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Full text of "History of Utah, comprising preliminary chapters on the previous history of her founders accounts of early Spanish and American explorations in the Rocky Mountain region, the advent of the Mormon pioneers, the establishment and dissolution of the provisional government of the state of Deseret, and the subsequent creation and development of the territory"

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lusf reded. 

"The address of history is less to the understanding than to the higher emotions. We learn :. 
sympathize with what is great and good ; we learn to hate what is base. In the anomalies of fortune w 
feel the mystery of our mortal existence; and in the companionship of the illustrious nature* who hr 
shaped the fortunes of the world, we escape from the littlenesses which cling to the round of < 
life, and our minds are tuned in a higher and nobler key." FKOUDR. 



APRIL, 1893. 


u. o. 




than a year ago the author finished writing the first volume 
of this history, and it was soon after presented to the public. 
The favor with which it was received by all classes warrants the 
belief that the second volume, which is now sent forth, will meet 
with like approval. All that is hoped or desired in the premises is 
that whatever of merit the work contains will be recognized, and 
that the minds of readers and critics will be unbiased, either by 
friendship or enmity. 

Beginning with the advent into the Territory of the electric 
telegraph, which event, with the subsequent arrival of the railway, 
marked the dawn of a new era for the Rocky Mountain region, the 
book closes with what might be deemed the sunset of an era, the 
death of Brigham Young, Utah's pioneer and founder. The railway 
and the telegraph remained, and the work begun in these parts under 
the influence of those powerful agents of civilization was not destined 
to pass away with the mortal part of the foremost figure in Mormon- 
dom. Yet so mighty was the impress made by that great man upon 
the age in which he lived, that his decease could not fail to point a 
period in the history of a community in which he towered pre- 
eminent, as a mountain towers above hills and plains. All the 
important local events occurring between the years 1862 and 1877 
are treated in this volume. Respecting one of those events the 
building of the railway I may be pardoned for inserting here 
the following correspondence: 

Bishop 0. F. Whitney, Salt Lake City, 

DEAR SIR: I take pleasure in enclosing herewith a letter from our general passenger 
agent, in which he advises of the delivery to Mr. Thomas L. Kimball several sheets of the 
second volume of the History of Utah, wherein mention is made of the Union IVilir. 

I am very glad to know that Mr. Kimball thinks so much of the work as far as it has 
come to his notice, for, as stated by Mr. Lomax, I do not know that there is a better living 
authority on the matter than Mr. Kimball. Yours truly, 

D. E. BURLEY, Gen. Agent. 

SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, July 15th, 1892. 


Mr. D. E. Burley, G. A. U. P. System, Salt Lake City, Utah, 

DEAR SIR : I have received the two sheets of the History of Utah wherein the Union 
Pacific road is prominently mentioned. I submitted the same to Mr. Thomas L. Kim- 
ball, who is the best living authority on Union Pacific matters, and Mr. Kimball tells me 
he is greatly pleased with the history ; that it is about the best one he has ever read, cov- 
ering all the points connected with the conception and completion of the road, and that 
the work has his cordial commendation. The facts and statistics, as far as Mr. Kimball's 

knowledge extends, are correctly stated. 

OMAHA, NEB., July 13th, 1892. 

Apropos of the railway subject, the author takes pleasure in 
acknowledging the prompt courtesy touching matters of data and 
transportation, of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific companies, 
"which two did build" the great trans-continental highway. He was 
thereby enabled to prepare, with more facility and thoroughness than 
he could otherwise have done, the condensed narrative of the incep- 
tion and construction of -the Pacific Railway, commented on in the 
foregoing correspondence. From Mr. J. H. Bennett, General Passen- 
ger Agent of the Rio Grande Western, Messrs. McGregor and 
Mclntosh, of the Utah Central, and Superintendent W. P. Read, of 
the Salt Lake City Railroad, similar courtesies have been received. 
The construction of these and other railway lines will form interest- 
ing themes in the future pages of this work. 

The greater expedition manifested in the preparation of the 
present over the preceding volume, is partly due to the fact that the 
writer, being almost entirely free from the cares pertaining to the 
business branch of the enterprise which was not so before was 
enabled to concentrate time and energy upon the literary labor and 
push it forward more rapidly. The shortness of the period herein 
covered, as compared with the previous one, is also a cogent reason 
in this connection. Moreover, in order to expedite the work, and thus 
enable the publishers to keep their engagements with a host of sub- 
scribers, the author at their solicitation consented at first reluctantly, 
but afterwards, in view of all the circumstances, willingly to accept 
assistance during portions of the past twelve months from able pens 
employed for that purpose. The wielders of those pens were Messrs. 


John Q. Cannon and James H. Anderson, the former now editor-in- 
chief of the Deseret Evening News, and the latter also connected with 
the staff of that journal. Such credit as of right belongs to those 
gentlemen the undersigned cheerfully accords. Much the greater 
portion of this volume, and all but part of a chapter in Volume One, 
were the product of his pen alone, and what was not written by him 
was prepared under his direction, by him edited and revised, changed 
wherever he deemed advisable, fitted into his plan and adopted as 
his own. So much in justice to himself and to his assistants. 

As to aid of another character, I am indebted, as before, to 
President Wilford Woodruff and Council, for advice and encourage- 
ment, and to the Church Historian, Apostle Franklin D. Richards, 
his assistant, John Jaques, General Robert T. Rurton and A. Milton 
Musser, Esq., for intelligent discussion and patient deliberation over 
the contents of the volume prior to its publication. For favorable 
notices of the former book, the author takes this opportunity of 
thanking the Deseret News, the Salt Lake Herald, the Salt Lake 
Tribune, the Ogden Standard, the Territorial Enquirer, and the press 
of Utah generally. 

The third volume, which will be immediately begun, will take 
up the thread of local history where this book lays it down, and 
unless the record of the ensuing sixteen or seventeen years proves 
too voluminous for treatment in a single tome, will bring the general 
narrative up to what will then be termed the present time. Follow- 
ing that, another volume will contain histories of counties, institu- 
tions, professions, etc., with biographies of prominent citizens. 
Therein the author hopes, by entering more into details, which 
cannot be done in a general record of men and events to gratify 
the wishes of those who, passing hasty judgment upon half finished 
work, are apt to imagine themselves and their affairs slighted if 
full and foremost mention be not given them. 



January, 1893. 



UTAH'S New Era Another Change of Boundary Lines The Counties of * 
the Territory After the Creation of Nevada Cache, Beaver, Wash- 
ington and Wasatch Counties and Their Founders Utah's First 
Cotton Crop President Lincoln's Attitude Toward the Mormons 
Utah During the Civil War Apostle Taylor's Oration July 4th, 1861 
Advent of the Telegraph President Young Sends the First Message 
Over the Wires "Utah Has Not Seceded, but is Firm for the Con- 
stitution and Laws" President Lincoln's Congratulations Opening 
of the Salt Lake Theater . . 17 



Utah Again Asks for Statehood Governor Dawson and His Disgrace 
The State Convention Governor Young's Message William H. 
Hooper and George Q. Cannon Senators Elect to Congress Colonel 
Burton's Eastern Expedition President Lincoln Requests Governor 
Young to Protect the Overland Mail Route and Telegraph Line A 
Prompt Response Lot Smith's Indian Expedition The Morrisites. 36 


Another Failure to Obtain Statehood Congress Passes an Anti-Polygamy 
Act President Lincoln Signs it Governor Harding Arrives in-- 
Utah His Friendly Address to the People Colonel Connor and the 
California Volunteers Camp Douglas Founded The Battle of Bear 
River . 58 


Governor Harding's Change of Heart Aided by Judges Waite and 
Drake, He Seeks to Inspire More Anti-Mormon Legislation The 
Citizens Protest Against the Conduct of the Three Officials, and Ask 
President Lincoln to Remove Them Brigham Young Arrested for 
Polygamy Bitter Feeling Between Civilians and Soldiers Trial and 
Conviction of the Morrisites Governor Harding Pardons Them An 
Indignant Grand Jury Governor Harding Removed Chief Justice 
Kinney and Secretary Fuller Superseded James D. Doty the New 
Executive Judge Kinney Sent to Congress 



Opening of the Utah Mines General Connor Pioneers the Movement and 
Publishes it to the World The "Union Vedette" The Daily 
"Telegraph" Connor's Plan to Reconstruct Utah A Provost Guard 
Placed in Salt Lake City Bridging the Chasm Soldiers and Citi- 
zens Unite in Celebrating President Lincoln's Reinauguration An 
Era of Good Feeling President Lincoln's Assassination Fills all 
Utah with Gloom Funeral Rites in Honor of the Nation's Dead 105 


Schuyler Colfax in Utah His Reception at Salt Lake City Interviews 
With Brigham Young Opposite Opinions of Polygamy At the 
Theater and the Bowery The Colfax-Bowles View of the Mormon 
Question Death of Governor Doty Honor Shown to his Memory 
Hon. James M. Ashley Visits the Territory Julia Dean Hayne at 
the Salt Lake Theater Arrival of Governor Durkee. . . . 121 



The Brassfield Murder Mormon and Gentile Views of the Homicide 
General Hazen's Suggestion General Sherman's Telegram to Presi- 
dent Young The Mormon Leader's Reply General Babcock's Tour 
of Inspection His Report of the Situation The Murder of Dr. 
Robinson Bitter Feeling Between Mormons and Gentiles Non- 
Mormon Merchants Offer to Leave Utah on Certain Conditions 
President Young Declines the Proposition. ..... 142 


The Deseret Telegraph Line Brigham Young its Projector John C. 
Clowes and the Pioneer Operators Superintendent Musser and His 
Work The Utah Legislature Petitions Congress for the Repeal of 
the Anti-Polygamy Act Deseret Again Seeks Admission into the 
Union Senator Howard's Extirpation Bill The New York World 
on the Projected Crusade Against the Mormons Congress Denies 
Utah's Requests and Refuses to Pass the Howard Bill More Grass- 
hopper Raids Southern Utah Floods Completion of the Great 
Tabernacle at Salt Lake City The Muddy Mission Emigrational 
Matters Journalistic Affairs Death of Heber C. Kimball George 
A. Smith Succeeds Him in the First Presidency. .... 168 


The Black Hawk War Incidents of the Indian Campaigns Barney 
Ward Killed Massacre of the Given Family Colonel Irish Treats 
with the Friendly Tribes General Snow's Fights with the Hostiles 


The Attack on Fort Ephraim The Berry Family Killed Treachery 
and Death of the Chief Sanpitch Colonel Head Succeeds Colonel 
Irish as Indian Superintendent The United States Military Authori- 
ties Refuse to Aid the Settlers Against the Savages "The Militia 
Must Compel the Indians to Behave" The Territorial Troops Take 
the Field General Pace Encounters Black Hawk at Gravelly Ford 
The Indians Pursued into the Desert A Toilsome and Fruitless 
Chase The Thistle Valley Fight Attack on the Lee Ranch, Near 
Beavtr Heroic and Successful Resistance of the Besieged The 
Navajo Incursion Death of Major Vance and Sergeant Houtz More 
Fighting in Sanpete Status of the Militia and Cost of the War 
The Nation's Debt to the Territory Unpaid The Wade Bill End 
of the Black Hawk War ... .187 



The Great Pacific Railway How the Project Originated How the Road 
was Constructed Early Talk of a Transcontinental Highway The 
Mills Memorial Dr. Barlow's Suggestion Asa Whitney's Plan and 
Proposition Brigham Young and the North Platte Route The 
Benton Bill The Stansbury Survey The King Plan Utah's Rail- 
way Memorials to Congress Government Surveys California, Utah 
and Nebraska Agitate the Subject It Becomes a National Question 
Democrats and Republicans Both Favor It "A Military Neces- 
sity" Congress Takes Action and Passes the Pacific Railroad Bill 
The Union Pacific and Central Pacific Companies The Building of 
the Road Begun Its Progress East and West Toward the Great Salt 
Lake . .215 


The Railroad in Utah Competition Between the Rival Lines "Shall 
the Road Run North or South of the Lake?" Grand Mass Meeting 
at Salt Lake City, Inviting the Railroad to Come this Way Brigham 
Young Accepts a Contract to Help Build the Union Pacific Benson, 
Farr and West on the Central Pacific Other Utah Contractors- 
Arrival of the Iron Horse at Ogden The Driving of the Last Spike 
at Promontory. 



Rejoicings Over the Advent of the Railway The Celebration at Salt Lake 
City The Utah Central, the Pioneer Local Line, Constructed Cere- 
monies Attending Its Completion The Utah Southern Railroad and 
Its Extension The Utah Northern The City of Corinne The Utah 
and Nevada Railway The Development of the Mines Rich Dis- 



coveries in Little Cottonwood The Emma and the Flagstaff The 
Ophir District The First Shipments of Utah Ore The Pioneer 
Smelters and Reduction Works Rapid Growth of the Mining 
Industry Resulting from the Coming of the Railway. . . . 258 


Zion's Co-operative Mercantile Institution Its Inception and Progress 
Its Officers and Promoters Immense Business Results How it has 
Fulfilled its Mission Revival of the University of Deseret David O. 
Calder's Commercial School The Deseret Alphabet Dr. John R. 
Park the University's Principal Distinguished Visitors by Rail 
The United States Land Laws Extended over Utah Federal 
Officials/of the Territory Under the Grant-Colfax Regime The First 
Non-Mormon Churches in Utah. 27(5 


President Grant's Attitude Toward Utah The Persons Chiefly Respon- 
sible for His Unfriendliness to the Mormons Vice-President Colfax 
and Doctor Newman Senator Trumbull and the Chicago Commer- 
cial Party Colfax's Second Visit to Salt Lake City He Declines 
its Proffered Hospitality The Godbeite Movement The Taylor- 
Colfax Discussion. .......... 320 



The Utah Liberal Party Its Character and Antecedents A Little of its 
History Review of Local Politics McGrorty and His Contest for 
the Utah Delegateship The Mormon Tribune, Forerunner of the Salt 
Lake Tribune, Established The Salt Lake Herald Political Coalition 
of the Gentiles and Godbeites Birth of the Independent or Liberal 
Party The Salt Lake City Election of 1870 Daniel H. Wells and 
Henry W. Lawrence Candidates for the Mayoralty A Practical Joke 
by "The People" The Independents "Snowed Under" The 
Corinne Convention The Liberal Christening George R. Maxwell 
Runs for Congress Against William H. Hooper Another Liberal 

Defeat. '. .359 


The Cragin and Cullom Bills How Utah Viewed the Scheme for her 
Enslavement The Mormon Women Protest En Masse The Woman 
Suffrage Act The First Lady in Utah to Exercise the Elective 
Franchise Press Opinions on the Cullom Bill and Its Promoters 
Dr. Taggart and the "Assassination" Canard Hon. Thomas Fitch 
Attacks the Cullom Bill in Congress Delegate Hooper's Plea for 


Religious Liberty The Bill Passes the House More Mass Meet- 
ings in Utah The Mormon Remonstrance The Godbeites and Con- 
servative Gentiles Move for the Modification of the Measure Mr. 
Godbe's Mission to the National Capital The Cullom Bill Dies in 
the Senate. ........... 391 


The Pratt-Newman Discussion "Does the Bible Sanction Polygamy" 
Mormonism versus Methodism Preliminary Correspondence Between 
President Young and Doctor Newman The Great Debate in the 
Mormon Tabernacle Press Comments on the Event and its Result. 440 



Governor Shaffer's Administration His Inaugural Resolve "Never After 
me Shall it be said that Brigham Young is Governor of Utah"- 
The Shaffer-Kelsey Interview General Sheridan at Salt Lake City 
More Troops for Utah Camp Rawlins Established Governor 
Shaffer Forbids the Musters of the Militia His Lawless Course in 
Relation to Military Appointments Correspondence Between General 
Wells and Governor Shaffer The Governor's Lawlessness Bears 
Legitimate Fruit The Englebrecht Case Provo Raided from Camp 
Rawlins Governor Shaffer Blames General De Trobriand The Lat- 
ter's Caustic Reply Major Offley's Attempt to Assassinate Editor 
Sloan The First Mail Robbery in Utah General Sherman at the 
Mormon Capital Death of Governor Shaffer . . 487 


The Wooden Gun Rebellion A Portion of the Utah Militia Attempt to 
Test the Vitality of Governor Shaffer's Prohibitory Proclamation- 
Arrest of Lieutenant-Colonel Ottinger and Other Officers of the 
Third Regiment Their Detention at Camp Douglas The Charges 
Against Them Ignored by the Grand Jury Another Act of Despot- 
ism Acting-Governor Black Forbids the Militia to Bear Arms in 
Honor of the Nation's Birthday He Orders General De Trobriand 
to Fire Upon the Militia if .they Disobey The General's Indepen- 
dent Attitude: "My Troops Shall be in Readiness if Required, but 
You, not I, Must Give the Order to Fire" The Threatened Colli- 
sion Averted Mormon and Non-Mormon Celebrations of July 4th, 
1871 The August Election A Fatal Ratification Meeting The 
Liberal Coalition Party Dies by its Own Hand 



Chief Justice McKean His Character and Career Events of his Admin- 
istrationThe Bates Review Hon. Thomas Fitch on the Ch ief as- 


tice and His Satellites The Cases of Orr versus McAllister and 
Hempstead versus Snow The Territorial Officers Ruled Out The 
Probate Courts Curtailed Mormons Denied Citizenship Because of 
their Religious Belief The Englebrecht Trial The Jury Laws 
Set Aside A Packed Jury and its Verdict U. S. Attorney Hemp- 
stead Resigns Judge McKean Appoints R. N. Baskin in his 
Stead A Lack oi Funds Causes a Deadlock in the Federal Courts 
Judge McKean in Anger Dismisses the Grand and Petit Jurors 
The Press on the Utah Situation. . 541 



The Deadlock Broken Marshal Patrick and His Private Purse to the 
Rescue Judge McKean's Court Prepares to Resume Operations 
Marshal Patrick versus Warden Rockwood The Utah Penitentiary 
Passes into the Hands of the United States Marshal The Prisoner 
Kilfoyle The Case of Patrick versus Rockwood and McAllister 
Packing a Grand Jury Brigham Young and Other Leading Mor- 
mons Arrested Judge McKean's Remarkable Decision "Federal 
Authority versus Polygamic Theocracy" Lying by Lightning 
Editor Sawyer's Slanderous Dispatches to the New York Herald 
Senator Morton and "Grace Greenwood" at Salt Lake City Utah's 
Relief Offering to the Sufferers from the Chicago Fire "Ishmael's 
Brotherly Lift to Isaac" The Deseret Telegraph Line Reaches 
Pioche Isaac's Brotherly Lift to Ishmael ..... 573 


The Hawkins Case Judge McKean Decides that Polygamy is Adultery 
A Wife Permitted to Testify Against Her Husband Thomas Haw- 
kins Convicted and Sentenced Strictures of the American Press upon 
Judge McKean The Utah Bar Pen Portraits of "The Ring" Mayor 
Wells on Register Maxwell and the Local Land Question Leading 
Mormons Arrested, Charged With Murder "Bill" Hickman their 
Accuser His Motive for Implicating the Innocent in his Crimes 
William H. Kimball's Statement Mayor Wells Admitted to Bail 
President Young Takes His Annual Tour Through Southern Utah 
and is Falsely Accused of Fleeing from Justice Prosecuting 
Attorney Baskin Demands the Forfeiture of the Defendant's Bond 
Judge McKean Refuses to Allow the Forfeiture, but Sets the Day for 
the President's Trial Hon. Thomas Fitch Interviewed by the New 
York Herald on Utah Affairs A Rift in the Cloud Mr. Baskin . 
Superseded George C. Bates Appointed United States District 
Attorney for Utah . fill 





President Young Returns and Confounds his Enemies He Surrenders 
for Trial and Asks to be Admitted to Bail Judge McKean Refuses 
the Request The Mormon Leader a Prisoner in his Own House-- 
Marshal Patrick's Courtesy and Consideration The Cases Against 
President Young and Others Postponed The Second Investigation 
into the Dr. Robinson Murder Arrest of Alexander Burt, Brigham 
Y. Hampton and Others, Pending the Issue of the Investigation The 
Witnesses Baker and Butterwood A Desperate Attempt to Convict 
Innocent Men Nothing Proven Against the Accused, but the Anti- 
Mormon Grand Jury Indicts Them Baker a Self-Confessed Perjurer 
He goes to Prison for his Crime Judge McKean's Second Refusal 
to Admit President Young to Bail The Bates-McKean Contest at 
Washington The Englebrecht Decision All Indictments Quashed 
McKean's Humiliation Non-Mormon Refutation of Anti-Mormon 
Slanders 657 



The Constitutional Convention of 1872 A Proposition to Abandon Poly- 
gamy for Statehood Congress Asked to State Terms for Utah's 
Admission Visits of the Japanese Embassy The First Democratic 
and Republican Organizations in the Territory The Morse Memorial 
Meeting More Noted Visitors Indian Depredations The First 
Lady Lawyers in Utah The Palestine Party Mormon Tourists on 
the Mount of Olives Mormons Exploring in Arizona Camp 
Cameron Established A Military Episode at Salt Lake City The 
Jail Assaulted by Troops Anti-Mormon Opposition to Statehood 
Utah Again Refused Admission Into the Union. . 691 


The Gentile League of Utah Its Brief and Bootless Career The August 
Election of 1872 George Q. Cannon Elected Delegate to Congress 
A Change of Federal Officials William Carey, U. S. .District Attor- 
ney, and George R. Maxwell, U. S. Marshal for Utah Associate 
Justices Emerson and Boreman Governor Axtell Utah Again in 
Congress Sundry Measures Proposed President Grant's Special 
Message on Utah The Poland Law. ~ 22 


Mormon Patience and Patriotism Liberal Party Tactics Marshal Max- 
well Invokes "The Bayonet Law" to Control Utah Elections- 
Trouble at the Polls The Sandy Disturbance Riot at Salt Lake 
City Mayor Wells Assaulted The Police Charge the Mob Arrests 



and Counter-Arrests Tooele County Captured by the Liberals 
Governor Woods and Judge McKean Assist in the Fraud The 
Legislature Lays Bare the Shameful Facts. .".... 741 


The Ann Eliza Case Brigham Young's "Nineteenth Wife" Sues for 
Divorce and Alimony Judge McKean Gives her the Status of a 
Legal Wife and Issues an Order Granting Alimony Pendente Lite 
Failing to Comply with the Judge's Decision the Founder of Utah 
is Sent to the Penitentiary The Boomerang Returns Fall of Judge 
McKean Chief Justice Lowe Succeeds Him Further Facts in the 
Divorce Suit of Young versus Young The Case of Flint versus 
Clinton The Ricks Murder Trial The Reynolds Case President 
Grant's Visit to Utah. 756 



The Mountain Meadows Massacre Investigated Indictments Presented by 
the Grand Jury Colonel Dame and John D. Lee Arrested The 
Bates Contempt Case The Lee Trial Klingensmith, a Principal in 
the Massacre, Turns State's Evidence His Version of the Tragedy 
Twenty other Witnesses Examined The Jury Disagree Why the 
Trial Proved a Failure 781 



John D. Lee's Second Trial A Change in the Offices of U. S. District 
Attorney and Marshal Sumner Howard's Sensible Speech "I Have 
not Come to Try Brigham Young and the Mormon Church, but John 
D. Lee" The Facts Concerning the Mountain Meadows Massacre 
Detailed by Eye-Witnesses Affidavits of Presidents Brigham Young 
and George A. Smith Other Documentary Evidence Lee's Confes- 
sions He is Convicted of Murder in the First Degree Judge Bore- 
man's Unwarrantable Assault upon the Mormon Leaders Lee's 
Execution at Mountain Meadows ....... 803 



Last" Days and Labors of Brigham Young Woman's Place and Work in 
Mormondom The Relief Society The Retrenchment Association 
The Woman's Exponent The Young Men's and Young Ladies' 
Mutual Improvement Associations The Deseret Sunday School 
Union President Young Lays Down some of his Official Burdens 
He Resigns the Office of Trustee-in-Trust Five Counselors Chosen 
to Assist the First Presidency The United Order Death of Presi- 
dent George A. Smith The St. George Temple Dedicated Setting 
in Order the Stakes President Young's Last Public Address Death 
of Utah's Founder. . 830 



RESTON - 17 










5ATER ... 32 






SSER 172 



5 180 



:N 201 











'IFE 252 



: 270 



ER 276 



JBBER - 280 









:OWE 290 
i - - - - 294 



iRLSON - 296 



- .- 300 











NEW era now dawned upon Deseret. An era of electricity 
and steam; of rapid advance, of prolific and varied increase 
and development. An era of new ideas, the offspring of changed 
conditions; of notable achievements, the children of prosperity and 
progress. Utah's pioneer period was past. Solitude and isolation 
were no more. Her days of adolescence were well-nigh ended. The 
sun of an advanced civilization was about to shed its first rays over 
the Rockies, illumining the land of the honey-bee. 

Perhaps the first event of which we will speak may not be 
deemed a progressive one. The purpose preceding it, and to which 
it owed its origin, was doubtless in the opposite direction, or was so 
considered in Utah at the time. Today, however, it would require 
a powerful lens indeed to magnify the result into an injury. 

On the 2nd of March, 1861, two days before retiring from office, 
President James Buchanan, affixed his signature to an act passed by 

2-VOL.2. \\ 

V i \ ^ \ 


Congress taking from Utah the western portion of her domain, and 
out of it creating the Territory of Nevada. This further curtailment 
of the original boundaries of Deseret, contemplated, though only 
in a general way, at the time our Territory was organized,* was in 
deference to the wishes and demands of the Gentile population of 
western Utah, who were no longer willing to be subject to Mormon 
civil rule. 

The section named had been occupied by Mormons and non- 
Mormons since early in the "fifties." In the summer of the first 
year of that decade Hampden S. Beatie, of Salt Lake City, who had 
arrived here from the east only the season before, became one of a 
party organized for the purpose of proceeding to the California gold 
mines. Mr. Beatie at this time was a non-Mormon, but had married 
a Mormon girl and come west with her people to Salt Lake Valley, 
Avhere he soon afterwards joined the Church. Leaving his wife in 
the Valley, he started with others, as stated, for California. The 
Captain of the party was a Mr. DeMont, and Mr. Beatie was its 
Secretary. Their company consisted of about eighty persons. 
Arriving in Carson Valley, Mr. Beatie, liking the locality, decided to 
forego his first intention and remain there. His idea was now to 
establish a trading post and do business with the emigrants and 
gold hunters who continually passed that way. A few others of his 
party concluded to share his lot; among them Mr. DeMont, Abner 
Blackburn and brother, and Messrs. Kimball and Carter. Abner 
Blackburn prospected for gold, which he discovered in small quanti- 
ties in Gold Canyon. Mr. Beatie settled on the site of the present 
town, of Genoa, where he claims to have built the first house in 
Carson Valley. Excepting the Donner party cabins of 1846, this 
was probably the first house erected in what is now the State of 
Nevada. Mr. Beatie returned to Salt Lake Valley the same season, 
after selling out to a man named Moore, one of various settlers from 
both east and west who now began to build and inhabit along the 

*See Section 1, Organic Act, Chapter XXIII, Volume I, of this History. 


Carson. Some of these were farmers and herdsmen who stopped on 
their way to California, or after reaching the land of gold, recrossed 
the Sierras and settled. Others were merchants, who began early to 
do a thriving business with the emigrants and gold-hunters en route 
to the coast. Among the pioneer merchants of Carson Valley were 
John and Enoch Reese, of Salt Lake City, the former of whom is 
reputed to have built, in 1851, the first house at Genoa, then called 
Reese's or Mormon Station. Mr. Beatie, however, as seen, claimed to 
have built a house there in 1850, which house, some suppose, after- 
wards passed into the possession of the Reeses. Enoch Reese was 
a prominent Mormon, and one of the earliest members of the muni- 
cipal council of Salt Lake City. After the creation of Carson County 
in 1854, when Hon. Orson Hyde was appointed its probate judge, 
Enoch Reese was chosen to represent it in the Utah Legislature. 
The Mormons were then in the majority and of course controlled all 
the local offices. 

For some time the two parties Mormon and non-Mormon 
dwelt amicably together, but with the discovery of gold east of the 
Sierras and the consequent rapid influx of miners, many of whom 
where of the reckless and turbulent class commonly found in new 
countries, troubles and feuds began. Anti-Mormon prejudice soon 
asserted itself and much dissatisfaction was felt and expressed by the 
Gentiles at being "ruled from Salt Lake City." Owing to this and 
certain misunderstandings as to the boundary line between Utah and 
California, efforts were repeatedly made, before the idea of a separate 
Territory had formed, to annex the Carson region to the Golden State. 
To this arrangement California was quite agreeable. Congress, 
however, was unwilling to make the change and this phase of the 
proposed curtailment was finally dropped. It was these early efforts 
to abridge the Territory that caused the settlements in and near 
Carson Valley to be strengthened by immigration from eastern and 
northern Utah in 1856.* At that time the Mormons were still in the 

*The Saints also founded settlements in Eagle, Washoe, Jack and Pleasant valley?. 


majority and remained so until the year following. In 1857-8, the 
Saints broke up their settlements, as noted in the previous volume, 
most of them returning to the shores of the Great Salt Lake. This 
left the Gentiles in Carson County in the majority. 

It was just at this time that they began taking steps toward the 
formation of an independent commonwealth. In August, 1857, 
shortly before the final exodus of the Saints from Carson County, the 
non-Mormons at Genoa met and passed resolutions declaring it to be 
the sense of the inhabitants of that region "that the security of life 
and property of immigrants passing through it depended upon the 
organization of a Territorial government.'' The memorial ac- 
companying the resolutions stated that no law existed in western 
Utah except theocratic rule, and that the Utah Legislature had 
abolished the courts of Carson County, leaving no officers to execute 
the laws except two justices of the peace and one constable, whose 
authority no one respected. It also stated that the county was 
reduced to an election precinct in which no one voted or cared to 
vote ; that there were bad men in the community whose crimes could 
only be punished by resort to lynch law; that the country was cut 
ofl from California four months of the year by snow, and equally 
trom the capital of the Territory by distance, and that the region 
had a white population of from seven to eight thousand souls, with 
75,000 to 100,000 natives. This last claim was a gross exaggeration, 
as were doubtless some of the others. However, the new movement 
was very popular among the Gentiles, and like a snowball from the 
summit of the Sierras increased in size and swiftness as it sped. 
Other meetings were held, and in January, 1858, the Governor and 
Legislature of California endorsed the project. James M. Crane was 
sent to Washington as a delegate from the inchoate Territory to work 
for its organization and to represent it in Congress when it should be 
created. Writing from the capital to his constituents, in February of 
that year, he stated that the Committee on Territories had agreed to 
report a bill and that it would be pressed through both houses as a 
war measure, to "compress the limits of the Mormons and defeat 


their efforts to corrupt and confederate with the Indian tribes." At 
this time the excitement in Washington over the "Utah war" was at 
its height. Peace being restored, the organization of "Sierra Nevada 
Territory" was postponed. In January, 1859, the Utah Legislature 
reorganized Carson County, attaching to it St. Mary's and Humboldt 
counties, and fixing the county seat at Genoa. The same act 
reorganized Green River County, with its seat of government at Fort 
Bridger. June of that year witnessed the discovery, in western 
Utah, of the great Cornstock lode, conceded to be the richest mine of 
modern times. 

During the same summer Judge Cradlebaugh held court in 
Carson County, but was opposed by the Gentiles, and his situation 
rendered very disagreeable; for no other reason, it appears s'ince he 
himself was an ardent anti-Mormon than that he represented the 
Utah judiciary. In November, 1860, another effort was made to 
"throw off the Mormon yoke" and secure an independent Territorial 
government. This time the citizens of Carson County went so far as 
to elect a Governor and Legislature, and memorialize Congress in 
that capacity; an act which if done by the unpopular Mormons 
would probably have been denounced as treason. This is not 
saying that the act was not perfectly legitimate. Another year's 
delay ensued, during which all sorts of rumors prevailed as to what 
Congress intended doing in the matter; one report being, as 
already related, that it was the design to wipe Utah out of existence 
by changing its name to Nevada and removing the seat of govern- 
ment from Salt Lake City to Carson Valley. At length, on March 
2nd, 1861, the bill became law organizing out of western Utah the 
Territory of Nevada. Its eastern limit was placed at the 39th 
meridian from Washington. Subsequently in 1862 another degree 
was added on the east, and in. 1866 still another. Utah began to 
think that Nevada " wanted the earth." The first Governor of the 
new Territory was James W. Nye; the first delegate to Congress, 
John Cradlebaugh, formerly Associate Justice of Utah, who early 
identified himself with the fortunes of the newly fledged common- 


wealth. Thus, like Eve from the side of Adam, was taken from Utah 
the "rib" composing the greater part of the present. State of Nevada.* 

During the winter of 1861-2 the Utah Legislature defined anew 
the boundaries of the Territory and its several counties. These 
then numbered seventeen, and were named as follows: Great Salt 
Lake, Davis, Weber, Box Elder, Cache, Utah, Tooele, Juab, Sanpete, 
Millard, Iron, Beaver, Washington, Morgan, Wasatch, Summit and 
Green River. How most of them came into existence has already 
been briefly told, and will be related more fully hereafter. Of the 
others, whose histories in detail are also yet to be given, a word here 
in passing. 

Cache County had been pioneered in July and September, 1856, 
by Peter Maughan and a small company from Tooele Valley. They 
built Maughan's Fort, where Wellsville now stands, and in April 
following organized the county, which had already been created by 
the Legislature. Peter Maughan became the first probate judge of 
Cache County. Associated with him in his pioneering labors were 
his sons William H. and John, and such men as George Bryan, John 
Tate, Zial Riggs, Morgan Morgan, Francis Gunnell, 0. D. Thompson, 
William Gardner, Abel, John T., and William Garr. At the time 
of "the move'' in 1858, Cache Valley was vacated, but the ensuing 
spring found Judge Maughan back at his home in the north, where 
he with others next located the site of Logan. In August of 
that year William B. Preston and the Thatcher brothers, John B. 
and Aaron D., joined the colony on Logan River, and later, Father 
Hezekiah Thatcher and the remainder of his family, including his 
sons George W. and Moses, moved into the valley which they and 
their kindred have since done so much to develop and adorn. 
William B. Preston, the first bishop of Logan, the present Presiding 
Bishop of the Mormon Church, and his brother-in-law, Apostle 

* This same year the Territory of Colorado was organized out of portions of Utah, 
New Mexico, Kansas and Nehraska. By this act the eastern boundary of Utah was 
placed at the 32nd meridian. Nevada became a State in 1864. She claimed in 1870 a 
population of 42,491. 

' urn bSonaLu. 


Moses Thatcher, have long been among Utah's foremost men, and 
are of that class of spirits who invariably "make their mark" in 
any community. The same may be said of the veteran Peter 
Maughan, who was the first bishop of the Cache Valley colony, and 
its earliest representative in the Legislature. 

Beaver County was settled in April, 1856, by Simeon Howd and 
others, who came northward from Parowan for that purpose. They 
built the first log cabin on Beaver River, and began to till the soil 
along its banks. Soon they were followed by others. In the spring 
of 1858 a site for a city was selected and the town of Beaver laid 
out; so named, with the river upon which it rests, from the beaver 
dams found along the stream. Minersville, the second settlement in 
importance, sprang up in 1859. Beaver Valley, in spite of its plen- 
teous water supply, as first viewed was barren and forbidding. The 
surface was covered with sagebrush and much of the soil so impreg- 
nated with alkali as to be considered unfit for cultivation. The 
energy and industry of its inhabitants have since made it a choice 
and pleasant place of abode. 

The pioneer settler of Washington County was John D. Lee, 
subsequently of Mountain Meadows notoriety, who, as early as 1852, 
located a ranch on Ash Creek, where arose Fort Harmony. This 
settlement was twenty miles north of the Rio Virgen. It became the 
county seat and continued so until 1859, when the town of Washing- 
ton, founded in 1857, took its place. In the latter part of 1861, 
colonies aggregating several hundred families, from Salt Lake, Davis, 
Weber, Tooele. Utah, Sanpete, Juab, Millard and Beaver Counties, 
went south for the purpose of strengthening Washington County and 
raising cotton in that region. George A. Smith, Erastus Snow and 
Horace S. Eldredge headed this colonizing movement, which was 
directed, as usual, by President Young. The city of St. George and 
the towns on the upper Rio Virgen were located by these companies, 
and the resources of the country were rapidly developed. St. 
George, the leading town of that section the metropolis of the Mor- 
mon "Dixie" was named after George A. Smith, the father of the 


southern Utah settlements. A year later reinforcements were 
sent from northern Utah, and the first cotton crop of the 
Territory about one hundred thousand pounds was gathered. 
Joseph Home, now of Salt Lake City, had charge of the cotton- 
raising colony. 

Wasatch County was pioneered in the summer or fall of 1858. 
Its first settlers were from Provo and Nephi, and included such 
names as William M. Wall, William Meeks, Aaron Daniels and the 
Cummings brothers. Ranches were located at that time, but the soil 
was not tilled until the following spring. The first to break ground 
in "Provo Valley" for agricultural purposes were James Davis, 
William Davidson and Robert Broadhead, of Nephi. They were 
speedily followed by Thomas Rusband, John Crook, Jesse Bond, John 
Jordan, James and John Carlyle, Henry Chatwin, Charles M. Carroll 
and William Giles, from Provo. In the spring of 1860 other Utah 
County families came into the valley. William M. Wall became the 
first president of the colony, with James Laird and John M. Murdock 
as his counselors. He was succeeded by Joseph S. Murdock, who 
subsequently became the first representative from Wasatch County 
to the Legislature. Nymphus Murdock was also an early settler of 
that section. Abram Hatch, the foremost man in the county today, 
was not among its pioneers, but since his advent has undoubtedly 
done as much as any man to make it the thrifty and prosperous por- 
tion of the Territory that it now is. Mr. Hatch's record as represent- 
ative to the Legislature and in various other prominent positions will 
come later. 

Resuming now the thread of the general history. On the 4th of 
March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln took the oath of office as President 
of the United States. He was regarded as a friend by the people of 
Utah, and they much esteemed him. When asked as to the policy 
he proposed pursuing in relation to the Saints, he replied : " I propose 
to let them alone," illustrating his idea by comparing the Mormon 
question to a knotty, green hemlock log on a newly cleared frontier 
farm. The log being too heavy to remove, too knotty to split, and 




too wet to burn, he proposed, like a wise farmer, to "plow 
around it." 

President Lincoln's appointments for Utah included the follow- 
ing named officials : Governor, John W. Dawson ; Secretary, Frank 
Fuller; Superintendent of Indian Affairs, James Duane Doty; 
Surveyor-General, S. R. Fox. John F. Kinney, previously 
reappointed by President Buchanan, was continued in office as 
Chief Justice, and R. P. Flenniken and H. R. Crosby were the 
Associate Justices. 

Governor Dawson received his appointment on the 3rd of 
October, and early in December arrived at Salt Lake City. He was 
accompanied by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Mr. Doty. 
Secretary Fuller had preceded them, and for a few weeks had been 
acting as Governor. Governor Gumming and wife had left for the 
States in May, and for a brief period thereafter Secretary Francis H. 
Wootton had officiated in his stead. Soon after the beginning of the 
Civil War Mr. Wootton resigned and was succeeded by Secretary 
Fuller. Mr. Doty's predecessor as Indian Superintendent was Henry 

It is worthy of note that during this eventful year, 1861, which 
witnessed the out-break of the great rebellion, the putting forth of 
a gigantic effort to destroy the Union, the people of Utah 
manifested their loyalty by a grand and enthusiastic celebration of 
the 4th of July, the birth-day of that nation whose life-blood, shed 
by her own offspring and destined to flow in crimson torrents ere 
her deadly wound was healed, now reddened the streets of Baltimore 
and the green slopes of Virginia. Such a celebration was all the 
more significant from the fact that Utah at this time was suspected 
and even accused of favoring the cause of Secession, and of 
cherishing the design to separate from the parent government and 
erect herself into an independent nation. How unjust these 
suspicions and accusations were will be evident to the reader as 
we proceed. 

The celebration referred to was general throughout the 


Territory, but the most important phase of it was witnessed at Salt 
Lake City. The Committee of Arrangements were :, Bishop Edward 
Hunter, Hon. Elias Smith, Hon. A. 0. Smoot, Colonel Jesse C. Little, 
Captain Leonard W. Hardy, Hon. Jeter Clinton, Colonel Robert T. 
Burton, Hon. Alonzo K. Raleigh and Hon. Elijah F. Sheets. The 
pageant preceding the ceremonies at the Bowery* on Temple Block, 
was a superb affair, representing not only the patriotism of the 
people, but their progress and status in the mechanical arts and 
industrial pursuits. It moved through the principal streets of the 
city under the direction of Major John Sharp, Marshal of the day, 
assisted by Majors Theodore McKean, Robert J. Golding, Brigham 
Young, Jr., and Captain Stephen Taylor. President Brigham Young 
and family viewed the procession from the balcony of the Bee-Hive 
House, over which floated the nation's standard. It is due to that 
interesting day and occasion to briefly note some of the prominent 
features of the pageant and the celebration. They were as follows: 

1. A company of Pioneers under Captain Seth Taft, aided by 
George Woodward and William Carter, carrying a banner inscribed 
with the names of the Pioneers of 1847. 

2. Martial Band, under Major Dimick B. Huntington. 

3. Company of Light Infantry led by Captain George Romney, 
with banners one the stars and stripes, the other bearing the 
legend, "God and our Right, Liberty or Death." 

4. President and Directors of the Deseret Agricultural and 
Manufacturing Society, and a body of agriculturists, with banners, 
and wagons loaded with fruits of the earth and various farming 
implements. Reuben Miller was in charge of this display, with Jacob 
Weiler and John Scott as his assistants. 

5. Stock-raisers, under Bryant Stringam. 

6. Horticulturists, under E. Sayers. 

7. Chemists, under Alexander C. Pyper. 

8. Millwrights, under Frederick Kesler. 

* This Bowery occupied a portion of the site of the present Tabernacle. 


9. Bridge-builders, under Henry Grow. 

10. Representatives of the Deseret Foundry, under the 
direction of Zacharias W. Derrick. 

Then came other crafts and trades headed as follows: 
Sons of Vulcan, Jonathan Pugmire; edge tool makers, Robert Daft; 
gun and locksmiths, James Hague; tin and copper smiths, Dustin 
Amy; carpenters and joiners, Miles Romney; wheelwrights, Samuel 
Bringhurst; cabinet makers, carvers, turners and upholsterers, 
William Bell; coopers, Abel Lamb; stone cutters, Charles Lambert; 
masons, plasterers, brick and adobe makers, John H. Rumel; 
painters and glaziers, Edward Martin; tanners and curriers, James 
Robson; boot and shoemakers, Edward Snelgrove; saddle and 
harness makers, Francis Platt; wool carders, Theodore Curtis; 
weavers, Thomas Lyon; dyers, J. Evans; tailors, Claude Clive; 
hatters, Lyman Leonard ; potters, John Eardley ; millers, John Neff ; 
bakers and confectioners, William L. Binder; butchers, Charles 
Taylor; rope-makers, William A. McMaster; comb-makers, William 
Derr; match-makers, Alexander Neibaur; basket-makers, Daniel 
Camomile; broom-makers, Moses Wade; tobacco manufacturers, 
Benjamin Hampton; artists William V. Morris; engravers, David 
McKenzie; jewelers, Charles Kidgell; silversmiths, John Rogers; 
watch and clock makers, Octave Ursenbach; hair-dressers, John 
Squires; quarrymen, Adam Sharp; lumber men and sawyers, 
Edmund Ellsworth. 

Following these displays came Ballo's Band, led by Lieutenant 
Worthen, and a corps of civil engineers under General Jesse W. Fox. 
After came the paper-makers under T. Howard, and vehicles 
containing the Typographical Association, with press and fixtures, 
under the direction of Henry McEwan. In the second wagon the 
pressmen were striking off patriotic songs and distributing them 
among the people as they passed. In another vehicle were the 
book-binders and paper-rulers under John B. Kelley. 

Next went the Committee of Arrangements and orators of the 
day, Territorial, County and City officers, the chancellor and regents 


of the University of Deseret, teachers and pupils of the select and 
district schools, etc. A car with national emblems,, representing the 
army and navy, formed a very attractive feature of the procession. 
Near the foot of the pageant marched a company of Indian children, 
neatly attired, under the direction of John Alger, with a banner on 
which was inscribed the paraphrased Book of Mormon prediction: 
"We shall become a white and a delightsome people." The martial 
band of Captain George W. Brimhall preceded the concourse of 
citizens which closed the procession. 

The ceremonies at the Bowery consisted of music, "Star 
Spangled Banner," by the Nauvoo brass band ; prayer by the 
Chaplain, David Pettigrew; music, "Hail Columbia," by Ballo'sband: 
reading of the Declaration of Independence by John R. Clawson 
Esq.; music, "Yankee Doodle," by Major Huntington's martial 
band; an oration by Hon. John Taylor; artillery salute; a patriotic 
song composed for the occasion by Eliza R. Snow and sung by 
William Willes; an oration by John V. Long, Esq., and an address 
by Hon. George A. Smith, followed by music, toasts, sentiments, etc. 

As a reflex of the feeling throughout Utah at this time we here 
present an excerpt from the oration of Hon. John Taylor. After 
dwelling upon the past history of the nation and the various 
experiences of the Latter-day Saints, the speaker came to the subject 
of the Civil War, and said : 

The fiercest passions of human nature have been aroused ; the gauntlet is thrown 
down ; the rubicon is passed ; the clarion of war is sounded and fratricidal war is already 
inaugurated. It is not against a stranger that our nation fights, no 

enemy has invaded our borders ; it is state against state, brother against brother, father 
against son, and officers who have heretofore fought side by side in behalf of their 
country now meet each other in deadly contest. Citizens of the same village and city 
and state, now burn with deadly anger against each other, and thirst for each other's 
blood. Distrust, jealousy, deception and fraud take the place of confidence, kindness, 
brotherhood and philanthropy, and like a deadly moloch crush out of neighborhoods, 
villages, cities, states and the nation everything that is good, 'generous, kind, noble and 
elevating. While the grim fiend of war mocks at the miseries of humanity now 
commenced, and already rejoices at the prospect of glutting himself with human blood ; 
talk of a day of jubilee and rejoicing ! Our flags do flutter and our standards are raised. 


but it is to gather the people to battle. Our drums beat and our men assemble, but the 
cry is " To arms ! to arms ! " Our cannon indeed roar, but it is to slay men, and while I 
speak and you hear from four to five hundred thousand brothers are gathering together 
preparatory to the deadly fray. 
#****** * * * * 

It may now be proper to inquire what part shall we take in the present difficulties? 
We do not wish to dodge any of these questions. We have ever taken a manly, straight- 
forward path, and always expect to do so. In regard to the present strife, it is a warfare 
among brothers. We have neither inaugurated it nor assisted in its inauguration; both 
parties, as already shown, have violated their Constitutional obligations. No parties in the 
United States have suffered more frequently and more grievously than we have the viola- 
tion of our national compact. We have frequently been mobbed, pillaged and plundered, 
without redress. We have been hunted like the deer on the mountains, our men have 
been whipped, banished, imprisoned and put to death without a reason. We have been 
driven from city to city, from state to state, for no just cause of complaint. We have been 
banished from the pale of what is termed civilization, and forced to make a home in the 
desert wastes. 

Not content with this, we have been pursued by the legions of the United States in 
our desert home. Those who should have been our fathers and protectors, have thirsted 
for our blood and made an unconstitutional use of the power vested in their hands to 
exterminate us from the earth. Still we are loyal, unwavering, unflinching in our 
integrity ; we have not swerved nor faltered in the path of duty. 

Shall we join the North to fight against the South ? No ! Shall we join the South 
against the North ? As emphatically, no ! Why? They have both, as before shown, 
brought it upon themselves, and we have had no hand in the matter. Whigs, Democrats, 
Americans* and Republicans have all in turn endeavored to stain their hands in innocent 
blood, and whatever others may do, we cannot conscientiously help to tear down the 
fabric we are sworn to uphold. We know no North, no South, no East, no West ; we 
abide strictly and positively by the Constitution, and cannot by the intrigues or sophisms 
of either party, be cajoled into any other attitude. 
***** ****** 

We do not wish to parade our loyalty nor render fulsome adulation to men, or 
empty institutions, but the Constitution of the United States has ever been respected and 
honored by us. We consider it one of the best national instruments ever formed. Nay, 
further, Joseph Smith in his day said it was given by inspiration of God. 

We have ever stood by it and we expect when the fanaticism of false blatant friends 
shall have torn it shred from shred, to stand by the shattered ruins and uphold the 
broken, desecrated remnants of our country's institutions in all their primitive purity and 
pristine glory. Our motto has always been, and ever will be, freedom to the Jew, 
Moslem, Greek, and Christian. Our banner floats for all and we would not only proclaim 
liberty throughout the land, but freedom to the world. 

* The Know-nothing party. 


On the 17th of October of this year was completed to Salt Lake 
City the Pacific or Overland Telegraph Line, which for several 
months had been approaching from both east and west the Terri- 
torial capital. Arrangements to push the line through from 
California had been made in March and April, by Messrs. Wade and 
Creighton, the former president and the latter superintendent of the 
Pacific Telegraph Company.* The first pole was put up at Fort 
Churchill, Nevada, on the 20th of June, and early in July James 
Street, Esq., planted the first poles in Utah on East Temple Street, 
Salt Lake City. This was not the completion of the line between 
those points, but merely the erection of the terminals. In June 
Messrs. Little and Decker of this city were busily engaged laying the 
poles on the eastern route and in July they secured the contract to 
furnish poles for the western division, as far as Ruby Valley, 
Nevada. The work was energetically prosecuted, and on the 17th of 
October the local operator connected with the eastern route 
announced that the line was complete. 

No word, however, went over the wires until next day, when the 
first use of the telegraph was courteously tendered to President 
Brigham Young. He accepted and forwarded to President Wade this 
dispatch : 


October 18th, 1861. 

Hon. J. H. Wade, President of the Pacific Telegraph Company, Cleveland, Ohio, 
SIR: Permit me to congratulate you on the completion of the Overland Telegraph 
line west to this city, to commend the energy displayed by yourself and associates in the 
rapid and successful prosecution of a work so beneficial, and to express the wish that its 
use may ever tend to promote the true interests of the dwellers upon both the Atlantic and 
Pacific slopes of our continent. 

UTAH HAS NOT SECEDED, but is firm for the Constitution and laws of our once happy 
country, and is warmly interested in such useful enterprises as the one so far completed. 

BRIGHAM Youx<;. 

Sunday morning, October 20th, the following reply was received: 

* Edward Creighton, of Omaha, to whom Congress had granted the charter for the 
Pacific Telegraph, was the chief projector and builder of this line. 


CLEVELAND, Oct. 19, 1861. 
Hon. Brigham Young, President, Great Salt Lake City, 

SIR : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your message of last evening, 
which was in every way gratifying, not only in the announcement of the completion of 
the Pacific Telegraph to your enterprising and prosperous city, but that yours, the first 
message to pass over the line, should express so unmistakeably the patriotism and Union- 
loving sentiments of yourself and people. 

I join with you in the hope that this enterprise may tend to promote the welfare and 
happiness of all concerned, and that the annihilation of time in our means of communi- 
cation may also tend to annihilate prejudice, cultivate brotherly love, facilitate commerce 
and strengthen the bonds of our once and again to be happy Union. 

With just consideration for your high position and due respect for you personally, 
I remain your obedient servant, 

J. H. WADE, President Pacific Telegraph Go. 

On the same day that the first message was sent, acting- 
Governor Fuller made use of the wire to salute President Lincoln. 
The nation's chief answered, expressing sentiments reciprocal to the 
congratulations conveyed. Here are copies of both telegrams : 


October 18th, 1861. 
To the President of the United States: 

Utah, whose citizens strenuously resist all imputations of disloyalty, congratulates 
the President upon the completion of an enterprise which spans a continent, unites two 
oceans, and connects with nerve of iron the remote extremities of the body politic with 
the great governmental heart. May the whole system speedily thrill with the quickened 
pulsations of that heart, as the parricide hand is palsied, treason is punished, and the 
entire sisterhood of states joins hands in glad reunion around the national fireside. 

FRANK FULLER, Acting Governor of Utah Territory. 

WASHINGTON, D. C., October 20th, 1861. 
Hon. Frank Fuller, Acting Governor of Utah Territory, 

SIR : The completion of the telegraph to Great Salt Lake City is auspicious of the 
stability and union of the republic. The Government reciprocates your congratulations. 


All day long on the 18th the wires were kept busy conveying 
messages of friendly greeting and congratulation to and from Salt 
Lake City and distant eastern points. A few days later the western 
line was completed, and on the 24th of October President Young 
sent the first telegram from Salt Lake City to San Francisco. 


The advent of the telegraph, which placed Utah in daily com- 
munication with the Atlantic and Pacific States and the British North 
American provinces, was, it is needless to say, an event of prime 
importance. It may properly be regarded as the dawn of a new era 
on our Territory. Said the Deseret News, expressing the universal 
sentiment regarding the auspicious occurrence: "The overland tele- 
graph line * * is one of the greatest and grandest institutions of 
recent construction." "We cannot but be satisfied with the establish- 
ment of the telegraph enterprise through the Territory. Facility of 
communication is the natural desire of all intelligent beings, and in 
an age of progress and development like the present the electric high- 
way becomes a necessity." "The hope is entertained that at no 
distant day the 'iron horse ' may have a track prepared for it across 
the continent." 

Following close upon the heels of this important event came 
another scarcely less notable in a local view. It was the completion 
and opening of the Salt Lake Theater, at the time of its erection 
and even now, one of the finest dramatic temples in America. 
Ground had been broken for the foundations on the 1st of July, 1861, 
and about two hundred men had been employed upon it more or less 
regularly from that time until the spring following, when the build- 
ing was completed. The architect and superintendent of construc- 
tion was William H. Folsom, but it was well understood that Presi- 
dent Brigham Young, the projector and proprietor, had also brought 
to bear his rare architectural genius upon the designs. The ground 
plan of the structure was eighty by a hundred and forty-four feet, 
with walls forty feet high to the square. From the ground to the 
top of the decking was sixty-five feet, and to the summit of the dome 
twenty-five feet more. The rock work, three feet thick, rose twenty 
feet above the ground, from which point the walls were of adobe, 
two and a half feet thick. The roof was self-supporting. The 
interior was handsomely fitted up, gorgeously for those times, the 
auditorium being divided into parquet and family circle, and first, 
second and third circles, with the usual orchestral space between 









parquet and stage. The opening at the drop curtain measured thirty 
by thirty-one feet, and the stage had a full depth of sixty-two 
feet. The total cost of the building, which still stands on the 
corner of State and First South Streets, was over a hundred thou- 
sand dollars. 

The Theater was dedicated on the evening of Thursday, March 
6th, 1862. The house was packed with an eager throng, admitted 
on special invitation to witness the ceremonies. On the stage, in 
front of the curtain, reserved seats were placed for the First Presi- 
dency and a few others, while the auditorium was occupied by the 
High Council and other ecclesiastical dignitaries; city, county and 
Territorial officials, the corps dramatique, the workmen upon the 
building, the public hands, and their families. Many who, though 
invited, were unable to gain admittance, owing to the crowd, reserved 
their tickets for the first regular night of the season Saturday, 
March 8th. The ceremonies of dedication consisted of a few open- 
ing remarks by President Young; singing by the choristers, "Lo! on 
mountain tops appearing;" the dedicatory prayer by President 
Daniel H. Wells;* singing, "Star Spangled Banner," by William C. 
Dunbar; addresses by Presidents Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball 
and Apostle John Taylor; an anthem words by Eliza R. Snow, 
music by Charles J. Thomas rendered by the choir and orchestra; 
and another song by Dunbar composed for the occasion by 
Apostle Taylor. The Theater Orchestra, under the baton of Pro- 
fessor C. J. Thomas, during the evening rendered several popular 

Before another immense audience, on the evening of the 8th, 
the Theater was opened to the public. The pieces presented 
on that occasion were "The Pride of the Market" and "State 
Secrets," between which a comic song "Bobbing Round" was 
rendered by the inimitable Dunbar. Here are the casts of the plays: 

* Daniel H. Wells had succeeded Jedediah M. Grant as Second Counselor to President 
Young on the 4th of January, 1857. 



Marquis De Volange Mr. John T. Caine 

Baron Troptard - Mr. Henry Maiben 

Chevalier De Bellerive Mr. J. M. Simmons 

Ravannes Mr. R. H. Parker 

Dubois Mr. D. McKenzie 

Isidore Farine - - Mr. H. B. Clawson 

Preval Mr. S. D. Sirrine 
Servants - Messrs. Matthews and Snell 

Waiter Mr. J. B. Kelly 

Mademoiselle De Volange - Mrs. Woodmansee 

Marlon Mrs. M. G. Clawson 

Gavotte Mrs. Cooke 
Market women, Customers, etc., etc. 


Gregory Thimblewell, the Tailor of Tamworth, (with a song) Mr. H. E. Bowring 

Robert, his Son, - Mr. R. H. Parker 

Master Hugh Neville (an officer in the Army of the Parliament, commanded by 

General Fairfax) - Mr. S. D. Sirrine 

Calverton Hal (a Cavalier belonging to the Army of Prince Rupert) Mr. W. H. Miles 
Humphrey Hedgehog (a wealthy Miller and Landlord of the Black Bull Inn, in 

Tamworth) Mr. P. Margetts 

Maud Thimblewell (the Tailor's Wife) Mrs. Bowring 

Letty, Daughter of Hedgehog (with a song) Miss Thomas 

Cavaliers, Townspeople. 

In those days the prices of admission were as follows : parquet, 
first and second circles, seventy-five cents; third circle, fifty cents. 
The doors opened at 6 o'clock, and performances commenced at 7.* 

* In Chapter XXIV., Vol. I., it is stated that the first play ever produced in Utah was 
" Robert Macaire," presented at the "Old Bowery," in 1850 or 1851. Since that volume 
was published prior to which careful research was made respecting this matter Mr. 
Henry P. Richards, one of the earliest connected with the drama in Salt Lake City, has 
informed us that a play entitled " The Triumph of Innocence," in which he took part, was 
presented at the Bowery some time before " Robert Macaire," and that the dramatic 
company to which he belonged, and which gave this pioneer performance, was organized 
at the house of Joseph L. Heywood, in the Seventeenth Ward, with Robert Campbell as 
President. Its other members were Henry P. Richards, George Nebeker, W. D. Young, 
John L. Smith, William Glover, John Pyper, Ensign Rich, Edgar Blodgett, William Hyde, 
(afterwards founder of Hyde Park, Cache County) Mrs. J. L. Heywood, Mrs. Sarah 



For some time prior to the opening of the Theater, performances 
at the Social Hall had been discontinued. The Deseret Dramatic 
Association having disbanded, the Mechanics' Dramatic Association, 
headed by the popular comedian Phil. Margetts, had taken its place. 
The Margetts combination played at "Bowring's Theater," a large 
room in the private house of Henry E. Bowring, Esq., fitted up with 
stage, scenery and the usual theatrical accessories. But the days 
of these primitive homes of the drama, except for an occasional 
amateur entertainment at the Social Hall, were now over. They 
were completely superseded by the great Thespian temple reared by 
Brigham Young. 

The Salt Lake Theater was managed by Messrs. H. B. Clawson 
and John T. Caine, T. W. Ellerbeck being Treasurer, and upon its 
boards the reorganized Deseret Dramatic Association, which now 
included the Mechanics' combination, rose rapidly to recognition as a 
first class stock company. The actors and musicians in those days 
played without pay. They were "brethren and sisters," as much so 
upon the stage or in the "green-room," as at the meeting-house or in 
their private homes. They devoted themselves to the drama for 
pure love of the classic art, and to furnish wholesome amusement 
for the community. Among the members of the association, of 
which Brigham Young himself was President, were several of his 
own daughters, as well as other scions of well known Mormon 

During the Theater's first season, home talent held the boards 
exclusively, but after that there began to arise upon its horizon 
dramatic stars from abroad ; some of them of the first magnitude. 
Among the earliest stellar attractions may be mentioned the stately 
tragedian, Thomas A. Lyne, the versatile Irwins, the polished 
Pauncefort, and the magnificent Julia Dean Hayne. 

Lawrence Kimball and Miss Sarah Badlam. The orchestra was composed of members 
of the Nauvoo Brass Band, Phil. Margetts playing the cornet. After " The Triumph of 
Innocence," several other pieces were presented by this company prior to the performance 
of "Robert Macaire" by Messrs Kay, Glawson and others. 







'HE year 1862 saw Utah again knocking for admission at the 
*3r portals of the Federal Union. Not content with manifesting 
her loyalty by a superb Fourth of July celebration, while the 
nation whose birth she thus commemorated was locked in a death 
struggle with her powerful and determined foe, Secession; or by 
patriotic telegrams, the first to pass over the lately completed over- 
land line, our Territory proposed to prove unmistakeably her faith in 
the perpetuity of American institutions, and her desire and design 
to maintain them, by seeking to become identified with that Union 
whose very existence was now threatened, whose glorious integrity 
seemed literally crumbling to atoms. 

The prospects for success at this time were very flat- 
tering. Delegate Hooper, writing from Washington to Apostle 
George Q. Cannon, in December, 1860, had said: "I think three- 
quarters of the Republicans of the House would vote for our 
admission; but I may be mistaken. Many say they would gladly 
swap the Gulf States for Utah. I tell them that we show our loyalty 
by trying to get in, while others are trying to get out, notwithstand- 
ing our grievances, which are far greater than any of the seceding 
States; but that I consider we can redress our grievances better 
in the Union than out of it." Such was the view taken by Utah's 
delegate before the war began. Such was the general feeling of 


her citizens now that the great conflict had commenced and the 
Union was in deadly peril ; success, so far, having smiled upon the 
militant efforts of the Confederacy. Utah was for the Constitution 
and the old flag, and proved it by applying for statehood at a time 
when other States had just seceded, had fired upon that flag, unfurled 
another banner to the breeze, and were now in arms against the 
Federal Government. 

The movement for statehood to which we refer began early in 
December, 1861. On the 9th of that month the Utah Legislature 
convened in regular session at Salt Lake City and organized by 
electing Daniel H. Wells President of the Council and John Taylor 
Speaker of the House. At the beginning of the session a bill 
Council File No. 2 was introduced for an act providing for a 
convention of delegates for the formation of a constitution and state 
government. This bill, being passed by both branches of the Legis- 
lature, was presented to Governor Dawson and by him vetoed. The 
Governor gave as his principal reason for disapproving of the 
measure that the time intervening between the passage of the act 
and the date fixed in the act itself January 6th, 1862 on which 
to take the sense of the electors of the Territory for or against a 
state convention, was too short to allow due notice to be given to 
the people, or for the act to be officially submitted to Congress prior 
to the election of delegates to the convention or the holding of the 
convention itself. On the other hand the legislators and the people 
generally held that it was not necessary to first submit the act to 
Congress in order to render it operative. They maintained that 
an act passed by the assembly and approved by the Governor would 
go into effect and remain so unless Congress disapproved it. The 
Legislature was of course powerless to do more in the premises at 
least for the present but the people throughout the Territory 
convened in mass meetings on the 6th of January and elected 
delegates to the state convention to be held at Salt Lake City on 
the 20th. 

Meantime Governor Dawson had fallen into disgrace and left the 


Territory. Mr. Stenhouse states that he was made " a victim of 
misplaced confidence and fell into a snare laid for his feet by some 
of his own brother officials."* Be this as it may, it is a fact that 
Governor Dawson made indecent proposals to a respectable lady of 
Salt Lake City, and fearing chastisement at the hands of her rela- 
tives or friends, hastily departed, on the afternoon of the last day 
of 1861, for his home in Indiana. He was accompanied by a Dr. 
Chambers. Reaching Hanks' mail station, at Mountain Dell, 
between Little and Big mountains, that night, the Governor was set 
upon by a gang of rowdies, who robbed and then assaulted him 
shamefully; kicking and beating him until he was exhausted. 
Among those accused of committing the outrage were Jason Luce, 
Wood Reynolds, Lot Huntington and Moroni Clawson. One of these 
men Wood Reynolds is said to have been related to the lady to 
whom Governor Dawson made insulting advances. The other 
assailants were merely drunken desperadoes and robbers, who were 
soon afterwards arrested for their cowardly and brutal assault upon 
the fleeing official. One of them, Lot Huntington, was shot by 
Doputy Sheriff 0. P. Rockwell, on January 16th, at Faust's Station 
in Rush Valley, while attempting to escape from the officers, and two 
others, John P. Smith and Moroni Clawson, were killed during a 
similar attempt, next day, by the police of Salt Lake City. Their 
confederates were tried and duly punished. The men killed were 
guilty of other robberies besides that committed on Governor 
Dawson, and their tragic taking off was not regretted by the general 

The Governor having left the Territory, Secretary Fuller again 
assumed the duties of the Executive. Among the Legislative 
measures which received his sanction was a memorial to Congress 
asking for the admission of Utah into the Union. 

On the 20th of January, 1862, the members elect of the 
State Convention assembled at the County Court House in Salt 

"Rocky Mountain Saints," page 592. 


Lake City. The Deseret News gives the following list of the delegates 

Great Salt Lake County. Daniel H. Wells, Abraham 0. Smoot, 
Elias Smith, James Ferguson, Reuben Miller, Wilford Woodruff, 
Archibald Gardner, Albert Carrington, John Taylor. 

Davis County. Lot Smith, Thomas Grover, William R. Smith, 
Christopher Layton, Samuel W. Richards. 

Weber County. Aaron F. Farr, Lorin Farr, Chauncey W. West, 
Jonathan Browning, James McGaw, Crandall Dunn. 

Box Elder County. Lorenzo Snow, Jonathan C. Wright, Alfred 

Cache County. Ezra T. Benson, Peter Maughan, William B. 
Preston, William Hyde, Preston Thomas, William Maughan, Seth M. 

Summit County. Thomas Rhoads, Henry W. Brizzee, John Reese. 

Tooele County. Evan M. Greene, John Rowberry, Eli B. Kelsey. 

Shambip County. Lysander Gee. 

Cedar County. Zerubbabel Snow, William Price. 

Utah County. Leonard E. Harrington, James W. Cummings, 
Albert K. Thurber, Lorenzo H. Hatch, Benjamin F. Johnson, Aaron 
Johnson, Wm. M. Wall. 

Juab County. Timothy B. Foote, Israel Hoyt, Jonathan Midgley. 

Sanpete County. Frederick W. Cox, Orson Hyde, Matthew 
Caldwell, William S. Seeley, Bernard Snow, Madison D. Hambleton. 

Millard County. Thomas Callister, Thomas R. King, Levi 
Savage, Jr. 

Beaver County. William J. Cox, E. W. Thompson, James H. 

Iron County. Hosea Stout, Silas S. Smith, Horace S. Eldredge. 

Washington County. John M. Moody, William Crosby, George 
A. Smith. 

The officers elected by the convention were : Daniel H. Wells, 
President; William Clayton, Secretary; Patrick Lynch and Robert 
L. Campbell, Assistant Secretaries; Robert T. Burton, Sergeant-at- 


Arms; Andrew Cunningham, Foreman; John W. Woolley, Door- 
keeper; James F. Allred, Assistant Doorkeeper; David P. Kimball, 
Messenger; Henry Heath, Assistant Messenger; Joseph Young, 
Chaplain. The officers having been sworn, the various committees 
appointed, and the freedom of the convention extended to Presidents 
Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball, acting-Governor Fuller, Hon. 
William H. Hooper, Chief Justice Kinney and others, Federal, 
Territorial and City officials, an adjournment was taken until 
January 22nd. On that day the Constitution of the State of 
Deseret, with a memorial to Congress praying for the admission of 
said state into the Union, was unanimously adopted. The first 
general election under the constitution was set to take place on the 
first Monday in March. The convention closed on the 23rd of 
January, after nominating for the coming election Brigham Young 
as Governor, Heber C. Kimball as Lieutenant-Governor, and John M. 
Bernhisel as Representative to Congress for the proposed State of 

The election was held on the day appointed March 3rd the 
constitution was unanimously adopted by the people, and the 
officers named elected without a dissenting vote. An election for 
Senators and Representatives of Deseret occurred simultaneously, 
and on the 14th of April, pursuant to proclamation by the Governor 
elect, the first General Assembly of the State convened at the 
Council House in Salt Lake City. Seventeen counties were repre- 
sented. The Senate organized with Hon. John Taylor as President, 
and the House with Hon. Albert P. Rockwood as Speaker. In joint 
session they listened to Governor Young's message, a few paragraphs 
of which are here inserted : 

Whether our revolutionary fathers varied much or little from the spirit and letter of 
the Constitution in their initiative legislation relative to citizens settling on the public 
domain, or whether at that period it was within their power to have legislated more in 
accordance with the Constitution, are questions it is probably needless to dwell upon at 
present. Certain it is that at an early day, it was deemed proper to institute Territorial 
governments for settlers on the public domain, which usage is continued to the present ; 
from these embryo governments States were to be formed and admitted into the Union. 



In a Republican Government like ours I hold that both justice and consistency 
require that citizens in Territories, however few in number, should at least have not only 
a voice, but also a vote in the Representative Branch of the General Government, a vote 
for the Chief Magistrate, and their choice in the officers appointed by him, except perhaps, 
the Secretary, and Judges and other law officers so far as their official acts are exclusively 
restricted to business pertaining to the United States as a party : and still more just and 
consistent would it be were the people allowed one Representative in Congress and to 
elect all their officers with the exceptions already named. And then, when the people in 
a Territory properly express their wish to assume the responsibility and expense of a 
State government, upon their presentation of a constitution republican in form, with a 
petition for admission, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, justice, and the 
most ordinary regard for the rights of their fellow-citizens all combine to counsel Congress 
to cordially welcome and at once admit that Territory into the family of States, regardless 
of the number of its population. 
***** ****** 

California, occupying, like Utah, territory ceded to the United States by the treaty 
of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2nd, 1848, and having passed a short period under 
what may be called a military-civil government, met by her delegates in convention, 
formed a constitution, ratified it on the 13th of November, 1849, by a very unanimous 
vote, and at the same time " elected a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, members of the 
Legislature and two members of Congress." On the 15th of December next after the 
general election the Legislature convened, organized, proceeded to elect the State officers 
made elective by the Constitution, two Senators to Congress, and to legislate upon such 
matters and in such manner as in their judgment circumstances required. Thus Cali- 
fornia without having undergone a Territorial pupilage stepped at once upon the platform 
of State action and was admitted into the Union on the 9th of September, 1850, and that 
too as constitutionally, lawfully, and properly as any other state has been admitted, having, 
" a substantial civil community, and a republican government." 

On the 1st of September, 1849, the day the convention began its session, the largest 
number claimed by California was some 43,000, a number probably about one half the 
present population of Utah.* I think this places us comparatively on a very respectable 
footing as to numbers, and do not see that anyone can consistently object to the larger 
number doing what was sanctioned on the part of so much the lesser number. It may 
also be proper, in order to verify an historical event, to here remark that the sudden 
increase of population in California in 1849, from the best information I have, was chiefly 
due to the previous first known discovery there of gold by members of the Mormon 
Battalion, which battalion also very efficiently aided in wresting from Mexico that 
fertile and valuable region. Again the census of 1860 shows the population of Oregon 
to be 52,464, and she enjoys all the blessings and privileges of state government, on an 
equality with her sister states. 

*The official returns of the census of 1860 gave Utah a population of 40,273, but 
this was regarded as a very imperfect showing. 


Most fully are we aware that no improper, ambitious, or disloyal motives have 
induced us to prefer following in the state precedental footsteps made by California, but 
for reasons so justly urged for her admission, and because our' position is still more 
isolated than hers, our population is already numerous and rapidly increasing, our 
territorial organization is each year growing less adapted to the necessities of the people 
who are wearied in being so long disfranchised, while winning to civilization and freedom 
a region so forbidding, and, more than all, because it is our inalienable and constitutional 
right, have we adopted a like course in seeking our admission and in our subsequent 


******* v * * * 

In this connection, and while our nation, with a large and rapidly increasing public 
debt, is struggling to preserve the integrity of her boundaries, I deem it proper to suggest 
that our admission will leave in the public treasury some $34,000 annually appropriated 
for our territorial expenses, and will add to the revenue the full amount of our annual 
quota of the governmental tax. * 

In accordance with an act passed by Congress, in July last, nearly $27,000, of the 
direct tax was apportioned to Utah. I was gratified that our legislative assembly so 
promptly assumed the payment of our quota of that tax ; and without question this 
general assembly, should they deem further action on that subject necessary, will with 
equal patriotism adopt such measures as will best sustain our government in its financial 
affairs, so far as our apportionment and every constitutional requirement are concerned. 
But I wish it distinctly understood that I object to any action being taken in this or any 
other matter, except on the ground of right and justice, and in no wise as an evidence of 
our loyalty, for it has oftimes been severely tested, and has on every occasion emerged 
from the test with unsullied purity. We are not here as aliens from our government, 
but we are tried and firm supporters of the Constitution and every constitutional right. 

An adjourned session of the Assembly was held on April 16th, 
when other State officers were chosen as follows : Senators to Con- 
gress, William H. Hooper and George Q. Cannon ; Secretary of State, 
Daniel H. Wells; Treasurer, David 0. Calder; Auditor of Public 
Accounts, William Clayton; Attorney-General, Aurelius Miner; Chief 
Justice, Elias Smith; Associate Justices, Zerubabbel Snow and 
Seth M. Blair. 

Senator-elect Hooper set out for Washington on the 26th of 
April. His colleague, Apostle Cannon, who was in Europe at the 
time of his election, was expected to join him at the nation's capital. 
Dr. Bernhisel was already at the seat of government, having been 
re-elected, in August, 1861, Utah's Delegate to Congress. During the 
previous term, it will be remembered, Mr. Hooper represented the 
Territory in that capacity. He succeeded in obtaining a settlement 


of some of Utah's claims against the general government. Most of 
these were for expenses of the Territorial Legislature. A very 
inadequate appropriation was made by Congress on account of Utah's 
Indian wars.* He was accompanied east in the spring of 1862 by 
Hon. Chauncey W. West, and a mounted escort under Colonel Robert 
T. Burton, detailed by Lieutenant-General Wells, upon requisition 
from acting-Governor Fuller, to guard the mail stage and passengers 
across the Indian-infested plains. The savages at that time were 
very hostile. They had destroyed the mail stations between Fort 
Rridger and North Platte, and were attacking and robbing coaches 
and killing travelers. It was for this reason that Colonel Rurton, 
with thirty men, well armed and equipped, was detailed for the 
special service mentioned. His report to Governor Fuller was as 
follows : 

DEER CREEK, May 16, 1862. 
Governor Fuller: 

My detachment arrived here yesterday at 3 p. m., encountering no difficulty, save that 
caused by the mud, snow, etc. We have seen no Indians on the route ; found all the 
mail stations from Green River to this point deserted, all stock having, been stolen or re- 
moved, and other property abandoned to the mercy of the Indians or white men. We 
found at the Ice Spring station, which had been robbed on the night of the 27th, a large 
lock mail twenty-six sacks, a great portion of which had been cut open and scattered 
over the prairie. Letters had been opened and pillaged, showing conclusively that some 
renegade whites were connected with the Indians in the robbery. The mail matter, after 
being carefully collected and placed in the sacks, I have conveyed to this point, also ten 
other sacks of lock mail, from the Three Crossings ; all of which will be turned over to 
the mail agent at La Prele. Twenty miles from this, we will meet men from the East 
for this purpose. The United States troops from the East will be in this vicinity tomor- 
row ; and, unless otherwise directed by yourself or General Wells, I will return 
immediately, halting on the Sweetwater to investigate still further the causes of the 
difficulty, as I have not been able to learn who or what Indians positively have been 
engaged in the matter ; but suppose it to be about thirty renegade Snakes and Bannacks 
from the north. Some of the party spoke English plainly, and one the German language. 
Hon. W. H. Hooper and Mr. C. W. West will take passage in the coach that comes for 

the mail. 

R. T. BURTON, Commanding. 

* The movement for Statehood having failed, Captain Hooper, at the expiration of 
Dr. Bernhisel's term, was re-elected delegate, and represented Utah during several suc- 
cessive Congresses. 


"The year 1862," says Colonel Burton, in a supplemental ac- 
count of this expedition, "will be remembered as the season of the 
highest water ever experienced in the mountains; as a consequence 
travel (over the mountains) was almost impossible. Some idea may 
be formed of this matter from the fact that it took this command, 
with all their energy and exertion, nine days to go to Fort Bridger, a 
distance of only one hundred and thirteen miles from Salt Lake. 
Most of our wagons had to be dispensed with at Fort Bridger, at 
which point we proceeded mainly with pack animals. It is proper, 
also, to state that we received from the Government officers stationed 
at the military post at Fort Bridger, provisions, tents, camp equip- 
age, etc., all that was within their power to grant.* From this point 
(Fort Bridger) all the mail stations were abandoned, many of them 
burned, some of the coaches still standing upon the road riddled with 
bullet holes from the attack made by the Indians at the time the 
drivers and passengers were killed. In some of the mail stations 
west of the Devil's Gate we found large numbers of mail sacks which 
had been cut open by Indians and the contents scattered over the 
ground, which were carefully picked up by my company and carried 
on to the North Platte and turned over to the mail contractor at that 
point. The coaches were enabled to come west as far as La Prele 
station, a distance of some thirty miles east of the Platte. 

"The expedition was one of the most hazardous and toilsome we 
were ever called upon to perform, but succeeded admirably without 
the loss of a man or animal. Returned to Salt Lake City thirty days 
from the time of starting and were mustered out of service by 
Governor Fuller." 

Just two days after Colonel Burton's departure from Salt Lake 
City, President Lincoln, through Adjutant-General Thomas, called 
upon ex-Governor Young to raise, arm and equip a company of cav- 
alry to be employed in protecting the property of the Telegraph and 
Overland Mail companies in and about Independence Rock, the scene 

*Fort Bridger, since Echo Canyon war times, had been a U. S. military post. 


of a late Indian disaster. The company was to be organized as 
follows: One captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, 
one first sergeant, one quarter-master sergeant, four sergeants, eight 
corporals, two musicians, two farriers, one saddler, one wagoner, and 
from fifty-six to seventy-two privates. The men were to receive the 
same pay as that allowed to United States troops, and were to con- 
tinue in service for ninety days, or until they could be relieved by a 
detachment of the regular army. The call was responded to with 
alacrity, as the following telegram will testify : 

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, May 1st, 1862. 
Adjt-Genl. L. Thomas, U. S. A., Washington City, D. C.: 

Immediately on the receipt of your telegram of the 28th ult., at 8 : 30 p. m., I 
requested General Daniel H. Wells to proceed at once to raise a company of cavalry to be 
mustered into the service of the United States for ninety days, as per your aforesaid tele- 
gram. General Wells forthwith issued the requisite orders, and yesterday the captain and 
other officers were sworn by Chief Justice J. F. Kinney, the enrolling and swearing in of 
the privates attended to, and the company went into camp adjacent to this city. 

Today the company, seventy-two (72) privates, officered as directed, and ten (10) 
baggage and supply wagons, with one assistant teamster deemed necessary, took up their 

line of march for the neighborhood of Independence Rock. 


The officers of the company were: Captain, Lot Smith; first 
lieutenant, Joseph L. Rawlins; second lieutenant, J. Quincy Knowl- 
ton ; orderly sergeant, Richard H. Atvvood ; quartermaster sergeant, 
James M. Barlow; sergeants, Samuel H. W. Riter, John P. Wimmer, 
Howard 0. Spencer, Moses Thurston; corporals, Seymour B. Young, 
Newton Myrick, William A. Bringhurst, John Hoagland, Joseph H. 
Felt, John Neff, Andrew Bigler, Hyrum B. demons; farriers, Ira N. 
Hinckley, John Helm; saddler, Francis Platt; wagoner, Solomon 
Hale; musicians, Josiah Eardley and Charles Evans. 

The famous Ben Holladay was then proprietor of the Overland 
Stage line, to protect which Captain Smith's company went forth. 
He at once telegraphed from New York his thanks to Governor 
Young for his "prompt response to President Lincoln's request," 
and promised that as soon as "the boys" could give protection, the 
mails which had been interrupted should be resumed. 


The Lot Smith in command of the expedition to Independence 
Rock was the same officer who, as Major of militia, burnt the 
Government trains on Green River in the fall of 1857. He and his 
comrades now rendered equally efficient service in the cause of 
"Uncle Sam," and won golden opinions from the United States army 
officers who subsequently joined them with troops and directed their 
later movements. From Pacific Springs on the 15th of June, Major 
Smith thus wrote to President Young : 

President Brigham Young, 

DEAR SIR : I had an interview with Brig.-General Craig, who arrived by stage at this 
point. He expressed himself much pleased with the promptness of our attention to the 
call of the General Government, also the exertions we had made to overcome the obstacles 
on the road, spoke well of our people generally ; he also informed me he had telegraphed 
to President Lincoln to that effect, and intended writing him at a greater length by mail. 
I received written instructions to the effect that he had placed the whole of Nebraska 
Territory under martial law ; Utah, he remarked, was perfectly loyal, and as far as he 
knew always had been. He also remarked, we were the most efficient troops he had for 
the present service, and thought as we had broke into our summer's work, of recom- 
mending President Lincoln to engage our services for three months longer. 

A subsequent communication ran as follows: 

PACIFIC SPRINGS, June 27th, 1862. 
President Young, 

DEAR SIR: I have just received orders from General Craig through Colonel Collins 
to march my command to Fort Bridger to guard the line from Green River to Salt Lake 
City, and start from here tomorrow morning. 

Lieut. Rawlins and command arrived here yesterday ; owing to neglect of the mail, 
my orders to Lieut. Rawlins did not reach him until eight days after they were due, 
consequently there has been no detail left at Devil's Gate. 

There has been built by the command at the former place a log house twenty feet by 
sixteen feet, with bake houses, and attached also a commodious corral. 

Lieut. Rawlins has left the above station of Major O'Farral, Ohio volunteers, but 
occupied by Messrs. Merchant and Wheeler, traders, who formerly owned the station that 
was destroyed there ; the property is subject to our order at any time. The command 
also made a good and substantial bridge on Sweetwater ; three of our teams crossed 
over ; the mail bridge would have been two dollars per wagon, this bridge is free, and 
also in charge of Major O'Farral. Several emigration companies crossed during the 
time the command was there, free. One company presented us with a good wagon, 
which Lieut. Rawlins handed over to Captain Harmon. 

I have had frequent interviews with Col. Collins and officers; they have behaved 


very gentlemanly, and express themselves much pleased with our exertions, and seemed 
disposed to render us every assistance to contribute to our comfort. 

Col. Collins is decidedly against killing Indians indiscriminately, and will not take 
any general measures, save on the defensive, until he can ascertain satisfactorily by whom 
the depredations have been committed, and then not resort to killing until he is satisfied 
that peaceable measures have failed. 

Col. Collins and officers all allow we are best suited to guard this road, both men 
and horses ; they are anxious to return, and if they have any influence, I imagine they 
will try to get recalled and recommend to Utah to furnish the necessary guard. The 
Colonel has just left our camp, he has sent for Washakie, chief of the Snakes, with a view 
to make treaty or obtain information. No sickness at all in camp at present. We are 
attached to Col. Collin's regiment, Gen. Craig's division, and furnish our muster, descriptive 
and other returns to that command. Should General Wells require duplicates we will 
forward them. 

I am sir, yours respectfully, 


In the latter part of July Major Smith and the larger portion of 
his command set out from the vicinity of Fort Bridger in pursuit of 
a band of hostile Indians who had robbed the ranch of a moun- 
taineer in that neighborhood named John Robinson. They 
penetrated to the very heart of the Indian country, in the Snake 
River region, following the trail of the savages by forced marches 
for eight days; part of the time on short rations, and all of the time 
enduring severe hardships. They were not successful in overtaking 
the hostiles, though pressing them close, and reaching the vicinity 
of the Three Tetons about the end of July. On the 25th of that 
month, while crossing the Lewis Fork of Snake River, one of the 
company, Donald McNichol, was carried away by the swift current 
and drowned. This was the only fatality in the ranks of the 
expedition. The company returned to Salt Lake City on the 9th of 
August, and were mustered out of service on the 14th. The 
expedition, though but one life was lost, and that by accident, was 
nevertheless one of the most hazardous in the annals of local 
Indian warfare. This was probably the last service performed by 
a body of Utah militia beyond the limits of the Territory. The 
expenses incurred by both Colonel Burton's and Major Smith's 
expeditions were promptly met by the general government. 


A writ issued by Chief Justice Kinney, of the Third Judicial 
Court of Utah, on the 10th of June of this year, directing Henry W. 
Lawrence, Territorial Marshal, or Robert T. Burton, his chief 
deputy, to arrest five leading men of what was known as Kington 
Fort, in Davis County, and bring them forthwith before him, 
immediately led to the episode known as "the Morrisite War."* 
For an understanding of the events leading to that unfortunate 
affair it is necessary to briefly review the history, precepts and 
conduct of the sect called Morrisites. 

Joseph Morris, a Welshman, and a member of the Mormon 
fraternity, claimed to have received on more than one occasion 
revelations for the guidance of the Church. Late in 1860 he read 
to President Young a couple of documents which he said he had 
been commanded from on high to deliver. They did not receive the 
respect and acceptance that he had hoped for, and he trudged off 
homeward disappointed and indignant. Reaching the little settle- 
ment at Kington Fort, he found a hospitable welcome, the bishop- 
Richard Cook and others yielding a willing ear to his alleged 

* Following is a copy of the writ : 


i gg 

Great Salt Lake County. j 

To Henry W. Lawrence Esq., Territorial Marshal, or Robert T. Burton : 

Whereas, Philo Allen, of Davis County, and Territory of Utah, hath this day filed a 
complaint, on oath, before me, that on or about the 1st day of May, A. D., 1862, in the 
County of Davis, and Territory of Utah, one Joseph Morris, John Banks, Richard Cook, 
John Parsons and Peter Klemguard, did then and there wilfully and without lawful 
authority, forcibly and against the will of William Jones and John Jensen, (imprison said 
William Jones and John Jensen) and have kept them in close confinement ever since, 
therefore you are hereby commanded to arrest said Joseph Morris, John Banks. Richard 
Cook, John Parsons, and Peter Klemguard, if they be found in your bailiwick, and have 
them before me forthwith, at the Court House in Great Salt Lake City, then and there to 
be dealt with according to law, and have you then and there this writ with your return 
thereon endorsed. Hereof fail not under the penalty of the law. 

Given under my hand and the seal of the Third Judicial Court, at Great Salt Lake 
City, this 10th day of June, A. D., 1862, 


Judge, Third Judicial Court, Utah. 

Attest : PATRICK LYNCH, Clerk. 


supernatural communications. It was not until the 6th of April, 
1861, however, that what he called "the commencement of the 
reorganization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints" 
was formally inaugurated. From the . six members baptized, 
confirmed and ordained by him on that occasion as the nucleus, the 
sect grew with considerable rapidity, some additions being received 
the same day, and one year later it numbered upwards of five 
hundred adherents. Morris became its president, and on the 
organization being completed, Richard Cook and John Banks were 
chosen counselors. To these was added a council of Twelve 
Apostles, each of whom was bound by a solemn oath sworn "in the 
presence of the Father, and of the Son, and of His servant, the 
Prophet," to uphold the latter, "and abide his counsel in all things." 
A distinctive doctrine of the new creed was that the coming of the 
Savior was at hand, and that instead of sowing and reaping and 
following worldly pursuits, the elect people should hold themselves 
in daily readiness to receive Him. They were there to learn, not to 
labor. The gathering into one location was insisted upon, and 
Kington Fort, just west of the mouth of Weber Canyon and in the 
bottom lands on the south side of the stream, was designated as the 
spot. That the sect gave small thought to the prosaic concerns of 
life is evident from their choice of a gathering place. There was 
scarcely any unoccupied farming land in the vicinity, and there is 
no intimation that any was wanted. The duties of the household 
were performed, and these, with occasional journeys to the canyon 
for wood, and to the surrounding settlements for breadstuffs, 
comprised the sum of the temporal labors of the expectant com- 
munity. Their houses were ranged around a quadrangular area 
after the manner of a fort, but there were open spaces between 
them, besides the four streets entering one from each side. There 
was a bowery on one side of the enclosure, a school-house near the 
center, and a tent, also used for a place of meeting, near the 
school-house. It was the leader's custom to receive revelations at 
least once a week, and his followers spent most of their time in 

4-VOL. 2. 


attendance upon the meetings. All property was held in common, 
and though they could not but notice that their belongings were 
decreasing day by day through being sold or exchanged for the 
necessities of life, the zealous flock looked forward with contented 
joy to the day when the possessions of their enemies should all be 
given to them. It was charged that some of them, in anticipation of 
that day, had levied upon their neighbors' herds. The occasional 
mistakes made in the prophet's reckoning as to the day of their 
deliverance do not seem to have shattered their faith. Several times 
he fixed a date, only to be disappointed ; but it was sufficient 
explanation to say that the revelation had been improperly 
translated. The 30th of May, 1862, was probably the last date upon 
which great hopes had been built. For that occasion an imposing 
procession was arranged and at its head rode Morris seated on a 
white horse, and wearing a hat surmounted by seven crowns. 
Behind rode his counselors, one mounted on a red horse and bearing 
a sword, typifying conquest even through blood, the other, riding a 
black horse and carrying a pair of scales, signifying the meting out 
of justice, even unto death. Other leaders followed on foot and 
horseback, there was a martial band, and the whole male force in 
military order and under arms. After various evolutions and 
incantations, the whole procession formed about Morris who, 
standing upon a raised and carpeted platform, waved his rod and 
shouted: "Be it known to all the earth that I am Moses," and his 
audience enthusiastically hailed him as such.* But the heavenly 
guest and deliverer still delayed his coming, and matters in and 
outside the fort were approaching a crisis. 

* President Wilford Woodruff states that prior to this time he and Apostle John 
Taylor visited Kington Fort and held a meeting with the people. The former asked the 
Morrisite leader as to the nature of his claims and expectations. Morris replied that he 
was Gabriel, Michael, Moses, etc. Apostle Woodruff then said : " Well, when the angel 
Gabriel comes to blow his horn I don't think he'll stay around here for thirty days, living 
with another man's wife, as you have been doing." Morris, it appears, had previously 
been cut off from the Mormon Church for adultery. After the visit of Apostles Taylor 
and Woodruff the entire community was excommunicated for apostasy. 


While utterly indifferent to the forms of law, and neither 
conforming to, nor, as the sequel shows, respecting them, the sect 
nevertheless early showed a fondness and a capacity for military 
organization. Among its members were men said to have seen 
actual service on "the tented field." Certainly the fort soon took on 
the appearance of a well-disciplined camp, with regular drills, 
sentries, salutes and passwords, and all the pomp and circumstance 
of prospective war. The inhabitants were not only a law unto 
themselves, theirs was martial law. Their prophet was their 
captain-at-arms, and they all swore and subscribed to an oath that 
having been called by him they would "obey him and defend unto 
death at the peril of their lives the law of God." At the time of 
the pageant above referred to, the military strength of the sect 
numbered one hundred and forty-two enrolled men, divided into ten 
companies, each having its captain, with a score or two more who 
trained and bore arms but were not enrolled. John Fred Klingbeck 
seems to have been the chief military spirit, ranking next to Morris, 
and holding the title of Lieutenant-at-arms. 

To the surrounding settlers the threats and warlike behavior of 
the Morrisites offered a constant menace. It is not to be presumed 
that there was any intention of visiting upon non-believers at that 
time the destruction to which Morris' followers believed them to be 
doomed; but their life of idleness, their avowed expectation that the 
fullness of the earth was soon to be theirs, and above all their 
military attitude and persistent defiance of law, caused them to be 
viewed with mistrust if not with fear by their neighbors. Twice 
were officers of the courts, whom duty called to serve writs in the 
recalcitrant fort, met at the gates and forcibly and rudely driven 
back ; brilliant evidence to the boastful inmates of their power to 
withstand their enemies and of the speedy approach of the day when 
they would put them under foot. 

They were destined to a stern awakening from this folly through 
dissensions in their own ranks. William Jones, who was an early 
convert, was not impractical enough to leave the crop unharvested 


which he had just sown when he joined the sect. His worldliness 
caused him to be regarded as of little faith; yet when he returned to 
the fort with his two hundred bushels of wheat, there seems to have 
been no objection whatever to receiving it into the common fund, to 
which, in the first days of his conversion, he had also contributed 
about sixteen head of cattle. When spring came again he was 
found to be no less practical than before, and he had the hardihood 
to desire to once more plant his farm. To this and to his wish to 
sever relations with his improvident brethren, there came an 
unfavorable response. His own apostasy might have been tolerated, 
but he wanted to take away the remnant of his possessions, and this 
was resisted. By strategy he at length succeeded in escaping with 
his wagon and yoke of oxen; but being hotly pursued, he 
abandoned them and made his way alone to Kaysville. At this time 
the Morrisites were obtaining their flour at Kaysville, and Jones 
found no difficulty in sending word to the fort through the 
teamsters that he wanted his family to be allowed to join him. He 
was a determined man, and repeated refusals of this natural request 
incensed him. He finally stopped one of the flour teams, compelled 
the teamster to abandon it and walk back to the fort, while he turned 
the cattle loose. But retaliation soon followed. Himself and two 
other seceders were surprised in the night by an armed detachment 
under Peter Klemgaard, one of the Morrisite captains, and carried 
back, loaded with chains, to the fort. Thrown into a log house used 
for a jail, they were kept in close confinement upon no charge that 
they could learn of, and certainly under no warrant of law. This 
was early in the month of May. An escape was soon planned by 
the doughty Jones, who, however, was too heavily ironed to avail 
himself of it. One of his companions succeeded in eluding the 
sentries; the other rushed headlong into the arms of one of them, 
mistaking him for his companion. He was promptly returned 
to jail. 

But outside friends took up the cause of the imprisoned men 
and, on the 22nd of May, Chief Justice Kinney issued a writ of habeas 


corpus, commanding Joseph Morris, John Banks, Richard Cook and 
Peter Klemgaard to bring before him the bodies of the three men 
held in custody. Marshal Lawrence appointed his deputy, Judson 
L. Stoddard, to serve the writ. And that resolute officer, 
accompanied by two friends, entered the fort in spite of threats and 
warnings that they were taking their lives in their hands, and read 
the court's order to Morris and others collected in an excited group 
to hear it. Ranks replied defiantly that they would take no notice of 
the writ, they would not release [their prisoners, and they neither 
feared nor regarded any governor, judge, or law except their own. 
The deputy tried to leave a copy of the writ but it was rejected; 
endeavoring to serve the paper, it fell to the ground, and Klemgaard 
restrained the man who started to pick it up. A shovelful of live 
coals was brought from a neighboring house and deposited upon the 
paper, which burned where it lay. Stoddard made return of his 
service, and though a grave insult |had been loffered the law and its 
representative, no further move was made for more than two weeks, 
when at the repeated and urgent importunities of the wives and 
other relatives of the imprisoned men, the writ for the arrest of the 
five rebellious Morrisite leaders, for the unlawful detention of Jones 
and Jensen, was issued as first cited in this narrative. 

The next day, June llth, a writ of attachment was issued 
for their arrest for contempt of court, and at the instance of 
Judge Kinney and upon the requisition of Territorial Marshal 
Lawrence, through his deputies, Robert T. Burton and Theodore 
McKean, Acting-Governor Fuller, on June 12th, called upon General 
Wells to furnish a sufficient military force to act as a posse comitatus, 
" for the arrest of the offenders, the vindication of justice and the 
enforcement of the law." Marshal Lawrence had opposed Judge 
Kinney's idea of enforcing the court's orders by a military display, 
urging that resistance would be provoked and innocent blood might 
be shed. His unwillingness to be a party to such a step doubtless 
led to the delay which ensued after Stoddard's return, before the 
final writs were issued. Just prior to the latter event Lawrence left 


for the East, and the responsibility of resisting or carrying out the 
court's orders devolved upon his deputies. General Burton was 
likewise opposed to forcible measures; but upon being informed by 
Judge Kinney that further delay could not be tolerated, he asked for 
a sufficient force of men to overawe the rebels and enforce their 
surrender without bloodshed.* Accordingly when he moved upon 
the fort early on the morning of the 13th, he was at the head of two 
hundred and fifty men with a six-pound gun and a brass howitzer. 
A proclamation addressed to the persons named in the writ was sent 
in, demanding a surrender within thirty minutes; or, if resistance 
were determined on, warning the insurgents to remove their women 
and children to a place of safety, and stating that peaceably-disposed 
persons could find protection with the posse. This message was 
delivered to Banks, who submitted it to Morris, and the latter went 
to inquire about it of the Lord. Meanwhile the band played and the 
signal calling the people to the bowery was sounded. Morris shortly 
joined them, with a written revelation which was read to his council 
first and then to the assemblage. It promised that not one of the 
faithful should be destroyed, but that the power of their deliverance 
should be seen in the total destruction of those sent to oppress 
them. His counselor, Cook, was just asking which command the 
people should obey, Burton's proclamation or the revelation, when 
the second sound of the posse's cannon was heard and a ball crashed 
into the bowery, killing two women and wounding a young girl. 
Hostilities were begun and the assemblage scattered. 

It is certain that at least one hour, and very likely two, elapsed 
after Banks received the Marshal's proclamation before a shot was 
fired. The commanding officer was so averse to resorting to extremi- 
ties that he repeatedly sent couriers from his position on the bluff 
down toward the fort to see if there were any signs of compliance 
or surrender. At length he ordered the officer in command of the 
artillery to fire two shots over the fort as a warning to the 

* President Young was also very much averse (o the execution of the process, 
fearing that it might result in bloodshed. 


belligerents. The first shot passed high above the garrison and 
struck the opposite bluff. The second struck in a field between the 
posse and the fort, bounded in and did the deadly work in the 
bowery. Of this, however, nothing was known to the posse until 
after the surrender. 

Volley after volley from the entrenched and now infuriated 

Morrisites was the first decisive answer to the proclamation ; and 
the posse was at once put in the most effective position to perform its 
stern duty without loss of time. The fort was speedily invested and 
while some who attempted to escape were captured, there were also 
many who availed themselves of the Marshal's offer of protection. 
In the first day's siege, Jared Smith, one of the posse was killed. 
General Burton communicated the fact and his operations thus far to 
Acting-Governor Fuller by messenger that evening, and next day 
received the following reply: 


GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, June 14th, 1862. 
Colonel R. T. Burton, Deputy Territorial Marshal, U. T. : 

SIR: The shedding of blood in resistance to civil authority renders execution of the 
law imperative. The service of the writs submitted to you is expected at your hands, and 
you have been empowered to call to your aid a sufficient force for the purpose. Let your 
acts be tempered with mercy ; but see that the laws are vindicated. 

