades was withdrawn from discussion ; and 
these concessions, balanced by the British withdrawal 
from the Indian ultimatum and the Lake armaments, 
relieved the American commissioners of all their in- 
superable difficulties. 

The British commissioners were not so easily res- 
cued from their untenable positions. The American 
note of October 13, sent as usual to London, was 
answered by Bathurst October 18 and 20,^ in in- 
structions revealing the true British terms more 
completely than had yet been ventured. Bathurst 
at length came to the cardinal point of the nego- 
tiation. As the American commissioners had said 
in their note of August 24, the British government 
must choose between the two ordinary bases of trea- 
ties of peace, — the state before the war, or status 
* Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 168-173. 

VOL. IX. — 3 


ante helium; and the state of possession, or uti pos- 
sidetis. Until the middle of October, 1814, the uti 
possidetis^ as a basis of negotiation, included what- 
ever country might have been occupied by Sir George 
Prevost in his September cam|)aign. Bathurst from 
the first intended to insist on the state of possession, 
but had noi; thought proper to avow it. His in- 
structions of October 18 and 20 directed the Brit- 
ish commissioners to come to the point, and to 
claim the basis of uti possidetis from the American 
negotiators : — 

" On their admitting this to be the basis on which 
they are ready to negotiate, but not before they have 
admitted it, you will proceed to state the mutual accom- 
modations which may be entered into in conformity with 
this basis. The British occupy Fort Michillimackinaw, 
Fort Niagara, and all the country east of the Penobscot. 
On the other hand the forces of the United States occupy 
Fort Erie and Fort Amherstburg [Maiden]. On the 
government of the United States consenting to restore 
these two forts. Great Britain is ready to restore the 
forts of Castine and Machias, retaining Fort Niagara 
and Fort Michillimackinaw." 

Thus the British demand, which had till then been 
intended to include half of Maine and the whole 
south bank of the St. Lawrence River from Platts- 
burg to Sackett's Harbor, suddenly fell to a demand 
for Moose Island, a right of way across the northern 
angle of Maine, Fort Niagara with five miles circuit, 
and the Island of Mackinaw. The reason for the 


new spirit of moderation was not far to seek. On 
the afternoon of October 17, while the British Cabinet 
was still deliberating on the basis of uti possidetis, 
news reached London that the British invasion of 
northern New York, from which so much had been 
expected, had totally failed, and that Prevost's large 
army had precipitately retreated into Canada. The 
London " Times " of October 19 was frank in its 
expressions of disappointment : — 

" This is a lamentable event to the civilized world. 
. . . The subversion of that system of fraud and malig- 
nity which constitutes the whole policy of the Jeffersonian 
school . . . was an event to which we should have bent 
and yet must bend all our energies. The present Ameri- 
can government must be displaced, or it wiU sooner or 
later plant its poisoned dagger in the heart of the parent 

The failure of the attempt on Baltimore and 
Drummond's bloody repulse at Fort Erie became 
known at the same time, and coming together at a 
critical moment threw confusion into the Ministry 
and their agents in the press and the diplomatic ser- 
vice throughout Europe. The " Courier " of Octo- 
ber 25 declared that " peace with America is neither 
practicable nor desirable till we have wiped away 
this late disaster ; " but the " Morning Chronicle" of 
October 21-24 openly intimated that the game of war 
was at an end. October 31, the Paris correspondent 
of the London " Times " told of the cheers that rose 
from the crowds in the Palais Royal gardens at each 


recital of the Plattsburg defeat; and October 21 
Goulburn wrote from Ghent to Bathurst,' — 

" The news from America is very far from satisfactory. 
Even our brilliant success at Baltimore, as it did not ter- 
minate in the capture of the towu, will be considered by 
the Americans as a victory and not as an escape. . . . 
If it were not for the want of fuel in Boston, I should be 
quite in despair," 

In truth the blockade was the single advantage 
held by England ; and even in that advantage the 
Americans had a share as long as their cruisers sur- 
rounded the British Islands. 

Liverpool wrote to Castlereagh, October 21,^ com- 
menting severely on Prevost's failure, and finding 
consolation only in the thought that the Americans 
showed themselves even less patriotic than he had 
supposed them to be : — 

" The capture and destniction of Washington has not 
united the Americans : quite the contrary. We have 
gained more credit with them by saving private property 
than we have lost by the destruction of their public 
works and buildings. Madison clings to office, and I 
am strongly inclined to think that the best thing for us 
is that he should remain there." 

Castlereagh at Vienna found himself unable to 
make the full influence of England felt, so long as 

1 Goulburn to Bathurst ; Wellington Supplementary De- 
Bpatches, ix. 366. 

* Liverpool to Castlereagh, Oct. 21, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 367. 


such mortifying disasters by land and sea proved 
her inability to deal with an enemy she persisted in 
calling contemptible. 

On the American commissioners the news came, 
October 21, with the effect of a reprieve from execu- 
tion. Gallatin was deeply moved ; Adams could not 
believe the magnitude of the success ; but as far as 
regarded their joint action, the overthrow of Eng- 
land's scheme produced no change, Tlieir tone had 
always been high, and they saw no advantage to be 
gained by altering it. The British commissioners 
sent to them, October 21, the substance of the new 
instructions, offering the basis of uti possidetis, sub- 
ject to modifications for mutual convenience.^ The 
Americans by common consent, October 23, declined 
to treat on that basis, or on any other than the 
mutual restoration of territory .^ They thought that 
the British government was still playing with them, 
when in truth Lord Bathurst had yielded the chief 
part of the original British demand, and had come 
to what the whole British empire regarded as es- 
sentials, — the right of way to Quebec, and the ex- 
clusion of American fishermen from British shores 
and waters. 

The American note of October 24, bluntly rejecting 
the basis of uti possidetis, created a feeling akin to 

1 British note of Oct. 21, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, 
iii. 724. 

* American note of Oct. 24, 1814; State Papers, Foreign 
Affairs, iii, 725. 


consternation in the British Cabinet. At first, minis- 
ters assumed that the war must go on, and deliberated 
only on the point to be preferred for a rupture. " We 
still think it desirable to gain a little more time 
before the negotiation is lirought to a close," wrote 
Liverpool to the Duke of Wellington,^ October 28; 
and on the same day he wrote to Castlereagh at 
Vienna to warn him that the American war " will 
probably now be of some duration," and treating of its 
embarrassments without disguise.^ The Czar's con- 
duct at Vienna had annoyed and alarmed all the 
great Powers, and the American war gave him a 
decisive advantage over England ; but even without 
the Russian complication, the prospect for ministers 
was not cheering. 

" Looking to a continuance of the American war, our 
finaucial state is far from satisfactory," wrote Lord 
Liverpool ; " . . . the American war will not cost us 
less than £10,000,000, in addition to our peace estab- 
lishment and other expenses. We must expect, there- 
fore, to hear it said that the property tax is contin- 
ued for the purpose of securing a better frontier for 

A week passed without bringing encouragement 
to the British Cabinet. On the contrary the Ministry 
learned that a vigorous prosecution of hostilities 
would cost much more than ten million pounds, and 

1 Liverpool to Wellington, Oct. 28, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 384. 

' Liverpool to Castlereagh, Oct. 28, 1814 ; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 382. 


when Liverpool next wrote to Castlereagh, Novem- 
ber 2,1 although he could still see " little prospect for 
our negotiations at Ghent ending in peace," he added 
that " the continuance of the American war will en- 
tail upon us a prodigious expense, much more than 
we had any idea of." A Cabinet meeting was to be 
held the next day, November 3, to review the whole 
course of policy as to America. 

Throughout the American difficulties, from first to 
last, the most striking quality shown by the British 
government was the want of intelligence which 
caused the war, and marked the conduct of both the 
war and the negotiations. If the foreign relations of 
every government were marked by the same charac- 
ter, politics could be no more than rivalry in the race 
to blunder ; but in October, 1814, another quality al- 
most equally striking became evident. The weakness 
of British councils was as remarkable as their want 
of intelligence. The government of England had ex- 
asperated the Americans to an animosity that could 
not forget or forgive, and every dictate of self-interest 
required that it should carry out its policy to the end. 
Even domestic politics in Parliament might have 
been more easily managed by drawing public criti- 
cism to America, while in no event could taxes be 
reduced to satisfy the public demand.^ Another year 

1 Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 2, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 382. 

^ Liverpool to Castlereagh, Jan. 16, 1815; Castlereagh Cor- 
respondence, X. 240. 


of war was the consistent and natural course for 
ministers to prefer. 

So the Cabinet evidently thought; but instead of 
making a decision, the Cabinet council of November 3 
resorted to the expedient of shifting responsibility 
upon the Duke of Wellington. The Duke was then 
Ambassador at Paris. His life had been threatened 
by angry officers of Napoleon, who could not forgive 
his victories at Vittoria and Toulouse. For his own 
security he might be sent to Canada, and if he went, 
he should go with full powers to close the war as he 

The next day, November 4, Liverpool wrote to 
Wellington, explaining the wishes of the Cabinet, 
and inviting him to take the entire command in 
Canada, in order to bring the war to an honorable 
conclusion.^ Wellington replied November 9, — and 
his words were the more interesting because, after in- 
viting and receiving so decided an opinion from so 
high an authority, the Government could not easily 
reject it. Wellington began by reviewing the mili- 
tary situation, and closed by expressing his opinion 
on the diplomatic contest : ^ — 

" I have already told you and Lord Bathurst that I 
feel no objection to going to America, though I don't 

* Liverpool to Wellington, Nov. 4, 1814; Liverpool to Cas- 
tlereagh, Nov. 4, 1814; Wellington Supplementary Despatches, 
ix. 404, 405. 

' Wellington to Castlereagh, Nov. 9, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, i. 426. 


promise to myself much success there. I believe there 
are troops enough there for the defence of Canada for- 
ever, and even for the accomplishment of any reasonable 
offensive plan that could be formed from the Canadian 
frontier. I am quite sure that all the American armies 
of which I have ever read would not beat out of a field 
of battle the troops that went from Bordeaux last sum- 
mer, if common precautions and care were taken of 
them. That which appears to me to be wanting in 
America is not a general, or a general officer and troops, 
but a naval superiority on the Lakes." 

These views did not altogether accord with those 
of Americans, who could not see that the British 
generals made use of the Lakes even when controlling 
them, but who saw the troops of Wellington retire 
from one field of battle after another, — at Plattsburg, 
Baltimore, and New Orleans, — while taking more 
than common precautions. Wellington's military 
comments showed little interest in American affairs, 
and evidently he saw nothing to be gained by going 
to Canada. His diplomatic ideas betrayed the same 
bias : — 

" In regard to your present negotiations, I confess that 
I think you have no right, from the state of the war, to 
demand any concession of territory from America. . . . 
You have not been able to carry it into the enemy's terri- 
tory, notwithstanding youi- military success and now un- 
doubted military superiority, and have not even cleared 
your own territory on the point of attack. You cannot 
on any principle of equality in negotiation claim a ces- 
sion of territory excepting in exchange for other advan- 


tages which you have in your power. . . . Then if this 
reasoning be true, why stipulate for the uti possidetis? 
You can get no territory ; indeed, the state of your mili- 
tary operations, however creditable, does not entitle you 
to demand any." 

After such an opinion from the first military au- 
thority of England, the British Ministry had no choice 
but to abandon its claim for territory. Wellington's 
letter reached London about November 13, and was 
duly considered in the Cabinet. Liverpool wrote to 
Castlereagh, November 18, that the Ministry had 
made its decision ; the claim for territory was to 
be abandoned. For this retreat he alleged various 
excuses, — such as the unsatisfactory state of the 
negotiations at Vienna, and the alarming condition 
of France ; the finances, the depression of rents, and 
the temper of Parliament.^ Such reasoning would 
have counted for nothing in the previous month of 
May, but six months wrought a change m public feel- 
ing. The war had lost public favor. Even the colo- 
nial and shipping interests and the navy were weary 
of it, while the army had little to expect from it but 
hard service and no increase of credit. Every Eng- 
lishman who came in contact with Americans seemed 
to suffer. Broke, the only victor by sea, was a life- 
long invalid ; and Brock and Ross, the only victors on 
land, had paid for their success with their lives. In- 
cessant disappointment made the war an unpleasant 

1 Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 18, 1814; Wellington Sup- 
plementary Despatches, ix. 438. 


thought with Englishmen. The burning of Washing- 
ton was an exploit of which they could not boast. 
The rate of marine insurance was a daily and intoler- 
able annoyance So rapidly did the war decline in 
favor, that in the first half of December it was de- 
clared to be decidedly unpopular by one of the most 
judicious English liberals, Francis Horner ; although 
Horner held that the Americans, as the dispute then 
stood, were the aggressors.^ The tone of the press 
showed the same popular tendency, for while the 
" Times " grumbled loudly over the Canada cam- 
paign, the " Morning Chronicle " no longer concealed 
its hostility to the war, and ventured to sneer at it, 
talking of " the entire defeat and destruction of the 
last British fleet but one; for it has become necessary 
to particularize them now." ^ 

While the Cabinet still waited, the first instal- 
ment of Ghent correspondence to August 20, pub- 
lished in America October 10, returned to England 
November 18, and received no flattering attention. 
" We cannot compliment our negotiators," remarked 
the " Morning Chronicle ; " and the " Times " was 
still less pleased. " The British government has 
been tricked into bringing forward demands which 
it had not the power to enforce. . • . Why treat at 
all with Mr. Madison?" In Parliament, November 
19, the liberal opposition attacked the Government 

* Homer to J. A. Murray, Dec. 10, 1814; Homer's Memoirs, 

« The Morning Chronicle, Nov. 19, 1814. 


for setting up novel pretensions. Ministers needed 
no more urging, and Bathurst thenceforward could 
not be charged with waste of time. 

During this interval of more than three weeks the 
negotiators at Ghent were left to follow their own 
devices. In order to provide the Americans with 
occupation, the British commissioners sent them a 
note dated October 31 calling for a counter-project, 
since the basis of uti possidetis was refused.^ This 
note, with all the others since August 20, was sent 
by the Americans to Washington on the same day, 
October 31 ; and then Gallatin and Adams began 
the task of drafting the formal project of a treaty. 
Immediately the internal discords of the commission 
broke into earnest dispute. A struggle began be- 
tween the East and the West over the fisheries and 
the Mississippi. 

The treaty of 1783 coupled the American right of 
fishing in British waters and curing fish on British 
shores with the British right of navigating the 
Mississippi River. For that arrangement the elder 
Adams was responsible. The fisheries were a Massa- 
chusetts interest. At Paris in 1783 John Adams, in 
season and out of season, with his colleagues and 
with the British negotiators, insisted, with the inten- 
sity of conviction, that the fishing rights which the 
New England people held while subjects of the Brit- 
ish crown were theirs by no grant or treaty, but as 

1 British note of Oct. 31, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Rela- 
tions, iii. 726. 


a natural right, which could not be extinguished by 
war ; and that where British subjects had a right to 
fish, whether on coasts or shores, in bays, inlets, 
creeks, or harbors, Americans had the same right, to 
be exercised wherever and whenever they pleased. 
John Adams's persistence secured the article of the 
definitive treaty, which, without expressly admitting 
a natural right, coupled the in-shore fisheries and 
the navigation of the Mississippi with the recognition 
of independence. In 1814 as in 1783 John Adams 
clung to his trophies, and his son would have waged 
indefinite war rather than break his father's heart 
by sacrificing what he had won; but at Ghent the 
son stood in isolation which the father in the worst 
times had never known. Massachusetts left him to 
struggle alone for a principle that needed not only 
argument but force to make it victorious. Governor 
Strong did not even write to him as he did to Pick- 
ering, that Massachusetts would give an equivalent 
in territory for the fisheries. As far as the State 
could influence the result, the fisheries were to be 
lost by default. 

Had Adams encountered only British opposition he 
might have overborne it as his father had done ; but 
since 1783 the West had become a political power, 
and Louisiana had been brought into the Union. If 
the fisheries were recognized as an indefeasible right 
by the treaty of 1783, the British liberty of naviga- 
ting the Mississippi was another indefeasible right, 
which must revive with peace. The Western people 


naturally objected to such a proposition. Neither 
they nor the Canadians could be blamed for unwil- 
lingness to impose a mischievous servitude forever 
upon their shores, and Clay believed his popularity 
to depend on preventing an express recognition of 
the British right to navigate the Mississippi. Either 
Clay or Adams was sure to refuse signing any 
treaty which expressly sacrificed the local interests 
of either. 

In this delicate situation only the authority and 
skill of Gallatin saved the treaty. At the outset of 
the discussion, October 30, Gallatin quietly took the 
lead from Adams's hands, and assumed the champion- 
ship of the fisheries by proposing to renew both privi- 
leges, making the one an equivalent for the other. 
Clay resisted obstinately, while Gallatin gently and 
patiently overbore him. When Gallatin's proposal 
was put to the vote November 5, Clay and Russell 
alone opposed it, — and the support then given by 
Russell to Clay was never forgotten by Adams. Clay 
still refusing to sign the offer, Gallatin continued his 
pressure, until at last, November 10, Clay consented 
to insert, not in the project of treaty, but in the 
note which accompanied it, a paragraph declaring 
that the commissioners were not authorized to bring 
into discussion any of the rights hitherto enjoyed 
in the fisheries : " From their nature, and from the 
peculiar character of the treaty of 1783 by which 
they were recognized, no further stipulation has been 
deemed necessary by the Government of the United 


States to entitle them to the full enjoyment of all 
of them." 

Clay signed the note,^ though unwillingly ; and it 
was sent, November 10, with the treaty project, to 
the British commissioners, who forwarded it to Lon- 
don, where it arrived at the time when the British 
Cabinet had at last decided on peace. Bathurst sent 
his reply in due course ; and Goulburn's disgust was 
great to find that instead of breaking negotiation on 
the point of the fisheries as he wished,^ he was re- 
quired once more to give way. "You know that I 
was never much inclined to give way to the Ameri- 
cans," he wrote, November 25.^ " I am still less 
inclined to do so after the statement of our demands 
with which the negotiation opened, and which has in 
every point of view proved most unfortunate." 

The British reply, dated November 26,* took no 
notice of the American reservation as to the fisher- 
ies, but inserted in the project the old right of navi- 
r^ating the Mississippi. Both Bathurst and Goulburn 
^;hought that their silence, after the American declara- 
^;2on, practically conceded the American right to the 
Msheries, though Gambier and Dr. Adams thought 

» American note of Nov. 10, 1814; State Papers, Foreign 
IPeKations, iii. 733. 

« Goulburn to Bathurst, Nov. 10, 1814 ; Wellington Supple- 
mentary Despatches, ix. 427. 

« Goulburn to Bathurst, Nov. 10, 1814; Wellington Supple- 
'vj'jntary Despatches, ix. 452. 

* British note of Nov. 26, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Rela- 
tions, iii. 740. 


differently. 1 In either case the British note of No- 
vember 26, though satisfactory to Adams, was far 
from agreeable to Clay, who was obliged to endanger 
the peace in order to save the Mississippi. Adams 
strongly inclined to take the British project pre- 
cisely as it was offered,^ but Gallatin overruled him, 
and Clay would certainly have refused to sign. In 
discussing the subject, November 28, Gallatin pro- 
posed to accept the article on the navigation of the 
Mississippi if the British would add a provision recog- 
nizing the fishing rights. Clay lost his temper, and 
intimated something more than willingness to let 
Massachusetts pay for the pleasure of peace ; ^ but 
during the whole day of November 28, and with the 
same patience November 29, Gallatin continued urg- 
ing Clay and restraining Adams, until at last on the 
third day he brought the matter to the point he 

The result of this long struggle saved not indeed 
the fisheries, but the peace. Clay made no further 
protest when, in conference with the British commis- 
sioners December 1, the Americans offered to renew 
both the disputed rights.^ Their proposal was sent to 
London, and was answered by Bathurst December 6, 
in a letter offering to set aside for future negotiation 

1 Qoulburn to Bathurst, Nov. 25, 1814 ; Welliugton Supple- 
mentary Despatches, ix. 452. 

a Diary of J. Q. Adams, Nov. 27, 1814, iii. 70. 

* Diary of J. Q. Adams, iii. 72. 

« Protocol of Dec. 1, 1814 ; State Papers, Foreign Relations, 
iii. 742. 


the terms under which the old fishing liberty and 
the navigation of the Mississippi should be contin- 
ued for fair equivalents.^ The British commission- 
ers communicated this suggestion in conference De- 
cember 10, and threw new dissension among the 

The British offer to reserve both disputed rights 
for future negotiation implied that both rights were 
forfeited, or subject to forfeit, by war, — an admission 
which Adams could not make, but which the other 
commissioners could not reject. At that point Adams 
found himself alone. Even Gallatin admitted that 
the claim to the natural right of catching and curing 
fish on British shores was untenable, and could never 
be supported. Adams's difficulties were the greater 
because the question of peace and war was reduced 
to two points, — the fisheries and Moose Island, — 
both interesting to Massachusetts alone. Yet the 
Americans were unwilling to yield without another 
struggle, and decided still to resist the British claim 
as inconsistent with the admitted basis of the status 
ante helium. 

The struggle with the British commissioners then 
became warm. A long conference, December 12, 
brought no conclusion. The treaty of 1783 could 
neither be followed nor ignored, and perplexed the 
Englishmen as much as the Americans. During 
December 13 and December 14, Adams continued to 

* Bathiirst to the Commissioners, Dec. 6, 1814; Castlereagh 
Correspondence, x. 214. 

VOL. IX. — 4 


press his colleagues to assert the natural right to the 
fisheries, and to insist on the permanent character of 
the treaty of 1783 ; but Gallatin would not consent 
to make that point an ultimatum. All the commis- 
sioners except Adams resigned themselves to the 
sacrifice of the fisheries ; but Gallatin decided to 
make one more effort before abandoning the strug- 
gle, and with that object drew up a note rejecting 
the British stipulation because it implied the aban- 
donment of a right, but offering either to be silent 
as to both the fisheries and the Mississippi, or to 
admit a general reference to further negotiation of 
all subjects in dispute, so expressed as to imply no 
abandonment of right. 

The note was signed and sent December 14,^ and 
the Americans waited another week for the answer. 
Successful as they had been in driving their British 
antagonists from one position after another, they 
were not satisfied. Adams still feared that he might 
not be able to sign, and Clay was little better pleased. 
" He said we should make a damned bad treaty, and 
he did not know whether he would sign it or not." ^ 
Whatever Adams thought of the treaty, his respecj^ 
for at least two of his colleagues was expressed in 
terms of praise rarely used by him. Writing to his 
wife, September 27,^ Adams said : " Mr. Gallatin 

1 American note of Dec. 14, 1814; State Papers, Foreign Rela- 
tions, iii. 743. 

* Diary of J. Q. Adams, Dec. 14, 1814, iii. 118. 

« J. Q. Adams to his wife, Sept. 27, 1814 ; Adams MSB. 



keeps and increases his influence over us all. It 
would have been an irreparable loss if our country 
had been deprived of the benefit of his talents in this 
negotiation." At the moment of final suspense he 
wrote again, December 16 : — 

" Of the five members of the American mission, the 
Chevalier [Bayard] has the most perfect control of his 
temper, the most deliberate coolness ; and it is the more 
meritorious because it is real self-command. His feel- 
ings are as quick and his spirits as high as those of any 
one among us, but he certainly has them more under gov- 
ernment. I can scarcely express to you how much both 
he and Mr. Gallatin have risen in my esteem since we 
have been here hving together. Gallatin has not quite 
so constant a supremacy over his own emotions ; yet 
he seldom yields to an ebullition of temper, and recovers 
from it immediately. He has a faculty, when discussion 
grows too warm, of turning ofif its edge by a joke, which 
I envy him more than all his other talents ; and he has in 
his character one of the most extraordinary combinations 
of stubbornness and of flexibility that I ever met with 
in man. His greatest fault I think to be an ingenuity 
sometimes trenching upon ingenuousness." 

Gallatin's opinion of Adams was not so enthusi- 
astic as Adams's admiration for him. He thought 
Adams's chief fault to be that he lacked judg- 
ment " to a deplorable degree." ^ Of Clay, whether 
in his merits or his faults, only one opinion was 
possible. Clay's character belonged to the simple 
Southern or Virginia type, somewhat affected, but 

^ Adams's GaUatin, p. 599. 


not rendered more complex, by Western influence, 
— and transparent beyond need of description or 

The extraordinary patience and judgment of Gal- 
latin, aided by the steady support of Bayard, carried 
all the American points without sacrificing either 
Adams or Clay, and with no quarrel of serious im- 
portance on any side. When Lord Bathurst received 
the American note of December 14, he replied De- 
cember 19, yielding the last advantage he possessed r^ 
" The Prince Regent regrets to find that there does 
not appear any prospect of being able to arrive at 
such an arrangement with regard to the fisheries 
as would have the effect of coming to a full and 
satisfactory explanation on that subject ; " but since 
this was the case, the disputed article might be 
alt ogether omitted. 

Thus the treaty became simply a cessation of hos- 
tilities, leaving every claim on either side open for 
future settlement. The formality of signature was 
completed December 24, and closed an era of Ameri- 
can history. In substance, the treaty sacrificed much 
on both sides for peace. The Americans lost their 
claims for British spoliations, and were obliged to 
admit question of their right to Eastport and their 
fisheries in British waters ; the British failed to 
establish their principles of impressment and block- 
ade, and admitted question of their right to navi- 
gate the Mississippi and trade with the Indians. 
* Castlereagli Correspondence, x. 221. 


Perhaps at the moment the Americans were the 
chief losers ; but they gained their greatest triumph 
in referring all their disputes to be settled by 
time, the final negotiator, whose decision they could 
safely trust. 


England received the Treaty of Ghent with feel- 
ings of mixed anger and satisfaction. The " Morn- 
ing Chronicle " seemed surprised at the extreme 
interest which the news excited. As early as Novem- 
ber 24, when ministers made their decision to con- 
cede the American terms, the " Morning Chronicle " 
announced that " a most extraordinary sensation was 
produced yesterday " by news from Ghent, and by 
reports that ministers had abandoned their ground. 
When the treaty arrived, December 26, the same 
Whig newspaper, the next morning, while asserting 
that ministers had " humbled themselves in the dust 
and thereby brought discredit on the country," heart- 
ily approved what they had done ; and added that 
" the city was in a complete state of hurricane dur- 
ing the whole of yesterday, but the storm did not 
attain its utmost height until toward the evening. 
. . . Purchases were made to the extent of many 
hundred thousand pounds." The importance of the 
United States to England was made more apparent 
by the act of peace than by the pressure of war. 
" At Birmingham," said the " Courier," " an im- 
mense assemblage witnessed the arrival of the mail, 



and immediately took the horses out, and drew the 
mail to the post-office with the loudest acclamations," 
— acclamations over a treaty universally regarded as 

The " Times " admitted the general joy, and denied 
only that it was universal. If the " Times " in any 
degree represented public opinion, the popular satis- 
faction at the peace was an extraordinary political 
symptom, for in its opinion the Government had ac- 
cepted terms such as " might have been expected 
from an indulgent and liberal conqueror. . . . We 
have retired from the combat," it said, December 30, 
" with the stripes yet bleeding on our back, — with 
the recent defeats at Plattsburg and on Lake Cham- 
plain unavenged." During several succeeding weeks 
the "Times" continued its extravagant complaints, 
which served only to give the Americans a new idea 
of the triumph they had won. 

In truth, no one familiar with English opinion dur- 
ing the past ten years attempted to deny that the 
government of England must admit one or the other 
of two conclusions, — either it had ruinously misman- 
aged its American policy before the war, or it had 
disgraced itself by the peace. The " Morning Chron- 
icle," while approving the treaty, declared that the To- 
ries were on this point at odds with their own lead- 
ers : ^ " Their attachment to the ministers, though 
strong, cannot reconcile them to this one step, though 
surely if they would look back with an impartial eye 
1 The Morning Chronicle, Dec. 30, 1814. 


on the imbecility and error with which their idols 
conducted the war, they must acknowledge their pru- 
dence in putting an end to it. One of them very 
honestly said, two days ago, that if they had not put 
an end to the war, the war would have put an end to 
their Ministry." Whatever doubts existed about the 
temper of England before that time, no one doubted 
after the peace of Ghent that war with the United 
States was an unpopular measure with the British 

Nevertheless the "Times" and the Tories con- 
tinued their complaints imtil March 9, when two si- 
multaneous pieces of news silenced criticism of the 
American treaty. The severe defeat at New Orleans 
became known at the moment when Napoleon, having 
quitted Elba, began his triumphal return to Paris. 
These news, coming in the midst of Corn Riots, si- 
lenced further discussion of American relations, and 
left ministers free to redeem at Waterloo the failures 
they had experienced in America. 

In the United States news of peace was slow to 
arrive. The British sloop-of-war " Favorite " bore 
the despatches, and was still at sea when the month 
of February began. The commissioners from Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut, bearing the demands of 
the Hartford Convention, started for Washington. 
Every one was intent on the situation of New Orleans, 
where a disaster was feared. Congress seemed to 
have abandoned the attempt to provide means of de- 
fence, although it began another effort to create a 


bank on Dallas's plan. A large number of the most 
intelligent citizens believed that two announcements 
would soon be made, — one, that New Orleans was 
lost ; the other, that the negotiation at Ghent had 
ended in rupture. Under this double shock, the 
collapse of the national government seemed to its 
enemies inevitable. 

In this moment of suspense, the first news arrived 
from New Orleans. To the extreme relief of the 
Government and the Republican majority in Con- 
gress, they learned, February 4, that the British in- 
vasion was defeated and New Orleans saved. The 
victory was welcomed by illuminations, votes of 
thanks, and rejoicings greater than had followed 
the more important success at Plattsburg, or the 
more brilliant battles at Niagara ; for the success 
won at New Orleans relieved the Government from 
a load of anxiety, and postponed a crisis supposed to 
be immediately at hand. Half the influence of the 
Hartford Convention was destroyed by it ; and the 
commissioners, who were starting for the capital, had 
reason to expect a reception less favorable by far than 
they would have met had the British been announced 
as masters of Louisiana. Yet the immediate effect 
of the news was not to lend new vigor to Congress, 
but rather to increase its inertness, and to encourage 
its dependence on militia, Treasury notes, and good 

A week afterward, on the afternoon of Saturday, 
February 11, the British sloop-of-war " Favorite " 


sailed up New York harbor, and the city quickly 
heard rumors of peace. At eight o'clock that even- 
ing the American special messenger landed, bring- 
ing the official documents intrusted to his care ; and 
when the news could no longer be doubted, the city 
burst into an uproar of joy. The messenger was slow 
in reaching Washington, where he arrived only on 
the evening of Tuesday, February 13, and delivered 
his despatches to the Secretary of State. 

Had the treaty been less satisfactory than it was, 
the President would have hesitated long before ad\is- 
ing its rejection, and the Senate could hardly have 
gained courage to reject it. In spite of rumors from 
London and significant speculations on the London 
Exchange, known in America in the middle of Janu- 
ary, no one had seriously counted on a satisfactory 
peace, as was proved by the steady depression of 
government credit and of the prices of American 
staples. The reaction after the arrival of the news 
was natural, and so violent that few persons stopped 
to scrutinize the terms. Contrary to Clay's fore- 
bodings, the treaty, mere armistice though it seemed 
to be, was probably the most popular treaty ever 
negotiated by the United States. The President 
sent it to the Senate February 15 ; and the next 
day, without suggestion of amendment, and appa- 
rently without a criticism, unless from Federalists, 
the Senate unanimously confirmed it, thirty-five 
senators uniting in approval. 

Yet the treaty was not what the Government had 


expected in declaring the war, or such as it had a 
right to demand. The Republicans admitted it in 
private, and the Federalists proclaimed it in the 
press. Senator Gore wrote to Governor Strong : ^ 
" The treaty must be deemed disgraceful to the Gov- 
ernment who made the war and the peace, and will 
be so adjudged by all, after the first effusions of joy 
at relief have subsided," Opinions differed widely 
on the question where the disgrace belonged, — 
whether to the Government who made the war, or 
to the people who refused to support it ; but no 
one pretended that the terms of peace, as far as 
they were expressed in the treaty, were so good as 
those repeatedly offered by England more than two 
years before. Yet the treaty was universally wel- 
comed, and not a thought of continued war found 

In New England the peace was received with ex- 
travagant delight. While the government messenger 
who carried the official news to Washington made no 
haste, a special messenger started from New York at 
ten o'clock Saturday night, immediately on the land- 
ing of the government messenger, and in thirty-two 
hours arrived in Boston. Probably the distance had" 
rarely been travelled in less time, for the Boston 
" Centinel " announced the expense to be two hun- 
dred and twenty-five dollars ; and such an outlay was 
seldom made for rapidity of travel or news. As the 
messenger passed from town to town he announced 
» Gore to Strong, Feb. 18, 1815; Lodge's Cabot, p. 563. 


the tidings to the delighted people.^ Reaching the 
« Centinel " office, at Boston, early Monday morning, 
he delivered his bulletin, and a few minutes after it 
was published all the bells were set ringing ; schools 
and shops were closed, and a general holiday taken ; 
flags were hoisted, the British with the American ; 
the militia paraded, and in the evening the city was 
illuminated. Yet the terms of peace were wholly 
unknown, and the people of Massachusetts had 
every reason to fear that their interests were sacri- 
ficed for the safety of the Union. Their rejoicing 
over the peace was as unreasoning as their hatred 
of the war. 

Only along the Canadian frontier where the farm- 
ers had for three years made large profits by sup- 
plying both armies, the peace was received without 
rejoicing.2 South of New York, although less public 
delight was expressed, the relief was probably greater 
than in New England. Virginia had suffered most, 
and had felt the blockade with peculiar severity. 
A few weeks before the treaty was signed, Jefferson 
wrote : ^ — 

" By the total annihilation in value of the produce 
which was to give me sustenance and independence, I 
shall be like Tantalus, — up to the shoulders in water, 
yet dying with thirst. We can make indeed enough to 
eat, drink, and clothe ourselves, but nothing for oui- salt, 

» Goodrich's Recollections, i. 503-505. 

« Montreal Herald, March 18, 1815; Niles, viii. 132. 

• Jefferson to W. Short, Nov. 28, 1814 ; Works, vi. 398. 


iron, groceries, and taxes which must be paid in money. 
For what can we raise for the market? Wheat? — we 
only give it to our horses, as we have been doing ever 
since harvest. Tobacco ? — it is not worth the pipe it 
is smoked in." 

While all Virginia planters were in this situation 
February 13, they awoke February 14 to find flour 
worth ten dollars a barrel, and groceries fallen fifty 
per cent. They were once more rich beyond their 

So violent and sudden a change in values had never 
been known in the United States. The New York 
market saw fortunes disappear and other fortunes 
created in the utterance of a single word. All im- 
ported articles dropped to low prices. Sugar which 
sold Saturday at twenty-six dollars a hundred-weight, 
sold Monday at twelve dollars and a, half. Tea sank 
from two dollars and a quarter to one dollar a pound ; 
tin fell from eighty to twenty-five dollars a box ; cot- 
ton fabrics declined about fifty per cent. On the 
other hand flour, cotton, and the other chief staples 
of American produce rose in the same proportion. 
Nominally flour was worth seven and a half dollars 
on Saturday, though no large amounts could have 
been sold ; on Monday the price was ten dollars, 
and all the wheat in the country was soon sold at 
that rate. 

Owing to the derangement of currency, these prices 
expressed no precise specie value. The effect of the 
peace on the currency was for a moment to restore 


an apparent equilibrium. In New York the specie 
premium of twenty-two per cent was imagined for 
a time to have vanished. In truth, United States 
six-per-cents rose in New York from seventy-six to 
eighty-eight in paper ; Treasury -notes from ninety- 
two to ninety-eight. In Pliiladelphia, on Saturday, 
six-per-cents sold at seventy-five ; on Monday, at 
ninety-three. The paper depreciation remained about 
twenty per cent in New York, about twenty -four per 
cent in Philadelphia, and about thirty per cent in 
Baltimore. The true value of six-per-cents was about 
sixty-eight ; of Treasury notes about seventy-eight, 
after the announcement of peace. 

As rapidly as possible the blockade was raised, and 
ships were hurried to sea with the harvests of three 
seasons for cargo ; but some weeks still passed before 
all the operations of war were closed. Tlie news of 
peace reached the British squadron below Mobile in 
time to prevent further advance on that place ; but 
on the ocean a long time elapsed before fighting 
wholly ceased. 

Some of the worst disasters as well as the great- 
est triumphs of the war occurred after the treaty of 
peace had been signed. The battle of New Orleans 
was followed by the loss of Fort Bowyer. At about 
the same time a British force occupied Cumberland 
Island on the southern edge of the Georgia coast, 
and January 13 attacked the fort at the entrance of 
the St. Mary's, and having captured it without loss, 
ascended the river the next day to the town of 



St. Mary's, which they seized, together with its mer- 
chandise and valuable ships in the river. Cock- 
burn established his headquarters on Cumberland 
Island January 22, and threw the whole State of 
Georgia into agitation, while he waited the arrival 
of a brigade with which an attack was to be made 
on Savannah. 

The worst disaster of the naval war occurred Janu- 
ary 15, when the frigate " President " — one of the 
three American forty-fours, under Stephen Decatur, 
the favorite ocean hero of the American service — 
suffered defeat and capture within fifty miles of 
Sandy Hook. No naval battle of the war was more 
disputed in its merits, although its occurrence in the 
darkest moments of national depression was almost 
immediately forgotten in the elation of the peace a 
few days later. 

Secretary Jones retired from the Navy Department 
Dec. 19, 1814, yielding the direction to B. W. Crown- 
inshield of Massachusetts, but leaving a squadron 
ready for sea at New York under orders for distant 
service. The " Peacock " and " Hornet," commanded 
by Warrington and Biddle, were to sail with a store- 
ship on a long cruise in Indian waters, where they 
were expected to ravage British shipping from the 
Cape of Good Hope to the China seas. With them 
Decatur was to go in the "President," and at the 
beginning of the new year he waited only an oppor- 
tunity to slip to sea past the blockading squadron. 
January 14 a strong westerly wind drove the British 


fleet out of sight. The " President " set sail, but in 
crossing the bar at night grounded, and continued 
for an hour or more to strike heavily, until the tide 
and strong wind forced her across. Decatur then 
ran along the Long Island coast some fifty miles, 
when he changed his course to the southeast, hoping 
that he had evaded the blockading squadron. This 
course was precisely that which Captain Hayes, com- 
manding the squadron, expected ;i and an hour be- 
fore daylight the four British ships, standing to the 
northward and eastward, sighted the " President," 
standing to the southward and eastward, not more 
than two miles on the weather-bow of the "Majes- 
tic," — the fifty -six-gun razee commanded by Captain 

The British ships promptly made chase. Captain 
Hayes's squadron, besides the "Majestic," consisted 
of the "Endymion," a fifty-gun frigate, with the 
" Pomone " and " Tenedos," frigates like the " Guer- 
riere," " Macedonian," and " Java," armed with eigh- 
teen-pound guns. Only from the " Endymion " had 
Decatur much to fear, for the " Majestic " was slow 
and the other ships were weak ; but the " Endy- 
mion " was a fast sailer, and especially adapted to 
meet the American frigates. The " Endymion," ac- 
cording to British authority, was about one hundred 
and fifty-nine feet in length on the lower deck, 
and nearly forty-three feet in extreme breadth ; the 

* Keport of Captain Hayes, Jan. 17, 1815; James, Appendix, 
p. clxxx; Niles, viii. 175. 



" President," on the same authority, was about one 
hundred and seventy-three feet in length, and forty- 
four feet in breadth. The " Endymion " carried 
twenty-six long twenty-four-pounders on the main 
deck ; the " President " carried thirty. The " Endy- 
mion " mounted twenty-two thirty-two pound car- 
ronades on the spar deck ; the " President " mounted 
twenty. The " Endymion " had also a long brass 
eighteen-pounder as a bow-chaser ; the " President " 
a long twenty-four-pounder as a bow-chaser, and 
another as a stern-chaser. The " Endymion " was 
short-handed after her losses in action with the 
" Prince de Neufchatel," and carried only three hun- 
dred and forty-six men ; the " President " carried 
four hundred and fifty. The " Endymion " was the 
weaker ship, probably in the proportion of four to 
five ; but for her immediate purpose she possessed 
a decisive advantage in superior speed, especially in 
light winds. 

At two o'clock in the afternoon, the " Endymion " 
had gained so much on the " President " as to begin 
exchanging shots between the stern and bow-chasers.^ 
Soon after five o'clock, as the wind fell, the " Endy- 
mion " crept up on the " President's " starboard quar- 
ter, and " commenced close action." ^ After bearing 
the enemy's fire for half an hour without reply, 
Decatur was obliged to alter his course and accept 

1 Log of the " Poraone ; " Niles, viii. 133. Log of the " Endy- 
mion ; " James, p. 427. 

' Report of Captain Hayes ; Niles, viii. 175. 

VOL. IX. — 5 


battle, or suffer himself to be crippled.^ The bat- 
tle lasted two hours and a half, until eight o'clock, 
when firing ceased ; but at half-past nine, according 
to the " Pomone's " log, the " Endymion " fired two 
guns, which the " President " returned with one.^ 
According to Decatur's account the " Endymion " 
lay for half an hour under his stern, without firing, 
while the " President " was trying to escape. In truth 
the " Endymion " had no need to fire ; she was busy 
bending new sails, while Decatur's ship, according to 
his official report, was crippled, and in the want of 
wind could not escape. 

In a letter written by Decatur to his wife immedi- 
ately after the battle, he gave an account of what 
followed, as he understood it.^ 

" The ' Endymion,' " he began, ..." was the lead- 
ing ship of the enemy. She got close under my quarters 
and was cutting my rigging without my being able to 
bring a gun to bear upon her. To suffer this was making 
my capture certain, and that too without injury to the 
enemy. I therefore bore up for the ' J^ndymion ' and en- 
gaged her for two hours, when we silenced and beat her 
off. At this time the rest of the ships had got within two 
miles of us. We made all the sail we could from them, 
but it was in vain. In three hours the ' Pomona ' and 
' Tenedos ' were alongside, and the ' Majestic ' and ' En- 
dymion ' close to us. All that was now left for me to do 
was to receive the fire of the nearest ship and surrender." 

* Decatur's Report of Jan. 18, 1815; Niles, viii. 8. 
' Log of the " Pomoue ; " Niles, viii. 133. 

* Niles, vii. 364. 


The " Pomone's " account of the surrender com- 
pleted the story : ^ — 

"At eleven, being within gunshot of the 'President' 
who was still steering to the eastward under a press of 
sail, with royal, top-gallant, topmast, and lower stud- 
ding-sails set, finding how much we outsailed her our 
studding-sails were taken in, and immediately after- 
ward we luffed to port and fired our starboard broadside. 
The enemy then also luffed to poi-t, bringing his larboard 
broadside to bear, which was momentarily expected, as a 
few minutes previous to our closing her she hoisted a light 
abaft, which in night actions constitutes the ensign. Our 
second broadside was fired, and the ' President ' still luff- 
ing up as if intent to lay us on board, we hauled close 
to port, bracing the yards up, and setting the mainsail ; 
the broadside was again to be fired into his bows, raking, 
when she hauled down the light, and we hailed demand- 
ing if she had surrendered. The reply was in the affirm- 
ative, and the firing immediately ceased. The ' Tenedos,* 
who was not more than three miles off, soon afterward 
came up, and assisted the ' Pomone ' in securing the 
prize and removing the prisoners. At three quarters 
past twelve the ' Eudymion ' came up, and the 'Majestic' 
at three in the morning." 

Between the account given by Decatur and that of 
the " Pomone's " log were some discrepancies. In 
the darkness many mistakes were inevitable ; but 
if each party were taken as the best authority on its 
own side, the connected story seemed to show that 
Decatur, after beating off the " Endymion," made 

1 Niles, viii, 133. 


every effort to escape, but was impressed by the con- 
viction that if overtaken by the squadron, nothing 
was left but to receive the fire of the nearest ship, 
and surrender. The night was cahn, and the " Presi- 
dent" made little headway. At eleven o'clock one 
of the pursuing squadron came up, and fired two 
broadsides. " Thus situated," reported Decatur, " with 
about one fifth of my crew killed and wounded, my 
ship crippled, and a more than fourfold force opposed 
to me, without a chance of escape left, I deemed it 
my duty to surrender." 

The official Court of Inquiry on the loss of the 
" President " reported, a few months afterward, a 
warm approval of Decatur's conduct : * — 

"We fear that we cannot express in a manner that 
will do justice to our feelings our admiration of the 
conduct of Commodore Decatur and his officers and 
crew. . . . As well during the chase as through his con- 
test with the enemy [he] evinced great judgment and 
skill, perfect coolness, the most determined resolution, 
and heroic courage." 

The high praise thus bestowed was doubtless de- 
served, since the Court of Inquiry was composed of 
persons well qualified to judge ; but Decatur's bat- 
tle with the " Endymion " was far from repeating 
the success of his triumph over the " Macedonian." 
Anxious to escape rather than to fight, Decatur in 
consequence failed either to escape or resist with ef- 
fect. The action with the "Endymion" lasted three 
* Niles, viii. 147. 



hours from the time when the British frigate gained 
the " President's " quarter. For the first half hour 
the " President " received the " Endymion's " broad- 
sides without reply. During the last half hour the 
firing slackened and became intermittent. Yet for 
two hours the ships were engaged at close range, 
a part of the time within half musket-shot, in a 
calm sea, and in a parallel line of sailing.^ At all 
times of the battle, the ships were well within point- 
blank range ,2 which for long twenty-four-pounders and 
thirty-two-pound carronades was about two hundred 
and fifty yards.^ Decatur had needed but an hour 
and a half to disable and capture the " Macedonian," 
although a heavy swell disturbed his fire, and at no 
time were the ships within easy range for grape, 
which was about one hundred and fifty yards. The 
"Endymion" was a larger and better ship than the 
"Macedonian," but the "President" was decidedly 
less efficient than the "United States." 

According to Captain Hope's report, the " Endy- 
mion " lost eleven men killed and fourteen wounded. 
The "President" reported twenty-five killed and 
sixty wounded. Of the two ships the " President " 
was probably the most severely injured.* The masts 
of both were damaged, and two days afterward both 

* Log of the " Endymion ; " James, p. 428. 
3 Cooper's Naval History, ii. 466. 

• Adye's Bombardier, p. 197. Douglas's Naval Gunnery 
(Fourth edition), p. 103. 

♦ Report of Injuries received by the "President;" James, 
Appendix, p. cxciv, no. 107. 


were dismasted in a gale ; but while the " President " 
lost all her masts by the board, the " Endymion " lost 
only her fore and main masts considerably above deck. 
On the whole, the injury inflicted by the " President " 
on the " Endymion " was less than in proportion to 
her relative strength, or to the length of time occu- 
pied in the action. Even on the supposition that the 
" President's " fire was directed chiefly against the 
" Endymion's " rigging, the injury done was not pro- 
portional to the time occupied in doing it. Accord- 
ing to the " Pomone's " log, the " Endymion " was 
able to rejoin the squadron at quarter before one 
o'clock in the night. According to the " Endy- 
mion's" log, she repaired damages in an hour, and 
resumed the chase at nine o'clock.^ 

The British ships were surprised that Decatur 
should have surrendered to the " Pomone " without 
firing a shot. Apparently the " Pomone's " broad- 
side did little injury, and the " Tenedos " was not 
yet in range when the " Pomone " opened fire. The 
question of the proper time to surrender was to be 
judged by professional rules ; and if resistance was 
hopeless, Decatur was doubtless justified in strik- 
ing when he did ; but his apparent readiness to do 
so hardly accorded with the popular conception of 
his character. 

As usual the sloops were more fortunate than 
the frigate, and got to sea successfully, January 22, 
in a gale of wind which enabled them to run the 
I James's Naval OcciuTences, p. 4:^9. 



blockade. Their appointed rendezvous was Tristan 
d'Acunha. There the "Hornet" arrived on the morn- 
ing of March 23, and before she had time to an- 
chor sighted the British sloop-of-war "Penguin," — 
a new brig then cruising in search of the American 
privateer " Young Wasp." 

Captain Biddle of the " Hornet " instantly made 
chase, and Captain Dickinson of the " Penguin " bore 
up and stood for the enemy. According to British 
authority the vessels differed only by a " trifling dis- 
parity of force." ^ In truth the American was some- 
what superior in size, metal, and crew, although not 
so decisively as in most of the sloop battles. The 
"Hornet" carried eighteen thirty -two-pound carron- 
ades and two long twelve-pounders ; the " Penguin " 
carried sixteen thirty-two-pound carronades, two long 
guns differently reported as twelve-pounders and six- 
pounders, and a twelve-pound carronade. The crews 
were apparently the same in number, — about one 
hundred and thirty-two men. Captain Dickinson had 
equipped his vessel especially for the purpose of cap- 
turing heavy privateers, and was then looking for 
the " Young Wasp," — a vessel decidedly superior to 
the " Hornet." ^ Although he had reason to doubt 
his ability to capture the " Young Wasp," he did 
not fear a combat with the " Hornet," and showed 
his confidence by brushing up close alongside and 

* James, p. 498. 

2 Admiral Tyler to Captain Dickinson, Jan. 31, 1815; Niles, 
viii. 345. 


firing a gun, while the " Hornet," all aback, waited 
for him. 

The result was very different from that of Deca- 
tur's two-hour battle with the " Endjmion." In little 
more than twenty minutes of close action the " Pen- 
guin's" foremast and bowsprit were gone, her cap- 
tain killed, and thirty-eight men killed or wounded, 
or more than one fourth the crew. The brig was 
"a perfect wreck," according to the British official 
report, when the senior surviving officer hailed and 
surrendered.! The " Hornet " was not struck in 
the hull, but was very much cut up in rigging and 
spars. She had two killed, and nine wounded. " It 
was evident," said Captain Biddle's report, " that 
our fire was greatly guperior both in quickness and 

The " Penguin " was destroyed, and the " Hornet " 
and " Peacock " continued their cruise until April 
27, when they chased for twenty-four hours a strange 
sail, which proved to be the British seventy-four 
" Cornwallis." On discovering the character of the 
chase Biddle made off to windward, but found that 
the enemy " sailed remarkably fast and was very 
weatherly." At daylight of the 29th, the "Corn- 
wallis " was within gimshot on the " Hornet's " lee- 
quarter. Her shot did not take effect, and Biddle, 
by lightening his ship, drew out of fire ; but a 
few hours later the enemy again came up within 

^ Report of Lieutenant McDonald, April 6, 1815 ; James, 
Appendix, p. cc, no. 111. 


three quarters of a mile, in a calm sea, and opened 
once more. Three shot struck the " Hornet," but 
without crippling her. Biddle threw over everything 
that could be spared, except one long gun ; and a 
fortunate change of wind enabled him a second time 
to creep out of fire. He escaped ; but the loss of 
his guns, anchors, cables, and boats obliged him 
to make for San Salvador, where he heard the news 
of peace. ^ 

Captain Warrington in the "Peacock" continued 
his cruise to the Indian Ocean, and captured four 
Indiamen. In the Straits of Sunda, June 30, he 
encountered a small East India Company's cruiser, 
whose commander hailed and announced peace. 
Warrington replied, " directing him at the same time 
to haul his colors down if it were the case, in token 
of it, — adding that if he did not, I should fire into 
him." The brig refused to strike its colors, and War- 
rington nearly destroyed her by a broadside.^ For 
this violence little excuse could be offered, for the 
" Nautilus " was not half the " Peacock's " strength, 
and could not have escaped. Warrington, like most 
officers of the American navy, remembered the 
" Chesapeake " too well. 

The cruise of the " President," " Peacock," and 
" Hornet " ended in the loss of the " President," the 
disabling of the "Hornet," and the arrival of the 
" Peacock " alone at the point intended for their 

» Biddle'3 Report of June 10, 1815 ; Niles, viii. 438. 
2 Warrington's Letter of Nov. 11, 1815; Niles, x. 58. 


common cruising-ground. No other national ves- 
sels were at sea after peace was signed, except 
the " Constitution," which late in December sailed 
from Boston under the command of Captain Charles 
Stewart, — a Philadelphian of Irish descent, not 
thirty-nine years old, but since 1806 a captain in 
the United States service. 

Cruising between Gibraltar and Madeira, at about 
one o'clock on the afternoon of February 20 Captain 
Stewart discovered two sail ahead, which he chased 
and overtook at six o'clock. Both were ship-rigged 
sloops-of-war. The larger of the two was the " Cy- 
ane." Americans preferred to call her a frigate, but 
that designation, though vague at best, could hardly 
be applied to such* a vessel. The " Cyane " was a 
frigate-built sloop-of-war, or corvette, like the " Little 
Belt," carrying a regular complement of one hundred 
and eighty-five men. Her length on the lower deck 
was one hundred and eighteen feet ; her breadth was 
thirty-two feet. She carried thirty-three guns, all 
carronades except two long-nines or twelves. Her 
companion, the " Levant," was also a sloop-of-war of 
the larger sort, though smaller than the " Cyane." 
She mounted twenty-one guns, all carronades except 
two long nine-pounders. Her regular crew was one 
hundred and thirty-five men and boys. 

Either separately or together the British ships were 
decidedly unequal to the " Constitution," which could, 
by remaining at long range, sink them both without 
receiving a shot in return. The " Constitution " car- 



ried thirty-two long twenty-four-pounders; while the 
two sloops could reply to these guns only by four 
long nine-pounders. The " Constitution " carried 
four hundred and fifty men ; the two sloops at the 
time of the encounter carried three hundred and 
thirty-six seamen, marines, and officers.^ The " Con- 
stitution " was built of great strength ; the two sloops 
had only the frames of their class. The utmost 
that the British captains could hope was that one 
of the two vessels might escape by the sacrifice of 
the other. 

Instead of escaping, the senior officer, Captain 
George Douglass of the " Levant," resolved to en- 
gage the frigate, " in the hopes, by disabling her, to 
prevent her intercepting two valuable convoys that 
sailed from Gibraltar about the same time as the 
'Levant' and ' Cyane.'" '-^ Captain Douglass knew 
his relative strength, for he had heard that the Amer- 
ican frigate was on his course.^ Yet he seriously ex- 
pected to disable her, and made a courageous attempt 
to do so. 

The two ships, close together, tried first for the 
weather-gauge, but the " Constitution " outsailed them 
also on that point. They then bore up in hope of 
delaying the engagement till night, but the " Consti- 
tution " overhauled them too rapidly for the success 

* Statement of the actual force, etc., Stewart's Report; Niles, 
viii. 219. 

' James, Naval Occurrences, p. 458. 

• James, Naval Occurrences, p. 458. 


of that plan. They then stood on the starboard 
tack, the " Cyane" astern, the " Levant" a half-cable 
length ahead, while the " Constitution " came up to 
windward and opened fire. Commodore Stewart's 
report described the result : ^ — 

" At five minutes past six ranged up on the starboard 
side of the sternmost ship [the 'Cyane'], about tlu-ee 
hundred yards distant, and commenced the action by 
broadsides, — both ships returning our fii'e with great 
spirit for about fifteen minutes. Then the fire of the 
enemy beginning to slacken, and the great column of 
smoke collected under our lee, induced us to cease our 
fire to ascertain their positions and conditions. In 
about three minutes the smoke clearing away, we found 
ourselves abreast of the headmost ship [the 'Levant'], 
the sternmost ship luffing up for our larboard quarter." 

Three hundred yards was a long range for car- 
ronades, especially in British sloops whose marks- 
manship was indifferent at best. According to the 
British court-martial on the officers of the " Cyane '* 
and " Levant," their carronades had little effect.^ If 
Stewart managed his ship as his duty required, the 
two sloops until that moment should have been al- 
lowed to make little effective return of the " Consti- 
tution's " broadside of sixteen twenty-four-pounders 
except by two nine-pounders. They were in the po- 
sition of the " Essex " at Valparaiso. The " Cyane " 
naturally luffed up, in order to bring her carronades 

* Minutes of the Action; Niles, viii. 219. 

• Niles, viii. 363. Cf. Letter of Lieutenant Shubrick ; Niles, 
viii. 383. 



to bear, but she was already cut to pieces, and made 
the matter worse by closing. 

" We poured a broadside into the headmost ship," con- 
tinued the American account, " and then braced aback 
our main and niizzen topsails and backed astern under 
cover of the smoke abreast the sternmost ship, when the 
action was continued with spirit and considerable effect 
until thirty-five minutes past six, when the enemy's fire 
again slackened." 

The " Levant," after receiving two stern-raking 
fires, bore up at forty minutes past six and began to 
repair damages two miles to leeward. The " Cyane," 
having become unmanageable, struck at ten minutes 
before seven. The most remarkable incident of the 
battle occurred after the " Cyane " struck, when the 
" Constitution " went after the " Levant " which was 
in sight to leeward. The little " Levant," instead of 
running away, stood directly for the huge American 
frigate, more than three times her size, and ranging 
close alongside fired a broadside into her as the two 
ships passed on opposite tacks. Although the sloop 
received the " Constitution's " broadside in return, 
she was only captured at last after an hour's chase, 
at ten o'clock, much cut up in spars and rigging, 
but still sea- worthy, and with seven men killed and 
sixteen wounded, or only one casualty to six of her 

In truth, the injury inflicted by the " Constitu- 
tion's" fire was not so great as might have been 
expected. The " Cyane " lost twelve killed and 


twenty-six wounded, if the American report was 
correct. Neither ship was dismasted or in a sink- 
ing condition. Both arrived safely, March 10, at 
Porto Praya. On the other hand, the " Constitu- 
tion" was struck eleven times in the hull, and lost 
three men killed and twelve wounded, three of the 
latter mortally. She suffered more than in her bat- 
tle with the " Guerriere," — a result creditable to 
the British ships, considering that in each case the 
" Constitution " could choose her own range. 

Stewart took his prizes to the Cape de Verde 
Islands. At noon, March 11, while lying in port at 
Porto Praya, three British frigates appeared off the 
harbor, and Stewart instantly stood to sea, passing 
the enemy's squadron to windward within gunshot. 
The three frigates made chase, and at one o'clock, 
as the " Cyane " was dropping astern, Stewart sig- 
nalled to her to tack ship, and either escape, if not 
pursued, or return to Porto Praya. The squadron 
paid no attentidn to the " Cyane," but followed the 
" Constitution " and " Levant." At three o'clock, 
the "Levant" falling behind, Stewart signalled her 
also to tack. Immediately the whole British squad- 
ron abandoned pursuit of the " Constitution " and 
followed the " Levant " to Porto Praya, where they 
seized her under the guns of the Portuguese batteries. 
Meanwhile the " Constitution " and " Cyane " escaped, 
and reached the United States without further acci- 
dent. The extraordinary blunders of the British 
squadron were never satisfactorily explained. 



These combats and cruises, with the last ravages 
of the privateers, closed the war on the ocean as it 
had long ceased on land ; and meanwhile the people 
of the United States had turned their energies to 
undertakings of a wholly different character. 


The long, exciting, and splendid panorama of 
revolution and war, which for twenty-five years al>- 
sorbed the world's attention and dwarfed all other 
interests, vanished more quickly in America than in 
Europe, and left fewer elements of disturbance. The 
transformation scene of a pantomime was hardly 
more sudden or complete than the change that came 
over the United States at the annoimcement of peace. 
In a single day, almost in a single instant, the pul>- 
lic turned from interests and passions that had sup- 
plied its thought for a generation, and took up a 
class of ideas that had been imknown or but vaguely 
defined before. 

At Washington the effect of the news was so ex- 
traordinary as to shake faith in the seriousness of 
party politics. Although the peace affected in no 
way party doctrine or social distinctions, a new epoch 
for the Union began from the evening of February 
13, when the messenger from Ghent arrived with the 
treaty. Xo one stopped to ask why a govermuent, 
which was discredited and falling to pieces at one 
moment, should appear as a successful and even a 
glorious national representative a moment afterward. 


Politicians dismissed the war from their thoughts, as 
they dismissed the treaty, "vrith the single phrase : 
" Not an inch ceded or lost ! " ^ The commissioners 
from Massachusetts and Connecticut who appeared at 
Washington with the recommendations of the Hart- 
ford Convention, returned home as quietly as possible, 
pursued by the gibes of the press. The war was no 
more popular then than it had been before, as the 
subsequent elections prored ; but the danger was 
passed, and passion instantly subsided. 

Only by slow degrees the country learned to 
appreciate the extraordinary feat which had been 
performed, not so much by the people as by a 
relatively small number of individuals. Had a vil- 
lage rustic, with one hand tied behind his back, chal- 
lenged the champion of the prize-ring, and in thi'ee or 
four rounds obliged him to draw the stakes, the result 
would have been little more surprising than the re- 
sult of the American campaign of 1814. The most 
intelligent and best educated part of society both in 
the United States and in Great Britain could not 
believe it, and the true causes of British defeat re- 
mained a subject of conjecture and angry dispute. 
The enemies of the war admitted ordy that peace 
had saved Madison ; but this single concession, 
which included many far-reaching consequences, was 
granted instantly, and from that moment the na- 
tional government triumphed over all its immediate 

1 Ingersoll, ii. 311. 

VOL. IX. — 6 


While the Senate unanimously ratified the treaty- 
February 16, the House set to work with much more 
alacrity than was its habit to dispose of the business 
before it. Haste was necessary. Barely fourteen 
days remained before the Thirteenth Congress should 
expire, and in that interval some system of peace 
legislation must be adopted. The struggle over the 
proposed Bank charter was still raging, for the Sen- 
ate had passed another bill of incorporation February 
11, over which the House was occupied the whole day 
of February 13 in a sharp and close contest. The 
first effect of the peace was to stop this struggle. By 
a majority of one vote, seventy-four to seventy-three, 
February 17, the House laid the subject aside. 

Three days afterward, February 20, the President 
sent to Congress a Message transmitting the treaty 
with its ratifications, and congratulating the country 
on the close of a war " waged with the success which 
is the natural result of the wisdom of the legislative 
councils, of the patriotism of the people, of the public 
spirit of tlie militia, and of the valor of the military 
and naval forces of the country." After recom- 
mending to Congress the interests of the soldiers 
and sailors, the Message passed to the reduction of 
expenditures, which required immediate attention : 

" There are, however," contiuued Madison, " inapor- 
tant considerations which forbid a sudden and general 
revocation of the measures that have been produced by 
the war. Experience has taught us that neither the 
pacific dispositions of the American people, nor the pa- 


cific character of their political institutions, can altogether 
exempt them from that strife which appears, beyond the 
ordinary lot of nations, to be incident to the actual period 
of the world ; and the same faithful monitor demon- 
strates that a certain degree of preparation for war is 
not only indispensable to avert disasters in the onset, 
but affords also the best security for the continuance 
of peace." 

The avowal that experience had shown the error of 
the principle adopted by the nation in 1801 was not 
confined to President Madison. Monroe spoke even 
more plainly. In a letter to the military committee, 
February 24, Monroe urged that an army of twenty 
thousand men should be retained on the peace estab- 
lishment. Each soldier of the rank-and-file was sup- 
posed to cost in peace about two hundred dollars a 
year, and Monroe's proposal involved an annual 
expense of more than five million dollars. 

As far as concerned Madison and Monroe the repu- 
diation of old Republican principles seemed complete ; 
but the people had moved less rapidly than their lead- 
ers. Had Congress, while debating the subject Feb- 
ruary 25, known that Napoleon was then quitting 
Elba to seize once more the control of France, and 
to rouse another European convulsion with all its pos- 
sible perils to neutrals, the President's views might 
have been adopted without serious dispute ; but in 
the absence of evident danger, an army of twenty 
thousand men seemed unnecessary. The finances 
warranted no such extravagance. Dallas wrote to 


Eppes, the chairman of the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee, a letter 1 dated February 20, sketching a -tem- 
porary financial scheme for the coming year. He 
proposed to fund at seven per cent the outstanding 
Treasury notes, amounting to $18,637,000 ; and even 
after thus sweeping the field clear of pressing claims, 
he still required the extravagant war-taxes in order 
to meet expenses, and depended on a further issue of 
Treasury notes, or a loan, to support the peace estab- 
lishments of the army and navy. The state of the 
currency was desperate, and the revenue for tlie year 
1815 was estimated at 118,200,000 in the notes of 
State banks, — a sum little in excess of the estimated 
civil necessities. 

The military committee of the House showed no 
sympathy with the new principles urged upon Con- 
gress by the Executive. Troup of Georgia reported 
a bill, February 22, fixing the peace establishment at 
ten thousand men, with two major-generals and four 
brigadiers. In submitting this proposal, Troup urged 
the House, February 25, to accept the reduction to 
ten thousand as the lowest possible standard, requir- 
ing only the expense of two and a half millions ; but 
no sooner did he take his seat than Desha of Ken- 
tucky moved to substitute " six " for " ten," and a 
vigorous debate followed, ending in the adoption of 
Desha's amendment in committee by a majority of 
nineteen votes. The war leaders were greatly an- 
noyed by this new triumph of the peace party. As a 
» Annals of Congress, 1814-1815; iii. 1178. 


matter of principle, the vote on Desha's amendment 
affirmed Jefferson's pacific system and condemned the 
Federalist heresies of Madison and Monroe. The 
war leaders could not acquiesce in such a decision, 
and rallying for another effort, February 27, they 
remonstrated hotly. Forsyth of Georgia was particu- 
larly emphatic in defining the issue : ^ — 

''He had hoped that the spirit of calculation falsely 
styled economy, whose contracted view was fixed upon 
present expense, and was incapable of enlarging it to 
permanent and eventual advantage, had been laid forever 
by the powerful exorcisms of reason and experience. It 
would seem however that it had been only lulled by the 
presence of a more powerful demon. Since the potent 
spell of necessity had been broken, the troubled spirit of 
petty calculation was again awakened to vex the counsels 
and destroy the best hopes of the country." 

For three years the friends of strong government, 
under the pressure of war, had been able to drive 
Congress more or less in their own direction ; but at 
the announcement of peace their power was greatly 
lessened, and their unwilling associates were no 
longer disposed to follow their lead or to tolerate 
their assumptions of superiority. Desha retaliated 
in the tone of 1798 : — 

" Do they suppose that the House do not understand 
the subject ; or do they suppose that by this great flow 
of eloquence they can make the substantial part of the 
House change the opinions in so short a time? When 
I speak of the r >stantial part of the House, I mean 
1 Annals of Congress, 1814-1815, pp. 1213, 1250. 


those who think much and speak but little ; who make 
common-sense their guide, and not theoretical or vision- 
ary projects. . . . Some gentlemen advocate ten thou- 
sand and others twenty thousand of a standing army. 
The policy is easy to be seen through. The advocates 
of a perpetual system of taxation discover that if they 
cannot retain a considerable standing ai-my, they will 
have no good plea for riveting the present taxes on 
the people." 

In the process of national growth, public opinion 
had advanced since 1801 several stages in its devel- 
opment ; but the speeches of Forsyth, Calhoun, and 
Lowndes on one side, like that of Desha on the other, 
left still in doubt the amount of change. While 
Forsyth admitted that he had under-estimated the 
strength of the economical spirit, Desha certainly 
over-estimated the force of the men " who think 
much and speak but little." With Federalist assist- 
ance, Desha's friends passed the bill for an army 
of six thousand men by a vote of seventy-five to 
sixty-five ; but the Senate, by a more decided vote 
of eighteen to ten, substituted " fifteen " for " six." 
With this amendment the bill was returned to the 
House March 2, which by an almost unanimous vote 
refused to concur. The bill w^as sent to a conference 
committee, which reported the original plan of ten 
thousand men ; and in the last hours of the session, 
March 3, the House yielded. By a vote of seventy 
to thirty-eight the peace establishment was fixed at 
ten thousand men. 


The movement of public opinion was more evident 
in regard to the navy. Instead of repeating the ex- 
periments of 1801, Congress maintained the whole 
war establishment, and appropriated four million dol- 
lars chiefly for the support of frigates and ships-of- 
the-line. The vessels on the Lakes were dismantled 
and laid up ; the gunboats, by an Act approved Feb- 
ruary 27, were ordered to be sold ; but the sum of 
two hundred thousand dollars was appropriated for 
the annual purchase of ship-timber during the next 
three years, and the whole navy thenceforward con- 
sisted of cruisers, which were to be kept as far as 
possible in active service. As the first task of the 
new ships, an Act, approved March 3, authorized hos- 
tilities against the Dey of Algiers, who had indulged 
in the plunder of American commerce. 

These hasty arrangements for the two services, 
coupled with an equally hasty financial makeshift, 
completed the career of the Thirteenth Congress, 
which expired March 4, as little admired or regretted 
as the least popular of its predecessors. Not upon 
Congress but upon the Executive Departments fell 
the burden of peace as of war, and on the Executive 
the new situation brought many embarrassments. 

The first and most delicate task of the Government 
was the reduction of the army. No one could greatly 
blame Monroe for shrinking from the invidious duty 
of dismissing two thirds of the small force which had 
sustained so well and with so little support the char- 
acter of the country ; but the haste which he showed 


in leaving the War Department suggested also how 
keenly he must have suffered under its burdens. 
His name was sent to the Senate, February 27, as 
Secretary of State ; no Secretary of War was nomi- 
nated, but Dallas, with the courage that marked 
his character, undertook to manage the War Depart- 
ment as well as the Treasury until the necessary 
arrangements for the new army should be made. 

April 8 Dallas wrote to six generals, — Brown, 
Jackson, Scott, Gaines, Macomb, and Ripley, — re- 
questing their attendance at Washington to report a 
plan for the new army. Jackson and Gaines were 
unable to attend. The rest of the board reported a 
scheme dividing the country into two military dis- 
tricts, north and south ; and into nine departments, 
five in the northern, four in the southern division, — 
allotting to each the troops needed for its service. 
May 17 the new arrangements were announced. 
Brown was ordered to command the northern dis- 
trict, with Ripley and Macomb as brigadiers. Jack- 
son took the southern district, with Scott and Gaines 
as brigadiers. Eight regiments of infantry, one of 
riflemen, and one of liglit artillery were retained, to- 
gether with the corps of artillery and engineers. As 
far as possible, all the officers whose names became 
famous for a generation received rank and reward. 

No such operation was necessary for the navy, 
where no reduction was required. In the civil ser- 
vice, Madison enjoyed the satisfaction of rewarding 
the friends who had stood by him in his trials. Feb- 


ruary 27 he sent to the Senate, with the nomination 
of Monroe as Secretary of State, tlie name of J. Q, 
Adams as Minister to England. At the same time 
Bayard was appointed to St. Petersburg, and Gallatin 
to Paris. The nomination of Bayard proved to be an 
empty compliment, for he arrived, August 1, in the 
Delaware River, in the last stages of illness, and was 
carried ashore the next day only to -die. 

These appointments were well received and readily 
confirmed by the Senate; but Madison carried favorit- 
ism too far for the Senate's approval when, March 1, 
he nominated Major-General Dearborn to be Secre- 
tary of War. Dearborn had few or no enemies, but 
the distinction thus shown him roused such strong 
remonstrance that Madison hastened to recall the 
nomination, and substituted Crawford in Dearborn's 
place. The Senate had already rejected Dearborn, 
but consented to erase the record from their journal,^ 
and Crawford became Secretary of War. 

Thus the government in all its branches glided into 
the new conditions, hampered only by the confusion 
of the currency, which could not be overcome. The 
people were even more quick than the government 
to adapt themselves to peace. In New Orleans alone 
a few weeks of alarm were caused by extraordinary 
acts of arbitrary power on the part of General Jack- 
son during the interval before the peace became offi- 
cially known ; but public order was not seriously dis- 

* Madison to Dearborn, March 4, 1815; Madison's Works, 
ii. 598. 


turbed, and the civil authority was restored March 13. 
Elsewhere the country scarcely stopped to notice the 
cost or the consequences of the war. 

In truth the cost was moderate. Measured by loss 
of life in battle, it was less than that reported in 
many single battles fought by Napoleon. An army 
which never exceeded thirty thousand effectives, or 
placed more than four thousand regular rank-and-file 
in a single action, could not sacrifice many lives. Ac- 
cording to the received estimates the number of men 
killed in battle on land did not much exceed fifteen 
hundred, including militia, while the total of killed 
and wounded little exceeded five thousand.^ Sick- 
ness was more fatal than wounds, but a population of 
eight millions felt camp-diseases hardly more than its 
periodical malarial fevers. 

The precise financial cost of the war, measured only 
by increase of debt, was equally moderate. During 
three years, — from February, 1812, until February, 
1815, — the government sold six per cent bonds at 
various rates of discount, to the amount of fifty 
million dollars, and this sum was the limit of its 
loans, except for a few bank discounts of Treasury 
notes not exceeding a million in all. By forcing 
Treasury notes on its creditors the Treasury obtained 
the use of twenty millions more. After the peace it 
issued bonds and new Treasury notes, which raised 
the aggregate amount of war debt, as far as could 
be ascertained, to about eighty million five hundred 
1 Nilea, x. 154. 


thousand dollars, which was the war-addition to the 
old nominal capital of debt, and increased the total 
indebtedness to one hundred and twenty-seven mil- 
lions at the close of the year 1815.1 

The debt had exceeded eighty millions twenty 
years before, and in the interval the country had 
greatly increased its resources. The war debt was 
a trifling load, and would not have been felt except 
for the confusion of the currency and the unneces- 
sary taxation imposed at the last moments of the 
war. That the currency and the war taxes were 
severe trials was not to be denied, but of other trials 
the people had little to complain. 

Considering the dangers to which the United States 
were exposed, they escaped with surprising impunity. 
The shores of Chesapeake Bay and of Georgia were 
plundered ; but the British government paid for the 
slaves carried away, and no town of importance ex- 
cept Washington was occupied by an enemy. Con- 
trary to the usual experience of war, the richest parts 
of the country suffered least. Only the Niagara fron- 
tier was systematically ravaged. When the blockade 
of the coast was raised, every seaboard city was able 
instantly to resume its commercial habits without 
having greatly suffered from the interruption. The 
harvests of two seasons were ready for immediate 
export, and the markets of Europe were waiting to 
receive them. Every man found occupation, and capi- 
tal instantly returned to its old channels. From the 

* Dallas's Report of Dec. 6, 1815; State Papers, Finance, iii. 8. 


moment of peace the exports of domestic produce 
began to exceed five million dollars a month, while 
four millions was the highest average for any pre- 
vious twelvemonth, and the average for the seven 
years of embargo and blockade since 1807 fell much 
short of two and a half millions. Tlie returns of 
commerce and navigation showed that during the 
seven months from March 1 to October 1, 1815, 
domestic produce valued at forty-six million dollars 
was exported, and American shipping to the amount 
of eight hundred and fifty-four thousand tons was 
employed in the business of export.^ 

The ease and rapidity of this revolution not only 
caused the war to be quickly forgotten, but also 
silenced political passions. For the first time in 
their history as a nation, the people of the United 
States ceased to disturb themselves about politics or 
patronage. Every political principle was still open 
to dispute, and was disputed ; but prosperity put an 
end to faction. No evidence could be given to prove 
that the number or weight of persons who held the 
opinions commonly known as Federalist, diminished 
either then or afterward. Massachusetts showed no 
regret for the attitude she had taken. At the April 
election, six weeks after the proclamation of peace, 
although Samuel Dexter was the Republican can- 
didate, the State still gave to Governor Strong a 
majority of about seven thousand in a total vote of 
ninety-five thousand. The Federalists reasonably 
* State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, ii. 647. 


regarded this vote as an express approval of the 
Hartford Convention and its proposed measures, and 
asked what would have been their majority had 
peace not intervened to save the Government from 
odium. They believed not only that their popular 
support would have been greater, but that it would 
also have shown a temper beyond control ; yet the 
Federalist majority in April was no longer hostile to 
the Government. 

The other elections bore the same general charac- 
ter. Even in New York the popular reaction seemed 
rather against the war than in its favor. New York 
city in April returned Federalist members to the 
State legislature, causing a tie in the Assembly, each 
party controlling sixty-three votes.^ In Virginia the 
peace produced no change so decided as to warrant 
a belief that the war had become popular. In April 
John Randolph defeated Eppes and recovered control 
of his district. The State which had chosen six- 
teen Republicans and seven opposition congressmen 
in 1813, elected in 1815 seventeen Republicans and 
six opposition members. The stability of parties was 
the more remarkable in New York and Virginia, be- 
cause those States were first to feel the effects of 
renewed prosperity. 

After the excitement of peace was past, as the 

summer drew toward a close, economical interests 

dwarfed the old political distinctions and gave a new 

character to parties. A flood of wealth poured into 

1 Hammond, i. 401. 


the Union at a steady rate of six or seven million 
dollars a month, and the distribution of so large a 
sum could not fail to show interesting results. The 
returns soon proved that the larger portion belonged 
to the Southern States. Cotton, at a valuation of 
twenty cents a pound, brought seventeen and a half 
millions to the planters ; tobacco brought eight and 
a quarter millions ; rice produced nearly two million 
eight hundred thousand dollars. Of fifty millions re- 
ceived from abroad in payment for domestic produce 
within seven or eight months after the peace, the 
slave States probably took nearly two thirds, though 
the white population of the States south of the Poto- 
mac was less than half the white population of the 
Union. The stimulus thus given to the slave system 
was violent, and was most plainly shown in the cot- 
ton States, where at least twenty million dollars were 
distributed in the year 1815 among a white popu- 
lation hardly exceeding half a million in all, while 
the larger portion fell to the share of a few slave- 

Had the Northern States shared equally in the 
effects of this stimulus, the situation would have 
remained relatively as before ; but the prosperity of 
the North was only moderate. The chief export 
of the Northern States was wheat and Indian corn. 
Even of these staples, Maryland and Virginia fur- 
nished a share ; yet the total value of the wheat and 
corn exported from the Union was but eight million 
* State Papers, Commerce aud Navigation, ii. 23. 


three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, while that 
of tobacco alone was eight and a quarter millions. 
While flour sold at nine or ten dollars a barrel, 
and Napoleon's armies were vying with the Russians 
and Austrians in creating an artificial demand, the 
Middle States made a fair profit from their crops, 
although much less than was made by the to- 
bacco and cotton planters ; but New England pro- 
duced little for export, and there the peace brought 
only ruin. 

Ordinarily shipping was the source of New Eng- 
land's profits. For twenty-five years the wars in 
Europe had given to New England shipping advan- 
tages which ceased with the return of peace. At 
first the change of condition was not felt, for every 
ship was promptly employed ; but the reappearance 
of foreign vessels in American harbors showed that 
competition must soon begin, and that the old rates 
of profit were at an end. 

Had this been all, Massachusetts could have borne 
it ; but the shipping on the whole suffered least among 
New England interests. The new manufactures, in 
which large amounts of capital had been invested, 
were ruined by the peace. If the United States 
poured domestic produce valued at fifty million dol- 
lars into the markets of Great Britain, Great Britain 
and her dependencies poured in return not less than 
forty million dollars' worth of imports into the United 
States, and inundated the Union with manufactured 
goods which were sold at any sacrifice to relieve the 


British markets. Although the imported manufac- 
tures paid duties of twenty-five per cent or more, they 
were sold at rates that made American competition 

The cotton manufacturers of Rhode Island, in i 
memorial to Congress, dated October 20, 1815, de- 
clared that their one hundred and forty manufac- 
tories, operating one hundred and thirty thousand 
spindles, could no longer be worked with profit, and 
were threatened with speedy destruction.^ New Eng- 
land could foresee with some degree of certainty the 
ultimate loss of the great amount of capital invested 
in these undertakings; but whether such fears for 
the future were just or not, the loss of present profits 
was not a matter of speculation, but of instant and 
evident notoriety. Before the close of the year 1815 
little profit was left to the new industries. The 
cotton manufacture, chiefly a New England interest, 
was supposed to employ a capital of forty million 
dollars, and to expend about fifteen millions a year in 
wages.^ The woollen manufacture, largely in Con- 
necticut, was believed to employ a capital of twelve 
million dollars.^ Most of the large factories for these 
staples were altogether stopped. 

From every quarter the peace brought distress 
upon New England. During the war most of the 

1 Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 1651. 

2 Report on Manufactures, Feb. 13, 1816; Niles ix. 447. 

* Report on Woollen Manufactures, March 6, 1816; Niles, 
X. 82. 


richer prizes had been sent to New England ports, 
and the sale of their cargoes brought money and 
buyers into the country ; but this monopoly ceased 
at the same moment with the monopoly of manu- 
factures. The lumber trade was almost the last 
surviving interest of considerable value, but in No- 
vember Parliament imposed duties on American 
lumber which nearly destroyed the New England 
trade. The fisheries alone seemed to remain as a 
permanent resource. 

The effect of these changes from prosperity to 
adversity was shown in the usual forms. Emigration 
became active. Thousands of native New Englanders 
transferred themselves to the valley of the Mohawk 
and Western New York. All the cities of the coast 
had suffered a check from the war ; but while New 
York and Philadelphia began to recover their lost 
ground, Boston was slow to feel the impulse. The 
financial reason could be partly seen in the bank 
returns of Massachusetts. In January, 1814, the 
Massachusetts banks held about 17,300,000 in specie.^ 
In January and February, 1815, when peace was 
declared, the same banks probably held still more 
specie, as the causes which led to the influx were 
not removed. In June, about three months later, 
they held only $3,464,000 in specie, and the drain 
steadily continued, until in June, 1816, the specie in 
their vaults was reduced to 11,260,000, while their 

1 Niles's Articles on the New England Convention, Dec. 8, 
1814 ; Niles, vii. 196. 

VOL. IX. — 7 


discounts ■were not increased and their circulation 
■was diminished.^ 

The state of the currency and the policy pursued 
by the Treasury added to the burden carried by New- 
England. There alone the banks maintained specie 
payments. In the autumn of 1815, ■while the notes of 
the Boston banks ■were equivalent to gold, Treasury 
notes ■were at eleven per cent discount in Boston ; 
Ne-w York bank-notes ■were at eleven and a half per 
cent discount ; Philadelphia at sixteen ; Baltimore at 
seventeen and eighteen ; and United States six-per- 
cent bonds sold at eighty-six. In New England the 
Government exacted payments either in Treasury 
notes or in the notes of local banks equivalent to 
specie. Else^where it accepted the notes of local 
banks at a rate of depreciation much greater than 
that of Treasury notes. This injustice in exact- 
ing taxes was doubled by an equivalent injustice in 
paying debts. In Ne^w England the Treasury com- 
pelled creditors to take payment in ■whatever medium 
it had at hand, or to go unpaid. Else^where the 
Treasury paid its debts in the currency it received 
for its taxes. 

Dallas admitted the -wrong, but made no serious 
attempt to correct it. So complicated was the cur- 
rency that the Treasury ^was obliged to keep four 
accounts ■with each of its ninety-four banks of de- 
posit, — (1) in the currency of the bank itself ; (2) in 

^ Schedule etc. ; Massachusetts Senate Documeut, No. 38, Jan. 
17, 1838. 


special deposits of other bank currency ; (3) in spe- 
cial deposits of Treasuiy notes bearing interest; 
(4) in small Treasury notes not bearing interest. In 
New England, and also in the cities of New York and 
Philadelphia, for some months after the peace the 
taxes were paid in Treasury notes. So little local 
currency was collected at these chief centres of busi- 
ness that the Treasury did not attempt to discharge 
its warrants there in currency. As the Treasury 
notes gradually appreciated in value above the local 
bank-notes of the Middle States, tax-payers ceased to 
make payments in them, and paid in their local bank- 
notes. Little by little the accumulation of local cur- 
rency in the Treasury deposits at Philadelphia and 
New York increased, until the Treasury was able to 
draw on them in payment of its warrants ; but even 
at those points this degree of credit was not attained 
in 1815, and in New England the Treasury still 
made no payments except in Treasury notes, or the 
notes of distant banks at a discount still greater than 
that of Treasury notes. This exceptional severity 
toward New England was admitted by Dallas, and 
excused only for the reason that if he were just to 
New England he must be severe to the rest of the 
country. Every holder of a Treasury warrant would 
have demanded payment at the place where the local 
medium was of the highest value, which was Boston ; 
and as the Treasury could not pay specie at Boston 
without exacting specie elsewhere, Dallas paid no at- 
tention to Constitutional scruples or legal objections, 



but arbitrarily excluded Boston from the number of 
points where warrants were paid in local currency.^ 

The people of Boston criticised, with much sever- 
ity and with apparent justice, Dallas's management 
of the finances, which seemed to require some ex- 
planation not furnished in his reports. By an Act 
approved March 3, Congress authorized a loan of 
$18,452,800 to absorb the outstanding Treasury- 
notes. At that time, under the momentary reaction 
of peace excitement, Treasury notes were supposed 
to be worth about ninety-fom- cents in the dollar, 
and Dallas expected to convert them nearly dollar 
for dollar into six-per-cent bonds. His proposals 
were issued March 10, inviting bids for twelve mil- 
lions, and requiring only " that the terms of the 
proposals should bear some relation to the actual 
fair price of stock in the market of Philadelphia or 
New York." When the bids were received, Dallas 
rejected them all, because in his opinion they were 
below the market rates. " In point of fact," he after- 
ward said, " no direct offer was made to subscribe 
at a higher rate than eighty-nine per cent, while 
some of the offers were made at a rate even lower 
than seventy-five per cent." Although the old six- 
per-cents were then selling at eighty-nine, eighty- 
eight, and eighty-seven in Boston and New York, 
Dallas held that " the real condition of the public 
credit" required him to insist upon ninety-five as 
the value of the new stock. 

* Dallas's Report of Dec. 3, 1816 ; State Papers, Finauce, iii. 130. 


After failing to obtain ninety-five or even ninety 
as the price of his bonds, Dallas resorted to expedi- 
ents best described in his own words. As he could 
not fund the Treasury notes at the rate he wished, 
he abandoned the attempt, and used the loan only to 
supply the local wants of the Treasury : — 

" The objects of the loan being to absorb a portion of 
the 'J'reasury-note debt, and to acquire a sufficiency of 
local currency for local purjjoses, the price of the stock 
at the Treasury was of course independent of the daily 
up-and-down prices of the various stock markets in the 
Union, and could only be affected by the progress to- 
ward the attainment of those objects. Thus while the 
wants of the Treasury were insufficiently supplied, offers 
to subscribe were freely accepted, and the parties were 
sometimes authorized and invited to increase the amount 
of their offers ; but where the local funds had so accu- 
mulated as to approach the probable amount of the local 
demands, the price of the stock was raised at the Treas- 
ury, and when the accumulation was deemed adequate 
to the whole amount of the local demands the loan was 
closed." ^ 

Governments which insisted upon borrowing at 
rates higher than the money market allowed, could 
do 80 only by helping to debase the currency. Dal- 
las's course offered encouragement to the suspended 
banks alone. The schedule of his loans proved that 
he paid a premium to insolvency. Of all places 
where he most needed " a sufficiency of local cur- 

* Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Dec. 6, 1815 ; State 
Papers, Finance, iii. 11. 


rency for local purposes," Boston stood first ; but lie 
borrowed in Boston less than one hundred thousand 
dollars, and this only in Treasury notes. Next to 
Boston stood New York ; but in New York Dallas 
borrowed only -1658,000, also in Treasury notes. In 
Philadelphia he obtained more than three millions, 
and took 11,845,000 in the depreciated local cur- 
rency. In Baltimore he took nearly two millions in 
local currency ; and in the bank paper of the District 
of Columbia, which was the most depreciated of all, 
he accepted 12,282,000 in local currency .^ Thus the 
loan which he had asked Congress to authorize for 
the purpose of absorbing the excess of Treasury 
notes, brought into the Treasury only about three 
millions in these securities, while it relieved the 
banks of Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington of 
six millions of their depreciated paper, worth about 
eighty cents in the dollar, and provided nothing to 
redeem the government's overdue bills at Boston 
and New York. 

Had Dallas pursued a different course and funded 
all the overdue Treasury notes at the market rate, 
he might not have relieved New England, but he 
would have placed the government in a position to 
deal effectually with the suspended banks elsewhere. 
The immediate result of his refusal to redeem the 
dishonored Treasury notes was to depress their mar- 
ket value, and to discredit the government. Treasury 
notes fell to eighty-eight and eighty-seven, while the 
* Report of Dec. 6, 1815; State Papers, Finance, iii. 11. 


six-per-cents fell as low as eighty-one. In Washing- 
ton, Baltimore, and Philadelphia Dallas obtained 
enough local currency to meet local obligations, and 
doubtless saved to the government a small percentage 
by thus trafficking in its own discredit ; but in gain- 
ing this advantage he offered encouragement to the 
over-issues of the suspended banks, and he helped to 
embarrass the solvent banks in the chief commercial 
centres as well as those in New England.^ 

At the close of the year 1815 the general effect of 
the peace was already well defined. The Southern 
States were in the full enjoyment of extraordinary 
prosperity. The Middle States were also prosperous 
and actively engaged in opening new sources of 
wealth. Only the Eastern States suffered under de- 
pression ; but there it was so severe as to warrant 
a doubt whether New England could recover from 
the shock. The new epoch of American history be- 
gan by the sudden decline of Massachusetts to the 
lowest point of relative prosperity and influence she 
had ever known, and by an equally sudden stimulus 
to the South and West. So discredited was Massa- 
chusetts that she scarcely ventured to complain, for 
every complaint uttered by her press was answered 
by the ironical advice that she should call another 
Hartford Convention. 

^ Gallatin to Jeflferson, Nov. 27, 1815 ; Gallatin's writings, 
i. 666. Gallatin to Macon, April 23, 1816 ; Gallatin's writings, 
i. 697. 