FRANK FULLER, Acting- Governor. 

The second day of the engagement was uneventful; a heavy 
rain interfered with active operations, though desultory firing was 
indulged in by both parties. The inmates of the fort opened the 
third day's proceedings at daylight, and during the morning a 
number of sharp assaults were made by the posse. One of these, 
undertaken late in the afternoon, resulted in the loss of another of 
the posse, but led to the capture of one of the outer buildings from 
which the Morrisites had kept up a galling fire. The end of the 
contest was now at hand. A rude but effective movable barricade, 
consisting of a shield of brush and boards supported by wagon- 
wheels, and manned by about a dozen soldiers, was next sent rolling 
down toward one of the gateways of the fort and was able to draw 


very near while still affording perfect shelter to those behind it. 
These movements, similar to those employed by the Utah militia 
against the Indians in an earlier day, carried dismay to the inmates 
of the fort ; and becoming convinced at last that they were dealing 
with a force which meant to fulfill the errand upon which it had 
been sent, they hoisted the white flag. 

This was about sunset of the third day, Sunday, the 15th of 
June. Firing was at once suspended, and General Burton, anxious 
to arrange the capitulation without further delay, moved forward, 
accompanied by two men and a bugler, to meet the flag of truce. 
To the bearer of it he announced that he insisted upon an uncon- 
ditional surrender, and that the acceptance of these terms should be 
shown by the Morrisites stacking their arms in the open space in the 
fort. Almost immediately the men who gathered to hear what the 
terms were, began to cast their guns in a heap in the center of the 
square, and the leader of the posse, commanding the men behind the 
movable barricade to follow him, entered the fort. Riding up to 
where the leader and the principal group were assembled, he stated 
what the court's orders were, but added that he now felt it his duty 
to place under arrest all the men who had been in armed resistance. 
Leave was asked for Morris to speak to the people, and it was 
granted on condition that he would say nothing to cause further ex- 
citement. Lifting his hands above his head, and turning toward the 
stacked firearms, he exclaimed : "All who are willing to follow me 
through life and death, come on." Shouts of approval greeted his 
words, and a dash was made for the firearms, which were poorly 
guarded by a few men who had followed General Burton into the 
fort. Many of the Morrisites who had not yet thrown down their 
weapons came running to the spot, and instantly an attempt was 
made to enter the schoolhouse in which more arms were stored. 
Nearly a hundred men confronted the deputy marshal and his 
slender escort. The moment was one of extreme peril. To dally 
was to court assassination for himself and party. Twice he com- 
manded the frenzied leaders to halt. They heeded not, and the 


struggle for the possession of the firearms had already begun. It 
was then that the commanding officer, seizing the pistol in his 
holster, fired twice at the leaders, while several of his associates did 
likewise. In all, perhaps a dozen shots were fired. When the smoke 
cleared away Morris was seen to be dead, Banks was mortally 
wounded, and two women, Mrs. Bowman and Mrs. Swanee, lay life- 
less on the ground near their prophet. It is said that one of them 
hung upon his neck as he moved toward the arms, and several 
heroically sought to throw themselves between him and danger. 

Sudden and unexpected as had been the uprising, it was as 
promptly and effectually quelled. There had been bloody work, but 
the insurrection was at an end. Some few exchanges of shots 
followed between the Morrisites near the wall and the posse outside, 
who could only construe the firing within as evidence that treachery 
was attempted ; but it was immediately stopped by the commander's 
order. The bodies of the slain were conveyed into the schoolhouse, 
and the male survivors were made prisoners. They were marched 
to the headquarters of the posse, where John Banks died during the 
night. A message was sent to the acting-governor, informing him 
of the surrender, and early on the morning of Monday, the 16th, 
the bodies of Morris and Banks, two of the men whose arrest had 
been ordered in Judge Kinney's writ, were taken to Salt Lake City.' 
Of the one hundred and forty men made prisoners, upwards of 
ninety were marched to the capital, arriving on the evening of 
the 17th. 

Governor Fuller instructed General Burton that all able-bodied 
men among the prisoners, who were capable of bearing arms and 
had been found in resistance, should be held, and in the same 
communication he congratulated the officer on his success and the 
small number of casualties to his force from its entrenched and 
barricaded foe. On the 18th the prisoners were placed under bonds 
to appear at the March session of court, 1863. 

What followed in relation to the Morrisite affair will be related 
in the course of another chapter. 








DESPITE every favorable indication, Utah's effort for statehood 
in the year 1862, like all her former efforts in the same 
direction, failed of success. The constitution and memorial carried 
to Washington by Senator-elect Hooper were presented in the House 
of Representatives by Delegate Bernhisel on the 9th of June, and 
in the Senate by Vice-President Hamlin on the day following. At 
the same time Mr. Latham, of California, moved that the constitu- 
tion and memorial be printed and that the senators-elect, Messrs. 
William H. Hooper and George Q. Cannon the latter having joined 
his colleague according to arrangement at the capital be admitted 
'to the floor of the Senate. The motion was referred to the 
Committee on Territories. Next day Mr. Latham offered a resolu- 
tion to the same effect, which was laid over. Messrs. Hooper and 
Cannon labored diligently to secure for their constituents the coveted 
boon of state sovereignty, and to impress congressmen and all 
whom they met with the justice and rightfulness of their cause. 
But all in vain. Though they succeeded in removing from the 
minds of statesmen, editors, and men of influence generally much 
prejudice in relation to Utah and her people, their efforts to induce 
the genii of national authority to touch with magic wand the 
Territory and transform it into a State, proved fruitless. The wall 
of prejudice was too thick to be penetrated. Though Utah was 
proving her loyalty, beyond all question, in standing by the Union 


in the hour of its extreme peril, and even then had men in the field 
protecting the interests of the Government on the western plains, 
while the regular army was grappling with secession in the South, 
she was still deemed by many disloyal, unpatriotic, unworthy to be 
trusted with the privilege of governing herself, and of forming a 
portion of that Union which she was aiding to defend and uphold. 

But there was also another barrier to Utah's admission, and 
probably at this period it was the main objection in the minds of 
the majority of congressmen. It was the Mormon practice of plural 
marriage polygamy which the Republican party, now in power, in 
its original platform had coupled with slavery and stigmatized them 
as "twin relics of barbarism." It was rather too much to expect 
that the Republicans, now in the overwhelming majority in 
Congress, and consequently having the power to invest Utah with 
statehood if they so desired, would use that power in her behalf, in 
view of their recent declaration against polygamy, thereby placing a 
cudgel in the hands of their political opponents from whom they had 
but just succeeded in wresting the reins of national authority. Had 
the Mormons been willing to abandon polygamy in 1862, thus 
meeting the Republican party half way, it is not improbable that 
Utah, in view of her loyal attitude, might have been admitted into 
the Union ; provided of course that the bug-bear of an alleged union 
of Church and State, of priestly influence in the politics of the 
Territory, had not acted as a deterrent to those who, barring these 
considerations, professed to be friendly to her people. 

Possibly it was to help solve this problem, to assist the 
Mormons to arrive at a conclusion to forsake the plural wife practice 
and "be like the rest" of the nation, as to monogamy, divorce, 
etc., that a bill was introduced in Congress in the spring of this 
same year, only a few weeks after the action of the State Convention 
of Deseret, to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the 
Territories, and, as afterwards appeared, to disincorporate the Church 
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. If this hypothesis be correct, 
the Mormons were to receive equal rights with and be treated 


like the rest of American citizens, if they would put away their 
Mormonism and thenceforth cease to be a distinct people. General 
Clark, at Far West, in 1838, had made them essentially the 
same offer. 

The bill in question was introduced in the House of Representa- 
tives on the 8th of April, 1862, by Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. It 
was read twice and referred to the Committee on Territories. Reing 
reported back on April 28th with a recommendation that it pass, 
the bill H. R. No. 391 was again read. Mr. Morrill, its introducer, 
then said: 

"I desire to say to the House that this is the identical bill 
passed about two years ago, when there was an elaborate report 
made by a gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. Nelson, and when it 
received the almost unanimous support of the House. The only 
difference between the two bills is this: that bill excepted from its 
provisions the District of Columbia, and that exception is stricken 
out in this bill. I presume there is no member of the House who is 
desirous to discuss this measure, and I move the previous question." 

A slight verbal amendment, the striking out of a surplus word 
on motion of Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, was agreed to, and then 
ensued the following discussion : 

MR. CRADLEBAUGH. I ask the gentleman from Vermont to allow 
me to offer an amendment. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I prefer to have the bill pass as it is. 

MR. CRADLEBAUGH. I think if the gentleman understood the 
character of the amendment he would not object. It is merely to 
correct the bill, and not for the purpose of throwing any impedi- 
ments. in the way of its passage. The bill, in its present shape, does 
not amount to anything. 

THE SPEAKER. Does the gentleman withdraw the demand for the 
previous question? 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I decline to do so. 

The previous question was seconded, and the main question 


The bill was ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time; and 
being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I move the previous question on the 
passage of the bill. 

MR. BIDDLE. Is all debate necessarily cut off at this time? 

THE SPEAKER. It will be if the previous question is sustained. 

MR. BIDDLE. There are some of us who would like to hear 
debate, if not to participate in it. 

THE SPEAKER. Does the gentleman withdraw the demand for 
the previous question? 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I decline to do so, and call for tellers. 

Tellers were ordered ; and Messrs. Cox and Chamberlain were 

The House divided; and the tellers reported ayes sixty-five, 
noes not counted. 

So the previous question was sustained. 

The main question was ordered to be put; and being put, the 
bill was passed. 

The anti-polygamy bill, having passed the House, came up in 
the Senate on the 3rd of June. Following is the abridged record of 
the action taken upon it by that august body: 

MR. BAYARD. I move to take up House bill No. 391. It was 
reported back from the Committee on the Judiciary, with amend- 
ments, about three weeks ago. It is a bill that ought to be acted 

The motion was agreed to; and the bill (H. F. No. 391) to 
punish the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United 
States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain 
acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, was 

considered as in committee of the whole. 

MR. BAYARD. I will state, very briefly, the difference between 
the bill as proposed to be amended by the judiciary committee, 
and the bill as passed by the House of Representatives. The bill of 


the House is intended to punish the crime of polygamy, or bigamy 
properly speaking, when committed in any. Territory of the United 
States; but, in point of fact, it goes beyond that it punishes 
cohabitation without marriage. The committee, in their amend- 
ments, have so altered the first section as to provide for the punish- 
ment of the crime of bigamy, leaving the punishment for a similar 
offense, where marriage has been contracted elsewhere, to the State 
where it was contracted. We thought that clearly preferable, and 
that it would be of no utility to carry the act beyond the evil 
intended to be remedied, which was to put down polygamy, as a part 
of the recognized legal institutions of Utah. 

The second section of the bill is not altered at 
all; we leave it precisely the same as it was in the original bill. It 
repeals the ordinance of Utah, commonly called "An ordinance 
incorporating the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.'' It 
is precisely in words like the section of the House bill, which is not 
altered in any respect. 

The third section is an amendment of the committee, and it is 
in the nature of a mortmain law. The object is to prevent the 
accumulation of real estate in the hands of ecclesiastical corporations 
in Utah. Though that Territory is large, the value of real estate is 
not of large amount; and the object of the section is to prevent the 
accumulation of the property and wealth of the community in the 
hands of what may be called theocratic institutions, inconsistent 
with our form of government. In my own judgment it would be 
wiser to limit the amount of real estate that could be held by any 
corporation of that character in a Territory, to the value of $50,000, 
I think $100,000 is too much. I am satisfied that there is great danger 
in that Territory, under its present government, that the ecclesiastical 
institutions which prevail there will ultimately become the owners 
in perpetuity of all the valuable land in that Territory, and so afford 
a nucleus for the permanence of their general institutions unless a 
stop be put to it by act of Congress. 

I have now stated the provisions of the amendment as proposed 


by the committee. The first section of the bill is altered so as to 
punish the crime of bigamy, but leaving the question of cohabita- 
tion or mere adultery apart from the crime of bigamy, without 
reference to any action of Congress. The second section is exactly 
the same as the section in the House bill. The third section is a 
new one, the object of which is to operate in the nature of a mort- 
main law, to prevent the entire property of that Territory being 
accumulated in perpetuity in the hands of a species of theocratic 

The amendment was agreed to. 

MR. HALE. I shall probably vote for the bill; but I should like 
to know from the chairman of the committee if its provisions are not 
inconsistent with 

MR. BAYARD. I move to strike out "$100,000" and insert "$50,- 
000," in the third section. 

MR. HALE. I will wait until that is decided. 

MR. BAYARD. I make that motion. 

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Senator's motion is not now in order, 
the amendment of the committee having been adopted. It will be in 
order when the bill shall have been reported to the Senate. 

MR. HALE. I was only going to say that I had been looking at a 
decision of the Supreme Court in which the rights of Congress over 
the Territories are examined with some care, and it occurred to me 
that possibly the provisions of this bill might be inconsistent with 
some of the doctrines and dogmas of that decision. I refer to a case 
decided in the Supreme Court at the December term of 1856, entitled, 
"Dred Scott vs. Sandford," and the doctrine was pretty thoroughly 
gone over in that decision as to how far the powers of Congress 
extended over the Territories. It strikes me that by analogy this bill 
infringes upon that decision, for I remember that one of the 
exponents of the true faith on this floor used to illustrate this dogma 
at least as often as once a month by saying that the same law 
prevailed as to the regulation of the relations of husband and wife, 
parent and child, and master and servant. I think at least once a 


month for years that was proclaimed to be the law. If the National 
Legislature have no more power over the relations of husband and 
wife and that seems to be the one touched here than over master 
and slave, it seems to me that if we mean to maintain that respect 
which is due to so august a tribunal as the Supreme Court of the 
United States, we ought to read the Dred Scott decision over again, 
and see if we are not in danger of running counter to it. It strikes 
me decidedly that we are ; and at this time when there is so much 
necessity for invoking all the reverence there is in the country for 
the tribunals of the country, it seems to me we ought to tread 
delicately when we trench upon things that have been so solemnly 
decided by the Supreme Court as this has. But, as the gentleman 
who reports the bill is a member of the Judiciary Committee, if it is 
clearly his opinion that we can pass this bill without trenching 
upon the doctrine of the Dred Scott decision, I shall interpose no 

MR. BAYARD. I will not be drawn into any argument. It is 
sufficient to say that I have read the decision to which the honorable 
Senator alludes, I think with some care, and in my judgment this 
bill is entirely within its principles as well as within the decision 
itself. I cannot see the contrariety. I shall not enter into the 
argument now. To me it is very palpable that the bill is within the 
power of Congress and is necessary legislation. 

The bill was reported to the Senate. 

MR. BAYARD. I propose now in the fifth line of the third section 
to strike out "one hundred" and insert "fifty," so as to make the 
limitation of real estate held by an ecclesiastical corporation, 

The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. 

The amendment made as in the Committee of the Whole, as 
amended, was concurred in. 

MR. McDouGALL. It may not be considered a very judicious thing 
to object to this measure here, but I feel called upon to do it. There 
is no Senator, I think, who objects more strongly than I do to the 


vicious practice that obtains in the Territory of Utah ; but I think 
we have just at this time trouble enough on our hands without 
invoking further trouble. We have had our communication with 
California cut off by the Indians on the line of communication. We 
have already had a Utah war that cost the Government a large 
amount of money. We are to have a controversy with them as to 
their admission as a State. They are clamoring for that now. In 
my judgment, no particular good is to be accomplished by the 
passage of this bill at present. When the time does come that our 
communication across the continent is complete, then we can take 
jurisdiction where we have power, and can employ power for the 
purpose of correcting these abuses. I suggest to gentlemen, in the 
first place, that they cut off most likely the communication across 
the continent to our possessions on the Pacific by a measure of legis- 
lation of this kind, which will be well calculated to invite, certainly 
will invite, great hostility, and interfere with the general interests of 
the country. It will cost the Government a large amount if com- 
munication is interfered with, and do no substantial good. I do not 
think the measure at this time is well advised. It is understood its 
provisions will be a dead letter upon our statute-book. Its provisions 
will be either ignored or avoided. If Senators will look the question 
fairly in the face, and consider how important it is that we should 
have no difficulties now on our western frontier between us and the 
Pacific, how poorly we can afford to go into the expenditure of a 
large amount of. money to overcome difficulties that will be threat- 
ened on the passage of this bill, and then consider the little 
amount of substantial good which will result from it, I think they 
will hesitate before they pass it. The impolicy of its present passage 
will cause my colleague and self, after consultation, to vote against 
the bill. 

The amendment was ordered to be engrossed, and the bill to be 
read a third time. 

MR. HOWARD. I ask for the yeas and nays on the passage of 
the bill. 

5-VOL. 2. 


MR. SUMNER. I was about to make the same request. 

The yeas and nays were ordered, and being taken, resulted 
yeas 37, nays 2: as follows: 

Yeas Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Browning, Chandler, Collamer, 
Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, 
Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of 
Kansas, Morrill, Rice, Saulsbury, Sherman, Simmons, Stark, Sumner, 
Ten Eyck, Thomson, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkenson, Willey, Wilmot, 
Wilson of Massachusetts, and Wright 37. 

Nays Messrs. Latham and McDougall* 2. 

So the bill was passed. 

The title was amended so as to read, "A bill to punish and 
prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United 
States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain 
acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah." 

In the House of Representatives, June 5, 1862 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I ask the unanimous consent of the 
House to take up and consider at this time the amendments of the 
Senate to an act (H. R. No. 391.) 

Objection was made. 

MR. MOORHEAD. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to 
introduce a resolution of inquiry. 

MR. WICKLIFFE. I object. 

MR. BINGHAM. I call for the regular order of business. 

In the House of Representatives, June 17, 1862 

The Speaker laid before the House bill of House (No. 391) 
reported from the Senate with amendments. 

* Senator Latham, on his way to Washington in November, 1862, passed through 
Salt Lake City, and by resolution of its council was tendered the hospitality of the city 
during his sojourn here. The invitation was presented by Councilors Little, Felt and 
Groo, a committee appointed for that purpose. The Senator returned his thanks for the 
courtesy, which, owing to his short stay, he was unable to accept. The offer was in 
recognition of the minority vote of Senators Latham and McDougall against the anti- 
polygamy bill, and of other courtesies rendered by the former to Utah's representatives at 
the capital. 


THE SPEAKER. The bill and amendments will be referred to the 
Committee on Territories. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I object to these bills being taken 
up for reference. There is no necessity for the reference of this bill. 

THE SPEAKER. The order has been made. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I move to reconsider the vote by 
which the order was made; and on the motion I demand tellers. 

Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. Morrill of Vermont, and Olin 
were appointed. 

The tellers reported ayes sixty-eight, noes not counted. 

So the motion to reconsider was agreed to. 

The amendments were read. 

MR. PHELPS, of Missouri. I think, Mr. Speaker, that this is 
rather hasty legislation. I should not be at all surprised if it were 
ascertained that the Catholic Church in the city of Santa Fe owns 
real estate to the amount of more than fifty thousand dollars under 
grants made by the Mexican Government. I was about to submit a 
motion that the bill be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. 
I recollect very well that, in the hurry and haste of legislation, a 
bill passed the House to prohibit polygamy in the Territories, which 
indirectly sanctioned it within the District of Columbia, or inflicted 
no punishment for it here. I desire that this matter shall be 
critically examined, and therefore I think it should be referred to the 
Judiciary Committee. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I am perfectly willing that the bill 
shall be passed over informally until the gentleman from Missouri 
can inform himself on the subject. 

MR. PHELPS, of Missouri. I have no objection to letting the bill 
remain on the Speaker's table. Let the amendments be printed, and 
let us know what we are legislating upon. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I have no objection to that. 

It was so ordered. 

In the House of Representatives, June 24, 1862 

An act, (H. R. No. 391) to punish the practice of polygamy in 


the Territories of the United States and other places, and disapprov- 
ing and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the 
Territory of Utah, with Senate amendments thereon. 

MR. MORRILL, of Vermont. I desire to say, in reference to the 
objection made by the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Phelps] last 
week, to one of the provisions of this bill, that I understand the 
Roman Catholic church at Santa Fe has property exceeding $50,000 
in amount, but that it is protected under treaty stipulations. His 
objection, therefore, is not valid. I now move the previous question 
on concurring with the Senate amendments. 

The previous question was seconded, and the main question 

The amendments were read. 

The amendments of the Senate were concurred in. 

Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, moved to reconsider the vote by which 
the amendments were concurred in; and also moved to lay the 
motion to reconsider on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

In the House of Representatives, June 30, 1862 

Mr. Granger, from the Committee on Enrolled Rills, reported as 
a truly enrolled bill an act (H. R. 391) to punish and prevent the 
practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States and 
other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the 
Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah. 

It has often been stated that the anti-polygamy act of 1862, 
became law without the signature of President Lincoln. This is an 
error, as the following paragraph of the record already quoted from 
will testify: 

" In the House of Representatives, July 2, 1862 

"A message was received from the President of the United 
States, informing the House that he had approved and signed an act 
(H. R. 391) to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the 
Territories of the United States and other places, and disapproving 
and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the 


Territory of Utah." The full text of this enactment was as 
follows : 

Be it enacted, etc.: 

That every person having a husband or wife living, who shall marry any other 
person, whether married or single, in a Territory of the United States, or other place over 
which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, shall, except in the cases specified in 
the proviso to this section, be adjudged guilty of bigamy, and, upon conviction thereof, 
shall be punished by a fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, and by imprisonment for a 
term not exceeding five years. Provided nevertheless, That this section shall not extend 
to any person by reason of any former marriage whose husband or wife by such marriage 
shall have been absent for five successive years without being known to such person 
within that time to be living ; nor to any person by reason of any former marriage which 
shall have been dissolved by the decree of a competent court; nor to any person by 
reason of any former marriage which shall have been annulled or pronounced void by 
the sentence or decree of a competent court on the ground of nullity of the marriage 

And be it further enacted : 

SEC. 2. That the following ordinance of the provisional government of the State 
of Deseret, so called, namely: "An ordinance incorporating the Church of Jesus Christ 
of Latter-day Saints, passed February eight, in the year . eighteen hundred and fifty-one, 
and adopted, re-enacted, and made valid by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the 
Territory of Utah, by an act passed January nineteen, in the year eighteen hundred and 
fifty-five, entitled " An act in relation to the compilation and revision of the laws and reso- 
lutions in force in Utah Territory, their publication, and distribution," and all other acts 
and parts of acts heretofore passed by the said Legislative Assembly of the Territory of 
Utah, which establish, support, maintain, shield, or countenance polygamy, be, and the 
same hereby are, disapproved and annulled : Provided, That this act shall be so limited 
and construed as not to affect or interfere with the right ' of property legally acquired 
under the ordinance heretofore mentioned, nor with the right 'to worship God according 
to the dictates of conscience,' but only to annul all acts and laws which establish, maintain, 
protect or countenance the practice of polygamy, evasively called spiritual marriage, how- 
ever disguised by legal or ecclesiastical solemnities, sacraments, ceremonies, consecrations, 
or other contrivances. 

And be it further enacted : 

SEC. 3. That it shall not be lawful for any corporation or association for religious 
or charitable purposes to acquire or hold real estate in any Territory of the United States 
during the existence of the territorial government of a greater value than fifty thousand 
dollars ; and all real estate acquired or held by any such corporation or association con- 
trary to the provisions of this act shall be forfeited and escheat to the United States : 
Provided, That existing vested rights in real estate shall not be impaired by the pro- 
visions of this section. * 

* See Sec. 5352 R. S. U. S. 


Thus was passed the first direct Congressional enactment 
against the Mormon Church. As will be seen, the anti-polygamy 
act of 1862 remained, as predicted by Senator McDougall, a dead 
letter lupon the statute books of the nation; only one conviction 
being secured under it in twenty years, and that of a man who, for 
test-case purposes, furnished the evidence which convicted him. 
That man was George Reynolds, of Salt Lake City. This law, 
however, was the forerunner of other acts of Congress, also directed 
against Mormonism, which have wrought, in these later days, great 
changes in Utah. 

Two days after the announcement of the approval of the anti- 
polygamy act, Utah gave another grand and patriotic celebration of 
the nation's birthday, and on the 24th of the same month Pioneer 
Day was observed in an equally imposing manner throughout the 
Territory. Among the notables present at Salt Lake City on the 
latter occasion was Governor Stephen S. Harding, Utah's new 
executive; also Judges Charles B. Waite and Thomas J. Drake, who, 
with Chief Justice Kinney, now composed the supreme bench of the 
Territory. Governor Harding, who, like his predecessor, Mr. 
Dawson, was from Indiana, had arrived from the east on the 7th 
of July, and Judges Waite and Drake four days later. Other 
prominent Gentiles who joined with the Mormons this year in 
celebrating the advent of the Pioneers were Secretary Fuller, Indian 
Superintendent Doty, James Street, Esq., of the Pacific Telegraph 
Company, Mr. Fred Cook, assistant treasurer of the Overland Mail 
Company, and H. S. Rumfield, Esq. After the usual pageant the 
multitude gathered under the shade of the Bowery. A feature of 
the occasion was the first public appearance of the Deseret Musical 
Association, under the leadership of the local pioneer of the Tonic 
Sol-Fa method, Mr. David 0. Calder. Speeches were made by 
Professor Karl G. Maeser, Messrs. Isaac Groo and William Clayton, 
Governor Harding and President Young. The speech of the new 
Governor, who was introduced by the President, and greeted with 
cheers by the people as he arose to address them, was as follows: 


FELLOW-CITIZENS And in that word I mean all of you, of all ages, sexes and condi- 
tions I am pleased at being with you today, and of being introduced in the agreeable 
manner you have just witnessed. I have desired the opportunity of looking upon such a 
vast concourse of the people of Utah, at one time ; and, as such an occasion now presents 
itself, it is right and proper that I should say a few things to you. 

You have doubtless been informed before now that the President of the United States, 
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has appointed me to the office of Governor 
of this Territory. I have come amongst you to enter upon the discharge of the high and 
important duties that have devolved upon me, and while I greatly distrust my own ability, 
yet I cannot but hope that, with your assistance, I shall be able to discharge those duties 
to your satisfaction, and with strict fidelity to the Government, whose servant I am. 

If I know my own heart, I come amongst you a messenger of peace and good will. 
I have no wrongs either real or imaginary to complain of, and no religious prejudices 
to overcome. [Applause.] Believing, as 1 do, that the Constitution of the United States 
secures to every citizen the right to worship God according to the dictates of his own con- 
science; and holding, further, that the Constitution itself is dependent for its support and 
maintenance on the preservation of that sacred right, it follows, as a corollary, that under 
no pretext whatever will I consent to its violation in this particular, by any official act of 
mine, whilst Governor of this Territory. [Tremendous applause.] 

In a Government like ours, based upon the freest exercise of conscience, religion is 
a matter between man and his Maker, and not between man and the Government, and for 
the honest exercise of duties inculcated by his religious faith and conscience, so long as he 
does not infringe upon the rights of others, equally as sacred as his own, he is not respon- 
sible to any human tribunal, other than that which is found in the universal judgment of 
mankind. [Hear, hear.] If the right of conscience of the minority depended upon the 
will of the majority, then, in a government like ours, that same minority in a future day 
might control the conscience of the majority of today when by superior cunning and 
finesse a political canvass had been won in its favor, and thus alternately would it be in 
the power of either when elevated to the seat of the law-makers to impose a despotism 
upon the conscience of its adversary only equaled by the " Index Expurgatoris," against 
which the Protestant world so justly complained. [Applause.] 

It has long been a maxim and accepted as true by our people, " That it is safe to 
tolerate error, so long as truth is left free to combat it.' Who are in error, and in what 
that error consists in matters of speculative theology, are questions only cognizable at the 
bar of heaven. It has been the fate of propagandists of new ideas and religious dogmas, 
without regard to their truth or falsity, to meet with opposition, often ending in the most 
cruel persecution. Hoary-headed error, claiming for itself the immunity of ages, glares 
with jaundiced eyes upon all new ideas, which refuse to pay to it its accustomed homage. 
I know of no law of the human mind that makes this age an exception to the rule. 
Nevertheless, he who founds his ideas and theories on truth, correlative with his physical 
and spiritual being, and consequently in harmony with the law of nature, must ultimately 
succeed ; whilst he who builds upon falsehood must share the fate of him who built his 
house upon the sand. This is not only a declaration of divine truth, but is in accordance 
with all human experience. The great highway of man's civilization and progress is 


strewn with the wrecks of a thousand systems once the hope of their founders and 
challenging the confidence of mankind [hear, hear]. But I must limit this dissertation, 
and will sum up in a few words what I have intended to say on this branch of the 

The founders of our Constitution fully comprehended these ideas which I have so 
briefly glanced at, and they clothed the citizen with absolute immunity in the exercise of 
his rights of conscience, and threw the protecting shield of the Constitution around him, 
and over him, in all the diverging paths that lead the enquirer in his researches after 
truth in the dim unknown of speculative theology. 

But I must not detain you, I leave this part of the subject, and address myself to the 
occasion that has called together this mighty multitude. 

On every hand I behold a miracle of labor. Fifteen years ago today, and your 
Pioneers, by their heroism and devotion to a principle, consecrated this valley to a 
civilization wonderful " to the stranger within your gates," and in the developments of 
which a new era will be stamped not only upon the history of your own country, but 
on the world. You have indeed " caused the desert to blossom as the rose." Waving 
fields of gold ; gardens containing all that is necessary for the comfort of civilized man ; 
" shrubberies that a Shenstone might have envied ; " orchards bending beneath the 
promise of most luscious fruit, now beautify the fields which your industry has filled 
with new life, and where but fifteen years ago the genius of solitude, from yon snow- 
capped peak, stood marking on her rocky tablets the centuries of desolation and death 
that rested on these same fields, since the upheaval force of nature formed the mighty 
zone that separates the two oceans that wash the shores of our continent. 

Wonderful progress ! wonderful people ! If you shall be content, as I doubt not you 
will be, to enjoy the blessings with which you are surrounded, and abide your time, and 
enjoy your privileges under a benign and just government, "Imperium in Imperio " and 
not attempt to reverse this order of things absolutely necessary under our form of 
government ; and above all things, if you will act up to the line of your duty contained in 
that one grand article of your faith, " We believe in being honest, true, chaste, temper- 
ate, benevolent, virtuous and upright, and in doing good to all men," you cannot fail 
to obtain that ultimate success [applause] which is the great desideratum of your hopes. 
Honestly conform in the standard of your creed and faith, and though you may for a time 
be " cast down," you cannot be destroyed [great applause] ; for the power of the Eternal 
One will be in your midst, though no mortal eye may behold the " pillar of cloud and of 
fire " [applause]. As the Great Master of sculpture gathered and combined all the 
perfections of the human face into one divine model, so you, in that one grand article, 
have bound into one golden sheaf, all the Christian virtues that underlie our civilization. 

But this must suffice. I, perhaps, have said more than I ought to have said, and yet I 
cannot see how I could have said less. If my words shall be as kindly received by you 
as they have been honestly and frankly uttered by me, and we will act accordingly, my 
mission among you cannot fail of being alike profitable to you and to the government that 
I represent [hear, hear]. 

This is the hour when your loyalty to our common country is most acceptable and 
grateful to the heart of every patriot. Be but content and abide your time, and your 


reward will be as great as it is certain. Duty to ourselves, to our God and our country 
calls upon us to cast aside every prejudice and to rally around the Constitution and the 
flag of our fathers, and if need be, to baptize them anew with our own blood. The 
Constitution will not perish, that flag will not trail in the dust, but they will both come 
out of the present fiery ordeal, redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the genius of 
universal liberty and justice [great applause]. 

These were fair words indeed ; but the Governor's subsequent 
course, as will yet appear, was anything but consistent with his 
friendly professions so eloquently uttered. 

Early in October of this year, Colonel Patrick Edward Connor, 
who became the founder of Camp Douglas, at the head of several 
hundred troops California and Nevada volunteers entered Utah 
from the west. As early as the date of ihe government's call on 
Brigham Young to raise a company of men for a ninety days' 
campaign protecting the mail route on the plains, Colonel Connor 
and his regiment had received orders to march to this Territory. In 
the odtset it was understood that to them was to be entrusted that 
irregular but hazardous service. It was not for this purpose, 
however, that the volunteers enlisted, nor was it in expectation of 
such orders that the gallant Connor, who had been a dashing 
captain in the Mexican war, placed his sword at his country's 
service. When the news of the attack on Sumter reached the 
golden slopes of California, Captain Connor's prompt and patriotic 
offer caused his selection as Colonel of the Third California Infantry 
by the Governor of the State. He at once set about recruiting his 
companies, and was in earnest and impatient expectation of being 
ordered to the front. The early spring of 1862 brought him the 
disappointing order to move to Utah ; and if that destination was a 
matter of chagrin to himself and his command, it became still more 
a humiliation to them when they learned that their duties here, 
while ostensibly to protect the mail routes and keep the Indians in 
check, were really to watch and overawe the Mormon people, the 
loyalty of whose leaders the Secretary of War had discovered some 
pretext for doubting. This unnecessary and undignified service was 
not less galling to the Californians than insulting to the citizens of 


Utah; it was at least a niggardly recognition of the quick enthusiasm 
with which the volunteers had responded to the Union's need. For 
months prior to the arrival of the troops, there was full knowledge 
in Utah that they were ordered hither, but no decisive information 
as to the purpose of their coming. The Deseret News during the 
spring of 1862 kept its readers informed regarding the progress of 
the preparations, and in June declared with some sarcasm that 
"the pompous procession is expected to consist of one thousand 
infantry, five hundred cavalry, a field battery, one hundred and fifty 
contractor's wagons and seventy army wagons, besides the officers' 
ambulances and carriages for their families who accompany them. 
To complete the arrangement, and render the scene superbly grand, 
several hundred head of cattle are to be driven in the rear of the 
procession. The Indians will of course be tremendously scared, and 
horse thieves, gamblers, and other pests of the community won- 
drously attracted by the gigantic demonstration." 

It was not until July, 1862, that the command set out upon its 
march. It consisted of the Third California Infantry and part of the 
Second California Cavalry, and was afterwards joined by a few com- 
panies from Nevada. All told, the force numbered a little more than 
seven hundred men. At Fort Churchill, under date of August 6th, 
Colonel Connor issued his first order, assuming command of the 
military district of Utah, comprising the Territories of Utah and 
Nevada. This proclamation in its wording indicated that the 
commander expected to find traitors, and it expresses a stern purpose 
to mete out punishment to those who were guilty of uttering treason- 
able sentiments. On the 9th of September Colonel Conner arrived 
at Salt Lake City, having left his troops encamped in Ruby Valley. 
He remained only a few days, but in his stroll about the city was not 
slow to observe that an available and commanding site for a military 
post lay to the east on the bench overlooking the whole valley. 
Returning to Ruby Valley he found his officers and men burning 
with impatience to go to the seat of war, and on September 24th he 
endorsed their demand in a despatch to the General-in-Chief of the 


army, in which he said his men had been in service a year, had 
marched six hundred miles, were well-officered and thoroughly 
drilled, and were of no service on the mail route as there was 
cavalry enough in the Utah district to protect it ; the men authorized 
the pay-master to withhold $30,000 of pay then due if the govern- 
ment would only order them east to fight traitors, the end for which 
they enlisted ; and if the above sum was not sufficient, they proffered 
to pay their own passage from San Francisco to Panama. A corres: 
pondent of the San Francisco Bulletin, writing from the camp that 
same day, still more pointedly expressed the popular feeling. He 
said: "Brigham Young offers to protect the entire [overland mail] 
line with one hundred men. Why we were sent here is a mystery. 
It could not be to keep Mormondom in order, for Brigham can thor- 
oughly annihilate us with the 5,000 to 25,000 frontiersmen always at 
his command." 

Nevertheless the Volunteers continued their march eastward. 
Two companies under Major McGarry had been detached a few days 
before to pursue and punish some refractory Indians on the Hum- 
boldt. On the 17th of October the main body reached Fort Critten- 
den, formerly Camp Floyd. Certain parties who had purchased at a 
low figure the expensive improvements there, had hoped that the 
Government would desire to buy back again at a high price. They 
were therefore grievously disappointed at Colonel Connor's determin- 
ation to/ establish himself nearer the Territorial headquarters. 
Next day the troops marched to what they called the Jordan Springs, 
near the point of the mountain south of Salt Lake City and twenty 
miles north of Fort Crittenden. From that point they could see the 
city, and now their ears were saluted with the news that armed 
resistance against their entry into the capital would be encoun- 
tered, and that they would -not be allowed to cross the Jordan. For 
the moment, the belligerent Californians thought there was a chance 
for them to smell gunpowder, and in the camp there were grim 
congratulations, since a fight, if fight it must be, would be as welcome 
at the Jordan as at the Potomac. Colonel Connor himself was 


misled by the rumors which reached him, and is said to have replied 
to the imaginary threat as to resistance, that he would cross the 
Jordan "though hell yawned beneath it." There was some dramatic 
inspection of ammunition and arms, and a general furbishing up of 
accoutrements. The gun caissons were furnished with an extra 
supply of cannister, and sixty rounds were given to each soldier. 
But cooler heads in the camp were able to distinguish the fancied 
resistance from the actual motive for such a rumor. The natural 
excitement in the city caused by the news that the troops did not 
intend remaining at Crittenden had been magnified by those whose 
purpose of gain was thus foiled, into a threatening display which 
they hoped might scare the commander into entertaining their 
proposition of sale. The only result of their maladroit endeavors 
was to render themselves and those who gave credence to them 
ridiculous. Connor was not the man to be intimidated by a rumor, 
nor were the Mormons, wounded though they may have been at the 
reflection which the whole expedition cast upon their patriotism, so 
recreant to sentiments of prudence and loyalty as to offer resistance 
to a peaceably disposed United States force. 

Sunday the command moved northward along the west side of 
the river to the bridge at Little Cottonwood, and Monday forenoon, 
the 20th, they entered the city with bands playing, colors flying, and 
confidence and animation beaming from every rank. Far from a 
hostile demonstration, they were accorded a reception distinguished 
principally for the universal curiosity of the people. Crowds congre- 
gated at every crossing and the movement of the troops was watched 
with undisguised interest. Though the Governor and Judges met 
the column some distance out, formal greetings were reserved until 
the executive mansion was reached, where the troops were drawn up 
in two lines, and the Governor's salute was given. Colonel Connor 
introduced Governor Harding, who, rising in his buggy, delivered a 
warm and patriotic address. He expressed some disappointment at 
their having come to Salt Lake City; but declared with emphasis that 
the individual, if any such there were, who supposed the Govern- 


ment had sent them in order that mischief might come of it, knew 
not the spirit of the Government nor the spirit of the officials who 
represented it in this Territory. "I believe," he continued, "the 
people you have now come amongst will not disturb you if you do 
not disturb them in their public rights and in the honor and peace 
of their homes;" and he assured them in conclusion that should 
they disregard the discipline that is their only safety, he would not 
be with them, but that in conforming to their duty they would have 
his countenance and support even to the death. The soldiers then 
resumed their march through the city, and proceeding two miles and 
a half eastward, to the bench between Red Butte and Emigration 
Canyons, went into camp. Two days later Colonel Connor located 
and began the construction of quarters on the site which has ever 
since been known as Camp or Fort Douglas. 

The men at once set to work to construct rude habitations for 
the winter and they were soon housed in "dug-outs," which gave 
them good shelter against the snows and frost, but were an 
aggravation during rains and thaws. Occasional sorties against the 
Indians, who, especially between the Bear and Humboldt rivers, were 
committing great depredations upon belated trains of overland 
emigration, varied somewhat the monotony of camp life. One 
sensational episode was an expedition undertaken in the latter part 
of November by a company of sixty men under Major McGarry to 
recover a white boy held in captivity by a band of Shoshone Indians 
in the northern part of Cache Valley. A sharp skirmish took place 
between the troops and the red-skins, after which the captive was 
delivered over and brought to Salt Lake City. This engagement 
occurred not far from Franklin and almost on the site of the 
subsequent Bear River battle, by far the most important Indian fight 
had by the volunteers. 

On the 19th of January, 1863, a miner named William Bevins 
made affidavit before Chief Justice Kinney to the effect that about 
ten days previously himself and party, numbering eight men, who 
were on their way to the Grasshopper gold mines in Dakota, were 


attacked in Cache Valley by Indians and one of their number killed ; 
also that another party of ten miners en route to Salt Lake City had 
been assaulted and murdered by the same Indians in the same 
locality. Upon this information warrants for the arrest of three of 
the chiefs were issued and placed in the hands of the United States 
Marshal, Isaac L. Gibbs, who, realizing that resistance would be 
offered, laid the matter before Colonel Connor. Three days later a 
company of infantry and two howitzers, started for the camp of the 
hostiles; and on Sunday evening, the 25th, four companies of 
cavalry under command of Colonel Connor himself, followed. 
Marshal Gibbs accompanied the expedition, though with what 
purpose is not clear, as the mission and intention of the troops 
was to summarily punish, and not merely arrest, the savages for the 
various crimes and depredations of which they were accused. 
Colonel Connor in his report says he informed the Marshal that all 
arrangements for the expedition were already made ; and that the 
civil process had little to do with it is evident from the Colonel's 
further remark: "Being satisfied that they [the Indians] were part of 
the same band who had been murdering emigrants on the overland 
mail route for the past fifteen years and the principal actors and 
leaders in the horrid massacre of the past summer, I determined, 
although the weather was unfavorable to an expedition, to chastise 
them if possible." 

Tuesday night, the 27th, the cavalry force overtook the infantry 
at Mendon. Cache County, but the infantry at once resumed the 
march and were again overtaken during the following night at 
Franklin, twelve miles from the Indian encampment. At 3 o'clock 
on the morning of the 29th, the infantry were in motion, and an 
hour later the cavalry set out, overtaking and passing their plodding 
comrades about four miles south of the river. The battle began at 
6 o'clock, the Indians having detected the effort of the mounted 
troops to surround them, and defeating it by at once engaging them. 
The position of the savages was one of great natural strength, and 
they had improved it with considerable ingenuity. A narrow, dry 


ravine with steep, rocky sides, sheltered them from the fire of the 
soldiers, who, advancing along the level table-land .through which 
the gorge ran, were exposed to the murderous volleys of the 
concealed foe. Steps cut in the banks enabled the latter to ascend 
and descend as necessity required, and artificial copses of willow 
served as additional defenses where the ravine's course left an 
exposed point. The battle opened inauspiciously for the troops who 
quickly saw the disadvantage at which they were placed. Several fell, 
killed or wounded, at the first fire; the Indians gleefully noting the 
fact, and defying the survivors to "come on." Meantime the 
infantry, whose advance had been checked by the swift, icy waters of 
Bear River, until horses furnished by the cavalry had assisted them 
over the stream, had joined in the engagement; and a successful 
flanking movement soon afterwards enabled the troops to pour an 
enfilading fire into the enemy's camp. This was the beginning of 
the end; for though the savages fought with fury, they were now at 
a disadvantage and were met by a line of soldiers at either end of 
the ravine. As they moved toward the lower end, the Colonel 
ordered his troops thither, disposing the cavalry so as to cut off 
escape. One company stood at the mouth of the gorge and visited 
terrible execution upon the enemy; at a single spot forty-eight 
corpses were afterwards counted. By 10 o'clock the savages were 
completely routed and the slaughter was ended. Two hundred and 
twenty -four warriors, it is claimed, were found dead upon the field 
but this number was doubtless exaggerated. Among them were the 
chiefs Bear Hunter, Sagwitch, and Lehi, the first, it is said, falling 
into the fire at which he was moulding bullets, and being literally 
roasted. Sanpitch, one of the chiefs named in Judge Kinney's 
warrant, made his escape, as did also Pocatello and probably fifty 
braves. The fighting strength of the Indians was estimated to be over 
three hundred ; one hundred and sixty squaws and children fell into 
the hands of the victors; one hundred and seventy-five ponies were 
captured in the camp; seventy lodges were burned; and of a large 
quanity of grain, implements and other property believed to have 



been stolen from emigrants, that which was not necessary for the 
captives was either destroyed or carried to Gamp Douglas and sold. 

On his side Colonel Connor lost fourteen men, and forty- 
nine were wounded during the engagement. Eight died within ten 
days. The force in the outset numbered about three hundred men, 
but not more than two hundred were in the fight. The remainder 
were either teamsters or men incapacitated by frozen feet. The 
hardships of the journey were extreme, the snow being deep and the 
cold intense. The casualties of this latter class were seventy-nine, 
and the commanding officer in his report expressed the fear that 
many of the victims would be crippled for life.* 

The dead and wounded arrived at Camp Douglas on the night of 
the 2nd of February, and on Wednesday the 4th the survivors were 
again at their quarters. Next day, the 5th, fifteen of the dead were 
buried, with military honors, theirs being the consecrating dust of 
the beautiful little cemetery at the Fort. On the 6th Lieutenant 
Darwin Chase, who died of his wounds on the night of the 4th at 
Farmington, was buried with masonic and martial honors.f At dress 
parade on Sunday, the 8th, the Colonel's complimentary order was 
read, and that same day the two who were the last to die of their 
wounds were placed by the side of their deceased comrades. 

If the battle in its latest stage had possessed less the elements of 
a massacre, Colonel Connor and his command would have been more 
generally praised by some people; but perhaps it would not then 
have proved a lesson so well remembered by the savages. As it was, it 
completely broke the power of the Indians, and conveyed to them a 
warning that it has never been necessary to repeat. In a letter to 
General Wright, commanding the Department of the Pacific, General- 
in-Chief Halleck wrote from Washington under date of March 29th, 

* Colonel Connor employed as his guide on this expedition the experienced moun- 
taineer, 0. P. Rockwell, who rendered the command very efficient service, without which, 
it is believed, many more of the soldiers would have perished by being frozen. This fact 
accounts for the friendly feeling that Connor always entertained toward Rockwell. 

f Lieutenant Chase had once been a Mormon Elder. 



highly praising the courage and discretion of the Colonel and his 
brave Californians ; and in a dispatch of the same date to Colonel 
Connor, he and his command were congratulated on their heroic 
conduct and brilliant victory, and the commander was notified that he 
was that day appointed a brigadier general. The dispatch was not 
received at Camp Douglas until late at night, but the musicians tuned 
up and made the post merry, and the artillerymen awoke the 
midnight echoes with a salute of eleven guns. 

S-VOL. 2. 











OON after the arrival of the troops under Colonol Connor and 
the planting of United States cannon on the bench east of and 
overlooking Salt Lake City, Governor Harding began giving evidence 
of a change of heart regarding the Mormon people, in whose praises 
he had waxed so eloquent but a few short months before. That 
his first professions, so friendly to the Saints, were altogether 
hypocritical, and that he really hated the people whom he eulogized, 
and was only awaiting the backing which the advent of the military 
now gave him before revealing the true inwardness of his soul 
toward those whom he had been sent to govern, is hardly proba- 
ble. That he was sincere in saying: "I come amongst you a 
messenger of peace and good will," with " no wrongs, either real or 
imaginary, to complain of, and no religious prejudices to overcome," 
few if any will question. But that something occurred soon after- 
ward to turn him against the vast majority of the citizens and 
cause him to take a stand diametrically opposite to that which he at 
first assumed, is certain. That this something, whatever it was, did 
not antedate the coming of Colonel Connor's command, is evident 
from the tenor of the Governor's remarks to the volunteers on their 
arrival at Salt Lake City remarks that could only be construed as 
favorable to the people. It is not improbable that Colonel Connor 


himself, who was a Mormon-hater and made no pretensions to the 
contrary, was the cause of Harding's defection from his former 
friendly attitude. Steeped in prejudice against the Saints and 
regarding them as "traitorous and disloyal to the core," and that, too, 
before he had even set foot within the Territory, it is very possible 
that the warlike Colonel, angry at being assigned the distasteful 
task of "watching Brigham Young" when he and his comrades had 
"enlisted to fight traitors," took early occasion to engraft his own 
views upon the weaker mind of the pliant Executive, as well as upon 
Judges Waite and Drake, who were hand and glove with Harding in 
all his anti-Mormon proceedings. 

There are those who claim that the Mormons gave great offense 
to the Governor by failing to observe January 1st, 1863, as a day of 
thanksgiving and praise, pursuant to a proclamation issued by His 
Excellency on the 2nd of the previous December, and that this was 
the reason why he uncorked the vials of unfriendly criticism and 
poured out the contents so unsparingly upon them. But the fact 
that Harding opened fire upon the people of Utah by attacking their 
representatives in the Legislature on the 10th of December, 1862, 
only eight days after the issuance of the proclamation in question, 
and fully three weeks before the day fixed for the observance of his 
decree, renders that ground utterly untenable. 

The Legislative session referred to convened at Salt Lake City 
on the 8th of December. Daniel H. Wells was President of the 
Council and Orson Pratt Speaker of the House. Two days later 
Governor Harding delivered his message, a very lengthy though well 
worded document for the Governor was an able rhetorician the 
salient features of which we will here reproduce. After again compli- 
menting the people for the "miracle of labor" they had performed 
in colonizing and redeeming the desert, His Excellency proceeded to 
discuss the great topic of the Civil War, during which he eulogized 
the policy and acts of President Lincoln. He then touched upon 
the subject of the admission of the State of Deseret into the Union, 
and said : 


After the adjournment of the last session of this body, in accordance with a joint 
resolution emanating therefrom, the people of this Territory proceeded to elect delegates 
to form a Constitution for the State of Deseret ; and after such Constitution was formed 
and adopted, the people proceeded to elect a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and other 
officers, amongst which was a representative to Congress; and also two United States 
Senators were elected. One of the gentlemen elected as a United States Senator pro- 
ceeded to Washington City and caused to be laid before Congress the object of his 
mission. He was treated with that courtesy to which a gentleman on so grave a mission 
should ever be entitled. He was permitted to occupy a seat within the bar of the 
Senate chamber, and was otherwise received with the kindest consideration. In conse- 
quence of the lateness of the session, it could not be expected that more would have been 
done than was in the premises. The Constitution and other documents were referred to 
the appropriate committee, where the matter now rests. That the question will be taken 
up at the approaching session of Congress and acted on in that spirit of fairness that 
becomes a great and generous nation, I have no doubt. 

I am sorry to say that since my sojourn amongst you I have heard no sentiments, 
either publicly or privately expressed, that would lead me to believe that much sympathy is 
felt by any considerable number of your people in favor of the Government of the United 
States, now struggling for its very existence " in the valley and shadow " through which 
it has been called to pass. If I am mistaken in this opinion no one will rejoice more 
than myself in acknowledging my error. I would, in the name of my bleeding country, 
that you, as the representatives of public sentiment here, would speedily pass such a 
resolution as will extort from me, if necessary, a public acknowledgment of my error, if 
error I have committed. 

I have said this in no unkind spirit ; I would much rather learn that the fault has 
been on my part and not on yours. 

I regret also to say, I have found in conversing with many gentlemen of social and 
political influence, that because the question of the admission of this Territory into the 
Union was temporarily postponed, distrust is entertained in regard to the friendly disposi- 
sition of the Federal Government, and expressions have been used amounting to inuen- 
does at least, as to what the result might be in case the admission should be rejected or 
postponed. Every such manifestation of spirit on the part of the objectors is, in my 
opinion, not only unbecoming, but is based on an entire misconception of the rights of 
the applicant, and the duties of the representatives of the States composing the Union. 
x * ##*###*#* 

The admission of a new State into the Union is, or ought to be, attended with 
gravest consideration. For instance, suppose the population of the Territory is known to 
fall far short of the number that entitles the present members of the Union to a represen- 
tation in Congress, should it be thought hard or strange that objection should be made? 
Is it thought a hardship that the people of the State of New York, comprising 4,000,000, 
are not willing that their voices should be silenced in the Senate of the United States by 
60,000, or 80,000 in one of the Territories ? I am aware that precedents may be cited in 
some few instances, where these reasons have been overlooked and disregarded, but that 
fact does not affect the question under consideration. The reasons which controlled 
Congress at the time referred to were never good and sound ones, but were found in the 


wishes and ambition of political parties, anxious to control the vote in the electoral 
college, for chief magistrate. If the precedent was a bad one, the sooner it is changed 
the better for all parties .concerned. 

In connection with this subject, I respectfully recommend the propriety of passing an 
act whereby a correct census may be taken of the population of the Territory. If it shall 
be found that the population is sufficient to entitle it to one representative in Congress, on 
the present basis, I shall be most happy in aiding you to the extent of my humble abilities, 
in forwarding any movements having for their end the admission of the Territory into 
the Union as a State. 

It would be disingenuous if I were not to advert to a question, though seemingly it 
has nothing to do with the premises, is yet one of vast importance to you as a people, 
and which cannot be ignored I mean that institution which is not only commended but 
encouraged by you, and which, to say the least of it, is an anomaly throughout Christen- 
dom I mean polygamy, or, if you please, plural wives. In approaching this delicate 
subject, I desire to do so in no offensive manner or unkind spirit ; yet the institution, 
founded upon no written statute of your Territory, but upon custom alone exists. It is 
a patent fact, and your own public teachers, by speech and pamphlet, on many occasions, 
have challenged its investigation at the bar of Christendom. I will not on this occasion 
be drawn into a discussion either of its morality or its Bible authority ; I will neither 
affirm nor deny any one of the main proceedings on which it rests. That there is seeming 
authority for its practice in the Old Testament scripture, cannot be denied. 

But still there were many things authorized in the period of the world when they 
were written which could not be tolerated now without overturning the whole system of 
our civilization, based, as it is, on the new and better revelation of the common Savior of 
us all. While it must be confessed that the practice of polygamy prevailed to a limited 
extent, yet it should be remembered that it was in that age of the world when the 
twilight of a semi -barbarism had not yielded to the effulgence of the coming day, and 
when the glory and the fame of the kings of Israel consisted more in the beauty and 
multitude of their concubines than in the wisdom of their counselors. " An eye for an 
eye, and a tooth for a tooth," was once the lex talionis of the great Jewish law-giver. 
So capital punishment was awarded for Sabbath breaking ; and there were many other 
statutes and customs which at this age of the world, if adopted, would carry us back- 
ward into the centuries of barbarism. 

I lay it down as a sound proposition that no community can happily exist with an 
institution as important as that of marriage wanting in all those qualities that make it 
homogeneal with institutions and laws of neighboring civilized communities having the 
same object. Anomalies in the moral world cannot long exist in a state of mere abeyance ; 
they must from the very nature of things become aggressive, or they will soon disappear 
from the force of conflicting ideas. This proposition is supported by the history of our 
race, and is so plain that it may be set down as an axiom. If we grant this to be true, we 
may sum up the conclusion of the argument as follows : either the laws and opinions of 
the community by which you are surrounded must become subordinate to your customs 
and opinions, or, on the other hand, you must yield to theirs. The conflict is irre- 


* * * * * * * * * * * 

I respectfully call your attention to an Act of Congress passed the first day of July, 
1862, entitled " An Act to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories 
of the United States, and in other places, and disapproving and annulling certain Acts of 
the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah." (Chap. CXXVII. of the Statutes at 
Large of the last Session of Congress, page 501.) I am aware that there is a prevailing 
opinion here that said Act is unconstitutional, and therefore it is recommended by those 
in high authority that no regard whatever should be paid to the same and still more to 
be regretted, if I am rightly informed, in some instances it has been recommended that it 
be openly .disregarded and defied. 

I take this occasion to warn the people of this Territory against such dangerous and 
disloyal counsel. Whether such Act is unconstitutional or not, is not necessary for me 
either to affirm or deny. The individual citizen, under no circumstances whatever, has 
the right to defy any law or statute of the United States with impunity. In doing so, he 
takes upon himself the risk of the penalties of that statute, be they what they may, in 
case his judgment should be in error. The Constitution has amply provided how and 
where all such questions of doubt are to be submitted and settled, viz : in the courts 
constituted for that purpose. To forcibly resist the execution of that Act would, to say 
the least, be a high misdemeanor, and if the whole community should become involved 
in such resistance, would call down upon it the consequences of insurrection and rebellion. 
I hope and trust that no such rash counsels will prevail. If, unhappily, I am mistaken 
in this, I choose to shut my eyes to the consequences. 

Amongst the most cherished and sacred rights secured to the citizens of the United 
States, is the right " to worship God according to the dictates of conscience." * * * 

But here arises a most important question, a question perhaps that has never yet 
been asked or fully answered in this country how far does the the right of conscience 
extend ? Is there any limit to this right ? and, if so, where shall the line of demarcation 
be drawn, designating that which is not forbidden from that which is ? This is indeed 
a most important inquiry, and from the tendency of the times, must sooner or later be 
answered. I cannot and will not on this occasion pretend to answer this question, but 
will venture the suggestion that when it is answered the same rules will be adopted as if 
the freedom of speech and of the press were involved in the argument. 
********* ** 

Because " the freedom of speech and of the press " is guaranteed, can the citizen 
thereby be allowed to speak slanderously and falsely of his neighbor ? Can he write and 
print a libel with impunity ? He certainly cannot ; and his folly would almost amount 
to idiocy if he should appeal to the Constitution to shield him from the consequences of 
his acts. But the question may be asked why not ? The answer is at hand. Simply 
because he is not allowed to abuse these rights. If, upon a prosecution for slander or 
libel, the defendant should file his plea setting up that provision of the Constitution as 
a matter of defense, the plea would not only be bad on demurrer, but the pleader 
would be looked upon as a very bad lawyer. Will any one inform rne why the same 
parity of reasoning should not apply in one case as the other? 

That if an act, in violation of law and repugnant to the civilization in the midst of 


which that act has been committed, should be followed by a prosecution, could be justi- 
fied under the guaranty of the Constitution securing the " free exercise of religion " 
more than in the case above cited ? I shall pause for an answer. There can be no 
limits beyond which the mind cannot dwell, and our thoughts soar in their aspirations 
after truth. We may think what we will, believe what we will, and speak what we will, 
on all subjects of speculative theology. We may believe with equal impunity the Talmud 
of the Jew, the Bible of the Christian, the Book of Mormon, the Koran, or the Veda of 
the Brahmin. We cannot elevate, other than by moral forces, the human soul from the 
low plane of ignorance and barbarism, whether it worships for its God, the Llama of the 
Tartars, or the Beetle of the Egyptians. But when religious opinions assume new mani- 
festations and pass from mere sentiments into overt acts, no matter whether they be acts 
of faith or not, they must not outrage the opinions of the civilized world, but, on the 
other hand, must conform to those usages established by law, and which are believed to 
underlie our civilization. 

But, the question returns Is there any limit to the " free exercise of religion ? " 
If there is not, then in the midst of the nineteenth century, human victims may be 
sacrificed as an atonement for sin, and " widows may be burned alive on the funeral 
pile." Is there one here who believes that such shocking barbarisms could be 
practiced in the name of religion, and in the " free exercise thereof" in any new State or 
Territory of the United States ? If not, then there must be a limit to this right under 
consideration, and it only remains for the proper tribunal at the proper time to fix the 
boundaries, as each case shall rise involving that question. 

Thus did Governor Harding, who, but five months before, had 
announced from the public platform in Utah that he came among her 
people with "no religious prejudices to overcome," and that "under 
no pretext whatever" would he consent to the violation of the right 
guaranteed by the Constitution to worship God according to the 
dictates of conscience,\ proceed to cast discredit upon a feature of the 
Mormon faith and deny the right of its disciples to practice it. 
Whatever the merits of the question involved and it is a fact that 
the Mormons believed the anti-polygamy law to be unconstitutional 
Governor Harding's inconsistency is apparent. Nor is he shielded 
by the argument, that some might make in his behalf, that at the 
time of his oration on the 24th of July, 1862, the act of Congress 
prohibiting polygamy in the Territories was unknown. It had been 
signed by the President of the United States fully three weeks before 
the event referred to, and the telegraph had heralded the fact to 
every part of the nation penetrated by the electric wire. 


Says Mr. Stenhouse in relation to the Governor's action: "The 
manner of the delivery of the message was worse .than the matter, 
and probably no Legislature ever felt more humiliated and insulted. 
It was painful to observe the Legislators, as they sat quiet and 
immovable, hearing their faith contemned. It was interpreted as an 
open and gratuitous insult on the part of the Executive." 

The Legislators, aside from ignoring the offensive message 
insomuch, at least, as to fail to authorize its complimentary publica- 
tion took no steps to indicate their displeasure, but went quietly to 
work preparing and passing laws for the weal of their constituents. 
Only twenty measures passed the Legislature that session, but of 
that twenty Governor Harding vetoed fourteen. 

Subsequently it was learned that he, in conjunction with Judges 
Waite and Drake, were working secretly against the people of the 
Territory, mainly through the media of letters written to members of 
the Government and others at Washington. Public indignation was 
aroused, and early in the spring of 1863, mass meetings were held at 
various points to protest against the conduct of the three officials. 

The principal gathering for this purpose convened at the 
Tabernacle in Salt Lake City on the 3rd of March. Captain Thomas' 
brass band was early upon the scene, enlivening the occasion with 
patriotic airs. "Hail Columbia" having been rendered with stirring 
effect, the meeting was organized with Hon. Daniel Spencer as chair- 
man, William Clayton and Thomas Williams as secretaries, and 
George D. Watt and John V. Long as reporters. President Joseph 
Young offered prayer, and the band played the "Star Spangled 
Banner." Hon. John Taylor then arose and stated the object of the 
meeting. They had assembled, he said, for the purpose of investi- 
gating certain acts of several of the United States officials now in the 
Territory. The time had come for certain documents to be placed 
before the people and before the country, and on which they could 
not avoid taking action. Referring to Governor Harding's message, 
the speaker said that though the Legislature was under no obligation 
at the opening of the session to publish it, such action on their part 


being purely complimentary, they did think at first of so doing, but 
out of respect for themselves and for the sake of His Excellency, had 
reconsidered their intention. Mr. Taylor then resumed his seat and 
Hon. Albert Carrington came forward and read the Governor's 
message from the printed journals of the Legislature. The reading 
of the document was listened to with rapt attention, but the indig- 
nation of the assembly at the insult offered their representatives, 
though suppressed, was very apparent. 

Mr. Carrington drew attention to the inconsistencies of the 
Governor's professions and actions. He said that His Excellency 
reminded him of the man curing his sick cow; he commenced with 
giving her sweet apples, and every now and then threw in an onion. 
The Governor admitted that the Constitution debarred him from 
interfering with their religious rights, and yet at every opportunity 
throughout the message he attacked them. He conceded that 
polygamy was a religious rite and a matter of faith with the people, 
and stated that he would neither affirm nor deny in relation to it, 
while at the same time he held it up to ridicule and obloquy, and 
everywhere affirmed that it was not only contrary to civilization, but 
anomalous, contrary to law, unconstitutional, and that it could not be 
endured. These were some of the reasons why the Legislature had 
omitted the complimentary printing of the message. Mr. Carrington 
then went on to show how the Governor had further been false to 
his professions of friendship for the people, and how Judges Waite 
and Drake had assisted him in his assault upon their liberties. In 
proof of this he read some correspondence from Delegate Bernhisel 
and Senator-elect Hooper, at Washington. One was a letter dated 
January 22nd, in which Governor Harding was represented as having 
communicated to Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, Vice-President of the 
United States, his message, with a letter stating that said message 
had been suppressed through the influence of one of Utah's promi- 
nent citizens, referring of course to President Young. The last 
paragraph of the letter from Washington was as follows : " I enter- 
tain strong hopes that we shall be able to obtain, before the termina- 


tion of the session, an appropriation to liquidate your Indian 
amounts, unless prevented by Governor Harding's, insinuation of the 
disloyalty of our people." 

Mr. Carrington also read to the meeting the following extract 
from a letter dated at Washington, in February: 

On the llth of December last, Senator Browning introduced a bill in the Senate 
which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. This bill was prepared at Great 
Salt Lake City, and its enactment by Congress recommended by Governor Harding and 
Judges Waite and Drake. The leading and most exceptional features of this bill are the 
following: 1st: It limits the jurisdiction of the Probate Courts to the probate of wills, to 
the issue of letters of administration and the appointment of guardians. 2nd: It 
authorizes the Marshal to summon any persons within the district in which the court is 
held that he thinks proper as jurors. 3rd: It authorizes the Governor to appoint and 
commission all militia officers, including Major-General, and remove them at pleasure. It 
also confers on the Governor authority to appoint the days for training. 

Captain Hooper confirmed this in a letter written late in 
January, in which he said: "The bill has been presented and 
referred back. There does not appear to have been any action on it. 
* The bill was drawn up at Salt Lake and attached 

with eyelets. Also attached was as follows: 'The bill should 
be passed.' Signed: S. S. Harding, Governor; Waite and Drake, 
Associate Justices." 

The reading of these extracts created quite a sensation. Mr. 
Carrington remarked sarcastically that it was thus Governor Harding 
proposed "to help us," and that His Excellency's private room 
was "a new place for drafting bills for the action of Congress." 
The speaker took his seat amid a storm of applause. The following 
speech was then delivered by Hon. John Taylor: 

It has already been stated that these documents speak for themselves. They come 
from those who are ostensibly our guardians and the guardians of our rights. They come 
from men who ought to be actuated by the strictest principles of honor, truth, virtue, 
integrity, and honesty, and whose high official position ought to elevate them above 
suspicion, yet what are the results ? 

In relation to the Governor's Message, enough perhaps has already been said. We 
are not here to enter into any labored political disquisitions, but to make some plain 
matter-of-fact statements, in which are involved the vital interests of this community. 
There is one feature, however, in that document which deserves a passing notice. It 


would seem that we are by direct implication accused of disloyalty. He states that he has 
not heard any sentiments expressed, either publicly or privately, that would lead him to 
believe that much sympathy is felt by any considerable portion of this people in favor of 
the Government of the United States. Perhaps we may not be so blatant and loud-spoken 
as some people are ; but is it not patent to this community that the Legislature, during 
the session of 1861-2, assumed the territorial quota of taxation ? and at the very time that 
His Excellency was uttering this infamy, a resolution passed by the House, lay on the 
table, requesting the secretary to place a United States flag on the State House during the 
session. This was a small affair, yet significant of our feelings. 

It is not a matter of very grave importance to us generally what men may think of us, 
whether they be Government officials or not ; but these allegations assume another form, 
and their wickedness is now rendered vindictive from the peculiar circumstances in which 
our nation at the present time is placed. When treason is stalking through the land, 
when all the energies, the wealth, the power of the United States have been brought into 
requisition to put down rebellion, when anarchy and distrust run riot through the nation ; 
when, under these circumstances, we had a right to look for a friend in our Governor, 
who would, at least, fairly represent us, we have met a most insidious foe, who, through 
base insinuations, misrepresentations and falsehood, is seeking with all his power, 
privately and officially, not only to injure us before the Government, but to sap the very 
foundations of our civil and religious liberty ; he is in fact, in pursuit of his unhallowed 
course, seeking to promote anarchy and rebellion, and dabbling in your blood. It is then 
a matter of no small importance [hear, hear]. Such it would seem were Governor 
Harding's intentions when he read this message, such were his feelings when he con- 
cocted it. The document shows upon its face that it was not hastily written ; it has been 
well digested and every word carefully weighed. It most assuredly contains the senti- 
ments of his heart [hear, hear], of which his Washington letters are proof positive in 
relation to our alleged disloyalty. 

We are told about the generous reception of our senators-elect ; of this we are most 
profoundly ignorant. Their reception was not so gracious as he would represent. He 
labors under error, for which we do not feel to reproach him ; but what are we to think 
of his official letters to Washington ? They are facts. What of his gracious acts of 
kindness to this people and to their representatives! From the statements of our 
representatives in Congress, he is the most vindictive enemy we have. The only man, it 
would seem, who is insidiously striving to sap the interests of the people, and to injure 
their reputation, yet he is our Governor, and professes to represent our interests and feel 
intensely interested in our welfare. Let us investigate for a short time the results of his 
acts, should his designs be successful, leaving the allegations of treason out of the 

We have been in the habit of thinking that we live under the auspices of a 
republican government; that we had the right of franchise ; that we had the privilege of 
voting for whom we pleased, and of saying who should represent us; but it may be that 
we are laboring under a mistake, a political illusion. We have thought, too, that if a 
man among us was accused of crimes, that it was his privilege to be tried by his peers; 
by people whom he lived among, who would be the best judges of his actions. We 


have further been of the opinion that, while acting in a military capacity, when we are 
called to muster into service, to stand in defense of our country's rights, we had a right 
to the selection of our own officers. It is republican usage we have always selected our 
own militia officers ; but if the plotting of Governor Harding and our honorable Judges 
should be carried into effect we can do so no more ; we shall be deprived of franchise, of 
the rights of trial by an impartial jury, and shall be placed in a military capacity, under 
the creatures of Governor Harding or his successors' direction ; in other words, we shall 
be deprived of all the rights of freemen, and placed under a military despotism; such would 
be the result of the passage of this act. Let us examine it a little. An act already 
framed by the Governor and Judges, passed in the congress of Governor Harding's sitting- 
room, is forwarded to Washington with a request that it should be passed. Now suppose 
it should, what would be the result? As I have stated, we suppose that we possess the 
rights of franchise ; that is a mistake, we do not, we only think we do. -The Governor 
has already taken that from us. How so ? Have we not the privilege of voting for our 
own legislators, our own representatives in the Legislative Assembly ? Yes. But the 
Governor possesses the power of veto. This old relic of Colonial barbarism ingrafted 
into our Territorial organization was always in existence among us, but never was so 
foully abused as in the person of our present Governor ; he has done all he could to stop 
the wheels of government, and to produce dissatisfaction, and has exercised his veto to 
the fullest extent of his power. As an instance of this, there were twenty laws passed by 
the Legislative Assembly, only six of which are approved ; two of those were resolutions, 
one changing the place of meeting from the Court House to the State House, and the 
other the adjournment to next session. The other four are matters of minor importance, 
while everything connected with the welfare of the community, fourteen acts, are just so 
much waste paper. Now, I ask, where is your franchise ? In Governor Harding's pocket 
or stove. 

Again, in regard to juries, already referred to, you know what the usage has been, 
in relation to this matter. Governor Harding and the Judges want to place in the hands 
of the United States Marshal the power of selecting juries whom he pleases, no matter 
whither they come, or who they are. This is what our honorable Judges and Governor 
would attempt. Your liberties are aimed at, and your rights as freemen ; and then if you 
do not like to be disfranchised, and your liberties trampled under foot by a stranger if 
you do not like to have black-legs and cut-throats sit upon your juries, Mr. Harding 
wants to select his own military, and choose his own officers to lead them, and then if 
you will not submit, "I will make you." [voices all over the house, "Can't do it," with loud 
applause.] We know he cannot do it, but this is what he aims at. [Clapping and 
great applause.] When these rights are taken from us, what rights have we left ? [Cries of 
" None."] It could scarcely be credited that a man in his position would so far degrade 
himself as to introduce such outrageous principles, and it is lamentable to reflect upon, 
that men holding the position of United States Judges could descend to such injustice, 
corruption and depravity [applause]. These things are so palpable that any man with five 
grains of common sense can comprehend them ; " he that runneth may read." It is for 
you to judge whether you are willing to sustain such men in the capacity they act in 
or not. [One unanimous cry of " No ! " and loud clapping]. 


President Young then came forward to the speaker's desk and was 
greeted with prolonged applause. He stated that he had no intention 
of delivering a lengthy address, but while he spoke he would solicit 
the quiet of the assembly. He knew well the feelings of his 
auditory, but would prefer that they should suppress their demon- 
strations of applause to other times and places, when they might 
have less business and more leisure. On the resumption of perfect 
silence, he said that they had heard the message of the Governor to 
the last Legislature of Utah. They would readily perceive that the 
bread was buttered, but there was poison underneath. It seemed to 
him that the enemies of the Union, of the Constitution and of the 
nation, were determined to ruin if they could not rule. A foreseeing 
person might suppose that they conspired to bring about a revolution 
in the west, so as to divide the Pacific from the Atlantic States, for 
their acts tended to that end.* He believed that no true Democrat, 
no true Republican desired to see the nation distracted as it now was, 
but the labors of fanatics, whether they had plans which they 
comprehended or not, were in that direction. When Governor 
Harding came to this Territory last July, he sought to ingratiate 
himself into the esteem of our prominent citizens, with whom he 
had early intercourse, by his professed friendship and attachment to 
the people of Utah. He was then full of their praises, and said that 
he was ready to declare that he would stand in the defense of 
polygamy, or he should have to deny the Bible, and that he had told 
the President of the United States before he left Washington, that if 
he was called upon to agitate the question, he would have to take 

* President Young is understood to have received a proposition from certain 
politicians in California during this period, representing that it was in contemplation by 
the people of the Golden State, in case the Union was broken up by the war, and North 
and South permanently divided, to form the nucleus of a Federation embracing the 
States and Territories of the Pacific Slope, and inviting Utah to join them. This was at a 
time when it was thought probable that the Southern States would achieve their indepen- 
dence and become a distinct nation. President Young did not entertain the proposition, 
and about the same time rejected overtures from the Southern Confederacy. Utah 
proposed to " stand by the Union." 


the side of polygamy, or he should have to renounce the Bible. He 
said, in the Bowery, on the 24th of July, and at other places and at 
other times that if he ever learned that he was obnoxious to the 
people, and they did not wish his presence, he would leave the 

[Voices everywhere: "He had better go now."] 

He was not aware whether the two Associate Judges were tools 
operating with him, or whether they knew no better. The success 
sought in their schemes was the establishment of a military govern- 
ment over the Territory, in the hope of goading on the people to 
open rupture with the general government. Then, they would call 
out that Utah was disloyal! He was aware that nothing would 
please such men better than the arrest of all progress westward; 
they would, no doubt of it, be delighted to see the stoppage of travel 
across the plains and all intercourse by mail or telegraph destroyed. 
Any amount of money had been employed by parties interested in 
mail transportation and passenger travel to the Pacific, by way of 
Panama, to destroy the highway across the plains; and there were 
men among them not above operating to the accomplishment of that 
end, under the pretence of other purposes. 

He then alluded to the law that was drafted in this city and sent 
to Washington for adoption by Congress, to take from the people 
their rights as free American citizens, and portrayed the despotism 
that would follow placing the power of selecting jurors in the hands 
of a United States marshal. Any such power could, in the hands of 
designing men, destroy and subvert every right of free citizens. For 
that purpose, any class of disreputable men could at any time be 
imported into the Territory, and with a residence of a few hours be 
the ready tools for the accomplishment of any purpose. When their 
rights and the protection of their liberties were taken from them, 
what remained? [Voices, "Nothing, nothing."] Yes, service to 
tyrants, service to despots ! 

He concluded his address by expressing that his feelings were 
that the nation might be happy and free as it had been, and exhorted 


the people to be true to themselves, to their country, to their God, 
and to their friends. President Young resumed his seat amidst 
great applause and cheering. 

William Clayton, Esq., then read the following 


Resolved, That we consider the attack made upon us by his Excellency Governor 
Harding, wherein our loyalty is impugned, as base, wicked, unjust and false ; and he 
knew it to be so when uttered. 

Resolved, That we consider the attempt to possess himself of all military authority 
and dictation, by appointing all the mititia officers, as a stretch at military despotism 
hitherto unknown in the annals of our Republic. 

Resolved, That we consider his attempt to control the selection of juries, as so base, 
unjust and tyrannical, as to deserve the contempt of all freemen. 

Resolved, That we consider the action of Judges Waite and Drake, in assisting the 
Governor to pervert justice and violate the sacred palladium of the people's rights, as 
subversive of the principles of justice, degrading to their high calling, and repulsive to the 
feelings of honest men. 

Resolved, That we consider that a serious attack has been made upon the liberties 
of this people, and that it not only affects us as a Territory, but is a direct assault upon 
Republican principles, in our own nation, and throughout the world ; and that we cannot 
either tamely submit to be disfranchised ourselves, nor witness, without protest, the 
assassin's dagger plunged into the very vitals of our national institutions. 

Resolved, That while we at all times honor and magnify all wholesome laws of our 
country, and desire to be subservient to their dictates and the equitable administration of 
justice, we will resist, in a proper manner, every attempt upon the liberties guaranteed by 
our fathers, whether made by insidious foes, or open traitors. 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed by the meeting to wait upon the Governor 
and Judges Waite and Drake, to request them to resign their offices and leave the 
Territory. . . 

Resolved, That John Taylor, Jeter Clinton and Orson Pratt, Senior, be that com- 

Resolved, That we petition the President of the United States to remove Governor 
Harding and Judges Waite and Drake, and to appoint good men in their stead. 

The resolutions were adopted with a ringing cheer, and without 
a dissenting vote. The following petition, having been read to the 
meeting, was also unanimously adopted : 


To his Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : 

SIR : We, your petitioners, citizens of the Territory of Utah, respectfully represent that : 
Whereas, From the most reliable information in our possession, we are satisfied 


that his Excellency Stephen S. Harding, Governor, Charles B. Waite and Thomas J. 
Drake, Associate Justices, are strenuously endeavoring to create mischief and stir up strife 
between the people of the Territory of Utah and the troops now in Camp Douglas (situated 
within the limits of Great Salt Lake City,*) and, of far graver import in our Nation's 
present difficulties, between the people of the aforesaid Territory and the Government of 
the United States. 

Therefore, We respectfully petition your Excellency to forthwith remove the afore- 
said persons from the offices they now hold, and to appoint in their places men who will 
attend to the duties of their offices, honor their appointments, and regard the rights of all, 
attending to their own affairs and leaving alone the affairs of others ; and in all their con- 
duct demeaning themselves as honorable citizens and officers worthy of commendation by 
yourself, our Government and all good men ; and for the aforesaid removals and appoint- 
ments your petitioners will most respectfully continue to pray. 


The band then rendered "The Marsellaise " and the assembly 

The following report of the committee appointed by the mass 
meeting to visit Governor Harding and Judges Waite and Drake and 
request their resignations, speaks for itself: 

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, March 5th, 1863. 
To the citizens of Great Salt Lake City : 

GENTLEMEN : Your committee, appointed at the mass meeting held in the Tabernacle 
on the 3rd inst., waited upon his Excellency Governor Harding and their Honors Judges 
Waite and Drake, on the morning of the 4th. 

Governor Harding received us cordially, but, upon being informed of the purport of 
our visit, both himself and Judge Drake, who was in the Governor's office, emphatically 
refused to comply with the wishes of the people, notwithstanding the Governor had 
repeatedly stated that he would leave whenever he learned that his acts and course were 
not agreeable to the people. 

Upon being informed that, if he was not satisfied that the action of the mass meeting 
expressed the feelings of the people, he could have the expression of the whole Territory, 
he replied, "I am aware of that, but that would make no difference." 

Your committee called at the residence of Judge Waite, who, being absent at the 
time, has since informed us, by letter, that he also refuses to comply with the wishes of 
the people. JOHN TAYLOR, 


* One of the objections of the citizens to the location of Camp Douglas, was the fact 
that the use of the mountain waters by the garrison for culinary and irrigating purposes 
greatly diminished the supply of a portion of the inhabitants. During the dry summer 
season this was a great deprivation. 


The refusal to resign was of course anticipated; hence the 
adoption beforehand of the petition to President Lincoln, praying 
for the removal of the obnoxious officials. Several thousand 
signatures to the document were speedily obtained, and it was then 
forwarded to Washington. That the actipns of the three officials 
were in accord with the feelings of Colonel Connor and the 
officers at Camp Douglas is evident from the fact that a 
counter-petition, signed by them, asking that Governor Harding 
and Judges Waite and Drake be retained in office, was at once 
prepared and sent to President Lincoln. Chief Justice Kinney, 
Secretary Fuller and other Gentiles who failed to see eye to eye 
with their anti-Mormon associates at this period were styled by 
them "Jack-Mormons" and accused of "subserviency to Brigham 

It was about this time that President Young was accused of 
violating the anti-polygamy law, in marrying another wife. It was 
rumored and the rumor was straightway conveyed to him that a 
movement was on foot to have him arrested on such a charge. 
This report caused him little or no concern, at least that portion 
of it, but it was also reported and believed that Colonel Connor 
was about to make a descent with troops upon the President's 
residence, capture him and "run him off to the States for trial." 
To this kidnapping arrangement the defendant in prospect was 
naturally very much averse. Colonel Connor denied that any such 
act was contemplated, but his denial did not convince the friends 
of the President that the movement was not on foot, and his 
house was forthwith surrounded by armed guards determined to 
defend him at all hazards against an assault by the military. A 
very bitter feeling now prevailed between the civilians and the 
soldiers, each side watching the other with a jealous eye, and a 
collision at any moment seemed imminent. 

In order to take the wind out of his enemies' sails and defeat 
any plan, if it existed, to encompass his arrest by the military, 
President Young on the 10th of March permitted himself to be 

7-VOL. 2. 


arrested by United States Marshal Gibbs, unaccompanied by troops, 
and taken before Chief Justice Kinney at the State House. An 
investigation was had, and the defendant was held to bail in the sum 
of two thousand dollars for his appearance at the next term of 
court. The grand jury failed to indict, on the ground of an 
insufficiency of evidence, and the President in due time was released 
from his bond. 

Stenhouse states, in explanation of the rumor relating to the 
proposed military arrest of the Mormon leader, that Colonel Connor 
had visited Judge Waite and as he was leaving his house "one of 
the Elders, who was loitering about, believed that he overheard the 
General say, 'These three men must be surprised,'" meaning, it was 
supposed, the First Presidency. Immediately the alarm was given 
and the President's life-guards flew to arms to protect him against 
the expected outrage. The author of the Rocky Mountain Saints 
also alleges that what Colonel Connor really did say on the occasion 
in question was not in reference to Brigham Young at all, but to 
"one of the brethren" who "had married the three widows of a 
wealthy merchant within sight of Judge Waite's residence, and as 
that was an excellent case in which to try the application of the 
anti-polygamic law, the Colonel replied to the Judge that he would 
arrest him if the court furnished the order. The anticipation that 
difficulty would arise from Judge Waite acting within Judge Kinney's 
district while the latter was present, was the only thing that prevented 
the arrest." That Judge Waite hesitated in this particular instance 
to exercise judicial functions in Judge Kinney's district from such a 
motive as that assigned by Mr. Stenhouse, if true, was a little 
strange ; since it is a well known fact that Judge Waite did actually 
hold court in the district presided over by the Chief Justice, and 
that, too, while he himself was officiating therein. Such arbitrary 
conduct on the part of the Associate Justice could have but one 
effect that of increasing the distrust and dislike with which he was 
already regarded by the people. 

Of course these exciting rumors were at once telegraphed 


east and west and the press throughout the country began com- 
menting on the prospect of another "war" in Utah to add 
to the nation's troubles during that perilous period. The Daily 
Alia California of March llth, 1863, thus expressed itself on the 

We have some strange news today from Salt Lake, via New York. It is to the 
effect that there is danger of a collision between the Mormons and our troops there. The 
dispatch goes so far as to state that Governor Harding and Associate Justices Waite and 
Drake have called upon Colonel Connor to arrest Brigham Young and some of the 
Mormon leaders. It is strange that we have heard nothing on this side of these important 
events, and the first intimation we should have of what is going on should reach us via 
New York. We had, to be sure, a report recently of some angry meetings which had 
taken place there, but we had no idea that anything serious was going on. 

To get at the facts of the case we telegraphed to Salt Lake last night. The telegram 
we received does not clear up matters fully. Our correspondent speaks of an anti-bigamy 
law as the cause of the trouble. We do not know of any except the one providing for the 
admission of Utah as a State, provided polygamy was abolished. The whole affair, there- 
fore, is still enveloped in some confusion. There is one thing, however, that we do know; 
Colonel P. Edward Connor and his regiment were sent across the mountains to protect the 
telegraph and the overland mail, and to fight the Indians, and not to kick up trouble with 
Mormons or any other class of persons. The Government has enough of fighting now on 
its hands and there is no necessity of increasing it. Perhaps an expenditure of a few 
more millions of dollars in a Utah war is deemed necessary to promote the happiness of 
somebody behind the scenes. 

This from the Sacramento Daily Union of March 12th : 

It seems that matters at Salt Lake are in an unsettled and uncertain state. Some 
difficulty has grown up between the Governor, the United States Judges, and the head of 
the Mormon Church, which may though we hope not terminate in a collision. We 
never deemed it particularly an act of wisdom to order a single regiment to Salt Lake. It 
was not needed there for protection. We fear, too, that the Governor has been 
imprudent. The Mormons should, of course, submit to the laws, but laws ought not be 
forced upon them which are repugnant to a very large majority of that singular people. 
A conflict at this time would prove a great misfortune to California. It would also prove 
fatal to the Mormons, and hence we reason that they will avoid any hostile demonstrations 
except in self-defense. The pretty-much let-alone policy is the one which should be 
adopted toward the Mormons. 

At the March term of the Third District Court occurred the trial 
of the Morrisites captured by the Marshal's posse in June of the 
previous year. Ten of them had been indicted for the murder of the 


two members of the posse killed at Kington Fort, and of these seven 
were convicted of murder in the second degree, -two were acquitted 
and in the case of the remaining one a nolle was entered. The 
sentences of the convicted parties ranged from fifteen years in the case 
of one to ten years in the case of five. Sixty-nine of the remaining 
prisoners were fined one hundred dollars each for resisting an officer 
in the service of process. Within three days of the trial petitions 
circulated among Federal officials and extensively signed by them as 
well as by persons at Camp Douglas were presented to Governor Hard- 
ing for the pardon of the Morrisites, and by him granted. He extended 
executive clemency to the whole seventy-six in two proclamations 
bearing date of March 31st, 1863. Shortly after their release the 
most of the Morrisites found employment at Camp Douglas, and later 
accompanied a detachment of troops to Idaho where a new military 
post was established. Some of them lived for many years in a little 
settlement near Soda Springs. 

Before leaving Utah, however, one of their number, Alexander 
Dow, was prevailed upon to make affidavit as to the bloodthirstiness 
and cruelty shown in this "fearful Mormon outrage" at Kington 
Fort. Dow was a soldier in the Morrisite army, and had been freed 
by the action of Governor Harding from the fine of one hundred 
dollars imposed upon him. That the fate of Morris and Banks was 
due to their apostasy from the Mormon Church, and was meted out 
to them because of jealousy on the part of Church leaders; that it, 
in a word, was but another exhibition of the determination of the 
dominant Church to remove all opposition, was currently talked 
among Federal officials and the authorities at the military post. 
Small wonder, therefore, that Dow and others came to take that view 
of their case. His affidavit is dated April 18th, 1863, and it was 
sworn to before Associate Justice Waite. His story, describing how 
General Burton deliberately shot Morris, then turned and shot 
Banks, then, because Mrs. Bowman charged him with his crime, 
shot her, and then, because a Danish woman ran crying to Morris' 
body, shot her also, furnished the theory for the prosecution 


afterwards instituted, though no reputable authority ever credited 
the tale.* 

At the hot haste manifested by Governor Harding to pardon and 
turn loose the convicted Morrisites, Chief Justice Kinney and the 
Grand Jury of his court were highly indignant. Prior to concluding 
their labors the Grand Jury made a formal presentment of the 
Governor and his precipitate action for judicial censure. After 
detailing the events incidental to the capture, trial and conviction of 
the Morrisite offenders, the Jury in their address to the Chief 
Justice, said : 

But the Governor, clothed with the pardoning power, interposes to prevent the 
punishment due to rebels against the law. He sanctions and sustains their rebellion, and, 
by pardoning them, proclaims to the world that they have acted rightly, wisely and law- 
fully. No time is allowed for investigation, none for repentance or reformation ; but in 
less than three days from the time of the sentence of the court, all of them are pardoned 
by the Executive, to renew their armed resistance against the power of the Government 
a pardon which not only seeks to release them from fine and punishment, but the costs 
due to the officers and witnesses. * 

Therefore, we the United States Grand Jury for the Third Judicial District for the 
Territory of Utah, present his "Excellency," Stephen S. Harding, Governor of Utah, as we 
would an unsafe bridge over a dangerous stream jeopardizing the lives of all who 
pass over it, or, as we would a pestiferous cesspool in our district, breeding disease 
and death. 

Believing him to be an officer dangerous to the peace and prosperity of this Territory; 
refusing, as he has, his assent to wholesome and needed legislation; treating nearly all the 
Legislative acts with contumely; and last of all, as the crowning triumph of his inglorious 
career, turning loose upon the community a large number of convicted criminals. 

We cannot do less than present his Excellency as not only a dangerous man, but also 
as one unworthy the confidence and respect of a free and enlightened people. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

George A. Smith, Franklin D. Richards, Elias Smith, William S. Muir, Samuel F. 
Atwood, Philip Margetts, John Rowberry, Claudius V. Spencer, Charles J. Thomas, John 
W. Myers, Alfred Cordon, George W. Ward, Horace Gibbs, Lewis A. West, Leonard G. 
Rice, Isaac Brockbank, George W. Bryan, James Bond, John B. Kelley, Gustave Williams, 
Wells Smith, John D. T. McAllister, Andrew Cunningham. 

* In 1879 General Burton was brought to trial before Chief Justice SchaefTer for the 
alleged killing of Mrs. Bowman. The case was conducted with great ability on both 
sides, and after a lengthy examination the jury, composed equally of Mormons and non- 
Mormons, returned a verdict of not guilty. 


Judge Kinney, having directed that the presentment by the 
Grand Jury be spread upon the records of the court, addressed the 
members of that body as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Grand, Jury : 

The paper just read by the clerk, is one of great responsibility, presenting the 
Governor of this Territory as unworthy the confidence and respect of the people. 

I trust you have fully considered the importance of the step which you as a Grand 
Jury have felt called upon, under the oaths of your office, to take. 

I am well persuaded that in no spirit of malice or undue prejudice have you been 
induced to call the attention of the court and people to what you regard as the official 
misconduct of the Executive, but only as the deliberate result of your investigations for 
the public good. 

1 am perfectly familiar with the facts referred to by you in relation to the armed 
resistance to the law in the service of process. Upon affidavit made before me were the 
writs issued, the service of which was attempted to be resisted by an armed rebellion. 

The trial of men thus found in arms very recently took place in the court over which 
I have the honor to preside, and the trial as you state was conducted with deliberation, 
and the verdict of the jury in each of the cases for resisting the officer and for murder 
were such as met with the approval of the court. 

The law and the authority were fully vindicated by the verdicts, but, as you state, 
the Governor has granted an unconditional pardon. 

What effect this may have on the minds of evil disposed persons I know not, but 
leave the responsibility where it belongs, with the Governor, who, in the exercise of a 
naked power, has seen proper to grant executive clemency. 

It is possible, and highly probable, that this is the last court over which I shall have 
the honor to preside in your Territory. Such are the indications. I have been the Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court of Utah, and Judge of this district most of the time since 
1854 having come among you a stranger, but I was treated with kindness, and my 
authority with consideration and respect. 

Appointed by Mr. Pierce in 1853, and reappointed in 1860 by Mr. Buchanan, and 
continued in office by Mr. Lincoln, and having held many courts, tried many cases, both 
civil and criminal, of an important character, I am happy in being able to state that I 
have found no difficulty in Utah in administering the law, except where its administration 
has been thwarted by Executive interference. 

Let honesty, impartiality and ability be the characteristic qualifications of the Judge, 
and a fearless discharge of duty, and he will be as much respected in this Territory, and 
his decisions as much honored, as in any state or Territory of the Union. And to use an 
odious distinction, attempted to be made between Mormon and Gentile, I am also happy 
in being able to state, that while these parties, differing so widely as they do in their 
religious faith, have been suitors in my court, the so-called Gentile, has obtained justice 
from the verdict of a so-called Mormon jury. 


I repeat gentlemen, that the law is, and can be maintained in this Territory, and that 
there is more vigilance here in arresting and bringing criminals to trial and punishment 
than in any country where I have ever resided. 

In the discharge of my judicial duties, I have endeavored to be actuated by a sense 
of the responsibility of my position ; ever keeping constantly in mind that I was among 
a civilized and enlightened people, who were entitled to the same consideration from the 
court, as the people of any other Territory ; and that the court here, as well as elsewhere, 
should be free from bias and prejudice. 

Gentlemen, accept my thanks for your co-operation, in support of my efforts to 
maintain and enforce the law. 

To the Petit Jurors I will say, that I have been well sustained by them in the trial 
of cases, and can only hope that when I retire from the bench my successor will be an 
able, honest judge, and have no more difficulty in discharging his duties than I have had. 

Several weeks later Governor Harding was removed, and left for 
the east on the llth of June. His official decapitation was looked 
upon, and doubtless with good reason, as a concession by President 
Lincoln to the Mormon people. This is not saying, however, that it 
was not also dictated by that spirit of justice and love of right so 
eminently characteristic of the great and lamented martyr President.* 
At the same time Lincoln did not entirely ignore the claims of the 
opposition. While convinced, from the showing made by the 
citizens at their mass meetings reports of which were forwarded to 
Washington that Harding was not "the right man in the right 
place" as Governor of Utah, the President doubtless believed that 
there was more or less truth in the charge of "subserviency to 
Brigham Young," made by local anti-Mormons against Chief Justice 
Kinney and Secretary Fuller. He therefore removed them as well as 
Harding, and filled the vacancies created by the appointment of the 
following named officials : Governor, James Duane Doty ; Secretary, 

* There were whisperings that the Governor's removal was partly caused by the dis- 
grace attaching to him from the birth of an illegitimate child, whose mother was a hired 
help in the Harding household. The News broadly hints at something of the kind without 
positively asserting it, and Mr. Stenhouse, in his " Rocky Mountain Saints," speaks of it 
as follows : " They [the Saints] were not long in discovering that S. S. H. was not the 
proper perso.i to lecture them on the immorality of polygamy. His removal did credit to 
the Government." 


Amos Reed ;* Chief Justice, John Titus. Mr. Doty at this time still 
held the office of Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory, 
Mr. Reed had for a brief period been a resident of Utah, and Judge 
Titus was a citizen of Pennsylvania. President Lincoln about this time 
gave Federal appointments to two prominent Mormons. They were 
Colonel Jesse C. Little and Colonel Robert T. Burton, the former of 
whom was made Assessor and the latter Collector of Internal 
Revenue for the District of Utah. 

Judge Kinney had felt for some time that his removal was 
imminent. "Such are the indications," said he in his address to the 
.Grand Jury of his court at the close of the March term. Rut the 
people of Utah would not suffer one whom they had learned to 
highly esteem to immediately retire into private life, and as the time 
for the regular biennial election of delegate to Congress drew near, 
the name of Hon. John F. Kinney was put forward to receive the 
suffrages of the citizens. He was elected on the 3rd of August, 
1863, and represented Utah in Congress during the succeeding term. 
That he ably championed the cause of his constituents is evident 
from the tone of his speeches in the House of Representatives on 
the Utah question. His first effort of that kind was on the 27th of 
January, 1864, in reply to Hon. Fernando Wood, of New York, who, 
in the course of a speech delivered the day before, had referred to 
the Mormon people as "profligate outcasts/' who had "always been 
hostile" to the "moral and political institutions" of the country. 
Judge Kinney's reply was an eloquent vindication of the people 
assailed, against the charges of the gentleman from New York, and a 
scathing arraignment of the ex-mayor of the metropolis for his 
alleged sympathy with the Confederate cause. An able plea for 
Utah's statehood was made by Delegate Kinney on the 17th of March 
of the same year. 

* Amos Reed was the son of John Reed, of Colesville, Broome County. New York, 
who, in the summer of 1830, defended Joseph Smith, the founder of Mormonism. at his 
trial in that town. 








was in the latter part of 1863 that the first move was made 
toward the opening of the Utah mines. Such a movement, it 
has often been charged, was directly contrary to the wishes of 
the Mormon leaders, and there is no doubt that that charge, so 
far as it relates to what they deemed the premature opening of the 
mines, is strictly true. We refer of course to gold and silver mines. 
Mining for coal and iron had been engaged in by the Mormons 
more than ten years previously. But it was the Gentiles of Utah 
who first mined systematically after the precious metals within her 

That the mountains of the Territory teemed with such metals, 
gold and silver, as well as with lead, copper, iron, coal and every 
other variety of the " useful minerals," had always been believed by 
the Mormon leaders, who made no secret of their belief but freely 
expressed it to their followers. Nor had evidences, tangible evi- 
dences that such was indeed the case been lacking. Long before the 
ring of the prospector's pick was heard on the hillsides, it was no 
uncommon thing for loggers among the mountains to come upon 
specimens of shining ore, out-croppings of hidden ledges, displaced 
perchance by falling trees or descending boulders and sent rolling 
down the rocky slopes. But of the real nature of these glittering 
" finds," most of them, having no knowledge of mines or mining, 


were quite unaAvare. Gold might be iron pyrites, or iron pyrites 
gold, for aught the great majority of the Mormons knew, or cared to 
know concerning it in those days, days when the "gold fever" was 
raging with unabated fierceness along the slopes of the Sierras. They 
had not come to the mountains for gold and silver, but for what was, 
and is, and ever will be to people of their tone and temper, of far 
greater worth, peace and freedom; and though taught to believe that 
the land they had "inherited" was "choice above all other lands," not 
only for these requisites to happiness, but "for the precious things of 
the everlasting hills," there was no particular desire on the part of 
the general community to avail themselves of the opportunities 
afforded to grow rich by mining. When the proper time should 
come, their leaders declared, the riches of the earth would be theirs, 
would be emptied into their laps, as it were, and they should have 
gold, silver, precious stones and all that such baubles could buy, to 
their hearts' content. But until that time came they should seek for 
the true riches, knowledge, wisdom and righteousness, the riches of 
eternity ; for wealth that fades not away nor perishes with the using. 
Among their temporal pursuits agriculture was exalted and extolled 
as the basis of their prosperity, and home manufactures stood next. 
They were to till the earth and raise and store up grain against times 
of need; for gold and silver could not be eaten, nor could it purchase 
provisions in seasons of famine, such as early Utah had seen, and 
which might at any time recur. They were to build mills and 
factories and seek to become a self-sustaining people, in order that 
they might stand independent in these respects and be benefactors to 
their kind in the event of war, famine and general distress over- 
taking the nations. Iron and coal mining was encouraged, but not 
the mining after precious metals, the love of which would fire the 
passions, engender greed and avarice, promote pride, vanity and class 
distinctions, and so divide and demoralize the community. The 
attracting to Utah of that reckless and turbulent element which 
invariably forms no inconsiderable portion of the population of all 
mining countries, was also feared if the people should engage exten- 


sively and enthusiastically in the search for precious minerals known 
to abound within the Territory. Peaceable people were welcome in 
Utah, but not the unpeaceable. Who wished to see Deseret, peaceful 
Deseret, the home of a people who had fled for religious freedom and 
quiet to these mountain solitudes, converted into a rollicking, roaring 
mining camp? Not the Latter-day Saints. A time might come when 
they would welcome such a change, but that time, in their opinion, 
had not yet arrived.* Such was the substance of the arguments 
with which the Mormon authorities sought to dissuade and succeeded 
in dissuading most of their followers, who showed any symptoms of 
being affected by that wide-spread, far-reaching contagion " the gold 
fever," from engaging prematurely in mining. Thus it was that the 
Gentiles of Utah, and not the Mormons, became the pioneers and 
earliest promoters of this now flourishing industry in our mountain 
Territory, aptly termed by President Lincoln "the treasure-house of 
the nation." 