Between 1801 and 1815, great changes in the 
American people struck the most superficial observer. 
The Rights of Man occupied public thoughts less, and 
the price of cotton more, in the later than in the 
earlier time. Although in 1815 Europe was suffer- 
ing under a violent reaction against free government, 
Americans showed little interest and no alarm, com- 
pared with their emotions of twenty years before. 
Napoleon resumed his empire, and was overthrown at 
Waterloo, without causing the people of the United 
States to express a sign of concern in his tate ; and 
France was occupied by foreign armies without rous- 
ing among Americans a fear of England. Foreign 
affairs seemed reduced to the question whether 
England would consent to negotiate a treaty of 

After excluding most of the American demands, 
Lord Castlereagh consented to a commercial con- 
vention abolishing discriminating duties, and admit- 
ting American commerce with the East Indies. This 
treaty, signed July 3, seemed to satisfy American 
demands, and the British Ministry showed no wish 
to challenge new disputes. With France, the dis- 


turbed condition of government permitted no diplo- 
matic arrangement. The only foreign country that 
required serious attention was Algiers ; and Decatur, 
with a strong squadron of the new American cruisers, 
speedily compelled the Dey to sign a treaty more 
favorable to the United States than he had yet signed 
with any other nation. Tunis and Tripoli showed a 
similar disposition, and Decatur returned home in the 
autumn, having settled to his satisfaction all the 
matters intrusted to his care. 

Under such circumstances, without an anxiety in 
regard to foreign or domestic affairs, President Madi- 
son sent his Annual Message to Congress December 
5, 1815. It told a pleasant story of successful ad- 
ministration and of rapidly growing income ; but its 
chief historical interest lay in the lines of future 
party politics that Madison more or less unconsciously 
sketched. The Message proved, or seemed to prove, 
that Madison's views and wishes lay in the direc- 
tion of strong government. He advised " liberal pro- 
vision " for defence ; more military academies ; an 
improved and enlarged navy ; effectual protection 
to manufactures ; new national roads and canals ; a 
national imiversity ; and such an organization of 
the militia as would place it promptly and effect- 
ually under control of the national government. 
Madison seemed to take his stand, beyond further 
possibility of change, on the system of President 

Dallas's report echoed the tone of Alexander Ham- 


ilton. Very long, chiefly historical, and interesting 
beyond the common, this Treasury Report of 1815 
recommended a scale of annual expenditure exceed- 
ing twenty-seven millions, in place of the old scale of 
ten millions. The expenditure was to be but a part 
of the system. A protective tariff of customs duties 
was assumed to be intended by Congress, and a na- 
tional bank was urged as the only efficient means 
by which the government could recover control over 
the currency. 

Although the President was less emphatic than 
the secretary in holding a national bank to be the 
only cure for the disorders of the currency, he was 
prepared to go a step further by issuing government 
paper as a national currency, and suggested that 
alternative in his Message. A national bank or a 
national currency was an equally energetic exercise 
of supreme central powers not expressly granted by 
the Constitution and much disputed by theorists. 
Dallas's objection to the national currency did not 
relate to its inefficiency, but to the practical difficulty 
of issuing paper and keeping it in issue. Either 
course of action implied a recurrence to the principles 
of President Washington. The Executive proposed 
to start afresh in 1816 from its point of departure 
in 1790. 

The Fourteenth Congress was well disposed to 
support the attempt. Under the stress of war the 
people had selected as their representatives the ablest 
and most vigorous men of their generation. The 



war leaders were mostly returned, — Calhoun, Clay, 
Lowndes, Richard M. Johnson, Peter B. Porter, and 
John Forsyth, — while the old peace party was strongly 
represented by Timothy Pickering, Daniel Webster, 
John Randolph, Grosvenor of New York, and Stan- 
ford of North Carolina ; but perhaps the most distin- 
guished member of all was William Pinkney of 
Maryland. A swarm of younger men, far above the 
average, reinforced both sides of the House. Philip 
P. Barbour sat again for Virginia. John McLean 
sat again for Ohio. Henry St. George Tucker came 
for the first time into the House. Joseph Hopkin- 
son, Samuel D. Ligham, and John Sergeant raised 
the character of the Pennsylvania delegation ; and 
Samuel Smith, at last ejected from the Senate by a 
Federalist legislature in Maryland, reappeared in the 
House for the first time since 1803. 

The Senate was also improved. The disappearance 
of Leib and Samuel Smith was made more suggestive 
by the resignation of Giles. David Stone of North 
Carolina, another independent much given to opposi- 
tion at critical moments, also resigned ; and another 
of the same class, Joseph Anderson of Tennessee, 
who had been a member of the Senate since 1797, 
retired to become First Comptroller of the Treasury. 
These retirements removed the chief abettors of fac- 
tion, and changed the character of the Senate until it 
seemed to belong to a different epoch. Jonathan 
Roberts still sat in the place of Leib. Armistead 
Mason took the seat of Giles, and with James Bar- 


bour gave Madison for the first time the full sup- 
port of Yirginia. Macon took the place of David 
Stone. George W. Campbell took the place of Joseph 
Anderson. Robert G. Harper, the old champion of 
Federalism, succeeded Samuel Smith from Maryland. 
The Senate scarcely recognized itself as the same 
body that since 1808 had so persistently thwarted 
and fretted the President. 

In the arrangement of new party divisions the 
Fourteenth Congress, unlike its recent predecessors, 
consciously aimed to take a decided share. The 
House seemed for the first time in many years to 
pride itself on intellectual superiority. William Pink- 
ney, Calhoun, Lowndes, Clay, Daniel Webster, John 
Randolph, and their associates were not men who 
bowed to authority, even of the people, but rather 
looked on the task of government as a function of 
superior intellect. They proposed to correct what 
they considered mistaken popular tendencies. Each 
expressed his ideas with sufficient clearness in the 
form natural to him. Calhoun generalized before 
descending to particulars.^ 

" In the policy of nations," reasoned Calhoun, " there 
are two extremes : one extreme, in which justice and 
moderation may sink in feebleness ; another, in which 
that lofty spirit which ought to animate all nations, par- 
ticularly free ones, may mount up to military violence. 
These extremes ought to be equally avoided ; but of the 
two, I consider the first far the most dangerous. ... I 

* Speech of Jau. 31, 1816 ; Annala of Congress, 1815-1816, 
p. 830. 


consider the extreme of weakness not only the most 
dangerous of itself, but as that extreme to which the 
people of this country are peculiarly liable." 

Clay, aiming at the same objects, dwelt chiefly on 
foreign dangers as the motive of the strong govern- 
ment he wished to establish. " That man must be 
blind to the indications of the future," he declared,^ 
" who cannot see that we are destined to have war 
after war with Great Britain, until, if one of the two 
nations be not crushed, all grounds of collision shall 
have ceased between us." He wished to create a 
government that should control the destinies of both 
American continents by a display of armed force. 
" He confessed with infinite regret that he saw a 
supineness throughout the country which left him 
almost without hope that what he believed the 
correct policy would be pursued," toward aiding the 
Spanish colonies against their mother country. Both 
Calhoun and Clay admitted that they wished to 
govern in a sense not approved by an apparent 
majority of the nation ; and the sympathies of the 
House were openly or secretly with them. 

Of the contrary sentiment, John Randolph was 
the champion. Although his early career had ended 
in the most conspicuous failure yet known in Ameri- 
can politics, he returned to the House, with intelli- 
gence morbidly sharpened, to begin a second epoch 
of his life with powers and materials that gave him 

* Speech of Jan. 29, 1816 ; Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, 
p. 787. 


the position of equal among men like Calhoun, 
Pinkney, and Webster. Randolph held a decisive 
advantage in wishing only to obstruct. He had no 
legislation to propose, and his political philosophy 
suited that extreme " to which," according to Cal- 
houn, " the people of this country are peculiarly 
liable." Early in the session Randolph showed that 
he understood even better than Calhoun and Clay 
the division between himself and them. " If the 
warning voice of Patrick Henry," he said in the 
debate of January 31, 1816,^ " had not apprised me 
long ago, the events of this day would have tauglit 
me that this Constitution does not comprise one 
people, but that there are two distinct characters in 
the people of this nation." In every growing people 
two or more distinct characters were likely to rise, 
else ihe people would not grow; but the primal 
character, which Randolph meant to represent, en- 
joyed the political advantage of passive resistance to 
impulse from every direction. 

In reply to Calhoun, Randolph defined the issue 
with his usual skill of words : ^ — 

" As the gentleman from South Carolina has presented 
the question to the House, they and the nation cannot 
have the slightest difficulty in deciding whether they will 
give up the States or not ; whether they will, in fact, 
make this an elective monarchy. The question is whether 
or not we are willing to become one great consolidated 

1 Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 841. 
* Annals of Congress. 1815-1816, p. 844. 



nation ; or whether we have still respect enough for those 
old, respectable institutions to regard their integrity and 
preservation as a part of our policy." 

Randolph's eccentricities, which amounted to in- 
sanity, prevented him from exercising in the House 
the influence to which his experience and abilities 
entitled him, but did not prevent him from reflecting 
the opinions of a large part of the nation, particularly 
in the South. Between these two impulses the Four- 
teenth Congress was to choose a path, subject to the 
future judgment of their constituents. 

The Executive urged them on. Dallas began by 
sending to Calhoun, the chairman of the Committee 
on Currency, a plan for a national bank with a 
capital of thirty-five millions and power to increase it 
to fifty millions ; with twenty-five directors, five of 
whom were to be appointed by the government to 
represent its share in the bank stock, of which the 
government was to subscribe one fifth.^ 

In another report, dated Feb. 12, 1816, Dallas 
recommended a protective tariff and sketched its 
details. Upon cotton fabrics he proposed a duty of 
thirty-three and one half per cent on their value ; on 
woollens, twenty-eight per cent ; on linen, hemp, and 
silk, twenty per cent ; on paper, leather, etc., thirty- 
five per cent ; on earthenware, glassware, etc., thirty 
per cent ; on bar-iron, seventy-five cents per hun- 
dred weight ; on rolled iron, a dollar and a half ; and 

1 Dallas to Calhoxm, Dec. 24, 1815 ; Annals of Congress, 1815- 
1816, p. 605. 


on unenumerated articles, fifteen per cent. These 
duties were avowedly protective, intended to serve 
as the foimdation of a system, and to perpetuate 
the policy to which the Government stood pledged 
by its legislation for the last six years. In connec- 
tion with a proposed reduction of internal taxes, the 
Bank and the Tariff covered the financial field. 

The House first grappled with the subject of reve- 
nue. The Committee of Ways and Means, through 
"William Lowndes, reported, Jan. 9, 1816, a scheme 
embodied in twelve Resolutions intended to serve as 
the guide to definite legislation. Lowndes assumed a 
net annual revenue of $25,369,000 ; and to obtain this 
Bum he proposed to shift the burden of about seven 
million dollars from internal taxation to the customs, 
by an addition of forty-two per cent to the rates of 
permanent duty.^ The direct tax was to be retained 
to the amount of three million dollars, and an an- 
nual fund of 113,500,000 was to be set aside for 
the interest and principal of the national debt. 

Hardly had the debate begun when Randolph, 
January 16, dragged the question of a protective 
system into the prominence it was thenceforward to 
maintain. Two years of repose had singularly im- 
proved his skill in the choice of language and in the 
instigation of class against class. 

"The mauufacturer," said he,^ "is the citizen of no 
place or any place ; the agriculturist has his property, his 

1 Report of Conunittee ; Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 516. 
a Aunals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 687. 



lands, his all, his household Gods to defend, — and like 
that meek drudge the ox, who does the labor and ploughs 
the ground, then for his reward takes the refuse of the 
farm-yard, the blighted blades and the mouldy straw, and 
the mildewed shocks of corn for his support. . . . Alert, 
vigilant, enterprising, and active, the manufacturing inter- 
est are collected in masses, and ready to associate at a 
moment's warning for any purpose of general interest to 
their body. Do but ring the fire-bell, and you can as- 
semble all the manufacturing interest of Philadelphia in 
fifteen minutes. Nay, for the matter of that they are 
always assembled ; they are always on the Rial to, and 
Shylock and Antonio meet there every day as friends, 
and compare notes, and possess in trick and intelligence 
what, in the goodness of God to them, the others can 
never possess." 

Randolph's political sagacity was nowhere better 
shown than in replying, Jan. 31, 1816, to a speech 
of Calhoun : " On whom do your impost duties 
bear ? " he asked.^ " Upon whom bears the duty 
on coarse woollens and linens and blankets, upon 
salt, and all the necessaries of life ? On poor men, 
and on slaveholders." With a perception abnor- 
mally keen, Randolph fixed on the tariff and the 
slaveholders as the necessary combination to oppose 
the nationalizing efforts of Calhoun and Clay. 

No leader of note supported Randolph. He stood 
alone, or with only the support of Stanford, as far as 
concerned debate ; but he led nearly half the House. 
Upon Benjamin Hardin's motion, February 3, to re- 

1 Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 842. 

VOL. IX. — 8 


peal the direct tax immediately and altogether, a 
motion which struck at the root of Dallas's scheme, 
the House decided by eighty -one votes against seventy- 
three to sustain the secretary. On the passage of the 
bill to continue the direct tax of three million dol- 
lars for one year, the minority lacked but a change 
of three votes to defeat it. The bill passed, March 4, 
by a vote of sixty-seven to sixty-three. 

On the tariff the House was more closely divided. 
•The Committee of Ways and Means consisted of 
seven members. Lowndes was chairman. Three 
other members were from the South, one of whom, 
Robertson of Louisiana, wished protection for sugar. 
Three members were from the North, one of whom, 
Ingham of Pennsylvania, represented Dallas's views. 
The chief question concerned the duty on cottons 
and woollens. So close was the division that Ing- 
ham, to use his own words, was struck dumb with 
astonishment when the committee, after adopting a 
duty of fifty-six per cent for the protection of sugar, 
voted to impose a duty of only twenty per cent on 
cottons and woollens. " It was, however, too glar- 
ingly inconsistent and palpably wrong to be per- 
sisted in, and therefore it was that the Committee 
of Ways and Means, upon reconsideration, substi- 
tuted the twenty-five per cent which was reported 
in the bill."i 

When the bill came before the House, Clay moved, 
March 21, to substitute the rate of thirty-three and 

1 Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 1245. 


one third per cent for that of twenty-five per cent on 
cottons, for the express purpose of testing the sense 
of the House. Clay and the Northern protectionists 
held that the committee's bill did not afford protec- 
tion enough. The committee, also admitting the pro- 
priety of protection, maintained that twenty-five per 
cent was sufficient. On both sides some temper was 
shown, and charges of sectionalism were made. By 
a vote of sixty-eight to sixty-one, the House in com- 
mittee voted, March 22, to impose a duty of thirty per 
cent. Daniel Webster then moved to limit this rate 
to two years, after which the duty should be twenty- 
five per cent for two years more, when it should 
be reduced to twenty per cent. Finally the House 
adopted a duty of twenty-five per cent for three years. 
Webster also carried, March 27, a motion to reduce 
the proposed duty on bar-iron from seventy-five to 
forty-five cents a hundred weight. 

All the members of note, except Randolph, pro- 
fessed to favor protection. Calhoun was as decided 
as Ingham. " He believed the policy of the country 
required protection to our manufacturing establish- 
ments." ^ The bill was assumed to offer protection 
enough, and the House disputed only whether the 
adopted duties were or were not sufficient. The 
actual free-trade sentiment was shown, April 8, 
when Randolph made a final motion to postpone, 
and was beaten by a vote of ninety-five to forty- 

* Annals of Congress, 1815-1816, p. 1272. 


The bill promptly passed the Senate, and Avas ap- 
proved by the President April 27 ; but the true issue 
was undecided. No one could deny that if the duty 
of twenty-five per cent on cottons and woollens should 
prove to be insufficient, the House was pledged to 
increase it. The bill was avowedly protective. In 
regard to the coarser Indian cottons, it was practi- 
cally prohibitive, since it valued them all, for tariff 
purposes, at twenty-five cents a yard, — a rate which 
on the cheaper fabrics raised the duty above one 
hundred per cent. Yet when the tariff of 1816 
proved to be little protective, in after years it was 
commonly represented as a revenue and not a pro- 
tective tariff. In substance, Randolph's opinions 
controlled the House. 

Dallas was more fortunate in regard to the Bank. 
Randolph's hostility to State banks was greater than 
to the Bank of the United States. Calhoun reported, 
January 8, the bill to incorporate for twenty years a 
new National Bank with a capital of thirty-five million 
dollars, and supported it, February 26, by a speech 
showing that the Bank was a proper means for attain- 
ing the Constitutional object of restoring the money 
of the country to its true medium. Active opposition 
came chiefly from the Federalists. Even Samuel 
Smith seemed to plead rather that the State banks 
should be gently treated than that the National Bank 
should be opposed. Randolph, while professing hos- 
tility to the new Bank on any and every ground sug- 
gested by others, concluded by pledging himself to 



support any adequate means for reducing the over- 
powering influence of the State banks. Clay thought 
himself obliged to leave the Speaker's chair in order 
to recant in the most public manner his errors of 
1811. Forsyth, one of Calhoun's ablest allies, went 
so far in his support of the measure as to assert 
without reserve that the power to suspend specie pay- 
ments — a power expressly reserved to the govern- 
ment by Calhoun's bill — belonged undoubtedly to 
Congress, an opinion which the House did not share. 
In the Republican ranks open opposition to the Bank 
seemed almost silenced ; and the member who made 
himself most conspicuous in hostility to the bill was 
Daniel Webster, — the last of all in whom such a 
course was natural. 

Webster's criticism on Calhoun's Constitutional ar- 
gument was made in his loftiest manner. The cur- 
rency, he said, needed no reform, for it was, by the 
Constitution and the law, gold and silver ; nor had 
Congress the right to make any other medium cur- 
rent. The true remedy was for Congress to inter- 
dict the bills of the suspended banks.^ Had he been 
content to rest his opposition on that ground alone, 
Webster could not have been answered, although he 
might have been regarded as an impracticable politi- 
cian ; but as the bill came toward its passage, and as 
several Federalists declared in its favor, he pressed 
his hostility so far, and with so much dogmatism, that 
several of his own party revolted, and Grosvenor of 
1 Annals of Congress, 1815-lSlG, p. 1091. 


New York replied sharply that he did not propose to 
be drilled to vote on whatever any one might choose 
to call a principle. 

In spite of determined opposition from Webster, 
Pitkin, John Sergeant, and other Federalists, the 
House passed the bill, March 14, by a vote of eighty 
to seventy-one. The majority was small, but of the 
minority not less than thirty-eight were Federalists ; 
and, omitting Randolph and Stanford, only thirty-one 
Republicans voted against the bill. The House con- 
tained one hundred and seventeen Republicans. In 
the Senate the opposition was almost wholly confined 
to Federalists, and the bill passed by a majority much 
larger than that in the House. Twenty-two senators 
voted in its favor ; only twelve voted against it, and 
of the twelve only four were Republicans. The Presi- 
dent approved it April 10 ; and thus, after five years 
of financial disorder, the Republican party reverted 
to the system of Washington, and resumed powers 
it had found indispensable to government. 

The Federalists of New England were in a situa- 
tion too alarming to bear even the little delay required 
to organize the Bank. For them a general return to 
specie payments was the only escape from imminent 
ruin ; and acting on this conviction, Webster moved, 
April 26, a joint Resolution ordering that all taxes 
should be collected after Feb. 1, 1817, in some me- 
dium equivalent to specie, thus allowing but nine 
months for the work of resumption. The same day 
the House passed the Resolution by the decisive 


majority of seventy-one to thirty-four. The Senate 
substituted February 20 as the day of resumption, 
and passed the Resolution April 29, which was 
approved by the President the next day. 

In contrast with the imbecility of many previous 
Congresses, the vigor of the Fourteenth Congress in 
thus settling the new scale of government was re- 
markable ; but other measures of importance were 
not wanting. An Act approved April 29 appropri- 
ated one million dollars annually for three years to 
build ships of war; an Act approved April 19 author- 
ized the people of Indiana to form a State govern- 
ment. A bill, which passed the House but was post- 
poned by the Senate and became law at the next 
session, provided for the admission of Mississippi. In 
still another direction the House showed its self- 
confidence in a manner that caused unusual popular 
excitement. It undertook to increase the pay of its 
own members and of senators. 

The scale of salary for public officials was low. 
The President, relatively highly paid, received twenty- 
five thousand dollars. The Secretaries of State and 
Treasury received five thousand ; those of War and 
Navy, four thousand ; the Attorney-General, three 
thousand ; Chief-Justice Marshall was paid four 
thousand, and the six associate justices received 
thirty-five hundred dollars each. 

While the Executive and Judiciary were paid reg- 
ular salaries. Congress stood on a different footing. 
Legislators had never been paid what was considered 


an equivalent for their time and services. They were 
supposed to be unpaid ; but such a rule excluded poor 
men from the public service, and therefore the colo- 
nial legislatures adopted a practice, which Congress 
continued, of allowing what were supposed to be the 
reasonable expenses of members. The First Congress 
fixed upon six dollars a day, and six dollars for every 
twenty miles of estimated journey, as a suitable scale 
of expense both for senators and representatives ; ^ 
and the same rate had been continued for twenty- 
five years. No one supposed it sufficient to support 
a household, but poor men could live upon it. Desha 
of Kentucky averred that it was a fair allowance for 
the average representative. According to him, board 
was twelve or thirteen dollars a week, and the total 
cost of a session of one hundred and fifty days 
amounted to five hundred and seventy or eighty 
dollars ; so that the western and southwestern mem- 
bers, with whose habits he was familiar, carried 
home, with their mileage, about four hundred and 
fifty dollars in savings.^ 

In the pride of conscious superiority the Fourteenth 
Congress undertook to change the system ; and Rich- 
ard M. Johnson, probably the most popular member 
of the House, assumed the risk of popular displeasure. 
In moving for a committee, March 4, Johnson re- 
pudiated the idea of increasing the pay ; and his 
committee, including Webster, Pitkin, Jackson, the 

1 Act of Sept. 22, 1789. Act of March 10, 179a 
« Annals of Congress ; 1816-1817, p. 492. 



President's brother-in-law, Grosvenor, and McLean 
of Ohio, reported through him that fifteen hun- 
dred dollars a year was the correct equivalent of 
six dollars a day. 

The bill known as the Compensation Bill was 
reported March 6, and was debated for two days 
with some animation. Among its supporters John 
Randolph was prominent, and gave offence to the 
opponents of the measure by his usual tactics. Most 
of the friends of the bill stoutly insisted that it did 
not increase the pay ; most of its opponents averred 
that it more than doubled the amount. Calhoun 
admitted the increase of pay, and favored it, in order 
to retain " young men of genius without property " 
in the public service. The bill was hurried through 
the House. 

" The Compensation Bill," said Forsyth at the next 
session,^ " was the only one of any interest pushed 
through the Committee of the whole House and ordered 
to a third reading in a single day. All motions to amend 
were rejected ; for the committee to rise and report pro- 
gress and ask leave to sit again, met with a similar fate. 
. . . The House refused repeated propositions to adjourn, 
and continued its sittings until the bill was ordered to 
be engrossed." 

No time was lost. Johnson moved for a committee 
March 4 ; the committee reported the bill March 6 ; 
the House in committee took it up March 7, and re- 
ported it the same day. The House passed it March 

1 Annals of Congress ; 1816-1817, p. 559. 


8, by a vote of eiglity-one to sixty-seven. In the 
Senate the bill was read for a second time March 12. 
In the course of the debate one of the New Jersey 
senators, commenting on the haste shown by the 
House to pass the bill, added that also " in the Sen- 
ate postponement, commitment, and amendment are 
all refused, and it is to be pushed through by main 
strength with a haste altogether unusual." The 
Senate passed it March 14, by a vote of twenty-one 
to eleven ; and it received the President's signature 
March 19, barely a fortnight after Johnson's request 
for a committee. 

At the time when the bill was still under consid- 
eration by the President, and the House had just 
passed the Bank Act, the Republican members of 
both Houses met to nominate a candidate to succeed 
Madison as President. Three candidates were in the 
field, — Daniel D. Tompkins, William H. Crawford, 
and James Monroe. 

The choice was a matter of small consequence, for 
any candidate of the Republican party was sure of 
almost unanimous election, and all were respectable 
men ; but Tompkins could expect little support at a 
time when Congress selected the candidate, for only 
men well known in the national service were likely 
to satisfy the standard of Congressmen. The true 
contest lay between Crawford and Monroe, and was 
complicated, as far as the candidates themselves 
understood it, by personal intrigues on both sides. 
Perhaps Crawford's strength was the greater, for four 


fifths of the New York memhers favored him rather 
than the Virginian.^ In cases where no strong feel- 
ing fixed results, dexterity in management might 
overcome a preference between persons ; and by some 
means never explained, the preference of the New 
York members for Crawford was overcome. One of 
these members — a competent observer — believed 
that Martin Van Buren and Peter B. Porter, for rea- 
sons of their own, prevented New York from de- 
claring for Crawford when such a declaration would 
have decided the result.^ Crawford himself at the 
last professed to withdraw from the contest,^ and sev- 
eral of his warm friends did not attend the caucus. 
On the evening of March 15, one hundred and nine- 
teen senators and representatives appeared in the 
hall of the House of Representatives in obedience to 
an anonymous notice addressed to one hundred and 
forty-three Republican members. Sixty-five, or less 
than half the Republican representation, voted for 
Monroe ; fifty-four voted for Crawford ; and eighty- 
five then united in nominating Governor Tompkins 
as Vice-President. 

Monroe's character was well known, and his eleva- 
tion to the Presidency was a result neither of great 
popularity nor of exceptional force, but was rather 
due to the sudden peace which left him the residuum 
of Madison's many Cabi~-^s. A long list of resig- 

* Hammond's New York, „ rtvd. 
' Hammond's New York, ». .r^Q. 

« Crawford to Gallatin, May 10. 1816 ; Gallatin's Writings^ 
I 702. 


nations alone remained to recall the memory of his 
associates. Robert Smith, Caesar Rodney, William 
Eustis, Paul Hamilton, Gallatin, G. W. Campbell, 
William Jones, William Pinkney, and John Arm- 
strong had all resigned in succession, leaving Monroe 
and Dallas in possession of the government when 
peace was declared. Dallas was not a popular char- 
acter, whatever were his abilities or services ; and no 
other man occupied high ground. Under such cir- 
cumstances the strength shown by Crawford was 
surprising, and proved that Monroe, notwithstand- 
ing his advantages, was regarded with no exclusive 

In truth Monroe had no party. His original 
friends were the old Republicans, — John Taylor of 
Caroline, Littleton Tazewell, John Randolph, and 
their associates, from whom he had drawn apart. 
His new friends were chiefly northern Democrats, 
whose motives for preferring him to Crawford were 
selfish. In any case an epoch of personal politics 
could be foreseen, for men like Crawford, Calhoun, 
and Clay never submitted long to a superior ; and 
for such an epoch Monroe was probably the best 

Shortly after the nomination Dallas gave notice to 
the President that he meant to retire from the Treas- 
ury in order to resume his practice at the bar.^ 
Madison immediately wrote to Gallatin, April 12, 
inviting him to resume charge of the Treasury ; but 
1 Life and Writings of A. J. Dallas, p. 139. 


Gallatin was weary of domestic politics, and preferred 
diplomacy. He went as minister to France, while 
Dallas remained at the Treasmy until October, to set 
the new Bank in motion. 

These arrangements closed the first session of the 
Fourteenth Congress, which adjourned April 30, leav- 
ing Madison in unaccustomed peace, harassed by no 
more enemies or dissensions, to wait the close of his 
public life. 


The prosperity that followed the Peace of Ghent 
suffered no check during the year 1816, or during 
the remainder of Madison's term. The exports of 
domestic produce, officially valued at '1-45,000,000 for 
the year ending Sept. 30, 1815, were valued at nearly 
$65,000,000 for the following year, and exceeded 
$68,000,000 for 1817. The Southern States still 
supplied two thirds of the exported produce. Cot- 
ton to the amount of $24,000,000, tobacco valued 
at nearly $13,000,000, and rice at $3,500,000, con- 
tributed more than forty of the sixty-five millions of 
domestic exports in 1816. The tables ^ showed that 
while South Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana gained 
with unparalleled rapidity. New England lost ground, 
and New York only maintained its uniform move- 
ment. While the domestic exports of Georgia and 
Louisiana trebled in value, those of New York 
increased from eight to fourteen millions. 

Notwithstanding the great importations from Eu- 
rope which under ordinary conditions would have coun- 
terbalanced the exports, the exchanges soon turned in 
favor of the United States. Before the close of 1816 

* State Papers ; Commerce and Navigation, i. 929. 


specie in considerable quantities began to flow into 
the country. Canada, being nearest, felt the drain 
first, and suffered much inconvenience from it ; but 
during the summer of 1816 and 1817 Europe also 
shipped much specie to America. Every ship brought 
some amount, until the export began to affect the 
Bank of England, which at last found its bullion 
diminishing with alarming rapidity. The returns 
showed a drain beginning in July or August, 1817, 
when the Bank of England held £11,668,000, until 
August, 1819, when the supply was reduced to 
£3,595,000 ; and in the interval a commercial crisis, 
with a general destruction of credit, occurred. The 
reaction could not fail in the end to affect America 
as it affected England, but the first result was stimu- 
lating beyond all previous experience. In England 
the drain of specie embarrassed government in re- 
turning to specie payments. In the United States 
the influx of specie made the return easy, if not 

The recovery of internal exchanges kept pace with 
the influx of specie. At Boston, July 27, 1816, 
United States six-per-cent bonds were quoted at 
eighty-five, and Treasury notes at ninety-four to 
ninety-four and one-half ; at New York six-per-cents 
stood at ninety, and Treasury notes at par ; in Phila- 
delphia six-per-cents were worth ninety-eight, and 
Treasury notes one hundred and seven ; in Balti- 
more six-per-cents were selling at one hundred and 
two, and Treasury notes at one hundred and twelve. 


During the next five months the recovery was steady 
and rapid. The banks of New York, September 26, 
began to cash their one-dollar notes, thus relieving 
the community from the annoyance of fractional 
currency. October 26 the six-per-cents stood at 
ninety-two in Boston, at ninety-three and one-half 
in New York, at ninety-eight in Philadelphia, and 
at one hundred and one and one-half in Baltimore. 
November 28 they sold at ninety-six in Boston ; 
November 30 they sold at ninety-six and one-quarter 
in New York, at one hundred and one and one-half 
in Philadelphia, and at one hundred and five in 
Baltimore. January 1, 1817, the Treasury resumed 
payments at Boston in Boston money, and no further 
discredit attached to government securities. 

The banks of the Middle States were less disi)Osed 
than the government to hasten the return of specie 
payments. In order to do so, they were obliged to 
contract their circulation and discounts to an extent 
that would have been unendurable in any time but 
one of great prosperity; and only the threats of 
Dallas overcame their reluctance, even under most 
favorable conditions. Both Dallas and the President 
were irritated by their slowness.^ July 22, 1816, the 
Secretary of the Treasury issued a circular warning 
them that, at whatever cost, the Treasury must carry 
into effect the order of Congress to collect the rev- 
enue, after Feb. 20, 1817, only in specie or its equi- 
valent. " The banks in the States to the South," he 

» Madison to Dallas, July 16, 1816 ; Life of A. J. Dallas, p. 453 


gaid,^ " and to the west of Maryland, are ready and 
willing, it is believed, to co-operate in the same 
measure. The objection, or the obstacle to the 
measure, principally rests with the banks of the 
Middle States." Dallas invited them to assist the 
Treasury in resuming specie payments with the least 
possible delay ; and accordingly the banks of the 
Middle States held a convention at Philadelphia, 
August 6, to consider their course. 

This convention, on discussing the possibility of 
resumption, agreed that the banks needed more time 
than the government was disposed to allow. Credit 
had been necessarily expanded by the unusual scale 
of commerce and enterprise. So sudden and violent 
a contraction as was required for specie payments 
could not fail to distress the public, and might cause 
great suffering. Yet in some degree the new United 
States Bank could relieve this pressure ; and there- 
fore the resumption should not be attempted by 
the State banks until the National Bank should be 
fairly opened and ready to begin its discounts. The 
State banks in convention foresaw, or imagined, that 
the United States Bank could not begin operations 
so early as Feb. 20, 1817, and they declined to risk 
resumption without its aid. Acting on this impres- 
sion, they met Dallas's urgency by a formal recom- 
mendation that their banks should begin to pay 
specie, not on the 20th of February, but on the first 
Monday of July, 1811. 

1 Niles, X. 376. 

VOL. IX. — 9 


This decision, though unsatisfactory to Dallas and 
the President, could not be considered imreasonable. 
Credit was expanded beyond the limit of safety, and 
the government was largely responsible for the ex- 
pansion. Many of the State banks were probably 
unsound from the first, and needed careful manage- 
ment. Between 1810 and 1830, on a total capital of 
one hundred and forty millions, the bank failures 
amounted to thirty millions, or more than one fifth 
of the whole.^ In Pennsylvania the country banks 
reduced their issues from ^4,756,000 in November, 
1816, to 11,318,000 in November, 1819. The latter 
moment was one of extreme depression, but the for- 
mer was probably not that of the greatest expansion. 
When the banks of the Middle States held their con- 
vention, Aug. 6, 1816, contraction had already begun, 
and steadily continued, while specie flowed into the 
country to supply a foundation for bank paper. Un- 
der such circumstances the banks asked no extrav- 
agant favor in recommending that eleven months, 
instead of seven, should be allowed for resumption. 

Dallas was not disposed to concede this favor. 
Having at last the necessary machinery for control- 
ling the State banks, he used it with the same vigor 
that marked all his acts. No sooner had the con- 
vention announced its unwillingness to co-operate 
with the Treasury in executing the order of Con- 
gress, than Dallas issued instructions, August 16,^ 

* Gallatin, Banks and Currency ; Works, iii. 293. 
a Niles, X. 423. 



hastening the preparations for opening the National 
Bank as early as Jan. 1, 1817. Soon afterward, Sep- 
tember 12, he renewed his notice that the notes of 
suspended banks would be rejected by the Treasury 
after Feb. 20, 1817. 

The Bank subscription was filled in August, a de- 
ficit of three million dollars being taken by Stephen 
Girard in a single mass.^ In October the board of 
directors was chosen by the shareholders, and in 
November the directors met and elected as Presi- 
dent the former Secretary of the Navy, William 
Jones. One of their first acts was much debated, 
and was strongly opposed in the board of directors 
by J. J. Astor. They sent John Sergeant, of Phila- 
delphia, abroad with authority to purchase some mil- 
lions of bullion ; and his mission was calculated to 
impress on the public the conviction that specie pay- 
ments were to be resumed as soon as the Bank could 
open its doors. 

Hurried by Dallas, the Bank actually began its 
operations in January, 1817, and under the double 
pressure from the Treasury the State banks had no 
choice but to yield. Another meeting was held at 
Philadelphia, February 1, consisting of delegates from 
the banks of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and 
Richmond. The convention entered into a compact 
with the Secretary of the Treasury to resume pay- 
ments, on certain conditions, at the day fixed by 
Congress. The compact was carried into effect 

1 Dallas to Madison, Aug. 27, 1816 ; Life of Dallas, p. 471. 


February 20, a few days before the close of Madison's 
Presidency. Its success was magical. In New York, 
at ten o'clock on the morning of February 20, specie 
was at two and one half per cent premium. The 
banks opened their doors, and in half an hour all 
was once more regular and normal. 

Thus the worst financial evil of the war was 
removed within two years after the proclamation of 
peace. A debt of about one hundred and thirty 
millions remained ; but the people which only twenty 
years before had shrunk with fear and disgust from 
a debt of eighty millions, gave scarcely a thought 
in 1816 to their funded obligations. The difference 
between the two periods was not so much economical 
as political. Population and wealth had increased, 
but the experience of the people had advanced more 
rapidly than their numbers or capital. In measur- 
ing the political movement shrewd judges might 
easily err, for the elections of 1816 showed little 
apparent change in parties; but in truth parties 
had outgrown their principles, and in politics, as 
in finance, the close of Madison's Administration 
obliterated old distinctions. 

Neither party admitted the abandonment of its 
dogmas. The New York election in the spring of 
1816 showed no considerable change in votes. In 
1810 Governor Tompkins was elected by ten thou- 
sand majority ; even in the dark days of 1813 he 
had a majority of thirty-six hundred ; in 1816, not- 
withstanding his popularity and the. success of his 


war administration, his majority was less than seven 
thousand. In Massachusetts John Brooks, who suc- 
ceeded Governor Strong as candidate of the Federal- 
ist party, received forty-nine thousand five hundred 
votes, while Samuel Dexter received forty-seven thou- 
sand four hundred. Six years before, in 1810, the 
Republican candidate, Elbridge Gerry, had received 
more than forty-six thousand five hundred, and 
Governor Strong had polled only forty-four thousand. 
Apparently the Republicans had lost ground in Massa- 
chusetts since 1810. In Connecticut, where the elec- 
tion turned on church issues, the result was somewhat 
different. The Anglican church, a small body but 
rich and influential, strongly Federalist in politics 
and conservative in character, joined the Democrats 
to overthrow the reign of the Congregational clergy. 
Oliver Wolcott, a Federalist who supported the war, 
was their candidate ; and the combination nearly car- 
ried the State. Wolcott received about ten thou- 
sand two hundred votes ; his Federalist opponent 
was elected by eleven thousand three hundred and 
seventy votes. The Federalists also carried Rhode 
Island, once a strongly Democratic State, and seemed 
socially as well as politically to be little affected by 
their many mistakes and misfortunes. 

Yet every one felt that real distinctions of party no 
longer existed. The Anglicans of Connecticut, the 
Unitarians of Boston, the Universalists and Baptists, 
looked chiefly to the overthrow of the established New 
England church ; and the Democrats of New York, 


like the Republicans of Virginia and North Carolina, 
labored for a system of internal improvements and 
for increased energy in national government. Par- 
ties, no longer held together by discipline, were liable 
at any moment to fall into confusion ; and, as fre- 
quently happened in such stages of pubhc opinion, 
they were extraordinarily affected by influences seem- 
ingly trivial. In 1816 the relaxation of party spirit 
resulted in a phenomenon never before witnessed. 
The whole community rose against its own represent- 
atives, and showed evident pleasure in condemning 
them. The occasion for this outbreak of popular 
temper was the Compensation Bill ; but the instinct 
that could alone account for the public pleasure in 
punishing public men, could not be explained by a 
cause so trifling as that Act. 

At the next session of Congress, Calhoun, lapsing 
in the middle of a speech into his usual meditative 
speculation, remarked, as though he were perplexed 
to account for his own theory, that in his belief the 
House of Representatives was not a favorite with the 
American people.^ Had he expressed the opinion 
that freedom of thought or speech was not a favorite 
with the American people, he would have said 
nothing more surprising. If the House was not a 
favorite, what part of the government was popular, 
and what could be hoped for representative govern- 
ment itself ? Of all the machinery created by the 
Constitution, the House alone directly reflected and 
1 Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, pp. 392, 505, 604. 



represented the people ; and if the people dishked it, 
they disliked themselves. 

The people best knew whether Calhoun was right. 
Certainly the House, owing in part to its size, its fre- 
quent elections and changes, its lack of responsibility 
and of social unity, was the least steady and least 
efficient branch of government. Readers who have 
followed the history here closed, have been ^rprised 
at the frequency with which the word imbecility has 
risen in their minds in reading the proceedings of the 
House. So strong was the same impression at the 
time, that in the year 1814, at the close of the war, 
every earnest patriot in the Union, and many men 
who were neither earnest nor patriotic, were actively 
reproaching the House for its final failure, at an ap- 
parent crisis of the national existence, to call out or 
organize any considerable part of the national ener- 
gies. The people in truth, however jealous of power, 
would have liked in imagination, though they would 
not bear in practice, to be represented by something 
nobler, wiser, and purer than their own average honor, 
wisdom, and purity. They could not make an ideal 
of weakness, ignorance, or vice, even their own ; and 
as they required in their religion the idea of an 
infinitely wise and powerful deity, they revolted in 
their politics from whatever struck them as sordid 
or selfish. The House reflected their own weak- 
nesses ; and the Compensation Act seemed to them 
an expression of their own least agreeable traits. 
They rebelled against a petty appropriation of money, 


after enduring for years a constant succession of 
worse offences. 

" Who would have believed," asked John Randolph,^ 
six months afterward, — " who would have believed," he 
repeated, " that the people of the United States would 
have borne all the privations and losses of the late war, 
and of the measures that led to it ; that they would have 
quietly regarded a national debt, swelled to an amount 
unknown, — to an amount greater than the whole ex- 
pense of our seven years' war; that they would have 
seen the election of President taken out of their hands 
[by the caucus] ; that they would have borne with abuse 
and peculation through every department of the gov- 
ernment, — and that the great Leviathan, which slept 
under all these grievances, should be roused into action 
by the Fifteen-Hundred-Dollar Law ? " 

Only with difficulty could members persuade them- 
selves that the public anger was real. They could 
not at first conceive that the people should be seri- 
ously angry because Congress had thought proper to 
pay its members a sum not in itself extravagant or 
adequate to their services. Not until the members 
returned to their homes did they appreciate the force 
of public feeling ; but they soon felt themselves help- 
less to resist it. Richard M. Johnson and Henry 
Clay, the two most popular men in Kentucky, found 
their entire constituency attacking them. " When I 
went home," said Clay ,2 " I do not recollect to have 

1 Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 501. 
« Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 497. 


met with one solitary individual of any description 
of party who was not opposed to the Act, — who did 
not, on some ground or other, think it an improper 
and unjust law." Benjamin Hardin,^ another of the 
Kentucky victims, said : " If a man came into the 
county court to be appointed a constable or surveyor 
of the road, he entered his solemn protest against the 
Compensation Law. If a petty demagogue wanted to 
get into the legislature, he must post up, or put in the 
newspapers, his protest against it." 

" There was at first a violent excitement," said Philip 
P. Barbour of Virginia;^ "gentlemen might call it, if 
they pleased, a storm. But that stoi'm, even when its 
fury abated, subsided into a fixed and settled discontent 
at the measure ; it met the disapprobation and excited 
the discontent of the grave, the reflecting, and the deliber- 
ate ; and such he believed to be the case with an immense 
majority of the American people." 

Grand juries denounced it in Vermont and Georgia ; 
the State legislature denounced it in Massachusetts ; 
town-meetings protested against it; county conven- 
tions sat upon it ; all classes and parties united in 
condemning it, and the brunt of this sweeping popu- 
lar reproval fell upon the House of Representatives. 
Close as the House stood to the people, its want of 
popularity was evident, — as Calhoun, with his usual 
insight, bore witness. The House had as a body 
few friends and no protection against popular tem- 

> Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 535. 
» Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 517. 


pests. The first to suffer, it was always the last to 
escape. One after another the weaker members gave 
way, and either declined re-election or were not re- 
elected. The chiefs succeeded for the most part by 
personal popularity in maintaining their hold on 
their districts, although several leading members 
lost their seats. 

Even against so feeble and factious a body as the 
Thirteenth Congress, such condemnation would have 
seemed exceptional ; but the peculiarity that made 
this popular reproof singular and suggestive was the 
popular admission tliat the Fourteenth Congress, for 
ability, energy, and usefulness, never had a superior, 
and perhaps, since the First Congress, never an equal. 
Such abilities were uncommon in any legislative body, 
American or European. Since Federalist times no 
Congress had felt such a sense of its own strength, 
and such pride in its own superiority ; none had filled 
so fully the popular ideal of what the people's repre- 
sentatives should be. That this remarkable body of 
men should have incurred almost instantly the sever- 
est popular rebuke ever visited on a House of Repre- 
sentatives, could not have been mere accident. 

The politics of 1816 seemed absorbed in the Com- 
pensation Act, and in the union of parties to condemn 
their representatives. The Senate escaped serious 
censure ; and President Madison, so far from being 
called to account for errors real or imaginary, seemed 
to enjoy popularity never before granted to any Presi- 
dent at the expiration of his term. The apparent 


contentment was certainly not due to want of griev- 
ances. The internal taxes pressed hard on the peo- 
ple, especially in New England, where the suffering 
was general and in some places severe ; but no popu- 
lar cry for reduction of taxes disturbed the elections. 
No portion of the country seemed displeased that a 
fourth Virginian should be made President by the 
intrigues of a Congressional caucus. The State legis- 
latures for the most part chose as usual the Presi- 
dential electors ; and in December the public learned, 
almost without interest, that James Monroe had re- 
ceived one hundred and eighty-three electoral votes, 
representing sixteen States, while Rufus King had 
received thirty-four electoral votes, representing Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware. Daniel D. 
Tompkins of New York was made Vice-President by 
the same process. Nothing in the elections, either 
for President or for Congress, showed that the peo- 
ple were disposed to scrutinize sharply the workings 
of any part of their government except the House of 

As the winter approached when Madison was to 
meet Congress for the last time, the sixteen years of 
his official service, which had been filled with excite- 
ment and violence, were ending in political stagnation. 
Party divisions had so nearly disappeared that noth- 
ing prevented the President elect from selecting as the 
head of his Cabinet the son of the last Federalist Presi- 
dent, who had been the object of more violent attack 
from the Republican party than had been directed 


against any other Federalist. Old Republicans, like 
Macon and John Randolph, were at loss to know 
whether James Monroe or J. Q. Adams had departed 
farthest from their original starting-points. At times 
they charged one, at times the other, with desertion 
of principle ; but on the whole tlieir acts tended to 
betray a conviction that J. Q. Adams was still a Fed- 
eralist in essentials, while Monroe had ceased to be 
an old Republican. In the political situation of 1817, 
if Jefferson and his contemporaries were right in 
their estimates. Federalist views of government were 
tending to prevail over the views of the Jefferso- 
nian party. 

With this tendency, the national prosperity and the 
state of the Treasury had much to do. Dallas carried 
out his purpose, and in October quitted the Treasury. 
In retiring, he left with the President a sketch of the 
condition of the finances such as no previous secre- 
tary had been so fortunate as to present. For the 
year ending Sept. 30, 1816, the receipts amounted to 
147,670,000.1 From the customs, which Dallas had 
estimated at -121,000,000, duties to the amount of 
1-36,000,000 were received. A surplus of more than 
^$20,000,000 was likely to accumulate in the Treasury 
before the close of the year. 

Old ideas of economy and strict restraints on ex- 
penditure could not long maintain themselves in the 
presence of such an income ; but besides the tempta- 
tion to expand the sphere of government in expen- 
1 Statement, etc. ; State Papers, Finances, iii. 487. 


ditures, other influences were at work to establish 
Federalist principles in the system itself. Dallas re- 
mained in office chiefly in order to organize the Bank, 
and to render certain the resumption of specie pay- 
ments. When he retired, in October, 1816, both 
objects were practically attained. His administra- 
tion of the Treasury had then lasted two years. He 
found the government bankrupt ; he left it with a 
surplus of twenty millions for the year. His meas- 
ures not only relieved the country from financial dis- 
orders equalled only by those of the Revolutionary 
War, but also fixed the financial system in a firm 
groove for twenty years. He failed only in his at- 
tempt to obtain from Congress a larger degree of pro- 
tection for domestic industries. Had his scheme of 
protection been adopted, possibly the violence of sub- 
sequent changes in revenue and legislation might 
have been moderated, and certainly the result could 
have been no more mischievous than it was. 

Dallas retired to private life by his own wish, and 
the public three months afterward heard with sur- 
prise and regret the news of his sudden death. Like 
most of the men who rendered decisive services dur- 
ing the war, he received no public reward commen- 
surate with his deserts. He fared better than 
Armstrong, who created the army ; but even Gal- 
latin, who shaped the diplomatic result, was content 
to retire into the comparative obscurity of the mission 
to Paris ; while Perry and Macdonough, whose per- 
sonal qualities had decided the fortunes of two cam- 


paigns and won the military basis on which peace 
could be negotiated, received no more reward than 
fell to the lot of third-rate men. In the case of Dal- 
las and Gallatin, the apparent neglect was their own 
choice. Gallatin might have returned to the Treas- 
ury, but declined it ; and the President transferred 
W. H. Crawford from the War Department to the 
charge of the finances, while Clay was offered the 
War Department in succession to Crawford. 

These arrangements affected Madison but little. 
He had no longer an object to gain from the dis- 
posal of patronage, and he sought to smooth the 
path of his successor rather than to benefit him- 
self. Few Presidents ever quitted office under cir- 
cumstances so agreeable as those which surrounded 
Madison. During the last two years of his Adminis- 
tration almost every month brought some difficulty 
to an end, or accomplished some long-desired result. 
The restoration of the finances was perhaps his great- 
est source of satisfaction ; but the steadiness with 
which the whole country, except New England, re- 
covered prosperity and contentment afforded him a 
wider and more constant pleasure. The ravages of 
war left few traces. Even at Washington the new 
public buildings were pressed forward so rapidly that 
the effects of fire were no longer seen. The Capitol 
began to rise from its ruins. The new halls of Con- 
gress promised to do honor to Madison's judgment. 
Benjamin Latrobc was the architect in charge ; and 
his Representative Chamber, without reproducing that 


which Jefferson had helped to design, was dignified 
and worthy of its object. The old sandstone columns 
were replaced by another material. On the shore of 
the Potomac, near Leesburg, Latrobe noticed a con- 
glomerate rock, containing rounded pebbles of vari- 
ous sizes and colors, and capable of being worked in 
large masses. His love of novelty led him to employ 
this conglomerate as an ornamental stone for the col- 
umns of the Hall of Representatives ; and the effect 
was not without elegance. 

Several years were still to pass before Congress 
occupied its permanent quarters, and ^Madison did 
not return to the White House ; but the traces of 
national disaster disappeared in the process of recon- 
struction before he quitted the Presidency. 

Surrounded by these pleasant conditions, Madison 
saw Congress assemble for the last time to listen 
to his requests. The Message which he sent to the 
legislature December 3 showed the extinction of 
party issues, and suggested no action that seemed 
likely to re^dve party disputes in any new form. The 
President expressed regret at the depression in ship- 
ping and manufactures, the branches of industry un- 
favorably affected by the peace. He suggested that 
Congress should consider especially the need of laws 
counteracting the exclusive navigation system of 
Great Britain. He recommended once more the time- 
worn subjects of the Militia and a National Univer- 
sity. He asked for legislation against the Slave 
Trade, and urged a re-modification of the Judiciary. 


He requested Congress to create a new Executive 
department for Home or Interior Affairs, and to 
place the Attorney-General's office on the footing of 
a department. He gave a flattering account of the 
finances ; and his Message closed with a panegyric 
on the people and their government, for seeking " by 
appeals to reason, and by its liberal examples, to in- 
fuse into the law which governs the civilized world a 
spirit which may diminish the frequency or circum- 
scribe the calamities of war, and meliorate the social 
and beneficent relations of peace : a government, in 
a word, whose conduct, within and without, may 
bespeak the most noble of all ambitions, — that of 
promoting peace on earth and good-will to man." 

For the moment. Congressmen were too much in- 
terested in their own quarrel to sympathize strongly 
with panegyrics on the people or their government. 
The members of the House returned to Washington 
mortified, angry, and defiant, disgusted alike with the 
public and with the public service. No sooner were 
the standing committees announced, December 4, 
than Richard M. Johnson moved for a special com- 
mittee on the repeal of the Compensation Law, and 
supported his motion in an unusually elaborate speech, 
filled with argument, complaint, and irritation. The 
committee was appointed, — Johnson at its head ; 
William Findley of Pennsylvania, second ; Daniel 
Webster, third, with four other members. After 
twelve days' consideration, December 18, the commit- 
tee presented a report, written by Webster, defend- 


ing the Act, but recommending a return to the per 
diem system, in deference to the popular wish. The 
scale of the new allowance was left for Congress to 

Until this personal quarrel was discussed, no other 
business received attention. The debate — postponed 
till Jan. 14, 1817, to save the dignity of the House — 
lasted, to the exclusion of other business, until Janu- 
ary 23. As an exhibition of personal and corporate 
character, it was entertaining ; but it contained little 
of permanent interest or value. Calhoun, always 
above his subject, spoke with much force against 
yielding to popular outcry. " This House," he said, 
"is the foundation of the fabric of our liberty. So 
happy is its constitution, that in all instances of a 
general nature its duty and its interests are insepa- 
rable. If he understood correctly the structure of 
our government, the prevailing principle is not so 
much a balance of power, as a well-connected chain 
of responsibility. That responsibility commenced 
here, and this House is the centre of its operation.'* 
The idea that the people had " resolved the govern- 
ment into its original elements, and resumed to 
themselves their primitive power of legislation," was 
inconsistent with the idea that responsibility com- 
menced and centred in the House. " Are we bound 
in all cases to do what is popular?" asked Calhoun. 
Could the House shift responsibility from itself to 
the people without destroying the foundation of the 
entire fabric ? 

VOL IX. — 10 


Like most of Calhoun's speculations, this question 
could receive its answer only in some distant future. 
The Compensation Law lowered permanently the self- 
respect of the House, which had already declined from 
the formation of the government. " Of that House," 
said Richard Henry Wilde of Georgia,^ " he feared it 
might be said in the words of Claudian : ' A fronte 
recedant imperii.' Yes, sir, they were receding, — 
they had receded from the front of empire. That 
House, formerly the favorite of the American nation, 
the first and most important branch of the govern- 
ment, the immediate image of the people, had been 
losing, and continued to lose, — certainly by no fault 
of theirs, but by the working of causes not for him 
to develop, — that rank and power in the government 
originally belonging to them, and which others at 
their expense had been secretly acquiring." Yet 
the House, while repealing the law, refused to admit 
itself in the wrong. The law was repealed only so 
far as it applied to subsequent Congresses. Leaving 
its successors to fix whatever compensation they 
thought proper for their services, the Fourteenth 
Congress adhered to its own scale, and took the 
money it was expected to refund. 

Having disposed of this personal affair, the House 
turned to serious business, and completed its re- 
markable career by enacting several measures of 
far-reaching importance. 

The first of these measures was a Navigation Act, 
1 Aiuials of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 604. 


approved March 1, 1817, imposing on foreign vessels 
the same restrictions and prohibitions which were 
imposed by foreign nations on Americans. The sec- 
ond resembled the first in its object, but related only 
to the importation of plaster of Paris from Nova 
Scotia and New Brunswick. These two Acts began 
a struggle against the foreign navigation systems, 
which ended in their overthrow. 

For the present the House postponed the establish- 
ment of an Interior Department, and allowed the 
Attorney-General to remain without an office or a 
clerk ; but it passed an Act, approved March 3, 1817, 
concentrating in the Treasury the accounting business 
of government, and appointing four more auditors and 
one more comptroller for the purpose. 

The fourth and most important measure that be- 
came law was a Neutrality Act, approved March 3, 

1817, which authorized collectors of customs to seize 
and detain " any vessel manifestly built for warlike 
purposes, . . . when the number of men shipped on 
board, or other circumstances, shall render it prob- 
able that such vessel is intended by the owner " 
to cruise against the commerce of a friendly State. 
Nearly fifty years were to pass before the people 
of the United States learned to realize the full im- 
portance of this Act, which laid the foundation for 
all the subsequent measures taken by the United 
States and Great Britain for preserving neutrality 
in their relations with warring countries.^ The Neu- 

* Daua's Wheaton, pp. 541-542, note. 


trality Act of 1817 furnished the measure of neutral 

Besides these important laws, the Fourteenth Con- 
gress passed another bill, which closed its own activity 
and that of President Madison. None of the previous 
measures bore any direct relation to party politics, 
either past or future ; but the bill for internal im- 
provements, which Congress passed and the President 
vetoed, was an event of no small meaning in party 

Calhoun moved, December 16, " that a committee 
be appointed to inquire into the expediency of setting 
apart ... a permanent fund for internal improve- 
ment." The committee was appointed the same day, 
— Calhoun, Sheffey of Virginia, Creighton of Ohio, 
Grosvenor of New York, and Ingham of Pennsylvania. 
December 23 Calhoun reported a bill ^ setting aside 
the bonus paid by the Bank, 11,500,000, and the 
future dividends from Bank stock, " as a fund for 
constructing roads and canals." February 4 he 
introduced his bill by a speech, showing that a sys- 
tem of internal improvements was necessary, and 
could, in certain instances, be created by the na- 
tional government alone. 

" Let it not be forgotten," said Calhoun,' with the air 
of sombre forecast which marked his mind and features, 
" let it be forever kept in mind, that the extent of our 
republic exposes us to the greatest of all calamities, next 

» Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, p. 361. 

« Annals of Congress, 1816-1817, pp. 853, 854. 


to the loss of liberty, and even to that in its consequence, 
— disunion. We are great, and rapidly — I was about 
to say fearfully — growing. This is our pride and 
danger, our weakness and our strength. Little does he 
deserve to be intrusted with the liberties of this people, 
who does not raise his mind to these truths. We are 
under the most imperious obligation to counteract every 
tendency to disunion. ... If ... we permit a low, 
sordid, selfish, and sectional spirit to take possession of 
this House, this happy scene will vanish. We will di- 
vide, and in its consequences will follow misery and 

The Constitutional question Calhoun reserved for 
the future ; he thought it scarcely worth discussion, 
since the good sense of the States might be relied on 
to prevent practical e\als. Nevertheless he discussed 
it, and drew sufficient authority from the " general 
welfare " clause, and from the power to " establish " 
post-roads. Granting that the Constitution was silent, 
he saw no restraint on Congress : — 

"If we are restricted in the use of our money to the 
enumerated powers, on what principle can the purchase 
of Louisiana be justified? ... If it cannot, then are we 
compelled either to deny that we had the power to pur- 
chase, or to strain some of the enumerated powers to 
prove our right." 

The debate was interesting. Timothy Pickering, 
with the accumulated experience of seventy years, 
suggested that the right to regulate commerce among 
the several States, as in the case of light-houses and 
beacons, covered the proposed appropriation. Clay 


supported the bill with his usual energy, avowing 
that among his strongest motives was the wish to 
add this new distinction to the Fourteenth Congress, 
so harshly judged by the people. The chief Constitu- 
tional argument against the measure was made by 
Philip P. Barbour of Virginia ; but other members op- 
posed it on different grounds, and chiefly because as 
long as the internal taxes were still exacted, internal 
improvements should not be undertaken. 

If the final vote was a correct test, Constitutional 
objections had but little weight with Congress. The 
bill passed the House, February 8, by the small ma- 
jority of eighty-six to eighty-four. Of the minority no 
less than thirty-three were New England Federalists, 
whose opposition was founded on local and sectional 
reasons. From the slave States about forty-two votes 
were given against the bill ; but a number of these 
were Federalist, and others were influenced by pecu- 
liar reasons. Two thirds of the Virginians voted 
against the bill ; two thirds of the South Carolinians 
voted in its favor. Probably not more than tweirty- 
five or thirty members, in the total number of one 
hundred and seventy, regarded the Constitutional 
difficulty as fatal to the bill. 

In the Senate the bill passed by a vote of twenty 
to fifteen. Of the minority nine represented New 
England, and six represented Southern States. Every 
senator from the Middle States, as well as both 
senators from Virginia, supported the bill. Both 
senators from Massachusetts, the Republican Varnura 



and the Federalist Ashmun, opposed it; while Jere- 
miah Mason of New Hampshire and Rufus King of 
New York voted in its favor. The confusion of par- 
ties was extreme ; but the State-rights school of old 
Republicans seemed to command not more than five 
or six votes in thirty-five. 

The divisions on this bill seemed to leave no ques- 
tion that Congress by an overwhelming majority re- 
garded the Constitutional point as settled. No one 
doubted that the Judiciary held the same opinion. 
The friends of the bill had reason to feel secure in 
regard to the Constitutional issue if on nothing else, 
and were the more disappointed when, March 3, Presi- 
dent Madison exercised for the last time his official 
authority by returning the bill with a veto founded 
on Constitutional objections. 

"The power to regulate commerce among the several 
States," he said, " cannot include a power to construct 
roads and canals, and to improve the navigation of 
water-courses in order to faciUtate, improve, and secure 
such a commerce, without a latitude of construction de- 
parting from the ordinary import of the terms, strength- 
ened by the known inconveniences which doubtless led 
to the grant of this remedial power to Congress. To 
refer the power in question to the clause ' to provide for 
the common defence and general welfare ' would be con- 
trary to the established and consistent rules of interpreta- 
tion, as rendering the special and careful enumeration of 
powers which follow the clause nugatory and improper. 
Such a view of the Constitution would have the effect of 
giving to Congress a general power of legislutiou." 


Every one who looked at the Constitution as an 
instrument or machine to be employed for the first 
time, must have admitted that Madison was right. 
Interpreted by no other aid than its own terms and 
the probable intent of a majority of the Conven- 
tion which framed and the States which adopted it, 
the Constitution contained, and perhaps had been 
intended to contain, no power over internal improve- 
ments. The wide difference of opinion which so 
suddenly appeared between the President and Con- 
gress could not have been the result so much of 
different views of the Constitution, as of conclusions 
reached since the Constitution was framed. Con- 
gress held the bill to be Constitutional, not because 
it agreed with the strict interpretation of the text, 
but because it agreed with the interpretation which 
for sixteen years the Republican party, through Con- 
gress and Executive, had imposed upon the text. 

On that point Calhoun's argument left no doubt; 
and his question — the last of his speculations preg- 
nant with future history — echoed unanswered : " On 
what principle can the purchase of Louisiana be 
justified?" Dismissing all other violations or vio- 
lence offered to the Constitution by President Madi- 
son or his predecessors, — such as the Bank, the 
Embargo, the Enforcement laws, the laws for the 
government of Orleans Territory, the seizure of West 
Florida, — Calhoun's question went to the heart of 
the issue between President and Congress. 

From the Virginia side only one answer was pos- 


sible. In returning to their early views of resist- 
ance to centralization, Madison and Jefferson must 
have maintained the invalidity of precedents to affect 
the Constitution. The veto seemed to create a new 
classification of public acts into such as were Con- 
stitutional ; such as were unconstitutional, but still 
valid ; and such as were both unconstitutional and 
invalid. The admitted validity of an act, like the 
purchase of Louisiana, even though it were acknowl- 
edged to be unconstitutional, did not create a prece- 
dent which authorized a repetition of a similar act. 

Viewed only from a political standpoint, the veto 
marked the first decided reaction against the cen- 
tralizing effect of the war. Unfortunately for the 
old Republican party, whose principles were thus for 
a second time to be adopted in appearance by a 
majority of the people, sixteen years had affected 
national character ; and although precedents might 
not bind Congress or Executive, they marked the 
movement of society. 

The Veto Message of March 3, 1817, was Madison's 
Farewell Address. The next day he surrendered to 
Monroe the powers of government, and soon after- 
ward retired to Virginia, to pass, with his friend 
Jefferson, the remaining years of a long life, watch- 
ing the results of his labors. 


The Union, which contained 5,300,000 inhabitants 
in 1800, numbered 7,240,000 in 1810, and 9,634,000 in 
1820. At the close of Madison's Administration, 
in 1817, the population probably numbered not less 
than 8,750,000 persons. The average rate of annual 
increase was about three and five-tenths per cent, 
causing the population to double within twenty-three 

The rate of increase was not uniform throughout 
the country, but the drift of population was well 
defined. In 1800 the five New England States con- 
tained about 1,240,000 persons. Vii-ginia and North 
Carolina, united, then contained nearly 1,360,000, or 
ten per cent more than New England. In 1820 the 
two groups were still nearer equality. New England 
numbered about 1,665,000 ; the two Southern States 
numbered 1,700,000, or about two per cent more than 
New England. While these two groups, containing 
nearly half the population of the Union, increased 
only as one hundred to one hundred and twenty-nine, 
the middle group, comprising New York, New Jersey, 
and Pennsylvania, increased in the relation of one 
hundred to one hundred and ninety-two, — from 


1,402,000 in 1800, to 2,696,000 in 1820. Their rate 
was about the average ratio for the Union ; and the 
three Western States, — Ohio, Kentucky, and Ten- 
nessee, — grew proportionally faster. Their popula- 
tion of 370,000 in 1800 became 1,567,000 in 1820, 
in the ratio of one hundred to four hundred and 

Careful study revealed a situation alarming to New 
England and Virginia. If only Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, and Massachusetts, without its district of 
Maine, were considered, a total population numbering 
742,000 in 1800 increased only to 881,000 in 1820, 
or in the ratio of one hundred to one hundred and 
eighteen in twenty years. If only the white popula- 
tion of Virginia and North Carolina were taken into 
the estimate, omitting the negroes, 852,000 persons 
in 1800 increased to 1,022,000 in 1820, or in the 
ratio of one hundred to one hundred and twenty. 
Maryland showed much the same result, while Dela- 
ware, which rose from 64,270 in 1800 to 72,674 in 
] 810, remained stationary, numbering only 72,749 in 
1820, — a gain of seventy-five persons in ten years. 
The white population showed a positive decrease, 
from 55,361 in 1810 to 55,282 in 1820. 

Probably a census taken in 1817 would have given 
results still less favorable to the sea-coast. The war 
affected population more seriously than could have 
been reasonably expected, and stoppei^ > growth of 
the large cities. New York in 1800 contained 60,000 
persons ; in 1810 it contained 96,400, but a corpora- 


tion census of 1816 reported a population of only 
one hundred thousand, although two of the six years 
were years of peace and prosperity. From that time 
New York grew rapidly, numbering 124,000 in 1820, 
— a gain of about twenty-five per cent in four years. 
Even the interior town of Albany, which should have 
been stimulated by the war, and which increased 
four thousand in population between 1800 and 1810, 
increased only three thousand between 1810 and 
1820. Philadelphia fared worse, for its population of 
96,000 in 1810 grew only to 108,000 in 1820, and 
fell rapidly behind New York. Baltimore grew from 
26,000 in 1800 to 46,000 in 1810, and numbered 
less than 63,000 in 1820. Boston suffered more than 
Baltimore ; for its population, which numbered 24,000 
in 1800, grew only to 32,000 in 1810, and numbered 
but 43,000 in 1820. Charleston was still more un- 
fortunate. In 1800 its population numbered about 
eighteen thousand ; in 1810, 24,700 ; in 1817 a local 
census reported a decrease to 23,950 inhabitants, and 
the national census of 1820 reported 24,780, or eighty 
persons more than in 1810. The town of Charleston 
and the State of Delaware increased together by the 
same numbers. 

Although the war lasted less than three years, its 
effect was so great in checking the growth of the 
cities that during the period from 1810 to 1820 the 
urban population made no relative increase. During 
every other decennial period in the national history 
the city population grew more rapidly than that ol 


the rural districts; but between 1810 and 1820 it 
remained stationary, at four and nine-tenths per cent 
of the entire population. While Boston, Philadelphia, 
and Charleston advanced slowly, and New York only 
doubled its population in twenty years, Western towns 
like Pittsburg, Cincinnati, and Louisville grew rapidly 
and steadily, and even New Orleans, though exposed 
to capture, more than trebled in size ; but the West- 
ern towns were still too small to rank as important. 
Even in 1820 the only cities which contained a white 
population of more than twenty thousand were New 
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Boston. 

The severest sufferers from this situation were 
the three southern States of New England, — Con- 
necticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, excluding 
the district of Maine, which was about to become a 
separate State. Fortunately the northern part of 
New England, notwithstanding the war, increased 
much more rapidly than the southern portion; but 
this increase was chiefly at the cost of Massachusetts, 
and returned little in comparison with the loss. The 
situation of Massachusetts and Connecticut was dark. 
Had not wealth increased more rapidly than popula- 
tion, Massachusetts would have stood on the verge of 
ruin ; yet even from the economical point of view, the 
outlook was not wholly cheerful. 

Judged by the reports of Massachusetts banks, the 
increase of wealth was surprising. The official re- 
turns of 1803, the first year when sifch returns were 
made, reported seven banks in the State, with a capi- 


tal of $2,225,000 and deposits of 11,500,000. In June, 
1816, twenty-five banks returned capital stock amount- 
ing nearly to $11,500,000 and deposits of $2,133,000. 
The deposits were then small, owing to the decline 
of industry and drain of specie that followed the 
peace, but the capital invested in banks had more 
than quintupled in thirteen years. 

This multiplication was not a correct measure of 
the general increase in wealth. Indeed, the banks 
were in excess of the public wants after the peace, 
and their capital quickly shrunk from $11,500,000 in 
June, 1816, to $9,300,000 in June, 1817, a decline of 
nearly twenty per cent in a year. From that time it 
began to increase again, and held its improvement 
even in the disastrous year 1819. Assuming 1803 
and 1817 as the true terms of the equation, the 
banking capital of Massachusetts increased in four- 
teen years from $2,225,000 to $9,300,000, or more 
than quadrupled. 

Gauged by bank discounts the increase of wealth 
was not so great. In 1803 the debts due to the 
banks were returned at $3,850,000 ; in June, 1817, 
they were $12,650,000. If the discounts showed the 
true growth of industry, the business of the State 
somewhat more than trebled in fourteen years. 
Probably the chief industries that used the increased 
banking capital were the new manufactures, for the 
older sources of Massachusetts wealth showed no 
equivalent gain. Tested by the imports, the improve- 
ment was moderate. In 1800 the gross amount 


of duties collected in Massachusetts was less than 
$3,200,000 ; in 1816 it somewhat exceeded $6,100,000, 
but had not permanently doubled in sixteen years. 
Tested by exports of domestic produce, Massachusetts 
showed no gain. In 1803 the value of such produce 
amounted to 15,400,000 ; in 1816, to 15,008,000.1 

Other methods of calculating the increase of wealth 
gave equally contradictory results. The registered 
tonnage of Massachusetts engaged in foreign trade 
exceeded two hundred and ten thousand tons in 
1800 ; in 1816 it was two hundred and seventy-four 
thousand tons. In the coasting-trade Massachusetts 
employed seventy-five thousand tons in 1800, and one 
hundred and twenty-nine thousand in 1816. The 
tonnage employed in the fisheries showed no growth. 
The shipping of Massachusetts seemed to indicate an 
increase of about forty per cent in sixteen years. 

The system of direct taxation furnished another 
standard of comparison. In 1798 a valuation was 
made in certain States of houses and lands for direct 
taxes ; another was made in 1813 ; a third in 1815. 
That of 1798 amounted to eighty-four million dol- 
lars for Massachusetts ; that of 1813, to one hundred 
and forty-nine millions ; that of 1815, to one hun- 
dred and forty -three millions, — a gain of seventy 
per cent in sixteen years ; but such a valuation in 
1817 would probably have shown a considerable loss 
on that of 1815. 

Evidently the chief increase in wealth consisted in 

1 Pitkin, pp. 55-56. 


the growth of manufactures, but after the prostration 
of the manufacturing interest in 1816 no plausible 
estimate of their true value could be made, unless 
the bank discounts measured their progress. The 
result of the whole inquiry, though vague, suggested 
that wealth had increased in Massachusetts more 
rapidly than population, and had possibly gained 
seventy or eighty per cent in sixteen years ; ^ but in 
spite of this increase the State was in a pitiable 
situation. Neither steamboats, canals, nor roads 
could help it. Thousands of its citizens migrated to 
New York and Ohio, beyond the possibility of future 
advantage to the land they left. Manufactures were 
prostrate. Shipping was driven from the carrying 
trade. Taxation weighed far more heavily than ever 
before. A load of obloquy rested on the State on 
account of its war policy and the Hartford Conven- 
tion. The national government treated it with sever- 
ity, and refused to pay for the Massachusetts militia 
called into service by the President during the war, 
because the governor had refused to place them 
under national officers. 

The condition of Massachusetts and Maine was a 
picture of New England. Democratic Rhode Island 
suffered equally with Federalist Connecticut. Maine, 
New Hampshire, and Vermont showed growth, but 
the chief possibility of replacing lost strength lay in 
immigration. During the European wars, no con- 
siderable number of immigrants were able to reach 
» Pitkin, p. 373. 


the United States ; but immediately after the return 
of peace, emigration from Europe to America began 
on a scale as alarming to European governments as 
the movement to western New York and Ohio was 
alarming to the seaboard States of the Union. Dur- 
ing the year 1817 twenty-two thousand immigrants 
were reported as entering the United States. ^ Twelve 
or fourteen thousand were probably Irish ; four thou- 
sand were German. More than two thousand arrived 
in Boston, while about seven thousand landed in New 
York and the same number in Philadelphia. The 
greater part probably remained near where they 
landed, and in some degree supplied the loss of 
natives who went west. The rapid growth of the 
northern cities of the sea-coast began again only with 
the flood of immigration. 

Although the three southern States of New Eng- 
land were the severest sufferers, the Virginia group — 
comprising Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and North 
Carolina — escaped little better. In twenty years 
their white population increased nineteen and five 
tenths per cent, while that of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, and Rhode Island increased eighteen per 
cent. The wealth of Southern States consisted largely 
in slaves ; and the negro population of the Virginia 
group increased about twenty-five per cent in num- 
bers during the sixteen years from 1800 to 1816. 
The exports of domestic produce increased about 
forty per cent in value, comparing the average of 
1 Niles, 1817. 

VOL. IX. — 11 


1801-1805 with that of 1815-1816. The net reve- 
nue collected in Virginia increased nearly seventy 
per cent, comparing the year 1815 with the average 
of the five years 1800-1804 ; while that collected in 
North Carolina more than doubled. 

Measured by these standards, the growth of wealth 
in the Virginia group of States was not less rapid 
than in Massachusetts, and the same conclusion was 
established by other methods. In 1816 Virginia 
contained two State banks, with branches, which 
returned for January 1 a capital stock of $4,590,000, 
with a note circulation of $6,000,000, and deposits 
approaching $2,500,000. Their discounts amounted 
to $7,768,000 in January, 1816, and were contracted 
to $6,128,000 in the following month of November.^ 
Although Virginia used only half the banking capital 
and credits required by Massachusetts, the rate of 
increase was equally rapid, and the tendency toward 
banking was decided. In 1817 the legislature created 
two new banks, one for the valley of Virginia, the 
other for western Virginia, with a capital stock of 
$600,000, and branches with capital stock of $100,000 
for each. Between 1800 and 1817, banking capital 
exceeding five million dollars was created in Virginia, 
where none had existed before. 

If the estimates made by Timothy Pitkin, the best 

statistician of the time, were correct, the returns for 

direct taxes showed a greater increase of wealth in 

Viro-inia than in Massachusetts.^ The valuation of 

1 KAes, ix. 427 ; xi. 196. ^ Pitkiu, p. 372. 


Virginia for 1799 was 871,000,000; that of 1815 
was $165,000,000. The valuation of North Caro- 
lina in 1799 was 130,000,000 ; that of 1815 was 
151,000,000. Maryland was estimated at 132,000,- 
000 in 1799, at -1106,000,000 in 1815. The average 
increase for the three States was in the ratio of one 
hundred to two hundred and forty, while that for 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut was 
nearer one hundred to one hundred and seventy-five. 
The normal increase for the Union was in the ratio 
of one hundred to two hundred and sixty-three. 

The result obtained from the estimates for direct 
taxes was affected by a doubt in regard to the cor- 
rectness of the valuation of 1799, which was believed 
to have been too low in the Southern States ; but the 
general conclusion could not be doubted that the Vir- 
ginia group of States increased steadily in wealth. 
The rapidity of increase was concealed by an equally 
rapid impoverishment of the old tobacco-planting 
aristocracy, whose complaints drowned argument. 
As the lands of the ancient families became ex- 
hausted, the families themselves fell into poverty, or 
emigrated to the richer Ohio valley. Their decline 
or departure gave rise to many regrets and alarms. 
"With the impressions thus created, the people asso- 
ciated the want of economical machinery as a cause 
of their backwardness, and became clamorous for 
roads, canals, and banks. The revolution in their 
ideas between 1800 and 1816 was complete. 

The North Carolinians were first to denounce their 


old habits of indifference, and to declare their State 
in danger of ruin on that account. A committee of 
the State legislature reported Nov. 30, 1815, that vig- 
orous measures for self-protection could no longer 
be postponed : ^ — 

" "With an extent of territory sufficient to maiutaiu 
more than ten millions of inhabitants, ... we can only 
boast of a population something less than six hundred 
thousand, and it is but too obvious that this population 
under the present state of things already approaches its 
maximum. Within twenty-five years past more than two 
hundred thousand of our inhabitants have removed to the 
waters of the Ohio, Tennessee, and Mobile ; and it is mor- 
tifying to witness the fact that thousands of our wealthy 
and respectable citizens are annually moving to the West, 
. . . and that thousands of our poorer citizens follow them, 
being literally driven away by the prospect of poverty. 
In this state of things our agriculture is at a stand." 

The Virginians showed an equally strong sense of 
their perils. Twelve months after the North Caro- 
lina legislature took the matter in hand, a committee 
of the Virginia legislature in December, 1816, dis- 
cussed the same topic and reached the same con- 
clusion.2 Although something had been done by 
corporations to open canals on the Potomac, the 
James River, and to the Dismal Swamp, the State 
of Virginia had in sixteen years made little advance 
in material welfare. While New England had built 
turnpikes wherever a profit could be expected, in 

* Niles, ix., Supplement, p. 165. 
' Xiles, ix., Suppleiueut, p. 1-19. 


Virginia, said the committee, " the turnpike-roads of 
the Commonwealth, except a few short passes of par- 
ticular mountains and a road recently begun from 
Fredericksburg to the Blue Ridge, are confined prin- 
cipally to the county of Loudon, the adjacent counties 
of Fairfax, Fauquier, and Frederick, and to the vi- 
cinity of the seat of government." In other respects 
the situation was worse. 

"While many other States," said the committee,^ 
"have been advancing in wealth and numbers with a 
rapidity which has astonished themselves, the ancient 
Dominion and elder sister of the Union has remained 
stationary. A very large proportion of her western terri- 
tory is yet unimproved, while a considerable part of her 
eastern has receded from its former opulence. How 
many sad spectacles do her low-lands present of wasted 
and deserted fields, of dwellings abandoned by their pro- 
prietors, of churches in ruins ! The genius of her an- 
cient hospitaUty, benumbed by the cold touch of penury, 
spreads his scanty hoard in naked halls, or seeks a 
coarser but more plenteous repast in the lonely cabins 
of the West. The fathers of the land are gone where 
another outlet to the ocean turns their thoughts from 
the place of their nativity, and their affections from the 
haunts of their youth." 

Another committee reported to the House of Dele- 
gates Jan. 5, 1816, in favor of extending the banking 
system of the State.^ The report used language new 
as an expression of Virginian opinions. 

^ Niles, ix., Supplement, p. 150. 
2 Niles, ix., Supplement, p. 155. 


*' Your committee believe that a prejudice has gone 
abroad, which they confidently trust experience will 
prove to be unfounded even to the satisfaction of those 
by whom it is entertained, that the policy of Virginia is 
essentially hostile to commerce and to the rights of com- 
mercial men. Upon the removal of this prejudice must 
depend the future contributions of this Commonwealth 
toward the prosperity and glory if not the happiness and 
safety of the United States. Without the confidence of 
foreigners there can exist no foreign commerce. With- 
out foreign commerce there can exist neither ships, sea- 
men, nor a navy ; and a tremendous lesson has taught 
Virginia that without a navy she can have no security for 
her repose." 

Notwithstanding the gloom of these recitals, the 
evidence tended to show that while the white popu- 
lation of Virginia increased only about nineteen per 
cent in sixteen years, its wealth nearly doubled. 
Comparison with the quicker growth of the Middle 
States — New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania 
— caused much of the uneasiness felt by New Eng- 
land and Virginia. The banking capital of New 
York, which probably did not much exceed three 
million dollars in 1800, amounted in 1816 to nearly 
$19,000,000; that of Pennsylvania exceeded $16,- 
000,000. The valuation of houses and lands for the 
direct tax rose in New York from $100,000,000 in 
1799 to nearly $270,000,000 in 1815; and in Penn- 
sylvania, from $102,000,000 in 1799 to $346,000,000 
in 1815.1 The net revenue collected in New York 
1 Pitkin, p. 372. 


was 12,700,000 in 1800, and $14,500,000 in 1815; 
that collected in Pennsylvania was -$1,350,000 in 
1800, and $7,110,000 in 1815. This rate of increase 
did not extend to exports. The value of the do- 
mestic exports from New York in 1803 was about 
$7,500,000 ; in 1816 it exceeded $14,000,000 ; while 
the value of Pennsylvanian exports increased little, 
— being $4,021,000 in 1803 and $4,486,000 in 1816. 
The population of New York doubled while that of 
Massachusetts and Virginia hardly increased one 
third. Pennsylvania grew less rapidly in numbers, 
but still about twice as fast as New England. 

Although this rate of progress seemed to leave 
New England and Virginia far behind the Middle 
States, it was less striking than the other economi- 
cal changes already accomplished or foreseen. The 
movement of population or of wealth was not so im- 
portant as the methods by which the movement was 
effected. The invention of the steamboat gave a 
decisive advantage to New York over every rival. 
Already in 1816 the system had united New York 
city so closely with distant places that a traveller 
could go from New York to Philadelphia by steam- 
boat and stage in thirteen hours ; or to Albany in 
twenty-four hours ; and taking stage to "Whitehall in 
twelve hours could reach Montreal in thirty hours, 
and go on to Quebec in twenty-four hours, — thus 
consuming about five and a half successive days in 
the long journey from Philadelphia to Quebec, sleep- 
ing comfortably on his way, and all at an expense of 


fifty dollars. This economy of time and money was a 
miracle ; but New York could already foresee that it 
led to other advantages of immeasurable value. The 
steamboat gave impetus to travel, and was a blessing 
to travellers ; but its solid gain for the prosperity of 
the United States lay not in passenger traffic so 
much as in freight, and New York was the natural 
centre of both. 

While Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Carolinas 
were building roads and canals across a hundred miles 
of mountains, only to reach at last an interior region 
which enjoyed an easier outlet for freight, New York 
had but to people a level and fertile district, nowhere 
fifty miles from navigable water, in order to reach 
the great Lake system, which had no natural outlet 
within the Union except through the city of New 
York. So obvious was the idea of a canal from the 
Lakes to the Hudson that it was never out of men's 
minds, even before the war ; and no sooner did peace 
return than the scheme took large proportions. Ac- 
tive leaders of both political parties pressed the plan, 
— De Witt Clinton, Gouverneur Morris, and Peter B. 
Porter were all concerned in it ; but the legislature 
and people then supposed that so vast an undertak- 
ing as a canal to connect Lake Erie with the ocean, 
national in character and military in its probable 
utility, required national aid. Supposing the Ad- 
ministration to be pledged to the policy outlined by 
Gallatin and approved by Jefferson in the Annual 
Message of 1806, the New York commissioners applied 


to Congress for assistance, and uniting with other 
local interests procured the passage of Calhoun's bill 
for internal improvements. 

They were met by Madison's veto. This act, al- 
though at first it seemed to affect most the interests 
of New York, was in reality injurious only to the 
Southern States. Had the government lent its aid 
to the Erie Canal, it must have assisted similar 
schemes elsewhere, and in the end could hardly have 
refused to carry out Gallatin's plan of constructing 
canals from the Chesapeake to the Ohio, and from 
the Santee to the Tennessee River. The veto disap- 
pointed New York only for the moment, but was fatal 
to Southern hopes. After the first shock of discour- 
agement, the New York legislature determined to 
persevere, and began the work without assistance. 
The legislature of Pennsylvania at the same time 
appropriated half a million dollars for roads and 
canals, and for improvements of river navigation, 
devoting nearly one hundred and fifty thousand dol- 
lars to aid the turnpike-road to Pittsburg. The fund 
established by the State of Ohio, as a condition of its 
admission to the Union, had in 1816 produced means 
to construct the National or Cumberland Road to the 
hundred and thirteenth mile. The indifference to 
internal improvements which had been so marked a 
popular trait in 1800, gave place to universal interest 
and activity in 1816 ; but the Middle States were far 
in advance of the Eastern and Southern in opening 
communications with the West; and New York, owing 


ill no small degree to the veto, could already fore- 
see the time when it would wrest from Pennsylvania 
the supply of the valley of the Ohio, while expanding 
new tributary territory to an indefinite extent along 
the Lakes. 

When Madison retired from the Presidency, the 
limits of civilization, though rapidly advancing, were 
still marked by the Indian boundary, which extended 
from the western end of Lake Erie across Indiana, 
Kentucky, Tennessee, and the Southwestern territory. 
Only weak and helpless tribes remained east of the 
Mississippi, waiting until the whites should require 
the surrender of their lands ; but the whites, already 
occupying land far in advance of their needs, could 
not yet take the whole. Not until 1826 were the 
Indian titles generally extinguished throughout In- 
diana. The military work was done, and the short 
space of sixteen years had practically accomplished 
the settlement of the whole country as far as the 
Mississippi ; but another generation was needed in 
order to take what these sixteen years had won. 

As population spread, the postal service struggled 
after it. Except on the Hudson River, steamboats 
were still irregular in their trips ; and for this reason 
the mails continued to be carried on horseback through 
the interior. In 1801 the number of post-offices was 
957 ; in 1817 it was 3,459. In 1801 the length of 
post-roads was less than 25,000 miles ; in 1817 it was 
52,689. In 1800 the gross receipts from postage were 
1280,000 ; in 1817 they slightly exceeded $1,000,000. 


111 each case the increase much surpassed the ratio 
fur population, and offered another means for forming 
some estimate of the increase of wealth. The Four- 
teenth Congress pressed the extension of post-routes 
in western New York, Ohio, and Indiana; they were 
already established beyond the Mississippi. Rapidity 
of motion was also increased on the main routes. 
From New York to Buffalo, four hundred and seventy- 
five miles, the traveller went at an average rate of five 
miles an hour, and, sleeping every night, he arrived 
in about four days. Between Philadelphia and Pitts- 
burg, where no watercourse shortened the distance, 
the stage-coach consumed five and a half days, allow- 
ing for stoppage at night. These rates of travel were 
equal to those common on routes of similar length in 
Europe ; but long after 1817 the mail from Wash- 
ington to New Orleans, by a route 1,380 miles in 
length, required twenty-four days of travel. 

Had the steamboat system been at once perfected, 
the mail could have been carried with much more 
rapidity ; but the progress of the new invention was 
slow. After the trial trip of the " Clermont," Aug. 
17, 1807, five years elapsed before the declaration of 
war; yet in 1812 New York possessed no other steam- 
line than the Albany packets. Steam-ferries plied to 
Hoboken, Amboy, and other places in the immediate 
neighborhood ; but neither Newport, New London, 
nor New Haven enjoyed steam communication with 
New York until after the war. In the spring of 1813 
eight or nine steamboats belonged to the city of New 


York, but only three, which ran to Albany, were 
more than ferries. At the same time Philadelphia 
possessed six such ferry-boats. From Baltimore a 
steamer ran to the head of Chesapeake Bay ; but the 
southern coast and the town of Charleston saw no 
steamboat until a year after the war was ended. 

The West was more favored. In 1811 a boat of 
four hundred tons was built at Pittsburg and sent 
down the river to New Orleans, where it plied between 
New Orleans and Natchez. Two more were built at 
the same place in 1813-1814 ; and one of them, the 
" Vesuvius," went down the river in the spring of 
1814, rousing general interest in the midst of war 
by making the trip in nine days and a half, or two 
hundred and twenty-seven hours. The " Vesuvius " 
remained on the Mississippi for the next two years, 
but was burned with her cargo in the summer of 
1816. By that time the world was thinking much 
of steamboats, and their use was rapidly extending, 
though regular trips were still uncommon except in 
the east. 

The result of the sixteen years, considered only in 
the economical development of the Union, was de- 
cisive. Although population increased more rapidly 
than was usual in human experience, wealth accumu- 
lated still faster. From such statistics as the times 
afforded, a strong probability has been shown that 
while population doubled within twenty -three years, 
wealth doubled within twenty. Statistics covering 
the later period of national growth, warrant the 


belief that a valuation of $1,742,000,000 in 1800 
corresponded to a valuation of $3,734,000,000 in 
1820 ; and that if a valuation of $328 per capita is 
assumed for 1800, a valuation of $386 per capita may- 
be estimated for 1820.1 

These sixteen years set at rest the natural doubts 
that had attended the nation's birth. The rate of 
increase both in population and wealth was established 
and permanent, unless indeed it should become even 
more rapid. Every serious difficulty which seemed 
alarming to the people of the Union in 1800 had been 
removed or had sunk from notice in 1816. With the 
disappearance of every immediate peril, foreign or 
domestic, society could devote all its energies, intel- 
lectual and physical, to its favorite objects. This 
result was not the only or even the chief proof that 
economical progress was to be at least as rapid in the 
future as at the time when the nation had to struggle 
with political difficulties. Not only had the people 
during these sixteen years escaped from dangers, 
they had also found the means of supplying their 
chief needs. Besides clearing away every obstacle 
to the occupation and development of their continent 
as far as the Mississippi River, they created the steam- 
boat, the most efficient instrument yet conceived for 
developing such a country. The continent lay before 
them, like an uncovered ore-bed. They could see, 
and they could even calculate with reasonable accu- 

* The Wealth of the United States and the Rate of its Increase. 
By Henry Gannett, International Review, May, 1882. 


racy, the wealth it could be made to yield. With 
almost the certainty of a mathematical formula, 
knowing the rate of increase of population and of 
wealth, they could read in advance theii* economical 
history for at least a hundred years. 


The movement of thought, more interesting than 
the movement of population or of wealth, was equally 
well defined. In the midst of political dissension and 
economical struggles, religion still took precedence; 
and the religious movement claimed notice not merely 
for its depth or for its universality, but also and es- 
pecially for its direction. Religious interest and even 
excitement were seen almost everywhere, both in the 
older and in the newer parts of the country ; and 
every such movement offered some means of studying 
or illustrating the development of national character. 
For the most part the tendency seemed emotional 
rather than intellectual ; but in New England the old 
intellectual pre-eminence, which once marked the 
Congregational clergy, developed a quality both new 
and distinctive. 

The Congregational clergy, battling with the innate 
vices of human nature, thought themselves obliged 
to press on their hearers the consequences of God's 
infinite wrath rather than those of his infinite love. 
They admitted that in a worldly sense they erred, 
and they did not deny that their preaching some- 
times leaned to severity ; but they would have been 


false to their charge and undeserving of their high 
character had they lost sight of their radical doctrine 
tliat every man was by nature personally depraved, 
and unless born again could not hope to see the 
kingdom of God. Many intellectual efforts had been 
made by many ages of men to escape the logic of 
this doctrine, but without success. The dogma and 
its consequences could not be abandoned without 
abandoning the Church. 

From this painful dilemma a group of young Bos- 
ton clergymen made a new attempt to find a path of 
escape. Their movement drew its inspiration from 
Harvard College, and was simultaneous with the sway 
of Jefferson's political ideas ; but the relationship 
which existed between religious and political innova- 
tion was remote and wholly intellectual. Harvard 
College seemed to entertain no feeling toward Jeffer- 
son but antipathy, when in 1805 the corporation ap- 
pointed Henry Ware, whose Unitarian tendencies were 
well known, to be Hollis Professor of Theology. The 
Unitarianism of Henry Ware and his supporters im- 
plied at that time no well-defined idea beyond a quali- 
fied rejection of the Trinity, and a suggestion of what 
they thought a more comprehensible view of Christ's 
divine character; but it still subverted an essential 
dogma of the Church, and opened the way to heresy. 
The Calvinists could no longer regard Harvard Col- 
lege as a school proper for the training of clergy ; and 
they were obliged to establish a new theological semi- 
nary, which they attached to a previously existing 


Academy at Andover, in Essex County, Massachusetts. 
The two branches of the New England Calvinists — 
known then as old Calvinism and Hopkinsianism — 
united in framing for the instructors of the Andover 
school a creed on the general foundation of the West- 
minster Assembly's Shorter Catechism, and thus pro- 
vided for the future education of their clergy in ex- 
press opposition to Unitarians and Universalists. 

Thenceforward the theological school of Harvard 
College became more and more Unitarian. The Mas- 
sachusetts parishes, divided between the two schools 
of theology, selected, as pleased a majority of their 
church-members, either Orthodox or Unitarian pas- 
tors ; and while the larger number remained Cal- 
vinistic, though commonly preferring ministers who 
avoided controversy, the Boston parishes followed the 
Unitarian movement, and gradually filled their pul- 
pits with young men. The Unitarian clergy soon 
won for themselves and for their city a name beyond 
proportion with their numbers. 

Joseph Stevens Buckminster, the first, and while 
he lived the most influential, of these preachers, be- 
gan his career in 1805 by accepting a call from one 
of the old Boston churches. He died in 1812 at the 
close of his twenty-eighth year. His influence was 
rather social and literary than theological or contro- 
versial. During his lifetime the Unitarian movement 
took no definite shape, except as a centre of revived 
interest in all that was then supposed to be best and 
purest in religious, literary, and artistic feeling. After 

VOL. IX. — 12 


his death, Unitarians learned to regard William 
Ellerj Channing as their most promising leader. 
Channing had accepted the charge of a Boston church 
as early as 1803, and was about four years older than 
Buckminster. A third active member of the Boston 
clergy was Samuel Cooper Thacher, who took charge 
of a Boston parish in 1811, and was five years younger 
than Channing. In all, some seven or eight churches 
were then called Unitarian ; but they professed no 
uniform creed, and probably no two clergymen or 
parishes agreed in their understanding of the precise 
diiference between them and the Orthodox church. 
Shades of difference distinguished each Unitarian 
parish from every other, and the degree of their diver- 
gence from the old creed was a subject of constant 
interest and private discussion, although the whole 
body of churches, Congregational as well as Unitarian, 
remained in external repose. 

The calm was not broken until the close of the war 
relieved New England from a political anxiety which 
for fifteen years had restrained internal dissensions. 
No sooner did peace restore to New England the 
natural course of its intellectual movement than 
the inevitable schism broke out. In June, 1815, 
the " Panoplist," the mouthpiece of the Congrega- 
tional clergy, published an article charging the Uni- 
tarians with pursuing an unavowed propaganda, and 
calling upon the Church to refuse them communion. 
Channing and his friends thought the attack to re- 
quire reply, and, after consultation, Channing pub- 


lished a " Letter to the Rev. Samuel C. Thacher," 
which began a discussion and a theological movement 
of no slight interest to American history. 

Channing's theology at that time claimed no merit 
for originality. His letter to Thacher betrayed more 
temper than he would afterward have shown ; but in 
no particular was he more earnest than in repelling 
the idea that he or his brethren were innovators. In 
whatever points they disagreed, they were most nearly 
unanimous in repudiating connection with the Eng- 
lish Unitarians who denied the divinity of Christ. 
Channing declared " that a majority of our brethren 
believe that Jesus Christ is more than man ; that he 
existed before the world ; that he literally came from 
heaven to save our race ; that he sustains other offices 
than those of a teacher and witness to the truth ; and 
that he still acts for our benefit, and is our intercessor 
with the Father." So far was Channing from wish- 
ing to preach a new theology that he would gladly 
have accepted the old had he thought it intelligible : 

" It is from deep conviction that I have stated once and 
again that the differences between Unitarians and Trini- 
tarians lie more in sounds than in ideas ; that a barbarous 
phraseology is the chief wall of partition between these 
classes of Christians ; and that could Trinitarians tell 
us what they mean, their system would generally be 
found little else than a mystical form of the Unitarian 
doctrine." , 

Calvinists could not be blamed for thinking that 
their venerable creed, the painful outcome of the 


closest and most strenuous reasoning known in the 
Christian world, was entitled to more respect than to 
be called " little else than a mystical form of the 
Unitarian doctrine." The Unitarians themselves 
scarcely attempted to make the infinite more intel- 
ligible to the finite by any new phraseology. They 
avowed a dislike for dogma as their merit. During 
these early years they systematically avoided contro- 
versy ; in the pulpit they never assailed and seldom 
mentioned other forms of Christian faith, or even 
the scheme of Trinity which caused their schism. 

" So deeply are we convinced," said Channing's letter, 
" that the great end of preaching is to promote a spirit 
of love, a sober, righteous, and godly life, and that every 
doctrine is to be urged simply and exclusively for this 
end, that we have sacrificed our ease, and have chosen to 
be less striking preachers rather than to enter the lists of 

Yet the popular dislike of Calvinistic severity could 
not wholly make good the want of doctrinal theology. 
The Unitarian clergy, however unwilling to widen 
the breach between themselves and the old Church, 
were ill at ease under the challenges of Orthodox 
critics, and could not escape the necessity of defining 
their belief. 

" According to your own concession," rejoined Dr. 
Samuel Worcester to Channing's letter, "the party in 
whose behalf you plead generally deny the essential 
divinity of the Saviour, and hold him to be a being en- 
thely ' distinct from God,' entirely ' dependent/ — in 


other words, a mere creature. . . . You doubtless do not 
suppose that by any mere creature atonement could 
be made for the sins of an apostate world of sufficient 
merit for the pardon, sanctification, and eternal salvation 
of all who should trust in him ; therefore if you hold to 
atonement in any sense, yet unquestionably not in the 
sense of a proper propitiatory sacrifice. Upon this de- 
nial of atonement must follow of course the denial of par- 
don procured by the blood of Christ, of justification 
through faith in him, of redemption from eternal death 
unto everlasting life by him. Connected, and generally 
if not invariably concomitant, with the denial of these 
doctrines is a denial of the Holy Spirit in his personal 
character and offices, and of the renewal of mankind unto 
holiness by his sovereign agency, as held by Orthodox 
Christians. Now, sir, are these small and trivial points 
of difference between you and us? " 

Channing protested against these inferences ; but 
he did not deny — indeed, he affirmed — that Unita- 
rians regarded dogma as unnecessary to salvation. 
"In our judgment of professed Christians," he replied, 
" we are guided more by their temper and lives than 
by any peculiarities of opinion. We lay it down as a 
great and indisputable opinion, clear as the sun at 
noonday, that the great end for which Christian truth 
is revealed is the sanctification of the soul, the forma- 
tion of the Christian character ; and wherever we see 
the marks of this character displayed in a professed 
disciple of Jesus, we hope, and rejoice to hope, that 
he has received all the truth which is necessary to his 
salvation." The hope might help to soothe anxiety 


and distress, but it defied conclusions reached by the 
most anxious and often renewed labors of churchmen 
for eighteen hundred years. Something more than a 
hope was necessary as the foundation of a faith. 

Not until the year 1819, did Channing quit the 
cautious attitude he at first assumed. Then, in his 
" Sermon on the Ordination of Jared Sparks " at Bal- 
timore, he accepted the obligation to define his rela- 
tion to Christian doctrine, and with the support of 
Andrews Norton, Henry Ware, and other Unitarian 
clergymen gave a doctrinal character to the move- 
ment. With this phase of his influence the present 
story has nothing to do. In the intellectual develop- 
ment of the country, the earlier stage of Unitarianism 
was more interesting than the later, for it marked a 
general tendency of national thought. At a time 
when Boston grew little in population and but mod- 
erately in wealth, and when it was regarded with 
antipathy, both political and religious, by a vast ma- 
jority of the American people, its society had never 
been so agreeable or so fecund. No such display 
of fresh and winning genius had yet been seen in 
America as was offered by the genial outburst of 
intellectual activity in the early days of the Unita- 
rian schism. No more was heard of the Westminster 
doctrine that man had lost all ability of will to any 
spiritual good accompanying salvation, but was dead 
in sin. So strong was the reaction against old dog- 
mas that for thirty years society seemed less likely 
to resume the ancient faith in the Christian Trinity 


than to establish a new Trinity, in which a deified 
humanity should have place. Under the influence of 
Channing and his friends, human nature was adorned 
with virtues hardly suspected before, and with hopes 
of perfection on earth altogether strange to theology. 
The Church then charmed. The worth of man be- 
came under Channing's teachings a source of pride 
and joy, with such insistence as to cause his hearers 
at last to recall, almost with a sense of relief, that 
the Saviour himself had been content to regard them 
only as of more value than many sparrows. 

The most remarkable quality of Unitarianism was 
its high social and intellectual character. The other 
more popular religious movements followed for the 
most part a less ambitious path, but were marked 
by the same humanitarian tendency. In contrast 
with old stringency of thought, the religious activ- 
ity of the epoch showed warmth of emotion. The 
elder Buckminster, a consistent Calvinist clergyman, 
settled at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, while 
greatly distressed by his son's leanings toward loose 
theology, was at the same time obliged to witness 
the success of other opinions, which he thought 
monstrous, preached by Hosea Ballou, an active 
minister in the same town. This new doctrine, 
which took the name of Universalism, held as an 
article of faith " that there is one God, whose nature 
is love, revealed in one Lord Jesus Christ, by one 
Holy Spirit of grace, who will finally restore the 
whole family of mankind to holiness and happiness." 


In former times any one who had publicly professed 
belief in universal salvation would not have been 
regarded as a Christian. With equal propriety he 
might have preached the divinity of Ammon or 
Diana. To the old theology one god was as strange 
as the other ; and so deeply impressed was Dr. Buck- 
minster with this conviction, that he felt himself 
constrained in the year 1809 to warn Hosea Ballou 
of his error, in a letter pathetic for its conscientious 
self-restraint. Yet the Universalists steadily grew 
in numbers and respectability, spreading from State 
to State under Ballou's guidance, until they became 
as well-established and as respectable a church as 
that to which Buckminster belonged. 

A phenomenon still more curious was seen in the 
same year, 1809, in western Pennsylvania. Near 
the banks of the Monongahela, in Washington 
County, a divergent branch of Scotch Presbyterian- 
ism established a small church, and under the 
guidance of Thomas Campbell, a recent emigrant 
from Scotland, issued, Sept. 7, 1809, a Declaration : 

" Being well aware from sad experience of the heinous 
nature and pernicious tendency of religious controversy 
among Christians, tired and sick of the bitter jarrings 
and j anglings of a party spirit, we would desire to be at 
rest ; and were it possible, would also desire to adopt 
and recommend such measures as would give rest to our 
brethren throughout all the churches, as would restore 
unity, peace, and purity to the whole Church of God. 
This desirable rest, however, we utterly despair either to 
find for ourselves, or to be able to recommend to our 


brethren, by continuing amid the diversity and rancor of 
party contentions the varying uncertainty and clashings 
of human opinions ; nor indeed can we reasonably expect 
to find it anywhere but in Christ and his simple word, 
which is the same yesterday, to-day, and forever. Our 
desire, therefore, for ourselves and our brethren would 
be that rejecting human opinions and the inventions of 
men as of any authority, or as having any place in the 
Church of God, we might forever cease from further 
contentions about such things, returning to and holding 
fast by the original standard." 

Campbell's Declaration expressed so wide a popular 
want that his church, in a few years, became one of 
the largest branches of the great Baptist persuasion. 
Perhaps in these instances of rapid popular grouping, 
love of peace was to some extent supplemented by 
jealousy of learning, and showed as much spirit of 
social independence as of religious instinct. The 
growth of vast popular sects in a democratic com- 
munity might testify to intellectual stagnation as 
well as to religious or social earnestness ; but what- 
ever was the amount of thought involved in such 
movements, one character was common to them all, 
as well as to the Unitarians, — they agreed in relax- 
ing the strictness of theological reasoning. Chan- 
ning united with Campbell in suggesting that the 
Church should ignore what it could not compre- 
hend. In a popular and voluntary form they pro- 
posed self-restraints which should have the same 
effect as the formal restramts of the hierarchies. 
" Rejecting," like Campbell, " human opinions and 


the inventions of men," — preaching, like Channing 
and Ballon, " that there is one God, whose nature is 
love," and that doctrine was useless except to pro- 
mote a spirit of love, — they founded new churches 
on what seemed to resemble an argument that the 
mtellectual difficulties in their path must be unes- 
sential because they were insuperable. 

Wide as the impulse was to escape the rigor of 
bonds and relax the severity of thought, organiza- 
tions so deeply founded as the old churches were 
not capable of destruction. They had seen many 
similar human efforts, and felt certain that sooner or 
later such experiments must end in a return to the 
old standards. Even the Congregational Church of 
New England, though reduced in Boston to a shadow 
of its old authority, maintained itself at large against 
its swarm of enemies, — Unitarian, Universalist, Bap- 
tist, Methodist, — resisting, with force of character 
and reasoning, the looseness of doctrine and vague- 
ness of thought which marked the time. Yale Col- 
lege remained true to it. Most of the parishes 
maintained their old relations. If the congrega- 
tions in some instances crumbled away or failed 
to increase, the Church could still stand erect, and 
might reflect with astonishment on its own strength, 
which survived so long a series of shocks appa- 
rently fatal. For half a century the Congregational 
clergy had struggled to prevent innovation, while 
the people emigrated by hundreds of thousands in 
order to innovate. Obliged to insist on the infinite 


justice rather than on the infinite mercy of God, they 
shocked the instincts of the new generation, which 
wanted to enjoy worldly blessings without fear of 
future reckoning. Driven to bay by the deistic and 
utilitarian principles of Jefferson's democracy, they 
fell into the worldly error of defying the national 
instinct, pressing their resistance to the war until 
it amounted to treasonable conspiracy. The sudden 
peace swept away much that was respectable in the 
old society of America, but perhaps its noblest victim 
was the unity of the New England Church. 

The Church, whether Catholic or Protestant, Lu- 
theran or Calvinistic, always rested in the convic- 
tion that every divergence from the great highways 
of religious thought must be temporary, and that 
no permanent church was possible except on foun- 
dations already established ; but the State stood in 
a position less self-confident. The old principles of 
government were less carefully developed, and Demo- 
crats in politics were more certain than Unitarians 
or Universalists in theology that their intellectual 
conclusions made a stride in the progress of thought. 
Yet the sixteen years with which the century opened 
were singularly barren of new political ideas. Appar- 
ently the extreme activity which marked the political 
speculations of the period between 1775 and 1800, 
both in America and in Europe, had exhausted the 
energy of society, for Americans showed interest only 
in the practical working of their experiments, and 
added nothing to the ideas that underlay them. With 


such political thought as society produced, these 
pages have been chiefly filled ; the result has been 
told. The same tendency which in religion led to 
reaction against dogma, was shown in politics by 
general acquiescence in practices which left un- 
settled the disputed principles of government. No 
one could say with confidence what theory of the 
Constitution had prevailed. Neither party was sat- 
isfied, although both acquiesced. While the Legis- 
lative and Executive branches of the government 
acted on no fixed principle, but established prece- 
dents at variance with any consistent theory, the 
Judiciary rendered so few decisions that Constitu- 
tional law stood nearly still. Only at a later time 
did Chief-Justice Marshall begin his great series of 
judicial opinions, — McCulloch against the State of 
Maryland in 1819 ; Dartmouth College in the same 
year ; Cohens against the State of Virginia in 1821. 
No sooner were these decisive rulings announced, 
than they roused the last combative energies of 
Jefferson against his old enemy the Judiciary : 
" That body, like gravity, ever acting, with noiseless 
foot and unalarming advance, gaining ground step 
by step, and holding what it gains, is engulfing 
insidiously the special governments." 

Marshall had few occasions to decide Constitutional 
points during the Administrations of Jefferson and 
Madison, but the opinions he gave were emphatic. 
When Pennsylvania in 1809 resisted, in the case of 
Gideon Olmstead, a process of the Supreme Court, 


the chief-justice, without unnecessary words, de- 
clared that " if the legislatures of the several States 
may at will annul the judgments of the courts of the 
United States, and destroy the rights acquired under 
those judgments, the Constitution itself becomes 
a solemn mockery, and the nation is deprived of the 
means of enforcing its laws by the instrumentality of 
its own tribunals." Pennsylvania yielded ; and Mar- 
shall, in the following year, carried a step further the 
authority of his court. He overthrew the favorite 
dogma of John Randolph and the party of States 
rights, so long and vehemently maintained in the 
Yazoo dispute. 

The Yazoo claims came before the court in the 
case of Fletcher against Peck, argued first in 1809 
by Luther Martin, J. Q. Adams, and Robert G. Har- 
per; and again in 1810 by Martin, Harper, and 
Joseph Story. March 16, 1810, the chief-justice 
delivered the opinion. Declining, as " indecent in 
the extreme," to enter into an inquiry as to the cor- 
ruption of " the sovereign power of a State," he dealt 
with the issue whether a legislature could annul 
rights vested in an individual by a law in its nature 
a contract. 

" It may well be doubted," he argued, " whether the 
nature of society and government does not prescribe 
some limits to the legislative power ; and if any are to 
be prescribed, where are they to be found if the property 
of an individual, fairly and honestly acquired, may be 
seized without compensation? To the legislature all 


legislative power is granted ; but the question whether 
the act of transferring the property of an individual to 
the public be in the nature of the legislative power, is 
well worthy of serious reflection. It is the peculiar 
province of the legislature to prescribe general rules for 
the government of society : the application of those rules 
to individuals in society would seem to be the duty of 
other departments. How far the power of giving the law 
may involve every other power, in cases where the Consti- 
tution is silent, never has been and perhaps never can be 
definitely stated." 

Tn the case under consideration, Marshall held that 
the Constitution was not silent. The provision that 
no State could pass any law impairing the obligation 
of contracts, as well as " the general principles which 
are common to our free institutions," restrained the 
State of Georgia from passing a law whereby the 
previous contract could be rendered void. His de- 
cision settled, as far as concerned the Judiciary, 
a point regarded as vital by the Sfcates-rights school. 
Four years afterward Congress gave the required 
compensation for the contract broken by Georgia. 

The chief-justice rendered no more leading 
Constitutional decisions during Madison's term of 
office; but his influence was seen in a celebrated 
opinion delivered by Justice Story in 1816, in the 
case of Martin against Hunter's Lessee. There the 
court came in conflict with the State of Virginia. 
The Court of Appeals of that State refused to obey 
a mandate of the Supreme Court, alleging that the 
proceedings of the Supreme Court were coram non 


judice^ or beyond its jurisdiction, being founded on 
section 25 of the Judiciary Act of 1789, which 
was unconstitutional in extending the appellate 
jurisdiction of the Supreme Court over the State 

The Court of Appeals was unfortunate in the 
moment of its resistance to the authority of the 
national courts. While the case was passing through 
its last stage peace was declared, and the national 
authority sprang into vigor unknown before. The 
chief-justice would not with his own hand humiliate 
the pride of the Court of Appeals, for which as a 
Virginian and a lawyer he could feel only deep re- 
spect. He devolved the unpleasant duty on young 
Justice Story, whose own State of Massachusetts was 
then far from being an object of jealousy to Virginia, 
and who, a Republican in politics, could not be preju- 
diced by party feeling against the Virginia doctrine. 
Much of the opinion bore the stamp of Marshall's 
mind ; much showed the turn of Story's intelligence ; 
yet the same principle lay beneath the whole, and no 
one could detect a divergence between the Federalism 
of the Virginia chief-justice and the Democracy of 
the Massachusetts lawyer. 

"It has been argued," said the court, "that such an 
appellate jurisdiction over State courts is inconsistent 
witli the genius of our governments and the spirit of the 
Constitution ; that the latter was never designed to act 
upon State sovereignties, but only upon the people ; and 
that if the power exists, it will materially impair the 


sovereignty of the States and the independence of their 
courts. We cannot yield to the force of this reasoning ; 
it assumes principles which we cannot admit, and draws 
conclusions to which we do not yield our assent. It is 
a mistake that the Constitution was not designed to 
operate upon States in their corporate capacity. It is 
crowded with provisions which restrain or annul the sov- 
ereignty of the States in some of the highest branches of 
their prerogatives. . . . When, therefore, the States are 
stripped of some of the highest attributes of sovereignty, 
and the same are given to the United States ; when the 
legislatures of the States are in some respects under 
the control of Congress, and in every case are, under 
the Constitution, bound by the paramount authority of the 
United States, — it is certainly difficult to support the 
argument that the appellate power over the decisions of 
State coiu-ts is contrary to the genius of our institutions." 

So far were the political principles of the people 
from having united m a common understanding, that 
while the Supreme Court of the United States thus 
differed from the Virginia Court of Appeals in regard 
to the genius of the government and the spirit of the 
Constitution, Jefferson still publicly maintained that 
the national and state governments were " as inde- 
pendent, in fact, as different nations," and that the 
function of one was foreign, while that of the other 
was domestic. Madison still declared that Congress 
could not build a road or clear a watercourse ; while 
Congress believed itself authorized to do both, and 
in that belief passed a law which Madison vetoed. 
In politics as in theology, the practical system which 


resulted from sixteen years of experience seemed 
to rest on the agreement not to press principles to 
a conclusion. 

No new idea was brought forward, and the old ideas, 
though apparently incapable of existing together, 
continued to exist in rivalry like that of the dogmas 
which perplexed the theological world ; but between 
the political and religious movement a distinct dif- 
ference could be seen. The Church showed no ten- 
dency to unite in any creed or dogma, — indeed, re- 
ligious society rather tended to more divisions ; but 
in politics public opinion slowly moved in a fixed 
direction. The movement could not easily be meas- 
ured, and was subject to reaction ; but its reality was 
shown by the protests of Jefferson, the veto of Madi- 
son, and the decisions of the Supreme Court. No 
one doubted that a change had occurred since 1798. 
The favorite States-rights dogma of that time had 
suffered irreparable injury. For sixteen years the 
national government in all its branches had acted, 
without listening to remonstrance, on the rule that 
it was the rightful interpreter of its own powers. In 
this assumption the Executive, the Legislature, and 
the Judiciary had agreed. Massachusetts and Penii' 
sylvania, as well as Virginia and Georgia, yielded. 
Louisiana had been bought and admitted into the 
Union ; the Embargo had been enforced ; one Na- 
tional Bank had been destroyed and another estab' 
lished ; every essential function of a sovereignty had 
been performed, without an instance of failure, though 

VOL. IX. — 13 


not without question. However unwilling the minor- 
ity might be to admit in theory the overthrow of 
their principles, every citizen assented in daily prac- 
tice to the rule that the national government alone 
interpreted its own powers in the last resort. From 
the moment the whole people learned to accept the 
practice, the dispute over theory lost importance, and 
the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 marked only a stage 
in the development of a sovereignty. 

The nature of the sovereignty that was to be the 
result of American political experiment, the amount 
of originality which could be infused into an idea so 
old, was a matter for future history to settle. Many 
years were likely to elapse before the admitted practice 
of the government and people could be fully adopted 
into the substance of their law, but the process thus 
far had been rapid. In the brief space of thirty years, 
between 1787 and 1817, — a short generation, — the 
Union had passed through astonishing stages. Prob- 
ably no great people ever grew more rapidly and be- 
came more mature in so short a time. The ideas of 
1787 were antiquated in 1815, and lingered only in 
districts remote from active movement. The subsi- 
dence of interest in political theories was a measure 
of the change, marking the general drift of society 
toward practical devices for popular use, within pop- 
ular intelligence. The only work that could be said 
to represent a school of thought in politics was written 
by John Taylor of Caroline, and was probably never 
read, — or if read, certainly never understood, — north 



of Baltimore by any but curious and somewhat deep 
students, although to them it had value. 

John Taylor of Caroline might without irreverence 
be described as a vox clamantis, — the voice of one 
crying in the wilderness. Regarded as a political 
thinker of the first rank by Jefferson, Monroe, John 
Randolph, and the Virginia school, he admitted, with 
the geniality of the class to which he belonged, that 
his disciples invariably deserted in practice the rules 
they praised in his teaching ; but he continued to 
teacli, and the further his scholars drifted from him 
the more publicly and profusely he wrote. His first 
large volume, " An Inquiry into the Principles and 
Policy of the Government of the United States," pub- 
lished in 1814, during the war, was in form an answer 
to John Adams's " Defence of the Constitutions " pub- 
lished in London twenty-five years before. In 1787 
John Adams, like Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, Jay, 
and other constitution-makers, might, without losing 
the interest of readers, indulge in speculations more 
or less visionary in regard to the future character of 
a nation yet in its cradle ; but in 1814 the character 
of people and government was formed ; the lines of 
their activity were fixed. A people which had in 1787 
been indifferent or hostile to roads, banks, funded 
debt, and nationality, had become in 1815 habituated 
to ideas and machinery of the sort on a great scale. 
Monarchy or aristocracy no longer entered into the 
public mind as factors in future development. Yet 
Taylor resumed the discussions of 1787 as though 


the interval were a blank ; and his only conclusion 
from the experience of thirty years was that both 
political parties were equally moving in a wrong 

" The two parties, called Republican and Federal," he 
concluded, " have hitherto undergone but one revolution. 
Yet each when in power preached Filmer's old doctrine 
of passive obedience in a new form, with considerable 
success ; and each, out of power, strenuously contro- 
verted it. The party in power asserted that however 
absurd or slavish this doctrine was under other forms 
of the numerical analysis, the people under ours were 
identified (the new term to cog this old doctrine upon the 
United States) with the government ; and that therefore 
an opposition to the government was an opposition to 
the nation itself. . . . This identifying doctrine . . . 
puts an end to the idea of a responsibility of the govern- 
ment to the nation ; ... it renders useless the freedom 
of speech and of the press ; it converts the representative 
into the principal ; it destroys the division of power be- 
tween the people aud the government, as being themselves 
indivisible ; aud in short it is inconsistent with every 
principle by which politicians and philosophers have 
hitherto defined a free government." 

The principle to which Taylor so strenuously ob- 
jected was nevertheless the chief political result of 
national experience. Somewhere or another a point 
was always reached w*hcre opposition became trea- 
sonable, — as Virginia, like Massachusetts, had learned 
both when in power and when out. Taylor's specu- 
lations ended only in an admission of their own prac- 


tical sterility, and his suggestions for restraining 
the growth of authority assumed the possibility of 
returning to the conditions of 1787. Banks were his 
horror. Stocks and bonds, or paper evidences of 
indebtedness in any form, he thought destructive to 
sound principles of government. The Virginia and 
Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 were his best resource 
for the preservation of civil liberty. However well- 
founded his fears might be, his correctives could no 
longer be applied. Political philosophers of all ages 
were fond of devising systems for imaginary Repub- 
lics, Utopias, and Oceanas, where practical difficulties 
could not stand in their way. Taylor was a political 
philosopher of the same school, and his Oceana on 
the banks of the Rappahannock was a reflection of 
his own virtues. 


Society showed great interest in the statesmen or 
preachers who won its favor, and earnestly discussed 
the value of political or religious dogmas, without 
betraying a wish to subject itself ever again to the 
rigor of a strict creed in politics or religion. In a 
similar spirit it touched here and there, with a light 
hand, the wide circuit of what was called belles lettres, 
without showing severity either in taste or temper. 

For the first four or five years of the century, 
Dennie's " Portfolio " contained almost everything 
that was produced in the United States under the 
form of light literature. The volumes of the " Port- 
folio " for that period had the merit of representing 
the literary efforts of the time, for Philadelphia 
insisted on no standard of taste so exacting as to 
exclude merit, or even dulness, in any literary form. 
Jacobins, as Dennie called Democrats, were not ad- 
mitted into the circle of the " Portfolio ; " but Jaco- 
bins rarely troubled themselves with belles lettres. 

The " Portfolio " reflected a small literary class 
scattered throughout the country, remarkable chiefly 
for close adhesion to established English ideas. The 
English standard was then extravagantly Tory, and 


the American standard was the same. At first sight 
the impression was strange. A few years later, no 
ordinary reader could remember that ideas so illib- 
eral had seriously prevailed among educated Ameri- 
cans. By an effort, elderly men could, in the next 
generation, recall a time when they had been taught 
that Oliver Cromwell was a monster of wickedness 
and hypocrisy ; but they could hardly believe that at 
any period an American critic coldly qualified "Para- 
dise Lost," and " Avenge, Lord, thy slaughtered 
saints," as good poetry, though written by a Repub- 
lican and an enemy of established order. This was 
the tone of Dennie's criticism, and so little was it 
confined to him that even young Buckminster, in 
his Phi Beta Kappa Oration of 1809, which was 
regarded as making almost an epoch in American 
literature, spoke of Milton's eyes as " quenched in 
the service of a vulgar and usurping faction," and of 
Milton's life as " a memorable instance of the tem- 
porary degradation of learning." Buckminster was 
then remonstrating against the influence of politics 
upon letters rather than expressing a political senti- 
ment, but his illustration was colored by the general 
prejudices of British Toryism. Half a century before, 
Dr. Johnson had taken the tone of Tory patronage 
toward Milton's genius, and Johnson and Burke were 
still received in America as final authorities for cor- 
rect opinion in morals, literature, and politics. The 
" Portfolio " regarded Johnson not only as a " super- 
lative " moralist and politician, but also as a " sub- 


lime " critic and a " trahscendent " poet. Burke and 
Cicero stood on the same level, as masters before 
whose authority criticism must silently bow. 

Yet side by side with these conventional standards, 
the " Portfolio " showed tendencies which seemed 
inconsistent with conservatism, — a readiness to wel- 
come literary innovations contradicting every estab- 
lished canon. No one would have supposed that 
the critic who accepted Johnson and Pope as tran- 
scendent poets, should also delight in Burns and 
Wordsworth ; yet Dennie was unstinted in praise of 
poetry which, as literature, was hardly less revolu- 
tionary than the writings of Godwin in politics. 
Dennie lost no opportunity of praising Coleridge, and 
reprinted with enthusiasm the simplest ballads of 
Wordsworth. Moore was his personal friend, and 
Moore's verses his models. Wherever his political 
prejudices were untouched, he loved novelty. He 
seemed to respect classical authority only because 
it was established, but his literary instincts were 
broader than those of Jefferson. 

The original matter of the " Portfolio " was natu- 
rally unequal, and for the most part hardly better 
than that of a college magazine. Dennie was apt to 
be commonplace, trivial, and dull. His humor was 
heavy and commonly coarse ; he allowed himself 
entire freedom, and no little grossness of taste. Of 
scholarship, or scholarly criticism, his paper showed 
great want. He tried to instruct as well as to 
amuse, but society soon passed the stage to which his 


writing oelonged. The circulation of the " Portfolio " 
probably never exceeded fifteen hundred copies, and 
Dennie constantly complained that the paper barely 
supported itself. When the Bostonians, in the year 
1805, began to feel the spirit of literary ambition, 
they took at once a stride beyond Dennie's power, and 
established a monthly magazine called the "Anthol- 
ogy and Boston Review," which in 1806 numbered 
four hundred and forty subscribers. The undertak- 
ing was doubly remarkable ; for the Anthology Society 
which supported the Review combined with it the 
collection of a library, limited at first to periodical 
publications, which expanded slowly into the large 
and useful library known as the Boston Athenaeum. 
The Review and Library quickly became the centre 
of literary taste in Boston, and, in the words of 
Josiah Quincy many years afterward, might be con- 
sidered as a revival of polite learning in America. 
The claim was not unreasonable, for the Review far 
surpassed any literary standards then existing in 
the United States, and was not much inferior to any 
in England ; for the Edinbui'gh was established only 
in 1802, and the Quarterly not till 1809. 

The Anthology Society, which accomplished the 
feat of giving to Boston for the first time the lead of 
American literary effort, consisted largely of clergy- 
men, and represented, perhaps unintentionally, the 
coming Unitarian movement. Its president and 
controlling spirit had no sympathy with either divi- 


sion of the Congregational Church, but was a clergy- 
man of the Church of England. John Sylvester 
John Gardiner, the rector of Trinity, occupied a 
peculiar position in Boston. Of American descent, 
but English birth and education, he was not pre- 
vented by the isolation of his clerical character from 
taking an active part in affairs, and his activity was 
sometimes greater than his discretion. His political 
sermons rivalled those of the Congregational ministers 
Osgood and Parish, in their violence against Jefferson 
and the national government ; his Federalism was 
that of the Essex Junto, with a more decided leaning 
to disunion ; but he was also an active and useful 
citizen, ready to take his share in every good work. 
When he became president of the Anthology Society, 
he was associated with a clergyman of Unitarian 
opinions as vice-president, — the Rev. William Em- 
erson, a man of high reputation in his day, but 
better known in after years as the father of Ralph 
Waldo Emerson. The first editor was Samuel Cooper 
Thacher, to whom, ten years afterward, Channing 
addressed his earliest controversial letter. Young 
Buckminster and William Tudor, a Boston man, who 
for the next twenty years was active in the literary 
life of Massachusetts, were also original members. 
The staff of the " Anthology " was greatly superior 
to ordinary editorial resources ; and in a short time 
the Review acquired a reputation for ability and 
sharpness of temper never wholly forgiven. Its un- 
popularity was the greater because its aggressiveness 


took the form of assaults on Calvinism, which earned 
the ill-will of the Congregational clergy. 

Biickminster and Channing were the editor's clos- 
est friends, and their liberality of thought was re- 
markable for the time and place ; yet the point from 
which the liberality of Boston started would have 
been regarded in most parts of the Union as con- 
servative. Channing's fear of France and attachment 
to England were superstitious. 

" I will not say," began his Fast Day Sermon in 1810, 
" that the present age is as strongly marked or distin- 
guished from all other ages as that in which Jesus Christ 
appeared ; but with that single exception, perhaps the 
present age is the most eventful the world has ever 
known. We live in times which have no parallel iu past 
ages ; in times when the human character has almost 
assumed a new form ; in times of peculiar calamity, of 
thick darkness, and almost of despair. . . . The danger 
is so vast, so awful, and so obvious, that the blindness, 
the indifference, which prevail argue infatuation, and 
give room for apprehension that nothing can rouse us to 
those efforts by which alone the danger can be averted. 
Am I asked what there is so peculiar and so tremendous 
in the times in which we live ? . . . I answer : In the 
very heart of Europe, in the centre of the civilized world, 
a new power has suddenly arisen on the ruins of old 
institutions, peculiar in its character, and most ruinous 
in its influence." 

While Channing felt for France the full horror of 
his Federalist principles, he regarded England with 
equivalent affection. 


" I feel a peculiar interest in England," he explained 
in a note appended to the Fast Day Sermon ; " for I 
believe that there Christianity is exerting its best influ- 
ences on the human character ; that there the perfections 
of human nature, wisdom, virtue, and piety are fostered 
by excellent institutions, and are producing the delight- 
ful fruits of domestic happiness, social order, and general 

The majority of Americans took a different view 
of the subject; but even those who most strongly 
agreed with Channing would have been first to avow 
that their prejudice was inveterate, and its conse- 
quences sweeping. Such a conviction admitted little 
room for liberalism where politics were, directly or 
remotely, involved. Literature bordered closely on 
politics, and the liberalism of Unitarian Boston was 
bounded even in literature by the limits of British 
sympathies. Buckminster's Phi Beta Kappa Oration 
of 1809 was as emphatic on this point as Channing's 
Fast Day Sermon of 1810 was outspoken in its 
political antipathies. 

" It is our lot," said Buckminster, " to have been born 
in an age of tremendous revolution, and the world is 
yet covered with the wrecks of its ancient glory, espe- 
cially of its literary renown. The fury of that storm 
which rose in France is passed and spent, but its ef- 
fects have been felt through the whole system of liberal 
education. The foul spirit of innovation and sophistry 
has been seen wandering in the very groves of the 
Lyceum, and is not yet completely exorcised, though 
the spell is broken." 


The liberalism of Boston began in a protest against 
" the foul spirit of innovation," and could hardly 
begin at any point more advanced. " Infidelity has 
had one triumph in our days, and we have seen 
learning as well as virtue trampled under the hoofs 
of its infuriated steeds, let loose by the hand of im- 
piety." From this attitude of antipathy to innovation, 
the Unitarian movement began its attempts to inno- 
vate, and with astonishing rapidity passed through 
phases which might well have required ages of 
growth. In five years Channing began open attack 
upon the foundation, or what had hitherto been be- 
lieved the foundation, of the Church ; and from that 
moment innovation could no longer be regarded as 

Of the intellectual movement in all its new direc- 
tions. Harvard College was the centre. Between 
1805 and 1817 the college inspired the worn-out 
Federalism of Boston with life till then unimagined. 
Not only did it fill the pulpits with Buckminsters, 
Channings, and Thachers, whose sermons were an 
unfailing interest, and whose society was a constant 
stimulus, but it also maintained a rivalry between 
the pulpit and the lecture-room. The choice of a 
new professor was as important and as much dis- 
cussed as the choice of a new minister. No ordinary 
political event caused more social interest than the 
appointment of Henry Ware as Professor of Theology 
in 1805. In the following year J. Q. Adams was 
made Professor of Rhetoric, and delivered a course 


of lectures, which created the school of oratory to 
which Edward Everett's generation adhered. Four 
younger men, whose influence was greatly felt in 
their Ijranches of instruction, received professorships 
in the next few years, — Jacob Bigelow, who was 
appointed Professor of Medicine in 1813 ; Edward 
Everett, Greek Professor in 1815; John Collins 
Warren, Professor of Anatomy in the same year; 
and George Ticknor, Professor of Belles Lettres in 
1816. In the small society of Boston, a city number- 
ing hardly forty thousand persons, this activity of 
college and church produced a new era. Where 
thirty-nine students a year had entered the college 
before 1800, an average number of sixty-six entered 
it during the war, and took degrees during the four 
or five subsequent years. Among them were names 
familiar to the literature and politics of the next half 
century. Besides Ticknor and Everett, in 1807 and 
1811, Henry Ware graduated in 1812, and his brother 
William, the author of " Zenobia," in 1816 ; William 
Hickling Prescott, in 1814 ; J. G. Palfrey, in 1815 ; 
in 1817, George Bancroft and Caleb Gushing gradu- 
ated, and Ralph Waldo Emerson entered the college. 
Boston also drew resources from other quarters, and 
perhaps showed no stronger proof of its vigor than 
when, in 1816, it attracted Daniel Webster from 
New Hampshire to identify himself with the intel- 
lect and interests of Massachusetts. Even by re- 
action the Unitarians stimulated Boston, — as when, 
a few years afterward, Lyman Beecher accepted the 



charge of a Boston church in order to resist their 

The " Anthology," which marked the birth of the 
new literary school, came in a few years to a natural 
end, but was revived in 1815 under the name of 
the "North American Review," by the exertions of 
William Tudor. The life of the new Review belonged 
to a later period, and was shaped by other influences 
than those that surrounded the " Anthology." With 
the beginning of the next epoch, the provincial stage 
of the Boston school was closed. More and more 
its influence tended to become national, and even to 
affect other countries. Perhaps by a natural con- 
sequence rather than by coincidence, the close of 
the old period was marked by the appearance of 
a short original poem in the " North American 
Review " for September, 1817 : — 

"... The hills. 
Rock-ribbed and ancient as the sun ; the vales 
Stretching in pensive quietness between ; 
The venerable woods ; the floods that move 
In majesty, and the complaining brooks 
That wind among the meads and make them green, — 
Are but the solemn declarations all, 
Of the great tomb of man. The golden sun, 
The planets, all the infinite host of heaven 
Are glowing on the sad abodes of death 
Through the still lapse of ages. All that tread 
The globe are but a handful to the tribes 
That slumber in its bosom. Take the wings 
Of morning, and the Borean desert pierce; 
Or lose thyself in the continuous woods 
That veil Oregan, where he hears no soimd 


Save his own dashings, — yet the dead are there ; 
And millions in these solitudes, since first 
The flight of years began, have laid them down 
In their last sleep : the dead reign there alone. 
So shalt thou rest : and what if thou shalt fall 
Unnoticed by the living, and no friend 
Take note of thy departure ? Thousands more 
Will share thy destiny. The tittering world 
Dance to the grave. The busy brood of care 
Plod on, and each one chases as before 
His favorite phantom. Yet all these shall leave 
Their mirth and their employments, and shall come 
And make their bed with thee." 

The appearance of " Thanatopsis " and " Lines to 
a Waterfowl" in the early numbers of the "North 
American Review," while leaving no doubt that a 
new national literature was close at hand, proved also 
that it was not to be the product of a single source ; 
for Bryant, though greatly tempted to join the Emer- 
sons, Channing, Dana, AUston, and Tudor in Boston, 
turned finally to New York, where influences of a 
different kind surrounded him. The Unitarian school 
could not but take a sober cast, and even its humor 
was sure to be tinged with sadness, sarcasm, or irony, 
or some serious purpose or passion ; but New York 
contained no atmosphere in which such a society 
could thrive. Busy with the charge of practical 
work, — the development of industries continually ex- 
ceeding their power of control, — the people of New 
York wanted amusement, and shunned what in 
Boston was considered as intellectual. Their tastes 
were gratified by the appearance of a writer whose 


first book created a school of literature as distinctly 
marked as the Unitarian school of Boston, and more 
decidedly original. " The History of New York, by 
Diedrich Knickerbocker," appeared in 1809, and 
stood alone. Other books of the time seemed to 
recognize some literary parentage. Channing and 
Buckminster were links in a chain of theologians 
and preachers. " Thanatopsis " evidently drew in- 
spiration from Wordsworth. Diedrich Knickerbocker 
owed nothing to any living original. 

The " History of New York " was worth more than 
passing notice. In the development of a national 
character, as well as of the literature that reflected it, 
humor was a trait of the utmost interest ; and Wash- 
ington Irving was immediately recognized as a humor- 
ist whose name, if he fulfilled the promise of his first 
attempt, would have a chance of passing into the 
society of Rabelais, Cervantes, Butler, and Sterne. 
Few literary tasks were more difficult than to bur- 
lesque without vulgarizing, and to satirize without 
malignity ; yet Irving in his first effort succeeded in 
doing both. The old families, and serious students 
of colonial history, never quite forgave Irving for 
throwing an atmosphere of ridicule over the subject of 
their interest ; but Diedrich Knickerbocker's History 
was so much more entertaining than ordinary histo- 
ries, that even historians could be excused for re- 
gretting that it should not be true. 

Yet the book reflected the political passions which 
marked the period of the Embargo. Besides the bur- 

VOL. IX. — 14 


lesque, the " History " contained satire ; and perhaps 
its most marked trait was the good-nature which, at a 
time when bitterness was universal in politics, saved 
Irving's political satire from malignity. Irving meant 
that no one should mistake the character of the uni- 
versal genius, Governor Wilhelmus Kieft, surnamed 
the Testy, who as a youth had made many curious 
investigations into the nature and operations of 
windmills, and who came well-nigh being smothered 
in a slough of unintelligible learning, — "a fearful 
peril, from the effects of which he never perfectly 

" No sooner had this bustling little man been blown by 
a whiff of fortune into the seat of government, than he 
called together his council and delivered a very animated 
speech on the affairs of the government ; . . . and here 
he soon worked himself into a fearful rage against the 
Yankees, whom he compared to the Gauls who desolated 
Rome, and to the Goths and Vandals who overran the 
fairest plains of Europe. . . . Having thus artfully 
wrought up his tale of terror to a climax, he assumed a 
self-satisfied look, and declared with a nod of knowing 
import that he had taken measures to put a final stop to 
these encroachments, — that he had been obliged to have 
recourse to a dreadful engine of warfare, lately invented, 
awful in its effects but authorized by direful necessity ; 
in a word, he was resolved to conquer the Yankees — by 

"Washington Irving's political relations were those 
commonly known as Burrite, through his brother 
Peter, who edited in Burr's interest the " Morning 



Chronicle." Antipathy to Jefferson was a natural 
result, and Irving's satire on the President was the 
more interesting because the subject offered tempta- 
tions for ill-tempered sarcasm such as spoiled Fed- 
eralist humor. The Knickerbocker sketch of Jeffer- 
son was worth comparing with Federalist modes of 
expressing the same ideas : — 

" The great defect of Wilhelmus Kieft's policy was that 
though no man could be more ready to stand forth in an 
hour of emergency, yet he was so intent upon guarding 
the national pocket that he suffered the enemy to break 
its head. . . . All this was a remote consequence of his 
education at the Hague ; where, having acquired a smat- 
tering of knowledge, he was ever a great conner of in- 
dexes, continually dipping into books without ever 
studying to the bottom of any subject, so that he had the 
scum of all kinds of authors fermenting in his pericra- 
nium. In some of these titlepage researches he un- 
luckily stumbled over a grand political cabalistic tvord, 
which with his customary facility he unmediately incor- 
porated into his great scheme of government, to the ir- 
retrievable injury and delusion of the honest province 
of Nieuw Nederlands, and the eternal misleading of all 
experimental rulers." 

Little was wanting to make such a sketch bitter ; 
but Irving seemed to have the power of deadening 
venom by a mere trick of hand. Readers of the 
" History," after a few years had passed, rarely re- 
membered the satire, or supposed that the story con- 
tained it. The humor and the style remained to 
characterize a school. 


The originality of the Knickerbocker humor was 
the more remarkable because it was allowed to 
stand alone. Irving published nothing else of con- 
sequence until 1819, and then, abandoning his early 
style, inclined to imitate Addison and Steele, al- 
though his work was hardly the less original. Irv- 
ing preceded Walter Scott, whose "Waverley" ap- 
peared in 1814, and "Guy Mannering" in 1815; and 
if either author could be said to influence the other, 
the influence of Diedrich Knickerbocker on Scott 
was more evident than that of "Waverley" on 

In the face of the spontaneous burst of genius which 
at that moment gave to English literature and art a 
character distinct even in its own experience, Ameri- 
cans might have been excused for making no figure 
at all. Other periods produced one poet at a time, 
and measured originality by single poems; or satis- 
fied their ambition by prose or painting of occasional 
merit. The nineteenth century began in England 
with genius as plenty as it was usually rare. To 
Beattie, Cowper, and Burns, succeeded Wordsworth, 
Coleridge, Scott, Byron, Crabbe, Campbell, Charles 
Lamb, Moore, Shelley, and Keats. The splendor of 
this combination threw American and even French 
talent into the shade, and defied hope of rivalry; but 
the American mind, as far as it went, showed both 
freshness and originality. The divergence of Ameri- 
can from English standards seemed insignificant to 
critics who required, as they commonly did, a national 


literature founded on some new conception, — such 
as the Shawanee or Aztecs could be supposed to sug- 
gest; but to those who expected only a slow variation 
from European types, the difference was well marked. 
Channing and Irving were American in literature, 
as Calhoun and Webster were American in politics. 
They were the product of influences as peculiar to 
the country as those which produced Fulton and his 

While Bryant pubUshed " Thanatopsis " and Irving 
made his studies for the "Sketch-Book," another 
American of genius perhaps superior to theirs — 
Washington Allston — was painting in London, be- 
fore returning to pass the remainder of his life in the 
neighborhood of Boston and Harvard College. Be- 
tween thirty and forty years of age, Allston was then 
in the prime of his powers; and even in a circle of 
artists which included Turner, Wilkie, Mulready, 
Constable, Callcott, Crome, Cotman, and a swarm of 
others equally famous, Allston was distinguished. 
Other Americans took rank in the same society. 
Leslie and Stuart Newton were adopted into it, and 
Copley died only in 1815, while Trumbull painted in 
London till 1816; but remarkable though they were 
for the quality of their art, they belonged to a British 
school, and could be claimed as American only by 
blood. Allston stood in a relation ^somewhat differ- 
ent. In part, his apparent Americanism was due to 
his later return, and to his identification with Ameri- 
can society; but the return itself was probably caused 


by a peculiar bent of character. His mind was not 
wholly English. 

Allston's art and his originality were not such 
as might have been expected from an American, or 
such as Americans were likely to admire ; and the 
same might be said of Leslie and Stuart Newton. 
Perhaps the strongest instance of all was Edward 
Malbone, whose grace of execution was not more 
remarkable than his talent for elevating the sub- 
ject of his exquisite work. So far from sharing the 
imag-ination of Shawanee Indians or even of Demo- 
crats, these men instinctively reverted to the most 
refined and elevated schools of art. Not only did 
Allston show from the beginning of his career a 
passion for the nobler standards of his profession, 
but also for technical quality, — a taste less usual. 
Washington hn-ing met him in Rome m 1805, 
when both were unknown ; and they became warm 

" I do not think I have ever been more captivated on a 
first acquaintance," wrote Irving long afterward. " He 
was of a light and graceful form, with large blue eyes 
and black silken hair. Everything about him bespoke 
the man of intellect and refinement. . . . He was ex- 
quisitely sensitive to the graceful and the beautiful, and 
took great delight in paintings which excelled in color ; 
yet he was strongly moved and aroused by objects of 
grandeur. I well recollect the admiration with which 
he contemplated the sublime statue of Moses, by Michael 



The same tastes characterized his Hfe, and gave to 
his work a distinction that might be Italian, but was 
certainly not English or usual. 

" It was Allston," said Leslie, " who first awak- 
ened what little sensibility I may possess to the 
beauties of color. For long time I took the 
merit of the Venetians on trust, and if left to my- 
self should have preferred works which I now 
feel to be comparatively worthless. I remember 
when the picture of ' The Ages ' by Titian was first 
pointed out to me by Allston as an exquisite work, 
I thought he was laughing at me." Leslie, if not 
a great colorist, was seldom incorrect ; Stuart New- 
ton had a fine eye for color, and Malbone was em- 
phatically a colorist ; but Allston's sensibility to 
color was rare among artists, and the refinement 
of his mind was as unusual as the delicacy of 
his eye. 

Allston was also singular in the liberality of his 
sympathies. " I am by nature, as it respects the arts, 
a wide liker," he said. In Rome he became ac- 
quainted with Coleridge ; and the remark of Coleridge 
which seemed to make most impression on him in 
their walks " under the pines of the Villa Borghese " 
was evidently agreeable because it expressed his own 
feelings. " It was there he taught me this golden 
rule : never to judge of any work of art by its de- 
fects." His admiration for the classics did not pre- 
vent him from admiring his contemporaries ; his 
journey through Switzerland not only showed him a 


new world of Nature, but also "the truth of Turner's 
Swiss scenes,— the poetic truth, — which none before 
or since have given." For a young American art- 
student in 1804, such sympathies were remarkable; 
not so much because they were correct, as because 
they were neither American nor Enghsh. Neither in 
America nor in Europe at that day could art-schools 
give to every young" man, at the age of twenty-five, 
eyes to see the color of Titian, or imagination to feel 
the "poetic truth" of Turner. 

Other painters, besides those whose names have been 
mentioned, were American or worked in America, as 
other writers besides Bryant and Irving, and other 
preachers besides Buckminster and Channing, were 
active in their professions; but for national com- 
parisons, types alone serve. In the course of six- 
teen years certain Americans became distinguished. 
Among these, suitable for types, were Calhoun and 
Clay in Congress, Pinkney and Webster at the bar, 
Buckminster and Channing in the pulpit, Bryant and 
Irving in literature, Allston and Malbone in painting. 
These men varied greatly in character and qualities. 
Some possessed strength, and some showed more 
delicacy than vigor; some were humorists, and some 
were incapable of a thought that was not serious; 
but all were marked by a keen sense of form and 
style. So little was this quality expected, that the 
world inclined to regard them as un-American be- 
cause of their refinement. Frenchmen and ItaUans, 
and even Englishmen who knew nothing of America 


but its wildness, were disappointed that American 
oratory should be only a variation from Fox and 
Burke; that American literature should reproduce 
Steele and Wordsworth; and that American art 
should, at its first bound, go back to the ideals of 
Raphael and Titian. The incongruity was evident. 
The Americans themselves called persistently for a 
statesmanship, religion, literature, and art which 
should be American; and they made a number of 
experiments to produce what they thought their 
ideals. In substance they continued to approve noth- 
ing which was not marked by style as its chief merit. 
The oratory of Webster and Calhoun, and even of John 
Randolph, bore the same general and common char- 
acter of style. The poetry of Bryant, the humor of 
Irving, the sermons of Channing, and the painting of 
Allston were the objects of permanent approval to 
the national mind. Style remained its admiration, 
even when every newspaper protested against the 
imitation of outworn forms. Dennie and Jefferson, 
agreeing in nothing else, agreed in this; the South 
Carolinian Allston saw color as naturally as the New 
Englander Bryant heard rhythm; and a people 
which seemed devoid of sense or standards of beauty, 
showed more ambition than older societies to acquire 

Nothing seemed more certain than that the Ameri- 
cans were not artistic, that they had as a people little 
instinct of beauty; but their intelligence in its higher 
as in its lower forms was both quick and refined. 


Such literature and art as they produced, showed 
qualities akin to those which produced the swift- 
sailing schooner, the triumph of naval architecture. 
If the artistic instinct weakened, the quickness of 
intelligence increased. 


Until 1815 nothing in the future of the American 
Union was regarded as settled. As late as January, 
1815, division into several nationalities was still 
thought to be possible. Such a destiny, repeating 
the usual experience of history, was not necessarily 
more unfortunate than the career of a single nation- 
ality wholly American ; for if the effects of divided 
nationality were certain to be unhappy, those of a 
single society with equal certainty defied experience 
or sound speculation. One uniform and harmonious 
system appealed to the imagination as a triumph of 
human progress, offering prospects of peace and ease, 
contentment and philanthropy, such as the world had 
not seen ; but it in\'ited dangers, formidable because 
unusual or altogether unknown. The corruption of 
such a system might prove to be proportionate with 
its dimensions, and uniformity might lead to evils as 
serious as were commonly ascribed to diversity. 

The laws of human progress were matter not for 
dogmatic faith, but for study ; and although society 
instinctively regarded small States, with their clash- 
ing interests and incessant wars, as the chief obstacle 
to improvement, such progress as the world knew had 


been coupled with those drawbacks. The few exam- 
ples offered by history of great political societies, 
relieved from external competition or rivalry, were 
not commonly thought encouraging. War had been 
the severest test of political and social character, lay- 
ing bare whatever was feeble, and calling out what- 
ever was strong ; and the effect of removing such a 
test was an untried problem. 

In 1815 for the first time Americans ceased to 
doubt the path they were to follow. Not only was 
the unity of their nation established, but its probable 
divergence from older societies was also well defined. 
Already in 1817 the difference between Europe and 
America was decided. In politics the distinction was 
more evident than in social, religious, literary, or sci- 
entific directions ; and the result was singular. For 
a time the aggressions of England and France forced 
the United States into a path that seemed to lead 
toward European methods of government ; but the 
popular resistance, or inertia, was so great that the 
most popular party leaders failed to overcome it, and 
no sooner did foreign dangers disappear than the 
system began to revert to American practices ; the 
national government tried to lay aside its assumed 
powers. When Madison vetoed the bill for internal 
improvements he could have had no other motive 
than that of restoring to the government, as far as 
possible, its original American character. 

The result was not easy to understand in theory or 
to make efficient in practice ; but while the drift of 


public opinion, and still more of practical necessity, 
drew the government slowly toward the European 
standard of true political sovereignty, nothing showed 
that the compromise, which must probably serve the 
public purpose, was to be European in form or feel- 
ing. As far as politics supplied a test, the national 
character had already diverged from any foreign 
type. Opinions might differ whether the political 
movement was progressive or retrograde, but in any 
case the American, in his political character, wa^ a 
new variety of man. 

The social movement was also decided. The war 
gave a severe shock to the Anglican sympathies 
of society, and peace seemed to widen the breach 
between European and American tastes. Interest 
in Europe languished after Napoleon's overthrow. 
France ceased to affect American opinion. England 
became an object of less alarm. Peace produced in 
the United States a social and economical revolution 
which greatlv curtailed the influence of New Eng- 
land, and with it the social authority of Great Brit- 
ain. The invention of the steamboat counterbalanced 
ocean commerce. The South and West gave to soci- 
ety a character more aggressively American than had 
been known before. That Europe, within certain lim- 
its, might tend toward American ideas was possible, 
but that America should under any circumstances fol- 
low the experiences of European development might 
thenceforward be reckoned as improbable. American 
character was formed, if not fixed. 


The scientific interest of American history centred 
in national character, and in the workings of a soci- 
ety destined to become vast, in which individuals 
were important chiefly as types. Although this kind 
of interest was different from that of European his- 
tory, it was at least as important to the world. 
Should history ever become a true science, it must 
expect to establish its laws, not from the complicated 
story of rival European nationalities, but from the 
economical evolution of a great democracy. Xorth 
America was the most favorable field on the globe 
for the spread of a society so large, uniform, and iso- 
lated as to answer the purposes of science. There a 
single homogeneous society could easily attain propor- 
tions of three or four hundred million persons, under 
conditions of undisturbed growth. 

In Europe or Asia, except perhaps in China, undis- 
turbed social evolution had been unknown. Without 
disturbance, evolution seemed to cease. Wherever 
disturbance occurred, permanence was impossible. 
Every people in turn adapted itself to the law of 
necessity. Such a system as that of the United 
States could hardly have existed for half a century 
in Europe except under the protection of another 
power. In the fierce struggle characteristic of Euri> 
pean society, systems were permanent in nothing 
except in the general law, that, whatever other char- 
acter they might possess they must always be chiefly 

The want of permanence was not the only or the 


inosf confusiiiij: olistaclr l<» llu' li'ciilniciil of ['liiioiM-iiii 
liisloiy :is :i sclnico. Tho infciiHity of llie sinijrfrlo 
gave; prominence to tlic individual, iiiifil Uw lioro 
Rccnicd all, so(M('ty iiolhin^; and what was woisc for 
scionoc, th(! men were far more interestinjz; tliim tho 
HociotioH. In the dniniatie view of liistory, the liero 
deHerv<M| more! to he Klndied than the eomminiity to 
whiell lie helont;"ed ; in Inilh, Ik- was Ilic socicly, 
Avhi(;h exiHted only to j)rodnee him and (o jx'rish with 
liim. Ajrainst sucli a view liintorianK were among 
tho Inst to protcHt, and protoHted Imt taint ly when 
tliey did HO at all. They felt as stronfi;ly as their 
antlienees that th(^ hij^iiest. aehicvemmts were alone 
worth rememliei'ing either in historj' or in ai't, and 
that a reiteration of eommonitlaces was eommon- 
jilaee. With all the advanta,g(^s of European move- 
ment and color, few historians sncceeded in enliv- 
ening or dignifying the lack of motive, intelligence, 
and morality, the helplessness characteristic of many 
h)ng [)eriods in the face of crnshing prohlcms, and 
th«^ futility of human elToi'ts to escajx; from <litricul- 
ties religious, p()liti(;al, and social. In a jx'iiod ex- 
tending over four or five; thousand years, moi'c or 
less capahle of historical treatment, historians were 
content to illustrate here and there the most dra- 
matic moments of the most striking communities. 
The hero was their favorite. War was the chief field 
of heroic action, and even the history of England was 
chiefly tlie story of war. 

The history of the United States prgmised to he 


free from such disturbances. War counted for little, 
the hero for less ; on the people alone the eye could 
permanently rest. The steady growth of a vast popu- 
lation without the social distinctions that confused 
other histories, — without kings, nobles, or armies; 
without church, traditions, and prejudices, — seemed 
a subject for the man of science rather than for dram- 
atists or poets. To scientific treatment only one great 
obstacle existed. Americans, like Europeans, were 
not disposed to make of their history a mechanical 
evolution. They felt that they even more than other 
nations needed the heroic element, because they 
breathed an atmosphere of peace and industry where 
heroism could seldom be displayed ; and in uncon- 
scious protest against their own social conditions 
they adorned with imaginary qualities scores of sup- 
posed leaders, whose only merit was their faculty of 
reflecting a popular trait. Instinctively they clung 
to ancient history as though conscious that of all 
misfortunes that could befall the national character, 
the greatest would be the loss of the established 
ideals which alone ennobled human weakness. With- 
out heroes, the national character of the United 
States had few charms of imagination even to 

Historians and readers maintained Old- World stand- 
ards. No historian cared to hasten the coming of an 
epoch when man should study his own history in the 
same spirit and by the same methods with which he 
studied the formation of a crystal. Yet history had 


its scientific as well as its human side, and in Ameri- 
can history the scientific interest was greater than 
the human. Elsewhere the student could study un- 
der better conditions the evolution of the individual, 
but nowhere could he study so well the evolution of 
a race. The interest of such a subject exceeded that 
of any other branch of science, for it brought man- 
kind within sight of its own end. 

Travellers in Switzerland who stepped across the 
Rhine where it flowed from its glacier could follow 
its course among mediaeval towns and feudal ruins, 
until it became a highway for modern industry, and 
at last arrived at a permanent equilibrium in the 
ocean. American history followed the same course. 
With prehistoric glaciers and mediaeval feudalism 
the story had little to do ; but from the moment it 
came within sight of the ocean it acquired interest 
almost painful. A child could find his way in a river- 
valley, and a hoy could float on the waters of Holland ; 
but science alone could sound the depths of the ocean, 
measure its currents, foretell its storms, or fix its 
relations to the system of Nature. In a democratic 
ocean science could see something ultimate. Man 
could go no further. The atom might move, but the 
general equilibrium could not change. 

Whether the scientific or the heroic view were 
taken, in either case the starting-point was the same, 
and the chief object of interest was to define national 
character. Whether the figures of history were 
treated as heroes or as types, they must be taken to 


represent the people. American types were especially 
worth study if they were to represent the greatest 
democratic evolution the world could know. Readers 
might judge for themselves what share the individual 
possessed in creating or shaping the nation ; but 
whether it was small or great, the nation could be 
understood only by studying the individual. For that 
reason, in the story of Jefferson and Madison indi- 
viduals retained their old interest as types of char- 
acter, if not as sources of power. 

In the American character antipathy to war ranked 
first among political traits. The majority of Ameri- 
cans regarded war in a peculiar light, the consequence 
of comparative security. No European nation could 
have conducted a war, as the people of America 
conducted the War of 1812. The possibility of doing 
so without destruction explained the existence of the 
national trait, and assured its continuance. In poli- 
tics, the divergence of America from Europe perpet- 
uated itself in the popular instinct for peaceable 
methods. The Union took shape originally on the 
general lines that divided the civil from the military 
elements of the British constitution. The party of 
Jefferson and Gallatin was founded on dislike of 
every function of government necessary in a military 
system. Although Jefferson carried his pacific theo- 
ries to an extreme, and brought about a military re- 
action, the reactionary movement was neither univer- 
sal, violent, nor lasting ; and society showed no sign 
of changing its convictions. With greater strength 


the country might acquire greater familiarity with 
warlike methods, but in the same degree was less 
likely to suffer any general change of habits. Noth- 
ing but prolonged intestine contests could convert 
the population of an entire continent into a race 
of Avarriors. 

A people whose chief trait was antipathy to war, 
and to any system organized with military energy, 
could scarcely develop great results in national ad- 
ministration ; yet the Americans prided themselves 
chiefly on their political capacity. Even the war did 
not undeceive them, although the incapacity brought 
into evidence by the war was undisputed, and was 
most remarkable among the communities which be- 
lieved themselves to be most gifted with political 
sagacity. Virginia and Massachusetts by turns ad- 
mitted failure in dealing with issues so simple that 
the newest societies, like Tennessee and Ohio, under- 
stood them by instinct. That incapacity in national 
politics should appear as a leading trait in American 
character was unexpected by Americans, but might 
naturally result from their conditions. The better 
test of American character was not political but 
social, and was to be found not in the government 
but in the people. 

The sixteen years of Jefferson's and Madison's rule 
furnished international tests of popular intelligence 
upon which Americans could depend. The ocean was 
the only open field for competition among nations. 
Americans enjoyed there no natural or artificial ad- 


vantages over Englishmen, Frenchmen, or Spaniards; 
indeed, all these countries possessed navies, resources, 
and experience greater than were to be found in the 
United States. Yet the Americans developed, in the 
course of twenty years, a surprising degree of skill 
in naval affairs. The evidence of their success was 
to be found nowhere so complete as in the avowals 
of Englishmen who knew best the history of naval 
progress. The American invention of the fast-sailing 
schooner or clipper was the more remarkable because, 
of all American inventions, this alone sprang from 
direct competition with Europe. During ten centuries 
of struggle the nations of Europe had labored to ob- 
tain superiority over each other in ship-construction, 
yet Americans instantly made improvements which 
gave them superiority, and which Europeans were 
unable immediately to imitate even after seeing them. 
Not only were American vessels better in model, 
faster in sailing, easier and quicker in handling, and 
more economical in working than the European, but 
they were also better equipped. The English com- 
plained as a grievance that the Americans adopted 
new and unwarranted devices in naval warfare ; that 
their vessels were heavier and better constructed, and 
their missiles of unusual shape and improper use. 
The Americans resorted to expedients that had not 
been tried before, and excited a mixture of irritation 
and respect in the English service, until Yankee 
smartness became a national misdemeanor. 

The English admitted themselves to be slow to 


change tlieir habits, but the French were both quick 
and scientific ; yet Americans did on the ocean what 
the French, under stronger inducements, failed to do. 
The French privateer preyed upon British commerce 
for twenty years without seriously injuring it ; but no 
sooner did the American privateer sail from French 
ports, than the rates of insurance doubled in London, 
and an outcry for protection arose among English 
shippers which the Admiralty could not calm. The 
British newspapers were filled with assertions that 
the American cruiser was the superior of any vessel 
of its class, and threatened to overthrow England's 
supremacy on the ocean. 

Another test of relative intelligence was furnished 
by the battles at sea. Instantly after the loss of the 
" Guerriere " the English discovered and complained 
that American gunnery was superior to their own. 
They explained their inferiority by the length of 
time that had elapsed since their navy had found 
on the ocean an enemy to fight. Every vestige of 
hostile fleets had been swept away, until, after the 
battle of Trafalgar, British frigates ceased practice 
with their guns. Doubtless the British navy had be- 
come somewhat careless in the absence of a danger- 
ous enemy, but Englishmen were themselves aware 
that some other cause must have affected their losses. 
Nothing showed that Nelson's line-of-battle ships, 
frigates, or sloops were as a rule better fought than 
the " Macedonian " and " Java," the " Avon " and 
" Reindeer." Sir Howard Douglas, the chief author- 


ity on the subject, attempted in vain to explain Brit- 
ish reverses by the deterioration of British gunnery. 
His analysis showed only that American gunnery was 
extraordinarily good. Of all vessels, the sloop-of-war, 
— on account of its smallness, its quick motion, and 
its more accurate armament of thirty -two-pound car- 
ronades, — offered the best test of relative gunnery, 
and Sir Howard Douglas in commenting upon the 
destruction of the " Peacock " and " Avon " could 
only say,— 

" In these two actions it is clear that the fire of the 
British vessels was thrown too high, and that the ord- 
nance of their opponents were expressly and carefully 
aimed at and took effect chiefly in the hull." 

The battle of the " Hornet " and " Penguin " as 
well as those of the "Reindeer" and "Avon," showed 
that the excellence of American gunnery continued 
till the close of the war. "Whether at point-blank 
range or at long-distance practice, the Americans 
used guns as they had never been used at sea before. 

None of the reports of former British victories 
showed that the British fire had been more destruc- 
tive at any previous time than in 1812, and no report 
of any commander since the British navy existed 
showed so much damage inflicted on an opponent in 
so short a time as was proved to have been inflicted 
on themselves by the reports of British commanders 
in the American war. The strongest proof of Ameri- 
can superiority was given by the best British officei's, 
like Broke, who strained every nerve to maintain an 


equality with American gunnery. So instantaneous 
and energetic was the effort that, according to the 
British historian of the war, " a British forty -six-gun 
frigate of 1813 was half as effective again as a Brit- 
ish forty-six-gun frigate of 1812;" and, as he justly 
said, " the slaughtered crews and the shattered 
hulks " of the captured British ships proved that no 
want of their old fighting qualities accounted for their 
repeated and almost habitual mortifications.^ 

Unwilling as the English were to admit the su- 
perior skill of Americans on the ocean, they did not 
hesitate to admit it, in certain respects, on land. 
The American rifle in American hands was affirmed 
to have no equal in the world. This admission could 
scarcely be withheld after the hsts of killed and 
wounded which followed almost every battle ; but 
the admission served to check a wider inquiry. In 
truth, the rifle played but a small part in the war. 
Winchester's men at the river Raisin may have owed 
their over-confidence, as the British Forty-first owed 
its losses, to that weapon, and at New Orleans five 
or six hundred of Coffee's men, who were out of 
range, were armed with the rifle ; but the surprising 
losses of the British were commonly due to artillery 
and musketry fire. At New Orleans the artillery was 
chiefly engaged. The artillery battle of January 1, 
according to British accounts, amply proved the su- 
periority of American gunnery on that occasion, 
which was probably the fairest test during the war. 
1 James, pp. 525, 528. 


The battle of January 8 was also chiefly an artillery 
battle ; the main British column never arrived within 
fair musket range ; Pakenham was killed by a grape- 
shot, and the main column of his troops halted more 
than one hundred yards from the parapet. 

The best test of British and American military 
qualities, both for men and weapons, was Scott's 
battle of Chippawa. Nothing intervened to throw 
a doubt over the fairness of the trial. Two parallel 
lines of regular soldiers, practically equal in numbers, 
armed with similar weapons, moved in close order 
toward each other, across a wide open plain, without 
cover or advantage of position, stopping at intervals 
to load and fire, until one line broke and retired. At 
the same time two three-gun batteries, the British 
being the heavier, maintained a steady fire from posi- 
tions opposite each other. According to the reports, 
the two infantry lines in the centre never came 
nearer than eighty yards. Major-General Riall re- 
ported that then, owing to severe losses, his troops 
broke and could not be rallied. Comparison of the 
official reports showed that the British lost in 
killed and wounded four hundred and sixty-nine men ; 
the Americans, two hundred and ninety-six. Some 
doubts always affect the returns of wounded, because 
the severity of the wound cannot be known ; but 
dead men tell their own tale. Riall reported one 
hundred and forty-eight killed ; Scott reported sixty- 
one. The severity of the losses showed that the 
battle was sharply contested, and proved the personal 


bravery of both armies. Marksmanship decided the 
result, and the returns proved that the American fire 
was superior to that of the British in the propor- 
tion of more than fifty per cent if estimated by the 
entire loss, and of two hundred and forty-two to one 
hundred if estimated by the deaths alone. 

The conclusion seemed incredible, but it was sup- 
ported by the results of the naval battles. The 
Americans showed superiority amounting in some 
cases to twice the efficiency of their enemies in the 
use of weapons. The best French critic of the naval 
war, Jurien de la Gravi^re-said : "An enormous 
superiority in the rapidity and precision of their fire 
can alone explain the difference in the losses sus- 
tained by the combatants." ^ So far from denying 
this conclusion the British press constantly alleged it, 
and the British officers complained of it. The dis- 
covery caused gi-eat surprise, and in both British 
services much attention was at once directed to im- 
provement in artillery and musketry. Nothing could 
exceed the frankness with which Englishmen avowed 
their inferiority. According to Sir Francis Head, 
" gunnery was in naval warfare in the extraordinary 
state of ignorance we have just described, when our 
lean children, the American people^ taught us, rod in 
hand, our first lesson in the art." The English text- 
book on Naval Gunnery, written by Major-General 
Sir Howard Douglas immediately after the peace, 
devoted more attention to the short American war 
1 Guerres Maritimes, ii. 286, 287. 


than to all the battles of Napoleon, and began by 
admitting that Great Britain had " entered with too 
great confidence on war with a marine much more 
expert than that of any of our European enemies." 
The admission appeared " objectionable " even to 
the author ; ^ but he did not add, what was equally 
true, that it applied as well to the land as to the 
sea service. 

No one questioned the bravery of the British forces, 
or the ease with which they often routed larger 
bodies of militia ; but the losses they inflicted were 
rarely as great as those they suffered. Even at 
Bladensburg, where they met little resistance, their 
loss was several times greater than that of the 
Americans. At Plattsburg, where the intelligence 
and quickness of Macdonough and his men alone won 
the victory, his ships were in effect stationary bat- 
teries, and enjoyed the same superiority in gunnery. 
" The ' Saratoga,' " said his official report, " had fifty- 
five round-shot in her hull ; the ' Confiance,' one 
hundred and five. The enemy's shot passed princi- 
pally just over our heads, as there were not twenty 
whole hammocks in the nettings at the close of the 

The greater skill of the Americans was not due to 
special training, for the British service was better 
trained in gunnery, as in everything else, than the 
motley armies and fleets that fought at New Orleans 
and on the Lakes. Critics constantly said that every 
^ Naval Gunnery (Second edition), p. 3. 


American had learned from his childhood the use of 
the rifle, but he certainly had not learned to use 
cannon in shooting birds or Imnting deer, and he 
know less than the Englishman about the handling 
of artillery and nniskets. As if to add unnecessaiy 
evidence, the l)attle of Chrystler's Farm proved only 
too well that this American efficiency was not con- 
fined to citizens of the United States. 

Another significant result of the war was the 
sudden development of scientific engineering in the 
United States. This branch of the military service 
owed its efficiency and almost its existence to the 
military school at West Point, established in 1802. 
The school was at first much neglected by govern- 
ment. The number of graduates before the year 
1812 was very small ; but at the outbreak of the 
war the corps of engineers was already efficient. Its 
chief was Colonel Joseph Gardner Swift, of Massa- 
chusetts, the first graduate of the academy : Colonel 
Swift planned the defences of New York harbor. 
The lieutenant-colonel in 1812 was "Walker Keith 
Armistead, of Virginia, — the third graduate, who 
planned the defences of Norfolk. Major William 
McRee, of North Carolina, became chief engineer to 
General Brown, and constructed the fortifications 
at Fort Erie, which cost the British General Gordon 
Drummond the loss of half his army, besides the mor- 
tification of defeat. Captain Eleazer Derby Wood, 
of New York, constructed Fort Meigs, which enabled 
Harrison to defeat the attack of Proctor in May, 


1813. Captain Joseph Gilbert Totten, of New York, 
was chief engineer to General Izard at Plattsburg, 
where he directed the fortifications that stopped the 
advance of Prevost's great army. None of the works 
constructed by a graduate of West Point was cap- 
tured by the enemy ; and had an engineer been em- 
ployed at Washington by Armstrong and Winder, 
the city would have been easily saved. 

Perhaps without exaggeration the West Point 
Academy might be said to have decided, next to the 
navy, the result of the war. The works at New 
Orleans were simple in character, and as far as they 
were due to engineering skill were directed by Major 
Latour, a Frenchman ; but the war was already ended 
when the battle of New Orleans was fought. During 
the critical campaign of 1814, the West Point engi- 
neers doubled the capacity of the little American 
army for resistance, and introduced a new and sci- 
entific character into American life. 

In the application of science the steamboat was the 
most striking success ; but Fulton's invention, how- 
ever useful, was neither the most original nor the 
most ingenious of American efforts, nor did it offer 
the best example of popular characteristics. Per- 
haps Fulton's torpedo and Stevens's screw-propeller 
showed more originality than was proved by the 
" Clermont." The fast-sailing schooner with its pivot- 
gun — an invention that grew out of the common 
stock of nautical intelligence — best illustrated the 
ekaracter of the people. 


That the indiridual should rise to a liigher order 
either of intelligence or morality than had existed in 
former ages was not to be expected, for the United 
States offered less field for the development of indi- 
viduality than had been offered by older and smaller 
societies. The chief fmiction of the American Union 
was to raise the average standard of popular intelli- 
gence and well-being, and at the close of the War of 
1812 the superior average intelligence of Americans 
was so far admitted that Yankee acuteness, or smart- 
ness, became a national reproach ; but much doubt 
remained whether the intelligence belonged to a high 
order, or proved a high morality. From the earliest 
ages, shrewdness was associated with unscrupulous- 
ness ; and Americans were freely charged with want- 
ing honesty. The charge could neither be proved nor 
disproved. American morality was such as suited a 
people so endowed, and was high when compared with 
the morality of many older societies ; but, like Ameri- 
can intelligence, it discouraged excess. Probably 
the political morality shown by the government and 
by public men during the first sixteen years of the 
century offered a fair gauge of social morality. Like 
the character of the popular inventions, the character 
of the morals corresponded to the wants of a grow- 
ing democratic society ; but time alone could decide 
whether it would result in a high or a low national 

Finer analysis showed other signs of divergence 
from ordinary standards. If Englishmen took pride 


in one trait more than in another, it was in the 
steady uniformity of their progress. The innovating 
and revolutionary quality of the French mind irri- 
tated them. America showed an un-English rapidity 
in movement. In politics, the American people be- 
tween 1787 and 1817 accepted greater changes than 
had been known in England since 1688. In reli- 
gion, the Unitarian movement of Boston and Harvard 
College would never have been possible in England, 
where the defection of Oxford or Cambridge, and the 
best educated society in the United Kingdom, would 
have shaken Church and State to their foundations. 
In literature the American school was chiefly remark- 
able for the rapidity with which it matured. The 
first book of Irving was a successful burlesque of 
his own ancestral history ; the first poem of Bryant 
sang of the earth only as a universal tomb ; the 
first preaching of Channing assumed to overthrow the 
Trinity ; and the first paintings of Allston aspired to 
recover the ideal perfection of Raphael and Titian. 
In all these directions the American mind showed 
tendencies that surprised Englishmen more than they 
struck Americans. Allston defended himself from 
the criticism of friends who made complaint of his 
return to America. He found there, as he main- 
tained, not only a growing taste for art, but " a 
quicker appreciation " of artistic effort than in 
any European land. If the highest intelligence of 
American society were to move with such rapid- 
ity, the time could not be far distant when it would 


pass into regions which England never liked to 

Another intellectual trait, as has been already 
noticed, was the disposition to relax severity. Be- 
tween the theology of Jonathan Edwards and that of 
William Ellery Channing was an enormous gap, not 
only in doctrines but also in methods. Whatever 
might be thought of the conclusions reached by 
Edwards and Hopkins, the force of their reasoning 
commanded respect. Not often had a more strenu- 
ous effort than theirs been made to ascertain God's 
will, and to follow it without regard to weaknesses of 
the flesh. The idea that the nature of God's attri- 
butes was to be preached only as subordinate to the 
improvement of man, agreed little with the spirit of 
their religion. The Unitarian and Universalist move- 
ments marked the beginning of an epoch when ethical 
and humanitarian ideas took the place of metaphysics, 
and even New England turned from contemplating 
the omnipotence of the Deity in order to praise the 
perfections of his creatures. 

The spread of great popular sects like the Univer- 
salists and Campbellites, founded on assumptions 
such as no Orthodox theology could tolerate, showed 
a growing tendency to relaxation of thought in that 
direction. The struggle for existence was already 
mitigated, and the first effect of the change was seen 
in the increasing cheerfulness of religion. Only when 
men found their actual world almost a heaven, could 
they lose overpowering anxiety about the world to 


come. Life had taken a softer aspect, and as a con- 
sequence God was no longer terrible. Even the 
wicked became less mischievous in an atmosphere 
where virtue was easier than vice. Punishments 
seemed mild in a society where every offender could 
cast off his past, and create a new career. For the 
first time in history, great bodies of men turned away 
from their old religion, giving no better reason than 
that it required them to believe in a cruel Deity, and 
rejected necessary conclusions of theology because 
they were inconsistent with human self-esteem. 

The same optimism marked the political movement. 
Society was weary of strife, and settled gladly into 
a political system which left every disputed point 
undetermined. The public seemed obstinate only 
in believing that all was for the best, as far as the 
United States were concerned, in the affairs of man- 
kind. The contrast was great between this temper 
of mind and that in which the Constitution had been 
framed ; but it was no greater than the contrast 
in the religious opinions of the two periods, while 
the same reaction against severity marked the new 
literature. . The rapid accumulation of wealth and 
increase in physical comfort told the same story 
from the standpoint of economy. On every side 
society showed that ease was for a time to take 
the place of severity, and enjoyment was to have 
its full share in the future national existence. 

The traits of intelligence, rapidity, and mildness 
seemed fixed in the national character as early as 


1817, and were likely to become more marked as time 
should pass. A vast amount of conservatism still 
lingered among the people ; but the future spirit of 
society could hardly fail to be intelligent, rapid in 
movement, and mild in method. Only in the distant 
future could serious change occur, and even then no 
return to European characteristics seemed likely. 
The American continent was happier in its conditions 
and easier in its resources than the regions of Europe 
and Asia, where Nature revelled in diversity and con- 
flict. If at any time American character should 
change, it might as probably become sluggish as re- 
vert to the violence and extravagances of Old-World 
development. The inertia of several hundred million 
people, all formed in a similar social mould, was as 
likely to stifle energy as to stimulate evolution. 

With the establishment of these conclusions, a new 
episode in American history began in 1815. New 
subjects demanded new treatment, no longer dramatic 
but steadily tending to become scientific. The traits 
of American character were fixed ; the rate of physi- 
cal and economical growth was established ; and his- 
tory, certain that at a given distance of time the 
Union would contain so many millions of people, with 
wealth valued at so many millions of dollars, became 
thenceforward chiefly concerned to know what kind 
of people these millions were to be. They were in- 
telligent, but what paths would their intelligence 
select? They were quick, but what solution of in- 

VOL. IX. — 16 


soluble problems would quickness hurry ? They were 
scientific, and what control would their science exer- 
cise over their destiny ? They were mild, but what 
corruptions would their relaxations bring ? They 
were peaceful, but by what machinery were their cor- 
ruptions to be purged ? What interests were to vivify 
a society so vast and uniform ? What ideals were to 
ennoble it ? What object, besides physical content, 
must a democratic continent aspire to attain ? For 
the treatment of such questions, history required an- 
other century of experience. 




The States of North Africa 244 

The Coast of West Florida and Louisiana ... 1 


Indiana Territory 67 

Seat of War about Lake Erie 299 

Detroit River 312 

Straits of Niagara from Lake Erie to Lake 

Ontario 336 


Battle of the Thames 137 

East End of Lake Ontario and River St. Law- 
rence from Kingston to French Mills . . . 144 

East End of Lake Ontario 164 

River St. Lawrence from Williamsburg to 

Montreal 172 

Seat of War among the Creeks 217 

Attack on Craney Island 272 




Battle of Chippawa 40 

Battle of Lundt's Lane, at Sunset 50 

Battle of Lundt's Lane, at Ten O'clock ... 56 

Attack and Defence of Fort Erie 67 

Naval Battle at Plattsburg 107 

Position of British and American Armies at 

Plattsburg Ill 

Campaign of Washington and Baltimore . . . 120 

Battle of Bladensburg 139 

Attack and Defence of Baltimore 168 

Seat of War in Louisiana and West Florida . . 311 

Attack on Fort Bowyer 322 

Landing of British Army at New Orleans . . . 337 
Attack made bt Major-General Jackson, Dec. 23, 

1814 347 

British and American Positions at New Orleans 359 
Attack and Defence of the American Lines, 

Jan. 8, 1815 367 

Capture of Fort Bowyer 383 


Abbot, Charles, Speaker of the 
House of Commons, iv. 97. 

Abolition Society, an early, i. 128. 

Acts of Congress, of Sept. 24, 1789, 
to establish the Judiciary, i. 259, 
260, 275, 276; of June 13, 1798, to 
suspend intercourse with France, 
383; of June 25, 1798, concerning 
aliens, 140, 141, 206, 207, 259, 286; 
of July 14, 1798, concerning sedi- 
tion, 140, 141, 206, 207, 259, 261, 
286; vi. 146; of Jan. 30, 1799, 
called Logan's Act, ii. 259; iv. 
236; of Feb. 9, 1799, further to sus- 
pend intercourse with France, i. 
384; of Feb. 13, 1801, to provide for 
the more convenient organization 
of the courts, 274-276, 278, 280,288, 
293, 297; of Jan. 14, 1802, for the 
apportionment of representatives, 
301; of March 8, 1802, to repeal the 
JudiciaryAct of 1801, 280, 281, 284- 
298; of March 16, 1802, fixing the 
military peace establishment, 301; 
of April 6, 1802, to repeal the in- 
ternal taxes, 272; of April 29, 1802, 
for the redemption of the public 
debt, 272; of April 29, 1802, to 
amend the judicial system, 298; of 
April 30, 1802, to enable Ohio to 
form a State government, 302; of 
Feb. 28, 1803, for building four 
sloops-of-war and fifteen gunboats, 
ii. 77; of Oct. 31, 1803, to take pos- 
session of Louisiana, 119, 120; of 
Feb. 24, 1804, for collecting duties 

within the territories ceded to the 
United States, 257, 260-263, 291, 
293, 304. 380 (Mobile Act); of 
March 25, 1804, to establish the 
Mediterranean Fund, 141; of 
March 26, 1804, for the temporary 
government of Louisiana, 120- 
129; of Jan. 19, 1805, to erect a 
dam from Mason's island, 209; of 
March 2, 1805, further providing 
for the government of Orleans 
Territory, 401; of March 3, 1805, 
for the more effectual preservation 
of peace in the ports and harbors 
of the United States, 397, 398; of 
March 3, 1805, regulating trade 
with St. Domingo, iii. 88; of Feb. 
13, 1806, called the Two Million 
Act, 138, 139, 147, 170; of Feb. 28, 
1806, prohibiting trade with St. 
Domingo, 140, 141; of April 18. 