The credit of taking the first step in this direction is accorded 
by common consent to General P. E. Connor, the commander at Camp 
Douglas, who, during the first year of his sojourn in the Territory, 
began to evolve a grand scheme for the opening and development of 
the Utah mines and simultaneously for the overthrow, as he hoped, 
of the hated Mormon power. It began, according to Mr. Stenhouse, 
in this way. A party of soldiers from Camp Douglas were guarding 
some horses belonging to the garrison which had been sent to graze 
in Bingham Canyon. They were joined one day by General Connor 
and a pic-nic party of officers and their wives from Camp, and one of 
the ladies, while rambling on the mountain sides, picked up a loose 
piece of ore. The soldiers at once prospected for the vein, discovered 

* That they looked forward to such an era, is evident from the tenor of the memorial 
to Congress for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, issued by Governor Brigham 
Young and the Utah Legislature in March, 1852. Said the signers of that document : 
" Your memorialists are of opinion that the mineral resources of California and these 
mountains can never be fully developed to the benefit of the people of the United States 
without the construction of such a road." And until such a road was constructed the 
mineral resources of Utah never were so developed. 


it, and striking a stake in the ground made their location, since which 
Utah has been known to the world as a rich mining country. 
Another account, by the historian E. W. Tullidge, states that a man 
named Ogilvie, while logging in the canyon,' found a piece of ore 
which he sent to General Connor who had it assayed. It was then, 
according to Mr. Tullidge, that Connor organized his pic-nic party 
and proceeding to Bingham Canyon located the mine, which was 
named the Jordan. Soon afterward Connor wrote some mining laws 
and held a miners' meeting at Gardner's Mill on the Jordan River, 
where the laws were adopted and Bishop Gardner elected recorder of 
the West Mountain Mining District. Thus was the ball set rolling. 

General Connor's next step was to publish the fact of his 
discovery if Ms discovery it can be called to the world. For this 
and other purposes he and his confreres established a paper called 
The Union Vedette, the first number of which bore the date of 
November 20th, 1863. The Valley Tan had by this time disappeared 
as had also its journalistic foil The Mountaineer and the Vedette 
was now the one Gentile paper of Utah. Its spirit and tone are 
indicated by its title, Vedette, "a sentinel stationed on the outpost 
of an army to watch an enemy and give notice of danger." It was 
ably edited by Captain Charles H. Hempstead, one of Connor's 
subordinate officers, and afterwards a prominent lawyer of Salt Lake 
City. Samuel De Wolfe succeeded Captain Hempstead as editor of 
this journal. The Vedette was first published at Camp Douglas, but 
was subsequently removed to the city, where it continued to "breathe 
out threatenings" against the Church authorities. It was made a 
daily the first one issued in Utah on January 5th, 1864. In July 
following sprang up The Daily Telegraph, a vigorous opponent of the 
Vedette, the organ of General Connor and the California Volunteers. 
The Telegraph was edited by T. B. H. Stenhouse, Esq., an efficient 
journalist, who was also its publisher, having as his associates John 
Jaques and James McKnight, with Colonel Thomas G. Webber as 
business manager. 

The first number of The Union Vedelte contained the following 


circular letter from General Connor on the mines and mining inter- 
ests of Utah : 


GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, U. T. November, 14, 1863, 
Colond : 

The general commanding the district has the strongest evidence that the mountains 
and canyons in the Territory of Utah abound in rich veins of gold, silver, copper and 
other minerals, and for the purpose of opening up the country to a new, hardy, and 
industrious population, deems it important that prospecting for minerals should not only 
be untrammelled and unrestricted, but fostered by every proper means. In order that 
such discoveries may be early and reliably made, the general announces that miners and 
prospecting parties will receive the fullest protection from the military forces in this 
district, in the pursuit of their avocations ; provided, always, that private rights are not 
infringed upon. The mountains and their now hidden mineral wealth, are the sole 
property of the nation, whose beneficent policy has ever been to extend the broadest 
privileges to her citizens, and, with open hand, invite all to seek, prospect and possess the 
wonderful riches of her wide-spread domain. 

To the end that this policy may be fully carried out in Utah, the General com- 
manding assures the industrious and enterprising who may come hither, of efficient 
protection, accorded as it is by the laws and policy of the nation, and enforced, when 
necessary, by the military arm of the Government. 

The General in thus setting forth the spirit of our free institutions for the information 
of commanders of posts within the district, also directs that every proper facility be 
extended to miners and others in developing the country ; and that soldiers of the several 
posts be allowed to prospect for mines, when such course shall not interfere with the due 
and proper performance of their military duties. 

Commanders of posts, companies and detachments within the district are enjoined to 
execute to the fullest extent the spirit and letter of this circular communication, and 
report, from time to time, to these head-quarters the progress made in the development of 
the Territory, in the vicinity of their respective posts or stations. 

By command of Brig.-Gen. Connor : 


Capt. C. S. and A. A. A. Gen'l. 

General Connor's object in this movement is more fully set forth 
in a letter to the War Department written some months later. It ran 
as follows: 



Near Great Salt Lake City, July 21st, 1864. 
Colonel : 

Having had occasion recently to communicate with you by telegraph on the subject 
of the difficulties which have considerably excited the Mormon community for the past 


ten days, it is perhaps proper that I should report more fully by letter relative to the real 
causes which have rendered collision possible. 

As set forth in former communications, my policy in this Tert-itory has been to invite 
hither a large Gentile and loyal population, sufficient by peaceful means and through the 
ballot-box to overwhelm the Mormons by mere force of numbers, and thus wrest from the 
Church disloyal and traitorous to the core the absolute and tyrannical control of 
temporal and civil affairs, or at least a population numerous enough to put a check on the 
Mormon authorities, and give countenance to those who are striving to loosen the 
bonds with which they have been so long oppressed. With this view, I have bent 
every energy and means of which I was possessed, both personal and official, towards the 
discovery and development of the mining resources of the Territory, using without stint 
the soldiers of my command, whenever and wherever it could be done without detriment 
to the public service. These exertions have, in a remarkably short period, been productive 
of the happiest results and more than commensurate with my anticipations. Mines of 
undoubted richness have been discovered, their fame is spreading east and west, voyageurs 
for other mining countries have been induced by the discoveries already made to tarry 
here, and the number of miners of the Territory are steadily and rapidly increasing. With 
them, and to supply their wants, merchants and traders are flocking into Great Salt Lake 
City, which by its activity, increased number of Gentile stores and workshops, and the 
appearance of its thronged and busy streets, presents a most remarkable contrast to the 
Salt Lake of one year ago. Despite the counsel, threats, and obstacles of the Church, the 
movement is going on with giant strides. 

This policy on rny part, if not at first understood, is now fully appreciated in its start- 
ling effect, by Brigham Young and his coterie. His every effort, covert and open, having 
proved unequal to the task of checking the transformation so rapidly going on in what he 
regards as his own exclusive domain, he and his Apostles have grown desperate. No 
stone is left unturned by them to rouse the people to resistance against the policy, even if 
it should provoke hostility against a government he hates and daily reviles. It is unques- 
tionably his desire to provoke me into some act savoring of persecution, or by the dexterous 
use of which he can induce his deluded followers into an outbreak, which would deter 
miners and others from coming to the Territory. Hence he and his chief men make their 
tabernacles and places of worship resound each Sabbath with the most outrageous abuse 
of all that pertains to the Government and the Union hence do their prayers ascend 
loudly from the housetops for a continuance of the war till the hated Union shall be 
sunk hence the persistent attempt to depreciate the national currency and institute a 
"gold basis" in preference to "Lincoln skins," as treasury notes are denominated in Sab- 
bath day harangues.* 

Hence it was that the establishment of a provost guard in the city was made the 
pretext for rousing the Mormon people to excitement and armed assembling, by the most 
ridiculous stories of persecution and outrage on their rights, while the fanatical spirit of 

* General Connor was evidently laboring under the impression that he was still in 
California. The people of the Golden State repudiated at first the Government "green- 
backs," but Utah and her citizens never did. 


the people, and the inborn hatred of our institutions and Government were effectually 
appealed to, to promote discord and provoke trouble. I am fully satisfied that nothing 
but the firmness and determination with which their demonstrations were met, at every 
point, prevented a collision, and the least appearance of vacillation on my part would 
surely have precipitated a conflict. I feel that it is not presumptuous in me to say that 
in view of what has already been accomplished in Utah, that the work marked out can and 
will be effectually and thoroughly consummated if the policy indicated be pursued and I 
am sustained in my measures at department headquarters. I am fully impressed with 
the opinion that peace is essential to the solving of the problem, but at the same time 
conscious that peace can only be maintained by the presence of force and a fixed deter- 
mination to crush out at once any interference with the rights of the Government by 
persons of high or low degree. While the exercise of prudence in inaugurating measures 
is essential to success, it should not be forgotten that the display of power and the exhibi- 
tion of reliance on oneself have the most salutary restraining effect on men of weak minds 
and criminal intent. Deeply as Brigham Young hates our Government, malignant and 
traitorous as are his designs against it, inimical as he is against the policy here progressing 
of opening the mines to a Gentile populace, and desperate as he is in his fast-waning 
fortunes, he will pause ere he inaugurates a strife, so long as the military forces in the 
Territory are sufficiently numerous to hold him and his deluded followers in check. The 
situation of affairs in Utah is clear to my own mind, and, without presumption, I have no 
fear for the result, if sustained by the department commander as indicated in this and 
former communications. Desirous as I am of conforming strictly to the wishes and 
judgment of the Major-General commanding the department, and having thus fully set 
forth my views and the facts bearing on the case, I beg leave respectfully to ask from the 
department commander an expression of opinion as to the policy of the course pursued, 
and such suggestions or instructions as he may deem proper, as a guide in the future. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 


Brig.-Genl. U. S. Vol., Commanding District. 
Lieutenant -Colonel R. G. Drum, 

Assistant Adjutant -General U. S. A., San Francisco, California. 

The reader in quest of facts is warned against accepting 
unreservedly as worthy of credence the reports and representations of 
General Connor and his coterie at this particular period. As admitted 
in the foregoing communication, he had a purpose in view, a certain 
cause to subserve. His object was to reconstruct Utah, to put the 
Mormons under and render the Gentiles paramount. To effect that 
object he strained every effort of his energetic soul ; hesitating not 
to grossly exaggerate, not only the growth of the infant industry of 
mining, making it appear a very giant at its birth, when everyone 
knows that for years it was a mere babe in arms, never attaining to 


any proportions until after the advent of the railway, but also the 
general condition of affairs at Salt Lake City and throughout the 
Territory. There was no flocking in of miners and merchants at 
that time, as represented by the roseate description of the military 
word-painter; only the same steady inpour of immigration that 
previous years had witnessed, and for which the Mormon people 
were sending five hundred teams to the frontier annually. Of 
course a few miners came, and a few more Gentile merchants, but 
there was no rapid increase of the non-Mormon population, no 
wondrous multiplication of Gentile stores and workshops, and the 
growth of the local mining interest was very, very gradual. In 
short, there was no "movement going on with giant strides" at least 
no movement that General Connor had begun. Consequently, there 
was no need, even had there been any disposition on the part of the 
Church to utter threats against and throw obstacles in the way of 
"The Regenerators."* If such a disposition had existed, it is very 
doubtful indeed that the "firmness and determination" of the 
handful of volunteers at Camp Douglas, however deserving of their 
commander's compliment, would have overawed the entire Utah 
militia and "prevented a collision." 

It is evident from the tone of the foregoing documents that a 
portion of General Connor's plan for the reconstruction of Utah was 
to cause to be established here a military in lieu of a civil govern- 
ment, with himself as the Caesar or Napoleon of the scene. 
Undoubtedly this was in his heart, and would have been in his 
hand, if he could have induced his superiors to see eye to eye with 
him at this critical juncture. As it was, he almost entirely ignored 
the Governor and the other civil authorities. He seemed to think 
that all that Utah needed for her redemption was an influx of 
Gentile miners and merchants, and an overwhelming military force, 
the latter to be commanded by himself. He even went so far as to 
threaten that "should violence be offered, or attempted to be offered 

*A self-assumed name of the anti-Mormons, quoted and applied to them in derision 
by those whom they desired to " regenerate." 



to miners in the pursuit of their lawful occupation, the offender or 
offenders, one or many," would be " tried as public enemies, and 
punished to the utmost extent of martial law."* The fact is, Connor 
was a born soldier, fond of fighting, and with a penchant for military 
surroundings. He breathed freely amid the smoke of battle, but 
an atmosphere of peace was stifling to his lungs and nostrils. 
Having sought to take part in the war then raging in the East, and 
being denied that privilege, he was intensely disgusted, and did all 
that he could to solace himself for the disappointment experienced. 
What more natural than that having "enlisted to fight traitors" the 
doughty warrior should do all in his power to carry out his design, 
even if imagination had to create the "traitors" whom he was 
determined to fight! A little later the General became much more 
conservative, and a great deal of his anti-Mormon animus gave way. 
So much was this the case that a few years afterward, when President 
Young was on trial before Chief Justice McKean, General Connor 
volunteered to go bail for the Mormon leader in the sum of 
$100,000. His attitude in the summer of 1864 was due to the fact 
that he did not understand the Mormon people as he soon learned to 
understand them, and was imposed upon by men less honest and 
sincere in their opposition to the Saints. This much is due to 
General Connor, who, though not without faults, was the possessor 
of manly and sterling qualities. 

The provost guard referred to in his letter to the War Depart- 
ment, was established on the 9th of July, 1864. Whether or not 
this was a step in the direction of his proposed military dicta- 
torship the reader may decide. Captain C. H. Hempstead was 
appointed by General Connor provost marshal of Salt Lake City, and 
Captain Albert Brown and Company L. of the Second Cavalry, C. V., 
were detailed to act as the guard. They took up their quarters on 
July 10th in a long, low building on South Temple Street, nearly 

*Quoted from a circular letter sent out from Camp Douglas by General Connor, on 
March 1st, 1864. 


opposite the Tabernacle. Beyond the occasional arrest of some 
drunken "southern sympathizer," who, in order to tantalize the 
boys in blue, would "hurrah for Jeff. Davis" in their hearing, or 
the reception from the hands of the police of their own " drunks 
and disorderlies," who from time to time came down from Camp 
or strayed from their city quarters to make night hideous for 
peaceable people, the duties of the guard were not onerous. General 
Connor's representation that its establishment had roused the 
Mormon people to excitement and armed assembling, was altogether 
untrue. Probably Connor was informed that such was the case, he 
speaks in one of his mining circulars of "numerous letters of com- 
plaint " that he was continually receiving but if so, his informant 
was utterly unreliable. The Deseret News, the Church paper, barely 
noticed the incident, giving it as a mere matter of news without 
comment. And as to the Tabernacle resounding "with the most out- 
rageous abuse of all that pertained to the Government and the 
Union," as the General's report also declares, the newspapers of 
those times, barring perhaps his own organ, the Vedette, make no 
mention of such a thing. Nor do the Federal authorities of the 
Territory, from the Governor down, though mostly non-Mormons, 
appear to have been aware of it. If they had been, the world 
would have heard of it. There is no evidence whatever to sustain 
the assertion. That the people did not deem it at all complimentary 
to their patriotism to place a provost guard in the city, and were 
wounded by the imputation of disloyalty thereby conveyed, is 
doubtless true. They looked upon it as an utterly needless 
movement, and as a standing menace to the peace and good order 
of the town, intended to encroach upon the authority of the civil 
government. But it created no excitement at all. 

There was some little stir one night in August, caused by the 
shooting of a young man named William Vanderhoof by one of the 
provost guard, who with some of his comrades was endeavoring to 
take in charge, after beating over the head with a revolver, an intox- 
icated young fellow who had " hurrahed for Jeff. Davis," while they 


were passing. The prisoner was attempting to escape, when the 
soldier fired at him, the ball missing its mark but wounding, though 
not fatally, young Vanderhoof, who, with hundreds of others, was 
emerging from the Theater at the close of the performance. The 
Mormon papers and the public generally, while not defending but 
deprecating the conduct of the inebriate whose silly shout had so 
exasperated the guard, denounced the brutal beating of the drunken 
boy and the reckless shooting into the crowd of the soldier who had 
arrested him. Another citizen Mr. Theodore J. Calkin was struck 
over the head with a revolver by one of the soldiers on the same 
occasion, though it did not appear that he had done anything to 
provoke the assault. This affair was the most exciting incident con- 
nected with the establishment of the provost guard in Salt Lake City. 
Under the circumstances it would seem that some little excitement 
was nothing more than natural. In about a year from the time of 
taking up its quarters within the city, the guard was withdrawn. 

A temporary bridging of the social chasm dividing the citizens 
and the soldiers took place in the spring of 1865, when both sides 
joined with one accord in celebrating the second inauguration of 
Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States, and the 
numerous victories won for the Union in the war then drawing to a 
close. The movement began with a meeting of officers from Camp 
Douglas and many prominent citizens at Daft's Hall, Salt Lake City, 
on the 28th of February, when the following committees were 
appointed : Committee of Arrangements : William Gilbert, David F. 
Walker, Samuel Kahn, Lieutenant-Colonel Milo George, Captain M. 
G. Lewis and John Meeks; Committee on Finance, Frank Gilbert 
and Charles B. Greene; Committee on Exercises, Captain C. H. 
Hempstead, Colonel 0. H. Irish (Superintendent of Indian Affairs) 
and Richard A. Keyes. S. S. Walker, Esq., was selected by the com- 
mittee of arrangements as Grand Marshal, and he chose as his aides 
Richard A. Keyes, G. W. Carlton, Charles King, Thomas Stayner, 
Samuel Sirrine and John Paul. 

The city authorities, being invited to join in the celebration, 


promptly and cordially responded, naming as their committee of 
arrangements Hons. John Sharp, Enoch Reese and Theodore 
McKean. Colonel Robert T. Burton was appointed Marshal on 
behalf of the municipality. Chief Justice Titus had been chosen 
orator of the day by the Committee on Exercises appointed at the 
meeting, but a polite note from Captain Hempstead, chairman 
of that committee, invited the city's representatives to select an 
additional speaker for the occasion. The invitation was accepted 
and Hon. William H. Hooper was named as the orator to deliver the 
closing address. 

The 4th of March came and the grand celebration took place 
according to the carefully prepared plan of arrangement. The 
procession was composed as follows: The Provost Guard, infantry, 
Captain W. Kettredge commanding; the Grand Marshal and his aides; 
the Governor of Utah and the General commanding the District; the 
District staff; Chaplain and Orators of the day ; Federal officers, the 
Mayor, city and county officers; civic societies and citizens' military 
organizations; citizens in vehicles, on horse-back and afoot; followed 
by Lieutenant Colonel Milo George and staff, at the head of the 1st 
cavalry, Nevada Volunteers, with several detachments, infantry, 
artillery and cavalry, from Camp Douglas bringing up the rear. 
Bands of music, banners, etc., were interspersed through the 
procession. The entire pageant was about a mile in length. It 
formed at 11 a. m. at the east end of First South Street, whence it 
moved through the principal streets and finally drew up at the grand 
stand previously erected for the purpose in front of the Market. 
There the exercises were given. Upon the stand were Governor 
Doty, General Connor and staff, Chief Justice Titus, Rev. Norman 
McLeod, of Camp Douglas, chaplain of the day, Mayor A. 0. Smoot, 
Hon. George A. Smith, Hon. William H. Hooper, and other prominent 
citizens. The program of exercises was exceedingly interesting, 
comprising a few introductory remarks by Captain Hempstead, an 
impressive prayer by the chaplain, an able and eloquent oration by 
Judge Titus, and a brief patriotic address by Captain Hooper. At 


intervals the bands discoursed excellent music, and salutes were 
fired by the artillery. At the conclusion of the ceremonies the Gamp 
Douglas troops were placed in line and marched back to the post, 
Colonel Burton and the citizen cavalry escorting them. The day's 
proceedings wound up with a banquet at the City Hall, given by the 
municipal authorities to the officers from Camp and other notables. 
General Connor could not be present, but Lieutenant-Colonel George 
and most of the officers from the post attended, and the occasion 
was one of much pleasure and interest. Among those present were 
Hons. John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff and George Q. Cannon, Judge 
Elias Smith, Judge Clinton, Colonel Burton, Major O'Neil, Mayor 
Smoot, John Sharp, William Jennings, Henry W. Lawrence and 
many more. Mayor Smoot, during the evening, proposed "the 
health of President Lincoln and success to the armies of the Union." 
This was enthusiastically responded to, and was followed by other 
toasts, to the Mayor and Civic Authorities of Salt Lake City, to 
General P. E. Connor, the Judiciary, the Army, etc., etc. In the 
evening the city was illuminated with fireworks, in honor of the 
occasion which had called forth the celebration. 

General Connor, it is said, was greatly moved at sight of the 
tradesmen and working people who paraded the streets and cheered 
to the echo the patriotic sentiments uttered by the speakers. Says 
Mr. Stenhouse, who was present on the occasion: "He [Connor] 
wanted differences to be forgotten, and with gentlemanly frankness 
approached the author with extended hand, and expressed the joy he 
felt in witnessing the loyalty of the masses of the people." 

The Vedette said, in the course of an extended description of 
the proceedings : "This was decidedly a notable occasion in Utah. 
The demonstrations were so entirely different from anything which 
has come within the range of our experience here, that it deserves 
special notice at our hands as an important event in the history of 
this Territory. * * * The proceedings at the City Hall 
were an appropriate culmination of the day's proceedings. It was 
free, easy, hospitable, and a most kindly interchange of loyal 


sentiments among gentlemen not wont often to meet over the 
convivial board. Like the procession it was a union of the civil and 
military authorities of Utah, and passed off with eminent satisfaction 
to all concerned." 

General Connor and his friends were evidently much surprised 
to find that the Mormons, whom they had deemed so disloyal, were 
really patriotic, and would join heart and soul in a celebration of 
this character. Their eyes were partly opened to the truth, and 
thenceforth they saw things in a somewhat different light. That 
they had not taken a fairer view before, was not the fault of the 
Mormon people, who had over and again demonstrated their loyalty 
by patriotic deeds as well as speeches, but the fault of those who had 
maligned them, and caused such men as General Connor and his 
associates to consider them as traitors, even before coming among 

Soon after the event last narrated General Connor left Utah for 
a season. Prior to his departure a ball was given in his honor at the 
Social Hall by the city authorities. Some of the officers' ladies at 
Camp, not wishing to mingle with "Mormon women," refused to 
accompany their husbands to this ball, and some of the Mormon 
ladies, just as exclusive, would not attend and meet the "Gentile 
women"; but those who, putting aside prejudice and pique, 
were present on the occasion, described it as a very delightful 

A few weeks later came flashing over the wires the awful tidings 
of the assassination of President Lincoln. Utah in common with 
her sister States and Territories was stricken with sorrow, and 
civilians and soldiers, again uniting, as at the inaugural celebration 
in March, gave evidence of the sad fact in a solemn demonstration of 
mourning over the nation's martyr. The terrible tragedy took place, 
it will be remembered, on the night of the 14th of April, 1865, two 
days after the surrender of General Lee to General Grant at Ap- 
pomattox Court House. On Saturday, the 15th, the fearful news was 
sent abroad, and the nation cast into the depths of affliction. All 


Utah donned the garb of woe, and sincerely and deeply bewailed the 
death of her departed friend. Some there were, notably members of 
the provost guard, who momentarily indulged the thought that the 
citizens were secretly rejoicing over the dastardly deed which had 
robbed the nation of its Chief Magistrate. But the unjust suspicion 
was soon dispelled, and those who had entertained it were constrained 
to admit themselves in error. Said the Vedette, in vindication of the 
Mormon people at the time: "The merchants, bankers, saloon 
keepers, and all business men of Salt Lake City closed their places of 
business at 10 a. m. on Saturday. The flags on all the public 
buildings, Brigham Young's residence, stores, etc., were displayed at 
half mast, with crape drooping over them. Many of the principal 
stores and private residences were dressed in mourning. Brigham 
Young's carriage was driven through town covered with crape. The 
Theater was closed for Saturday evening, the usual night of per- 
formance, and every respect was shown for the death of our honored 
President. On Sunday the Tabernacle pulpit, Salt Lake City, was 
covered with crape, and everyone throughout the city, that is, of the 
right-minded class, manifested the deepest sorrow at the horrible 
news conveyed by the telegraph." 

The News noted the same event in these words: "Upon the 
reception of the horrifying intelligence that President Lincoln had 
been assassinated, throughout the city business was generally 
suspended, flags were draped in mourning at half mast, stores and 
other public buildings were closed and craped, the management of 
the Theater announced that the bill for Saturday evening was post- 
poned to Monday, and deep gloom palpably rested upon the minds of 
the citizens. On Sunday the stand and organ in the Tabernacle were 
clad in the habiliments of woe, as were also many of the congrega- 
tion, and Elders W. Woodruff, F. D. Richards and George Q. Cannon 
delivered feeling and appropriate addresses upon the solemn 
occasion. Monday evening the proscenium and proscenium boxes of 
the Theater, and two large national flags arching from the center 
over the drop curtain, were draped in black, Alas for the times, 


when our Chief Magistrate can be thus dastardly stricken down by 
the hand of an assassin!" 

At noon on Wednesday. April 19th, the day of President 
Lincoln's interment, solemn public services were held at the Taber- 
nacle in Salt Lake City. This was pursuant to the recommendations 
of the acting Secretary of State, Secretary Seward having also 
been attacked by an assassin and according to the desire of 
the citizens generally. On the 18th, at a meeting of Federal, civil 
and military officials, held at the office of Governor Doty, who 
presided, suitable resolutions had been adopted and a committee 
appointed to arrange for the services at the Tabernacle. This 
committee, consisting of Chief Justice Titus, Colonel 0. H. Irish, 
Captain C. H. Hempstead, Colonel Robert T. Burton and Colonel J. 
C. Little, acted in conjunction with another committee representing 
the municipality, namely : Mayor A. 0. Smoot, Aldermen E. F. Sheets 
and A. H. Raleigh, Theodore McKean and N. H. Felt, Esqs. Fully 
three thousand people attended the services, the Tabernacle, the 
interior of which was suitably hung with black, being filled to over- 
flowing. The vast assemblage was called to order by City Marshal 
J. C. Little, who, at the request of Mayor Smoot, took immediate 
charge of the proceedings. The choir having sung an appropriate 
hymn, Apostle F. D. Richards offered the opening prayer. The first 
speaker was Apostle Amasa M. Lyman, whose address, according to 
the Vedette, was "an earnest and eloquent outburst of feeling, and 
appropriate to the occasion." He was followed, after the singing of 
an anthem, by Rev. Norman McLeod, Chaplain of Camp Douglas^ 
who delivered an impressive and burning eulogium on the life, 
character and public services of President Lincoln. A benediction 
by Apostle Wilford Woodruff brought the funeral rites to a close. 









r N EVENT locally memorable was the visit to our Territory in 
the summer of 1865 of Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the 
national House of Representatives, who, with a distinguished party, 
was on his way to the Pacific coast. The future Vice President was 
accompanied on this his first tour of the West by Hon. William 
Bross, Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois; Samuel Bowles, Esq., editor 
of the Springfield (Mass.,) Republican, and Mr. Albert D. Richardson, 
representing the New York Tribune. Governor Bross was also 
prominent in journalism, being at that time the editor of the 
Chicago Tribune. 

Utah's chief city, toward which the tourists, after a week's stay 
in Colorado, made their way, on learning of their approach prepared 
to do them honor. A telegram bearing the date of June 7th, 
received by the party at Fort Bridger, infoi'med them that the 
municipal council of Great Salt Lake had unanimously passed a 
resolution tendering them the hospitalities of the city during their 
sojourn here, and had appointed a committee to meet them on the 
way and conduct them to the hotel apartments prepared for their 
use. This telegram was sent by the committee, namely : William H. 
Hooper, J. H. Jones, William Jennings and T. B. H. Stenhouse. A 
return telegram, signed by Mr. Colfax and dated at Fort Bridger on 
the 10th of June, informed the committee that their invitation was 


accepted, and that the party expected to reach this city at about 
8 o'clock next morning. 

Accordingly, bright and early Sunday morning, June llth, the 
committee of reception and others sallied forth with carriages to 
meet and greet the distinguished visitors. The coach containing 
them was encountered on the hill about a mile west of Camp 
Douglas, having just entered the suburbs after passing through the 
post, where they had been received and honored by the military. 
Mr. Colfax and his friends were cordially welcomed by the com- 
mittee, whose chairman, Captain Hooper, after the stage and 
carriages had halted and all parties had descended from their 
vehicles and shaken hands, delivered the following address : 

In tendering you, and your traveling companions, Mr. Colfax, the hospitality of our 
mountain home, I do so with pride, that I am able to present to you a monumental 
evidence of what American people can do. 

Seventeen years ago, this people, the citizens of Utah, immigrated to these distant 
parts, and were the first to unfurl the flag of the United States, when they fixed their 
camp where the city now stands, and today we are surrounded with the solid comforts 
and with many of the luxuries of life. 

While I bid you welcome, sir, we think of the many services you have rendered us, 
and of the great good we have derived therefrom, for we are sensible that no man has 
done more to establish postal facilities on the great overland route to the Pacific. No 
people can appreciate those services more sensibly than the citizens of Utah, for we have 
often passed many months in the year without any communication whatever with our 
parent government. You, sir, were one of the first to stretch forth your hand to remedy 
this evil, and now instead of waiting months for news from the East, we receive it almost 
daily, by means of this service ; and thousands are blessed in the benefits of that great 
measure you have so faithfully advocated. 

The great enterprise of establishing the telegraph wire across the continent, from 
which we have derived hourly communication with our sister States and Territories, is 
truly a great blessing, and to no one I am sure, Mr. Colfax, is the country indebted more 
than to yourself, for its erection. The active support which you gave the measure, 
contributed much to the establishment of the line, a medium through which time and 
space are nearly annihilated. 

We take pride in introducing you to our city, in calling your attention to the im- 
provements with which it is surrounded, as well as those of our settlements, reaching 
five hundred miles north and south and two hundred miles east and west. We take 
pleasure as well as pride, in alluding to our mills, wollen, cotton and paper factories, 
orchards, vineyards and fields of cotton and grain, and to every branch of our home 
industry introduced to multiply among ourselves, from the facilities which our country 


offers, every means of social and national comfort and independence. We present you 
these as the results of our industry and of our perseverance, against almost insurmountable 

To you editorial gentlemen, who not only govern, but in a sense manufacture, 
public opinion, we offer a hearty welcome. We had the pleasure, some years ago, of a 
visit from Mr. Greeley, of the Tribune, who spent some time in our midst, and I can say 
with truth that in him we have always found a gentleman ready and willing at all times 
to lend his influence in the cause of human progress. In conclusion, gentlemen, I again 
say, welcome. 

Mr. Colfax responded to the address of welcome in fitting 
phrase, after which came formal introductions and the reading by the 
city recorder, Mr. Robert Campbell, of the resolutions passed by 
the council, tendering to the tourists the hospitalities of the city. 
Mr. Colfax and his party then took seats in the carriages provided by 
the committee and were driven to the Salt Lake House, where 
rooms had been prepared for them. A bath at the Warm Springs, a 
visit to the Mormon Bowery in the afternoon, and to the Congre- 
gational church in the evening, completed the first day's experience 
of the party in Salt Lake Valley. 

To behold the valley in all its loveliness, their visit could 
scarcely have been better timed. The trees were all abloom, flowers 
springing, birds singing, and the sweet breath of June, wafted from 
snow-crowned hills over forest, garden and farm, made delicious the 
atmosphere to delight the senses. Editor Bowles, who seemed to be 
the chief scribe of the party, and whose observations and impres- 
sions, after passing through the daily press, were published in his 
book entitled " Across the Continent," gave an eloquent description 
of the city and its surroundings and graphically set forth the main 
incidents connected with their visit to Utah and the whole-souled 
welcome extended to them by our citizens, Mormon and Gentile. 
Said he : " Mr. Colfax and his friends have been the recipients of 
a generous and thoughtful hospitality. They are the guests of the 
city; but the military authorities vie together as well to please 
their visitors and make them pleased with Utah and its people. The 
Mormons are eager to prove their loyalty to the government, their 
sympathy with its bereavement, their joy in its final triumph. 


* Also they wish us to know that they are not mon- 

sters and murderers, but men of intelligence, virtue, good manners 
and fine tastes. They put their polygamy on high moral grounds; 
and for the rest, anyhow, are not willing to be thought otherwise 
than our peers. And certainly we do find here a great deal of true 
and good human nature and social culture; a great deal of business 
intelligence and activity; a great deal of generous hospitality 
besides most excellent strawberries and green peas, and the most 
promising orchards of apricots, peaches, plums and apples that these 
eyes ever beheld anywhere." 

On the evening of Monday, the 12th, the Colfax party were 
treated to a grand serenade and demonstration of welcome from the 
citizens in general. About dusk the people began assembling 
in front of the Salt Lake House, being drawn thither by the 
inspiring strains of Captain C. J. Thomas' brass band, discoursing 
patriotic airs for the delectation of the visitors and the public. Soon 
appeared upon the balcony of the hotel Mr. Colfax and his friends, 
escorted by the city authorities. Mayor Smoot, in response to 
unanimous call, took the chair, and Hon. John F. Kinney, Utah's 
delegate to Congress, who had just returned from the east, in a few 
appropriate remarks introduced Mr. Colfax to the multitude. The 
honorable gentleman then addressed the people as follows: 

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE TERRITORY OF UTAH : Far removed as I am tonight from my 
home, I feel that I have a right to call every man that lives under the American flag in this 
wide-spread republic of ours, by the name of fellow citizen. I come before you this 
evening introduced by your delegate in so complimentary a manner, fearing that you will 
be disappointed by the speech to which you have to listen. I rise to speak to you of the 
future of this great country of ours, rather than of the past, or of what has been done 
for it in the progress of this great republic. 

I was gratified when, on this long journey which my companions and myself are tak- 
ing, we were met at the gates of your city, and its hospitality tendered to us; although I must 
confess I would far rather have come among you in a quiet way, traveling about, seeing 
your city and Territory, and making observations, without subjecting your official dignitaries 
to the trouble and loss of time that our visit seems to have entailed upon them, but which 
they insist is a pleasure. Yet when they voluntarily, and unexpectedly to us, offered us 
officially this hospitality, we felt that it should be accepted as promptly as it was tendered . 
I accept it the more cordially because I know that every one of you who knows anything 


about me and my companions, is sure that, reared as we have been in a different school 
from what you have been, and worshiping on a different altar, we are regarded as 
Gentiles; yet, despite of all this, you have seen fit to request us to stop, on this journey to 
the Pacific, to receive the hospitalities which we have had lavished on us so boundlessly 
during the two days we have been in your midst. I rejoice that I came to you in a time 
like this, when the rainbow of peace spans our entire horizon from ocean to ocean, giving 
the assurance that the deluge of secession shall not again overwhelm this fair land of ours. 
[Cheers]. I come to you rejoicing, and I was glad to hear from my old friend, Captain 
Hooper, your former delegate to Congress, when he made his welcoming speech on 
Sabbath morning in the suburbs of your city, that you too rejoiced in the triumph of this 
great republic of ours over the enemies who sought to bayonet the prostrate form of 
liberty, and to blot this great country from the map of the world. Thank God, who rules 
in the heavens, who determined that what He joined together on this continent, man 
should not put asunder, the republic lives today, and will live in all the coming ages of 
the future. [Cheers]. There may be stormy conflict and peril; there may be a foreign 
war, but I trust not ; I am for peace instead of war, whenever war can be honorably 
avoided. I want no war with England or France. I want the development and mighty 
sweeping forward of our giant republic, in its march of progress and power, to be, as it 
will be the commanding nation of the world, when it shall lift its head like your Ensign 
Peak, yon tall cliff that lifts its mighty form swelling over the valley, laughing at the 
rolling storm clouds around its base, while the eternal sunshine settles on its head. 

I came here tonight, my friends, to speak to you frankly about the object of our 
visit in your midst. I know it is supposed, it is almost a by-word, that we of the sterner 
sex have adopted, that the ladies, the other sex, are the most inquisitive. Having a 
profound reverence for woman, for I believe that mother, wife, home and heaven are the 
four noblest words in the English language, I have never believed this to be true ; but 
from long experience and observation, am persuaded that our own sex is quite as inquis- 
itive as the other. I can give you some proof of this : there has not been a single lady 
in Salt Lake City that has asked, "what have you come out here for?" While there 
have been several gentlemen who have inquired, very respectfully it is true, " what was 
the object of your coming to Utah ? " [Cheers and laughter.] Now I am going to tell 
you frankly all about it, so that your curiosity shall be entirely allayed. 

I will begin by telling you what we did not come for. In the first place, we did not 
come here to steal any of your lands and possessions, not a bit of it. In the second 
place we did not come out here to make any remarkable fortune by the discovery of any 
gold or silver mines just yet. In the third place we did not come out here to take the 
census of either sex among this people, and to this very hour I am in blissful ignorance 
as to whether the committee that met me in the suburbs of the city, are, like myself, 
without any wife, or whether they have been once or twice married, except your two 
delegates to Congress they told me they only had a wife apiece. [Laughter.] In the 
fourth place, we did not come out here to stir up strife of any character; we came here 
to accept the hospitality of everybody here, of all sects, creeds and beliefs who are willing 
to receive us, and we have received it from all. Well, now, you see we could not have 
any ulterior design in coming here. * 


Now, you who are pioneers far out here in the distant west, have many things that 
you have a right to ask of your government. I can scarcely realize, with this large 
assembly around me, that there is an almost boundless desert of 1,200 miles between 
myself and the valley of the Mississippi. There are many things that you have a right 
to demand; you have created, however, many things here for yourselves. No one could 
traverse your city without recognizing that you are a people of industry. No one could 
look at your beautiful gardens, which charmed as well as astonished me, for I did 
not dream of any such thing in the city of Salt Lake when I came here, without realizing 
that you, or many of you, are a people of taste. If anybody doubts that, I think that one 
of your officers on the hill, who turned us loose into his strawberries today, realized that 
he had visitors of taste. [Cheers and laughter.] I regret yet that I left it ; but I was 
full, and the truth is I was too full for utterance, therefore I cannot make much of a 
speech tonight. 

In the first place, to speak seriously, coming out here as you had, so far from the old 
States, you had a right to demand postal communication. I heard something that sur- 
prised me, it m ust be an exaggeration of the truth that at one time in your early 
settlement of this place, you were so far removed from postal communication, that you 
never heard of the nomination of President Pierce until he was elected and inaugurated 
as President. [A voice, "That's so."] That was some six or eight months that was a 
slow coach, and I don't see how any one who had been in the habit of reading a news- 
paper ever could get along at all ; he must have read the old ones over and over again. 

It happened to be my fortune in Congress to do a little towards increasing the postal 
facilities in the west ; not as much as I desired, but as much as I could obtain from 
Congress. And when it was proposed, to the astonishment of my fellow-members, that 
there should be a daily mail run across these pathless plains and mighty mountains, 
through the wilderness of the west to the Pacific, with the pathway lined with our 
enemies, the savages of the forest, and where the luxuries and even the necessaries of life 
in some parts of the route are unknown, the project was not considered possible ; and 
then, when in my position as chairman of the post office committee, I proposed that we 
should vote a million dollars a year to put the mail across the continent, members came to 
me and said, " You will ruin yourself." They thought it was monstrous an unjust and 
extravagant expenditure. I said to them, though I knew little of the west then compared 
to what I have learned in a few weeks of this trip, I said, " The people on the line 
of that route have a right to demand it at your hands, and in their behalf I demand it." 
[Cheers.] Finally the bill was coaxed through, and you have a daily mail running 
through here, or it would run with almost the regularity of clockwork, were it not for the 
incursions of the savages. * 

You had a right to this daily mail, and you have it. You had a right, also, to 
demand, as the eastern portion of this republic had, telegraphic communication speeding 
the messages of life and death, of pleasure and of traffic; that the same way should be 
opened by that frail wire, the conducter of Jove's thunderbolts, tamed down and harnessed 
for the use of man. And it fell to my fortune to ask it for you ; to ask a subsidy from 
the government in its aid. It was but hardly obtained ; yet now the grand result is 
achieved, who regrets it, who would part with this bond of union and civilization? 


There was another great interest you had a right to demand. Instead of the slow, toil- 
some and expensive manner in which you freight your goods and hardware to this distant 
Territory, you should have a speedy transit between the Missouri Valley and this inter- 
mountain basin in which you live. Instead of paying two or three prices, sometimes 
overrunning the cost of the article, you should have a railroad communication, and 
California demands this. I said, as did many others in Congress, " This is a great 
national enterprise ; we must bind the Atlantic and Pacific States together with bands of 
iron ; we must send the iron horse through all these valleys and mountains of the 
interior, and when thus interlaced together, we shall be a more compact and homogeneous 
republic." And the Pacific Railroad bill was passed. This great work of uniting three 
thousand miles, from shore to shore, is to be consummated ; and we hail the day of peace, 
because with peace we can do many things as a nation that we cannot do in war. This 
railroad is to be built this company is to build it ; if they do not the government will. 
It shall be put through soon ; not toilsomely, slowly, as a far distant event, but as an 
event in the decade in which we live. * * * * * 

And now, what has the government a right to demand of you? It is not that which 
Napoleon exacts from his officers in France, which is allegiance to the constitution and 
fidelity to the emperor. Thank God, we have no emperor nor despot in this country, 
throned or unthroned. Here every man has the right, himself, to exercise his elective 
suffrage as he sees fit, none molesting him or making him afraid. And the duty of every 
American citizen is condensed in a single sentence, as I said to your committee yesterday, 
not in allegiance to an emperor, but allegiance to the constitution, obedience to the 
laws, and devotion to the Union. [Cheers.] When you live to that standard you have 
the right to demand protection ; and were you three times three thousand miles from the 
national capital, wherever the starry banner of the republic waves and a man stands 
under it, if his rights of life, liberty and property are assailed, and he has rendered this 
allegiance to his country, it is the duty of the government to reach out its arm, if it take a 
scre of regiments, to protect and uphold him in his rights. [Cheers.] 

I rejoice that I came into your midst. I want to see the development of this great 
country promoted. I would now touch on a question which I could allude to at greater 
length that is about mining but I find that our views differ somewhat with the views 
of some whom you hold in great respect here, therefore I will not expand on this subject 
as in Colorado or Nevada. But I would say this, for the truth compels me to say it. That 
this great country is the granary of the world everybody acknowledges, at home and 
abroad. When five of the States of the Northwest produce three hundred and fifty 
million bushels of grain per year when you can feed all your own land, and all the 
starving millions of other lands besides, with an ordinary crop, then you are indeed the 
granary of the world. But this country has a prouder boast than that it is the treasury 
of the world. God has put the precious metals through and through these Rocky Mount- 
ains, and all these mountains in fact, and I only say to you that if you, yourselves, do not 
develop it, the rush and tide of population will come here and develop it and you cannot 
help it. [Cheers.] The tide of emigration from the old world, which even war with all 
its perils did not check, is going to pour over all these valleys and mountains, and they are 
going to extend the development of nature, and I will tell you if you do not want the 


gold they will come and take it themselves. [Cheers.] You are going to have this 
Territory increase in population, then there will not be much danger about this State 

Now, with the bright stars looking down upon us here, as they do on our friends 
in distant States, I thank you for the kind attention with which you have listened to me ; 
and while I hold the stand I ask you to join with me, if you will, in three hearty hurrahs 
for that Union which is so dear to our hearts, the very ark of our covenant, which may 
no unhallowed hand ever endanger in the centuries yet to come. 

Three tremendous cheers were given in response to the 
request, after which came " three cheers for Colfax," as heartily 

Lieutenant-Governor Bross followed in an eloquent and whole- 
souled tribute to the pioneers and early settlers of the Territory. 
Said he in the course of his speech : 

I have always been a western man, though living down east. I have always felt that 
the west was soon to be the center of wealth and power to this great nation. When but 
a boy I studied its geography ; when I grew to manhood I studied its resources ; now I am 
here to witness with my own eyes what American enterprise can do in the center of the 
continent. And representing as I do the great State of Illinois, that state that can furnish 
food for the nation, and that city that sits as a queen at the head of Lake Michigan, ready 
with open arms to grasp the wealth of this north-west, and to pour back her wealth upon 
it, I feel here tonight as if I had an interest in you, and in the progress and development 
of this Territory and every other Territory between the lakes and the Pacific. And what- 
ever I can do, as editor of what is recognized as one of the chief newspapers in the city 
of Chicago, to advance the interests of this north-west, you may calculate I shall do for 
your benefit. [Cheers.] 

Among those things which I shall advocate is the necessity of the further develop- 
ment and the pushing forward of those great lines of communication which are to make 
us neighbors; and then, instead of rolling along in one of Mr. Holladay's fine coaches, for 
fine they certainly are, with our good friend Otis, I expect to have him by the hand, and 
taking our seat in the cars, come to Salt Lake City to eat strawberries with you in the 
short space of three days. [Cheers.] 

I say, therefore, go on developing this valley as you have done. Build your canal 
from Utah Lake, cut your canal the other side of Jordan ; they say it is a hard road to 
travel, but I have not found it so. Cut your canals and water this whole land, that it may 
bud and blossom and bring forth abundantly. I have seen here such an evidence of 
wealth, cultivation and progress as would surprise any man, let him come from where he 
will ; even if he be a western man, it will surprise him. 

So far as the railroad is concerned, and my friend Colfax has run the engine pretty 
well, I want to say to you, that we here, connected with the newspapers back east, I and 


my associates of the quill, will do all that we can do ; we will concentrate our energies 
for the accomplishment of that great enterprise, to push it through to the Pacific we will 
do all we can for you, we will do all we can to lessen the expense, the vast expense, of 
drawing your goods all the way from the Missouri to Salt Lake City. You want the 
railroad you want it for its intelligence ; you want it from the fact that it mixes up a 
people and enlightens them, and gives them broader and more liberal views. It will place 
within your reach here many of the facilities and conveniences of life now enjoyed by 
other sections of the nation. I say, my fellow citizens, let us all feel, in the great work of 
developing this continent, that each one must do his share. 

. I will say here, and even hereafter, that, so far as you citizens of Utah are concerned, 
you have done your full share in developing the resources of this Territory. [Cheers.] 
If seventeen years, that is the exact time you have been here, has accomplished what it 
has, what will not the seventeen years to come accomplish, or a quarter or half a century, 
for this magnificent valley ? You will have these hills swarming with denizens of New 
York and Chicago gentlemen coming to spend the summer angling on the lakes, and to 
see what wonders you have developed among the mountains, as we are doing in our stay 
during the week. Tomorrow we go down to Salt Lake, to enjoy ourselves the best 
possible. And when we go home, we will tell the people what we have seen. We are 
accustomed to tell the truth. The newspaper is not what it once was. We hold this, 
that the truth in a newspaper is as essential to its success, as is the truth in social life, 
[cheers] and that nothing but the truth, plainly told, will tell on the interests of this 
Territory and of this great north-west, and so far as I am concerned I will tell nothing but 
the truth about you. [Cheers.] 

Now passing over the things in which we differ, leaving time and circumstances to 
bring us together, let me say that I believe in the great principles that our Creator has 
established. I believe that the principles of commerce, the principles of our holy religion, 
will in the end fuse mankind together and make us all love each other as brothers. 
[Cheers.] I believe in a higher civilization, in a higher Christianity, being developed in 
the progress of human events, and such as shall make all men feel that all men are 
brothers. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Richardson, of the New York Tribune, made the final 
address of the evening, from which we will also quote a few passages. 
Said the associate of the great Greeley : 

There is to be a tide of migration towards the west, such as the world lias never 
seen before there is to be a rapid development, such as the world has never seen before. 
There are boys here tonight who are to see the great regions of the west, from the 
Alleghanies to the Pacific, teeming with the life of a hundred millions of people. There 
are old men here tonight who will live to see the accomplishment of that grandest of 
material enterprises such a one as the world has never seen the Pacific Railroad, to see 
people from New York and San Francisco, London and China, stopping on the great 
plains to exchange greetings and newspapers, while their respective trains are stopping 
for breakfast. 

9-VOL. 2. 


It is not only in the grand material development of the country the building of cities 
and railroads, the commerce on the river, the establishment everywhere of farms, that the 
greatest pride of American development is to consist, but that, by and by, when all these 
mingling and divers nationalities are blended into one, America is to give the world the 
best men, the highest average men, the most intelligent men, of the purest integrity, of 
the most varied accomplishments, that the world has ever seen. 

But what is all this specially to you? In my judgment it is a great deal it is every- 
thing, because your location is in the very heart, the very focal point of the new States 
which are to spring up here. Here is the line of travel, here are the fields of settlement, 
here is the path of empire. Here is such a site for a city as no commercial metropolis in 
the whole world occupies. I am dazzled at the thought of the future which may be before 
it, and of the future which may be before your people. 

It is with the profoundest interest that, during the few days that I have been in your 
Territory, I have been studying its features and its developments. I have been in many 
of your ranches, in your green fields, in many of your gardens, your residences, your 
business houses, and 1 have looked with wonder at the almost miracles you have 
performed in the few years you have been here. And I will tell you, gentlemen, what 
the development which I have seen means, what it means to rne. When I think of the 
vast labor you had to perform, of that terrible journey from the river here, and when I 
see what you have done, I am full of wonder and admiration; they mean to me industry; 
they mean to me integrity and justice in your dealings with each other. [Cheers.] 
Because I know enough of pioneer life, I know enough from practical observation and 
experience of the difficulties that environ and constantly beset new communities, to know 
this could not have been done by an idle people, by a volatile people, by a people who do 
not deal fairly and justly among themselves and with each other. 

I wish I could paint your coming horizon; I wish I could cast the horoscope of your 
future; but I think it cannot be many years before the new star of Utah will sail up our 
horizon to take her place among the other members of our American constellation, 
[cheers] which we fondly hope, like the stars that light us tonight, shall " haste not nor 
rest not, but shine forever." 

Next day the Colfax party were taken to the Great Salt Lake, 
where they experienced the luxury of a bath in its wonderful waters. 

But by far the most interesting incident of their visit to Utah 
was the interview, or interviews, that took place between Schuyler 
Colfax and Brigham Young. It goes without saying that the honor- 
able Speaker of the House of Representatives was desirous of 
meeting the Mormon leader. Everybody, high or low, who came to 
Utah in those days, and as long as he lived, desired to meet him. 
But Mr. Colfax was too great a man, or not great enough opinions 
will differ- as to which to condescend to call upon the President, 
and in all probability would have gone away ungratified in this 


respect rather than have sacrificed his dignity to his curiosity. But 
Brigham Young, not being troubled with dignity of that sort, on 
learning that the Mountain did not intend coming to Mahomet, 
good-naturedly humored Mr. Colfax and went to him. President 
Heber C. Kimball, Apostles John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff, George 
A. Smith, Franklin D. Richards, George Q. Cannon, Rons. John F. 
Kinney, J. M. Bernhisel, W. H. Hooper, Mayor Smoot, Marshal 
Little, and others went also to call upon the honorable gentleman. 
They were courteously received by Mr. Colfax and his friends, and 
besides these, Bishops John Sharp and L. W. Hardy, Messrs. William 
Jennings, John W. Young, N. H. Felt and George D. Watt, were 
present at this interview. It lasted for two hours, and after the "ice 
had been broken" was of a very pleasant character. 

A trip to Rush Valley, to view certain mining operations in 
that vicinity, was made by the Colfax party, after which they were 
entertained successively at the hospitable homes of Hon. William 
H. Hooper and William Jennings, Esq. A dinner was given in their 
honor by Mr. Jennings on Saturday the 17th of June. There were 
present, besides the host and his family, Mr. Colfax, Messrs. 
Bross. Richardson and Bowles, Presidents Young and Kimball, 
Apostles George A. Smith and George Q. Cannon, Hons. J. F. 
Kinney and William H. Hooper, Colonel Irish, Mayor Smoot, Mar- 
shal Little, and Messrs. Charles H. Hapgood, John W. Young, J. F. 
Tracy, H. S. Rumfield and T. B. H. Stenhouse.* Later in the even- 
ing the party attended the Theater, where the visitors were delighted, 
not only with the fine structure, the size and magnificence of which 
astonished them, but with the entertainment placed upon the boards 

* Says Mr. Bowles in his letters: " A dinner to our party this evening by a leading 
Mormon merchant, at which President Young and the principal members of his council 
were present, had as rich a variety of fish, meats, and vegetables, pastry and fruit, as I 
ever saw on any private table in the east ; and the quality and the cooking and the 
serving were unimpeachable. All the food, too, was native in Utah. The wives of our 
host waited on us most amicably, and the entertainment was, in every way, the best 
illustration of the practical benefits of plurality that has yet been presented to us." 


for their especial benefit. Mr. Bowles thus dilates upon the subject: 
"We were presented to another and perhaps the most wonderful 
illustration of the reach of social and artificial life in this far off city 
of the Rocky Mountains. This was the Theater, in which a special 
performance was improvised in honor of Speaker Colfax. The build- 
ing is itself a rare triumph of art and enterprise. No eastern city of 
one hundred thousand inhabitants, remember Salt Lake City has 
less than twenty thousand, possesses so fine a theatrical structure. 
It ranks, alike in capacity and elegance of structure and finish, along 
with the opera houses and academies of music of Boston, New York, 
Philadelphia, Chicago and Cincinnati. In costumes and scenery it is 
furnished with equal richness and variety, and the performances 
themselves, though by amateurs, by merchants and mechanics, by 
wives and daughters of citizens, would have done credit to a first 
class professional company. I have rarely seen 

a theatrical entertainment more pleasing and satisfactory in all its 
details and appointments/}- The house was full in 

all its parts, and the audience embraced all classes of society, 
from the wives and daughters of President Young a goodly 
array and the families of the rich merchants to the families of the 
mechanics and farmers of the city and valley, and the soldiers from 

In the early part of this day June 17th had occurred the 
second and most important interview between Speaker Colfax and 
President Young, the former with his friends calling at the office of 
the President, where the interview took place in the presence of the 
leading Church dignitaries. The conversation was opened by the 
Mormon leader, who inquired of Mr. Colfax what the Government 
and the people in the east proposed doing with polygamy and the 

f The pieces presented were " Camilla's Husband " and " Magic Toys," in the 
former of which Mr. David McKenzie and Mrs. L. Gibson impersonated the principal 
characters. Dunbar, the comic vocalist, also appeared, as did Miss Alexander, the 
danseuse. " Magic Toys " included an illuminated tableau and a chaste and beautiful 


Mormons, now that they had got rid of the slavery question 1 ? Mr. 
Colfax replied that he had no authority to speak for the Government; 
but for himself, if he might he permitted to make the suggestion, he 
had hoped that the prophets of the Church would have a new 
revelation on the subject, which should put a stop to the practice. 
As the people of Maryland and Missouri, without waiting for the 
action of the general government against slavery, themselves believ- 
ing it wrong and an impediment to their prosperity, had taken 
measures to abolish it, so he hoped that the people of the Mormon 
Church would see that polygamy was a hindrance and not a help, 
and move for its abandonment. President Young responded, defend- 
ing the plural-wife practice on scriptural grounds, and declaring 
that God had in this day especially commanded it. At the same 
time he admitted that the principle had been abused, and that some 
had entered into it who ought not to have done so. When rightly 
practiced, however, he maintained that it was not only biblical, but 
had, within proper limits, a sound moral and philosophical reason 
and propriety. In the course of the discussion that followed, which, 
according to Mr. Bowles, was " general and sharp though very good- 
natured," President Young asked Speaker Colfax if the Govern- 
ment, in the event of polygamy being given up, would not demand 
more would not attack the Book of Mormon and make war upon 
the Church organization? "No," was the emphatic reply, "it has 
no right and could have no justification to do so. We have no idea 
that there would be any disposition in that direction." Mr. Colfax 
and his friends stated in conclusion that they hoped the polygamic 
question might be removed from existence, and thus all objection to 
the admission of Utah as a State be taken away ; but that until it 
was, no such admission was possible, and the Government could not 
continue to look indifferently upon the enlargement of so offensive 
a practice. 

Next day the Sabbath the visitors attended the services at 
the Bowery, President Young, at their request, having consented to 
deliver a discourse upon "the distinctive doctrines of Mormonism." 


The sermon did not please Mr. Colfax and his friends. Neither did 
it suit at all the assembled Saints. In fact, it did not do the speaker 
or the subject any sort of justice, and everybody present was dis- 
appointed. The President, for some reason, was not half himself; 
evidently being hampered instead of helped by the presence of the 
visiting party, and doubtless more than all by the thought, so fatal 
to eloquence, that he was expected to say something "out of the 
common." His effort was regarded by his own friends, the Apostles, 
Bishops and Elders around him, as a flat failure, as " the worst 
sermon that he ever preached," and the strangers naturally drew the 
inference that Brigham Young, while "a shrewd business man, an 
able organizer of labor, a bold, brave person in dealing with all the 
practicalities of life," was " in no sense an impressive or effective 
preacher." Such was the verdict of the critic Bowles, the literary 
spokesman of the party. 

But the conclusion was far from correct. No orator should be 
judged by his poorest effort; nor is it possible that a public speaker 
can be always "at his best." Who has not seen actors upon the 
stage, though possessing genius of the highest order, play so 
poorly at times as not only to disappoint the expectant public, 
assembled to witness them in their best creations, but almost to 
deserve hissing? And who has not seen the same artists on 
other occasions, when conditions were more favorable, or they were 
"put upon their mettle" by the prod of candid criticism, fairly 
electrify their audiences in the same impersonations? There is no 
mystery about the matter. The tide of human effort and achieve- 
ment, like any other tide, has its ebbs as well as its flows. Brigham 
Young, it is true, was not an orator, few men are upon whom that 
exalted title is so carelessly bestowed, but he certainly was, Mr. 
Bowles to the contrary notwithstanding, an impressive and effective 
preacher. We mean, of course, when Brigham Young was at his 
best. Mr. Bowles and his friends only heard him once, and when, 
from all accounts, he was at his worst. Hence their verdict is not to 
be accepted as final. 


Later in the day the eloquent Mr. Colfax delivered at the same 
place, by invitation of the Church and city authorities, his eulogy on 
the Life and Principles of President Lincoln. Of course this mas- 
terly oration, previously delivered in Chicago, and now read from 
manuscript,* far outshone the extemporaneous "remarks" of the 
Mormon President; as far, no doubt, as the life and works of 
Brigham Young, the greatest of American colonizers, will outshine 
in the history of his country, when it comes to be impartially written, 
the life and works of Schuyler Colfax, the eloquent and erudite 
orator and statesman. A hearty vote of thanks was tendered 
the speaker at the close of his able address, which was listened to 
by an immense audience with the most respectful and profound 

Monday morning, June 19th, saw the Colfax party on their way 
westward. "Adieu," wrote Editor Bowles, "to Salt Lake and many- 
wive-and-much-children-dom; its strawberries and roses; its rare 
hospitality; its white-crowned peaks; its wide-spread valley; its 
river of scriptural name ; its lake of briniest taste. I have met much 
to admire, many to respect, worshiped deep before its nature, found 
only one thing to condemn. I shall want to come again when the 
railroad can bring me, and that blot is gone." 

"That blot" of course was polygamy, which much offended the 
Massachusetts editor, who reflected in his writings the sentiments of 
Speaker Colfax, to whom in due time was dedicated the Bowles book 
entitled "Across the Continent."f The views therein expressed as 
to the proper method of dealing with the Mormon problem, a few 
years later found vigorous administrative effect when Schuyler Colfax 
became Vice "President of the United States, and the trusted and 

* So says the Deseret News. Mr. Bowles states that he spoke without notes. The 
News says that Mr. Colfax remarked that such was his custom, but that his relations with 
the deceased President "had been so close that he had not dared speak of him except from 
the manuscript which he read." 

f In the dedication of " Across the Continent," Mr. Bowles says to Mr. Colfax: " The 
book is more yours than mine." 


confidential adviser of the nation's powerful chief Ulysses S. 

On Tuesday, June 13th, while the Colfax party were still in Salt 
Lake Valley, occurred the much lamented death of Hon. James 

* Says the Colfax-Bowles publication of the Mormon people : " The result of the 
whole experience has been to increase my appreciation of the value of their material pro- 
gress and development to the nation; to evoke congratulations to them and to the country 
for the wealth they have created, and the order, frugality, morality and industry that have 
been organized in this remote spot in our continent ; to excite wonder at the perfection of 
their Church system, the extent of its ramifications, the sweep of its influence ; and to 
enlarge my respect for the personal sincerity and character of many of the leaders in the 
organization; also, and on the other hand, to deepen my disgust at their polygamy, and 
strengthen my convictions of its barbaric and degrading influences. * * 
Nothing can save this feature of Morrnonism but a new flight and a more complete isola- 
tion. A kingdom in the sea, entirely its own, could only perpetuate it ; and thither even, 
commerce and democracy would ultimately follow it. The click of the telegraph and the 
roll of the overland stages are its death rattle now; the first whistle of the locomotive will 
sound its requiem ; and the pickaxe of the miner will dig its grave. 

" The Government should no longer hold a doubtful or divided position towards this 
great crime of the Mormon Church. Declaring clearly both its want of power and disin- 
clination to interfere at all with the Church organization as such, or with the latter's 
influence over its followers, assuring and guaranteeing to it all the liberty and freedom that 
other religious sects hold and enjoy, the Government should still, as clearly and distinctly, 
declare, by all its action, and all its representatives here, that this feature of polygamy, not 
properly or necessarily a part of the religion of the Mormons, is a crime by the common 
law of the nation, and that any cases of its extension will be prosecuted and punished as 
such. Now half or two-thirds the Federal officers in the territory are polygamists; and others 
bear no testimony against it. These should give way to men who, otherwise equally 
Mormons it may be, still are neither polygamists nor believers in the practice of polygamy. 
No employes or contractors of the Government should be polygamists in theory or practice. 
Here the Government should take its stand, calmly, quietly, but firmly, giving its moral 
support and countenance, and its physical support if necessary, to the large class of Mor- 
mons who are not polygamists. to missionaries and preachers of all other sects, who 
choose to come here, and erect their standards and invite followers, and to that growing 
public opinion, here and elsewhere, which is accumulating its inexorable force against an 
institution which has not inaptly been termed a twin barbarism with slavery. There is no 
need and no danger of physical conflict growing up; only a hot and unwise zeal and im- 
patience on the part of the Government representatives, and in the command of the troops 
stationed here, could precipitate that. The probability is, that, upon such a demonstration 
by the Government, as I have suggested, the leaders of the Church would receive new 
light on the subject themselves, perhaps have a fresh revelation, and abandon the objec- 
tionable feature in their polity." 


Duane Doty, Utah's fifth governor. His demise was caused by 
violent internal pains which had seized him several days previously. 
After a week's severe illness, during most of which time he was 
confined to his room, death put an end to his sufferings. The 
deceased was in his sixty-sixth year, having been born in New York 
on the 5th of November, 1799. Prior to coming west he had resided 
in Wisconsin, of which, while it was yet a Territory, he had been 
Delegate to Congress and subsequently Governor. His official record 
in Utah has already been noticed. As Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs and as Governor of the Territory, Mr. Doty faithfully and 
efficiently discharged his duty to the Federal Government and at the 
same time won the love and respect of all our citizens. His was an 
open and affable nature, which could not fail to win the hearts of 
those with whom he came in contact. He was deeply and sincerely 
mourned throughout Utah, a general cessation of business, with flags 
draped and flying at half mast until after the funeral, testifying 
something of the esteem and honor in which he had been held. The 
obsequies preceding the burial were held at the executive residence 
on Thursday, June 15th, at 10 a. m., Rev. Norman McLeod officiat- 
ing. The casket was borne to the hearse by Hon. Schuyler Colfax, 
Governor Rross, Chief Justice Titus, Associate Justice Drake, 
Superintendent Irish and U. S. Marshal Gibbs.* The remains, 
followed by a vast concourse of citizens, preceded by civil and mili- 
tary officials, were conveyed to the Camp Douglas cemetery, where, 
after further ceremonies, they were reverently consigned to mother 

Less than three weeks later there arrived at Salt Lake City 
another distinguished visitor, Hon. James M. Ashley, of Ohio, 
Chairman of the Committee on Territories of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. He was just in time to witness and participate with the 
citizens in their customary grand celebration of the 4th of July. 
After the oration of the day, which was delivered by Hon. George Q. 

* Judge Waite by this time had retired from the Territory. He was succeeded in 
office in 1864 by Associate Justice Solomon P. McGurdy, of Missouri. 


Cannon, Secretary of the State of Deseret,* Mr. Ashley by invitation 
addressed the people. He stated that it was -very far from his 
thoughts on entering the city at half past one o'clock in the morning 
that he should meet so large an assemblage of his fellow citizens 
celebrating the anniversary of American freedom, or that he would 
be asked to say a word. He knew something of the past history of 
the Saints, both in the east and since they had established themselves 
in the Rocky Mountains, and for what they had done here the people 
of the nation should feel under great obligations to them. For the 
patriotic demonstration that he was witnessing, on the part of the 
loyal people of the United States he thanked them. He did not 
come, he said, to make a 4th of July oration, but simply to look at 
this Territory, which for six years he had had charge of as Chairman 
of the House Committee on Territories. He hoped to become 
acquainted with Utah's leading citizens, as well as with those of the 
other Territories that he purposed visiting, in order that he" might 
better understand their wants than he was able to do at a distance. 
He complimented Utah's delegates in Congress, and concluded with 
these words: "Whatever may be our peculiar views, let us main- 
tain the principles of the Declaration that has just been read, and 
the oration that has been pronounced, and make this nation what 
it ought to be, the freest, mightiest and most glorious on the earth." 

At this celebration the name of Hon. William H. Hooper was 
put forward by Hon. George A. Smith as Utah's next delegate to 
Congress. The vote taken was unanimous. Mr. Hooper, who had 
previously been nominated for delegate, was elected on the first 
Monday of the ensuing August. Like his predecessor, Judge 
Kinney, Captain Hooper was a Democrat. 

During Mr. Ashley's stay in Salt Lake City an interview was 
arranged between him and President Young. It took place in the 
parlors of Hon. William H. Hooper. " Well, Mr. Ashley,'' said the 

* The official organization of the State of Deseret had been formally kept up since the 
election of 1862, and was continued for about ten years later. Governor Young's mes- 
sages were regularly presented to the General Assembly, which adopted as its own the 
laws passed by each session of the Territorial Legislature. 


President, referring to the recent visit of the Colfax party and their 
views respecting plural marriage, " are you also going to recommend 
us to get a new revelation to abolish polygamy, or what are you 
going to do with us?" 

"Now, Mr. President," answered Ashley, with a mirthful twinkle 
in his eye, " I don't know what we can do with you. Your situation 
reminds me of an experience of Tom Corwin's. In the days of Tom's 
poverty, somewhere in Ohio, he thought he would hang out a 
lawyer's shingle and catch a share of business. One day a smart 
fellow solicited his legal services; he wanted Tom to defend him, and 
proposed to give him a fee of fifty dollars. That was a big sum to 
Tom then ; but when he heard the situation of his client he stated 
that he was under professional obligations to say he could be of no 
service to him. The client insisted that Tom should make a speech 
in court, and that was all he wanted. The case came on, the evidence 
was clear, witnesses had seen the prisoner steal some hams, carry 
them to a house, and there the hams were found in the client's pos- 
session. It was a clear case of theft, the evidence was incontestible, 
and the prosecutor thought it needless to address the jury. The 
defendant, however, insisted that Tom should make his speech. A 
brilliant effort was made, the jury retired, and in a few minutes 
returned with a verdict of 'not guilty.' The judge, the prosecutor 
and Tom were perfectly confounded. They glanced at each other a 
look of inquiry. Nothing more could be done, and the prisoner was 
discharged. As they retired from the court the lawyer said to the 
thief, 'Now, old fellow, I want you to tell me how that was done!' 
' Your speech did it,' was the reply. ' No, it didn't, and I want to 
know how you did it?' 'Well, if you will not speak of it till I get 
out of the State, I shall tell you.' Tom accorded to this, and in 
perfect confidence his client whispered: 'Well, eleven of the jurors had 
some of the ham.' ' 

"Brigh am roared and laughed," says Mr. Stenhouse, who was 
one of the company present at the interview. "With a Mormon 
jury, some of them doubtless polygamists, the institution was per- 


fectly secure."* Possibly a similar jest might have been passed with 
equal propriety at the expense of some of the Congressmen who 
voted for the anti-polygamy law of 1862. Not that their act was at 
all similar to that of Corwin's jury. That they "had some of the 
ham" regarding which they were supposed to be legislating, is very 
probable, but this did not deter them from taking virtuous action 
against the " much-married Mormons." Full many a man 

" Compounds for sins that he's inclined to, 
By damning those he has no mind to." 

The next notable arrival in Utah was that of the celebrated 
actress, Julia Dean Hayne, to whom reference was made in a former 
chapter. Mrs. Hayne came with the Potter troupe from California, 
via Idaho, arriving at Salt Lake City on the 5th of August. She was 
on her way to New York, her early home, after an absence of several 
years in the west, but tarried in Utah, where she became the reigning 
queen of the Salt Lake stage. Her first appearance at the Theater 
was on the night of August llth, 1865, in her great impersonation 
of "Camille." She quickly captured all hearts and swayed un- 
disputed sceptre over the affections as well as the unbounded admi- 
ration of the people. Her fame as an actress was national before she 
came west; but in no part of the country was she more esteemed 
and admired than in Utah, where she wrote her name indelibly on 
the hearts of all the citizens, and forever linked her life with the 
history of our inter-mountain commonwealth. 

On the occasion of her first farewell to Salt Lake City, June 
30th, 1866, when it was supposed that she would not return, though 
she afterwards did, Mrs. Hayne, from the stage, made the following 
pretty and tender speech to her admiring auditory : 

* Mr. Ashley, a few years later, introduced a bill into Congress "to extend the 
boundaries of the States of Nevada, Minnesota and Nebraska, and the Territories of 
Colorado, Montana and Wyoming." This meant the partition of Utah among her 
neighbors, the contiguous States and Territories. The proposition did not meet with 
much favor, and the bill was defeated, its death-blow being given by Utah's delegate, Hon. 
William H. Hooper, in a masterly speech delivered in the House of Representatives, 
February 25th, 1869. 


LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : It is but seldom I lose the artist in the woman, or permit a 
personal feeling to mingle with my public duties; yet, perhaps, in now taking leave I may 
be pardoned if I essay to speak of obligations which are lasting. If, during my length- 
ened stay within your midst, some trials have beset my path, many kindnesses have 
cheered the way, the shafts of malice have fallen powerless, and the evil words of falser 
hearts have wasted as the air. And perhaps in teaching me how sweet the gratitude I owe 
these friends, I should almost thank the malignancy which called their kindness forth. 
For such, believe me, memory holds a sacred chamber where no meaner emotion can 

To President Young, for very many courtesies to a stranger, lone and unprotected, I 
return those thanks which are hallowed by their earnestness ; and I trust he will permit 
me, in the name of my art, to speak my high appreciation of the order and beauty that 
reign throughout this house. 

I would the same purity prevailed in every temple for the drama's teachings. Then 
indeed the grand object would be achieved, and it would become a school, 

"To wake the soul by tender strokes of art, 
To raise the genius and to mend the heart." 

But I speak too long, and pause -perhaps before the last farewell, 

"A word that has been and must be, 
A sound which makes us linger, 
Yet, Farewell ! " 

On the 30th of September, 1865, Hon. Charles Durkee, of 
Wisconsin, who had been appointed to succeed the lamented Doty as 
Governor of Utah, arrived at Salt Lake City. He took the oath of 
office and entered upon the discharge of his duties on the 3rd of 
October. An effort had been made to secure the gubernatorial chair 
for Colonel 0. H. Irish, the efficient and popular Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs, and in June, a few days after the death of Governor 
Doty, a petition had been signed by many leading citizens and 
forwarded to President Johnson, asking for the Colonel's appoint- 
ment. The request was denied, much to the general disappointment, 
but Governor Durkee received a cordial welcome, and proved an 
-acceptable official. He continued in office till the close of his term. 









[T Salt Lake City, during the year 1866, occurred what are 
know as the Rrassfield and Robinson murders. Both crimes 
were committed by unknown persons, and both victims were 
prominent Gentiles. Owing to these facts and other circumstances 
surrounding the cases, it was believed by the Gentile portion of the 
community that the deeds were done by Mormons. Some went so 
far as to charge them upon the Mormon Church, assuming that the 
two men had incurred the ill-will of some person or persons "high 
in authority," who had therefore instigated and authorized the 

This extreme view, similar to that taken by anti-Mormons in 
relation to the Mountain Meadows massacre and other crimes, was 
probably entertained by most of the Gentiles then in Utah.* The 

* Brevet Major-General Hazen was in Salt Lake City during October of this year. 
In a report of his visit furnished to Hon. John Bidwell of the House of Representatives, 
the General says : " I found Brigham Young a man of remarkable shrewdness, adminis- 
trative ability and information. * * * My interview with him was pleasant, he 
talking freely upon all his plans. He has the past season constructed a line of telegraph 
to every village in Utah, and is ready to build several hundred miles of the Union Pacific 
railroad. * * * I found at Salt Lake City about three hundred of our own 
people, whom they term Gentiles, nearly all traders. They had established a church, a 
newspaper and a school. * * * At the time of my visit they were 


Mormon view of the matter was that the murders were committed 
by personal enemies of the victims, and that the question of 
Mormon and Gentile had nothing whatever to do with the deeds. 
Many there were, both Mormons and non -Mormons, who believed 
that Brassfield had merited his fate. But by none was the 
Robinson murder excused. It was denounced by all as a most 
dastardly crime, and Mormons and Gentiles vied with each other in 
deploring and denouncing it, and striving to discover and bring to 
justice its perpetrators. Among the first to offer a reward for the 
apprehension of Dr. Robinson's murderers, was President Brigham 
Young. But let the facts speak for themselves. They are as 
follows, referring now to the Brassfield affair: 

S. Newton Brassfield, of Austin, Nevada, had come to Utah 
about three months prior to his death, for the purpose of engaging 
in the then lucrative business of freighting, between Salt Lake City 
and that point. He spent some time at American Fork and then 
came to Salt Lake. Becoming enamored of a Mrs. Hill, the 
plural wife of a Mormon Elder, who was then on a mission in 
Europe, he persuaded her to forsake her husband and contract an 
alliance with himself. This marriage occurred on the 20th of 
March, 1866, the ceremony being performed by Associate Justice 
Solomon P. McCurdy. No divorce or formal separation had taken 
place between Mrs. Hill and her husband, the absent Elder, and in 

broken up into several factions, probably brought about by the ingenuity of the Mormons. 

* * * They [the Mormons] are probably the most universally industrious and 
law-abiding people on the continent, drunkenness and theft are very uncommon. 

* * * The murder of Dr. Robinson occurred while I was in Salt Lake City, 
and that of Brassfield some time previous. There is no doubt of their murder from 
Mormon Church influences, although I do not believe by direct command. * 

I have earnestly to recommend that a list be made of the Mormon leaders according to 
their importance, excepting Brigham Young, and that the President of the United States 
require the commanding officer of Camp Douglas to arrest and send to the States 
prison at Jefferson City, Missouri, beginning at the head of the list, man for man hereafter 
killed as these men were, to be held until the real perpetrators of the deed, with evidence 
for their conviction, be given up. I believe Young, for the present, necessary for us 


the eyes of the Mormon community she was still his wife. 
Consequently Brassfield was regarded as her seducer, and his action 
was denounced publicly and privately as criminal. The popular 
feeling with the majority of the people over the affair is reflected in 
the following allusion to it by President Young at the April 
conference, a few days after the killing: '"Brother Brigham,'" said 
the speaker, interrogating himself, '"did you counsel any such 
thing as killing Mr. Brassfield?' I did not, I know no more about 
it than you do. That which has transpired I have merely heard, 
and that which instigated the killing of that man is not known to 
me. ' Suppose a man should enter your house and decoy away from 
you a wife of yours, what would you do under the circumstances?' 
I would lay judgment to the line and righteousness to the plummet, 
so help me God. I say that for myself and not for another. 
* * * Were I absent from my home, I would rejoice to 
know that I had friends there to protect and guard the virtue of my 
household; and I would thank God for such friends." This 
undoubtedly was the general view of the Mormon people, based 
upon the supposition that some relative or friend of the absent 
husband had done the killing. That such was the case, however, 
was not clearly shown. 

The Gentile view, or at least the view of a certain class of 
Gentiles, those styled by the Saints "regenerators," was that 
Mrs. Hill, being a plural wife, was no wife at all by virtue of her 
union with her Mormon spouse, and that Mr. Brassfield had a perfect 
right to marry her. Perhaps this was his own opinion, though he 
must have known, almost as well as the woman herself, that before 
such a marriage would seem proper in Mormon eyes, some form of 
separation, say a Church divorce, since no legal divorce could under 
the circumstances have been granted, was necessary. Ignoring 
this fact, the pair went before Judge McCurdy and became by law 
Mr. and Mrs. Brassfield. The Judge, it is said, was not aware that 
the woman was already married, her maiden name being the only 
one mentioned in the ceremony. The marriage was followed by an 


attempt, still in the absence of Mr. Hill, to secure his children by this 
plural wife, and to take away such of his household property as she 
might choose to claim. The attempt being resisted by the rest of 
the family as unlawful and unjust, Brassfield, it is said, "threatened 
to shoot," and to break into the room' containing the goods and 
chattels claimed by his partner. The police interfered and he was 
placed in jail over night, and subsequently charged in due form and 
held to answer to the Probate Court for burglary and larceny, to 
which charge he pleaded not guilty. Meanwhile Mrs. Hill-Brassfield 
had instituted proceedings in habeas corpus for the recovery of her 
children, before Associate Justice McCurdy, who, though assigned to 
the Second Judicial District, was then holding court in the Third. It 
was while these cases were pending that Mr. Brassfield was shot 
dead, on the night of the 2nd of April, as he was about entering his 
boarding house.* The assassin, though pursued and repeatedly 
fired at, made good his escape. Judge Smith, of the Salt Lake 
County Court, which still had criminal jurisdiction, specially charged 
the grand jury, which soon convened, to use all diligence to bring 
the perpetrator of the crime to justice. His identity, however, was 
never discovered. 

Those who were willing to take a conservative view of the matter 
believed that either some member or friend of the Hill family was 
responsible for the killing, or that some personal enemy of Mr. 
Brassfield, well knowing that suspicion would alight upon the family, 
or upon the Church to which they belonged, had seized this oppor- 
tunity to wreak revenge and use the popular feeling to cloak the crime. 
Said the Deseret News: "This is the third case of shooting with 
intent to kill in less than three weeks. There is 

no difficulty in tracing all these cases to the 'regenerating' influences 
at work through the city. These are its fruits everywhere. In the 
first two cases the individuals were known, and there was no chance 

* Reich's National Hotel, a few doors east of Godbe's Exchange Buildings, First 
South Street. 


to accuse the 'Mormons' of 'murderous designs.' In the last case, 
as usual where the perpetrators of crime here are not known, an 
attempt will likely be made to fasten guilt on some place where it 
does not belong." This proved to be true, though the attempt, 
in this instance, was confined to mere suspicion and assertion. 

The Daily Telegraph, edited by T. B. H. Stenhouse, expressed 
itself as follows in relation to the tragedy: "We know but little of 
Brassfield; but there is no doubt in our mind that he was either a 
very stupid man, or has been the victim of designing men, who were 
probably exceedingly glad to find in his passion the means of raising 
a question from which they expected to bring to pass some portion 
of their cherished dreams. Within a few hours of his death, Brass- 
field expressed himself to an acquaintance of his without any privacy 
whatever that he regarded his marriage case in the sense of ' the 
entering wedge to burst up polygamy.' He did not speak for him- 
self evidently, nor were he and she alone interested, for the east side 
of East Temple Street has been rumbling with noise ever since the 
marriage was determined on. Had he been wisely advised he never 
would have attempted to marry another man's wife, and that he 
knew her to be such there can be no question." A few days later 
the same paper said: "It is very amusing to witness the regenera- 
tors. The miserable clique are getting as loath- 
some to the decent Gentiles and Jews of the city as they are 
despicable to the Mormons. Even the men of no pretensions to 
religion, the very sports of the city, talk of them with contempt, and 
are ashamed of their Brassfield 'test case.' 

The people of Utah care nothing about the slander, vituperation 
and infamous lies of the regenerators but everybody knows that 
'hands off' is the essential doctrine. They may publish lies, preach 
lies and mouth lies as freely as they please; but the moment their 
hands are laid upon any man's family in an illegal manner they will 
find there's a road to hell across lots. Brassfield 

has paid the penalty of his temerity, and the only regret that we 
have experienced has been that the clique of corrupt regenerators 


who made him their victim did not fall into the snare they laid 
for him." 

The editor of the Telegraph, after his change of heart toward 
Mormonism, which he once so zealously championed, in his book, 
"The Rocky Mountain Saints," thus speaks of the effect of the 
Brassfield murder: "The Gentile community was at first panic- 
stricken; but on recovering from the lirst stupor, they offered a 
reward of $4,500 for the arrest of the murderer, which, however, 
elicited no information. Orders had been given by the Secretary of 
War to disband the volunteers, but it was immediately counter- 
manded till regular troops could relieve them." 

The anti-Mormon side of the affair having been bruited abroad, 
General Sherman, then commanding the Department of the Plains, 
from his headquarters at St. Louis telegraphed to President Young 
" that he hoped to hear of no more murders of Gentiles in Utah," 
evidently accepting the theory that the Church was to blame for 
what had happened. The General further stated that though his 
language "was not intended as a threat," yet he might say that there 
were a great many soldiers who had just been mustered out of 
service, who would readily gather again and pay Utah a visit, should 
the lives of citizens be afterwards imperilled in the Territory. Pres- 
ident Young telegraphed in reply that Brassfield had "seduced a 
man's wife," and that life was as secure in Utah as elsewhere if 
persons attended to their own business.* A second telegram to 

Telegraph, under the heading "Regeneration at Springville," on May 
23rd, 1866, several weeks after the Brassfield killing, published the following: "We 
learned just as we were going to press last evening, the facts of a tragic occurrence at 
Springville, Utah County, on Sunday evening last, about 8 o'clock. A Gentile whose 
name we were not told, who had been about that town all winter, on Friday evening 
went to the residence of a citizen whose wife was alone her husband being absent on a 
military tour to Sanpete where he stayed and took supper. After supper he was still 
disposed to prolong his stay, which was interdicted. Determined to accomplish his 
hellish purpose, he drew a revolver, swearing he would shoot the lady. Struggle contin- 
ued till morning, when the woman succeeded in making her escape through a window. 
The alarm was immediately spread and the scoundrel was arrested and put in the 
lock-up to await an investigation. In the meantime he circulated reports that he was 


General Sherman, signed by prominent Gentiles, confirmed this state- 
ment, and so the matter ended. 

Sherman, however, requested Brigadier-General 0. E. Babcock, 
who was about making a tour of inspection of the military posts of 
the West, to spend several weeks in Salt Lake Valley, collecting such 
information from both Mormons and Gentiles as might possibly 
suggest a policy to be pursued "toward these people." General 
Babcock reached Fort Bridger on the 17th of June, and Salt Lake 
City two days later.* He remained until July 20th, talking freely 
and often, as he says, with both classes of the community, by whom 
he was treated with civility. From his report which was very fair 
furnished to the War Department after his return, a few interesting 
paragraphs are here inserted: 

The Territory of Utah has now, the Mormons claim, a population of near 150, 
000. (?) They are settled in various parts of the Territory, wherever advantages are 
offered in soil and for irrigation. The attention of the people is generally confined to 
agriculture, raising of stock, the necessaries of life. The cultivation of this country was 
necessary to the development of the gold mines in Idaho and Montana, for this new country 
was supplied with flour by the Mormons. The Territory has much mineral wealth, gold, 

encouraged by the woman to go to the house. Hearing these reports, taking her own 
and her husband's father with her, she went at once and confronted the villain, and 
demanded that he should retract his slanderous reports ; which he refused to do, alleging 
that at his trial on the morrow he would make all right. Whereupon the woman 
fired at him six shots five taking effect killing him on the spot. We have no room 
for comments." 

* The General states in his report, filed October 5th, 1866, and portions of which 
were laid before Congress by Secretary Stanton in January following, that he found Fort 
Bridger, in " a shameful condition grounds not policed, buildings out of order, flooring 
burned up, bridges burned, shade trees broken down." The reservation was twenty-five 
miles square, embracing all the good land within twelve miles in either direcjion. The 
hay land was leased to Judge Carter. Babcock thought it would be advantageous and 
economical to the government to sell the larger part of this reservation. Camp Douglas 
he found to be " in neat condition, with a garrison of some three hundred and fifty 
men." A Fort Union is also referred to as one of the military posts in Utah at this period, 
but is not described nor located in those portions of the General's report published. 
Babcock recommended that Camp Douglas be built of stone the quarters and store- 
houses and that it be made to accommodate a regiment; also that a new post be 
established near Green River. 


silver, lead, iron, coal, etc., but Brigham Young has kept their attention to the cultivation 
of the soil. I saw a less number of idle people in Utah Territory than in any locality I 
ever visited. 

I saw President Young often. At first he was quite dignified and formal, bat after- 
wards talked freely on the various subjects of difference between his church and the 
general government. The act of Congress of 1862 prohibiting polygamy, has never been 
enforced. President Young told me he wanted it brought before the courts, and would 
place no obstacle in its way, and in fact would help to bring it before the courts. He said 
he believed it was unconstitutional, as it is against one of the foundations of their religion. 
He went further and said the Mormons would never have had more than one wife had 
not God revealed it to them that it was His wish. His sincerity in such a statement might 
be questionable, though his manner and conversation would not seem so. That the people 
generally believed this, I think there is no question. The attempt to enforce this law of 
1862 has been a failure, and I think it will be, not because the people oppose the courts, 
but the fanatical views of the people render such failures almost certain. The law makes 
it a crime to take more than one wife. Before the offender can be tried he must be 
indicted before a jury of the land. The jury of necessity is entirely or mostly of Mor- 
mons. No Mormon can see a crime in taking two or more wives in accordance with 
God's revelation to them. The result is, no one is indicted. It being a criminal offense, 
there is no appeal from this, hence the case never comes before the United States courts. 

Judge Titus I believe a very upright man, of no prejudice in favor of the Mor- 
mons informed me that about one-tenth of the Mormons are polygamists ; that he knows 
of cases where Mormons have been prevented from taking more wives by the law of 
1862, and others on account of that law have separated from all but one of their wives. 
A great number of the inhabitants of the Territory are not citizens of the United States. 
Whenever they have become naturalized before Judge Titus, he has required obedience 
to the law of 1862. 

The Gentiles (anti-Mormons) in Utah thought they would have a Gentile settlement 
in the Territory, in the Pahranagat mining country, where a Gentile jury could be found, 
but the last Congress cut this portion of Utah off and annexed it to Nevada. So the Mor- 
mons are even stronger than before. The Legislature of Utah has placed many matters 
in the hands of inferior courts, which should be before the highest courts of the Territories; 
murder and divorce are thus placed. t 

Their militia, instead of being under the control of the Governor, is under the author- 
ity of the Church, or Brigham Young. * * * * Whenever 
called upon to aid in suppressing the Indians, they have responded promptly, and I 
believe have rendered very efficient service. Brigham Young has three hundred men 
this season protecting the settlers of the southern portion of the Territory from a band of 
bad Indians, under a chief named Black Hawk. These men are furnished without com- 
plaint. They receive no compensation from the United States. If the other Territories 
would exhibit similar dispositions, many of the Indian troubles would disappear. 

That these people were exasperated by the conduct of General Connor, and many 
officers in his command, there is no doubt. A more quiet or peaceable community I 
never passed four weeks with. My opinion is that a policy by which the institution they 


cling to with fanatical faith shall be brought against public opinion will be one that will 
soon cure the evil and save to our country all the elements of good citizens they possess ; 
while a coercive policy will, in accordance with the history of the world, increase the 
fanaticism and destroy all the industry and wealth of 150,000 people and return that now 
fruitful valley to a desert again. A careful selection of civil and military officers, who 
with their families will give these ignorant people an example, with the enlightenment by 
the completion of railroad and telegraph lines will do more to correct the error of these 
people than all the crusades possible. This discussion is given to afford you an idea of the 
people with whom we are to treat in this Territory. 

- Great Salt Lake City from its central locality in the heart of the great mountain 
district, with a line of telegraph east to the Atlantic and west to the Pacific; also one 
running north and south through the Territory; its lines of stages to the Missouri river 
and the Pacific; to Idaho and Columbia river; to Montana and Pahranagat mines, make 
it the great half-way place across the Continent; and so long as the Government holds 
internal military positions, this will be one of the greatest importance. I most earnestly 
recommend a department be created, making this the headquarters. Send a judicious 
commanding officer, with zealous quartermaster and commissary. This disposition will 
be such as will be economical; will place the Mormon question under his eye; will place 
him in a position to purchase most supplies very economically, and will place him where 

he can best watch the Indians. 

** * * * * ***** 

Of this command, all except the permanent garrisons to protect stores and buildings 
(the latter to be kept at a minimum) should be mounted cavalry and mounted infantry. 
To send infantry after Indians is useless. The mounted command should be in readiness 
to move on an hour's notice. This movable force can, judiciously handled, protect the 
stage and emigrant travel, a vital matter along the route of travel and scattered settlements. 
The commanding officer should be in the country to judge between an Indian outbreak 
and a thieving party of whites and Indians. Many expensive Indian expeditions can thus 

be prevented and the right of the Indian as well as the white man be respected. 
**** * * * * *** 

Along through Utah and into Idaho the settlements were quite numerous and very 
thrifty. The practice of irrigation seemed to reclaim all of the lands it can be applied to. 
The settlers are mostly Mormons, and exhibit the same thrift, industry and enterprise 
exhibited in other parts of Utah. The adobe houses, handsome stock of horses, sheep 
and cattle, with beautiful fields of wheat, oats, rye, and gardens filled with vegetables, 
with the almost universal planting of fruit trees, apples, pears, peaches, plums and 
apricots, commend these people to the kind consideration of the general government. 
This country can and may, some future day, be the great pastures for the sheep and 

cattle to supply cheaply the vast markets of our country. 

* ********** 

The completion of the railroad and the settling up of these valleys will reduce the 
price of food and labor, so that many of the fine mines now unworked on account of high 
prices will produce larger quantities of gold and silver than the famous gulches that are 
dug over and cleared in one or two seasons. 



The murder of Doctor Robinson occurred on the night of the 
22nd of October. It was a particularly atrocious deed, and sent a 
thrill of horror through the community. The writer, then a lad of 
eleven years, remembers with what awe he read the first account of 
the horrid crime from a hand-bill circulated through the city and 
posted up in public places the day after the occurrence. The hand- 
bill read as follows : 

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, October 23, 1866. 

We, the undersigned, agree to pay the several sums attached to our names for the 
apprehension and safe delivery into the hands of the proper officers of this city or county, 

of the murderer or murderers of Doctor Robinson, who was killed last night : 

Brigham Young 

Joseph A. Young 

T. B. H. Stenhouse 

Nounnan, Orr & Co. 

W. S. Godbe 

Wm. H. Hooper 

H. S. Rumfield 

Wrn. Jennings 

W. L. Halsey, Agent 

El dredge & Clawson 

Kimball & Lawrence 

Hussey, Dahler & Co. 

Bodenburg & Kahn 

Matthew White 

R. C. Sharkey 

Bohn & Molitor 

F. & W. Taylor 

N. S. Ransohoff & 'Co. 

Bassett & Roberts 

John W. Kerr 

J. H. Kiskadden 

E. Creighton 

Walker Brothers 

J. H. Jones 

Barrow & Co. 

J. H. Worley 





The city and county authorities published under the same date 
this announcement: 


$2,000 REWARD. 

ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS will be paid by Great Salt Lake. City, and One Thousand 
by Great Salt Lake County, for the arrest and delivery to the Sheriff of said County, upon 
conviction, of the person or persons who assassinated Dr. J. King Robinson, in Great Salt 
Lake City, on the night of the 22nd of October, inst. 


Mayor Great Salt Lake City. 

Sheriff Great Salt Lake County. 
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, October 23rd, 1866. 

The circumstances surrounding this tragedy were these. Dr. J. 
King Robinson was a native of the State of Maine, but had lived for 
some time in California, whence he came to Utah in 1863 or 1864. 
For a year or two afterwards he was the assistant surgeon at Camp 
Douglas, but was mustered out of service and at the time of his 
death was practicing his profession at Salt Lake City. There he had 
met and married a Miss Kay, daughter of John Kay, the actor and 
vocalist. The father, who was now dead, had been a well known 
Mormon, but the family this portion of it had withdrawn from the 
Church. Dr. Robinson was an intimate friend of Rev. Norman 
McLeod, who was still chaplain at Camp Douglas, but was then deliv- 
ering a series of anti-Mormon sermons in Independence Hall, near 
which the Doctor dwelt. He is said to have borne a good character, 
and to have devoted a portion of his time in furthering the interests 
of the Gentile Sunday School. He was a young man, tall and 
athletic, of pleasing address, and among the Gentiles very popular. 
His anti-Mormon proclivities for he was one in sentiment with his 
friend McLeod prevented the Saints from thinking as much of him 
as they might otherwise have done, but none among them were 
known to be his personal enemies. In the summer preceding his 
death he had become involved in a legal contest with the authorities 
of Salt Lake City for the possession of the Warm Springs property, 
in the northern suburb of the municipality. Holding it to be 
unoccupied land and a portion of the public domain, he and another 
surgeon from Camp laid claim to it, erected a board "shanty" 


thereon, and proceeded to make other improvements indicative of 
their design to retain possession. The city owned the land, and its 
council ordered the marshal to remove the shanty. This being done, 
Doctor Robinson instituted proceedings in the United States courts 
for the recovery of the land. He grounded his claim upon the 
alleged invalidity of the city charter, holding it to be defective 
because it did not appear from certain public records that the acts of 
the Utah Legislature for 1859-60, containing the new charter of Salt 
Lake City, had ever been submitted to the President and Congress of 
the United States, as required by the organic act of the Territory. 
Two months passed, and finally, on the 19th of October, Chief 
Justice Titus, before whom the case was tried, decided in favor of the 
city.* Three days later Doctor Robinson was assassinated. 

The murder occurred a little before midnight, and within a few 
rods of the Doctor's dwelling. Roused from his bed by a knock at 
the door, he was informed that his services as a surgeon were 
desired immediately for a man named Jones, who had had his leg 
broken by the fall of a mule. Hurriedly dressing, the Doctor sallied 
forth into the night, in company with the person who had summoned 
him. A few moments later, loud shrieks were heard, followed 
immediately by a pistol shot; then ensued a deep silence broken only 
by the sound of footsteps hastily retreating. Six or seven men, it is 
said, were seen by various witnesses running away in different 
directions, but, though the moon shone brightly, none of them could 
be identified. Several persons, hearing the shrieks and the shot, 
hurried to the scene, and found the body of Dr. Robinson lying 
upon the ground, bleeding from three wounds in the head, two of 
them inflicted with some sharp instrument, and the other caused by 
a bullet which had passed through his brain. The police were at 
once notified, and several officers were soon upon the spot, and while 
one of them went to summon medical aid, the others, assisted by the 

* Judge Titus was not regarded by the Mormons as a friend, but was considered an 
upright judge, who, whatever his private feelings were, never allowed them to sway him 
on the bench, but stood strictly by the law and his own sense of justice. 


bystanders, conveyed the wounded man to Independence Hall. He 
was unconscious, and his life was fast ebbing away. A little later 
he was removed to his own home on East Temple Street, where, 
within an hour, he expired. 

The commission of this crime threw the whole city into a fever 
of excitement. By everyone the deed was execrated and deplored. 
The Mormons considered it a calamity, and indeed nothing for 
them could have happened more inopportunely. "They saw at 
once,'' says Stenhouse, "that Dr. Robinson's contest with the city 
authorities would certainly be regarded as the cause of his ' taking 
off." And it was so regarded by many, probably by most of the 
Gentiles, in spite of the fact that in that contest the Doctor had been 
defeated and the city had come off victorious.* 

The inquest in the case began on Tuesday, October, 23rd, the 
day following the murder, and after several adjournments finally 
concluded on the 6th of November. The design was evidently to 
have a fair and thorough investigation, in which both sides, Mormon 
and Gentile, should equally participate. The County Coroner, Jeter 
Clinton, Esq., before whom the inquest was held, invited Chief Justice 
Titus and Associate Justice McCurdy to sit with him upon the bench 
and assist him in conducting the inquiry. With the Prosecuting 
Attorney, Seth M. Blair, were associated Captain C. H. Hempstead 
and Judge Hosea Stout, the city attorney. Subsequently Hon. John 
B. Weller, ex-Governor of California, was specially retained for the 
case. Thomas Marshall, Esq., today a prominent member of the 
Utah bar, also lent his assistance. The jurors a majority of 
whom were non-Mormons were James Hague, Charles R. Barratt, 

* Mr. Stenhouse theorizes upon the crime as follows: "It has always appeared to 
the author's mind that the Robinson murder was an accident and not premeditated. As 
one occurrence frequently suggests another of a similar character, it is very probable that 
the party attacking Dr. Robinson designed only to give him a beating and some rough 
usage. He was a young, athletic man, and when he first discovered so many men of evil 
purpose he very likely became alarmed, and in seeking to disengage himself from them, 
probably recognized some of them, and for their own protection and concealment the fatal 
violence was resorted to." Rocky Mountain Saints. 


Samuel D. Sirrine, John B. Kimball, W. W. Henry and Nelson 
Boukofsky. The first session of the inquest was held in 
Independence Hall, but an adjournment was soon taken to the City 
Hall. Many witnesses were examined, but no information was 
elicited leading to the discovery of Dr. Robinson's murderers. 

It was the manifest purpose of Governor Weller, who was 
permitted to lead the prosecution, to fasten the responsibility for 
the crime upon the Mormon Church authorities. This fact is plainly 
apparent from a series of questions propounded by him during 
his address to the jury. His address had been carefully prepared 
and was read from manuscript. The questions referred to were as 
follows : 

"1st. If my associate, Judge Stout, the City Attorney, had been 
murdered under the circumstances Dr. Robinson was, would the 
police have exhibited a greater degree of vigilance and energy? 