1806, prohibiting the importation 
of certain goods from Great Britain, 
175; of March 29, 1806, for laying 
out the Cumberland Road, 181; of 
April 21, 1806, for continuing the 
Mediterranean Fund, 183; of Dec. 
19, 1806, for suspending the Non- 
importation Act of April 18, 1806, 
349; of March 3, 1807, repeaUng 
the salt-tax and continuing the 
Mediterranean Fund, 349, 367, 369; 
of Feb. 10, 1807, establishing a 
coast survey, 355; of March 2, 

1807, prohibiting the importation 
of slaves, 356-365; of Dec. 18, 1807, 



providing for the building of one 
hundred and eighty-eight gunboats, 
iv. 161 ; of Dec. 22, 1807, for lay- 
ing an embargo, 168-17G; of Jan. 
9, 1808, supplementary to the em- 
bargo, 200 ; of March 12, 1808, sup- 
plementary to the embargo, 201- 
204 ; ot April 12, 1808, to raise eight 
new regiments, 212-218; of April 
22, 1808, authorizing the President 
under certain conditions to suspend 
the embargo, 223, 306; of Jan. 9, 
1809, to enforce the embargo, 398- 
400; of Jan. 30, 1809, calling an 
extra session on the fourth Mon- 
day in May, 434; of March 1, 1809; 
to interdict commercial intercourse 
between the United States and 
Great Britain and France, 444-453, 
of June 28, 1809, restoring inter- 
course with Great Britain, v. 80; 
of June 28, 1809, suspeudmg the 
recruiting service, 85; of June 28, 
1809, reducing the naval estab- 
lishment, 85; of March 1, 1810, 
concerning the commercial inter- 
course between the United States 
and Great Britain and France, 
194-198 (see Non-intercourse); of 
Feb. 14, 1810, appropriating sixty 
thousand dollars for the Cumber- 
land Road, 209 : of March 20. 1810, 
providing for the Third Census. 
209; of March 30, 1810, appro- 
priating five thousand dollars for 
experiments on the submarine tor- 
pedo. 209; of Feb. 20, 1811, admit- 
ting the State of Louisiana into 
the Union, 326; of Jan. 15, 1811, 
authorizing the occupation of East 
Florida, 327; of March 2, 1811, 
reviving non-intercourse against 
Great Britain, 338-354 (see Non-in- 
tercourse); of Jan. 11. ]812 to raise 
an additional military force of 
twenty-tive thousand men, vi. 147, 
153; of Feb. 6,1812, to accept vol- 

unteers, 159-161; of March 14,1812, 
authorizing a loan for eleven mil- 
lion dollars, 169; of April 4, 1812, 
laying an embargo for ninety days, 
20"l, 2u2, 203; of April 8, 1812, ad- 
mitting the Stale of Louisiana into 
the Union, 235; of April 10, 1812, 
authorizing a call for one hundred 
thousand militia, 204; of April 14, 

1812, to enlarge the limits of the 
State of Louisiana, 236; of May 
14, 1812, to enlarge the boundaries 
of the Mississippi Territory, 236; 
of June 18, 1812, declaring war 
against Great Britain, 228, 229; of 
July 1, 1812, doubling the duties on 
imports, 235; of Dec. 12, 1812, in- 
creasing the pay of t'le army, 435; 
of Jan. 20, 1813, increasing the 
bounty for recruits, 436; of Jan. 2, 

1813, for building four sevent}'- 
fours and six frigates, 436; of Jan. 
5, 1813, remitting tines, forfeitures, 
etc., 443 ; of Jan. 29, 1813, for rais- 
ing twenty regiments for one year, 
449; of Feb. 8, 1813, authorizing 
loan of sixteen millions, 448; of 
J'eb. 24, 1813, for appointing six 
major-generals and six brigadiers, 
449; of Feb. 25, 1813, authorizing 
the issue of Treasury notes for five 
millions, 448; of March 3, 1813, 
to provide for the supplies of the 
army, 449; of March 3, 1813, for 
the better organization of the gen- 
eral staff, 449; of March 3, 1813, 
for building six sloops-of-war, 449; 
of March 3, 1813, for the regula- 
tion of seamen on board the public 
and private vessels of the United 
States, 453-458 ; of Feb. 24, 1813, 
for appointing sJ2 /lajor-generiils 
and six brigadie- vii. 36, 37: of 
March 3, 1813, r the regulation 
of seamen, etc., 47; of July 22, 
1813, for the assessment and collec- 
tion of direct taxes and internal 



revenue, 55, 71; of July 24, 1813, 
laying duties on carriages, 55, 71; 
of July 24, 1813, laying duties on 
licenses to distillers, 55, 71; of 
July 24, 1813, laying duties on 
sales at auction, 71; of July 29, 
1813, laying a duty on imported 
salt, 71;'of Aug. 2, 1813, to lay and 
collect a direct tax, 71; of Aug. 2, 
1813, laying duties on licenses to 
retailers, 71; of Aug. 2, 1813, au- 
thorizing a loan for seven million, 
five hundred thousand dollars, 71; 
of Aug. 2, 1813, laying stamp du- 
ties, 71; of Aug. 2, 1813, to pro- 
hibit British licenses of trade, 71; 
secret, of Feb. 12, 1813, authoriz- 
ing the President to seize West 
Florida, 208, 209; of Aug. 2, 1813, 
reducing duties on prize goods, 
336; of Aug. 3, 1813, allowing a 
bounty for prisoners taken by 
privateers, 336; of Aug. 2, 1813, 
extending the pension law to priva- 
teers, 337 ; of Dec. 17, 1813, laying 
an embargo, 369; of Jan. 25, 1814, 
relieving Nantucket from the Em- 
bargo Act, 369; of Jan. 27, 1814, 
for filling the ranks of the regular 
army, 381-384 ; of March 9, 1814, 
for building steam-batteries;, 385; 
of March 24, 1814, authorizing a 
loan for twenty-five millions, 389, 
390; of March 4, 1814, authorizing 
the issue of ten million treasury 
notes, 389, 300; of March 31. 1814, 
for the indemnification of Missis- 
sippi land claimants (Yazoo Act), 
402; of Nov. 15, 1814, for build- 
ing twenty 16-gun sloops-of-war. 
viii. 281; of Dec. 10, 1814, making 
further provision for filling the 
ranks of the army, 268, 273, 274; 
of Dec. 21, 1814, laying additional 
duties on stills, 248, 255; of Dec. 
23, 1814, douMinc: the internal rev- 
enue taxes, 248, 255; of Dec. 26, 

1814, authorizing the issue of treas- 
ury notes to the amount of ten 
million five hundred thousand dol- 
lars, 254; of Jan. 9, 1815, raising 
the direct tax to six million dol- 
lars, 248,255; of Jan. 18, 1815, in- 
creasing the customs duties, 248, 
255; of Januarj' 18, 1815, increasing 
the duties on household furniture, 
etc.. 248, 255; of Jan. 27, 1815, 
authorizing the President to ac- 
cept the services of State troops, 
282-285; of Feb. 7, 1815, creating 
a board of navy commissioners, 
281; of March 2, 1815, fixing the 
military peace establishment, ix. 
84-86 ; *of Feb. 27, 1815, concerning 
the flotilla service and gunboats, 
87; of March 3, 1815, for the sup- 
port of the navy, 87 ; of March 3, 

1815, for protecting commerce 
against Algerine cruisers, 87 ; of 
March 3, 1815, authorizing a loan 
for eighteen millions, 100-102; of 
March 5, 1816, to reduce the 
amount of direct tax, 112, 114; of 
April 10, 1816, to incorporate the 
subscribers to the Bank of the 
United States, 116-118; of April 
27, 1816, to regulate the duties on 
imports, 114-1 16; of April 29, 1816, 
for the gradual increase of the 
navy, 119; of March 19, 1816, to 
change the mode of Compensation 
to the members of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, 120-122; 
of April 19, 1816, to admit Indiana 
info the Union, 119; of Feb. 6, 
1817, to repeal the Compensation 
Act, 144-146; of March 1, 1817, 
concerning the navigation of the 
United States, 146, 147; of March 
3, 1817, to regulate the trade in 
plaster of Paris, 147; of March 3, 
1817, to provide for the prompt 
settlement of public accounts, 147; 
of March 3, 1817, more effectually 



to preserve the neutral relations of 
the United States, 147. 

Act of the territorial legislature of 
Indiana, permitting the introduc- 
tion of slaves, vi. 76 

Acts of Parliament, on navigation, 
ii. 319, 320, 327, 413, 414; of 6th 
Anne, naturalizing foreign sea- 
men, ii. 338; vii. 21-23; on mer- 
chant-shipping, ii. 345; of 13th 
George II. naturalizing foreign 
seamen, vii. 21-23. 

Adair, John, senator from Kentucky, 
iii. 127, 139; in Wilkinson's confi- 
dence, 220, 223, 241, 25.5, 274; re- 
fuses to testify, 282; accompanies 
Burr to Nashville, 287; his re- 
marks on Andrew Jackson, 288; 
starts for New Orleans by land, 
291; Burr's despatches to, 295; 
arrives in New Orleans, and is ar- 
rested, 324; discharged from cus- 
tody, 340; commands Kentucky 
militia at New Orleans, \'iii. 368; 
his dispute with Jackson, 371, 373, 
378; his account of the battle on 
the west bank, 379. 

Adams, John, i. 181, 191, 290, 311, 
358, 384, 386, 412; ii. 110, 309; iii. 
452; iv. 455; his description of 
Pickering, 402; expenditures of 
his administration, v. 200, 205, 206; 
Randolph's allusion to, in 1814, 
viii. 265; George Ticknor's account 
of his remarks on the Hartford 
Convention, 307, 308; his struggle 
for the fisheries in 1783, ix. 44, 
45; his "Defence of the Constitu- 
tions," 195. 

Adams, John Quincy, senator from 
Massachusetts, ii. 110, 117, 184- 
379; proposes draft of Constitu- 
tional amendment, 118, 160, 164; 
his interviews with Jefierson, iii. 
129, 430, 431; his part in the Non- 
importation Resolutions, 151; his 
remarks on Ynijo, 188; attends 

"Chesapeake" meetings in Bos- 
ton, iv. 29; pledged to suppoii 
opposition to England, 146; chair- 
man of the committee on the em- 
bargo, 171; urges the passage of 
the Embargo Act, 173; offers a 
resolution for removing the em- 
bargo, 187; votes for Clinton and 
replies to Pickering's letter, 240 
ct seq.; resigns his seat in the 
Senate, 242, 255, 283, 401; nom- 
inated as minister to Russia, v. 11; 
renominated and confirmed, 86; 
nominated and confirmed Justice 
of the .Supreme Court, 360; sails 
for Russia, 408; arrives, 409; his 
negotiations in 1809, 409, 411; his 
negotiations in 1810, 412-418; his 
success, 419, 420, 422; receives and 
forwards the Czar's offer of medi- 
ation, vii. 27-29; nominated as 
joint envoy to treat of peace at 
St. Petersburg, 59; his appoint- 
ment confirmed, 61; ignorant of 
the Czar's motives, 344; informed 
by Roumanzoff that England 
refused mediation, 346; desig- 
nated as minister to London, 347; 
informed that the Czar would re- 
new offer, 348; surprised by Rou- 
manzoff 's contradictions, 349; 
nominated and confirmed as joint 
envoy to treat of peace at Ghent, 
371; chief of the commission, ix. 
15; his difficulties, 16; his account 
of the American note of August 24, 
21; despairs of peace, 22; insists on 
defending the Florida policy, 29, 
30; struggles to preserve the fish- 
eries, 44-50; his opinion of Galla- 
tin and Bayard, 51; appointed 
minister to England, 89; appointed 
Secretary of State by Monroe, 139, 
140; Professor of Rhetoric at Har- 
vard College, 205. 
.\dams. William, LL.D. . British 
commissioner at Ghent, ix. 13; 



states British demands, 20; on the 
■fisheries, 47. 

"Adams," brig, launched at Detroit, 
vi. 304; captured and recaptured, 
347; destroyed, 347. 

"Adams," 28-gun corvette, vi. 364; 
at Washington, vii. 56, 277, 287, 
311; her cruise in 1814, viii. 95; 
her destruction in the Penobscot, 

Addington ministry, ii. 358, 416. 

Addington, Henry (Lord Sidmouth), 
succeeds Pitt, ii. 342, 347; retires 
from office, 418. (See Sidmouth.) 

Addison, Judge, impeached, ii. 195. 

Admiralty courts in the West Indies, 
ii. 340. 

"Aeolus," case of, vi. 273. 

"Aeolus," British frigate, vi. 368. 

"Africa," British frigate, vi. 368. 

Alabama Indians, members of the 
Creek nation, vii. 222; the centre 
of Creek fanaticism, 222, 223; out- 
break among, 226, 227; escape of, 

Albany in 1800, i. 3; headquarters of 
Dearborn, vi. 304, 305, 308, 309, 
310; increase in population of, ix. 

"Alert," British sloop-iif-war, her 
action with the "Essex," vi. 35, 

"Alexander," Salem privateer cap- 
tured, vii. 329. 

Alexander, Czar of Russia, iii. 425; 
signs treaty of Tilsit, iv. 62; wishes 
diplomatic relations with Jefferson, 
465; with Napoleon at Erfurt, v. 
23; his alliance with Xapoleon, 
134, 257; his approaching rupture 
with Napoleon, 385, 408-424; in- 
terferes for American commerce in 
Denmark, 410, 411; his reply to 
Napoleon's demands, 413, 414; 
gives special orders to release 
American ships, 415; his attach- 
ment to the United States, 415; his 

ukase on foreign trade, 418; offers 
mediation, vii. 26-29, 41, 353; con- 
tinues war in Germany, 339, 345; 
forced back to Silesia, 340; at Git- 
schin during armistice, 340; fiis dif- 
ficulties and hesitations, 344, 345; 
orders Nesselrode, July 9, 1813, to 
acquiesce in British refusal of me- 
diation, 345, 346, 349; orders Rou- 
manzoff, July 20, to renew offer of 
mediation, 348, 353; acquiesces, 
August 20, in British refusal of 
mediation, 350; orders Roumanzoff, 
September 20, to renew offer of 
mediation, 352; his motives, 353, 
354; takes no notice of American 
commissioners, 351, 352, 354, 355; 
Andrew Jackson's report of, viii. 
320; visits London, ix. 8; his con- 
duct at Vienna, 38. 

Alexandria, town of, capitulates to 
British fleet, \Tii. 157, 158. 

Alfred, Maine, the town of, protests 
against the embargo, iv. 415. 

Algiers, hostilities against, in 1815, 
IX. 87, 105. 

Allen, John, colonel of Kentucky 
Rifles, vii. 88, 89; killed at the 
River Raisin, 96. 

Allen, W. H., third lieutenant of the 
"Chesapeake," iv. 19; commander 
in U. S. navy, vii. 303; com- 
mands "Argus," 304; his action 
with the "Pelican," 305; killed, 

Alien and sedition laws, i. 140, 206, 
259. (See Acts of Congress.) 

Allston, Joseph, Burr's son-in-law, iii. 
220, 240; guarantees Blennerhassett 
from loss, 260; with Burr in Ken- 
tucky, 260, 268; to go with re- 
cruits from Charleston, 265, 266; 
his part in Burr's trial, 463 et seq. 

Allston, Mrs. (Theodosia Burr), ac- 
companies Burr on his expedition, 
iii. 255; at Blennerhassett's island, 
257; to be Queen of Mexico, 259; 



infatuation of Luther Martin for, 

AUston, Washington, i. 149, 238; 
ix. 208; his art, 213-217. 

Alquier, French minister at Madrid, 
i. 363, 368. 

Alsop, Richard, i. 102. 

Alston, Willis, member of Congress 
from North Carohna, iii. 354; on 
war with England, iv. 376. 

Amelia Island, v. 165; vii. 206, 208, 

Amendment to the Constitution, the 
twelfth, ii. 132. 

Amendments of the Constitution, 
proposed by the Hartford Conven- 
tion, viii, 297, 298. 

"American Citizen," the, i. 331. 

Ames, Fisher, i. 82, 83; iv. 348; his 
opinion of democracy, i. 84; in 
conversation, 86; speech of, on the 
British treaty, 88, 93 ; his language 
toward opponents, 119; ii. 164. 

Amherst, town-meeting address 
voted, January, 1814, viii. 5. 

Amherst, Jeffery, British major-gen- 
eral, his expedition against Mon- 
treal in 1760, vii. 178. 

Amiens, peace of, i. 370; ii. 59, 290, 
326, 347, 385. (See Treaties.) 

Amusements in 1800, in New Eng- 
land, i. 50; in Virginia, 51. 

" Anaconda," privateer, captured, 
vii. 277, 329. 

Anderson, Joseph, senator from Ten- 
nessee, ii. 157, his remark on the 
two-million bill, iii. 139; defeats 
mission to Russia, v. 12; criticises 
Giles, vi. 150; chairman of com- 
mittee on declaration of war, 228 ; 
chairman of committee on Galla- 
tin's mission, vii. 59, 60; member 
of committee on Swedish mission. 
62; reports bill for seizing Florida, 
208; votes against Giles's militia 
bill, viii. 273; appointed first comp- 
troller, ix. 107. 

Anderson, Patton, iii. 287. 

Andover, foundation of theological 
school at, ix. 176, 177. 

"Annual Register," on the battle of 
Plattsburg, viii. 112; on privateers 
in 1814, 197. 

"Anthology and Boston Review,'' 
ix. 201-203, 207. 

Arbuthnot, James, captain of British 
sloop-of-war "Avon," viii. 188; 
his report of action with the 
" Wasp," 189, 190. 

"Argus," sloop-of-war, vi. 363, 364, 
378, 381; vii. 303; carries W. H. 
Crawford to France, 304; captured 
by the "Pelican," 305-308; num- 
ber of her prizes, 312, 333, 334. 

"Aristides." Pamphlet b}' W. P. 
Van Ness, ii. 73, 172; iii. 209. 

Armistead, George, major of Artil- 
lery Corps, commands Fort Mc- 
Henry at Baltimore, viii. 166. 

Armistead, Walker Keith, captain of 
U S. engineers, fortifies Norfolk, 
vii. 271; ix. 235. 

Armistice, between Dearborn and 
Prevost, vi. 322, 323, 324, 404; 
known to Brock, 330; disavowed 
by Madison, 340, 404; ix. 33; an 
advantage to Dearborn, vi. 343; 
proposed by Monroe, 403; pro- 
posed by Admiral Warren, 416. 

Armstrong, John, senator from New 
York, i. 108, 113, 2:50, 234, 281 ; ii. 
157; succeeds Livingston as min- 
ister at Paris, 291, 308; notifies 
Monroe of Napoleon's decision on 
Spanish claims and boundaries,' 
iii. 31, 32; recommends a course 
toward Texas and Florida, 39; 
to be employed in the Florida 
negotiation, 78 ; receives Talley- 
rand's conditions for an arrange- 
ment with Spain, 104; attacked 
in the Senate, 153; opposition to 
his appointment with Bowdoin to 
conduct the Florida negotiation, 



153, 172; watching Talleyrand in 
Paris, 370; offers to execute Tal- 
leyrand's plan, 376; approaches 
Napoleon through Duroc, 386 ; 
asks Decr^s for an explanation of 
the Berlin Decree, 390; refused 
passports for Napoleon's head- 
quarters, iv. 105; protests against 
the "Horizon" judgment, 110; 
reports Napoleon's order relating 
to the Berlin Decree, 112 ; well 
informed with regard to Napo- 
leon's projects, 113; remonstrates 
against the Milan Decree, 292; re- 
ceives from Champagny an offer 
of the Floridas as the price of an 
alliance with France, 294; replies 
to Champagny, 294 ; refuses to 
present the case of the burned 
vessels to the French government, 
313; his discontent, v. 28; his re- 
lations with Roumanzoff, 29; his 
complaints in 1809, 39; communi- 
cates Non-intercourse Act of March 
1, 1809, 135, 235; his comments on 
the right of search, 145 ; his inter- 
view with King Louis of Holland, 
147, 148; his despatch on Fouche 
and Montalivet. 224: on Napole- 
on's motives, 225: his minute for 
a treaty, 228; his recall asked by 
Napoleon. 228, 229, 252; his re- 
monstrance against the doctrine of 
retaliation. 233, 234; his report of 
Jan. 10, 1810, 238; inquires condi- 
tion of revoking decrees, 251; com- 
municates Non-intercourse Act of 
Mav 1, 1810, 252; his reception of 
Cadore's letter of Aug. 5, 1810, 2.59, 
260; returns to America, 260. 261, 
381 ; declares Napoleon's conditions 
to be not precedent, 261 ; silent 
about indemnity, 260, 296; Virgin- 
ian jealousy of, 370 : on Napoleon's 
desifrns on the Baltic, 417; becomes 
brigadier-general, vi. 427: his atti- 
tude toward Monroe and Madison, 

426, 427; nominated Secretary of 
War, 428 ; his character, 428 ; a 
source of discord, vii. 34; Dallas's 
opinion of, 35; nominates Monroe 
as major-general, 36 ; intends to 
command in chief, 37, 38; alienates 
Gallatin, 39-41; comments on mil- 
itary diplomacy, 100; changes the 
plan of campaign in the northwest, 
102, 103, 115; comments on Har- 
rison and Proctor, 114; comments 
on strategy, 144; his plan for at- 
tacking Kingston, in April, 1813, 
148-150; his plan changed by Dear- 
born and Chauncey, 153 ; issues 
order dividing the Union into mili- 
tary districts, 156 ; removes Dear- 
born from command, 171 ; orders 
Wilkinson to Sackett's Harbor, 
172, 173, 215; orders Hampton to 
Plattsburg, 174; orders Wilkinson 
to attack Kingston, 175, 176 ; goes 
to Sackett's Harbor, 179 ; his diffi- 
culties with Wilkinson, 180-182; 
orders Hampton to prepare winter 
quarters, 183 ; returns to Washing- 
ton, 185, 186, 198 ; his treatment of 
Hampton, 199, 200; his orders for 
the defence of Fort George, 201, 
202; his responsibility for the loss 
of Fort Niagara, 203; dismisses 
Andrew Jackson's corps, 209, 210; 
orders withdrawal from Amelia 
Island, 210 ; orders Wilkinson to 
seize Mobile, 213, 214 ; his instruc- 
tions on capitulation of the Creeks, 
259 ; orders the confinement of host- 
ages for naturalized soldiers, 361 ; 
disliked bv Virginians, 403, 404; 
disliked by Madison, 405, 406; 
feared, 406 ; introduces new energy 
into the army, 407-409 ; his irreg- 
ular conduct in the appointment "-f 
Andrew Jackson, 410, 411; his re- 
moval urged by Monroe, 411-414; 
his share in the court-martial of 
William Hull, 414, 415; his treat- 



ment of Hampton, 416 ; Wilkinson's 
remarks on, viii. 25; orders Brown 
to attack Kingston, 27; his letter 
to Brown on mistakes, 28; his plan 
of a campaign at Niagara, 30-33; 
orders Brown to cross the Niagara 
River, 33; orders Izard to fortify 
Rouse's Point, 97 ; orders Izard to 
move his army to Sackett's Har- 
bor, 98-101 ; his severity toward 
Izard, 114; his neglect of the de- 
fences of Washington, 120; his ex- 
cuses, 121 ; his attitude toward the 
defence of Washington, 122 ; after 
August 20 alive to the situation, 
132 ; joins Winder on the morning 
of August 24, 137 ; on Bladensburg 
battle-field, 149 ; his conduct during 
the British advance, 155; retires to 
Frederick, 156, 157 ; militia refuse 
to serve under, 159; returns to 
Washington, 160; goes to Balti- 
more and resigns, 161; cause of his 
retirement, 162; his provision for 
the defence of New Orleans, 316, 
317; his criticism on Jackson's 
Pensacola campaign, 330; his criti- 
cism on Jackson's first measures 
at New Orleans, 334; his criticism 
on Jackson's loss of Fort Bow3'er, 
Army, Jefferson's chaste reformation 
of, i. 238; peace establishment in 
1801 three thousand men, organ- 
ized in one regiment of artillery 
and two of infantry, 242, 261, 272, 
301; Jefferson's principle regarding 
the, iii. 14, 15 ; its condition in 
1806, 334; popular antipathy to, 
349, 350-354; increase of, to ten 
thousand men, in 1808, iv. 195, 198; 
debate on increase of, 212-218 ; es- 
tablishment of 1808, one regim.ent 
of artillery, one regiment of light 
artillery, one regiment of dragoons, 
one regiment of riflemen, and seven 
regiments of infantry, 222-224; 

enlistments stopped in June, 1809, 
V. 85; its condition in 1809, 164, 
169-171, 289; encampment of, at 
Terre aux Bceufs, 171-175; de- 
bate on reduction of, in 1810, 199- 
207; raised to thirty-five thousand 
men by Act of Jan. 11. 1812, vi. 
147, 148, 151, 153; useless, 165; 
condition of, 289, 292; recruiting 
for, in May, 1812, 294; war estab- 
lishment in 1812, corps of engi- 
neers, two regiments of light 
dragoons, one regiment of light 
artillery, three regiments of artil- 
lerists, one regiment of riflemen, 
and twenty-five regiments of in- 
fantry, — by law thirty-five thou- 
sand men, 295; enlistments in, 
337, 390, 391, 401; difliculty of 
filling ranks of, 394; acts of Con- 
gress for filling ranks of, 435, 
436 ; war establishment of 1813, 
corps of engineers, two regiments 
of light dragoons, one regiment of 
light artillery, three regiments of 
artillery, one regiment of riflemen, 
and forty-four regiments of infan- 
try, rangers, and sea-fencibles, — 
by law fifty-eight thousand men, 
449; vii. 148, 381; Monroe's esti- 
mate of number of troops required 
in 1813, vii. 148; actual force, in 
February, 1813, nineteen thousand 
men, 148, 149, 380 ; mode of stat- 
ing force of, in rank-and-file, 150; 
aggregate strength of, in February', 
June, and December, 1813, and 
January, 1814, 380, 381; Troup's 
bill for filling ranks of, 381, 382; 
bounty and pay of, 382 ; appropria- 
tions for, in 1814, 384; organiza- 
tion of, in 1814, 384; comiition of, 
in 1814, viii. 17; aggregate strength 
of, June and December, 1813, Jan- 
uary, July, and September; 1814, 
216; weakness of, in the field, 217; 
bounties for,jpaid in Massachusetts 



and Virginia, 235; Monroe recom- 
mends raising to one hundred 
thousand men by draft, 264, 265 ; 
failure in recruiting service for, 
266; Congress unwilling to adopt 
efficacious measures for, 266. 267 ; 
Giles's bill for filling, 268, 273, 280: 
"a mere handful of men," 279; 
aggregate strength of, December, 

1814, and Feb. 16, 1815, 281; allot- 
ment of, to military districts, 316, 
317 ; peace establishment discussed, 
ix. 83-86; peace establishment 
lixed at ten thousand men, 86, re- 
duction of, 87-88. (See Artillery, 
Infantry, Engineers.) 

Artillery, one regiment of, on the 
army establishment of 1801, i. 
301 ; one regiment of light, added 
in 1808, iv. 223; two regiments of, 
added in 1812, vi. 295, 345, 347; 
corps of, vii. 384; Hindman's 
battalion of, viii. 37; Towson's 
company at Chippawa, 43, 44; 
Hindman's battalion at Lundy's 
Lane, 50-53, 56-59; and at Fort 
Erie, 71, 72, 75, 76, 83; in militarx' 
district No. 7, viii. 316; in the night 
battle at New Orleans, 344, 345, 
348; in Jackson's lines, 355,358, 
359, 361; in the battle of Jan. 1, 

1815, 361-366; in the battle of 
Jan. 8, 374, 875. (See Gunnery.) 

Ash Island in the Richelieu River, a 
fortified British post, viii. 97. 

Ashe, an English traveller, i. 43, 52, 
53, 54. 

Ashmun, Eli Porter, senator from 
Massachusetts, votes against inter- 
nal improvements, ix. 151. 

"Asia," American ship, burned by 
French squadron, vi. 193, 198. 

Aspinwall, Thomas, lieutenant-col- 
onel of the Ninth Infantry, viii. 
35; commands Scott's brigade, 71; 
wounded in the sortie from Fort 
Erie. 88. 

Astor, John Jacob, i. 28; vi. 301; 
shares loan of 1813, vii. 44, 45; 
director of United States Bank, ix. 

"Atlas," privateer, captured, vii. 

Attorney General. (See Le\-i Lin- 
coln, Robert Smith, John Breckin- 
ridge, Cicsar A. Rodney, William 
Pinkney, Richard Rush.) 

Auckland, Lord, iii. 407. 

"Aurora" newspaper, i. 118, 121; 
iii. 119. 

Austerlitz, battle of, iii. 163, 370. 

Austria, v. 27, 134; tights battles of 
Essling and Wagram, 106 ; inter- 
feres in Russian war, vii. 340; de- 
clares war on Napoleon, 350. 

"Avon," British 18-gun sloop-of- 
war, sunk by the " Wasp," viii, 

"Avon," privateer, viii. 194. 

Bacon, Ezekiel, member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts, deter- 
mined to overthrow the embargo, 
iv. 432, 436, 441, 450 455, 463; 
chairman of waj-s and means com- 
mittee, vi. 156 ; votes against frig- 
ates, 164; moves war taxes, 165, 

Baen, William C, captain of Fourth 
U.S. Infantry, killed at Tippeca- 
noe, vi. 104. 

Bailen, capitulation at, iv. 315, 341. 

Bailey, Dixon, Creek half-breed, at 
tacks Peter McQueen at Burnt 
Corn, vii. 228, 229; surprised and 
killed at Fort Mims, 229-231. 

Bailey, Theodorus, i. 231, 266, 296 

Bainbridge, William, captain in U. S. 
navy. ii. 137,426; vi. 384; takes 
command of the "Constitution," 
384; captures "Java," 385, 386; 
blockades the " Bonne Citoyenne," 
vii. 288. 



Baldwin, Abraham, senator from 
Georgia, i. 305; iii. 126. 

Ball, James V., lieutenant-colonel of 
Second U. S. Light Dragoons, vii. 

Ballon, Hosea, his Universalism, ix. 
183, 184. 

Ballston Spa, i. 92. 

Baltimore in 1800, i. 29, 131; popu- 
lation in 1810, V. 289; threatened 
bj'Cockburn, vii. 269; chief object 
of British attack, viii. 121, 127; de- 
fences of, 166, 167; Britisli attack 
on, 168-172; banks suspend pay- 
ment, 213; saved by engineers and 
sailors, 219 ; inhabitants to feel 
Ross's visit, 315; effect of repulse 
at Ghent, 35, 36; depreciation of 
currency, ix. 62; shares loan of 
1815, 102; growth of, 156; steam- 
boat at, 172. 

Baltimore riot, July 27, 1812, vi. 406- 

Bancroft, George, ix. 206. 

Bangor, in Maine, plundered by Brit- 
ish expedition, viii. 96. 

Bank of England, drain of specie 
from, 1817-1819, ix. 127. 

Bank of the United States, Jeffer- 
son's hostility to, ii. 130, 131 ; Gal- 
latin's dependence on, v. 167 ; bill 
introduced for rechartering, 207, 
208; hostile influence of State 
iianks, 327, 330, 332, 335, 336; 
pretexts for opposition to charter 
of, .328, 329; necessity for, 329; 
Crawford's bill for rechartering, 
332; debate on, 332-336 ; defeat of, 
337; a fatal loss to the Treasury, 
vii. 386; viii. 214; plan for, with 
fifty millions' capital, recommended 
by Dallas in October, 1814, 249, 
2.50; Dallas's plan of, approved by 
House, October 24, 250 ; (Calhoun's 
plan of, npproved bv Himsf, 251 ; 
Senate bill, 257; defeated in the 
H'liisf, ^57-258; Webster's plan 

adopted by Congress, 259, 260; 
vetoed, 260; new bill introduced, 
passes the Senate Feb. 11, 1815, 
ix, 56, 57, 82; postponed by the 
House, 82; recommended bv Dallas 
in his annual report of 1815, 106; 
Dallas's scheme of 1816,111; bill for 
incorporating, 116, 117 ; bill passes 
and becomes law, 118; capital sub- 
scribed, 131 : begins operations, 
January, 1817. 131. 

Banks, State, in Boston in 1800, i.22; 
in New York, 25 ; in the South, 31; 
hostility to, in 1800, 65; popularity 
of, in 1812, vi. 208, 209; their cap- 
ital in 1813, vii. 386; their circula- 
tion, 386, 388; of New England 
financial agents of the enem}', 387; 
capital of New England, 387; specie 
in New England, 388; pressure of 
New England on other, 389 ; sus- 
pend specie payments in Septem- 
ber, 1814, except in New England, 
viii. 213, 214; worthlessness of the 
suspended notes of, 215, 244-246; 
suspended note> taken in payment 
of taxes, 256, 257; of Massachu- 
setts refuse loans to State govern- 
ment, 302, 303; currency of, 
affected by the peace, ix. 61, 62, 
98-103; of Massachusetts drained 
of specie after the peace, 97 ; dis- 
count on notes of, in the autumn 
of 1815, 98; special treasury ac- 
counts in notes of, 98, 99; resist 
return to specie payments, 128- 
130 ; resume specie payments, Feb. 
20, 1817, 131, 132; increase of, in 
Massachusetts, 157, 158; increase 
of, in Virginia, 162; in New York 
and Pennsj'lvania, 166. 

Bankhead, Dr., vi. 414. 

Bankruptcy, of the national govern- 
ment, in 1814, viii. 213-215; for- 
mally announced, Nov. 9, 1814, 
244, 245, 252, 254. 260-262. 

Baptists in New England, i. 89. 



Baptists, ix. 133. 

Barataria, smusgling station at, viii. 
321; "hellish banditti" of, 325; 
work guns at New Orleans, 359. 

Barbary Powers, war with the, i. 244 
et seq. ; ii. 425 et seq. 

Barbour, James, senator from Vir- 
ginia, ix. 107, 108. 

Barbour, Philip P., member of the 
Fourteenth Congress, from Vir- 
ginia, ix. 107; on the effect of the 
Compensation Act, 137 ; opposes 
internal improvements, 150. 

Barclay, Captain Robert Heriot, of 
the Royal Navy, sent to command 
the British squadron on Lake Erie, 
vii. 119; his fleet, 120; his report 
of the battle, 124; his losses, 127. 

Barclay, John, iii. 231. 

Baring, Alexander, ii. 358; on neu- 
tral frauds, iii. 52; iv. 69 ; his reply 
to "War in Disguise," 317; on 
British policj', vi. 276 ; on impress- 
ment, vii. 24; correspondence with 
Gallatin in July, 1813, 343, 349; 
assists Gallatin to negotiate, 355. 

Baring, Sir Francis, at the dinner to 
the Spanish patriots, iv. 331. 

Barker, Jacob, takes five millions of 
the loan in 1814, viii. 17, 18 ; fails 
to make his payments, 213, 241. 

Barlow, Joel. i. 69, 99; his " Colum- 
biad," 103 et svq., 106, 182; on 
Robert Smith's appointment, v. 10; 
on Smith's opposition to Macon's 
bill, 187 ; his defence of the Presi- 
dent, 299, 301, 378; appointed min- 
ister to France, 359; his instruc- 
tions on revocation of French De- 
crees, 427; his departure delaj'ed 
by Monroe, vi. 50; ready to start, 
55; order for his departure coun- 
termanded, 56; order finally given, 
61; his instructions, 66; his want 
of success, 217; arrives in Paris, 
Sept. 19, 1811, 245; his negotia- 
tion with Bassano, 248-263; his 

journey to Wilna, 263, 264; his 
death, '266. 

Barney, Joshua, commands privateet 
"Rossie," vii. 316; his cruise, 335; 
commands gunboats in Chesa- 
peake Baj', viii. 127; burns his 
gunboats, 129, 130; joins Win- 
der's army, 134; ordered to defend 
the navy-yard bridge, 137 ; remon- 
strates and marches to Bladens- 
burg, 139; his battle and capture, 
142, 143. 

Barron, Captain James, appointed 
Commodore of the Mediterranean 
squadron in 1807, iv. 5; replies 
to Captain Humphrey's note, 13; 
orders his flag to be struck, 19; 
blamed by his brother officers, 20; 
trial of, 21; result of the trial, 

Barron, Commodore Samuel, at Tri- 
poli, ii. 428; yields the command 
to Rodgers, 429. 

"Barrosa," 42-gun British frigate, 
vii. 270. 

Bartram, William, L 124. 

Bassano, Due de. (See Maret.) 

Bassett, Burwell, member of Con- 
gress from Virginia, v. 206. 

Bastrop grant, the, Burr's proposal 
to Blennerhassett to buy, iii. 256, 
bought by Burr, 260, 274. 

Bath, town-meeting in December, 
1808, iv. 409. 

Bathurst, Lord, President of the 
Board of Trade, disapproves of 
Perceval's general order, iv. 93 ei 
seq., 100, 325; on the Orders in 
Council, vi. 275 , on the right of im- 
pressment, vii. 17; sends ten thou- 
sand men to Canada, viii. 31 ; his 
instructions to Cochrane and Ross 
regarding an expedition to the 
Chesapeake, 124, 125; his instruc- 
tions to Ross regarding an expedi- 
kion to the Gulf of Mexico, 311-314; 
approves Ross's Washington cam- 



paign, 314; advises severity to Bal- 
timore, 315; sends Pakenham to 
succeed Ross, 315; his under-secre- 
tary commissioner at Ghent, ix. 13; 
keeps the Ghent negotiation alive, 
23; takes charge of the negotia- 
tion, 25, his instructions of Sept. 
1, 1814, 26, 27; yields the Indian 
sine qua non, 31, 32; claims the 
basis of uti possidetis, 34, 37; has- 
tens the peace, 44; concedes the 
fisheries, 47, 52. 

Baton Rouge, seizure of, v. 305-307 ; 
Jackson orders troops to, viii. 332, 
333, 336. 

Bayard, James A., member of Con- 
gress from Delaware, i. 269, 271; 
his reply to Giles, 291 et seq. ; 
beaten by Casar A. Rodney, retires 
to the Senate, ii. 76; re-elected to 
the House, 201; moves the form 
of question in the Chase impeach- 
ment, 237, 241 ; senator from Dela- 
ware, iii. 339, 461; iv. 146; vi. 
229 ; appointed peace commissioner 
to Russia, vii. 42; sails for St. 
Petersburg, 46; nominated and 
confirmed, 59, 61; arrives at St. 
Petersburg, 339, 340 1 obliged to 
wait at St. Petersburg, 349; goes 
to London with Gallatin, 355, 363; 
ix. 1 ; nominated and confirmed as 
joint commissioner to Ghent, vii. 
371; at Ghent, ix. 14, 15; his re- 
marks to Goulburn, 22; on the 
Florida policy, 29; Adams's opin- 
ion of, 51; secures the success of 
the negotiation, 52; appointed 
minister to Russia, 89 ; his death, 

Bayonne Decree. (See Decrees.) 

Baynes, Edward, colonel of Glen- 
garry Light Infantry, British adju- 
tant-general, negotiates armistice 
with Dearborn, vi. 323; commands 
expedition against Sackett's Har- 
bor, vii. 164, 165; his report, 167 

Bayou Bienvenu, selected as line of 
British advance to New Orleans, 
viii. 337-339. 

Beall, William D., colonel of Mary- 
land militia at Bladensburg, viii. 
143, 153. 

Beasley, Daniel, commands at Fort 
Mims, vii. 229; surprised and 
killed, 230. 

Beaujour, Felix de, quoted, i. 46, 165. 

Beckwith, Sir Sydney, British major- 
general, repulsed at Craney Island, 
vii. 272, 274; captures Hampton, 

Beecher, Lyman, ix. 206. 

Belden, Lieutenant, iv. 32. 

Belknap, Jeremy, i. 93. 

Bellechasse, M., of New Orleans, iii. 
300, 305 et seq. 

"Belvidera," British frigate, block- 
ading New York, vi. 364, 365; es- 
capes from Rodgers' squadron, 366; 
chases " Constitution," 368, 370. 

Benedict on the Patuxent, Ross's 
army lands at, viii. 123, 128; Mon- 
roe scouts to, 131. 

Bentham, George, commander of 
British sloop-of-war "Carnation," 
his part in destroying the " Gen- 
eral Armstrong," viii. 202-207. 

Benton, Thomas Hart, his opinion of 
the Louisiana legislation, ii. 119 ; 
his brawl with Andrew Jackson, 
vii. 235. 

Berkeley, Admiral George Cranfield, 
issues orders to search the " Chesa- 
peake " for deserters, iv. 3; ap- 
proves the attack on the " Chesa- 
peake," 25; recalled and his attack 
on the "Chesapeake" disavowed, 

Berlin Decree of Nov. 21, 1806, iii. 
389, 412, 416, 427; enforced in 
August, 1807, iv. 82, 109; Napo- 
leon's defence of, 221, 295; his 
persistence in, 295. (See Decrees.) 

Bermuda, governor of, licenses im- 



portation from eastern States, vii. 

Bernadotte, Jean Baptiste, appointed 
minister at Washington, ii. 10; 
Tallej'rand's instructions to, 11. 
(See Sweden.) 

Berthier, Louis Alexandre, Napo- 
leon's agent for the retrocession of 
Louisiana, i. 366. 

Beurnonville, Pierre de Ruel, French 
ambassador at Madrid, ii. 59, 277. 

Beverly, town-meeting in January^ 
1809ii iv. 413. 

Bibb, William A., member of Con- 
gress from Georgia, on the annex- 
ation of West Florida to Louisiana, 
V. 324. 

Biddle, James, commander in U. S. 
navy, commands the " Hornet," 
vii. 293; ix. 63; captures "Pen- 
guin," 71, 72; escapes "Cornwal- 
lis," 72, 73. 

Biddle, Thomas, captain of artillery 
in Hindman's battalion, viii. 37 ; 
at Lundy's Lane, 53, 56; at Fort 
Erie, 71. 

Bidwell, Barnabas, member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts, iii. 127 ; 
supports Jefferson's Spanish mes- 
sage in committee, 132, 137 ; urged 
by Jefferson to take the leadership 
of the Democrats in Congress, 207 ; 
in the slave-trade debate, iii. 360, 
363; a defaulter, v. 359. 

Bigelow, Jacob, professor of medi- 
cine at Harvard College, ix. 206. 

Bigelow, Timothy, speaker of Mas- 
sachusetts legislature, iv. 456. 

Bingham, A. B., captain of the 
British corvette "Little Belt," his 
account of his action with the 
"President," vi. 30, 31, 33-36. 

Birmingham, remonstrates against 
Orders in Council, vi. 271; treaty 
of Ghent received at, ix. 54, 55. 

Bishop, Abraham, collector of New 
Haven, i. 226. 

TOI» IX. — 17 

Bissell, Daniel, captain of the First 
Infantry, iii. 284, 290 ; welcomes 
Burr at Fort Massac, 291 ; receives 
a letter from Andrew Jackson 
warning him to stop expedition, 
291; colonel of Fifth U. S. Infan- 
try, promoted to brigadier, vii. 
409 ; his skirmish with Drummond's 
forces in October, 1814, viii. 116. 

Bladensburg, designated as the point 
of concentration for the defence of 
Washington, viii. 123, 135, 139, 
140; citizens erect works at, 132; 
the necessaiy point of British at- 
tack, 134, 136, 138 ; battle-tield of, 
139, 140; battle of, 141-144; Ross 
retreats through, 148 ; relative 
losses at, ix. 234. 

Blakeley, Johnston, commander inU. 
S. navy, commands the "Wasp" 
in 1814, viii. 184, 237; cruises in 
the British Channel, 185; captures 
British sloop-of-war "Reindeer," 
186, 187, 196; sinks the "Avon," 
188-192; lost at sea, 193. 

"Blakeley," privateer, viii. 194. 

Bleecker, Harmanus, member of Con- 
gress from New York, vi. 211. 

Blennerhassett, Harman, iii. 220. 233; 
duped bj' Burr, 247, 256 et seq. ; 
his indiscreet talk, 259, 275, 281; 
returns to his home, 276; driven 
from his island, 286 ; rejoins Burr, 
291; indicted, 457; keeps a record 
of Burr's trial, 462 et seq. ; Allston 
tries to conciliate, 464 ; Duane 
visits, 464. 

Blennerhassett, Mrs., iii. 220; sends 
a warning letter to Burr, 275. 

Blockade, law of, ii. 382, 385; pre- 
ferred by Bathurst to municipal 
regulations, iv. 95 ; Napoleon's 
definition of, v. 149, 227, 250; 
Pinknej-'s definition of, 287; vi, 
10 ; Napoleon abandons for mu- 
nicipal regulations, v. 402; alleged 
by Madison as the third casus belli. 



vi. 222 ; offered bj' American Ghent 
commissioners for discussion, ix. 
12, 18; omitted from treatj', 33, 

Blockades. British, of Martinique 
and Guadeloupe, in 1803, ii. 381. 

(Fox's) of the French and Ger- 
man coasts, May 16, 1806, iii 
398 Pinkney inquires whether 
still in force, v. 277-279; Welles- 
ley's conduct regarding, 279 ; ex- 
press withdrawal of, required bj' 
Madison, 318, 383; withdrawal of, 
demanded by Pinkney, vi. 4, 5, 
17 British reply to demand of 
withdrawal of, 6, 9, 15, 23; be- 
comes the onlv apparent casus 
belli, 221. 

of Venice, July 27, 1806, v. 


of all ports and places under the 

government of France, April 26, 
1809, V. 63, 64, 103, 277 ; repeal of, 
demanded by Pinkney, vi. 3, 8; 
offered by Wellesley on condition 
that the French decrees should be 
effectually withdrawn, 9 ; repeal 
refused b\' Wellesley, 14 ; repeal 
again asked by Pinkney and re- 
fused by Wellesley, 17, 'l8. (See 
Order in Council of April 26, 

of the ports and harbors of 

Chesapeake Bay and Delaware 
River, Dec 26, "l812, vii. 30, 33; 
viii. 234; raised, ix. 62. 

of New York, Charleston, Port 

Royal, Savannah, and the River 
Mississippi, May 26, 1813, vii. 
262: effects of, 263-265, 334; viii. 
214; raised, ix. 62. 

of New London and Long Isl- 
and Sound, vii. 262, 278; raised, 
ix. 62 

of the coast of New England, 

April 25, 1814, viii. 3; ix. 36; 
raised, 62. 

Blockades, French, of Great Britain, 
Nov. 21, 1806. (See Decree of 

Blockades, quasi, of New York, in 
1803-4, ii. 396; in 1805, iii. 91-93; 
in 1807, iv. 143, 144; in 1811, vi. 
25, 118, 222. 

Blockades of Great Britain by Ameri- 
can cruisers in 1813-1814, vii. 332, 
333 in 1814, viii. 195-201. 

Bloomfield, Joseph, brigadier-general, 
vi 291 , at Plattsburg, 359, 360. 

Blount, Willie, governor of Tennes- 
see, orders out two thousand militia 
for service in Florida, vii. 206; ad- 
vises Jackson to withdraw from the 
Creek countrj-, 240 ; orders out four 
thousand militia, 251; required to 
provide for defence of New Orleans, 
viii 320, 326, 327. 

Blue, Uriah, major of Thirty-ninth 
U. S Infantry, commands expe- 
dition to the Appalachicola, viii. 
330, 333. 

Blyth, Samuel, commander of British 
sloop-of-war '' Boxer," bis death 
and burial, vii. 282, 283. 

Boerstler, C. G., colonel of Fourteenth 
U. S. Infantry, vii. Ib2 ; his sur- 
render at Beaver Dam, 163. 

Bollman, Eric, to be sent to London 
by Burr, iii. 248, 251; starts for 
New Orleans, 255; arrives, 296, 
306; reports to Burr, 309; sees 
Wilkinson, 318 ; arrested, 319, 338; 
discharged from custody, 340. 

Bonaparte, .Jerome, his marriarje to 
Miss Patterson and his reception 
by the President, ii. 377 et seq. 

Bonaparte, .Joseph, negotiates treat}' 
of Morfontaine, i. 360, .362; scene 
of, with Napoleon, ii. 35 et seq. ; 
crowned King of Spain, iv. 300; 
driven from Madrid, 315; deserted 
by Napoleon, v. 27, 28; driven 
from Spain, vii. 356. 

Bonaparte, Lucien, appointed ambus- 



sador at Madrid, i. 371, 373; op- 
poses the cession of Louisiana, ii. 
34; scene of, with Napoleon, 35 et 
seq. ; offered the crown of Spain, 
iv. 113; his story of the offer, 124. 

Bonaparte. (See Napoleon.) 

Bonds, U. S., six per cent., their 
market value, Feb. 1. 1815, viii. 
214, 261, 267; on Feb. 13, 1815, 
ix. 62; in March, 1815, 160; in 
1816, 127, 128. 

" Bonne Cito3'enne," British sloop- 
of-war, vi. 384 ; blockaded at San 
Salvador, vii. 288. 

Bordeaux, Wellington advances on, 
vii. 373. 

Bor^, M., of New Orleans, iii. 300 

Borodino, battle of, vii. 27. 

Boston, population and appearance 
of, in 1800, i. 20; business, 21; an 
intellectual centre in 1800, 75; sen- 
timent of, 87; social customs of, 
in 1800, 91 ; a summer watering- 
place, 92 ; reception of F. J. Jack- 
son in, V. 214, 216; population in 
1810, 289; takes one million of loan 
of 1814, viii. 17, 18; blockaded, ix. 
36; welcomes peace, 59; harshly 
treated by Dallas, 98-100; treasury 
payments resumed at, 128 ; growth 
of, 156; immigrants to, 161; its 
society in 1817, 182 ; takes the 
lead of American literature, 201, 

Boston town meeting in January, 
1809, iv. 411 ; town-meeting on 
Baltimore riot, vi. 409. 

Botts, Benjamin, Burr's counsel, iii. 

Bowditch, Nathaniel, i. 93 

Bowdoin, James, appointed minister 
to Madrid, iii. 57; Jefferson's letter 
announcing appointment. 57 ; sug- 
gestions of plans for his negotia- 
tions, 59-61, 71: reveals Talley- 
rand's plan for a settlement with 
Spain, 378; letter to, 436. 

Bowyer, Fort. (See Fort Bowyer.) 

" Boxer," British sloop-of-war, cap- 
tured by "Enterprise," vii. 281- 

Boyd, Adam, member of Congress 
from New Jersey, v. 206. 

Boyd, John Paike, colonel of Fourth 
U. S Infantry, vi. 92, 93; arrives 
at Vincennes, 94; brigadier-gen- 
eral, vii. 156 ; Morgan Lewis's 
opinion of, 162; ordered to cease of- 
fensive operations, 179; commands 
brignde in Wilkinson's expedition, 
184; favors moving on Montreal, 
185; covers the rear. 187; Brown's 
and Scott's opinion of, 188; his 
defeat at Chrysler's Field, 190, 191. 

Boyle, John, a manager of Chase's 
impeachment, ii. 228. 

Boyle, Thomas, commands Baltimore 
privateer "Comet," vii. 316; com- 
mands "Chasseur," and notifies a 
blockade of the British coast, viii. 
196, 197. 

Brackenridge, H. H., author of 
"Modern Chivalry," i. 124; ii. 

Bradley, Captain, of the " Cambrian," 
ii. 393, 396; recall and promotion, 
iii. 48, 

Bradley, Stephen R., senator from 
Vermont, ii. 157, 158, 218, 235, 
238, 259; iii. 126, 139; offers a 
resolution opposing the appoint- 
ment of a minister to Russia, iv. 
466 ; votes against occupying East 
Florida, vi. 243. 

Brady, Hugh, colonel of Twenty- 
second Infantry, viii. 35: at Lun- 
dy's Lane, 50; wounded, 52. 

Brazil, glutted with British goods in 
1808, V. 46. 

Breckinridge, John, senator from 
Kentuck}', i. 269; moves the re- 
peal of the Judiciary Act, 278, 
280; Jefferson's letter to, on the 
Louisiana purchase, ii. 85 ; on the 



admission oi Louisiana to the 
Union 94, 108; his bill for the 
territorial government of Louisi- 
ana, 120; appointed attorney gen- 
eral, iii. 11, 127; his death, 

Brenton, E. B., staff officer of Sir 
George Prevost, his account of the 
attack on Sackett's Harbor, vii. 
167, 168. 

Brisbane, major-general in British 
army, commanding a brigade at 
Plattsburp;, viii. 101. 

Bristol, memorial of merchants in 
September. 18U. viii. 198, 200. 

Brock, Isaac, governor of Upper 
Canada, his career, vi 316; his 
military precautions, 317 his mili- 
tary force, 317; his civil difficul- 
ties, 318, 319; orders expedition 
to Mackinaw, 320; bis proclama- 
tion, 320; dismisses his legislature, 
320; passes Long Point, 321, 322; 
arrives at Maiden, 329 ; decides to 
cross the Detroit River, 330; his 
march on Detroit, 332; returns to 
Niagara, 341; his military wishes, 
342; distressed by loss of vessels, 
347; his force at Niagara, 348; sur- 
prised on Queenston Heights, 349 ; 
his death, 350; ix. 42. 

Broke, P. B. V., captain of British 
frigate " Shannon," commands 
scjiiadron, vi. 368, .369 ; chases 
''Constitution," 370, 371; invites 
baJtIe with Rodgers, vii. 285 ; chal- 
lenges "Chesapeake," 286; his 
qualities, 292; his battle with the 
"Chesapeake," 293-302; captures 
"Nautilus," 313; a life-long in- 
valid, ix. 42; his gunnery, 230. 

Brooke, Arthur, colonel of the British 
Forty-fourth Lifantry, at the ad- 
vance on Baltimore, viii. 169 ; 
succeeds Ross in command, 170; 
studies the lines of Baltimore, 171; 
decides to retreat, 172. 

Brooke, G. M., major in Twenty- 
third Infantry, viii. 37. 

Brooks, John, elected governor of 
Massachusetts, in 1816, ix. 133. 

Brookville, in Maryland, viii. 156, 

Brougham, Henry, his speculations 
on the cause of English prejudice 
against America, iv. 73; his hos- 
tility to Perceval's orders, 318; at 
the bar of the House opposing the 
Orders in Council, 321 ; organizes 
agitation against Orders in Coun- 
cil, vi. 271, 280, 283; his speech of 
March 3, 1812, 276; obliges min- 
isters to grant a committee of in- 
quir}', 283-285 ; moves repeal, 285. 

Brown, Charles Brockden, i. 123. 

Brown, Jacob, brigadier-general of 
N. Y. militia, vii. 164, 408; takes 
command at Sackett's Harbor, 
165 ; his remarks on the bat- 
tle at Sackett's Harbor, 165, 166, 
169 ; appointed brigadier-general 
in the U. S. army, 170; commands 
a brigade in Wilkinson's expedi- 
tion, 177, 184; favors moving on 
Montreal, 185 ; landed on north 
bank of the St. Lawrence, 187; 
clears the bank, 188, 191 ; his opin- 
ion of BoA'd, 188; appointed major- 
general, 408; his fitness described 
by Wilkinson and Scott, 408, 409; 
ordered to Sackett's Harbor in 
February, 1814, viii. 24; carries 
his army to Niagara, 27; returns 
to Sackett's Harbor, 28; at Buffalo 
in June, ordered to capture Fort 
Erie, 33 ; his forces, 34-38; crosses 
the Niagara River, 39 ; fights the 
battle of Cliippawa, 40-42 ; his 
letter to Commodore Chauncey, 
45-46 ; falls back from Queens- 
ton to Chippawa, 47, 48 ; orders 
Scott to march toward Queenston, 
50; his order to Miller at Lundy'.s 
Lane, 54; bis position at Liiudj-'s 



Lane, 57 ; wounded, 58; orders the 
army to retire, 59; orders Ripley 
to return to Lundy's Lane, 64; 
taken to Buffalo, G6 ; summons 
Gaines to Fort Erie. 67 ; his quar- 
rels with Chauncey and Ripley, 
81; his qualities, 82, 218; resumes 
command, 82, 83; his sortie from 
Fort Erie. 84-89 ; asks Izard's aid, 
113 ; meets Izard at Batavia, 
114; distrusts Izard, 115; favors 
attack on Chippawa in October, 
1814, 115; sent to Sackett's Har- 
bor, 116; Izard's opinion of, 117; 
his letter of August 19, 1814, com- 
plaining of being left to struggle 
alone, 218; head of army board for 
reducing the army, ix. 88; com- 
mands northern military district, 

Brown, James, secretary of the Loui- 
siana Territory, ii. 220; iii. 219, 

Bruff, Major of Artillery, sounded by 
General Wilkinson, iii. 222, 241; 
his charge against Wilkinson, 454. 

Bruin, Judge, iii. 325. 

Bryant, William Cullen, i. 110, 132; 
his poem "The Embargo," iv. 
279; his poem " Thanatopsis," ix. 
207, 208, 213, 216, 217, 238. 

Buckminster, Joseph, i. 81, remon- 
strates with Hosea Ballou, ix. 183, 

Buckminster, Joseph Stevens, i. 90, 
162; ix. 177 ; his Phi BeU Kappa 
oration, 199, 204 ; one of the An- 
thology Club, 202, 203. 

Budd, George, second lieutenant of 
the "Chesapeake," vii. 293; sta- 
tioned below, 295 ; leads boarders, 

Buffalo, burned by British, vii. 204. 

Bullus, Dr., on the "Chesapeake," 
iv. 11, 1.3, 21. 

Billow, Heinrich W^ilhelm, i. 41, 

Bunker, Elias, captain of the Albany 
packet "Experiment," i 6. 

Burling, Colonel, iii 313. 

Burnt Corn Creek, Indians attacked 
at, vii. 229, 232. 

Burr, Aaron, Vice-President, i. 65, 
93, 109, 112: his character, 195, 
centre of intrigue, 229 et seq. ; takes 
tlie chair of the Senate, 279; votes 
to recommit the Judiciary Bill, 280; 
his toast at the Federalist dinner, 
282; attacked by the "American 
Citizen" and "Aurora," 283; in 
the Pickering impeachment, ii. 
154; invoked by Pickering and 
Griswold, 171 ; his defence by 
" Aristides," 172; his interview 
with Jefferson. 175; nominated for 
governor of New York, 177; con- 
fers with Griswold, 183 ; defeated, 
185 ; his hostility to Hamilton, 185; 
his duel with Hamilton, 187 etseq. ; 
presides at the Chase impeachment, 
227, 238, 368; communicates with 
Merry, 395; his plan of creating 
a western confederacy, 402; asks 
the aid of the British government, 
403; Turreau's opinion of, 407; his 
plan, 408; gives the casting vote 
against Dr. Logan's amendment to 
the St. Domingo bill, iii. 88; jeal- 
ous of Miranda, 189, 218 ; his con- 
spiracy and connections, 219; on 
his way to New Orleans, in April, 
1805, 220; his plans notorious in 
New Orleans, 224 et seq. ,• returns 
and visits Andrew Jackson and 
Wilkinson, 227 ; his expectations 
of aid from England disappointed, 
229 ; his report to Merry, 231 ; re- 
ceived at the White House, 233; 
his advances to Yrujo and the 
Spanish government, 234; his plot 
to seize the heads of government 
and the public money, 239 ; his 
contempt for Jefferson, 244; his 
communication with Yrujo, 247; 



rebuffed by Fox, 250; his impos- 
ture, 251, his cipher despatch to 
Wilkinson, 253; starts for New 
Orleans with Mrs. Allston and De 
Pestre, 255; secures Blennerhas- 
sett's fortune, 256; arouses oppo- 
sition in Kentucky, 268; orders the 
purchase of supplies, 274; denies 
intention to separate the Eastern 
from the Western States, 276; at- 
tacked in court by District-Attor- 
ney Daveiss, 277; a second time 
accused, 282; acquitted, 282; re- 
peats his disavowal to Andrew 
Jackson, 287; escapes from Nash- 
ville, 289 ; received at Fort Massac, 
291; his relations in New Orleans, 
296; his visit to New Orleans in 
1805, 302; denounced by Wilkin- 
son, surrenders to Governor Meade, 
325 et seq. ; deserts his friends, 
327; arrested and sent to Rich- 
mond, Va., 327; brought to trial 
before Chief-Justice Marshall, 441; 
committed for misdemeanor only, 
446; indicted, 4.59; his demeanor 
under trial, 464; acquitted, 469; 
his memoir to Napoleon, v. 239. 

Burrows, William, lieutenant in U. 
S. Navy, captures the "Boxer," 
vii. 281, 282; his death and burial, 
282, 283. 

Burwell, William A., member of Con- 
gress from Virginia, on reducing 
the army and navj- in 1810, v. 202. 

Cabinet. (See James Madison, Rob- 
ert Smith, James Monroe, William 
Jones, Secretaries of State; Albert 
GaUatin, G. W, Campbell, A. J. 
Dallas, W. H. Crawford, Secreta- 
ries of the Treasury; Henry Dear- 
born, William Eustis, James Mon- 
roe, John Armstrong. A. J. Dallas, 
Secretaries of War ; Robert Smith, 
Taul Hamilton, William Jones, B. 

W. Crowninshield, Secretaries of 
the Navy ; Levi Lincoln, John 
Breckinridge, Caesar A. Rodney, 
William Pinkney Richard Rush, 
Attorneys General.; 

Cabot, George, his opinion of de- 
mocracy, i. 84, 86 et seq. ; letter of, 
opposing Pickering's scheme, ii. 
164; inclines to Burr, 182; opposed 
to neutral claims, iii. 95. 144; iv. 29; 
letters from, given to Rose by Pick- 
ering, 235, 412; at the head of the 
Massachusetts delegation to the 
Hartford Convention, viii. 225, 227, 
288 ; his conservative character, 
291, 292; chosen president of the 
Hartford Convention, 292, 293 ; 
authorized to call another meet- 
ing, 295; defence of, 305; John 
Adams's remark about, 308. 

Cadore, Due de (see Champagny). 

"Caledonia," 2-gun British brig, 
captured by Lieutenant Elliott, 
vi. 347 ; in Perry's squadron, vii. 
116. 120, 122; in Perry's action, 
124, 125. 

Calhoun, .John C, i 154; member of 
Congress from South Carolina, vi. 
122; on Committee of Foreign Re- 
lations, 124, 128; his war-speech of 
Dec. 12, 1811, 143, 144; votes for 
frigates, 164 ; warns Quincy of the 
embargo, 201; on the conquest of 
Canada, 212; his war-report, 226; 
his bill declaring war, 228; his 
speech of June 24, 1812, against 
the restrictive system, 233; favors 
war-taxation, 235 ; opposes com- 
promise of forfeitures under Non- 
importation Act, 442 : favors high 
import duties, 444; his remark on 
inconsistency, vii. 374, .375; his 
plan for a national bank, viii. 250- 
253 ; votes against legal tender, 
254; accepts Giles's militia bill, 
274; not a good judge of treason, 
286; in the Fourteenth Congress, 



ix. 107; his view of extremes in 
government, 108, 109 ; chairman 
of committee on currency, 111 ; 
favors protection, 115; reports bill 
for a national bank, 116, 117 ; sup- 
ports compensation bill, 121 ; his 
remark that the House of Repre- 
sentatives was not a favorite with 
the American people. 134, 137 . his 
defence of the House. 145; his bill 
for internal improvements, 148, 

149, 152, 169. 

Callender, James T., his libels on 
Jefferson, i. 322 et seq. 

Calvinism, popular reaction against, 
in New England, i. 82 ; rupture of 
church in 1815, ix. 175-187. 

"Cambrian," British frigate, iii. 

Campbell, George W., member of 
Congress from Tennessee, ii. 123; 
a manager in impeachment of 
Judge Chase, 224, 228, 230 ; chair- 
man of Ways and Means Commit- 
tee, iv. 153; challenged by Gar- 
denier, 203, 217; his argument for 
the embargo, 267; his report to 
Congress on measures of force. 370; 
defends his report, 380; his Reso- 
lution adopted, 383 ; opposes fitting 
out the navy, 426, 441 ; speech of, 
on the Non-intercourse Act, 448; 
his report reaches Canning, v. 49; 
not a member of the Eleventh 
Congress, 76; senator from Ten- 
nessee, his criticism of Giles, vi. 

150, 151; appointed Secretary' of 
the Treasury, vii. 371, 397; nego- 
tiates loan in May, 1814, viii. 17, 
18; accedes to abandoning im- 
pressment as a sine qua non, 122; 
at Winder's headquarters, August 
24, 137; goes to Frederick, 152; 
fails to negotiate loan of six mil- 
lions in July, 1814, 213; his an- 
nual report of Sept. 23, 1814, 240; 
announces the impracticability of 

raising loans, 241, 242; makes no 
suggestion for supplying deficit, 
242; resigns, 240; returns to the 
Senate, ix. 108. 

Campbell, John, member of Congress 
from Maryland, iii. 356. 

Campbell, John A., Justice of the 
Supreme Court, on the Louisiana 
precedent, ii. 127. 

Campbell, Thomas, borrows from 
Freneau, i. 126; his Declaration of 
Sept. 9, 1809, ix. 184, 185, 239. 

Canada, intended conquest of, vi. 
136, 141, 142. 145, 146, 150, 212; 
invasion planned at Washington, 
297; ordered by Eustis, 302; con- 
quest attempted bv Hull, 296; in- 
vaded by Hull, 302; evacuated, 
315 ; difficulties of defending, 
316-319; extent of Upper, 316; 
military force in 1812, 317, 338; 
Jefferson and Madison on cam- 
paign in. 337; invasion of, at Ni- 
agara, 344, 345; Van Rensselaer's 
attack on, 346-353; Smyth's at- 
tempts against, 354-358 ; Dear- 
born's march to, 360; British 
garrisons in, vii. 151, 194-196; rein- 
forcements for, in 1814, viii. 91, 99- 
102, proper method of attacking, 
vii. 144-147 ; difliculties of defence, 
145 ; viii. 91 , 93 ; frontier to be recti- 
fied, 94-97: regular troops in, 
December, 1814, 118: demands of, 
at Ghent, ix. 7. 8; cession of, asked 
by Monroe, 11, 12; British reproach 
about, 29, 30. 

Canals in 1800, i 8-10, 26, 29, 38, 94. 
proposed by Gallatin in 1808, iv. 
364. (See Erie Canal.) 

Canning, George, rise of, ii. 417; be- 
comes Foreign Secretary, iv. 56; 
his character, 57, 73; v. 56; his 
opinion of democrats, iv. 59; his 
wit, 60; his eloquence, 61; his ne- 
gotiation with Monroe respecting 
the " Chesapeake " affair, 40 et seq.; 



his reasons for disavowing Berke- 
ley's act, 76 etseq. ; his opinion on 
Spencer Perceval's proposed Or- 
der in Council, 92, 97 ; instructs Er- 
skine with regard to the Orders in 
Council, 99; instructions to Rose, 
178 et seq. ; opposes interference 
with the effect of the embargo, 326 i 
his contideuce in Napoleon's over- 
throw in 1808, 331; on the causes 
of the embargo, 332; replies to 
Pinkney's conditional proposition 
to withdraw the embargo, 334 et 
seq. ; letter of, to Pinkney pub- 
lished in the "New England Pal- 
ladium," 419; his reply to Na- 
poleon and Alexander, v. 23 ; his 
notice to Pinkney of possible 
change in the Orders, 42 ; his note 
of Dec. 24, 1808, announcing a 
change, 43; his anger at Pinkney's 
reply, 44, 45; his willingness for 
further relaxations, 45; his discon- 
tent with Castlereagh and Perceval, 

48, 106 ; his reception of Erskine's 
despatches and Campbell's Report, 

49, 50, 51; his assertion as to the 
cause of the embargo, 51; his in- 
structions to Erskine of Jan. 23, 
1809, 52-57, 66, 70-73, 90; his in- 
fluence declining, 57, 58 ; his speech 
of March 6, 1809, on the Orders, 
61; his remark to Pinkney on the 
Order of April 26,64; his disa- 
vowal of Erskine's arrangement, 
87-95; his statement to the House 
of Commons, 97, 98; his instruc- 
tions to F. J. Jackson, July 1, 1809, 
98-105 ; his charge of duplicity 
against Madison, 99, 100, 114, 125; 
his resignation, 107; his duel with 
Castlereagh, 107 ; his relations with 
Wellesley, 266, 267; his speech on 
the renewal of intercourse between 
the United States and Great Brit- 
ain, 276; his speech of March 3, 
1812, on the Orders in Council and 

licenses, vi. 277, 278 ; on the loss 
of the "Guerriere" and "Mace- 
donian," vii. 6; on the conduct of 
the war, 10, 11, 23; his failure as a 
minister, 20, 21 ; his view of British 
naturalization acts, 21-23. 
''Canons of Etiquette,'' the, ii. 365. 
Cantrelle, M., lii. 300. 
Capitol at Washington in 1800, i. 30, 
198; designed by Dr. Thornton, 
111 ; the south wing completed, iv. 
152,209, burned, viii. 145 ; rebuilt, 
ix. 142. 
Caramelli, Hamet, ii. 430, 436. 
Garden, J. S., captain of the British 
frigate " Macedonian," vi. 382, 
" Carnation," British sloop-of-war, 
attacks and destroys the "General 
Armstrong," viii. 202-207. 
" Carolina," American 14-gun sloop- 
of-war, at New Orleans, viii. 344; 
her share in the night battle, 346, 
347, 349, 350; her fire imprisons 
the British troops, 352, 355, de- 
stroyed, Dec. 27, 1814, 356, 359. 
Carroll, William, major-general of 
Tennessee militia, arrives at New 
Orleans, viii. 336, 337 ; his brigade, 
344 ; posted on the Gentilly road, 
"Carron," 20-gun British sloop-of- 
war, sent to Pensacola, viii. 319, 
322 , attacks Fort Bowyer, 323, 
Carronades, their range, viii. 109. 
Casa Calvo, Marquis of, iii. 71, 73, 

74, 79. 
Cass, Lewis, colonel of Ohio militia, 
vi. 298 ; refuses to abandon Detroit, 
315; his discontent with Hull, 326; 
detached to open an interior road 
to the river Raisin, 328; ordered 
to return, 329; included in Hull's 
capitulation, 334 ; brigadier-general 
U S. army, vii. 128; treats with 
Indians, 261. 



Cassin, John, captain in U. S. navy, 
vii. 270, 271. 

" Castilian," British sloop-of-war, 
cruises in company witli the 
•* Avon," viii. 189 ; her command- 
er's report on the loss of the 
"Avon," 190-192 

Castine, occupied by British expedi- 
tion, viii. 95, 96 ; offered to be re- 
stored at Ghent, ix. 34. 

Castlereagh, Lord, on Howlck's Or- 
der in Council, iv. 80, 81 ) becomes 
War Secretary, 81 ; urges retalia- 
tion on France, 83, 90, 325, 421 ; his 
supposed failures as Secretary of 
War. v. 47, 48, 106, 107 ; his quar- 
rel with Canning, 56, 57; his duel 
with Canning, 107 ; retires from 
the cabinet, 107; becomes Foreign 
Secretary, vi. 216; his instructions 
to Foster of April 10, 1812, 216, 
220; announces suspension of Or- 
ders in Council, 286 ; his statement 
of number of American seamen in 
British service, 456; his remarks to 
Russell, Aug. 24, 1812, vi. 410; 
vii. 2, 3; defends course of min- 
istry, 11; his remarks on impress- 
ment, 19, 20; his remarks on the 
Czar's offer of mediation, 29 ; de- 
clines Russian mediation in May, 
1813 340, 345, 346; his letter of 
July 5, declining mediation, 341, 
342; his letter to Cathcart, July 13, 
offering direct negotiation with 
United States, 342, 343, 349, 350, 
355; lukewarm about the Amer- 
ican war, 356, 358, 360 ; his letter 
to Monroe, November 4, offering 
to negotiate directly, 360, 370 : his 
offer accepted by Madison, 363, 
371; his irresistible influence, 394; 
his disposition toward America, 
ix. 2, 7, 9; his instructions of July 
28, 9, 10, 24; his choice of nego- 
tiators, 14; delays negotiation until 
August, 17 ; his instructions of Au- 

gust 14, 19; keeps the negotiation 
alive until October, 23 ; at Ghent, 
August 19, 24; his letter to Bath- 
urst suggesting immediate peace. 
25; at Vienna, embarrassed by the 
American war, 36 ; negotiates com- 
mercial convention with the United 
States, 104. 

Cathcart, Lord, iv. 64; British am- 
bassador at St. Petersburg, vii. 28, 
his instructions of July 5, 1813, 
341, 342; his comments on the 
Czar's conduct. 350-354. 

Caulaincourt, Due de Vicence, 
French ambassador in Russia, v- 
412, recalled, 418; congratulates 
Adams, 419. 

Cazeneau, Mr., iii. 379. 

Census, of 1800, i. 1, 2; of 1810, Act 
for, v. 209. 

" Centinej," Boston newspaper, of 
Sept. 10, 1814, quoted, viii. 223, 
288, 289, 291, 299, 300 ; publishes 
peace, ix. 59, 60. 

Cevallos, Don Pedro de, Spanish 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, i. 371; 
ii. 23 ; remonstrates against the sale 
of Louisiana, 58; refuses to pay 
for French spoliations, 276, 279; 
his conditions on ratification of 
Spanish claims convention, 280; 
his comments on the Americans, 
282, 283; alarmed by Pinckney, 
284; complains of Pinckney's con- 
duct, 294; his negotiation with 
Monroe, iii. 24-36; refuses to coun- 
tenance Burr's designs, 249. 

Chamier, Frederick, lieutenant on 
the British frigate "Menelaus," 
his account of house-burning on 
the Potomac, viii. 164. 

Champagny, Jean Baptiste de, suc- 
ceeds Talleyrand as Minister of 
Foreign Aft'airs, iv. 107; his letter 
of Jan. 15, 1808, declaring war to 
exist between England and the 
United States, 221; his instruo 



tions to Turreau in defence of the 
Decrees, Dec. 10, 1808, v. 31; in 
defence of the Spanish colonies, 
33; his remonstrances to Napoleon 
against severity to the United 
States, 138, 139; complains of the 
Non-intercourse Act, 140; his in- 
structions to Hauterive, June 13, 

1809, on concessions to the UniteU 
States, 140; his note on the right 
of search and blockade, 149, 150, 
250; his efforts on behalf of neu- 
tral commerce, 222; liis interview 
with Armstrong, Jan. 25, 1810. 
229, 230; his note of Feb. 14, 1810, 
announcmg reprisals for the Non- 
intercourse Act, 232; his letter of 
August 5, 1810, announcing that 
the decrees are revoked, 253-256, 
286, 296-302, 383, 414, 415; vi. 7; 
creates a contract by letter of Au- 
gust 5, V. 342; his report on the de- 
crees, 348, 349, 382, 388; vi. 8; his 
phrase bien entendu, v. 387, 388 . 
declares the decrees revoked on 
Feb. 2, 1811, 386, 389, 390, re- 
moved from office, 401, 

Champlain, Lake. (See Plattsburg.) 

Champlin, Guy R., captain of the 
privateer "General Armstrong," 
vii. 316; his escapes, 325-327. 

Chandler, John, brigadier-general in 
U. S. army, vii. 156, engaged in 
capturing Fort George, 157; ad- 
vances to Stony Creek, 159; cap- 
tured, 160. 

Channing, William Ellery, i. 90; his 
impressiono of Virginia manners, 
132, 171 ; takes charge of church 
at Boston, ix. 178; his letter to 
Thacher, 178; his Unitarianism, 
179-182; hi> Fast-Day Sermon in 

1810, 203-205. 

Charles IV. of Spain, his character, 
i. 341; refuses papal territory, 354; 
his delight at the offer of Tuscany, 
369; refuses to sell Florida, 401; 

delivers Louisiana to Napoleon, 
401 ; distressed by Napoleon, ii. 
56; his demands on Napoleon, 59; 
withdraws protest against the sale 
of Louisiana, 277; declares war on 
England, 309 ; abdication of, iv. 
117, 298. 

Charleston, in Maryland, vii. 268. 

Charleston, S. C, in 1800, i. 37 etseq., 
92, 149, in 1816, ix. 156. 

Chase, Samuel, Justice of the Su- 
preme Court, his charge to the 
Baltimore grand jury, ii. 147; his 
impeachment, 149 et seq., 158, 
scene of impeachment, 227; his 
counsel, 229; the managers of his 
mipeachment, 229; articles of im- 
peachment, 229; the trial, 230 et 
seq. f the votes on the articles, 238; 
his acquittal, 239. 

" Chasseur," privateer, her blockade, 
viii. 196, 197. 

Chateaugay, Hampton's campaign at, 
vii. 192-197. 

Chatillon, Congress of, vii. 394. 

Chauncey, Isaac, at Tripoli, ii. 428; 
captain in U. S. navy, takes com- 
mand on Lake Ontario, vi. 344; 
arranges plan of campaign with 
Dearborn, vii. 152, 153, 154; con- 
trols the lake, 153; crosses to 
Niagara, 1,55; aids capture of Fort 
George, 157; returns to Sackett's 
Harbor, 159; loses control of the 
lake, 171 ; recovers control of the 
lake, 179; dissuades Brown from 
attacking Kingston, viii. 27, 28; 
shut up in Sackett's Harbor in the 
spring of 1814, 28-30, 33; Brown's 
irritating letters to, 34, 45, 46 ; sails 
from Sackett's Harbor, 80; his re- 
ply to Brown's letters, 81; carries 
Izard's army to the Genesee River, 
114; loses control of the lake In Oc- 
tober, 1814, 115. 

Cheetham, James, editor of the 
"American Citizen and Watch- 



tower," i. 121; attacks Burr, 331; 
iii. 272, 273. 

Cherokee Indians, i, 4; iii. 16, with 
Jackson in the Creek war, vii 246. 

" Cherub," British 18-gun sloop-of- 
war, viii. 178; assists the " Phoebe " 
to blockade and capture the " Es- 
sex," 179, 180. 

"Cliesapeake," .38-gun frigate, the 
desertion of British seamen to, iv. 
2; delay in getting her ready for 
sea, 5; starts for sea, 9; fired on 
by the " Leopard," 16; strikes her 
flag, 19; returns to Norfolk, 20; vi, 
29, 36; vii. 54, 311; arrives at Bos- 
ton, April 9, 1813, 285, 287; her 
force, 292; her action with the 
"Shannon," 293-303; efEect of 
capture, 303, 309; cause of cap- 
ture, 337. 

" Chesapeake Affair," measures taken 
by the Cabinet after the, iv. 31, 
163; Madison's instructions on, 39, 
45; its effect on English society 
44; attack disavowed bj' the Brit- 
ish Ministry, 51, 149; Canning's 
instructions on, 178-182; Rose's 
negotiation on, ii. 187-197 ; laid 
aside, 199; Gallatin's plan for set- 
tling, 388; Canning's instructions 
of Jan. 23, 1809, for settling, v. 52, 
53; Erskine's settlement of the, 67, 
68; settlement disavowed, 88-90; 
Canning's instructions of July 1, 
1809, for settling, 101; Jackson's 
offer to settle, 126, 130; untouched 
by Welleslej', 285; Foster's in- 
structions to settle, vi. 23; Ameri- 
can indifference to settlement, 37; 
its effect on the Indians, 79; settled 
by Foster, 121, 122, 270; remem- 
bered too well, i.x. 73. 

Chesapeake Bay, British naval force 
in, vii. 14, 24; blockade of, an- 
nounced Dec. 26, 1812, vii. .30. 33; 
severity of blockade in, 264, 265; 
Admiral Cockburn's operations lu, 

266-269 ; Admiral Warren's opera- 
tions in, 277 ; Cochrane's marauding 
in, viii. 164; in October, 1814, left 
to repose, 173; steamboat on, Jx. 

Clieves, Langdon, member of Con- 
gress from South Carolina, asserts 
contract with Napoleon, v. 342, 343 ; 
in the Twelfth Congress, vi, 122; 
chairman of naval committee, 124; 
on Committee on Ways and Means, 
124; his opinion on the war-power, 
160, his motion to build a navy, 
162; his argument in favor of 
seventy-fours, 163; his hostility 
to non-importntion, 205, 230, 232, 
446, 447, 448 ; favors war-taxation, 
235 ; opposes forfeitures under 
Non-Importation Act, 441; on war- 
taxes, 444; elected speaker, Jan. 
19, 1814, vii. 396 , defeats Dallas's 
.scheme for a national bank, viii. 

Chew, Captain Samuel, deposition of, 
vi. 193, 196. 

Chicago. (See Fort Dearborn.) 

Chickasaw Bluff, iii. 284, 290, 325 

Chickasaw Indians, iii. 16 ; vii. 216. 

" Childers," 18-gun British sloop-of- 
war sent to Pensacola, viii. 322 , in 
the attack on Fort Bowyer, 323, 

Chillicothe in 1800, i. 2. 

Chippawa, British force at, viii. 38; 
Riall takes position at, 39 ; battle at, 
40-45 ; Brown withdraws to, 47-50 ; 
Ripley retreats from, 66, 67 ; Drum- 
mond's delay at, 68 ; Drummond re- 
tires to, 90; Izard's failure at, 116. 

" Chippeway," 1-gun British schoon- 
er on Lake Erie, vii. 120. 

Chittenden, Martin, governor of Ver- 
mont, his proclamation recalling the 
State militia, Nov. 10, 1813, vii. 
366; refuses to call out the State 
militia to defend Plattsburg, viii. 



Choctaw Indians, vii. 216; with Jack- 
son at Mobile, viii. 328; at New 
Orleans, 346. 

Christie, John, lieutenant-colonel of 
Thirteenth Infantry, vi. 349, 350, 

Christophe, i. 394, 395, 416. 

Chrystler's Farm, battle at, vii- 188- 

Cincinnati in 1800, i. 2. 

Cintra, convention of, v. 48. 

Claiborne, Ferdinand Leigh, briga- 
dier-general of Mississippi militia, 
vii. 243; penetrates Creek country, 

Claiborne, William Charles Cole, 
appointed governor of Mississippi 
Territory, i. 295, 403; receives pos- 
session of Louisiana, ii. 256; gov- 
ernor of Orleans Territory. 400; 
character of, iii. 297 et seq. ; his 
anxieties, 304; his ignorance of 
Burr's conspiracy, 308; warned b}- 
"N Wilkinson and Andrew Jackson, 
316 et seq. ; takes possession of 
West Florida, v. 310-314 ; left by 
Jackson in charge of military de- 
fence of New Orleans, viii. 325; 
his want of authority, 341; com- 
mands on the Chef Menteur Road, 

Claims, American, on France (see 

French spoliations). 

Claims, American, on Spain (see 
Pinckney), iii. 23-26, 28-30, 32, 35, 

Clark, Christopher, a manager of 
Chase's impeachment, ii. 228. 

Clark, Daniel, of New Orleans, iii. 
222 ; in sympathy with Burr and 
the Mexican Association, 223, 236; 
his letter to Wilkinson complainuig 
of Burr's indiscretion, 224; Burr's 
drafts to be drawn in bis favor, 231 ; 
a correspondent of Burr in New 
Orleans, 296, 322; his hatred for 
Claiborne, 300; delegate to Con- 

gress, 302, 303; secures aflBdavits 
in evidence of his innocence, 306 
et seq. ; in Washington, 307 ; pre- 
serves silence respecting the con- 
spiracy, 308; Wilkinson's letters 
to, 321, 322 ; turns against Wilkin- 
son, 454. 

Clark, William, explores Louisiana 
Territory with Captain Lewis, iii. 
12, 215. 

Claj', Green, brigadier-general of 
Kentucky militia, surprises Proc- 
tor, vii. 105, 107; commands Fort 
Meigs, 109, 114. 

Clay, Henry, i. 133; Burr's counsel, 
iii. 278, 282; senator from Ken- 
tucky, bis war-speech of Feb. 22, 
1810, V. 189 ; his speech on the 
occupation of West Florida, 320, 
321 ; his speech on the Bank Char- 
ter, 333, 334; elected speaker, vi. 
122, 124; favors army of thirty- 
five thousand men, 151; favors 
war-power, 161 ; favors navy, 164 ; 
supposed to have coerced Madison 
to war, 196 ; urges embargo, 201 ; 
suppresses discussion in the House, 
227 ; his vote defeats repeal of non- 
importation, 234; his account of 
the military efforts of Kentuckj', 
390-393; his comments on Hull's 
surrender, 392, 393; opposes com- 
promise of forfeitures under Non- 
importation Act, 442; elected 
speaker of Thirteenth Congress, 
vii. 53; assists Harrison, 73, 74; 
nominated and conlirmed as joint 
envoy to negotiate peace at Ghent, 
371, 393; resigns speakership and 
sails for Europe, 396; ix. 10; at 
Ghent, ix. 14, 16 ; insists that the 
British will recede, 20 ; combative, 
29; his speeches, 31; drafts Indian 
article, 32; opposed to recognizing 
the British right of navigating the 
Mississippi, 46-48; his opinion of 
the treaty, 50, 58; his character, 



51, 52 ; Speaker in the Fourteenth 
Congress, 107, 108; favors strong 
foreign policy, 109 ; favors protec- 
tion, 113-116; recants his errors in 
regard to the national bank, 117; 
attacked on account of the Com- 
pensation Act, 136 ; offered the War 
Department, 142; supports inter- 
nal improvements, 149, 150. 
Clergy, of New England, their author- 
ity, i. 79-82; Jefferson's quarrel 
with, 313-318; their opinion of 
Jefferson, 321; their attitude to- 
ward the war, viii. 20-23; their 
division into Orthodox, Unitarian, 
and Universalist, ix. 175-187. 
"Clermont," Fulton's steamboat, 
makes her first voyage August 17, 
1807, iv. 135. 
Cleveland in 1800, i. 3. 
Clifton, William, i. 98. 
Clinton, De Witt, i. 112, 228, 233; 
resigns his senatorship to become 
mayor of New York, 266, 281; at- 
tacks Burr through Cheetham, 331 ; 
his duel with Swartwout, 332, ii. 
206 ; presides over a " Chesapeake " 
meeting in New York, iv. 28 ; his 
attitude toward the embargo, 283; 
takes electoral votes from Madison, 
287; nominated for the Presidency 
by New York, vi. 215; his canvass, 
409, 410; his electoral vote, 413; 
vii. 48; favors Erie Canal, ix. 168. 
Clinton, George, i. 114; governor of 
New York, 228; ii. 173, nominated 
for Vice-President, 180; Vice-l'resi- 
dent, iii. 126 ; his casting vote 
confirms Armstrong, 153, 172; re- 
nominated for "Vice-President in 
1808. iv. 226, 287; his hostility to 
Madison, 227 ; supported b}- Chee- 
tham for the Presidency, 227, 284; 
his opinions reported by Erskine, 
385: his opposition to Madison, 428, 
430; presides in the Senate, v. 76, 
190; his vote against the Bank 

Charter, 337 ; his political capacit}', 
363, 364; his death, vi. 214. 
Clopton, John, member of Congress 
from Virginia, on the army bill, 
iv. 212. 
Coast survey, appropriation for, by 

Congress, iii. 355. 
Coasting trade under the embargo, 
iv. 251 et stq. ; tonnage employed 
in 1807-1810, v. 15. 
Cobbett, William, i. 46; in Philadel- 
phia, 118; on the "Chesapeake" 
affair, iv. 44, 73, 329; his " Weekly 
Register" on the American war, 
vii. 356. 
Cochrane, Sir Alexander, British 
vice-admiral succeeding Sir John 
Borlase Warren, communicates 
with refugee Creeks, vii. 258; joint 
commander with Ross of expedition 
in the Chesapeake, viii. 124; his 
instructions, 124, 125; his orders 
for general retaliation, 125-127 ; 
his letter to Monroe, 128; fails to 
capture Fort McHenry, 171, 172; 
sails for Halifax, 173; recommends 
expedition to Mobile, 311; at 
New Orleans, 365; suggests canal, 
Cockburn, Sir George, British rear- 
admiral, his operations in Chesa- 
peake Bay, vii. 265-269, 274, 276; 
at Ocracoke, 277, 329 , at Cumber- 
land Island, 277, 278 , lands with 
Ross, and urges attack on Washing- 
ton, viii. 127 ; pursues and destroys 
Barney's flotilla, 129, 130; enters 
Washington and burns the White 
House, 145, 146 ; destroys the type 
of the "National Intelligencer," 
147; an incendiary, 164; at the at- 
tack on Baltimore, 170. 
Cocke, John, major-general of Ten- 
nessee militia, vii. 240; surprises 
Hillabee village, 241 ; put under ar- 
rest, 252. 
Cocke, William, senator from Ten 



nessee, ii. 113; censures Randolph, 

Codrington, Sir Edward, British ad- 
miral, his account of the artillery 
battle at New Orleans, viii. 364. 

Coffee, John, colonel of Tennessee 
militia, commands mounted force 
in Jackson's Creek campaign, vii. 
236 ; destroys Talishatchee, 237; at 
Talladega, 238; abandoned by his 
men, 246; wounded at Emuckfaw, 
246, 247; engaged at the Horse- 
shoe, 255; his account of the 
slaughter, 256; marches with Ten- 
nessee militia to Mobile, viii. 326, 
328 ; ordered to Baton Rouge, 332, 
333 : hurries to New Orleans, 336, 
337 ; his brigade, 344 ; his share in 
the night battle, 345, 346, 349-351 ; 
stationed on the left of Jackson's 
line, 373. 

Coggeshall, George, author of " His- 
tory of American Privateers," vii. 
325; his escape in privateer '' David 
Porter," 325. 

Coleman, William, editor of the New 
York "Evening Post," i. 119. 

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, ix 215. 

"Comet," Baltimore privateer, vii. 

Colonial system of the European 
Powers, ii. 323. 

Colonial trade, ii. 319, 322, 327-329, 
direct and Indirect, 324, 325; West 
Indian, value of, 331, 332, rule of, 
established by case of " Essex," 
iii. 45; distress of, 49; arrange- 
ment of, m Monroe's treaty, 409, 
412, parliamentary report on, iv. 
67; the only object of Perceval's 
Orders in Council, 95. 

Columbia College, i. 101. 

" Columbiad," the, of Joel Barlow, 
i. 103 et seq. 

Commerce, foreign and domestic, in 
1800, i. 5, 14; nature and value of 
American, v. 290, 291. 

Commercial Intercourse, Act of May 
1, 1810, regarding (see Non- inter- 

Commercial restrictions, list of meas- 
ures of, V. 152, 194; Madison's de- 
votion to, 293, 295; Madison's 
return to, 304. 

Compensation Act, ix. 119-122; pop- 
ular protest against, 134-138; re- 
peal of, 144-146. 

" Confiance," British 36-gun ship, on 
Lake Champlain, viii. 103; her 
armament and crew, 104, 105, 106 ; 
tights the battle of Plattsburg, 108- 
110; ix. 234. 

Congress, the Seventh, first session 
of, i. 264-307; second session, 427- 
433; ii. 74-77; the Eighth, first 
session of, 92, 96-159; second ses- 
sion, 206-242, 396 ; session of 1804- 
1805, iii. 9; problems before, De- 
cember, 1805, 91; meeting of the 
Ninth, Dec. 2, 1805, 126 ; close of 
first session, 196; opening of sec- 
ond session, Dec. 1, 1806, 328; 
close of, 369 ; Tenth, character of, 
iv. 146; meeting of, Oct. 26, 1807, 
152; close of the first session, 
223; meeting of second session, 
Nov. 7, 1808, 354, 361 ; close of, 
453, 454; first session of Eleventh, 
meets. May 22, 1809, v. 76 ; pro- 
ceedings of, 77-86; adjourns June 
28, 86; second session meets. Nov. 
27, 1809. 176; proceedings of, 178- 
209; adjourns, May 2, 1810. 209, 
character of, 316, election of 
Twelfth, 316 ; third session of 
Eleventh, 319-358; close of Elev- 
enth, 358: first session of Twelfth, 
meets Nov. 4, 1811, vi. 118; Its 
composition, 122, chooses Henry 
Clay speaker, 124; war-debate in, 
133-153; proceedings of, 133-175, 
201, 202, 204; declares war against 
England, 228, 229; adjourns, July 
6, 1812, 235; decline of influence, 



437; second session of Twelfth, 
435-458 ; meeting of Thirteenth, 
May 24, 1813, vii. 53, proceedings 
of first session, 54-64, 67, 70, 71; 
meeting of second session, Dec. 6, 
1813, 364; proceedings of, 369, 372- 
379, 381-390; Federalist strength 
in, viii. 228; meeting of third ses- 
sion, Sept. 19, 1814, 239; proceed- 
ings of, 247-262, 266-280; peace 
legislation of, Ix. 82-87; close of, 
87; meeting of Fourteenth, 106, 
107; superiority of Fourteenth, 
108-111, 138; proceedings of first 
session of, 112-122; close of first 
session, 125 ; popular rebuke of, 
138; second session of, 143 ; pro- 
ceedmgs of second session, 144- 
153. (See Acts of.) 
"Congress," 38-gun frigate, vi, 363; 
at Boston, 378; her cruise in 1812, 
381; returns to Boston, Dec. 31, 

1812, vii. 285 ; goes to sea, April 30 

1813, 285; unseaworthy, 287; re- 
turns to Boston, Dec. 14, 1813, 310, 

Connecticut, i. 105 ; legislature, ac- 
tion of, in February, 1809, iv. 418, 
455; disaffection of, vii. 33, 34; 
viii. 13 ; prosperity of, durmg the 
war. 15; withdraws militia, Aug. 
24, 1814, from national service, 
221 ; appoints delegates to the Hart- 
ford Convention, 227 ; resolutions of 
legislature against the militia bill, 
in October, 1814, 278 ; approves re- 
port of the Hartford Convention, 
304; regular troops stationed in, 
317, elections of 1816, ix. 133, 139; 
growth of population, 154, 155; in- 
crease of wealth in, 157. 