"2nd. Would the attention of the 4,000 people who assembled 
at the Tabernacle, where secular affairs are often discussed, on the 
succeeding Sabbath, have been called to the crime, and they exhorted 
to use every effort to ferret out the assassins? 

"3rd. Could any prominent Mormon be murdered under the 
same circumstances, and no clew whatever found to the murderer? 

"4th. Would any portion of the 500 special police have been 
called into requisition or ordered on duty? 

"5th. Would any of the numerous witnesses who saw the 
assassins fleeing from their bloody work have been able to recognize 
and name them? 

"6th. Have Ave not utterly failed to prove, after full investi- 
gation, that Dr. Robinson had a personal enemy in the world, 
and have we not proved that he had had difficulties with none except 
the city authorities? 

"7th. Is there any evidence that he had done anything to 
make personal enemies, unless it was having the chief of police and 
two others bound over to answer to a charge of riot? 

"8th. Would he have been murdered if he had not by his 


land-claim raised a question as to the validity of the city 

"9th. Would the ten-pin alley have been destroyed if it had 
not been his property, and that he had a suit pending against 
the city ? 

"10th. Would the Mayor of the city have ordered him out of 
his house two days before he was murdered, if he had not 
understood that he claimed damage from the city for the wanton 
destruction of his property? 

"llth. Is it not remarkable that a gang of men could go to a 
bowling-alley, nearly surrounded by houses, within sixty steps of the 
most public street of the city, between the hours of 11 and 12 at 
night, demolish the windows and break up with axes and sledges the 
alley, and no witnesses found to identify the men, or who knew 
anything whatever about the perpetrators of the act ? 

"12th. Are not the jury satisfied that some witnesses have 
withheld evidence calculated to fasten guilt upon certain parties, 
because they feared personal violence? 

"13th. Is there not an organized influence here which prevents 
the detection and punishment of men who commit acts of violence 
upon the persons or property of Gentiles? 

"14th. If a Mormon of good standing had been murdered, 
would the Mayor, to whom the Chief of Police reports, have been 
informed of the fact before 10 o'clock the next day? 

"15th. Would the Chief of Police have gone to bed as soon as 
he heard of the crime, and waited three days before he visited the 
scene of the murder? 

"16th. Was the murder committed for the purpose of striking 
terror into the Gentiles and preventing them from settling in this 
Territory ? 

"17th. Is it the settled policy of the authorities here to 
prevent citizens of the United States, not Mormons, from asserting 
their claims to a portion of the public domain in the regularly 
organized judicial tribunals of the country? 


"18th. Are all legal questions which may arise in this city 
between Mormons and Gentiles to be settled by brute force ? 

"19th. Do the public teachings of the Tabernacle lead the 
people to respect and obey the laws of the country, or do they lead 
to violence and bloodshed?" 

These queries, with Governor Weller's comments thereon, had 
all the effect of direct accusations, and created among the Mormons 
much indignation. Judge Hosea Stout replied at length to what he 
deemed the unjust reflections cast by his colleague upon the city 
government. Extracts from his speech are here presented: 

GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY : I did not expect to have to make any remarks on this 
occasion, but the course which the gentleman has seen fit to pursue compels me either to 
acquiesce with what he has advanced, or enter my protest. This jury was summoned 
for the purpose of ascertaining, if possible, who assassinated Dr. Robinson, and to 
better understand what has been done to accomplish that object, I am compelled to give a 
short history of the proceedings in the case. In the first place the Prosecuting Attorney, 
Mr. Blair, called to his assistance Mr. Hempstead, and they two requested me to join 
them. 1 did so. We had a short session at Independence Hall. Things worked 
somewhat curiously. The next morning when I got out I learned that telegrams and 
communications were passing and that other parties were to be added to the court and to 
the prosecution in the case. If any assistance from any quarter could be brought to 
elicit truth in the investigation, I was glad of it. I so stated. The place of meeting was 
removed to this Hall. My colleague who has last spoken took the lead in the case. He 
has, as you will all bear witness, been unobstructed in the course he desired to pursue. 
He has never deigned to counsel with me in one item that I can remember. He has 
never informed me of what he wished to do. We have not thrown any obstructions in 
his way. 

Now, I am City Attorney. The aspersions on the City, which he has seen fit to 
make, I feel called upon to reply to. The gentleman in his opening remarks stated that 
he did not wish to say anything that would arouse personal feelings. I do not wish to do 
so. But I wish to set the matter in a truer light than it now is before you. The first 
course pursued was to take the police of the city through a rigid examination as to the 
complicity they might have had in the murder; not as to what their duties might be on 
that night; but it was a direct inquiry as to which of them committed the deed. 
Suspicion rested on Mr. Heath. He was seen by three men going up the street directly 
after the murder. No one was to blame for the suspicion, but it came out on testimony, 
corroborated by those three men, that he was bent on an errand of mercy at the time 
going for a doctor for the suffering man. 

Another thing was inquired into of the police, and I think of them alone. They 
were rigidly catechised whether there were not secret combinations here to commit crime, 
to violate the law, to trample on the rights of citizens and take life. There was no 


information elicited at that period to show that this was the case. I informed the gentle- 
man who spoke that there were such combinations in this city, and I knew it, but had 
not proof sufficient for a court of justice combinations to violate the law and set it at 
defiance, and do as they pleased, independent of law. I requested that the gentle- 
man would prosecute that inquiry vigorously with every witness called, but after the 
examination of the police was through I do not think the question was asked. 

* * it:******** 

The inquiry went direct to the President in the stand, and no where else. If the 
murderers could not be detected in that direction, it did seem to me from the gentleman's 
speech, and the course pursued, that they had no use for any further knowledge con- 
cerning it. There has been an onslaught made upon gentlemen here and upon the 
people that has been most unwarranted and unjust. 

I am one of the gentleman's colleagues in this prosecution, and I am sorry we differ. 
We do not differ in relation to the murder of Dr. Robinson. It was a crime that struck 
gloom to the heart of every man in the Territory with whom I have conversed, without 
respect to party or faith. I do not think there was a pulse but what beat in unison on 
the subject. The case of the Warm Springs has been introduced, and a very wrong use 
has been made of it. I am implicated myself in the affair, for I am attorney in the case 
on the part of the city. I appeal to the jury and to every man present, if there was 
anything in that case to call forth private vengeance. Dr. Robinson did see fit to lay 
claim to land there, and the city saw fit to oust him somewhat summarily, to take back 
what they have held for the last sixteen or seventeen years, and improved to the extent of 
several thousand dollars, to my knowledge. The case was brought to law. It had been 
hotly contested, and all the points that ingenuity and counsel could raise were brought to 
bear on it. The last decision given on it placed the Springs to all intents and purposes 
in the hands of the city. There were no grounds left for revenge or hard feelings. This 
has been made use of before you to implicate a community. A community has been 
charged with the murder of that man. How does that case stand? Witnesses who 
have no knowledge of law have been asked their views on it. Let me give my views. 
The case is pending. It has been brought to trial on its merits. The city does not obtain 
by the death of Dr. Robinson. Before his death we were contesting with the doctor ; after 
his death the contest is with his bereaved widow. What has the city gained upon the 
charge that the gentleman has made against them ? It is now the poor widow with 
whom the matter has to be contested instead of the doctor. That is all the city could 
have gained if they had done the deed. With regard to Mr. Wells ordering the Doctor 
out of his house ; that was a matter of their own affairs. 


He has taken the trouble to draw a distinction between " Gentiles" and "Mormons." 
Such a party spirit has no business in court. It is told you that no " Gentile " can suc- 
cessfully contest a case here with a " Mormon." The thousands of cases on the records of 
the courts prove the incorrectness of the statement. The gentleman's high character 
before the nation should make him more careful in expressing himself where he is so 
consummately ignorant. 


Men have been asked what they thought of the anti-polygamy law and whether they 
would take another wife ? What could be in view in so asking but to raise a party spirit 
and use it for party purposes ? I protest against such a course. Men were asked, what 
were the views of the Mormons in relation to law? I believe I can show you how the 
law is resisted and kept here. Ever since this has been a Territory the Mormons have 
had to make the laws and they were fools if they did not make those laws to suit 
themselves but from the time the Federal ermine first came to this Territory, we have 
had to contend with them to maintain the laws. What infernal scamp has been 
convicted and sent to the penitentiary for thieving, who asked for a writ of habeas corpus 
but has got it granted and been turned loose on society? It has been a constant struggle 
to sustain the laws against the efforts of men who should have maintained them the 
remains of worn-out politicians who come here and tell us that we have a systematized 
organization for breaking the law. 


Reference has been made to the language of President Young. He has made some 
strong remarks in the stand. He has often done so. That is where he does all his sly 
deeds, before the assembled multitude. He does not stalk about at midnight doing the 
work of assassination. He has had to settle difficulties with thousands and where is the 
man, Mormon or anti-Mormon, who ever appealed to him for the decision of a case but 
was satisfied with the result? I defy any man to produce one solitary example of 
chicanery or double-dealing in his character or career. 
* ******** 

Three of the policemen were bound over for breaking the alley said to belong to 
Dr. Robinson. I did not know who owned that alley, but I have the pleasure of 
knowing that those policemen were not there. That will come out on their trial. I 
presume the men who swore they saw them there supposed they did. I do not impugn 
their testimony. But what was that bowling-alley? Good neighbors testify that they 
could not sleep for it. They say it was a nuisance that prevented them from sleeping at 
night. It was a gambling house and a liquor hell-hole besides, diametrically opposed to 
the city ordinances, and that is within the knowledge of members of this court, to my 
knowledge. Then why make a sanctified thing of that ? Why should we turn from 
investigating the murder of Dr. Robinson to enquire into religion, and who dipped the 
men in the Jordan ?* Why turn from the sacred cause of the duty that we ought to 
perform, and go to hunt up something about the Warm Springs to try and make some 
political capital ? I am ashamed of the course that has been taken. It is nothing upon 
which a man can make political fame. The results can do nothing but increase the 
acrimony of party feeling which is a thing I have ever despised. Ever since I have 
returned to the city I have labored to put down this acrimonious party spirit which I 
found here in the courts and out of the courts. When I came here a man could not be 
fined five dollars before the Alderman for being drunk, but the great point had to be 
raised whether Great Salt Lake City had any existence. Great Salt Lake City was not 

* Judge Stout had reference to certain persons who, for " jumping " lands belonging 
to old settlers on the Jordan, had been given a ducking in the river by the irate owners of 
the property. 


here if some poor scamp got drunk and was fined ten dollars. " What right has this 
city to frame ordinances to punish men for being drunk and making disturbance on the 
streets!" " You have no city and you never had ; the Legislature cannot make a city!" 

Who have sent the men that have committed crime to the penitentiary ? Was it not 
Mormons ? Have Gentiles ever been sent there ? Yes; and I am sorry to say many who 
call themselves Mormons have also been sent there. But I have no knowledge of any 
scoundrel being refused a writ of habeas corpus when he asked for it. I have been told 
by men notorious thieves that it did not matter what they did, there were certain 
judges who would release them. They might steal and be imprisoned ; but a writ of 
habeas corpus would bring them out ; and they would again be at liberty to prey upon 
the honest and peaceful. Appeal to the records, and see whether I am correct. Ever 
since this has been a Territory, judges have been trying to nullify the efforts of the 


** ******* 

Now to show the difference between a "Mormon" and a "Gentile" in the pursuit of 
this investigation : A policeman was seen going from the place where the murder was 
committed soon after and was suspected. Suspicion was strong ; so much so that he 
was to be arrested on the charge. Another man is brought on the stand who was himself 
close by the murder and saw it done, he swears ; he avers things that were impossible. 
What is the result ? It is said that he must have lied. No one wants him referred to. 
He was not a Mormon, "don't have him arrested," notwithstanding a pistol was found on 
the street, subsequently, on the way that some of the presumed assassins ran, and 
claimed by him. One of the witnesses, a Mormon, swears that he does not know any- 
thing aboi't the murder, but that he heard another man, a Gentile, say he knew who did 
it. Why was that other man not put in the stand ? It is a very mysterious way, to me, 
gentlemen of the jury, of bringing the guilty to light. The whole effort is to make this a 

means of raising party spirit, and I enter my solemn protest against any such effort. 

About jumping claims I will say a little, for I noticed in the course of the gentleman's 
remarks that it was said President Young had declared that if any body jumped onto his 
fenced lots he would send them to hell cross-lots. 

I have witnessed the settlement of two States Illinois and Iowa upon government 
lands, and the jumping a claim was always the signal for death. It did not make it right, 
but such is the temperament of frail humanity, that when men who have expended their 
all on improving public lands to make themselves comfortable homes, see an attempt 
being made to wrench it from them, they are apt to retaliate summarily. It was through 
Illinois the signal for death, and many a man bit the ground there for it. I hope no such 
occurrences will ever happen here. There have been jumping of claims here, and right 
within the city, which men in high position have sanctioned and encouraged. 1 thank 
God that nothing worse has happened. I hope a conflict never will take place. Prejudice 
would rise, party spirit increase, and some body might lose their life. But President 
Young says to Jew and Gentile : "Keep off our claims; take up any unoccupied lands in 


the Territory and do as we have done improve upon them. To that no one will have 
any objection." He asked the people would they sustain the police and the city 
authorities ? and the people said they would ; and that is brought up here to show that he 
advises men to acts of violence and law-breaking ! So much for that. Gentlemen of the 
jury, in the midst of the party zeal and party spirit, do not forget the assassination of Dr. 
Robinson. Let no man cease his endeavors, of enquiries and investigation, using every 
effort in his power to discover the perpetrators of the deed. 


Let us all abide the law. Let lawyers be good men and try to put down strife. I 
have been aided by some of them since I have been here in doing so. Let us cease this 
party spirit and find out where the wrong is. Dissolve these combinations for breaking 
the law; and when a thief is sent to the penitentiary, let him remain there until his 
sentence is fulfilled. 

At the close of Mr. Stout's address, Judge Crosby, formerly an 
Associate Justice of Utah, who was present at the investigation, took 
exception to the sweeping assertion of the City Attorney in relation 
to the turning loose of convicts from the Penitentiary. He 
acknowledged that while he was acting officially in the Territory one 
man had been brought out on a writ of habeas corpus and released. 

Governor Weller answered Judge Stout as follows: 

I regret that I am called upon to make any reply to the gentleman's strange and 
very peculiar speech. I have made no charge, as he intimated, that the police were 
implicated in this murder. If I had believed so I would have said so, for I know of no 
place on the face of the earth where I dare not speak my honest opinion. I have not 
one particle of proof to fasten this murder upon the police of this city, and above all upon 
Mr. Heath, whom I regard as one of the most gentlemanly men I have met in the city. I 
said I came into this investigation without fear, favor or affection. I have never found 
the place where I was afraid to avow the opinions I honestly entertain. If I had been 
able during this investigation to fasten this murder upon the city authorities, or prove 
that the police were engaged in it, no power, short of the hand of the assassin, could 
have prevented me from declaring it here and anywhere. I went into this investigation to 
elicit the whole truth. So far as I have called attention to the teachings in your 
Tabernacle, it has been to show that those teachings led to bloodshed. I said I had 
nothing to do with the customs or religion of your people. If five or six of your females 
choose to marry one man, it is none of my business ; but, Sir, I did bring forward 
evidence to show that the teachings in the Tabernacle were calculated to induce the 
people to take the law into their own hands. You have a right to worship God in your 
own manner ; but you have no right to teach the people to lake the law into their own 
hands. Was it any attack upon the religion of the people to endeavor to demonstrate 
that there are teachings of Mormons calculated to bring about bloodshed and murder ? 

11 -VOL. 2. 


Sir, I do not forget that I am standing upon American soil, and for the time being under 
the protection of the American flag ; and as a lawyer I have a free right to give utterance 
to my opinions. I know that some of the jury have been impatient that questions have 
been asked here which they deemed irrelevant. I am glad of their advice. Although an 
old lawyer of considerable experience in criminal courts, it is never too late to learn, 
even from jurors. I have adduced certain testimony to show the public teachings, and 
they have culminated in bloodshed. 

I have no evidence to charge the police with this murder ; but I do charge them with 
want of vigilance. That is my opinion, and I have expressed it. I have said if my 
colleague had been assassinated there would have been a greater manifestation of 
vigilance on the part of the police. It has been asserted here that I inquired into the 
system of polygamy, but I believe I never asked such a question. I simply inquired if 
the people were taught to disregard the laws. It has been introduced by the Mayor and 
other witnesses, but avoided by me. Gentlemen of the jury, I have no doubt about your 
verdict, that this man was killed by a band of six or seven men unknown to you. 
Again I say that I have not a particle of evidence by which I could fasten upon any single 
individual that I believe was engaged in this murder. If 1 had, before God I would 
have avowed it, for I would speak here as I would speak anywhere, frankly and freely. 

The jury then retired to consult upon their verdict. Presented, 
it was to the effect that the deceased had come to his death by the 
hands of some persons to the jury unknown. 

The result of the inquest was far from satisfactory, either to 
Mormons or Gentiles. All regarded the murder as a foul and 
dastardly deed, but none felt that the investigation had been as 
thorough as it should have been, and for that each side blamed the 
other. The Gentiles, or most of them, thought that the police had not 
been sufficiently energetic in ferreting out the perpetrators of the 
crime, and that some of the witnesses Mormons of course had 
purposely withheld evidence that would have unearthed the 
murderers. On the other hand, the Saints believed that the Gentile 
lawyers engaged in the investigation, in their anxiety to implicate 
none but Mormons, and Mormons high in authority, had refrained 
from pressing the inquiry in the direction of a certain person who 
possibly might have proved to be the real assassin, or one of several 
implicated in the crime. Said the Deseret News, a few days after the 
close of the inquest, in an editorial article headed "Pertinent 
Queries," an offset to Governor Weller's catechism: "Was there not 
one witness a 'Gentile' who must have been accessory to the 


deed, or who swore to the most outrageous falsehoods? and was 
he not allowed to go free with all the circumstances attending his 
statements unexplained?" This witness was the owner of the 
pistol referred to by Judge Stout in his address. It is said, but with 
what truth we know not, that this man, on account of certain 
treasonable utterances during the Civil War he being an ardent 
secessionist had been made to "carry sand" at Camp Douglas at 
the time that Dr. Robinson was assistant surgeon at the post, and 
that the latter had won the fellow's hatred by causing to be 
increased the weight of the sand-bags that he carried. We give the 
statement for what it is worth, without vouching for its authenticity. 
That the man laid claim to a certain pistol found in the vicinity of 
the murder does not appear to have been denied. The Mormons felt 
that this matter, trivial as it may have seemed to the Gentile 
prosecutors, ought to have been fully ventilated, and because it was 
not, and the investigation, according to their view, was "pursued 
solely for the purpose of casting responsibility on the community, 
and without the least effort to discover the assassins unless it could 
be shown that they were Mormons," they were dissatisfied, quite as 
much as were the Gentiles, with the result.* 

The remains of Dr. Robinson found interment at the Camp 
Douglas Cemetery, being followed thither by a large concourse of 

Much bitterness of feeling was now manifested between the two 

*Said the Telegraph, November 10th, 1866: The spirit and animus of Mr. 
Weller's carefully prepared and pre-written manuscript are too apparent to need any 
characterization from us, and the manly and able exposure of the intent of the same will 
ever be an honor to Mr. Stout. As the speech of the latter gentleman was entirely 
unpremeditated and only called for on the spur of the moment, by the malignant inuen- 
does of Mr. Weller, much that might have been exposed by Mr. Stout was suffered to pass 
unnoticed ; he said, however, enough to satisfy any unprejudiced, honest man who had 
not witnessed it at the inquest, that the evident object of some of the parties was less to 
discover the murderers than to make capital against certain prominent gentlemen in this 
community. The design to criminate, if possible, certain high-minded and influential 
citizens was but too plainly manifest, the chief exertion of said parties evidently tending 
in that direction. 


classes of the community. Many Gentiles persisted in the belief, 
which they did not hesitate to express, that it -was the purpose of 
the Mormons to compel them to leave the Territory, and that the 
Brassfield and Robinson murders were events indicating a settled 
policy in that direction.* This, the Mormons indignantly denied, 
asserting still their innocence as a people of those crimes, and 
denouncing as a slander the charge that they were bent upon 
compelling a Gentile exodus. That there was a class of men in 
the Territory whom the Saints regarded as enemies, and did not 
care how soon they departed, was admitted, but that the feeling 
against them was due to the fact that they were Gentiles, or 
that it arose from any reason that would not have been deemed good 
and sufficient and have called forth similar sentiments in any State 
or Territory in the Union, was disclaimed. It was true, however, that 
so far as that particular class was concerned, the Saints, or their 
leaders, had hit upon a plan which they hoped would have the 
effect of weakening if not dissolving what they deemed an organized 
opposition to the peace and welfare of the community. It was to 
boycott such of the Gentile merchants and traders as it was believed 
were conspiring against the best interests of the people. The 
appended correspondence, between the non-Mormon merchants of 
Salt Lake City and President Brigham Young, a few weeks after the 
lamentable tragedy last narrated, speaks for itself: 

To the Leaders of the Mormon Church, 

GENTLEMEN: As you are instructing the people of Utah, through your Bishops and 
missionaries, not to trade or do any business with the Gentile merchants, thereby 
intimidating and coercing the community to purchase only of such merchants as belong 
to your faith and persuasion, in anticipation of such a crisis being successfully brought 
about by your teachings, the undersigned Gentile merchants of Great Salt Lake City 
respectfully desire to make you the following proposition, believing it to be your earnest 
desire for all to leave the country that do not belong to your faith and creed, namely: 
On the fulfillment of the conditions herein named. First The payment of our out- 
standing accounts owing us by members of your church; Secondly All of our goods, 

* Governor Weller, who had taken the lead at the Robinson inquest, was next heard 
of at Washington seeking "protection for the Gentiles in Utah." 


merchandise, chattels, houses, improvements, etc., to be taken at a cash valuation, and we 
to make a deduction of twenty-five per cent, from the total amount. To the fulfillment of 
the above we hold ourselves ready at any time to enter into negotiations, and on final 
arrangements being made and terms of sale complied with we shall freely leave the 

Respectfully Yours, 












GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, Dec. 20, 1866. 


GENTLEMEN: Your communication of December 20th, addressed to "The Leaders of 
the Mormon Church" was received by me last evening. In reply, I have to say, that we 
will not obligate ourselves to collect your outstanding accounts, nor buy your goods, 
merchandise, and other articles that you express yourselves willing to sell. If you could 
make such sales as you propose, you would make more money than any merchants have 
ever done in this country, and we, as merchants, would like to find purchasers upon the 
same basis. 

Your withdrawal from the Territory is not a matter about which we feel any anxiety : 
so far as we are concerned, you are at liberty to stay or go, as you please. We have 
used no intimidation or coercion towards the community to have them cease trading with 
any person or class, neither do we contemplate using any such means, even could we do 
so, to accomplish such an end. What we are doing and intending to do, we are willing 
that you and all the world should know. 

In the first place, we wish you to distinctly understand that we have not sought to 
ostracise any man or body of men because of their not being of our faith. The wealth 
that has been accumulated in this Territory from the earliest years of our settlement by 
men who were not connected with us religiously, and the success which has attended 
their business operations prove this: In business we have not been exclusive in our 
dealings, or confined our patronage to those of our own faith. But every man who has 
dealt fairly and honestly, and confined his attention to his legitimate business, whatever 
his creed has been, has found friendship^ us. To be adverse to Gentiles because they 
are Gentiles, or Jews because they are Jews, is in direct opposition to the genius of our 
religion. It matters not what a man's creed is, whether he be Catholic, or Episcopalian, 


Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Quaker or Jew, he will receive kindness and friendship 
from us, and we have not the least objection to doing business with him ; if in his deal- 
ings he act in accordance with the principles of right and deport himself as a good, law- 
abiding citizen should. 

There is a class, however, who are doing business in the Territory, who for years 
have been the avowed enemies of this community. The disrupture and overthrow of 
the community have been the objects which they have pertinaciously sought to accom- 
plish. They have, therefore, used every energy and all the means at their command to 
put into circulation the foulest slanders about the old citizens. Missionaries of evil, 
there have been no arts too base, no stratagems too vile for them to use to bring about their 
nefarious ends. While soliciting the patronage of the people and deriving their support 
from them, they have in the most shameless and abandoned manner used the means thus 
obtained to destroy the very people whose favor they found it to their interest to court. 
With the regularity of the seasons have their plots and schemes been formed : and we 
are warranted by facts in saying that, could the heart's blood of the people here be drawn, 
and be coined into the means necessary to bring their machinations to a successful issue, 
they would not scruple to use it. They have done all in their power to encourage 
violations of law, to retard the administrations of justice, to foster vice and vicious 
institutions, to oppose the unanimously expressed will of the people, to increase disorder, 
and change our city from a condition of peace and quietude to lawlessness and anarchy. 
They have donated liberally to sustain a corrupt and venal press, which has given 
publicity to the most atrocious libels respecting the old citizens. And have they not had 
their emissaries in Washington to misrepresent and vilify the people of this Territory? 
Have they not kept liquor, and surreptitiously sold it in violation of law, and 
endeavored to bias the minds of the Judiciary to give decisions favorable to their own 
practices ? Have they not entered into secret combinations to resist the laws and to 
thwart their healthy operations, to refuse to pay their taxes and to give the support to 
schools required by law ? What claims can such persons have upon the patronage of 
this community, and what community on the earth would be so besotted as to uphold and 
foster men whose aim is to destroy them ? Have we not the right to trade at whatever 
store we please, or does the Constitution of the United States bind us to enter the stores 
of our deadliest enemies and purchase of them ? If so, we should like that provision 
pointed out to us. It is to these men whom I have described, and to these alone, that I 
am opposed, and I am determined to use my influence to have the citizens here stop 
dealing with them and deal with honorable men. There are honorable men enough 
in the world with whom we can do business, without being reduced to the necessity 
of dealing with the class referred to. I have much more to say upon this subject. 


GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, Dec. 21st, 1866. 

Did the merchants who sent the letter bearing their signatures 
to Brigham Young, expect to receive any other sort of an answer 
from him? Without impugning their motives in making such a propo- 


sition, or his in rejecting it, but accepting each statement as it stands 
and crediting both sides with perfect sincerity, we ask was there one 
among them who imagined for a moment that the sagacious Mormon 
leader would walk into the trap which he doubtless believed was 
here set for him? Had he considered favorably the offer of those 
merchants and permitted them to make the exodus they proposed, 
who cannot see what would have been the result? The money 
realized from the purchase of their property, however immense the 
sum, would have been nothing compared to the political capital 
simultaneously invested to the detriment and perhaps the destruc- 
tion of the Mormon people. That Gentiles "could not live in Utah" 
was just what the anti-Mormons were asserting, and a general 
exodus of Gentiles from the Territory would have given to that false- 
hood all the coloring of truth, and sown broadcast the seed of 
further prejudice and hostility against the Saints. Brigham Young, 
even had he desired all non-Mormons to leave Utah, was too shrewd 
to have given his enemies such a terrible advantage over him. A 
Gentile exodus was the very thing that he and his people did not 
desire, as everything goes to prove. 












HE year 1866 was notable in Utah for the establishment of 
the Deseret Telegraph Line, that electrical Briareus whose 
hundred arms and hands now reach and penetrate to every 
portion of her domain and to some parts of the adjoining States and 
Territories. The project of covering Utah with a network of electric 
wires was born at least as early as 1861, the year that witnessed 
the completion of the Overland Telegraph Line. Like Minerva from 
the brow of Jove, the idea, it is perhaps needless to say, sprang 
from that prolific source of practical thought and public-spirited 
enterprise, the master mind of Brigham Young. 

The need of just such a swift messenger as the telegraph to 
enable the Mormon authorities at Salt Lake City to communicate 
with and receive messages from their people in the remote settle- 
ments, had long been felt, and it is not improbable that it was 
among President Young's contemplated projects many years before 
the arrival of the Overland Line, which one would naturally suppose 
furnished his original idea as well as his cue for action. A mind 
that could conceive the thought and even mark out the future route 
of a trans-continental railway to the Pacific, at a time when the 


great west was terra incognita, not only to the people of the east, but 
to the roving trapper and adventurous mountaineer who shared with 
the wild beast and still more savage Indian its all but trackless 
solitudes, could surely have formed simultaneously with or soon 
after the founding of these mountain settlements, the project of 
binding them together by means of that mighty agent of civilization, 
already in vogue elsewhere, the electric telegraph. And of what 
incalculable service it would have been in those early days of 
colonizing, emigrating and Indian fighting, preceding the era of its 
advent. It is with feelings of unspeakable regret regret that no 
Deseret Telegraph then existed that one recalls the awful tragedy 
at Mountain Meadows, a calamity that would have been averted if 
Brigham Young had had at his command in September, 1857, what 
he did have ten years later, this lightning messenger, in lieu of a 
jaded horseman, to convey to Cedar City his anxious order: "Keep 
the Indians from the emigrants at any cost, if it takes all Iron 
County to protect them." 

As said, the local telegraphic project was born as early as the 
year 1861, if not earlier. But active steps toward its establishment 
were not taken until four years later. Early in November, 1865, a 
circular was sent by President Young to the Bishops and presiding 
Elders of the various wards and settlements of the Territory, "from 
St. Charles, Richland County,* in the north, to St. George, Washing- 
ton County, in the south," calling upon them to unite in the work of 
founding the new enterprise. This circular read as follows : 

BRETHREN : The proper time has arrived for us to take the necessary steps to build 
the telegraph line to run north and south through the Territory, according to the plan 
which has been proposed. The necessity for the speedy construction of this work is 
pressing itself upon our attention, and scarcely a week passes that we do not feel the 
want of such a line. Occurrences frequently happen in distant settlements which require 
to be known immediately in other parts of the Territory ; and, in many instances, public 
and private interests suffer through not being able to transmit such news by any quicker 
channel than the ordinary mails. We are rapidly spreading abroad and our settlements 
extend to a great distance on every hand. We now require to be united by bonds which 

* Afterwards changed by legislative enactment to Rich County. 


will bring us into more speedy and close communication with one another; the center 
should be in a position to communicate at any moment with the extremities, however 
remote ; and the extremities be able, with ease and speed, to make their wants and 
circumstances known to the center. Instead of depending altogether upon the tardy 
operation of the mails for the transmission of information, we should bring into requi- 
sition every improvement which our age affords, to facilitate our intercourse and to render 
our intercommunication more easy. 

These requirements the telegraph will supply, and it is well adapted to our position 
and the progress of the age in which we live. 

This fall and winter will be a very suitable time to haul and set the poles along the 
entire line to carry the wire ; and we wish you to take the proper steps immediately in 
your several wards and settlements to have this part of the labor efficiently and entirely 
accomplished, so that we may be able to stretch the wire as soon as it can be imported 
and put up next season. From settlement to settlement let the men of judgment select 
and mark the route for the line to run, so as to have it as straight as possible and yet con- 
venient to the road. The poles should be twenty-two feet long, eight inches at the butt 
and five inches at the top ; and to be durable they should be stripped of their bark ; and 
they should be set seventy yards apart and be put four feet in the ground. 

The collecting of the means needed for the purchase of wire has been deferred 
until the present time, through the representations of many of the Bishops to the effect 
that after harvest the people would be in a better position to advance the money. The 
grain is now harvested, and the time suggested as being the most convenient for the col- 
lecting of this means has arrived. We wish each one of you to take immediate measures 
throughout your various wards to collect the necessary means to purchase your share of 
the wire and it should all be paid in by the first of February, 1866. as by that time it will 
be needed to send east. 

Wherever there is a telegraphic station established along the line there will be one or 
two operators needed and every settlement that wishes to have such a station should 
select one or two of its most suitable young men and send them to this city this winter, 
with sufficient means to go to school to learn the art of telegraphy. 

There will be a school kept here all the time for this purpose. And every settlement 
which expects to have a station should also make its calculations for purchasing an instru- 
ment for operating with, and the acids and all the materials necessary for an office. 

The wire, insulators, etc., will probably weigh fifty-five tons, or upwards, and to 
bring these articles from the frontiers, teams will have to be sent down from each settle- 
ment this spring with the teams which we send down for the poor. 

The call met a hearty response. Means were collected, the 
line was surveyed, and the labor of getting out poles from the 
canyons upon which to string the wires, was immediately begun. 
The money collected for the purchase of wire and other parapher- 
nalia was sent east in the spring of 1866, and in the fall the wagons 
containing the freight arrived in Utah. They were sixty-five in 


number and were in charge of Captain Horton D. Haight. He 
reached Salt Lake City on the 15th of October.* 

The wires being laid where poles had already been erected to 
receive them, on the 1st of December, 1866, the Deseret Telegraph 
Line was opened between Salt Lake City and Ogden. The first 
message was sent by President Young at about five o'clock that after- 
noon, and was addressed to President Lorin Farr and Bishop Chauncey 
W. West, of Ogden, and " the Saints in the northern country." It 
was in the nature of a dedication of the line and a congratulation to 
those who had constructed it. On December 8th communication was 
opened with Logan, Cache County, and on the 28th with Manti, 
Sanpete County. About two weeks later the line reached St. George. 
By the middle of January, 1867, five hundred miles of wire had 
been laid, at a cost of $150 per mile. Each mile required three 
hundred and twenty pounds of wire, costing thirty-five cents per 
pound. This, the first circuit of the local line, extended from Cache 
Valley in the north to "Dixie" in the south, with a branch line 
running through Sanpete Valley. Under the personal supervision 
of Mr. John C. Clowes, who was the instructor of the school of 
telegraphy at Salt Lake City, offices were opened at all the principal 
settlements along the route.f Following is a list of the pioneer 
operators of the first circuit of the Deseret Telegraph Line, 

* In September of this year there came to Utah two noted Englishmen Hepworth 
Dixon and Charles W. Dilke, both of whom afterwards published books in which the 
Mormons came in for a good share of attention. Dixon's work was entitled "New 
America," and Dilke's " Greater Britain." Like the famous English traveler and writer, 
Richard F. Burton, who visited Utah in the summer of 1860, and gave to the public the 
results of his observations in that interesting volume "The City of the Saints," and the no 
less celebrated Frenchman, M. Jules Remy, the naturalist, who in 1855 passed through 
the Territory, and " wrote up " the Mormon subject in his " Journey to Great Salt Lake 
City," Messrs. Dixon and Dilke in their writings were more or less favorable to the 
Saints. Mr. Dilke subsequently became Sir Charles Dilke of recent notoriety. 

fMr. Clowes came to Utah in the spring of 1862, soon after the advent of the 
Overland Telegraph Line, of which he was one of the original local operators. He was 
an expert telegrapher. He joined the Mormon Church and lived at Salt Lake City for 
several years, but finally left the Territory and died in the east. 


furnished the author by courtesy of William B. Dougall, Esq., the 
present Superintendent: 

Joseph Goddard, Logan; Peter F. Madsen, Brigham; David E. 
Davis, Ogden; Morris Wilkinson, Salt Lake City; Joseph A. West, 
Provo; John D. Stark, Payson; William C. A. Bryan, Nephi; Zenos 
Pratt, Scipio; Bichard S. Home, Fillmore; Clarence Merrill, Cove 
Creek; S. A. Kenner, Beaver; George A. Peart, Kanarra; George H. 
Tribe, Toquerville ; A. R. Whitehead, Washington; Robert C. Lund, 
St. George; Knud Torgerson, Moroni; Anton H. Lund, Mt. Pleasant; 
John H. Hougaard, Manti. 

On the 18th of the same month January, 1867 was incor- 
porated under the laws of Utah the Deseret Telegraph Company. 
Its incorporators were Brigham Young, Edward Hunter, A. Milton 
Musser, Edwin D. Woolley, Alonzo H. Raleigh, John Sharp, William 
Miller, John W. Hess, Andrew J. Moffitt, and Robert Gardner. On 
the 21st of the ensuing March the company was organized with the 
following named officers : 

President, Brigham Young; Vice-President, Daniel H. Wells; 
Secretary, William Clayton; Treasurer, George Q. Cannon; Super- 
intendent and General Manager, A. M. Musser. These officers were 
all members of the board of directors. The remaining members of 
the board were Edward Hunter, George A. Smith, A. O. Smoot, A. H. 
Raleigh, John Sharp, Joseph A. Young, Erastus Snow and Ezra T. 

Amos Milton Musser, the man chosen to superintend and 
manage the general business of the telegraph line, is well known as 
one of Utah's wide awake and most progressive citizens, ever among 
the foremost in encouraging and promoting a good cause and 
laboring intelligently and energetically in the furtherance of any 
enterprise with which he may be connected. His special pride is the 
development of Utah. He is by birth a Pennsylvanian, having 
been born in Donegal Township, Lancaster County, on the 20th of 
May, 1830. He came to Utah in 1851, but from 1852 to 1857 
was absent upon a mission as a Mormon Elder to British India. 


Before returning he went around the world. Under his superin- 
tendency of the Deseret Telegraph Company, which lasted for nine 
years, lines were built from St. George, Utah, to Pioche, Nevada; 
from Toquerville to Kanab; from Moroni to other settlements of 
Sanpete County, including Gunnison; thence up the Sevier River 
to Monroe ; from Payson to the Tin tic mines ; from Beaver to the 
Star Mining District ; from Salt Lake City to Alta and Bingham ; from 
Brigham City to Corinne, and to Logan via Mendon; from Logan 
to Franklin and thence to Paris, Idaho. 

The line was not expected to be a paying institution, but was 
merely to put the capital of Utah in connection with the outlying 
settlements, and for social convenience among a fraternal people; 
but the extension from St. George to Pioche paid handsomely for 
two years and until a competing line from the west was established 
at the latter point.* 

During the progress of the early portion of these improvements, 
and for some time prior to the planting of the first pole of the 
Deseret Telegraph Line, an Indian war was raging in southern Utah, 
in some of the parts traversed by the telegraphic system. It was 
known as the Black Hawk war. The particulars of this, the most 
serious trouble with the Indians that the people of the Territory 
have ever experienced, will be fully set forth in another chapter. 

In January, 1867, the Legislative Assembly memorialized Con- 
gress for the repeal of the anti-polygamy act of 1862. The reasons 
assigned for the request were: that according to the faith of the 
Latter-day Saints plurality of wives was a divine doctrine, as 
publicly avowed and proclaimed by the Church ten years before the 
passage of said act; that the doctrine had not been adopted for 
lustful purposes but from conscientious motives; that the enactment 

* Mr. Musser continued to be general manager and one of the directors of the Deseret 
Telegraph Company until the fall of 1876, when duty again called him from the Territory 
for a season. He subsequently was the first to introduce the telephone into Utah and 
operated several local lines until the Bell and other telephone companies consolidated and 
a local company was incorporated. He also introduced the first phonograph. 


of the law whose repeal was desired was due, it was believed, to 
misrepresentation and prejudice, which the people of Utah had 
deplored and exerted themselves to the utmost to remove; that the 
Judiciary of the Territory had not tried any case under the 
anti-polygamy law, though repeatedly urged to do so by those who 
were anxious to test its constitutionality ; that the Judges of the 
District Courts had felt obliged by said law to refuse naturalization 
papers to certain applicants ; that the memorialists had ever been 
firm and loyal supporters of the Constitution of the United States, 
which they believed was contravened by the act of 1862, which was 
not only ex post facto in its nature, but violative of the first amend- 
ment to the Constitution, forbidding Congress to make any law 
respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free 
exercise thereof. The memorial stated that the Territory, as the 
fruit of plural marriages, had enjoyed an unexampled immunity 
from the vices of prostitution and its kindred evils, and for all these 
reasons Congress was asked to grant the prayer of the memorial, 
leave the people free to exercise their religion and its ordinances, 
and thus promote the peace and welfare of the country and frown 
down the insidious attempts that were being made to array the 
inhabitants of one section against those of another, because of 
differences in religious belief. 

An act was also passed by the Legislature providing for a 
special election to be held on the first Monday in February. At that 
election was to be chosen a delegate to the House of Representatives 
for the fortieth Congress. The delegate for the forty-first Congress 
was to be elected at the general election on the first Monday of 
August, 1868, and biennially thereafter. Thus the election for dele- 
gate, which, since the year 1851, had taken place in the odd years 
1853, 1855, 1857, 1859, 1861, 1863 and 1865 was made to fall upon 
the even years, to conform to the custom prevalent throughout the 
nation. At the same time a Representative to Congress for the State 
of Deseret was to be chosen, and the Constitution of the State, as 
amended, to be voted upon by the people. The principal amendment 


proposed was in Article 1, fixing the western boundary of the State 
at the 37th meridian of longitude west from Washington, or the 
114th meridian of longitude west from Greenwich, to agree with the 
western boundary of the Territory since the taking by Congress, in 
1866, of another slice of Utah's domain to appease the insatiate 
appetite of Nevada.* All this was preparatory to another effort 
about to be made to secure the admission of Deseret into the Union. 
The election took place on the day appointed, between fifteen and 
sixteen thousand votes being cast. The amended Constitution of 
Deseret was adopted, and Hon. Willian H. Hooper was re-elected 
delegate to Congress, and chosen also Representative for the State of 
Deseret. The memorials for the repeal of the anti-polygamy act and 
the admission of Deseret into the Union, were soon afterwards con- 
veyed to Washington. 

At this very time there was pending in Congress a bill intro- 
duced by Senator Howard for the extirpation of polygamy in 
Utah, and a crusade against the Mormon people was projected. 
Doubtless this was partly due to the efforts of local anti-Mormons 
those whom the Saints styled "regenerators" who, soon after the 
inquest following the murder of Dr. Robinson, had sent Governor 
Weller to Washington to work up an anti-Mormon sentiment and 
"seek protection for Gentiles in Utah." 

The New York World, on the 8th of January of that year, 
expressed its views in relation to the proposed crusade as follows : 
"We hope the bill for the extirpation of polygamy in Utah will not 
pass. It could not be enforced without a Mormon war, and under 
present circumstances a Mormon war would be a prodigal squan- 
dering of the national resources. When, some ten years ago, Colonel 
Steptoe [Colonel Johnston] was sent against the Mormons at the 

* There was considerable talk at this time of annexing Utah to Nevada, under 
conditions that would insure Gentile control of the commonwealth. Nevada, all but 
bankrupt in spite of her gold and silver mines, was called a " starveling state " by her 
own citizens, while Utah, with her sound agricultural basis, was prosperous, free from 
debt, and had about four times the population of her neighbor. 



head of a military force, the only good that came of it was to enrich 
a set of western speculators who got lucrative .contracts for supply- 
ing the expedition with horses, mules, wagons, harness, flour, pork, 
blankets, etc. We do not impugn Senator 

Howard's motives. He belongs to the party of fanatics who burn 
with holy zeal against evils at a distance; a party that would cut 
down forests and exhaust coal mines to thaw out the Hudson River 
in the month of March, when the advance of the sun into the 
northern constellations would surely unlock the fetters of ice about 
the beginning of April. It is stupidity run mad to 

attempt to accomplish by enormous, wasteful expenditures what will 
be more effectually accomplished by the growth of our western set- 
tlements. Even if polygamy should, at last, have to be put down by 
force, this is no time to begin a crusade. The Pacific Railroad is 
stretching its track across the continent. Until its completion it is 
fortunate that there is a thriving community in the heart of the 
wilderness, where the overland caravans can stop and refresh and 
procure new supplies of provisions. To interrupt the industry of 
Utah and convert the Territory into a camp ; to drive the Mormons 
and their wives to the mountain fastnesses and make their settle- 
ments a desolation, would not extinguish polygamy, but it would put 
back and retard civilization in that remote interior. The existence 
of Utah with its busy industries is an important aid to the settle- 
ment of the vast circumjacent region. If our 
government will exercise a little foresight, if it will practice a wise 
and masterly inactivity, the Mormon problem will solve itself. 
It will rapidly decline under the influences brought to 
bear upon it by the completion of the Pacific Railroad. 
It is never wise to attempt by legislation and arms, reforms which 
time and social forces are certain to bring about." 

The Mormons found very little fault with the logic of this article 
in the World. While differing with its author in some of his 
premises and conclusions, they could not but admire his courage and 
good sense. Said the Deseret News, commenting on the article, 


which it presented in full to its readers: '"The projected crusade 
against the Mormons' is unwise and impolitic for other and graver 
reasons than those announced by the World. It would be an 
attempt to destroy the rights and liberties of a happy, prosperous, 
industrious and loyal community; it would be in open violation of 
the Constitution, the palladium of the rights and liberties of the 
nation. And if these things were done with the 

Mormons, sound statesmanship should ask the question, Would they 
stop there? or would they not extend to every section of the country 
as fast as any portion thereof became obnoxious to an opposite party 
who might possess the reins of power. * * * We can 
present an easier method of solving the 'Mormon problem' than that 
of Senator Howard or the writer in the World; and that is, to let 
the industry of the Mormons continue to develop itself; give them 
the right of self-government and relieve them from a Territorial 
tutelage which they have overgrown ; watch the growth of virtue, 
wisdom and correct principles of government in their midst; and see 
if they do not present a picture of prosperity, peace, united effort and 
happiness such as the dissension-torn states and nations of the earth 
could pattern after with profit. * * Give us the State 

government which we are now petitioning for; let us develop that 
which has been called by philosophers 'the greatest social problem 
of the age' in peace, and see if the sequel will not justify all our 
arguments in its favor. By giving us the State government which 
we crave, and have the most indubitable right to seek for, we will 
take the trouble off the hands of those who are concerned about our 
peace and prosperity, and try to live at least as virtuously and 
righteously as they do in other states." 

But Congress did not give the State government asked for; nor 
was the anti-polygamy act repealed ; nor did the Howard extirpation 
bill become law. A crusade against the Mormons was soon to begin, 
and was destined to continue, with brief intermissions, for a period 
of many years; but no new legislation preceded it, though much was 
threatened; and the Federal courts, and not the mountain fast- 

12-VOL. 2. 


nesses, became the battle-ground of the great contest, which was 
fought out with laws, arguments and judicial rulings in lieu of 
swords and bayonets. 

During the summer of 1867, Utah Avas afflicted with another 
grasshopper visitation. These pests, it will be remembered, made 
their first appearance in the Territory as an agency of destruction in 
the summer of 1854, and came again during the year following. 
For more than a decade they then disappeared, or were only 
seen in certain places, and in numbers not considered formidable. 
But now with appetite fierce and relentless they settled down 
in countless swarms upon the ripening fields, budding orchards 
and green meadows, devouring everything edible in their way. 
They would bite sharply whatever they chanced to alight upon, 
whether animate or inanimate, the pain inflicted by one of them 
being almost equal to the sting of a bee. In places they fairly 
carpeted with their bodies the sidewalks, streets, and door-yards of 
dwellings, shaving off the grass, where any might be growing, as 
cleanly as a barber's razor the cheek and chin of the most exacting 
customer. They did great damage to crops and vegetation in general 
throughout the Territory. They left very few leaves upon the trees, 
and even ate the tender bark of the season's twigs. In some 
instances they actually fell upon and devoured each other. And yet 
their coming that year was but the initial of a series of visitations 
extending through several successive seasons. In 1868, the people, 
as at the time of the cricket plague, made organized warfare upon 
the marauders. In 1869, only Cache, Washington, Kane and Iron 
counties suffered at all seriously, while other parts of the Territory 
escaped and gathered abundant crops. The grasshoppers continued 
their destructive raids until well along into the "seventies," when 
they disappeared, be it hoped, forever. 

Other calamities of the year 1867 were the floods in southern 
Utah. In the month of December, Millersburg and other small 
towns on the Rio Virgen, and others on the Santa Clara, were almost 
totally destroyed. Owing to heavy rains, the rivers and streams in 


various parts of the Territory were swollen far beyond their usual 
volume. Salt Lake City, during 1866, had provided against the 
danger of floods in City Creek, by constructing the rock aqueduct on 
North Temple Street, through which the waste waters of that stream 
now reach the Jordan. 

In October, 1867, was completed, so far at least as to enable 
the general conference held that month to convene beneath its ample 
roof, the famous Mormon Tabernacle at Salt Lake City. This 
unique edifice, which stands a little west of and upon the same 
block as the great Temple now nearing completion, had been in 
course of construction since July, 1864. Unlike the Temple, it is not 
a handsome building if viewed from the outside. Like the Salt Lake 
Theater, in order to be appreciated it must be seen from the interior. 
The Tabernacle is a vast dome elliptical in form, resting upon forty- 
four buttresses of solid masonry. Between these buttresses, which 
are of red sandstone, three by nine feet in thickness arid width, 
and from fourteen to twenty feet high, are twenty doors, most of 
them nine feet wide and all opening outward, affording speedy egress 
from the spacious interior. The building is two hundred and fifty 
feet long and one hundred and fifty feet wide; the immense roof, the 
ceiling of which is nearly seventy feet from the floor, being arched 
without a pillar; making it, with one exception, the largest self-support- 
ing arch in America. The full height of the structure is eighty feet. 
The seating capacity of the Tabernacle is nearly ten thousand, includ- 
ing the grand gallery, nearly five hundred feet long by thirty feet wide, 
running around three sides of the auditorium. The gallery, however, 
was not finished at the time of the opening. The organ, which, 
when built, was the largest one constructed in America, stands at 
the west end of the hall a little back of the pulpit, or pulpits, 
for there are three comprised in the stand; the highest being 
for the First Presidency, the next for the Twelve Apostles, the 
Patriarch of the Church and the Presidency of the Stake, and the 
third for the First Seven Presidents of Seventies and the Presidency 
of the High Priests' quorum. There is also a fourth place the 


sacramental stand occupied by the Presiding Bishopric and their 
assistants. From this stand, on the Sabbath, 'is administered the 
sacrament of the Lord's Supper. Upon platforms on either side of 
these pulpits are seats for the Seventies, High Priests, ward 
Bishoprics and the Priesthood generally. Immediately back of the 
pulpits, on each side and in front of the organ, are the seats of the 
choir, rising tier above tier almost to the ceiling and blending with 
the two extremes of the horse-shoe composing the gallery. The 
body of the organ is forty feet high, thirty-three feet wide, and 
thirty feet deep, and its front towers have an altitude of forty-eight 
feet. Technically speaking it contains four full organs, and is 
provided with sixty-seven stops, including the pedals. Its opening 
music was given through seven hundred mouths, but the number of 
pipes has since been increased to between twenty-six and twenty- 
seven hundred, ranging in length from two inches to thirty-two feet. 
The Tabernacle has an accomplished organist in the person of Professor 
Joseph J. Daynes. The choir leader for many years was Professor 
George Careless, whose wife, the late Mrs. Lavinia Careless, was in 
her lifetime Utah's leading soprano. Professor Careless was suc- 
ceeded as choir leader by Ebenezer Beesley, and he by the present 
leader, Evan Stephens, a musical genius. The organ is composed 
entirely of Utah timber, and was designed and built by Utah talent. 
Its builder was Joseph H. Ridges. The architect of the Tabernacle, 
under Brigham Young, was Henry Grow, who also had charge of its 
construction. It is heated with steam and lighted with gas and elec- 
tricity, and at night when its three hundred jets are all aglare, bath- 
ing in radiance the variegated costumes of one of its vast congrega- 
tions, the interior presents a brilliant and bewilderingly beautiful 
appearance. The acoustic properties of the building are a marvel. 
A pin dropped at one end of the hall, can be heard distinctly, when 
all is still, at the other end, over two hundred feet away. This is 
owing to the concave ceiling. When the place is thronged, however, 
it requires a good pair of lungs and a clear enunciation to make a 
speaker intelligible in every part. 

, Whams 



On the 8th of October, during the first conference that convened 
in the great Tabernacle, Joseph F. Smith was called to the Apostle- 
ship, to fill a vacancy caused by the apostasy of Amasa M. Lyman. 
This is that same Joseph F. Smith who is now one of the First Pres- 
idency of the Mormon Church, and whose birth at Far West, Cald- 
well County, Missouri, in 1838, and his emigration to Utah in 1848, 
have been noted in previous chapters. At this conference also, a 
large number of missionaries were called to go with their families 
and strengthen the settlements of southern Utah. This was the 
origin of the famous "Muddy Mission." The names of those called 
to go south most of whom responded, and a few of whom were 
already there were as follows : 

William H. Seegmiller, 
Adam F. Seegmiller, 
Thurston Simpson, 
Samuel Riter, 
Oscar B. Young, 
E. M. Weiler, 
Alma Cunningham, 
George B. Spencer, 
George W. Grant, 
Isaac Young, 
John G. Young, 
Charles Alley, 
Oliver Free, 
George Milan, 
Miles P. Romney, 
William Gibson, 
David Gibson, 
George D. Watt, Jr., 
Orson P. Miles, 
E. H. Harrington, 
Zabriskie Young, 
John Whitney, 
E. G. Woolley, 
Edwin D. Woolley, Jr., 
Robert N. Russel, 
Edwin Frost, 
Morris Wilkinson, 
Joseph H. Felt, 

Moroni Reese, 
Ashton Nebeker. 

John Wood, 

Guilellmo G. R. San Giovanni, William T. Cromar, 

Wilford Woodruff, Jr., 
Charles J. Toone, 
Clements R. Horsley, 
John Sharp, Jr., 
Daniel McRae, 
Israel Barlow, Jr. 
Milton H. Davis, 
Ward E. Pack, 
Joseph A. Peck, 
W. J. F. McAllister, 
Hyrum P. Folsom, 
Charles Crismon. Jr., 
Charles E. Taylor, 
Willis Darwin Fuller, 
Revilo Fuller, 
Edward A. Stevenson, 
Levi Stewart, Jr., 
Joseph U. Eldredge, 
Helaman Pratt, 
George J. Taylor, 
Edmund Ellsworth, Jr., 
David R. Lewis, 
Robert Watson, Jr., 
Matthew Lyon, 
Richard S. Home, 

John F. Cahoon, 
William M. Cahoon, 
Albert Merrill, Jr. 
Clarence Merrill, 
Franklin Merrill, 
Joseph Kesler, 
Ephraim Scott, 
Robert Smithies, 
Emerson D. Shurtliff, 
Harrison T. Shurtliff, 
Samuel H. Woolley, 
George Stringham, 
Benjamin J. Stringham, 
Nathaniel Ashby, 
Richard H. Ashby, 
John Reese, 
William Calder, 
Joseph Hyde, 
Albert P. Dewey, 
Joseph S. Murdock, 
Andrew Taysutti, 
Samuel Hamer, 
John Paul, 
John S. Haslam, 
Joseph E. S. Russel, 



John G. Clark, 
Aaron Nelson, 
Samuel Malin, 
Peter Beckslrom, 
Charles J. Lambert, 
Pleasant S. Bradford, 
John Eardley, 
Scipio A. Kenner, 
Samuel F. Atwood, 
George Tribe, 
Manly Barrows, 
Alfred Randall, Jr., 
Richard Morris, 
Smith Thurston, 
David Milne, 
John Heiner, 
Joseph Asay, Sen., 
Walter C. Brown, 
Edwin Asay, 
Joseph H. King, 
Isaac Asay, 
Elijah Fuller, 
Joseph Asay, Jr., 
Homer Roberts, 
Henry George, 

Milton 0. Turnbow, 
Christopher Hurlbert, 
William H. Streeper, 


James Fogg, 
James Hansen. 
David 0. Rideout, 
Christian Christensen, 
Wm. H. Staker, 
Amasa Mikesell, 
Richard Carlisle, 
Edward Pugh, 
James Hague, Jr. 
John Gregory, 
Mark Burgess, 
Warren Hardie, 
William Miller, 
Abraham A. Kimball, 
Ethan Burrows, 
Henry P. Houtz, 
John I. Lamb, 
W. M. Rydalch, 
Erastus F. Hall, 
Thomas G. Lewis, 
Wm. Heber Clayton, 

Arthur Vickey, 
Edgelbert Olsen, 
Duncan Spears Casper, 
William W. Casper, 
William Casto, 
W. D. Parks, 
William J. Spencer, 
Ludwig Suhrke, 
Ephraim T. Williams, 
Daniel Daniels, 
Abinadi Pratt, 
Edward Cox, Jr., 
John S. Gressman, 
Walter Conrad, 
Jasper Conrad, 
James K. Baldwin, 
James L. Bess, 
William H. Bess, 
William Wood, 
James L. Tibbetts, 
Preston A. Blair, 
Henry Horsley, 
Albert Keats, 
Charles M. Johnson. 

The following named Elders were also called to go on preaching 
missions : Jesse W. Crosby, Jesse W. Crosby, Jr., George Crosby, 
John D. Holladay, Wm. C. A. Smoot, Jesse Murphy and David M. 

Several new settlements were formed in what is now south- 
eastern Nevada by those who went to "the Muddy," but most of 
these settlements, owing to the excessive heat and unhealthy 
climate, added to heavy taxation imposed by the Nevadans, were 
afterwards abandoned. Among them were St. Joseph, St. Thomas 
and Overton. Those who founded them were not aware at 
the time that they were in Nevada, but supposed themselves inside 
the Utah line. "But we knew where we were," said one of them, 
"as soon as the tax collector came around." Panacea, Lincoln 
County, Nevada, was founded about the same time as the other 


places named, and is still a Mormon settlement. It is situated in 
Meadow Valley, twelve miles south-east of Pioche, ninety miles from 
St. George, Utah, and one hundred and ten miles from Milford, the 
nearest railway station. There are several other small Mormon 
settlements in that part of Nevada. 

An extra effort was made by the Latter-day Saints in the fall of 
1867, to raise means to emigrate their poor from Great Britain and 
other lands. Ever since the settlement of the Saints in the Rocky 
Mountains each season had added its quota of gathered converts 
to their ranks, but there were times when "a longer and a stronger 
pull" was made by the Church, through the Perpetual Emigrating 
Fund, to bring its scattered members to "Zion." The fall conference 
of 1867 was such a time. In the following February Elders Hiram 
B. Clawson and William C. Staines, who had been appointed Church 
emigration agents, left for the east with $27,000, to be used for the 
gathering of the poor. During the year about $70,000 was raised 
for the same purpose. The Church teams, sent to the terminus of 
the Union Pacific Railway then at Cheyenne to meet and bring 
the immigration of 1868, left Salt Lake City in June of that year.* 
These teams were about five hundred in number, and were in charge 
of Captains Edward T. Mumford, Joseph S. Rawlins, John G. 
Holman, William S. Seeley, John R. Murdock, Daniel D. McArthur, 
John Gillespie, Horton D. Haight, Chester Loveland and Simpson M. 

Some important changes in the field of local journalism occurred 
about this time. Utah for several years had had two daily papers 
the Telegraph and the Vedette which waged incessant and spirited 
warfare against each other; the former being the secular champion 
of the Mormon people, and the latter the organ of the so-called 
"Regenerators." In November, 1867, the first number of the 

* Salt Lake City, and not Great Salt Lake City, was now the name of the metropolis 
of Utah. The title had been amended by legislative enactment on the 29th of January, 
1868 ; Great Salt Lake County being abbreviated in like manner at the same time. An 
act approved on the same day changed the title of Richland County to Rich County. 


Deseret Evening News appeared. Prior to this that journal had been 
conducted as a weekly and semi-weekly. George Q. Cannon, one of 
the ablest journalists that Utah has ever had, was the editor of the 
Evening News. Mr. Cannon had already founded, in January, 1866, 
his now flourishing magazine, The Juvenile Instructor. Early in 
1868, the first number of " Our Dixie Times," was issued. It was a 
small weekly, edited and published by Joseph E. Johnson, at St. 
George, Washington County. In the following May it changed its 
name to the Rio Virgen Times. In January of this year the Utah 
Magazine, a monthly, began to be published at Salt Lake City. Its 
proprietors were William S. Godbe and E. L. T. Harrison ; the latter 
being the editor. Mr. Harrison and his friend Edward W. Tullidge 
had previously embarked in a similar literary enterprise, which, 
however, was not destined to survive the period of its infancy. As 
early as October, 1864, they published the Peep o' Day, a magazine 
of science, literature and art, probably the first of its kind published 
west of the Missouri River. The humble sanctum of these, our 
pioneer magazine editors, and they are among the ablest and best 
known of Utah's literati, was in the Twentieth Ward, Salt Lake City, 
but the Peep o' Day was printed at the Vedette office, Camp Douglas. 
It expired almost at its inception and was eventually succeeded by 
the Utah Magazine. Nor should a bright little sheet called The 
Curtain, edited by E. L. Sloan, be forgotten. It was gratuitously 
circulated, and was published in the interests of the Salt Lake 
Theater. The Curtain and The Juvenile Instructor share the distinc- 
tion of being the first publications in Utah to employ women as 
compositors. Among the earliest of these were Misses Rosina M. 
Cannon, Eliza Foreman and Vienna Pratt. 

On the 22nd of June, 1868, at his home in Salt Lake City, died 
Heber C. Kimball, the second of the first Three Presidents of the 
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and one of the most 
remarkable characters that Mormonism has produced. A brief 
sketch of the earlier portion of his life was given in Volume One of 
this history, and his record from that time has been more or less 


interwoven with the general narrative hitherto pursued. His event- 
ful, honorable, and in many respects peculiar career has been fully 
portrayed in the author's " Life of Heber C. Kimball." He stood as 
a strong and towering pillar in the midst of his people, and though 
"a diamond in the rough," unpolished save by the attrition of 
Nature's school, the university of experience, in native intelligence, 
in spiritual and prophetic power, he shone among the brightest of 
his compeers. His was an original nature, replete with eccentricity. 
Sometimes severe, especially when rebuking what he deemed to be 
wrong, he was nevertheless generous, charitable and philanthropic. 
At times pensive and melancholy, and at other times bubbling over 
with mirth, his philosophic wisdom and quaint humor found vent 
on all occasions. Though no rhetorician, except for an occasional 
happy phrasing, he was full of poetic sentiment and imagery, a very 
fountain of prophecy, and seldom if ever failed to edify and hold the 
attention of his hearers. Physically no less than spiritually he 
loomed a stalwart among his fellows; a man of sublime courage, of 
unfaltering faith and strict honesty of heart and purpose. Even the 
Gentiles, as a rule, esteemed him, while among his own people, next 
to Joseph and Hyrum Smith and Brigham Young, no name is more 
revered than that of Heber C. Kimball. 

His death at the age of sixty-seven was superinduced by a 
serious fall, he having been accidentally thrown from his carriage a 
few weeks previously. Paralysis ensued, and the end soon came. 
The obsequies of President Kimball were held in the large Tabernacle 
on Wednesday, the 24th of June. Throughout the city and Territory 
flags were draped and hung at half mast, in honor of the noble 
dead, and on all sides and among all classes sincerest sentiments of 
sorrow and esteem were. freely expressed. It rained heavily, but 
fully eight thousand people, including prominent men from all parts 
of Utah, assembled to witness or take part in the funeral services. 
The speakers were Apostles John Taylor, George A. Smith, George Q. 
Cannon, President Daniel H. Wells and President Brigham Young. 
The remains, followed by a vast concourse, were conveyed to 


President Kimball's private cemetery, where they were laid to rest 
beside those of his wife Vilate, who had preceded him into the spirit 
world only eight months before. A handsome marble shaft still 
marks the spot where reposes the sacred dust of him above whose 
bier it was said by his leader and life-long friend, Brigham Young: 
"He was a man of as much integrity, I presume, as any man who 
ever lived. I have been personally acquainted with him forty three 
years, and I can testify that he has been a man of truth, a man of 
benevolence, a man that was to be trusted." 

Heber C. Kimball's successor in the First Presidency was George 
A. Smith, one of the Twelve Apostles. He was chosen First Coun- 
selor to President Young at the general conference of the Church, 
October 6th, 1868, and the vacancy thus created in the council of 
" the Twelve," was filled at the same time by the calling of Brigham 
Young, Jr., to the Apostleship. 
















'HE drunken act of a resident of Sanpete County, who at Manti 
on the 9th of April, 1865, insulted an Indian chief by rudely 
pulling him off his horse, precipitated a desultory but san- 
guinary conflict with the savages that lasted during several seasons 
and is known in Territorial history as the Black Hawk war. The 
restless chieftain of that name had gathered around him a band of 
turbulent spirits, principally Utes, and had prosecuted a series of 
lively raids upon the herds of the settlers in Sanpete, Sevier and 
adjacent counties. The success of his forays, and the fact that no 
organized retaliation was attempted by the whites, caused rapid 
additions to his following; and as his visitations increased in fre- 
quency and boldness, a feeling of genuine alarm began to oppress 
the scattered and ill-protected people. 

The Indian agent in Sanpete at the time was Fred J. Kiesel 
since mayor of Ogden whose prudence in withholding the supply 
of powder and lead from the savages and giving it to the settlers, 


helped the prospect somewhat; but the situation was very strained, 
and the witnesses to the indignity offered the chief at Manti, as 
already noted, felt that the affront had furnished the spark to kindle 
the Indian vengeance into full fury. Learning later in the evening 
that a raid was contemplated upon the cattle of the settlement, a 
small body of horsemen started for the feeding grounds. Early next 
day they encountered the Indians, who opened fire, killed a young 
man named Peter Ludvigsen, put his comrades to flight, mutilated 
his body, and then made off with a herd of stock. Hostilities now 
being formally opened, the victorious band broke for the mountains 
to the southeast. Near Salina, Sevier County, on the same day, they 
killed and scalped two men, one being the veteran Barney Ward, the 
other a Mr. Lambson, and drove off a large number of stock into the 
adjoining canyon. A company of cavalry was quickly mustered into 
service and under Colonel Allred started in pursuit; but having 
chased the savages ten miles into the mountains, they were com- 
pelled on the 12th to retire before the deadly fire of the ambushed 
foe, with the loss of two men killed, Jens Sorensen and William 
Kearns, and two wounded. Reinforcements having been received, 
another advance was ordered two or three days later, when the 
bodies of the two militia men were recovered and the Indians were 
pursued into the rugged country between Fish Lake and Grand River. 
A spirited engagement took place and the Indians were repulsed with 
heavy loss. 

The salutary effect of this punishment was not enduring, how- 
ever, and in the latter part of May another descent was made upon 
the Sanpete settlers. On the evening of the 25th Jens Larsen was 
shot and killed while gathering up liis sheep about four miles north 
of Fairview. Between daylight and sunrise of the 26th, the same 
murderous band attacked John Given and family who had moved up 
Spanish Fork Canyon into Thistle Valley and intended locating there 
for the summer. Besides Given and his wife, the party consisted of 
his son John, aged nineteen, his daughters Mary, Annie and Martha, 
aged respectively nine, five and three years, and two men named 


Leah and Brown. All were sleeping in a hut constructed of willows, 
Leah and Brown being in a wagon-box at one end. The former was 
awakened by hearing the cattle running wildly down the canyon, and 
shortly thereafter the firing of the Indians through the brush of the 
hut apprised him- of the cause of the alarm. To their concealed 
position in the wagon-box the two men owed their escape. The 
other occupants of the hut were speedily killed, the bloodthirsty 
Indians completing with arrows and tomahawks the work which 
their first volley had begun. Quickly gathering up the flour, axes 
and guns of their victims, they surrounded a herd of stock, and 
after killing the calves, drove off between one and two hundred head 
of horses and cattle into the mountains. Three days later, the 29th, 
David H. Jones, a member of the Mormon Battalion, was killed about 
three miles northwest of Fairview by a remnant of the same band. 
Colonel 0. H. Irish, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, had 
previously called upon Governor Doty and he had asked the military 
authorities at Fort Douglas for assistance in repelling these attacks 
and protecting the settlements. But he was brusquely informed by 
the commandant at the Fort that the settlers must take care of 
themselves the California volunteers had no other duty than to 
protect the overland mail route. Steps were accordingly taken to 
muster a few companies of cavalry in the southern counties, and 
Superintendent Irish promply proceeded to conclude a treaty with 
such of the Indian chiefs as appeared friendly. The personal 
influence of President Young contributed materially to his success 
in this direction ; and at a meeting held at the Spanish Fork reserva- 
tion farm on the 8th of June, at which speeches were made by 
Colonel Irish, President Young and others of the whites, and by 
Kanosh, Sowiette, Sanpitch and Tabby in behalf of the Indians, the 
treaty was accepted and the chiefs announced their willingness to 
sign it. Next day another meeting was held, more speeches were 
made, and fifteen chiefs attached their signatures to the treaty; 
Sanpitch, a brother of Walker and Arapeen, of earlier notoriety, 
alone refusing to sign. He relented, however, a few days later, 


probably being urged thereto by the generous presents distributed 
among his associates. By the terms of this treaty the Indians 
promised to move to Uintah. Valley within one year from the 
ratification of the agreement, giving up their title to the lands they 
were then occupying. They were required to be peaceful and not go 
to war with other tribes except in self-defense, nor to steal from or 
molest the whites. They were to assist in cultivating the reservation 
lands and to send their children to the schools established for them. 
On its part the United States government promised to extend its 
protection to them; farms were to be laid out, grist and lumber mills 
built, schools established, houses furnished and annuities paid to the 
principal chiefs: and to the tribes $25,000 annually for the first ten 
years, $20,000 annually for the next twenty years, and $15,000 
annually for thirty years thereafter were to be distributed. The 
Indians were also to be permitted to hunt, dig roots and gather 
berries on all unoccupied lands, to fish in their accustomed places, 
and erect houses for the purpose of curing their fish. On the 18th of 
September of the same year Colonel Irish successfully negotiated a 
similar treaty with the Piede Indians at Pinto, Washington County. 
Meanwhile the hostiles were not inactive, and notwithstanding 
the vigilance of the settlers and the militia, frequent raids and 
occasional murders were still perpetrated. Some of the smaller 
settlements were entirely deserted, and the herds of stock which had 
formerly ranged freely over the mountains' grassy sides were 
collected in the valleys near the larger villages where they could be 
closely watched. Lurking in the adjacent fastnesses the Indians 
would swoop down in the night time or at an unexpected moment, 
and almost before the startled settlers were aware, or before the local 
home guard could be collected to repel the sally, the bold marauders 
would be safe from pursuit in the rugged country through whose 
passes and defiles they successfully drove their stolen cattle. The 
season's work yielded them as plunder two thousand head of cattle 
and horses; in obtaining which they had killed, either by massacre 
or in fight, between thirty and forty whites, including men, women 


and children. Black Hawk's own numbers in the beginning had not 
exceeded two or three score warriors; but his successes gave prestige 
to his name and strength to his following, so that although he lost 
about forty braves during the campaign, his force at the end exceeded 
a hundred men, and when he retired for the winter toward the 
Colorado River he had beef and horses for all who wished to join 
him. Other raids during the year 1865, besides those mentioned, were 
made near Salina, Sevier County, on the 14th of July, when Robert 
Gillespie and his companion, a man named Robinson, were killed; 
and at Glenwood, in the same county, July 26th, when a man named 
Staley was killed and all the stock of the settlement driven off. 
Between these two incursions, General Warren S. Snow with two 
companies of cavalry pursued a party of hostiles into the mountains 
east of Sanpete Valley, and killed fourteen of them, following the 
remainder of the band toward Grand River until his own command 
was well-nigh exhausted by the long marches and incidental priva- 
tions. The same officer fought a sharp battle with another band 
near Fish Lake on the 21st of September, killing seven and routing 
the survivors. Himself and two of his men where wounded in the 
encounter. The last important raid of the year was made upon Fort 
Ephraim, Sanpete County, on the 17th of October, when Morten P. 
Kuhre and wife, a girl of seventeen named Elizabeth Petersen, 
William Thorpe, Soren N. Jespersen, Benjamin J. Black and William 
T. Kite were killed, two men seriously wounded and two hundred 
head of stock stolen.* Two or three minor visitations, in which the 
enemy drove off a number of horses and cattle, concluded the season's 
operations, and the snows in the mountains having compelled the 
Indians to seek winter quarters, the settlers were able to venture 
into the canyons for their supply of winter's wood. 

Spring generally comes early in the extreme southern part of 

*In one of the raids on Ephraim, Bernard Snow, the veteran actor, who was build- 
ing a mill at the mouth of the canyon, near the settlement, sustained during several hours 
a lonely but heroic siege. The savages- surrounded the mill, but the gallant defender 
kept up a fire so vigorous that they were forced to retire. 


the Territory, and the Indians signalized its advent by a descent, 
January 8th, 1866, upon the Pipe Springs ranch, just over the 
Arizona border, killing Dr. J. M. Whitmore and Robert Mclntyre of 
St. George, Washington County, Utah. The murderers in this 
instance were Piedes. Evidently thinking themselves secure from 
pursuit in that sparsely settled region, they remained in near 
proximity to the scene of the massacre until the 20th, when a 
company of armed settlers from St. George came upon them en- 
camped in a narrow gulch and slew seven of them. Another ranch 
on Short Creek, in the same county, on or about the 2nd of April 
was the scene of another massacre, the victims being Joseph and 
Robert Rerry and the latter's wife, who were attacked as they were 
mounting their wagon. They maintained a running fight for two 
miles, during which the young chief, a Navajo named Panashank, 
was killed, and there were evidences that several of the assailants 
were wounded. 

As the snows began to disappear the savages farther north 
resumed their predatory operations, and the settlers in Piute, 
Sanpete and Sevier counties were again put in the utmost peril. 
Early in April assistance had been asked from neighboring counties, 


and one of the first to respond was Iron County, which sent twenty- 
four men with teams to help build a fort on Sevier River for the 
protection of the settlers. General D. H. Wells recognized in the 
movements of the hostiles the indications of a disastrous war, and at 
once ordered all the available men of the three threatened counties 
to be mustered into service as cavalry and infantry and organized for 
defense. Rut no vigilance was equal to the task of defeating the 
designs of the sleepless foe, the strength of whose force, now 
increased to over three hundred warriors, and the celerity of whose 
movements defied every precaution. About the 13th of April, Rlack 
Hawk with thirty mounted followers intercepted four teams from 
Glenwood, Sevier County, moving northward toward Salina. The 
teamsters escaped, but a sheep-herder near by was killed, as was also 
the man in charge of a cattle herd. A ten-year-old brother of the 


latter herdsman was shot with seven arrows and left for dead ; but 
when his assailants were gone the little hero managed to wade the 
Sevier River, through water up to his neck, and made his way home. 
The people of Salina vainly attempted to save their stock. Their loss 
by this foray amounted to two hundred head. Soon afterward the 
settlement at this place was abandoned, the people moving north 
into the larger towns of Sanpete. 

The chief Sanpitch, who had been so reluctant to sign the treaty 
drawn up and presented to his fellow-chieftains at Spanish Fork on 
June 8th of the previous year, was quick to violate his pledge when 
opportunity offered; and Black Hawk's successes proved sufficient to 
seduce him from his allegiance. He joined in some of the depreda- 
tions planned by the renegade leader, though not with the latter's 
good fortune, for in one of his sallies he was taken prisoner. He 
contrived to escape, but four of his companions who had aided him 
to regain his liberty were pursued' into the mountains between 
Sanpete and Juab Valleys and on the 16th of April overtaken and 
killed. The same fate overtook Sanpitch two days later between 
Moroni and Fountain Green. 

On the 22nd of April two men named Hakes and West, who had 
been of the party from Iron County engaged in strengthening Fort 
Sanford on the Sevier, had an encounter at that place with a couple of 
Indians, emissaries of Black Hawk. One of the latter was wounded 
and the other killed, Hakes receiving a severe gun-shot wound in the 
shoulder. Immediately afterward a number of Piedes who were 
encamped near the fort gave up their arms and approached the 
settlers with overtures of peace, their offers being accepted. The 
settlers at another point, thinking the movement genuine and 
general, visited a neighboring Indian camp to induce a cessation of 
hostilities, only to receive a volley of arrows, slightly wounding 
several of their number. They returned fire with their muskets, 
killing two, and capturing two of the savages and putting the rest to 
flight. On the evening of the 22nd of April, near Marysvale, Piute 
County, another band attacked a small party of settlers, killing 

13-VOL. 2. 


Albert Lewis and wounding three others, and then made their 
escape into the mountains. Near Circleville in the same county they 
were* intercepted by a company of local militia and routed with con- 
siderable loss. About the 29th, near Fairview, Sanpete County, 
Thomas Jones was killed and William Avery wounded while on 
picket guard. It was now deemed prudent to break up the smaller 
settlements of Piute County, and early in May the people gathered 
for mutual protection and defense at Circleville. 

Meantime Colonel Irish had been succeeded in office as Indian 
Superintendent by Colonel Franklin H. Head, of Wisconsin, who 
accompanied Governor Durkee to the Territory, acted for some time 
as his private secretary, and was confirmed as Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs in March, 1866. Like his predecessor, Colonel Head 
was an energetic official, and early in April, after consultation with 
Governor Durkee, he called upon Colonel Carroll H. Potter, then 
commanding the United States troops in the District of Utah, for 
military aid. Colonel Potter telegraphed to Major-General Dodge, at 
Fort Leavenworth, for instructions, and by that officer the subject 
was laid before General Pope, the department commander. The 
latter's decision as communicated to Colonel Potter from General 
Dodge, May 2nd, was that "the Superintendent of Indian Affairs will 
have to depend for the present on the militia to compel the Indians 
to behave." Before this message had been communicated to him, 
Colonel Head, in company with Governor Durkee, had paid a visit to 
the Indians at Corn Creek, Millard County, and succeeded in obtain- 
ing from them renewed assurances of peace. He also visited the 
Uintah reservation, to which some of the Indians had by this time 
removed, and his arrival appears to have been very timely, for Tabby 
and his braves were about to join with the notorious Black Hawk in 
his raids upon the southern settlements. The visit resulted in hold- 
ing the reservation Indians to their neutrality. 

On returning from this journey and learning the decision of 
the military authorities, Colonel Head went into immediate consul- 
tation with Governor Durkee and Lieutenant-General Wells as to 


the course to pursue. General Wells had returned on the 7th of 
October, 1865, from an absence in Europe, and had made it an early 
duty to revivify and reorganize the militia of the Territory. 
Several changes had taken place among the officers and there was 
felt to be need for reconstructing some of the districts and awaken- 
ing the interest which since the campaign of 1857-8 had found 
little occasion for exercise. Adjutant-General James Ferguson, 
whose untimely death occurred on the 30th of August, 1863, had 
been succeeded a short time previous to his demise by General 
Hiram B. Clawson; and the resignation of Major-General George D. 
Grant having been accepted, at the general muster of the militia of 
Great Salt Lake County held at Camp Utah, near the Jordan, 
southwest of this city, on the 1st, 2nd and 3rd of November, 1865, 
Colonel Robert T. Burton was elected to that office. During the 
same autumn other musters were held in various parts of the 
Territory. The spring of 1866 found the military spirit at its 
highest pitch ; division, brigade and regimental musters and elections 
were held in almost every county, and the reorganization of the 
entire militia was effected. Among the promotions and changes 
occurring about this time may be mentioned the election of 
Brigadier-General Brigham Young, Jr., Salt Lake County; Briga- 
dier-General Lot Smith, Davis County; Major-General Aaron 
Johnson and Brigadier-Generals William B. Pace and Albert 
K. Thurber, Utah County. The interest manifested on these 
occasions explains the readiness with which the call to arms was 
responded to and the efficiency of the service rendered in the Indian 
campaign of 1866 and 1867. 

The earliest calls upon the northern counties had not been for 
armed assistance to chastise the renegades and wreak vengeance 
upon them, but for men to aid the settlers in protecting themselves 
and their stock until they could reach places of safety. But the 
increasing boldness of the marauders rendered decisive action 
necessary. The entire adandonment of the southern counties, to be 
followed by a general Indian war, seemed to be the only alternative. 


Steps were accordingly taken to place all the settlements south and 
east of Salt Lake City in a state of defense, and troops were ordered 
to the scene of hostilities. By the 1st of May, 1866, several 
companies from Davis, Salt Lake and Utah counties were on the 
march, and on arriving in Sanpete County they reported to 
Brigadier-General Warren Snow. A company of cavalry from Salt 
Lake City under Colonel Heber P. Kimball and Major John Clark 
reached Manti on the 5th of May, and were ordered to march up the 
Sevier River and assist the settlers in moving down into Sanpete. 
They displayed great energy and succeeded in delivering the exposed 
settlers, after which for a short time they were stationed at Fountain 
Green. About the 10th of May a company of cavalry, A. G. 
Conover, captain, reached the scene of hostilities from Utah County, 
and were ordered to occupy a picket post on the Sevier, near Salina, 
under command of Brigadier-General William B. Pace. While 
encamped at this point word was received that Black Hawk with 
a band of warriors had made a raid on Round Valley, Millard 
County, killing James Ivie and Henry Wright, and running off three 
hundred head of horses and cattle. As it was known that the route 
of the victorious band would lead them toward Salina, preparations 
were made to intercept them at the Sevier, and at Gravelly Ford. 
General Pace's command met the invaders. A hot skirmish, lasting 
three hours, was fought with uncertain success to either side, though 
the main object of the militia the recapture of the stolen stock- 
was defeated through a shrewd movement by a number of the 
Indians who forced their plunder into Salina Canyon while their 
fellow-warriors kept the troops engaged in front. When the tide 
of battle seemed turning in favor of the whites, though their 
ammunition was by this time exhausted, a cloud of dust from the 
direction of Round Valley suggested to the militia that more Indians 
were approaching. A retreat was therefore ordered. Black Hawk's- 
good fortune had again befriended him. The approaching horsemen 
were a company of Fillmore cavalry, seventy strong, under Captain 
Owens. Before they could effect a junction with General Pace, the 


slippery foe were safe in their mountain fastnesses. The casualties of 
the engagement were one militiaman (Henry Jennings) wounded, and 
several Indians reported killed the chief himself receiving a slight 
wound. News of this fight having been received by General Snow at 
Manti, Colonel Kimball with his cavalry, then at Fountain Green, was 
ordered to report at once to headquarters. In thirty minutes the 
command was in the saddle, and before daylight next morning was 
at Manti, where it remained most of the day under waiting orders 
until reinforcements should arrive from Mt. Pleasant. That night a 
short march was made and the combined forces, now under 
personal command of General Snow, went into camp. The 
impatience of the men, who wanted to overtake the enemy by forced 
march and engage him, could hardly be restrained by the more 
cautious commander, who, taught by past experience, had no 
relish for rushing recklessly into a possible ambuscade. The march 
was resumed next morning, and at noon the troops came upon the 
previous night's camping ground of the Indians, in a canyon at the 
western edge of Castle Valley. A council of war was called, and 
though the younger officers and the majority of the men were in 
favor of an advance at the best possible speed, the General's decision 
was that without heavy reinforcements it would be imprudent to 
continue the chase. Further pursuit was accordingly abandoned. 
In the meantime Lieutenant-General Wells, leaving Salt Lake City on 
the llth of June, reached Gunnison accompanied by a body of 
cavalry under Colonel John R. Winder, followed by a company of 
infantry from the regiment of Colonel S. W. Richards, under 
command of Major William W. Casper and Peter Sinclair, battalion 
adjutant, with Jesse West as captain and Alexander Burt, Byron 
Groo and others as lieutenants. The cavalry force was assigned to 
patrol duty along the Sevier, and the infantry detailed to the 
settlements of Sanpete. Colonel Winder was immediately assigned 
to duty as assistant adjutant to General Wells. The latter gave 
orders that the pursuit of Black Hawk should be at once resumed, 
and another effort made to recover the stock. The trail of the 


savages was again struck, and after passing the point where the 
pursuit had been abandoned, the troops found that they had 
been at that time within twelve miles of the enemy and the stolen 
cattle. A longer march confronted them now, and one beset with 
many difficulties. The trail was followed over rocky ridges, up and 
down almost impassable gorges, across occasional streams of alkali 
water and into the most forbidding and desolate of deserts. The 
conclusion of the first day's march found men and animals well-nigh 
exhausted from the trials of the journey, all having suffered 
intensely from thirst. During two days more and the larger part of 
two nights the toilsome march continued; and when the futility of 
further pursuit was recognized and the condition of the troops was 
seen to be so perilous, a retreat was again ordered. It was none 
too soon. The command was scarcely able to get out of the desert, 
owing to weakness of both horses and men. Of the latter there 
were several whose mouths and tongues were so sore that they could 
scarcely speak. 

A few days later, Captain Albert P. Dewey of Colonel Kimball's 
command was ordered to establish a post in Thistle Valley, in the 
north end of Sanpete, a point that was the key to any probable 
attack from that direction. His command consisted of twenty-two 
cavalry and thirty-five infantry, the latter under Captain Jesse West, 
who started from Moroni on the 21st of June. On the evening of 
the 23rd the Indians gave indications of their presence in the 
vicinity, but extra precautions were taken to guard against any 
surprise, and the night passed in quietness. Next morning about 10 
o'clock a shot rang out from the adjacent cedars, and Black Hawk 
and about fifty warriors made a lightning descent upon the post, 
waving red blankets and stampeding the baggage animals. By this 
shot Charles Brown, of Draper, Salt Lake County, who with another 
man was in the cedars picking gum, was killed. The attack made 
upon the post was repulsed with great gallantry, and the Indians 
took to cover, whence they repeatedly sallied forth upon the 
camp, only to be driven back. Later in the afternoon, Black 


Hawk received reinforcements, and at the head of one hundred 
warriors made another assault, wounding Thomas Snarr, of Salt 
Lake City, but inflicting no further damage. About dusk the enemy 
drew off, just when they were in high hopes of capturing the post, 
white reinforcements having come from Mt. Pleasant in response to 
dispatches from Captain Dewey, who after the first charge sent two 
men mounted on the best horses in camp to that point, eighteen 
miles distant, and to his superior officer, Colonel Kimball, then at 
Twelve-Mile Creek, near the Sevier. The couriers who took this 
perilous ride were Homer Roberts and John Hamilton; and how 
successful they were in their mission is proved by the timely arrival 
of Colonel Ivie with his Mt. Pleasant cavalry, and the coming early 
next morning of Colonel Kimball and his command. About the 
same time Major Casper came upon the scene from Moroni and 
General Snow from Manti. With this force the pursuit of the 
retreating savages was hotly begun, their trail being plainly marked 
by the blood from their dead and wounded, whom, in accordance 
with their custom, they bore away with them. The chase lasted until 
Soldier Summit, at the head of Spanish Fork River, was reached, 
where, the Indians resorting to their old tactics of separating and 
scattering in all directions, it had to be abandoned. This was the 
last military event of importance in Sanpete County that season, and 
a few weeks afterward the larger part of the troops from the 
northern counties, most of whom had been in service from sixty to 
ninety days, returned and were mustered out. They had conducted 
themselves with much patience and bravery, and had rendered 
invaluable service to the settlers in the threatened counties. General 
Wells and his officers showed good judgment in their disposition of 
the troops, and inspired confidence throughout the entire district. 
It was felt that against leaders of less watchfulness and prudence the 
crafty Black Hawk and his braves would have been able to cause far 
greater losses in life and property.* 

* While the Indian troubles in Sanpete County were in progress, Superintendent 
Musser, of the Deseret Telegraph Line, was actively engaged extending that system from 


But with the withdrawal of the outside militia, the efforts of 
the local organizations were not relaxed. The men rendered 
uncomplaining service on picket guard and in occasional recon- 
noisances into the mountains, and the officers were vigilant and 
full of energy. Their scanty crops had to be harvested, the winter's 
supply of fuel gathered, protection furnished their remaining flocks 
and herds, and winter forage provided. All this work had to 
be performed by men under arms or attended by an armed escort. 
And when it is remembered that the sleepless foe ranged over and 
ravaged a district three hundred miles in extent, burning saw-mills, 
ranges and isolated ranches, and causing the abandonment of a 
number of flourishing villages, the heroism of the settlers in resisting 
by night and by day the sudden and terrifying attacks of the 
marauders is worthy the warmest praise. In nearly every part of 
the Territory regular guard duty was ordered. Even in Salt Lake 
County, the Lieutenant-General issued orders as early as May to 
Major-General Burton to have patrols out for the protection of stock 
and to observe the movements and temper of the Indians. In the 
settlements on the west side of the Jordan there was much regular 
work of this character under the organization of increased military 
companies during the early summer. Utah County, populous and 
well prepared though it was, did not entirely escape. One fatal 
assault took place on the 16th of May when a party of ten Indians 
swooped down from the mountains near Spanish Fork, killed 
Christian Larson who was herding cows upon the bench, and made 
off with nearly two hundred head of horses from the vicinity. 
Earlier in the same month a raid was made upon the horse herd of 
the friendly Indians at Corn Creek, Millard County. The thieves 

Manti southward. The wires were strung under his personal direction, the militiamen 
rendering efficient aid in putting up the poles, stretching the wire and establishing stations. 
The telegraphic line was of great service to the troops in their operations, and strange to 
say was never molested by the savages, either in that part of the Territory or elsewhere, 
they being ignorant of the use made of it against them, or else too superstitious to 
interfere with the lightning messenger. 


were pursued for several days by Kanosh and some members of his 
band, but were not overtaken. On the 18th of May a band of 
marauders raided Provo Valley Wasatch County and at the 
second attempt succeeded in driving off a herd of horses. Members 
of the local militia organized an earnest but fruitless pursuit, and a 
few days later, when visiting the county for the purpose of 
reorganizing the militia, General Burton, his aid, Colonel Ross, 
and a party of cavalry thoroughly scoured the surrounding country, 
but without success. This isolated country was especially threatened 
on the east, but a number of successful skirmishes by the hardy 
militiamen soon gave the Indians to understand that what the 
settlers lacked in numbers they made up in activity and resolution. 
Iron, Kane, Millard and all the counties south had their own 
troubles, yet each of them sent aid into Sanpete and Sevier. The 
most northern point to send such assistance was Davis County, 
where early in July Rrigadier-General Lot Smith mustered a com- 
pany of cavalry under Captain Bigler for ninety days' service; and as 
late as October Captain Robert W. Davis and company from 
Kaysville, started for the Sevier. About the end of July Major 
General Burton organized another company of seventy-five officers 
and men in Salt Lake County and hurried them southward under 
command of Major Andrew Burt, with W. L. N. Allen as captain. 
These were of Colonel John Sharp's regiment, and were among the 
last to return home, reaching Salt Lake City early in November. 
Utah County sent its second company of cavalry in June under 
Captain Joseph Cluff, Provo, and two more companies in August 
under Captains Alva Green, American Fork, and Caleb Haws, Provo. 
Of the various companies and commanders doing duty in their own 
counties it is perhaps not necessary to speak in detail, though they 
acquitted themselves with much credit; neither does the present 
narrative require mention of all the skirmishes had with the enemy 
in the mountains east and southeast of the main scene of operations. 
As far south as Washington County, where under instructions of 
Brigadier-General Erastus Snow a company under Captain James 


Andrus had taken the field, and had lost in one expedition Private 
Elijah Everett, Jr., slain by the savages; and as far north as Cache 
County, there was the same alert and unceasing watchfulness 
against hostile inroad or outbreak; and at one time during this 
troublous year 1866 as many as twenty-five hundred men were 
under arms. The number killed during the season's campaign was, 
of the whites, about twenty and of Indians between forty and fifty. 
The settlers' stock herds were reduced nearly two thousand, 
and rarely were any of the animals recaptured after once the 
savages had started them to running. An exception was the 
raid on the Spanish Fork pasture, before daylight on the 26th of 
June, in which thirty Indians stampeded forty-five head of horses 
and cattle. Major William Creer with fifteen men set out in pursuit, 
overtook and fought the thieves for an hour and a half, when a party 
from Springville came up and the Indians fled. Nearly all the stock 
was recovered, but a young man named John Edmiston. of Manti, 
was killed and Albert Dimick, of Spanish Fork, received a wound 
from which he died two days later. 

The last attack of the year was upon the ranch of John P. Lee 
at South Creek, eight miles south-east of Beaver, on the 23rd of 
October. The house, in which were Mr. Lee, his wife, five children, 
a hired girl aged thirteen and a hired man named Joseph Lillywhite, 
was surrounded before daylight by a band of about twenty Utes, 
formerly considered friendly. Their presence was indicated during 
the entire night by the noisy restlessness of the faithful watch-dog, 
and even the children's slumbers were disturbed by what seemed to 
be the howling of wolves, but which in reality was the device 
adopted by the savages for driving the stock together. The family 
had always maintained good relations with their dusky neighbors, 
feeding and treating them with uniform kindness; and it is probable 
that these relations would have been maintained even during these 
warlike times had not the Lee ranch, which blocked the pass 
through which the Indians planned to drive their stolen cattle from 
the lower Beaver Valley into the elevated pastures and plateaus to 


the eastward, constituted an obstacle which they felt compelled to 
remove. Their murderous purpose was displayed when Lee and 
Lillywhite, advancing into the dooryard just at daybreak, were fired 
upon by the surrounding foe. Lillywhite who was known to the 
Indians to be an expert s-hot, having frequently engaged with them 
in friendly target practice, was first singled out for death, and fell 
with a ball through his breast. He managed to stagger into the 
house and was a moaning, helpless spectator of the remainder of 
the exciting scene. Lee was armed with a musket loaded with 
revolver bullets, and as he retreated toward the house he fired upon 
a too venturesome savage, who fell dead. Regaining the house 
where his loved ones were, the doors and windows having been 
barred by his heroic wife, he prepared for a fight to the death. To 
one of the assailants who advanced with a pitchfork to pry open 
the door, he gave the contents of his gun, which Mrs. Lee had 
reloaded ; and to another sent a well-aimed bullet from his pistol. 
As the third Indian bit the dust the enemy made a furious rush 
for the house, trying with spades and whatever other implements 
they could find to force an entrance. Repulsed again, they began to 
collect poles and brush by means of which they were able to set fire 
to the roof of the house. This ignited slowly, owing to dampness 
from recent storms, but dense clouds of smoke rolled into the room, 
threatening the suffocation of the inmates, and throwing the 
youngest child, a baby in the cradle, into convulsions.* Gradually 
the fire made headway, and as the desperate father tore off the 
burning boards the flames seemed but to spread the faster. The 
spring was only a short distance away but to venture outside the 
door seemed only to invite the enemy's marksmanship. Yet some- 
thing must be done and done quickly. All were unwilling that the 
father should expose himself, in his preservation lay their only 
hope of defense. The eleven-year-old daughter bravely volunteered 
to bring water she had previously gone out for the crowbar with 

* This daughter, then two and a half years old, is now Mrs. Rose Sutherland, wife 
of Attorney George Sutherland, of Prove. 


which to strip off the blazing slabs and the flames were soon 
subdued.* Meanwhile the agonized mother, who, between dressing 
the ghastly wound of the sufferer and loading the gun for her 
husband had still time to picture the horrors that seemed to be 
awaiting them, was approached by her little son with a petition that 
must have made her blood chill. He begged to be allowed to run to 
town for help, urging with childish eloquence that he would take the 
short cut down the gap and along the creek where it was scarcely 
possible for a pedestrian, much less a mounted man, to make his 
way; and that he would thus escape the notice of the Indians, who 
perhaps would not harm him anyway, if they were hiding to kill 
his father. He finally declared in desperation that he would rather 
be shot than die in the smoke like a rat in a trap, and he asked this 
one chance for his life.f The parents' consent was tearfully given, 
and with him started the thirteen-year-old hired girl, who, however, 
took the main road while the boy adopted the shorter route down 
the gap, by which Beaver was only about four miles distant. 
Barefooted, half-clothed, panting and covered with blood the little 
hero had held up the arm of the wounded man in order to lessen the 
bleeding the boy needed but to utter the one word "Indians!" 
when he met the first white man in the Beaver fields. The alarm 
was sounded and in ten minutes twenty men were riding as fast as 

* This heroic girl is Miss Emma Lee, now of S;ill Lake City, admitted MS an 
attorney to the bar in May, 1892. 

The eldest daughter, then aged seventeen and now Mrs. Mary Black, of I'iule 
County, was handed a small dagger by her mother, with the remark: "The children 
will be brained, and your father and myself shot down if the Indians break into the 
bouse. A fate worse than either probably awaits you do not sutler yourself to be taken 
alive." The poor girl sank pale and hall-lainling on the bed, whispering, " I could not 
hurt a fly." 

The fourth daughter, aged seven, who, standing half dressed in the doorway, wit- 
nessed the first attack, and upon whose memory the whole terrible episode is vividly 
impressed, is Mrs. Kllen T. .lakeman, of I'rovo, one of the foreino>l nl literary women in 
Utah. From her account were obtained the incidents here narrated. 

f The boy was at the linn- nine years old. He is Charles A. Lee, and is now in 



horses could cany them toward the ranch. So accurately had the 
child told his story that a conveyance for the wounded man was not 
forgotten. The relief party first met the girl on the road, who was 
so insensible to the danger she had just escaped that she was 
picking gum and flowers by the way. Continuing to the ranch they 
found the family safe, and while a small escort was sent back with 
them to Beaver, the remainder divided into two squads and took 
the trail of the Indians. The latter had retired after the last assault 
on the house, and drove off all the stock with them. They killed 
the fat young cattle which could not stand the rapid pace, and by 
these signs the militia were able to follow them sixty miles, without, 
however, coming to an engagement. 

The Xavajoes began operations in 1867 by a raid on the horse 
herd in Pine Valley, Washington County. This was just after New 
Years, and was an intimation of what might be expected in other 
places. In this instance, however, the success of the savages was of 
brief duration. Captain Andrus led a party of St. George cavalry in 
pursuit, overtook the thieves, killed eleven of them and recovered all 
the horses. On the night of the 18th of January another party of 
men under Captains Pearce and Andrus came upon a band of 
Indians who were trying to stampede a herd of stock seven miles 
south of St. George. The Indians, being well mounted, escaped in 
the darkness; but the energy of the militia was not without result. 
Washington County had no further visits from the marauders. 

As Spring advanced Black Hawk and his band, from the Elk 
Mountain region, made their way northward, and as early as the 21st 
pf March raided the pastures of Glenwood and Richfield, situated on 
opposite sides of Sevier River, and drove off some stock. They 
killed Jens Peter Peterson and wife, and a Miss Smith, aged fourteen 
years, daughter of a neighbor, all of whom were journeying across 
the bottoms from Richfield to Glenwood. General Snow was at the 
latter place confined to his bed with sickness, but the call upon the 
militia was promptly responded to and most of the stock was recov- 
ered, one man being wounded in the skirmish. Early in the 


following month the settlement at Richfield was abandoned, the 
settlers moving north for safety. The other settlements in Sevier 
and Piute Counties, two in Iron County and seven, besides many 
ranches, in Kane County, were deserted about the same time. 
These early movements undoubtedly saved many lives ; for the hos- 
tility and strength of the savages left no doubt that they were 
determined on aggressive measures. Troops were accordingly 
mustered for home service in the counties of Sanpete, Sevier and 
Piute, and by orders dated April 15th Lieutenant-General Wells 
called upon Major-General Robert T. Burton, of Salt Lake County, 
to raise three platoons of cavalry to march on the 22nd for Sanpete. 
This detachment, numbering seventy-two men, under command of 
Captain Orson P. Miles, reported to General Pace at Provo, who had 
been appointed to succeed General Snow in command of the Sanpete 
district. On the 22nd of May Captain William L. Binder left Salt 
Lake City with a small company of infantry and reported for duty to 
General Pace, whose headquarters were now established at Gunnison. 
General Pace's own district, Utah County, had also sent a company 
of cavalry and one of infantry to the front. With these reinforce- 
ments and the energetic preparations made by the local troops, it 
was hoped the savages might be deterred from further depredations. 
The months of April and May passed without important demonstra- 
tions, though a minor engagement occurred on the 22nd of May in 
which Lieutenant Adam M. Paul, of Miles' Salt Lake cavalry, was 
wounded. On the 1st of June a small band of Indians drove off 
forty head of horses from Fountain Green, and were pursued by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Ivie into Thistle Creek Canyon. Although it was 
understood that a large war. party of savages were in the valley, the 
advance of the militia was at double-quick, a rear guard being 
detailed to watch for the expected enemy. The Indians in front took 
to the mountains after killing or maiming such of the stock as they 
could drive no farther, and at this juncture the rear-guard reported 
the approach of a large party of warriors. These proved, however, 
to be reinforcements from Springtown under Captain Allred, and 


from Fountain Green and Moroni under Major Gaymond who 
awaited Colonel Ivie's return at the mouth of the canyon. How 
many Indians were killed in the spirited chase conducted by the 
latter officer is not known; but the losses on the side of the whites 
were Louis Lund killed and Jasper Robertson wounded, both 
belonging to Captain Holbrook's Fairview cavalry. This troop under 
Colonel Ivie's command subsequently kept up a hot chase after the 
Indians for over two hundred miles. 

A melancholy incident of the campaign occurred on the evening 
of June 2nd, at Twelve-Mile Creek. Major John W. Vance, of 
Alpine, Utah County, brigade adjutant on General Pace's staff, was 
returning with Captain 0. P. Miles, Sergeant Heber Houtz and 
Nathan Tanner, Jr., of the Miles' company, from a military drill at 
Manti to headquarters at Gunnison. At dusk, while halting at the 
creek to let their horses drink, they were fired upon by ambushed 
Indians at close range. At the first fire Major Vance and his horse fell 
dead, and Sergeant Houtz with a groan also fell from his steed as the 
animal wheeled suddenly out of the creek. Believing their companions 
both dead, Captain Miles and young Tanner rode rapidly back to 
Manti, whence a detachment under Lieutenant M. H. Davis of Salt 
Lake County was ordered to recover the bodies of the dead men. 
Vance was found pierced with two bullets and lying where he fell, 
within a few feet of the creek. Houtz had evidently recovered 
himself a moment after the first fire, for his body, shot with two 
bullets and seven arrows, lay about five hundred yards from the 
scene of the ambush. The remains were reverently conveyed to the 
respective homes of the deceased, where obsequies were conducted 
over Major Vance on the 5th and over Sergeant Houtz on the 6th of 
June; the services closing with military honors. 

Beaver County suffered from raids on the 14th of June and the 
18th of September, in both of which the Indians drove off several 
hundred head of horses and cattle; and on the 22nd of June the 
Paragoonah range, Iron County, was swept by the marauders. 
Major Silas S. Smith and a party gave chase and succeeded in 


cutting the Indians off from the mountain passes, a manoeuver which 
caused the thieves to leave their booty and scatter in the hills for 
their own safety. At dusk on the 21st of July a descent was made 
upon the stock at Little Creek, near Parowan. The guards gave the 
alarm, the local cavalry was quickly in motion and again headed off 
the Indians at the mouth of the canyon, charging them and turning 
back the stock. The savages re-formed and charged twice, but were 
finally repulsed. The fighting lasted nearly all night. 

Sanpete County had been reasonably quiet for a couple of 
months, when on the 13th of August the Indians made a descent on 
the herd-grounds and meadows of Springtown, and drove off a 
band of horses. James Meeks was killed, Andrew Johnson mortally 
wounded and William Blain slightly wounded in the fight. Colonel 
Allred with a portion of the Mt. Pleasant and Ephraim cavalry 
started in pursuit, overtook and defeated the enemy, who killed some 
of the stolen horses and abandoned others. It is believed that a 
number of savages were killed in the engagement. The last casualty 
of the season occurred on the night of September 4th, near Warm 
Creek now Fayette Sanpete County, where three men of Captain 
Binder's Salt Lake infantry were on picket duty. Indians stole up in 
the darkness, and by the light of the camp-fire were able to single 
out John Hay upon whom they fired with fatal effect. His comrades 
gave the alarm to eight other men stationed near by, and, bearing 
the dead man with them, the detachment made good their retreat to 
the settlement. Soon afterward the Indians withdrew for the 
winter and the rnilitia were able to devote the few remaining weeks 
of autumn to the pursuits of peace. During this summer and 
autumn a stone fort was projected and partly built at Gunnison, for 
protection against the savages. The remains of this fort, which was 
never completed, may be seen to this day. 

On the 17th of September of this year 1867 Lieutenant- 
General Wells issued orders for a general muster of the forces in 
the various military districts of the Territory, which orders were 
generally observed. At this time Adjutant-General Clawson was 


absent in the east, and the duties of his office were performed by 
Assistant Adjutant-General T. W. Ellerbeck. Colonel Winder, who 
had acted as General Wells' adjutant in Sanpete, in 1866, assisted in 
drawing up a report of the operations of the militia during the three 
campaigns just described, which was presented by General Clawson 
to the Governor and by him to the Legislature in January, 1868. 
It is dated December 31st, 1867. From this document it appears 
that the militia of the Territory consisted of one lieutenant-general 
with a staff of eighteen officers; thirteen topographical engineers; 
six officers of the ordnance department; two major-generals, with a 
staff of fourteen officers ; nine brigadier-generals, with fifty officers 
in the staff; twenty-five colonels and twenty-five lieutenant-colonels 
with eighty-five officers in the regimental staff; 112 majors with 113 
of battalion staff; 236 captains; 228 first lieutenants, 906 second 
lieutenants; 896 sergeants; 322 musicians; eighty-two teamsters, 
and 8,881 privates, making a total of 12,024. The cavalry consisted 
of 2,525 ; the artillery of 179, and the infantry 9,207 ; the remainder 
being the general officers and staff, and topographical and ordnance 
departments. The arms and equipment of this body were reported 
as several pieces of artillery, 2,838 horses, 2,476 saddles, 4,926 
revolvers, 2,052 swords, 6,960 rifles, 1,719 muskets or shotguns, 
twenty-five bayonets, 431,375 rounds of ammunition, seventy-seven 
trumpets, ninety-six fifes and 107 drums. 

General Clawson in his report dated February 9th, 1869, to the 
war department at Washington, tersely tells the story of these 
military operations and supplies vouchers showing the expenses of 
the Indian war during the three years to be $1,121,037.38, not 
including charges for a vast amount of service in the home guard, 
which would have materially increased the total. The report bears 
Governor Durkee's official endorsement,* and quotes from the reports 

* Governor Durkee's endorsement was as follows : 


SALT LAKE CITY, January 9th, 1869. 
1, Charles Durkee, Governor of Utah Territory, do hereby certify that the military 


and communications of Colonels Irish and Head to the Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs. Accompanying it also was a memorial to 
Congress adopted by the Legislature in February, 1868, and 
approved by the Governor, asking for the payment of the expenses. 
The document pointed out that Colonel Irish had applied to General 
Connor for military aid in putting down the renegades, and that 
Colonel Head had addressed himself to the same effect to Colonel 
Potter, and that in each instance the request had been refused, 
whereupon it became necessary to call upon the militia; that 
notwithstanding their ready response and their energy and courage, 
six extensive and flourishing settlements in Sevier and Piute 
counties, four settlements in Sanpete, fifteen settlements in Iron, 
Kane and Washington counties and two or three in Wasatch 
County had been abandoned, with an almost total loss of stock and 
improvements; that about seventy lives had been lost; and that in 
furnishing its own soldiers, arms, transportation, horses and 
supplies the Territory had borne a heavy burden; wherefore an 
appropriation of $1,500,000, or so much thereof as might be 
necessary to cover the expenses, was respectfully asked. The 
petition was never granted, and the just debt of the general govern- 
ment to the then struggling Territory remains unpaid to this day. 
In this connection appropriate reference may be made to what 
is known as the Wade bill, which, although it never passed, was 
introduced and considered in Congress at the very time that militia 
companies from nearly all parts of the Territory were performing 
valiant and uncomplaining service against the savages. The bill 
takes its name from its parent, Senator Ben Wade, and its introduc- 
tion, in June, 1866, created far less discussion than so radical a 
measure would have provoked during any other than the exciting 
times of the reconstruction period. The bill is worthy of note as 

service rendered by the militia of this Territory, comprised in the foregoing accounts, was 
absolutely necessary, and was therefore sanctioned and authorized by me at the times 
specified, and that the accounts are just. 



embodying within itself nearly all the important items of special 
legislation since enacted in various Congressional laws affecting Utah 
affairs. It provided for the appointment by the Government of 
probate judges, the selection of juries and the service of process by 
the United States Marshal, the regulating of the marriage ceremony 
which was declared to be a civil contract and the recording of 
certificates; it declared the illegality of church divorces or marriages; 
required the Trustee-in-Trust of the Mormon Churh to annually 
make a full report of all Church properties, real and personal; held 
acknowledgment of the marital relation in prosecutions for polygamy 
to be proof of cohabitation; and aimed at the entire abolition of 
the prevailing militia system by giving to the Governor the power to 
select, appoint and commission all officers, either civil or military ; to 
organize and discipline the militia in such manner and at such 
times as he might direct, and to make all rules and regulations for 
the enrolling and mustering thereof; it further declared that "all 
commissions and appointments, both civil and military, heretofore 
made or issued, or which may be made or issued before the 1st day 
of January, 1867, shall cease and determine on that day, and shall 
have no effect or validity thereafter." As a matter of history this 
much notice of the sweeping measure is interesting. To comment 
upon it, since it went into early obscurity, would be obviously 

With the close of the year 1867 the Black Hawk war may be 
said to have ended. That chief, unattended by warriors, had come 
to the Uintah reservation with his family on the occasion of Colonel 
Head's visit in July or August of that year. At first saucy and 
cold, the crafty leader at length unbosomed himself to the 
indomitable superintendent, and told how many lodges his command 
consisted of and who his allies were. Finally he expressed a desire 
for peace, requested Colonel Head to cut his hair for him in token of 
his abandonment of the Avar-path, and promised to induce as 
many as possible of his adherents to join him in peace as they 
had followed him in war. The raids that ensued that year, 


subsequent to this interview, were accordingly set on foot by those 
whom his commands did not reach or by whom they were not 
heeded. The same may be said of the hostilities occurring during 
the year 1868, which, though sufficiently distressing, did not give 
cause for the alarm previously existing, nor did they necessitate the 
calling out of the militia from other than the immediate vicinity of 
the attacks. 

The earliest engagement of 1868 occurred at Rocky Ford of the 
Sevier River on the evening of April 5th, when a company of 
settlers under Frederick Olson, moving southward with the intention 
of re-establishing one of the abandoned settlements on that stream, 
was furiously attacked by about thirty Indians. The whites corralled 
their animals and made a brave defense for two hours, when the 
Indians, whose loss was considerable, retired with a few head of 
stock. The settlers' losses were a man named Justison, killed, and 
Adolph Thommasen, who started out as courier on a jaded horse and 
was overtaken by the Indians and seriously wounded. The next 
day two brothers named George and Charles Wilson, from Scipio, 
were attacked near the same place and the latter was killed, his body 
being recovered by a relief party which escorted the emigrants back 
to Gunnison.* The Scipio horse-herd was raided May 7th by a 
small but reckless band of Indians who ran off some stock but were 
glad to abandon most of it under the brisk pursuit of the settlers. 
On the llth of July a similar skirmish took place near Fort Ephraim, 
in Sanpete County. The herdsman resolutely followed the thieves, 
and recovered most of the plunder. Reinforcements coming up, the 
chase was renewed, with the result that the cavalry were led into an 
ambuscade and received a volley which wounded several of them. 
In other parts of the country scattered stock were driven off by 

* A lamentable incident, not a result of the war nor occurring near the scene of 
aggressive operations, may here be mentioned. A little daughter of G. W. Thurston of 
Mendon, Cache County, aged two and a half years, on April 7th, 1868, was stolen by 
Indians prowling in the vicinity. Notwithstanding the most diligent search by the 
settlers and by friendly Indians, the child was never recovered. 


small predatory bands, and the settlers were kept constantly on the 
alert against more serious surprises. 

On the 19th of August, 1868, the energetic Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs, Colonel Head, succeeded in negotiating a treaty with 
the sub-chieftains of Black Hawk's band and their still recalcitrant 
followers. Major Dimick Huntington was interpreter on the 
occasion, and Black Hawk himself, who had kept his pledge given a 
year before, lent his presence and influence. The young warriors 
were loth to bury the tomahawk, and boasted not a little of their 
prowess and deeds of blood; one of them especially, a handsome, 
feminine-looking stripling named Aug-a-vor-um, confessing his 
participation in the killing of Major Vance and Sergeant Houtz and 
in other more daring and less dishonorable engagements. Of the 
fellow's courage there could be no doubt. He had been wont to ride 
a white horse, and as his reckless bravery always led him to the 
front, where his example served as a command to his associates, he 
was frequently the mark of the militia sharpshooters, and once when 
he fell wounded the cry went up that Black Hawk himself had been 
killed. His defiant eloquence was reinforced at this meeting by that 
of other hot-heads, but it was patiently met and at length entirely 
overcome by the persuasion and threats of the peace party. The 
treaty was signed and it is believed was faithfully observed, although 
peace was not completely restored until after the summer of 1869. 
The earliest signs of trouble during this year came from the south- 
west where the turbulent Navajoes were the predominating tribe. A 
band of them invaded Southern Utah in the latter part of February 
and drove off the herds from Washington and Harrisburg. A party 
of militia started in pursuit, recovered some of the stock and drove 
the thieves beyond the Colorado.* 

* The murder by Indians of a highly respected citizen of Utah, Franklin B. 
Woolley, of St. George, son of Bishop Edwin D. Woolley, near San Bernardino, California, 
on the 21st of March of this year, may appropriately be mentioned in this connection. 
The unfortunate man, who was returning with goods for the St. George store, had 
separated from the main body of his freight train, and was searching for his horses near 
the Mohave river, when it is supposed that he was surrounded by a party of about fifteen 


About the end of March the oft-afflicted horse-herd at Scipio 
was successfully raided and over a hundred head of stock were 
driven off. In the latter part of September the unfortunate county 
of Sangete endured a visitation at Fairview with the loss of twenty 
head of horses. These were the last depredations of consequence, 
and with them ended all semblance of organized warfare on the part 
of the aborigines. The war-whoop and the scalping-knife dis- 
appeared from Territorial history, and in the very parts most 
grievously ravaged during the period covered by these campaigns 
Indian colonies in recent years have successfully and industriously 
sought the greater achievements of peace. 

Indians. He dismounted from his mule to parley with them, but finding that no com- 
promise could turn them from their murderous purpose he sought to make his escape. 
He fell pierced with arrows after running only a few rods. His slayers stripped off his 
clothes and dragged his body to a place of concealment, where it was not found until 
some days later by search parties. The remains were brought home for interment by the 
brother of the deceased, E. D. Woolley, Jr., now President of the Kanab Stake. 












HE all-prevailing topic in Utah at the time touched in our 
narrative was the coming of the railway. Since January, 1863, 
the great national highway, which was destined to work so 
many mighty changes in all the social, commercial and material 
concerns of the West, had been in course of construction, and was 
now rapidly approaching from both east and west the vicinity of the 
Great Salt Lake. Utah with strong hand, joining California and 
the East, had taken hold of the great enterprise for which she had 
so long prayed and waited, and with all the power at her command 
was helping it across the threshold of her mountain-girt domain. 
In a future volume we may tell more fully the interesting story of 
this greatest of all railway enterprises. Here, in order to avoid 
prolixity and preserve conciseness in the general narrative, we can 
only make mention of some of the most prominent facts relating to 
its inception and construction. 

To whom belongs the honor of first suggesting the idea of a 
transcontinental railway, uniting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, it 
would perhaps be impossible to say. That the thought was 


presented simultaneously to several minds is not improbable, and 
that out of the aggregation of ideas relating to .the subject grew 
the mighty project and its still mightier achievement, is a fact that 
needs no argument. 

Robert Mills, in a memorial to Congress dated February 18th, 
1846, claimed to have published in 1819 " a work on the internal 
improvement of Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina, connected 
with the intercourse of the States of the West," in which he 
suggested the union of the Pacific with the Atlantic "by a railroad 
from the head navigable waters of the noble rivers disemboguing 
into the ocean."* This, it is perhaps needless to inform the reader, 
was before a mile of railroad had been laid in any part of the 

To many it would seem improbable that such a claim could be 
true. We give it, however, for what it is worth. It is also said that 
Dr. Samuel Bancroft Barlow, of Granville, Massachusetts, as early as 
1833 or 1834, advocated the construction of a railroad from New 
York to the mouth of the Columbia River, by direct appropriations 
from the national treasury.J This was but three or four years after 
the first application of steam to railroading in America. It is 
claimed, however, that Dr. Barlow's suggestion, which appeared in 
the Westfield (Mass.) Intelligencer, was called forth by a series of 
articles on the same subject published in the Emigrant of Wash- 
tenaw County, Michigan Territory. At Dubuque, Iowa, in 1836, 
John Plumbe, a Welshman by birth, and a civil engineer by' 
profession, called the first public meeting to discuss the subject of a 
transcontinental railway. In the year following an article on the 

* H. R. Doc. 173, 29th Congress, 1st session. 

f The first steam railroad in the world was completed in 1825. It was the Darling- 
ton and Stockton, in England, and was thirty-seven miles long. The first railroad in 
America was begun in 1828. 

J Vide E. V. Smalley's " History of the Northern Pacific Railroad." 

Vide General W. T. Sherman's summary of trans-continental railroad construction. 


same topic appeared in the New York Courier and Enquirer, from 
the pen of Dr. Hartley Carver. 

To Mr. Asa Whitney, however, belongs the credit of formulating 
the first practicable scheme for the construction of the Pacific 
Railway. In addresses to state legislatures and in a series of 
popular meetings he agitated the question from 1844 to 1850. He 
proposed that the railroad should begin at Prairie du Chien 
on the Mississippi, cross the Rocky Mountains at South Pass and fix 
its western terminus on Vancouver Sound, with a branch line running 
to San Francisco. His proposition was that the road should be built 
by the sale of the public lands along its line, and he asked from 
Congress a free grant of alternate sections for a width of thirty 
miles on each side, to be given to himself, his heirs and assigns for 
that purpose. Whitney's idea was to establish across North 
America the route of Asiatic commerce to Europe. 

These hints and suggestions were sufficient to set many tongues 
talking upon the theme, especially after the Pacific coast began to 
be settled by emigrants from the Eastern States. And yet to most 
people the idea seemed impracticable and absurd, and though much 
talked of was treated as a Utopian dream, a romance that would 
never be realized. 

Brigham Young thought it feasible, however, when in the spring 
of 1847 he with his pioneer companions ascended the valley of the 
Platte, marking out as he went the route over which he believed the 
great iron way would eventually pass. That the track of the Union 
Pacific Railway is laid for hundreds of miles along that very route, 
pronounced by competent engineers to be the best that could possibly 
have been selected for the purpose, is only another evidence of the 
far-seeing sagacity of America's foremost colonizer. 

Mr. Joseph Nichols, in his " Condensed History of the Construc- 
tion of the Union Pacific Railway," speaking of Brigham Young's 
preparations to lead his pioneer band westward, says : "After every 
possible and impossible route from each point on the Missouri River 
between Kansas City and Sioux City had been thoroughly explored 


and measured, the shrewd and wily leader, who had more at stake 
than any man who ever crossed the western prairies, chose the North 
Platte route. The speed and safety with which he and his followers 
traversed it show the careful consideration he had bestowed upon 
the subject and attest a sagacity and prudence which only a 
thorough knowledge of the country would enable him to employ." 
Mr. Nichols here takes a view of the matter extremely natural under 
the circumstances to one not thoroughly conversant with the facts. 
Shrewd and sagacious Brigham Young undoubtedly was, and very 
prudent withal, but the statement that he possessed at the time 
mentioned "a thorough knowledge of the country" he was about to 
traverse is an error, as is also the assertion that prior to choosing 
the North Platte route, he caused to be "thoroughly explored and 
measured" every other route leading westward from the Missouri 
between the two points named. The records of the Pioneers make 
no reference to such explorations. Mr. Nichols, whose interesting 
little book we have perused with pleasure, was evidently misin- 
formed upon this point. Brigham Young chose the North Platte 
route for his pioneer journey and the after emigration of his 
people, not from "a thorough knowledge of the country, "- 
the unknown wilderness into which, trusting in Providence, 
he was about to plunge, but from that intuition which so 
often stood him in stead where knowledge was absent, and which 
formed one of the most striking characteristics of his remarkable 
mentality. Intuition may be inborn knowledge, the fruit of past 
experience, as occult science declares, but it is not the knowledge 
gained in the present life from the study of our immediate surround- 
ings. Brigham Young knew little or nothing of the route ahead of 
him and his pioneer followers, but he had faith in God and 
confidence in his destiny, and as some lonely horseman, uncertain 
of his course, trusts to the instinct of the noble steed he bestrides 
and lets him choose the path to be pursued, so he, setting his face 
toward the unknown West, let fall the reins of will about the neck 
of fate, and Columbus-like confidingly followed where intuition 


pointed out the way. He chose the route in question, and marked 
out the future path of the locomotive across the plains, just as he 
a little later selected Salt Lake Valley as the most eligible site for a 
great city in all the interior basin of North America, not from any 
previous acquaintance with the country, but from his intuitive, 
inborn knowledge that his choice was correct. 

Three years after the Pioneers crossed the plains the first 
Pacific railway bill was introduced into Congress. It was by Senator 
Benton, of Missouri, who had probably drawn a portion of his idea 
from his son-in-law Colonel Fremont, the famous explorer, who in 
1842 had visited the South Pass, and subsequently Great Salt Lake 
Valley and beyond, as related in the first volume of this series.* 
Congress, however, had discussed, incidentally to other questions, 
that of the Pacific Railroad, years before the introduction of the 
Benton bill, and, as shown, the subject was already being agitated in 
state legislatures and public meetings, through the energetic efforts 
of Asa Whitney and others. Whitney's project was condemned by a 
Pacific Railroad convention which met at St. Louis in the fall of 

1849. The president of that convention was Senator Stephen A. 
Douglas, who subsequently reported a bill in Congress for the 
construction of the great railway. 

It was doubtless the agitations of Mr. Whitney and others that 
caused Captain Stansbury who probably conversed with Brigham 
Young about the matter on returning from Utah in the summer of 

1850, to survey a railroad route across the plains. A year later Hon. 
S. B. King submitted a plan for the building of the road, which met 
with popular favor. He proposed that the Government should 
guarantee to any company or any persons who undertook and com- 
pleted the road a net dividend of five per cent, for fifty or a hundred 
years. The cost of the road was not to exceed a certain sum, its 
construction was to be under the supervision of an engineer 

* Benton said that he hoped to live to see a train of cars thundering down the 
eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains, bearing in transit to Europe the silks, the teas and 
spices of the Orient. 


appointed by the Government, and the guarantee was not to begin 
until the road had been completed and equipped for operation. 

It was early in 1852, as the reader will remember, that the Utah 
Legislature first memorialized Congress for the construction of 
"a national central railroad to the Pacific coast," and for the 
establishment of a transcontinental telegraph line. This was the 
first step taken in that direction by the Legislature of the Territory, 
but a bill for the construction of such a railroad had previously 
been introduced in the General Assembly of the Provisional State of 

In 1853-4 as many as nine railway routes were surveyed across 
the continent, one of which was that of the Central Pacific Railroad 
Surveying Expedition, commanded by the ill-fated Captain Gunnison, 
who with a portion of his party was massacred by the Pauvant 
Indians on the Sevier. These surveys were authorized by Congress, 
which had appropriated between three and four hundred thousand 
dollars to defray the necessary expenses, and were made by order of 
Hon. Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War. California by this 
time was so sanguine over the coming of the great railway, that her 
Legislature had passed "an act granting the right of way to the 
United States for railroad purposes." 

In January, 1854, a mammoth mass meeting at Salt Lake City 
took steps toward memorializing Congress for the construction of a 
railway from the Missouri River to the Pacific coast, via South Pass 
and Salt Lake Valley. That same month the Utah Legislature had 
petitioned Congress for the railway, recommending a route across the 
Rear and Weber rivers to Kamas Prairie, then down the Timpanogas 
or Provo river, into and across Utah Valley. Nebraska becoming a 
Territory that year, also began agitating the railway subject through 
her Legislature. Other legislatures did likewise until finally the 
attention of the whole country was called to it, and it became one of 
the leading political questions of the time. Both the Democratic 

* Hon. George A. Smith reported this bill. Says he: "Some of the members con- 
sidered it a joke, though I was never more in earnest." 


and the Republican parties in 1856, and again in 1860, made 
prominent mention of the railway in their platforms and pledged 
themselves to aid in appropriate legislation. "One of the greatest 
necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military 
point of view," said the Democratic Convention at Charleston, 
South Carolina, in April, 1860, "is the speedy communication 
between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans." The Republican 
Convention at Chicago, in May of the same year when Lincoln was 
nominated for President declared that "a railroad to the Pacific 
Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole 
country; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and 
efficient aid in its construction, and that preliminary thereto a daily 
overland mail should be promptly established." Presidents Pierce, 
Buchanan and Lincoln all made mention of the Pacific Railway 
in their messages to Congress, and called attention to the necessity 
of the Government aiding in its construction. Prior to 1860 the 
legislatures of eighteen states had passed resolutions in its favor. 
The main arguments put forth to warrant and render imperative 
such an institution, were the development of the western country, 
the attracting of Asiatic commerce across the Pacific and through 
the United States to Europe, and the protection of the western coast 
against the possibilities of foreign invasion. The last idea became 
paramount after the breaking out of the Civil War, it being thought 
imminent at one time that France and England would form an 
alliance with the Southern States and help them to gain their 
independence. It was then that President Lincoln referred to the 
Pacific Railroad as "a military necessity." Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, 
of Pennsylvania, said: "In case of a war with a foreign maritime 
power, the travel by the Gulf and Isthmus of Panama would be 
impracticable. Any such European power could throw troops and 
supplies into California much quicker than we could by the present 
overland route. The enormous cost of supplying our army in Utah 
may teach us that the whole wealth of the nation would not enable 
us to supply a large army on the Pacific Coast. Our Western States 


must fall a prey to the enemy without a speedy way of transporting 
our troops." 

Had Congress authorized the construction of the great railway 
prior to the beginning of the war, it is very probable that its 
eastern terminus would have been fixed at St. Louis, or at some 
other point in the Southern States, instead of so far north as Omaha, 
which then had a population of only five thousand souls, and was 
little more than a frontier town in the midst of a sparsely settled 
region. Many Southern statesmen, prior to 1860, were in favor of 
constructing the road on the line of the thirty-fifth parallel, in 
which event, according to the able and eloquent argument of Creed 
Raymond, Esq., general solicitor of the Central Pacific Railroad 
Company, to a select committee of the United States Senate in March 
and April, 1888, "the South Avould have been united by rail with 
the Pacific coast, its population would have been diverted in that 
direction, and it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that the 
annual product of the gold of California during the years of the 
war would have flowed into and enriched the Confederate treasury, 
while the port of San Francisco might have sheltered its infant 
navy." Rut Congress did not act in the matter until after the war 
broke out, and the power and authority to say where the Pacific 
Railway should begin, and how it should be built, was then in the 
hands of the friends and not the foes of the Union. 

First came, in 1861, the charter for the Pacific Telegraph, 
granted to Edward Creighton, of Omaha, and under which the 
Pacific or Overland Telegraph Line was constructed ; being completed 
to Salt Lake City in the autumn of that year. Then followed the 
Pacific Railroad act, which, having passed both houses of Congress, 
was signed by President Lincoln on the 1st of July. 1862. 

The sponsor if not the framer of the bill from which this act 
was created was Mr. Rollins, of Missouri. The design of the act was 
to aid in the construction of a railroad and telegraph line from the 
Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean and to secure to the Government 
the use of the same for postal, military and other purposes. The 


aid rendered by the Government to the companies building the road 
was a loan of Federal bonds for thirty years, sixteen bonds, or 
$16,000 for each mile of railroad and telegraph line completed* and 
a gift of twenty million acres of land. This gift was to include 
every alternate section of public land designated by odd numbers, 
to the amount of five alternate sections per mile, on each side of the 
road on the line thereof, within ten miles of each side,f not sold, 
reserved or otherwise disposed of. This not being a sufficient 
inducement to enlist private capital in the enterprise, Congress in 
1864 passed an amendatory act, offering still greater inducements, 
and under its provisions the Union Pacific and Central Pacific rail- 
ways were built, constituting one continuous line from the Missouri 
River to the Pacific Ocean.J 

The act of 1862 provided for the creation of the Union Pacific 
Railroad Company, and named its members, selecting them from all 
sections of the North. The South, being in rebellion, was of course 
not represented. The company was not organized, however, until 
over a year later. 

The Central Pacific Company, which was allowed to construct 
the western portion of the line and share in the advantages of the 
contract between the builders and the Federal Government, was 

* In some places this amount was increased to $32,000 per mile, and in other places 
to $48,000. 

fThis was afterwards increased to twenty miles for the greater portion of the way. 

J Says General G. M. Dodge, in his interesting paper on Transcontinental Railways, 
read before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee at its 21st annual reunion, at 
Toledo, Ohio, September 15. 1888: "The experience of the war made possible the 
building of this trans-continental railroad, not only physically but financially. The 
government, already burdened with billions of debt, floated fifty millions more, and by this 
action it created a credit which enabled the railroad company to float an equal amount, 
and these two credits, when handled by men of means and courage, who also threw 
their own private fortunes into the scale, accomplished the work. If it had been proposed, 
before the war, that the United States should lend its credit, and issue bonds to build a 
railroad 2,000 miles long, across a vast, barren plain only known to the red man, unin- 
habited, without one dollar of business to sustain it, the proposition alone would have 
virtually bankrupted the nation." 


already in existence, having been organized in 1861, under a general 

law of the State of California. The plucky West, represented by the 
Golden State, and that State by such men as Leland Stanford, Collis 
P. Huntington, Charles and Edward Crocker, Mr. Hopkins and Mr. 
Judah had conceived the idea, as early as 1860, of building with 
their private fortunes, aided perhaps by the State, a railroad across 
the Sierras into the heart of the desert Basin, and thence on to meet 
the advance of civilization from the East. To that end they organized 
in the year following, the Central Pacific Railroad Company, having 
previously caused a route for their line to be explored and surveyed 
across the Sierras. It was in consideration of these facts that 
Congress permitted that company to share with the Union Pacific 
the aid granted by the Government. 

The Central Pacific Company, having accepted in October, 1862, 
the conditions of the contract, prepared at once to begin operations, 
and on the 8th of January, 1863, the first shovelful of earth was 
turned at the city of Sacramento, it being the western terminus. 
From that point connection was to be made with the Pacific by 
steamboats on the Sacramento River. Subsequently, however, the 
Western Pacific Company obtained a grant to build an extension of 
the railroad from Sacramento to San Jose. That road, partly com- 
pleted, was purchased by the Central Pacific people, who pushed it 
through to the Bay of San Francisco. 

Meantime, in the far East, was being organized the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company. After some delay and a preliminary 
meeting at Chicago in September, 1862, the organization was 
formally effected in the city of New York, October, 1863. The 
officers were: John A. Dix, President; T. C. Durant, Vice-President; 
John J. Cisco, Treasurer, and Henry V. Poor, Secretary. 

Next came the selection of the initial point or eastern terminus 
of the road. Congress had left that duty to the President of the 
United States. At this time three railway lines were being extended 
across the State of Iowa toward Council Bluffs, nearly opposite 
Omaha. That being regarded as the most eligible place, President 


Lincoln decided that it should be the initial point of the Union 
Pacific Railroad. On the 2nd of December, 1863, a telegram from 
New York announcing this decision, was received by Peter A. Dey, 
the company's chief engineer, at Omaha, and that afternoon, in the 
presence of an enthusiastic throng, the first ground was broken for 
the building of the main division of the mighty thoroughfare. 

Among the speakers at the impromptu celebration arranged in 
honor of the event was the eccentric orator, George Francis Train, 
who made a characteristic speech during which he predicted, amid 
the smiles and laughter of his incredulous hearers, that the railway 
would be completed before the year 1870.* Congratulatory telegrams 
were received by the Committee of Arrangements at the celebration 
from Brigham Young, Governor Stanford of California, Hon William 
H. Seward, Secretary of State, and other notables. 

For the Union Pacific Company explorations westward were made 
by Surveyors Reed, Dey and Brayton. According to General Dodge, 
who, in 1853, had made a private survey for a railroad west of the 
Missouri, Mr. Reed confined his work to crossing the Rocky 
Mountains to reach the Great Salt Lake Basin.f Operations were 
then suspended. 

Under the provisions of the act of 1862, the Union Pacific 
Company found it impossible to engage sufficient capital to justify 
it in pushing forward the great and hazardous enterprise it 
had undertaken. Consequently, after the breaking of the first 
ground in December, 1863, further work was postponed. Then came 
the passage of the act of 1864, to which reference has already been 

* Congress had given the companies until July, 1876, to build the road. It was 
completed in May, 1869, more than seven years within the legal limit. 

f In an interview with President Young, Mr. Reed, it is said, was told by the Mor- 
mon leader that he might explore all over the country between the Missouri River and the 
Great Salt Lake and he would find the best route for a railroad would be up the Platte 
River to the junction of the North and South Platte, then up the North Platte to Platte 
bridge, over the hills to the Sweetwater, up the Sweetwater to South Pass, through the 
Pass and then by the most direct route to Green River, thence up the Muddy and by way 
of Bear River to Echo Canyon and then down the Weber. 

15-VOL. 2. 


made, giving larger aid in land grants, allowing first mortgages to be 
put upon the road, said mortgages to be superior to the lien of 
the United States, and offering other inducements to the con- 
structors. Thus encouraged, the Union Pacific Company resumed 

Grading on its line began in the fall of 1864, and the first rail of 
its track was laid in July following. In 1865 forty miles of track 
were laid, in 1866 two hundred and sixty miles, and in 1867 two 
hundred and forty miles.* Much of this, as already stated, was over 
the "old Mormon road," up the north bank of the Platte. In order 
to shorten the route, however, the railway crossed the river near the 
North and South Platte junction and instead of going through South 
Pass went over the mountains at a point called Sherman, so named 
in honor of General W. T. Sherman, by General Dodge, who 
discovered this new pass over the back-bone of the contineut.f 
Sherman, for years the highest point reached by any railway in the 
United States, is about 8,240 feet above the sea level. In 1868 and the 
early part of 1869, which witnessed the road's completion, the Union 
Pacific Company laid five hundred and fifty-five miles of track. 
While much of the line was being built Oliver Ames was president 
of the railroad company and Sidney Dillon president of the 
construction company, with Oakes Ames and other eastern capitalists 

* These and other items are gleaned from General Dodge's paper referred to 

f General Sherman had been for many years deeply interested in the Pacific Railway 
problem, and was a great friend and the ideal hero of General Dodge. Said he at the 
reunion of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, already mentioned: "When the Civil 
War was over you must all remember that I was stationed at St. Louis, in command of all 
the troops on the western plains as far out as Utah. 1 found General Dodge as consulting 
engineer of the Union Pacific Railroad, in the success of which enterprise I felt the 
greatest possible interest. I promised the most perfect protection, by troops, of the recon- 
noitering, surveying and construction parties, and made frequent personal visits on 
horseback and in ambulance, and noticed that the heads of all the parties had been 
soldiers during the Civil War." General Sherman, it seems, while in California, in 1846, 
had directed Lieutenants Williams and Warner to survey for a feasible railway route 
through the Sierra Nevada Mountains. 


among its directors and stockholders. At the time of the road's 
completion, however, T. C. Durant was president, of the company ; 
Sidney Dillon, vice-president, and G. M. Dodge, general superin- 

The Central Pacific Company, prior to the passage of the act 
of 1864, built thirty-one miles of road, connecting Sacramento with 
Newcastle, on the western slope of the Sierras, and then suspended 
labor for lack of funds. After the passage of that act, which 
improved the credit of the promoters of the enterprise, it was 
enabled to move on eastward, though great were the difficulties 
it encountered in crossing the mountains. So much was this the 
case that although the Central Pacific had built between thirty and 
forty miles of road before the Union Pacific had finished a mile of 
grading or laid a single rail, the latter company, after beginning 
operations, felt confident, notwithstanding the superhuman task it 
had undertaken, that it would be able to push its line over the 
Rockies, across Utah and Nevada, and up to the very base of the 
Sierras, while the Central Pacific was struggling through those 
mountains. With this end in view the Union Pacific engineers had 
surveyed their route as far west as the State line of California. The 
engineers of the Central Pacific had located their line only as far 
east as the mouth of Weber Canyon. 

The railroad from Newcastle across the Sierras to Wadsworth, 
on the edge of the Nevada desert, a distance of a hundred and fifty- 
seven miles, was built between February, 1865, and July 1868, with a 
force averaging between ten and thirteen thousand men. The road 
from Wadsworth to Ogden, for the Central Pacific Company, prior 
to bringing its main line into Utah, in order to avoid delay at the 
last constructed its grade from a point two hundred miles west of 
Ogden to the Junction City, was built between July, 1868, and May, 
1869, with a force averaging five thousand men.* It is estimated 

* Three miles west of Promontory station a sign-board informs the passer that ten 
miles of track were there laid in one day, and ten miles farther west a similar sign-board 
appears. This track was laid on April 29th, 1869, and is believed to be the largest num- 
ber of miles ever laid in one day. 


that fully twenty-five thousand men and six thousand teams were 
employed along the lines of the two great railways advancing 
with giant strides to meet each other on the shores of America's 
dead sea. 









'TUPENDOUS efforts were made by each of the competing com- 
panies the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific to determine 
how far east or west of the Great Salt Lake it would be able 
to extend its track before meeting that of the rival road. Speed, 
therefore, next to substantial construction, became the chief desider- 
atum. The aim, of course, was to secure as great a share as possible 
of the Government subsidy. Hence it was an object with both roads 
to obtain assistance from the people of Utah. 

Says General Dodge upon this point; " Reconnoissances made 
'in 1862-63-64 had demonstrated that a serious question would arise 
in reaching the Humboldt Valley from the western foot of the 
Wasatch Mountains in the Salt Lake basin. Should the line go 
north or south of the lake? The Mormon Church and all its 
followers, a central power of great use to the trans-continental roads, 
were determinedly in favor of the south line. But 

our explorations in an earlier day unqualifiedly indicated the north 
side, though an exhaustive examination was made south and only 
one line run north, it being our main line to the California State line 
surveyed in 1867. The explorations by parties south of the lake, 
and the personal examinations of the chief engineer, determined 
that it had no merits as compared with the north line; and on such 


report the north line was adopted by the company and accepted by 
the Government." 

That the Mormon people, and not only they but the Gentiles, 
residing at Salt Lake City and south of that point, were "determin- 
edly in favor of the south line," along which the railway would have 
run directly through Utah's metropolis instead of passing it by forty 
miles to the northward, is not surprising. It would have been 
astonishing had they not been in favor of it. That the road when 
constructed might run through Salt Lake City had been the 
substance of their memorial to Congress ten years before the Union 
Pacific Company had graded any part of its line, and nine years 
before that company came into existence. For various reasons the 
citizens of Salt Lake, and of Utah generally, with comparatively few 
exceptions, were heartily in favor of the railway passing through the 
chief city of the Saints. In addition to the material benefits, which 
all classes hoped to derive, the Gentiles were particularly desirous 
that the civilizing agency of the locomotive should touch Mor- 
monism at its heart's core, in its very stronghold, thus assisting them 
to the utmost in their mission of "regeneration." The Mormons, 
on the other hand, all undaunted at the prospect, were just as 
anxious to have the test applied. They were perfecly willing that 
the waves of "Gentile civilization" should surge against the walls of 
"Israel's barbarism;" feeling confident that the issue would but 
vindicate their position, and that their religion, which claimed to 
circumscribe and contain within it all and even more than Gentile 
civilization could bestow, would still live and thrive, though sur- 
rounded and penetrated in every part by railways. They maintained 
that the whistle of the locomotive and the click of the electric 
telegraph, instead of writing the epitaph of Mormonism, as many of 
the Gentiles were fondly hoping and predicting, were in reality 
inscribing in prophetic language one chapter of its future greatness 
and glory. Other Mormons, less enthusiastic, while contending that 
their faith was amply able to stand the test of contact with outside 
influences, conceded that if it could not, then the sooner it went by 


the board the better. Thus all classes, or nearly all, were in favor 
of the railroad passing through Salt Lake City. 

And through this city it undoubtedly would have passed if its 
builders could have seen their way clearly to that end; for Utah's 
capital was bound to have a railway, whether the U. P. and C. P. 
companies built it or not, and it was manifestly to the ultimate if not 
the immediate advantage of those companies to have their roads 
come this way. The author places no reliance in the story, once 
prevalent in these parts, that the railroad was built around the 
north side of the lake and missed the metropolis of Utah on purpose 
to spite Brigham Young and the Mormons. Unreasonable as anti- 
Mormon prejudice sometimes is, such a view as that is quite as 
much so. The men who built the Pacific Railway were not the 
small-souled bigots that such a conclusion would imply. Neither do 
we think that Rrigham Young thought they were. It is perfectly 
plain that financial considerations alone influenced the choice of the 
northern in lieu of the southern route. Mistake it may have been, 
as many still maintain, but that it was deemed by the companies to 
be to their best advantage at the time, is not disputed. 

Rut General Dodge continues : " Brigham Young called a confer- 
ence of his church and refused to accept the decision ; prohibited his 
people from contracting or working for the Union Pacific, and threw 
all his influence and efforts to the Central Pacific, which just at that 
time was of great moment, as there was a complete force of Mormon 
contractors and laborers in Salt Lake Valley competent to construct 
the line two hundred miles east or west of the lake, and the two 
companies had entered into active competition, each respectively to 
see how far east or west of the lake they could build, that city being 
the objective point and the key to the control of the commerce of 
that great basin. 

"The Central Pacific Company entered upon the examination of 
the lines long after the Union Pacific had determined and filed its 
line, and we waited the decision of their engineers with some 
anxiety. We knew they could not obtain so good a line, but we 


were in doubt whether, with the aid of the Mormon Church and the 
fact that the line south of the lake passed through Salt Lake City, 
the only commercial capital between the Missouri River and Sacra- 
mento, they might decide to take the long and undulating line;* and 
then would arise the question as to which (the one built south, the 
other built north, and it would fall to the government to decide) 
should receive the bonds and become the trans-continental line. 
However, the engineers of the Central Pacific, Clements and Ives, 
took as strong ground, or stronger than we, in favor of the north 
line, and located almost exactly upon the ground the Union Pacific 
had occupied a year before; and this brought the Mormon forces 
back to the Union Pacific, their first love." 

Upon what information General Dodge based his statement that 
Rrigham Young called a conference of his church, refused to accept 
the decision concerning the northern route, and prohibited his 
people from contracting or working for the Union Pacific Railroad, 
we are not aware. We only know that such a statement is at vari- 
ance with the facts. After diligent research through the records and 
newspapers of that period, conversing with dozens of prominent 
citizens, Mormon and Gentile, who were in Utah at the time, and 
ransacking his own memory of local events in the "sixties,"' the 
author has been unable to find a single scrap of evidence that 
such a conference was ever held or such a prohibition ever 
attempted. It is a fact, however, that on the 10th of June, 1868, 
just as the railway was about entering Utah, a large and enthusiastic 
mass meeting of Mormons and Gentiles convened in the great 
Tabernacle at Salt Lake City and unanimously passed resolutions 
welcoming the advent of the iron horse, and expressing the earnest 

* General Dodge, it appears, considered the southern line the longer. A glance at the 
map does not disclose much difference between them, for though the U. P., had the south 
line been followed, might have been a little longer, the C. P. would have been a little 
shorter, and thus matters would have been equalized. The south line crossed a desert, 
but it avoided the Promontory Mountains. General Dodge claims in his paper that the 
line adopted from the Missouri to the Pacific was the true commercial route across the 


wish that the road might come this way. Our citizens were not then 
aware that any decision had been reached regarding the route 
around the lake. Brigham Young, therefore, could scarcely have 
rejected such a decision. And so far was he from prohibiting his 
people from contracting or working for the Union Pacific that only a 
few days before the mass meeting convened he accepted from the 
company's superintendent of construction, Samuel B. Reed, Esq., a 
contract to grade ninety miles of its road, from the head of Echo 
Canyon to Salt Lake Valley. Brigham Young at this time was a 
stockholder in the Union Pacific Company. 

The movement for the mass meeting began on Monday evening, 
June 8th, when a number of prominent citizens held a preliminary 
meeting, of which J. M. Carter, a Gentile lawyer, was chairman, and 
A. W. White, another Gentile, was secretary. It was there resolved 
to call a mass meeting of the citizens, "that expression might be 
given to the popular feeling relative to the railroad coming past this 
city," and the following named gentlemen were appointed a com- 
mittee to draft resolutions to be presented at that meeting: General D. 
H. Wells, Hon. George Q. Cannon, Messrs. J. R. Walker, T. B. H. Sten- 
house, Warren Hussey and Henry W. Lawrence. Wednesday, June 
10th, having been decided upon as the day for holding the mass meet- 
ing, and President Young having offered the use of the large Taber- 
nacle for that purpose, at five o'clock in the afternoon fully three 
thousand men came together, representing all classes of the com- 
munity. The most prominent citizens of the Territory were among 
the audience or upon the stand. 

After music by Captain Croxall's band, Warren Hussey, the 
Gentile banker, moved that President Brigham Young be elected to 
preside over the meeting. The motion was carried unanimously. 
Colonel F. H. Head, Indian Superintendent, was unanimously chosen 
Vice President, and Charles E. Pomeroy and David W. Evans were 
appointed secretaries. Postmaster A. W. Street and Attorney 
Thomas Marshall, both non-Mormons, were added to the Committee 
on Resolutions, who then retired to frame their report. While they 


were absent speeches were made by President Young and Colonel 
Head, from which we here present extracts : 


If I could direct the route they [the railroad people] should take I should have it 
down through Echo and Weber canyons, and from there through the lower part of Salt 
Lake City, and then pass the south side of the lake to the Humboldt. Whether it is the 
province of this community to dictate in this affair will be better understood when the 
track is laid. We are willing to do our share of the work provided we get well paid for 
it. I suppose the committee will give their report and endeavor to shape their resolutions 
as near as possible with the wishes of this community. Whether I have hit the mark or 
not I do not know. I know what my wishes are, and I understand what would be for 
our benefit in building this railroad. 

We have undertaken to do a certain section as far as the grading is concerned. 
Whether we shall have the privilege of hearing the whistle and snorting of the iron 
horse with every train of cars that passes from the west to the east, I do not know. 
Still I would like to hear the whistle and the puffing of the iron horse every evening and 
through the night, in the morning and through the day. If the Company which first 
arrive should deem it to their advantage to leave us out in the cold, we will not be so far 
off but we can have a branch line for the advantage of this city. 

I believe that some have the idea that wherever the line goes there will be large 
cities built on its track; and at the junction of the two roads there must be a great deal 
of money expended for material and labor in erecting large machine shops. Whether 
they meet in this city, at the mouth of Weber, at the Humboldt Wells, on the desert 
south of the lake, or in the mountains north of the lake, has yet to be told. I am certain 
of one thing and that is that the Eastern Company is determined to meet the Western 
Company as far west as possible, and that the Western Company is determined to meet 
the Eastern Company as far east as possible, but whether the junction will be in our city 
or in the vicinity adjacent I do not know." 


There are certain classes of truths that are known as axioms truths that are 
entirely so self-evident that upon them all argument and demonstration are lost. Suppose, 
for instance, that the most eloquent speaker we have here tonight should undertake to 
prove to you that a circle is round. I think it would be a very difficult thing to demon- 
strate. You all know it just as well as he does. Or if with his ingenuity he should go 
to work to convince you that the ladies of the country are altogether lovely, I think it 
would be an equally difficult task. That is something everyone understands, or if he 
does not he cannot be made to understand it. [Applause.] And no matter how 
ingenious the argument, I think love's labor in that case would be lost. Now it seems to 
me, gentlemen, that this question about the location of the railroad is very near, if not 
quite in the same class of truths to which I have just referred. It is something so 
exceedingly self-evident, that we would all of us like to live on the grand trunk line of 
the great continental highway rather than on any of its branches, that it is very difficult 


to argue the question at all. It is something we all know without any argument. It is 
like an axiom, it cannot be proven. 

For myself I have always felt a high degree of confidence that the road would come 
through Salt Lake City. Not that I had a better means of knowing this than any of, the 
rest of you ; but it always appeared to me that there were good reasons for the faith that 
is in me. Now we all know that the business of building railroads in the last few years 
has undergone a remarkable change. We can all of us remember when the question in 
building a new line of railroad was simply and solely the material statistics. " How 
much freight and how many passengers will go over that line in case it was built?" 
These statistics were all very good and necessary ; but at the same time in the construc- 
tion of a great work like the Pacific Railroad the great continental highway, there is 
necessarily a very different order of talent brought into requisition. It is necessary to 
have the highest order of statesmanship and profoundest knowledge of political economy 
to solve such great and wonderful problems as that railroad will solve. It is no child's- 
play to revolutionize the commerce of the whole world, and that is something that 
railroad is bound to accomplish. 

A long way to the westward are those mysterious lands which we have all read 
about in childhood, always shrouded in mystery and romance. Those lands to which 
Columbus tried in vain to find a pathway ; those lands of which Marco Polo wrote his 
tales of wonder ; China, Japan, Cathay, Tartary, India, and all those countries that lie 
afar off in the west. What a crowd of old associations and curious recollections come up 
in our minds at the mention of their names ! Can it be possible that those lands are 
almost at our very doors? We have the evidence before us that in a very few months 
this miracle will have been accomplished. The city of San Francisco is the golden gate 
through which we can all pass into all the mysteries of Oriental life. Leadenhall Street, 
the old headquarters in London of the East India trade, will live again in San Francisco. 
New East India companies mightier than the old shall there be born. Bulls and bears 
from all quarters of the world will sport in San Francisco. Bulls in sandal wood and 
bears in aromatic gums. Bulls in silk and bears in tea, and lame ducks in the opium 
trade. Upon the exchange at San Francisco will soon be transacted this business for the 
world. The merchant princes of New York, Paris, London, Liverpool, Berlin and St. 
Petersburg will meet on the wharfs of San Francisco and there battle for the commerce of 
continents. Now to accomplish a work like this requires a high order of statesmanship. 
The directors and engineers of the Pacific Railroad have a marvelous work before them ; 
not only in scaling the snow-capped mountains and in traveling wild and inhospitable 
deserts, but in the opening of a new civilization. And the marvelous energy and rapidity 
with which they have pushed the work forward up to this time, show that they are equal 
to the task to which they have set their hands. It is this confidence which I have in 
these directors in their energy, intelligence and far-sightedness which makes me feel 
hopeful and almost certain that the railroad will pass through Salt Lake City. 

There is not only the through carrying trade to be sought for between the extreme 
East and West for the whole world, but there is the development of the interior basin of 
our country, of Territories whose area is that of continents. These are to be built up 


and developed; and this is a work of scarcely less importance and magnitude than the 
carrying trade of the nations. And it seems to me that these directors and managers of 
this great national enterprise can not but see this. They have seen and discussed it, 
and they will of course consider the best means of accomplishing that end. They do not 
care about building up temporary shingle cities like Cheyenne. They want great com- 
mercial towns, wealthy cities and commonwealths all along the line of their road to feed 
it and furnish it business. It is not the object of those directors to have their road run 
through poor, miserable, desert country with here and there a few impoverished inhab- 
itants. They wish to pass through a wealthy country. They wish to develop to the 
utmost the resources of all this interior basin. 

The interests of the Pacific Railroad and the interests of the people of Utah are 
identical. [Applause.] They will get their tithing on all our dollars, and they want us 
to have just as many dollars as possible. [Applause.] For that reason it seems to me 
that it would be the height of folly for the directors and managers of this great enterprise 
to pass by what has been accomplished in this Territory for the past twenty years. 
[Applause.] Here is a commercial center already made. On every hand we find the 
evidences established of commerce and trade. Our merchants are known in New York 
and San Francisco. Here is a labor of twenty years, and a wonderful labor it is, and 
can it be possible these railroad men, among whom are some of the most enterprising 
in the nation, can it be possible that they will go somewhere else to build up a town and 
thus throw away the advantages offered by the labors of this people for twenty years It 
seems to me that we are doing great injustice to the sagacity and business perceptions, 
quick intellects and shrewd tact of the men who have this matter in charge, to suppose 
that they will be guilty of anything of the sort. [Applause.] Most certainly we are, 
unless there is some great reason for them doing so, and that no one claims. If this 
country were a desert as when you came here, as described by President Young, it would 
then be about an even question whether the road should go north or south of the lake; 
each road has its advantages and disadvantages. The northern route, it is claimed, is a 
trifle shorter; but it passes along the foothills of the Goose Creek mountains, where there 
is a great deal of snow in the winter, besides various other disadvantages. On the route 
south of the lake there is a desert to contend with ; and the advantages and disad- 
vantages on the two routes are substantially equal. There is no particular difference from 
what I can learn in favor of one route over the other. But it seems to me that the fact of 
this city being the metropolis of the Territory and of the surrounding mining territories 
and the center of their business for the last ten or fifteen years, is of itself enough to 
decide the question." [Applause.] 

The band played "Hail Columbia," and the Committee on 
Resolutions then reported as follows : 

Resolved, That Utah welcomes to her borders the coming railroad, and hails with 
pleasure closer contact and more intimate relations with her friends east and west. 

Resolved, That every advancement in civilization and enterprise will always and at 
all times receive a helping and friendly hand from the people of Utah. 


Resolved, That it is the wish of this meeting that the railroad shall come to this city 
and pass by the south side of the lake, and for that purpose proper and suitable grounds 
for depot, machine shops and improvements can be obtained within this city. 

Resolved, That one hundred thousand citizens of this nation demand that this great 
national work shall be performed for national good and for the people's benefit and not 
for private profit or personal speculation. 

Addresses were next delivered by Thomas Marshall, Esq., 
Apostles John Taylor and George A. Smith, President Young and 
Hon. George Q. Cannon. Extracts from all are here given. 


The highway of commerce is now open for Eastern Asia, and no longer will Great 
Britain absorb in her own hands the commerce of the Indies. Young America speaks 
today and her voice declares that the old time is passing away, and marks that coming age 
and generation which is now engraved on the book of time that shall never be eradicated 
or erased. [Applause.] We have seen within the last few years, first the pony express 
spanning the desert ; next the stage coach, and now the iron horse. We, gentlemen, 
citizens of this grand Republic, residents and people of Utah, speak today, and our voice is 
that we have a right to tell our servants that we want here amongst us this great work for 
which we have prayed and for which we have labored. [Applause.] That, gentlemen, 
is the object of this meeting; that is what we are here for. It is to speak the sentiments 
of the people, to say what Utah wants, what Utah demands of Washington. [Applause.] 
We have long filled and continued to fill a Territorial position ; but, sir, that time is 
rapidly passing away and soon our mountains will be populated, our mines worked, and 
speedily the ports of the nations of God's globe will be opened up to us. 

The impression seems to be abroad that Utah and this city do not wish the railroad 
here. From what that impression arose, God alone knows, not I. I have seen in my 
intercourse in this city that every man, woman and child wanted it here; wanted to speed 
their intercourse with the people of the United States of whom we form a part. 
[Applause.] They want no longer to pay great freights, and the people here know that 
the coming of the railroad will do away with this. Gentlemen, we shall no longer see 
the commercial pursuits of this city monopolized by a few large capitalists: but soon men 
of honesty and industry, with small means will do a fair proportion of the commerce 
of Utah. 

In conclusion I will say that I heartily endorse every word of the resolutions you 
have passed. Every word of them is but an echo of my own sentiments, as I know and 
feel that it is of this people. [Applause.] 


The railroad is now the great topic of conversation, and occupies the attention of all 
classes of men. The engineer in its construction, the contractor in his arrangements, the 
mechanic and laborer in giving the hard knocks, carrying out their plans, the farmer in 


providing the grain, beef, butter and eggs, and the merchant in catering to the wants ot 

all. All seem interested. 

### * # * # # * 

I remember very well the time when there were no railroads, or steamboats, or 
telegraphs, or gaslight. Very soon after its completion I rode on the first railroad that 
was made in the world the one between Liverpool and Manchester, England.* .They 
now form a net-work over what is termed the civilized nations of the earth, and penetrate 
the remotest parts; they have passed through forests, swamps and morasses, over 
high mountains and low valleys, skirted bays, outlets and promontories ; their whistle has 
shrieked in the recesses of Egyptian darkness, and has awakened the sleeping echoes 
among the mummies of the catacombs ; and while in Europe and America they have 
been fed with coal and wood, or oil, the dead of three thousand years have been rudely 
awakened from their mausoleums by the rustling, roaring, shrieking iron-horse, and the 
Pharaohs the Ptolomies of three thousand years ago, and of the then mightiest nation 
whose pyramidal tombs have been the wonder of the world have been brought into 
requisition to feed the ever craving maw of the locomotive, and their dried-up muscles, 
flesh and bones have been fried and frizzled and burned to propel the rushing car. 

We have here no Pharaohs, nor Ptolomies, nor Nimrods, nor Nebuchadnezzars, 
nor Antonies, nor Caesars, nor Hannibals, no illustrious dead ; but we have the 
living, wide-awake Yankee, the Dodges, the Reeds, the Stanfords, the Grays, the Youngs, 
and other celebrities. We have also the Englishman, the Frenchman, the Saxon, the 
Dane, the Norwegian, who are today with bare arm, strong muscles and busy brain with 
living energy, overturning mountains, shattering the granite rock, bridging the mountain 
torrents, piercing the hitherto supposed impenetrable canyons, filling up the valleys, level- 
ing the hills and preparing a pathway for the iron -horse. 

It has been thought and charged by some that we are averse to improvements, and 
that we disliked the approach of the railroad. Never was a greater mistake. We have 
been cradled in the cities of the new and old worlds, where we have built locomotives, 
steamboats, gas works, and telegraph lines ; nor have we forgotten our former predilec- 
tions, sympathies and habits. We have always been the advocates of improvement, of 
the arts, science, literature, and general progress ; and whilst we abjure the evils, the 
follies, the crimes, and many of the lamentable adjuncts of civilization, we are always 
first and foremost in everything that tends to ennoble and exalt mankind. Who 
penetrated these deserts, opened these fields, planted these orchards, made these roads, 
built these cities, and made this wilderness and desert "blossom as the rose ?" That is 
no mystery. Who was the first to hail and help build the first telegraph line ? There 
sits the gentleman, [President Young]. Who the first to engage in leveling these almost 
inaccessible canyons? Brigham Young and his coadjutors. We believe not alone in 
theories, but in facts, in what the French properly call actualities. We like not to meet 
with babblers and theorists and visionaries, but with matter-of-fact gentlemen, such as are 
around us here today, who, like Washington, Franklin and Jefferson, are proving by their 

* A slight error. The Darlington and Stockton Railway preceded a short time the 
line between Liverpool and Manchester. 


acts their devotion to science, progress and improvement. We meet in friendly conclave 
with distinguished gentlemen connected with the eastern and western divisions of the 
railroad, who have been here to exchange friendly greetings with each other and with 
Brigham Young, and to plan for the greatest good of this great national enterprise. All 
men of deeds, and whose acts will live when thousands less practical will be forgotten. 
They .are all erecting for themselves a monument more enduring than brass or marble. 
We hail these gentlemen as brothers in art, science, progress and civilization, and whilst 
their hearts throb with a desire for the achievement of a great national highway, they 
will meet here a hearty sympathy and cordial co-operation; hearts as true, sympathies as 
strong and energy as firm and enduring as that which inspires their bosoms. We meet 
on the level and part on the square. 

Man by steam and electricity traverses the earth, seas and oceans, let him conquer 
the air and then like a God he will have subjected all the elements to his control ; and 
then if inspired by the great Eloheim, and governed by the principles of truth and virtue, 
he will be the true representative of God upon the earth. 

We hail, then, with pleasure this greatest work of the greatest nation of the earth. 
It is a work worthy of America in its inception, its progress, and we trust in its com- 
pletion. We will bare our arms and nerve our muscles to aid in the completion of this 
great cord of brotherhood which is already reaching our borders. 

I have heard of a few men of small minds who cavil at the terms on which it is to 
be built and the price offered for labor. This is for want of better information. I am 
credibly informed that President Young in his contract has been as liberally dealt with as 
others. Is our labor worth more than other men's? Shall it be said of us that we have 
not the same ability, energy and enterprise as other men? No, a thousand times no! 
We have no time to listen to croakers. The railroad must be done, the Sandwich Islands, 
Australia, Japan and China want it; Great Britain and Europe want it; America wants 
it; and we want it ; and with a hearty co-operation we say to those gentlemen who have 
come here as the representatives of the railroad, we bid them a hearty welcome to our 
mountain home. We sympathize with them in their feelings, desires and labors, and we 
will be the co-laborers with them in this herculean enterprise, and with a long pull, a 
strong pull, and a pull altogether, we will accomplish the object designed, and not stop till 
the restless iron horse shall pass in triumph from the Atlantic to the Pacific shore. 


1 am very much gratified with the proceedings of this meeting and the resolutions 
which have been adopted. I certainly coincide with the honorable Vice- President in his 
view of the necessity and certainty of the railroad passing by our city. We started from 
Nauvoo in February, 1846, to make a road to the Rocky Mountains. A portion of our 
work was to hunt a track for the railroad. We located a road to Council Bluffs, bridging 
the streams, and I believe it has been pretty nearly followed by the railroad. In April, 
1847, President Young and one hundred and forty-three pioneers left Council Bluffs, and 
located and made the road to the site of this city. A portion of our labor was to seek 
out the way for a railroad across the continent, and every place we found that seemed 
difficult for laying the rails we searched out a way for the road to go around or through it. 


We had been here only a short time until we formed the provisional government of the 
State of Deseret, and among the subjects of legislation were measures to promote and 
establish a railroad across the continent. In a little while we were organized into a 
Territory and during the first session of the Legislature a memorial to Congress was 
adopted and approved, March 3rd, 1852, upon this subject, the substance of which has 
been reiterated by the gentlemen who have spoken today. Speaking of this railroad 
being necessary to develop the mineral and other resources of the continent and to bring 
the trade of China and the East Indies across the continent, we considered it then and so 
represented it in our memorials. And we knew that it was a work of necessity involving 
only a question of time, and it looked to us as if the work would have been accomplished 
long ere this. 

Two years afterwards the matter was again under consideration, and a memorial to 
Congress was adopted in which the route the railroad should take was pointed out and 
singular it is that the route indicated in that memorial has been followed to a very great 
extent in the location of the road thus far. All these matters we have regarded with a 
great deal of interest, and yet, when I was in Washington, in 1856, I was told by a 
reverend gentleman that we were " opposed to a railroad." I told the man that he must 
be very ignorant of the wishes and views of the people here, or else he gave us credit for 
being very fond of ox-teams and " horn telegraphs." In a memorial to Congress from 
the Legislative Assembly of this Territory, adopted 1858-9, it is said "a great band of 
union throughout the family of man is a common interest ; a central road would unite 
that interest with a chain of iron, and would effectually hold together our Federal Union 
with an imperishable identity of mutual interest, thereby consolidating our relations with 
foreign powers in time of peace and steadily enforcing our rights in time of war." 
These were among the sentiments that were advanced in the first three memorials. I am 
very much pleased to see and realize that the work is now in progress and that our 
friends are all united in its accomplishment. 


As there are a great many persons present who know nothing concerning our first 
arrival in these valleys, I want to say in reference to Brother George A. Smith's remarks 
concerning the railroad, that I do not suppose we traveled one day from the Missouri 
River here, but what we looked for a track where the rails could be laid with success, for 
a railroad through this Territory to go to the Pacific OceaYi. This was long before 
the gold was found, when this Territory belonged to Mexico. We never went through the 
canyons or worked our way over the dividing ridges without asking where the rails could 
be laid; and I really did think that the railway would have been here long before this; 

and I do think it would if there had not been some little eruption. 

When we came here over the hills and plains in 1847 we made our calculations for 
a railroad across the country, and were satisfied that merchants in those eastern cities, or 
from Europe, instead of doubling Cape Horn for the west, would take the cars, and on 
arriving at San Francisco would take steamer and run to China or Japan and make their 
purchases, and with their goods could be back again in London and other European 


cities in eighty or eighty-five days. All these calculations we made on our way here, 
and if they had only favored us by letting us have a State government, as weak as we are 
we would have built railroads ourselves. Who feels this telegraph wire we put up here, 
almost 500 miles? Who would feel themselves any poorer when the necessity of the 
case required it for us to build a railroad right through this tier of valleys? None. 
No man is poorer by disposing of his labor to advantage, but he is always better off than 
when idling away his time. That makes him poor and mischievous, but when his 
mind is active in benefitting himself and his fellow creatures, he grows better all the time. 
True happiness consists in doing all the good we can, and the more good we do the 
better we feel. 

I want this railroad to come through this city and to pass on the south shore of the 
lake. We want the benefits of this railroad for our emigrants, so that after they land in 
New York they maf get on board the cars and never leave them again until they reach 
this city. And this they can do when the Missouri river is bridged, which will soon be 
done temporarily, if not permanently. * * * When this work is done if 
the tariff is not too high, we shall see the people going east to see their friends, and they 
will come and see us, and when we are better known to the world, I trust we shall be 
better liked. 


Through being absent from the city yesterday, I did not know until late this after- 
noon that iny name was down as one of the speakers, and therefore I have not come 
prepared to make any set speech on the subject ; but I heartily endorse the movement. 
I believe that we have arrived at that point in our history when the building of the railroad 
is a necessity. We need it through this city, and if the company do not construct it, as it 
has been said they would not, they will commit a great mistake, as their future operations 
will prove to them. Salt Lake City is fast rising in importance, and it has a great future 
in store. Thousands of people will cross the mountains merely for the sake of seeing 
and passing through it, who probably would not think of doing so were the railroad to be 
carried north. It is said that by making a detour by way of this city the distance is 
increased. The advantages which would naturally accrue to the railroad by passing through 
our city would more than counterbalance any disadvantage arising through the increased 
distance. But it is very doubtful whether the distance is any greater by this city. We 
have an open country westward upon which the track can be made with greater facility 
than by the northern route. There is nothing on the northern route particularly to call 
the railroad in that direction. If the trade of Montana and Idaho is desirable, this 
railroad will not answer the purpose because the detour that is contemplated to the north 
is not sufficient for them. To my mind there is every reason why it should come by this 
city, but no tangible reason why it should go in any other direction. 

The point has been urged occasionally by the public journals, and we have heard it 
alluded to this afternoon, that the citizens of Utah are secretly averse to the construction 
of this railroad ; that if we had it in our power we would throw insuperable obstacles in 
the way of the company. This we hear from various sources. I was much pleased this 
afternoon in listening to the remarks which have been made on this point, and the 
unequivocal testimony which has been borne in contradiction of this statement. Those 


who are most familiar with the people know full well that whatever our peculiarities may 
be, we are not opposed to progress. We may view progress from a different standpoint 
to many others ; but upon matters of great national importance, such as the construction 
of this railroad, there is a union of feeling on the part of the inhabitants of this Territory 
with those who inhabit other portions of the Republic. 

When we came here we sought isolation. We were utterly sick of everything we 
had been brought in contact with. We had suffered and were glad of an isolated retreat 
such as these mountains afforded, where we could dwell in peace and quietness for a sea- 
son. We occupy a different position to that which we have ever occupied before. We 
desire to be more known. We have no desire to secrete ourselves, or to hide ourselves 
from public gaze and from contact with outside influences. There was a time when in 
our weak condition we might have feared the results, but that day is past and I trust for- 
ever. We court contact today, if it be of the right kind. We do not court or invite 
aggression; healthy contact, legitimate acquaintance we desire. We want to be better 
known, and when we are better known these absurd prejudices and misapprehensions 
which prevail now through the public mind respecting the " Mormons " and the people of 
Utah will be dissipated. 

I am for the railroad. We are dependent upon ox and mule teams, and if there 
were no more cogent reason than this it would be enough to make us heartily welcome its 
completion. But the reasons I have touched upon briefly are, to my mind, sufficient. I 
am glad it is coming, and I hope to see the day before long before the election of 1872 
when we, the citizens of Utah, will have the opportunity of casting our vote in favor of 
the Presidential candidate. Four years with the railroad will work wonders and bring 
about many changes in Utah. God speed it ! 

At the close of the addresses three rousing cheers were given 
from as many thousand throats, for Utah and the Pacific Railroad, 
and the meeting then adjourned. 

It is very evident from the tenor of the remarks made on this 
occasion that the citizens of Utah were not then aware that any 
definite decision had been reached by the railroad authorities or by 
the Government regarding the route across Salt Lake Valley. And 
yet, as stated, President Young had accepted, only a few days before, 
a contract from the Union Pacific Company to do its grading through 
Echo and Weber canyons. The mass meeting had been called, not 
to protest against any decision made in favor of the northern route 
nor to persuade the railroad people to reconsider any purpose pre- 
viously formed. It was to invite and influence them to decide in 
favor of the southern route. Apropos of this matter, in the Deseret 
Evening News of January 6th, 1867, appears the following item : 



On a "Map of the Union Pacific Railway and Stations from Omaha to San 
Francisco," published in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, we notice a station 
marked between Brigham City and Great Salt Lake. This is somewhat premature, the 
exact route of the line not yet being determined upon. The map has the road marked 
down Weber Canyon, and then north around the northern end of the lake, though Ogden 
is not mentioned as a station. Better wait a little longer and see how the engineers decide. 

This item and the proceedings of the mass meeting go to show 
that whatever the Leslies knew of the plans of the Union Pacific 
Company respecting the route in question in the beginning of 1867, 
the people of Utah were not informed upon the subject, neither in 
January of that year, nor in June of the year following. 

In the press of Salt Lake City, about this time, appeared the 
following announcement: 


Messrs. Joseph A. Young, Brigham Young, Jr., and John W. Young, agents for Presi- 
dent Brigham Young, left this city on the 8th inst., for the head of Echo Canyon, to let 
contracts for grading on the Union Pacific Railroad, and will begin the lettings on Thurs- 
day, the llth inst. Parties wishing contracts on that road can now start their men, pro- 
visions, tools, etc., as fast as they can get ready. As soon as the line is all located, about 
10,000 men will be wanted. 

"On to Echo!" was now the prevailing cry, and forthwith teams 
and wagons loaded with workmen, tools, provisions and camping 
outfits went rolling over the mountains from the populous valleys 
west of the Wasatch toward that spot historic; not as, ten years and 
a few months earlier, many of these same men had gone thither to 
resist the advance of an invading army, but to welcome and help 
into and across the smiling vales of their rock-rimmed, desert-girt 
paradise the onward march of civilization toward the Occident.* 

* Said the Deseret News, June 17th, 1868 : " The acceptance of a contract by Pres- 
ident Young for the grading of a road from the head of Echo Canyon to this valley, and 
the heartiness with which the people manifest a desire to take hold of the job, takes away 
the thunder of those writers whose capital stock is the wrong-doings and sinfulness of the 
Mormons. Any opposition on the part of our citizens to the railroad, or even reluctance to 
aid in its construction, would have furnished needy scribblers matter for interminable dia- 
tribes respecting our disloyalty and barbaric tendencies. Such action or disposition on our 


The principal sub-contractors under President Young whose 
contract amounted to about two and a quarter millions of dollars- 
were Bishop John Sharp and Hon. Joseph A. Young, the President's 
eldest son. They employed between five and six hundred men, and the 
amount of their contract was about a million dollars. To them fell 
the heavy stone work of the bridge abutments and the cutting of the 
tunnels in Weber Canyon. Afterwards, in the "race" between the 
Union Pacific and Central Pacific constructing companies, Sharp and 
Young took another contract amounting to a hundred thousand 
dollars, upon which they employed from four to five hundred 
men. Among other sub-contractors under President Young were 
Apostle John Taylor; Feramorz Little; John W. Young and George 
W. Thatcher; Brigham Young Jr.; David P. Kimball, J. Q. Knowlton, 
Nelson A. Empey, H. J. Faust and John Houtz ; William H. Hicken- 
looper; Heber P. Kimball and Company; George Crismon and E. M. 
Weiler; Bernard Snow; Samuel D. White and A. M. Musser; Warren 
G. Child, Edward Samuels, Crandall Brothers, John W. Hess, Anson 
Call, John Stoker, William R. Smith ; Samuel W. Richards and Isaac 
Groo, L. P. North and Company, Merrill and Hendricks, Ezekiel and 
John G. Holman, James Chipman and - Chisholm. A few of 
these were sub-contractors under Sharp and Young, but most of 
them took contracts directly from the President. His chief clerk, who 
attended to the paying of the contractors and had general charge of 
his railroad business, was Thomas W. Ellerbeck. President Young is 
said to have realized from his contract about eight hundred thousand 

East of President Young's another large contract was taken by 
Joseph F. Nourman and Company. Mr. Nounnan was of the firm 
of Nounnan, Orr and Co., Gentile bankers of Salt Lake City. 
From them David P. and Heber P. Kimball, W. R. Judd and others 

part would have been a lucky wind-fall for them. But we would have to deny all our past 
wishes and actions were we to do so. From the earliest days of our settlement in these 
valleys the construction of a railroad across the continent has been desired and looked 
forward to with pleasure by the leading minds of the community." 


took sub-contracts. Their camps were on Sulphur Creek, Yellow 
Creek and Bear River. Most of President Kimball's sons 
and they were a small host after the death of their father went out 
to work upon the railroad, and were engaged as grade-builders upon 
the contracts of their elder brothers, David and Heber. The author, 
then a lad of thirteen years, was one of the boys of "Uncle David's" 
camp, who helped build the road-bed of the Union Pacific Railway. 
Too small and puny to "drive team" and "tip scraper" at the 
start, he was made water-boy ; a bucket and cup being the insignia 
of his office, the duties of which consisted of a regular tramping up 
and down the line of the "dump," supplying the workmen with 
drinking water.* Two months of discipline as a cup-bearer, and the 
juvenile Ganymede was transformed into a mule-driver the acme of 
his ambition in those days he having become wise enough to har- 
ness a team, and just muscular enough to tip a scraper except 
when the scraper-chain chanced to get under one or both corners of 
it and for a good month longer reveled in the luxury of "roughing 
it" at Kimball's camp on Rear River. Roughing it indeed, for we 
lived like bears, in caves and dug-outs during the summer in 
tents and wagons and grew as strong and almost as fierce as 

On the Central Pacific, the only contract taken by Mormons was 
that of Benson, Farr and West, who grappled with the great under- 
taking of building the western road from the vicinity of Humboldt 
Wells to Ogden; the C. P. engineers, having, as stated, run their line 
as far east as the mouth of Weber Canyon. The contractors named 
were Apostle Ezra T. Renson, of Logan, Cache County, and President 
Lorin Farr and Bishop Chauncey W. West, of Ogden. Originally the 
contract was taken by President Farr alone, but on the advice of Presi- 
dent Young he associated with himself the two others. Under this 
firm were the following named sub-contractors : Andrew Anderson, 

* The late Sidney Dillon, who lived to become President of the Union Pacific Com- 
pany, began at seven or eight years of age his railroad career in like manner. The 
author does not anticipate, in his own case, a similar outcome. 


R. Rallantyne, Rurrop and Company, Thomas Ringham, H. Rullen, 
William Rudge, E. T. Renson, John E. Ritton, R. Cazier and Com- 
pany, Eugene Campbell, Collett and Rankhead, Collets and Company, 
M. A. Carter, Dispennet Aldrich and Company, Joseph Edge, I. H. 
Freeman, John Farrill, Fitzgerald and Aldrich, A. F. Farr, Fife and 
Mitchell, Lorin Farr, P. S. Griffeth, F. B. Gilbert, William Gillen, F. 
A. Hammond, L. H. Hatch, M. D. Hammond, William Hyde, John 
Hendry, Thomas Jenkins, David James, William Kidman, H. Kimball 
and Company, Thomas Muir, Matthew Hopkins, Robert McCloy, 
Harvey Murdock, John Martin, Nels McKeeson, William Maughan, 
Merrill and Hendricks, Marriott and Parry, A. McFarland, I. Shelley, 
T. Geddes, John Henry Smith, Shurtliff and Company, A. Wayner, 
James Shupe, Shultz Peniield, Taylor and Company, Woodward 
and Collett, C. R. Hancock, C. W. West and others. 

Renson, Farr and West built the grade of the Central Pacific 
Railroad for a distance of two hundred miles. The portion con- 
structed by them from Promontory Summit to Ogden fifty-three 
miles was never used by the company owing to the fact that the 
Union Pacific main line reached Ogden first and pushed on westward 
to Promontory, paralleling the grade of the Central Pacific between 
those points. Subsequently, when Ogden was made by act of 
Congress the common terminus of the roads, the Central purchased 
of the Union Pacific its section of track between Promontory and the 
Weber County capital, and abandoned the superfluous grade built by 
itself. That grade, however, was accepted by the C. P. Company, 
and for their work, though some delay ensued, the contractors, 
Renson, Farr and West, received their pay. In fact they received 
more than the contract price, for so anxious had been the company 
to lengthen its line that President Stanford had agreed with Rishop 
West, on condition that the work be pushed forward with all possible 
speed, to pay him whatever it might cost. Thus it was that in the 
final settlement President Farr his associates both being dead 
received from the Central Pacific Company one hundred thousand 
dollars in excess of the contract figure. This amount, however, all 


went to pay sub-contractors, and President Farr emerged from the 
undertaking with little or nothing for his labor and pains. 

Passing by other minutiae, we come to the arrival of the iron 
horse at Ogden. It was about half past eleven o'clock on the 
morning of Monday, March 8th, 1869, that the track-layers on the 
Union Pacific Railroad came within sight of the "Junction City," 
whose excited inhabitants, from the top of every high bluff and 
commanding elevation in the vicinity "feasted their eyes and ears 
with the sight and sound of the long expected and anxiously looked 
for fiery steed." On they came rapidly, the track-layers in front 
putting down the rails, and the locomotives, as fast as the iron path 
was prepared for them, steaming up behind. At half past 2 p. m. 
they reached Ogden, where, amid the raising of flags, the music of 
brass bands, the shouts of the people and the thunder of artillery, 
the advent of the railway was celebrated with the wildest enthusi- 
asm. At 4 o'clock a stand was erected alongside the track, and a 
procession consisting of the Mayor, members of the municipal 
council and the various schools of the city headed by their respective 
teachers, formed under the direction of a committee of arrangements 
previously appointed, namely: Colonel W. N. Fife, Captain Joseph 
Parry and Francis A. Brown, Esq. Among the mottoes on the 
numerous banners borne aloft in the procession, as it wended its 
way through the crowd-lined streets until finally it halted and 
gathered about the stand, was one reading: "Hail to the Highway of 
Nations! Utah bids you Welcome!" On the stand were seated such 
personages as Hon. Franklin D. Richards, Mayor Lorin Farr, Hon. 
Aaron F. Farr, Colonels Daniel Gamble, Walter Thompson and W. N. 
Fife, Major Seth M. Blair, Captains Joseph Parry and William Clayton, 
Major Pike, Messrs. Aurelius Miner, F. S. Richards, Joseph Hall, 
Gilbert Belnap, James McGaw, F. A. Brown, Esq., Colonel J. C. Little, 
D. B. Warren, Esq., and others. 

The assemblage was called to order by Mayor Farr, who 
announced an address from Hon. F. D. Richards. Judge Richards 
then came forward and delivered an impressive speech, during 


which, after bidding the railway conductors and operators a hearty 
welcome to Ogden, he said: "A prejudice has existed in the minds 
of some in relation to our feelings on this matter. It has been said 
that we did not wish to have a railway pass through our country. 
Such prejudice has been proved to be unfounded. And our labors 
along the line, especially through Echo and Weber Canyons are a 
standing and irrefutable testimony of our great desire and anxiety to 
see the completion of this, the greatest undertaking ever designed by 
human skill and wisdom. It spans the continent, and uniting the 
Atlantic to the Pacific, opens up to us the commerce of the nations; 
it facilitates the transit and trade between India, China, America and 
other parts of the world, and enables us with speed and comfort to 
visit our friends throughout the Union. It will also enable the 
world's great men men of wisdom, science and intellect, to visit 
these our mountain homes, and form a true estimate of our 
character and position. Then I say, Hail to the great highway of 
nations ! Utah bids you welcome ! And may God speed the great 
work until it is completed, and may good and kind feelings animate 
the minds of the contractors and builders of both lines, and 
stimulate them to increased exertion until the last tie and rail 
are laid." 

Music by Captain Pugh's band, and artillery salutes from 
Captain Wadsworth's battery followed, after which three cheers were 
given for Mr. Warren, Superintendent of the Utah division of the 
Union Pacific, and three more for Captain Clayton, the track-layer. 
Both declined invitations to speak, being wearied from the day's exer- 
tions, but they privately expressed their hearty sympathy with all that 
was being said and done by others. Colonel Little, Major Blair, 
Judge Miner and Mayor Farr in turn addressed the people, after 
which, amid the continued firing of guns, the music of the band 
and the cheering of the people, to which the shrill voices of three 
locomotives lent their aid to swell the general din of rejoicing, the 
celebration closed and the citizens dispersed to their homes. 

The great event of the completion of the Pacific Bailway was 



reserved for Monday, May 10th, 1869, two months and two days 
after the arrival of the iron horse at Ogden. The place Promontory 
Summit, Utah, on the northern shore of the Great Salt Lake. 
There, at a point fifty-three miles north-west of Ogden, 690 
miles east of Sacramento, and 1,085.8 miles west of Omaha, the 
two great railroads, the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific met, 
the last rail was laid, the last spike driven and both tracks were 
welded into one. 

The ceremonies attending the completion of the great highway 
took place about noon. The junction of the two lines had 
practically been effected a short time before, but two lengths of rails 
were left for this day's proceedings. At 8 a. m. spectators began to 
arrive. These were mostly workmen on the lines and other 
denizens of the railway camps. Three-quarters of an hour later 
the whistle of a locomotive was heard, and the first train to arrive 
came speeding over the Central Pacific, bringing many passengers. 
Then came two trains from the East over the Union Pacific, whose 
elegant coaches were likewise heavily laden. At 11:15 a. m., Hon. 
Leland Stanford, Governor of California and President of the Central 
Pacific Railroad Company, arrived by special train from the West. 
His locomotive "Jupiter" was gaily decorated with flags and 
streamers. Dr. Durant and other Union Pacific notables were 
already on the ground. The crowd numbered about eleven 
hundred, representing by nativity nearly all the civilized nations of 
the earth. A number of ladies and a few children were among 
the spectators. 

Representing the Central Pacific Company were the following 
named officials and guests: Hon. Leland Stanford, president; 
Charles Marsh, director; Mr. Corning, general superintendent; J. H. 
Strowbridge, superintendent of construction; Messrs. J. T. Haines, 
F. A. Trytle and William Sherman, commissioners of inspection; E. 
R. Ryan, Esq., Governor Stanford's private secretary; Governor 
Safford, of Arizona; Hon. Thomas Fitch, M. C., of Nevada; Judge 
Sanderson, of the Supreme Court of California; Edgar Mills, of the 


firm of D. 0. Mills and Co., bankers, Sacramento; General Houghton, 
E. H. Peacock and Dr. Harkness, of Sacramento; Dr. T. D. B. 
Stillman, of San Francisco; S. T. Game, of Virginia City, Nevada; 
Mr. Phillips, banker, and wife, of Nevada, California; Alfred Hart, of 
Sacramento, the company's photographer, and E. D. Dennison, in 
charge of the excursion train. 

The names of the officials and guests of the Union Pacific 
Company were as follows: T. C. Durant, president; Sidney Dillon, 
vice-president; -John Duff, director; General G. M. Dodge, general 
superintendent; H. M. Hoxie, assistant superintendent; Colonel 
Seymour, consulting engineer; S. B. Reed, superintendent and 
engineer of construction; D. B. Warren, superintendent of the Utah 
Division; Colonel Hopper, superintendent of the Laramie division; 
J. W. Davis, of the firm of Davis and Associates; L. H. Eicholtz, 
engineer of bridges; General Ledlie, bridge-builder; J. S. and D. T. 
Casement, track-laying contractors; Major A. D. Russell, company 
photographer; H. W. Cossley, steward; Governor John A. Campbell, 
of Wyoming;* Major Bent, Messrs. Edward Creighton, Alexander 
Majors, G. C. Yates, J. J. Megeath, J. M. Ransom and C. T. Miller. 
Representatives of Salt Lake City: Hon. William Jennings, vice- 
president of the Utah Central Railroad Company; Colonel F. H. Head, 
Feramorz Little, Esq., General R. T. Burton, Bishop John Sharp, C. 
R. Savage, photographer, and many others, including ladies. Presi- 
dent Brigham Young had been cordially invited to be present, but 
was unable to attend. 

Ogden City was represented by Hon. F. D. Richards, Mayor 
Farr and Bishop C. W. West; Cache "Valley by Hon. Ezra T. Benson. 
Among others present were General J. A. Williamson, of Corinne; 
W. B. Hibbard. Esq., Superintendent of the Western Union Telegraph 

*The Territory of Wyoming was created July 25th, 1868. Its boundaries were the 
27th and 34th meridians of longitude, and the 41st and 45th parallels of north latitude. 
The western boundary took in the Green River valley, including the north-east corner of 
Utah. John A. Campbell, of Cleveland, Ohio, the first Governor of Wyoming, was 
appointed to that office in April, 1869. 


Company; Colonel Henry, of Wyoming; ex-Mayor George B. Senter, 
of Cleveland, Ohio; Henry Nottingham, late general superintendent 
of the Cleveland and Lake Shore Railroad ; Charles C. Jennings, of 
Painesville, Ohio; R. Hall, of the firm of Hall and Casement; W. H. 
House, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania: Colonel Lightner, E. B. Jones 
and Samuel Beatty, mail agents; J. A. Green, of the firm of Green 
and Hill, and Guy Barton, of the firm of Woolworth and Barton. 

The press of the country was represented by the following 
named knights of the quill: Frederick McCrellish, editor and 
proprietor of the Alta California; T. 0. Leary, of the Sacramento 
Bee; Mr. Howard, of the Omaha Herald; B. W. Miller, of the New 
York City Press; G. F. Parsons, of the San Francisco Times; A. D. 
Bell, of the San Francisco Bulletin; T. Clapp, of the Springfield 
(Mass.) Republican; Reverend Dr. John Todd, of the Boston 
Conr/regationalist and the New York Evangelist; Dr. Adonis, of the 
San Francisco Herald; H. W. Atwell, of the San Francisco Chronicle; 
E. L. Sloan, of the Deseret News, Salt Lake City; T. B. H. Sten- 
house, editor and proprietor of the Telegraph, just removed from Salt 
Lake to Ogden ; and others. Colonel Cogswell and the Twenty-first 
regiment, U. S. Infantry, were also present, and the delightful music 
of their fine brass band, wafted far and wide on the mountain 
breezes, gave added zest and enjoyment to the occasion. 

The Chinese laborers on the western line having, with picks 
and shovels, leveled the road-bed preparatory to putting in place the 
last ties and rails, this final work was now performed,* all but the 
laying of one rail, after which the U. P. engine No. 119 each 
company had four locomotives on the scene and the C. P. engine, 
"Jupiter," moved up to within thirty feet of each other, and all was 

* "A curious incident connected with the laying of the last rails has been little 
noticed hitherto. Two lengths of rails, fifty-six feet, had been omitted. The Union 
Pacific people brought up their pair of rails, and the work of placing them was done by 
Europeans. The Central Pacific people then laid their pair of rails, the labor being per- 
formed by Mongolians. The foremen in both cases were Americans. Here, near the 
center of the great American Continent were representatives of Asia, Europe and 
America America directing and controlling." JOSEPH NICHOLS. 


ready for the closing scene of this memorable act in the great drama 
of modern events. 

The people were now requested to stand back, in order that all 
might see. Edgar Mills, Esq., of Sacramento, then read the program 
of ceremonies, which was carried out in the following order : 

Silence being enjoined, and heads reverently uncovered, Rever- 
end Dr. Todd, of Massachusetts, offered the dedicatory prayer: 

"Our Father and God, and our fathers' God, God of creation 
and God of providence. Thou hast created the heavens and the 
earth, the valleys and the hills; Thou art also the God of all 
mercies and blessings. We rejoice that thou hast created the 
human mind with its powers of invention, its capacity of expansion, 
and its guerdon of success. We have assembled here this day, upon 
the height of the continent, from varied sections of our country to 
do homage to Thy wonderful name, in that Thou hast brought this 
mighty enterprise, combining the commerce of the east with the 
gold of the west to so glorious a completion. And now we ask Thee 
that this great work, so auspiciously begun and so magnificently 
completed, may remain a monument of our faith and of our good 
works. We here consecrate this great highway for the good of Thy 
people. God, we implore Thy blessings upon it, and upon those 
who may direct its operations. Father, God of our fathers, we 
desire to acknowledge Thy handiwork in this great work, and ask 
thy blessing upon us here assembled, upon the rulers of our govern- 
ment and upon Thy people everywhere; that peace may flow unto 
them as a gentle stream, and that this mighty enterprise may be 
unto us as the Atlantic of Thy strength and the Pacific of Thy love, 
through Jesus, the Redeemer. Amen." 

Then came the presentation of spikes. Dr. Harkness, of 
Sacramento, presented Governor Stanford with a spike of pure gold, 
and said : 

"Gentlemen of the Pacific Railroad, the last rail needed to 
complete the greatest railroad enterprise of the world is about to be 
laid; the last spike needed to unite the Atlantic and Pacific by a 





new line of trade and commerce, is about to be driven to its place. 
To perform these acts the east and the west have come together. 
Never since history commenced her record of human events has 
man been called upon to meet the completion of a work so magnifi- 
cent in contemplation, and so marvelous in execution. California, 
within whose borders and by whose citizens the Pacific Railroad 
was inaugurated, desires to express her appreciation of the vast 
importance to her and her sister States of the great enterprise which 
by your joint action is about to be consummated ; from her mines of 
gold she has forged a spike, from her laurel woods she has hewn a 
tie, and by the hands of her citizens she offers them to become a 
part of the great highway which is about to unite her in closer 
fellowship with her sisters of the Atlantic. From her bosom was 
taken the first soil, let hers be the last tie and the last spike, and 
with them accept the hopes and wishes of her people that the 
success of your enterprise may not stop short of its brightest 

The gold spike thus presented was about seven inches long and 
a little thicker than the ordinary railroad spike. It was made from 
twenty-three twenty-dollar gold pieces, and was worth $460.00. On 
the head of it were engraved the words: "The last spike," and the 
sides bore this inscription: "The Pacific Railway, first ground 
broke January 8th, 1863; and completed May 10th, 1869. May God 
continue the unity of our country as this railroad unites the two 
great oceans of the world. Presented by David Herves, San 

A silver spike similar in size was presented to Dr. Durant by 
Hon. F. A. Fryth,* of Nevada, who uttered the following sentiment: 
"To the iron of the east and the gold of the west Nevada adds her 
link of silver to span the continent and weld the oceans." 

Governor Saftord, of Arizona, offered a spike composed of iron, 
silver and gold, and said: "Ribbed with iron, clad in silver, and 

* Mr. Nichols says F. A. Tuttle. 


crowned with gold, Arizona presents her offering to the enterprise 
that has banded the continent and directed the pathway to com- 


Governor Stanford in behalf of the Central Pacific Railroad, 
made the following response: "Gentlemen, the Pacific Railroad 
Companies accept with pride and satisfaction these golden and silver 
tokens of your appreciation of the importance of our enterprise to 
the material interests of the whole country, east and west, north and 
south. These gifts shall receive a fitting place in the superstructure 
of our road, and before laying the tie and driving the spikes in com- 
pletion of the Pacific Railway allow me to express the hope that the 
great importance which you are pleased to attach to our undertaking 
may be in all respects fully realized. This line of rails, connecting 
the Atlantic and Pacific and affording to commerce a new transit, 
will prove, we trust, the speedy forerunner of increased facilities. 
The Pacific Railroad will, as soon as commerce shall begin fully to 
realize its advantages, demonstrate the necessity of rich improve- 
ments on railroading so as to render practicable the transportation of 
freights at much less rates than are possible under any system 
which has been thus far anywhere adopted. The day is not far 
distant when three tracks will be found necessary to accommodate 
the commerce and travel which will seek a transit across this 
continent. Freight will then move only one way on each track, and 
at rates of speed that will answer the demands of cheapness and 
time. Cars and engines will be light or heavy, according to the 
speed required, and the weight to be transported. In conclusion I 
will add that we hope to do, ultimately, what is now impossible on 
long lines transport coarse, heavy and cheap products for all 
distances at living rates to the trade. Now gentlemen, with your 
assistance we will proceed to lay the last tie and last rail and drive 
the last spike." 

General Dodge for the Union Pacific Railroad responded briefly 
as follows : " Gentlemen, the great Renton proposed that some day 
a giant statue of Columbus should be erected on the highest peak 


of the Rocky Mountains, pointing westward, denoting this as the 
great route across the continent. You have made that prophecy, 
today, a fact. This is the way to India." 

Mr. Coe, of the Pacific Union Express Company, then presented 
to Governor Stanford a silver spike maul. 

The last tie upon which the rails of the two roads met was put 
in position by the two superintendents of construction, J. H. 
Strowbridge of the Central Pacific, arid S. B. Reed of the Union 
Pacific, the former handling the north end and the latter the south 
end of the tie. It was eight- feet long, eight inches wide and six 
inches thick, and was made of California laurel, beautifully polished, 
and ornamented with a silver plate, bearing the names of the 
directors and officers of the Central Pacific Railroad Company and 
the following inscription: "The last tie laid on the completion of 
the Pacific Railroad, May 10th, 1869; presented by West Evans; 
manufactured by Strahle & Hughes, San Francisco."* 

It was now half past twelve, and at a given signal Governor 
Stanford, standing on the south side of the rail, and Dr. Durant, 
standing on the north side, struck the spikes and drove them home. 
Telegraphic connection had been made in such a manner that the 
blows of the hammer on the spike were sent vibrating along the 
wires to every telegraph office between the Atlantic and the Pacific, 
between the Great Lakes and the Gulf of Mexico. This was done by 
attaching the wires to the spike mauls, every blow from which 
announced itself as it fell. In San Francisco the wires were con- 
nected with the fire alarm in the Tower, and in Washington with the 
bell of the Capitol, so that the strokes of the silver sledge, sending 
forth the joyful news of the marriage of the Oceans, east, west, north, 
south, to Chicago and New Orleans, to Washington and San Fran- 

* Says Mr. Nichols : " Immediately after the ceremonies the laurel tie was removed 
for preservation, and in its place an ordinary one substituted. Scarcely had it been put 
in its place before a grand advance was made upon it by curiosity seekers and relic 
" hunters," and it was divided into numberless mementoes, and as fast as each tie was 
demolished and a new one substituted this too shared the same fate, and probably within 
the first six months there were used as many new ties." 


cisco, were not only heard throughout the land, but were sent 
ringing down the Potomac and out through the Golden Gate to greet 
old Neptune in his watery realm and acquaint him with the glad 

No sooner was the spike driven than the pent-up feelings of the 
multitude that had witnessed the act burst forth in a thunderous 
storm of hurrahs. Three cheers were given for the Government of 
the United States, for the Railroad, for the Presidents, for the Star- 
Spangled Ranner, for the laborers and for those who had furnished 
the means to build the road. 



RAILROAD is COMPLETED ! The point of junction is 1,086 miles west of 
the Missouri River, and 690 miles east of Sacramento City. 


Central Pacific Railroad. 

Union Pacific Railroad." 

Such was the official announcement of the event, telegraphed to 
the Associated Press immediately after the driving of the last spike. 
A similar telegram was sent to the President of the United States 
Ulysses S. Grant. Refore either had sped, however, the following 
dispatch was received from several prominent Californians in New 

" The Presidents of the Central Pacific and Union Pacific Railroads 

at the Junction: 

"To you and your associates we send our hearty greetings upon 
the great feat this day achieved, in the junction of your two roads, 

* The same electric flash, it is said, sent the reverberating discharge of 220 guns 
from the batteries of San Francisco. 


and we bid you God-speed in your best endeavor for the entire 
success of the Trans-American highway between the Atlantic and 
the Pacific, for the New World and the Old." 

At the conclusion of the proceedings the two stand- 
ing face to face moved up until they touched each other, and a bottle 
of wine was poured as a libation on the last rail. 

Thus was the great railway completed. Thus was accomplished 
the mightiest human achievement of modern times. Thus, over 
Utah, the keystone of the arch, the mediator of the hour, the East 
and the West shook hands, and the continent was girdled with its 
belt of steel. 

17-VOL. 2. 












*HE news of the driving of the last spike and the welding of 
the two great railways at Promontory reached Salt Lake City at 
thirty-two minutes past noon, being flashed over the wires to 
Utah's capital, and to the various settlements along the line of the 
Deseret Telegraph, simultaneously with its transmission throughout 
the length and breadth of the Union. Instantly the stars and 
stripes were unfurled from public buildings and at other prominent 
places, brass and martial bands stationed expectantly at several 
points struck up lively airs, and artillery salutes were fired from 
Arsenal Hill and from the vicinity of the City Hall and the County 
Court House. The principal stores and manufactories, public and 
private offices were then closed and business was suspended for 
the rest of the day. 

At 2 p. m., between six and seven thousand citizens had 
assembled at the Tabernacle. On the stand were His Excellency, 
Governor Durkee, Hons. George A. Smith, John Taylor, William H. 
Hooper and John M. Bernhisel; Hon. John A. Clark, Surveyor- 
General of Utah ; Bishop Edward Hunter, Aldermen S. W. Richards 
and A. H. Raleigh and General R. T. Burton. The last named 


three were a committee previously appointed by the City Council to 
arrange for the celebration now begun. President Young, President 
Wells, Apostles Woodruff, Cannon and other prominent churchmen 
who would also have been present on the occasion had they been in 
the city, had started some time before on their customary annual 
tour through the southern settlements. 