" Constellation," 38-gun frigate, at 
Washington, vi. 364, 372, 378; at 
Norfolk, vii. 269, 270, 274, 287. 

"Constitution," 44 -gun frigate, 
at Tripoli, ii. 426; iv. 5: chased 
by British squadron, vi. 364, 369- 

372, captures " Guerriere," 373- 
375; captures "Java," 385, 386; 
arrives at Boston, Feb. 27, 1813, 
vii. 285, replaces her masts, 287; 
goes to sea. Jan. 1, 1814, 311; im- 
perilled by privateering, 337 , sails 
from Boston in December, 1814, ix. 
74; her action with the " Cyane " 
and " Levant," 75-78; escapes 
British squadron, 78. 

Constitution, the (see Virginia and 
Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, 
Treaty-making Power, War Power, 
Militia, Internal Improvement, 
Amendment, Bank of the United 
States, Impeachment, Embargo, 
New England Convention, Mar- 
shall, and Storj'). 

Cook, Orchard, member of Congress 
from Massachusetts, his letter de- 
scribing Gallatin's plan, iv. 369. 

Cooper, Dr. Charles D., his letter oa 
Hamilton and Burr, ii. 178, 186. 

Cooper, James Fenimore, i. 110; quo- 
tation from " Chainbearer," 43. 

Coosa River, home of the Upper 
Creeks, vii. 217, 224, 234 Jack- 
son's march to the, 237, 238; 
Cocke's march to the, 240. 

Coosadas (see Alabamas). 

Copenhagen, the British expedition 
against, iv. 63; bombardment of, 

Copley, John Singleton, ix. 213. 

" Cornwallis," British seventy-four, 
chases "Hornet,'' ix. 72, 73. 

Cordero, Governor, iii. 311. 

Cotton, export to France prohibited 
by England, iv, 101, 219, 322, 323; 
manufacturers of, v. 16 ; American, 
prohibited in France, 151 ; price of, 
affected by blockade, vii. 263; 
value of export in 1815, ix. 94; 
manufactures depressed by the 
peace, 96; fabrics, in the tariff of 
1816, 111, 114, 116; export in 1816, 



"Courier," the, London newspaper, 
on the American war, vii. 358; on 
the Americans, 359; on Perry's 
victory, 359; on Proctor's defeat, 
360; on the necessity of retaliation, 
362; on privateers, viii. 197; on 
Madison, ix. 5; on terms of peace, 
6, 7, 31, 35; on the news of peace, 

Covington, Leonard, brigadier-gen- 
eral in the U. S. army, commands 
brigade in Wilkinson's expedition, 
vii. 184; his opinion in conncil of 
war, 185; killed at Chrystler's 
Farm, 189. 

Coxe, William S., third lieutenant on 
the ' Chesapeake," vii. 295; fires 
the last guns, 298. 

Craig, Sir James, governor-general 
of Canada, calls on the Indians for 
assistance in case of war with the 
United States, iv. 137; governor of 
Lower Canada, 243; warned by 
Erskine to be on his guard against 
attacks from the United States, 395 ; 
his instructions to John Henry, 460 ; 
recalls John Henry, v. 86. 

Craney Island, fortified, vii. 271 ; at- 
tacked, 272-275. 

Crawford, William H., senator from 
Georgia, opposes mission to Rus- 
sia, V. 12 ; on the message of Jan. 
3, 1810, 179 ; represents the Treas- 
ury, 181; votes with Samuel 
Smith, 191; his character, -331; 
introduces Bank Charter, 332; his 
speech on Bank Charter, 332, 333 ; 
reports bill for fifty thousand vol- 
unteers, 358, party to revolution- 
izing East Florida, vi. 239 ; his 
comments on the conduct of the 
war, 395 ; sent as minister to Paris, 
vii. 49; sails in the "Argus," 304: 
reason of not being a peace com- 
missioner, 393 ; appointed Secretary 
of War, ix. 89; candidate for the 
Presidency in 1810, 122-124; ap- 

pointed Secretary of the Treasury, 
Creek Indians, Tecumthe visits, vi. 
92, 108; their confederacy and 
grievances, vii. 217-220; fecum- 
the's visit to, 220-222; secret ex- 
citement among, 222, 223 ; mur- 
ders on the Ohio by warriors of, 
224; execution of murderers, 225, 
226 ; outbreak of fanaticism among, 
227 ; attacked at Burnt Corn, 228, 
229 ; capture Fort Mims, 229-231 ; 
number of hostile warriors among, 
233, 244, 245, 249 ; Andrew Jack- 
son's campaign of 1813 among, 
235-240 ; Cocke's campaign against, 
240, 241 ; Floyd's campaign a- 
gainst, 241-243; Claiborne's cam- 
paign against, 243, 244; Jackson's 
second campaign against, 245-248; 
Floyd's second campaign against, 
249, 250; Jackson's last campaign 
against, 254-257; number of Red 
Stick refugees among, 258, 259; 
Andrew Jackson's capitulation 
with, 259-261; viii. 317, 318; effect 
of their war on the Florida diffi- 
culties, 318. 
Creoles in Louisiana, Claiborne's 
treatment of, iii. 298; their atti- 
tudes toward Burr's conspiracy, 
Crillon, Count Edward de, his fam- 
ily, vi. 176 ; acts as John Henry's 
agent, 177-179; his social suc- 
cess, 178, 180; his evidence, 183; 
sails for France, 184; an impos- 
tor, 185; an agent of French 
police, 186. 
Croghan, George, major of the Sev- 
enteenth U. S. Infantry, his de- 
fence of Fort Stephenson, vii. 110- 
114; his expedition against Macki- 
naw, viii. 32. 
Croker, John Wilson, Secretary to 
the Admiralty', v. 58; on British 
naturalization laws, vii. 21, 23; on 



the " Chesapeake " and " Shan- 
non," 302; on the captures in Brit- 
ish waters, viii. 200, 201. 

Crowninshield, Benjamin Williams, 
appointed Secretary of the Navy, 
ix. 63. 

Crowninshield, Jacob, member of 
Congress from Massachusetts, de- 
clines Navy Department, appointed 
Secretaiy, refuses office, remains 
on records as Secretary of Navy, 
iii. 10, 11; speech of, in favor of 
non-importation, 157; Jefferson's 
letter to, on tlie Pierce affair, 200; 
iv. 109; his death, 209; succeeded 
by Joseph Story, 4G3. 

Cuba, Jefferson's policy toward, iv. 
340, 341 ; v. 37, 38. 

Cumberland Island in Georgia, occu- 
pied by Admiral Cockburn, vii. 
277; again occupied in 1815, ix. 62. 

Cumberland Road, iii. 181, 355; v. 
209; in 1816, ix. 169. 

Currency (see Banks, national and 

Cushing, Caleb, ix. 206. 

Cushing, T. H., Lieutenant-Colonel 
of Second Infantry, iii. 246, 311; 
Wilkinson communicates Burr's 
designs to, 313; orders to, 315; 
brigadier-general, viii. 221. 

Cutts, Charles, senator from New 
Hampshire, vii. 48. 

"Cyane," British corvette, captured 
by " Constitution," ix. 74-78. 

Dacres, J. R., captain of the 
" Guerriere," vi. 27, 37, 373 ; his 
action with the "Constitution," 
373-375 ; censured by the " Times, " 
vii. 5, 14; on the cause of his defeat, 
7, 13. 

Daggett, David, senator from Con- 
necticut, his speech against Giles's 
bill for drafting militia, viii. 270, 

VOL. IX. — 18 

Dalberg, Due, negotiates with Joel 
Barlow, vi. 259; his remonstrances 
to Bassano against Napoleon's treat- 
ment of the United States, 262. 

Dallas, Alexander James, i. 127, 281 ; 
ii. 195-199; letter of, to Gallatin, 198; 
acts with federalists, iii. 9 ; his opin- 
ion of Jefferson's second adminis- 
tration, iv. 455; his opinion of Arm- 
strong, vii 35; Madison's favorite 
candidate for the treasury, 396; de- 
feated by senators, 397; author of 
specifications against William Hull, 
415; appointed Secretary of the 
Treasury, Oct. 5, 1814, viii. 243; 
his character and temper, 243, 244; 
his account of the condition of the 
Treasurj' in October, 1814, 244; op- 
poses treasurj'-note issues and rec- 
ommends a bank, 249, 250-260; ix. 
57; describes the condition of the 
Treasury in November, 1814, A'iii. 
252 ; describes the condition of the 
Treasury in December, 1814, 254; 
describes the condition of the Treas- 
ury in January, 1815, 261, 262; 
sketches financial scheme for first 
year of peace, ix. 83, 84 ; acts as 
Secretary of War to reduce the 
army, 88 ; his severity to New Eng- 
land, 98, 99; fails to fund treasury- 
notes, 100-103; his report of 1815, 
105, 106 ; recommends a national 
bank and a protective tariff, 111, 
112, 114; announces his retirement 
from the Treasury, 124, 125; re- 
stores specie payments, 128-132; 
his success as Secretary of the 
Treasury, 140, 141 ; his death, 141. 

Dallas, Alexander James, third lieu- 
tenant of the frigate " President," 
vi. 28, 32. 

Dana, Samuel Whittlesej', member 
of Congress from Connecticut, i. 
269 ; his remark on the dumb legis- 
lature, 271 ; in the Ninth Congress, 
iii. 143, 242; on repeal of the em- 



bargo, iv. 436; senator from Con- 
necticut, vii. 63. 

Dane, Nathan, delegate to the Hart- 
ford Convention, viii. 292. 

Daquin, , major commanding 

battalion of men of color at New 
Orleans, viii. 345. 

Daschkoff, Andr^, Russian charg^ at 
Washington, vii. 41, 211. 

Dautremont, M., iii. 379. 

Daveiss, Joseph H., United States 
District Attorney, iii. 268; writes 
to Jefferson denouncing the Span- 
ish plot, 270 ; accuses Burr in 
court of setting on foot a mili- 
tary expedition, 277; renews his 
motion, 282; removed from otfice 
by Jefferson, 294, 309; and cen- 
sured, 337 ; offers to serve as a 
volunteer in Harrison's campaign, 
vi. 94 ; urges an attack on Tip- 
pecanoe, 99, 101 ; his death, 103, 
104, 107. 

" David Porter," privateer schooner, 
escape of, vii. 325. 

Davis, Daniel, viii. 87, 88. 

Davis, John, an English traveller, 
i. 122; his account of Jefferson's 
inauguration, 197. 

Davis, Judge John, his opinion on 
the constitutionality of the em- 
bargo, iv. 208 et seq. 

Davis, Matthew L., i. 231 etseq., 296. 

Diivout, Marshal, v. 409, 425; vi. 
251, 2:-2. 

Davy. William R., appointed Major- 
General, vii. 37. 

Dayton, Jonathan, senator from New 
Jersey, i. 280; ii. 105; in Miran- 
da's confidence, iii. 189; informs 
Yrujo of Miranda's expedition, 
192; his connection with Burr, 
219 ; attempts to obtain funds 
from Yrujo, 234 et seq. ; funds 
received by him from the Spanish 
treasury, 245; his letter to Wil- 
kinson, 252; at Burr's trial, 463. 

Dearborn, Henry, appointed Secre- 
tary of War, i, 219; his opinion 
in the cabinet on Spanish policy, 
ii. 2; quoted by Eaton, 431; re- 
mains in Jefferson's second ad- 
ministration, iii. 10; his remark 
on Wilkinson, 454; ignorant of 
Jefferson's instructions to Mon- 
roe, iv. 163; appointed collector 
at Boston, v. 9; his orders, as Sec- 
retary of War, to Wilkinson, Dec. 
2, 1808, 169; appointed senior ma- 
jor-general, vi. 289; his plan of 
campaign, 297, 306, 340, 341; 
reaches Albany, 304 ; goes to Bos- 
ton, 305; his difficulties at Boston, 
306, 307, 309 ; returns to Albany, 
310 ; ignorant that he commands 
operations at Niagara, 310, 322, 

339 ; sends militia to Niagara, 321; 
negotiates armistice, 322, 323, 340; 
effect of armistice, 324, 343; arm- 
istice rejected by the President, 

340 ; his opinion of Van Rensse- 
laer, 353; his campaign against 
Montreal, 360; his reflections on 
the campaign of 1812, 360, 361 
Monroe's criticisms of, 396, 397 
George Haj-'s remark on, 421 ; coD' 
tinned in command, vii. 37, 38, 39 
releases Perry's vessels, 117, 159 
ordered to attack Kingston, 149 
his estimate of British force at 
Kingston, 151 ; decides not to attack 
Kingston, 152, 153, 171; captures 
York, 154; arrives at Niagara, 155; 
captures Fort George. 157, 158; de- 
volves command on Morgan Lewis, 
161: reports Boerstler's disaster, 
163; removed from command, 171, 
416 •. put in command of New York, 
407,416; president of court-martial 
on William Hull, 417; nommated 
Secretary of War in 1815, ix. 89. 

Dearborn, Fort, at Chicago, murders 
at, vi, 110; garrison at, 294; evac- 
uated, 334. 



Debt, Public (see Finances). 

Decatur, James, killed at Tripoli, 
ii. 427. 

Decatur, Stephen, burns the "Phila- 
delphia," ii. 1.39; at Tripoli, 427; 
captain in U. S. navy, on Bar- 
ron's court-martial, iv. 21, 24; 
commands squadron, vi. .36-3; his 
orders, 363, 364, 368; his advice, 
364; his first cruise in 1812, 366, 
368, 375 ; his second cruise, 381; 
captures the "Macedonian," 3S2, 
383 ; returns to port wrth prize, 
383 ; takes refuge with squadron in 
New London, vii. 278, 279 ; reports 
on blue lights, 279, 280; commands 
"President," ix. 63; runs block- 
ade, 64 ; his battle with the " Endy- 
mion," 65, 69; his surrender, 70. 

Decrees, French, of 1798, vi. 139. 

Decree of Berlin, Nov. 21, 1806, de- 
claring Great Britain in a state 
of blockade, and excluding from 
French ports all vessels coming 
from British ports, iii. 389-391; 
its effect on Monroe and Pinck- 
ney's negotiation, 412; its effect 
in the United States, 427; not en- 
forced until August, 1807, iv. 82 ; 
its enforcement notified to Arm- 
strong, Sept. 18, 1807, 109; Napo- 
leon's defence of, 110, 111, 221, 95; 
his varj'ing objects in using, v. 24. 

of Milan, Dec. 17, 1807, declar- 
ing good prize every neutral ves- 
sel that should have been searched 
by an English ship, or paid any 
duty to the British government, 
or should come from or go to a 
British port, iv. 126; its effect in 
the United States, 195. 

of Bayonne, April 17, 1808, 

directing the seizure of all Amer- 
ican vessels entering the ports 
of France, Italy, and the Hanse 
Towns, iv. 303, 304; rigorously 
enforced, 312. 

Decrees of Berlin, Milan, and Bay- 
onne, V. 24, 152, 297; their rigid 
enforcement, 30 ; Champagny's 
argument in defence of, 31, 32 ; 
their effect on England, 46; their 
effect on France, 138 ; Napoleon 
drafts, June 10, 1809, decree repeal- 
ing that of Milan, 139-141; laj'S 
aside draft of repealing decree, 
141; drafts Vienna decree of Au- 
gust, 1809, retaliating the Non- 
intercourse Act, 143, 144, 150, 230; 
Louis's resistance to, 148, 240, 241; 
Napoleon's condition of repeal, 
229, 245, 250, 251; null and void 
for licensed vessels, 248; declared 
by Champagny revoked on Nov. 
1, 1810, 255; declared revoked by 
Madison, 304, 317, 347, 348 ; Rus- 
sell's reports on the revocation, 
381-396; declared revoked by 
Champagny for Feb. 2, 1811, 386, 
389, 390; 'not revoked, 394, 395; 
declared fundamental laws by Na- 
poleon, 397, 407; declared success- 
ful by Napoleon, 398; considered 
suspended by Madison, 400, 401; 
recognized by United States, 402, 
403; their revocation doubted by 
Russell, 395, 400, 406; their re- 
vocation affirmed by Russell, 405 ; 
enforced on the Baltic, 426, 427; 
Barlow instructed that they are 
considered revoked, 427; revoca- 
tion asserted by Pinkney, vi. 3, 5, 
6, 11; evidence of revocation asked 
by Wellesley, 4; argued by Pink- 
ne3', 7, 8; revocation denied by 
Wellesley, 23 ; affirmed to be stiil 
in force by Foster, 41 ; affirmed by 
Monroe to be revoked as far as 
America has a right to expect, 42; 
their international and municipal 
characters, 43; argued by Monroe, 
44, 45; their revocation unknown 
to the President, 56; argued by 
Serurier, 60, disputed bj Madison, 



64; their revocation a personal af- 
fair with Madison, 65; tlicir effect 
on the northwestern Indians, 83; 
declared not repealed by British 
courts, 118 ; their repeal doubted 
by Madison and Monroe, 120, 187- 
189; repeal asserted in annual 
message, 125 ; repeal assumed by 
House committee, 133, 134; repeal 
denied by Monroe, 194, 195, 201; 
repeal assumed by Monroe, 198; 
Bassano's report on validit}' of, 
216, 253; repeal assumed b}' Madi- 
son, 218, 224; repeal maintained 
by Monroe till June, 1812, 232; 
Bassano's instructions on repeal 
of, 248-249 ; repeal asserted by 
Barlow, 252 ; evidence of repeal 
required by Barlow, 254; repeal- 
ing decree produced by Bassano, 
255-257; still enforced. 260, 261; 
revocation unknown to the French 
authorities, 262, 263; Webster's 
resolutions on repeal of, vii. 55, 58. 
Decree of Rambouillet, March 23, 

1810, sequestering American prop- 
erty in retaliation for the Non- 
importation Act, V. 236, 242, 

of July 25, 1810, regarding 

licenses, v". 247; of July 22. 1810, 
confiscating American property in 
Dutch and Spanish ports, 258; of 
Aug. 5, 1810, confiscating Ameri- 
can property in France, 258. 

of St. Cloud, dated April 28, 

1811, repealing the Decrees of 
Berlin and Milan from Nov. 1, 
1810, vi. 255-257, 259. 

Decres, Denis, Due, Napoleon's Min- 
ister of Marine, instructions of, to 
Richepanse and Leclerc, re-estab- 
lishing slavery, i. 397; defining the 
boundaries of Louisiana and its 
administration, ii. 5; his letter to 
Armstrong respecting the Berlin 
Decree, iii. 391; asks instructions 

in the case of American schooner 
at San Sebastian, v. 142, i43; 
Marmont's story of, 222. 
Defiance, old Fort, vii. 76, 77, 78, 79, 

80, 84, 86. 
Delaware, growth of population of, 

ix. 155, 156. 
Delaware Indians, murders of, v. 73. 
Democrats, denounced by New Eng- 
land clergy, i. 79 et seq. ; social in- 
feriority, 92; the Northern, 264. 
Denmark, Napoleon's demands upon, 
iv. 63 (see Copenhagen) ; spolia- 
tions of American commerce in, v. 
409, 411. 
Dennie, Joseph, on democracy, i. 85; 
editor of the "Portfolio," 119, 
121; character and influence of his 
" Portfolio," ix. 198-201. 
De Pestre, or Dupiester, one of Burr's 
officers, iii. 252; starts with Bun- 
as his chief of staff, 255; sent by 
Burr to report to Yrujo, 261; his 
message, 264. 
Deposit at New Orleans, the right of, 
granted by treaty, i. 349; taken 
away, 418 ; restored, ii. 3 ; dis- 
cussed by Cevallos, iii. 26, 27. 
Derbigny, Pierre, Creole delegate to 
Washington, ii. 400, 401; iii. 301; 
Turreau's opinion of, ii. 406; affi- 
davit of, 408; iii. 219, 305. 
De Rottenburg, Baron, forces under 
his command in Montreal district, 
viii. 25; one of Brock's successors, 
De Salaberry, A., lieutenant-colonel 
of Canadian voltigeurs, defeats 
Hampton, vii. 196, 197. 
Desertion of British Seamen, ii. 333- 

335, 345, 346, 392. 
Desha, Joseph, member of Congress 
from Kentucky, insists on reduc- 
ing the army in 1815, ix. 84-86; 
on expenses of western members, 
Dessalines, i. 416. 



Destr^han, Jean Noel, creole dele- 
gate to Wasliington, ii. 400, 401; 
iii. 301 ; Turreau's opinion of, ii. 

Detroit, isolation of, i. 14, 15; mili- 
tary situation of, vi. 293, 295, 301; 
measures for protection of, 29G ; 
Hull's difficulties in defending, 
315, 322, 324; Hull besieged in, 
325-331; Brock's attack on, 332- 
334 ; Hull's surrender of, 334, 393 
reinforcements for, 391 ; expedition 
to recover, to be commanded by 
Harrison, 392, 393; Harrison re- 
ceives carte blanche to recover, vii. 
74, 75 ; Harrison's views on military 
value of, 74, 77, 81, 82, 83; failure 
of Harrison's campaign against 
100, 101; evacuated by Proctor, 
131, occupied by Harrison, 132. 

" Detroit," 19-gun British ship on 
Lake Erie, vii. 120; her armament, 
121 ; captured, 127. 

De Watteville, major-general in Brit- 
ish anny, viii. 102. (See Infantry, 
British regiments of.) 

Dexter, Samuel, i. 93; Secretary of 
the Treasury', 192, 219; his argu- 
ment against the constitutionality 
of the embargo, iv. 268, 270; takes 
the lead in Boston town-meeting, 
411, 412; defeats project of State 
convention in Massachusetts, vi. 
402; republican candidate for gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts in April, 
1814, viii. 9-11; again in 1815, ix. 
92; again in 1816, 133. 

Dickens, Charles, i. 56. 

Dickinson, James, captain of the 
British sloop-of-war " Penguin," 
ix. 71; killed in action with "Hor- 
net," 72. 

"Diomed," stallion, i. 51. 
"Dolphin," Baltimore privateer, cap- 
tured, vii. 329. 

Dos de Maio, the, iv. 300 et seq. ; its 
effect in America, 339 et seq. 

Douglas, Sir Howard, on American 
gunnery, ix. 229. 230, 233, 234. 

Douglas, Captain John Erskine, ot 
the "Bellona," iv. 4; reports the 
affair of the "Chesapeake" to 
Admiral Berkeley, 25; his letter 
to the JIayor of Norfolk. 28. 

Douglass, David B., lieutenant of 
engineers, at Fort Erie, viii. 71, 76. 

Douglass, George, captain of British 
sloop-of-war " Levant," his action 
with the " Constitution," ix. 75-78. 

Downie, George, captain in the Brit- 
ish navy, commanding flotilla on 
Lake Champlain, viii. 103; his 
confidence in the superiority of his 
fleet, 104, 106; brings his fleet into 
action, 108; killed, 109. 

Drayton, John, of South Carolina, i. 

Dresden, battle of, vii. 350. 

Dreyer, M., Danish minister at Paris, 
iv. 106, 107. 

Drummond, Gordon, lieutenant-gen- 
eral in British army, and governor 
of Upper Canada, vii. 202; burns 
Black Rock and Buffalo, 204; his 
military career, viii. 48, 49; arrives 
at Fort George, July 25, 1814, 48, 
49; reaches Lundy's Lane, 51 ; his 
battle at Lundy's Lane, 51-60 ; his 
losses, 62 ; his delays after Lun- 
dy's Lane, 67, 68; moves on Fort 
Erie, 68, 69; censures his troops at 
Black Rock, 70 ; assaults Fort Erie, 
71-78; censures De Watteville' s 
regiment, 79; his agony of mind, 
80 ; expects a sortie, 84-86 ; claims 
victory, 89 ; retires to Chippawa, 
90; his force, 115,116; returns to 
Kingston, 118; compared with 
Pakenham, 381. 
Drummond, , lieutenant-col- 
onel of the Hundred-and-Fourth 
British Infantry, leads assault on 
Fort Erie, viii. 72, 75; killed in the 
bastion, 78. 



Dry-dock, Jefferson's plan of, i. 423; 
ii. 77. 

Duane, William, editor of the "Au- 
rora," i. 118; his influence in 
Pennsylvania, ii. 194, 219 ; op- 
poses Governor McKean, iii. 9; 
hostile to Gallatin, 210 ; visits 
Blennerhassett in prison, iv. 404; 
his attacks on Gallatin, v. 361, 364; 
appointed adjutant-general, vii. 41. 

Dudley, William, colonel of Ken- 
tucky militia, killed at the Mau- 
mee Rapids, vii. 105, 106. 

Dunbaugh, , sergeant permit- 
ted to join Burr, iii. 291. 

Dundas (see Melville). 

Dupiester (see De Pestre). 

Duponceau, Peter S., i. 127 ; ii. 259. 

Dupont, de I'^tang, Pierre, French 
general, ordered to enter Spain, iv. 
121, 122; capitulates, 315. 

Dupont de Nemours, commissioned 
by Jefferson to treat unofficially 
with Bonaparte, i. 411 ; letter to, 
ii. 254. 

Duroc, Marshal, iii. 386; iv. 123. 

Duval, Gabriel, appointed Justice of 
the Supreme Court, vi. 429. 

Duvall, William P., member of Con- 
gress from Kentucky, viii. 276. 

Dwight, Theodore, i. 101 ; his attack 
on democracy, 225; secretary of 
the Hartford Convention, viii. 293. 

Dwight, President Timotliy, quoted, 
i. 21,23; his travels, 41; describes 
popular amusements, 49, 56 ; on 
the lack of roads in Rhode Island, 
64; his poem, "The Conquest of 
Canaan " cited, 96 et seq. ; his 
"Greenfield Hill," 98; value of 
his Travels, 100, 310. 

"Eagle," 20-gun brig, in Mac- 
donough's squadron on Lake 
Chamolain, viii. 105; in the battle 
of Plactsburg, 110. 

Early, Peter, member of Congress 
from Georgia, a manager of Chase's 
impeachment, ii. 228, 230; chair- 
man of the committee on the slave 
trade, iii. 356; his bill for the sale 
of slaves captured on a slave-ship, 
357, 362. 

Eastern Branch of the Potomac, navy 
yard in, i. 223, 243, 428; " Chesa- 
peake" lies in, iv. 4; navy-yard 
bridge over, viii. 131 ; Winder's 
position beyond, 132, 134 ; Winder 
retreats across, 135 ; protects Wash- 
ington on the eastern side, 138; 
extends to Bladensburg, 139 ; ships 
burned in, 145. 

Easton, Judge, writes concerning 
Wilkinson's connection with Mi- 
randa, iii. 241. 

Eastport in Maine, claimed and oc- 
cupied by Great Britain, viii. 94, 

Eaton, William, his character and 
career, ii. 429; consul at Tunis, 
430 ; his interviews with Jeffer- 
son and the Cabinet, 431; attacks 
Derne, 433; Burr reveals his plot 
to, iii. 239; attempts to put Jeffer- 
son on his guard, 242, 244, 279, 462. 

Eckford, Henry, naval contractor at 
Sackett's Harbor, viii. 28, 29. 

Education in New England, i.76, 77; 
in New York, 110; in New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania. 129 ; in Vir- 
ginia, 136; public, favored by 
Jefferson, iii. 346. 

Eel River Miami Indians, vi. 71, 75. 

Effectives, rank-and-file present for 
duty, vii. 151. 

Eldon, Lord, his anecdote of King 
George's reception of Jackson, en- 
voy to Denmark, iv. 65, 96; de- 
fends the Orders in Council, 320; 
on the differences with America, 
vii. 18. 

Election, presidential, of 1800, i. 152, 
163; of 1801, 294; ii. 202; in New 



England, of 1802, i. 308, 329, 330; 
State, of 1803, ii. 76; in Massa- 
chusetts, May, 1804, 163; in New 
York, April,' 1804, 176, 185; in 
Pennsylvania, in 1804, 196-200 ; 
presidential, of 1804, 201, 202, 204 ; 
iii. 8; of April, 1805, in Massa- 
chusetts, 9; autumn of 1805, in 
Pennsylvania, 9; of April, 1806, 
in Massachusetts, 207; of April, 

1807, in Massachusetts, iv. 146; of 
April, 1808, in Massachusetts, 237- 
242; of May, 1808, in New York, 
283 , presidential, of 1808, 285- 
287; of October, 1808, in Penn- 
sylvania, 286 ; congressional, of 

1808, 287; State, in 1809, v. 12, 
13, 158; in 1810,215, 316; in Mas- 
sachusetts in April, 1811, vi. 115; 
in April, 1812, 204; in May, 1812, 
209; in New York, May, 1812, 
209; presidential, of 1812, 409,410, 
412-414; in the spring of 1813, 
vii. 49, 51; in the autumn of 1813, 
366 ; in the spring of 1814, viii. 
9-13; congressional in November, 

1814. 228, 238, 288, 289; of April, 

1815, ix. 92, 93; of April. 1816, 
132, 133; presidential of 1816, 139. 

Electoral College in 1808 and 1812, 
vi. 413. 

Elk River, Cockburn's operations in, 
vii. 266. 

Elliott, Jesse D., lieutenant U. S. 
navy, vi. 344 ; cuts out British 
vessels at Fort Erie, 347; com- 
mander in U. S. Navy, commands 
"Niajiara," in Perry's squadron, 
vii. 120; fails to close with the 
enemy, 122; Perry's, Barclay's, 
and Yarnall's remarks on, 123-126 ; 
dispute about, 126. 

Ellsworth, Oliver, chief-justice, sent 
to France as envoy extiaordinarj', 
vii 43. 

Embargo of March 26, 1794, ii. 323. 

Embargo, suggested by Armstrong, 

in 1805, against Spain, iii. 40; ap- 
proved by Madison, 75; favored 
by Senator Jackson in 1805, 149; 
b}' John Randolph, 149. 
Embargo of Dec. 22, 1807, Jeffer- 
son's first draft of message, iv. 168 ; 
Madison's draft, 169, 170; bill re- 
ported and passed in Senate, 172, 
173; moved by Randolph in House, 
173; becomes law, Dec. 22, 1807, 
175, 176; object of, 175, 176, 186, 
332; Senator Adams's resolution 
on, 187 ; Jefferson's determina- 
tion to enforce, 249-271, 273 ; dif- 
ficulties of Governor Sullivan re- 
garding, 253-256 ; difficulties of 
Governor Tompkins in New York, 
259 ; dissatisfaction of Robert Smith 
with, 261; demand of "powers 
equally dangerous and odious " 
by Gallatin, 262; interference of 
Justice Johnson in South Carolina, 
263, 264; arguments on constitu- 
tionality of, 266, 267; decision of 
Judge John Davis, 268-270; opin- 
ion of Joseph Story on, 2(0; its 
economical cost, 274, 275; its moral 
cost, 276 ; its political cost, 277-284, 
288 ; its failure to coerce, 288, 344; 
Jefferson's opinion of its relative 
prejudice to England and France, 
309; Jefferson's opinion of its cost, 
309, 462; approved by Napoleon, 
313; Armstrong's opinion of, 314; 
its pressure on England, 324, 327- 
329; Canning's note on, 334-336; 
W. C. Nicholas's letter on, 345; 
the alternative to war, 354, 355: 
repeal of, 438; v. 33; Turreau's 
complaints of repeal, 34, 35, 37 ; 
Canning's note on, 42; revocation 
of orders attributed to, 75, 77 ; John 
Taylor's explanation of repeal, 195, 
196; approved by Napoleon, 254; 
causes France to lose her colonies, 
254 ; its effect on the northwestern 
Indians, vi. 83. 



Embargo for sixty days, recom- 
mended by the President, March 
31, 1812, vi. 193, 194, 195, 197, 
198; Foster's report on, 199; act 
passed by Congress, April 4, 1812, 

201, 202. 

Embargo, of Dec. 17, 1813, rejected 
by the Senate, vii. 70, 71; recom- 
mended by the President, Decem- 
ber 9, 367, 368; adopted by 
Congress, 369; repeal recom- 
mended by Madison, March 31, 
1814. 373; debate on, 374-377; re- 
pealed, 378, 379; viii. 11; effect 
of, OQ the currency, vii. 387, 388; 
effect of, on the elections, viii. 10, 
11 ; on Massachusetts, 14. 

" Embargo, The," a satire, by Wil- 
liam Cullen Bryant, iv. 279. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, i. 171; ix. 

202, 206. 

Emerson, Rev. William, ix. 202. 

" Emmanuel," case of, ii. 327. 

Emuckfaw, Andrew Jackson's cam- 
paign against, vii. 246, 248. 

" Endymion," 50-gun British frigate, 
boats beaten off by the "Prince of 
Neufchatel," viii. 207-210; her ac- 
tion with the "President," ix. 

Enforcement Act (see Embargo and 
Acts of Congress). 

Engineers. Corps of, established at 
West Point, i. 301 ; services of, in 
the war, ix. 235, 236. (See Walker 
Keith Armistead, David Bates 
Douglass, William McRee, Joseph 
Gilbert Totten, Eleazer Derby 

England, colonial policy of, ii. 317- 
332; difficulty with, arising from 
desertion of seamen, 332-335; her 
practice of impressment, 335-339; 
friendly attitude of, in 1801, 339- 
341 , Jefferson's professions of lib- 
erality toward, .342-344; outstand- 
ing di.scussious with, 345, 346; 

cordiality with, 347, 358; change 
of tone toward, 356, 380, 382, 387 ; 
cordial friendship with, iii. 8 ; 
change of policy by Pitt in 1804- 
1805, 43-53 (see Pitt, Perceval, 
Canning) ; alliance with, urged by 
Jefferson, 62-65, 70; Pitt's policy 
reversed by Fox, 393, 397 ; un- 
friendlj' policy carried to an ex- 
treme by Perceval and Canning, 
iv. 55 et seq. ; unfriendly feeling 
in 1808, 331 ; financial dangers of, 
in 1809, V. 46, 47; political decline 
of, 57, 58; distress of, in 1811, vi. 
2 ; apathj' of, upon American ques- 
tions, 24 ; change of tone be- 
tween 1807 and 1812, 225, 270, 286; 
war declared against, 228, 229; 
distress of, in 1812, 268; attitude 
toward the war, 405; slow to accept 
war with United States, vii. 2; sen- 
sitive on right of impressment, 3; 
in consternation at the loss of the 
" Guerriere," 5-7, 24 ; angry with 
United States, 7, 8, 10, 15; her 
naturalization acts, 21-23 ; quasi 
blockade of, in 1813, 332, 333; her 
exultation at Napoleon's overthrow, 
356; her indifference in 1813 to the 
American war, 357-359; her de- 
mands at Ghent, viii. 267, 268; 
her intentions at New Orleans, 313, 
314; intoxication of, in the spring 
of 1814, ix. 1-5, 9; conditions of 
peace required by, 7-10, 17-20; 
her reception of the Treaty of 
Ghent, 54-56. 

Enotachopco Creek, Jackson's rout 
at, vii. 246-248. 

"Enterprise," Mississippi steamboat, 
viii. 341. 

"Enterprise," Salem privateer, cap- 
tured, vii. 329. 

"Enterprise," sloop-of-war, captures 
Tripolitan corsair, i. 245; captures 
the "Boxer," vii. 281, 282, 312, 
313 ; escapes capture, viii. 193. 



"Epervier," British 18-gun sloop- 
of-war, viii. 182; captured by 
" Peacock," 182, 184; brought into 
Savannah, 18-1. 

Eppes, John W., member of Con- 
gress from Virginia, ii. 95; op- 
jwses suspension of habeas corpus, 
iii. 339; opposes fortifications, 351 
opposes increase of army, iv. 211 
supports increase of army, 217 
opposes submission to England, 
451 ; chairman of Committee of 
Ways and Means in Eleventh 
Congress, v. 76; his appropriation 
bills for 1810, 200 ; his bill for 
reviving non-intercourse against 
Great Britain, 338; maintains doc- 
trine of contract with France, 341 ; 
waits arrival of Serurier, 345 ; 
amends his nou-iutercourse bill, 
351 , quarrels with John Randolph, 
352; defeats John Randolph for 
Congress, vii. 51; chairman of 
Ways and Means committee, 53 ; 
defeated for the Fourteenth Con- 
gress by Randolph, viii. 239; his 
treasury-note scheme, 247-249 ; si- 
lent about legal tender, 248, 254; 
reports treasury-note bill, 254; 
favors doubling taxes, 255; Tick- 
nor's report of his remark to Gas- 
ton, 262; moves to reduce term 
of military service, 279; defeated 
for the Fourteenth Congress, ix. 

Erie Canal, i. 112 ; ix. 168, 169. 

Erie, Fort (see Fort Erie). 

Erie, Lake, armaments on, vi. 296, 
304, 317, 344; Perry's victory on, 
vii. 115-129. 

Erskine, Lord Chancellor, iii. 393; 
his speech against the Orders in 
Council, iv. 320 ; on the American 
war, vii. 18. 

Erskine, David Montague, succeeds 
Merr3-as British minister at Wash- 
ington, iii. 250, 423; takes Monroe's 

treaty to Madison, 429 ; at the 
White House, iv. 35, 36; his re- 
ports on the "Chesapeake" excite- 
ment, 37, 78, 142, 143 ; reports 
intended commercial restrictions, 
144; reports Jefferson's conversa- 
tion on the " Chesapeake " nego- 
tiation, December, 1807, 162; re- 
ports an embargo to be imposed in 
expectation of a retaliatory Order 
in Council declaring a blockade 
of France, 175, 176, 332 ; accom- 
panies Rose to Madison, 193; re- 
ported by Rose, 199 ; interview 
with Jefferson, Nov. 9, 1808, 351- 
353; reports the opinion of mem- 
bers of Jefferson's cabinet on the 
situation in November, 1808, 384; 
informs Canning of the warlike 
attitude of the government, 386; 
reports Gallatin's remarks as to 
foreign relations, 389 ; advises Can- 
ning that war is imminent, 392, 
393 ; reports Madison for war, 394 ; 
his account of the struggle for 
the repeal of the embargo, 443 et 
seq. ; his report, March 17, 1809, of 
Turreau's anger at the repeal of 
embargo, v. 34, 35; his threatening 
despatches of November and De- 
cember, 1808, 49, 50; his instruc- 
tions of Jan. 23, 1809, 52-57, 66, 
70-72, 90, 94, 111; his reasons for 
exceeding instructions, 67, 70, 94; 
his settlement of the " Chesapeake 
affair," 67, 68; his "Chesapeake" 
settlement disavowed by Canning, 
88, 89; his settlement of commer- 
cial disputes, 70-73 ; his com- 
mercial arrangement received in 
England, 87; disavowed, 90, 95, 
his explanation of the Order of 
April 26, 1809, 82, 83; his reply to 
Canning's criticisms, 94; his re- 
call, 95; effect of his disavowal in 
the United States, 109; Jackson's 
opinion of, 119, 120 ; his farewell 



audience, 120; effect of his ar- 
rangement on Napoleon, 139, 140, 
141 ; comparison between his 
pledges and those of Champagny, 

Erving, George W., as charge d'af- 
faires replaces Pinckiiey at Madrid, 
lii. 37. 377, 388. 

Erwin, Dr., iii. 263, 265. 

" Espi(>gle," British sloop-of-war, 
vii. 289, 290. 

Essex county in JIassachusetts, de- 
claration of meeting, July 21, 1812, 
vi. 402. 

Essex Junto, the, i. 89, 314; iv. 29, 
401, 403, 405, 412, 442, 462. 

" Essex," Sir William Scott's judg- 
ment in the case of, iii. 44, 45; re- 
ceived in the United States, 96,97; 
Madison's remarks on, reported by 
Merry, 98; remarks of "a confi- 
dential person," 99; effect of, in 
America, 143; Boston memorial 
against, 144 ; Philadelphia and 
Baltimore memorials. 144. 

"Essex," 32-gun frigate, her action 
with the "Alert," vi. 35, 377; ar- 
rives with despatches, 52, 56 ; sails 
in July, 1812, 377: returns to port, 
378; in the Pacific, vii. 287, 311; 
viii. 175-177; her force, 178; block- 
aded at Valparaiso, 179; tries to 
run the blockade, 179; driven back 
and captured, 179, 180. 

Etiquette at Washington, ii. 362 et 
seq., 380. 

Eustis, Dr. William, member of Con- 
gress from Boston, i. 93, 281: his 
opinion on the political rights of 
the people of Louisiana, ii. 123, 
124; appointed Secretary of War, 
v. 9 ; orders Wilkinson not to 
camp at Terre aux Bceufs, 172, 
174 ; authorizes Harrison to buy 
Indian land in the Wabash valley, 
vi. 82 : approves Harrison's pur- 
chase, 85; orders Harrison to pre- 

serve peace with Indians, 88, 93; 
orders the Fourth Regiment to 
Indiana, 92, 93; his lost letter of 
Sept. 18, 1811, to Harrison, 95; 
appears before the Committee of 
Foreign Relations, 129-, his sup- 
posed incompetence, 168, 206, 392, 
395, 396, 397, 398; his duties in 
1812, 168; on -ecruiting, 294; his 
letters to William Hull, announcing 
war, 299; and ordering conquests 
in Canada, 802; his orders to Dear- 
born to repair to Albany, 306, 
308, 309 ; and to take direction of 
militia at Niagara, 310, 321, 340; 
resigns, 422; vii. 81; orders out fif- 
teen hundred Tennessee militia for 
service in Florida, 206. 

Evans, Oliver, his inventions, i. 68, 
71, 182; his experiments with 
a stern-wheel steamboat, iii. 217. 

Evans, Samuel, captain in U. S. 
navy, commands " Chesapeake," 
vii. 291. 

" Evening Post," the New York, i. 
119, 120; ii. 366; Gardenier's sup- 
posed letter in, iv. 203. 

" Evening Star." London newspa- 
per, on American frigates, vii. 2. 

Everett, Edward, ix. 206. 

Exchange, turn of, against England, 
in 1808, V. 47 ; rates of internal in 
the United States, 1814-1815, viii. 
214; ix. 127, 128; favorable turn 
of foreign, in 1816, 126. 127. 

" Experiment," Albany packet, 
i. 6. 

Exports and Imports in 1800, 5. 27; 
in 1815, ix. 92, 94-96; in 1816, 
126; in Massachusetts, 159; in 
Virginia. 161, 162; in New York 
and Pennsylvania, 166, 167. 

Eylau, the battle of, iv. 62, 105. 

Faoam, , agent of Fouchd, v. 




Fanning, Alexander C. W., captain 
of artillery at Fort Erie, viii. 71. 

"Fantome," British sloop-of-war, 
vii. 266, 

Farragut, David Glasgow, midship- 
man in U. S. navy, his criticism 
on Captain Porter, viii. 179. 

Faussett, Robert, lieutenant of the 
British seventy-four " Plantage- 
net," his affidavit about the " Gen- 
eral Armstrong." viii. 203, 204. 

"Favorite," British sloop-of-war, 
arrives at New York with treaty 
from Ghent, ix. 56, 57. 

Fayal, destruction of the " General 
Armstrong "at, viii. 201-207. 

"Federal Republican," Baltimore 
newspaper, mobbed, vi. 406, 407 ; 
of Jan. 28, 1815, on the impossi- 
bility that government should 
stand, viii. 310. 

Federalists (see Party). 

Fenwick, John R., lieutenant-colonel 
of Light Artillery, vi. 352. 

Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias 
(Ferdinand VII.), 5v. 290; in- 
trigues against his father, 291; 
described by Napoleon, 299 ; pro- 
posed kingdom for, in America, v. 
239; cedes Florida by treaty of 
1819, vi. 2.36. 

Fernandina in East Florida, seized by 
United States, vi. 240; occupation 
disavowed and maintained, 242, 
243; vii. 206; evacuated, 210, 211. 

Ferrand, French general, protests 
against the contraband trade with 
St. Domingo, iii. 88. 

Fight, the " rough-and-tumble," in 
the South, ). 52 et xeq. 

Finances, national, in 1801, i. 239 
et seq. ; average annual expendi- 
ture, 253; repeal of internal taxes, 
270, 272; in 1802, if. 75, 77; in 
1803. 135, 136, 141 (see Mediterra- 
nean Fund); in 1804, 206; in 1805, 
iii. 12, 18; in 1806, 210, 345; in 

1807, iv. 148, 156; in 1808, 366; 
in 1809, V. 163, 178 ; customs- 
revenue in 1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, 
290, 319; military and naval ap- 
propriations of the Eleventh Con- 
gress, 357; in 1811, vi. 126; Galla- 
tin's estimates for war, 156-159; 
war-taxes proposed by Gallatin, 
166; approved bv the House, 166, 
167; laid aside, 167, 168; in 1812, 
432, 433; in 1813, 4.38-448; m 
1813, mentioned in annual mes- 
sage, vii. 365 ; condition of, 385- 
390, 394; in 1814, viii. 17-19, 
213-215; mentioned in annual 
message, 240; Campbell's annual 
report on, 240-242; Dallas's' ac- 
count of, in November, 1814, 244, 
252; Dallas's account of, in De- 
cember, 1814,254; Dallas's account 
of, in January, 1815, 261, 262, 
Monroe's account of, in January. 

1815, 283; the "Federal Republi- 
can's " account of, Jan. 28, 1815, 
310; Dallas's sketch of, for the 
first year of peace, ix. 84; condi- 
tion of, after the peace, 90, 91, 98- 
103; Lowndes's report on, January, 

1816, 112; Dallas's sketch of. m 
October, 1816, 140. (See Gallatin, 
Jones, Campbell, Dallas, Taxes, 
Loans, Treasury Notes.) 

Findlay, James, colonel of Ohio vol- 
unteers, vi. 298, 315, 326. 

Findley, William, member of Con- 
gress from Pennsjivania, favors 
war, y\. 145; in the Fourteenth 
Congress, ix. 144. 

Finnis, Captain R., of the Royal 
Navy, commands British squad- 
ron on Lake Erie, vii. 116, 118, 
commands the " Queen Charlotte " 
in action, 120. 

Fischer, British lieutenant-colonel In 
De Watteville's regiment, leads 
assault on Snake Hill at Fort 
Erie, viii. 72-75. 



Fisheries, England's wisli to exclude 
the United States from, viii. 4, 
268, 287; Governor Strong's views 
on, 287, 288 ; to be interdicted to 
the United States, ix. 6; New- 
foundland memorial on, 8; Castle- 
reagh's instructions of July 28 on, 
10, 12, 37 ; discussed by the Brit- 
ish commissioners, at Ghent, 18; 
question of, under the treaty of 
1783, 44-50 ; Adams's struggle for, 
45-50 ; Gallatin's championship 
of, 46-50; Clay's indifference to, 
46-50; British silence regarding, 
47 ; British offer to reserve right, 
49; Gallatin's offer regarding, 50; 
omission of, in the Treaty of 
Ghent, ix. 52. 

Fitch, John, his inventions, i. 66 et 
seq., 181. 

Fletcher against Peck, Marshall's 
decision in case of, ix. 189, 190. 

Florida restored by England to Spain 
in 1783, i. 353; cession of, asked 
by Bonaparte in 1800, 367, 413; 
Bonaparte's demand for, refused 
by Charles IV., 369; Bonaparte's 
attempts to secure, 401 ; Godoy's 
reasons for refusing Bonaparte's 
request, 402; cession of, asked by 
Jefferson, 410, 411, 424, 432, 433, 
438; Monroe authorized to buy 
from France, 442 ; Livingston's at- 
tempt to secure, ii. 44 (see Florida, 
West) ; Napoleon's retention of, 
V. 32, 33; Napoleon insinuates an 
idea regarding, 408; Foster in- 
structed to protest against the 
seizure of, vi. 23; his protest, 37; 
Monroe's reception of the protest, 
38, 39 ; Madison's designs on, vii. 
32, 206-209 ; Russian influence on, 
211; supposed sale to England, 
212, 213 ; a southern object, 213 , 
viii. 318; in the negotiation at 
Ghent, ix. 29, 30. 

Florida, East, Madison asks author- 

ity to occupy, v. 326, 327 ; Congress 
authorizes occupation of, 327; com- 
missioners sent to take possession 
of, 327; revolutionized, vi. 237- 
243; bill for occupation of, 243; 
occupation continued, vii. 206; 
bill for the seizure of, 208; bill 
amended, 209; troops withdrawn 
from, 210, 211. 
Florida, West, possession of, neces- 
sary for the West, i, 438, 442 ; not 
a part of the territory retroceded 
by Spain to France, ii. 7, 13; 
claimed by Livingston as part of 
the Louisiana purchase, 68; Jeffer- 
son's anxiety to secure, 245 ; scheme 
for seizing, 255 ; not claimed at the 
delivery of Louisiana, 256 ; Ran- 
dolph's Mobile Act, asserting ju- 
risdiction over, 257, 258, 260-263; 
claim to, 273. 311, 312; claim 
adopted by the President, 302; 
desire of the southern people to 
acquire, iii. 22 ; negotiation for, 
in 1805, 23-37 (see Monroe); 
Madison's opinion of claim to, 55, 
56 ; not to be turned into a French 
job, 70, 77; Cabinet decides to 
offer five millions for, 78 ; Talley- 
rand's plan for obtaining, 103; 
Tallej'rand's plan adopted by Jef- 
ferson, 106; opposed in Congress, 
133 et seq.; passage of Two-Mil- 
lion Act for purchasing, 138; 
Burr's designs upon, 232, 234; 
source of Talleyrand's plan, 373 ; 
Napoleon's attitude, 374, 375; 
Madison's instructions, 375; Na- 
poleon's defeat of Talleyrand's 
plan, 376-385, 424, 428; iv. 114; 
Turreau's views on, iii. 426; 
American occupation invited by 
Napoleon iv. 293, 294, 296, 297. 
307; invitation acknowledged by 
Madison, 306; invitation denied 
by Napoleon, 311; seizure of, 
intended by Jefferson, 340 ; rev- 



olution in, v. 307-315', Madi- 
son orders occupation of, 310-312, 
318; Claiborne takes possession of, 
313; organized as part of Orleans 
Territory-, 314; protest of British 
charge,'3U, 315; Giles's bill for 
annexing to Orleans Territory, 320 ; 
debate on annexation, 320-323; 
Macon's bill, admitting, as a part 
of Louisiana, 323, 324; remains a 
separate territory, 326 ; divided by 
act of Congress, vi. 236; ceded by 
Spain in 1819, 237. (See Mobile.) 

Flour, price of, its effect in repealing 
the embargo, v. 196; affected by 
the blockade, vii. 263; affected by 
peace, ix. 61. 

Flournoy, Thomas, brigadier-general, 
in U, S. army, succeeds Wilkinson 
at New Orleans, vii. 243. 

Floyd, John, brigadier-general of 
Georgia militia, his campaign to 
Autossee, vii. 242, 243 ; his battle 
at Calibee Creek, 249, 250. 

Folch, Governor, of West Florida, 
iii. 262, 300. 

Fontaine, John, lieutenant of artillery 
in Fort Erie, viii. 76. 

Fontainebleau, treaty of, iv. 120. 

Forfeitures under the Non-importa- 
tion Act, vi. 436-443. 

Forrest, C. R., major of the British 
Thirty-Fourth Infantry, Assistant 
Quarter-Master General before 
New Orleans, his account of the 
British batteries, viii. 360, 365 ; his 
account of the canal, 374, 375. 

Forsyth, Benjamin, major in U. S. 
Rifle Regiment, vii. 147. 

Forsyth, John, member of Con- 
gress from Georgia, vii. 53; on 
bank committee, viii. 252; objects 
to economy, ix. 85 ; in the Four- 
teenth Congress, 107 ; supports the 
bank, 117; his remarks on the 
Compensation Bill, 121. 

Fort Barrancas at Pensacola, occu- 

pied by British expedition, viii. 
320; evacuated and blown up, 

Fort Bowyer, on Mobile Point, con- 
structed bv Wilkinson, vii. 215; 
occupied by Jackson, viii. 319, 
322; attacked by British slnops-of- 
war, 322-325 ; captured, 383-385- 

Fort Dearborn, Chicago, vi 110,294; 
garrison massacred, 334. 

Fort Erie, vi. 343, .347, 348, 358; 
evacuated b}- British, vii. 117, 159 ; 
re-occupied by Drummond, 202; 
Brown ordered to attack, viii. 33 ; 
British garrison at, 38 ; captured by 
Brown, 39 ; Ripley's retreat to, 66 ; 
entrenched American camp at, 67, 
70, 71; ix. 235; Dnimmond's re- 
pulse at, viii. 71-80; strength of 
army at, G8, 69, 83 ; Brown's sor- 
tie from, 84-89; Drummond retires 
from, 89, 90; abandoned and blown 
up by Izard, 116, 118; in the ne- 
gotiation at Ghent, ix. 34, 35. 

Fort George, vi. 300, 343, 347 ; 
vii. 153; Brock's headquarters, vi. 
341, 348, 349, 351; captured by 
Dearborn, vii. 157, 158; held by 
McClure, 200, 201; evacuated, 
202; Riall's headquarters, viii. 38; 
Brown unable to attack, 45-47. 

Fort Harrison, vi. 95, 106, 294; at- 
tacked by Indians, vii. 72, 73. 

Fort Massac, iii. 222, 284, 290-292. 

Fort McHenry, at Baltimore, 
strength of, viii. 166; bombard- 
ment of, 171, 172. 

Fort Meigs, constructed in February, 
1813, vii. 93, 99, 101; besieged by 
Proctor, 104-107 ; siege abandoned, 
108 ; threatened by Proctor, 109. 

Fort Mims, surprise and massacre 
of, vii. 229-231. 

Fort Niagara, bombarded, vi. 355; 
captured by Drummoud, vii. 202, 
203, 205; British garrison at, viii. 
38 ; cession required, Lx. 10, 34. 



Fort St. Philip, below New Orleans, 
viii. 335 ; bombarded, 383. 

Fort Schlosser, on the Niagara River, 
Brown's base of supplies, viii. 49. 

Fort Stephenson, Croghan's defence 
of, vii. 110-114. 

Fort Stoddert, iii. 327 ; vii. 243. 

Fort Strother, on the Coosa, Jack- 
son's base, vii. 238, 239, 240, 245. 

Fort Sullivan, at Eastport, Maine, 
capitulates, viii. 94. 

Fort Washington (or Warburton), on 
the Potomac, vii. 56; viii. 120, 
137, 138; abandoned, 157. 

Fort Wayne, vii. 72. 

Fortifications, iii. 179; opposed bj' 
southern republicans, 350; appro- 
priation for, in 1809, v. 85; appro- 
priation asked in 1810, 319. 

Foster, Augustus John, his descrip- 
tion of Jefferson, i. 186 ; of Madi- 
son, 190; appointed British minister 
to the United States, vi. 16, 21; 
F. J. Jackson's opinion of. 22 ; 
his instructions, 22, 23; arrives 
at Washington, 37, 52; protests 
against the seizure of Florida, 37 ; 
reports Monroe's language about 
Spanish America, 38; protests 
against the non-importation, 39; 
narrows the issue to Fox's block- 
ade and the Orders in Council, 
40, 41; reports Monroe's lan- 
guage on the revocation of the 
French decrees, 42; threatens re- 
taliation for the non-importation, 
44 ; reports that the Orders in 
Council are the single object of 
irritation, 45; settles the ''Chesa- 
peake affair," 121, 122; his report 
of executive temper in November, 
1811, 131 ; his report of Gallatin's 
language about taxes, 156 ; his re- 
port of the conduct of Federalists 
in Congress, 172-175; receives in- 
structions, March 21, 1812, 191; 
communicates them, 192; his re- 

port of Monroe's remarks on recent 
French spoliations, 195, 198; his 
report of Madison's and Monroe's 
remarks on the embargo of April, 
1812, 199; suggests Madison's re- 
election, 213 ; on the American peo- 
ple, vii. 15; his Florida protest, 32. 

Fouch(^, Joseph, Due d'Otrante, Na- 
poleon's minister of police, v. 222; 
opposes Napoleon's commercial 
system, 224; sends an agent to 
the British government, 238, 239; 
disgraced and exiled, 241. 

" Fox," privateer, in British waters, 
vii. 332. 

Fox, Charles James, ii. 418; accession 
of, to Foreign Office, iii. 163, 211 ; 
recalls Merry, and refuses to listen 
to Burr's schemes, 250; opens ne- 
gotiations with Monroe, 394; his 
blockade, 398; illness of, 406; death 
of, 407. 

France, cause of her influence over 
the Union, i. 337; her course in 
1795, 350; her colonial aspirations, 
353 ; obtains cession of Spanish 
St. Domingo in 1795, 354; seeks 
to recover Louisiana in 1797, 354 ; 
asks for Louisiana and the Floridas 
in 1798, 357 ; makes peace with 
foreign powers in 1800, 360-362, 
373, 374 ; asks again for Louisiana, 
364; and for the Floridas, 368; ob- 
tains Louisiana, 369, 370 (see Trea- 
ties); her old colonial system, 377- 
380; loses St. Domingo, 380-387; 
her attempt to recover St. Domingo, 
390-398, 414, 415; her pledge not 
to alienate Louisiana, 400; presses 
to obtain the Floridns, 401, 402 ; 
Jefferson's first cordiality toward, 
404: Jefferson's threats toward, 
406-411 ; Jefferson's forbearance 
toward, 423-425, 427-446; her in- 
tentions regarding Louisiana, ii, 
4-12 (see Napoleon, Louisiana, 
Florida) ; perfect understanding 



Trith, iii. 8 ; Jefferson's alarm at the 
conduct of, 58-75; her dictatorial 
tone in 1805, 82-90 (see Decrees); 
alienation between United States 
and, V. 28-41, 141-151 ; difficulties 
of commerce with, 152, 245 ; value 
of spoliations in 1809, 1810, 242, 
243; contract with, 339, 340; un- 
friendly language of the annual 
message toward, vi. 125; Madison's 
language regarding, 187, 218, 224 ; 
theory of contract with, apparently 
abandoned, 223 ; Monroe's lan- 
guage regarding, 232; Napoleon 
driven back into, vii. 370 ; invaded, 
373, 393, 395. (See Livingston, 
Armstrong, Barlow, Madison, 
Monroe, Talleyrand, Champagny, 

Franklin, Benjamin, i. 60 etseq., 181 ; 
citation from Poor Richard, 44. 

Franklin, Jesse, senator from North 
Carolina, vii. 49. 

Freeman, Constant, lieutenant-colo- 
nel of Artillery, in command at 
New Orleans, warned by Wilkin- 
son, iii. 314, 315. 

Fremantle, Colonel, letter on the sit- 
uation of Parliament, v. 58. 

French Mills, Wilkinson's winter 
quarters, vii. 199; viii. 24. 

French spoliations (see Spoliations, 

Frenchtown, in Maryland, Cock- 
bum's attack on, vii. 266. 

Frenchtown, on the river Raisin, vii. 
88. (See Raisin.) 

Freneau, Philip, i. 125. 

Frere, John Hookham, i. 402. 

Friedland, the battle of, iv. 62, 105. 

Frigates, American, effect of their 
captures on England, vii. 5-7, 9, 
13-16, 24; cost of, 310; efficiency 
of, compared with sloops-of-war, 
310-312; six new, ordered to be 
built, 313; their record m 1814, 
viii. 174-181. (See Navy, " Presi- 

dent," "Constitution," "United 
States," " Chesapeake," " Con- 
gress," "Constellation," "Essex," 
and "Adams.") 

"Frolic," American sloopof-war, 
built in 1813, vii. 313; sails in 
February, 1814, and is captured 
April 20, viii. 181. 

"Frolic," British sloop-of-war, vi. 
379; her action with the " Wasp," 

Fugitive-Slave Bill, i. 300. 

Fulton, Robert, i. 69, 182; Justice 
Story's account of, 71 ; his steam- 
boat, iii. 20,216; iv. 135; his tor- 
pedo, V. 209 ; his inventions, ix. 
236. (See Steamboat.) 

Gaillard, John, senator from South 
Carolina, ii. 238. 

Gaines, Edmund Pendleton, first 
lieutenant of Second Infantrj-, 
commanding at Fort Stoddert, ar- 
rests Burr, iii. 327 ; promoted to 
brigadier, vii. 409; corrects 
Brown, viii. 28; takes command 
at Fort Erie, 67; his force, 73; 
repulses Drummond's assault, 74- 
80; wounded, relinquishes com- 
mand, 82; ordered to Mobile, 331; 
remains brigadier on peace estab- 
lishment, ix. 88. 

Gallatin, Albert, his opinion of the 
Connecticut River district, i. 19 ; 
on Indian corn. 58; his political 
doctrines, 72, 115 et seq., 163, 177; 
personal characteristics of, 190; ap- 
pointed Secretary of the Treasury, 
218; supports M. L. Davis, 232; 
opposes removals from office, 235; 
ii. 194; his financial measures of 
1801, i. 239; his financial schemes 
adopted, 272 ; inserts school and 
road contract into the law admit- 
ting Ohio, 302; Yazoo commis- 
sioner, 304-306 ; underestimates 



the product of the taxes, ii. 75; 
his opinion on the acquisition of 
territory, 79, 131 ; success of the 
Treasury Department under, 135 ; 
asks Congress for a special tax 
for the Barbary war, 141, 261 ; 
attacked by Duane, 194, 196; by 
Eaton, 431; remonstrates with Jef- 
ferson against allusions to New 
England in second Inaugural, 
iii. 6; his policy of internal im- 
provements, 18; Iv. 364; his view 
of Monroe's negotiation with Spain, 
iii. 65; opposes the idea of war, 67 ; 
opposes the offer of five millions 
for Florida, 78; criticises the draft 
of Annual Message, November, 
1805, 114; success of his financial 
management, 210; his policy of 
discharging public debt, 345; his 
hostility to slavery, 362; prepares 
for war with England, iv. 32 et 
ieq. ; his success with the treasury, 
148; modifies Jefferson's Annual 
Message of 1807, 150*, his report 
Nov. 5, 1807, 156*, abandons his 
dogma against national debt, 157; 
opposed to Jefferson's gunboat pol- 
icj', 158, his letter advising that the 
embargo should be limited as to 
time, 170; talks freely with Rose, 
197; asserts that war is inevitable 
unless the Orders in Council are 
repealed, 198; enforces the em- 
bargo, 253 ; requires arbitrary 
powers to enforce the embargo, 
261; thinks the result of the elec- 
tion doubtful, 284; urges Jeffer- 
son to decide between embargo 
and war, 355; his annual report 
of 1808, 365-367 ; favors war, 
368; his plan, 369, 432; writes 
"Campbell's Report," 370, 371; 
his attitude as represented by Er- 
skine, 385; suggests settlement to 
Erskine, 387, 388 ; Erskine's re- 
port of his conversation, 390; dis- 

avows Erskine's report, 391 ; his 
legislation to enforce the embargo, 
398; presses his measures, 420; 
defeats bill for employing navy, 
425, 426; his analysis of the navy 
coalition, 428; intended by Madi- 
son for Secretary of State, 429 ; 
opposed by Giles, 429, 430 ; his 
efforts to maintain discipline, 440; 
explains the Non-intercourse Act 
to Erskine, 445; his appointment 
as Secretary of State defeated, v. 
4-8 ; his quarrel with Samuel 
Smith, 10; his conversation with 
Turreau about the Floridas, 38, 
39 ; his remarks to Turreau oa 
renewing intercourse with Great 
Britain, 74 ; his letters on Er- 
skme's disavowal, 110, 111 ; his 
expectations from Jackson's mis- 
sion, 110, 116, 117; bis feud with 
Giles, Smith, and Leib, 159; his 
letter of remonstrance to Jeffer- 
son, 160, 161, 164; his enemies, 
167; his annual report of 1809, 178; 
his bill for excluding British and 
French ships, 183 (see Macon); his 
remarks on Napoleon's secret con- 
fiscations, 259; his remarks to Tur- 
reau on revival of non-intercourse 
against England, 303; gives notice 
of revival of non-intercourse against 
England, 304; his annual report of 
1810, 319; his dependence on the 
bank, 329, 335; asks an increase of 
duties, 357; his letter of resignation, 
360-366; Serurier's estimate of, vi. 
46 ; his annual report of Novem- 
ber, 1811, 126; attacked by Giles, 
148, 149; delays his estimates, 156; 
his war-taxes| 156-159, 165, 166, 
204; his war-taxes reported June 
26, 235; his loan of 1812, 206, 207; 
believed to think war unnecessary, 
225; complains of Congress, 234, 
235; reports tax-bills to Congress, 
235; his instructions at the out- 



break of war, 301 ; his opinion of 
Eustis, 397, 398; claims depart- 
ment of State, 424; his annual re- 
port of Dec. 5, 1812, 433, 438 ; his 
views on the forfeiture of mer- 
chandise imported in 1812, 439, 
440; liis attitude toward war-taxa- 
tion, 446; ofl'ended by Duane's ap- 
pointment, vii. 41; asks to go as 
peace commissioner to Russia, 42; 
regards his separation from the 
Treasury as final, 43; negotiates 
loan of 1813, 44; settles financial 
arrangements for the year, 45; sails 
for Russia, 46; on the incapacity 
of government, 52; his name sent 
to the Senate as envoy, 59; his 
nomination rejected, 60, 355; re- 
monstrates against the seizure of 
Mobile, 212, 213; objects to special 
legislation for privateers, 336 ; ar- 
rives at St. Petersburg, 339, 347; 
writes to Baring, 343; obliged to 
remain idle at St Petersburg, 348, 
349 ; leaves St. Petersburg and ar- 
rives in London, 355, 363; nomi- 
nated and confirmed as joint envoy 
to Ghent, 371 ; his estimate of bank 
capital, currency, and specie m 
1814, 387-389; effect of his letters 
on the President, viii. 121; Dallas's 
opinion of, 244; remains in Lon- 
don until June 21, 1814, ix. 1; has 
interview with the Czar June 17, 
8 ; writes despatch of June 13, 8, 
9; his position and authority 
among the negotiators, 14, 15; 
abandons hope of peace, 22 ; takes 
control of the commission, 28, 29; 
on the Florida policy, 30; accepts 
the Indian article, 32; learns Pre- 
vost's defeat, 37; becomes cham- 
pion of the fisheries, 46, 48, 50; 
Adams's opinion of, 51; his opin- 
ion of Adams, 51; appointed min- 
ister to France, 89; declines the 
Treasury, 124, 125, 141. 

VOL. IX. — 19 

Gambler, Lord, commands the Co- 
penhagen expedition, iv. 63; bom- 
bards Copenhagen, 65 ; appointed 
chief British commissioner at 
Ghent, ix. 13, 14. 

Gardenier, Barent, member of Con- 
gress from New York, iv. 147; at- 
tacks the Supplementary Embar- 
go Bill, 201 ; his duel' with G. 
W. Campbell, 203; his views on 
Campbell's Report, 375, 447; his 
remarks on Jefferson and Madison, 
v. 79, 80; supports Macon's bill, 
185 ; cause of changing rule of 
previous question, 353. 

Gardiner, John Sylvester John, 
president of the Anthology Club, 
ix. 202. 

Gaston, William, member of Con- 
gress from North Carolina, his 
reply to Eppes, viii. 262. 

Gaudin, Due de Gaete, orders of, v. 

Gelston, Daniel, i. 231. 

" General Armstrong," New York 
privateer brig, vii. 316; escapes 
the "Coquette," 326, destroyed 
at Fayal, viii. 201-207. 

George III., King of Kngland, char- 
acter of, i. 342; Eidon's anecdote 
of, iv. 65; becomes insane, v. 288 ; 
vi. 2. 

George, Prince of Wales, his Whig 
associations, vi. 3, 4 ; becomes 
Prince Regent, Feb. 6, 1811, 14; 
retains Spencer Perceval's min- 
istry, 14; his audience of leave for 
William Pinkney, 16, 18-20; his 
conditional declaration of April 
21, 1812, that the Orders in Coun- 
cil should be withdrawn, 254, 
282; his opinion of Major-Geneial 
Proctor, vii. 93. 94, approves con- 
duct of Major-General Ross, viii. 

Georgia. State of. m 1800, 1. 4, 39; 
surrenders territory to the United 



States, 303; land speculation in, 
303; Rescinding Act, 304; relations 
with Creek Indians, vii. 218, 219; 
share in the Creek war, 234, 235; 
militia campaigns of Floyd, 241- 
243, 249, 250; militia fail to deal 
with the Creeks, viii. 219; regular 
troops in, 316, 317 i agitated bj' 
British invasion, ix. 63. 

German, Obadiah, senator from New 
York, vii. 48. 

Gerry, Elbridge, i. 358; presides 
over a "Chesapeake" meeting in 
Boston, iv. 29 ; elected governor of 
Massachusetts in 1810 and 1811, v. 
215; vi. 115; defeated in 1812, 204; 
nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 
214; elected, 413. 

" Gershom," American brig, burned 
by French squadron, vi. 193, 198. 

Ghent, despatches dated Aug. 20, 
1814, arrive at Washington from, 
viii. 267; ix. 23; American com- 
missioners arrive at, ix. 9, 17; first 
conference at, Augusts, 17; second 
conference at, August 19, 19; des- 
patches of August 20 from, 23; 
Castlereagh visits , 24 ; Treaty of, 
signed December 24, 52 ; Treaty of, 
received in England, 54-56 ; Treaty 
of, received in America, 57-61-, 
treaty confirmed and ratified, 58. 
82; character of treaty, 59; eftect 
of treaty on party politics, 80, 81. 

Gholson, Thomas, member of Con- 
gress from Virginia, moves new 
rule of previous question, v. 353. 

Gibbs, Sir Samuel, British major- 
general, appointed second in com- 
mand of British expedition to New 
Orleans, viii. 315; commands Brit- 
ish right column at the battle of 
Jan. 8, 1815, 372; attacks and is 
killed, 375, 381. 

Gibson, .Tames, colonel of Fourth 
Rifles, leads sortie from Fort Erie, 
viii. 87; killed, 88, 89. 

Giles, William Branch, member of 
Congress from Virginia, i- 209, 261, 
267; his political career, 234 et seq. ; 
debates the Judiciary Bill, 286 
et seq., 299; ii. 142; supports the 
impeachment of Judge Chase, 221 ; 
his view of impeachment, 223, 235, 
237, 238, 241; senator from Vir- 
ginia, iii. 126; introduces a bill to 
suspend habeas corpus, 338, 340; 
ready for war, iv. 198 ; described by 
Joseph Story, 205; his bill defining 
treason, 206; his bill conferring 
power to enforce the embargo, 398 ; 
a member of the senatorial cabal 
hostile to Madison and Gallatin, 
428-430 ; defeats Gallatin's ap- 
pointment as Secretary of State, 
v. 4-7 ; votes for mission to Russia, 
11; his report on F. J. Jackson, 
178, 179, 182, 183; wishes energy 
of government, 180, 189; his bill 
for the annexation of West Flor- 
ida, 319, 320; his speech on the 
Bank Charter, 333 ; his political 
capacity, 363; reports bill for rais- 
ing twenty-five thousand troops, 
vi. 147; his speech attacking Gal- 
latin, 148, 149; his factiousness, 
150; his admission of errors, 154; 
his speech on the volunteer bill, 
161 ; votes for war, 229 ; votes 
against occupying East Florida, 
243; on seamen's bill, 454; in op- 
position, vii. 48; votes against Gal- 
latin's appointment to Russia, 59; 
charged by Slonroe with schemes 
of usurpation, 62; votes against 
mission to Sweden, 63; no chance 
of re-election, 399; his bill for 
drafting eighty thousand militia, 
viii. 268-280: thinks government 
cannot stand, 310 ; resigns seat in 
Senate, ix. 107. 

Gilman, Nicholas, senator from New 
Hampshire, votes against the Two- 
Million Bill, iii. 139. 



Girard, Stephen, shares loan of 1813, 
vii. 44, 45 ; subscribes for bank- 
stock, ix. 131. 

Gitschia in Bohemia, the Czar's 
headquarters, vii. 340. 

Glasgow, meeting of merchants at, in 
September, 1814, viii. 198, 199. 

Gleig, George R., lieutenant in the 
British Eighty-fifth Regiment, his 
account of the capture of Washmg- 
ton, viii. 129, 144; his account of 
the artillery at New Orleans, 359, 
360, 363-366. 

Gloucester town-meeting appoints a 
committee of public safety, iv, 414. 

Goddard, Calvin, member of Con- 
gress from Connecticut, ii. 160. 

Godoy, Don Manuel, Prince of Peace, 
i. 346 et seq. ; treaty of 1795 nego- 
tiated by, 348, 309, 371; baffles 
Bonaparte, 374; attempts to con- 
ciliate the United States, ii. 21; 
protests against the sale of Louisi- 
ana, 57 : conciliates Napoleon, 277 ; 
his defiant speech toErving, iii. 38; 
offers to accept American advances, 
381, 382; opposed to alliance with 
France, iv. 116, 117, 118, 124; stifles 
Prince Ferdinand's intrigue, 291 ; 
mobbed, 298; described by Napo- 
leon, 299. 

Gold, premium in England in 1812, 
vii. 5. (See Specie.) 

Goldsborough, Robert Henry, senator 
from Maryland, vii. G2, 63; de- 
nounces conscription, viii. 273. 

Goodrich, Chauncey, senator from 
Connecticut, iii. 461; iv. 146 ; dele- 
gate to the Hartford Convention, 
viii. 292, 294. 

Goodrich, Elizur, i. 226. 

Gordon, Charles, captain in U. S. 
navy, appointed to command the 
"Chesapeake," iv. 5; drops down 
the Potomac, 7 ; ready for sea, 
8; testimony of, 11; prepares for 
action, 16. 

Gordon, James A., captain of British 

frigate " Seahorse," captures Alex- 
andria, viii. 157 , rejoins fleet, 163, 

Gore, Christopher, ii. 347; his letter 
to Pickering on resistance to the 
embargo, iv. 405; Pickering's re- 
pl V, 406 ; elected governor of Mas- 
sachusetts in 1809. V, 12; invites 
F. J. Jackson to Boston, 213; de- 
feated in the election of 1810, 215; 
and in 1811, vi. 115 ; senator from 
Massachusetts, his speech on con- 
scription, viii. 272; his letter on 
State armies, 284, 286; approves 
report of Hartford Convention, 301 ; 
his opinion of the Treaty of Ghent, 
ix. 59. 

Goulburn, Henry, under secretary of 
state for the colonies, appointed 
British commissioner at Ghent, ix. 
13, 14; presents subjects of discus- 
sion, 17; states British demands, 
19, 20; reports Bayard's remarks, 
22; checked by Castlereagh, 24, 25; 
anxious for Prevost to move, 27; 
out of temper, 29, 30, 31 ; again 
checked, 31, 32; quite in despair, 
36; tliiiiks the fisheries conceded, 

" Governor Tompkins," New York 
privateer schooner, her escape from 
man-of-war, vii. 327, 328; in the 
British Channel, viii. 196. 

" Grnce Ann Greene," American ves- 
sel released by Napoleon, v. 391. 

Graham, John, sent by Jefferson to 
inquire into Burr's movements, iii. 
280, 281; goes to Chillicothe, 282; 
to Kentucky, 286; his account of 
public opinion in Kentucky, vi. 

"Grand Turk," privateer, in British 
waters, vii. 333. 

Grandpr^, Louis, v. 306, 307. 

Granger, Gideon, appointed Post- 
master-General, i. 308; an active 



politician, ii. 192; agent for the 
Yazoo claims, 212 ; attacked by 
Randolph, 213 ; removed from office 
by Madison, vii. 399-401. 

Graydon, Alexander, i. 127. 

Great Britain (see England). 

GreenleaPs Point (Arsenal), atWash- 
ington, viii. 137. 

Gregg, Andrew, member of Congress 
from Pennsylvania, ii. 123; moves 
a non-importation resolution, iii. 
154; the resolution debated, 155- 
165; the resolution laid aside, 165, 

Gr^goire, Abb^, i. 105. 

Grenville, Lord, ii. 316, 418 ; de- 
nounces seizure of Spanish gal- 
leons, iii. 46 ; prime minister, 392, 
420; dismissed from office, 421; 
charges ministers with intending 
a, war with the United States, 
iv. 70; on Canning, v. 49 ; on the 
American government, vii. 10. 

Gr^try, v. 235. 

Grey, Earl (see Howick), denounces 
seizure of Spanish galleons, iii. 47. 

Griswold, Gaylord, member of Con- 
I gress from New York, on the Lou- 
) isiana treaty, ii. 96. 

Griswold, Roger, member of Con- 
gress from Connecticut, i. 269, 299; 
on the Louisiana treaty, ii. 99, 101 ; 
on the Vice-Presidenc}', 133; on 
the Mediterranean Fund, 142; be- 
lieves disunion inevitable, 160, 162; 
his letters to Oliver Wolcott, 162, 
169, 180 ; conference of, with Burr, 
183, 390, 391. 

Grosvenor, Thomas P., member of 
Congress from New York, on Web- 
ster's bank-bill, viii. 259, 260; in 
the Fourteenth Congress, ix. 107 ; 
criticises Webster, 117, 118; on 
committee for internal improve- 
ments, 148. 

Grund\'. Felix, member of Congress 
from Tennessee, vi. 122, 137, 196; 

on Committee of Foreign Relations, 
124, 128; his speech in favor of 
war, 137-141; favors large army, 
152 ; opposes war-power, 161 ; 
agamst frigates, 164; on embargo, 
201; on the political effects of war, 
213; on forfeitures, 443; reports 
bill for regulation of seamen, 452, 
453 ; on the state of the finances in 
April, 1813, vii. 390; defeated as 
Speaker, 396. 

"Guerriere," British frigate, vi. 25; 
"Little Belt" mistaken for, 26- 
30; Captain Dacres, commander 
of, 37; joins Broke's squadron, 368; 
chases "Constitution," 370, cap- 
tured by " Constitution," 372-375; 
consternation produced throughout 
Great Britain by capture of, vii. 5, 
6, 24; Captain Dacres on capture 
of, 7; the " Times " on conduct of, 
14; relative loss compared witli 
"Shannon," 299; loss inflicted by, 
compared with that inflicted by 
"Cyane" and "Levant," ix. 78, 
effect of battle of, 229. 

Gulf-stream considered by Jefferson 
as American waters, iii. 12J, 405, 

Gunboats, arguments for and against, 
ill. 362; Jefferson's policy adopted 
by Congress, iv. 158-160 ; Secretary 
Hamilton's remarks on, v. 168; 
attack British frigate " Junon, ' 
vii. 270 ; captured on Lake Borgne, 
viii. 335, 336; ordered to be sold, 
ix. 87. 

Gunnery, naval, of American gun- 
boats in the affair with the British 
frigate "Junon," vii. 270; of the 
battery on Craney Island, 274 ; of 
the " Hornet " and " Peacock," 
290; of the "Shannon" and 
"Chesapeake," 292, 298-301; of 
the " Argus " and "Pelican," 306- 
308; superiority of American, 319 ; 
viii. 210; Michael Scott on, vii. 



322 ; relative superiority at Platts- 
burg, viii. 106, 109 ; ix. 234; of the 
" Peacock " and " Epervier," viii. 
183, 184; of the "Wasp" and 
" Reindeer," 187; of the " Wasp " 
and "Avon," 190-192; of the 
"President" and ''Endymion," 
ix. 69, 70; of the "Hornet" and 
"Penguin," 72, of the "Constitu- 
tion," "Cyane," and "Levant," 
75-78; relative superiority of 
American, 229-235. (See Artil- 

Habeas Corpus, bill for the suspen- 
sion of, defeated in Congress, iii. 
338, 340. 

Halifax, blockaded by privateers in 
1814, viii. 194, 195. 

" Halifax," British sloop-of-war, de- 
sertion of seamen from, iv. 2. 

Hall, Basil, i. 164; his account of 
the practice of the British frigates 
blockading New York, iii. 92. 

Hall, Boiling, member of Congress 
from Georgia, moves resolutions 
authorizing issue of legal-tender 
treasury-notes, viii. 253, 254. 

Hall, , captain of marines on 

the "Chesapeake," iv. 11. 

Hamilton, Alexander, i. 85, 86, 108, 
277", Talleyrand's remark concern- 
ing, 352; ii. 168; opposes Burr for 
governor, 176, 177 •, not "m favor of 
disunion projects, 184; his opposi- 
tion to Burr, 185 et seq. ; his duel 
with Burr, 186 tt seq. ; mourned by 
the Federalists, 190. 

Hamilton, Paul, appointed Secre- 
tary of the Navy, v. 9, 206; his 
orders to Commodore Rodgers of 
June 9, 1810, vi. 26; of May 6, 
1811, 25; his supposed incompe- 
tence, 169,290, 395, 398,- his orders 
to Rodgers, Decatur, and Hull in 
June, 1812, 363-365,368; his orders 

of September, 1812, 378; resigns, 

Hammond, George, Under Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs, v. 45. 

Hampshire county-meeting in Janu- 
ary, 1809, iv. 410. 

Hampton, village of, captured and 
plundered, vii. 275, 276. 

Hampton, Wade, brigadier-general 
in U. S. army, hostile to Wilkin- 
son, V. 169 ; takes command at 
New Orleans, 175; vi. 291; ap- 
pointed Major-General, vii. 37; 
sent to Lake Champlain, 174; his 
hostilit}' to Wilkinson, 175; not 
under W^ilkinson's orders, 175, 
176; ordered to prepare winter 
quarters, 183, 197 ,• bis force on 
Lake Champlain, 192; advances to 
Chateaugaj', 192; reaches Spear's, 
193, 194; his force, 196; his check 
and retreat, 197 ; offers resignation, 
198; falls back to Plattsburg, 199; 
blamed by Wilkinson and Arm- 
strong, 199, 200 ; his resignation 
accepted, 199, 200, 416; fortifies . 
Norfolk, 271 ; on Hull's court-mar- 
tial, 415; Armstrong's treatment 
of, 416. 

Hanson, A. C, a victim of the Balti- 
more riot, vi. 407 ; on the popu- 
larity of the war, vii. 69, 70; his 
speech, Nov. 28, 1814, on the des- 
titution of government, viii. 252, 

Hardin, Benjamin, member of the 
Fourteenth Congress from Ken- 
tucky, moves to repeal the direct 
tax, ix. 113; on the effect of the 
Compensation Act, 137. 

Hardy, Sir Thomas M., captain in 
British navy, blockades New York, 
vii. 278; countenances ship-duels, 
286 ; escorts British expedition to 
Moose Island, viii. 94. 

Harper, Robert Goodloe, ii. 154; one 
of Chase's counsel, 228, 232; fed- 



eralist leader in 1799, vi. 144; 
senator from Maryland, ix. 108. 

"Harpy," privateer, viii. 196. 

Hams, Tiiomas K., member of Con- 
gress from Tennessee, on Giles's 
militia bill, viii. 275. 

Harrison, Fort (see Fort Harrison). 

Harrison, William Henry, governor 
of Indiana Territory, his Indian 
treaty of 1805, iii. 13; appointed 
governor, in 1800, vi. 68; his ac- 
count of Indian affairs, 69-73; his 
treaties of 1804 and 1805, 75, 77; 
his influence in the dispute about 
slavery in Indiana, 75-77 ; his in- 
terview with the Prophet in Au- 
gust, 1808, 80, his treaty of Sept. 
30, 1809,83,84; his interview with 
Tecumthe of Aug. 12, 1810, 85-88; 
his letter to Tecumthe, June 24, 
1811, 90; his talk with Tecumthe 
July 27, 1811, 91; instructed to 
avoid hostilities, 93; raises mili- 
tary forces, 93; sends army up the 
Wabash valley, 94 ; constructs 
Fort Harrison, 95; marches on Tip- 
pecanoe, 97; his arrival, 98-100; 
his camp, 102 ; attacked, 103 ; 
his return to Vincennes, 106 ; 
Humphrey Marshall's opinion of, 
107; his estimate of the effect of 
his campaign, 107, 108; appointed 
by Kentucky to command expedi- 
tion to recover Detroit, 392, 420; 
unable to advance, 412; ap- 
pomted major-general, vii. 37; 
placed in command by Kentucky, 
73, 74; commissioned bj' the Presi- 
dent as brigadier-general, 75; re- 
ceives carte blanche, with no orders 
but to recover Detroit, 75, 80, 102 ; 
his autumn campaign, 75-84; his 
winter campaign, 84-86, 100, 101; 
ordered to remain on the defensive, 
103; besieged .in Fort Meigs, 104- 
108; attacked' at Sandusky, 108- 
114; his army of invasion, 128; 

embarks, 129; occupies Maiden^ 
131; occupies Sandwich and De- 
troit, 132; defeats Proctor oq 
the Thames, 137-140; returns 
to Detroit, 142; sent to Sackett's 
Harbor, 200; his treaty of peace 
with Indian tribes, 261; ix. 32; 
Armstrong's prejudice against, 
vii. 409; resigns from the army, 
Harrowby, Lord, British Foreign Sec- 
retary, ii. 418; receives Monroe, 
420; instructions as to impress- 
ments and the boundary conven- 
tion, 423 et seq. ; retires from the 
Foreign Office, iii. 47. 
Hartford Convention (see New Eng- 
land Convention). 
" Hartford wits," i. 101. 
Harvard College, i. 77, 78, 90, the 
source of Boston Unitarianisra, ix. 
176; its influence on Boston, 205, 
Hastings, Warren, trial of, ii. 226. 
Hauterive, Alexandre Maurice, 
Comte d', charged with negotia- 
tions wth Armstrong, v. 140, 
Havre de Grace, in Maryland, Cock- 
burn's attack on, vii. 267. 
Hawkesbury, Lord (see Liverpool). 
Hawkins, Benjamin, Indian agent 
among the Creeks, vii. 218; satis- 
fied with behavior of Creeks, 220; 
his report of Tecumthe's address to 
the Creeks, 221; demands the de- 
livery of Creek murderers, 225; his 
report on the flight of the Red 
Sticks, 257, 258. 
Hay, George, District Attorney, con- 
ducts prosecution of Burr, iii. 445; 
threatens the court, 466 ; Monroe's 
son-in-law, accuses Jefferson of in- 
sincerity, iv. 131; his advice to 
Monroe, vi. 421. 
Ha3'es, John, captain of British 56- 
gun frigate " Majestic," command- 



ing blockading squadron off New 
York, intercepts Decatur in the 
•'President," ix. 64. 
Head, Sir Francis, ix. 233 
Heatli, William, Jefierson's letter to, 

iii. 8, 9, 58. 
Henley, John D., commander in the 
U. S. navy, his report on the de- 
struction of the "Carolina" at 
New Orleans, viii. 359. 
Henry, John, his letters to H. W. 
Ryland in March, 1 808, iv. 243- 248 : 
his letters sent by Sir James Craig 
to Lord Castlereagh, 246, 248; sent 
to Boston by Sir James Craig in 
January, 1809, 460; his reports, 
461; his report on disunion, v. 14; 
recalled, 86; demands money, vi. 
176 •, comes to Boston, 177 ; employs 
Crillon to negotiate with Monroe, 
178; obtains fiftj' thousand dollars, 
179; sails for Europe, 180; papers 
of, 182 ; supposed effect of, in Flor- 
ida affairs. 241. 

Henry, Patrick, 5. 143, quoted by 
Randolph, ix. 110. 

" Hermes," 22-gun British sloop-of- 
war, sent to Pensacola, viii. 319, 
322; attacks Fort Bowyer, 323; 
disabled and burned, 324. 

Herrera, General, iii. 300; hostile 
demonstrations of, 304; movements 
of, 310. 

Hickory Ground, the focus of Creek 
fanaticism, vii. 234. 

Higginson, Stephen, ii. 164. 

Hill, Lord, intended to command 
British expedition to New Orleans, 
viii. 311. 

Hillabee villages, vii. 241, 247. 

Hillhouse, James, senator from Con- 
necticut, ii. 160; iv. 146; directs 
opposition to the embargo, 405 ; 
delegate to the Hartford Conven- 
tion, viii. 292. 

Hillyar, James, captain of the British 
36-gun frigate "Phoebe," block- 

ades and captures the " Essex " at 
Valpnraiso, viii. 178- 180, 201. 
Hindman, Jacob, major of artillery 
corps, commands battalion m 
Brown's army, viii. 37; at Lundy's 
Lane, 56; ordered to withdraw his 
guns, 59 ; commands artillery at 
Fort P>ie, 71. 
Hinds, Thomas, lieutenant-colonel of 
Mississippi volunteers, at New 
Orleans, viii. 345. 

" Holkar," New York privateer, cap- 
tured, vii. 329. 

Holland, exempted from the non- 
intercourse, iv. 446; v. 72, 90-92, 
112, restored to independence, vii. 
373. (See Louis Bonaparte ) 

Holland, James, member of Con- 
gress from North Carolina, laments 
disposition for novelty, iii. 351. 

Holland, Lord, negotiates treaty with 
Monroe, iii. 407, 408-412; on re- 
peal of the orders, vi. 275. 