Judge Elias Smith was elected president of the meeting, A. M. 
Musser, secretary, Messrs. G. D. Watt and D. W. Evans, reporters,, 
and Colonel J. C. Little, chaplain. Prayer having been offered, the 
following named gentlemen were appointed a committee to draft 
resolutions expressive of the sense of the meeting on the completion: 
of the Pacific Railroad: Surveyor-General Clark, Colonel W. S. 
Godbe, Hon. J. M. Bernhisel, Postmaster A. W. Street and Colonel J. 
C. Little. Croxall's and Huntington's bands discoursed stirring and 
appropriate music, and speeches were made by Governor Durkee, 
Hons. John Taylor, George A. Smith and William H. Hooper. Three 
cheers were given for the Union Pacific and Central Pacific com- 
panies, "the heroes who have consummated the work," and three 
more for the national government. The committee previously 
appointed reported the following : 


Whereas the last rail is now laid on the iron road which bridges from ocean to 
ocean this vast land of liberty and progress : 

Resolved, That the people of Utah the great pioneers of the Rocky Mountains 
receive with acclamation the glad news of the completion of the mighty work to which 
as a people they have contributed their part; and hand in hand with the great circle of 
States "and Territories now rejoicing in union over the event, do thank God for its accom- 

ResoJved, That in this national event we recognize a preparation for the permanence 
and material prosperity of the nation; and an indication of her manifest destiny to 
become the great HIGHWAY OF COMMERCE FOR THE WORLD, and a medium for the 
exchange of the riches of Asia with the industrial products of Europe. 

Resolved, That in the union of the extremities of the Continent by the Great 
Railway now completed we discern the purpose of Providence to perfect the unity of the 
family of States in this mighty nation. 

Resolved, That in this binding with ties of commerce and mutual interest the 
sovereign States of the Republic, and in extending the links until they lave in the waters 


of the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, we recognize a fore-type of the coming days when on 
the opposite shores shall be reflected and felt the spirit and genius of those institutions of 
which our Republic is ever to be the great exemplar. 

Resolved, That in celebrating the day. that witnesses the spanning of the desert by 
the iron road, we also honor the projectors and executors of the work; but most the 
Nation whose magnanimity has, with a rapidity unparalleled, caused its construction. 

The preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted, and 
Colonel David McKenzie then took the stand and read to the 
assembly the railroad memorial sent to Congress by the Utah 
Legislature during its first annual session, in March, 1852. Music, 
toasts and sentiments followed and the meeting then adjourned. 
In the evening the business portions of the city were beautifully 
illuminated, there was a huge bonfire on Arsenal Hill and displays 
of fireworks in various parts in honor of the great event at 

The same month that witnessed the completion of the great 
trans-continental highway saw the inception of the Utah Central 
Railroad, the pioneer local line, uniting Salt Lake City with the 
Union Pacific and Central Pacific roads at Ogden. The Utah 
Central Company had been organized on the 8th of March of this 
memorable year. Its projector was Brigham Young, who, at the 
railroad mass meeting at Salt Lake City, in June, 1868, had said 
concerning the Union Pacific and Central Pacific lines: t "If the 
company which first arrive should deem it to their advantage to 
leave us out in the cold, we will not be so far off but we can have a 
branch line for the advantage of this city." As soon, therefore, as 
it was definitely ascertained that it was the design of the companies 
named to leave Salt Lake "out in the cold," President Young 
proceeded to make good his prediction concerning " the branch line." 
Hence the creation of the Utah Central Company. Its organizers 
were Brigham Young, Joseph A. Young, George Q. Cannon, Daniel 
H. Wells, Christopher Layton, Bryant Stringam, David P. Kimball, 
Isaac Groo, David O. Calder, George A. Smith, John Sharp, Brigham 
Young, Jr., John W. Young, William Jennings, Feramorz Little and 
James T. Little. These stockholders were all Mormons, and all but 


one residents of Salt Lake City. The exception was Christopher 
Layton, of Kaysville, Davis County, through which part the new 
road was to pass. 

In the building of the Utah division of the Union Pacific line 
President Young had advanced considerable means, and at its com- 
pletion the amounts owing to him and to other Utah contractors from 
the Union Pacific Company aggregated a large sum. Lack of funds 
prevented a prompt settlement, and much dissatisfaction resulted. 
Finally, however, through the energetic efforts of Bishop John 
Sharp, Apostle John Taylor and Hon. Joseph A. Young, a committee 
entrusted by the President with the winding up of the business, and 
who proceeded to Boston for the purpose of pressing the claims of 
local contractors upon Dr. Durant and his associates, a settlement 
was effected. The Utah men, however, were obliged to accept, in 
lieu of the same amount in cash, six hundred thousand dollars' 
worth of railroad stock. But this proved a benefit rather than 
a detriment to the Territory, for it expedited the inauguration of 
the local line. 

The first ground was broken for the building of the Utah 
Central Railway on Monday, May 17th, 1869. The point of 
beginning was near Weber River, just below the city of Ogden. The 
weather was bright and beautiful, and a large concourse of people 
assembled, including the principal men of Weber County and many 
notable citizens of Salt Lake. Among them were the following 
named officials of the new company : Brigham Young, president ; 

William Jennings, vice-president; John W. Young, secretary; Daniel 
H. Wells, treasurer; Jesse W. Fox, chief engineer;' Feramorz Little, 
Christopher Layton and Brigham Young, Jr., directors. Hons. 
George A. Smith, John Taylor. Ezra T. Benson, Franklin D. 
Richards, Lorin Farr and Chauncey W. West were also present. 
Joseph A. Young, superintendent of the company, and Bishop 
Sharp, assistant superintendent, were absent; the former being in 
the East on business connected with the road. It was not quite 
10 a. m. when President Young, after a few preliminary remarks, cut 


with a spade the first sod, observing as he did so that it was 
customary in breaking first ground to use a pick, but that he 
believed in using the tool best adapted to the soil. President George 
A. Smith offered prayer, dedicating the ground for a railroad and 
invoking heaven's blessing on the enterprise. President Young 
then removed the sod that he had cut, after which President Smith, 
President Wells, William Jennings and others cut sods. Three 
cheers were given for the president of the road, and after the band 
had played the assembly dispersed. 

A free right of way for the Utah Central Railroad was obtained 
by A. M. Musser, Esq., acting as its agent for that purpose, and the 
work of grading was at once begun.* No large contracts were 
let in the building of this line, which was literally constructed 
by "the people," who, as a part of their remuneration, took stock in 
the road. 

Within a little over eight months the line was completed, and 
on Monday, January 10th, 1870, the last spike was driven by 
President Brigham Young, at the depot grounds in the western part 
of Salt Lake City. It is due to this important event to briefly 
chronicle the proceedings on that interesting occasion. 

The weather, unlike that of the bright May morning which had 
witnessed the inauguration of the work, was cold and frosty, the sun 
being obscured for most of the day behind a canopy of fog and 
cloud. But just before the laying of the final rail and the driving of 
the last spike the mists were dispelled and old Sol's glorious face 
beamed radiantly upon the scene. Three guns were fired a little 
after mid-day as a signal for the raising of flags throughout the city, 
and the assembling of the people from all parts to witness the 
ceremony. Between 1 and 2 p. m. the train bringing invited guests 
from Ogden and the north came in sight and steamed up to the end 
of the track where the last pair of rails were ready to be laid. 

* Several years later, after the road was well established, the right of way was paid 
for by the company. 


Fully fifteen thousand people had by this time assembled, and 
preparations were made to begin. 

Seated on an open platform car overlooking the scene were 
Brigham Young, president; William Jennings, vice-president; Daniel 
H. Wells, Feramorz Little, Christopher Lay ton and Brigham Young ? 
Jr., directors; Joseph A. Young, general superintendent, and John 
W. Young, secretary, of the Utah Central Railroad Company; also 
Hons. George A. Smith, Orson Hyde. John Taylor, Orson Pratt, 
Wilford Woodruff, Charles C. Rich, Lorenzo Snow, Franklin D. 
Richards and George Q. Cannon. Representing the Union Pacific 
and Central Pacific companies, were the following named gentlemen : 
C. C. Quinn, master mechanic, T. B. Morris, chief engineer Utah 
division; Colonel Carr, assistant superintendent Utah division; 
J. McCormick and S. Edwards, agents, and Walter McKay, cashier, 
U. P. R. R. ; G. B. Blackwell, agent Pullman's palace cars; J. E. 
McEwan, master mechanic; G. Cornwell, conductor Utah division; 
J. Forbes, general freight agent, and James Campbell, superinten- 
dent Utah division of the C. P. R. R. 

Guests from Camp Douglas: General Gibbons, Colonels Hancock 
and Spencer, Captain Hollister, Major Benham, Lieutenants San no, 
Coolidge, Benson, Armstrong, Brandt, Jacobs, Graffan and Wright. 
Occupying a seat at the reporter's table was Colonel Finley 
Anderson, special correspondent of the New York Herald. The 
Camp Douglas, Captain Croxall's, and the Tenth Ward brass bands, 
and. Captain Beesley's martial band were in attendance. 

The driving of the last spike took place at about nine minutes 
past 2 p. m. President Young used for this purpose a large, elegantly 
chased steel mallet made by James Lawson, at the Church 
blacksmith shops in this city. Engraved upon the top of the tool 
was the emblematical bee-hive, surmounted by the inscription : 
"Holiness to the Lord," and underneath the bee-hive were the 
letters, U. C. R. R. The spike, which was ornamented in a similar 
manner, was of home-made iron, manufactured in southern Utah 
some years previously by Colonel Nathaniel V. Jones. The spike 


was also made by Mr. Lawson. Immediately after the ceremony, a 
salute of thirty-seven guns one for each mile of the road 
was fired. 

After music by Captain CroxalPs band, Apostle Wilford Wood- 
ruff offered the dedicatory prayer. Hon. George Q. Cannon, in 
behalf of President Brigham Young, then read the following 

Whilst joining in the pleasing ceremonies of this eventful and auspicious day, our 
minds naturally revert to the circumstances which led this people to undertake their weary 
but hopeful journey across the desert plains and rugged mountains to these then sterile 
valleys, to our condition at the time of our advent here, poor and destitute of the com- 
mon necessities of life; driven from our homes and possessions and bereft of all that 
makes life comfortable in consequence of our faith in God and in His Son Jesus Christ,' 
and our obedience to His holy gospel, and 1 without a friend in this wide world to whom 
we could look for help, except God our Heavenly Father alone, on whom we could rely. 

Since the day that we first trod the soil of these valleys, have we received any 
assistance from our neighbors? No; we have not. We have built our homes, our 
cities, have made our farms, have dug our canals and water ditches, have subdued this 
barren country, have fed the strangers, have clothed the naked, have immigrated the poor 
from foreign lands, have placed them in a condition to make all comfortable and have 
made some rich. We have fed the Indians to the amount of thousands of dollars 
yearly, have clothed them in part, and have sustained several Indian wars, and now we 
have built thirty-seven miles of railroad. 

All this having been done, are not our cities, our counties and the Territory in debt? 
No ; not the first dollar. But the question may be asked, is not the Utah Central Rail- 
road in debt? Yes; but to none but our own people. 

Who has helped us to do all this ? I will answer this question. It is the Lord 
Almighty. What are the causes of our success in all this ? Union and oneness of 
purpose in the Lord. 

Having by our faith and unaided labors accomplished the work and achieved the 
triumph, which we today celebrate, we are now asking the parent Government to sanction 
our labors in this commendable work, and the people of this Territory are also asking to 
be admitted as a sovereign State into the Union, with all the rights and privileges of a 
state government; and I move we have one. Let all in favor of it say "Aye." [A 
unanimous "Aye" from the assembled thousands was the response.] 

We have felt somewhat to complain of the Union Pacific Railroad Company for not 
paying us for the work we did in grading so many miles of their road. Rut let me say if 
they had paid us according to agreement this road would not have been graded and this 
track would not have been laid today. It is all right. 

To our friends of the Union and Central Pacific railroads, we offer our congratula- 
tions on their success in their mighty enterprise. Receive our thanks for your kindness 
to our company ; for, so far as I have learned, you have refused us no favor. Let us be 


one in sustaining every laudable undertaking for the benefit of the human family ; and I 
thank the companies for their kindness to us, as companies, as superintendents, as 
engineers, as conductors, etc. 

I also thank the brethren who have aided to build this our first railroad. They have 
acted as Elders of Israel and what higher praise can I accord to them, for they have 
graded the road, they have laid the rails, they have finished the line, and have done it 
cheerfully "without purse or scrip." 

Our work is not one for individual benefit, but it is an aid to the development of the 
whole country, and tends to the benefit and prosperity of the whole nation of which we 
form a part. 

To all present I would say, let us lay aside our narrow feeling and prejudices and 
as fellow citizens of this great republic join in the celebration of this happy day. May 
the blessings of heaven rest upon us all." 

Telegrams were also read from Governor Leland Stanford, 
president; A. N. Towne, general superintendent, and S. S. Montague, 
chief engineer of the Central Pacific Company, offering congratula- 
tions on the completion of the new railroad and expressing regrets 
at their inability to be present at the celebration in response to the 
invitation of President Young. 

Music by the Camp Douglas band was followed by a speech from 
Hon. William Jennings. He said that he was proud to be a citizen 
of Utah and to participate in the celebration then in progress. The 
construction of thirty-seven miles of railroad might seem to some a 
trifling affair, but considering that it had been done by a people 
isolated and surrounded by inconveniences, unaided by State or 
Nation, he thought it was justly entitled to the distinction of being 
considered a great enterprise. 

A salute of one gun and music by the martial band, after 
which came a speech from Hon. Joseph A. Young. He drew the 
contrast between the time when the Pioneers, barefoot and almost 
without clothing, came into these desolate valleys, and today when 
they and their children could witness the laying of the last rail and 
the driving of the last spike of the Utah Central Railroad. It was a 
work that he felt proud of, and the people all had reason to feel 
likewise. The Saints had been called exclusive, but where was their 
exclusiveness now? They invite East, West, North and South to 


come up to Zion and learn of her ways. "The more our actions 
and works as a people are investigated/' said he, "the higher we 
stand in the estimation of those whose good opinion is worth 
having." [Cheers.] He hoped that the last spike of this road 
would be but the first of the next, extending from this place to the 
"cotton country," and that he would live to see the day when every 
nook and corner of the Territory capable of sustaining human 
beings would be settled by good, honest, hard-working people, and 
penetrated by railroads. 

The Tenth Ward Band then played, a salute of one gun was 
tired, and Colonel Carr, of the Union Pacific Railroad was 
introduced. Said he, after presenting the regrets of Superintendent 
Meade at being unable to attend: "This is an occasion of congratu- 
lation to all of you, but to us who are strangers, it is more an 
occasion of wonderment than anything else. We, who have come 
recently from the East, never expected to find anything like this in 
this country. It is something like forty years since the first railroad 
was laid in the United States, and twenty years ago there were only 
six thousand miles laid in all this vast country; but when the Union 
and Central Pacific lines were completed there were over forty 
thousand miles. The Utah Central Railroad, although only thirty- 
seven or thirty-eight miles long, is perhaps the only railroad west of 
the Missouri River that has been built entirely without Government 
subsidies; it has been built solely with money wrung from soil 
which, a few years ago, we used to consider a desert, by the strong 
arms of the men and women who stand before me. And almost 
everything used in its construction, but especially the last spike, is 
the product of the country. Your superintendent, Mr. Young, said 
that you are not an exclusive people; but I think, ladies and 
gentlemen, you are very much so, so far as the western country is 
concerned, in accomplishing so much as you have with so little 
means, and so few advantages to do it. [Great cheering.] All that I 
have to say further in regard to exclusiveness, is that I cannot 
imagine how any man, whether Mormon, Gentile, saint or sinner, 


can do other than feel happy at the completion of this road. I wish 
it the utmost success on its journey to the far south." 

After more music and firing, Chief Engineer Morris, of the 
Western Division of the U. P. R. R. was introduced and said: "I 
have but one word to say to the workingmen of Utah, and that I 
would say briefly. I have been fifteen years engaged in railroad 
business; but I have never seen a single road made to which 
capitalists did not contribute their money, or the responsibility of 
which did not fall upon the Government, or the State in which said 
road was made. But here nearly forty miles of railroad have been 
built, every shovelful of dirt of which has been removed by the 
workingmen of Utah, and every bar of the iron of the road has 
been placed in position by their labor. [Loud cheers] You can pub- 
lish to the world that the workingmen of Utah build and own this 
road. I have said one thing, and I want to say one thing more. Do 
not stop where you are. When you laid the last two rails today, 
they stuck out a little. That means ' Go on." ! 

Brief speeches followed from Hon. John Taylor and James Camp- 
bell, Esq., Superintendent of the Utah Division of the Central Pacific 
Railroad. Other addresses were expected, but owing to the coldness 
of the weather and the length of the exercises they were omitted. 
A benediction by Elder Henry W. Naisbitt closed the ceremonies. 

At night the city was brilliantly illuminated. There was a great 
bonfire and a special pyrotechnic display on Arsenal Hill, and fire- 
work^ in various parts of the town. Among the numerous trans- 
parencies exhibited were the following: "Hail to the Utah Central," 
"Welcome the great Highway," "Utah stretches her arms to the two 
Oceans." Among the mottoes on the Deseret News office were two 
reading: "Welcome the first Locomotive," "The Pioneer Paper wel- 
comes the Pioneer Railroad." A grand ball and supper at the 
Theater, attended by leading Church officials, prominent merchants 
of the city Mormon and Gentile officers from Camp Douglas, and 
many prominent citizens, made a fitting finale for the day's memor- 
able proceedings. 


Thus was celebrated one of the most important events in the 
history of this Territory. Henceforth Utah was tp have steam com- 
munication, as she already had electrical communication with the 
outside world. Henceforth she would stand face to face with all the 
good and evil that modern civilization represents. "The result we 
fear not," said the News, speaking for the Mormon people, "believing 
that the advantages that will accrue therefrom will far outweigh any 
disadvantages that can possibly arise. The days of isolation are 
now forever past. We thank God for it." 

The work of railroad building went on. The next line begun 
was the Utah Southern, commenced in May, 1871, and completed to 
Juab, a hundred and five miles south of Salt Lake City, in June, 
1879. Thence the Utah Southern Extension was constructed to 
Frisco, a hundred and thirty-seven miles farther, between the spring 
of 1879 and the summer of 1880. 

The Utah Southern Railroad Company was organized on the 
17th of January, 1871, by the following named stockholders: 
Joseph A. Young, William Jennings, John Sharp, Feramorz Little, 
John Sharp, Jr., James T. Little, Le Grand Young, L. S. Hills, S. J. 
Jonassen, Thomas W. Jennings, James Sharp, George Swan, Jesse 
W. Fox, D. H. Wells and Christopher Layton. The first president of 
the company was William Jennings, who was succeeded by Brigham 
Young, after whom Mr. Jennings again took the presidency. John 
Sharp was vice-president, and Feramorz Little, superintendent. 
Ground was broken for the construction of the road on May 1st, 
1871, at Salt Lake City, and in September of that year it was com- 
pleted and opened for traffic as far as Sandy, thirteen miles south of 
this city. A year later it reached Lehi in Utah County, and in four- 
teen months more was at Provo, the principal town in that county 
and now the third city of the Territory. Provo by rail is forty-eight 
miles south of Salt Lake. From Provo to York it is twenty-seven 
miles. The Utah Southern reached the latter point on April 1st, 
1875, and from there, after a rest of several years, made its way to 
the Juab terminus. 


Just after the beginning of the Utah Southern, came the in- 
ception of the Utah Northern Railway, a narrow-gauge line 
extending from Ogden through .the counties of Weber, Box Elder 
and Cache, and thence into Idaho. Its projector was John W. 
Young, who, in conjunction with the Messrs. Richardson and other 
eastern capitalists, and the people of Northern Utah, built the road 
from Ogden to Franklin. It was August 23rd, 1871, that the Utah 
Northern Railroad Company was organized, with John W. Young as 
president and superintendent, and William R. Preston, of Logan, 
Cache County, as vice president and assistant superintendent.* 
During the same month ground was broken at Brigham City, and 
there the first rail was laid on the 25th of the ensuing March. 
Thence the road was extended northward, arriving at Logan on 
January 31st, 1873, and at Franklin, the Idaho terminus, about 
sixteen months later. 

From Brigham Junction, a branch line of four miles connected 
the U. N. R. R. with Corinne, a railroad town on the Central Pacific, 
a few miles above the mouth of Bear River. Corinne had sprung up 
early in 1869, with the coming of the transcontinental railway. 

* Prior to the building of the U. N. R. R. and while the project was under consider- 
ation, the following telegrams passed between President Brigham Young and Bishop 
William B. Preston, in relation to the enterprise : 

" LOGAN, August 15, 1871. 
President B. Young, Salt Lake City : 

Will it be wisdom for us in Cache County to grade and tie a railroad from Ogden to 
Soda Springs, with a view to Eastern capitalists ironing and stocking it; thereby giving 
them control of the road ? The people feel considerably spirited in taking stock to grade 
and tie, expecting to have a prominent voice in the control of it ; but to let foreign 
capitalists iron and stock it will, if my judgment is correct, give them control. 


"SALT LAKE CITY, August 15, 1871. 
Bishop Preston, Logan: 

The foreign capitalists in this enterprise do not seek the control ; this is all under- 
stood. What they want, and what we want, is to push this road with all possible speed, 
if you decide to have one, so that it shall run through and benefit your settlements and 

reach Soda Springs as soon as possible. 



Among its early citizens were General J. A. Williamson, for whose 
daughter, Corinne, the town is said to have been named; General. P. 
E. Connor, J. W. Guthrie, Alexander Toponce, J. W. McNutt, N. S. 
Ransohoff, F. J. Kiesel, John W. Lowell, George A. Lowe, O. J. 
Hollister, A. Greenewald, L. Reggel, Judge Toohy, M. T. Burgess, 
John-Tiernan, E. P. Ferris, C. R. and Milton Barratt, and Messrs. 
Beadle and Adams (newspaper men) with many others whose names 
are well known in local history. An excellent portrait of J. W. 
Guthrie, Esq., the banker of Corinne, who has several times been 
mayor of that place, and is known as one of the leading financiers of 
Northern Utah, and a man big-hearted and generous in his public 
arid private dealings, is included among the steel engravings that 
adorn this volume. Of him and the town that he represents, more 
will be said hereafter. 

The branch railway connecting Corinne with the main line of 
the Utah Northern was completed in June, 1873. Within the next 
eight months the road was extended southward from Brigham City 
to Ogden. Succeeding John AV. Young, Moses Thatcher became 
superintendent of the Utah Northern, and he was succeeded by M. 
W. Merrill, also of Cache County. Later, George W. Thatcher took 
the superintendency and continued in charge of the road until after 
it had passed, like its predecessors, the Utah Central and Utah 
Southern, into the possession of the Union Pacific Company. Presi- 
dent Jay Gould changed its name to the Utah and Northern, and 
some time afterward it became a standard-gauge line. Prior to that, 
however, it was pushed northward from Franklin, connecting with 
the Oregon Short Line at McCammon Junction. It is now a portion 
of the system which penetrates the great North-west, with its 
principal termini at Helena, Montana, and at Portland, Oregon. 

The Utah and Nevada Railway, extending westward from Utah's 
capital to and along the southern shore of the Great Salt Lake, 
thence around the Oquirrh Mountains and southward across Tooele 
Valley toward Rush Valley, was begun in April 1873. After 
reaching a point on the lake about twenty miles west of this city, 


where soon sprang up the celebrated bathing resorts which have 
done so much to enhance the fame of Utah's inland sea,* the rail- 
road halted for a season, but was subsequently extended to Stockton 
station, a little north of Rush Valley. The town of Stockton proper 
had been founded in the summer of 1864 by parties of soldiers from 
Camp Douglas, who, pursuant to the policy of their commander, 
General Connor, were prospecting for mines west of the Oquirrhs. 
The place was originally called Camp Relief, but after General 
Connor, Major Gallagher and others had laid off the town it took 
the name of Stockton. Suffice this for the present upon the subject 
of Utah's railways, regarding which a future chapter will deal more 

One great result of the coming of the railway was the develop- 
ment of the local mining industry. From the fall of 1863, when 
General Connor and his associates made the pioneer movement in 
this direction, to the years 1868, 1869 and 1870, when Messrs. J. F. 
Woodman, Robert R. Chisholm, the Woodhulls, the Walkers and 
other capitalists became actively interested therein, but little 
practical work was done toward the opening of Utah's mines, 
notwithstanding the claims of those whose avowed purpose, in 
stating to the contrary, was, as has been shown, "to invite hither a 
large Gentile and loyal population," in order to reconstruct the 
Territory and overthrow the Mormon power. True, much money 
was expended by General Connor and his California friends, 
whom he persuaded to embark with him in this precarious 
enterprise, and among the first, if not the very first, smelting 
furnaces in Utah were erected by them in Rush Valley. There, 
after the original discovery in Ringham Canyon, many mining 
claims had been located. Other officers of Camp Douglas also 
formed companies and built furnaces in and around Stockton. Rut 
owing to inexperience in smelting ores, scarcity of charcoal and high 

*The first bathing resorts were at Black Rock, Lake Point and Garfield, the last of 
which is now the most popular. There are other resorts on the eastern shore of the 
lake, such as Syracuse, Lake Park and Saltair. 


rates of transportation, they soon became bankrupt. A company 
called the Knickerbocker and Argenta Mining and Smelting 
Company, organized in New York to operate in Rush Valley, met 
with no better success. Its projectors, after investing about one 
hundred thousand dollars in mines and materials with which to 
work them, finding it impossible in the absence of a railway to make 
them pay, despairingly abandoned the undertaking. It was now the 
latter part of 1865, and the mining movement rested to await the 
advent of the iron horse, when cheaper and speedier transportation, 
reduction in prices of materials and the influx of capital would solve 
the difficulties surrounding the struggling enterprise and place it on 
its feet as a profitable industry. 

Soon after the close of the Civil War the volunteers at Camp 
Douglas were disbanded, being relieved by regular troops from the 
East. Most of those who had mining prospects, after meeting 
together and amending the mining laws so as to make claims 
perpetually valid which had had but little work done upon them, 
left the Territory to seek employment elsewhere. This action, 
preventing as it did all subsequent relocation of the same ground, 
greatly retarded, and in fact prevented for some years the develop- 
ment of the mines in the Rush Valley district. This district 
embraced all the western slope of the Oquirrh Mountains, just as 
the West Mountain district, previously mentioned, comprised all the 
eastern slope, from Black Rock to the southernmost limit of 
the range. 

In the Wasatch Mountains the first discovery of silver-bearing 
lead ore was made in the summer of 1864 by General Connor. The 
place was Little Cottonwood Canyon, where subsequently were 
located some of Utah's most famous lodes. Nothing, however, was 
done toward their development until about four years later when the 
Little Cottonwood Mining District was organized and the Woodhull 
Brothers and Messrs. Woodman, Chisholm. Reich and others began 
operations upon the mines in that vicinity. The first shipment of 
galena ore from Utah was in the summer of 1869. The shippers 


were the Woodhulls, Captain Woodman and their associates. The 
ore was in small quantities, and was the first out-put of the after- 
wards famous Emma Mine. It was sent to the reduction works of 
Thomas H. Selby & Co., San Francisco. This shipment was 
followed by others in the fall of that year by the same parties. An 
early shipment of the Emma 'ore was to James Lewis & Co., Liver- 
pool, England. This was smelted at Swansea in Wales. The 
success of these ventures gave an impetus to mining all over the 
Territory. Prospectors sallied forth, climbing the hills in every 
direction; new mines were discovered and located, and the work of 
developing those already found and made productive was energet- 
ically pushed forward. In Little Cottonwood District were such 
mines as the Emma, located by Captain Woodman in 1868, and sold 
December 9th, 1871, to British capitalists for a million pounds 
sterling;* the Flagstaff, originally owned by Nicholas Groesbeck 
& Sons, and disposed of in the same market for three hundred 
thousand pounds; and the Last Chance, Hiawatha, Montezuma and 
Savage mines, which were purchased in a group by Detroit and New 
York capitalists for $1,500,000. 

During the excitement caused by the rich developments in Little 
Cottonwood, "horn" silver was discovered in East Canyon, in the 
Oquirrh Range, in what was then a portion of the Rush Valley 
District, but which subsequently became known as the Ophir District. 
The first location made there was in August, 1870. It was the 
Silveropolis mine, the first workings of which forty tons shipped 
west by the Walker Rrothers, netted $24,000. Other locations in the 
Ophir District were the Tampico, Mountain Lion, Mountain Tiger, 
Petaluma, Zella, Silver Chief, Defiance, Virginia, Monarch, Blue 

* The Emma Mine was named for Miss Emma Chisholm, daughter of Robert 
B. and sister to William W. Chisholm of Salt Lake City. Joseph R. Walker, Esq. who 
with his brothers bought into the mine in 1870, was the first president of the Emma 
Mining Company of Utah. Messrs Trenor W. Park and Henry H. Baxter of New York 
purchased a half interest in the mine for $375,000 and it was they who, after buying out 
the other owners and reorganizing the Emma Mining Company in New York, placed the 
mine on the English market. Its subsequent history was not enviable. 


Wing and many more. It was the richness of these finds and those 
in Little Cottonwood that made Utah famous as a first-rate mining 
field. Prospectors and capitalists from abroad now began pouring 
into the Territory, and General Connor's dream of "reconstruction 
and regeneration" seemed almost ready to be realized. 

In the summer of 1870 smelters began to be built in Salt Lake 
Valley, the first one completed being that of the Woodhull Brothers, 
on Big Cottonwood Creek, eight miles south of this city. From 
these works were shipped the first bullion produced from the Utah 
mines. It was smelted from the ores of Little Cottonwood, notably 
those of the Monitor and Magnet mines. The Badger State Smelting 
Works, also south of the city, were begun in August, 1870, and 
produced their first bullion in March of the year following. Then 
came the Jennings and Pascoe smelter, just north of the Warm 
Springs, Colonel D. E. Buel's furnace at the mouth of Little 
Cottonwood Canyon, the smelting works of Buel and Bateman in 
Bingham Canyon, and many others in various places. Among the 
best of these were those of Colonel Buel, in Little Cottonwood. In 
East Canyon, in the Ophir District, was erected in May and June, 
1871, the pioneer crushing and amalgamating mill. It had fifteen 
stamps, and was built by the Walker Brothers for working the 
silver ores of that vicinity. From the summer of 1869 to the 
fall of 1871, ten thousand tons of silver and gold ores, valued at 
$2,500,000; four thousand, five hundred tons of gold and silver 
bullion, worth $1,237,000; and two hundred and thirty-one tons 
of copper ore, valued at $6,000, were shipped from the Terri- 
tory. Silver bars, obtained by milling the silver ores, produced 
$120,000. During the same period the annual product of gold from 
Bingham Canyon was increased by means of superior sluicing 
methods from $150,000 to $250,000. In 1868 the number of mining 
districts in the Territory was two; in 1871 there were thirty-two. 
Among these were the West Mountain, Rush Valley, Ophir, Little 
Cottonwood, Big Cottonwood, American Fork, Parley's Park, Tintic, 
Star and Sevier districts. Silver and lead were the staples of these 


mines, but gold was also found, not only in Bingham Canyon, but in 
other places. And thus were the first mines of Utah opened and 
developed. Regarding the later discoveries, such as the Ontario, the 
Daly, the Horn Silver, the Silver Reef mines those puzzlers to 
geologists and mining experts and many others, full accounts 
will be given in the proper place. What is here stated is only 
intended as a passing glance at the pioneer workings of this now 
important industry. 

The completion of the Utah Central Railroad in the spring of 
1870, and the building of its extension, the Utah Southern, did a 
great deal, as was anticipated, toward the development of the mining 
industry. Connecting lines to Bingham, Little Cottonwood and 
American Fork canyons were soon constructed, and the ores from 
those localities found ready and speedy transit to the mills and 
smelters at home and abroad. 










|ARALLEL with the advent of the railway was the establish- 
ment throughout Utah of the great commercial system 
known as Zion's Co-operative Mercantile Institution. It will 
not be maintained or even claimed for Brigham Young and the 
Mormon people that he was the first to found and they the first to 
succeed in co-operation. Early in the present century thoughtful 
commercial reformers in Europe had agitated and in some measure 
achieved success in this direction. In our own country, too, co-oper- 
ative stores, assured of the patronage of the classes they proposed to 
benefit, were able to enter into competition against individual enter- 
prise. Meager as were their results, compared with their pretensions, 
they nevertheless established the correctness of the principle on 
which they were founded, and gave assurance that under the right 
kind of circumstances and in the midst of a community prepared by 
interest, instinct or training to support it, co-operation in mercantile 
affairs could be made the grandest and most beneficent reform in all 
the history of commerce. It is in no sense derogatory to earlier 
agitators, therefore, to claim for the Mormon people and their great 
leader the merit of having developed the principle to the highest 
perfection it has known in the United States. 


Indeed conditions could not have been more propitious for its 
establishment than those in which the people of Utah found them- 
selves upon the completion of the transcontinental railway and just 
prior thereto. Salt Lake City had become the center of an extensive 
commerce. Not only the long chain of Mormon towns running 
through the Territory from Idaho to Arizona, but the cities and 
mining camps of the surrounding Territories, looked to Utah's 
metropolis as their source of supply. The days of tedious freight- 
ing by team from the Missouri River to the Great Rasin were practi- 
cally ended. True, those days had furnished a thorough school in 
which the spirit of daring commercial venture and business sagacity 
of the highest order had been developed. Utah merchants were 
esteemed in eastern trade circles as among the shrewdest and most 
successful in the land. Their credit was first-class; and notwith- 
standing the appearance of risk in sending large train-loads of goods 
into a distant region, twelve hundred miles across an unsettled and 
savage country, the records uniformly prove that such was the con- 
fidence in which they were held by the eastern wholesalers that they 
never needed to ask twice for the favors which generally come but 
slowly to young communities and mercantile houses of limited 
capital. With comparatively small means, they were able to conduct 
an extensive business, and as their profits were handsome the found- 
ations of sure prosperity and large private fortunes were soon laid. 
Th.e prevalent lack of money was in some sense a drawback, but it 
was not without its compensating benefits. The people had prospered 
in their flocks and herds and in all the products of farm, orchard 
and garden. These made a welcome medium of barter or exchange ; 
and though the merchants may have seen their stock of merchandise 
decreasing with but slight additions to their stock of cash, they were 
consoled with the comfortable prospect of granaries and storehouses 
replete with precious contents that needed only energy and care to 
be converted into greenbacks, gold dust or Government drafts. 
Their wits were thus kept sharpened, and their freight teams well 
employed. Their profits, too, were materially increased. They had 


a margin both on what they sold, and on that for which they 
sold it. 

Competition, that great quickener of the commercial life-blood, 
early began to make itself and its good results manifest. The 
number of merchants, at first few, soon rapidly increased. Ogden 
and Provo, Logan and St. George, contributed their quota. The 
"big stores," with all their prestige and capital, were not left to 
enjoy the field alone. The instances where money had been quickly 
made were numerous enough to embolden other men to try their 
fortune in merchandising. Nor were these all Mormons. Keen- 
eyed strangers within our gates were not slow to detect the openings 
and opportunities for accumulating wealth; and at the time now 
spoken of it is probable that quite half the merchants of Salt Lake 
City were non-Mormons. Gradually a system of commission buying 
had come into popularity and prominence. This consisted in 
entrusting to a buyer of recognized shrewdness and honesty the 
business of purchasing in the eastern centers staple supplies for 
private customers with whom he dealt at first hand ; his patrons 
obtaining goods at original cost plus the freight. Yet this was not 
wholly satisfactory. Not every one was forehanded enough to send 
off the means for a whole year's supply at once; nor were those 
who were thus fortunate contented in all respects with their venture. 
They found it impossible to compete in eastern prices with heavier 
buyers and difficult even to compete with them in freights. 

Meantime the railway was becoming an accomplished fact, 
having passed beyond the stage of visionary speculation and entered 
upon that of actual work. It was drawing nearer and nearer to our 
borders from both east and west; and the most superficial mind 
could not but perceive that a new commercial era was about to open 
upon the Territory. Such a thing could least of all escape the far- 
seeing eye of Brigham Young, in whose hopes and desires and in 
those of his coadjutors, the temporal welfare of the people was so 
closely intertwined with the spiritual, as to be wholly inseparable. 
For years the burden of the Tabernacle discourses had been: "Trade 


with and sustain your friends; let your enemies have none of your 
substance with which to work your downfall." It is true that up to 
this thne the line had not been religiously drawn, for among the 
Gentile merchants were many who in their social and business 
intercourse with the Saints had won their confidence and were 
numbered among their friends. But as the railway project became 
more tangible there were threats and rumors, at first vague but 
afterwards definite and openly avowed, that that great civilizing 
agency would be used to break in pieces the Mormon Church. The 
Saints being deprived of their exclusiveness, disintegration, it was 
thought, would set in and their homogeneity with the rest of the 
country be accomplished. The Mormons, as we have seen, far from 
being appalled at this prospect, gave the railroad the warmest 
welcome and the heartiest support. Yet neither they nor their 
leaders felt impelled to throw away every safeguard, cut loose from 
every anchor, and place themselves unreservedly in the hands of 
those who had confessed themselves their enemies. Contact with the 
outside world they courted, their temporary isolation having 
effected its purpose, but they saw no need for the loose comming- 
ling that was fondly expected by their foes, to wreck all that they 
held most dear. Hence the instructions of the leading men, both 
from the pulpit and through the press, became more and more 
positive as the locomotive drew near; and at the October Conference, 
1868, the first conference of the Church held in the Valley, by the 
way, at which there was present a full council of the Twelve 
Apostles, a resolution was unanimously adopted pledging the people 
to be self-sustaining, the interpretation of which was, according to 
President Young's discourse at the time, that " a Latter-day Saint 
should not trade with an outsider." 

To the latter class, a policy of this kind, religiously adhered 
to, meant little less than financial ruin. To the merchants who 
were not "outsiders" it meant a wonderful increase in business, the 
removal of competition except within prescribed circles, and the con- 
sequent improvement in the prospect for early affluence. 


It requires but little acumen to discover that such a policy 
would have been but of limited benefit to the community at large. 
Some results desired by the Mormons it assuredly would have 
produced. Gathered out of the world that they might not be of it, 
they could still be brought into closes't contact with influences that 
they had tried to escape, without losing their identity or their 
distinctiveness. But the proposed departure was fraught with evils 
which if unchecked could not but cause commercial retrogression. 
Chief among these was the removal of competition, sure foundation 
for the growth of monopoly. Deprived of the healthy friction which 
accompanied their struggle for success against the well-established 
Gentile merchants, there was serious danger that the large Mormon 
dealers would prove quite as susceptible to the promptings of greed 
and extortion as humankind elsewhere. The natural tendency 
would have been to crush out the small, weak competitors among 
their own people and concentrate the whole mercantile business of 
the surrounding country in the hands of a few. It was seen that such 
an effect would quickly defeat the purpose in view, and that it would 
be difficult to exact devotion to a principle in whose train were such 
opportunities for unrighteous oppression. Instead of promoting 
union, it would scatter discord among the people, and instead of 
combining their energies and aims, it would distract and weaken 

But the enunciation of the exclusive commercial policy in the 
latter part of 1868 must be understood as only a preparatory step 
to the introduction of other measures. Among these nothing was 
more prominent than the establishment of co-operation. President 
Young's sermons during several months had been full of references 
to the subject, and the Church journal, the Deseret News, had 
editorially discussed it with much force and fervor. The time had 
come when the threatened inroad of opposing influences must be 
met with boldness and energy. The temporal oneness of the Saints 
must be conserved as sedulously as had been their spiritual unity. 
Besides, the United Order, essayed by the Saints in Ohio and 



Missouri, and declared by President Young to be essential to the 
perfection of the people, was not yet in operation. What more likely 
than that co-operation in its fullest development could be made a 
stepping stone to the establishment of the grander system 1 Convinced 
by actual experience that in doing business for themselves and 
dividing the profits among themselves, they were able to compete 
successfully against all opposition, why might not the people's 
confidence thus created extend to all other branches and departments 
of human existence? It was certainly worth the experiment, and 
there is no doubt whatever that such an ultimate purpose, to be 
subserved by the lesser undertaking, was then in the mind of the 
Mormon leaders. 

Following close upon this momentous conference came a 
meeting of leading men from various parts of the Territory to take 
into consideration the business situation of the -people. This 
meeting was held in the Social Hall at Salt Lake City, and a resolu- 
tion was there adopted that the establishment of a co-operative 
wholesale store was feasible. Appointments for similar meetings, to 
be held within the next few days in the various wards of Salt Lake 
and adjoining counties, were made at the same time; the list of 
proposed speakers revealing the [names not only of the resident 
Apostles but of such well-known citizens as Horace S. Eldredge, A. 
Milton Musser, Robert T. Burton, William Clayton, Edward L. Sloan, 
^Robert L. Campbell and others. A. 0. Smoot, ex-Mayor of Salt Lake 
City, but then, as now, a resident of Provo, presiding in the Utah 
Stake, and Apostle Joseph F. Smith were designated to present the 
subject to the people in Utah County, and the members of "the 
Twelve" residing in more distant counties, as well as presiding 
Elders in the various settlements, were requested to lay the matter 
before their respective flocks "and take subscriptions, which were to 
be received at the office of Hon. William H. Hooper. 

On Friday, the 16th of October, a meeting of shareholders in 
the contemplated store was held in the City Hall, Salt Lake City, 
when were elected the following officers : Brigham Young, president; 


John M. Bernhisel, vice-president; those two gentlemen and George A. 
Smith, George Q. Cannon, Horace S. Eldredge, Henry W. Lawrence 
and William Jennings, directors; William Clayton, secretary, and 
David 0. Calder, treasurer. Franklin D. Richards, Aurelius Miner, 
Henry W. Naisbitt and Joseph Woodmansee were appointed a 
committee on constitution and by-laws, and the secretary, whose 
office was now located in Eldredge & Clawson's store, was urged to 
collect the subscriptions by the 1st of November if possible, but by 
the end of the year at latest. 

Whatever may have been the hopes and surmises of the 
opposition, here was indisputable evidence that the co-operative move- 
ment could not be derided into defeat. Launched with the aid of 
such men as constituted the board, its financial strength and status 
were at once assured; and the names of stockholders on the earliest 
list, comprising many from Weber, Davis and Utah counties, proved 
that the interest of the people generally was enlisted on the side of 
the new departure. The efforts of its antagonists, whether openly 
or secretly put forth, were therefore wholly unsuccessful; and 
almost before the committee on by-laws had had time to report, there 
were tenders of goods from friendly merchants, to be received for 
stock, and paid for on stipulated terms, amounting to nearly half a 
million dollars. 

But large bodies proverbially move slowly. Delays ensued and 
gave some of the extreme ardor a chance to cool. The senti- 
ment of the people underwent no change, but the heavy merchants 
began to argue that, after all, the amalgamation ot so many interests, 
involving the loss of individuality, was only a gigantic experiment in 
which there was a considerable element of risk. Their lukewarm- 
ness did not take the form of active opposition, as such it would 
have been more easily combatted. It was merely a species of easy con- 
tentment, or "masterly inactivity." Their Gentile competitors were 
cut off from Mormon trade, which must of necessity flow to them- 
selves, and they were pretty well satisfied with the condition as it 
stood. President Young doubtless chafed under the unexpected turn 


affairs had taken, but he inculcated patience in his associates and 
resolutely went forward in the accomplishment of the project whose 
success he never doubted for a moment. 

Meanwhile other parts of the Territory were more readily 
brought into line on the prevailing question. In the latter part 
of November a convention held at St. George formed the "Southern 
Utah Co-operative Mercantile Association," with Erastus Snow as 
president, Jacob Gates, Robert Gardner, John Nebeker, Franklin R. 
Woolley, William Snow, Joseph Rirch and W. H. Crawford, directors; 
James G. Rleak, secretary and treasurer, and F. R. Woolley, business 
agent, with Joseph Rirch as his assistant.* Refore the end of the 
year similar organizations had been effected in other counties, though 
active operations were not really inaugurated until some months later. 
Still the movement lagged in the chief city, the Territorial and 
Church headquarters, and but for a happy incident it might have 
been indefinitely postponed. This was neither more nor less than the 
actual establishment of a co-operative store at Provo, which, backed 
by the strongest and most successful business men in the county, as 
well as by Rrigham Young himself with his money and influence, 
threatened to take from Salt Lake City the parent institution with 
which her Mormon merchants had been too long dallying. To 
thoroughly understand this shrewd venture of the southern city it is 
necessary to take a brief retrospect. 

As stated, the tendency of the prevailing instructions as to 
trading with outsiders was having the most serious effect upon that 
class of commercial men throughout the Territory. Their stores 
were nearly deserted by customers, who passed them by on their way 
to Mormon business houses next door. Even where Mormons and 
Gentiles were in partnership the ban was still maintained. In the 
list of persons coming within the latter category was Samuel S. 
Jones, of Provo, who, having bought out the mercantile business of 
Messrs. Joseph Rirch and Lewis Robison, and effected a partnership 

* It was on business connected with this institution that Franklin B. Woolley was in 
California at the time of his tragic and lamentable death, narrated in a former chapter. 


with Ben. Bachman, Esq., a Jew, was prepared to contest with Peter 
Stubbs, and Kimball & Lawrence, whose Provo establishment dates 
from early in 1868, the honor of being the leading business house 
of Southern Utah. But the teachings of the October Conference at 
Salt Lake wrought a great change in affairs. Mr. Jones' orthodoxy 
was beyond question, but Mr. Bachman, however popular he may 
have been in other respects, stood outside the pale and was made the 
unwitting obstacle to turn trade from his own and his partner's door. 
Noting these effects, and conscious that there could be but one result, 
and that not long deferred, Mr. Jones' active mind was quickly 
turned in the direction of the destined system of co-operation, and 
he felt that in his own case, and indeed in the case of all save the 
dealers who were profiting by the monopoly, the quicker the change 
was made the better. He plumply said so to a companion Elder 
David John with whom he was returning from a Sunday school 
meeting one evening late in autumn, and the two agreed to lay the 
matter of an immediate organization before President Smoot next 
day. The appointed meeting was held, others followed it, and at one 
of them, held December 4th, 1868, the matter was definitely acted 
upon and a preliminary organization effected. Besides President 
Smoot, the speakers who advocated the measure were S. S. Jones, 
Peter Stubbs, David John, Myron Tanner, E. F. Sheets who had 
been one of the attendants at the Salt Lake meeting in October and 
had afterwards spoken and labored earnestly for the cause and some 
others. The subscriptions at the meeting amounted to nearly $5,000, 
and the prevailing opinion was that business should begin early in 
the spring. Other meetings of the stockholders and temporary 
officers were held, arid during the month additional stock to the 
amount of $12,000 was subscribed. On January 5th, 1869, it was 
resolved in a meeting of the directors that the company's name 
should be the "Provo Co-operative Institution," and a committee on 
by-laws was appointed. Then came a meeting of shareholders on 
the 8th of February, which was also attended by President Young, 
Apostles Richards, Cannon and Smith, Henry W. Lawrence and 


others from Salt Lake City. The election of officers was proceeded 
with and the following were chosen : A. 0. Smoot, president; Myron 
Tanner, vice-president ; E. F. Sheets, A. F. Macdonald, A. H. Scott, 
S. S. Jones, and G. G. Bywater, directors; L. John Nuttall, secretary, 
.and Isaac Bullock, treasurer. President Young's warm encourage- 
ment of the project found expression in counsels to the effect that 
the new institution should obtain its goods directly from the East 
and undersell the Salt Lake merchants, who if they felt themselves 
injured had no one to blame but themselves, since they had had the 
opportunity of retaining the trade and had deliberately refused it. 
Herein was a plain hint as to what might be expected if they still 
proved dilatory or unfavorable. He proved his faith by his works 
in offering to subscribe for five thousand dollars in stock, an example 
followed by Mr. Lawrence, who in proposing to turn over to the new 
company the large stock and new store of Kimball & Lawrence, 
expressed his willingness to take $3,000 in stock. Mr. Lawrence's 
offer was unanimously accepted, and as soon as the goods could be 
invoiced the transfer was effected and co-operation was fairly under 
way. Editor Cannon on his return to Salt Lake complacently 
expressed the general view when he said in the Deseret News: 
"Provo has set an example which Salt Lake City need not be 
ashamed to imitate." Richard R. Hopkins, who had been in charge 
of Kimball & Lawrence's establishment, was appointed superin- 
tendent of the institution, and S. S. Jones, whose urgent zeal, as 
seen, had brought to Provo the honor of inaugurating real 
operations under the system, was placed in charge of the "West 
Co-op." branch in that city. 

But while to Provo belongs the credit of beginning co-operation 
on a scale of magnitude and with the design of dealing directly with 
eastern houses and supplying at wholesale rates smaller institutions 
at home, it must not be supposed that the instructions of the last few 
months had been wasted upon the people in the outside settlements, 
where means was limited and where the only hope of mercantile 
success was in the combination of resources. Co-operation, 


indeed, had become a word to conjure with. There was talk of 
co-operative silk industries, co-operative railway contract companies, 
co-operative saw mills and dairies, co-operative relief society stores, 
etc., etc. The smaller villages, and the several wards in the lafger 
cities, set about organizing companies after the pattern set by the Salt 
Lake parent organization in October, 1868, and were preparing to 
begin early operations. Indeed when Bishop Sheets and Mr. Jones 
started out through the southern counties in the interest of co-opera- 
tion in general and the Provo institution in particular, they found a 
prosperous "Farmers' Co-operative Store" in operation at Spanish 
Fork, under the management of James Miller, and a " People's 
Co-operative Store" at Spring City, Sanpete County, under the able 
superintendence of George Brough. Of even earlier date was the 
establishment of a "People's Co-operative Store" at Lehi, which 
during the first six months paid its stockholders a dividend of 
twenty per cent. 

The real impetus given the movement, however, was through the 
prompt action of Provo, whose institution proposed to be thoroughly 
independent of the Salt Lake merchants and purchase directly from 
the East. Before this could be done, however, the parent institution 
had begun operations and the Provo stores were merged into the 
general Territorial system. Two or three days after President 
Young's return to "the city" he called the directors of the duly 
organized but still inoperative company together and presented the 
grim but forcible alternative that if Salt Lake did not at once move 
forward the southern city would reap all the benefits and become the 
headquarters of the new system. Such talk had its effect. 
Opposition from Mormon sources vanished, and the offers of local 
merchants to turn over goods to the company flooded in upon the 
committee appointed to attend to the matter faster than they could 
dispose of them. This committee, consisting of H. B. Clawson, 
Henry W. Naisbitt and John Needham, made a report of the offers 
received, and were instructed to continue their labors, " to purchase 
such stocks of goods or any part thereof as they might deem 

Ceo QCsamvn S Sans Co. 

, Williams t- 


suitable, also to rent suitable buildings for stores and forthwith start 
the wholesale business, calling to their aid such assistants, clerks, 
and other help as they might need, and make a report of their 
proceedings from time to time as the Board might require." The 
institution called itself at this time " Zion's Wholesale Co operative 
Institution," and it was also referred to as the "Parent Co-operative 
Store." Later in February, Secretary Clayton gave notice through 
the News that the wholesale store would soon be ready for business, 
his advertisement being headed by the afterwards familiar motto and 
title: "Holiness to the Lord Zion's Co-operative Mercantile 
Institution." The delay that had marked the earlier steps of the 
organization's career had now given way to the utmost celerity, and 
at nine o'clock on Monday morning, March 1st, 1869, the doors of 
one branch of the wholesale store were opened in Jennings' Eagle 
Emporium. Ten days later another branch was opened in the Old 
Constitution Building, supplanting Eldredge & Clawson, the junior 
partner of that firm, Hiram B. Clawson, becoming general superin- 
tendent. On the 21st of April the retail department was opened in 
the building formerly occupied by Ransohoff & Company. The great 
institution was now fairly inaugurated, and supported by the prestige 
and intelligence of the leading business men, whose loyalty and 
magnanimity were loudly praised from pulpit and sanctum, and by 
the* sympathy and interest of the entire community, its prospects 
were indeed promising. 

By the end of March the institution had on its shelves or in its 
warehouses goods representing $450,000, a showing so formidable 
that Mr. Naisbitt, who went east as purchasing agent, was able to 
calm all doubts as to the success of the co-operative movement, and 
obtain such favors as were needed. Of course some breakers were 
encountered by the young institution. The large stocks of goods 
that had come into its possession had been received at prices which 
the advent of the railroad with its reduced rates of freight and 
speed in transportation rendered simply preposterous. In the one 
staple of sugar, for instance, the price dropped over a hundred per 


cent; and the reduction in the old Missouri River rate, which had 
ranged from fifteen to twenty-five dollars per hundred, represented 
proportionate differences in the prices of all classes of merchandise. 
Moreover, much of the stock purchased from the local dealers was 
old, culled and well-nigh unsaleable, and yet had to be taken in with 
the rest, all being received from the weighing scales at a definite 
rate of freight plus the invoice cost. In the case of Jennings, 
Eldredge & Clawson, and Ransohoff & Company this was done 
in order to secure the premises. It was a terrible strain upon the 
energies of the institution ; but it went through the ordeal bravely, 
giving the most eloquent proof of its endurance and vitality. 

Nor was its experience during the national panic of 1873 less 
satisfactory. True, it was severely shaken, but what institution, 
great or small, in all the land escaped the effects of that disastrous 
period! General Clawson, who had acted as superintendent from 
the opening of business up to that time, and General H. S. Eldredge, 
who from one of the original directors had been promoted in April, 
1873, to the presidency of the institution, made a personal visit to 
the East in this emergency and met with a favorable response to all 
their requests for extensions and accommodations. President 
Young resumed the presidency at General Eldredge's departure and 
retained the office until his death in 1877. The veteran Captain 
Hooper assumed practical charge as superintendent, filling that 
office for a year and a half, during which time the institution fully 
recovered itself, and he was in turn succeeded by General Clawson. 
whose second term ended in October, 1876. 

The successes of the institution cannot be briefly told. The 
necessity for branch establishments in other parts of the Territory 
was apparent from the first, and the purchase of the stock of D. H. 
Peery & Co., and Farr & Co. of Ogden, in 1869, formed at that early 
date the nucleus of the powerful establishment in the Junction City 
which, under the successive management of David H. Peery, S. P. 
Teasdel, Robert S. Watson, Septimus W. Sears and lastly John Wat- 
son, has reached the position of magnitude and importance that it now 


occupies. Co-operative partnership was already in vogue at Logan, 
the natural source of supply for the rich valleys surrounding it; and 
the transition to Z. C. M. I. was rapid and easy. Under Moses 
Thatcher, the first superintendent, and his successors, Messrs. Robert 
S. Watson, Aaron F. Farr, William Sanders and Isaac Smith, the 
Logan branch has been of great advantage to that section of 
country. At Soda Springs, Idaho, a point concerning whose future 
Captain Hooper was ever sanguine, another branch was established 
and operated for several years, but it was subsequently merged into 
the co operative branch at Eagle Rock, or Idaho Falls. The advan- 
tages of Provo as a southern supply and distributing point, especially 
for heavy goods, made the establishment of a large wholesale 
warehouse there a necessity. The city which aspired to take away 
the parent institution from Salt Lake has proved that President 
Young's promises might have, been fulfilled. 

Pressing as was the demand for the branch houses mentioned, 
it was at once supplemented by the conclusion that the institution, 
so independent in other respects, must cease parading in rented 
quarters, and must own the premises that it occupied. In 1873 this 
view found practical adoption in the beginning of work upon the 
present home of the institution. The directors were not unconscious 
of the danger of diffusing their energies too widely, nor of the 
perils that menaced themselves as well as every other mercantile 
house in the country during that calamitous year. Nevertheless, 


they went courageously forward. The success of co-operation was 
not to be retarded by adversities and menaces that caused older and 
apparently stronger institutions to stand still in dread expectancy of 
impending disaster. The excavation for a mammoth building on 
East Temple Street, fifty feet front by three hundred and eighteen in 
depth, proved the faith of its founders that Z. C. M. I. had "come to 
stay." And indeed the result justified the confidence that its officers 
displayed. By April, 1875, when the institution welcomed its 
patrons to its new home, a massive structure of three stories and 
basement, constructed of stone brick and iron, it had passed 

19-VOL. Z. 


through all the whirlpools and narrows and was riding serenely 
upon the smooth sea of assured prosperity. An extension of fifty 
feet frontage, doubling the capacity of the building, was soon found 
necessary, and its twelve thousand square feet of store-room still 
revealed no vacant space. More recently another extension of the 
main front, a broad, roomy one-story building devoted to the clothing 
and boot and shoe departments, has relieved the overcharged main 
building; while a splendid four-story factory on South Temple Street, 
with fifty feet frontage by one hundred and sixty-five feet depth, 
connecting with the main store, furnishes accommodation for the 
hands and machinery whose daily product is five hundred pairs of 
boots and shoes and fifty dozen overalls. Besides this the institution 
has from the first owned and operated a drug department in a two- 
story building, lower down East Temple Street. 

A glance at the list of officers who have served the institution 
since its inception is sufficient to show that nothing that human 
sagacity and character could furnish would be wanting to its success. 
Brigham Young's long term of presidency, lasting, with six months' 
intermission, from 1868 till his death in 1877. has been mentioned, 
as has also the incumbency of General Eldredge during the summer 
of 1873. This same gentleman, who was from the beginning a 
bulwark of strength to the institution, was its vice-president from 
January, 1886, to his death in September, 1888, and superintendent 
during two long terms from October, 1876, to February, 1881, and 
from June, 1883, to the time of his death. Captain Hooper's term as 
superintendent during the critical time following the panic of 1873 
has already been noted. He succeeded Brigham Young as president 
of the institution, and like him was retained in office until his death, 
which occurred at the close of 1882. William Jennings, the third of 
this eminent mercantile trio, in many respects the most remarkable 
of the three and undoubtedly the man whose favor contributed 
most to the success of the institution in the beginning, was vice- 
president from November, 1873, to May, 1875, and from October, 
1877, to the date of his death. January loth, 1886; serving also as 


superintendent from February, 1881, to May, 1883. President John 
Taylor was elected to the presidency in April, 1883, following the 
death of Captain Hooper, and held the office until his death in July, 
1887, being succeeded in the following October by President Wilford 
Woodruff. The institution's first vice-president was Hon. John M. 
Bernhisel, whose term of service extended from 1868 to October, 
1873. He was succeeded by Theodore McKean whose first term of 
only a month was followed in June, 1875, by a second lasting two 
and a half years. The present incumbent is Hon. Moses Thatcher, 
elected in 1888 to succeed General Eldredge. He has always been a 
staunch supporter of Z. C. M. I. and during many years has been 
prominent as a member of the board and of the executive committee. 
Prior to April, 1875, the offices of secretary and treasurer were 
distinct, and the incumbents of the first-named were William Clayton 
from March, 1869, to October, 1871, and Thomas G. Webber, from 
October, 1871, to April, 1875; the respective treasurers during the 
same period being David 0. Calder from the beginning in 1868 to 
October, 1871 ; Thomas Williams from the latter date to his death in 
July, 1874, and John Clark from that time until April, 1875, when 
the offices were combined, with T. G. Webber as joint secretary and 
treasurer. Colonel Webber was relieved in October, 1876, to go 
abroad, and David O. Calder assumed the dual position for two years, 

when Mr. Webber was again elected, and held the office until 
October, 1889, when, having the year before been elected superinten- 
dent in place of General Eldredge, he was relieved of the duties 
of treasurer, these being assumed by August W. Carlson. 
The double and responsible duties of superintendent and secretary 
Colonel Webber still performs; with the efficient aid of William H. 
Rowe as assistant superintendent, and as manager of the factory 
department, one of the most admirably successful and best con- 
ducted branches of the whole institution. 

The thread of succession has hurried us along far in advance of 
the rest of the narrative, but the further personnel of the institution 
is too interesting a theme to be passed without a word. It has been 


seen how valiantly such mercantile victors as Jennings, Hooper, 
Eldredge, Clawson and others, and such adept and versatile calcu- 
lators as Calder, Webber, Clark and Williams, battled for the success 
and supremacy that the institution has won. But in other depart- 
ments than office and cabinet it has been befriended and aided by the 
best ability that the Territory possessed. The first advertisement 
published by the young institution mentioned with pride the fact 
that "the services of such well-known salesmen as H. S. Beatie, 
John Clark and James Phillips had been secured." Henry W. 
Naisbitt, the first purchasing agent to represent the institution in the 
Eastern market an honor that carried with it many difficulties and 
responsibilities has been in almost continuous service ever since in 
one department or another, and his cogent logic and facile pen have 
frequently enriched cotemporaneous literature with articles upon the 
subject of co-operation. Spencer Clawson was for many years 
resident purchasing agent in New York. Robert S. Watson has held 
the same office, varying its duties with those of superintendent at 
Ogden and Logan. Quick and thorough in mercantile affairs S. W. 
Sears gave early and earnest service and achieved high honors. As 
superintendent of the Ogden branch, and afterwards as assistant to 
General Eldredge in the parent institution he efficiently aided and 
was much esteemed by that sagacious veteran. Of earlier and more 
prominent salesmen and heads of departments, Messrs. Beatie, Clark 
and Phillips have been named ; others were John Needham, Nelson 
A. Empey, George Teasdale, who was the first superintendent of the 
produce department ; S. P. Teasdel, George E. Bourne, Thomas V. 
Williams, Henry P. Richards, David Candland, Andrew McFarlane, 
A. B. Benzon, Robert Cleghorn, George A. Alder, Stephen Crompton, 
Fred C. Anderson, William Eddington, John Sears, Edwin Dowden, 
James Saville, John Henry Smith, who was an early warehouse man; 
Heber Young and C. G. Rose, superintendents at Soda Springs; 
Aaron F. Farr, William Sanders and Isaac Smith at Logan ; 
Joseph A. Smith at Idaho Falls; John Watson, D. H. Peery 
and W. W. Burton at Ogdon ; C. D. Glazier at Provo!; D. J. 


Taylor and Charles Brown, two bright young men who died in New 
York while on business for the house; and among the bookkeepers 
were Arthur Pratt, H. B. Clawson, Jr., G. H. Snell, Ernest I. Young, 
W. J. Beatie, A. W. Carlson, the present treasurer, and a host of 

That the institution has met with success in a commercial sense 
equal to the brightest hopes of its founders will not be disputed 
when it is stated that during its twenty-one years' existence, 
including the year 1891, its sales aggregated the enormous sum of 
$69,146,881.06, and that up to the 5th of May, 1892, it had paid 
in cash and stock dividends $2,059,874.07. The ordinary mind is 
amazed at the immensity of the business represented by these 
figures, and few are the commercial intellects that do not see cause 
in such a showing for the liveliest interest. From the doubtful 
experiment of 1868, co-operation in two decades has evolved by the 
stern logic of facts into a stupendous fabric whose foundation cannot 
be shaken and whose superstructure is fair and inviting. It has 
subserved to a marked degree the more important ends which called 
it forth, and has always stood as a rampart between the people and 
commercial oppression. Strong enough to control or at least regu- 
late the market, it has kept prices low, and in the case of a scarcity 
in certain commodities, where more grasping corporations were 
inclined to levy extortionate profit, it has resolutely stood as the 
consumer's friend. Moreover it never has been deaf to the petitions 
of the struggling home-manufacturer. The products of Utah 
artisans and factories have always been found in stock, and, where 
quality and price justified, have been consistently pushed into 
popularity by the vast influence that Z. C. M. I. could wield. Us 
own mammoth factory a monument, in a large measure, to the 
genius and resource of Assistant Superintendent Bowe, who also 
conducted for several years the Z. C. M. I. Tannery is the result of 
the policy of encouragement alluded to, and it is fair to assume that 
success in the one experiment will lead to other ventures in the 
manufacturing line quite as important to the business welfare of the 


Territory. This in fact was President Young's main idea in the 
establishment of the institution. 

To the charge that Z. C. M. I. has itself developed monopolistic 
tendencies, having assumed many of the characteristics of a close 
corporation, little space need be devoted. It is true that a large 
proportion of the stock has been concentrated in a few hands, and 
that the original idea of having all the people shareholders has in a 
certain sense been defeated. But it must be remembered that other 
co-operative concerns in the wards of the chief county and in the 
settlements and cities of other counties of Utah and elsewhere have 
given the people opportunities for investment nearer home and more 
closely identified with themselves. At present the main institution 
has about five hundred stockholders. The co-operative idea, too, 
has found development in other than mercantile channels, and there 
is scarcely a section of the Territory where there are not vast indus- 
tries built and operated upon this principle. For a time it justified 
the fears of the non-Mormon merchants, who expected to see it 
absorb the business of the community; for though there were many 
Mormon dealers who did not merge their stock and interests 
with it, they nevertheless hoisted its escutcheon, "Holiness to the 
Lord" and the "All-Seeing Eye,'' over their doors. Those were 
trying days for such as had never joined the Church, and those, 
like the Walker Brothers, who had left it; but there was some balm 
for them in the thought that Mormon exclusiveness was now a 
thing of the past, and that under the vigorous measures which the 
Government was about to enforce, the City and Territory of the 
Saints would speedily receive the population and prosperity that 
their location warranted. Their prognostications were not long 
unverified ; Z. C. M. I. in a short time had ceased to be a menace, and 
in the abundance of patronage that flowed to all honorable dealers, 
the institution came to be esteemed by them as a mighty but a just 
and respected competitor. 

The general awakening that resulted from the near approach 
and arrival of the railway was not only noticeable in commerce and 


mining, but also in educational matters. The University of Deseret, 
as we have seen, had been incorporated by the General Assembly of 
the State of Deseret early in the year 1850, which act, among others 
of the provisional government, was subsequently legalized by the 
Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah. The early efforts of 


the University have been alluded to in a previous volume. The 
school, owing to lack of funds and the immature condition of the 
Territory's finances generally, was soon discontinued, and entered 
upon a long period of helpless inactivity, during which it maintained 
only a nominal existence: Late in 1867 it took on a new and perma- 
nent lease of life, and on the 2nd of December again opened its doors 
to students. Professor Albert Carrington, who had just retired from 
the sanctum of the Deseret News, was now Chancellor, and associ- 
ated with him as regents were such men as Robert L. Campbell, 
Henry I. Doremus, David 0. Calder and others. On the 27th of 
November the Roard of Regents met to consider "measures for the 
formation of classes to study the various sciences and departments 
of literature now forcing themselves imperatively upon the attention 
of the friends of education in the Territory." The meeting was 
also attended by President Young, his Counselors and some of the 
resident Apostles, and the important subject of education was freely 
discussed. It was decided to open the mercantile department, "in 
that commodious and convenient building known as the Council 
House," the chair being tendered to and accepted by Professor 
D. 0. Calder. It was also decided to open a department in English 
literature, the professorship of which was given to George J. 
Taylor, Esq. 

Rut it was not only as a commercial and literary school that the 
institution put forth this renewed life. While under the direction 
of the chancellor and regents, it was prominently asserted that 
theology was to receive due treatment, and, indeed, from the "living 
oracles of God." President Young presided at the initial meeting, 
made the introductory remarks and offered the opening prayer. He 
was followed by his counselors, and then by Chancellor Carrington 


and Professor Calder. In a very short time, however, the "School 
of the Prophets" such was the title of the theological department, 
which was virtually a revival of the Kirtland organization of that 
name with President Young at its head, became a separate institu- 
tion, holding its sessions first in the upper west room of the City 
Hall, and afterwards, when the membership (which was by card) 
became more numerous, in the old Tabernacle. 

The commercial department appears to have enjoyed a successful 
season; and in the autumn of 1868 the eventful year which 
witnessed the establishment of Z. C. M. I., and the rapid advance of 
the locomotive upon our borders Professor Calder again presented 
to the public his process of business education. The favor with 
which his proposal was received was an apt token of the commercial 
bent of the popular mind at that period; and when the school 
opened on the 31st of October, it was supplied with a college 
currency, goods, samples and all the miniature adjuncts of practical 
commerce, as well as a full array of pupils. 

A petition of Chancellor Carrington and the Board of Regents, 
presented to the Legislature early in 1868 asked for the University 
the appropriation of $10,000; and to the next Legislature, convened 
in January, 1869, Professor Calder as chancellor pro tern, Professor 
Carrington then being in England as president of the European 
mission reported "that the sum of $4,898.26 of last year's appro- 
priation had been expended in printing ' First and Second Readers,' 
and that other works were in hand and nearly completed." The 
books referred to were printed in what was known as the Deseret 
Alphabet, a series of characters whose awkward appearance and lack 
of legibility constituted the only objection to them in the minds of 
friends of spelling reform. The idea of phonetic spelling, so 
persistently urged by its great apostle, the eminent Pitman, found 
early favor with Brigham Young and the Mormon people, and in 
1853 the new alphabet had been adopted by the authorities of the 
University. A community made up of so many tongues and 
nationalities, each desirous of learning to read, write and pronounce 


correctly the English, was believed to offer the most inviting field for 
the inauguration of the reforms in spelling which even to this day 
engage the minds of many popular educators. To this belief is due 
the invention of the Deseret Alphabet a system in which each 
sound of the various vowels and consonants was represented by a 
fixed character. The alphabet thus arranged consisted of thirty- 
eight letters, and at a very early date matrices for the types were 
imported under President Young's direction and a quantity of type 
was cast. But the matrices and type were clumsily and rudely made 
and the lack of beauty and plainness in the characters kept the 
reform in abeyance. Finally, late in 1867, it was decided by the 
Board of Begents of the University to adopt the Pitman alphabet, 
consisting of forty-three letters, and thus gain the benefit of such 
books as had already been published. Within a year, as noted, 
Chancellor Calder reported the publication of the First and Second 
Beaders designed for use in the schools of Utah, the work having 
been done in New York under his direction. A committee on 
revision, consisting of Apostle Orson Pratt, George D. Watt and 
Bobert L. Campbell, Esqs., all of whom were enthusiastic for the 
reform and had been engaged in preparing the matter for the two 
readers, was appointed by the Board of Begents to attend to the 
distribution of these works and proceed with further publications. 
For a time much interest was manifested by those who favored the 
new departure, and, of course, a corresponding amount of ridicule 
was encountered ; but the new alphabet gradually fell into disuse 
and in a few years was only referred to as a curiosity. Professor 
Pratt's unflagging zeal for the reform exhibited itself in the 
translation of the Book of Mormon into the new characters, 
to which, as well as to all the labor of proof-reading and per- 
sonal supervision of publication, he gave the most unremitting 
attention, being assisted through it all by Mr. Campbell, who 
was no less earnest and zealous than himself. We here present 
as an object of interest the characters composing the Deseret 
Alphabet : 


Long Sounda. 




Letter. Name. 


~|. . - 



. . . . e . . .as in . 

. . . eat. 













.d " 




as in cheese. 



9 ... 







Short Sounds of lite obovt. 



.as in...^ate. 


.as in . . 






r - 

G ... 








.as in.^Aigh. 




X .. 






&. . . 





6 ... 


Double Sounds. 

D .. 

.esh in..flesA. 


. . i . . . . as in 

. . .ICG. 

8 .. 


" vision. 


. ...ow 



" bwrn. 





. . . . woo 



L 1 ! 






as in. length. 

With the coming of the railway, the opening of Z. C. M. I., and 
the general impetus given to all kinds of business, Professor Calder's 
energies were soon called in other directions than that of the school 
room. He had given the University a fresh start, and had witnessed 
a revival of interest in the subject of advanced education on the 
part of the whole community. Henceforth there was no reason to 
fear that the institution would lead a slumbering or an unhonored 
existence. General D. H. Wells was elected chancellor, and changes 
in the board of regents infused new blood and inspired a pro- 
gressive movement in the management. 

Fortunately, too, the man was at hand to stand at the head of 


the faculty and place the institution at once in the van of all the 
educational establishments in the mountains. Dr. John R. Park, a 
native of Ohio, was secured for principal and on the 8th of March 
the University, now thoroughly reorganized and conforming more 
nearly to the requirements implied by its name, began operations 
under his direction. Of this gentleman, now recognized as one of 
the foremost educators in the West, it is but just to make more than 
a passing mention. His coming to Utah is associated with circum- 
stances that might almost be called romantic. Impelled by the fever 
that drew so many adventurous spirits into the mining regions of 
the Rocky Mountains, he found himself early in the "sixties" a 
weary Colorado prospector on whom fortune had so far failed to 
smile. Moving still toward the setting sun he finally crossed over 
the range into the Great Basin and in the peaceful rural settlement 
of Draper, then better known as South Willow Creek, in Salt Lake 
County, he accepted employment as a farm hand. The good people 
of Draper were somewhat proud of their village school and on 
"examination days" and other special occasions during the winter 
season the adults were almost as numerous in their attendance and 
as interested in the proceedings as the juveniles. The stranger was 
invited to visit the school at such times, arid gradually it came to be 
known by his conversation and a lecture or two that he was induced 
to deliver, that he was an educated man, with a rare gift for impart- 
ing information to others. He was solicited to take the mastership 
of the school, and did so. Soon the fame of the Willow Creek 
school began to spread through Salt Lake and the adjoining 
counties. Robert L. Campbell, who was territorial superintendent of 
common schools, was not long in discovering the talent which 
needed only opportunity for its full development, and Editor Cannon 
of the News, from personal observation and otherwise, united with 
him in the belief that the man for the hour had been found. Their 
colleagues of the board of regents listened readily to their sugges- 
tion to that effect and promptly acted upon it. Dr. Park parted from 
his friends and pupils at Draper, and entered upon the larger and 


more important field opened before him. We will be pardoned for 
anticipating the general narrative at this point to say that during the 
twenty-three years of his connection with the University con- 
tinuous save for a brief absence in Europe he has become so 
thoroughly identified with it and it with him that to the old pupils 
the union seems well-nigh indissoluble. Never was institution 
served more faithfully, and never did instructor enjoy to a greater 
degree the love and esteem of his pupils than Dr. John R. Park. 

The spirit of progress which grew out of a closer union and a 
better acquaintance with the outside world was quick to make itself 
manifest in other ways than those already noticed. The new era in 
commerce and education has already been mentioned ; also the lusty 
birth of the mining movement. The manufacture of iron in 
Southern Utah had been shown to be practicable, and a Mr. Hayden 
Smith, in December, 1869, exhibited at Salt Lake City a fine 
specimen manufactured from ores found on the Weber in Morgan 
County. Cotton and woolen mills were already in operation in 
various parts of the Territory, and others were now projected. The 
Coalville and Echo Railway in Summit County, for which the first 
ground was broken October 20th, 1869. was pushed forward during the 
fall and winter with all speed, and by the time the Utah Central was 
completed, coal direct from the Weber mines could be laid down at 
Salt Lake City. Early in November of the year mentioned a 
dispatch from Corinne, the new town on Bear River, announced the 
arrival there of a schooner from Stockton, Tooele County, laden with 
ninety tons of freight, including silver ores, lumber, machinery, etc. 
This was looked upon as the inauguration of navigation on the Lake ; 
but such hopes were never fully realized. The experiment was soon 
abandoned. The Deseret Telegraph line was extended northward 
into Idaho, and south, east and west new connections were made 
with the capital city. The latter began to take on metropolitan airs 
rapidly. In January, Edward L. Sloan had compiled and published 
the first general directory of the city, and on November 24th, street 
lamps were first used. Carpenters began the erection of the gallery 


in the large Tabernacle late in November, and the summer had 
witnessed considerable activity on the walls of the Temple. A 
Territorial fair under the auspices of the Deseret Agricultural and 
Manufacturing Society was held in October and distributed generous 
awards to. the exhibitors. The display, which was the first for 
several years, was incomparably superior to anything that the 
Territory had yet witnessed. The 4th and 24th of July of that year 
were celebrated in an imposing manner, Associate Justice Hawley, 
a newly appointed Federal official, delivering the oration on the first- 
named occasion, and being followed by Hon. John Taylor. A 
mammoth mass meeting, held on the 7th of October, adopted a 
memorial to Congress, setting forth the various attempts of Utah to 
obtain statehood, citing facts from her history, 'and solemnly and 
earnestly appealing to "the Senate and House of Representatives for 
a dispassionate and unprejudiced consideration of our claims for a 
speedy admission into the Union upon an equal footing with the 
other States."* The meeting was called to order by Mayor D. H. 
Wells, and Hon. George A. Smith was elected chairman. The vice- 
presidents were Hon. Edward Hunter, of Salt Lake City, General 
Erastus Snow of Washington County, Colonel Peter Maughan of 
Cache County, General C. C. Rich of Rich County, and Colonel 
Thomas Callister of Millard County. George Q. Cannon, T. B. H. 
Stenhouse and George Reynolds were chosen secretaries, and David 
W. Evans, Edward L. Sloan and Jonathan Grimshaw, reporters. 
The following committee on memorial was appointed : D. H. Wells, 
Jeter Clinton, Brigham Young, Jr., David McKenzie of Salt Lake 
County; Lorenzo Snow, Box Elder County; William H. Dame, 
Iron County; Francis M. Lyman, Millard County; A. K. Thurber, 
Utah County; Orson Hyde, Sanpete County; F. D. Richards, 
Weber County; Hector C. Haight, Davis County; Abram Hatch, 
Wasatch County; and David P. Kimball, Rich County. During the 
committee's absence stirring speeches were made by the chairman 

* It was to this movement for statehood that President Young referred in his address 
already given at the completion of the Utah Central Railroad. 


and others, and when the memorial was presented and read by 
Secretary Cannon, it was, on motion of Hon. William H. Hooper, 
unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. But this petition, like 
all others of a similar character from the people of Utah, met with 
no response from Congress, which at that time was in the mood, 
more for taking from Utah all her political rights, than for adding to 
those that she already possessed. 

Following hard upon the completion of the railroad, with the 
consequent facilities of safe and speedy travel, came to "the valleys 
of the mountains" party after party of notable citizens of this and 
other countries, who paused, in their amazement at the vastness of 
the continent and at the daring enterprise which had smoothed 
the way for the iron horse, to gaze upon the marvel wrought by the 
Mormon people in the wilderness. Statesmen and soldiers, lecturers 
and journalists, Americans and foreigners, are mentioned in the 
records of that time as having spent a few hours or a few days, as 
the case might be, in the chief city of the Saints. Some were filled 
with bitterness and prejudice when they came, and went away more 
rancorous and vindictive than ever. Others came prepared to 
receive better impressions, and went away admirers and friends. 
Still others were by their own actions adjudged hypocrites, "blowing 
both hot and cold," affecting while here the warmest friendship for 
the Mormons and when beyond their borders maliciously deriding 
and villifying them. The railway brought of all kinds, and the 
inner life of Mormondom was in a fair way to be laid bare. Yet 
there is no evidence that the majority of Utah's people shrank from 
the exposure. They had nothing to conceal ; and that stout faith of 
theirs told them that in all the advertising for good and evil they 
were about to receive, one certain effect would be that they would 
become better known and therefore, as they believed, more justly 

From an early period our most distinguished visitors were 
drawn largely from the military class. Many of these have already 
been mentioned. Among others who made a more or less lengthy 


visit and looked the country over before the railroad arrived, were 
General Augur, Commander of the Department of the Platte, and 
staff, who visited Salt Lake City and the neighborhood in mid- 
summer of 1868. After the transcontinental connection had been 
made, General W. S. Hancock, who had been appointed Commander 
of the Department of the Northwest and was on his way to his head- 
quarters in Montana, stopped a few days with his staff, calling upon 
President Young, and receiving such marks of distinction from 
civilians and the post authorities as his high rank and eminent past 
services to the country made appropriate. This was early in June, 
1869, and a few days later, the loth, Major General P. H. Sheridan 
and several members of his staff, Generals Boynton, Hopkins and 
Rucker, paid Salt Lake City a brief visit. In the same company 
were Hon. B. F. Wade, late President of the U. S. Senate, Roscoe 
Conkling of New York, Governor Campbell of Wyoming and other 
distinguished gentlemen, besides a number of ladies. This party 
had scarcely gone before Congressman Julian of Indiana, who at 
the previous session of Congress had electrified the country by pro- 
posing as a cure for polygamy the extension of the suffrage to the 
women of Utah, arrived in the Mormon capital with his wife. On 
the evening of the 19th of June the Congressional committee of 
ways and means arrived and took up their quarters at the Town- 
send House. Hon. Samuel Hooper of Massachusetts was chairman 
of the committee and head of the party. Other members were W. 
B. Allison of Iowa, H. Maynard of Tennessee, W. D. Kelly of Penn- 
sylvania, Austin Blair of Michigan, S. S. Marshall of Illinois, James 
Brooks of New York, and others. Hon. Samuel B. Axtell, member 
of Congress fr,om California, and afterwards Governor of Utah, 
arrived at the same time. It was nearly midnight before the 
arrangements of the committee as to future movements Were made 
known, but at that late hour, the decision having been reached that 
they would leave next evening, Sunday, the 20th, for the West, 
Captain Croxall's and the Camp Douglas bands turned out and gave 
the distinguished party a serenade. Chairman Hooper, in answer lo 


calls from the assembled throng, appeared and made a brief speech, 
after which Judge Kelley, the same who afterwards :became "father 
of the House of Representatives " and will live to posterity as " Pig- 
iron " Kelly, made a felicitous response to the calls of the audience. 
Ex-Secretary Seward who had been one of the party from the East, 
turned off to Denver and did not reach the Utah capital until a few 
days later; but, as if to make up for this disappointment, Anna 
Dickinson, the noted lecturer and woman's rights advocate, with her 
brpther, the Rev. J. Dickinson, who were members of the party 
until they reached Salt Lake City, allowed it to leave without them. 
They remained several days and Miss Dickinson presumably 
collected the information for her unfriendly lecture on the 
Mormons, delivered after all her other attempts had failed, before 
a San Francisco audience. 

Welcome arrivals about this time, though not of the tourist 
class, were a large company of immigrants from abroad under Elder 
Elias Morris the first to come the entire distance by steam. They 
reached Ogden on June 25th. The same evening a numerous 
Chicago party, including Senator Howe of Wisconsin, a number of 
high officials of the Chicago and Northwestern railroad, Horace 
White, editor of the Chicago Tribune, and others, arrived from the 
East and after two days' stay continued their journey westward. 
Ex-Secretary Seward and party, whose stay in Denver had been 
shortened, were welcomed by a committee of the city council of Salt 
Lake, consisting of Aldermen Samuel W. Richards and H. W. Law- 
rence and Councilor Robert T. Rurton, and tendered the usual 
courtesies and hospitalities. The inevitable serenade followed in the 
evening, at which there were speeches by Governor Seward, Mr. F. 
W. Seward, Editor Wilson of the Chicago Evening Journal, State 
Senator Fitch of New York, and others, and musical selections by 
Croxall's band. 

The Chicago Commercial Party, with Senator Trumbull and 
Colonel Rowen at their head, of whose visit we shall have more to 
say, arrived on the 9th of July and had an interview with President 


Young on the 10th. "Ned Buntline " (Col. E. Z. C. Judson) the 
lecturer, arrived late in June, addressed to the Deseret News on the 
30th a poetical compliment entitled "The Traveler's Tribute," and 
lectured on the 7th of July. On the 24th of that month a 
Wisconsin party headed by Congressmen B. F. Hopkins and Philetus 
Sawyer, and including among numerous state officials Hon. Jeremiah 
Rusk, then bank comptroller, reached Salt Lake City. On Sunday, the 
15th of August, Reverend B. F. Whittemore, member of Congress 
from South Carolina and a minister of the Methodist denomination, 
held forth in the Tabernacle; and on the 21st the joint Congressional 
committee on retrenchment, accompanied by a number of invited 
guests, rolled into town in three special coaches. The committee con- 
sisted, on the part of the Senate, of Hon. James W. Patterson of 
New Hampshire, Hon. Carl Schurz of Missouri, and Hon. Allen G. 
Thurman of Ohio, and on the part of the House of Hon. M. Welker 
of Ohio, Hon. J. R. Reading of Pennsylvania, and Hon. Jacob 
Benton of New Hampshire. The party attended morning and after- 
noon services in the Tabernacle on Sunday the 22nd, and next 
day called upon President Young, who showed them over his 
grounds, giving them a practical illustration of the method of irri- 
gation which had accomplished such wonders in the Territory. On 
the 25th Senators Richard Yates of Illinois and W. Pitt Kellogg and 
J. S. Harris of Louisiana, with members of their families and others 
made a passing call, followed on the 29th by Senator T. W. Tipton 
and wife, of Nebraska. 

A large party of officials of the Union Pacific and Central 
Pacific railroads, including Oliver Ames, then president of the former 
company, were in the Territory about the middle of September of 
this year 1869 one object of their consultation being the removal 
of the point of junction of their respective roads from the Promon- 
tory before winter. It was not until November that this matter was 
decided by the selection of Ogden. Their presence also gave 
opportunity for the service of papers on some of the U. P. officials 
by certain non-Mormon contractors who felt compelled to resort to 

20-VOL. 2. 


the law for a settlement of their claims. Major J. W. Powell, the 
intrepid explorer, who during the summer had been engaged upon 
an examination of the Colorado River, completed his labors, amid 
incredible perils, on the 1st, and reached Salt Lake City on the 14th 
of September. His course was through Desolation, Coal and 
Stillwater Canyons to the junction of the Green and Grand Rivers, 
and from there through Cataract, Narrow, Mound, Monument, 
Marble, and Grand Canyons to the mouth of the Rio Virgen, where 
he was furnished supplies and teams by Mormons to make the 
journey northward to the capital. The gentleman delivered a 
graphic and interesting lecture on his journey two days after his 
arrival. Vice-President Colfax and party, returning from the Pacific 
Coast, arrived here early in October. Their visit will be mentioned 
more fully a little later. Journalists without number began early in 
the spring, when the railroad entered the valley, their westward 
march in search of attractions, and kept the local newspapers filled 
with "fraternal calls" and "personals." 

A visitor who at that time and for some years subsequently 
attracted as much of the world's attention as any private individual, 
was the irrepressible George Francis Train. Fresh from a British 
jail in Ireland, to which his Fenian sympathies had caused him to 
be temporarily consigned, he came stumping across the country 
announcing his candidacy for the Presidency in 1872, and taking 
direct issue with the great majority of his fellow-citizens on almost 
every conceivable subject. An impromptu ten-minute speech in 
defense of the Mormons delivered during his New England tour 
early in 1869, had created a great sensation in his audience and 
among the newspaper fraternity. It was epigrammatic and bristled 
with telling points, being in fact a condensation of an able speech 
delivered in Congress by Delegate Hooper a short time before. On 
the 30th of August Mr. Train lectured in Salt Lake City on "Doctor, 
Lawyer and Parson," in which his eccentricities of manner and 
liveliness of delivery atoned with the audience for the disappoint- 
ment that otherwise would have been felt with his treatment of the 


subject. But the next evening, when he gave a continuation of his 
theme, he had the audience completely with him, and when he was 
not being cheered to the echo his words were listened to with 
breathless interest. He warmly commended the life and labors of 
Brigham Young and the Mormons, urged them to continue the 
conflict on the lines marked out, and predicted a glorious future for 
them and the Territory. He became a fast friend of the community 
and after leaving Utah was perpetually engaged in controversy with 
journalists and others on the Mormon question, he being invariably 
on the side of the Saints. 

Another platform friend of this period was Mrs. Augusta N. 
St. Glair, who with her husband, a companion and a coachman, 
traveled three thousand miles by rail, one thousand four hundred 
miles by steamer and stage, and over four thousand miles by private 
conveyance, through the western States and Territories, collecting 
materials for her lectures. The journey had been planned by her 
daughter, Augusta, who, upon the party's arrival at Salt Lake City 
in November, 1868, was stricken with mountain fever, from which 
she died on the 23rd of February, 1869. She was a young woman of 
rare abilities, and although only twenty years of age had lectured 
over a thousand times during the preceding five years. Her father 
publicly expressed his gratitude to the Mormon people for generous 
attentions during her sickness and after her death, and President 
Young preached the funeral discourse. Mr. St. Glair then continued 
his journey westward. The bereaved party, which had temporarily 
separated, presumably on account of the young lady's illness, 
reunited in California, where Mrs. St. Glair had begun her lecturing 
tour.* She spoke with eloquence, courage and gratitude of the 
Saints and was warmly welcomed when, after a tour of the North- 
west, she reached Salt Lake City and delivered a farewell lecture on 
the 22nd of November, 1869. 

* Mrs. Charlotte I. Godbe now Mrs. G. I. Kirby of Salt Lake City, who was in 
California during the summer of 1869, in a communication to the Deseret News dated 
August 13th, of that year, bore testimony to the courage and eloquence of Mrs. St. Clair 
in defending before a San Francisco audience the " Mormon women." 


About the time of the establishment of Z. C. M. I. a United 
States land office was opened in Utah. On the 2nd of December, 
1867, Hon. William H. Hooper had introduced into the House of 
Representatives two bills; one providing for the admission of 
Deseret into the Union which measure was never acted upon and 
the other providing for the creation of the office of United States 
Surveyor-General for this Territory. The latter bill became a law 
on July 16th, 1868. Ry order of the Secretary of the Interior the 
office was located at Salt Lake City in the autumn of that year. 
General John A. Clark, who has before been mentioned, was the first 
incumbent, arriving in Utah in the early part of November. 
Previous to the passage of this act, Utah and Colorado were com- 
prised in one surveying district, the chief office of which was at 
Denver, and at whose head, at this time, was Surveyor-General W. 
H. Lessig.* To this official Mayor Daniel H. Wells of Salt Lake City 
had sent, on the 23rd of September, 1867, the declaratory statement, 
together with the necessary plat, etc., to enter Salt Lake City under 
the townsite law, which had been enacted during the previous 
March. Similar action on the part of the mayors of other incor- 
porated cities and of the various country judges in the Territory was 
strongly urged by the local press, and during the next few months 
especially after the establishment of the Utah office the advertising 
columns of the Salt Lake papers were filled with declaratory notices 
of this character. The act creating the office of Surveyor-General 
for Utah also provided for, and its approval was immediately 
followed by the extension of the land laws over this Territory ; not, 
however, until the seeds of future disputes had been sown with 
reference to lands lying along the line of the Pacific Railway. It 
has been alleged that the Mormon people did not wish the establish- 
ment of a surveyor-general's and a land office in this Territory that 
they did not want to acknowledge the right of the Government to 

* S. R. Fox, the Surveyor-General mentioned in Chapter I, page 25, of this volume, 
as being among President Lincoln's official appointees for Utah, does not appear to have 
acted in that capacity in this Territory. 


give them titles to their lands but this statement is thoroughly 
exploded by all the facts. The people were urgent in their demand 
for these acts of recognition, and the Legislature in January, 1868, 
had unanimously adopted and Governor Durkee had approved a 
memorial to Congress asking for the speedy passage of Delegate 
Hooper's bill. In the early part of March, 1869, the United States 
land office for the district of Utah was opened in Salt Lake City, 
with C. C. Clements as register and L. S. Hills as receiver. The 
latter, who was a Mormon, was superseded in a few weeks by Giles 
P. Overton of Pennsylvania, his appointment bearing date of May 
3rd, and on the 15th of the same month Mr. Clements gave way to 
General George R. Maxwell as register. This gentleman, of whom it 
will be necessary to speak at greater length in subsequent chapters, 
was a shattered veteran of the Civil War.* He came to the Territory 
and entered upon his official duties on the 15th of June, and a 
month later Mr. Clements, whom he had displaced, moved into the 
Surveyor-General's office, vice General John A. Clark. 

Respecting other Federal officials who figured in Utah during 
this period, a brief statement will here be appropriate. Hon. Amos 
Reed, the diligent and popular Secretary of the Territory had been 
succeeded on the 20th of December, 1867, by a friend of his, Edwin 
Higgins of Michigan, who took the oath of office before Associate 
Justice Drake on the 23rd of January, 1868. During part of the 
following spring Mr. Higgins was acting governor, in which capacity 
he addressed a message to the Legislature at its eighteenth annual 
session beginning January llth, 1869. He was succeeded in May, 
1869, by S. A. Mann of Nevada, whose commission, dated April 
27th, was presented one month later and the oath of office taken 
before Chief Justice C. C. Wilson. Secretary Mann performed the 
duties of acting governor from the beginning of 1870, sending in 
that capacity a message to the Legislature at its nineteenth annual 

* It appears that General Maxwell's name was sent to the Senate as early as April for 
confirmation as Superintendent of Indian affairs for New Mexico. His Utah appointment 
was doubtless more to his liking. 


session on January llth, until the arrival of Governor Durkee's 
successor, J. Wilson Shaffer, in the latter part of -March.* 

Mention has already been made of Chief Justice Titus and 
Associate Justices Thomas J. Drake and Solomon P. McCurdy, as 
representing the judiciary of the Territory. Judge Drake, having 
served a full term, had been reappointed March 20th, 1866. Enos 
D. Hoge wds confirmed Associate Justice in the summer of 1868 
Judge McCurdy's nomination as Chief Justice being rejected at the 
same date and on August 2olh he took the oath of office, being 
assigned by Governor Durkee to the Second Judicial District, with 
St. George as the place of holding court. For Chief Justice the 
name of Edward 0. Persen of New York, had been sent to the 
Senate on the 23rd of June, 1868; but later the name of Charles C. 
Wilson of Illinois, was substituted. The latter reached Salt Lake 
City on the 10th of September and next day qualified and took his 
place upon the bench in the Third Judicial District. Within a 
month after President Grant's inauguration March 4th, 1869 
Judge Drake resigned, and on April oth a commission to his 
successor, Obed F. Strickland of Michigan, was issued, the new 
Justice being assigned, on his arrival, to the First District at Provo. 
On the 19th of the same month, Cyrus M. Hawley, also of Illinois, 
was appointed Associate Justice in place of Judge Hoge, removed, 
and on the 29th of May he took the oath ot office. His appoint- 
ment led to a unique and interesting contest which was not 
determined until the 16th of September following. Judge Hoge 
maintained that the President of the United States had no power, 
according to the Organic Act of the Territory, to displace Territorial 
judges, except for malfeasance, until the four years' term for which 
they were appointed had expired, and that Judge Hawley's appoint- 
ment was therefore invalid and gave him no right to the seat. The 

* Governor Durkee's four years' term expired December 21st, 1869. He died at 
Omaha on his way back to his Wisconsin home. He had had a protracted stay in Utah, 
and was much esteemed by the people. 


case was ably argued on both sides, and was decided in favor of the 
new appointee. 

An official with whom the people of Utah had had a friendly 
acquaintance for many years was removed from their midst during 
this period of rapid changes. We refer to General A. L. Chetlain, 
Assessor of Internal Revenue, who accepted the appointment of U. S. 
consul at Brussels. The change was one of the first made by 
President Grant's administration, William Carey, of Illinois, being 
named for the local office as early as April, 1869. He declined the 
honor, however, and in May it was tendered to and accepted by Dr. 
John P. Taggart. An appointment made late in September of this 
year 1869 smacked slightly of local home rule, though it lacked 
the spirit of that doctrine. Josiah Hosmer, who had served two 
years as United States Marshal for Utah, was succeeded by J. Milton 
Orr, a member of the Salt Lake firm of Nounnan, Orr & Co. He 
held the office until May, 1870, when Colonel M. T. Patrick arrived 
and succeeded him. Many of these removals and appointments were 
prompted by a policy the reverse of friendly, which President Grant, 
influenced by Vice-President Colfax and others, had been induced 
to pursue in relation to the Mormon people. Not many months 
passed after his inauguration before every Federal official in Utah 
suspected of cherishing friendly feelings for the Saints, was dis- 
placed and the offices vacated filled with pronounced anti-Mormons. 

A few words, before closing this already lengthy chapter, upon 
the subject of early non-Mormon churches in Utah. The pioneers 
in this direction appear to have been the Congregationalists, who, as 
early as January, 1865, began holding meetings at Salt Lake City; 
the first non-Mormon religious gatherings that ever convened in the 
Territory. We except, of course, the meetings of the Morrisites; 
also those of a sect called Gladdenites, and another termed 
Josephites, dissenting Mormon factions.* That the Congregation- 

* The Gladdenites so named for their leader, Gladden Bishop separated from the 
Church in 1852, when polygamy was proclaimed as one of its doctrines. Gladden 
Bishop had several times been a backslider from Mormonism, and as often a returning 


alists were the first to enter the field was due to the fact that the 
Reverend Norman McLeod, who has already figured prominently in 
these pages, and who, during the month named, arrived here from 
Denver to begin his duties as Chaplain at Fort Douglas, chanced to 
he a minister of that denomination. As the local Gentiles had no 
religious instructor, and the dividing line between them and the 
Mormons was beginning to be rigidly drawn through the efforts of 
General Connor and his associates, they rallied around Mr. McLeod, 
who was a strong anti-Mormon, and solicited him to hold regular 
Sabbath services in the city as well as at the Fort. He complied 
with their request, preaching his first sermon at Daft's Hall, the 
upper floor of Daft's store on Main Street, on the 22nd of January. 
The use of the hall had been tendered for that purpose by the 
Young Men's Literary Association, a society organized by the 
Gentiles in November, 1864, and who rented the place for their 
meetings at one hundred dollars per month. Mr. McLeod continued 
preaching at Daft's Hall during most of the year 1865, and it was 
doubtless to him that the Colfax party listened, when in June of that 
year, on the evening of the Sabbath that they entered Salt Lake 
Valley, they attended the Congregational service, as set forth in a 
previous chapter. In the month of February their church and 
society had been formally organized; also a Sunday school of which 
the ill-fated Dr. Robinson was superintendent, and which soon 
enrolled over a hundred pupils. Independence Hall, built by the 
Congregational Society, was finished in November, 1865, and the 
first religious service was held there on the 26th of that month. 

prodigal to the parent fold. His right hand man was one Alfred Smith, recently from St. 
Louis. The Gladdenites were few in number, and in 1853 all or most of them migrated 
to California. Gladden Bishop afterwards returned to Utah, died and was buried at Salt 
Lake City. The Morrisites have already been mentioned at length. The Josephites, to 
whom we have before referred, and will mention again soon, were followers of Joseph 
Smith " young Joseph " eldest son of the murdered Prophet. They were organized as 
a church at Piano, Illinois, in the year 1860. Three years later they sent missionaries to 
evangelize the Utah Saints, whom they regarded and still regard as wanderers from the 
true Mormon faith. 