Holmes. John, of Maine, attacks re- 
port of Hartford Convention in the 
Massachusetts legislature, viii. 306. 

Holstein, Duchy of, v. 413. 

Hope, Henry, captain of the British 
frigate " Endymion." his report of 
attack on the " Prmce of Neufcha- 
tel," viii. 208, 209; his action with 
the "President," ix. 67. 

Hopkins, Lemuel, i. 102. 

Hopkins, Samuel, major-general of 
Kentucky militia, vii. 74, 76, 78; 
member of the Thirteenth Congress, 
viii. 279. 

Hopkinson, Joseph, one of Chase's 
counsel, ii. 228, 231 ; member of the 
Fourteenth Coni;ress, declares the 
federal government at its last gasp 
in January, 1815; viii. 285, 286; 
represents Pennsylvania, ix. 107. 

" Horizon," American ship, con- 
demned by French courts under 
Berlin Decree, iv. 82; judgment in 
the ca£e of the, 109. 



Horner, Francis, declares the Ameri- 
can war unpopular, ix. 43. , 
"Hornet," sloop-of-war, brings de- 
spatches, vi. 215, 217; cruises with 
Rodgers' squadron, 365, 366; at 
Boston, 378, 381 , her second cruise, 
384 ; blockades the " Bonne Cito- 
yennc," 384; vii. 288; Josiah 
Quincy's Resolution on victory of, 
65, attached to Decatur's squad- 
ron, 278; sinks the "Peacock," 
289, 290; commanded by Biddle, 
291, 293; blockaded at New Lon- 
don, 312 ; sails from New York, ix. 
63, 70; captures "Penguin," 71, 
72; escapes " Cornwallis," 73; gun- 
nery of, 230. 

Horses and horse-racing in New 
England, i. 50; in New York and 
Virginia, 51. 

Horse-shoe, of the Tallapoosa River, 
battle at, vii. 254-257. 

Hosack, Dr. David, i. 111. 

Hospitals and asylums in 1800, i. 

Houston, Samuel, wounded at the 
Horse-shoe, vii. 256. 

Howell, Jeremiah B., senator from 
Rhode Island, votes against occu- 
pying West Florida, vi. 243. 

Howick, Lord (Earl Grey), British 
Foreign Secretary, iii. 407; his or- 
der depriving neutrals of coasting 
rights, 416-421 (see Orders in 
Council); dismissed from office, 
421; iv. 79. 

Hull, Isaac, at Tripoli, ii. 428; cap- 
tain in U. S. navy, commands 
"Constitution," vi, 364; his or- 
ders, 364; chased by a British 
squadron, 369-371 ; captures " Guer- 
riere," 372-375 ; takes command at 
New York, 383. 

Hull, William, governor of Michi- 
gan Territory, vi. 292; appointed 
brigadier-general, 292, 298; his ad- 
vice regarding the defence of De- 

troit, 296; his march to Detroit, 
298; his loss of papers, 300; ar- 
rives at Detroit, 301 ; invades Can- 
ada, 302, 317 ; his proclamation, 
303, his required campaign, 311, 
decides to besiege Maiden, 312- 
314; sudden discovery of his dan- 
ger, 314, 315; evacuates Canada, 
315; his situation at Detroit, 322- 
329; his capitulation, 332, 334; 
Jefferson's opinion of, 336, 398; 
his proclamation, vii. 32; criticised 
by Harrison, 82; his court-martial, 
414, 416 ; sentenced to death, 417. 

Humbert, Jean Joseph Amable, 
French general, a volunteer at the 
battle of New Orleans, viii. 380. 

Humphreys, S. P., captain of the 
British frigate " Leopard," iv. 4; 
his note to Commodore Barron, 

Hunt, Samuel, member of Congress 
from New Hampshire, ii. 160. 

Hunt, Major Seth, sounded by Gen- 
eral Wilkinson, iii. 222. 

"Hunter," 10-gun British brig on 
Lake Erie, vii, 120. 

" Hyder Ali," privateer, viii. 195. 

Ili-inois Territory, population in 
1810. i. 289. 

Immigration in 1816, ix. 160, 161. 

Impeachment (see Pickering and 
Chase), its political use, i. 256; 
Jefferson's opinion on the use of, 
ii. 144, 150; the Senate, in Pick- 
ering's trial, sits as a court of, 153, 
154; the Senate holds insanity no 
bar to, 155-157 ; Giles's doctrine 
that the Senate is not a court of, 
221, 222; doctrine of Chase's coun- 
sel that indictable misdemeanors 
are the only ground for, 223 ; Camp- 
bell's doctrine of an inquest of of- 
fice for, 224; theory adopted by 
the House that a mistake in law is 



ground for, 225; Hopkinson's ar- 
gument on, 231; Luther Martin's 
argument on, 232; Nicholson's view 
of, 233; Rodney's view of, 234; 
Jefiferson's view of, as a scare- 
crow, 243 ; Chase's trial fails to de- 
cide the nature of, 244; a farce, iii. 
447; Marshall threatened with, 466. 

Imports (see Exports). 

Impressment of seamen, ii. 335 et 
seq., 358, 384, 393, 394, 421, 423; 
act of Congress punishing, 397, 
420; severity of, iii. 93, 94; Mon- 
roe instructed to require abandon- 
ment of, 400; Monroe disregards 
instructions in, 408, 409 ; Madison 
insists on express abandonment of, 
422, 429, 432, Samuel Smith on, 
434 ; Madison prepares new in- 
structions on, 438 ; included in in- 
structions on the " Chesapeake " 
affair, iv. 39, 45, 47, 162-164; Brit- 
ish proclamation on, 52, 16G; Jef- 
ferson's intentions on, 144, 164, 
353; not a voice raised in 1809 
against, v. 74; little complaint in 
1810, 292; the House refuses to in- 
sist upon in February', 1811, 351, 
352; not expressly mentioned by 
Pinkney, vi. 18; or in the annual 
message, 125; first made a casus 
belli in the autumn of 1811, 116- 
118 ; treated by House Committee of 
Foreign Relations, 134, 135; men- 
tioned by Grundy, 139 ; by Madi- 
son's war message, 222; only ob- 
stacle to peace, 430-432, 450'-452; 
extent of, 451, 452 ; cost and value 
of, vii. 19; right of, partially con- 
ceded bv Monroe's instructions, 47 ; 
abandonment of, a sine qua nun, 47 ; 
Alexander Baring's remark on, 343 ; 
abandoned by the Cabinet June 27, 
1814, as a sine qua non, viii. 122; 
ix. 32, 33 ; insisted upon by Mon- 
roe's instructions of Jan. 28, 1814, 
ix. 11. 

Inaugural Address, first, of Presi- 
dent Jefferson, i. 197, 198; its 
fame, 199 ; its object, 200 ; its view 
of "the strongest government on 
earth," 201, 202; its ideal of gov- 
ernment, 202-207; its deficiencies, 
207-209, 212; second, of President 
Jefferson, iv. 1-8; first, of Presi- 
dent Madison, v. 1-4, second, of 
President Madison, vii. 33, 34. 

India, career of Marquess Wellesley 
in, v. 266. 

Indian corn, i. 58 ; iv. 254. 

Indiana Territory, population in 1810, 
V. 289; created in 1800, vi. 68; its 
dispute about the introduction of 
slavery, 75; adopts second grade 
of territorial government, 76, ad- 
mitted into the Union, ix. 119; ex- 
tinction of Indian titles in, 170. 
(See Harrison). 

Indians, in the United States in 1800, 
i. 4; Jefferson's parallel between 
Indians and conservatives, iii. 4, 6 ; 
cessions of territory in 1805, 14; 
relations of the northwestern, with 
Canada, 15, 16; of the southwest- 
ern with Florida, 16; in 1810, v. 
318 ; in the Northwest, vi. 69 , their 
condition described by Governor 
Harrison, 69 ; trespasses on their 
territory, 70; effects of intoxication 
upon, 71, 72; murders committed 
upon, 72, 73; Jefferson's policj' to- 
ward, 73-75; Harrison's treaties 
with, in 1804 and 1805, 75; Te- 
cumthe and the Prophet, 78; Jef- 
ferson's refusal to recognize them 
as a confederated body, 79 ; estab- 
lishment at Tippecanoe Creek, 79- 
81; their hostility to cessions of 
land, 82, 87 ; their land-cession of 
Sept. 30, 1809, 83, 84; their out- 
break imminent in 1810, 85; out- 
break delayed by British influence, 
85; their interview with Harrison, 
Aug. 12, 1810, 86-88; government 



wishes peace with, 89; of the Six 
Nations in Upper Canada, wish to 
remain neutral, 319 ; their employ- 
ment in war by tlie British, 320; 
murders by, 393, 394; number of, 
at Frenchtown, vii. 39 ; at the River 
Raisin, 94, 95, 96 ; at the siege of 
Fort Meigs, 104, 106-108; at the at- 
tack on Fort Stephenson, 109-114; 
at Amherstburg, 130; at the battle 
of the Thames, 137-139; in the 
Creek war, 233, 244, 255; at Talis- 
hatchee, 237 ; at Talladega, 238; at 
the Hilhibee towns, 240, 241 ; of the 
Six Nations in Porter's brigade at 
Niagara, viii. 37, 39, 40 ; in Riall's 
army, 41, 44; British rations fur- 
nished to, in Upper Canada, 92; 
to be guaranteed in the northwest- 
ern territory by treaty, 208 ; ix. 7, 
10, 12; boundarj' according to the 
Treaty of Greenville advanced as 
a sine qua non at Ghent, 18-20; 
boundary abandoned as a sine qua 
non, 25, 27, 28; amnesty accepted 
as a basis of peace, 31, 32 ; condi- 
tion of, in 1816, 170. (See Trea- 
Infantry, American, First regiment 
of, at Fort Massac, iii. 290; in 1813, 
(New Jersey), vii. 73; prisoners 
from, sent to England for trial, 361 ; 
at Lundy's Lane, viii. 53; a); Fort 
Erie, 69. 

Second, at Natchitoches, iii. 

311; at Fort Bowyer, viii. 316, 
322; capitulates, 384. 

Third (Mississippi and Missouri 

Territories), at Mobile, penetrates 
Creek country, vii. 243; remains 
at Mobile, viii. 316, 328, 332. 

Fourth, ordered to Indiana July, 

1811, vi. 92, 93; arrives, 94; part 
of the expedition to Tippecanoe, 
96; losses in the battle, 104; its 
share in the battle, 107; ordered 
to Detroit, 110: marches to Detroit, 

298 ; at the battle of Maguaga, 325-, 
at the surrender of Detroit, viii. 36, 

Sixth (New York), prisoners 

from, sent to England for trial, 
vii. 361; at Plattsburg, viii. 100. 

Seventh (Kentucky), vii. 73 ; at 

New Orleans, viii. 316, 333; in the 
night battle, 344-346, 351. 

Ninth (^Massachusetts), part of 

Scott's brij;ade, viii. 35; at Chip- 
pawa, 42, 43; at Lundy's Lane, 50, 
52,56; its losses, 63; its strength 
at Fort Er'e, 08 , in the assault on 
Fort Erie, 75; in the sortie from 
Fort Erie, 76 ; recruited in Massa- 
chusetts, 235. 

Eleventh (Vermont), part of 

Scott's brigade, viii. 35, 236; at 
Chippawa, 42; at Lundy's Lane, 
50, 52, 5G; its losses, 63; its 
strength at Fort Erie, 68; in the 
sortie from Fort Erie, 87. 

Twelfth, recruited in Virginia, 

viii. 235. 

Thirteenth (New York), at 

Queenston, vi. 345, 349 ; prisoners 
from, sent to England for trial, vii. 

Fourteenth (Maryland), Wind- 
er's, vi. 359; at Beaver Dam, vii. 
162, 163. 

Seventeenth (Kentucky), vii. 

76, 87; at the River Raisin, 88, 90, 
91, 95; at Fort Stephenson, 110; 
consolidated with the Niueteentlu 
viii. 36. 

Nineteenth (Ohio), at Fort 

Meigs, vii. 107; a part of Ripley's 
brigade, viii. 36 ; defend Fort Erie, 
75, 77 ; in the sortie, 87, 88. 

Twentieth, recruited in Vir- 
ginia, viii. 235. 

Twenty-first (Massachusetts), 

Ripley's, at Chrystler's Field, vii. 
188; part of Ripley's brigade, viii. 
36 ; carries the British guns at Lun- 



dy's Lane, 54, 55, 236 ; its strength 
at Fort Erie, 69 ; holds Snake Hill, 
71, 74; recruited in Massachusetts, 

— Twenty-second (Pennsylvania), 
part of Scott's brigade, viii. 35; at 
Lundy's Lane, 52, 56; its losses, 
63; its strength at Fort Erie, 

Twenty-third (New York), part 

of Ripley's brigade, viii. 36, 37; 
breaks the British left at Lundy's 
Lane, 54-56; its strength at Fort 
Ene, 69 ; holds Snake Hill, 71. 

Twenty-fifth (Connecticut), part 

of Scott's brigade, viii. 35, 236 ; at 
Chippawa, 43; at Lundy's Lane, 
51, 56, 58; its losses, 63; at Fort 
Erie, 68. 

. Thirty-third, recruited in Mas- 
sachusetts, viii. 235. 

— Thirty-fourth, recruited in Mas- 
sachusetts, viii. 235. 

Thirty-fifth, recruited in Vir- 
ginia, viii. 235. 

— ^ Thirty-ninth (Tennessee), or- 
dered to join Jackson vii. 245, 
251; arrives at Fort Strother, 252; 
storms Indian breastwork at the 
Horse-shoe, 255; its losses, 256; at 
Mobile, viii. 316, 328 ; sent to the 
Appalachicola, 330, 333; left by 
•Jackson at Mobile, 332. 

—— Fortieth, recruited in Massa- 
chusetts, viii. 235. 

Forty-fourth (Louisiana), at 

Mobile, viii. 316, 328; ordered to 
New Orleans, 332, 333; in the 
night battle, 344-346, 351. 

Forty-fifth, recruited in Massa- 
chusetts, viii. 235. 

Infantry, British, First Regiment of 
(Royal Scots), viii. 39 ; in the battle 
of Chippawa, 41, 43; at Lundy's 
Lane, 52, 56; in the assault on Fort 
Erie, 78 ; at the sortie from Fort 
Erie, 8& 

Third, at Plattsburg, viii. 101. 

Fourth, at New Orleans, viii. 

347, 353; in Gibbs's column, 372, 

Fifth, at Plattsburg, viii. 101. 

Sixth, reinforces Drummond at 

Fort Erie, viii. 80; at the sortie 
from Fort Erie, 88. 

Seventh (Fusileers), at New Or- 
leans, viii. 353 ; at the battle of 
Jan. 8, 1815, 372, 373, 380. 

Eighth (King's), at York, vii. 

154 ; at the capture of Fort George, 
158; part of Riall's army on the 
Niagara, viii. 39; in the battle of 
Chippawa, 41, 43; at Lundy's 
Lane, 56; in the assault on Fort 
Erie, 79; at Plattsburg, 101. 

Ninth, at Plattsburg, viii. 102. 

Thirteenth, at Plattsburg, viii. 


Sixteenth, on the St. Lawrence, 

viii. 102. 

Twenty-first, at Baltimore, viii. 

169; in the night battle at New 
Orleans, 349 ; at Villere's planta- 
tion, 353; in the battle of Jan. 8, 
1815, 372, 373, 380. 

Twenty-seventh, at Plattsburg, 

viii. 101, 102. 

Thirtj'-seventh, at Plattsburg, 

viii. 102'. 

Thirty- ninth, at Plattsburg, 

viii- 101. 

Forty-first, at Maiden, vi. 312, 

314; with Brock in the attack on 
Detroit, 332; with Brock at 
Queenston, 348, 349, 351; with 
Proctor at the River Raisin, vii. 95; 
at the siege of Fort Meigs, 106 ; at 
the assault on Fort Stephenson, 
112; on Barclay's fleet on Lake 
Erie, 119 ; defeated and captured 
at the battle of the Thames, 136, 
137,140; at Lundy's Lane, viii. 56; 
at Fort Erie, 68; repulsed before 
Black Rock, 69, 70. 



Forty-third, at New Orleans, 

viii. 353; in the battle of Jan. 8, 
1815, 372, 373, 380. 

Forty-fourth, at the attack on 

Baltimore, viii. 169; at New Or- 
leans, 3bi; in the battle of Jan. 8, 
1815, 372, 373, 380. 

Forty-ninth, Brock's regiment, 

vi. 316; at Montreal, 317, 338; at 
Niagara, 348; at Queenston, 350. 
captures Boerstler, vii. 163; at 
Chrystler's Farm, 190; at Platts- 
burg, viii. 101. 

Fifty-seventh, at Plattsburg, 

viii. 102. 

Fiftv-eighth, at Plattsburg, viii. 


Seventieth, on the St. Lawrence, 

viii. 102. 

Seventy-sixth, at Plattsburg, 

viii. 101. 

Eighty-first, at Plattsburg, viii. 


Eighty-second, reinforces Drum- 

mond at Fort Erie, viii. 80; at the 
sortie from Fort Erie, 88. 

Eighty-fifth, in Ross's army, 

viii. 129 ; leads the attack at Blad- 
ensburg, 141; its losses, 144; leads 
the advance to Baltimore, 169; 
leads the advance across Lake 
Borgne to the Mississippi, 338; in 
the night battle of Dec. 23, 1814, 
347, 348 ; ordered to the west bank, 
371; captures Patterson's battery, 
377 i losses of, 378, 379. 

Eighty-eighth, at Plattsburg, 

Tiii. 101. 

Eighty-ninth, at Chrystler's 

Farm, vii. 190; with Drummond 
at Niagara, viii. 46 ; at Lundy's 
Lane, 51, 52, 56; in the assault on 
Fort Erie, 79; at the sortie from 
Fort Erie, 88. 

. Ninety -third, in the night battle 

at New Orleans, viii. 350; at Vil- 
ler^'s plantation, 354; in the battle 

of Jan. 8, 1815, 372, 373; its losses, 
376, 380. 

Ninety -fifth, in the night battle 

at New Orleans, viii. 347, 348; at 
Viller^'s plantation, 354; in the 
battle of Jan. 8, 1815, 372, 373, 

Ninety-seventh,reinforces Drum- 
mond at Fort Erie, viii. 84, 85, 89. 

One Hundredth, at the attack 

on Sackett's Harbor, vii. 165; with 
Riall, viii. 39; at Chippawa, 41, 

One Hundred and Second, oc- 
cupies Eastport. viii. 94. 

One Hundred and Third, with 

Riall, viii. 39 ; at Lundy's Lane, 
50, 60; in the assault on Fort Erie, 
72, 75, 76. 78. 

One Hundred and Fourth, at 

the attack on Sackett's Harbor, 
vii. 168 ; in the assault on Fort 
Erie, viii. 72, 75-78. 

De Meuron's regiment, at Platts- 
burg, viii. 101. 

De Watteville's regiment (Ger- 
man), reinforces Drummond, viii. 
68; in the assault on Fort Erie, 72, 
74, 75; Drummond's report on 
their disaster. 79; surprised in the 
sortie from Fort Erie, 87. 

Royal Newfoundland, at Mai- 
den, vi. 312. 

First West India (colored), at 

New Orleans, viii. 354; employed 
as skirmishers, 372, 373. 

Fifth West India (colored) at 

New Orleans, viii. 354; in the ac- 
tion on the west bank, 371. 

Ingersoll, Charles Jared, author of a 
tragedy, i. 123; member of Con- 
gress from Pennsylvania, attacks 
Granger, vii. 400 ; criticises Cal- 
houn's plan for a bank, viii. 253; 
calls for previous question on the 
bank bill, 257, 258; declares the 
war successful, 278, 279. 



IngersoU, Jared, ii. 259. 

Ingham, Samuel Delucenna, member 
of Congress from Pennsylvania, 
opposes Calhoun's plan of a na- 
tional bank, viii. 251; in the Four- 
teenth Congress, ix. 107; supports 
protective tariff, 114; on commit- 
tee of internal improvement, 148. 

Innis, Judge, iii.274; denies Uaveiss' 
motion against Burr, 278 ; humili- 
ated by Daveiss and Marshall, 293. 

Inns of New England and New York, 
i. 21. 

Inquisitiveness, American, i. 55. 

Insane, the, treatment of, m 1800, i. 

Insurance, rates of British marine, in 
1814, viii. 197-201; ix. 43. 

Interior Department, recommended 
by Madison, ix. 144. 

Internal improvements Jefferson's 
recommendation of a fund for, lii. 
2, 346 ; iv. 364 , his anxiety to be- 
gin, iii. 19; Gallatin's scheme of, 
20 ; Gallatin's report on, iv. 364 ; 
bill for, ix 149- 151 i vetoed, 151, 

Invisibles, the, v. 363. 

Ireland, coast of, under the dominion 
of American privateers, viii. 197. 

Irving, Peter, editor of the " Morn- 
ing Chronicle," i. 121. 

Irving, Washington, i. 110; his 
" Historj' of New York," ix 209- 
212, 238; his account of Allston, 

Isle aux Noix, British force at, viii. 

Isle aux Poix, British base in Lake 
Borgne, viii. 337, 338. 

Izard, George, major-general in U. 
S. armj', his history, vii. 407 ; 
takes command at Plattsburg in 
May, 1814, viii. 27; his report on 
intercourse with the enemy, 93; 
fortifies Plattsburg, 97, 98, 108; 
suggests moving toward the St. 

Lawrence, 98 ; ordered to move, 98 ; 
his remonstrance, 99; ordered to 
Sackett's Harbor, marches Aug. 29, 
1814, 100,113; arrives at Batavia, 
September 27, 114; his apparent 
loyalty, 114 ; moves on Chippawa, 
October 13, 115; his reports of Oc- 
tober 16 and 23, 115, 116; goes into 
winter quarters, 116; his mortifica- 
tion, 116; recommends Brown to 
command at Niagara, 117; offers 
to resign, 117, 118; his career at an 
end, 118 ; his effectives, 217. 

Jackson, Andrew, in 1800, i. 54; his 
devotion to Burr, iii. 221, 258, his 
unauthorized order of Oct. 4, 1806, 
to the Tennessee militia, 258; un- 
dertakes the building of boats, etc., 
for Burr, 274 ; to be instructed 
against Burr, 284; requires disa- 
vowals from Burr, 287; his letter 
to Claiborne, 288, 317; his quarrel 
with Adair, 288; at Richmond, at- 
tacks JefTerson, 460; ordered with 
two thousand men to support the 
seizure of Florida, vii. 206, 207 
ordered to dismiss his force, 209 
returns to Tennessee, 210. 216 ; re 
calls his force into service, 235 
penetrates northern Alabama, 236 
attacks Talishatchee, 237; relieves 
Talladega, 238; abandoned by his 
men, 239 ; his campaign to Emuck- 
faw, 245-248; his treatment of 
Cocke and Woods, 252, 253; cap- 
tures the Horse-shoe, 254-256; his 
treaty with the Creeks. 260, 261 , ap- 
pointed major-general in the U. S. 
army, 410, 411 ; helpless with mili- 
tia, viii. 219; his drafts on the 
Treasury, 283 ; appointed to com- 
mand military district No. 7, 317; 
arrives at Mobile Aug. 15, 1814, 
318; attacks Pensacola, 317-330; 
occupies Mobile Point, 319, 33S; 



his proclamations to the people of 
Louisiana. 324, 325; his neglect of 
New Orleans, 325-334 ; leaves Mo- 
bile November 22, 331; arrives at 
New Orleans December 2, 333: his 
military resources, 333, 334; goes 
down the river December 4, 335; 
hurries back to the city December 
15, 336; surprised December 23, 
339; his measures of defence com- 
pared with Winder's, 340-343; his 
military resources at New Orleans, 
344-346; his night attack of De- 
cember 23, 346-351 ; his entrench- 
ments, 352, 354, 355 ; his artillery, 
358, 361; contrasted with Paken- 
ham, 353; his lines at New Or- 
leans, 368-371; his force, 373, 374; 
his account of the rout on the west 
bank, 377, 378; Adair's comments 
on, 379 ; contented to let the Brit- 
ish escape, 382 ; his remarks on the 
surrender of Fort Bowyer, 384 , re- 
tained on peace establishment, ix. 
88; his arbitrary conduct at New 
Orleans, 89. 

Jackson, Mrs. F. J. v. 115, 157. 

Jackson, Francis James, his reputa- 
tion, ii. 360; v. 96; British envoy 
to Denmark, to demand the deliv- 
ery of the Danish fleet, iv. 64; 
Lord Eldon's anecdote concerning, 
65; appointed British minister to 
the United States, v. 97; his in- 
structions, 99-105; sails for Ameri- 
ca, 105, Gallatin's expectations 
from, 111, 117; arrives at Wash- 
ington, 116, 116; his impressions, 
117-120; his negotiation, 120-132; 
rupture with, 132; his anger, 154. 
155, his complaints. 156; his re- 
ception in Baltimore and New 
York, 157; discussed before Con- 
gress, 176, 178, 179, 182: his let- 
ters from New York and Boston. 
212-218; returns to England, 219; 
his treatment by Wellesley. 218, 

219. 269, 271, 272 ; his influence 
with the British government, vi. 
13; his account of Pinkney's " in- 
amicable leave," 20; his opinion 
of Augustus J. Foster, 22 , his 
death, 22. 

Jackson, Jacob, Second Lieutenant 
of Artillerj', commanding at Chick- 
asaw Bluff, iii. 325. 

Jackson, James, senator from Geor- 
gia, and the Yazoo sale, i. 305; ii. 
95, 155, 238; in the Ninth Con- 
gress, iii. 126; declares in favor of 
an embargo, 149, 176; his death. 

Jackson, John George, member of 
Congress from Virginia, ii. 211; 
replies to Randolph's attack on 
Madison, 215: attacks Quincy in 
Congress, iii. 196 ; opposes war, iv, 

Jackson, William, editor of the "Po- 
litical Register," ii. 265 ; discloses 
Yrujo's attempt to use him, 266. 

Jacmel, siege of, i.385, 

"Jacob Jones," privateer, viii. 195. 

Jamaica blockaded by American 
privateers, vii. 13; rendezvous for 
British expedition against New Or- 
leans Nov. 20, 1814, 311, 316, 330. 

" Java," British frigate, her action 
with the " Constitution," vi. 385, 
386 ; effect of capture in England, 
vil. 15, 16. 

Jay, Chief-Justice, \. 108; sent to 
England by Washington, ii. 323; 
vii 43 ; negotiates treaty with 
Lord Grenville, 326. 

Jay's treaty (see Treaties). 

Jefferson, Thomas, describes Vir- 
ginia roads, i. 13; his agricultural 
experience, 32; his aversion to 
cities, 59, 138, 147: his aversion 
to banks, 65; ii. 131; his political 
ideals, i 72, 73, 146, 147, 179; 
Federalist opinion of, 80 et seq., 
83, 112, 114; opposed to manufac- 



tures, 138; chief author of the 
Kentucky Resolutions, 140 et seq , 
leader of the Virginia school, 143; 
characteristics of, 144 et seq. ; his 
political doctrines, 146 el seq., 156 ; 
Thomas Moore's verses on, 167; 
visionary, 170; his ideas of pro- 
gress, 178, 179; personal charac- 
teristics, 185 tt seq. ; his dress, 
187; ii. 366, 405; social pre- 
eminence, i.l88; his inauguration, 
191; his antipathy to Marshall, 
192, 194; purity of his life, 196; 
his Inaugural Address, 199 etseq. ; 
his conception of government, 210 
et seq. ; his foreign policy, 214 et 
teq. ; his Cabinet, 218 et seq, ; his 
plans for the navy, 222 et seq, • 
his treatment of patronage, 224, 
294; his New Haven letter, 226; 
his first annual message, 248; his 
course with regard to the Judici- 
ar}', 255 et seq,- his abnegation of 
power, 262; his power, 266; his 
theory of internal politics, 272; 
contradictions in his character, 277; 
his hopefulness, 307 et seq. ; as a 
man of science, 310; his dislike for 
New Englanders. 310 et seq ; his 
letter to Paine, 316; attacked by 
Callender, 322; sensitiveness of. 
324; his relations with Callender, 
325 et seq. ; sends Lear to St. Dom- 
ingo, 389 ; ignorant of Bonaparte's 
schemes, 403 et seq. ; his eyes 
opened, 409; his letter to Dupont 
de Nemours, 410; writes to Liv- 
ingston defining his position with 
respect to France and Spain, 424; 
his annual message, 1802, 427 : ig- 
nores the war party, 428 • replies 
to their demand for papers touch- 
ing the right of deposit at New 
Orleans, 430; quiets the West, 
432; attempts the purchase of New 
Orleans, 432 et seq. ; his language 
to Thornton, 436 ; prefers Natchez 

to New Orleans as a seat of trade, 
443; his apparent inconsistency, 
443 et seq, ; the essence of his 
statesmanship, 445; proposes alli- 
ance with England, ii. 1, 78; in- 
structs Pincknev to offer a consid- 
eration to Spain for New Orleans 
and Florida, 22 ; writes a defence 
of his use of patronage for the Bos- 
ton "Chronicle," 82; his amend- 
ment to the Constitution regarding 
Louisiana, 83; his letter to Breck- 
inridge on the subject, 84; to 
Paine, 86; draws up a new amend- 
ment, 86; his reply to W. 0- 
Nicholas, 89 ; his message Oct. 7, 
1803, 92; his bill for the adminis- 
tration of Louisiana, 119; his view 
of the Louisiana treaty and legis- 
lation, 130; requests Congress to 
enlarge the Mediterranean force, 
140; interview with Burr, 175; 
declines to appoint Burr to an ex- 
ecutive oflice, 176; his knowledge 
of Federalist schemes, 192; his 
contidence in his popularity. 202; 
receives the electoral votes of 
Massachusetts and New Hamp- 
shire, 204; his message Novem- 
ber, 1804, 206 ; his disappointment 
at the acquittal of Justice Chase, 
243; his authority in foreign 
affairs, 245; desires to obtain 
West Florida, 245; explains to 
Senator Breckinridge his course 
toward Spain, 248; his plan to ob- 
tain West Florida, 249; instructs 
Monroe with regard to the Span- 
ish claims, 250 ; the harvest season 
of his life, 252; sends troops to 
Natchez, 254; makes no demand 
for West Florida when Louisiana 
is delivered, 256; declares Mobile 
within the United States, 263; 
entertains Yrujo at Monticello, 
266; his conviction of the power 
of American commercial interests, 



330; anxious for friendship with 
England, 342; his intimacj- with 
Thornton, 347 ; his opinion of Bon- 
aparte, 347, 353, 381; decides to 
maintain the neutral rights of the 
United States more strictly, 356; 
his social habits, 363; establishes 
a new social code, 365; receives 
Merry, 366; invites him to dinner 
with Pichon, 369; sends list of 
impressments to the Senate, 384; 
improves his style of dress, 405; 
his enemies, 409 ; his second inau- 
guration, iii. 1; his second Inau- 
gural Address, 1-9; his Cabinet, 
10; result of his Spanish diplom- 
acy, 38, 39; his letter to Madison 
respecting Monroe's mission, 54; 
his letter to James Bowdoin re- 
specting the Spanish relations, 57; 
writes to Madison respecting pro- 
cedure with Spain, 61; suggests a 
treaty with England, 63; favors 
Armstrong's advice to occupy 
Texas, 69; writes to Madison of 
plan for peaceable settlement by 
intervention of France, 75; his 
memorandum of a Cabinet meet- 
ing on Spanish relations, 77; the 
turning-point of his second admin- 
istration, 80; his conversation with 
Merry after the British seizures, 
101; his memorandum of the new 
Spanish policy, 106; his aversion 
to war with England, 108; his 
annual message, 1805, 111, et 
seq. ; announces his intention to 
retire at the close of his term, 119 ; 
his Message applauded by the Fed- 
eralist press, 129 ; his secret Span- 
ish message, 130; preserves secrecy 
in Congress, 147; coerced into 
sending special mission to Eng- 
land, 150, 152, 433; conciliates 
opposition in Congress, 165 ; warns 
Monroe against Randolph, 165; 
makes advances to Macon, 167; 

Randolph's attack on, 172, et 
seq. ; closes American ports to 
three British cruisers, 200; his 
character and position described 
by Turreau, 205, asks Bidwell to 
take the leadership in the House, 
207 ; his refusal to obey a sub- 
poena, 208, 450; receives Burr at 
the White House, 233; his seem- 
ing indifference to Burr's move- 
ments, 266; his memoranda of the 
situation, 278; sends Graham to 
inquire into Burr's movements, 
281; orders Wilkinson to use ac- 
tive measures, 284; issues a pro- -^ 
clamation against Burr, 285; his 
letter to Secretary Smith regard- 
ing naval and military defences, 
332; obliged to proceed against 
Burr, 336 ; and to defend Wilkin» 
son, 341 ; his annual message, 
December, 1806, 345 et seq. ; advo- 
cates internal improvements, 346; 
would abolish the slave-trade, 347; 
signs the Act prohibiting the Slave 
Trade, 365; defied by Spain, 388; 
his instructions to Monroe and 
Pinkney regarding the treaty, 401 
et seq. ; determined on commercial 
restrictions, 423; refuses to submit 
Monroe's treaty to the Senate, 430 
et seq. ; offers Monroe the govern- 
ment of Orleans Territory, 435; 
his letter to Bowdoin about Span- 
ish perfidy and injustice, 436; de- 
signs to impeach Marshall, 447; 
his irritation wilh Marshall and 
Burr's counsel, 450, 453; supports 
Wilkinson, 456 ; his vexation at 
Burr's acquittal, 470; his procla- 
mation on the Chesapeake affair, 
iv. 30; preparations for war, 32; 
his instructions to Monroe, 39; the 
result of his measures of peaceful 
coercion, 97 ; his genius for peace, 
130; his personal friendship for 
Monroe, 130; his confidence in his 



own theory, 138; domestic oppo- 
sition to, insignificant, 145 et seq. ; 
his strength in Congress, 147 ; the 
secret of his success, 148; his 
annual message, Oct. 27, 1807, 
153; his influence, 155; his second 
message concerning tiieBurr trial, 
156; his policy as to gunboats, 
158; yields to Canning, 163, 164; 
writes an embargo message, 168; 
signs the Embargo Act, Dec. 22, 
1807, 178; his entreaties to Kose 
through Robert Smith, 188-191; 
asks Congress for an addition of 
six thousand men to the regular 
army, 212; charged with a subser- 
viency to Napoleon, 228; issues a 
proclamation against insurrection 
on the Canada frontier, 249; writes 
a circular letter to State governors 
respecting the surplus of flour in 
their States, 252; writes to Gov- 
ernor Sullivan of Massachusetts 
to stop importing provisions, 253; 
writes to General Dearborn, 256; 
his war with the Massachusetts 
Federalists, 258; his popularity 
shattered, 269; hatred of, in Eng- 
land, 331 ; orders Pinkney to offer 
a withdrawal of the embargo if 
England would withdraw the Or- 
ders in Council, 333 et seq. ; his 
attitude toward Spain, 339; de- 
cides to propose no new meas- 
ures in view of his approaching 
retirement, 356; his language re- 
ported b^' Pickering, 359 ; his last 
annual message. 3Q1 et seq. ; advo- 
cates public improvements, 364; 
desires to maintain the embargo un- 
til his retirement, 432; opposition 
of Joseph Story and others to, 433; 
his letter to Thomas Mann Ran- 
dolph, 442; signs the act repealing 
the embargo, 454; contradictions 
of his Presidenc}', 454 ; insulted by 
the address of the Massachusetts 
VOL. IX. — 20 

legislature, 457; his failure to 
overthrow the New England Fed- 
eralists, 461; submits in silence to 
the repeal of the embargo, 462; his 
letter to Dearborn revealing his 
mortification, 463; decline of his 
influence, 464; appoints William 
Short minister to Russia, 465; the 
nomination rejected by the Senate, 
466; his letter to Short, 468; his 
style of life and his debts, 469 et 
seq.; quits Washington, 472; his 
address to his fellow-citizens in 
Virginia, 473; Turreau's anger 
with, V. 34, Gallatin's remarks on, 
38, 39; the "National Intelli- 
gencer" on, 75; Randolph's re- 
marks on, 78: Robert Smith's 
remarks on, 84; intermediates with 
Monroe, 161, 162; expenditures of 
his administration, 200, 205, 206; 
considered too timid by Robert 
Smith, vi. 48; his Indian policy, 
69, 73-75, 78, 79, 81 ; his opinion 
of WiUiam Hull, 336, 398, his 
expectation of the conquest of Can- 
ada, 337; his opinion of Van Ren- 
sselaer, 398 ; his letter of sym- 
pathy with Madison, Sept. 24, 
1814, viii. 231, 232; his letter to 
Monroe on the capture of Wash- 
ington, 232; his letter to Short on 
the defection of Massachusetts, 233 ; 
his plan for providing a paper cur- 
rency, 245, 246, 247 ; declares that 
more taxes cannot be paid, 248, 
255 ; thinks it nonsense to talk of 
regulars. 263; thinks that the war 
would have upset the government, 
308; expects the British to hold 
New Orleans indefinitely, 309; de- 
scribes the want of money in Vir- 
ginia, ix. 60, 61; denounces the 
Judiciary, 188 ; reverts to his earlier 
theories, 192; satirized by Wash- 
ington Irving, 210, 211; results of 
his theories, 226. 



Jesup, Thomas Sidney, acting adju- 
tant-general at Detroil, vi. 329; 
major of the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
trj', viii. 35; at Chippawa, 42, 
43; at Lundy's Lane, 50-52, 56; 
wounded, 58, 63, 65; at Hartford, 
reports on the Convention, 298. 

Johnson, James, leads attack at the 
battle of the Thames, vii. 138. 

Johnson, Richard Mentor, member 
of Congress from Kentucky, his 
argument in favor of the embargo, 
iv. 266; opposes war, 376; favors 
manufactures, v. 197; denounces 
the timidit}' of Congress, 203; in 
the Twelfth Congress, vi. 122; his 
war speech, 142; on the dangers of 
a navy, 164; on the treason of op- 
position, 212 ; colonel of Kentucky 
rangers, vii. 129; crosses into 
Canada, 132; his energj', 137; 
wins the battle of the Thames, 138, 
139; returns home, 142; moves 
previous question on bank bill, 
viii. 253; accepts Giles's militia 
bill, 274; in the Fourteenth Con- 
gress, ix. 107; author of the com- 
pensation bill, 120, 121, 136; 
moves for committee on the Com- 
pensation Act, 144. 

Johnson, Justice William, of South 
Carolina, issues a mandamus to 
compel the collector to clear cer- 
tain ships, iv. 263. 

Jones, Evan, iii. 300. 

Jones, Jacob, captain U. S. navj', 
commands the "Wasp," vi. 379: 
his action with the "Frolic," 380; 
captured, 381; takes command of 
the "Macedonian," 383. 

Jones, John Paul, vii. 6. 

Jones, Walter, his letter to Jefferson 
on dissensions in Madison's Cabi- 
net, v. 188. 

Jones, William, offered the Navy 
Department in 1801, i. 220; ap- 
pointed S'cretary of the Navy, vi. 

428, 429; acting Secretary of the 
Treasury, vii. 43; recommends leg- 
islation to encourage privateering, 
336; his treasury report for 1813, 
385; hostile to Armstrong, 413; 
sends Croghan's expedition to 
Mackinaw, viii. 32, 33 ; favors 
abandoning impressments as a 
sine qua non, 122; goes to navy- 
yard on the morning of Aug. 24, 
1814, 137; expects British advance 
through Bladensburg, 138; per- 
mits Barney to go to Bladensburg, 
139; orders the vessels at the navy- 
yard to be burned, 145; accompa- 
nies the President into Virginia, 
150; causes batteries to be erected 
on the Potomac, 164; retires from 
the Navy Department, ix. 63; be- 
comes president of the United 
States Bank, 131. 

Judiciary Actof 1801, i. 274 et seq.; 
repeal of, moved, 278 tt seq., 284 et 
seq. ; repealed, 298. 

Judiciary system, the, Jefferson's 
recommendations concerning, i. 
255 ; attempt to make an elective, 
iv. 205. 

"Junon," 46-gun British frigate, at- 
tacked by gunboats, vii. 270. 

Junot, marshal of France, ordered to 
enter Spain, iv. 117; marches on 
Portugal, 119; enters Lisbon, 120, 
121; capitulates at Cintra, 315, 

Keane, John, British major-gen- 
eral, ordered on the New Orleans 
expedition, viii. 312; his caution in 
leading the advance, Dec. 23, 1814, 
342; after the night battle, 352; 
commands assaulting column, Jan. 
8, 1815, 372; attacks and is se- 
verely wounded, 376. 

Keenan, Thomas, member of Con- 
gress from North Carolina, iii. 



Kempt, - 

-, major-general in Brit- 

ish army commanding brigade at 
Plattsburg, viii. 102. 
Kennedy, Laurence, purser of the 

" Epervier," viii. 183. 
Kentuclcy in 1800, i. 2, 43; Resolu- 
tions of 1798, 140 et seg., 205: 
enthusiasm for the war, vi. 390; 
number of men in the field, 391, 
393; distaste for the regular army, 
391, 394 ; militia placed under Har- 
rison's command, vii. 73, 74; three 
regiments at Fort Defiance, 78, 80, 
8(} ; march to the Maumee Rapids, 
87 ; advance to the River Raisin, 
88, 90 ; massacred or captured, 
95-98, apoearance of, 96, 97; fail- 
ures of, 101; brigade of, sent to 
Fort Meigs, 105 ; massacred or 
raptured, 106; two divisions, un- 
der Governor Shelby, invade Can- 
ada, 128, 129 ; at the battle of the 
Thames, 139; State army raised 
by, viii. 283 ; twenty-five hundred 
militia ordered to New Orleans, 
327, 333; arrive at New Orleans, 
367, 368; ordered to cross the river, 
370, 371; in reserve, 373 ; routed, 
377, 379; growth in population, ix. 
Kerr, Mr. Lewis, iii. 303. 
Key, Philip Barton, ii. 228 ; member 
of Congress from Maryland, iv. 
147 -, advises a war policj', 374; 
favors navigation bill, v. 185. 
King, Rufus, American minister in 
London, i. 109; sends the treaty 
of the retrocession of Louisiana to 
Jefferson, 409; ii. 23, 178 tt seq. ; 
obtains from Pitt a definition of 
neutral importation, 328, 340; his 
negotiations with the British gov- 
ernment, 345, 347; returns with 
favorable conventions, 358; opin- 
ion of F. J. Jackson and Anthony 
Merry, 361; on etiquette, 365; 
leaves England, 410; on the Pierce 

outrage, iii. 199; Pickering sends 
a letter of, to Rose, iv. 234; candi- 
date for Vice-President, 285; let- 
ters to Pickering, 348, 457; his 
supposed opposition to Clinton, vi. 
410; elected senator from New 
York, vii. 48, 49; moves inquiry 
in regard to Gallatin's mission to 
Russia, 59; declares a minister in 
Sweden to be inexpedient, 62, 63; 
reports bill to incorporate a national 
bank, viii. 257; defeats Monroe's 
conscription, 279, 280; to be placed 
in the Presidency, 306 ; candidate 
for the Presidency in 1816, ix. 139; 
votes for internal improvements, 

Kingsbur}', lieutenant-colonel of the 
First Infantry, arrests Adair, iii. 

Kingston, on Lake Ontario, vii. 145; 
Armstrong's plan of attacking, 
149; British garrison at, 150, 151; 
Dearborn decides not to attack, 
152, 153 ; Prevost embarks at, 163, 
164, Wilkinson ordered to attack, 
176; Wilkinson decides to pnss, 
178; Armstrong and "W^ilkinson 
change opinions regarding, 180- 
182; Brown ordered to attack, m 
February, 1814, viii. 27; Prevost 
visits, in October, 1814, 92. 118; 
preparations at, for the siege of 
Sackett's Harbor, 118, 119. 
"Knickerbocker" school of litera- 
ture, ix. 209-212. 

LABoucHfeRE, iii. 379; v. 238, 239. 

Lacock, Abner, senator from Penn- 
sylvania, opposes the appointment 
of Dallas to the Treasury, vii. 397; 
consents to Dallas's appointmen', 
viii. 243. 

Lacolle River, Wilkinson's defeat at, 
viii. 25, 26; British force at, 26. 

Lady "Prevost," 13-gun British 



schooner on Lake Erie, vii. 120; 
in action, 124; crippled and cap- 
tured, 127. 

Laffite, Jean, Pierre, and Dominique, 
of Barataria, viii. 321. 

Lambert, Henry, captain of the 
British frigate "Java," vi. 385, 

Lambert, John, Travels of, a descrip- 
tion of New York under the em- 
bargo, iv. 278. 

Lambert, John, British major-general, 
ordered on the expedition to New 
Orleans, viii. 314; arrives at New 
Orleans, 367; commands reserve, 
372; his report of the assault, 376, 
377; recalls Thornton, 380, 381; 
escapes, 382; captures Fort Bow- 
yer, 383-385. 

"Landrail," British cutter captured 
in the channel, viii. 195, 196. 

Langdon, John, of New Hampshire, 
offered the Navy Department, i. 
220; Jefferson writes to, 330; 
nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 
vi. 214. 

Lansdowne, Marquess of, moves for a 
committee on the Orders in Council, 
vi. 275; on British naval success, 
vii. 17. 

Latour, A. Lacarriere, chief en- 
gineer to Jackson at New Orleans, 
reports to Jackson the numbers of 
the British advance, viii. 343, 344; 
lays out lines on the west bank, 370 ; 
his services, ix. 236. 

Latrobe, Benjamin H., report on 
steam-engines, i. 68, 70, 112; letter 
of, to Vohiey, 130; architect of the 
Capitol, iv. 152 ; rebuilds the capi- 
tol, ix. 142, 143. 

Lauriston, Marquis de, French am- 
bassador to Russia, V. 418. 

Laussat, Pierre Clement, French pre- 
fect in Louisiana, ii. 5; arrives at 
New Orleans, 10, 13; defines the 
boundaries of the Louisiana pur- 

chase, 255 ; declares the Rio Bravo 
the western limit of Louisiana, 
298; iii. 164; his account of the 
situation, 298. 

"Lawrence," Perry's flagship, vii. 
120, 127; viii. 111. 

Lawrence, James, captain in U. S. 
navy, commands "Hornet," vii. 
287 ; blockades " Bonne Citoj'enne," 
288; sinks "Peacock," 289, 290; 
his previous career, 291 ; com- 
mands "Chesapeake," 291; his 
defeat and death, 293-302. 

Lawrence, William, major of Second 
U. S. Infantry, commands Fort 
Bowyer, viii. 322; capitulates, 383- 

Lea, Thomas, i. 257. 

" Leander," British 50-gun frigate, 
iii. 91, 94; a shot from, kills John 
Pierce, 199; captures "Rattle- 
snake," vii. 313. 

"Leander," the, Miranda's ship, iii. 

Lear, Tobias, consul to St. Domingo, 
i. 389; quits St. Domingo, 407; ne- 
gotiates a treaty with the Pacha of 
Tripoli, ii. 434; quoted as au- 
thority on the ownership of Flori- 
da, vii. 212. 

Leavenworth, Henry, major of the 
Ninth Infantry, viii. 35; com- 
mands right battalion at Chip- 
pawa, 42; at Lundy's Lane, 50, 
53, 56, 58; wounded, commands 
brigade, 63, 65; his opinion of 
Brown's order, 65. 

Leclerc, Victor Emmanuel, French 
general, in command of tiie 
expedition against Louverture, i. 
378; seizes Toussaint Louverture, 
396 ; insults American shipmasters, 
407 ; reports French losses, 414; 
blamed by Napoleon, 416; his 
death, 418; ii. 13. 

Lee, Charles, counsel for Chase, ii. 



Lee, Henry, crippled by Baltimore 
rioters, vi. 407, 408. 

Legal tender, Jefferson's silence about, 
in 1814, viii. 247; not a part of 
Eppes's scheme, 248 ; denounced 
by Dallas, 249 ; rejected by House 
of Representatives, 253, 254. 

Leib, Michael, member of Congress 
from Pennsylvania, i. 298; ii. 123, 
194, 196 et seq. ; senator from Penn- 
sylvania, V. 181, 189, 191; vi. 229, 
243 ; votes against Bank Charter, 
337; his political capacity, 364; in 
opposition, vii. 48, 59; his vote on 
seizing West Florida, 209 ; resigns 
to become postmaster of Philadel- 
phia, 399, 400; ix. 107. 

Leipzig, battle of, vii. 355; news 
reaches America, 370, 393. 

"Leo," privateer, viii. 196. 

Leonard, Nathaniel, captain in First 
Artillery, surprised and captured 
in Fort Niagara, vii. 203. 

" Leopard," the, sent to search the 
" Chesapeake," iv. 4 ; accompanies 
the "Chesapeake" out to sea, 10; 
hails the " Chesapeake," 11; fires 
on the " Chesapeake," 16 , searches 
the " Chesapeake," 19. 

Leslie, Charles Robert, ix. 213; his 
account of Allston, 215. 

"Levant," 20-gun British sloop-of- 
war, ix. 74; captured by the " Con- 
stitution," 75-77; seized by British 
squadron in Portuguese waters, 78. 

Lewis, Captain, of the " Leander," 
V. 265. 

Lewis and Clark, expedition of,iii.l2, 

Lewis, Morgan, of the Livingston 
connection, i. 108; elected in 1804 
governor of New York, iv. 283; 
appointed major-general, vii. 37, 
156 ; on the capture of Fort Georjie, 
158; withdraws from Stony Creek, 
160 ; on Dearborn's health, 161; or- 
dered to Sackett's Harbor, 162, 

177; commands division under 
Wilkinson, 184; ill at Chrystler's 
Farm, 188, 190 ; commands district. 

Lewis, William, i. 127. 

Lewis, William, colonel of Fifth Ken- 
tucky militia, vii. 88, 89, 91; cap- 
tured, 96. 

Liancourt, Due de, describes Phila- 
delphia, i. 28, 117; on the Virgini- 
ans, 33; on life in Pennsylvania, 
42, 45, 52; on Virginia culture, 
133, 157, 165. 

Libraries in 1800, i. 61, 63, 129, 152. 

Licenses of trade, British, proposed 
by Spencer Perceval, iv. 88; fa- 
vored by Canning, 92; prescribed 
by Orders in Council, 103, 323; v. 
59, 64 ; scandal of, 273 ; debate on, 
274, 275; Canning's remarks on, 
278, 280; Sidmouth's conditions 
on, 281; Castlereagh proposes to 
abandon, 221, 282; to be restricteJ 
in the war to New England ves- 
sels, vii. 31. 

Licenses, Napoleon's system of, v. 
246-249 ; promised abandonment 
of, 392, 393; continued issue of, 
400; repudiated by Napoleon, 414, 
417, 422; municipal character of, 
vi. 43; their continued issue, 54; 
extension of, 250. 

Lieven, Prince de, Russian ambassa- 
dor in London, vii. 340; informs 
Roumanzoff of Castlereagh's re- 
fusal of mediation, 346, 349; or- 
dered to renew the offer, 348, 351, 
352 ; refuses to renew the offer, 353. 

Lincoln, Abraham, i. 171. 

Lincoln, Levi, Attorney-General, i. 
219, 304; ii. 2; on the acquisition 
of new territory by the United 
States, 78; resigns, iii. 10; governor 
of Massachusetts, iv. 416; declines 
appointment as justice, v. 359. 

Lingan, James Maccubin, killed by 
Baltimore rioters, vi. 407, 408. 



Linn, James, member of Congress 
from New Jersey, i. 295. 

Linn, John Blair, i. 123. 

"Linnet," British 18-gun brig on 
Lake Champlain, viii. 103 ; her 
armament, 104; in the battle of 
Plattsburg, 110. 

Liston, Robert, British minister, ii. 
340, 307. 

Literature, American, in 1800, i. 41, 
7.5 et seq., 93; in 1817, ix. 175- 
218, 238. 

"Little Belt," British sloop-of-war, 
affair of, v. 25-37, 45, 270. 

" Little Belt," 3-gun British sloop 
on Lake Erie, vii. 120. 

Little Warrior of Wewocau, joins 
Tecumthe, vii. 223; murders white 
families on the Ohio, 224, is put 
to death, 225. 

Livermore, Edward St. Loe, member 
of Congress from Massachusetts, 
V. 184. 

Liverpool, meeting of merchants at, 
in September, 1814, viii. 198. 

Liverpool, Earl of (Baron Hawkes- 
bury), British Foreign Secretary, 
ii. 344, 410; his opinion on Spencer 
Perceval's proposed order, iv. 90; 
on American partiality to France, 
v. 50; succeeds Castlereagh at the 
War Department, 263 ; his view of 
American duty, vii. 17, 18; on the 
opening negotiations at Ghent, ix. 
25-27 ; on the utmost point of con- 
cession, 31 ; on the capture of 
Washington, 36; writes to Wel- 
lington, 40 ; abandons claim to ter- 
ritory, 41. 

Livingston, Edward, district-attorney 
and mayor of New York, i. 233, 
205; ii. 259; at New Orleans, iii. 
300 ; his speech of 1798, viii. 276. 

Livingston, Robert R., aids Fulton's 
steamboat, i. 69, 112; iii. 216; his 
family connection, i. 108, 109; 
oflEered the Navy Department, 219 ; 

appointed minister to France, 233, 
295, 404; discusses the price of 
Louisiana, ii. 31; his claims con- 
vention, 46; his estimate of the 
importance of the cession of Loui- 
siana, 67 ; claims West Florida, 
68 et seq. ; his plan of gaining 
West Florida, 246, 275; his situa- 
tion after the treaty, 289; distrusts 
Napoleon, 290; succeeded b}' Arm- 
strong, 291, 303. 

Lloyd, George, lieutenant in the 
British navy, commanding sloop- 
of-war "Castilian," his report on 
the loss of the "Avon," viii. 190- 

Lloyd, James, author of the "Boston 
Memorial," iii. 144; elected to suc- 
ceed J. Q. Adams as senator from 
Massachusetts, iv. 242; senator 
from Massachusetts, vi. 183 ; Ran- 
dolph's letter to, on the Hartford 
Convention, viii. 230; his reply to 
Randolph, .306. 

Lloyd, Robert, captain of the British 
seventy-four " Plantagenet," finds 
the " General Armstrong " at Fayal, 
viii. 201 ; his report of the destruc- 
tion of the " General Armstrong," 
202-207, 209. 

Loan of 1810, v. 178; of 1812, for 
eleven millions, vi. 169 ; partial 
failure of, 207; of 1813, for twenty 
millions, 433, 448 ; for 1813, of six- 
teen millions, vii. 44 ; for 1814. au- 
thorized for twenty-five millions, 
389; threatened failure of, .394; 
nine millions obtained in May, 
viii. 17, 18; failure of, in July, 
1814, 213, 241, 242; amounts taken 
in Virginia and Massachusetts, 234; 
of eighteen millions, in 1815, for 
funding trensury notes, ix. 84, 
100; failure of, in 1815, 100-103. 

Lockyer, Nicholas, captain of the 
British sloop-of-war " Sophie," ne- 
gotiates with Jean Lafite, viii. 321. 



Logan, George, senator from Penn- 
sylvania, iii. 139', his proposal to 
prohibit commerce with St. Do- 
mingo, 88 ; his bill to prohibit 
trade with St. Domingo, 140 ; 
wishes to set Monroe aside, 152 ; 
an amateur negotiator, iv. 236. 

Logan's Act, ii. 259 ; iv. 236. 

Long, Charles, joint paymaster-gen- 
eral of the forces, v. 58. 

Longstreet, Judge, author of " Geor- 
gia Scenes," i. 52. 

Louis Bonaparte, king of Holland, 
resists Napoleon's decrees, v. 146 ; 
his interview with Armstrong, 147, 
148; threatened by Napoleon, 236, 
237, 240 ; stipulates seizure of 
American ships, 240, 274 ; abdi- 
cates, 242. 

Louisiana, ceded by France to Spain 
in 1763, i. 353; retrocession asked 
by Talleyrand in 1798, 357; retro- 
cession again asked by Bonaparte 
in 1800, 363-368 ; retroceded by 
Spain to France in the treaty of 
San Ildefonso, Oct. 1. 1800, 370; 
Bonaparte plans an expedition to 
occup3% 399; boundaries fixed by 
Decres, ii. 5; commercial relations 
and sentiments prescribed toward 
the United States, 8; ceded by 
France to the United States, 42 ; 
price of, 45; importance of cession, 
49 ; Napoleon's reasons for selling, 
53; Talleyrand's explanation of, 
55; treble invalidity of sale, 56; 
constitutional question debated in 
Congress, 96 et seq. ; plans with 
regard to the status of, 116; admit- 
ted without an amendment, 118; 
bill for temporary government of, 
120; Breckinridge's bill defining 
boundaries and government, 120 et 
seq. ; bill defining territorial gov- 
ernment of, 125, 130; Spain pro- 
tests against sale of, 252 et seq. ; 
people regarded as unfit for self- 

government, 399; they urge the 
execution of the treat j', 400; re- 
port of Randolph upon their claims, 
400; political effects of purchase 
of, iii. 17; boundaries of, 33-35; 
disaffection in, 297 et seq. ; dis- 
like of Claiborne's administration, 
299 ; admitted to territorial rights, 
March 2, 1805, 302; first territorial 
legislature of, 302-304 ; government 
offered to Monroe, v. 162 ; proposed 
as a kingdom for the French Bour- 
bons, 239; admitted into the Union, 
323-326; \i. 235; objects of British 
expedition to, viii. 313, 314; Nich- 
oll's proclamation to natives of, 
320, 321 ; Jackson's proclamation 
to people of, 324, 325; Jackson's 
proclamation to free negroes of, 
325 ; Monroe warns Jackson of ex- 
pedition to, 326, 327; population of, 
334; militia in the night battle at 
New Orleans, 345,346; militia in 
want of arms, 368; militia placed 
on the Chef Menteur road, 369; 
militia on the west bank, 370, 371 ; 
militia routed, 377, 378; to be re- 
stored to Spain, ix. 4, 6, 8; Cal- 
houn's question regarding purchase 
of, 149, 152. (See New Orleans.) 

"Louisiana," American 16-gun sloop- 
of-war at New Orleans, viii. 344; 
descends the river, 355 ; hauled 
beyond range of British guns, 356, 
359 ; not brought into action, Jan. 
1, 1815, 361; supports Jackson's 
line, 368; not in action of Jan. 8, 

" Louisianacide," Napoleon's, ii. 37. 

Louverture, Toussaint, i. 354; story 
of, 378 et seq. ; champion of Re- 
publican principles, 392 ; seized 
and sent to France, 396; his de- 
pendence on the United States for 
supplies, 406, 416 ; his death, ii. 20. 

Lowell, John, his pamphlet on dis- 
union, viii. 5 ; on the condition of 



Massachusetts banks, 15; favors 
a separate peace, 289,290; on the 
delegates to Hartford, 291; on H. 
G. Otis, 294, 295 ; approves report 
of Convention, 300. 

Lowndes, William, i. 151; member 
of the Twelfth Congress from 
South Carolina, vi. 122, 164; his 
hostilitj- to non-importation, 205, 
234, 445, 448 ; opposes compromise 
of forfeitures, 442 ; reports inability 
to decide between Dallas and Cal- 
houn on a national bank, viii. 252; 
in the Fourteenth Congress, ix. 107, 
108; his report on the revenue, 
112; chairman of tariff committee, 

Ludlow, Augustus C, first lieutenant 
on the "Chesapeake," mortally 
wounded, vii. 295. 

Luisa, Queen of Spain, i. 345 el seq. 

Lumber trade of New England, de- 
pressed in 1815, ix. 97. 

Lumley, captain of British 32-gun 
frigate "Narcissus," vii. 313. 

Lundy's Lane, Riail advances to, viii. 
47; concentration of forces at, 49, 
50 ; battle of, 51-64. 

Lyman, Theodore, ii. 169; iv. 411. 

Lynnhaven Bay, iv. 4, 9. 

Lj'on, Matthew, member of Congress 
from Vermont, i. 295 ; from Ken- 
tucky, his attack on Randolph, ii. 
123, 216; votes aganist the St. Do- 
mingo Bill, iii. 143 ; contractor, 
175 ; favors ships and harbor de- 
fences, 180; with Burr, 220; fa- 
vors defence, v. 358. 

MacDonnell, G., major in Glen- 
garry Light Infantry, vii. 147. 

Macdonough, Thomas, commander 
in U. S. Navy, commands flotilla 
on Lake Champlain, vii. 192; viii. 
97 ; takes position in Plattsburg 
Bay, 98; his force, 104, 105; his 

previous career, 106 ; his fore- 
thought in preparing for action, 
107; his victor}', 109,110; ix.234; 
his losses, viii. Ill; his reward, ix. 
141, 142. 

"Macedonian," British frigate, cap- 
ture of, vi. 382, 383 ; effect of capt- 
ure in England, vii. 6, 7, 9, 13, 16 
blockaded at New London, 278 
279, 287, 311; action with, com 
pared with that of " Endj'mion,' 
IX. 68, 69. 

Mackinaw (see Michillimackinaw). 

Maclay, William, senator from Penn- 
sylvania, his description of JeflFer- 
son, i. 185. 

MacNeil, John, major of Eleventh 
U. S. Infantrj', viii. 35; at Chip- 
pawa, 42; at Lundy's Lane, 50; 
wounded, 52, 63. 

Macomb, Alexander, colonel of Third 
Artillery, commands reserve in 
Wilkinson's expedition, vii. 184; 
lands on north shore of St. Law- 
rence, 187; in the advance, 188, 
191; promoted to brigadier, 409; 
takes command at Plattsburg, viii. 
100; his account of the British ad- 
vance, 103; his effectives, 217; re- 
tained on peace establishment, ix. 

Macon, Nathaniel, of North Carolina, 
i. 149, 261; chosen Speaker of the 
House in the Seventh Congress, 
267 ; Speaker of the Eighth Con- 
gress, ii. 95, 123; opposed to the 
impeachment of Judge Chase, 150; 
Speaker of the Ninth Congress, 
lii. 128; reappoints Randolph 
and Nicholson on the Com- 
mittee of Waj-s and Means, 128; 
Jefferson's advances to, 167 ; defeats 
Bidwell's amendment by his cast- 
ing vote, 360; retires from his of- 
fice, iv. 153 ; letter on the opinions 
prevailing at Washington, 368; 
declares that the embargo is the 



people's choice, 421, 453 ; votes 
with Federalists, v. 182; his bill 
for excluding British and French 
shipping, 183, 184; bill defeated 
by Senate, 185, 191, 193; Samuel 
Smith's motives for defeating, 185- 
188, 192, 193; his bill No. 2, 194, 
195 ; adopted by Congress, 197, 
198; his remark on manufactur- 
ing influence, 197; his speech on 
reducing the army and navy in 
1810, 201; his bill admitting the 
State of Louisiana, with West Flor- 
ida, into the Union, 323-326; not 
candidate for Speaker, vi. 123, 124; 
his account of the opinions pre- 
Tailing at Washington, 129; sup- 
ports war, 145 ; his remark on 
France and England, 196 ; his re- 
marks on the repeal of the restric- 
tive system, vii. 377, 378; favors 
legal-tender paper, 389; viii. 253, 
254 ; senator from North Carolina, 
ix. 108. 

MacKee, William, lieutenant-colonel 
of artillery, at New Orleans, viii. 

Madison, Mrs., iii. 152; her remarks 
on Congress, vii. 379, 380. 

Madison, Bishop, of Virginia, i. 136. 

Madison, James, and the Virginia 
Resolutions, i. 140 et seq., 148,177; 
personal characteristics of, 188 et 
teq. ; appointed Secretary of State, 
218 ; makes no removals in the 
Department of State, 23G; distrust 
of, 248, 261 ; a commissioner in 
the Yazoo sale, 304, 322, 332; in- 
structions of, respecting the retro- 
cession of Louisiana, 405 ; asks 
Pichon to remonstrate with Le- 
clerc, 408; writes to Livingston, 
423, 426; his orders to Pinckney, 
427, 433 ; invokes Pichon's aid, 
438, 439, 441; writes instructions 
for Livingston and Monroe, ii. 2; 
conversation with J. Q. Adams re- 

specting the Louisiana treaty, 117; 
favors Yazoo compromise, 211; 
instructs Monroe to bargain with 
Spain for West Florida, 248, 251 ; 
explains the failure to demand 
West Florida, 256; sends the rati- 
fied claims convention to Madrid, 
260, 278, 279 ; hopes to be relieved 
of Yrujo, 267 ; communicates with 
Livingston respecting West Flor- 
ida and Yrujo, 262; attempts to 
cajole Turreau, 273 ; Turreau's 
description of, 274; compromised 
by Pinckney, 276 ; recalls Pinck- 
ney and hurries Monroe to Spain, 
286; denies that the Government 
aids desertion of seamen, 345 ; 
communications to Thornton, 362; 
proposes a convention with regard 
to impressments and the blockade, 
385; remonstrates with Merry re- 
specting impressments, 393 ; re- 
mains Secretary of State in Jeffer- 
son's second administration, iii. 
10; writes to Jefferson respecting 
the claim to West Florida, 55, 60 ; 
his letter to Jefferson concerning 
Monroe's failure at Madrid, 59 ; 
proposes negotiations and diplo- 
macy, 70; his character as a di- 
plomatist, 74 ; his pamphlet, "Ex- 
amination of the British doctrine," 
102, 110; to be Jefferson's succes- 
sor, 120; his altercation with Casa 
Yrujo, 185 et seq. ; his complica- 
tion with Miranda, 190 et seq. ; 
Turreau demands an explanation 
from, 195; imposes impossible con- 
ditions on Monroe, 402 ; writes to 
Jetferson respecting the new in- 
structions to Monroe, 438; arranges 
with Rose a "bridge" lor Jeffer- 
son, iv. 191; sends his last reply 
to Rose, 196 ; notifies Erskine that 
the "Chesapeake" affair has lost 
consequence, 199; the caucus for, 
in Virginia and Washington, 226; 



elected President, 287 ; sends Arm- 
strong instructions in response to 
Champagny's letter of Jan. 15, 
1808, 305 ; his anger with Perce- 
val's order of April 11, 1808, 327 ; 
threatens a declaration of war, 
386; his opponents in Congress, 
428; inaugurated, 472; v. 1; his 
Inaugural Address, 2, 3, 4 ; offers 
the Treasury to Robert Smith, 7, 
379 ; appoints Robert Smith Sec- 
retary of State, 8; his Cabinet, 9, 
10; nominates J. Q. Adams to 
Russia, 11; his letter to Erskine 
accepting settlement of the " Ches- 
apeake" aSair, 68-70, 89; issues 
proclamation renewing intercourse 
with England, 73, 74; his views 
of the change in British policy, 
75, 76, 81, 83 ; his message of 
May 23, 1809, 76, 77 ; his pop- 
ularity, 80, 85, 86 ; on the dis- 
avowal of Erskine' s arrangement, 
112 ; revives non-intercourse 
against England, 114; his nego- 
tiation with F. J. Jackson, 117, 
122-132 ; described by Jackson, 
120; his message of Nov. 29, 1809, 
176, 177; special message of Jan. 
3, 1810, asking for volunteers, 179; 
his opinions of Samuel and Robert 
Smith, 186; dissensions in his cab- 
inet, 188; remarks on the experi- 
ment of unrestricted commerce, 
210,211; his reply to Napoleon's 
note on the right of search and 
blockade, 250, his anger at Na- 
poleon's contiscations, 292 ; his 
instructions of June 5, 1810, to 
Armstrong on Champagny's re- 
prisals, 293, 294; his devotion to 
commercial restrictions, 293, 295; 
his instructions of July 5, 1810, to 
Armstrong requiring indemnity, 
295, 296, 297, 299 ; his decision to 
accept the conditions of Cham- 
pagny's letter of August 5, 296- 

301 ; revives non-intercourse 
against Great Britain, 303, 304; 
takes military possession of West 
Fl .rida, 308-312, 318; his sup- 
posed character, 310; his annual 
message of Dec. 5, 1810, 314, 317- 
319; asks authority to take posses- 
sion of East Florida, 327 ; appoints 
commissioners for East Florida, 
327 ; decides to enforce the non- 
intercourse against Great Britain, 
347; his doubts regarding Napo- 
leon's folly, 350 ; his irritation at 
Smith's proposed inquiry from 
Serurier, 350, 351 ; offers the State 
Department to Monroe, 366, 372, 
374; his parting interview with 
Robert Smith, 375-377; his anger 
with Smith, 378; his translation of 
bien entendu, 387, 388; his success 
in maintaining his own system in 
the Cabinet, vi. 61, 62; his discon- 
tent with Napoleon's conduct, 63, 
64, 125, 187, 218, 224; his orders 
to maintain peace with the north- 
western Indians, 88, 93; his atti- 
tude toward war with England, 
118, 125, 129, 131, 175, 196, 197, 
213; his annual message of Nov. 
5, 1811, 124; entertains Crillon, 
179, 185 ; his message communi- 
cating Henry's papers, 181 ; his 
embargo message, 193, 198, 199; 
his comments on the conduct of 
the Senate, 203 ; sustains non- 
importation, 205; renominated for 
the Presidency, 214; perplexed by 
the French decrees, 218 ; his let- 
ter to Barlow threatening war on 
France, 218, 259; his view of the 
" immediate impulse " to war with 
England, 220, 226: his war mes- 
sage, 221-226 ; signs declaration of 
war, and visits departments, 229; 
his measures regarding East Flor- 
ida, 237, 239, 241, 243 ; his re- 
marks on Napoleon's Russian 



campaign, 265 ; his remarks in Au- 
gust, 1812, on the Canadian cam- 
paign, 337; re-elected President, 
413; wishes Monroe to command 
western army, 419, 420, 425; his 
annual message of 1812, 430-433; 
his "fair calculation" on Napo- 
leon's success, vii. 2; his message 
on British "demoralizing and dis- 
organizing contrivances," 31, 32; 
his second Inaugural Address, 33 ; 
his relations toward Gallatin and 
Monroe, 39; consents to Gallatin's 
departure, 42, 43; his annual mes- 
sage, May 25, 1813, 53, 54; dan- 
gerous illness of, 55, 58; his reply 
to the Senate in regard to Galla- 
tin's absence, 59, 60; his skill in 
overthrowing an enemy, 64; goes 
to Montpelier, 70; his annual mes- 
sage of Dec. 7, 1813, 365, 366; his 
embargo message of Dec. 9, 1813, 
367, 368, 372, 392; accepts Castle- 
reagh's offer of direct negotiation, 
371; nominates commissioners and 
a Secretarj- of the Treasnrj', 371; 
his obstinacy, 372, 393; abandons 
system of commercial restrictions, 
373, 374, 379 ; causes of his aban- 
donment of commercial restrictions, 
373, 374, 377, 394, 395 ; his language 
about Napoleon, 392; appoints 
G. W. Campbell Secretary of the 
Treasury, 396, 397; appoints Rich- 
ard Rush attorney-general. 398; ap- 
points R. J. Meigs postmaster-gen- 
eral, 401 ; overcomes his party ene- 
mies, 402; his dislike of Armstrong, 
405, 406, 414; offended by Arm- 
strong's letter appointing Andrew 
Jackson a major-general, 410, 
411; his court-martial on William 
Hull, 415-417; his mode of resist- 
ing usurpations on State rights, 
viii. 8; irritated by Armstrong's 
neglect to defend Washington, 
121; calls a cabinet meeting, June 

23, 1814, 121 ; selects General 
Winder to command at Washing- 
ton, 122; calls for militia, 131, 
132; reviews the army at the Old 
Fields, 134; goes to Winder's 
headquarters at eight o'clock on 
the morning of August 24, 137 ; 
arrives on the battle-field at Bla- 
densburg, 140 ; his movements, 
August 24-27, 149-151, 156, 157, 
300; ix. 21; charges Monroe with 
the war department in Armstrong's 
absence, viii. 158; his interview 
with Armstrong, August 29, 160, 
161; greatly shaken by the capture 
of Washington, 160, 230, 231 ; ap- 
points Monroe Secretary of War, 
163; his unpopularity, 229, 230; 
his disappointments, 237, 238; his 
annual message of Sept. 20, 1814, 
239, 240; vetoes bill for incorpo- 
rating a national bank, 260; to be 
coerced into retiring, 306, 309; ix 
3, 4; characterized by the Londa 
press, ix. 2-6; decides to omit im- 
pressment from treaty, 33; Lord 
Liverpool's remark on, 36, sendf 
treaty of peace to the Senate, 58 
recommends preparation for war, 
82, 83; his annual message of 181f 
105, 106; his annual message of 
1816, 143, 144; his veto of internal 
improvements, 151, 169, 192, 220; 
his retirement, 153. 

Maguaga, battle of, vi. 325. 

" Maidstone," 36-gun British frigate, 
vii. 266. 

Mail routes in 1800, i. 15; in 1816, 
ix. 170, 171. 

Maine, District of, a part of Massa- 
chusetts, i. 20; boundary of, dis- 
puted, ii. 358, 383, 392; viii. 4, 94, 
95; two counties of, occupied by 
British expedition in 1814, viii. 95, 
96. 267, 272; ix. 17 ; portion of, de- 
manded by Great Britain, viii. 268, 
287 ; concessions proposed by Gov- 



ernor Strong, 288; territory of, re- 
quired by England, ix. 8; cession 
assumed by the uti possidetis, 10; 
claimed at Ghent, 19, 25; claim 
partially abandoned, 34, 35; claim 
rejected, 37 ; claim wholly aban- 
doned, 42, 52; relative prosperity 
of, 155, 157, 160. 

Maitland, General, at St. Domingo, 
i. 385. 

" Majestic," 56-gun British frigate, 
intercepts the " President," ix. 64, 
66, 67. 

Malbone, Edward G., i. 149; his 
painting, ix. 214, 215. 

Maiden, British trading post on the 
Detroit River, vi. 73, 80, 85, 300; to 
be besieged by Hull, 303, 314; 
British force at, 312, 313; evacu- 
ated by Proctor, vii. 130, 131; oc- 
cupied by Harrison, 132; in the 
negotiation at Ghent, ix. 34. 

Malmesburj', Lord, patron of F. J. 
.Jackson, iv. 64. 

"Mammoth," privateer, in British 
waters, viii. 196. 

Manhattan Company of New York 
city, i. 65, 70. 

Manners and morals, American, in 
1800, i. 48 et seq. 

Manners, William, captain of the 
British sloop-of-war "Reindeer," 
his action with the "Wasp," viii. 
186 188. 

Mannheim, proposed Congress at, vii. 

Manufactures in New England in 
1800, i. 22; growth of, in 1809- 
1810, V. 15-19 ; political influence 
of, 197; protection of, 319 ; stimu- 
lated by the war, viii. 14 ; de- 
pressed by the peace, ix. 95, 9G ; 
protection of, recommended by 
Madison, 105; protective tariff rec- 
ommended by Dallas, 106; Dal- 
las's scheme for protecting, 111, 
112; protection opposed by Ran- 

dolph, 112, 113; protective tariff 
of 1816, 114-116; value of, 160. 

Marblehead, privateersmen from, vii. 

Marbois, Barb^, favors the cession of 
Louisiana, ii. 26 ; removed from 
ottice, iii. 371-374. 

Marburj' against Madison, case of, 
ii. 145 et stq. 

Maret, Hugues Bernard, Due de Bas- 
sano. Napoleon's secretar}', v. 143; 
succeeds Champagny as Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, 401; his report 
to Napoleon of March 10, 1812, vi. 
216, 253; his negotiation with Joel 
Barlow, 248-263; his instructions 
to Serurierof October, 1811, on the 
revocation of the decrees, 248, 249 ; 
communicates Decree of St. Cloud 
to Barlow and Serurier, 255-257; 
his instructions to Dalberg, 260; 
invites Barlow to WUna, 263; dis- 
misses his guests, 264. 

Marietta, Ohio, in 1800, i. 2. 

Marlboro, in Maryland, Ross camps 
at, Aug. 22, 1814, viii. 130; re- 
turns to, Aug. 26, 148. 

Marmont, Marshal, his story of De- 
cres, V. 222. 

Marriatt, Joseph, his pamphlet in 
1808, iv. 333. 

Marshall, Humphrey, of Kentucky, 
i. 268; on W. H. Harrison, vi. 107. 

Marshall, John, Chief-Justice, i. 133; 
Jefferson's antipathy to, 192; per- 
sonal characteristics of, 193; detests 
Jefferson, 194; his constitutional 
views, 256 ; his influence on Story, 
260 ; his opinion of Jefferson, 
262 ; his appointment obnoxious 
to Jefferson, 275, 290; ii. 145; fear 
of his decisions, i. 298; ii. 143; 
opinion of, respecting the powers 
of Government in the Louisiana 
case, ii. 125 ; his decision in the 
Marbury case, 146 ; his decision in 
the Yazoo case, 214; his delinition 



of treason in the case of Bollman 
and Swartwout, iii. 340, 443; pre- 
sides over the trial of Burr, 442; 
refuses to commit Burr for trea- 
son, and rebukes the Government 
for laxity in procuring proof, 445 ; 
threatened with removal from 
office, 447; and impeachment, 466, 
470, 471 ; his alleged sympathy 
with Burr, 461 ; his decision in 
the Burr trial, 467 et seq. ; iv. 147 ; 
menaced in Jefferson's annual 
message of 1807, 155; Jefferson's 
desire to punish, 205; his decision 
in the case of the United States v. 
Fisher et al., 270; inclines to Pick- 
ering's view of Jefferson, 348; his 
judicial opinions, ix. 188-191. 

Martin against Hunter's Lessee, 
Story's opinion in case of, ix. 

Martin, Luther, Chase's counsel, his 
view of impeachment, ii. 223, 227, 
231; Burr's counsel, iii. 444; at- 
tacks Jefferson, 449 ; angers Jeffer- 
son, 453; his speech in the Burr 
trial, 465. 

Maryland, her electoral vote, vi. 406, 
413; affected by the blockade, vii. 
264 ; Admiral Cockburn's opera- 
tions against the shores of, 265- 
269; election of 1814, viii 228; cre- 
ates a State army, 282 ; growth of 
population, ix. 155, 161; increase 
of wealth in, 163. 

Mason, Armistead, succeeds Giles as 
senator from Virginia, ix. 107. 

Mason, George, i. 133. 

Mason, Jeremiah, elected senator 
from New Hampshire, vii. 48; 
votes against a mission to Sweden, 
63 ; his speech against Giles's bill 
for drafting militia, viii. 271 ; votes 
for internal improvements, ix. 151. 

Mason, John Thomson, declines ap- 
pointment as attorney-general, iii 
11; iv. 168. 

Mason, Jonathan, iv. 411 ; his letter 
to Nicholas on the alternative to 
disunion, viii. 306, 307. 

Massa, Due de, letter from, v. 347. 

Massac (see Fort Massac). 

Massachusetts, population of, in 
1790 and 1800, i. 20; valuation of, 
23 ; society of, in 1800, 76 ; politi- 
cal divisions of, 76, 82; suffrage 
in, 86; intellectual activity of, 93; 
separatist tendency in, 138; judi- 
cial tenure in, 256; Jeffei'son's 
conception of, 310, 315, 329; the 
necessary head of a New England 
Confederation, ii. 163; election of 
Mav, 1804, 163; political apathy 
in, 165-168, 170; chooses republi- 
can electors in 1804, 201, 204; 
anxiety for settlement of eastern 
boundary, 392; militia of, iv. 210; 
feelings of, toward Virginia in 

1808, iv. 409-420, 433; proceed- 
ings of legislature in February, 

1809, 416 ; address of legislature 
in March, 1809, 456; "Patriotick 
Proceedings" of, in 1809, 458, 
459; tonnage of, v. 15; manufac- 
tures of, 17-19 ; resolutions of leg- 
islature regarding F. J. Jackson, 
214; election of 1810. 215; repub- 
lican control of, in 1810 and 1811, 
vi. 115; Federalists recover con- 
trol in 1812, 204 ; gives trouble to 
Dearborn, 305; refuses obedience 
to call for militia, 309; temper of, 
in 1812, 399-402; federalist ma- 
jority in the elections of 1812, 413 ; 
disaffection of, vii 33 ; election in 
April, 1813, 50 ; delays action, 52 ; 
reports and resolutions of legisla- 
ture in 1813, 64-66; banks of, 
their condition and influence, 386- 
389 ; expression of legislature in 
January, 1814, viii. 2, 3; block- 
aded April 25, 1814, 3; in dan- 
ger from both sides, 4 ; town 
meetings in January, 1814, 5-7} 



report of legislature on a New 
England Convention, Feb. 18,1814, 
8; election in April, 1814, 9-11, 
13; prosperity in 1814, 14; expres- 
sions of clergy, 20-23 ; regular 
troops in, vii. 284 ; viii. 95, 316 ; ter- 
ritory of, occupied, 95, 96; object 
of, in dependence on militia, 220 ; 
places militia under State major- 
general, 221, ix. 160; " danger- 
ous and perplexing " situation of, 
viii. 222-224; calls a New Eng- 
land Convention at Hartford, 225- 
227, 287; election of November, 
1814, a federalist triumph, 228, 
288, 289; Jefferson's remark that 
Virginia got no aid from, 233; 
money furnished by, 233-235; 
men furnished by, 235, 236 ; moral 
support furnished by, 236, 237; ar- 
rears of internal taxes in, 255, 256 ; 
legislature of, refuses to co-operate 
in expelling enemy from Maine, 
272, 304; creates a State army of 
ten thousand men, 272, 282; her 
delegation to the Hartford Conven- 
tion, 290-292; accepts the report 
of the Hartford Convention, 295, 
301 ; banks refuse to lend money 
to the State, 302 ; suspends organ- 
ization of State army, 303; dis- 
union sentiment of, 305-308; her 
indifference to the negotiation at 
Ghent, ix. 16, 45 ; alone interested 
in the obstacles to a treaty, 49; 
election of April, 1815, 92; inter- 
ests affected by peace, 95, 97; suf- 
fers from Dallas's arrangements, 
98-103; election of April, 1816, 
133; legislature denounces Com- 
pensation Act, 137 ; in Presidential 
election of 1816, 139. 

Massassinway, council at, vi. 111. 

" Matilda," privateer, captured, vii. 

Mat' hews, George, appointed com- 
missioner to take possession of 

East Florida, vi. 237 ; his proceed- 
ings, 238-240; disavowed, 240-242. 

McArthur, Duncan, colonel of Ohio 
militia, vi. 298, 326, 328, 332, 334 ; 
brigadier-general, vii. 128. 

McClure, George, brigadier-general 
of New York militia, commands at 
Niagara, vii. 200; evacuates Fort 
George and burns Newark, 201, 

McDonald, William, captain in Nine- 
teenth U. S. Infantry, on Ripley's 
staff, his account of the battle of 
Lundy's Lane, viii. 55, 57. 

McDonogh, 1'., lieutenant of artillery 
in Fort Erie, viii. 76. 

McFarland, D., major of Twenty- 
third U. S. Infantry, viii. 35; at 
Chippawa, 42; at Lundy's Lane, 
50; wounded, 52, 63. 

McKean, Thomas, Governor of Penn- 
sylvania, i. 228; iii. 210; declines 
to remove Judge Brackenridge, ii. 
196, 259. 

McKee, John, vi. 237. 

McLean, John, member of Congress 
from Ohio, ix. 107. 

McQueen, Peter, half-breed Creek 
Indian, visits Pensacola, vii. 228; 
attacked at Burnt Com, 229 ; cap- 
tures Fort Mims, 229-231 ; claims 
forty-eight hundred gun-men, 233; 
escapes to Florida, 257. 

McRae, Alexander, counsel for Burr, 
iii. 445. 

McRee, William, major of engineers, 
advises Brown to move against 
Riall, viii. 47; directs entrench- 
ments at Fort Erie, 67, 76; ix. 235. 

Meade, lieutenant of the British 
frigate "Leopard," iv. 12. 

Meade, Cowles, governor of Missis- 
sippi Territory, iii. 304; arrests 
Burr, 326. 

Meade, William, bishop of Virginia, 
i. 193. 

Mecklenburg, Grand Duchy of, closes 



its ports to American commerce, v, 

Mediterranean Fund, the, ii. 141; iii. 

137, 182, 183. 
Meigs, Return Jonatlian, appointed 

postmaster-general, vii. 401. 
"Melampus," British frigate, iv. 2, 

23; vi.25. 
Melville, Viscount, First Lord of the 

Admiralty, iii. 235, 238. 
"Menelaus," British frigate, en- 
gaged in house-burning on the 
Potomac, viii. 164; off Sassafras 
River, 165. 
Merry, Anthony, appointed British 
minister to the United States, ii. 
360; his arrival and reception bj' 
Jefferson, 361 et seq., 380, 381, 390; 
dines at the White House, 369; 
affronted and declines the Presi- 
dent's invitations, 375; union of, 
with Burr, 390 ; writes to his Gov- 
ernment on the boundary question, 
392; remonstrates with Madison 
respecting the enlistment of de- 
serters, 393; receives a message 
from Burr, 395; inquires meaning 
of impressment act, 397, 398; com- 
municates Burr's plan to his Gov- 
ernment, 403; his instructions in 
November, 1804, 422-424; writes 
to his Government concerning the 
failure of the Spanish mission, iii. 
96; his account of Madison's con- 
yersation, 98 ; of Jefferson's, 101 ; 
his report of the sensation pro- 
duced by the seizures, 109 ; informs 
his Government respecting the 
Non-importation Resolutions, 150; 
takes Yrujo's part, 188 ; his report 
to his Government of the appre- 
hensions of the Americans, 198; 
advises Fox against concessions, 
202; upholds Burr, 219; alarmed 
by the publicity of Burr's schemes, 
226; confers with Burr respecting 
his journey to the west, 230 et 

seq. ; recalled by Fox, 250 ; his 
last interview with Burr, 250 ; 
Jackson's allusions to, v. 118-121. 
Message, annual, of 1801, i. 248-263; 
annual, of 1802, 427-429; special, 
of Dec. 22, 1802, on violation of 
the right of deposit, 430; annual, 
of 1803, ii. 92; special, of March 
20, 1804, on the loss of the frigate 
"Philadelphia," 140; special, of 
Feb. 3, 1803, inviting the impeach- 
ment of Judge Pickering, 143; spe- 
cial, of Dec. 21, 1803, on the Span- 
ish claims, 259; annual, of Nov. 
8, 1804, 206-208, 263; annual, 
of 1805, iii. Ill et seq., 128, 129 ; 
special, on Spanish relations, Dec. 
6, 1805, 115-118, 130 et seq. ; spe- 
cial, on British spoliations, 145; 
referred, 146; annual, of 1806, 329, 
345; special, of Jan. 22, 1807, on 
Burr's conspiracy, 337; annual, of 

1807, iv. 149, 150, 153-156; spe- 
cial, of Nov. 23, 1807, on the fail- 
ure of Burr's trial, 156; special, of 
Dec. 18, 1807, recommending an 
embargo, 168-170, 228, 229; spe- 
cial, of Feb. 25, 1808, recommend- 
ing an increase of the regular 
army, 212; special, of March 22 
and 30, 1808, communicating pa- 
pers relating to England and 
France, 218; annual, of Nov. 8, 

1808, 361, 364; first annual, of 
President Madison, May 23, 1809, 
v. 76 ; annual, of Nov. 29, 1809, 
176-178; special, of Jan. 3, 1810, 
asking for volunteers, 179; annual, 
of Dec. 5, 1810, 317-319 ; special, 
of Feb. 19, 1811, on the revocation 
of the French decrees, 347, 348; 
annual, of Nov. 5, 1811, vi. 124- 
126; special, of March 9, 1812, 
communicating John Henry's pa- 
pers, 181; special, of April 1, 1812, 
recommending an embargo for 
sixty days, 198; of April 24, 1812, 



asking for two assistant Secre- 
taries of War, 206 ; of June 1, 
1812, recommending a declaration 
of war with England, 221-22G; 
annual, of Nov. 4, 1812, 430-433; 
special, of Feb. 24, 1813, on Brit- 
ish licenses of trade with New 
England, vii. 31, 32; annual of 
May 25, 1813, 53, 54; annual of 
Dec. 7, 1813, 365; ix. 5; special of 
Dec. 9, 1813, asking for an em- 
bargo, vii. 367, 368, 372; special 
of March 31, 1814, recommending 
abandonment of commercial restric- 
tions, 373, 374; annual of Sept. 20, 

1814, viii. 239; veto, of Jan. 30, 

1815, on the bill to incorporate the 
United States Bank, 260; special, 
of Feb. 20, 1815, transmitting 
treaty of peace, ix. 82; annual, of 
Dec. 5, 1815, 105 ; annual, of Dec. 
3, 1816, 143, 144; special, of March 
3, 1817, vetoing bill for internal 
improvements, 151. 

" Messenger," stallion, i. 51. 

Mexico, Jefferson's language to, iv. 
340, 341. 

Michigan Territory, iii. 176 ; popula- 
tion in 1810, v. 289. (See Detroit.) 

Michillimackinaw, Island of, vi. 294; 
captured by British expedition, 314, 
320 ; Croghan's expedition against, 
viii. 32; demanded by British at 
Ghent, ix. 34. 

Milan Decree (see Decrees). 

Militia, condition of, in 1808, iv. 210, 
213 ; appropriation for, 224 ; con- 
stitutional power of Congress over, 
vi. 159, 160, 400; Cheves's opinion 
on the war power, 160; act author- 
izing call for one hundred thou- 
sand, 204, 39(J; refuses to cross the 
frontier, 351, 352, 360; of Ken- 
tucky, 391, 393 (see Kentucky, 
Tennessee, Georgia, Washington 
City) ; praised by political parties, 
viii. 217 ; system a failure in 1814, 

217-219; tainted with fraud, 219; 
intended for overthrowing the 
national government, 220 ; of Mas- 
sachusetts and Connecticut with- 
drawn from national service in 
September, 1814, 220, 221; of 
Vermont refused for defence of 
Plattsburg, 222; views of the 
Massachusetts Senate regarding, 
226; Monroe's complaints of, 264; 
Monroe's scheme for drafting from, 
265, 266; Giles's bill for raising 
eighty thousand by draft, 269-280; 
Troup's opinion of, 274; Madison's 
recommendation for, ix. 105. 

Mill, James, his reply to Spence and 
Cobbett, iv. 329. 

Milledge, John, Governor of Geor- 
gia, and the Yazoo sale, i. 305. 

Miller, James, lieutenant-colonel of 
Fourth U. S. Infantry, at Detroit, 
vi. 326, 328 ; appointed colonel of 
the Twenty-first Infantry, viii. 
36; at Lund3''s Lane, captures the 
British guns, 54, 55, 60; promoted 
to brigadier, takes command of 
Scott's brigade, 87 ; carries British 
battery in sortie from Fort Erie, 
87, 88. 

Miller, John, colonel of Nineteenth 
U. S. Infantry, leads sortie at 
Fort Meigs, vii! 107. 

Miller, Morris S., member of Con- 
gress from New York, on the 
States taking care of themselves 
in 1814, viii. 276. 

Miller, Samuel, captain of marines, 
at Bladensburg, viii. 143. 

Minor of Natchez, iii. 224, 225, 315. 

Mint, opposition to, i. 299; ii, 77. 

Miranda, Francesco de, his plans to 
revolutionize Colombia, iii. 189 et 
seq.; distrusted by Burr, 189, 238; 
visits Washington, 190 ; his letter 
to Madison, 191; sails, 191; de- 
feated by the Spaniards, 209; re- 
turns to New York, 238. 



Mir6, Governor, iii. 2(59. 

Mississippi, districtof, created, ii. 257. 

Mississippi militia, with Jackson at 
Mobile, viii. 328; at New Orleans, 
333, 337, 344-346. 

Mississippi River, British right of 
navigating, under the treaty of 
1783, ix. 44-46, 52. 

Mississippi Territory, admitted into 
the Union, ix. 119. 

Mitchell, D.B., Governor of Georgia, 
vi. 242. 

Mitchill, Dr. Samuel L., i. 69, 93, 
110 ; in the Seventh Congress, 264 ; 
in the Eighth Congress, ii. 153, 
218, 238 ; senator from New York, 
iii. 126, 139, 430, 431. 

Mobile, intended to be seized at the 
outbreak of the war, vii. 206, 207 ; 
Congress authorizes seizure of, 
208, 209; Gallatin's remonstrance 
against seizure of, 211-213; Arm- 
strong orders seizure of, 213, 214; 
Wilkinson takes possession of, 
217; Vice-Admiral Cochrane re- 
commends expedition to, viii. 311 ; 
Andrew Jackson arrives at, Aug. 
15, 1814, 319, 320; Jackson waits 
at, 320-331; Jackson leaves for 
New Orleans, Nov. 22, 1814, 

Mobile Act, annexing Mobile to the 
Union, ii. 255, 257, 260-263. 291, 
293, 304, 380; vi. 236; criticised 
bj' Gevallos, iii. 25; explained by 
Jefferson, 56 ; Randolph's explana- 
tion of, 163. 

"Modern Chivalry," i. 125. 

" Mohawk," British sloop-of-war, 
vii. 266. 

Mollien, Nicholas Fran9ois, appointed 
Minister of the Treasury' by Napo- 
leon, iii. 371. 

Money, Captain, of the British ship 
" Trave," commands sailors at 
the battle of Jan. 8, 1815, wounded, 
▼iii. 379. 

VOL. IX. — 21 

Monroe, James, and the Callender 
scandal, i. 325; nominated minis- 
ter extraordinar}' to France and 
Spain, 433 ; accepts, 436 ; his lan- 
guage to Pichon, 440; his instruc- 
tions, 442; sails for France, ii. 1; 
his arrival in France, 26 ; illness of, 
in Paris, 39 ; his draft of claims 
convention, 41 ; his share in the 
negot iation , 50 ; under the influence 
of other men, 67 ; commissioned to 
negotiate with Spain for West 
Florida, 248; takes Rufus King's 
place in London, 275, 288, 410; dis- 
trusts Livingston, 289; returns to 
Paris, 292, 301 ; is instructed to in- 
sist upon the right to "West Florida, 
301; writes to Talleyrand, 304; 
starts for Madrid, 307, 422; re- 
ceives answer from Tallej-rand, 
313 ; in ignorance of Pitt's schemes, 
419 ; interview ^ith Lord Harrow- 
by, 420; warns the President to ex- 
pect a change in British policy, 
422 ; envoy extraordinary to Spain, 
arrives in Madrid Jan. 2, 1805, iii. 
23 ; his correspondence with Geval- 
los, 23-36 ; his letter to Armstrong, 
March 1, 1805, threatening a quar- 
rel with France, 30; leaves Spain, 
37; adopts Armstrong's views, 40; 
returns to London, 42, 47 ; intends 
to return home in November, 1805, 
43 ; expects a change in British 
policy, 43; negotiations with Mul- 
grave, 47 ; advises the President to 
press on England and France at 
once, 49 ; his Spanish failure dis- 
cussed in Cabinet, 58, 65-67; fa- 
vored by Randolph for the Presi- 
dency, 122, 166 ; affected by Senate 
scheme for a special mission, 150- 
152; warned by Jefferson against 
Randolph, 165; has his first inter- 
view with Fox, 393; hurt by the 
appointment of Pinkney as his as- 
sociate, 400, 414; his instructions 



regarding the treaty, 400 et seq. ; 
disregards instructions, and signs 
treaty, 408 et seq. ; embarrasses 
Jefferson by his treaty, 411, 434; 
his letter to Colonel Taylor of 
Caroline defending his treaty, 413 ; 
unfortunate in diplomacy, 415; ne- 
gotiates with Canning with regard 
to the " Chesapeake " affair, iv. 
42 et seq. ; leaves London, 51 ; 
warns Jefferson of danger from 
England, 71; sails for home, 128; 
Jefferson's friendship for, 129; 
Pickering's opinion of, 130; reaches 
Washington, Dec. 22, 1807, 183; 
goes into opposition, 194; caucus 
for, 226, 284; his letter to Nichol- 
son on support asked for the em- 
bargo, 346; Madison's advances 
to, V. 159, 161, 162; his state of 
mind, 162; offered the State De- 
partment, 366; his acceptance and 
policj', 368-374 ; takes charge, 
380; Secretary of State, April 1, 

1811, vi. 50; his sensitiveness 
about the title to West Florida, 38; 
his reph' to Foster's protest against 
the seizure of Florida, 38, 39 ; 
blames Jonathan Russell for ques- 
tioning the revocation of the French 
decrees, 42; asserts the revocation 
of the French decrees, 42, 43; aban- 
dons task of reconciliation with 
England, 44; requires revocation 
of the Orders in Council, 45; de- 
lays Barlow's departure, 50; his 
remonstrances to Serurier nbout 
Napoleon's conduct, 51, 54, 188, 
189, 194, 195, 200, 217; his remarks 
on protection accorded to com- 
merce, 58; his acceptance of Madi- 
son's policy, 59-61; affirms to 
Foster the repeal of Napoleon's 
decrees, 65; his letter of June 13, 

1812, to John Taylor of Caroline, 
66 ; his language to Serurier, in Oc- 
tober, 1811, 120; informs Serurier 

in November of executive plan, 
129; agrees to assist the indepen- 
dence of Spanish America, 130; 
negotiates purchase of Henry's 
papers, 178-180; his remarks to 
Foster on Wellesley's instructions, 
192; his conference with House 
Committee of Foreign Relations, 
March 31, 1812, 197; his remarks 
on the embargo, 199, 200, 202; his 
relations toward Matthews and the 
occupation of East Florida, 238, 
240, 241, 242; his criticisms on the 
conduct of the war, 396, 397; as- 
sures Serurier he will not negotiate 
for peace, 415; proposes to nego- 
tiate, 416; proposes to take a mili- 
tary commission, 419, 420; hesitates 
between civil or military control 
of the war, 421-423; becomes act- 
ing Secretary of War, 423; excites 
jealousy, 424, 425; abandons mili- 
tary career, 425, 426 ; offers to pro- 
hibit the emploj'ment of foreign 
seamen, 451 ; expected to com- 
mand the anny, vii. 35, 37; 
declines commission as major-gen- 
eral, 37; his protest against Arm- 
strong's military control, 37, 38; 
his reply to the Czar's oflier of 
mediation, 41; acquiesces in Galla- 
tin's departure, 42; his instruc- 
tions to the peace commissioners in 
April, 1813, 47, 211; goes as scout 
to the lower Potomac, 56: acting 
Secretary of War, 81; his views 
on the force required for conquer- 
ing Canada, 148; instructs com- 
missioners to assert right to Flori- 
da, 211; his views on the seizure 
of Florida, 212, 213; his remarks 
to Serurier on intercourse with 
Canada, 392; his antipathy to 
Armstrong, 411 ; advises the Presi- 
dent to remove Armstrong, 412, 
413; charges Armstrong with im- 
proper ambition, 414; friendly to 



Izard, viii. 114 ; irritated by Arm- 
strong's indifference to the defence 
of Washington, 121; accedes to 
the abandonment of impressment 
as a tirie qua non, 122; acts as a 
scout, August 19 and 20, 131; 
joins Winder, August 21, 133; no- 
tifies Madison and Serurier of ex- 
pected battle at Bladensburg, 133, 
138; goes to Winder's headquar- 
ters on the morning of August 24, 
137; arrives first on the battle-field 
at Bladensburg, 139; changes the 
order of troops, 140; returns to 
Washington, 152; at Rockville, 
156 ; returns with the President to 
Washington, 157; talies charge of 
the War Department, 158, 160 ; ef- 
fect of his course on Armstrong, 
159; claims the War Department, 
161, 162; appointed Secretary of 
War in September, 1814, 163; ad- 
mits failure of recruiting service, 
216, 266; declines to receive Massa- 
chusetts militia into national ser- 
vice under a State major-general, 
221 ; asks Congress for one hundred 
thousand regular troops in Octo- 
ber, 1814, 264; recommends a 
draft, 265 ; borrows national loans 
on his private credit, 283, 284; 
warns Jackson Sept. 25, 1814, of 
British expedition against Louisi- 
ana, 326, 329 ; his measures for the 
defence of Ix)uisiana, 326-328; 
forbids attack on Pensacola, 327 ; 
orders Gnines to Mobile, and Jack- 
son to New Orleans, 331; his 
instructions to the Ghent commis- 
sioners, ix. 10-12; his instructions 
of June 27, to omit impressment, 
33; recommends a peace estab- 
lishment of twenty thousand men, 
83; returns to State department, 
87, 88; nominated for the Presi- 
dency, 122-124 ; elected President, 

Montalivet, Comte de, Napoleon's 
Minister of the Interior, v. 221 ; his 
efforts for American commerce, 
223, 224. 

Montgomer}' Court House (see 

Montreal, Wilkinson decides to at- 
tack, vii. 178; Amherst's expe- 
dition against, in 1760, 178; 
Armstrong and Wilkinson change 
opinions about, 180-182; Hamp- 
ton's advance toward, 192-194; 
British forces in district of, 194- 
196; British forces about, in Jan- 
uary, 1814, viii. 25. 

Moore, Sir John, his Spanish cam- 
paign, V. 26, 47, 48. 

Moore, Thomas, i. 48; lines of, on 
the Philadelphia literati, 122; his 
verses on Jefferson, 167. 

Moose Island, occupied by British 
troops in July, 1814, viii. 94; dis- 
puted territory, 95; claimed at 
Ghent by England, ix. 10, 20, 25, 
34, 49, 52. 

Morales, Don Juan Ventura, Spanish 
Intendantat New Orleans, officially 
declares the right of deposit at end, 
i. 419-421; blamed by Yrujo, 427 ; 
blamed by Cevallos, ii. 60; de- 
fended by Cevallos, iii. 26 ; re- 
mains at New Orleans, 72-79, 300. 

Moravian town. Proctor's defeat at, 
vii. 131-142. 

Moreau, Jean Victor, Turreau's note 
about, iii. 82, 83; death of, vii. 

Morfontaine, treaty of, i. 362, 370, 
388; ii. 21, 42, 46, 47, 293, 296, 
297, 383. (See Treaties.) 

Morgan, Da\'id, brigadier-general of 
Louisiana militia, commands on 
right bank at New Orleans, viii. 
370 ; driven back, 377. 

Morgan, George N., warns Jefferson 
of Burr's declarations, iii. 255, 279. 

Morgan, L., major of First Rifles, 



repulses British attack on Black 
Rock, viii. 69. 

Morier, J. P., British chargt^ at 
Washington, v. 219 ; his protest 
against the seizure of West Florida, 

" Morning Chronicle," the, on the 
"Chesapeake" affair, iv. 41, 54, 
70; silent toward the American 
war in 1813, vii. 356; on American 
privateers, viii. 197; on the failure 
of the war, ix. 35, 43; on the Ghent 
correspondence. 43; on the news 
from Ghent, 54 ; on the treaty, 55- 

"Morning Post," the, on the "Ches- 
apeake " affair, iv. 41, 44, 53, 54, 
70 et seq.f 76; on the principle of 
retaliation, 132. 317; on the Ameri- 
can frigates, vii. 13; calls for exe- 
cution of British subjects taken in 
arms, 362; on the American gov- 
ernment, ix 4, 5 

Morocco, ii. 137. 

Morris, Charles, captain in U. S. 
navy, commands corvette " Ad- 
ams," viii 95; destroys his ship 
in the Penobscot, 96. 

Morris, Commodore Richard Valen- 
tine, dismissed, ii. 137. 

Morris, Gouverneur, i. 93 ; senator of 
the United States, in the judiciary 
debate, 279; assails the Govern- 
ment, 435 ; on the right of deposit, 
435 ; ii. 283 ; on the Louisiana 
purchase, ii. 99. 101 ; his oration on 
the overthrow of Napoleon, viii. 
19, 20; his letter on the Hartford 
Convention, 299; assists Erie 
Canal, ix. 168. 

Morrison, J. W., lieutenant-colonel 
of British Eighty-ninth Regiment, 
commanding at Cbrj'stler's Farm, 
vii. 189, 190; reinforces Drum- 
mond, viii. 46. 

Morse, Jedediah, i. 78, 93. 

Moscow, occupied by Napoleon, vii. 
4, 27; abandoned, 9, 30. 

Moseley, Jonathan Ogden, member 
of Congress from Connecticut, viii. 

Mountmorris, Lord, v. 265. 

Mulcaster, W. H., captain in British 
navy, commands flotilla m Wil- 
kinson's rear. vii. 187, wounded 
in attacking Oswego, viii. 29, 30. 

Mulgrave, Lord, British Foreign 
Secretary, his reception of Monroe's 
complaints in 1805, iii. 47 ; his in- 
difference to American affairs, 48 ; 
affirms the Rule of 1756, 48 ; fails 
to answer Burr's inquiries, 229, 

Murray, Sir George, British major- 
general, succeeds Prevost as gov- 
ernor-general of Canada, viii. 118, 

Murray, J., colonel in British service, 
retakes Fort George, vii 202; cap- 
tures Fort Niagara, 203 

Murray William A„ Lieutenant of 
Artillery, his report of conversa- 
tion in New Orleans respecting 
Burr's conspiracy, iii. 303. 

Muscogee Indians (see Creeks). 

Nantucket, British naval station, 
vii. 278, viii. 287; relieved from 
operation of the embargo in 1814, 

Napier, Charles James, lieutenant- 
colonel of British infantry, vii. 272 ; 
his remark on the Craney Island 
affair, 274; on the affair at Hamp- 
ton, 276 ; on plundering the Yank- 
ees, 278. 

Napoleon, i. 334; and Talleyrand, 
357, 359; restores peace in Europe, 
360, 363, 370, 373. 374, 395; ob- 
tains retrocession of Louisiana, 363- 
370; his anger with Godoy, 373- 
375 ; makes peace with England, 
374 ; parallelism with Louverture, 
383, 387, 388 ; attacks Louverture, 



390 ; his explanations to the British 
Government, 391 ; his letter to Lou- 
verture, 392, 393 , his instructions 
to Leclerc, 397, 398 ; orders the oc- 
cupation of Louisiana, 399 400-, 
attempts to obtain Florida, 402 ; 
Jefferson's messages to, 404, 410, 
411, 413, 443; his account of his 
miscarriage at St. Domingo, 416 ; 
fears a war with the United 
States, ii. 2; abandons his colonial 
system, 14 et $eq. ; scene with Lord 
Whitworth, 19 ; reveals his deter- 
mination to cede Louisiana, 25-28 ; 
angry scene with his brothers, 34 
et seq. : his projet of a secret con- 
vention respecting Louisiana, 40 ; 
objects to the payment of claims, 
51 ; his inducement to sell Louisi- 
ana, 52 ; his conduct toward Spain, 
66; his avowal as to the sale of 
Louisiana, 61 ; his reasons for be- 
traying Charles IV., 63 ; for selling 
Louisiana, 63 et seq. , repudiates 
drafts on the public Treasur)> 270 ; 
prepares for a descent on England. 
291-, weary of Talleyrand, 310, 312 ; 
Jefferson's language about, 348, 
353, 381 ; his irritation at Jerome's 
marriage, 379 ; his intervention in 
Monroe's Spanish negotiation, iii. 
26, 29, 30, 32, 41, 82 ; not influenced 
by corruption of his subordinates, 
42; begins war with Austria and 
Russia, 73, 76, 77, 103; forbids 
trade with St. Domingo, 89 ; cap- 
tures Ulm and enters Vienna, 106, 
370 ; returns to Paris, 371 ; his 
financial measures in 1806, 372- 
375; defeats Talleyrand's plan for 
a settlement between Spain and 
the United States, 383 ; wins the 
battle of Jena, 388 ; issues the De- 
cree of Berlin, 389 ; makes the 
treaty of Tilsit, iv. 62, 105 ; attacks 
Portugal and Denmark, 106. en- 
forces his Berlin Decree against 

the United States, 109, 110; Arm 
strong's story about his attitude 
toward Florida, 114; orders his 
armies into Spain, 117; his pro- 
posed division of Portugal. 119; 
offers Lucien the crown of Spain, 
124; issues the Dectee of Milan, 
126 , treats the United States as at 
war with England, 221, 292, 295, 
312; seizes the Spanish Court, 298; 
crowns Joseph King of Spain, 300; 
his Spanish plan for conquering 
England, 303 . issues the Bayonne 
Decree, 304; his Spanish campaign, 
V. 22-28; his severity toward 
American commerce, 30-32; with- 
holds Florida, 32, 33 ; his causes 
for rupture with the United States, 
39, 40; his war with Austria in 
1809, 106. 134; learns the repeal 
of the embargo and of the British 
Orders. 136 ; his first reply to 
Armstrong's communication, 137 , 
drafts decree withdrawing the 
Milan Decree, 139 ; cause of his 
hesitation, 140, 141 ; lays aside his 
repealing decree, 141; his view of 
the right of search, 137. 145, 149 ; 
his draft of Vienna Decree of Aug. 
4, 1809, 143, 144, 230, 233. 236: 
quarrels with his brother Louis, 
146, 147 ; his increased severit}' 
toward the United States, 150-152, 
220 ; calls a Cabinet council on 
commerce, Dec. 19. 1809. 220. 221; 
discussions with Montalivet. 221, 
223 ; his note to Gaudin on Ameri- 
can ships, 224 ; his want of money. 

225, 226, 237 ; calls for a repoVt 
from Champagny, Jan 10. 1810, 

226. 227 ; his dislike for Armstrong, 
228, 229 ; his condition for the rev- 
ocation of his decrees, 229 ; his 
draft of note asserting retaliation 
on the Non -intercourse Act, 230, 
231 ; his reply to Armstrong's re- 
monstrances, 234, 235 ; his memory, 



235 ; his Decree of Rambouillet, 
236 ; his threats of annexing Hol- 
land, 238, 246; his annexation of 
Holland, 241. 242; his reflections 
on Macon's act, 244, 245; his li- 
cense system, 246 ; his instructions 
to Champagny ordering announce- 
ment that the decrees will be with- 
drawn, 253; dictates letter of Aug. 
5. 1810, 253; his Idea of a trap, 
257, 383; his instructions of Dec. 
13, 1810, on the non-intercourse 
and the Floridas, 384 ; on com- 
mercial liberties, 386 ; his address 
of March 17, 1811, to the deputies 
of the Hanse Towns, 396, 397, his 
address of March 24, 1811, to the 
Paris merchants, 398 399, 420; ap- 
points Maret in place of Cham- 
pagny, 401 ; orders a report on 
American commerce, 402, 403 ; ad- 
mits American cargoes, May 4, 
1811, 404; his instruction of Aug, 
28, 1811, about Spanish America 
and Florida, 407, 408; his rupture 
with Russia and Sweden, 408-427 , 
his order of May 4, 1811, opening 
his ports to American commerce, 
vi. 44, 59 ; probable amount of his 
spoliations, 247; his restrictions on 
American commerce, 247 ; goes to 
Holland, Sept. 19, 1811, 248; his 
interview with Joel Barlow, 249 ; 
his extension of the license system 
in January, 1812, 250 ; his seizure 
of Swedish Pomerania, 251, 252 ; 
his Decree of St. Cloud, April 28, 
1811, 255, 256; his departure for 
Poland, May 9, 1812, 258 ; enters 
Russia, 259, 288; his battle at 
Borodino, Sept. 7, 1812, 263; en- 
ters Moscow, Sept. 15, 1812,263; 
begins his retreat, 264 ; his passage 
of the Beresina, 264 ; his return to 
Paris, December, 1812, 265 ; enters 
Moscow, vii. 4, 26, 27; begins re- 
treat, 9; leaves his army, 11; re- 

turns to Paris, 30; organizes a new 
army, 339 ; wins battles of Liitzen 
and Bautzen, 340, 344, 391 ; makes 
armistice, 340 , wins battle at Dres- 
den, 350; overthrown at Leipzig, 
355, 360, 370, 393; approaching 
fall of, 362, 393; effects of over- 
throw on Congress and the Presi- 
dent, 393-395; his return from 
Elba, ix. 56, 83: overthrown at 
Waterloo, 104. 

"Narcissus," British 32-gun frigate, 
captures "Viper," vii. 313. 

Nash, Thomas, ii. 333. 

Natchez delivered to the United 
States, i. 355. 

"National Intelligencer," origin of, 
i. 121; publishes Paine's letters, 
328 ; prints the British Impress- 
ment Proclamation, iv. 166, 172, 
186; publishes the Milan Decree, 
195 ; on renewal of intercourse 
with Great Britain, v. 75; on Ers- 
kine's disavowal, 109. 110; Joel 
Barlow's letter in, 299; office de- 
stroyed by Cockburn, viii. 147. 

Naturalization, the law of, in Eng- 
land and America, li. 337 et seq ; 
British laws of, vii. 21-23; issue 
raised, 360. 

Naturalization law adopted, i. 301. 

" Nautilus," East India Company's 
cruiser, ix 73. 

" Nautilus." sloop-of-war, captured, 
vi. 369, 386 ; vii. 312. 313. 

Navigation, British law of. ii. 318, 
321, 413 

Navigation Act, moved by Macon, v. 

Navigation Act of 1816. ix. 146, 147. 

Navy, British, cost and pay-roll of, 
vii. 20. 

Navy Department (see Samuel 
Smith, Robert Smith, Paul Hamil- 
ton, William Jones, B. W, Crown- 

Navy of the United States, Jeffer* 



son's opinion of, i. 222, 223, 238; 
Gallatin's views on. 222, 240, 252; 
Giles's views on, 287; Leib's pro- 
posal to abolish, 299 ; condition in 
1801, 242-245; economies in, 272; 
four slo"ps-of-war and fifteen gun- 
boats built in 1803, ii. 77 ; cost and 
estimates, 77, 136; at Tripoli, 137- 
141, 425-436 ; Jefferson suggests 
ships-of-the-line for, iii. 113, 178. 
201 ; tifty gunboats voted in 1806, 
181 ; favored by Jefferson. 201; 
arguments for and against gun- 
boats, 352: gunboats adopted in 
1807, iv. 158 159,- frigates to be 
laid up in case of war, 159; frigates 
to be used to serve gunboats, 427; 
in 1809, v. 168. 169 ; reductions in 
1810, 200-207; opposed by Repub- 
lican party, vi. 162; increase re- 
fused by Congress in January, 
1812, 164 ; condition of, in June, 
1812, 363, 364; distribution of, in 
September, 1812, 377, 378; move- 
ments and battles of, in 1812. 362- 
387; increase of, 436, 449; condition 
of, in 1813, vii. 287; appropriations 
for, in 1814, 384, 385, legislation 
for, in November, 1814, and Feb- 
ruary, 1815, viii. 281; war estab- 
lishment retained in peace, ix. 87, 
119. (See Gunnery, "Constitu- 
tion," " President," " United 
States," "Constellation,"' ''Chesa- 
peake," "Congress," "Essex," 
"Adams," "Wasp," "Hornet," 
"Argus," "Peacock," "Syren," 
"Nautilus," "Louisiana," "Caro- 

Na\'y-yards, incompetency of, iv. 6. 

Nelson, Roger, member of Congress 
from Maryland, ii. 229 ; favors 
abandoning cities in case of attack, 
lii. 350, 353; on reduction of arma- 
ments in 1810, V 202, 203. 

Negri I Rav (see Jamaica). 

Nesselrode, Count, accompanies Czar 

Alexander as foreign secretary, 
vii. 344 ; his despatch of July 9 to 
Lieven, 346, 349; ignorant of the 
Czar's orders to Roumanzoff, 349, 
352, 354. 
Neutrals, admitted to colonial ports 
of France and Spain, li. 321; Brit- 
ish doubts whether to recognize 
trade of, with colonies of belliger- 
ents, 321, 322 (see Rule of 1756); 
affected by practice of blockade, 
322, 399; forbidden by England 
in 1793 to trade with belligerent 
colonies, 322, 323; permitted in 
1794 to trade with belligerent col- 
onies, 324, 327, 328; prosperity of 
United States as, 329, 332; neglect 
of obligations of 337; Madison's 
demands for, in December, 1803, 
385, 386, 419 420, 423; British 
West Indies hostile to, 416; British 
measures of 1805 hostile to, iii. 44- 
46; James Stephen's pamphlet on 
frauds of, .50-53; practice of block- 
ading ports of, 91-94, 199, 200; 
anger ot the American merchants 
at British restrictions on, in 1805, 
95-98. 143, 144, 151; Madison's 
pamphlet on rights of, 102; Madi- 
son's remonstrances on infringe- 
ment of rights of, 109, 110; 
Jefferson's annual message of 1805 
regarding, 112, infringement by 
Miranda of law of, 190-195, 208 ; 
British disregard of rights of, 202, 
203; Jefferson's scheme of alliance 
to protect. 204 ; Napoleon's Berlin 
Decree retaliating on England's 
violations of law of, 389, 391 ; 
Fox's blockade a concession to. 
398, 399; Madison's demands for, 
in 1806, 401; Monroe's comprom- 
ise of rights of, 408-412; Howick's 
Order in Council restricting trade 
of, 416-421, 435; rights of to de- 
pend on France and Russia. 4.i'7'; 
aggression against, by British frig 



ate "Leopard," iv. 1-30; nature 
of reparation demanded for, 31, 
39, 45, 46, 62 (see "Chesapeake" 
affair)-, the United States in 1807 
almost the only, 66; West India 
report on trade of, 67-69-, British 
lawyers on violations of law of, 
77; Spencer Perceval's Orders in 
Council restricting rights of, 79- 
104 (see Orders in Council); 
Napoleon's Milan Decree, making 
war on, 126 (see Decrees) ; Brit- 
ish disregard of law of, m Amer- 
ica, 136, 137; Napoleon's idea of, 
as exempt from interference, v. 
137, 149 ; list of restrictions on 
commerce of, 152; of 1809, 165; 
Napoleon's declaration that, after 
the Milan Decree, there were no 
more, 227 (see Napoleon); de- 
fence of, by Russia and Sweden, 
409-428 (see Impressment, Li- 
censes, Spoliations); Madison's 
indifference to duties of, in West 
Florida, 309, 310 (see Florida, East 
and West) ; Act of 1816, to preserve 
relations of, ix. 147. 

Newark, on the Niagara River, 
burned by McClure, vii. 202. 

Newbury-, memorial of town-meeting 
in January, 1814, viii. 6. 

Newburyport town-meeting in Janu- 
ary, 1809, iv. 410. 

New England in 1800, i. 18 ; school- 
houses, 19; population, 20; pov- 
erty, 21 ; commerce and manufac- 
tures, 21 et seq. ; social system, 76 ; 
schools, 76; society, organization 
of, 108, temper of, toward Jeffer- 
son in 1802, 308-330; conspiracy 
of 1804 in, ii. 160-190, 391, 392; 
its conservatism, Jefferson's second 
Inaugural on, iii. 5-9; townships, 
Jefferson's opinion of, iv. 441 ; 
prosperity of shipping in, 1807- 
1810, V. 15; prosperity of manu- 
factures in, 16-21; encouragement 

of manufactures in, 196, 197; F. J. 
Jackson's reception in, 213-217; 
refuses to take the war loan of 
1812, vi. 207; favored by British 
government m the war, vii. 31, 
32; furnishes money and supplies 
to Canada, 146, 367, 368; bene- 
fited by the British blockade, 
264, 283, 367, military force as- 
signed to, 284; banks, their condi- 
tion and influence, 387, 3S9; viii. 
15 ; blockaded, April 25, 1814, 3 ; 
attitude toward the war in Janu- 
ary, 1814, 13; prosperity in 1814, 
14; attitude of clergy, 21-23; 
banks maintain specie payments, 
214 ; frauds in militia system of, 
219 -, practicallj' independent in 
September, 1814, 222 (see New 
England Convention); congres- 
sional elections of November, 1814, 
in, 228; effect of sedition on 
Madison, 231; furnishes thirteen 
regiments, 235; supplies Scott's 
brigade, 236; supplies Blakeley's 
crew, 237; burden of taxation 
thrown on, 257, probable conse- 
quence of her proposed action, 318 ; 
delighted by news of peace, ix. 
59, 60; disastrous effects of peace 
on, 95-103, 126; church of, in 
1816, 133 ; representatives of, op- 
pose internal improvements, 150, 
151; increase of population in 1817, 
154, 155; increase of wealth in, 
157-160; division of church in, 
175-187. (See Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, etc.) 

New England Confederation, ten- 
dency to, iv. 403. 

New England Convention, project of, 
in 1804, ii. 16^188; in 1808, i v. 
239, 246, 402-407; in 1812, vi. 402; 
in 1814, viii. 4-13; project realized 
in October, 1814, 225, 287; Massa- 
chusetts delegates to, 226, 227, 
290-292; Rhode Island and Con- 



necticut send delegates to, 227; 
Vermont declines invitation to, 
227 i project approved by the peo- 
ple in the November election, 228- 
230 •, its intention to sequester the 
government taxes, 257 ; its demand 
for State armies conceded by the 
national government, 284; assem- 
bles at Hartford, Dec. 15, 1815, 
292; character of members of, 292, 
293; proceedings of, 293-298; re- 
port of, approved by Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, 300, 301, 304, 305; 
commissioners appomted to effect 
the arrangement proposed by, 301, 
302; commissioners start for Wash- 
ington, ix. 56 ; met by news of the 
battle of New Orleans, 57; return 
home, 81 ; sarcasms about, 81, 103, 

New Hampshire, opposed to disunion 
in 1804, ii. 162, 169, 204; becomes 
Federalist in 1809, v. 13; sends no 
delegates to the Hartford Conven- 
tion, viii 227, prosperous, ix 160. 

New Haven, i. 75. 

New Jersey, election in 1814, viii. 
228; increase of population in, ix 

New London, blue lights seen from, 
vii. 279. 

New Orleans delivered by Spain to 
the United States, Dec. 20, 1803, 
ii. 256 ; sends deputies to Washing- 
ton, 400; menaced by Spain in 
1805, iii. 17 ; Bun's confederates 
in, 296; concentration of troops at, 
in 1809, v. 169, 170 ; to be occupied 
by British expedition in 1814, viii 
312-314; military defences of, 316, 
317; Jackson's delaj' in going to, 
318-320 •, NichoU's talk of attack- 
ing, 321 ; Jackson's neglect of, 325- 
330; Monroe's anxiety for, 331; 
Jackson arrives at, Dec. 2, 1814, 
333* population of, 334; Jackson's 
measures at, 335; news of British 

capture of gunboats reaches, 336 ; 
martial law proclaimed at, 336, 
337; in danger, 342; its defences, 
344, 345; volunteer companies of. 
344, 345 ; volunteers of, in the 
night battle of Dec. 23, 1814, 346, 
347, 351 ; night battle of Dec 23, 

1814, 347-351; artillery battle of 
Jan 1, 1815, 358-366; supplies 
militia, 368; in danger from the 
west bank, 371 , battle of Jan. 8, 

1815, 375-381; news of battle 
reaches the government, ix. 57; 
civil authority restored at, 89, 90; 
growth of; 157; fortifications at, 

"New Orleans packet," seized un- 
der the Berlin and Milan Decrees, 
vi 8; by a " municipal operation," 
42, 43. 

Newport, fort at, iv. 210 

Newspapers, American, in 1800, i. 41, 

Newton, Gilbert Stuart, i,x. 213-215. 

New York city in 1800, i 24, ex- 
penses and sanitary condition, 25; 
business, 25 et seq. ,• blockaded by 
British frigates, ill. 91, 203; debate 
in Congress on the propriety of 
fortifying, 351, 355; described by 
F. J. Jackson, v. 213 ; population 
in 1810, 289; affected by the 
blockade, vii. 264; depreciation of 
currency, ix. 62; increase of ex- 
ports, 125 : increase of population, 
155, 156-, immigrants to, 161; ex- 
ports and imports of, 166, 167 ; 
steamboats in 1810, 171, 173. 

New York State in 1800, i. 3, 6, 23, 
108-114; politics in 1802, 331, 332; 
politics in 1804, ii. 170-190, elec- 
tion of 1809, v. 13 ; insurrection in, 
on account of the embargo, iv. 
259 ; position of, in census of 1810, 
V. 289; banking mania in, vi. 208; 
election in May, 1812, 209; nomi- 
nates De Witt Clinton to the Presi- 



dency, 215 ; recruiting in, 305 ; 
politics of, in 1813, vii. 48, 49; suf- 
frage in, 50; jealousy of Virginia, 
402, 403; elections in April, 1813 
and 1814, viii. 11, 12; banks sus- 
pend payment, 214, soldiers fur- 
nished by, 235 ; arrears of internal 
taxes in, 256 ; creates a State army, 
282, elections in April, 1815, ix. 
93; election in April, 1816, 132, 133; 
growth of population, 1800-1816, 
154, 167; growth of wealth in, 166, 
167 ; begins the Ene Canal, 167- 

" Niagara," 20-gun brig on Lake 
Erie, commanded by Jesse D. 
Elliott, vii. 120; her armament, 
121, 122, taken command of by 
Perry, 123, 124; ill-fought by 
Elliott, 125. 

Niagara, Fort (see Fort Niagara). 

Niagara frontier, military importance 
of, VI 304, 310; force at, 311, 320, 
341, 344; force raised to six thou- 
sand men, 345; Van Rensselaer's 
campaign at, 346-353; Alexander 
Smyth's campaign at, 353-358 ; 
sickness of troops at, 359 ; Brown's 
campaign at the, viii. 24-90 ; British 
force at the, in June, 1814, 38, 39 ; 
victories fail to stimulate enlist- 
ments, 217. 218; cession required 
as a condition of peace, ix. 7. 

.Nicholas, Wilson Carj', i. 221; sen- 
ator from Virginia, dissuades the 
President from raising Constitu- 
tional question, ii. 87, 88, 94-, on 
the Louisiana treaty, 111; retires 
from the Senate, 221 ; helps to set 
Monroe aside, iii 152 ; on Ran- 
dolph's philippic, 173 ; writes to 
Jefferson doubting the possibility 
of longer embargo, iv. 345, 346; 
tile-leader of the House, 428; urges 
Giles to withdraw opposition to 
Gallatin, 429, 430 ; his resolution 
to repeal the embargo, 435, 438; 

on the appointment of Gallatin a» 
Secretary of State, v. 4, 5, 6; re- 
signs from Congress, 76 ; his letter 
to Jonathan Mason in 1814, viiL 
306, 308. 

Nicholl, Sir John, King's advocate, 
ill. 417; iv, 96. 

Nicholls, Edward, major of the Brit- 
ish marines occupies Pensacola, 
viii. 319, 320; issues proclamation 
to the natives of Louisiana, 320, 
321, 325 ; distracts Jackson's atten- 
tion, 321, 322; evacuates Pensa- 
cola and goes to the Appalachicola, 

Nicholson, Joseph Hopper, member 
of Congress from Marj-land, i. 261, 
268, 4.33; li. 95, 100, 124, 144; in- 
vited to attack Judge Chase, 149; 
a manager of the impeachment, 
225, 228 , offers an amendment to 
the Constitution, 240; in the Ninth 
Congress, iii. 127, 133, 135, his 
non-importation resolution, 154; 
his resolution adopted, 165; ap- 
pointed State Judge, 167, 180 ; 
remonstrates with Gallatin, iv. 32. 

Nicklin ana Griffith, iii. 153. 

Nonimportation (see Non-inter- 

Non-intercourse, list of acts, v 194. 
partial, moved by Senator Samuel 
Smith in February, 1806, Iii. 146 , 
debate on, 147; favored by Madi- 
son, 148, 426; opposition to, 150; 
Smith's resolutions adopted, 151; 
Gregg's resolution of Jan. 29, 1806, 
154, 155, 165, Nicholson's resolu- 
tion, Feb. 10, 1806, 154, 155; Nich- 
olson's resolution adopted, 165, 
160; Non-importation Bill reported, 
March 25, 1805, 175; becomes law, 
April 18, 1806, 175 ; suspended, Dec. 
19, 1806, 349, effect of, in England, 
394, 399; conditions of its repeal, 
401, 436; to remain suspended, 
430, 436, 437, favored by Jeffep 



•on after the ••Chesapeake" affair, 
iv. 34, 36; expected by Erskine, 
144; Non-importation Act goes 
into effect, Dec, 14, 1807, 165 (see 
Embargo); not avowed as a co- 
ercive policy in Congress, 203 ; or 
by Jefferson, 176, 204; bill for 
total non-intercourse introduced, 
444; becomes law, March 1, 
1809, 453. 

Non-intercourse Act of March 1, 1809, 
its effect on commerce, v. 35, 36; 
English view of, 62; affected by 
Erskine's arrangement, 80, 88, 90; 
revived by Erskine's disavowal, 
111, 114, 115; communicated to 
Napoleon, 135, communication de- 
nied by Napoleon, 232, 234, 235, 
254; Champagny's complaints of, 
140 ; Napoleon's retaliation on, 
143, 150, 151, 230, 232, 254, 255; 
its mischievous effects in America, 
164, 165, 166, 178, 184; about to 
expire, 183; suspended, 195-198, 
210; revived by proclamation of 
Nov 2, 1810, 302, 303, 304. 

of May 1, 1810, its passage, v, 

194-198, 274; its effect on Napo- 
leon, 220, 244, 255 ; its effect in 
England, 273-276; its condition 
precedent to reviving non-inter 
course, 297; creates a contract, 342, 
395, 396. 

of March 2, 1811, reviving Act 

of March 1, 1809, moved bj' Eppes, 
Jan. 15, 1811, v, 338; decided upon, 
347; amended, 351; reported, 352; 
passed, 354, 391; its effect on Napo- 
leon, 393, 394, 400, 404; Foster's 
instructions on the, vi. 23; his pro- 
test against, 39; his threat of re- 
taliation, 44, 124; not noticed by 
Napoleon, 56; an intolerable bur- 
den to the United States, 140; ef- 
forts to suspend. 205, 230-234, 447 ; 
not retaliated by England, 270 ; for- 
feitures under, 438-443 ; Calhoun 

on, 444; bill for stricter enforce- 
ment of, 448. 

Norfolk, the mayor of, forbids com- 
munication with the British squad- 
ron, IV. 27 ; exposed to attack, vii. 
269; fortifications of, 271; attacked 
by British expedition, 272-275; 
sickness among militia at, viii. 

" North American Review," ix. 207. 

North Carolina in 1800, i. 36; cot- 
ton-planting, 37, 148 ; in 1816, 
growth of population, ix. 154, 155, 
161; growth of weaUh, 163; legis- 
lative report on internal improve- 
ments, 164. 

Norton, Rev. Andrews, ix. 182. 

Nottingham, in Maryland, Ross's 
camp, Aug. 21, 1814, viii 129. 

OcaSa, battle at, v. 268. 

Ocracoke Inlet, captured by Admiral 
Cockburn, vii. 277. 

Offices, Jefferson's removals from, 
i. 230 et seq. 

Ogden, owner of the "Leander," iii. 
190; indicted by Jefferson, 195. 

Ogden, Aaron, appointed major- 
general, vii. 37. 

Ogden, Peter V., iii. 252, 255; carries 
despatches to Burr's friends in New 
Orleans, 295; arrested at Fort Ad- 
ams. 319; discharged from custody, 

Ogdensburg, captured in 1813, vii. 
147; passed by Wilkinson, 185. 

Ohio, admitted into the Union, i. 302; 
ii. 76; population in 1810, v. 289 ; 
militia, vii. 102; growth of, ix, 

Ohio River settlements in 1800, L 2. 

Ohio, Territory of, ii. 121. 

Olcott, Simeon, senator from New 
Hampshire, ii. 160. 

Old Fields, Winder's array camps at, 
vii. 134; retreat from, 135. 



Olmstead, Gideon, case of, v. 13; 
Marshall's opinion in case of, ix. 

188, 189. 

Ontario, Lake, armaments on, vi. 342, 
344. (See Sackett's Harbor.) 

Order in Council, of Jan. 7, 1807, 
called Lord Howick's Order, pro- 
hibiting neutral trade from one 
belligerent port to another, iii. 416- 
421; iv. 79, 80, 83, 93, 102, 144, 
154, 318; arrives in America, iii. 

of Nov. 11, 1807, called Spencer 

Perceval's Order, prohibiting neu- 
tral trade with any port from which 
British trade was excluded, iv. 79- 
103; its publication in England, 
132; arrives in America, 186; a 
cause of the embargo, 168, 175, 176, 
186, 332; its object explained by 
Erskine, 219; debate in Parliament 
in 1808, 317-321; parliamentary in- 
quiry into, 322; asserted by Can- 
ning not to have caused the em- 
bargo, v. 51 ; Canning's conditions 
of repealing, 53, 54, 56, 70-73, 90, 
94, 101, 102; Grenville and Sid- 
mouth's language regarding, 59, 
60; debate on, March 6, 1809,60- 
62; Erskine's arrangement with- 
drawing, 70-73; disavowal of Ers- 
kine's arrangement, 87-95, 109- 

■ of April 11, 1808, protecting neu- 
tral vessels trading with British 
ports, proposed by Perceval, iv. 
324 ; approved by Bathurst, 325 ; 
opposed by Castlereagh and Can- 
ning, 325, 326 ; issued, 327 ; Madi- 
son's indignation at, 327. 

of Dec. 21, 1808, suspending ex- 
port duties on foreign produce, v. 
43, 44; further relaxations pro- 
posed, 45; their effect on English 
trade, 46. 

of April 26, 1809, establishing a 

general blockade in place of the 

Orders of November, 1807, v, 63, 
64, 65, 81, 103, 113, 126, 152; issue 
chosen by Madison and Monroe, 
vi. 39, 40, 45, 121, 188; conditions 
of repeal, 124, 220 ; enforced by 
British prize-courts, 118, 124, 267 ; 
alleged as Madison's fourth com- 
plaint, 222 ; revocation promised by 
Prince Regent on formal revoca- 
tion of French decrees, 254, 282; 
popular agitation against, 271, 281, 
283; debate of Feb 28, 1811, in 
House of Lords, 275; debate of 
March 3 in House of Commons, 
276 • Rose's definition of, 276, 283; 
Canning's remarks on, 277, 278; 
Perceval's account of, 279; minis- 
ters grant a committee on, 283, 
284; suspension of, June 16, 1812, 
280, 287, 403; suspension not satis- 
factory to the President, 404; re- 
peal susceptible of satisfactory 
explanations, 431. 

of May 24, 1809, repudiating 

Erskine's arrangement, and pro- 
tecting vessels sailing under it, v. 
93, 95 ; Canning's instructions of 
July 1, 1809, to F. J. Jackson, on, 

of Oct. 13, 1812, directing gen- 
eral reprisals against the United 
States, vii. 4. 

"Orders in Council," privateer, cap- 
tured, vii. 330. 

Ordronnaux, John, captain of the pri- 
vateer "Prince of Neufchatel," 
viii. 209, 

Orleans, Territory of, created, ii. 121, 
.399-409; iii. 223, 224, 296-325. 
(See Louisiana.) 

" Orpheus," British 36-gun frigate, 
sent to communicate with Creek 
refugees, vii. 258 ; captures " Frol- 
ic," viii. 181. 

Osgood, David, minister of Medford, 
viii. 21; ix. 202. 

Osgood, Samuel, i. 108. 



Oswego attacked in May, 1814, viii. 
29, 30. 

Otis, Harrison Gray, Speaker of 
Massachusetts legislature, ii. 163; 
president of Massachusetts Sen- 
ate, J. Q. Adams's letter to, ivt 
241; his letter to Josiah Quincy 
suggesting a New England Con- 
vention, 403 ; signs Address to the 
People, 456; supports State con- 
vention in 1812, vi. 402 ; supports 
Clinton for President, 440 J his re- 
port of Oct. 8, 1814, on controlling 
their own resources, viii. 224; re- 
ports in favor of a New England 
Convention, 225; chosen a dele- 
gate, 227, 292', publishes journal 
of, 293; his activity in, 294, 295; 
Lowell's opinion of, 294; appointed 
commissioner for, 302. 

Otter Creek in Vermont, station of 
Macdonough's flotilla in May, 1814, 
viii. 97. 

Ouvrard, Gabriel Julien, agent of 
the French treasury, i. 239 ] obtains 
from Spain financial concessions, 
iii. 372; ruined by Napoleon, 374; 
his scheme, 378. 

Paine, Robert Treat, i. 330. 

Paine, Thomas, Jefferson's letter to, 
i. 316-318; arrives from Europe, 
327 ; his letters in the " National 
Intelligencer," 328. 

Pakeuham, Sir Edward, British 
major-general, ordered to command 
the expedition to New Orleans, 
viii. 315; his instructions, 316; 
his armament leaves Jamaica, 
331, 332 ; on the way to Louisiana, 
333; makes land, Dec. 10, 1814, 
335; takes command Dec. 25, 
1814, before New Orleans, 352; 
contrasted with Jackson, 353; 
sends for field-pieces, 355, 356; 
halts before Jackson's breastworks, 

Dec, 28, 1814, 357; sends for heavy 
guns, 358; digs canal, 367; his 
plan of attack, 371-374, killed in 
the assault, 375, 376, his assault 
compared with Drummond's, 381. 

Palfrey, John Gorham, ix. 206. 

"Palladium," the, i. 314. 

"Panoplist," the, Ix. 178. 

Papenberg, v. 165. 

Paris, capitulates, March 31, 1814, 
Ix. 6: pleased with the victory at 
Plattsburg, 35, 36 ; Napoleon's re- 
turn to, 56- 

Parish, David, shares loan of 1813, 
vii. 44, 45. 

Parish, Elijah, his Fast-Day sermon 
of AprU 7, 1814, viii. 21, 22; ix. 

Parker, Admiral, ii. 340. 

Parker, Daniel, offers the two Flori- 
das, iii. 379. 

Parker, Sir Peter, captain of British 
frigate "'Menelaus," his death, 
viii. 164, 165. 

Parliament (see Acts of) imposes 
unequal duties on exports to the 
United States, Ii. 399 ; to lodge in 
the King in Council the power of 
regulating commerce with America, 
423; in 1804-1805 passes acts regu- 
lating West India commerce, iii. 
44 ; debates Howick's Order in 
Council, 417; dissolved, April 27, 
1807, iv. 55; meets June 22, 1807, 
55; report to, on the West Indies, 
67, 68, 81; prorogued, Aug. 14, 
1807, 81; meets Jan. 21,1808, 317; 
debates the Orders in Council, 318- 
322; meets Jan. 19, 1809, v. 49, 
debates the Orders in Council, 49- 
52, 58-62 ; on the Duke of York, 
57. 68; prorogued June 21, 1809, 
98; prorogued June 15, 1810, 275; 
passes the Regency bill, January, 

1811, vi. 13. 14; meets Jan. 7, 

1812, 270; debates in, 270-280; or- 
ders a committee of inquiry into 



the Orders in Council, 282, 284; 
meets Nov. 24, 1812, vii. 10 ; de- 
bates on the speech from the throne, 
10; debates the American war, 
Feb. 18, 1813, 17-24; debate of 
Nov. 19, 1814, on the Ghent corres- 
pondence, ix. 43. 

Parma, Duchy of, i. 363, 371. 

Parsons, Theopliilus, chief-justice ot 
Massachusetts, i. 48, 87, 89, 93; 
ii. 164; iv. 29; his opinion of the 
unconstitutionality of the embargo, 
411; his opinion on the power of a 
State over its militia, vi. 400; his 
assurance to Pickering, vii. 52. 

Partv, the Federalist, in New Eng- 
land, i. 76, 82-89, 329 ; ii. 160, 170, 
202; in New York, i. 109; ii. 171, 
191; views on government, i. 252; 
on the Judiciary, 273-275, 279, 290, 
297; on the treatj'-making power, 
99, 100, 105, 110, 111; their atti- 
tude toward Jefterson and the 
embargo, iv. 228, 232, 240, 242, 
283, 286, 408; deprived of griev- 
ances, v. 77 ; praise Madison, 78, 
158 ; make common cause with 
Jackson, 158; described by Giles, 
180; in Congress, Foster's reports 
of their conduct and advice, vi. 
171-175; their reception of Henry's 
documents, 183, 184 ; cease at- 
tempts to discuss war, 227, 228; 
their attitude toward the war, 398, 
399 ; support Clinton for the Presi- 
dency, 410; strength of, in 1813, 
vii. 51; encouraged by overthrow 
of Napoleon, 370; divided on pro- 
tection to manufactures, 376; their 
inert perversity, viii. 1, 2; divided 
on the question of a New England 
Convention, 9-13; praise militia, 
217; of New England believe the 
crisis arrived in September, 1814, 
220; call New England Convention 
at Hartford, 225 ; victorious in the 
congressional elections of Novem- 

ber, 1814, 228 ; a majority of the 
members of Congress north of the 
Potomac, 229; oppose tax-bills, 
255 ; approve report of Hartfoid 
Convention, 301; influence British 
press, ix. 2; affected by peace. 92, 
Partv, the Republican, in New Eng- 
land, i. 76, 329, 330; iL 81, 201, 202; 
in New York, 108, 109, 113, 229- 
236, 331; ii. 171-191; in Pennsyl- 
vania, i. 116, 194-200; in Virginia, 
138-143, 145-148. 179; in North 
Carolina, 148; in South Carolina, 
152-154 ; political principles of, 
199-217, 238-243, 247, 251, 272, 
287; n. 77, 78, 130, 134, 142, 203, 
205, 254-262, leaders of, in Con- 
gress, i. 264-269; views of, on the 
Judiciary, 275, 276, 288-290, 297; 
ii. 143-159, 221-244; on the treaty- 
making power, 78-80, 83-91, 94- 
99, 100-104, 106-112 ; on the power 
of Congress over territories, 116- 
129; on exclusive privileges, 208- 
210 ; on British relations, 349, 355, 
356; success in 1803, 74-77; in 
1804, 201; in 1805, iii. 9, 122, 127; 
Randolph's schism in the, 132-138, 
147, 1.57-164, 166-171, 181-184, 
197 ; Jefferson's attempts to re- 
store harmony in 1806, 344-350; 
its hostility to fortilications and 
cities, 350-355 ; its attitude to- 
ward the slave trade, 356-369; 
Monroe's schism, iv. 128-131, 147, 
226, 286: cause of success, 148, 149; 
its hostility to a standing army, 
209-212; its change of attitude to- 
ward a standing arm}-, 212-217, 
259 ; its Presidential candidates in 
1808, 226-228; its attitude toward 
the Constitution in the embargo, 
261-271; its success in 1808, 284- 
288 ; its attitude toward Spain, 339- 
343; revolts against Jefferson in 
1808, 357, 358, 382, 432-434, 440- 



442, 455; its attitude toward the 
manufacturing interest in 1809, 
449; V. 196, 197; attempt to re- 
store its purity in 1810, 199-206; 
its attitude toward the Bank, 207- 
209, 327-337, 356; its attitude to- 
ward the Constitution in Florida, 
236-244, 320-326; its attitude on 
the previous question in Congress, 
351-356; its attitude toward war 
in 1811, vi. 137-158, 170, 171; its 
attitude toward the militia, 159- 
161; its attitude toward a nasy, 
162-164; its attitude toward taxa- 
tion, 166-168; its attitude toward 
war in 1812, 201-213, 226-229 ; its 
caucus of 1812, 214, De Witt Clin- 
ton's schism, 215, 410; its success 
in the election of 1812, 412-414; 
its change of attitude toward a 
navy, 436 ; its treatment of war- 
taxation, 447. 

Passaraaquoddy Bay (see Moose 

Patapsco River, at Baltimore, viii. 

" Patriotick Proceedings " of Massa- 
chusetts legislature in 1809, iv. 

Patronage, public, Jefferson's course 
regarding, i. 224, 294. 

Patterson, Daniel T.. commander in 
U. S. Navy, brings the " Carolina " 
into action at New Orleans, viii. 
346; establishes battery on west 
bank, 358, 359-361, 369, 370, 374; 
abandons battery and spikes guns, 
377, 378. 

Patterson, Elizabeth, ii. 377. 

"Paul Jones," privateer, captured, 
vii. 329, 332. 

Paulus Hook, i. 11. 

Peace, Prince of (see Godoy). 

"Peacock," American 22-gun sloop- 
of-war built in 1813, viii. 181 ; goes 
to sea in March, 1814, 182, 183; 
captures "Epervier," 182, 183; 

returns to port October 30, 184, 
193; sails from New York, ix. 63, 
70; fires into "Nautilus," 73. 

"Peacock," British sloop-of-war, vii. 
289 ; sunk by " Hornet," 290. 

Pechell, S. G., captain of the British 
74-gun ship " San Domingo," re- 
pulsed at Craney Island, vii. 272, 

Peddie, John, British lieutenant in 
Twenty-Seventh Infantry, deputy- 
assistant-quartermaster-general, re- 
connoitres Bayou Bienvenu, viii. 
338 ; his sketch of battle-fields at 
New Orleans, 359, 360. 

Pele-Mele, ii. 365, 372, 390. 

"Pelican," British sloop-of-war, her 
force, vii. 305; captures "Argus," 

Pellew, Captain, of the "Cleopatra," 
ii. 340. 

" Penguin," British sloop-of-war, 
her action with the "Hornet," ix. 
71, 72, 230. 

Pennsylvania in 1800, i. 29, 114, 115; 
schism, the, ii. 194 et seq. ; politics 
in 1805, ili 9; in 1808, iv. 286; re- 
sists mandate of Supreme Court, 
v. 13; decides Presidential election 
of 1812, vi. 412 ; affected by block- 
ade, vii. 264; creates forty -one 
banks in 1814, viii. 16; election of 
1814, 228 ; arrears of internal taxes 
in October, 1814, 256; creates a 
State army, 282; bank circulation 
m 1816-1817, ix. 130; growth of 
population, 1800-1816, 154, 155; 
increase of wealth in, 166, 167; 
internal improvements in, 168, 169, 
Pensacola, visited by Creek Indians, 
vii. 228; object of Jackson's Creek 
campaigns, viii. 318, 319; occupied 
by NichoUs, 319, 320,322; seized 
by Jackson, 326, 329, 330. 
Perceval, Spencer, his comments on 
Howick's Order in Council, iii. 



417, 421; iv. 80; Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, 55; character of, 56; 
Sydney Smith's caricature of, 56 
et seq., 73; takes office as Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, 81 ; his 
paper on the policy and justice of 
retaliation, 83 et seq. ; submits his 
paper on retaliation to the Minis- 
try, 88 ; his letter to Charles Ab- 
bot, 97; his orders approved in 
Council, 102 ; prohibits the export 
of cotton and quinine, 323 ; af- 
fected by the embargo, 324; his 
plan to conciliate the Federalists, 
324; carried into effect, 327; his 
relaxations of the Orders in Coun- 
cil, V. 42, 45, 63; decline of his 
authority in 1809, 57, 58, 62, 63; 
his difficulties with Canning and 
Castlereagh, 107 ; becomes First 
Lord of the Treasuiy, 263 ; in- 
vites Wellesley into the Cabinet, 
267; Wellesley's opinion of, 281, 
282, 283; prime minister of Eng- 
land, becomes ruler after the in- 
sanity of George III., vi.2, 3; re- 
tained as prime minister by the 
Prince Kegent, 14; his indifference 
to Welleslej^'s advice, 268; his re- 
marks on an American war, 271; 
his persistence in the system of 
commercial restriction, 272; his re- 
marks on licenses, 274; his silence 
toward Canning, 280; his bargain 
for Sidmouth's support, 281; con- 
cedes a committee on the Orders 
in Council, 283; his assassination, 

Percy, W. II., captain of British 22- 
gun sloop-of-war "Hermes," viii. 
322, 325; attacks Fort Bowyer, 323; 
abandons his ship, 324. 

Perkins, Jacob, i. 182. 

Perkins, Thomas Handasyd, iv. 411. 

Perry, Oliver Hazard, commander in 
U. S. Navy, ordered to Lake Erie, 
vii. 115; creates squadron, 116- 

118; destroys British fleet, 120- 
127; his despatch of Sept. 10, 1813, 
128; effect of his victory on the 
Creek war, 232 ; its effect in Eng- 
land, 355, 359, 360 ; erects batteries 
on the Potomac, viii. 164; his re- 
wards, ix. 141, 142. 

Petry, M., v. 228, 229. 

Philadelphia in 1800, i. 28, 29; li- 
brary company, 61 ; intellectual 
centre in 1800, 117; population of, 
in 1810, V. 289 ; banks suspend 
payment, Aug. 31, 1814, viii. 214; 
depreciation of currency, ix. 62, 
98; allotted share in loan of 1815, 
102; growth of population of, 156; 
immigrants to, 161; steamboats in 
1816, 172. 

"Philadelphia," 38-gun American 
frigate, captured, ii. 138. 

Phillimore, Dr. Joseph, his pamph- 
lets on the license system, vi. 

Physick, Dr. Philip Syng, i. 127. 

Piankeshaw Indians, vi. 71, 75. 

Pichon, Louis Andr^, French charge 
d'affaires, remonstrates with Le- 
clerc and is superseded, i. 408; ii. 
268; complains to Tallej-rand of 
the attitude of the United States, 
i. 437, 439; observes Jefferson's 
close relations with Thornton, ii. 
354; invited by Jefferson to meet 
Merry at dinner, 369. 

Pickering, Judge John, impeach- 
ment of, ii. 143 et seq. ; trial of, 
153 et seq. ; irregularity of trial, 

Pickering, Timothy, senator from 
Massachusatts, i. 88; ii. 110; quar- 
rels with Yrujo, i. 425; on the ad- 
mission of Louisiana to the Union, 
ii. 105 et seq., 160; his letter to 
George Cabot on the impending 
dangers, 161, 164; receives Cabot's 
reply, 166 etseq. ; letter of, to Rufus 
King on Burr's candidacy for th« 



governorship, 179, 390, 391; votes 
for Adams's resolution, iii. 151; 
willing to let the ship run aground, 
210 ; silent about the " Chesa- 
peake " affair, iv. 29; his party 
in the Senate, 146; praises Mon- 
roe, 129, 167; won by Rose, 184 
et seq. ; cultivated by Rose, 232; 
exerts himself to form a coalition 
with the British ministry, 234; his 
letter to Governor Sullivan, 237 et 
seq. ; effect in England of his let- 
ter to his constituents, 333; de- 
clares Jefferson a tool of Napoleon, 
347, 442; reports Jefferson's lan- 
guage about the embargo, 359, 442; 
his triumph, 401, 409 ; described 
by John Adams, 402 ; maintains 
relations with Rose, 460; his toast 
at Jackson's dinner, v. 217; his 
speech on the occupation of West 
Florida, 321,322; loses his seat in 
the Senate, vi. 116 ; his attempt to 
call a State convention in 1812, 
402; favors disunion, viii, 4, 5; 
urges a New England Convention 
in January, 1814, 5-7; exhorts 
Governor Strong to seize the na- 
tional revenues, 223, 224; acqui- 
esces in British demands, 288 ; sug- 
gests doubts of George Cabot's 
earnestness, 290, 291 ; approves the 
report of the Hartford Convention, 
300, 301 ; considers the Union dis- 
solved, 300, 309; member of the 
Fourteenth Congress, ix. 107; on 
the power of internal improve- 
ment, 149. 

Pierce, John, killed by a shot from 
the "Leander," iii. 199, 211. 

Pigot, H., captain of British frigate 
"Orpheus," reports number of 
Creek warriors, vii. 258. 

Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, lieu- 
tenant of First Infantry, explores 
the sources of the Mississippi, iii. 
213; and of the Arkansas and Red 
VOL. IX. — 22 

rivers, 214, 223; brigadier-general, 
vii. 152; captures York, 154; 
killed, 155. 

Pilkington, A., lieutenant -colonel 
commanding British expedition to 
Moose Island, viii. 94. 

"Pilot," British newspaper, on the 
American frigates, vii. 16. 

Pincknej', Charles, i. 152; appointed 
minister to Madrid, 294, 427; ob- 
tains a convention for Spanish 
depredations, ii. 249 et seq. ; indis- 
cretions of, at Madrid, 275 ; com- 
promises Madison, 276; adopts a 
high tone with Cevallos, 279; sends 
him a threatening letter, 280; ex- 
cuse for his conduct, 281; in an 
awkward situation, 284; his recall 
asked for, 28G; asks the Spanish 
government to be permitted to re- 
sume relations, 315; recalled, but 
associated by Monroe in negotia- 
tion, iii. 23; returns home, 37. 

Pinckney, C. C, his treaty with 
Spain," i. 348-350; iii. 38; candi- 
date for President, iv. 285. 

Pinckney, Thomas, appointed major- 
general, vi. 290 ; ordered to pre- 
pare for seizing St. Augustine, vii. 
207; ordered to withdraw troops 
from Amelia Island, 210 ; his diffi- 
culties in the Creek war, 234 ; his 
estimate of the hostile Indians, 
244, 245; orders the Thirty-ninth 
Regiment to join Jackson, 245 ; 
prepares army against Creeks, 251 ; 
joins Jackson, 257. 

Pinkney, William, author of the 
Baltimore "Memorial," iii. 144; 
appointed to aid Jlonroe in Lon- 
don, 152,165, 169; iv. 354; arrives 
in London, iii. 400; sole minister 
in London, iv. 162; remonstrates 
against the tax on American cot- 
ton, 322; his reply to Canning, 
338 ; publication of Canning's per- 
sonal letter to, 419; his reply, Deo. 



28, 1808, to Canning's first ad- 
vance, V. 43, 44, 45; his reception 
of Canning's further advances, 49, 
51, 52; opinion attributed to, by 
Canning, 54; his pleasure at the 
Order of April 26, 1809, 63, 64; his 
opinion of Francis James Jackson, 
96 ; his intimacy with Wellesley, 
270, 275; his reports of Wellesley's 
intentions, 271; inquires whether 
Fox's blockade is in force, 277-280; 
notifies Wellesley of Champagny's 
letter of Aug. 5, 1810, 286; his ""re- 
publican insolence," 287 ; demands 
repeal of the Orders, Nov. 3, 1811, 
vi. 3; his argument that the French 
decrees were revoked and that 
Fox's blockade was illegal, 5, 6, 7, 9, 
10, 11; his definition of blockade, 
10; his demand for an audience of 
leave, 12, 15; his hesitation, 16; 
his note of Feb. 17, 1811, to Welles- 
ley, 17; insists on "an inaniicable 
leave," 18,20; his final audience, 

19, 20; his character as minister, 

20, 21 ; sails for America, 21 ; ap- 
pointed attornej'-general, 429 ; re- 
signs attorney-generalship, vii. 398; 
member of the Fourteenth Con- 
gress, ix. 107. 

Pitkin, Timothy, member of Congress 
from Connecticut, votes for war 
measures, vi. 147 ; on the bank 
capital of the Union, vii. 386 ; op- 
poses national bank, ix. 118. 

Pitt, William, ii. 316, 320, 324, 326, 
328, 330, 336, 342 ; restored to 
power, 396, 418; determined to re- 
establish the former navigation 
laws, 419; his measures in 1804 
and 1805 for restricting American 
commerce, iii. 44, 45; his coalition 
with Austria and Russia, 73 ; Burr 
expects support from, 235, 238; 
death of, 163, 211, 245 ; his patron- 
age of young men, v. 264, 265. 

Pittsburg in 1800, i. 2; growth of, in 

1816, ix. 157 ; steamboats built at, 

" Plantagenet," British seventy-four, 
at Fayal, viii. 201-207. 

Plattsburg, on Lake Champlain, mil- 
itary force at, in October, 1812, 
vi. 344; Dearborn's campaign from, 
360 ; plundered by British expedi- 
tion in July, 1813, vii. 192; Wil- 
kinson's headquarters in March, 
1814, viii. 25; fortified by Izard, 
98, 99; garrison at, 100; British 
armament against, 101-105 ; battle 
of, 106-113 ; effect of battle in Eng- 
land, 112 ; saved by engineers and 
sailors, 218; ix. 236; effect of bat- 
tle at London, Paris, and Ghent, 
ix. 35-37, 55; at Washington, 57. 

Plauch^, , major of New Or- 
leans militia, viii. 345. 

Plumer, William, senator from New 
Hampshire, ii. 160, 364, 405; Re- 
publican candidate for governor of 
New Hampshire, viii. 11. 

Plymouth town-meeting in January, 
1809, vi. 414. 

Poland, V. 257. 

"Polly," case of the, ii. 328, 340; 
rule established by case of, set 
aside, iii. 45. 

"Pomone," British 38-gun frigate, 
ix. 64; extracts from her log, 66, 
67 ; Decatur's surrender to, 70. 

Population of the United States m 
1800, i. 1; centre of, near Balti- 
more, 1; west of the Alleghanies 
in 1800, 3; of cities, 59; in 1810, 
V. 289 ; of the Union in 1817, ix. 
154 ; movements of, 1800-1817, 
154-157, 161, 163, 164. 

Porter, David, captain in U. S. navy, 
commands "Essex," vi. 377; cap- 
tures " Alert," 377; returns to port, 
378; sails again, 384; erects batter- 
ies on the Potomac in August, 
1814, viii. 164; his cruise in the 
Pacific with the "Essex," 175- 



177; blockaded at Valparaiso, 179; 
attacked and obliged to surrender, 

Porter, Moses, major of artillery, 
iii. 246 ; colonel of Light Artillery, 
brevet brigadier-general, com- 
mands artillery in Wilkinson's ex- 
pedition on the St. Lawrence, vii. 
184; his opinion on moving against 
Montreal, 185; intended by Arm- 
strong to command at Washington, 
viii. 122. 

Porter, Peter Buell, member of Con- 
gress from New York, vi. 122; on 
Committee of Foreign Relations, 
124, 128 ; his report favoring war, 
133-136; his war speech, 136; fa- 
vors small army, 151 ; asks for pro- 
visional army, 165; introduces em- 
bargo bill, 201 ; calls for volunteers, - 
355 ; charges General Smyth with 
cowardice, 358 ; his duel with 
Smyth, 358; raises volunteer bri- 
gade under Brown, viii. 34; 
strength of his brigade, 37 ; at 
Chippawa, 40, 41, 44; at Lundy's 
Lane, 53, 56, 58. 64 ; at Fort Erie, 
71,83; brings volunteers to Brown, 
85; leads sortie from Fort Erie, 87, 
88 ; wounded, 88 ; fails to create a 
brigade respectable in numbers, 
218; in the Fourteenth Congress, 
ix. 107; helps to defeat Crawford, 
123; assists Erie canal. 168. 

♦' Portfolio," the, i. 85, 119, 121 ; its 
character and mfluence, ix. 198- 

Portland, Duke of. Prime Minister 
of England, iv. 55; his opinion on 
Spencer Perceval's proposed Order 
in Council, 88; his death, v. 107. 

Portugal, her ports ordered to be 
closed, iv. 106; forced into war, 
118 ; divided bj' Napoleon into 
three parts, 121. 

Postal System of the United States 
in 1800, i. 61 ; in 1816, ix. 170, 171. 

Postmaster - General (see Gideon 
Granger, R. J. Meigs). 

Potomac (see Eastern Branch), 

Pottawatomies, charged by Tecumthe 
with bad conduct, vi. Ill, 112. 

Potter, Elisha, member of Congress 
from Rhode Island, v. 167; vi. 447 ; 
opposes the repeal of the restric- 
tive system, vii. 376. 

Power, , major-general in Brit- 
ish army, commanding brigade at 
Plattsburg, viii. 101. 

Pozzo di Borgo, ii. 66. 

Prairie du Chien, captured by British 
expedition, viii. 32. 

"Preble," 7-gun sloop in Macdon- 
ough's fleet on Lake Champlain, 
viii. 105; in the battle of Platts- 
burg, 109. 

Preble, Commodore Edward, ap- 
pointed in command of the Medi- 
terranean squadron, ii. 137; at 
Tripoli, 426. 

Prescott, opposite Ogdensburg, vii. 
147 ; British garrison at, 151; passed 
by Wilkinson, 18.5. 

Prescott, William, delegate to the 
Hartford Convention, viii. 292. 

Prescott, William Hickling, ix. 

"President," American 44-gun frig- 
ate, ordered to sea, May 6, 1811, 
vi. 25, 26; chases a British war- 
vessel, 27; fires into the "Little 
Belt," 30-, at New York, 363, 365; 
goes to sea, 366 ; cruise of, 366, 
368; returns to Boston, 375, 378; 
sails again, 381; returns to Bos- 
ton, Dec. 31, 1812, 381; vii. 285; 
goes to sea. April 30, 1813, 285; 
returns to Newport, Sept. 27, 1813, 
310 ; goes to sea, Dec. 4, 1813, 311 ; 
in British waters, 333; captured by 
British squadron, Jan. 15, 1815, 
ix. 63-70. 
Press, Jeflferson's remarks on the, 

I iii. 7. (See Newspapers.) 



Previous question, the rule of, adopt- 
ed, V. 353-356; denounced by Stan- 
ford, vi. 146. 
Prevost, Sir George, governor gen- 
eral of Canada, vi. 317; his report 
on the lulvewarm and temporizing 
spirit in Upper Canada, 318, 319; 
negotiates armistice with Dear- 
born, 323; ix. 33; his military su- 
periority in August, 1812, vi. 338, 
339 ; unable to assist Proctor, vii. 
108; on Proctor's defeat at J'ort 
Stephenson, 113; unable to man 
the British fleet on Lake Erie, 118, 
119; his difficulties of transport, 
145 ; his remarks on supplies from 
Vermont, 145; viii. 93; charged 
with timidity, vii. 147; visits Kings- 
ton in March, 1813,150; his sup- 
posed force at Kingston, 151, 153 ; 
comes to Kingston in Mav, 1813, 
163; embarks forSackett's Harbor, 
104; attacks Sackett's Harbor, 165 ; 
repulsed, 166-168; charged with 
want of courage, 168-170 ; his re- 
marks on Hampton's movement, 
193; his force for the defence of 
Montreal, 194-196; shows timidity 
toward Hampton, 197; his procla- 
mation on the burning of Black 
Kock and Buffalo, 204; his letter 
to Wilkinson on the execution of 
hostages, 361; reinforced by ten 
thousand troops in Juh', 1814, viii. 
31, 91; his letter of Oct. 18, 1814, 
on the impossibility of supplying 
all army in Upper Canada, 92? his 
expedition against Plattsburg, 101- 
105, 107-113, 172; recalled to Eng- 
land, 118; asks Cochrane to re- 
taliate for American outrages in 
Canada, 125; at Kingston, 267; 
effect of his campaign on the 
negotiation at Ghent, ix. 27, 34- 
Prevost, J. B., appointed judge at 
New Orleans, ii. 220; iii. 219; one 

of Burr's correspondents in New 
Orleans, 296, 319, 324. 
Prices of American produce, affected 
by blockade, vii. 263; speculative, 
in imported articles, 263. 
Priestley, Dr. Joseph, i. 157, 311. 
" Prince of Neufchatel," in the Irish 
Channel, viii. 196; beats off the 
"Endymion's " boats, 207-209. 
Prince of Peace (see Godoy). 
Prince Regent (see George, Prince 

of Wales). 
Princeton College in 1800, i. 129. 
Pringle, John Julius, declines ap- 
pointment as attorney-general, iii. 
Prisons in 1800, i. 128. 
Privateers, American, their depreda- 
tions in the West Indies in 1812, 
vii. 12; types of, 314-317; qualities 
of, 318, 320. 324; modes of cap- 
turing, 328, 329, 330; number of, 
330, 331; in British waters, 332, 
333; disadvantages of, 333-338; 
in 1814, viii. 194-209; their value 
as a test of national character, ix. 
228, 229. 
Privateers, French, not received in 

American ports, vii. 395. 
Prizes, number captured in 1813, vii. 
331; American success in taking, 
in 1814, viii. 198, 199. 
Proclamation by President Jefferson, 
of May 30, 1804, in pursuance of 
the Mobile Act, ii. 263; of May 3, 
1806, against the "Leander," 
"Cambrian," and "Driver," iii. 
200, 201; of Nov. 27, 1806, against 
Burr, 283, 285, 289, 290, 292, 325, 
328, 330; of July 2, 1807, on the 
"Chesapeake" affair, iv. 30, 32, 
34, 46, 187, 188, 192; v. 51; by the 
King of England, of Oct. 16, 1807, 
asserting the right of impressment, 
iv. 52, 166, 168, 169 ; by President 
Jefferson, of April 19, 1808, de- 
claring the country on the Cana- 



dian frontier in a state of insur- 
rection, 249 ; by President Madison 
of April 19, 1809, renewing inter- 
course with Great Britain, v. 73, 
115; of Aug. 9, 1809, reviving 
the Non-intercourse Act against 
Great Britain, 114, 115; of Nov. 
2, 1810, reviving the non-inter- 
course against Great Britain, 302, 
303, 304, 338, 400; of Oct. 27, 
1810, ordering the military occu- 
pation of West Florida, 310, 311; 
of Nov. 2, 1810, announcing the 
repeal of the French decrees, vi. 
4, 56; by William Hull, of July 
12, 1812, on invading Canada, 303, 
320 ; by Isaac Brock in reph" to 
Hull, 3*20 ; of Aug. 8, 1814, sum- 
moning Congress to meet Sept. 19, 
1814, viii. 239 ; of Aug. 29, 1814, 
by Major Nicholls of the Royal 
Marines, to the natives of Louis- 
iana, 320, 321 ; of Sept. 21, 1814, 
by Andrew Jackson, to the people 
of Louisiana, 324, 325. 

Proctor, Henry, colonel of the For- 
tj'-first British Infantry, arrives 
at Maiden, vi. 314; disapproves 
Brock's measures, 330 ; major-gen- 
eral, his incapacity officially cen- 
sured by the Prince Regent, vii. 93, 
94, 142; his ■victory over Winches- 
ter at the River Raisin, 94-98; re- 
turns to Maiden, 99 ; besieges Fort 
Meigs, 103-107; repulsed at Fort 
Stephenson, 109-113; evacuates 
Maiden and Detroit, 130, 131; his 
retreat, 133-135 ; his defeat on the 
River Thames, 136-140 ; his report, 

Prophet, the Shawnee, begins Indian 
movement at Greenville, vi. 78 ; 
removes to Tippecanoe Creek, 79; 
his talk with Gov. Harrison in 
August, 1808, 80; charged with 
beginning hostilities, 95 ; sends 
Indians to Harrison, 97, 100 ; 

blamed for the affair at Tippeca- 
noe, 108. 

Protection to American manufac- 
tures, measure of, recommended 
by Madison for two years, vii. 374 ; 
promised by Calhoun, 375; op- 
posed by Webster, 376 ; urged by 
Potter, 376; recommended by 
Madison and Dallas in 1815, ix. 
105, 106, 111; opposed by Ran- 
dolph, 112, 113; debated in Con- 
gress, 114, 115; avowed in tarilf 
of 1816, 116. 

Prussia, spoliations by, v. 226; closes 
ports to American vessels, 413, 
416 ; king of, visits London, ix. 8. 

Putnam, Samuel, correspondent of 
Pickering, viii. 6. 

"Queen Charlotte," 17 -gun Brit- 
ish ship on Lake Erie, vii. 120; in 
action, 124; captured, 127. 

Queenston, battle at, vi. 349-352. 

" Querist," papers by Blennerhas- 
sett, iii. 257, 273, 275. 

Quincy, Josiah, member of Congress 
from Massachusetts in the Ninth 
Congress, iii. 128, 142; in favor of 
voting money for ships and harbor 
defences, 179; presents memorials 
to Congress in favor of Smith and 
Ogden, 195; irritates opponents, 
354, 360, 363; iv. 147; his con- 
tempt for Jefferson, 356; attacks 
Campbell's Report, 372; attacks 
the advocates of the embargo, 
422; declares that the Republicans 
" could not be kicked into " a 
declaration of war, 423; on the 
distraction among the Democrats, 
440; requires total submission to 
Great Britain, 446.453; his account 
of John Henry, 4G1; declares the 
admission of Louisiana a virtual 
dissolution of the Union, v. 325, 
326} votes for war-measures, vi. 



147, 152; gives warning of em- 
bargo, 201 ; moves that the war- 
debate be public, 227 ; opposes en- 
listment of minors, 435; opposes 
forfeitures, 443; his Resolution on 
the " Hornet's " victory, vii. 65, 
66; viii, 1; his opinion on the tem- 
per of Massachusetts, 223; on the 
Boston "Anthology," ix. 201. 

Raisin, River, defeat and massacre 
at the, vii. 88-97, 100. 

Rambouillet, Decree of (see Decrees). 

"Ramillies," Sir Thomas Hardy's 
flagship, viii. 94. 

Ramsay, David, L 151. 

Randolph, Edmund, Burr's counsel, 
iii. 444. 

Randolph, John, i. 143, 209 ; in favor 
of anti-Federal declarations, 260, 
267, 296, 338; demands papers re- 
lating to the right of deposit at 
New Orleans, 429; ii. 95; defends 
the Louisiana treaty in Congress, 
97; defends the Louisiana legisla- 
tion, 120, 124; favors abolition of 
the Vice-Presidency, 133; favors 
impeachments, 142, 144; impeaches 
Judge Chase, 151; opposes remis- 
sion of duties on school-books, 208 ; 
decline of his influence, 210; on 
the Yazoo claims, 210; his violent 
temper, 213 ; supported by the 
Administration, 220 ; opens the 
trial of Judge Chase, 229 ; his 
closing speech, 236; his amend- 
ment to the Constitution, 240, 241 ; 
asserts title to West Florida, 255; 
iii. 163 J complains of Jefferson's 
credulity, il. 409; his attitude in 
1806, iii. 3. 20, 23; his antipathy 
to Madison, 119, 120, 126 ? his re- 
ception of JeflTerson's secret Span- 
ish message, 132; his war on Ma<ii- 
son, 134; opposes Jefferson's plan 
of buying Florida, 136; favors an 

embargo, 149; opposition of, 154 » 
his speech against the Non-im- 
portation Resolution of Gregg, 158; 
attacks the Administration, 159; 
his account of the Mobile Act, 163; 
goes formally mto opposition, 164; 
philippics against the government, 
172 et seq. ; his resolutions against 
the union of civil and military 
powers, 175; makes public Jeffer- 
son's secret message, 179; his dis- 
like to Robert and Samuel Smith, 
180 ; his schemes to reduce the 
revenue, 182; his object to make 
Madison contemptible, 182 •, writes 
to Monroe respecting Burr, 333; 
moves a resolution of inquiry, 
335; his dictatorial tone in Con- 
gress, 349 ; favors abandoning New 
York in case of attack, 351; at- 
tacks the coastwise prohibition of 
slave-trade, 864; his qualities and 
faults, 367; his influence destroyed, 
368 ; foreman of the jury in Burr's 
trial, 448; desires to indict Wilkin- 
son, 457; his letters to Nicholson, 
457; calls Jefferson's proclamation 
in the "Chesapeake" affair an 
apology, iv. 32; upholds Monroe, 
129 ; fails to be reappointed on 
the Ways and Means Committee 
by Speaker Varnum, 153 ; advo- 
cates and then denounces the em- 
bargo, 174; opposes Jefferson's re- 
quest for an Increase of the regular 
army, 215, 374; his speech on war, 
380; discord his object, 438; claims 
to have prevented war, 451; his 
opinion of JeflTerson's second ad- 
ministration. 454; his remarks on 
Jefferson, v. 78; on Erskine's ar- 
rangement, 79; on Madison's mes- 
sage, 177; his attempt to reduce 
expenditures in 1810, 199-207; on 
the incapacity of government, 209; 
on the contract with Napoleon, 
344, 345 i his quarrel with Eppes, 



352; denounces the previous ques- 
tion, 353; his remarks on President 
and Cabinet, February, 1811, 360, 
361; supports the Bank Charter, 
362; his opinion of ''the cabal," 
363, 364; his quarrel with Monroe, 
367; his report on slaverj' in In- 
diana, vi. 76 ; replies to Grundy 
on war, 142, 145; ridicules army 
bill, 153; declares war impossible, 
202; his comments on Eustis and 
Hamilton, 206 ; his remarks on 
war, 211; criticises Gallatin, 446; 
defeated for Congress, in 1813, vii. 
51; quoted by Pickering, viii. 5; 
his letter to Lloyd on the Hartford 
Convention, 230, 306 ; elected to the 
Fourteenth Congress, 230; ix. 93; 
suggests inquiry of Monroe's opin- 
ions in 1800, viii. 265 ; in the Four- 
teenth Congress, ix. 107; leads 
minority, 109-111; opposes manu- 
facturers, 112, 113, 115; hostile to 
State banks, 116. 117; supports 
Compensation Bill, 121; not a 
friend of Monroe, 124; on the 
popular action against the Com- 
pensation Act, 136; his oratory, 
Randolph, T. J., Jefferson's letter to, 

iv. 138, 139. 
Randolph, Thomas Mnnn, member of 

Congress from Virginia, li. 95, 124; 

iii. 183, 356. 
Rank-and-file, mode of stating 

strength of armies, vii. 150. 
Ratford. Jenkin, a deserter from the 

"Halifax," iv. 2; taken from the 

"Chesapeake," 19; hanged, 25- 
"Rattlesnake," American 16-gun 

sloop-of-war, vii. 312 ; captured, 

313; viii. 193. 
" Rattlesnake," privateer, in British 

waters, vii. 333. 
Rawle. William, i, 127; ii. 259. 
Reading m Massachusetts, town of. 

votes to pay no more taxes, viii. 299. 

Red Clubs, hostile Creeks, vii. 227; 
their flight to Florida, 257; their 
number, 258; assisted by British, 
320, 330; viii. 311, 319, 320; pur- 
sued by Jackson, 319, 330. 
Reeve, Judge Tapping, ii. 168. 
Regiments (see Infantry). 
Regnier, Grand Judge, announces the 
enforcement of the Berlin Decree, 
Iv. 169. 
Reid, Samuel C, captain of privateer 
"General Armstrong," his battle 
at Fayal, viii. 202-207. 
"Reindeer," British 18-gun sloop-of- 
war, captured by the " Wasp," 
viii. 186-188; ix. 230. 
" Reindeer," privateer, built in thirty- 
five days. viii. 194. 
Remusat, Mme. de, v. 235. 
Representation, ratio of Congres- 
sional, fixed, I. 301. 
Republicans (see Party). 
Retaliation acts, ii. 397 et seq. 
"Revenge," the, sails with instruc- 
tions to Monroe respecting the 
"Leopard" outrage, iv. 39; re- 
turns, 133, 166. 
Revenue (see Finances). 
Rhea, James, captain in the First 

United States Infantry, vii. 73. 
Rhea, John, member of Congress 
from Tennessee, on the annexation 
of West Florida to Louisiana, v. 
321; asserts contract with Napo- 
leon. 343. 
Rhine, passed by the allied armies, 

vii. 373. 
Rhode Island, roads in, i 64; appoints 
delegates to the Hartford Conven- 
tion, viii. 227; elects federalist con- 
gressmen in November, 1814, 228; 
cotton manufactures of, depressed 
by the peace, ix. 96 ; federalist in 
1816, 133. 
Riall, P., British major-general, his 
force, viii. 38; takes position be- 
hind the Chippawa River, 40 j ad- 



vances in order of battle, 41; his 
report of his defeat, 43, 44; his 
loss, 45; retires toward Burling- 
ton, 45; advances to Lundy's Lane, 
47, 49: orders retreat, 51; wounded 
and captured, 52. 

Rice, value of export of, in 1815, ix. 
94; in 1816, 126. 

Richardson, , lieutenant of Ca- 
nadian militia, his account of the 
capture of Detroit, ii. 332; his des- 
cription of Kentucky militia, vii. 
96, 97. 

Rifles, efficiency of, vii. 95 ; ix. 231 ; 
First Regiment of, viii. 69 ; at Fort 
Erie, 71, 83; Fourth Regiment of, 
at Fort Erie, 83 ; in the sortie, 87-89. 

Rigaud, i. 384, 386. 

Ripley, Eleazar Wheelock, colonel of 
Twenty-first U. S. Infantry, at the 
battle of Chrj'stler's Farm, vii. 188; 
promoted to brigadier and sent to 
Niagara, 409; his previous history, 
viii. 35; his brigade, 36; crosses 
the Niagara, 39; arrives at Chip- 
pa wa, 40; not in battle of Chip- 
pawa, 43; advises advance on Bur- 
lington Heights, 47; strength of 
his brigade, 47; arrives on the bat- 
tle-field at Lundy's Lane, 53; cap- 
tures the British position, 54-56; 
holds the hill-top, 58: ordered to 
retreat, 59; his losses, 64; ordered 
to regain the field of battle, 64, 65 ; 
marches out and returns, 65; re- 
treats to Fort Erie, 66, 70 ; his quar- 
rel with Brown, 66, 67, 81, 85; 
fortifies Fort Erie, 67; strength of 
his brigade, 69 ; repulses assault, 
71, 72, 74 ; discourages sortie, 85 ; 
desperately wounded in sortie, 88, 
89; retained on peace establish- 
ment, ix. 88. 

Ritchie, John, captain of artillery in 
Hindman's battalion, viii. 37; at 
Lundy's Lane, 53; killed, 58. 

Roads, in 1800, i. 2, 5, 11 et seq., 14, 

63, 64; over the Alleghanies in 
1800, 2; Jefferson's proposed fund 
for, III. 2, 345; through the Creek 
and Cherokee country, 14; Jeffer- 
son's anxiety to begin, 19; Cum- 
berland, 181 ; proposed by Gallatin, 
iv. 364, 365 ; and canals, national, 
recommended by Madison, ix. 105; 
encouraged by Virginia in 1816, 
163-165 ; popular demand for, 168, 

Robbins, Jonathan, case of, ii. 333. 

Roberts, Jonathan, elected senator, 
vii. 401. 

Robertson, Thomas Boiling, member 
of Congress from Louisiana, favors 
protection to sugar, ix. 114. 

Robinson, W. H., British commis- 
sarj'-general, his report on the 
failure of supplies for Upper Can- 
ada, viii. 92. 

Robinson, , major-general in 

British army, commands light bri- 
gade at Plattsburg, viii. 101; moves 
on the works, 110, 111. 

Rochambeau, General, succeeds Le- 
clercat St. Domingo, ii. 15; iii.87. 

Rockingham, in New Hampshire, 
county meeting of, vi. 403, 409. 

Rockville, or Montgomery Court 
House, sixteen miles from Wash- 
ington, viii. 142; Winder arrives 
at, 154, 156. 

Rodgers, John, captain in the United 
States navy, at Tripoli, ii. 429; 
president of Barron's court-mar- 
tial, iv. 21 ; ordered to sea in the 
'•President," May 6, 1811, vi. 25; 
chases the "Little Belt," 26, 27; 
mistakes the " Little Belt " for 
the "Guerriere," 29, 30; his action 
with the "Little Belt," 28-36; his 
orders in June, 1812, 363, 365, 367, 
368, chases the " Belvidera," 366; 
arrives with his squadron at Bos- 
ton, 375 ; sails again with squadron, 
378, 381 ; returns, Dec. 31, 1812, 



381; goes to sea April 30, 1»13, 
vii. 285, 287; erects batteries on 
the Potomac, viii. 164. 

Rodnej', Cajsar A., elected to Con- 
gress in place of James A. Bayard, 
ii.76, 95; a Republican leader, 100; 
defends the Louisiana treaty, 102; 
reports Jefferson's bill for admin- 
istering Louisiana, 119; shares in 
the trial of Judge Chase, 219, 228, 
234; attorney-general, undertakes 
the prosecution of Burr, iii. 444; 
points out the consequences to the 
Administration of convicting Wil- 
kinson, 455; his opinion concern- 
ing Judge Johnson's mandamus, 
iv. 264; his report on slavery' in 
Indiana, vi. 76; resigns attorney- 
generalship, 429. 