The deed to the land on which the building was situated a portion 
of Lot 51, G. S. L. City survey ran from Samuel J. Lees to John 
Titus, P. Edward Connor, William Sloan, Charles H. Hempstead, D. 
Fred. Walker, John W. Kerr, Howard Livingston, Samuel Kahn, J. 
Mechling, Dr. Griswold and George W. Carleton. The lot cost $2.500 
and the building about |5,000. Early in 1866 Mr. McLeod left for 
the east "to raise money and also to represent Gentile interests at 
Washington." Whether or not this meant the misrepresenting of 
Mormon interests at the nation's capital and elsewhere, according 
to the fashion of some Christian ministers, who have condescended 
to such un-Christian methods in order to "raise money" for their 
evangelical work in Utah, we cannot say. It is a fact, however, that 
Mr. McLeod heartily hated the Mormons, against whom he turned 
the full force of his burning eloquence here in their very strong- 
hold, and doubtless did all that he could to their injury in other 
places. It was during his absence that his friend Dr. Robinson was 
assassinated, which had the effect since he attributed that crime 
to the Mormons of embittering him still more. The Gentiles, or 
many of them, viewing this bloody deed as only "the beginning of 
sorrows" of a like character, about to be visited upon them a fear 
that was never realized, for the reason that such a movement was 
never contemplated now thought seriously of making an exodus 
from the Territory, and Mr. McLeod, who was about returning to 
Utah, was met at Fort Leavenworth by a letter advising him not to 
do so. He therefore remained in the East, not visiting Salt Lake 
again until 1873, at which time he began another series of anti- 
Mormon sermons in Independence Hall. In the interim, however, 
the work he had inaugurated was left to languish, and for some 
time, so far as his church was concerned, was absolutely suspended. 
Meantime the Episcopal Church, at its first general conference 
held after the close of the Civil War, had determined to push its evan- 
gelical operations farther west, and to constitute a missionary district of 
the Territories of Montana, Idaho and Utah. It placed in charge of 
this extensive, if not thickly populated diocese, Rev. Daniel S. 


Tuttle, Rector of Zion's Church, Morris, Otsego County, New York, 
who was ordained a bishop in order to be qualified to preside over 
the district. His ordination occurred May 1st, 1867, in Trinity 
Chapel, New York City. Bishop Tuttle at this time was only thirty 
years of age, but though young and comparatively unknown, was a 
man of character and ability, whose uprightness, honesty of heart, 
high sense of justice and humane and generous soul, allied with 
great natural courage and a robust and athletic frame, specially 
fitted him for the arduous duties of his responsible calling. Though 
in manner somewhat brusque which was only the blunt candor of 
his fearless and honest nature he was nevertheless kind-hearted 
and affable, and wherever he went made many friends. The Mor- 
mons loved him because of his fairness and candor. Though 
stating plainly his points of difference with the Saints, either to 
them or to others, here and elsewhere, he never condescended to 
abuse or misrepresent them, but on the contrary took pleasure in 
testifying of their good traits, their honesty, industry and morality, 
even while deploring what he considered the errors of their religious 
faith. In this way he won the hearts of the people of Utah, who 
highly esteemed him, and when he finally left the Territory, 
parted from him with unfeigned regret. Mrs. Tuttle, his wife, a 
most estimable lady, shared with him his kindly feelings for the 
Saints, and in the reciprocal sentiments thereby awakened. 

Bishop Tuttle, having secured the co-operation of two young 
clergymen, in the persons of the Revs. George W. Foote and 
Thomas W. Haskins, in April, 1867, just prior to his ordination, 
sent them ahead of him to "look out the land."* They arrived at 
Salt Lake City on the 4th of May, and being kindly received, as their 
letters state, by both Mormons and Gentiles, held the first Episcopal 
service in Utah in Independence Hall, on Sunday, May 8th. Bishop 

*Mr. Tuttle had been selected for the new western diocese in October, 1866, and 
immediately went to work laying his plans for future operations ; but not having quite 
attained his thirtieth year the age required in a bishop of the Episcopal Church he 
was obliged to wait until May, 1867, for his ordination. 


Tuttle soon followed, accompanied by Rev. E. N. Goddard, Mrs. 
George Foote, Miss Foote who subsequently became Mrs. A. W. 
White and Rev. G. D. B. Miller. The last-named was for many 
years a familiar figure in these parts, was esteemed by his associates 
as a faithful and earnest worker for their cause, and by the Mormons 
as a gentlemanly and fair-minded man. This party reached Salt 
Lake City on the 2nd of July, having occupied forty-two days in 
making the journey from New York. Bishop Tuttle held his first 
service in Independence Hall which had been leased for a year on 
July 7th. At first there were but five communicants, all ladies, 
namely: Mrs. Fidelia B. Hamilton, Mrs. Augusta Tracy, Mrs. Mary 
Durant, Mrs. Whitehill and Miss Mary Foster, but the missionary 
party added four names, and on Sunday, July llth, the Bishop 
confirmed eleven. The first child baptized in the church was 
Catharine C. Miles; the first marriage was that of Mr. Samuel 
Woodward and Miss Mattie Spencer; and the first burial that of 
James G. Rogers. St. Mark's School, founded by the Episcopalians, 
was opened on the 1st of July one day before Bishop Tuttle's 
arrival in an old bowling alley, formerly owned by Dr. Robinson, 
on the west side of Main Street in the rear of the Walker House. 
The first day there were registered sixteen pupils, which number was 
doubled within two weeks. The Episcopal Church also fell heir to 
the Sunday school organized by Mr. McLeod, as well as to a portion 
of his congregation. Messrs. Foote and Haskins continued in charge 
of affairs in Utah, while Bishop Tuttle, accompanied by Mr. Goddard, 
pushed on by stage to Montana, Mr. Miller having already gone to 
Idaho to take charge of St. Michael's Church at Boise City. Bishop 
Tuttle remained in Montana, which was made the headquarters of 
his diocese, until October, 1869, when he removed to Salt Lake City, 
where he continued to reside until called to the Episcopate of 
Missouri. In July, 1870, the corner stone of St. Mark's Cathedral 
was laid, and in September of the year following that edifice was so 
far completed as to be occupied for service. Prior to this time St. 
Mark's Parish had been organized, with Messrs. Hussey and Taggart 


as wardens, and Messrs. Tracy, White, Humphreys, Norrell and 
Moulton as vestrymen. Bishop Tuttle was Rector of the Parish. 
St. Mark's Hospital the first institution of the kind established in 
Utah was founded in 1872, Rev. R. M. Kirby being one of its 
principal promoters. Nine years later to anticipate for a moment 
Rowland Hall, a boarding and day school for girls, was established. 
When Bishop Tuttle left Utah for Missouri in 1886, there were in 
this jurisdiction of the Episcopacy eleven clergymen, seven church 
buildings, eight hundred and thirty-six communicants, five schools, 
seven hundred and sixty-three pupils, one thousand and forty 
Sunday school children and church property worth twenty thousand 
dollars. The present head of the diocese which now comprises 
Utah and Nevada, and no longer includes Idaho and Montana is 
Bishop Abiel Leonard, an amiable and accomplished gentleman, to 
whose courtesy the author is indebted for most of the foregoing facts 
in relation to the pioneer work of the Episcopalians in this region. 
The Congregationalists resumed operations, as stated, with the 
return of Reverend Norman McLeod to Salt Lake City in 1872. But 
the "gospel of hate "is never popular with true Christians, even 
against Mormonism, and the kind words and peaceful persuasiveness 
of Bishop Tuttle and his associates of the Episcopal Church, was 
better calculated to melt hearts and win souls than the fiery 
phillipics of the Congregational Demosthenes. At the end of the 
year Mr. McLeod resigned, and services at Independence Hall were 
again discontinued. A better man for the place vacated was 
Reverend Walter M. Barrows, a former parishioner of the great 
Beecher, who arrived from the East on Christmas day of 1873, to 
take charge of affairs under the auspices of the American Home 
Missionary Society. Through his exertions the Congregational 
church and society were reorganized and reincorporated in June and 
July, 1874. There were then twenty-six church members. The 
incorporators were Charles H. Hempstead, D. F. Walker, R. H. 
Robertson, Thomas R. Jones, Frank Tilford, I. 0. Dewey, John T. 
Lynch, 0. J. Hollister, Henry C. Goodspeed and Henry S. Greeley. 


A few years later the society incorporated Salt Lake Academy, built 
Hammond Hall, and established a free school in the Tenth Ward of 
Salt Lake City, out of which school grew the Second Congregational 
Church. Mr. Barrows was succeeded in 1881 by Reverend Frank T. 
Lee. The present pastor of the First Congregational Church, 
Reverend J. Brainerd Thrall, arrived about Christmas time, 1884. 
He is an active and energetic worker, an able speaker, a fine 
scholar, courteous, obliging and popular,* 

Presbyterian work in Utah dates from the rise of Corinne, early 
in 1869. But at the capital city no church was established until 
1871. In July of that year Reverend Sheldon Jackson, superin- 
tendent of Presbyterian work in the Rocky Mountains, visited Utah 
to survey the situation with a view to beginning operations on a 
more extended scale, and in the following September Reverend 
Josiah Welch, the first resident Presbyterian pastor, arrived on the 
scene of his labors. He preached first in Faust's Hall, a long, 
narrow apartment originally designed for a hay loft, over a livery 
stable on Second South Street. In November the First Presbyterian 
Church of Salt Lake City was organized with ten members. The 
church building which stands on the corner of Second East and 
Second South Streets, was begun early in 1874, and dedicated in 
October of that year. Mr. Welch died while on a visit to friends in 
the East in 1877, and was succeeded by Dr. R. G. McNiece. 

The Methodist Church sent its first missionary to Utah in the 
spring of 1870. He was the Reverend Gustavus M. Pierce, who 
arrived at Salt Lake City in May, and held his first service on the 
15th of that month in Faust's Hall. A few years later a fine church 
was erected on Third South Street, near the historic spot where the 
Mormon Pioneers made their camp on the south fork of City Creek 
in July, 1847. Neither Mr. Pierce, the pioneer of Methodism in 
Utah, nor his associate, the Reverend J. P. Lyford, who began 

* Independence Hall was sold in January, 1890, for $50,000, with which means a 
new and magnificent church edifice has been erected on the corner of First South and 
Fourth East Streets, Salt Lake City. 


operations in Utah County early in the "seventies," were popular 
with the people. They were too much given to romancing to use a 
mild phrase in other words to exaggerating and misrepresenting 
matters in Utah, to win the love and respect of her citizens to any 
great degree. As a sample of the stories told by them in the East to 
enlist the sympathies and loosen the purse strings of pious people in 
behalf of the Methodist cause in this Territory, was one related by 
Mr. Ly ford, who made himself the hero of an imaginary situation in 
which he was represented as preaching at Provo with the Bible in 
one hand and a revolver in the other, in order to over-awe the 
Mormons and defend himself against assault. The present 
pastor of the First Methodist Church is Reverend Thomas 
Corwin Iliff. 

Last but not least in the category of non-Mormon churches 
established here during the years immediately preceding or 
following the advent of the railway is that of the Roman Catholics. 
It was on the 26th of November, 1871, that the church of St. Mary 
Magdalen was dedicated. The lot upon which this building stands 
situated on Second East Street, between South Temple and First 
South streets, Salt Lake City had been purchased by Father Kelly 
not long before. The resident pastor at the time the structure was 
reared, however, was Reverend P. Walsh. Besides himself there 
were then but six or eight Catholics composing the local religious 
body. This was the first organization in Utah, though a Catholic 
missionary had resided here since 1866. It is stated upon good 
authority that among those who donated toward the erection of the 
church of St. Mary Magdalen were Presidents Brigham Young and 
Daniel H. Wells and other Mormons. In 1873, Father Walsh was 
recalled to San Francisco, and Father Scanlan, the present Bishop of 
the diocese of Salt Lake, succeeded him. St. Mary's Academy was 
founded in May, 1875, and opened for boarders and day scholars in 
September following. Simultaneously the Hospital of the Holy 
Cross was established, but did not open in the present building until 
several years later. All Hallows College was of later institution. 


These edifices are all ornaments to the city and a great credit to 
their projectors. The site of the future Catholic cathedral and 
Bishop's residence the latter of which has just been completed 
is on East South Temple Street. There dwells Bishop Scanlan, and 
with him are Fathers Kiely, Trombley, Fitzgerald and Scallan. 

So much for the present upon the subject of Utah's non-Mormon 
churches; a theme upon which the author designs dwelling more 
fully hereafter. The purpose has been to mention here only the 
pioneer churches and their early workings. Other denominations, 
which came later, will all be duly noticed at the proper time and in 
the proper place. 









LYSSES S. GRANT was now President of the United States, 
and Schuyler Colfax was Vice-President. Unlike his prede- 
cessors, Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, "the silent man of the 
White House" was not persuaded that the "let-alone" policy in re- 
lation to Utah was the right one to pursue. And now that the 
South had been conquered, the slavery question settled, and the 
work of reconstruction practically accomplished with reference to 
the States that had been in rebellion, the warrior President and the 
party that he represented, flushed with victory, turned their at- 
tention to this Territory, determined to solve, by special legislation 
and judicial machinery, if possible, and if not, then by the sword, 
the vexed and vexing Mormon problem; extirpating the practice of 
polygamy, already associated with slavery and styled by this cutter 
of Gordian knots, this Alexander of politics the Republican 
Party "the twin relic of barbarism." 

That President Grant's attitude toward Utah at this particular 
period, which was several years before he visited the Territory in 
person, was largely due to the influence of Vice-President Colfax, is 
unquestionable. The ex-Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
while at Salt Lake City in the summer of 1865, had given the Mor- 
mons what he considered some very good advice, which they had 
seen fit to ignore; not because they were ungrateful for his apparent 


interest in their behalf, or did not respect his sincerity in offering 
them such counsel, but simply because they differed from him in 
opinion as to its quality. This seemed to anger Mr. Colfax, and 
having, after he became Vice-President, accepted as true an anti- 
Mormon tale to the effect that Brigham Young in a sermon had said 
that the President and Vice-President of the United States were 
drunkards and gamblers, his prejudice in this direction was complete. 
That his feelings were shared by the chief magistrate, who trusted 
Colfax implicitly at this time, and of course had his own views also 
respecting Mormonism, was perhaps nothing more than natural under 
the circumstances. Again, as we have seen, Vice-President Colfax 
visited Utah this time in the fall of 1869 and though apparently 
as friendly as he was polite and courteous to the few Mormons whom 
he met, it was evident that his coming was more in the spirit of war 
than of peace; that there was a hand of iron under the glove of 
velvet; that resentment rankled in his heart, though naught but 
honeyed sweetness was permitted to fall from his lips. During this 
visit he shunned the society of Mormons, declined the proffered hos- 
pitality of the city of the Saints, and communicated almost entirely 
with Gentiles, mostly with anti-Mormons and apostates, who sent him 
away well charged with animus against the leaders of the Church and 
with any amount of sensational data with which to assail the eyes and 
ears of the nation's chief. The latter, being, as is well known, one of 
those noble because trusting and unsuspecting natures, such as the 
cunning lago found in the too credulous Moor, or the envious Cassius 
discovered in the patriotic Brutus, gave credence to what was told 
him, and did not learn how grossly he had been deceived till he had 
himself visited the Mormons in their mountain home. 

But there were others besides Mr. Colfax who lent their influence 
in the same direction. Early in July, 1869, there arrived at Salt Lake 
City a large company of gentlemen representing the commercial and 
moneyed interests of Chicago, whose object in coming west was to estab- 
lish and facilitate business relations between the queen city on Lake 
Michigan and those parts whose trade, now that the Pacific Railway 

21 -VOL. 2. 


was completed, would naturally tend thither and be tributary to the 
growth and prosperity of that since mighty mart, and yet to be 
mightier metropolis. The railroad pass with which each member of 
the party was provided bore this caption: "International Com- 
mercial relations, China, Japan, Sandwich Islands, Alaska, San 
Francisco, Sacramento, Salt Lake, Denver, Omaha and the Terri- 
tories." Included in the company were Hon. Lyman Trumbull, U. 
S. Senator of Illinois; General R. J. Oglesby, ex-Governor of that 
State; Hon. N. R. Judd, M. C.; Hons. Isaac N. Arnold and W. S. 
Hinckley; Reverend Clinton Locke, D. D.; J. Medill, editor of the 
Chicago Tribune; J. M. Richards, president of the Chicago Roard of 
Trade; Messrs. J. L. Hancock, 0. S. Hough, J. V. Farwell, J. H. 
Rowen, F. D. Gray, W. T. Allen, A. Cowles, G. M. Kimbark, E. W. 
Rlatchford, G. S. Rowen, C. G. Hammond, 0. Lunt, T. Dent, C. G. 
Wicker, R. F. Haddock, S. Wait, E. V. Robbins, J. A. Ellison, C. 
Tobey, J. R. Nichols, E. F. Hollister, E. G. Keith, C. Gossage, J. 
Stockton, D. W. Whittle, E. G. Squires, a Mr. Mead, and Mr. 0. 
Grant, brother to President Grant. The chairman of the party was 
Colonel J. H. Rowen, who had charge of the excursion. The 
distinguished party were warmly welcomed by all classes of citizens, 
and their visit was regarded as an important event. 

On Saturday, July 10th, at 11 a. m., the delegation, headed by 
Colonel Rowen, called upon President Young. The Colonel, sur- 
rounded by the members of his party, addressed the Mormon leader 
as follows: 

President Brigham Young: 

We call upon you this morning as members of a representative commercial party 
from the city of Chicago, who are en route upon a visit to San Francisco, the purpose of 
which is to facilitate commercial relations with localities made tributary by the comple- 
tion of the Union and Central Pacific railroads. 

Esteeming the Territory of Utah one of the important localities, we have come to its 
capital to greet you and those engaged in commercial transactions in your midst, and to 
invite co-operation in our efforts. 

We also come to congratulate you upon the auspicious and speedy completion of the 
great national highway, that binds together the distant extremes of our country, that 
relieves the people of their long and profound isolation and places them and their pro- 
ducts within a few days of steam locomotion of the great markets of the Union, thereby 


increasing the value of their labor and reducing the cost of their goods, and adding 
immensely to their wealth and their comforts, and placing them within easy reach of all 
the social as well as material enjoyments of life. 

In passing swiftly through the far-famed Echo and Weber canyons, we were deeply 
awed and grandly impressed with the majesty of the scenery and filled with wonder at the 
herculean task accomplished in the building of the railway through and over such seem- 
ingly insurmountable obstacles of nature in so incredibly short a space of time. A 
considerable share of the credit and honor of this achievement properly belongs to you 
and your people, who rendered hearty, efficient and timely aid to the company charged 
with the completion of this gigantic national highway, and we hope you will live long 
to enjoy the fruits of these beneficial labors. You will have further cause of congratu- 
lation when the branch road is completed which will connect the capital of Utah with the 
main line, which work we are glad to learn is rapidly progressing towards completion. 

We have examined and scrutinized your wonderful development and the utilization 
of the barren nature which surrounded you in your early occupation of the valley. It 
demonstrates what can be reached by skillful industry and well-directed energy, and is 
worthy of high commendation. 

Allow me the pleasure of introducing to you the members of our party, collectively 
and individually. 

President Young thus responded : 

Colonel J. H. Bowen, Chairman of the Representative Commercial Party of the City 
of Chicago, and Gentlemen: 

I will briefly say in behalf of my friends here, and on my own part, gentlemen, you 
are each and all welcome; we are pleased to see you ; we sincerely hope you are well 
and enjoying yourselves and that your excursion to the West will be productive of much 
benefit to all concerned. 

We congratulate you on the energy displayed by the commercial men of Chicago in 
advancing the business interests of the West, and we accept this as an index of more 
abundant success in the future. We are with you, heart and hand, in all that promotes 
the public good. 

We thank you for your congratulation and duly appreciate the high estimate which 
you hold of our labors. It is true we are the pioneers of this western civilization, and 
that we have to some extent assisted in the development of the resources of the great 
West. It is true that we have built over 300 miles of the great Pacific Railroad, an 
enterprise for which, by the way, we memorialized Congress in 1852 ; but this of the 
past. Our labors are before the world, they speak for themselves. Our aim is to press 
onward, diligently to perform the part allotted to us in the great drama of life, and, 
having ever in view the glory of God and our country, the rights of man and social 
independence, strive for the maintenance of those glorious principles which compose our 
Federal Constitution. 

Introductions, hand-shakings and conversation ensued, and 
upwards of an hour was passed very pleasantly. 


Said the Deseset News editorially that day: "Aside from the 
business results which may follow the visit of these gentlemen to 
our city and Territory, there are other important reasons why we 
should be gratified at their coming. It is a great advantage to our 
people to be seen at home by such a class of men as comprise this 
party. They are probably as free from prejudice as any men in the 
nation, and however much they may differ with us religiously, they 
can perceive at a glance that we are no common people, and that we 
possess qualities which entitle us to respect. They are sufficiently 
cosmopolitan in their views to award us credit for our labors, and 
they will go away more thoroughly convinced, by personal contact 
and observation, that we are not the fanatical, bad people they have 
heard us described to be, than they could possibly be by merely 
reading about us. Intercourse of this character dissipates prejudice 
and corrects falsehood, and after the walk last evening from the 
theater to the hotel, of those gentlemen of the party who remained 
to see the conclusion of the performance, it would be difficult for 
sensational and mendacious letter writers to convince them that life 
is unsafe here, or to cause them to swallow the terrible fabrications 
about destroying angels, etc." 

The News was probably not aware that a movement was even 
then on foot, among leading non-Mormons of Salt Lake City, to cause 
the Chicago Commercial Party to take away with them an impression 
vastly different from that which the majority of the citizens desired 
they should receive, and that this movement was destined to be more 
or less successful. Before the party left the city they were invited 
to a banquet at the residence of Joseph R. Walker, Esq., to 
which were also bidden such guests as General P. E. Connor, Major 
Hempstead, Mr. Kahn, Judges Hawley and Strickland, Major 
Overton, Captain Thomas H. Bates, Messrs. 0. J. Hollister, R. H. 
Robertson, John Chislett and many others. Over forty persons were 
present on the occasion. Champagne flowed freely, as did anti- 
Mormon sentiment, until the Chicago party were pretty well imbued 
with the spirit which was soon to become incarnate in what is known 


as the Liberal Party of Utah, whose birth was now at hand. The 
alleged tyranny and treasonableness of the Mormon Priesthood, and 
the continued disregard of the anti-polygamy law by the Saints, were 
the staple of comment and conversation at this political banquet and 
war feast, though "the insecurity to life and property of Gentiles," 
the opposition of the Mormons to mining, their " monopoly of the 
public lands," with Brigham Young's great commercial coup d'etat, 
which had culminated in the establishment of Zion's Co-operative 
Mercantile Institution, and the "freezing out" of the non-Mormon 
merchants, the Walkers, the Auerbachs, the Kahns, and others, came 
in for their share of attention. Senator Trumbull related a conver- 
sation that he had had with President Young in which the latter, it was 
claimed, had said something to the effect that if the Federal officials 
in Utah did not behave themselves, he would have them ridden out 
of the Territory. Secretary Mann and Chief Justice Wilson, who 
were not present at the banquet, being on friendly terms with 
the Saints and consequently on unfriendly terms with their oppo- 
nents, were also criticised, not to say excoriated, for their pronounced 
"Jack-Mormonism," and a desire for their removal and the appoint- 
ment to succeed them of men more in harmony with the feelings 
of the anti-Mormons was generally expressed. The discussion of 
these subjects was free and full, and "war talk ran around" till 
nearly every soul was on fire with anti-Mormon animus and 
champagne. From this banquet, it is believed, went forth the 
inspiration of the so-called Cullom bill, introduced into Congress 
during the following winter, and which, with its predecessor the 
Cragin bill, is said to have originated at Salt Lake City. The agita- 
tion thus begun also had its effect upon the Administration, and. 
added to other things, notably Mr. Colfax's representations, deter- 
mined President Grant upon the prosecution of a vigorous, not to say 
belligerent policy toward Brigham Young and the Mormons. 

Another influential character aboufthe person of the President 
at this time, was Dr. John P. Newman, chaplain of the United States 
Senate, and pastor of the Metropolitan Methodist Church at Wash- 


ington. This man. as long as Grant lived, exercised great influence 
over him. Why, we are unable to say; for barring the fact that 
General Grant, under the sternness of his warlike nature, was not 
only kind-hearted and generous, as every Christian should be, but 
genuinely religious, as every Christian is not, whatever the amount 
of sanctity professed, two men more unlike in nature, and one would 
naturally suppose in tastes, could hardly have been selected than the 
"strong, simple, silent " hero of Appomattox, and the vain, voluble, 
pedantic pastor of the most fashionable church in Washington. 
Grant seemed to have for Newman, who was his favorite preacher, 
under whom he sat Sabbath after Sabbath, a great admiration if 
not a profound friendship, and it was probably owing to the Pres- 
ident's regard for him that he became Chaplain of the Senate. 
Undoubtedly it was due to his great and powerful friend at the 
White House that the pastor was permitted, a few years after the 
events here narrated, to go junketing around the world, or at any 
rate as far as Palestine and the Orient, in the semblance if not the 
substance of an inspector of United States consulates. When it 
shall be known why great men are ever prone to allow trucklers and 
sycophants to enjoy their confidence and flourish on their pat- 
ronage, while better men are held at a distance, distrusted and even 
suspected for their candor, and because, while willing to serve, they 
will not toady to authority, perhaps it will be explained why Presi- 
dent Grant and Doctor Newman were so "unequally yoked" in 
friendship and mutual regard. The law of opposites scarcely 
explains the mystery. Now, this man Newman was a Mormon-hater, 
and is believed to have used his influence, both at the Executive 
Mansion and in the lobbies of the Senate, against the people who for 
some reason had won his dislike even before he knew them, and 
whom he cordially hated, with a better reason for his rancor, after 
becoming acquainted with their great preacher and Hebrew 
scholar. Orson Pratt, and tasking of his apostolic steel in the famous 
discussion of August, 1870: "Does the Bible Sanction Polygamy?" 
There is little doubt that Dr. Newman, quite as much as Vice- 


President Colfax, was responsible for the unfriendly feeling which 
President Grant, until he came to Utah and saw things for himself, 
entertained toward the founders of the Territory. 

Vice-President Colfax was returning from a trip to California 
when, on the 3rd of October, 1869, he and his party arrived at Salt 
Lake City. Mr. Colfax was now a married man and was accom- 
panied by his wife; also by Governor Bross and Mr. Bowles, his 
compagnons de voyage on his former journey across the plains, and 
other distinguished gentlemen with their ladies. As before, the 
municipal authorities tendered to the Vice-President and his party 
the hospitalities of the city during their stay, and sent a special 
committee, consisting of Alderman S. W. Richards and Councilor 
Theodore McKean, to meet the visitors with coaches at Uintah 
Station in Weber County and conduct them to Salt Lake. A com- 
mittee of reception, consisting of Mayor D. H. Wells, Hon. W. H. 
Hooper, Alderman Jeter Clinton and Marshal J. D. T. McAllister, 
were appointed to meet the parly on their arrival at the Townsend 
House, where ample arrangements were made for their entertain- 
ment. The Vice-President, however, politely declined the proffered 
hospitality, on the ground that he and his party were traveling in a 
strictly private capacity. The interview between them and the 
reception committee, though brief, was cordial and friendly at least 
it bore that seeming but owing to the fatigues of travel and the 
desire of the visitors that there should be no demonstration in their 
honor, it terminated after a mutual interchange of verbal courtesies. 

But Mr. Colfax, as already stated, did not feel as friendly toward 
Utah and her people as his polite demeanor on this occasion 
doubtless led many to infer. This was partly manifested during his 
stay at Salt Lake City. That his object in again visiting the 
metropolis of the Saints was to feel the Mormon pulse and survey 
once more the local situation prior to rendering another and a final 
report to President Grant, and the other heads of the Government, a 
report that he knew would powerfully influence the conduct of the 
Administration and the action of Congress toward the Mormon 


people, is extremely probable. That he occupied the position of 
arbiter, to decide whether peace or war should be Utah's portion at 
this period, there is little room to doubt. General Grant, who had 
hammered to pieces rebellion in the South, was just as ready to 
hammer it to pieces in Utah or elsewhere, and Colfax, who had 
probably convinced his chief that the disregard paid by the Saints to 
the law of Congress and to his own advice respecting polygamy was 
almost tantamount to treason and resistance to the Government, was 
the very man to set the hammer working. Yet he was conscientious 
enough to his credit be it believed to desire to take another look 
at the object which he supposed was about to be shattered, perhaps 
to forestall any pangs of regret in case it should transpire that 
he had been too hasty. That he had not quite decided as to which 
course was the better one to pursue in relation to the Saints, 
whether to let the Federal courts, officered and aided by zealous and 
uncompromising foes to Mormonism. grapple with the problem, 
or to send armed battalions with such a man as General Sheridan at 
their head, to force at the point of the bayonet an unconditional 
surrender from the Mormon leaders, is evident from a conversation 
that took place between the Vice-President and Elder T. B. H. 
Stenhouse, the substance of which we will relate. In order, 
however, to be better understood, it will be necessary to first 
sketch the origin of what is known in local history as the "New 
Movement," which gave birth to the Liberal or anti-Mormon party. 
Reference has already been made to a certain periodical called 
The Utah Magazine, established at Salt Lake City in January, 1868. 
Its proprietors were William S. Godbe and Elias L. T. Harrison; the 
former a prosperous merchant, and the latter an architect by 
profession. Mr. Harrison was the editor of the Magazine. Both 
were prominent Mormons, and men of ability and reputation, 
respected and esteemed by the community of which they were 
members. The Magazine was at first conducted as a purely literary 
publication, or if the pen of its editor occasionally touched religious 
topics, the treatment, though liberal, was of course pro-Mormon in 


tone. At that time it had the sanction of the Church authorities. 
But by and by "a change came o'er the spirit" of the editor and 
his associate, a change that soon manifested itself in the editorial 
pages of their periodical. Though not anti-Mormon in spirit, it 
was evident that the Magazine had changed its principles, or at least 
was putting forth principles which it had not formerly advanced, and 
that were considered by the leaders of the Church to which its 
editor and publishers belonged, antagonistic to the spiritual welfare 
of the people. The fact is, Elders Godbe and Harrison had for some 
time been losing faith in Mormonism, and though they still loved the 
Saints and desired to retain the good will of the community in which 
was bound up all that their traditions and affections held dear, they 
could not conceal the fact, either from themselves or from those with 
whom they mingled and conversed, that their confidence in the Book 
of Mormon, in Joseph Smith and in Brigham Young was shaken, 
and that the faith for which they had so long and zealously 
contended was no longer deemed by them divine. Still they did not 
wish to leave the Church. Mr. Godbe was a polygamist with three 
wives, and both he and Mr. Harrison, with their households, to 
whom they were devotedly attached, had numerous friends in the 
community by whom, as stated, they were held in high esteem. 
Having, as they claim, prayed for and received divine light to guide 
them, they resolved to inaugurate, within the Church, a work of 
reform. This meant that they would oppose Brigham Young and 
his policies, the "one man power," and what they considered a too 
decided leaning toward temporal things on the part of the Priest- 
hood, manifested in such movements as the organization of Z. C. M. 
I., the building of railroads, and other secular enterprises, and yet 
would remain in the Church and labor for the salvation of the 
people. This feat, it is perhaps needless to say, was as impossible 
as for one to bestride at the same time two horses moving in 
diametrically opposite directions. In Mormonism the Priesthood 
and the people are one, in all that pertains to the general cause, and 
are not to be so separated. So long as the Saints sustained Brigham 


Young as their President, so long was he their leader and guide, and 
whatever opposed him and his brethren the Apostles, in the 
discharge of their duties as "shepherds of the flock," opposed those 
over whom they presided. Elders Godbe and Harrison knew this 
they were not neophytes in Mormonism and probably foresaw that 
unless their efforts resulted in the overthrow of President Young and 
his coadjutors the Priesthood or the surrender of those leaders 
to the "New Movement," their own excommunication, unless they 
retraced their steps, was inevitable. For such an issue they were 
doubtless prepared, but felt willing to risk all, in the hope of secur- 
ing, in case they were cut off from the Church, a following from the 
ranks of the Saints that would form the nucleus of another and a 
distinct religious society. They trusted, however, to remain within 
the fold with their families and friends, and work a modification of 
existing conditions which they considered wrong and would not any 
longer approve. To a small circle of friends they confided their 
views and intentions, and from them received sympathy and 
support. Among these were Elders Eli B. Kelsey, Edward W. 
Tullidge and Henry W. Lawrence, all Mormons of many years' 
standing. Messrs. Kelsey, Tullidge and Godbe, as well as Editor 
Harrison, then began writing for the Utah Magazine with the distinct 
and definite object, as avowed among themselves, of sapping the 
foundations of the power of Brigham Young.* Though not once 
mentioning his name, it was perfectly apparent to thinking readers 
that he was the target at which their literary shafts were aimed. 
The visit to the Territory, in the summer of 1869, of Alexander and 
David H. Smith, two of the sons of the murdered Prophet, mission- 
aries of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day 
Saints, from Piano, Illinois over which church, as previously stated, 
their brother Joseph presided gave the " New Movement" men an 

Says Stenhouse, their coadjutor, after his detection from Mormonism : " Believing 
that Brigham had set out to build up a dynasty of his own, and that he, like David the 
King, looked upon the people as his ' heritage,' these four Elders resolved to sap the 
foundations of his throne.'' 


opportunity to discharge what they intended should be a telling 
shot in the direction of President Young. One of the claims put 
forth by these Josephite Elders for so were the Elders of the 
Reorganized Church termed in Utah was that their brother, "young 
Joseph," was the true successor of their father as President of the 
Church which was once at Nauvoo, and that Brigham Young had no 
right to lead the people.* The Utah Magazine, " under the pretext 
of advising the young Smiths" to quote again from Stenhouse 
seized the occasion to say, with Brigham Young more than Joseph 
Smith in mind : " If we know the true feeling of our brethren, it is 
that they never intend Joseph Smith's nor any other man's son to 
preside over them, simply because of their sonship. The principle 
of heirship has cursed the world for ages, and with our brethren we 
expect to fight it, till, with every other relic of tyranny, it is trodden 
under foot." The article in which this paragraph appeared was 
followed by others, which, though true enough in the abstract, and 
altogether impersonal, still betrayed their animus against the 
President and set many tongues talking. At last came an article 
on "The True Development of the Territory," in which the Saints 
were advised to turn their attention to mining. As this advice was 
directly contrary to the counsel of the Church authorities counsel 

* The first Josephite Elders to visit the Territory were E. G. Briggs and Alexander 
McGord, who arrived at Salt Lake City in the summer of 1863. They visited the houses 
of a number of disaffected Mormons, and made a few converts, most of whom left Utah 
and returned to the States. Alexander and David Smith held forth in Independence 
Hall, the principal public building of the Gentiles at Salt Lake City. Their evangelism, 
though it created considerable interest among the people, chiefly from the fact that the 
preachers were sons of the Prophet, whose memory the Utah Saints all revered, was 
almost without results. Their claims that " young Joseph" was the true successor to the 
Presidency of the Church founded by his father, and that Brigham Young and not Joseph 
Smith was the author of the polygamic doctrine practiced by the Utah Mormons but 
condemned by the Mormons of Piano, were combatted by Apostle Joseph F. Smith, son 
of the murdered Hyrum, who in a brief series of public discussions with his visiting 
cousins opposed the Josephite anti-polygamy position, and maintained the right of 
Brigham Young, who was President of the Twelve Apostles when Joseph and Hyrum 
Smith were killed, to succeed to the leadership after the dissolution of the original First 


which had been given for many years, and had not yet been revoked 
it was not calculated to promote peace and harmony between the 
leaders of the Mormon community and the publishers of the Utah 
Magazine. Not long afterward Elder Harrison declined to go upon a 
mission to which he was called by the voice of the Church, and the 
irregular attendance of himself and his associates at the School of 
the Prophets was also noted. Finally he and Elder Godbe were 
summoned before the High Council of the Stake, and after a full 
investigation and hearing they were excommunicated. Elders Godbe 
and Harrison, with their friend Kelsey, were deprived of membership 
in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints on the 25th of 
October, 1869, and soon afterward T. B. H. Stenhouse, editor of the 
Telegraph; Henry W. Lawrence, merchant, Bishop's Counselor, and 
one of the founders of Z. C. M. I.; Edward W. Tullidge, and others 
who had become disaffected, were dealt with in like manner. These 
men were all reputable and respected members of the community. 
Naught against their morality or general uprightness of character 
was known or advanced. But they had lost faith in Mormonism 
outgrown it they claimed and had determined to oppose the 
regularly constituted authorities of the Church in the discharge of 
what they and the people who sustained them deemed their duty. 
Consequently the Church, though parting from them with regret, 
was compelled to take action in their cases. The official announce- 
ment of the authorities respecting the Utah Magazine and the 
excommunication of its editor and publishers, appeared in the 
Deseret News as follows : 


Our attention has been called of late to several articles which have appeared in the 
Utah Mafjazine, a weekly periodical published in this city. An examination of them 
has convinced us that they are erroneous, opposed to the spirit of the gospel and calcu- 
lated to do injury. According to the practice in the Church, teachers were sent to labor 
with the editor and publishers, to point out to them the evil results which would follow 
a persistence in the course they were pursuing. This did not have the desired effect, and 
they have since been tried before the High Council, and after a thorough and patient 
investigation of the case it was found they had imbibed the spirit of apostasy to that 


degree that they could not any longer be fellowshipped and they were cut off from the 

The Utah Magazine is a periodical that in its spirit and teachings is directly 
opposed to the work of God. Instead of building up Zion and uniting the people, its 
teachings if carried out, would destroy Zion, divide the people asunder, and drive the 
Holy Priesthood from the earth. Therefore we say to our brethren and sisters in every 
place, the Utah Magazine is not a periodical suitable for circulation among or perusal 
by them, and should not be sustained by Latter-day Saints. 

We hope this will be sufficient without ever having to refer to it again. 

Your Brethren, 


But what was viewed with regret by the Mormons generally 
the defection of such men as God be, Harrison, Lawrence, Kelsey, Tul- 
lidge and others was hailed with delight by the anti-Mormons; 
seceders of an earlier period, the majority of the Federal officials, 
and by all in fact who were at open war with the Church, and who, 
having first embittered Senator Trumbull and his party against the 
Saints, had next besieged Vice-President Colfax at the Townsend 
House and given him the benefit of their views as to the best method 
of dealing with the Mormon Problem. 

It was before the "New Movement" or, as it was commonly 
called, the "Godbeite Movement" took definite form, and about 
three weeks prior to the excommunication of its leaders by the High 
Council of the Salt Lake Stake, that the Vice-President made his 
second visit to the Mormon metropolis. Hearing of the prospective 
schism, which had been in process of incubation for several 
months, and viewing it as a good omen, he took pains during his 
stay to communicate with representatives of the "Movement." Said 
he to Elder Stenhouse, as reported by E. W. Tullidge, to whom 
the editor of the Telegraph related his conversation with the Vice- 
President: "Will Brigham Young fight?" This was equivalent to 


saying: "If he will fight we'll soon settle this Mormon question, 
schism or no schism, courts or no courts; settle it at once and 
forever with the sword." Stenhouse is said to have replied: "For 
God's sake, Mr. Colfax, keep the United States off! If the Govern- 
ment interferes and sends troops you will spoil the opportunity and 
drive the thousands back into the arms of Brigham Young who are 
ready to rebel against the one-man power. Leave the Mormon 
Elders alone to solve their own problem. We can do it; the 
Government cannot. If you give us another Mormon war, we shall 
heal up the breach, go back into full fellowship with the Church, 
and stand by the brethren. What else could we do? Our families, 
friends and life companions are all with the Mormon people. Mr. 
Colfax, take my word for it, the Mormons will fight the United States 
if driven to it in defense ot' their faith, as conscientious religionists 
always have fought. The Mormons are naturally a loyal people. 
They only need to be broken off from the influence of Brigham 
Young. Depend upon it, Mr. Colfax, the Government had better let 
us alone with this business, simply giving its protection to the ' New 
Movement' men." 

It is claimed by the Godbeites that the arguments thus advanced, 
with various expressions from their leaders to Federal officials and 
other anti-Mormons, materially modified the war spirit so prevalent 
at the time, and that the "New Movement," being in a sense 
fostered by the Government and favored by many of the most 
influential journals throughout the land, one of which, the New 
York Herald, sent a special correspondent in the person of Colonel 
Finlay Anderson, to keep the readers of that paper informed as to 
the workings of the so-called "Utah schism," became to Mormonism 
a shield to ward off the wrath then gathering like storm-clouds 
above and around it, threatening to spend their fury upon its 
devoted head. 

But this, if we except the political movement which sprang from 
it, was about all that the "Utah Schism" accomplished. The effort 
to found a new church proved a signal failure. Meetings were held 


by the schismatic Elders, beginning on Sunday, December 19th, 
1869, in the Thirteenth Ward Assembly Rooms, the use of which 
was granted them by President Young as stated by Mr. Tullidge 
on the application of Messrs. Godbe and Lawrence, through Bishop 
Edwin D. Woolley. Many persons, principally non-Mormons in 
sympathy with the schism, attended, but very few converts were 
made, and it was not many months from the time of its inception 
before the "New Movement" waned and faded until it existed only 
as a memory. After its collapse, its founders, like the ancient 
disciples, "went back to their nets;" in other words to their secular 
avocations, which, however, they had not entirely forsaken to engage 
in the "Movement." Mr. Godbe continued as a merchant, but also 
branched out into mining, in Avhich he has won and lost several 
fortunes; Mr. Harrison followed his profession of architect; Mr. Kelsey 
devoted his time, during the remainder of his life, to mining and 
real estate operations, and Mr. Tullidge went on in his literary 
career, during which he has produced several historical works and a 
number of plays of much merit. Mr. Lawrence, who is today the 
most wealthy man among them, occupied his time, like Mr. Godbe, in 
mercantile pursuits, and has also realized much money from mining. 
A few of the prominent Godbeites have rejoined the Church, but the 
principals, Messrs. Godbe and Harrison, who claim to have received 
light far in advance of Mormonism, have never reunited with the 
Saints. Mr. Lawrence is a pronounced anti-Mormon, and bids fail- 
to remain so to the end. 

Included in this chapter should be the speech of Vice-President 
Golfax, delivered from the balcony of the Townsend House to the 
citizens of Salt Lake City on the night of October 5th, 1869. It was 
as follows : 

Fellow Citizens: 

I come hither in response to your call to thank the band from Camp Douglas for 
the serenade with which they have honored me, and to tender my obligations to the 
thousands before me, for having come from their homes and places of business " to speed 
the parting guest." 

As I stand before you, tonight, my thoughts go back to the first view I ever had of 


Salt Lake City, four years ago last June. After traveling with my companions, Governor 
Bross and Mr. Bowles, who are with me again, and Mr. Richardson, whose absence we 
have all regretted, over arid plains, alkali valleys, and barren mountains, day after day, 
our stage coach emerged from a canyon one morning, and we looked down upon your 
city covering miles in its area, with its gardens, green with fruit trees and shrubbery, and 
the Jordan flashing in the sun beyond. And when after stopping at Gamp Douglas, which 
overlooks your city, to salute the flag of our country, and honor the officers and soldiers 
who keep watch and ward over it at this distant post, we drove down with your common 
council to the city, and saw its wide streets, and the streams which irrigate your gardens, 
rippling down all of them in their pebbly beds. I felt indeed that you had a right to regard 
it as a Palmyra in the desert. Returning now, with my family and friends, from a long 
journey on the Pacific coast, extending north to where the Columbia River tears its way 
through the mighty range which bars the way for all other rivers from the British to the 
Mexican line, we came to your city by the stage route from the railroad, through the 
fertile region that lines your lake shore, and find it as beautiful and attractive in its 
affluence of fruits and flowers as when we first visited it. 

I am gratified, too, that our present visit occurred at the same time with your Terri- 
torial Fair, enabling us to witness your advance in the various branches of industry. I 
was specially interested in the hours I spent there, yesterday, with some of your leading 
citizens, in your cotton manufactures from the cotton you raise in Southern Utah, your 
woolen manufactures, the silk manufacture you have recently inaugurated, your leather 
and harness, the porcelain, which was new to me, your furniture, your paintings, and 
pictures, the fancy work of the ladies, and the fruits and vegetables which tell their own 
story of the fertility of your soil. I rejoice over every indication of progress and self- 
reliance in all parts of the Union, and hope you may realize, by further development, 
how wise and beneficial such advancement is to communities like yours, remote from the 
more thickly settled portions of the Republic. 

I have enjoyed the opportunity, also, of visiting your Tabernacle, erected since I was 
here before, the largest building in which religious services are held on the continent, 
and of listening to your organ, constructed here, which, in its mammoth size, its volume 
of sound, and sweetness of tone, would compare favorably with any in the largest cities 
in the Union. Nor did 1 feel any the less interest on my present, than on my former 
visit, in listening to your leading men in their places of worship, as they expounded and 
defended their faith and practice, because that faith and practice differed so widely from 
my own. Believing in free speech, as all of us should, I listened attentively, respectfully, 
and courteously to what failed to convince my mind, and you will doubtless hear me with 
equal patience, while I tell you frankly wherein we differ. 

But first let me say that I have no strictures to utter as to your creed on any really 
religious question. Our land is a land of civil and religious liberty, and the faith of 
every man is a matter between himself and God alone. You have as much right to 
worship the Creator through a president and twelve apostles of your church organization 
as I have through the ministers and elders and creed of mine. And this right 1 would 
defend for you with as much zeal as the right of every other denomination throughout 
the land. But our country is governed by law, and no assumed revelation justifies any 


one in trampling on the law. If it did, every wrong-doer would use that argument to 
protect himself in his obedience to it. The Constitution declares, in the most emphatic 
language, that that instrument and the laws made in conformity thereto, shall be the 
supreme law of the land. Whether liked or disliked, they bind the forty millions of 
people who are subject to that supreme law. If any one condemns them as unconsti- 
tutional, the courts of the United States are open, before which they can test the ques- 
tion. But, till they are decided to be in conflict with the Constitution, they are binding 
upon you in Utah as they are on me in the District of Columbia, or on the citizens in 
Idaho and Montana. Let me refer now to the law of 1862, against which you specially 
complain, and which you denounce Congress for enacting. It is obeyed in the other 
Territories of the United States, or if disobeyed its violation is punished. It is not 
obeyed here, and though you often speak of the persecutions to which you were subject 
in the earlier years of your church, you cannot but acknowledge that the conduct of the 
government and the people of the United States towards you, in your later years, has 
been one of toleration, which you could not have realized in any other of the civilized 
nations of the world. 

I do not concede that the institution you have established here, and which is con- 
demned by the law, is a question of religion. But to you who do claim it as such, I 
reply, that the law you denounce, only re-enacts the original prohibitions of your Book of 
Mormon, on its 118th page, * and your Book of Doctrine and Covenants, in its chapter 
on marriage; and these are the inspired records, as you claim them, on which your 
church was organized. 

The Book of Mormon, on the same page, speaks twice of the conduct of David 
and Solomon, as ' a grosser crime, 1 and those who follow their practice as ' waxing in 
iniquity.' The Book of Doctrine and Covenants is the discipline and creed of your 
church ; and in its chapter on marriage it declares, that as the Mormon Church has been 
charged with the crimes of fornication and polygamy, it is avowed as the law of Un- 
church, that a man shall have but one wife, and a woman but one husband, till death 
shall part them. 

I know you claim that a subsequent revelation annulled all this ; but I use these 
citations to show you that the Congressional law which you denounce only enacted what 
was the original and publicly proclaimed and printed creed on which your church was 
founded. And yet while you assume that this later revelation gives you the right to turn 
your back on your old faith and disobey the law, you would not yourselves tolerate others 
in assuming rights for themselves under revelations they might claim to have received, or 
under religions they might profess. The Hindoos claim, as part of their religion, the 
right to burn widows with the dead bodies of their husbands. If they were to attempt 
it here, as their religion, you would prevent it by force. If a new revelation were to be 
proclaimed here, that the strong men should have the right to take the wives of the 
weaker men, that the learned men should take the wives of the unlearned, that the rich 
men should take the wives of the poor, that those who were powerful and influential 
should have the right to command the labor and the services of the humbler, as their 
bond-slaves, you would spurn it, and would rely upon the law and the power of the 
United States to protect you. 

22-VOL. 2. 


But you argue that it is a restraint on individual freedom ; and that it concerns only 
yourselves. Yet you justify these restraints on individual freedom in everything else. 
Let me prove this to you. If a man came here and sought to- establish a liquor saloon 
on Temple street without license, you wou\d justify your common council, which is 
your municipal congress, in suppressing it by force, and punishing the offender besides. 
Another one comes here and says that he will pursue his legitimate avocation of bone- 
boiling on a lot in the heart of your city. You will expect your council to prevent it, 
and why ? Because you believe it would be offensive to society and to the people around 
him. And still another says, that as an American citizen he will establish a powder mill 
on a lot he has purchased, next door to this hotel, where we have been so hospitably 
entertained. You would demand that this should be prevented, because it was obnoxious 
to the best interests of the community. I might use other illustrations as to personal 
conduct which you would insist should be restrained, although it fettered personal 
freedom, and the wrong-doer might say only concerned himself. But I have adduced 
sufficient to justify Congress in an enactment they deemed wise for the whole people for 
whom they legislated. And I need not go further to adduce other arguments as to the 
elevation of woman ; for my purpose has been in these remarks to indicate the right of 
Congress to pass the law and to insist on obedience to it. 

One thing I must allude to, personal to myself. The papers have published a dis- 
course delivered last April by your highest ecclesiastical authority, which stated that the 
President and Vice-President of the United States were both gamblers and drunkards. 
(Voices in the crowd, ' He did not say so.') I had not heard before that it was denied, 
but I am glad to hear the denial now. vVhether denied or not, however, I did not 
intend to answer railing with railing, nor personal attack with invective. I only wished 
to state publicly in this city, where the charge is said to have been made, that it was 
utterly untrue as to President Grant, and as to myself, that I never gambled to the value of 
a farthing, and have been a total abstinence man all the years of my manhood. However 
I may differ on political questions or others from any portion of my countrymen, no one 
has ever truthfully assailed my character. I have valued a good character far more than 
a political reputation or official honors, and wish to preserve it unspotted while life shall 

A few words more and I must conclude. When our party visited you four years ago, 
we all believed that, under wise counsels, your city might become the great city of the 
interior. But you must allow me to say that you do not seem to have improved these 
opportunities as you might have done. What you should do to develop the advantages 
your position gives you, seems obvious. You should encourage and not discourage com- 
petition in trade. You should welcome, and not repel investments from abroad. You 
should discourage every effort to drive capital from your midst. You should rejoice at 
the opening of every new store, or factory, or machine shop, by whomsoever conducted. 
You should seek to widen the area of country dependent on your city for supplies. Yon 
should realize that wealth will come to you only by development, by unfettered compe- 
tition, by increased capital. 

Here I must close. I have spoken to you, face to face, frankly, truthfully, fearlessly. 
1 have said nothing but for your own good. Let me counsel you once more to obedience 


to the law, and thanking you for the patient hearing you have given me, and for the hos- 
pitalities our party have received, both from Mormon and Gentile citizens, I bid you all 
good night and good bye. 

At the time this speech was delivered, Apostle John Taylor was 
in the Eastern States on business connected with the settlement of 
the claims of Utah contractors against the Union Pacific Railroad 
Company. This business took him to Boston, the home of one or 
more of the railway magnates, and it was there that he read the 
Colfax speech in the columns of the Springfield Republican, whose 
editor, Mr. Rowles, it will be remembered, accompanied the Vice- 
President on his travels. The Mormon Apostle's reply to Mr. Colfax 
will be interesting reading. It is therefore given : 


October 20th, 1869. 
To the Editor of the Deseret Evening News, 

DEAR SIR: I have read with a great deal of interest the speech of the Hon. Schuyler 
Golfax, delivered in Salt Lake City, October 5th, containing strictures on our institutions, 
as reported in the Springfield Republican, wherein there is an apparent frankness and 
sincerity manifested. It is pleasant, always, to listen to sentiments that are bold, 
unaffected and outspoken ; and however my views may differ as they most assuredly do 
from those of the Hon. Vice-President of the United States, I cannot but admire the 
candor and courtesy manifested in the discussion of this subject ; which, though to him 
perplexing and difficult, is to us an important part of our religious faith. 

I would not, however, here be misunderstood ; I do not regard the speech of Mr. 
Golfax as something indifferent or meaningless. I consider that words proceeding from 
a gentleman occupying the honorable position of Mr. Golfax, have their due weight. 
His remarks, while they are courteous and polite, were evidently calmly weighed and 
cautiously uttered, and they carry with them a significance, which I, as a believer in 
Mormonism, am bound to notice ; and I hope with that honesty and candor which 
characterize the remarks of this honorable gentleman. 

Mr. Colfax remarks : 

" I have no strictures to offer as to your creeds on any really religious question. Our 
land is a land of civil and religious liberty, and the faith of every man is a matter between 
himself and God alone ; you have as much right to worship the Creator, through a Presi- 
dent and Twelve Apostles of your Church organization, as I have through the ministers 
and elders and creed of mine ; and this right I would defend for you with as much zeal 
as the right of any denomination throughout the land." 

This certainly is magnanimous and even-handed justice, and the sentiments do 
honor to their author ; they are sentiments that ought to be engraven on the heart of 
every American citizen. 


He continues : 

" But our country is governed by law, and no assumed revelation justifies any one 
in trampling on the law." 

At first sight this reasoning is very plausible, and I have no doubt that Mr. Colfax 
was just as sincere and patriotic in the utterance of the latter as the former sentences ; 
but with all due deference permit me to examine these words and their import. 

That our country is governed by law we all admit ; but when it is said that " no 
assumed revelation justifies any one in trampling on the law ;" I should respectfully ask, 
what ! not if it interferes with my religious faith, which you state " is a matter between 
God and myself alone?" Allow me, sir, here to state that the assumed revelation 
referred to is one of the most vital parts of our religious faith ; it emanated from God 
and cannot be legislated away; it is part of the ' Everlasting Covenant" which God has 
given to man. Our marriages are solemnized by proper authority ; a woman is sealed 
unto a man for time and for eternity, by the power of which Jesus speaks, which "sealed 
on earth and it is sealed in heaven." With us it is " Celestial Marriage ;" take this from 
us and you rob us of our hopes and associations in the resurrection of the just. This is 
not our religion ? You do not see things as we do. You marry for time only, " until 
death does you part." We have eternal covenants, eternal unions, eternal associations. 
I cannot, in an article like this, enter into details, which I should be pleased on a proper 
occasion to do. I make these remarks to show that it is considered, by us, a part of our 
religious faith, which I have no doubt did you understand it as we do, you would defend, 
as you state, " with as much zeal as the right of every other denomination throughout the 
land." Permit me here to say, however, that it was the revelation (I will not say 
assumed) that Joseph and Mary had, which made them look upon Jesus as the Messiah ; 
which made them flee from the wrath of Herod, who was seeking the young child's life. 
This they did in contravention of law, which was his decree. Did they do wrong in 
protecting Jesus from the law ? But Herod was a tyrant. That makes no difference ; it 
was the law of the land, and I have yet to learn the difference between a tyrannical king 
and a tyrannical Congress. When we talk of executing law in either case, that means 
force, force means an army, and an army means death. Now I am not sufficiently 
versed in metaphysics to discover the difference in its effects, between the asp of Cleopatra, 
the dagger of Brutus, the chalice of Lucretia Borgia, or the bullet or sabre of an American 

I have, sir, written the above in consequence of some remarks which follow : 
" I do not concede that the institution you have established here, and which is con- 
demned by the law, is a question of religion." 

Now, with all due deference, I do think that if Mr. Colfax had carefully examined 
our religious faith he would have arrived at other conclusions. In the absence of this I 
might ask, who constituted Mr. Colfax a judge of my religious faith ? 1 think he has 
stated that " the faith of every man is a matter between himself and God alone.'' 

Mr. Colfax has a perfect right to state and feel that he does not believe in the revela- 
tion on which my religious faith is based, nor in my faith at all ; but has he the right to 
dictate my religious faith ? I think not ; he does not consider it religion, but it is never- 
theless mine. 


If a revelation from God is not a religion, what is? 

His not believing it from God makes no difference ; I know it is. The Jews did not 
believe in Jesus but Mr. Colfax and I do; their unbelief did not alter the revelation. 

Marriage has from time immemorial, among civilized nations, been considered a 
religious ordinance. It was so considered by the Jews. It is looked upon by the Catholic 
clergy as one of their sacraments. It is so treated by the Greek Church. The ministers 
of the Episcopal Church say, in their marriage formula, " What God has joined together, 
let not man put asunder ;" and in some of the Protestant churches their members are 
disfellowshiped for marrying what are termed unbelievers. So I am in hopes, one of 
these times, should occasion require it, to call upon our friend, Mr. Colfax, to redeem his 
pledge : 

" To defend for us our religious faith, with as much zeal as the right of every other 
denomination throughout the land." 

I again quote : 

" But to you who do claim it as such, I reply that the law that you denounce only re- 
enacts the original prohibition of your own Book of Mormon, on its 118th page, and your 
Book of Doctrine and Covenants, in its chapter on marriage." 

In regard to the latter of these I would state that it was only considered a portion 
of the discipline of our Church, and was never looked upon as a revelation. It was 
published in the appendix to the Book of Doctrine and Covenants long before the revela- 
tion concerning Celestial Marriage was given. That, of course, suspended the former. 
The quotation from the Book of Mormon, given by Mr. Colfax, is only partly quoted. I 
cannot blame the gentleman for this : he has many engagements without examining our 
doctrine. I suppose this was handed to him. Had he read a little further he would 
have found it stated : 

" For if I will, saith the Lord of Hosts, raise up seed unto me I will command my 
people ; otherwise they shall hearken unto these things." 

In answer to this I say the Lord has commanded and we obey the command. 

I again quote : 

" And yet while you assume that this later revelation gives you the right to turn your 
back on your old faith and to disobey the law, you would not yourselves tolerate others in 
assuming rights for themselves under revelations they might claim to have received, or 
under religions they might profess." 

Mr. Colfax is misinformed here. All religions are tolerated by us, and all revelations 
or assumed revelations. We take the liberty of disbelieving some of them ; but none are 
interfered with. And in relation to turning our back on our old religion we have never 
done it. 

Concerning our permitting the Hindoos to burn their widows, it is difficult to say 
what we should do. The British Government has tolerated both polygamy and the 
burning of Hindoo widows in India. If the Hindoos were converted to our religion they 
would not burn their widows ; they are not likely to come to Utah without. Whose 
rights have we interfered with ? Whose property have we taken ? Whose religious or 
political faith or rights have been curtailed by us ? None. We have never interfered 
with Missouri or Illinois ; with Kansas, Nebraska, Idaho, Nevada, Montana, California, 


nor any other State or Territory. I wish we could say the same of others. 1 hope we 
shall not be condemned for crimes we are expected to commit. It will be time enough to 
atone for them when done. We do acknowledge having lately "started co-operative stores. 
Is this anything new in England, Germany, France or the United States ? We think we 
have a right, as well as others, to buy and sell of and to whom we please. We do not 
interrupt others in selling, if they can get customers. We have commenced to deal with 
our friends. We do acknowledge that we are rigid in the enforcement of law against 
theft, gambling, debauchery and other civilized vices. Is this a crime ? If so, we plead 

But permit me here to return to the religious part of our investigations ; for if our 
doctrines are religions, then it is confessed that Congress has no jurisdiction in this case 
and the argument is at an end. Mr. Webster defines religion as " any system of faith 
and worship, as the religion of the Turks, of Hindoos, of Christians." I have never 
been able to look at religion in any other light. I do not think Mr. Colfax had carefully 
digested the subject when he said, " I do not concede that the institution you have estab- 
lished here, and which is condemned by law, is a question of religion." 

Are we to understand by this that Mr. Colfax is created an umpire to decide upon 
what is religion and what is not, upon what is true religion and what is false? If so, by 
whom and what authority is he created judge ? I am sure he has not reflected upon the 
bearing of this hypothesis, or he would not have made such an utterance. 

According to this theory no persons ever were persecuted for their religion, there 
never was such a thing known. Could anybody suppose that that erudite, venerable, and 
profoundly learned body of men, the great Sanhedrim of the Jews ; or that those holy 
men, the chief priests, scribes and Pharisees, would persecute anybody for religion ? 
Jesus was put to death, not for his religion but because he was a blasphemer : because 
he had a devil and cast out devils, through Beelzebub the prince of devils ; because he, 
being a carpenter's son, and known among them as such, declared himself the Son of 
God. So they .said, and they were the then judges. Could anybody be more horrified 
than those Jews at such pretensions ? His disciples were persecuted, proscribed and put 
to death, not for their religion, but because they " were pestilent fellows and stirrers up 
of sedition," and because they believed in an " assumed revelation " concerning " one 
Jesus, who was put to death, and who, they said, had risen again." It was for false 
pretensions and a lack of religion that they were persecuted. Their religion was not like 
that of the Jews ; ours, not like that of Mr. Colfax. 

Loyola did not invent and put into use the faggot, the flame, the sword, the thumb- 
screw, the rack and gibbet to persecute anybody, it was to purify the church of heretics, 
as others would purify Utah. His zeal was for the Holy Mother Church. The Noncon- 
formists of England and Holland, the Huguenots of France and the Scottish Covenanters 
were not persecuted or put to death for their religion ; it was for being schismatics, 
turbulent and unbelievers. Talk of religion, what horrid things have not been perpetrated 
in its name ! All of the above claimed that they were persecuted for their religion. All 
of the persecutors, as Mr. Golfax said about us, did " not concede that the institution they 
had established, which was condemned by the law, was religion ; " or, in other terms, it 
was an imposture or false religion. What of the Quakers and Baptists of New England ? 


You say we complain of persecution. Have we not cause to do it ? Can we call 
our treatment by a milder term ? Was it benevolence that robbed, pillaged and drove 
thousands of men, women and children from Missouri ? Was it Christian philanthropy 
that after robbing, plundering, and ravaging a whole community, drove them from Illinois 
into the wilderness among savages ? 

When we fled as outcasts and exiles from the United States we went to Mexican 
territory. If not protected we should have been at least unmolested there. Do you 
think, in your treaty with Mexico, it was a very merciful providence that placed us again 
under your paternal guardianship? Did you know that you called upon us in our exodus 
from Illinois for 500 men, which were furnished while fleeing from persecution, to help 
you to possess that country ; for which your tender mercies were exhibited by letting 
loose an army upon us, and you spent about forty millions of dollars to accomplish our 
ruin ? Of course we did not suffer ; " religious fanatics " cannot feel ; like the eels the 
fishwoman was skinning, " we have got used to it." Upon what pretext was this done 'i 
Upon the false fabrications of your own officers, and which your own Governor Gum- 
ming afterward published as false. Thus the whole of this infamous proceeding was 
predicated upon falsehood, originating with your own officers and afterwards exposed by 
them. Did Government make any amends, or has it ever done it ? Is it wrong to call 
this persecution ? We have learned to our cost " that the king can do no wrong." 
Excuse me, sir, if I speak warmly. This people have labored under accumulated wrongs 
for upwards of thirty years past, still unacknowledged and unredressed. I have said 
nothing in the above but what I am prepared to prove. What is all this for ? Polygamy ? 
No that is not even pretended. 

Having said so much with regard to Mr. Colfax's speech, let me now address a few 
words to Congress and to the nation. I hope they will not object for I too am a teacher. 
And first let me inquire into the law itself, enacted in 1862. The revelation on 
polygamy was given in 1843, nineteen years before the passage of the Congressional act. 
We, as a people, believe that revelation is true and came from God. This is our religious 
belief; and right or wrong it is still our belief ; whatever opinions others may entertain it 
makes no difference to our religious faith. The Constitution is to protect me in my 
religious faith, and other persons in theirs, as I understand it. It does not prescribe a 
faith for me, or any one else, or authorize others to do it, not even Congress. It simply 
protects us all in our religious faiths. This is one of the Constitutional rights reserved 
by the people. Now who does not know that the law of 1862 in relation to polygamy 
was passed on purpose to interfere with our religious faith? This was as plainly and 
distinctly its object as the proclamation of Herod to kill the young children under two 
years old, was meant to destroy Jesus ; or the law passed by Pharaoh in regard to the 
destruction of the Hebrew children, was meant to destroy the Israelites. If a law 
had been passed making it a penal offense for communities, or churches, to for- 
bid marriage, who would not have understood that it referred to the Shaking Quakers, 
and to the priories, nunneries and the priesthood of the Catholic Church ? This law, in 
its inception, progress and passage, was intended to bring us into collision with the United 
States, that a pretext might be found for our ruin. These are facts that no honest 
man will controvert. It could not have been more plain, although more honest, if it had 


said the Mormons shall have no more wives than one. It was a direct attack upon our 
religious faith. It is the old story of the lamb drinking below the wolf, and being 
accused by it of fouling the waters above. The big bully of a boy putting a chip on his 
shoulder and daring the little urchin to knock it off. 

But we are graciously told that we have our appeal. True, we have an appeal. 
So had the Hebrew mothers to Pharaoh ; so had Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar ; so had 
Jesus to Herod : so had Caesar to Brutus ; so had those sufferers on the rack to Loyola ; so 
had the Waldenses and Albigenses to the Pope : so had the Quakers and Baptists of New 
England to the Puritans. Why did they not do it ? Please answer. 

Do statesmen and politicians realize what they are doing when they pass such laws 'i 
Do they know, as before stated, that resistance to the law means force, that force means 
an army, and that an army means death ? They may yet find something more pleasant 
to reflect upon than to have been the aiders and abettors of murder, to be stained 
with the blood of innocence, and they may try in vain to cleanse their hands of the 
accursed spot. 

It is not the first time that presidents, kings, congresses and statesmen have tried to 
regulate the acts of Jehovah. Pharaoh's exterminating order about the Hebrew infants 
was one of acknowledged policy. They grew, they increased too fast. Perhaps the 
Egyptians had learned, as well as some of our eastern reformers, the art of infanticide ; 
they may have thought that one or two children was enough and so destroyed the balance. 
They could not submit to let nature take its vulgar course. But in their refined and polite 
murders, they found themselves dwindling and decaying, and the Hebrews increasing and 
multiplying ; and no matter how shocking it might be to their refined senses, it stood 
before them as a political fact, and they were in danger of being overwhelmed by the 
superior fecundity of the Hebrews. Something must be done; what more natural than 
to serve the Hebrew children as they had served their own ? and this, to us and the 
Christian world, shocking act of brutal murder, was to them simply what they may lia\- 
done among themselves ; perhaps more politely a la Madam Bestelle, but not more 
effectually. The circumstances are not very dissimilar. When Jesus was plotted against 
by Herod and the infants put to death, who could complain? /( was law: we must 
submit to law. The Lord Jehovah, or Jesus the Savior of the world, has no right to 
interfere with law. Jesus was crucified according to law. Who can complain ? Daniel 
was thrown into the den of lions strictly according to laic. The king would have saved 
him, if he could ; but he could not resist law. The massacre of St. Bartholomew was 
in accordance with law. The guillotine of Robespierre of France, which cut heads off 
by the thousand, did it according to Ian-. What right had the victims to complain ? But 
these things were done in barbarous ages. Do not let us, then, who boast of our civiliza- 
tion, follow their example ; let us be more just, more generous, more forbearing, more 
magnanimous. We are told that we are living in a more enlightened age. Our morals 
are more pure (?) our ideas more refined and enlarged, our institutions more liberal. 
"Ours," says Mr. Colfax, "is a land of civil and religious liberty, and the faith of every 
man is a matter between himself and God alone," providing God don't shock our moral 
ideas by introducing something that we don't believe in. If He does let Him look out. 
We won't persecute, very far be that from us ; but we will make our platform, pass Con- 


gressional laws and make you submit to them. We may, it is true, have to send out an 
army, and shed the blood of many ; but what of that ? It is so much more pleasant to 
be proscribed and killed according to the laws of the Great Republic, in the "asylum for 
the oppressed," than to perish ignobly by the decrees of kings, through their miserable 
minions, in the barbaric ages. 

My mind wanders back upwards of thirty years ago, when in the State of Missouri, 
Mr. McBride, an old gray-haired venerable veteran of the Revolution, with feeble frame 
and tottering steps, cried to a Missouri patriot : " Spare my life, I am a Revolutionary 
soldier, I fought for liberty, would you murder me ? What is my offense, I believe in 
God and revelation?" This frenzied disciple of a misplaced faith said, "take that, you 

God d d Mormon," and with the butt of his gun he dashed his brains out, and he 

lay quivering there, his white locks clotted with his own brains and gore on that soil 
that he had heretofore shed his blood to redeem a sacrifice at the shrine of liberty ! 
Shades of Franklin, Jefferson and Washington, were you there ? Did you gaze on this 
deed of blood ? Did you see your companion in arms thus massacred ? Did you know 
that thousands of American citizens were robbed, disfranchised, driven, pillaged and 
murdered ? for these things seem to be forgotten by our statesmen. Were not these 
murderers punished ? Was not justice done to the outraged ? No. They were only 
Mormons, and when the Chief Magistrate was applied to, he replied: " Your cause is just, 
but I can do nothing for you." Oh, blessed land of religious freedom ! What was this 
for. Polygamy ? No. It was our religion then, it is our religion now. Monogamy or 
polygamy, it makes no difference. Let me here seriously ask : have we not had more 
than enough blood in this land ? Does the insatiate moloch still cry for more victims ? 

Let me here respectfully ask with all sincerity, is there not plenty of scope for the 
action of government at home? What of your gambling hells? What of your gold 
rings, your whisky rings, your railroad rings, manipulated through the lobby into your 
Congressional rings ? What of that great moral curse of the land, that great institution of 
monogamy Prostitution? What of its twin sister Infanticide? I speak to you as a 
friend. Know ye not that these seething infamies are corrupting and destroying your 
people? and that like the plague they are permeating your whole social system? that 
from your gilded palaces to your most filthy purlieus, they are festering and stewing and 
rotting? What of the thirty thousand prostitutes of New York City and the proportionate 
numbers of other cities, towns and villages, and their multitudinous pimps and 
paramours, who are, of course, all, all, honorable men ! Here is ample room for the 
Christian, the philanthropist, and the statesman. Would it not. be well to cleanse your 
own Augean stables? What of the blasted hopes, the tortured and crushed feelings of 
the thousands of your wives whose whole lives are blighted through your intrigues and 
lasciviousness ? What of the humiliation of your sons and daughters from whom you 
can not hide your shame? What of the thousands of houseless and homeless children 
thrown ruthlessly, hopelessly and disgracefully upon the world as outcasts from society, 
whose fathers and mothers are alike ashamed of them and heartlessly throw them upon 
the public bounty, the living memorials of your infamy? What of your infanticide, with 
its murderous, horrid, unnatural, disgusting and damning consequences? Can you 
legislate for these monogamic crimes, or shall Madam Restell and her pupils continue 

23-VOL. 2. 


their public murders and no redress? Shall your fair daughters, the princesses of 
America, ruthlessly go on in sacrificing their noble children on the altar of this Moloch 
this demon? What are we drifting to? This " bonehouse," this " powder magazine " 
is not in Salt Lake City, a thousand miles from your frontiers ; it is in your own cities 
and towns, villages and homes. It carouses in your secret chambers, and flaunts in the 
public highway ; it meets you in every corner, and besets you in every condition. Your 
infirmaries and hospitals are reeking with it ; your sons and daughters, your wives and 
husbands are degraded by it. It extends from Louisiana to Minnesota, and from Maine 
to California. You can't hide yourselves from it ; it meets you in your magazines and 
newspapers, and is disgustingly placarded on your walls, a living, breathing, loathsome, 
festering, damning evil. It runs through your very blood, stares out your eyes and 
stamps its horrid mark on your features, as indelibly as the mark of Gain ; it curses your 
posterity, it runs riot in the land, withering, blighting, corroding and corrupting the life 
blood of the nation. 

Ye American Statesmen, will you allow this demon to run riot in the land, and 
while you are speculating about a little political capital to be made out of Utah, allow 
your nation to be emasculated and destroyed? Is it not humiliating that these enormities 
should exist in your midst, and you, as statesmen, as legislators, as municipal and town 
authorities, as clergymen, reformers and philanthropists, acknowledge yourselves power- 
less to stop these damning crimes that are gnawing at the very vitals of the most 
magnificent nation on the earth ? We can teach you a lesson on this matter, polygamists 
as we are. You acknowledge one wife and her children ; what of your other associations 
unacknowledged ? We acknowledge and maintain all of our wives and all of our children ; 
we don't keep a few only, and turn the others out as outcasts, to be provided for by 
orphan asylums, or turned as vagabonds on the street to help increase the fearfully 
growing evil. Our actions are all honest, open and above board. We have no gambling 
hells, no drunkenness, no infanticide, no houses of assignation, no prostitutes. Our 
wives are not afraid of intrigues and debauchery ; nor are our wives and daughters 
corrupted by designing and unprincipled villains. We believe in the chastity and 
virtue of women, and maintain them. There is not, today, in the wide world, a place 
where female honor, virtue and chastity, are so well protected as in Utah. Would you 
have us, I am sure you would not, on reflection, reverse the order of God, and exchange 
the sobriety, the chastity, the virtue and honor of our institutions, for yours, that are so 
debasing, dishonorable, corrupting, defaming and destructive? We have fled from these 
things, and with great trouble and care have purged ourselves from your evils, do not 
try to legislate them upon us nor seek to engulf us in your damning vices. 

You may say it is not against your purity that we contend ; but against polygamy, 
which we consider a crying evil. Be it so. Why then, if your system is so much better, 
does it not bring forth better fruits ? Polygamy, it would seem, is the parent of chastity, 
honor and virtue ; Monogamy the author of vice, dishonor and corruption. But you 
would argue these evils are not our religion ; we that are virtuous, are as much opposed 
to vice and corruption as you are. Then why don't you control it? We can and do. 
You have your Christian associations, your Young Men's associations, your Magdalen and 
Temperance associations, all of which are praiseworthy. Your cities and towns are full 


of churches, and you swarm with male and female lecturers, and ministers of all 
denominations. You have your press, your National and Slate Legislatures, your police, 
your municipal and town authorities, your courts, your prisons, your armies, all under the 
direction of Christian monogamists. You are a nation of Christians. Why are these 
things not stopped ? You possess the moral, the religious, the civil and military power 
but you don't accomplish it. Is it too much to say, " Take the beam out of thine own 
eye and then shall thou see clearly to remove the mote that is in thy brother's." 

Respectfully, etc., 


On the 2nd of December of this year, an-article from the pen of 
Vice-President Colfax, headed " The Mormon Question," a response 
to Apostle Taylor's letter in the Deseret News, appeared in the 
columns of the New York Independent. To this the Apostle also 
replied. Owing to the length of the articles we will not reproduce 
them entire, but merely give extracts from Elder Taylor's answer, 
which contains in quotations the salient points of Mr. Colfax's 
rejoinder to the first reply. Says the Apostle : 

If it had been a personal difference I should have had no controversy with Mr. 
Colfax, and the honorable gentleman, J am sure, will excuse me for standing up in the 
defense of what I know to be a traduced and injured people. I would not accuse the 
gentleman of misrepresenlation. I cannot help knowing, however, that he is misinformed 
in relation to most of his historical details ; and justice to an outraged community, as well 
as truth, requires that such statements should be met and the truth vindicated. I cannot 
but think that in refusing the proffered hospitality of our city, which, of course, he had a 
perfect right to do, he threw himself among a class of men that were, perhaps, not very 

reliable in historical data. 

* # * * * * * * #.#.* 

He states that " the demand of the people of Utah Territory for immediate admis- 
sion into the Union, as a State, made at their recent conference meeting, and to be 
presented by their delegate at the approaching session of Congress, compels the nation to 
meet face to face, a question which it has apparently endeavored to ignore." 

Is there anything remarkable in a Territory applying for admission into the Union ? 
How have other States entered the Union since the admission of the first thirteen? 
Were they not all Territories in their turn, and generally applied to Congress for, and 
obtained admission ? Why should Utah be an exception ? She has from time to time, 
as a constitutional requisition, presented a petition with a constitution containing a 
republican form of government. Since her application California, Nevada, Kansas, 
Minnesota, Oregon and Nebraska have been admitted. And why should Congress, as 
Mr. Colfax says, "endeavor to ignore Utah?" And why should it be so difficult a 
question to meet " face to face ?" Has it become so very difficult for Congress to do 


right ? What is the matter ? Some remarkable conversation was had between Brigham 
Young and Senator Trumbull. Now, as I did not happen to hear this conversation, I 
cannot say what it was. One thing, however, I do know that I have seen hundreds of 
distinguished gentlemen call on President Young, and they have been uniformly better 
treated than has been reciprocated. But something was said about United States officers. 
I am sorry to say that many United States officers have so deported themselves that they 
have not been much above par with us. They may indeed be satraps and require 
homage and obeisance ; but we have yet to learn to bow the knee. Brigham Young does 
not generally speak even to a United States Senator with honeyed words and measured 
sentences ; but as an ingenuous and honest man. But we are told that " the recent 
expulsion of prominent members of his Church for doubting his infallibility proves that 
he regards his power as equal to any emergency and has a will equal to his power." 

I am sorry to have to say that Mr. Colfax is mistaken here. No person was ever 
dismissed from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for disbelieving in the 
infallibility of President Young. I do not believe he is infallible, for one ; and have so 
taught publicly. I am in the Church yet. Neither have I ever heard President Young 
make any such pretensions. Mr. Colfax is a good politician, but he makes sad blunders 
in polemics. He makes a magnificent Speaker and President of the Senate ; I am 
afraid, however, that as a preacher he would not be so successful. The honorable 
gentleman now proceeds to divide his subject and commences. 

" I. THEIR FERTILIZING OF THE DESERT. For this they claim great credit, and I 
would not detract an iota from all they are legitimately entitled to. It was a desert when 
they first emigrated thither. They have made large portions of it fruitful and productive, 
and their chief city is beautiful in location and attractive in its gardens and shrubbery. 
But the solution. of it all is one word water. What seemed to the eye a desert became 
fruitful when irrigated, and the mountains, whose crests are clothed in perpetual snow, 
furnished, in the unfailing supplies of their ravines, the necessary fertilizer." 

Water! Mirabile dictu! f Here I must help Mr. C. out. This wonderful little 
water nymph, after playing with the clouds on our mountain tops, frolicking with the 
snow and rain in our rugged gorges for generations, coquetting with the sun and dancing 
to the sheen^of the moon, about the time the Mormons came here took upon herself to 
perform a great miracle, and descending to the valley, with a wave of her magic wand 
and the mysterious words, " hickory, dickory, dock," cities and streets were laid out, 
crystal waters flowed in ten thousand rippling streams, fruit trees and shrubbery sprang 
up, gardens and orchards abounded, cottages and mansions were organized, fruits, flowers 
and grain in all their elysian glory appeared and the desert blossomed as the rose ; and 
this little frolicking elf, so long confined to the mountains and water courses proved herself 
far more powerful than Cinderella or Aladdin. Oh ! Jealousy, thou green-eyed monster ! 
Can no station in life be protected from the shimmer of thy glamour ! Must our talented 
and honorable Vice-President be subjected to thy jaundiced touch ? But to be serious, 
did water tunnel through our mountains, construct dams, canals and ditches, lay out our 
cities and towns, import and plant choice fruit-trees, shrubs and flowers, cultivate the 
land and cover it with the cattle on a thousand hills, erect churches, schoolhouses and 
factories, and transform a howling wilderness into a fruitful field and garden ? If so, why 



does not the Green River, the Snake River, Bear River, Colorado, the Platte and other 
rivers perform the same prodigies ? Unfortunately for Mr. Colfax r it was Mormon polyga- 
mists who did it. The Erie, the Welland, the Pennsylvania and Suez canals are only 
water. What if a stranger on gazing upon the statuary in Washington and our magnifi- 
cent Capitol, and after rubbing his eyes were to exclaim, "Eureka! It is only rock and 
mortar and wood." This discoverer would announce that instead of the development of 
art, intelligence, industry and enterprise, its component parts were simply stone, mortar 
and wood. Mr. Colfax has discovered that our improvements are attributable to water. 
We next come to another division and quote "Their persecutions:" 

"This is also one of their favorite themes. Constantly it is reiterated by tbeir 
apostles and bishops, from week to week, and from year to year. It is discoursed about 
in their tabernacles and the ward and town churches. It is written about in their periodicals 
and papers. It is talked about with nearly every stranger that comes into their midst. 
They have been driven from place to place, they claim, solely on account of their religious 
belief. Their faith has subjected them to the wickedest persecution by unbelievers. They 
have been despoiled, they insist, of their property; maltreated in their persons, buffeted 
and cast out, because they would not renounce their professions and their revelations." 

This, sir, is all true ; does it falsify a truth to repeat it ? The Mormons make these 
statements and are always prepared to prove them. I referred to some of these things in my 
last ; Mr. Colfax has not disproved them. He now states, " I do not attempt to decide 
that the charges against them are well founded." Why then are they made ? Has it 
become so desirable to put down the Mormons that unfounded charges must be preferred 
against them ? 

" Their church was first established at Manchester, New York, in 1830, and their 
first removal was in 1831, to Kirtland, Ohio, which they declared was revealed to them 
as the site of their New Jerusalem. [A mistake.] Thence their leaders went west to 
search a new location, which they found in Jackson County, Missouri, and dedicated a 
site for another New Jerusalem there, and returned to Kirtland to remain for five years 
avowedly to make money ; [an error] a bank was established there by them ; large 
quantities of bills of doubtful value issued, and growing out of charges of fraudulent 
dealing, Smith and Rigdon were tarred and feathered." This is a gross perversion > 
Smith and Rigdon were tarred and feathered iu March, 1832, in Hiram, Portage County ; 
the bank was organized December 2nd, 1836, in Kirtland. 

Mr. Colfax continues : "And unjustifiable as such outrages are, this one was based 
on alleged fraud and not on religious belief." Allow me to state that this persecution was 
based on religious belief and not on fraud, and that this statement is a perversion, for the 
bank was not opened until several years after the tarring and feathering referred to. But 
did the bank fail ? Yes, in 1837, about five years after, in the great financial crisis ; and so 
did most of the banks in the United States, in Canada, a great many in England, France 
and other parts of Europe. Is it so much more criminal for the Mormons to make a 
failure than others ? Their bank was swallowed in the general financial maelstrom, and 
some time after the failure of the bank the bills were principally redeemed. 

" They fled to Missouri, their followers joined them there, they were soon accused of 
plundering and burning habitations and with secret assassinations." Was there no law 



in Missouri ? The Missourians certainly did not lack either the will or the power to 
enforce it. Why were not the robbers, incendiaries, and assassins dealt with ? 
* * * But it is not true that these things existed, for I was there and knew to 
the contrary ; and so did the people of Missouri, and so did the Governor of Missouri, 
Mobs were surrounding us on every hand, burning our houses, murdering our people, 
destroying our crops, killing our cattle. About this time that horrible massacre at Haun's 
Mill took place, where men, women and children were indiscriminately butchered, and 
their remains, for want of other sepulture, were thrown into a well. Messages were 
coming in from all parts, of fire, devastation, blood and death. We threw up a few logs 
and fences for protection ; this, I suppose, is what Mr. Colfax calls, "fortifying their towns 
and defying the officers of law." If wagons and fences and a few house logs are fortifica- 
tions, we were fortified; and if the mob, whose hands were dripping with the blood of 
men, women and. children, whom they had murdered in cold blood, were "officers of the 
law" then we are guilty of the charge. * * * * * * 

On this subject I could quote volumes. I will only say that when authenticated 
testimony was presented to Martin Van Buren, the President of the United States, he 
replied, " Your cause is just ; but I can do nothing for you." 

Mr. Golfax, in summing up, says, " There is nothing in this as to their religion."' 
Read the following : 

Tuesday, November 6th, 1838, General Clark made the following remarks to a 
number of men in Far West, Missouri : 

" Gentlemen, you whose names are not attached to this list of names will now have 
the privilege of going to your fields and providing corn and wood for your families. 
Another article yet remains for you to comply with, that is, that you leave the State forth- 
with, and whatever may be your feelings concerning this, or whatever your innocence is 
nothing to me. The orders of the governor to me were that you should be exterminated. 
I would advise you to scatter abroad and never again organize yourselves with bishops, 
presidents, etc., lest you excite the jealousies of the people." 

Is not this persecution for religion ? 

Mr. Golfax next takes us to Nauvoo and says, " In Nauvoo they remained until 1846; 
the disturbances which finally caused them to leave the city were not in consequence of 
their religious creed. Foster and Law, who had been Mormons, renounced the faith and 
established an anti-Mormon paper at Nauvoo called the Expositor. In May, 1844, the 
prophet and a party of his followers, on the publication of the first number, attacked the 
office, lore it down and destroyed the press." 

This is a mistake. The Expositor was an infamous sheet, containing vile and 
libelous attacks upon individuals and the citizens generally, and would not have been 
allowed to exist in any other community a day. The people complained to the authorities 
about it ; after mature deliberation the city council passed an ordinance ordering its 
removal as a nuisance, and it was removed. In a conversation with Governor Ford, on 
this subject, afterwards, when informed of the circumstances, he said to me, " I cannot 
blame you for destroying it, but I wish it had been done by a mob." I told him that we 
preferred a lejral course, and that Blackstone described a libelous press as a nuisance and 
liable to be removed ; that our city charter gave us the power to remove nuisances ; and 



that if it was supposed we had contravened the law, we were amenable for our acts and 
refused not an investigation. Mr. Colfax's history says, " The authorities thereupon 
called out the militia to enforce the law, and the Mormons armed themselves to resist it." 
The facts were that armed mobs were organized in the neighborhood of Carthage and 
Warsaw. The Governor came to Carthage and sent a deputation to Joseph Smith, 
requesting him to send another to him, with authentic documents in relation to the late 
difficulties. Dr. J. M. Bernhisel, our late delegate to Congress, and myself, were deputed 
as a committee to wait upon the Governor. His excellency thought it best (although we 
had had a hearing before) for us to have a rehearing on the press question. We called 
his attention to the unsettled state of the country, and the general mob-spirit that pre- 
vailed ; and asked if we must bring a guard ; that we felt fully competent to protect our- 
selves, but were afraid it would create a collision. He said, " You had better come 
entirely unarmed," and pledged his faith and the faith of the State for our protection. 
We went unarmed to Carthage, trusting in the Governor's word. Owing to the unsettled 
state of affairs we entered into recognizances to appear at another time. A warrant was 
issued for the arrest of Joseph and Hyrum Smith, for treason. They were remanded to 
jail, and while there were murdered. Not "by a party of mob," as Mr. Colfax's history 
states, "from Missouri," but by men in Illinois, who, with blackened faces, perpetrated the 
hellish deed ; they did not overpower the guard, as stated, the guard helped them in the 
performance of their fiendish act. I saw them for I was there at the time. I could a tale 
unfold that would implicate editors, officers, military and civil, ministers of the gospel, 
and other wolves in sheep's clothing. 

The following will show in part what our position was : 

. "A proclamation to the citizens of Hancock County : Whereas a mob of from 
one to two hundred men, under arms have gathered themselves together in the south-west 
part of Hancock County, and are at this time destroying the dwellings, and other build- 
ings, stacks of grain and other property, of a portion of our citizens in the most inhuman 
manner, compelling the defenseless women and children to leave their sick beds and 
exposing them to the rays of the parching sun, there to lie and suffer without aid or 
assistance of a friendly hand, to minister to their wants, in their suffering condition. 
The rioters spare not the widow nor orphan, and while I am writing this proclamation, 
the smoke is arising to the clouds, and the flame is devouring four buildings which have 
just been set on fire by the rioters. Thousands of dollars' worth of property has already 
been consumed, an entire settlement of about sixty or seventy families laid waste, the 
inhabitants thereof are fired upon, narrowly escaping with their lives, and forced to flee 
before the ravages of the mob. Therefore I - command said rioters and other peace 
breakers to desist, forthwith, and I hereby call upon the law-abiding citizens, as a. posse 
comitatus of Hancock County to give their united aid in suppressing the rioters and 
maintaining the supremacy of the law. J. B. BACKENSTOS, 

" Sheriff of Hancock County, Illinois." 

Mr. Backenslos was not a Mormon. 

We set out in search of an asylum, in some far off wilderness, where we hoped we 
could enjoy religious liberty. Previous to our departure a committee composed of 
Stephen A. Douglas, General John J. Hardin, both members of Congress, the Attorney 



General of Illinois, Major Warren and others, met in my house, in Nauvoo, in conference 
with the Twelve, to consult about our departure. They were then presented the picture 
of devastation that would follow our exodus, and felt ashamed to have to acknowledge 
that State and United States authorities had to ask a persecuted and outraged people to 
leave their property, homes and firesides for their oppressors to enjoy ; not because we 
had not a good Constitution and liberal government, but because there was not virtue and 
power in the State and United States authorities to protect them in their rights. We 
made a treaty with them to leave ; after this treaty, when the strong men and the majority 
of the people had left, and there was nothing but old and infirm men, boys, women and 
children to battle with, like ravenous wolves, impatient for their prey, they violated their 
treaty by making war upon them, and driving them houseless, homeless, and destitute 
across the Mississippi River. 

The archaeologist, the antiquarian, and the traveler need not then have gone to 
Herculaneum, to Pompeii, to Egypt or Yucatan, in search of ruins or deserted cities ; 
they could have found a deserted temple, forsaken family altars, desolate hearth stones 
and homes, a deserted city much easier ; the time, the nineteenth century ; the place the 
United States of America ; the State, Illinois, and the city, Nauvoo. 

While fleeing, as fugitives, from the United States, and in Indian Territory, a requi- 
sition was made by the Government for 500 men to assist in conquering Mexico, the very 
nation to whose territory we were fleeing in our exile ; we supplied the demand and 
though despoiled and expatriated, were the principal agents in planting the United States 
flag in Upper California. 

I again quote : 

" In September, 1850, Congress organized Utah Territory, and President Fillmore 
appointed Brigham Young (who at Smith's death had become President of the Church) 
as Governor. The next year the Federal judges were compelled by Brigham Young's 
threats of violence to flee from the Territory, and the laws of the United States were 
openly defied. Col. Steptoe was commissioned Governor in place of Young, but after 
wintering with a battalion of soldiers at Salt Lake, he resigned, not deeming it safe or 
prudent to accept." 

So far from this being the case, Col. Steptoe was on the best of terms with our com- 
munity, and previous to his appointment as Governor, a number of our prominent Gentile 
citizens, judges, Col. Steptoe and some of his officers signed a petition to the President 
praying for the continuance of President Young in office. He continues : " In February, 
1856, a mob of armed Mormons, instigated by sermons from the heads of the Church, 
broke into the United States court room and at the point of the bowie knife compelled 
Judge Drummond to adjourn his court sine die;" [This is a sheer fabrication, there never 
was such an occurrence in Utah] " and very soon all the United States officers, except the 
Indian Agent, were compelled to flee from the Territory." Now this same amiable and 
persecuted Judge Drummond brought with him a courtesan from Washington, whom he 
introduced as his wife, and had her with him on the bench. The following will show 
the mistake in regard to Col. Steptoe and others : 

' ' To His Excellency Franklin Pierce, President of the United States : 

"Your petitioners would respectfully represent that, Whereas, Governor Brigham 
Young possesses the entire confidence of the people of this Territory, without distinction 


of party or sect, and from personal acquaintance and social intercourse, we find him to be 
a firm supporter of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and a tried pillar of 
Republican institutions ; and having repeatedly listened to his remarks, in private as well 
as in public assemblies, do know he is a warm friend and able supporter of Constitutional 
liberty, the rumors published in the States to the contrary, notwithstanding; and having 
canvassed to our satisfaction, his doings as Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 
and also the distribution of appropriations for public buildings for the Territory, we do 
most cordially and cheerfully represent that the same have been expended to the best 
interest of the nation ; and whereas, his appointment would better subserve the Territorial 
interest than the appointment of any other man, 

" We therefore take great pleasure in recommending him to your favorable con- 
sideration, and do earnestly request his appointment as Governor and Superintendent of 
Indian affairs for this Territory. 

"J. F. Kinney, Chief Justice Supreme Court; Leonidas Shaver, Associate Justice; 
E. J. Steptoe, Lt. Col. U. S. Army ; John F. Reynolds, Bvt. Maj. ; Rufus Ingales, Capt. ; 
Sylvester Mowry, La Chett, L. Livingston, John C. Chandler, Robert 0. Tyler, Benj. 
Allston, Lieutenants ; Charles A. Perry, Wm. G. Rankin, Horace R. Kirby, Medical Staff, 
U. S. A. ; Henry C. Branch, C. C. Branham, C. J. Bipne, Lucian L. Bedell, Wm. Mac, 
J. M. Hockaday, and other strangers. 


" December 30th, 1854." 

There was really no more cause for an army then than there is now, and there 
is no more reason now, in reality, than there was then, and the bills of Messrs. Cragin 
and Cullom, are only a series of the same infamies that we have before experienced, and 
are designed, as all unbiased men know, to create a difficulty and collision, aided by the 
clamor of speculators and contractors, who have, of course, a very disinterested desire to 
to relieve their venerated uncle by thrusting their patriotic hands into his pockets. 
***** ****** 

President Buchanan, goaded by the Republicans, wished to show them that in 
regard to the Mormons he dared out- Herod Herod, by fitting up an army to make war 
upon the Mormons ; but it was necessary to have a pretext. It would not have been 
popular to destroy a whole community in cold blood, so he sent out a few miserable 
minions and renegades for the purpose of provoking a collision. These men not only 
acted infamously here, but published false statements throughout the United States, and 
every kind of infamy as is now being done by just such characters was laid at the door 
of the Mormons. They said, among other things, that we had burned the U. S. records. 
These statements were afterwards denied by Governor Gumming. Mr. Buchanan had 
another object in view, and Mr. J. B. Floyd, Secretary of War, had also his ax to grind, 
and the whole combined was considered a grand coup d' etat. It is hardly necessary to 
inform Mr. Colfax that this army, under pretense of subjugating the Mormons, was 
intended to coerce the people of Kansas to his views, and that they were not detained 
as stated by Mr. . Colfax's history, which said: "The troops, necessarily moving slowly, 
were overtaken by the snows in November, and wintered at Bridger." I need not inform 
Mr. Colfax that another part of this grand tableau originated in the desire of Secretary 

24-VOL 2. 


Floyd to scatter the U. S. forces and arms, preparatory to the Confederate rebellion. 
Such is history and such are facts. 

We were well informed as to the object of the coming of the army ; we had men in 
all of the camps, and knew what was intended. There was a continual boast among the 
men and officers, even before they left the Missouri River, of what they would do with 
the Mormons. The houses were picked out that certain persons were to inhabit ; farms, 
property and women were to be distributed. " Beauty and booty" were their watchword. 
We were to have another grand Norman conquest, and our houses, gardens, orchards, 
vineyards, fields, wives and daughters were to be the spoils. Instead of this Mr. 
Buchanan kept them too long about Kansas ; the Lord put a hook in their jaws, and 
instead of reveling in sacked towns and cities and glutting their libidinous and riotous 
desires in ravishing, destroying and laying waste, they gnawed dead mules' legs at 
Bridger, rendered palatable by the ice, frost and snow of a mountain winter, seasoned by 
the pestiferous exhalations of hetacombs of dead animals, the debris of a ruined army, at 
a cost to the nation of about forty millions. We had reason to say then, " The Lord 
reigns, let the earth be glad." Oh, how wicked it was for President Young to resist an 
army like the above, prostituted by the guardians of a free and enlightened republic to the 
capacity of buccaneers and brigands ! 
******** * ** 

I now come to Mr. Colfax's next heading, " their polygamy :" 

As this is simply a rehash of his former arguments, without answering mine, I beg 
to be excused inserting his very lengthy quotation, as this article is already long. In 
regard to our tolerations of all religions, Mr. G. entertains very singular ideas. We do 
invite men of almost all persuasions to preach to us in our tabernacles, but we are not so 
latitudinarian in our principles as to furnish meeting houses for all ; we never considered 
this a part of the programme. Meeting houses are generally closed against us everywhere, 
and men are advised not to go and hear us ; we open ours, and say to our congregation 
go and hear them, but we do not engage to furnish all. Neither is the following state- 
ment correct : " About the same time he (Mr. Taylor) was writing it, Godbe and others 
were being expelled from the Church for disbelieving the infallibility of Brigham Young." 
No person, as I before stated, was ever expelled from the Church for doubting the 
infallibility of President Young ; it is but just to say that President Young himself 
disclaims it. Mr. C. again repeats his argument in relation to the suttee, or burning of 
widows in India, and after giving a very elaborate and correct account of its suppression 
by English authority says : 

" Wherever English power is recognized there this so-called religious rite is now 
sternly forbidden and prevented. England with united voice said stop ! and India 

"To present Mr. Colfax's argument fairly, it stands thus: The burning of Hindoo 
widows was considered a religious rite, by the Hindoos. The British were horrified at 
the practice and suppressed it. The Mormons believe polygamy to be a religious rite. 
The American nation consider it a scandal and that they ought to put it down. Without 
entering into all the details, I think the above a fair statement of the question. He says 
' the claim that religious faith commanded it was powerless, and it went down as a relic 


of barbarism.' He says: ' History tells us what a civilized nation, akin to ours, actually 
did, where they had the power.' I wish to treat this argument with candor, although I 
do not look upon the British nation as a fit example for us ; it was not so thought in the 
time of the Revolution. I hope we would not follow them in charging their cannon with 
Sepoys, and shooting them off in this same India. 1 am glad, also, to find that our 
Administration views and acts upon the question of neutrality more honorably than our 
trans-Atlantic cousins. But to the point. The British suppressed the suttee in India, 
and therefore we must be equally moral and suppress polygamy in the United States. 
Hold ! not so fast ; let us state facts as they are and remove the dust. The British 
suppressed the suttee, but tolerated eighty-three millions of polygamists in India. The 
suppression of the suttee and that of polygamy are two very different things. If the 
British are indeed to be our exemplars, Congress had better wait until polygamy is 
suppressed in India. But it is absurd to compare the suttee to polygamy ; one is murder 
and the destruction of life, the other is national economy and the increase and perpetua- 
tion of life. Suttee ranks truly with Infanticide, both of which are destructive of human 
life. Polygamy is salvation compared with either, and tends even more than monogamy 
to increase and perpetuate the human race. 

I have now waded through Mr. Colfax's charges and have proven the falsity of his 
assertions and the tergiversation of his historical data. I will not say his but his adopted 
history ; for it is but fair to say that he disclaims vouching for its accuracy. 

Permit me here again to assert my right as a public teacher, to address myself to 
Congress and the nation, and to call their attention to something that is more demoral- 
izing, debasing, and destructive than polygamy. As an offset to my former remarks on 
these things, we are referred to our mortality of infants as " exceeding anything else 

Mr. Colfax is certainly in error here. In France, according to late statistical reports 
on la mart d' enfants, they were rated as from fifty to eighty per cent, of the whole 
under one year old. The following is from the Salt Lake City sexton's report for 1869: 

" Total interments during the year, 484; deducting persons brought from the country 
places for interment, and transients, 93: leaving the mortality of this city, 391. 