Rose, George, vice-president of the 
board of trade, ii. 419; his view of 
the Orders in Council, iv. 100, 102; 
on the Orders in Council, vi. 276, 
277, 281, 283, yields to an inquiry, 

Rose, George Henry, sent as envoy 
for the adjustment of the " Chesa- 
peake " affair, iv. 104; v. 112; his 
ignorance of the Orders in Council, 
iv. 133; arrives at Norfolk on the 
"Statira," 178; his instructions, 
178-182; his character and quali- 
ties, 182; his description of Con- 
gress. 184; explains to Madison 
that Jefferson's proclamation is a 
stumbling-block, 187 ; his letter to 
Canning, 188; suggests withdrawal 
of the proclamation, 190; explains 
the new proposals of Jefferson 
to Canning, 192 ; difficulties in 
the way of following his instruc- 
tions, 192 ; reveals the further dis- 
avowals expected, 193; breaks off 
negotiation, 196; makes his part- 
ing visits, and has free conversa- 
tion with Gallatin and Smith, 197; 
writes to Canning under Picker- 

ing's influence, 232; intended as 
minister to the United States to 
succeed Erskine, v. 95. 
Rosily, Admiral, iv. 298. 
Ross, Robert, major-general of the 
British army, commands expedi- 
tion to America, viii. 124; arrives 
in the Potomac, 127 ; lands in the 
Patuxent, August 19, 1814, 128; 
camps at Nottingham, August 21, 
129 ; camps at Marlboro, August 22, 
130 ; camps at Old Fields, August 
23, 131; his report of losses at Cla- 
densbui-g, 144; enters Washington, 
145 ; ix. 21 ; reported by Serurier 
as setting fire to furniture in the 
White House, viii. 146 ; retires 
from Washington, 147, 148; takes 
part in incendiarism, 164; lands 
his army before Baltimore, 168 ; 
killed, 170; ix. 42; intended for 
command of New Orleans expedi- 
tion, viii. 311-313 ; his capture of 
Washington highly approved by 
the Prince Regent, 314, 315; his 
movements synchronous with Jack- 
son's, 318. 

"Rossie," Baltimore privateer, vii. 
316. 335. 

"Rota," British 38-gun frigate, viii. 
205, 206. 

Rottenburg (see De Rottenburg). 

Roumanzoff, Count Nicholas, chan- 
cellor of the Russian empire, his 
language about Austria, v. 134; 
declines to interfere in Danish 
spoliations, 409, 410, 411 ; declines 
to release vessels at Archangel, 
415 ; protests against ukase, 418 ; 
offers the Czar's mediation, vii. 27, 
29 ; left at St. Petersburg, 344, 345 , 
receives Castlereagh's refu.sal of 
mediation in May, 345, 346; fa- 
vors renewing offer, June 20, 347 ; 
authorized by the Czar, July 20, 
to renew offer, 348; his conduct 
perplexes the American commis- 



sioners, 349; his motives, 350; re- 
news offer of mediation in note of 
August 28, 351, 353; mortified by 
the Czar's treatment, 353, 354; 
assures Gallatin that mediation 
was the Czar's idea, 353; resigns 
and retires, 354, 355. 

Roume, Citizen, French agent in St. 
Domingo, i. 384, 387. 

Round Head, Indian chief, at the 
River Raisin, vii. 94; captures Win- 
chester, 96. 

Rouse's Point, difficulty in fortifying, 
viii. 97, 98. 

Rovigo, Due de (see Savary). 

Rule of the war of 1756, that 
trade illegal in peace should not 
be permitted in times of war, ii. 
322, 323, 329; affirmed by Lord 
Mulgrave, iii. 48 ; assumed by 
James Stephen, 51, 53; applied 
by the Whigs, 419; insufficient to 
protect British trade, iv. 100, 319; 
Erskine reports Gallatin ready to 
concede, 389 ; Canning's demand 
for express recognition of, v. 53, 
55, 72, 104. 

"Running ships," vii. 315. 

Rush, Richard, comptroller of the 
Treasury, vi. 229; on the loss of 
the "Chesapeake," vii. 303; of- 
fered the Treasury, 397 ; appointed 
attorney-general, 398, 399; attends 
the President to Bladensburg, viii. 
137, 140; and in the subsequent 
flight, 149, 150; returns to Wash- 
ington, 157. 

Russell, Jonathan, charged with le- 
gation at Paris, v. 260, 380; his 
reports on the revocation of the 
decrees, 381-395 ; blamed by Mon- 
roe for questioning the revocation 
of the French decrees, vi. 42 •, 
blamed by Serurier for his tone, 
53 ; sent as charg^ to the legation 
at London, 252, 282; asks proofs 
that the French decrees are re- 

pealed, 252; his reports from 
London, 283; his interview with 
Castlereagh, Aug. 24, 1812, vii. 2, 
3; nominated minister to Sweden, 
59; nomination not confirmed by 
the Senate, 62, 63, 71 ; confirmed. 
64, 371, at Ghent, ix. 14, 16, 46. 

Russia, wishes to exchange ministers 
with the United States, iv. 465 ; 
declined by Senate, 466; mission 
to, declared inexpedient, v. 11 ; 
minister to, appointed, 86; her rup- 
ture with France in 1811, 385, 398, 
399, 412-423; annoyed by Amer- 
ican war, vii. 1, 26 ; loses and 
recovers Moscow, 9, 26, 27, 30; 
drives Napoleon from Poland and 
Prussia, 11, 30; offers mediation 
to the United States, 28, 29, 41. 
(See Alexander, Roumanzoff, 

Rutledge, John, member of Congress 
from South Carolina, i. 269, 271. 

Ryland, Herman W., secretary to 
Sir James Craig, iv. 243, 460; v. 86. 

Sackett's Harbor, militarv' impor- 
tance of,vi. 342, 343; force concen- 
trated at, in March, 1813, vii. 149, 
150; denuded of troops, 156, 163; 
attacked, 164, 165; attack repulsed, 
166-170: garrison at, in 1814, viii. 
91; to be besieged in the spring of 
1815, 92, 118, 119. 

Sailors (see Seamen). 

St. Augustine (see Florida, East). 

St. Cyr, Gouvion, French ambas- 
sador at Madrid, pledges France 
never to alienate Louisiana, i. 400; 
ii. 61. 

St. Domingo ceded to France, i. 354, 
378 et seq. ; destruction of the 
French army in, 414; relations of 
United States to. ii, 326; indepen- 
dence declared, iii. 87 ; armed trade 
with, 87; Napoleon's prohibition 



of, 89; trade with, prohibited by 
act of Congress, 141; character of 
the act, 142; Southern reasons f<M- 
approving, 142. 

♦'St. Lawrence," British line-of- 
battle ship, on Lake Ontario, viii. 

St. Lawrence River, strategic im- 
portance of, vii. 144-147 ; Wilkin- 
son's expedition down, 178-191 ; 
difSculties of transport on, viii. 92; 
both banks to be Canadian, ix. 7, 
10, 31. 

St. Marj''s, seized bj' British, ix. 62. 

St. Mary's River, v. 165. 

Salaberry (see De Salaberry). 

Salaries of cabinet officers, vii. 398; 
of public officials, ix. 119-122. 

Salt, repeal of duty on, lii. 182, 183; 
vi. 149, 150 ; tax to be re-enacted, 
157, 166, 167. 

" San Domingo," British ship-of-the- 
line, vii. 272. 

Sandusky River, base of Harrison's 
campaigns, vii. 76, 78, 79, 84, 108, 
109. (See Fort Stephenson.) 

Sandwich, opposite Detroit, vi. 302; 
occupied bj- Harrison, vii. 132. 

Saratoga, i. 92; Armstrong's idea of 
renewing the scene of, vii. 173; 
viii. 101. 

" Saratoga," Macdonough's flag-ship 
on Lake Champlam, viii. 104 ; her 
armament, 105; in the battle of 
Plattsburg, 107-110; her losses, 
111; ix. 234. 

Sargent, Daniel, iv 413. 

Sassafras River, in Maryland, Cock- 
burn's expedition to, vii. 268 ; Sir 
Peter Parker stationed off, viii. 165. 

Sauv^, Pierre, ii. 401, 406; iii. 30L 
Savannah, threatened by British, ix. 

Savary, Due de Rovigo, v. 241. 
Sawyer, British vice-admiral, vi. 368. 
Sawyer, Lemuel, member of Con- 
gress from North Carolina, v. 184. 

Scheldt, British expedition to, v. 107. 

Schooner, the swiftest sailer in the 
world, vi. 48; privateer, vii. 315, 
316 ; a wonderful invention, 319, 
320; ix. 228, 2.36; the triumph of 
the war. vii. 322, 323. 

Schuj'lers of New York, the. i. 108. 

Scott, , British colonel of the 

Hundred-and-third Regiment, at 
Lundy's Lane, viii. 50; leads as- 
sault on Fort Erie, 72, 75; killed, 
76. 78. 

Scott. Charles, governor of Ken- 
tucky, vii. 73. 

Scott, Dred, case of, ii. 126, 129. 

Scott, Michael, author of "Tom 
Cringle's Log," vii. 321; his re- 
marks on Yankee sailors and 
schooners, 321-323. 

Scott, Walter, i, 126; ix. 212. 

Scott, Sir William, his judgments in 
admiralty cases, ii. 327; his judg- 
ment in the case of the " Essex," 
iii. 44, 45, 47; news of judgment 
received in America, 95, 96; op- 
poses reforms in his court, iv. 96; 
his remarks on the right of retali- 
ation, 321 ; decides the French de- 
crees to be still in force, vi. 267. 

Scott, Winfield, captain of artillery 
in 1808, vi. 292; his description of 
the army, 292; lieutenant-colonel 
at Queenston Heights, 351; sur- 
renders, 352; colonel of Second 
U. S. artillery, chief-of-stafE to 
Dearborn, vii. 156, 161; captures 
Fort George, 157, 158; his opin- 
ion of Wilkinson, 173; his opinion 
of Hampton, 174; his opinion of 
Brown, 409: promoted to brigadier, 
409 ; drills his brigade at Buffalo, 
viii. 28, 36; organization and 
strength of his brigade, 35; Iand» 
below Fort Erie, 39; marches ou 
Chippawa, 39, 40 ; fights the battle 
of Chippawa, 41-45; ordered to 
march toward Queenston, 50; aU 



tacks British army at Lundy's 
Lane, 51-53; wounded, 58, 66; his 
brigade, 236; retained on peace 
establishment, ix. 88. 

"Scourge," privateer, in British 
waters, vii. 333. 

Seamen, British, their desertion to 
American service, ii. 332-339; in 
the American marine, iii. 94; de- 
sertion of, iv. 1; foreign, in the 
American ser\'ice, vi. 455—457 ; for- 
eign, to be excluded from American 
vessels, vii. 47. 

Search, right of, ii. 322; as under- 
stood by Napoleon, v. 137, 145. 

Seaver, Ebenezer, member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts, vi. 400. 

Sebastian, Judge, iii. 274; resigns, 

Sedition Law (see Acts of Con- 

Seminole Indians, vii. 217, 218. 

Semonville, Comle de, his official 
address, v. 382,388; vi. 8. 

Senate (see Congress). 

" Serapis," British 44-gua frigate, 
vii. 6. 

Sergeant, John, member of Congress 
from Pennsylvania, ix. 107; op- 
poses bank, 118; sent to Europe, 

Serurier, Jean Matthieu Philibert, 
succeeds Turreau as French min- 
ister at Washington, v. 345, 346; 
his first interview with Robert 
Smith, 346; reports the govern- 
ment decided to enforce non-inter- 
course against Great Britain, 347; 
his estimates of Gallatin and Rob- 
ert Smith, vi. 46-50; the crisis of 
his fortune, 52; reports Monroe's 
anger at Napoleon's conduct, 51, 
53, 54, 57; remonstrates at Bar- 
low's delay, 55; his letter of July 
19, 1811, on the repeal of Napo- 
leon's decrees, 60; his report of 
Monroe's and Madison's remarks 

on Napoleon's arrangements, July, 
1811, 63, 64; his report of Madi- 
son's warlike plans in November, 
1811. 129, 130; his reports on Cril- 
lon and John Henry's papers, 178- 
181; his report of Madison's lan- 
guage on the French spoliations, 
187; his report of Monroe's lan- 
guage regarding the repeal of the 
French decrees, 188, 189, 194, 195; 
his report of Monroe's remarks on 
the embargo and war, 200 ; remon- 
strates against suspension of the 
Non-importation Act, 205; his re- 
marks on the failure of the loan, 
208 ; his report of angry feeling 
against France, 217; his report of 
Monroe's complaints in June, 1812, 
231; his report of Monroe's lan- 
guage about the occupation of East 
Florida, 241; his report of Mon- 
roe's language about negotiation 
for peace, 415, 416; his report of 
Monroe's military prospects, vii. 
35, 36; his report of fears for the 
safety of Washington, in July, 
1813, 56 ; his reports in 1813-1814, 
391-395; his explanation of the 
abandonment of the restrictive 
system by Madison, 393-395; his 
report of the burning of Washing- 
ton, viii. 145, 146. 

Shaler, Nathaniel, captain of priva- 
teer " Governor Tompkins," vii. 
327 ; his escape from a man-of-war, 

" Shannon," British frigate, vi. 
368; chases "Constitution," 370; 
stationed off Boston, vii. 281; 
captures the " Chesapeake,'' 285- 

Sheaffe, Sir R. H., major-general of 
the British army in Canada, vi. 349, 
351 ; his force in the district of 
Montreal, vii. 194, 195; Brock's 
successor in Upper Canada, viii. 



Sheffield, Earl of, his devotion to the 
British navigation laws, ii. 413; 
iv. 73. 

Shelburne, Lord, his negotiation of 
17?3, ix. 14. 

Shelby, Isaac, governor of Kentucky, 
vii. 74; commands the Kentucky 
volunteers in Canada, 128, 1^!); 
remonstrates against Harrison's 
resignation, 410, 411; his letter of 
Ai)ril 8, 1814, on the necessity of 
peace, viii. 13; sends Kentucky 
militia to New Orleans, 327. 

Sherbrooke, Sir J. C, British gov- 
ernor of Nova Scotia, occupies 
Castine and Machias, viii. 95, 96, 

Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, v. 265. 

Sherman, Roger Minot, delegate to 
the Hartford Convention, viii. 

Shipherd, Zebulon R., member of 
Congress from New York, on the 
approaching fall of the national 
government in 1814, viii. 277. 

Shippers, British, ii. 318, 320. 

Shipping, character of, in 1800, i. 6; 
American, increase of, ii. 325; its 
prosperity in 1809-1810, v. 15, 290; 
protection of, 319; growth of, in 
Massachusetts, 1800-1816, ix. 159. 

Short, William, sent by Jefferson as 
minister to Russia, iv. 465; appoint- 
ment negatived, 466; v. 11. 

Sidmouth, Lord (see Addington), 
Lord Privy Seal, iii. 393; iv. 73; 
speech on the Orders in Council, 
V. 59; his weariness of the orders, 
S82, 283; enters Cabinet, vi. 281. 

Silliman, Benjamin, Professor of 
Chemistry at Yale College, i. 310. 

"Siren," privateer, captures "Lan- 
drail," viii. 195, 196. 

Skipwith, Fulwar, U. S. consul at 
Paris, attacks Livingston, li. 289; 
iii. 379. 

Slave representation, iv. 458. 

SIa%'e-trade, restrictions of, in Louisi- 
ana, ii. 122; Jefferson recommends 
its abolishment, iii. 347; debate 
in Congress on the abolition of, 

Slavery, i. 134-136, 150, 154 ; in 
Indiana, vi. 75-77; stimulus to, in 
1815, ix. 94. 

Sloan, James, member of Congress 
from New Jersey, iii. 160, 174, 183, 
357; moves that the seat of gov- 
ernment be moved to Philadelphia, 
iv. 208. 

Sloops-of-war, in the U. S. navy (see 
" Wasp," " Hornet," " Argus," 
"Syren," "Nautilus"); act of Con- 
gress for building six, vi. 449 ; their 
cost, vii. 310; their size and force, 
311; their efficiency compared with 
frigates, 312; six new, ordered to 
be built, 313; twenty authorized 
by Act of November 15, 1814, viii. 
281 ; their record in 1814, 181-193. 

Smilie, John, member of Congress 
from Pennsylvania, iii. 359, 362; 
iv. 213; v. 204. 

" Smith Faction," the, in Congress, 
iv. 428. 

Smith, Senator Israel, of Vermont, 
ii. 218. 

Smith, John, senator from Ohio, ii. 
218; iii. 175; under the influence 
of Burr, 220; sends letter to Burr 
by Peter Taylor, 275; Burr's re- 
ply, 276; refuses to testify, 282; 
his complicity in Burr's schemes 
investigated, iv. 208. 

Smith, John, senator from New York, 
ii. 153, 218. 

Smith, John Cotton, member of Con- 
gress from Connecticut, i. 269; iii. 
132, 143, 242; governor of Con- 
necticut, on the report of the 
Hartford Convention, viii. 304, 

Smith, John Spear, charg^ in Lon- 
don, vi. 21, 267. 



Smith, Nathaniel, delegate to the 
Hartford Convention, viii. 294. 

Smith, Robert, appointed Secretary 
of the Navy, i. 220 et seq. ; prom- 
ises economies, 272; dissuades Jef- 
ferson from proposing constitutional 
amendment, ii. 83; consents to re- 
duction of navy estimates, 136 ; 
homme fort poll, 373, 374; uncle 
of Mrs. Jerome Bonaparte, 377- 
379 ; a gentleman and a soldier, 431 ; 
asks to be made attorney-general, 
January, 1805, appointed and com- 
missioned as attorney-general, but 
continues Secretary of the Navy, 
iii. 10-12; his opinion on Monroe's 
Spanish negotiation, 68 ; his letter 
to Jefferson on Burr's conspiracy, 
331 ; wishes a call of the Senate to 
consider Monroe's treaty, 432; acts 
as Jefferson's intermediator with 
Rose, iv. 188-191 ; talks freely with 
Rose, 197 ; dislikes the embargo, 
261; his opinions reported by Er- 
skine, 384; regarded as extrava- 
gant by Gallatin, 425, 428 ; of- 
fered the Treasury Department, 
V. 7, 379 ; becomes Secretary of 
State, 8, 10; his language about 
war with France, 35; his letter to 
Erskine accepting settlement of 
the " Chesapeake " affair, 68, 69, 
89; his replies to Canning's three 
conditions, 71-73; his remarks to 
Turreau on Jefferson's weakness 
and indiscretions, 84; introduces 
F. J. Jackson to the President, 
120; his interviews with Jackson, 
122-124, 126 ; his incompetence, 
159; Madison's resentment of his 
conduct on Macon's bill, 186, 187; 
his supposed quarrels in the Cabi- 
net, 188 ; opposed to Madison's 
course toward France, 296, 297, 
366, 374, 375, 378; notifies Tur- 
reau of the President's intention to 
revive the non-intercourse against 

England, 302, 303 ; explains to 
Turreau the occupation of West 
Florida, 313; his first interviews 
with Serurier, 340, 347; irritates 
Madison by questioning Serurier, 
350 ; his abilities, 363, 376 ; his 
removal from the State Depart- 
ment, 375-377 ; his Address to 
the People, 378; his retort against 
Madison, 379; Serurier's estimate 
of, vi. 46-50; his remark about 
American schooners, 48; his com- 
ments on Jefferson, Madison, and 
Clinton, 48; his pamphlet reveals 
secrets annoying to Madison, 54. 
Smith, Samuel, member of Congress 
from Maryland, appointed tempo- 
rarily Secretary' of the Navy, i. 219, 
245 ; his character, 267 ; moves to 
purchase Louisiana, 433; his vote 
on Chase's impeachment, ii. 238; 
his wish to be minister to Paris, 
378 ; senator from Maryland, iii. 
83, 126; his Non-importation Reso- 
lutions, 146, 150, 151 ; his wish for 
diplomatic office, 152, 153; his op- 
position to Armstrong's appoint- 
ment defeated, 153, 172; punished 
by Jefferson, 168, 170; his view 
of the President's course, 169, 
170; writes to Nicholas respect- 
ing Burr's conspiracy, 335 ; an- 
noyed at Jefferson's ignoring the 
army in annual message, 348, 
349;" his letters to W. C. Nicholas 
respecting Jefferson's rejection of 
Monroe's treatj', 431 et seq. ; on 
the embargo committee, iv. 172; 
his hostility to Gallatin, 425, 428; 
defeats Gallatin's appointment as 
Secretary of State, v. 4-7; his 
quarrel with Gallatin, 10, 11 ; 
votes for mission to Russia, 11; 
re-elected to the Senate, 159 ; his 
support of Giles, 180 ; defeats 
Macon's bill, 185, 192, 193; his 
motives, 185, 186, 187, 192 ; r»- 



ports bill of his own, 197, 198; 
moves censure of Pickering, 322; 
his speech on the Bank Charter, 
335,336; his abilities, 363; opposes 
every financial proposal, vi. 234; 
votes against occupying East 
Florida, 243 ; in opposition, vii. 
48; votes against Gallatin's Rus- 
sian mission, 59; opposes seizure 
of East Florida, 209; no chance of 
re-election, 399 ; major-general of 
Maryland militia, refuses to yield 
command of Baltimore to Winder, 
viii. 167, 168; sends Strieker's 
brigade to meet the enemy, 169; 
member of the House in 1815- 
1817, ix. 107; supports Bank, 116. 

Smith, Thomas A., colonel of Rifles, 
promoted to brigadier-general, vii. 

Smith, William Steuben, surveyor of 
the Port of New York, in Miranda's 
confidence, iii. 189 ; removed from 
office and indicted, 195, 208; his 
trial, 208; his acquittal, 209; con- 
nected with Burr, 263, 265. 

Smith and Ogden, case of, iii. 208, 

Smyth, Alexander, inspector-general 
of United States army, with rank of 
brigadier, vi. 353 ; arrives at Buf- 
falo with brigade, 346 ; his dis- 
agreement with Van Rensselaer, 
346, 348; ordered to take command, 
353; his Niagara campaign, 354- 
358; dropped from the army-roll, 

Snake Hill, western end of the 
American lines at Fort Erie, viii. 
71, 86 ; assaulted, 72-76, 79. 

Snyder, Simon, chosen governor of 
Pennsylvania, iv. 286; v. 13; vetoes 
bill creating forty-one banks, viii. 

Somers, Lieutenant, at Tripoli, ii. 427. 

" Sophie," 18-gun British sloop-of- 
war, appears off Barataria, viii. 

321; attacks Fort Bowyer, 322- 


South Carolina in 1800, i. 37; bril- 
liant prospects of, 39, 149 et stq. ; 
decides the election of 1800, 150; 
contrast in the character of its 
people, 153 et seq. ; creates a State 
army, viii. 283. 

Spain, relations of, with the United 
States, i. 337 et seq. ; clumsiness of 
her colonial sj-stem, 419; declares 
war with England, ii. 303; Jeffer- 
son's expectation of bickering with, 
iii. 8; Monroe's negotiation with, 
23-36 ; effect of Monroe's nego- 
tiation with, on Jefferson and Mad- 
ison, 54-79; expected war with, 
61, 62, 99, 118, 128, 189: Gal- 
latin's opinion of Monroe's nego- 
tiation with, 66; Robert Smith's 
opinion, 68; negotiation with, not 
to be converted into a French 
job, 70, 77; Cabinet decision to 
transfer negotiation to Paris, and 
offer five millions for West Florida, 
78; Merry's report on, 96; Madi- 
son's remarks to Merry, 98; Tal 
leyrand's proposed settlement with, 
103, 106; accepted by Jefferson, 
106 ; notice of unfriendly relations 
with, in Jefferson's annual mes- 
sage of 1805, 112; Jefferson's com- 
ments on, to Turreau, 125; Jeffer- 
son's secret message on, Dec. 6, 
1805, 130,177; Randolph's remarks 
on the policy toward, 178 ; rela- 
tions with French finance, 372; her 
"perfidy and injustice," 437; her 
condition in 1807, iv. 115, 116: (k- 
cupied by French armies, 119, \±2, 
293, 297; collapse of governnuMit 
in, 298; Joseph Bonaparte crowned 
king of, 300 ; revolution of the Dos 
de Maio, 300-302, 315; its effect in 
America, 339-343 ; Napoleon and 
Moore's campaigns in, v. 22-28; 
Wellesley's campaigns in, 268. 



Spanish America, Napoleon's policy 
toward, ii. 54; iv. 300-303, 316; 
V. 32, 33, 384, 385, 407; Jeflferson's 
wishes regarding, iv. 340-342; v. 

37, 38; Madison's policj' toward, 

38, 39, 305-315 ; Spencer Perce- 
val's policy toward, 269, 283, 284; 
movements for independence in, 
305 ; Henry Clay's policy toward, 
ix. 109. 

Spanish claims convention, ii. 249; 
defeated in the Senate, 250 ; rati- 
lied, 278; conditions on ratification 
imposed by Spain, 280 ; conditions 
withdrawn by Spain, iii. 26. 

Specie in the United States in 1810, v. 
330 ; large sums of, sent to Canada, 
vii. 146, 389; viii. 94; drain of, to 
New England, 1810-1814, vii. 387- 
389; viii. 15, 16; premium on, in 
New York, Philadelphia, and Bal- 
timore, Feb. 1, 1815, 214; premium 
on, in the autumn of 1815, ix. 98 ; 
influx of, in 1816, 127. 

Specie pajTnents, suspended in Au- 
gust and September, 1814, by State 
banks, except in New England, 
viii. 213, 214 ; suspended by Treas- 
ury of the United States, 215; 
power to suspend, in Dallas's 
scheme for a national bank, 251; 
ix. 117; ordered to be resumed by 
the Treasury, on Feb. 20, 1817, ix. 
118, 119, 128; resisted by State 
banks, 129 ; resumed Feb. 20, 1817, 
131, 132. 

Spence, Lieutenant, carries letters 
from Bollman to Burr, iii. 309. 

Spence, William, iv. 69 ; his pam- 
phlet " Britain independent of Com- 
merce," 329. 

Spencer, Ambrose, i. 109, 112, 228, 

SpiMicer, P., captain of the British 
•Ii)op-of-war " Carron," reconnoi- 
tres Bayou Bienvenu, viii. 338. 

,S)»iiiaiiuns, British, in 1805, i. 45, I 

73, 108; sensation excited by, 
109, 118, 125; indemnities asked 
for, at Ghent, ix. 18; abandoned, 
French, on American com- 
merce within Spanish jurisdic- 
tion in 1797-1798, i. 350; excluded 
from the treaty of 1800, 361-363 ; 
included in Louisiana treaty, ii. 30, 
31, 40-42, 46-50, 51, 60, 61; of 
every kind, indemnified by treaty 
of 1800, 297; insisted upon by 
Monroe, iii. 23, 25, 29, 30; forbid- 
den by France, 32 ; Monroe's prop- 
osition regarding, 35 ; Madison's 
suggestion regarding, 60 ; Cabinet 
decision regarding, 107; in 1807- 

1808, iv. 292, 293, 312; v. 30; in 

1809, V. 151, 152, 220, 255; value of, 
242, 243; Madison's anger at, 292; 
Madison's demand for indemnity, 
295, 296 ; their municipal charac- 
ter, 299; their justification as 
reprisals, 230, 232, 234, 237, 254, 
258, 259, 388, 391, 396; in Den- 
mark, 409, 411 ; not matter of dis- 
cussion, vi. 54, 125; Madison's 
language regarding, 187 ; Monroe's 
language regarding, 188, 189 ; new, 
reported in March, 1812, 193, 224, 
251 ; in June, 231 ; probable value 
of, 247. 

Spanish, in 1805, iii. 37, 67, 78, 


Spotts, Samuel, first lieutenant of ar- 
tillery, in the night battle at New 
Orleans, viii. 345. 

Stage-coaches, travel by, i. 11 et seq. 

Stanford, Richard, member of Con- 
gress from North Carolina, on 
armaments in 1808, iv. 214 ; votes 
against Giles's resolution, v. 182; 
his retort on Calhoun, vi. 144; his 
speech on war, 146; votes for 
legal tender paper, viii. 254; in the 
Fourteenth Congress, ix. 107, 118. 

Stanley, Lord, vi. 283. 



Stansbury, Tobias E., brigadier-gen- 
eral of Maryland militia command- 
ing brigade at Bladensburg, viii. 
140, 156; criticises Monroe, 151. 
State armies, created by Massachu- 
setts, viii. 221, 225, 272, 282; one 
of the causes that led to the Con- 
stitution of 1789, 282; created by 
New York, 282 ; by Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland, 282 ; by Vir- 
ginia, South Carolina, and Ken- 
tucky, 283 ; demanded by Hartford 
Convention, 284, 297; Joseph Hop- 
kinson's remarks on, 286; of Mas- 
sachusetts, suspended for want of 
money, 303. 
State Department (see James Madi- 
son, Robert Smith, James Monroe). 
States rights, asserted by Virginia, 
i. 138-140; by Kentucky, 140-143; 
by Georgia, 304; ii. 215; affected 
by Jefferson's acts, i. 203, 205, 254, 
255, 260, 263, 298; ii. 78, 85,90, 
114, 118, 125, 130, 203, 205, 210; 
Gallatin's attitude toward, i. 116; 
ii. 79, 80; Bayard on, i. 292; Ran- 
dolph on, ii. 97, 98, 104, 120, 209, 
211 ; Nicholson on, 102, 209 ; Rod- 
ney on, 103, 119 ; Pickering on, 
105 ; John Taylor of Caroline on, 
105-107 ; Breckenridge on, 109, 
121; W. C. Nicholas on, 111-113; 
Chief-Justice Taney on, 127; Jus- 
tice Campbell on, 127-129; affected 
by Jefferson's acts, iii. 3, 18, 19, 
346; iv. 363, -364, 454; affected by 
Acts of Congress, iii. 142, 355, 361, 
364, 366; affected by the system 
of embargo, iv. 251-271, 273, 408- 
419, 456-459; mentioned in Madi- 
son's Inaugural Address, v. 4 ; af- 
fected by the use of militia in war, 
vi. 159, 160; affected by the war, 
vii. 67 ; asserted in Massachusetts 
in February, 1814, viii. 5-8; as- 
serted by New England in Septem- 
ber, 1814, 220-228 ; championed by 
VOL. IX. — 23 

Randolph in the Fourteenth Con- 
gress, ix. 110, 111 ; affected by de- 
cisions of Supreme Court, 188-192; 
affected by consistent action of 
government, 193. 

"Statira," British frigate, viii. 316. 

Status ante belliim, the best terms of 
peace obtainable, ix. 9; not of- 
fered by Madison, 12; not offered 
by England at Ghent, in August, 
1814, 21 ; opposed to uti possidttis, 
33, 34 ; offered by American com- 
missioners, 37, 49. 

Steam-battery, appropriation for, vii. 

Steamboat, Fulton's, i. 69, 71, 182; 
iii. 20, 216 ; iv. 135; experiments of 
Evans and Stevens, iii. 217 ; use of, 
in 1816, ix. 167, 168, 170-172; 
relative character of invention, 236. 

Steam-engines in America in 1800, i. 
66, 68, 70. 

Stephen, James, author of "War in 
Disguise," iii. 50-53; reprints Ran- 
dolph's speech, 396; assists in 
framing Spencer Perceval's Orders 
in Council, iv. 57,100, 102; his 
opinion of Brougham's speech on 
the orders, 323 ; his speech of March 
6, 1809, V. 60, 65; his remarks on 
Erskine's arrangement, 98; on the 
orders, vi. 276 ; yields to a parlia- 
mentary inquiry, 284. 

Stevens, Edward, consul-general at 
St. Domingo, i. 385 et seq., 389. 

Stevens, John, his character and so- 
cial position, i. 69, 182; his experi- 
ments with a screw-propeller in 
1804, iii. 217 ; relative merit of his 
invention, ix. 236. 

Stewart, Charles, at Tripoli, ii. 428; 
captain in U. S. navy, vii. 293; 
commands " Constitution," ix. 74 ; 
his action with the " Cyane " and 
"Levant," 75, 77; escapes British 
squadron, 78. 
Stockton, Richard, member of Con- 



gress from New Jersey, threatens 
rebellion, viii. 277, 278. 

Stoddert, Benjamin, i. 192, 219. 

Stone, Senator David, of North Car- 
olina, ii. 95, 157; iii. 139; re- 
elected senator from North 
Carolina, vii. 49; censured and 
resigns, 399; ix. 107. 

Stony Creek, battle of, vii. 159, 160. 

Story, Joseph, his description of Ful- 
ton's discouragements, i. 71; of 
Marshall, 193, 260; of Jefferson's 
dress, ii. 366 ; describes Giles, iv. 
205; opinion on the constitution- 
ality of the embargo, 270; elected 
a member of Congress from Massa- 
chusetts, 358; in opposition to Jef- 
ferson and the embargo, 358 ; letter 
describing the state of opinion at 
Washington, 370 ; determined to 
overthrow the embargo, 432, 455, 
463; retires from Congress, v. 76; 
obnoxious to Jefferson, 359 ; 
Speaker of Massachusetts legis- 
lature, resigns to become Justice 
of Supreme Court, viii. 36; his 
opinion in the case of Martin 
against Hunter's lessee, ix. 190- 

Stowell, Lord (see Sir William 

Street, John Wood's colleague, iii. 

Street's Creek (see Chippawa). 

Strieker, John, brigadier-general of 
Maryland militia, sent to meet 
Ross's army, viii. 169; his battle, 
169, 170. 

Strong, Caleb, re-elected governor of 
Massachusetts in April, 1805, iii. 
9; again in April, 1806, 207; de- 
feated in April, 1807, iv. 146; again 
in April, 1808, 242; re-elected gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts in April, 
1812, vi.204; his Fast Proclama- 
tion, 399 ; declines to obey call for 
militia, 400 ; calls out three com- 

panies, 400; re-elected in 1813, 
vii. 50; his speech to the legisla- 
ture Jan. 12, 1814, viii. 2; places 
militia under a Stiate major-gen- 
eral, 221; his address to the State 
legislature Oct. 5, 1814, 222, 223; 
his letter to Pickering on the Brit- 
ish demands, 287, 288; ix. 45; 
approves report of Hartford Con- 
vention, viii. 301; his message of 
Jan, 18, 1815, announcing failure of 
loan, 302, 303; succeeded by Gov- 
ernor Brooks, ix. 133. 

Strother (see Fort Strother). 

Stuart, Gilbert, i. 127. 

" Subaltern in America " (see Gleig), 
quoted, viii. 129, 140, 141, 143, 144. 

Suffrage in Massachusetts and New 
York, vii. 50. 

Sugar, stimulated production of, and 
subsequent glut in the West Indies, 
ii. 415; parliamentary report on, in 
1807, iv. 67, 68; price of, in Febru- 
ary, 1815, ix. 61. 

Sullivan, James, governor of Massa- 
chusetts, iv. 146; receives Picker- 
ing's letter for the State legislature, 
237; declines to convey it, 240; 
his reply, 241; re-elected, 242; 
replies to Jefferson's demand to 
stop importing provisions, 254; his 
death, 416. 

Sullivan. William, iv. 411. 

Sumter, Thomas, senator from South 
Carolina, iii. 139; appointed min- 
ister to Brazil, v. 11. 

" Sun," London newspaper, on Madi- 
son, ix. 3. 

Supreme Court, the, i. 274; sessions 
suspended for a year by Conirress, 
ii. 143. (See Marshall," Chase, Im- 

Sutcliffe, Robert, i. 34. 

Swnrtwout, John, i. 109, 230 ; his 
duel with Dp Witt Clmton, 332- 
marshal of New York, iii. 189; 
removed from office, 208; Jeffer* 


355 , 

son's reasons for removing him, 

Swartwont, Robert, quartermaster- 
general under Wilkinson, vii. 177 ; 
commands brigade, 184, 189. 

Swartwout, Samuel, one of Burr's 
adventurers, iii. 252, 255, 263, 205; 
carries despatches to Wilkinson, 
295; pursues General Wilkinson, 
309; arrives at Natchitoches, and 
delivers Burr's letter to Wilkinson, 
311 ; arrested at Fort Adams, 319, 
460; discharged from custody, 3-40. 

Sweden, Bernadotte, Prince of, v. 
424; his rupture with Napoleon, 
425, 426; Napoleon declares war 
on, vi. 251; mission to, declared 
inexpedient by the Senate, vii. 

Swedish Pomerania, v. 425. 

Swift, Joseph Gardner, colonel of en- 
gineers, ix. 235. 

" Syren," American 16-gun sloop-of- 
war, V. 378; captured July 12, 
1814, viii. 193; at New Orleans, 
vii. 312. 

Talishatchee, Creek village, de- 
stroyed by Jackson, vii. 237. 

Talladega, Creek village, relieved 
by Jackson, vii. 238. 

Tallapoosa River, home of the Upper 
Creeks, vii. 217, 220, 240, 242; 
Jackson's first campaign to, 24.5- 
248; Jackson's second campaign 
to, 254-257. 

Talleyrand, i. 335; his colonial 
.schemes, 352 et seq. ; becomes 
French minister of foreign affairs, 
353; his negotiations with the 
American commissioners, 355; his 
instructions for Guillemardet, 355; 
his mistakes, .357; obliged by the 
X. Y. Z. affair to retire, 358; re- 
stored by Bonaparte, 3.59, 412 ; 
his letter with regard to Louisiana, 

400 ; denies the retrocession of 
Louisiana, 409; his instructions to 
Bernadotte, ii. 11 ; opposes the ces- 
sion of Louisiana, 25; proposes it 
to Livingston, 27 ; explanation of 
the sale of Louisiana. 55; assures 
Cevallos of Napoleon's opposition 
to the American claims, 293; his 
instructions to Turreau, 295; re- 
assures Cevallos, 297; his attitude 
toward the United States, 309; re- 
port to the Emperor on Monroe's 
note, 310; answer to Monroe, 313; 
forbids discussion of Spanish spoli- 
ation claims, iii. 26, 30; rejects 
American claim to West Florida, 
26, 54; his share in the Spanish 
negotiations, 34, 41; his jobbery, 
41; writes to Armstrong the Em- 
peror's demands concerning trade 
with St. Domingo, 90; sends an 
agent to Armstrong to suggest an 
arrangement between the United 
States and Spain, 103; informs 
Armstrong that the King of Spain 
refuses to alienate Florida, 377; 
prompts Armstrong to renew liis 
request for the Floridas, 380; re- 
bukes Vandeul for precipitancy in 
the Florida matter, 384; created 
Prince of Benevento, 385; re- 
moved from office, iv. 107; his 
letter of Dec. 21, 1804, on the 
boundaries of Louisiana, v. 321, 322. 

Taney, Chief-^Justice, opinion of, re- 
specting governmental powers in 
the Louisiana case, ii. 126, 128. 

Tariff of 1816, ix. 111-116. 

"Tartarus," British 20-gun sloopof- 
war, with the " Avon " and " Cas- 
tilian," viii. 189, 190, 192. 

Taxes, abolition of, in 1801, i. 240, 
270, 272. 

Taxes, war, vi 157, 165, 166 ; post- 
poned. 168, 204; reported June 26, 
1812. 235; postponed by Congress, 
235, 444; bill for, 447 ; "bills passed 



in July and August, 1813, vii. 53- 
55, 67; receipts of, paid in Treas- 
ury notes or the notes of suspended 
banks, viii. 244, 245, 256, 257; 
doubled in 1814, 248, 255, 261; ar- 
rears of, in October, 1814, 255,256; 
internal, shifted to customs in 1816, 
ix. 112. 
Tayler, John, ii. 177. 
Taylor, James, vi. 414. 
Taylor, John, member of Congress 
from South Carolina, author of 
Macon's bill No. 2, v. 194; his 
speech, 195, 196 ; introduces Bank 
Charter, 208. 
Taylor, John, of Caroline, i. 143, 146, 
263, 338; ii. 94; his remarks on 
the Louisiana purchase, 105; his 
advice to Monroe, v. 369, 370; 
Monroe's letter to, June 13, 1812, 
vi. 66; his remarks on the presi- 
dential election of 1812, 414, 417 ; 
his "Inquiry," ix. 195-197. 
Taylor, John W., member of Con- 
gress from New York, vii. 398. 
Taj'lor, Josiah, lieutenant of Second 

Infantry, iii. 303. 
Taj'lor, Peter, evidence of, concern- 
ing Blennerhassett's delusion, iii. 
259; sent with a warning letter to 
Burr, 275. 
Taylor, Robert, brigadier-general of 
Virginia militia at Norfolk, vii. 271. 
Tavlor, Zachary, captain in the Sev- 
enth U. S. Infantry, vii. 73. 
Tazewell, Littleton Waller, iii. 459, 

465; iv. 28; v. 161; ix. 124. 
Tea, price of, in February, 1815, ix. 

Tecumthe, residence of, in 1805, iii. 
15; his origin, vi. 78; his plan of 
Indian confederation, 78, 79; es- 
tablishes himself at Tippecanoe, 79 ; 
character of his village, 80 ; joined 
by the Wyandots, 83 ; his confer- 
ence with Harrison, Aug. 12, 1810, 
85-88; seizessalt iu June, 1811,90; 

his talk at Vincennes, July 27, 
1811, 91; starts for the Creek coun- 
try, 92; his account of the affair at 
Tippecanoe, 105, 109 ; returns from 
the Creek country, 108; his reply 
to British complaints, 109; his 
speech of May 16, 1812, 111; joins 
the British at Maiden, 329, 330: 
routs Ohio militia, 315; at the bat- 
tle of Maguaga, 325; at the capture 
of Detroit, 332; absent at the River 
Raisin, vii. 94; at the siege of Fort 
Meigs, 104, 106; stops massacre, 
107 ; reported to be moving against 
Harrison, 110, 111 ; protests agninst 
evacuation of Maiden, 130 ; killed 
at the battle of the Thames, 140- 
143; his visit to the Creeks in Oc- 
tober, 1811, 220; his speech to the 
Creeks, 221; effect of his visit to 
the Creeks, 222, 223 ; his intentions 
regarding the southern Indian*, 
Temperance in United States in 1800, 

i, 47. 
Tenallytown, near Washington, Win- 
der's halt at, viii. 154. 
"Tenedos," 46-gun British frigate, 
vii. 285, 286, 293; captures priva- 
teer "Enterprise," 329; chases 
"President," ix. 64, 67. 
Tennessee, population of, in 1800, 
i. 2 ; militia, ordered into ser- 
vice, Dec. 10, 1812, vii. 207; dis- 
missed, 209, 210 ; recalled into ser- 
vice, 235; claim discharge, 239; 
return home, 239, 240; sixty-daj', 
join Jackson, 245; routed at En- 
otachopco Creek, 246-248; disci- 
plined by Jackson, 252, 253; 
losses of, at the Horse-shoe, 256; 
the whole quota called out by 
Jackson, Aug. 27, 1814, viii. 320; 
march for Mobile, 328; ordered to 
New Orleans, 332, 333; reach New 
Orleans, 337 ; growth of population, 
ix. 155. 



Terre aux Boeufs, encampment at, v. 

Terry, Eli, i. 181. 

Texas, a part of the Louisiana pur- 
chase, ii. 7, 256, 294, 298, 300; 
boundary, iii. 33; Spanish defini- 
tion of boundary, 34; included in 
the Louisiana purchase, 40; Span- 
ish establishments in, to be dis- 
lodged, 69, 80; to be confirmed to 
Spain, and hypothecated to the 
United States, 78 ; to be purchased, 
139; threatening military move- 
ments in, 310. 

Thacher, Rev. Samuel Cooper, Uni- 
tarian clergyman, ix. 178, 179; edi- 
tor of the " Anthology," 202. 

Thames, Harrison's victory on the, 
vii. 128-143. 

"Thanatopsis," ix. 207-209. 

Theatre in New England in 1800, i. 
49, 90. 

Thiers, Louis Adolphe, on Napoleon, 
v. 225, 226, 236. 

Thomas, John, major-general of Ken- 
tucky militia, ordered to New Or- 
leans, viii. 336, 337; arrives at New 
Orleans, 368 ; unwell, 378. 

Thompson, Smith, i. 108. 

Thornton, Edward, his description of 
the inauguration of Jefferson, i. 
198, 436, 440; letter to Hammond, 
ii. 342, 388; complains that deser- 
tion of seamen is encouraged, 345 ; 
Jefferson's confidential relations 
with, 347; proposals with regard 
to Monroe's mission, 351 ; on 
change of tone in 1804, 387, 388. 

Thornton, Dr. William, i. Ill; viii. 

Thornton, William, colonel of British 
Eighty-fifth Light Infantry, leads 
attack at Bladensburg, viii. 141; 
severely wounded, 144; leads the 
advance to New Orleans, 338, 342; 
his brigade, 344, 347; in the night 
battle of December 23, 1814, 348; 

ordered to cross the river, 371-373 ; 
crosses, 375; captures Patterson's 
battery, 377; wounded, 378; re- 
called, 381. 

" Tiber," British frigate, captures 
privateer "Leo," viii. 196. 

Ticknor, George, i. 63, 94 ; reports 
Eppes's remark to Gaston, viii. 202; 
reports John Adams's remark on 
George Cabot, 307, 308; reports 
Jefferson's remark on the British 
at New Orleans, 309; professor of 
Belles Lettres in Harvard College, 
ix. 206. 

" Ticonderoga," 17-gun schooner, in 
Macdonough's fleet on Lake Cham- 
plain, viii. 105; in the battle of 
Plattsburg, 110. 

Tiffin, Edward, governor of Ohio, iii. 
282, 286, 289, 334, 335; senator 
from Ohio, moves an amendment 
to the Constitution, iv . 205. 

Tilsit, treaty of, iv. 62, 105, 140. 

" Times," the London, on the " Ches- 
apeake " affair, iv. 44, 54, 132; 
viii. 201 ; on the Orders in Coun- 
cil, V. 62; on English apathy to- 
ward the United States, vi. 24 ; on 
an American war, 287 ; on the 
" Guerriere," vii. 5, 14; on the 
conduct of the war in 1812, 9, 357 ; 
on American privateers in the West 
Indies, 12; on the "Macedonian," 
13; on the "Java," 16; on the 
Foreign Seamen Bill, 25; on Presi- 
dent Madison, 357, 358; on the 
execution of British subjects taken 
in arms, 362; on the American 
cruisers, viii. 210, 211; on Madison, 
ix. 2, 3; on terms of peace, 4; on 
the defeat at Plattsburg, 35 ; on the 
Ghent correspondence, 43 ; on the 
Treaty, 55, 56. 

Tin, price of, in Februarj', 1815, ix. 

Tingey, Thomas, captain in U. S 
navy, commandant of Washing- 



ton navy-j'ard, sets fire to ves- 
sels in the Eastern Branch, viii. 

Tippecanoe Creek, vi. 68, 79; Indian 
settlement at, 80; character of, 81; 
to be a large Indian resort, 91 ; to 
be broken up, 92, 94; Harrison's 
march on, 97; arrival at, 98; camp 
at, 101; battle of, 103; character- 
ized by Tecumthe, 105, 109, 111 ; 
retreat from, 106; Harrison's esti- 
mate of effect of battle, 107, 108 ; 
charged upon England, 140, 143. 

Tobacco, value of exported, in 1815, 
ix. 94; in 1816, 126. 

Todd, Thomas, associate justice, vii. 

"Tom," Baltimore privateer cap- 
tured, vii. 329. 

"Tom Cringle's Log," vii. 321- 

Tompkins, Daniel D., elected gov- 
ernor of New York in 1807, iv. 
283; his attempts to enforce the 
embargo, 249, 259; his prevention 
of the Bank Charter, vi. 209 ; re- 
elected in May, 1813, vii. 50; viii. 
12; candidate for the Presidency, 
Tii. 403; offered the State Depart- 
ment, viii. 163; recommends a 
State army, 282; nominated as 
Vice-President, ix. 122, 123; 
elected Vice-President, 139. 

Toplitz in Bohemia, the Czar's head- 
quarters, vii. 351. 

Toronto (see York). 

Torpedo, Fulton's, v. 209. 

Totten, Joseph G., captain of engi- 
neers, vi. 350, 352 ; major of engi- 
neers, constructs the fortifications 
of Plattsburg, viii. 108; ix. 236. 

Town-meetings held in Massachusetts 
to resist the embargo, iv. 410; Jef- 
ferson's opinion of, 442; in Janu- 
ary, 1814, viii. 5-7. 

Towson, Nathan, captain of artillery, 
vi. 347; captain of artillery com- 

pany in Hindman's battalion, viii. 
37; attached to Scott's brigade at 
Chippawa, 43; at Lund3''s Lane, 
50-52, 53. 56; commands artillery 
on Snake Hill, 71, 72, 74. 

Tracy, Uriah, senator from Connecti- 
cut, on the Louisiana treaty, ii. 
107; believes disunion inevitable, 
160, 162 ; votes against the im- 
peachment of Chase, 238 ; his 
death, iv. 146. 

Trafalgar, battle of, iii. 149, 370. 

Travel in America, difficulties of, in 
1800, i. 11 et seq. 

Treason, Marshall's law of, iii. 443, 
467 ; Giles's bill for the punishment 
of, iv. 205. 

Treasury (see Gallatin, Jones, 
Campbell, Dallas). 

Treasury Notes, five millions author- 
ized in January, 1813, vi. 448; ten 
millions authorized in March, 1814, 
vii. 390; viii. 18; Campbell's only 
resource, 213, 242; discount on, 
Feb. 1, 1815,214,261; six millions 
as much as could easily be circu- 
lated, 242; no one willing to accept, 
244; fifteen millions to be issued, 
261; value of, afTected by the 
peace, ix. 62; issues of, 90; Dal- 
las's failure to fund, in 1815, 84, 

Treaties, with European powers, pre- 
liminary, between Great Britain, 
France, and Spain, Nov. 3, 1762, 
i. 353; ii. 7, 70 ; definitive, be- 
tween the same, Feb. 10, 1763, i. 
353; ii. 6; definitive, between Great 
Britain and Spain, Sept. 3, 1783, i. 
353; definitive, between the United 
States and Great Britain, Sept. 3, 
1783, ii. 90, 411; ix. 31, 44-49; 
Jay's, between the United States 
and Great Britain, Nov. 19, 1794, 
i. 348; ii. 316, 334,339, 355, 421, 
424; iii. 401; article xii. of, 410; of 
Basle, between Spain and France, 



July 22, 1795, i. 354; Pinckney's, 
between the United States and 
Spain, Oct. 27, 1795, 348, 349; ii. 
246; iii. 38; between Toussaint and 
Maitland, June 13, 1799, i. 385; of 
Morfontaine, between the United 
States and France, Sept. 30, 1800, 
362, 388 ; ii. 21, 42, 46, 47, 293, 
296, 297, 383; of San Ildefonso 
(Berthier's), between Spain and 
France, retroceding Louisiana, Oct. 

I, 1800, i. 370, 401, 403; li. 43, 58, 
70, 254; iii. 38; of Luneville, be- 
tween France and Austria, Feb. 9, 
1801, i. 370; of Lucien Bonaparte, 
between Spain and France, March 
21, 1801, 372, 406, 409; ii. 299; of 
Badajos, between Spain and Portu- 
gal, June 5, 1801, i. 372 ; prelimi- 
nary, between Great Britain and 
France, Oct. 1, 1801, 374; ii. 344; 
settling British debts between Great 
Britain and the United States, 
Jan. 8, 1802, 358, 410 ; of Amiens, 
between Great Britain and France, 
March 26, 1802, 59, 290, 326, 347, 
385, 414, 416; of claims between 
the United States and Spain, Aug. 

II, 1802, 21, 250, 259, 278, 280, 
293, 296, 297, 383; between France 
and the United States, ceding Lou- 
isiana and settling claims, 39-49, 
51,67, 85, 88, 92, 97, 100, 102, 105, 
107, 108, 111, 245, 275, 289, 302, 
308, 355, 399-401; between the 
United States and Great Britain 
for settling boundaries, May 12, 
1803, 358, 383, 384, 391, 392, 410, 
420, 424 ; between the United States 
and Tripoli, Nov. 4, 1796, i. 244; 
June 4, 1805, ii. 434, 436 ; of Press- 
burg, between France and Austria, 
Dec. 26, 1805, iii. 163, 370; with 
England, of Dec. 1, 1806(Monroe'8), 
iii. 409 et seq., 422. 429-436, 438 ; 
iv. 48-51, 129, 144. 154; ix. 33; 
of Tilsit, between France and Rus- 

sia, July 7, 1807, iv. 62; of Fon- 
tainebleau, between France and 
Spain, Oct. 27, 1807, iv. 119; of 
Dec. 21, 1814, with Great Britain 
at Ghent, ix. 1-53; of Feb. 22, 
1819, between the United States 
and Spain, ceding Florida, vi. 237. 

Indian, of Greenville, Aug. 3, 

1795, for the establishment of 
peace and boundaries with Wyan- 
dots, Delawares, Shawanese, Otta- 
was, Chippewas, Pottawatamies, 
Miamies, Eel Rivers, Weas, Kick- 
apoos, Piankeshaws, and Kaskas- 
kias, iii. 13 ; vi. 79; ix. 19,20; of 
June 16, 1802, with the Creek na- 
tion, ceding land between the forks 
of the Oconee and Ocmulgee 
rivers in Georgia, vii. 220 ; of Aug. 
13, 1803, with the Kaskaskia In- 
dians, ceding lands, ii. 92; of Aug. 
18, 1804, with the Delaware Indians 
ceding land, ii. 207 ; vi. 75 ; of Aug. 
27, 1804, with the Piankeshaw In- 
dians, ceding land, iii. 13; vi. 75, 
77; of Nov. 3, 1804, with the Creek 
nation, ceding all the land between 
Oconee and Ocmulgee, vii. 220; 
of July 4, 1805, with Wyandots, 
Ottawas, Chippewas, Munsee and 
Delaware Shawanese, and Pottawa- 
tamies, ceding land to the hundred- 
and-twentieth mile due west of the 
west boundary of Pennsylvania, 
iii. 13 ; of July 23,1805, with Chick- 
asaws, ceding Linds on the Tennes- 
see and Duck rivers, iii. 14; of 
Aug. 21, 1805, with the Delawares, 
Pottawatamies, Miamies, Eel River, 
and Weas, at Grouseland near Vin- 
cennes, ceding land, vi. 75 ; of Oct. 
25 and 27, 1805, with Cherokees, 
ceding land, iii. 14; of Nov. 14, 
1805, with Creeks, cedinf land, iii. 
14; of Dec. 30, 1805, with Pianke- 
shaws, ceding land, iii. 13; of Nov, 
7, 1807, with the Ottawas, Chippe- 



was, Wyandots, and Pottawatara- 
ies, at Detroit, ceding lands, vi. 
82; of Sept 30, 1809, with the Del- 
awares, Pottawatainies, Miamies, 
and Eel River Miamies, at Fort 
Wayne, ceding lands, vi. 83, 85, 
87; or capitulation of Aug. 9, 1814. 
with Creek chiefs, ceding lands, 
vii. 259-261; of peace, July 22, 
1814, with Wyandots, Delawares, 
Shawanese, Senecas, and Miamies, 
vii. 261; ix. 32. 

Treaty of June 30, 1815, between 
the United States and Algiers, of 
peace and amity, 105. 

of July 3, 1815, between the 

United States and Great Britain, 
to regulate commerce, ix. 104. 

Treaty-making power, defined by 
W. C. Nicholas, ii. 87, 88, 112; by 
Jefferson, 89, 90; by Gaylord Gris- 
wold, 96, 97 ; by Randolph, 98, 99 ; 
by Gouvemeur Morris, 100 ; by 
Nicholson, 101; by Rodney, 102, 
103; by Pickering, 105; by John 
Taylor of Caroline, 106, 107; by 
Tracy, 108 ; by Breckinridge, 109 ; 
by J. Q. Adams, 111 ; by Cocke, 
113 ; summary of opinions on, 114, 

Trimble, W.H., major of Nineteenth 
U. S. Infantry, in Fort Erie, 
viii. 75; his account of the Brit- 
ish assault, 76, 77; wounded in 
sortie, 88. 

Tripoli, the war with, ii. 137, 426 et 
seq. ; Pacha of, 430; peace with, 
436 ; visited by Decatur in 1815, 
ix. 105. 

Tristan d'Acunha, scene of "Hor- 
net's" battle with "Penguin," ix. 

Troup, George Mcintosh, member of 
Congress from Georgia, favors 
army, iv. 213; opposes war, 377; 
opposes Macon's bill, v. 185; on 
maintaining the army, 202; on ad- 

mission of West Florida, 324 ; his 
war-speech, vi. 144, 145; votes for 
frigates, 164; his report on the 
defences of Washington, vii. 57; 
his bill for filling the ranks of 
the regular array, 381, 382-384; 
declares that no efficacious military 
measure could pass the House, 266, 
267, 268; denounces Giles's bill, 
273 ; his conference report rejected, 
280 ; his bill for a peace establish- 
ment, ix. 84. 

"True-Blooded Yankee,'' privateer, 
in British waters, vii. 332. 

Trumbull, John, i. 101 ; ix. 213. 

Trumbull, Jonathan, governor of 
Connecticut, refuses to take part 
in carrying out the Enforcement 
Act, iv. 417, 455; calls the legis- 
lature to " interpose," 418. 

Truxton, Commodore, sounded by 
Burr, iii. 239. 

Tuckaubatchee, Creek town on the 
Tallapoosa, council at, vii. 220; 
Tecumthe's speech at, 221 ; councils 
at, 224, 225 ; chiefs escape from, 

Tucker, , British colonel of 

Forty-First Regiment, repulsed at 
Black Rock, viii. 69. 

Tucker, Henry St. George, member 
of Congress from Virginia, ix. 

Tudor, William, ix. 202, 207, 208. 

Tupper, Edward W., brigadier-gen- 
eral of Ohio militia, vii. 78. 

Turner, Charles, member of Congress 
from Massachusetts, assaulted in 
Plvmouth, vi. 400, 409. 

Turner, J. M. W., ix. 213, 216. 

Turnpikes, prejudice against, i. 64 
et seq. 

Turreau, Louis Marie, appointed min- 
ister to the United States by Napo- 
leon, ii. 268 ; his domestic quarrels, 
269 ; complains of the discredit of 
France, 271; embarrassments of. 



272; his description of Madison, 
S74 ; receives instructions from 
Talleyrand, 296, presented to Jef- 
ferson, 405; describes General Wil- 
kinson, 406; his course -with Madi- 
son in the Spanish business, lii. 81 ; 
his letter to Talleyrand on Ameri- 
can fwlicy and national character, 
84 ; his abruptness, 86 et seq. ; 
sends Talleyrand an account of 
Jefferson's conversation in Decem- 
ber, 1805, 124; his part in the 
Madison-Yrujo matter, 188; acts as 
Yrujo's ally, 194 ; demands an ex- 
planation from Madison about Mi- 
randa, 195; reports to Talleyrand 
Jefferson's system for an alliance 
of nations, 204; writes concerning 
Jefferson's character and position, 
205; writes to his government re- 
specting Burr's schemes, 226; his 
comments on the embargo and 
war, 396 ; writes to his government 
respecting English relations, 424 
et seq. ; embarrassed by the Berlin 
Decree, 427 ; reports an interview 
with Jefferson after the "Chesa- 
peake" affair, iv. 36; his letter 
describing the servile character of 
Americans, 140; alarmed by Jef- 
ferson's course in Rose's negotia- 
tion, 229 ; his letters to Champagny 
complaining of the embargo, etc., 
229 et seq., 297; his long conversa- 
tions with Madison and Jefferson 
respecting a French alliance, 308; 
hopes, in January, 1809, that Amer- 
ica will declare war, 396 ; his anger 
with the American government in 
the spring of 1809, v. 33-40; his 
report on the repeal of the em- 
bargo, 34; on the Non-importation 
Act, 35; on disunion, 36; on the 
Spanish colonies, 37; his advice 
on rupture with the United States, 
in June, 1809, 40; hR report of 
Gallatin's remarks oa renewal of 

intercourse with Great Britain, 74; 
his report of Robert Smith's re- 
marks on Jefferson's weakness and 
indiscretions, 84; his note of June 
14, 1809, remonstrating at the 
unfriendly conduct of the United 
States, 84; his recall ordered by 
Napoleon, 226; his successor ar- 
rives, 345, 346. 
Tuskegee Warrior, murders white 
families on the Ohio, vii. 224; is 
put to death, 225. 

Ukase, Imperial, of Dec. 19, 1810, 
V. 418, 419. 

Ulm, capitulation of, iii. 370. 

Union, used for nation in the lan- 
guage of the Constitution, ii. 85. 

Union, dissolution of, as viewed by 
southern republicans in 1798, i. 142; 
attempted in New England in 1804, 
ii. 160-191; proposed by Burr to 
the British government in 1804, 
395, 403; Burr's schemes of, iii. 
219-244; prophesied by Randolph, 
364; schemes for, renewed by New 
England in 1808, iv. 4024o7; a 
delicate topic, v. 14; a cause of re- 
pealing the embargo, 34; discussed 
by Turreau, 36; discussed in New 
England, vi. 403, 409; affected by 
the seizure of Florida, vii. 213 ; 
"increasing harmony throughout 
the," 365, 366; jealousies in the, 
402; Massachusetts federalists wish 
to resist the, viii. 4, 8-10, 13, 22; 
southern section of, suffers most 
by the war, 15 ; its duty of defence 
neglected, 222 ; practically dis- 
solved, 223 ; amount of sentiment 
for and against, in 1814, 229; dis- 
solution of, deprecated by Webster, 
275; dissolution of, encouraged and 
avowed in Congress, 277; sever- 
ance of, deprecated by Hartford 
Convention, 296; already dis- 



solved, 300, 301; alternative to 
dissolution of, 306; political effect 
of peace on, ix. 80, 92; difficul- 
ties of, overcome in 1816, 173, 194, 
219, 220; its distinctive character, 

Unitarians in New England, i. 89 ; 
ix. 133; in Harvard College, 176, 
177; churches in Boston, 178; 
opinions of, in Boston churches, 
179, 180 ; literary influence of, 205, 
207; optimism of, 239. 

United States, banking capital of, in 
1800, i. 26; credit and trade of, 
27 ; monetary valuation of, in 1800, 
and distribution of wealth, 40 ; pop- 
ular characteristics of the people 
of, in 1800, 41 et seq. ; standard of 
comfort, 42; population in 1810, 
v. 289; population of, in 1817, ix. 
154; growth of population and 
wealtli in, 172, 173; character of 
people, 219-242. 

"United States," 44-gun frigate, vi. 
363; tirst cruise of, in 1812, 366, 
375; .at Boston, 378; second crui'ie 
of, 381 ; captures the " Macedoni- 
an," 382, 383; blockaded at New 
London, vii, 278, 279, 287, 311. 

Universalists, ix. 133; growth of 
church, 183, 184; significance of 
movement, 239. 

University, Jefferson's recommenda- 
tion of a national, iii. 346, 347; iv. 
365; Madison's recommendation of, 
V. 319; recommended by Ma'tison 
in 1815, ix. 105; again in 1816, 

Upham, Timothy, lieutenant-colonel 
commanding the Eleventh U. S. 
Infantry at Chrvstler's Farm, vii. 

Urquijo, Don Mariano Luis de, i. 355, 

365, 368. 
Uti possidetis, claimed by England 
at Ghent, ix. 9, 17, 34; exceeded 
by British demands, 21; opposed 

to status ante bellum, 33, 34; n« 
jected, 37; abandoned, 41, 42. 
Utica in 1800, i. 3. 

Van Buren, Martin, his support 
of De Witt Clinton, vi. 409, 413; 
special judge advocate in Hull's 
trial, vii. 417; prevents Crawford's 
nomination to the Presidency, ix. 

Vanderbilt, Cornelius, i. 28. 

Vandeul, M. de, French charg^ at 
Madrid, confers with Godoy re- 
specting the cession of West Flor- 
ida, V. 380 ; rebuked by Talleyrand 
at Napoleon's order, 384. 

Van Ness, William P., i.l09; author 
of pamphlet by " Aristides," iL 
73, 171; carries Burr's demand to 
Hamilton, 186. 

Van Rensselaer, Solomon, colonel of 
New York militia, commands at- 
tack on Queenston, vi. 348. 

Van Rensselaer, Stephen, major-gen- 
eral of New York militia, ordered 
to take command at Niagara, vi. 
321 ; forwards letter to Hull, 324; 
his force, Aug. 19, 1812, 341 ; his 
alarming position, 342, 343 ; his 
force, Sept. 15, 344; expected to 
invade Canada with six thousand 
men, 345; his attack on Queenston, 
346, 347-353 ; retires from com- 
mand, 353; Monroe's opinion of, 
396 ; Jefferson's comment on, 398. 

Varnum, Joseph B., member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts, ii. 123 ; 
candidate for Speaker of the Ninth 
Congress, iii. 128; chosen Speaker 
of the Tenth Congress, iv. 153; 
re-elected Speaker in the Eleventh 
Congress, v. 76; his rulings on the 
previous question, 353 ; elected 
senator, vi. 116 ; defeated can- 
didate for governor, vii. 50; his 
speech on Giles's bill for drafting 



eighty thousand militia, viii. 269- 
270 ; votes against Giles's bill, 
273; votes against internal im- 
provements, ix. 150. 
Vermilion River, Indian boundary, 

vi. 97, 98. 
Vermont, militia recalled from na- 
tional service, vii. 366; furnishes 
supplies to British army, vii. 146 ; 
viii. 93; militia not called out to 
defend Plattsburg, 222 , refuses to 
attend the Hartford Convention, 
227; chooses federalist Congress- 
men, 228; prosperous, ix. 160. 
"Vesuvius," steamboat on the Mis- 
sissippi, ix. 172. 
Vice-Presidency, change in mode of 

election for, ii. 132-134. 
Victor, Marshal, to command French 

forces in Louisiana, ii. 5. 
Vienna, Napoleon's draft for a decree 
of, V. 143, 144, 150, 152 , Congress 
of, ix. 24, 36. 
Viller^ plantation, at New Orleans, 
seized by British advance, viii. 
337, 339. 
Vimieiro, battle of, iv. 315, 340. 
Vincennes, territorial capital of Indi- 
ana, vi. 68, 71, 79 ; the Shawnee 
prophet's talk at, 80; Tecumthe's 
talks at, 85, 91; citizens' meeting 
at, 92; Indian deputation at, 108; 
panic at, 110. 
Vincent, Colonel, his account of 

Toussaint, i. 382. 
Vincent, John, British brigadier-gen- 
eral, evacuates Fort George, vii. 
157 ; attacks at Stony Creek, 159, 
160; recaptures Fort George, 202. 
Virginia in 1800, i. 32; farming in, 
33, 131 et seq. ; horse-racing, 51 ; 
Washingtori's views on the value 
of land m, 135; Church and State 
in. 136; adoption of the Constitu- 
tion by, 139 ; Resolutions, 140 et 
seq. ; law to prevent extradition, 
ii. 334, 345, 398; Madison'f posi- 

tion in, ii. 217; iii. 120; iv. 226; 
hostility of, to cities and fortifica- 
tions, iii. 352; opposed to Penn- 
sylvania on the slave-trade bill, 
356-369 ; effect of embargo on, iv. 
265, 281; creates manufactures in 
New England, v. 19, 20; apathy 
of, toward the war, vi. 413, 414^ 
exports of, affected by the blockade, 
vii. 264, 265; operations of war on 
the shores of, 265-277; militia, 
mortality of, viii. 219; her relative 
rank and obligations, 233; money 
furnished by, 234; men furnished 
by, 235 ; soldiers and sailors of, 236, 
237; arrears of internal taxes in, 
256; creates a State army, 283; 
effect of peace on, ix. 60, 61; con- 
gressional election in 1815, 93; in- 
crease of population, 1800-1816, 
155; increase of wealth, 161-167; 
legislative reports on roads and 
banks, 165, 166; judicial decision 
of, in case of Martin against Hun- 
ter's lessee, 190-192; resolutions of 
1798 obsolete m 1817, 194. 

Virginians, i. 133 et seq. ; middle 
and lower classes of, 137; agricul- 
ture their resource, 138. 

" Vixen," sloop-of-war, captured, vi. 
386; vii 312, 313. 

Volney describes the American hab- 
its of diet, i. 44. 

Voltaire, i. 161. 

Wabash, valley of, vi. 67, 68, 75, 77 ; 
Harrison's land purchase in, 83; 
war imminent in, 85. 

Wadsworth, Decius, colonel commis- 
sary general of ordnance, detailed 
to erect fortifications at Bladens- 
burg, viii. 132, 141; refuses to obey 
Monroe's orders, 158, 159. 

Wadsworth, William, brigadier-gen- 
eral of New York militia, vi. 351; 
surrenders at Queenston, 352. 



Wagner, Jacob, chief clerk of the 
State Department,]. 236; ii. 267; 
editor of the " Federal Republi- 
can," vi. 406, 407. 

Walbach, John B., adjutant-general 
to Wilkinson at Chrjstler's Farm, 
vii. 189. 

Wales, Prince of (see George, 
Prince of Wales). 

Wales, R. W., captain of British 
sloop-of-war "Epervier," his re- 
port of action with the " Peacock," 
viii. 182, 183. 

Walpole, Lord, British ambassador 
at St. Petersburg, his remarks on 
Roumanzoff, vii. 351. 

War, Jefferson's recommendation of 
a fund for, iii. 3; cost of, 1812- 
1815, ix. 90, 91. 

War with England, declared by 
Monroe to be nearly decided in 
November, 1811, vi. 130; recom- 
mended by House Committee of 
Foreign Relations, Nov. 29, 1811, 
133-136; its objects explained by 
Peter B. Porter, 136; its probable 
effects discussed by Felix Grundy, 
138, 141 ; Grundy's account of its 
causes, 139, 140; Macon's view of 
its object, 145; Monroe's remarks 
on, 190; Madison's message re- 
commending, 221-226; expediency 
of, 223 ; Calhoun's report on causes, 
226 ; Calhoun's bill for, adopted by 
the House, 228 ; by the Senate, 228, 
229 ; and signed by the President, 
229; criticisms on the conduct of, 
392-399; opposition to, 398-403; 
apathy toward, 414; only attain- 
able object of, 418 ; reasons of 
continuance, 430-432. 

War Department (see Dearborn, 
Eustis, Armstrong, Monroe, Dal- 

War Power, ii. 100, 101, 105, 106, 
108, 113; over the militia, vi. 159- 

"War in Disguise," pamphlet by 
James Stephen, iii. 50. 

Ward, Artemas, member of Con- 
gress from (Boston) Massachu- 
setts, on defence of the Union, viii. 

Ward, Robert Plumer, vi. 279. 

Ware, Henry, appointed Professor of 
Theology at Harvard College, i. 
311; his Unitarianism, ix. 176, 182, 

Ware, Henry, the younger, ix. 206. 

Ware, William, ix. 206. 

Warren, John, iv. 411. 

Warren, Admiral Sir John Borlase, 
his authority to suspend hostilities, 
vii. 4, ix. 33; his blockade of May 
26, 1813, vii. 262; his operations ia 
Chesapeake Bay, 265-277 ; his re- 
marks on Broke's victory, 302. 

Warren, Dr. J. C, his description of 
Boston customs in 1800, i. 91; pr»- 
fessor of anatomy at Harvard Col- 
lege, ix. 206. 

Warrington, Lewis, commander in 
U. S. Navy, commands ''Pea- 
cock," viii. 181; captures "Eper- 
vier," 182, 184; sails from New 
York, ix. 63; fires into "Nau- 
tilus," 73. 

"Warrior," privateer brig, her es- 
cape, vii. 326. 

Warton, agent of Burr, iii. 238. 

Washington city in 1800, i. 30; ex- 
pense of living in, iv. 209 ; F. J. 
Jackson's impressions of, v. 116- 
119; threatened by British fleet in 
July, 1813, vii. 55, 277; fears for 
safet}' of, 56; declared to be ade- 
quately defended, 57; neglect of its 
defences, viii. 120; military district 
created to protect, 122; result of 
measures of defence, 123; British 
reasons for attacking, 121, 127, 130; 
measures of defence taken after 
August 18, 131, 132; Winder re- 
treats to, 135, 130 ; natural defences 



of, 138; capture and burning of, 
145-148 ; ix. '21; conduct of citizens 
of, viii. 158, 159, 160; militia system 
tested at, 218; report of investigat- 
ing committee on capture of, 277; 
Ross's treatment of, approved by 
his government, 314, 315; defence 
of, compared witli that of New Or- 
leans, 340-342; news of capture 
received at Ghent, ix. 31 42; Lord 
Liverpool on capture of, 38; news 
from New Orleans and Ghent re- 
ceived at, 57, 58; banks share m 
loan of 1815, 102; public buildinga 
rebuilt, 142, 143. 

Washington, (or Warburton) Fort 
(see Fort Washington). 

Washington, President, opinion of 
American farming-lands, i. 35; his 
support of a national bank, 65, on 
emancipation in Pennsylvania and 
its effects, 135; establishes the pre- 
cedent of addressing Congress in a 
speech, 247; his personal author- 
ity, 262, 320; denounced by 
Thomas Paine, 328; expenditures 
of his administration, v. 200, Jef 
ferson's estimate of, viii. 232. 

"Wasp," sloop-of-war, vi. 364, 378; 
her action with the '" Frolic," 37'J, 
380; vii. 310, 312. 

" Wasp," new American 22-guii 
8l')op-of-war built in 1813, viii. 
184, 237; in the British Channel in 
June, 1814, 185 ; captures the 
"Reindeer," 186, 187; sinks the 
"Avon," 188-192; lost, 193; gun- 
nery of, ix. 230. 

Water communication in 1800, i. 8. 

Waterhouse, Dr., i 93. 

Waterloo, ix. 56. 

Watmough, Joiin G-, lieutenant of 
artillery, in Fort Erie, viii. 76. 

Watson, W. H., first lieutenant of 
the "Argus," vii. 306, 308 

Watt, first lieutenant of the "Shan- 
non," killed, vii. 296. 

Wayne, Fort, vi. 294. 

Wea Indians, vi. 71, 75, 87. 

WeatherforJ, William, Creek half- 
breed, vii. 229, 244, 257. 

Webster, Daniel, his Rockingham 
Resolutions, vi. 403 ; member of 
Congress from Massachusetts, vii. 
53; his resolutions on the repeal of 
French decrees, 55, 58; his speech 
on repealing the restrictive sj'stem, 
375, 376, 377; his speech on a de- 
fensive war, 382, 383; his speech 
on Dallas's bank scheme, viii. 258; 
his bank scheme adopted by Con- 
press, 259, 260; deprecates disun- 
ion, 275; defeats conscription, 279; 
in the Fourteenth Congress, ix. 
107, 108, 110; opposes protective 
duties, 115; opposes bank, 117, 
118 ; favors Compensation Act, 120 ; 
his report on repeal of the Compen- 
sation Act, 144 ; becomes resident 
of Boston, 206; a type, 216. 

Webster, Noah, i. 62, 105; presides 
at Amiierst town-meeting, viii. 5. 

Weld, Rev. Abijah, of Attleborough, 
i. 21. 

Weld, Isaac, Jr., an English travel- 
ler describes condition of inns in 
America, i. 46, 52 ; describes 
Princeton College, 129 ; describes 
William and Mary College, 136; 
at Wilmington, 182. 

Wellesley, Marquess, his character, 
v. 264, 265, 269; appointed ambas- 
sador to the fcjupreme Junta, 267; 
becomes Foreign Secretar}-, 268 ; 
his friendship with Pinkney, 270, 
275; his promises, 271; his note 
on Jackson, 272; his remark on 
American hatred, 273 ; his procras- 
tination, 277-280,285; his contempt 
for his colleagues, 281, 282 ; re- 
solves to retire, 285; his reply to 
Cliampagny's letter of August 5, 
286; hopes for a Whig ministry in 
November, 1811, vi. 4; his contro- 



versy with Pinkney over the 
French decrees and the law of 
blockade, 5, 6, 9 ; abandons hope 
of a Whig ministrj', 14; rejects 
Pinkney's demands, 14, 15, 18; 
appoints a minister to Washington, 
16; his instructions of April 10, 

1811, to the new minister (see 
Foster), 22, 23 ; criticises his 
colleagues for apathy toward 
America, 24; his instructions to 
Foster of Jan. 28, 1812, 191, 192; 
settles the "Chesapeake" affair, 
121, 122, 270; urges bis colleagues 
to choose a course, 267, 268; re- 
signs from the Cabinet, Jan. 16, 

1812, 271; on the American gov- 
ernment, vii. 10. 

Wellesley, Sir Arthur, Duke of Wel- 
lington, wins the battle of Vimieiro 
iv. 315; in India, v. 266; fights the 
battle of Talavera, 106; made a 
viscount, 264; general-in-chief, 
267; retreats into Portugal, 268; 
fails in siege of Burgos, vii. 4, 9 ; 
invades France, 356; his remarks 
on Prevost's retreat from Platts- 
burg, viii. 113; his remarks on his 
troops sent to America, 113, 354; 
ix. 41 ; brother-in-law of Paken- 
ham, viii. 353; on the negotiations 
at Ghent, ix. 40-42. 

Wellesley, Henry, v. 264 ; envoy in 
Spain, 268; on Perceval's commer- 
cial policy, 283, 284. 

Wells, Samuel, colonel of Seven- 
teenth U. S. Infantry, vii. 89, 90- 
92, 95, 110. 

Wells town-meeting in January, 
1809, vi. 414. 

West, Benjamin, i. 127. 

West liidian Report, ii. 68. 

West Indian trade, English poHcj- 
toward, ii. 318; value of, to Eng- 
land, 331, 413, 415. 

West Point Military Academy estab- 
lished, i. 301; school at, v. 319; 

value of, in the war, ix. 235, 

" Western World," the. iii. 273. 

Westmoreland, Earl of. Lord Privy 
Seal, i. 282; his opinion on Spen- 
cer Perceval's proposed Order in 
Council, iv. 89. 

Wewocau, Little Warrior of (see 
Little Warrior). 

\Mieat, value of export of, in 1815, 
ix. 94, 95. 

Whiskey-tax, rejected, ii. 167. 

Whitbread, Samuel, member of Par- 
liament, i. 50; ii. 270; on the 
American war, vii. 11, 21, 24. 

Whitby, Captain, of the "Leander," 
iii. 199. 

White House, at Washington, burned 
by Ross, viii. 145. 146, 230, 231; 
rebuUt, ix. 143. 

White, Samuel, senator from Del- 
aware, iv. 146. 

Whitney, Eli, i. 181. 

Whittemore, Asa, i. 182. 

Whitworth, Lord, British minister at 
Paris, Napoleon's announcement 
to, ii. 19. 

Wickhara, John, Burr's counsel, iii. 
444; his opening speech in the 
Burr trial, 465. 

Widgery, William, member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts, vi. 400. 

Wilberforce, William, member of 
Parliament, vi. 273, 280. 

Wilde, Richard Henry, member of 
Congress from Georgia, on the de- 
cline of the House of Representa- 
tives, ix. 146. 

Wilkinson, James, brigadier-gen- 
eral and governor of the Louisiana 
Territory, ii. 220; portrayed by 
Turreau, 406 ; his relations with 
Burr, 408; holds civil and militar}' 
powers, iii. 176; his militarj' force 
in 1806, 299; sends Lieutenant 
Pike to tind the sources of the 
Mississippi, 213, and to New Mex- 



ico, 214; Burr's friend, 219 et seq. ; 
joins Burr at Fort Massac, 222, 
author of Burr's projects against 
Mexico, 223, 234; discouraged, 
227; opposed to attaclting Spanishi 
territory, 249; receives ciplier 
despatch from Burr, 253; in com- 
munication with the Spanish au- 
thorities, 262, 263 ; Governor 
Miro's agent, 269 ; denounced bj- 
Daveiss as a Spanish pensioner, 
270; at New Orleans, 297; Laus- 
sat's opinion of, 298; ordered to 
Natchitoches, 310 ; receives Burr's 
letter at Natchitoches, and com- 
municates its contents to Colonel 
Gushing, 312 et seq. ; writes to 
Jefferson, 314 ; writes again to the 
President, 315 , takes command in 
New Orleans, 317 ; tells Bollman 
his intention to oppose Burr's 
schemes, 318; demands of Clai- 
borne the supreme command, 318; 
establishes a degree of martial law 
in New Orleans, 319 ; his letter to 
Clark, 321; his acts, 323; de- 
spatches including his version of 
Burr's cipher received b^' Jeffer- 
son, 336; assailed by Randolph 
and the Federalists, 341; in the re- 
ceipt of a pension from the King 
of Spain, 342; arrives at the Burr 
trial, 454; deserted by Clark, 454 ; 
accused by Major Bruff, 454; sup- 
ported by Jefferson, 456; escapes 
indictment for treason, 457; Ran- 
dolph brings charges against, iv. 
208; his movements, v. 37; Galla- 
tin's remarks on his character, 38 ; 
military court of inquiry on, 169 ; 
his influence on the army, 169; 
ordered to New Orleans, 170 ; his 
encampment at Terre aux Boeufs, 
171-175; summoned to Washing- 
ton for investigation, 175; senior 
brigadier, vi. 291 ; appointed major- 
general, Feb. 27, 1813, vii. 37; 

ordered from New Orleans to 
Sackett's Harbor, March 10, 1813, 

172, 215; causes of his transfer, 

173, 216; arrives at Washington, 
July 31, 174; takes command of 
military district No. 9, 175, 176; 
his plan of campaign, 177, 178; 
goes to Niagara, 179; returns to 
Sackett's Harbor, October 2, 179; 
his relations with Armstrong, 180- 
182; his expedition down the St. 
Lawrence, 184-191; goes into win-, 
ter quarters at French Mills, 199 ; 
throws blame on Armstrong and 
Hampton, 199; advises evacuation 
of Fort George, 201; his adminis- 
tration at New Orleans, 214; seizes 
Mobile, 215; viii. 322; on Arm- 
strong, vii. 406; court-martialed, 
407; on Jacob Brown, 408; at 
French Mills, viii. 24; demands a 
court martial, 25; attacks Lacolle 
Mill, 25, 26; relieved and court- 
martialed, 26, 27. 

William and Mary, college of, i. 

Williams, A. J., captain of artillery 
in Hindman's battalion, viii. 37; 
in Fort Erie, 71; killed, 76. 

Williams, David R., member of Con- 
gress from South Carolina, iii. 
358 ; iv. 213 ; his argument in fa- 
vor of the embargo, 266, 378; 
declares that the embargo is tlie 
wish of the South, 421, 426; on 
the repeal of the embargo, 436, 
439, 448, 450, 451 ; not a member 
of the Eleventh Congress, v. 76; 
in the Twelfth Congress, vi. 122; 
chairman of military committee, 
124, 435. 

Williams, John, colonel of Thirty- 
Ninth U. S. Infantry, ordered to 
join Jackson, vii. 245, 251; arrives 
at Fort Strother, 252. 

WiUiams, Samuel, iv. 167 ; Picker- 
ing gives Rose a letter to, 235. 



Williams, Timothy, iv. 117. 

Williamson, Colonel, Burr's agent, 
iii. 219, 229, 234, 238. 

Wilna, in Poland, Barlow's journey 
to, vi. 263, 264. 

Wilson, Alexamder, describes New 
England in 1808, 5. 19; on Nortli 
Carolina, 36, 57, 124. 

Wilson, Judge, i. 127. 

Winchester, James, brigadier-gen- 
eral, vi. 291 ; yields command to 
Harrison, vii. 75; commands left 
division at Fort Defiance, 77, 78, 
79 ; hardships of his men, 80 ; 
by Harrison's orders moves to 
the Maumee Rapids, 84, 86 ; his 
force, 87; sends detachment to 
Frenchtown, 88; follows to French- 
town, 90 ; his account of the posi- 
tion, 91, 92; defeated and cap- 
tured, 96: effect of his defeat on 
the Creek Indians, 223, 226, 
227; commands at Mobile, 383, 

Winder, Levin, governor of Mary- 
land in 1814, viii. 122, 168. 

Winder, William H., colonel of Four- 
teenth Infantry, vi. 357, 359; brig- 
adier-general, vii. 156; takes part 
in capture of Fort George, 157; ad- 
vances to Stony Creek, 159 ; cap- 
tured, 160; appointed to command 
new military district at Washing- 
ton, viii. 122; his ph}'sical activity, 
123, 131, 132: takes command of 
forces at the Woodyard, 133; re- 
treats to the Old Fields,134 ; retreats 
to the navy-yard, 135,136; his letter 
to the Secretarj' of War, August 
24, 137; his supposed motives for 
occupying the navy-yard, 135- 
138; starts for Bladensburg. 139; 
rides about the field, 140; retreats 
to the capitol, 142; retreats to 
Georgetown. 153, 156; retreats to 
Rockville, 154; his fear of respon- 
eibility, 154, 155, goes to Balti- 

more, 156; yields command to 
Samuel Smith, 167; his measures 
compared with Jackson's, 340- 

Windham, County of, in Vermont, 
sends delegate to the Hartford 
Convention, viii. 293. 

Wirt, William, counsel for govern- 
ment, iii. 445 ; his eloquence in 
Burr's trial, 465; his opinion of 
Chief-Justice Marshall, 469; his 
description of Madison in October, 
1814, viii. 230, 231. 

Wistar, Dr. Caspar, i. 127. 

Wolcott, Alexander, v. 359, 360. 

Wolcott, Oliver, iii. 199 ; republican 
candidate for governor of Connecti- 
cut, ix. 133. 

Wood, Eleazar Derby, major of en- 
gineers, constructs Fort Meigs, vii. 
93, 99, 104; ix. 235; his comments 
on the affair at the River Raisin, 
vii. 93; with Brown on the Niagara, 
viii. 47; directs entrenchments at 
Fort Erie, 67; takes command of 
Twenty-first Infantry, 74; leads 
sortie from Fort Erie, 87; killed, 
88, 89. 

Wood, John, his career, iii. 272; 
made editor of the " Western 
World " bv Marshall and Daveiss, 

Wood\'ard, the. Winder's army 
camps at, viii. 134. 

Wool, .John E., captain of Thirteenth 
Infantry, gains Queenston Heights, 
vi. 349, 350. 

Woollen manufactures, v. 17 ; de- 
pressed by the peace, ix. 96; 
fabrics in the tariflT of 1816, ix. 
Ill, 11.3, 114. 

Worcester, Dr. Samuel, his reply to 
Ch:inning, ix. 180, 181. 

Wordsworth, William, i. 94; his lines 
on America, 169, 172. 

Workman, Judge, iii. 303, 319. 

Wright, Robert, member of Congresa 



from Marj'land, his motiou on im- 
pressments, V. 351, 352; opposes 
Gallatin's taxes, vi. Iti? ; his 
threats against opposition, 213; on 
the payment of taxes in sus- 
pended bank paper, viii. 256. 
Wythe, George, i, 133. 

X. Y. Z. affair, i. 355, 358, 359. 

Yale College, i. 106; remains or- 
thodox, ix. 186. 

Yarnall, John J., lieutenant in U. 
S. navy. Perry's first officer on 
the "Lawreuce," vii. 123; his com- 
ment on Elliott, 125. 

Yazoo Act, i. 304. 

Yazoo bill, passage of, vii. 401, 402; 
Marshall's decision on claims, ix. 
189, 190. 

Yazoo Compromise, ii. 219; Madi- 
son's measure, 211; vott upon, 
217 ; the test of parties, iii. 119, 
350; bill for settling rejected, 

Yeo, Sir James Lucas, British com- 
modore on Lake Ontario, vii. IGO; 
his attack on Sackett's Harbor, 
164, 169; reinforces Kingston, 180, 
181; captures "Vixen," 313; at- 
tacks Oswego, 29, 30; brings 
charges against Prevost, 112. 

York, or Toronto, capital of Upper 
Canada, vi. 316 ; captured by 
Dearborn, vii. 152, 154, 155; pub- 
lic buildings burned, 155. 

York, Duke of, v. 57, 58, 105. 

"Yorktown," privateer, captured, 

vii. 329. 

"Young Wasp," privateer, viii. 196. 

Yrujo, Don Carlos Martinez, Spanish 
minister at Washington, his inti- 
mate relations with Jefferson, i. 
425 ; writes to Morales with respect 
to the right of deposit, 427; an- 
nounces the restoration of the right 
of deposit, ii. 3; protests agamst 
the sale of Louisiana, 92, 252 et 
seq. ; his anger, 258, 389; obtains 
from American lawyers an opin- 
ion, 259; attacks Madison, §60; 
his affair with Jackson, 265; visits 
Jefferson at Monticello, 266; pub- 
lishes counter statement as to 
his affair with Jackson, 268; rela- 
tions of, with White House, 362; 
indiscretion, 368; at the White 
House, 369 ; concerts reprisals with 
Merry, 373; to be sent away, iii. 
73, 74, 79 ; criticises Jefferson's 
message, 184; arrives in Washing- 
ton, 185; receives a letter from 
Madison asking for his withdrawal, 
186 ; his reply and subsequent con- 
duct, 187 etseq. ; his remonstrances 
about Miranda, 194, named min- 
ister to Milan, 196; attacks Madi- 
son in the press, 209; receives a 
secret visit from Dayton, 233; his 
report to his government respect- 
ing Burr's proposal, 236 et seq. ; 
writes to Cevallos of Burr's com- 
munications, 247, notifies his gov- 
ernment of Burr's intentions, 261 ; 
Burr's message to him, 264 et seq. ; 
letter on Wilkinson, 34^. 

VOL. IX. 24 


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