"Jos. E. TAYLOR, Sexton." 

" Having been often asked the question : Whether the death-rate was not consider- 
ably greater among polygamic families than monogamic, I will answer ; Of the 292 
children buried from Salt Lake City last year [1869], 64 were children of polygamists ; 
while 228 were children of monogamists ; and further, that out of this number, there 

was not even one case of infanticide. 

" Respectfully, 

"Jos. E. TAYLOR." 

We had a sickly season last year among children ; but when it is considered that we 
have twice as many children as any other place, in proportion to the number of inhabi- 
tants, the death-rate is very low, especially among polygamists. 

But supposing it was true, " the argumentum ad hominum," which Mr. Colfax says 
he " might use," would scarcely be an argumentum ad judicum; for if all the children 
in Salt Lake City or Utah died, it would certainly not do away with that horrible crime, 


infanticide. Would Mr. Colfax say that because a great number of children in Utah, 
who were children of polygamists, died, that, therefore, infanticide in the United States 
is justifiable? and that the acts of Madame Restelle and her pupils were right and proper? 
I know he would not, his ideas are more pure, generous and exalted. Mr. Colfax says of 
us, " I do not charge infant murder, of course." Now I do charge that infant murder 
prevails to an alarming extent in the United States. The following will show how near 
right I am. Extract from a book entitled, Serpents in a Dove's Nest, by Rev. John 
Todd, D. D., Boston. Lee and Shepherd. 


I have statistics before me now, from a physician, stating the amount of prostitution, 
fo?ticide and infanticide in Chicago ; but bad as Chicago is represented to be, these 
statements are so enormous and revolting that I cannot believe them. Neither is the 
statement made by some of the papers, in regard to Mr. Colfax's association with the 
Richardson case, reliable. Men in his position have their enemies, and it is not credible 
that a gentleman holding such strong prejudice about what he considers the immorality 
of the Mormons, and whose moral ideas in relation to virtue and chasity are so pure, 
could lend himself as an accomplice to the very worst and most revolting phase of Free 
Loveism. And I would here solicit the aid of Mr. Colfax, with his superior intelligence, 
his brilliant talents and honorable position, to help stop the blighting, withering curse of 
prostitution, focticide and infanticide. 

I call upon philosophers and philanthopists to stop it ; know ye not that the trans- 
gression of every law of nature brings its own punishment, and that as noble a race of 
men as ever existed on the earth are becoming emasculated and destroyed by it? I call 
upon physicians to stop it; you are the guardians of the people's health, and justice 
requires that you should use all your endeavors to stop the demoralization and destruction 
of our race. I call upon ministers of the gospel to stop it; know ye not the wail of 
murdered infants is ascending into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth and that the whole 
nation is hastening to destruction whilst you are singing lullaby songs to murderers and 
murderesses ? I call upon statesmen to stop it ; know ye not that the statisticians inform 
us that our original stock is running out, and that in consequence of this crime we are 
being supplanted by foreigners, and that the enemies of the negro race are already 
exulting in the hope of their speedy extinction, by copying your vices? I call upon the 
fair daughters of America and their abettors, their husbands and paramours to pause in 
their career of crime ; you came of an honorable and pure stock, your fathers, mothers 
and grandmothers' hands were not stained with the blood of innocence ; they could press 
their pillows in peace, without the fear of a visit from the shades of their wailing offspring. 
1 call upon municipal and State authorities and especially upon Congress to stop this 
withering, cursing and damning blight. I call upon all honorable men and women to use 
their influence to stop this growing evil. I conjure you by the love of God, by the ties 
of consanguinity, by a respect for our race and a love for our nation, by the moans of 
murdered infants and the fear of an avenging retribution, help stop this cursed evil ! 

In the province of Gazaret, Hindostan, parents have been in the habit of destroying 
infant children as soon as born ; and at the festival held at Gunga Sergoor, children were 
sacrificed to the Ganges from time immemorial ; both of these the British nation 


suppressed. Shall we practice crimes in civilized and Christian America, that England 
will not allow heathens to perform, but put them down by the strong arm of the law ? 
You indeed tell us that these things are " banned by you, banned by the law, banned by 
morality and public opinion;" your bans are but a mockery and a fraud, as are your New 
England temperance laws ; your law reaches one in a thousand who is so unfortunate as 
to be publicly exposed. These crimes, of which I write, run riot in the land, a wither- 
ing, cursing blight. The affected purity of the nation is a myth ; like the whited walls 
and painted sepulchers, of which Jesus spake, " within there is nothing but rottenness 
and dead men's bones." Who, and what is banned by you ? What power is there in 
your interdiction over the thirty thousand prostitutes and mistresses of New York and 
their amiable pimps and paramours? What of the thousands in the city of brotherly 
love, in Boston, in your large eastern, northern and southern cities? What of Washing- 
ton ? What of your four hundred murder establishments in New York and your New 
England operations in the same line ? You are virtuous are you ? God deliver us from 
such virtue. It may be well to talk about your purity and bans to those who are 
ignorant ; it is too bare-faced for the informed. I say, as I said before, why don't you 
stop this damning, cursed evil? I am reminded of the Shakesperian spouter who cried, 
" I can call spirits from the vasty deep ! " " So can I," said his hearer, " but they won't 
come ! " Now we do control these horrid vices and crimes, do you want to force them 
upon us ? Such things are 

" A blot that will remain a blot in spite 
Of all that grave apologists may write ; 
And, though a bishop try to cleanse the stain, 
He rubs and scours the crimson spot in vain." 

We have now a Territory out of debt ; our cities, counties and towns are out of 
debt. We have no gambling, no drunkenness, no prostitution, feticide nor infanticide. 
We maintain our wives and children, and we have made the " desert to blossom as the 
rose." We are at peace with ourselves and with all the world. Whom have we 
injured ? Why can we not be let alone ? 

What are we offered by you in your proposed legislation ? for it is well for us to 
count the cost. First confiscation of property, our lands, houses, gardens, fields, vine- 
yards, and orchards, legislated away by men who have no property, carpet-baggers, 
pettifoggers, adventurers, robbers, for you offer by your bills a premium for fraud and 
robbery. The first robs us of our property and leaves us the privilege, though despoiled, 
of retaining our honor, and of worshiping God according to the dictates of our own 
conscience. We have been robbed before ; this we could stand again. Now for the 
second the great privilege which you offer by obedience : Loss of honor and self respect ; 
a renunciation of God and our religion ; the prostitution of our wives and children to a 
level with your civilization ; to be cursed with your debauchery ; to be forced to countenance 
infanticide in our midst, and have your professional artists advertise their dens of murder 
among us ; to swarm, as you do. with pimps and harlots and their paramours ; to have 
gambling, drunkenness, whoredom, and all the pestiferous effects of debauchery ; to be 
involved in debt and crime, forced upon us ; to despise ourselves, to be despised by our wives, 


children and friends, and to be despised and cursed of God, in time and in eternity. 
This you offer us and your religion to boot. It is true you tell us you will " ban it," but 
your bans are a myth ; you would open the flood gates of crime and debauchery, 
infanticide, drunkenness and gambling, and practically tie them up with a strand of a 
spider's web. You cannot stop these ; if you would you have not the power. We have, 
and prefer purity, honor, and a clear conscience, and our motto today is, as it ever has 
been, and I hope ever will be, " The Kingdom of God or nothing." 

Apostle Taylor's reasoning did not convince the Vice-President 
that Mormonism's claims were correct, or that the system ought to be 
let alone by Congress and the Administration. Indeed the only 
effect on Mr. Colfax, excepting perhaps a better understanding of 
Mormon history, after the revision of his anti-Mormon notes by 
the Apostle, was to still further embitter him against the Saints, 
and cause him to use his influence with President Grant more 
determinedly than ever to their detriment. 











LN the sequence and evolution of events we come now to the 
I- birth of the Liberal Party. This political organization, it is 
perhaps needless to say, was the first to enter the lists and 
contest with the People's Party in the tournament of local 
politics. The term party implies division, and as there was 
practically no division, at least no organized division of the kind in 
question until the rise of the Liberal Party, all or nearly all the 
citizens of the Territory, prior to that period, voting one way at 
elections, some might maintain that up to that time no People's 
Party existed here, and that both these organizations came into 
being simultaneously. This, however, would only be in part correct, 
since there was a fully equipped political organization the People's 
Party in all but name extant in the Territory from the beginning. 
This party comprised the Mormons, who were emphatically "the 
people" of Utah, constituting as they did, and as they still do, the 
vast majority of her citizens. In their political ranks, however 
were always a few friendly outsiders, non-communicants with the 
Saints in a religious way, but otherwise more or less attached to 
their interests. These were termed by the radical Gentiles "Jack- 


Mormons," a name borrowed from Illinois politics of an earlier 
period. Here, as there, this opprobrious and much dreaded epithet 
came to be applied to every conservative non-Mormon in Utah ; such 
as were unwilling or reluctant to join in the general hue and cry, 
and take part in the anti-Mormon crusades inaugurated by the 
Liberals. Many a Gentile who preferred peace to strife, and would 
fain have remained out of the fight waged between the local factions, 
particularly after it became a very bitter fight, was whipped into 
line by means of this lash the fear of being dubbed a "Jack- 
Mormon" and made to do yeoman service for the anti-Mormon 

The Liberal Party was composed entirely of Gentiles and 
apostates; for the few Mormons who joined it, either at the 
beginning or in after years, were looked upon by the main body of 
the Church as seceders from the faith, whether or not they had been 
formally excommunicated. As already stated, it was the Godbeite 
Movement that gave birth to the Liberal Party. It was that move- 
ment which furnished the anti-Mormon politicians their opportunity 
an opportunity long waited for to launch upon the sea of Utah 
politics an opposition to the dominant power which for so many 
years had sailed that sea alone. In fact it was under the pennon 
of the Godbeite Movement though the Gentiles virtually officered 
and manned the craft that the Liberal ship was launched. Mor- 
monism at that time was supposed to be crumbling. It was thought 
by many to have received its death-blow in the "schism" begun by 
Mr. Godbe and his friends, and it was confidently expected that 
hundreds and even thousands of disaffected Saints would follow 
the example of the seceding Elders and rally round the standard 
that they had raised. Hence, it was believed to be a propitious 
time to project a political as well as a religious anti-Church move- 
ment. So thought the Gentiles of Salt Lake City, who coalesced 
with the Godbeites for political purposes and formed in the beginning 
of the year 1870 the Liberal Party. It is believed that the 
Godbeites were impelled into this coalition by the fear, which proved 


to be well founded, that their religious movement, as such, would be 
a failure; and their "Church of Zion," which had no head, and very 
little body, being derided by their former brethren and sisters, they 
resolved to coalesce with the Gentiles in such a way as to make their 
power, such as it was, more distinctly felt.* At all events, had there 
been no New Movement, it is very doubtful that the Liberal Party, 
though "a manifest destiny" in Utah at some period, would have 
been organized so soon. The Gentiles, like the Godbeites, were only 
a few in number, and both combined were easily "snowed under" at 
the polls ; but owing to the anticipation of an extensive apostasy 
from Mormonism, a veritable windfall of souls, who would all be 
eager to vote against the dominant power, and the expected 
disintegration of the Church before the increase of non-Mormon 
population, and such agencies as the railway, Congressional legisla- 
tion and perhaps the military power of the Government, the 
politicians were encouraged to proceed, and the Liberal Party was 
the result. 

It was not until they discovered their mistake, and learned that 
the defection caused by the Godbeite Movement would be but slight; 
that the railway and Congress could not be relied upon to work the 
quick changes desired ; that the Government was not going to make 
literal war upon Utah and thus recommit the Buchanan blunder of 
1857; in short, it was not until they found that Mormonism, in 
spite of all, still reigned among the Rockies, as securely throned, 
apparently, as Mont Blanc, "the monarch of mountains," whom 

" they crowned long ago 
On a throne of rocks, in a robe of clouds, 
With a diadem of snow," 

* " The Keepapitchinin," a comic paper established by Mr. George J. Taylor, alias 
"Unohoo," in March, 1870, made much fun of the headless "New Movement." Soon 
there sprang up an opponent of " The Keepapitchinin," styled " Diogenes," edited 
ostensibly by Daniel Camomile, an apostate Mormon, but in reality by Messrs. James 

Bond, John Isaacs and Coombs, printers at the "Salt Lake Tribune" office. Brigham 

Young and the Church were the objects of its attacks. Both papers were short-lived, only 
running for about six months. 


that the anti-Mormons, most of whom were willing to take a con- 
servative course at the start, resolved upon another policy entirely, 
and began a bitter and for the most part unscrupulous warfare 
against the Saints; a warfare almost without parallel in the annals 
of political strife, and which, but for the proverbial patience and 
self-control of the Mormon people, which many times thwarted the 
plans of their foes, would have resulted in a bloody and disastrous 
war. Such an event would probably have been welcomed by the 
crusaders, so anxious were they to have Mormonism uprooted and 
destroyed, and it is safe to say that war would have been the issue 
of a similar controversy in any other State or Territory of the 

Union. Of course the anti-Mormons, if left to themselves, could 

have done but little, but they well knew which side the Nation would 
be most likely to espouse in case the quarrel came to blows, 
especially if Gentile blood should be shed, and their version of the 
affair should go before the country first; as it doubtless would have 
gone, since the local agency of the Associated Press was entirely in 
their hands, where it is today. They were willing, therefore, to risk 
all upon the outcome. But the Mormons, taught by their past 
painful experiences in Missouri and Illinois, not to play into the 
hands of the politicians, whose aim, like that attributed to "the 
gods," was to "first make mad," in order to more easily "destroy," 
were just as well aware as their opponents of what would follow if 
they resorted to violence to rid themselves of their aggressive 
tormentors. They knew that their only safety lay in patience and 
self-control. Forbearance, therefore, became their motto, and they 
strove with might and main to govern their tempers and "keep 
cool," let their enemies do what they might. They succeeded 
admirably, though goaded at times almost to desperation by their 
cunning and conspiring foes, who, failing to incite them to the 
commission of some overt act that might be heralded abroad as a 
"Mormon uprising," as treason and rebellion against the Govern- 
ment, did not hesitate to falsely charge them more than once with 
doing what their accusers most desired them to do, namely : take up 


arms and drive the Gentiles from the Territory.* The Utah anti- 
Mormons, we say, could have done but little had they been left to 
themselves. Able and energetic though they were, their numbers, 
for many years, were far too few to be formidable. But with Con- 
gress and the country at their back, in full sympathy with their 
object, though .not all in favor of their unscrupulous methods; with 
missionary judges and picked juries, and all the machinery of the 
Federal courts to aid them; with Governors holding the absolute 
veto power to nullify the acts of the Legislature ; with the Utah 
Commission, registration officers, and a majority of the judges of 
election all working in their behalf; with the entire control of the 
Associated Press, whose local agent was always identified with the 
anti-Mormons and would publish as a fact any falsehood that they 
desired to fulminate; not to mention their newspaper organ the 
Tribune widely read, and, what is more [unfortunate for Utah, 
believed; with all these and more to assist them, it would have been 
strange indeed had not the Liberals become, in course of time, an 
enemy to be opposed rather than despised. Finally, after the lapse 
of twenty years, during which period all that such agencies could do 
had been done, in vain, to render the anti-Mormon cause triumphant, 
the Liberals, under the leadership of a shrewd and unprincipled 
politician, accomplished by fraud what they had failed to achieve 
in two decades of almost constant plotting and toil. How they ran 
foreign voters into the Territory, registered them as bona fide Utah 
citizens, herded them like cattle to the polls, and by such "majori- 
ties" seized the reins of government in Ogden and Salt Lake, the 
two principal cities of the Territory, and reveled in extravagance, 
official corruption and social debauchery, until all good citizens, 

* This trick was resorted to as late as July, 1885, when President Cleveland was so 
far imposed upon by the Utah conspirators, with Governor Eli H. Murray at their head, 
that he ordered troops to the Territory to suppress " a Mormon insurrection," which had 
no existence whatever. The President was greatly chagrined on learning the truth, and 
it was this act with others equally inexcusable that cost Governor Murray his official 


Gentiles as well as Mormons, were disgusted, and entered more than 
one emphatic protest against Liberal misrule, cannot now be dwelt 
upon. At the time of this writing August, 1892 the Liberal 
Party seems doomed. The People's Party having disbanded, 
polygamous marriages in Utah having ceased, and most of her 
citizens, Mormons and Gentiles, having divided on. national party 
lines as Democrats and Republicans, it has nothing but malignity 
and dead issues to subsist upon, and there is no longer any 
excuse for its existence. Most of its leaders and the better class of 
its members have left or are leaving it. There is a remnant, 
however, office-holders, unrelenting apostates and the "riff-raff" or 
mobocratic element, that will probably "die hard," clinging 
tenaciously to the power that they have so misused, and to the 
purse-strings of the municipality which their extravagance has well- 
nigh bankrupted. There is a very general desire on the part of reput- 
able citizens, Republicans and Democrats alike, to hurl from office 
and authority the corrupt and useless Liberal Party an act already 
accomplished at Ogden and inaugurate in Utah's chief city a real 
reform; such as was promised, but never performed, by the 
tyrannical and illiberal faction illiberal in spite of its name which 
has misgoverned, since the spring of 1890, the municipality of Salt 

In the foregoing arraignment of the Liberal Party, we do not of 
course mean to include all its members. It is only to a certain class 
that these strictures will apply. Many of the Liberals were high- 
minded and honorable gentlemen, who, while having no love for 
Mormonism, and anxious to see it suppressed, would not stoop to the 
trickery, hypocrisy and dishonesty of those with whom, from 
sympathy with the main object in view, or from sheer force of 
circumstances, they were induced to co-operate in a common cause. 
Neither would we harshly criticize the masses of the Liberals, many 
of whom were good, honest people, sincere in their convictions, but 
mostly deceived by misrepresentation, and their prejudices played 
upon by their scheming and unscrupulous leaders. Some of the 


chiefs, however, were as reputable and respectable as others seemed 
totally unprincipled. It was a strange mixture, this political pot- 
pourri; this medley of anti-Mormonism. The Liberal Party of 
Utah, like the Anti-Mormon Party of Illinois to repeat what we 
once said concerning the latter organization in its palmy days 
answered far better than did Sir Francis Bacon, Pope's caustic des- 
cription of England's great Lord Chancellor "the wisest, brightest, 
meanest of mankind." 

This leads to a few words more respecting the antecedents and 
components of the Liberal Party. In previous chapters of this 
history it has been shown that it was always a pet scheme 
with certain persons who came to this Territory, as civil or military 
representatives of the Federal Government ; as commercial men, 
contractors and speculators, interested in the material development 
of the country, or as mere roving adventurers, expelled literally or 
by force of public opinion from other places and in quest of "greener 
fields and pastures new," wherein to feed and fatten at the expense 
of their betters, to disrupt the general condition of things here 
existing, and institute radical changes in the social, political and 
even religious affairs of the people. The better class of these would- 
be reformers, those who have had it in their hearts to benefit the 
Mormons, whom they believed to be misguided and enthralled, have 
only favored legitimate agencies and methods, such as Congressional 
legislation, and the operations of courts, schools, churches, missions, 
newspapers, etc., to effect the desired changes. But another class, 
who, however sincere in their wishes to work a transformation, can 
scarcely be regarded as real reformers, have actually advocated such 
agencies as the drinking saloon, the gambling house and the brothel, 
to seduce the young Mormons from the faith of their fathers, and 
have openly exulted at the prospect of morally ruining in order to 
"reform" the rising generation of Utah. The author will blame no 
one for doubting this statement until he has read the following 
extracts from an editorial article in the Salt Lake Tribune the organ 
of the Liberal Party of March 6th, 1881: 



Apropos of the new and petty war recently started by the municipal government on 
the women of the town, the liquor dealers and the gambling fraternity, one of the 
' enemy ' said to us the other day: " It may be a hard thing to say, and perhaps harder 
still to maintain, but I believe that billiard halls, saloons and houses of ill-fame are 
more powerful reforming agencies here in Utah than churches and schools, or even than 
the Tribune. What the young Mormons want is to be freed. So long as they are slaves, 
it matters not much to what or to whom, they are and they can be nothing. Your 
churches are as enslaving as the Mormon Church. Your party is as bigoted and intol- 
erant as the Mormon party. At all events I rejoice when I see the young Mormon 
hoodlums playing billiards, getting drunk, running with bad women anything to break 
the shackles they were born in, and that every so-called religious or virtuous influence 
only makes the stronger. Some of them will go quite to the bad, of course, but it is 
better so, for they are made of poor stuff, and since there is no good reason why they 
were begun for, let them soon be done for, and the sooner the better. Most of them, 
however, will soon weary of vice and dissipation, and be all the stronger for the knowl- 
edge of it and of its vanity. At the very least they will be free, and it is of such vital 
consequence that a man should be free, that in my opinion his freedom is cheaply won at 
the cost of some familiarity with low life. And while it is not desirable in itself, it is to 
me tolerable, because it appears to offer the only inducement strong enough to entice men 
out of slavery into freedom." 

The Tribune's comments on the above were as follows : 

Freedom is the first requisite of manhood, and if it can be won without excesses so 
much the better. If it can't, never mind the excesses, win the freedom. It is not you 
who are responsible, when it comes to that; it is those who have enslaved you. Who is 
the national hero of the yeomanry of England but Robin Hood, " waging war against the 
men of law, against bishops and archbishops, whose sway was so heavy ; generous, more- 
over ; giving a poor, ruined knight clothes, horse and money to buy back the land he had 
pledged to a rapacious Abbot ; compassionate, too, and kind to the poor, enjoining his men 
not to injure yeomen and laborers, but above all rash, bold, proud, who would go to 
draw his bow before the sheriffs eyes and to his face ; ready with blows, whether to 
give or take." 

Read the first chapter of Book Two of Taine's English Literature, if you would see 
what ails Utah, and what it needs as a medicament. 

To vent the feelings, to satisfy the heart and eyes, to set free boldly on all the roads 
of existence, the pack of appetites and instincts, this was the craving which the manners 
of the time betrayed. It was ' merry England,' as they called it then. It was not yet 
stern and constrained. It expanded widely, freely, and rejoiced to find itself so expanded. 

Let the people of Utah rise out of the dust, stand upright, inquire within, lean on 
themselves, look about them, and try in a large way to be men, as they were born to be. 


Let them know nobody more puissant than themselves. What is a game of billiards, a 
glass of beer, a cup of coffee, cigar, or other petty vice, in the span of a strong human 
life, filled with endeavor in the right direction? 'The Territory, like the rest of the land, 
is still in its infancy, still in the pulp of babyhood. It has yet to be made. There is 
work for men, whose first and last quality is strength, manliness. The day of trifles, and 
of crouching and cowardice, of criminal surrender to the first howling dervish who calls 
himself a priest and presumes to speak in the name of the Almighty, has lasted long 
enough. Let a new era dawn in which men shall dare to be men. 

An object in view with both classes has been to wrest the 
control of the Territory from the hands of its founders, the Mormon 
people, who have always been in the overwhelming majority, and 
the vesting of that control in the local Gentiles, a small minority ; 
not merely for purposes of private gain though that has been the 
principal aim with many but to limit if not to destroy the power of 
Mormonism. The latter has undoubtedly been the object with the 
better class of the opponents of the system, as well as the purpose 
of the general government. To this fact, and this alone, may 
properly be attributed nearly all the troubles and turmoils that have 
afflicted Utah from the beginning. 

Almost from the first such persons as those described, good men 
and bad, all bent upon one purpose, have worked in the very midst 
of Mormonism for its overthrow ; and have done so for the most 
part with perfect impunity, notwithstanding the assertions of those, 
who, while spreading far and wide the report that Gentiles could not 
live in Utah, especially Gentiles who were unfriendly to the Saints, 
have themselves furnished proof of the falsity of their statement, in 
continuing to reside here unmolested, though daily and hourly 
maligning and planning against the peace and welfare of the people. 
Such men, and some who were their superiors in every respect, have 
encouraged and assisted in the introduction of schisms into the 
Mormon Church, the formation of opposition parties in local politics, 
the establishment of newspapers having as their chief aim next to 
money-making the suppression of Mormonism, and the scattering 
abroad by means of the press, or by private letters and telegrams, 
all kinds of false reports concerning its votaries. Many Christian 


ministers have assisted in this work of misrepresentation. Some of 
the official class have also used the powers and functions of their 
offices to the same end, and, carried away by excess of zeal, have 
halted at little or nothing to accomplish their object, the insertion 
of some sort of entering wedge into Mormonism, that would split 
and divide the system and destroy it. That this has been the real 
purpose, waiving all plays on words, or at any rate that this would 
have been the result of perfect success in the plans set working, it 
would be vain to deny; though innumerable have been the protes- 
tations to the contrary. Some have said that it was only Brigham 
Young and the one-man-power that they opposed ; some that it was 
polygamy and that alone that they wished to see put down; others, 
that it was the union of church and state they were fighting, 
and that polygamy was a mere bagatelle, a trifle for which they cared 
nothing, compared with the influence wielded by the Mormon Priest- 
hood in politics ; while others still complained of the unity and 
exclusiveness of the Saints, and of the general aggrandizement and 
domination of the Church in temporal things. It is idle to bandy 
words in such a case. What was wanted was the emasculation if 
not the destruction of Mormonism. That its total annihilation was 
desired by many, who have shown by their acts to this day that 
nothing less than that would satisfy them, there is no room for 
doubt or reasonable denial. 

Now the Mormons, as is well known, fled from the confines of 
civilization and made their home in the wilderness, in order to find 
peace, which they could not find elsewhere; to secure the privilege 
of practicing their religion unmolested; to have liberty to work out 
their peculiar social problems hurtful if at all to none but them- 
selves, and hurtful not at all according to their faith and experience; 
to found a commonwealth where they might elect their own rulers, 
make their own laws and be free from the political corruptions and 
social evils that prevailed in other places. Such was their purpose 
in settling and colonizing these desert vales of the Rocky Mountains, 
having first suffered untold hardships in getting here, to say nothing 


of their previous history written in their own blood and tears, and in 
those of their persecuted and murdered co-religionists. Small 
wonder, therefore, that they should regard with a jealous eye those 
encroachments that threatened to overthrow and bring to naught 
their plans for peace and freedom; to introduce into their com- 
munity strife and division from which they had before suffered so 
severely; to foster among them drunkenness, prostitution and 
kindred evils which they so dreaded, and in short bring to their 
doors all the ills, to escape which they had fled from society, from 
civilization, and placed a thousand miles of barren plains and bleak 
mountains between them and its western frontier. They could 
scarcely be expected to smile approvingly on and applaud the efforts 
of those whose avowed purpose, if not to destroy them personally, 
was to destroy that which they held most dear, and desecrate what 
they deemed sacred and divine. All that could reasonably be 
required of such a people under such circumstances would be 
patience, self-control and legitimate effort to prevent, their enemies 
from accomplishing their designs. That the Mormons have 
succeeded, better than most people would have done, in restraining 
themselves under as high pressure as ordinary mortals are ever 
subjected to, fighting their foes as a general thing only on fair and 
legitimate lines, none cognizant of their history can conscientiously 

That many, perhaps most of those who have opposed the Saints 
have been sincere in their opposition, and impelled more or less 
by principle, and not entirely by passion, self-interest and sordid 
calculation, is not questioned. Some of them, undoubtedly, have 
been pure-souled patriots, genuine reformers, who believed that in 
fighting Mormonism they were striving to put down tyranny, treason 
and licentiousness. Aside from this error for it is an error their 
only mistake has been in the adoption at times of means for its sup- 
pression that were outside the pale of justice and propriety. " The 
end justifies the means" a Jesuitical doctrine as dangerous as it is 
daring has been their rule of conduct in such cases, and failure, as 

25-VOL. 2. 


often as success, has resulted from the pursuit of this perilous policy. 
But others who have gone hand in hand with these high-minded 
characters so far as the latter would permit them who have 
fought under the same banner and partly for the same purpose, have 
had no such honorable motive. Among these are the adventurers 
referred to, seltish schemers, dishonest demagogues, social pirates, 
pelf and place hunters, panderers for hire to the prejudices of those 
more sincere in their hatred and hostility toward the Saints. 

True, even these have professed patriotism, in fact they have 
arrogated to themselves about all the patriotism that the land con- 
tained, and have vociferated their desires to reform and regenerate 
the Mormon people; a community as far above them in innate 
loyalty and moral worth, in spite of every fault, as their own pro- 
fessions have been superior to their practices. Like Satan, quoting 
scripture to the Son of God, in order to convince Him that He ought 
to dishonor Himself, they have tried to persuade the youth of 
Utah to cast themselves down from the moral pinnacle on which 
they stood and show themselves free and liberal by wallowing in the 
filth and mire so congenial to the tastes and habits of their tempters. 
It is painful to add that some young Mormons, and others not so 
young, have listened to the siren voice of these seducing spirits 
who were always a disgrace to their party, or to the better portion 
of it and have become as loosely " free " and as licentiously 
"liberal" as their depraved "reformers" could desire. 

We do not mean to say that all the fault for all the evil that 
has occurred in Utah has been on one side. That the Mormons 
have always been right and never wrong, no one acquainted with 
the facts and wishing to be truthful would care to maintain. The 
Mormons have been accused of tyranny and oppression. That some 
of them have been guilty of the charge is quite probable. It is 
natural for some men to be tyrannical and to oppress their fellows, 
particularly if they themselves have been oppressed. Persecution 
alone never teaches men to be tolerant. It is pure knowledge or the 
Spirit of God that does that. That some Mormons have oppressed 


some Gentiles in Utah, just as some Gentiles oppressed the Mormons 
in Missouri and Illinois, we verily believe, and in both cases, 
perhaps, they thought they were doing God service. Moreover 
we think we could show that Mormons have oppressed Mormons, 
and Gentiles, Gentiles, if we cared to extend the argument. These 
things are inherent in human nature. Every Mormon accepts as 
true that saying of Joseph Smith's : "We have learned by sad exper- 
ience that it is the nature and disposition of almost all men, as soon 
as they get a little authority, as they suppose, they will immediately 
begin to exercise unrighteous dominion." And the law of retali- 
ation, the law of Moses, is stronger than the law of Christ, the 
gospel of love and forgiveness, in the "members" of "the natural 
man.'' There is no doubt that some Mormons have made enemies 
among the Gentiles and among their own people, by tyrannical or 
selfish acts, and have justified by such conduct much of the ill 
feeling that has resulted. But why make a whole community 
responsible for the misdeeds of certain of its members? Some 
Mormons have done worse than to oppress; they have committed 
heinous crimes, and those crimes have been chronicled and 
published by Mormon pens and prints, and their perpetrators, when 
known, held up to deserved odium and detestation. That some of 
the leaders of the Saints in warlike times, and under the influence of 
the excitement of such times, have uttered sentiments which, repro- 
duced by an enemy and all extenuating circumstances hidden or held 
in the back-ground, seem to smack of disloyalty and defiance to the 
Government, is also true. Nor is it denied by the Mormons, how- 
ever deeply deplored, that among their men and women let only the 
guiltless of their accusers cast stones occasional instances of 
immorality and unchastity have been found. But that the Mormon 
people, as a people, with their leaders, are a tyrannical, a trea- 
sonable, a murderous or a licentious community, or that their 
religion tends to make them so, is not true. It is a slander as foul 
and false as the souls of those who, knowing it to be such, have 
nevertheless sent it broadcast to deceive the world, embitter public 


opinion and subserve private and political purposes against the 
people of Utah. 

The first man on record to advocate party divisions in this 
Territory was Judge Perry E. Brocchus, who made that theme a 
portion of his peculiar harangue at the Mormon conference at Salt 
Lake City, in September, 1851. Of course he had a perfect right to 
his views upon the subject, though a religious meeting, to which, by 
courtesy of President Young, he had been invited to speak at his 
own request upon an entirely different topic, was hardly the proper 
place to express them. Little attention, however, was paid to that 
part of his address; the insulting portion of it a reflection on the 
chastity of the Mormon women and the patriotism of the Mormon 
men causing his indignant hearers to temporarily forget all else 
that he said. The chief objection of Judge Brocchus to the unity of 
the Mormons which he wrongly attributed to the personal influence 
of Brigham Young and to their voting solidly at elections, was 
probably the fruit of the disappointment that he felt at not securing 
that vote for himself as Delegate to Congress from the newly created 
Territory. It is a singular fact that no man has ever objected to the 
unity of the Mormon vote, if that vote were cast for him, or in the 
interest of himself and his friends. It is the solid voting of Mor- 
mons for Mormons that has constituted the main objection; that has 
been deemed "un-American," "Asiatic," "despotic," and all that. 
Still, Judge Brocchus should have all the credit for disinterestedness 
that he deserves. He may have wanted to see, as other Federal 
officials whose sincerity we do not question have since, party 
divisions in Utah for other than personal reasons. 

Many of his class, after that day, took up the same refrain, and 
endeavored to convince the Mormon people that it was better to be 
divided than united in political matters. But the latter were not 
convinced by the logic of such an argument. They did not see how 
they could be divided in politics and united in religion at the same 
time, and deeming unity essential to their safety, feeling as they did 
that the whole outside world was against them, and having nothing 


to quarrel over or be divided upon, as they saw eye to eye with each 
other in most things and were beyond the pale of participation in 
national politics, they were unable to appreciate the reasoning of 
their would-be mentors. They therefore remained united, believing 
that by unity alone could they prevail and succeed in "building up 
the Kingdom of God." And here, in the eyes of many of the Gen- 
tiles, was their chief crime. It was this "anomalous condition," this 
"un-American state of things," this ambition of a united religious 
community to found a spiritual empire within a temporal republic 
imperium in imperio together with misrepresentations, prejudices 
and personal disagreements, that caused the original dislikes and 
alienations between Mormons and non-Mormons in Utah. Out of 
such differences grew the conspiracy of Messrs. Drummond, McGraw 
and others, resulting in the "Buchanan war" of 1857, which united 
the Mormons more effectually than ever. Then came the great Civil 
War, "the War for the Union," a war to prevent the nation from 
dividing and separating, and the Saints thought they saw in this 
a grand illustration and vindication of their position, expressed in 
the legend: "United we stand, divided we fall." 

It has been seen how General Connor, when he came to Utah 
General Connor, by the way, is styled "the father of the Liberal 
Party," sought to change the existing political condition ; not by 
dividing the Mormons and arraying them against each other, which 
he doubtless saw was next to impossible, but by inducing Gentile 
immigration into the Territory, for the purpose of "overwhelming 
the Mormons by mere force of numbers" and "wresting from the 
Church disloyal and traitorous to the core the absolute and 
tyrannical control of temporal and civil affairs." He also aimed, it 
is believed, at the establishment of a military dictatorship, with 
himself in supreme command, pending the proposed reconstruction 
of Utah at the ballot box. That he was heartily in accord with 
Governor Harding and Judges Waite and Drake in their efforts to 
procure an act of Congress which would have accomplished about 
the same result, has already been shown. But these plans all failed. 


General Connor and his coadjutors, however, succeeded in 
dividing, more effectually than ever before, the, Utah Gentiles from 
their Mormon neighbors, thus paving the way for the organized 
division that followed. Hence his surname in later years: "The 
father of the Liberal Party." Much of what was left undone in this 
direction was accomplished by those lamentable tragedies, the 
Brassfield and Robinson murders; particularly the latter, which the 
Mormons regretted quite as much as the Gentiles, and certainly 
suffered far more seriously from its effects. Then came the adoption 
of President Young's commercial policy toward the anti-Mormon 
merchants and business men a policy deemed necessary as a 
measure of self-defense and the breach between the two classes of 
the community was almost complete. 

It is evident that Speaker Colfax and other influential men who 
visited Utah prior to the advent of the railway, hoped much from the 
mining movement begun by General Connor and his associates, as a 
means of settling the Mormon question. This is apparent from 
the tenor of their remarks at the time, as well as from the interest 
manifested ' by them in the development of the ore-producing 
industry. But it was soon found that the Utah mines could not be 
worked to advantage without railways, and that instead of there 
being a permanent increase in the Gentile population, as the result 
of that movement, even the few miners who had come to the 
Territory were leaving in despair after bankrupting themselves and 
the capitalists who had furnished them with means to engage in the 
unprofitable undertaking. Then it was that the railway approach- 
ing from two directions the Great Salt Lake was regarded by the 
Gentiles as the destined regenerator, and its advent awaited with 
impatience by those who thought that Mormonism must surely 
succumb before the inroads of the iron horse and all the influences 
that followed in its train. 

Some of the foes of the system, however, were not so sanguine 
ot such a result, or else were unwilling that there should be a 
peaceable settlement. To these may be attributed the anti-Mormon 


measures introduced into Congress shortly before and soon after the 
completion of the Pacific Railway. Vice-President Colfax himself 
seems to have been skeptical as to the power of the railway, unaided 
by "the strong arm of the Government," to destroy Mormonism. 
At any rate he was manifestly in favor of a speedier solution of the 
problem than the one promised by the locomotive, and it is doubtful 
that even the Godbeite Movement, notwithstanding the claim of its 
representatives, caused him to change his mind much as to the 
heroic treatment that he deemed necessary in the premises. 

Coming now to active political effort on the part of the Gentiles 
of Utah. It was early in 1867 that they placed their first candidate 
for office in the field. The Liberal Party was not yet organized, 
but the elements that were destined to compose it were almost ready 
to blend. The candidate's name was William McGrorty, a local 
merchant. He seems to have been one of those transients who from 
time to time have drifted into the Territory and out again, only 
tarrying as long as it was made worth their while to do so, by some 
such scheme as that which he was induced to engage in. McGrorty 
at first professed great friendship for the Mormons, attending their 
meetings and fawning upon them, they claim, almost obsequiously. 
But the leaders regarded him as a hypocrite, who was seeking to 
attain some private end. Finally, on discovering that they had no 
confidence in him, and that he would be unable to gain his point, he 
straightway began to plot against them. The first part of his plan was 
perfectly legitimate. It was to run for Congress, as Delegate from 
this Territory, in opposition to Hon. William H. Hooper. Of course 
he did not expect to carry the election. There was not the shadow 
of a hope in that direction. But he knew that a few votes would be 
cast for him, and he could then take his case to Washington and 
there contest on various grounds the seating of the re-elected 
delegate. Whether this was the pre-arranged program, or whether 
the original purpose was merely the leading of a forlorn hope 
against Mr. Hooper, with a view to forming the nucleus of an 
opposition party, we are not aware. Anyhow a number of Gentiles 


entered into the scheme, and lent their assistance toward making it a 
success. Among these was C. B. Waite, ex-Associate Justice of 
Utah, who became McGrorty's attorney in the contest that followed, 
and helped him to prepare the argument with which he went before 
the Committee on Elections of the House of Representatives. The 
"argument" consisted almost entirely of anti-Mormon tales, told 
since the days of Far West and Nauvoo; accounts of alleged 
atrocities by the Mormon Church, including, of course, the Mountain 
Meadows massacre; extracts from old Tabernacle sermons, such as 
agitated His Honor, Judge Anderson, in later years, but did not 
affect in the same way the Minneapolis and Chicago conventions; 
with affidavits of apostates and selections from their published 

The election occurred on the 7th of February. Mr. McGrorty 
received a little over a hundred votes many if not most of them 
in the Rush Valley Mining District while for Captain Hooper 
upwards of fifteen thousand ballots were cast. Nevertheless 
McGrorty went to Washington and contested Hooper's claim to a seat 
in the House of Representatives. For some reason he allowed 
almost a year to elapse after the election before he began his 
contest. It was not until January 18th, 1868, that he filed with the 
Committee on Elections, to whom the matter had been referred, his 
printed brief, accompanied by a voluminous mass of documents in 
support of the allegations therein contained. Besides the statements 
already mentioned there were affidavits from one Smith and a 
Mrs. Williamson to the effect that the Mormon people were required 
by a rule of their Church to take an oath inconsistent with their 
duties as loyal and law-abiding citizens of the United States, and 
implying that Captain Hooper had himself taken such an oath. 
There was also an allegation that in some of the voting precincts of 
the Territory the election had been conducted irregularly ; and then 
came McGrorty's own affidavit, giving as the reason for his delay in 
beginning the contest, that he had been fearful of personal violence 
from the hands of the Mormons. 


Captain Hooper in his reply held that McGrorty was "not 
lawfully in court." He refused to recognize him as a legal con- 
testant, since he had failed to comply with the law of Congress 
regulating contested elections, which required notice of contest to be 
filed within thirty days after the result of the election had been 
officially ascertained, and he entirely ignored the sensational tales 
that formed the principal portion of the complaint. The Captain 
gave as his reason for not answering the allegations based upon the 
extracts from early Mormon sermons, etc., that "to have entered into 
a refutation of these calumnies, which can be done by the same 
authorities from which contestant has selected his extracts, would 
have been an acknowledgement of the right of contestant to have 
had the committee act upon and decide this case upon the mere 
ex parte statements of contestant, his counsel and his friends, 
thereby disregarding every principle of law, as well as the rules and 
statutes regulating the production of testimony." Mr. Hooper 
denied taking any oath of the kind alleged by the affiants Smith and 
Williamson, and denied also that the Mormon people were required 
to take any such oath. He submitted affidavits from Colonel F. H. 
Head, Superintendent of Indian Affairs; Hon. Amos Reed, late 
Secretary and acting-Governor; Hon. Solomon P. McCurdy, Associate 
Justice, and Hon. Frank Fuller, late acting-Governor of Utah, with 
statements from forty-one other non-Mormon citizens, leading mer- 
chants, bankers and business men of Salt Lake City, all refuting 
McGrorty's assertion that had he begun his contest earlier he would 
have been in danger of personal violence from the Mormons; and 
stating that he could have done so with perfect safety at any time 
after the election. They also declared that the fullest freedom and 
expression of opinion was indulged in and tolerated in Utah; that 
McGrorty himself, prior to leaving the Territory, had publicly 
announced often and repeatedly on the streets of Salt Lake City 
that he was contesting the seat of the sitting delegate; and that he 
had not been molested in any manner on account of said announce- 
ment. As to alleged irregularities in the election, Mr. Hooper 


answered: "Should the vote of the two whole counties in which 
the precincts are located be rejected, the sitting Delegate still has 
over twelve thousand majority, and McGrorty but sixty-four votes; 
these being the only two counties in which ex parte statements have 
been taken as to irregularities, and the evidence is not sufficient as 
to these." 

The Committee on Elections having rendered their report, the 
House, late in July, 1868, unanimously adopted the same, refusing 
to admit Mr. McGrorty to a seat in that body as a delegate from 
Utah, and deciding that Hon. William H. Hooper had been elected to 
the office and was rightfully entitled to the seat he was then occu- 
pying.* And so ended the first attempt of the Utah anti-Mormons 
to thwart the will of the majority of her citizens, as expressed at the 

* The Committee on Elections in this case, in answer to the question : " Has that 
power [Mormonism] been hostile to the Government of the United States," replied : " It 
is and has been hostile rather from the inherent spirit of its creation than from any design 
on the part of the people." Stenhouse makes a similar statement in his " Rocky Moun- 
tain Saints." According to him, it is only the creed of the Mormons that is disloyal, and 
not the Mormons themselves. In the same sense Christianity is disloyal, or any other 
religion that acknowledges God as the King of heaven and earth. 

fMark Twain, in a letter to the San Francisco Alta some time after the close of the 
Utah contest, dilated thus humorously upon McGrorty and his fortunes : " Where is 
McGrorty ? But perhaps you don't know McGrorty. McGrorty was a great man once 
but that was some time ago. It was when he ran for delegate from Utah against Mr. 
Hooper. Somebody told him to buy a barrel of whisky and run against Hooper and 
told him whisky was as good as talent, as long as he could get the one and hadn't the 
other, and McGrorly did it. He ran against Hooper, he treated the Saints and the 
Gentiles, he made the best fight he could and didn't win. He came near it though. 
He got 105 votes and Hooper himself only got 15,068. There was really only a 
difference of 14,000 and some odd. A negro called "Cy" got the rest of the votes six. 
Hooper was declared elected and McGrorty was advised to contest the election which he 
did ; but he failed to give notice of his reasons within thirty days (as provided by a 
Congressional law) and that made his contest null and void, properly. Still when a man 
comes near being great comes as near as McGrorty did comes within fourteen or 
fifteen thousand of it it isn't in human nature to give it up. And so McGrorty infested 
Washington all last winter trying to get his dispute before the House of Representatives, 
but it wasn't any use. Congress was a conniver at all manner of inhumanity, and was 
only glad of a chance to keep this light out now that it was put out. Congress said, 


From the first election in Utah until early in 1867, there had 
always been an interregnum of several months when the Territory 
was without a delegate to represent it in Congress. This interval 
was from the 4th of March in the odd years, when each Congress 
expires, until the first Monday in the succeeding August, when the 
local election took place, so that in case of an extra session between 
March and August of the odd years the Territory would have been 
unrepresented. To obviate this deficiency a law, already referred to 
in a previous chapter, was passed and approved January 10th, 1867, 
enacting that the election of a delegate to represent the Territory 
in the Fortieth Congress should be held on the first Monday in 
February, 1867, and that the delegate for the Forty-first Congress 
should be elected at the general election on the first Monday of 
August, 1868, said general election to occur biennially thereafter, 
the delegate thus being chosen several months in advance of the 
expiration of his predecessor's term. At the February election, 
1867, as before stated, Hon. William H. Hooper was again chosen 
over Mr. McGrorty to represent the Territory at Washington. He 

send along the negro let ' Cy' have a show out with the Milesian Gentile! This after 
he had got his speech all ready for the floor of the House! It was particularly mean of 
Congress to do such a thing at i>uch a time, because the speech had to be inflicted on 
somebody, and so McG. went around Washington all last winter reading it to every- 
body he could catch in a close place. People were driven crazy by it people shot each 
other on account of it thousands and thousands of suicides resulted from it. McGrorty 
ended by going crazy himself, I heard, though many said he was crazy enough in the 
first place to make a good member of Congress. But they didn't take him in. That is 
what I am quarreling about. They left his light to shine under a bushel never saw a 
bushel in such a shape that a light could shine under it, but suppose it possible, 
nevertheless they left his light to shine that way, merely because he didn't have 15,000 
votes instead of Hooper. That sort of mean partiality is a thing I despise. And so 
McGrorty was lost to the nation. What makes me enquire about him now, however, is 
that rumor has reached me from a friend in Washington that Mr. McGrorty is going to 
run on the Democratic ticket for Congress in California, and I thought that if I could help 
him to a vote or two, in memory of that speech of his, it would be as little as one of the 
few survivors of it could do. I feel grateful, and so long as he is running for anything 
anywhere, I am ready to help him along, and whenever he has got a fresh speech, and 
is reading it, I will wade right through the midst of his dead and dying to hear it. Count 
on me, McGrorty." 


was also elected to the Forty-first Congress, in August, 1868, this 
time without opposition. 

But it was now the beginning of the year 1870; the Godbeite 
Movement had taken place; the Mormon Church, though in reality 
never stronger, was supposed by many to be tottering to its fall, and 
the political coalition between the dissenting faction and the Gentiles, 
was just about to form. 

In January of this year the Godbeites established at Salt Lake 
City a weekly paper called The Mormon Tribune. It was designed as 
the organ of the " New Movement," and indeed was no more nor less 
than the Utah Magazine transformed. Its publishers were William 
S. Godbe and Elias L. T. Harrison; the latter and Edward W. 
Tullidge being the editors. Eli B. Kelsey was business manager of 
the concern, but he soon retired to devote himself to mining matters, 
and was succeeded by William H. Shearman. Mr. Tullidge, after a 
few months, also parted company with the Tribune. 

So long as the gentlemen named had control of the journal, it 
was high-toned and conservative, though not lacking in vigor, and 
expressing itself in plain terms regarding the acts and utterances of 
the Church which had excommunicated its editors and their associ- 
ates. Its policy then was to persuade, to reason with and convince 
by argument those who differed from it, and to treat with due respect 
those whom it did not succeed in converting; giving them the same 
credit for~sincerity as it claimed for itself and its supporters. But 
when it passed, as it soon did, from their hands to those of their 
political allies, the anti-Mormons, and the latter had resolved upon 
their "war to the knife" policy against Mormonism and its adherents, 
the Tribune became a bitter and most abusive sheet. Its only prin- 
ciple, apparently, was hatred of everything Mormon, in pursuance of 
which it spared neither age, sex nor condition ; emptying the vials of 
its venom upon all who dared to differ from it, misrepresenting their 
motives, assailing their characters, and libeling and lampooning both 
the living and the dead. Its columns were not only filled habitually 
with falsehood, but often with vulgar and obscene scandals. Many 


who helped to sustain the paper, either from sympathy with its 
assaults upon Mormonism, or from fear of being abused by it and 
called "Jack-Mormons" if they withheld their support, were careful 
to have it delivered at their down-town offices, and would not have it 
in their homes for their wives and daughters to read, so filthy at 
times were its contents. The Nauvoo Expositor was holy writ com- 
pared with the Salt Lake Tribune. It was so styled after it ceased to 
represent the "New Movement," which soon perished, and became 
sheerly an anti-Mormon sheet. It was ably edited from the first and 
being, as before stated, widely read, did much to injure Utah and her 
people abroad. Its publishers took pains to send it for free distri- 
bution wherever Mormon missionaries were laboring, and one of its 
issues, containing a foul and shameful libel upon the Mormon people, 
is believed to have caused the brutal massacre of two Elders from 
Utah by an infuriate mob in the backwoods of Tennessee.* The 
Tribune attained to much potency, and among anti-Mormons in general 
great popularity, during the editorship of Mr. Fred. Lockley, an able 
journalist from Kansas, who, with Messrs Prescott and Hamilton, two 
other experienced newspaper men, also from that State, took charge 
of its publication early in the seventies. Brilliantly edited, pros- 
perously conducted, and having the enthusiastic support of the 
Gentiles, particularly at Salt Lake City and in the various mining 
camps, as well as in other States and Territories, it was probably 

* We refer to the notorious " Red-Hot Address," a pretended stenographic report of 
remarks alleged to have been made by " Bishop West," at Juab, Utah, on March 9th, 
1884, " reported by Tobias Tobey for the Salt Lake Tribune." In the address 
" Bishop West " was represented as counseling his congregation to assassinate Governor 
Eli H. Murray, the Gentile Executive of Utah, and wage an exterminating warfare upon 
non-Mormons generally. The whole thing was a sensational slander manufactured for 
effect. Not only was there no "Bishop West," in the Mormon Church at that time, but it 
was conclusively shown that no meeting was held at Juab on the date given the 
Sabbath as a washout had occurred at or near the settlement and all hands were busy 
controlling the angry waters. The Tribune, being cornered, claimed to have been 
imposed upon by its correspondent, the mythical " Tobias Tobey," but the " Bishop 
West " libel was only one of many such published by that paper to subserve the anti- 
Mormon cause. 


never more abusive or worse in its morals than then. This was 
more noticeable in the local than in the editorial columns; for 
Lockley, it is said, was designed by nature for a gentleman, but he 
fostered under him a set of writers some of them apostate Mor- 
mons whose virulent and ofttimes brutal effusions almost warranted 
the charge made against the paper at this period that "Kansas border 
ruffians" were its editors. Bright and newsy as were its pages, 
much of it was that sort of "news" that no decent journal ever 
publishes, and which none but vulgar and vicious minds care to 
peruse ; being chiefly composed of salacious gossip and slanderous 
abuse of men and women in public and private life. Everything 
that the Mormons held sacred was derided, burlesqued and 
defamed. Their Sabbath services were misrepresented and repro- 
duced in travesty; the rites of their Temples as sacred to them as 
the mystical ordinances of Free Masonry to its votaries revealed by 
apostates, were regularly ridiculed and blasphemed ; while the utter- 
ances of their preachers were twisted and distorted out of their 
real meaning and made to imply treason, rebellion, or whatever 
the Tribune desired. The Mormon women, among the most virtuous 
and modest of their sex, were commonly classed with prostitutes, 
and referred to as mistresses, procuresses, "old hens," "conks," or 
concubines; and for the Mormon men, especially those having 
more than one wife from "thick-necked polyg" to "mid-night 
assassin," no epithet was too vile in the eyes of the Salt Lake 
Tribune. When expostulated with upon their course and asked 
why they were not more decent and gentlemanly in their opposi- 
tion, the editors were wont to reply that decent language would 
not do justice to the subject they assailed, and that it would be time 
enough to be gentlemen when Mormonism was put down and the 
war they were waging was over. This caused a writer in the 
Salt Lake Herald the Tribunes main opponent at that period ; the 
Deseret News utterly ignoring its existence to impale it in this 
manner, in the closing lines of a satirical poem on the Tribune and 
its scribes: 


This is the press gang, rogue type, liar's file, 
Who say, "We will be gentlemen after awhile." 
And, after all, the sequel may be so, 
Old Nick is called " the gentleman below ; " 
And if he ever comes to claim his own, 
The Tribune outfit will "vamoose the town," 
To join this "gentleman," in force to swell 
The long-tailed aristocracy of h 11. 

A great change, and one decidedly for the better, came over the 
Tribune when Mr. Lockley and his associates severed their connection 
with it. This, however, was partly due to the fact that the more 
respectable portion of its readers had grown weary of its ceaseless 
anti-Mormon tirades, and the better element among the Gentiles 
desired a change. Today, though fighting Mormonism as fiercely 
and sometimes as unfairly as ever, the Tribune is much more con- 
servative than it once was, and does not admit into its columns the 
filthy scandals that disgraced it formerly. Much of this gratifying 
reform is probably due to the presence on its staff of Judge C. C. 
Goodwin, the editor-in-chief, a brilliant journalist, and one of 
national repute. He is a native of the State of New York, but came 
to Utah from Nevada in 1880. The Tribune is a very influential 
journal, and unquestionably a bright and breezy newspaper. It has 
been from the first the organ of the Liberal Party, and is a 
leading authority on mining matters throughout the interior West. 

Of its equally able and always reputable opponent, the Salt Lake 
Herald, surnamed the "Giant of the Rockies," and today the leading 
Democratic paper of the inter-mountain region, we shall only say 
here that it was founded in June, 1870, by Edward L. Sloan and 
William C. Dunbar; the former a genius among journalists being 
its editor, and the latter, also a genius in his special line theatrical 
comedy the business manager. The Herald took the place of the 
Daily Telegraph Mr. Stenhouse's paper the publication of which 
had been suspended. The latter, just before the completion of 
the Pacific Railway, had removed to Ogden, but after a brief career 
in the Junction City returned to Salt Lake. Mr. Stenhouse then 


retired from its editorial management and proprietorship, and being 
purchased by Dr. Fuller, of Chicago, the Telegraph during its last 
days was edited by E. L. Sloan, subsequently the founder of the 
Herald. The present editor of this paper, who has been connected 
with it almost from the beginning, is Byron Groo, Esq. He wields a 
trenchant pen, is fearless in spirit, a staunch Democrat, a genial 
gentleman, and a man of recognized ability and good judgment. Of 
this able and powerful journal, the Salt Lake Herald, and of Utah's 
newspapers in general, more anon. 

The Liberal Party came into existence early in February, 1870, 
just prior to the regular biennial election of the Salt Lake City gov- 
ernment. The first formal step toward its organization was taken on 
the 9th of that month, at a meeting of non-Mormons Gentiles and 
Godbeites held in the Masonic Hall, East Temple Street. Eli B. 
Kelsey was chosen chairman, and speeches were made and plans 
formulated for the municipal election, it being the purpose of the 
Liberals though that name had not yet been adopted by them to 
put an independent ticket in the field in opposition to the People's 
Ticket. A central committee was appointed to serve for one year. 
Its members were J, M. Orr, J. R. Walker, Joseph Salisbury, T. D. 
Brown, James Brooks, Samuel Kahn and R. H. Robertson. A ticket 
for city officers was nominated by acclamation. It was as follows : 
Mayor, Henry W. Lawrence; Aldermen, First Municipal Ward, 
Samuel Kahn; Second, Joseph R.Walker; Third, Orson Pratt, Jr.; 
Fourth, Edwin D. Woolley; Fifth, James Gordon. Councillors, Nat. 
Stein, Anthony Godbe, John Cunnington, John Lowe, Marsena 
Cannon, Fred T. Perris, Dr. W. F. Anderson, William Sloan and 
Peter Rensheimer. Recorder, William P. Appleby ; Treasurer, B. G. 
Raybould; Marshal, Ed. Futterfield. Some of these nominees were 
Mormons, "firm in the faith," the presence of whose names on the 
"Independent Ticket" is explained by the fact that it was the hope 
of the managers of the new party to draw by this means many votes 
from the ranks of the opposition. The personal popularity of Henry 
W. Lawrence, the candidate for Mayor, who, before his apostasy, had 


been held in high esteem by the leaders and members of the 
Mormon Church, was also relied upon to do much in the same direc- 
tion. These matters being arranged, the meeting adjourned till the 
following night, when it was to reconvene en masse at Walker 
Brothers' " old store " in which building the Godbeites had of late 
been holding their meetings for the purpose of ratifying the nomi- 
nations. In order to draw as large a crowd as possible to witness 
the launching of the new political vessel, the Independents placarded 
the town, notifying the general public of the mass meeting and its 
purpose. " COME ONE, COME ALL " was the caption of the placard, 
inviting "the people of Salt Lake City" to "attend. 

"The people" mischievously took them at their word, and 
thronging the hall at an early hour, took full possession of the 


meeting, practically deposing Chairman Kelsey, who claimed the right 
to preside by virtue of his election on the previous evening. They 
voted in their own chairman Colonel J. C. Little arid Secretary 
E. L. Sloan and proceeded to put in nomination the following ticket 
for city officers: Mayor, Daniel H. Wells; Aldermen First Municipal 
Ward, Isaac Groo ; Second, Samuel W.Richards; Third, Alonzo H. 
Raleigh; Fourth, Jeter Clinton; Fifth, Alexander C. Pyper. Coun- 
cilors Robert T. Burton, Theodore McKean, Thomas Jenkins, 
Heber P. Kimball, Henry Grow, John Clark, Thomas McLellan, John 
R. Winder and Lewis S. Hills. Recorder, Robert Campbell; 
Treasurer, Paul A. Schettler; Marshal, John D. T. McAllister. 
Having dispatched this business, the meeting adjourned. 

The coup d'etat of the People's Party, in accepting an invitation 
addressed to "the people," and capturing by superior numbers the 
mass meeting of the Independents, was regarded by the latter as "a 
gross outrage," and of course as one directed by "the Church 
officials," who were made to bear the blame of all such things in the 
early times of the Territory. And yet no outrage had been 
intended, nor was there the least design to intimidate the new party, 
as some might suppose, with a view to preventing them from voting 
their ticket on election day. It was simply a practical joke, conceived 

26-VOL. 2. 


and carried out in the spirit of merriment suppressed it may be, 
but none the less real and though undoubtedly discourteous, as 
most practical jokes are, was the offspring of mischievous mirth 
rather than ill-natured animus. Had it been otherwise, and had not 
the Independents themselves invited it by the peculiar wording of 
their placard, it would have been what they indignantly styled it, an 
" outrage," and of course utterly inexcusable. The chief regret over 
its occurrence on the part of the Mormons, if there was any regret, 
was owing to the use made of it by their political opponents to give 
color to the charge of intolerance so freely made against "the 
Church officials." However the affair soon "blew over," and 
though some bitterness was at first expressed, the contagious humor 
of the incident finally prevailed and good nature ruled generally on 
both sides at the election. 

This occurred on Monday, the 14th of February. The total 
vote polled was two thousand three hundred and one, of which 
number the Independent Ticket drew about three hundred ; all the 
rest being cast for the People's Party candidates, who were conse- 
quently elected. Though congratulating themselves on the result, 
the Independents did not fail to charge "many irregularities, 7 ' and 
claimed that they had been unfairly treated. It is true that on 
Sunday, February 13th, just one day before the election, Mayor 
Wells had received a note from Chairman Orr, requesting that one 
of the judges and one of the clerks of election be chosen from the 
ranks of the new party John M. Worley and William P. Appleby 
being named by him for those positions and that in answer thereto, 
the Mayor had written the following letter: 

J. M. Orr, Esq., Chair. Cen. Com., 

SIR: Your note dated 12th inst., asking for a change to be made in the board of 
judges and clerks of election is just received, and I hasten to answer. 

Col. Jesse C. Little, Seymour B. Young and John Needham, Esqs., have been 
chosen judges, and F. A Mitchell and R. V. Morris, Esqs., clerks of said election. 

These gentlemen were selected and appointed to act as said judges and clerks by 
the city council on Tuesday, 1st inst., and, I am sanguine, command the confidence of the 


entire people, and will doubtless act justly and wisely in the performance of the duties 
thus devolved upon them. 

Rest assured that every protection will be afforded for voters to vote their respective 
tickets without partiality or hindrance. 

If, as is sometimes the case, during the day, the polls should be crowded, I would 
recommend the voters to be patient, for all will have the opportunity afforded to them to 
vote during the day. And it is designed to enforce the strictest order. 


D. H. WELLS, Mayor. 

That the denial of Mr. Orr's request was due to a purpose on 
the part of Mayor Wells and his associates to treat the Independents 
unfairly, no one who knew those gentlemen will believe. There was 
no temptation, even had there been any inclination to do so; the 
People's voters being so overwhelmingly in the majority. While it 
would have been good policy to have granted the request of the 
Independents, thus taking from their hands a weapon which they 
afterwards used, the reason it was not done was because the time 
was deemed too short and the matter too trifling, and not because of 
any desire or design to be unfair and reduce by fraudulent means 
their already insignificant minority. 

The sub-committee of challengers appointed by the Independent 
Central Committee, reported to that body, after the election, that 
"many voted who were not citizens of the United States; many who 
were not citizens of Salt Lake City ; many who were not of lawful 
age ; and the ballot boxes when filled were set aside and not properly 
sealed or guarded." The central committee added: "It is needless 
to recapitulate the numerous obstacles thrown in the way of those 
desirous of voting the Independent ticket, or the annoyances to 
which our challengers were subjected. Suffice it to say that without 
these, and the existing law of the Territory compelling the number- 
ing and identifying of each vote, a system practically robbing every 
citizen of his freedom of ballot, the result would have been far 
different. * We regard our commencement in the 

great work of vindicating the rights of free speech, free thought and 
a free press in this Territory a promising one. To sum up the 
reward of five days' work. After twenty* years of self-constituted 


city government, to which we have paid thousandsjn taxation, 
without an exhibit of receipts or expenses, and for that time not 
daring to express a sentiment in opposition to those held by the 
dominant party, we have in the election on Monday last demon- 
strated to the country the existence of American institutions in this 
Territory, and believe that the seed sown on that day will bear such 
fruits that before many months the State of Utah, freed from all 
relics of past tyranny and oppression, will be found marching with 
the great sisterhood of States, keeping step with the progress of the 
Union." Such was the substance of the report of the Central 
Committee of the Independent Party, published in the eighth 
number of the weekly Tribune, the party organ, on the Saturday 
following the election. 

The Deseret News gave only a brief notice of the election and its 
result. It stated that all voters cast their ballots as they desired, 
and that the conduct of the election was such as to satisfy every- 
body, " unless there were some desirous of a row." 

Thus arose the Liberal Party of Utah; though it was not 
known by that name until several months later, when in July a 
convention of the party assembled at Corinne, Box Elder County, 
and placed in nomination General George R. Maxwell as a candidate 
for Delegate to Congress, to be voted for at the ensuing August 
election. The call for that convention, issued by the Central 
Committee of the party, was as follows : 


The citizens of Utah residing within the several counties of said Territory, who are 
opposed to despotism and tyranny in Utah, and who are in favor of freedom, liberty, 
progress, and of advancing the material interests of said Territory, and of separating 
church from State, are requested to send delegates to meet in convention at Gorinne, 
Utah, on Saturday, July 16th, 1870, at 10 a. m. of said day, to put in nomination a 
candidate for delegate to Congress, to be voted for at the Territorial election to be held on 
the first Monday in August next. 

By order of the committee. 

J. M. ORR, Chairman, 

S. KAHN, Secretary. 
SALT LAKE CITY, June 24th, 1870. 


Corinne, it will be remembered, was the railroad town referred 
to in a former chapter, situated on the line of the Central Pacific, on 
Bear River, a few miles above the point where that stream empties 
into the Lake. It was then the principal Gentile town of Utah, 
and was thought to have a great future before it.* There, at the 
time appointed, the convention assembled and chose General P. E. 
Connor as temporary chairman; Major C. H. Hempstead offering 
the motion upon which he was elected. A permanent organi- 
zation was soon effected, and after the passing of resolutions 
and the transaction of other business, the convention proceeded 
to nominate a candidate for Delegate to Congress. It was General 
Connor who nominated General Maxwell for that office, and the 
nomination was made unanimous by acclamation, with three 
cheers. Before the convention adjourned a motion by E. P. 
Johnson prevailed naming the organization the "Liberal Political 
Party of Utah." 

The Liberals opened their campaign at Salt Lake City on the 
19th of July. Three days before, at a mass meeting held in the 
Tabernacle, the People's Party had nominated as their candidate for 
Delegate, Hon. William H. Hooper. The election fell upon the 1st 
of August. Over twenty thousand votes were cast for the People's 
candidate, and a little over a thousand for the Liberal nominee. 
More than eight hundred of the latter were polled at Corinne, while 
Salt Lake City gave less than two hundred votes to General 
Maxwell. He resolved, however, to contest the seat which was a 
part of the pre-arranged plan and did so, basing his contest, as 
Mr. McGrorty had done, on the ground of his opponent's alleged 
disloyalty. Captain Hooper, however, though put to the trouble 
and expense of refuting Maxwell's anti-Mormon stories, a pro- 
ceeding to which he would not condescend in the case of McGrorty, 

* Bear River City, in eastern Utah, founded about a year before Gorinne, was 
burned down during a riot in November, 1868. The trouble was between some turbu- 
lent railroad graders and the citizens, and arose over the hanging of three men on 
November llth. 


owing to that worthy's failure to begin his contest within the 

legal limit, again came off victorious and took his seat in the 

House of Representatives as the duly elected Delegate from the 
Territory of Utah. 













.T.T WAS during the winter of 1869-70 that the measures known as 
! the Cragin and Cullom bills were introduced into Congress. 

Roth these bills, which, though they never became law, created 
almost as much agitation in Utah as if they had been enacted by 
Congress and approved by the President, are believed to have been 
framed at Salt Lake City, whence they were sent to Washington and 
there fathered by the distinguished gentlemen whose names they 
took and who proposed to engineer them through the national 
legislature. This was the beginning of a long series of such con- 
spiracies by cabals of local anti-Mormons Federal officials and 
others with politicians at the nation's capital, to secure special 
Congressional legislation against the! Mormon people. Here, indeed, 
was the virtual origin of the Utah "ring" child and successor of 
the Connor-Harding "regenerating" combination which obtained 
within the next ten years so much notoriety. The so-called "ring" 
was the head and front of the Gentile wing of the Liberal Party. 

The sponsor of the Cragin bill was Senator Aaron H. Cragin of 
New Hampshire. He introduced his measure in the Senate early in 
December, 1869, but this, it seems, was its second presentation, it 


having been before Congress during the previous winter. It was a bill 
of forty-one sections, several more than were comprised in the Wade 
bill, which it resembled, though differing from it in some respects, 
and being deemed by the Mormons even more odious and detestable. 
Said the Deseret News of Senator Gragin's literary protege: "With 
the exception that it does not inflict the death penalty, no edict more 
thoroughly hateful and oppressive was ever concocted against the 
Hebrew children by Nebuchadnezzar, or the followers of Jesus by 

Section ten of the bill gave the Governor the sole right to select, 
appoint and commission all officers of the Territory, excepting con- 
stables, elected or appointed under the Territorial laws. 

Section twenty-one abolished trial by jury in a certain class of 
cases, in that it provided that all criminal cases arising under the 
anti-polygamy act of 1862, "as well as all criminal cases arising 
under this act" and it was made criminal for a Mormon to sol- 
emnize marriages, to counsel or advise the practice of plural mar- 
riage, or to be present at "the ceremony of sealing" should be 
heard, tried and determined by the district courts without a jury. 

Section twenty-seven virtually made the Governor of the Terri- 
tory the Trustee-in-Trust of the Mormon Church ; at least it required 
the Trustee-in-Trust to report to the Governor annually the amount, 
description and location of all properties and monies belonging to 
the Church. 

Section thirty-six provided that the United States District 
Attorney and Marshal should attend to all Territorial business in 
the district courts, in lieu of the Territorial Attorney and Marshal 
which offices were abolished and be paid for such services out of 
the Territorial treasury. 

Section thirty-seven provided that for the purpose of holding 
district courts the United States- Marshal might take possession of 
any court house, council house, town house or other public building 
in Utah and furnish the same in a suitable manner for holding court, 
at the expense of the Territory. 


Section forty took away the functions of the Legislature in 
relation to the jails and prisons of the Territory and bestowed them 
upon the Governor, who was empowered to make rules and regula- 
tions for said prisons, and appoint and remove at pleasure the 
wardens and other officers thereof. 

Section forty-one repealed all acts or parts of acts of the United 
States or of Utah Territory inconsistent with this act, and made it 
unlawful and a misdemeanor for the Legislature of the State of 
Deseret to assemble, or for an election to be held for any member of 
said legislature or any officer under said State government. 

There were many other objectionable features to the bill, but 
these were the most formidable. The measure in toto was summar- 
ized by the News as follows: "No American citizen who is a Mormon 
has any rights he is not. a free man but a slave, to be tried, con- 
victed, fined, imprisoned, at the will of his masters to be made to 
pay taxes, but to have those funds spent by his masters in perse- 
cuting and torturing him, and enriching them for the service to 
wear the form of man, but to have none of the privileges of man- 
hood to have no right to believe the Bible, practice its precepts, 
follow its examples, or to worship its God."* 

"In reading this bill," said Editor Cannon, "indignation over- 

* A local satirist suggested the adding to the Gragin bill of the following sections: 

SEC. 32. And be it further enacted that the book called the Holy Bible, or so much 
thereof as pertains to plural marriage or provides for the legal inheritance of property by 
the children of such plural marriage, is hereby annulled, disapproved and repealed, and 
declared null and void. 

SEC. 33. And be it further enacted, that every person before holding any office, vot- 
ing at any election, sitting as a juror or holding any position of honor, profit or trust under 
the government of the United States, shall take and subscribe a solemn oath, under the 
pains and penalties of perjury, that he does disbelieve and always will disbelieve the 
Holy Bible, so far as it pertains in any way to plural marriage, and that he detests Moses, 
Jacob, Abraham, the father of the faithful, Gideon and all the prophets who taught and 
practiced plurality of wives, together with the Savior, St. Paul and the other Apostles who 
set forth these men as examples of faith, purity and virtue. 

SEC. 34. And be it further enacted, that the names of the twelve tribes of Israel, 
being children of polygamists, be expunged from the gates of the city of the New 


masters every other feeling. We examine our skins, they are white. 
We look at the people around us, their lineaments proclaim their 
Anglo-Saxon descent. We listen to their speech it is the language 
of freedom, the language in which Shakespeare, Milton and Thomas 
Jefferson wrote the language in which Patrick Henry, Adams, Lee 
and a host of other patriots clothed their immortal ideas. We look 
at our mountains, though their summits are covered with eternal 
snow, they are not Siberia. The valleys they encircle are the abodes 
of a free people American citizens, many of whose fathers fought 
and died for liberty, and taught their sons its accents not serfs 
whose lives and fortunes are at the disposal of an autocrat. Our 
color, our lineage, our language, our heaven-born and bequeathed 
rights, our grand mountains and noble valleys are so many certifi- 
cates of freedom. And we are FREE. We have consecrated this land 
to liberty. She has no more fitting or glorious abode, no more 
willing or devoted adherents. Were our color darker were we lazy, 
profligate, vicious and abandoned, we would have rights which 
Senator Cragin might feel it politic to respect. But we are none of 
these. We are the gentleman's equals his peers, in birth, breeding, 
education, and every quality of manhood, aye, shall we not say his 
superiors in our conception of the rights of American citizenship?" 
From the tenor of the bill, which, as said, is believed to have 
originated in Utah, it is evident that there were some Gentiles here, 
as well as at the seat of Government, who, like the Saints them- 
selves, did not believe, with Editor Bowles, that the moral force of 
the telegraph and the locomotive would prove sufficient to overthrow 
Mormonism ; and who had therefore taken steps to provide other 
agencies for its destruction. It was believed by the Mormons, what- 
ever the Gentiles claimed as their motive, that the object of the 
Cragin and Cullom bills was to compel them to renounce their 
religion, or else abandon the country which they had redeemed and 
rendered fruitful and beautiful. Of the latter measure the News 
said: "Those who framed it, and those who desire its passage, know 
the people too well for whom it is intended to think they would 


tamely submit to the oppressive and repulsive slavery which it con- 
templates. The slavery from which the blacks of the South have 
been emancipated would be delightful compared with the crushing 
bondage which this bill would bring were its provisions enforced. 
No men of Anglo-Saxon race could endure such grinding tyranny, 
and least of all men who inhabit a country like this, and who have 
endured so much in the past for freedom." 

The Cullom bill took its name from General Shelby M. Cullom, 
of Illinois, now Senator from that State, but then a member of the 
House of Representatives and Chairman of its Committee on Terri- 
tories. The bill was presented in the House a few days after the 
second introduction of the Cragin bill in the Senate, and so com- 
pletely did it answer the purpose of that measure, out-Heroding 
Herod, as it were, with its sweeping anti-Mormon provisions, that 
even the Senator from New Hampshire, losing interest in his own 
protege, adopted in its stead the bill presented by General Cullom, 
so far at least as to introduce it in the Senate after it had passed the 

Some time before the latter event, here in Utah was enacted a 
scene upon which Gentile civilization gazed with wide-eyed wonder; 
a mass meeting of Mormon women assembling in the Tabernacle at 
Salt Lake City and protesting against the passage of the Cullom bill. 
Three thousand of the so-called "down-trodden women of Mormon- 
dom," alleged slaves and playthings of a "polygamic hierarchy," 
eloquently and earnestly declaiming and resolving against the 
striking off of those fetters with which Christian statesmen, 
orators and editors insisted that they were bound. A sight beyond 
compare; a spectacle to astonish Christendom and to awaken the 
wonder of the world. True, the anti-Mormon, who, like the 
incorrigible Rourbon, "never learns and never forgets" never 
learns anything good, nor forgets anything bad of his Mormon 
brother was here to sneeringly assert that these women, in thus 

* Another anti-polygamy bill was introduced into the Senate by Mr. Cragin on 
December 4th, 1871. Like its predecessors, it failed of passage. 


declaiming and resolving, were but meekly carrying out the behests 
of their masters ; that they were still acting as slaves under the iron 
hand and heel of an authority which they dared not disobey; that 
the whole movement was a mere farce, a political coup de main of the 
great "master of slaves" Brigham Young to influence Congress, 
deceive the country, and secure the defeat of the hostile measure 
then pending in the House of Representatives. Rut such a plea 
was most disingenuous. That Brigham Young and the Mormon 
men generally were in full sympathy with this mass meeting of 
Mormon women, is beyond question; but that the "Sisters" were 
coerced or intimidated into holding it, or in expressing thereat senti- 
ments not entirely their own, as much so as those entertained by 
their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, is utterly untrue. Of 
this fact the anti-Mormons, with very few exceptions, and they 
perchance late arrivals in Utah, who had not had time to study the 
Mormon question in all its phases, were perfectly well aware. 
Strange as it may seem, the Mormon women, quite as much as the 
Mormon men, have upheld plurality of wives as a divine principle 
and conscientiously insisted upon the right of their husbands and 
fathers to practice it. 

But to the mass meeting and its proceedings. It occurred on 
the 13th of January, 1870, soon after the introduction of the Cullom 
bill into Congress. The weather was inclement, but the Old Taber- 
nacle, where the gathering was held, and which would comfortably 
seat about three thousand persons, was densely packed with ladies of 
all ages. Men were not invited, but a few of them gained admission 
into the building; among them Colonel Finlay Anderson, special 
correspondent of the New York Herald. Mrs. Zina D. H. Young 
offered an impressive prayer, and on motion of Eliza R. Snow, the 
leading Mormon woman of that period, Sarah M. Kimball was chosen 
to preside over the assembly. This lady was president of the Relief 
Society of the Fifteenth Ward of Salt Lake City, at a mass meeting 
of which, held a week before, resolutions had been passed against 
the Cullom bill, after which it had been suggested by Sister Snow, 


who was present, that general mass meetings be held for the same 
purpose by the women's societies all over the Territory. Mrs. Lydia 
Alder was chosen secretary, and the following named ladies were 
appointed a committee to draft resolutions: Margaret T. Smoot, 
Marinda N. Hyde, M. Isabella Home, Mary Leaver, Priscilla Staines 
and Rachel Grant, presidents respectively of the Twentieth, Seven- 
teenth, Fourteenth, Eighth, Twelfth and Thirteenth Ward Relief 

MRS. KIMBALL stated that the object of the meeting was to 
consider the justice of a bill now before the Congress of the United 
States. "We are not here," said she, "to advocate woman's rights, 
but man's rights. The bill in question would not only deprive our 
fathers, husbands and brothers of the privileges bequeathed to 
citizens of the United States, but it would also deprive us, as 
women, of the privilege of selecting our husbands, and against this 
we unqualifiedly protest." 

Before and after the report of the committee on resolutions, 
speeches were made by Mrs. Bathsheba W. Smith, Mrs. Levi Riter, 
Mrs. Amanda Smith, Mrs. Wilmarth East, Mrs. Kimball, Mrs. 
McMinn, Eliza R. Snow, Harriet Cook Young, Hannah T. King, Phoebe 
Woodruff, M. I. Home and Eleanor M. Pratt. A few of the 
sentiments uttered by these ladies were as follows: 

BATHSHEBA W. SMITH: "I cannot but express my surprise, 
mingled with regret and indignation, at the recent proceedings of 
ignorant, bigoted and unfeeling men, headed by the Vice-President, 
to aid intolerant sectarians and reckless speculators, who seek for 
prohibition and plunder, and who feel willing to rob the inhabitants 
of these valleys of their hard-earned possessions, and what is dearer, 
the constitutional boon of religious liberty." 

MRS. RITER: "We have not met here, my beloved sisters, as 
women of other States and Territories meet, to complain of the 
wrongs and abuses inflicted upon us by our husbands, fathers and 
sons; but we are happy and proud to state that we have no such 
afflictions and abuses to complain of. Neither do we ask for the 


right of franchise; nor do we ask for more law, more liberty, or more 
rights and freedom from our husbands and brothers, for there is no 
spot on this wide earth where kindness and affection are more 
bestowed upon woman and her rights so sacredly defended as in 

WILMARTH EAST: "The constitution for which our forefathers 
fought and bled and died bequeathes to us the right of relfgious 
liberty, the right to worship God according to the dictates of our 
own consciences ! Does the Cullom bill give us this right ? Compare 
it with the Constitution, if you please, and see what a disgrace has 
come upon this once happy republican government ! 
What is life to me if I see the galling yoke of oppression placed upon 
the necks of my husband, sons and brothers, as Mr. Cullom would 
have it." 

MRS. AMANDA SMITH related the terrible tragedy at Haun's Mill, 
Missouri, where her husband and one of her sons were brutally 
murdered by an anti-Mormon mob, and another son all but mortally 
wounded, and said : " We are here today to say if such scenes shall 
be again enacted in our midst?" 

MRS. KIMBALL prayed that the spirit of this meeting might be 
felt in the Congress of the United States, and that any measures 
calculated to bring evil upon this community might be thwarted, and 
that Congress would be made to see the injustice of such measures 
as those contemplated by the Cullom bill. 

MRS. McMiNN could not refrain from expressing her indignation 
at the bill. She was an American citizen. Her father had fought 
under General Washington, and she claimed the exercise of the 
liberty for which he fought. This lady was nearly eighty-five years 
of age. 

ELIZA R. Sxow: "Shall we ought we to be silent, when every 
right of citizenship, every vestige of civil and religious liberty is at 
stake? Are not our interests one with our brethren? Ladies, this 
subject as deeply interests us as them. In the Kingdom of God 
woman has no interest separate from those of man all are mutual. 


Our enemies pretend that in Utah woman is held in a state of vas- 
salage that she does not act from choice, but by coercion that we 
would even prefer life elsewhere, were it possible for us to make our 
escape. What nonsense ! We all know that if we wished we could 
leave at any time, either to go singly or to rise en masse, and there is 
no power here that could or would wish to prevent us. I will ask 
this intelligent assemblage of ladies : Do you know of any place on 
the face of the earth where woman has more liberty, and where she 
enjoys such high and glorious privileges as she does here as a 
Latter-day Saint? No. The very idea of women here in a state of 
slavery is a burlesque on common sense. * * * The same spirit 
that prompted Herod to seek the life of Jesus, the same that drove 
our pilgrim fathers to this continent, and the same that urged the 
English government to the system of unrepresented taxation, which 
resulted in the independence of the American colonies, is con- 
spicuous in those bills. If such measures are persisted in they will 
produce similar results. They not only threaten extirpation to us, 
but they augur destruction to the government." 

HARRIET COOK YOUNG: "The Most High is the founder of this 
mission, and in order to its establishment His providences have so 
shaped the world's history, that on this continent, blessed above all 
other lands, a free and enlightened government has been instituted, 
guaranteeing to all social, political and religious liberty. The Con- 
stitution of our country is therefore hallowed to us, and we view 
with a jealous eye every infringement upon its great principles, and 
demand in the sacred name of liberty, that the miscreant who would 
trample it under his feet by depriving a hundred thousand American 
citizens of every vestige of liberty, should be anathematized 
throughout the length and breadth of the land, as a traitor to God 
and his country." 

HANNAH T. KING: "Who or what is the creature that framed 
this incomparable document? Is he an Esquimaux or a Chimpanzee, 
or what isolated land's end spot produced him? What ideas he 
must have of woman! Had he ever a mother, a wife or a sister? 


In what academy was he tutored, or to what school does he belong, 
that he should so coolly and systematically command the women of 
this people to turn traitors to their husbands, their brothers and 
their sons! * * The women of Utah have paid too high a 
price for their present position, their present light and knowledge, 
and for their noble future, to succumb to so mean and foul a thing 
as Baskin, Cullom and Go's bill." 

PHQ:BE WOODRUFF: "Shall we as wives and mo.thers sit still 
and see our husbands and sons, whom we know are obeying the 
highest behest of heaven, suffer for their religion without exerting 
ourselves to the extent of our power for their deliverance? No! 
verily, no!! God has revealed unto us the law of the Patriarchal 
Order of Marriage and commanded us to obey it. We are sealed to 
our husbands for time and eternity, that we may dwell with them 
and our children in the world to come, which guarantees unto us the 
greatest blessing for which we are created. If the rulers of our 
nation will so far depart from the spirit and the letter of our 
glorious Constitution as to deprive our Prophets, Apostles and Elders 
of citizenship, and imprison them for obeying this law, let them 
grant us this last request, to make their prisons large enough to 
hold their wives, for where they go we will go also." 

MRS. HORNE said that she was one of the so-called oppressed 
women of Utah, that she was the wife of a man who practiced the 
principle of plurality of wives, and she expected always to 
sustain him. 

MRS. ELEANOR M. PRATT then spoke a few words, and after a 
closing exhortation from Eliza R. Snow, the mass meeting adjourned; 
not, however, before adopting unanimously the following resolutions, 
which were read and passed upon amid great enthusiasm: 

Resolved, That we, the ladies of Salt Lake City, in mass-meeting assembled, do 
manifest our indignation, and protest against the bill before Congress, known as ' the 
Cullom bill," also the one known as " the Cragin bill," and all similar bills, expressions 
and manifestoes. 

Resolved, That we consider the above named bills foul blots on our national 
escutcheon absurd documents atrocious insults to the honorable executive of the United 


States Government, and malicious attempts to subvert the rights of civil and religious 

Resolved, That we do hold sacred the constitution bequeathed us by our fore- 
fathers, and ignore, with laudable womanly jealousy, every act of those men to whom the 
responsibilities of government have been entrusted, which is calculated to destroy its 

Resolved, That we unitedly exercise every moral power and every right which we 
inherit as the daughters of American citizens, to prevent the passage of such bills, know- 
ing that they would inevitably cast a stigma on our republican government by jeopardizing 
the liberty and lives of its most loyal and peaceful citizens. 

Resolved, That, in our candid opinion, the presentation of the aforesaid bills 
indicates a manifest degeneracy of the great men of our nation ; and their adoption would 
presage a speedy downfall and ultimate extinction of the glorious pedestal of freedom, 
protection, and equal rights, established by our noble ancestors. 

Resolved, That we acknowledge the institutions of the Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter-day Saints as the only reliable safeguard of female virtue and innocence ; and the 
only sure protection against the fearful sin of prostitution, and its attendant evils, now 
prevalent abroad, and as such, we are and shall be united with our brethren in sustaining 
them against each and every encroachment. 

Resolved, That we consider the originators of the aforesaid bills disloyal to the 
constitution, and unworthy of any position of trust in any office which involves the 
interests of our nation. 

Resolved, That, in case the bills in question should pass both Houses of Congress, 
and become a law, by which we shall be disfranchised as a Territory, we, the ladies of 
Salt Lake City, shall exert all our power and influence to aid in the support of our own 
State government. 

This meeting of "Ihe sisters" was but the initial to many such 
held in various parts of the Territory during the next few days, 
all protesting in a similar manner against the passage of the 
Cullom bill. 

And these were the women who were said, and sincerely 
believed by many, to be slaves, the unwilling but fettered serfs of 
the Mormon Priesthood ; women who had organized, throughout the 
length and breadth of Utah, and wherever the Saints had settle- 
ments, relief societies of their sex for the succor of the poor, for 
the storage of grain, and for works of charity and benevolence in 
general; women who not only convened regularly in their own 
meetings, where they spoke and voted upon questions that came 
before them, but had always voted at the conferences and gatherings 

27-VOL. 2. 


of their people whenever subjects had been submitted for that 
purpose to the congregation ; who were soon to establish a woman's 
paper the Exponent to voice their views to the world, and upon 
whom was about to be bestowed by their alleged masters for it was 
the fathers, husbands and sons of these women who then composed 
the Utah Legislature the elective franchise, for which so many 
thousands of Gentile women in free America have sought and sued 
so long in vain. 

It was only a month after the great mass meeting of Mormon 
women at Salt Lake City that the following act, which had passed 
the Legislative Assembly then in session, was approved by Acting- 
Governor S. A. Mann : 

"An act giving women the elective franchise in the Territory 
of Utah. 

"SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly 
of the Territory of Utah: That every woman of the age of twenty- 
one years, who has resided in this Territory six months next 
preceding any general or special election, born or naturalized in the 
United States, or who is the wife, or widow, or the daughter of a 
naturalized citizen of the United States, shall be entitled to vote at 
any election in this Territory. 

"SECTION 2. All laws, or parts of laws, conflicting with this act 
are hereby repealed. 

"Approved February 12th, 1870." 

It was thought by many that the Mormon women, with the 
ballot in their hands, would use it to free themselves from the 
"galling yoke" under which they were supposed to be struggling. 
So much was this the case that about a year before the Utah 
Legislature took action to enfranchise the women of the Territory, 
Mr. Julian, of Indiana, as already stated, had introduced a bill in 
the lower branch of Congress, "to solve the polygamic problem." 
Being asked by Delegate Hooper, what were the provisions of the 
bill, Mr. Julian replied: "Simply a bill of one section providing for 
the enfranchisement of the women of Utah." 


"I am in favor of that bill," said Mr. Hooper. 

"Do you speak for your leading men?" asked Julian. 

"I do not," replied Hooper, "but I know of no reason why they 
should not also approve of it." 

The next day a similar bill was introduced into the Senate by 
Mr. Pomeroy of Kansas. Mr. Hooper, on returning to Utah, detailed 
his conversation with the gentleman from Indiana to President 
Young, and this is believed to have led to the introduction of the 
woman suffrage bill into the Territorial Legislature.* 

The bill, having been passed by the Legislature and sent to 
the Acting-Governor for his signature, was returned by him, 
approved, with the following communication : 


UTAH TERRITORY, February 12th, 1870. 
To the Hon. Orson Pratt, Speaker of the Hous>e, 

SIR : I have the honor to inform you, that I have this day approved, signed and 
deposited in the Secretary's Office, "An Act" conferring upon women the elective franchise. 
In view of the importance of the measure referred to, it may not be considered improper 
for me to remark, that I have very grave and serious doubts of the wisdom and soundness 
of that political economy which makes the act a law of this Territory, and that there are 

*The Phrenological Journal for November, 1870, in the course of a biographical article 
on Hon. William H. Hooper, said : " Utah is a land of marvels. She gives us, first, 
polygamy, which seems to be an outrage against 'woman's rights,' and then offers the 
nation a 'woman's suffrage bill,' at this time in full force within her own borders. Was 
there ever a greater anomaly known in the history of society ? The women of Utah hold 
political power today. They are the first in the nation to whom the functions of the 
state have been extended. * * * A year ago a friend of the Mormons 
informed us that the Delegate of Utah was in New York, just from Washington, bound 
for Utah to lay before Brigham Young the extraordinary design of giving to the women of 
Mormondom political power. And the circumstance was the more marked for the 
singular fact that the legislative minds, aided by the American press, were proposing just 
at that time a scheme for Congress to force female suffrage upon Utah, lo give the women 
of that Territory the power to break up the institution of polygamy, and emancipate them- 
selves from their supposed serfdom and the degradation of womanhood." 

The writer of the article was evidently not aware that the Legislature of the newly 
created Territory of Wyoming, on December 10th, 1869, two months and two days 
before the approval of Utah's woman suffrage act, had passed a law giving women the 
right to vote. Wyoming, therefore, was first, and Utah second, in the nation to invest 
women with the elective franchise. 


many reasons which, in my judgment, are opposed to the legislation ; but whatever these 
doubts and reasons may have been, in view of the unanimous passage of the act in botli 
the House and the Council, and in deference to the judgment of many whose opinion 1 
very much respect, I have, as before stated, approved of the bill, hoping that future 
experience may approve the wisdom of our action, and that the same may be found to 
be in harmony with the spirit and genius of the age in which we live. 

Very Respectfully, 

S. A. MANN, Acting-Governor. 

The anti-Mormons were as prompt as ever to assign a selfish 
motive for the action of the Legislature. "It is to enhance the 
power of the Priesthood,'' said they. But if the bill had failed 
to pass, they would have been just as apt to declare that the 
Mormons were afraid to enfranchise the women of their community, 
and were determined to keep them in bondage. Such has ever been 
the perversity of the Utah " Bourbons." 

Seven days after the approval of the woman suffrage bill, at a 
general meeting of the relief societies of Salt Lake City, presided over 
by Eliza R. Snow, a committee was appointed to frame an expression 
of gratitude to Acting-Governor Mann for approving the measure 
granting the elective franchise to the women of Utah. This com- 
mittee consisted of Eliza R. Snow, Bathsheba W. Smith, Sarah M. 
Kimball, Margaret T. Smoot, Harriet Cook Young, Zina D. H. Young, 
Mary Isabella Home, Phoebe C. Woodruff, Marinda N. Hyde, Eliza- 
beth H. Cannon, Rachel I. Grant, Amanda Smith, Amelia F. Young 
and Prescindia H. Kimball. To their communication the Acting- 
Governor courteously responded, expressing the confident hope that 
the ladies of Utah would so exercise the right conferred as to 
approve the wisdom of the legislation. 

Two days later, Monday, February 21st, occurred the regular 
municipal election at Salt Lake City. It was unique in two par- 
ticulars. It was the first election in the Territory, as shown in 
the previous chapter, at which two parties the People's and the 
Independent contended for the supremacy, and the first at which 
the newly acquired right of woman suffrage was exercised. Only 
a few of the ladies cast their ballots. The first woman to vote 


that day, and consequently the first in Utah to exercise the elective 
franchise, was Miss Seraph Young, daughter of B. H. Young, Esq., 
and grand-niece to President Brigham Young. 

The demonstration by the women of Mormondom against the 
Cullom bill created a sensation throughout the country, and though 
it did not prevent the measure from passing the lower house of 
Congress, it doubtless had its effect, with other things, in causing it 
to die in the Senate. Some of the sentiments uttered by ''the 
sisters" at their mass meetings were applauded by leading journals 
of the land as worthy of women descended from the heroines of 
the Revolution, but they were told that " their cause was not as 
good as their mothers' cause had been in Washington's day." 

Some prominent newspapers, however, attacked the Cullom bill 
as vigorously as did the Mormons themselves. The Chicago Times 
stigmatized it as "an act to replenish brothels," and held up to 
derision those who had advised Mr. Cullom as to the good and 
wholesome effect the proposed legislation would have upon the 
morals of the Mormon community. One person particularly 
mentioned by the Times in this connection was Dr. John P. 
Taggart, United States Assessor of Internal Revenue for Utah. 
Mr. Taggart, after the famous "assassination" episode, which many 
of our readers will remember in which the tearing of the doctor's 
coat sleeve, and the abrasion of his skin by a pet bull-dog was 
converted by the anti-Mormons into an attempt on the part of the 
Saints to assassinate him being in Washington, was invited by Mr. 
Cullom to go before the House Committee on Territories, where he 
gave the advice in question. Said the Times: 

"Taggart is not a Mormon. He is not a polygamist. He has 
been a resident of Utah less than a year. He despises the Mormons, 
religiously and every other way. And the Mormons, by his own 
showing, as cordially despise him.* But this 

*0ne reason for this ill-feeling between Assessor Taggart and the "Mormons was his 
earnest though futile attempt, during the year 1870, to compel the Church to pay an 
enormous tax on its tithing fund, consisting of voluntary donations by its members. 


revenue officer would pass Mr. Cullom's bill for the good effects it 
would have in sending adrift upon society a vas.t number of Mormon 
ex-wives and their young children. As most of 

these thousands have no friends to receive and provide for them, 
they would go to replenish the alms-houses and brothels in the large 
cities. 'They would be a hundred per cent, better off than they are 
now,' Mr. Cullom's revenue officer thinks. Instead of living in a 
state where at least they can respect themselves, and enjoy the 
colorable status of virtuous women, they would be reduced by Mr. 
Cullom's bill to the condition of social outcasts ; mothers, yet 
neither wives nor widows; pariahs, at whom the finger of scorn 
would point, and to whom no door but that of the brothel and 
prison would open. Such is the dismal alternative which Mr. 
Cullom's bill offers to the women of Utah. Such is the 'better 
condition' of which a brainless revenue officer prates, and which 
Pharisees stand ready to applaud. What wonder that the women of 
Utah should declare for polygamy rather than such a fate? Mr. 
Cullom's witness has no doubt that, if the question were submitted 
to the women of Utah, they would vote against Mr. Cullom's bill. It 
would be infamous to doubt it. Suppose the proposition were sub- 
mitted to the wives of Chicago that their marriage relations should 
be declared null and void, and that they should take their children 
and go forth to struggle against prejudices of moral hypocrites, and 
the temptations of sin. Can any sane man doubt what their choice 
would be? The proposition to undo what is already done in Utah 
is infamous. If Mr. Cullom's bill should become a law, it would 
be an ex post facto law of the worst character it is possible to 
imagine. It would be such a law as would curse the very name of 
virtue, by consigning thousands of women to lives of shame and 

The Omaha Herald treated the same incident in this style: 
"Dr. Taggart, United States Assessor in Salt Lake, is just now 
swearing to his opinions concerning polygamy, Brigham Young and 
the Mormons. He is the man who was lately ' assassinated ' by a 


worried and sensible bull dog. Among others he swears to these 

" I believe that one thousand troops sent out there would be the best thing that ever 
occurred. I do not think we need a man to insure security to life or property of any 
Gentile, but one thousand troops would strengthen the backbone of those disaffected 
Mormons. [The Godbeites.] But that would not be sufficient to break up the system of 
polygamy. The leaders of the schism are as strongly in favor of polygamy as Brigham 
Young himself." 

"Four distinct opinions are here sworn to by Dr. Taggart, viz: 
First. 'A thousand troops sent out there would be the best thing 
that ever occurred.' No doubt of it. It would be the best thing, 
that ever occurred to the Colfax squad, because purses now empty 
would be filled by it, with a corresponding depletion of the people's 
money bags. This must be what the thousand troops should be 
sent there for, because Dr. Taggart shows in the next breath why 
they should not be sent when he says: Secondly; 'I do not think 
we need a man to insure security to life and property of any Gentile.' 
How completely this upsets and contradicts the more greedy of the 
Colfax carpet baggers in Salt Lake, who are constantly writing and 
telegraphing of the imminent dangers to both life and property in 
Utah. Thirdly: 'But that would not be sufficient to break up 
the system of polygamy.' The deuce you say! And, Fourthly: 
'The leaders of the schism are as strongly in favor of polygamy 
as Brigham Young himself.' Now if this testimony, given by 
a man who evidently wants to tell the truth, does not show 
beyond all cavil the utter nonsense of the schemes of the Cullom 
and Colfax combination for plunder in Utah then language has 
ceased to have meaning, and Dr. Taggart is a perjured villain. 
This testimony shows the utter uselessness of this proposed warfare 
against the people of that Territory, and loses none of its value 
because it makes the witness himself ridiculous in that part of it 
where he says, in one breath, that 'one thousand troops' are needed 
' to strengthen the backbone of those disaffected Mormons', and in 
the very next asserts that those ' disaffected Mormons are as strongly 


in favor of polygamy as Brigham Young himself.' Truthful as this 
is it is ridiculous, since this whole business of military expeditions 
to Utah is aimed to destroy polygamy, and is predicated on no other 

It is evident from the foregoing that the Omaha Herald was 
perfectly aware of the truthfulness of the Mormon claim that 
polygamy was a mere pretext of the Utah anti-Mormons to help 
along their plans and conspiracies for their own aggrandizement. 
Like their plea of "insecurity to life and property of Gentiles,'' the 
polygamy cry served them as a catchword to enlist sympathy for 
their cause, and deceive better men than themselves, here and 
elsewhere, into lending them aid and comfort in their nefarious 
operations. At this writing it need not be asserted that the fact that 
polygamy cut no figure, except as a war-cry, has often been privately 
admitted by the leaders and chief promoters of the opposition to the 
Mormons. Their continued hostile attitude since the issuance of 
President Woodruff's manifesto, doing away with polygamy, suffi- 
ciently attests the truth of the proposition. 

Among those who spoke against the Cullom bill in Congress 
was Hon. Thomas Fitch, of Nevada, whose lucid logic and brilliant 
eloquence, in denunciation of the measure, doubtless did much 
to retard its passage through the House, if it did not conduce to 
its death in the Senate. From his speech, which was delivered 
on the 23rd of February, just one month before the Cullom bill 
passed the House, we present the following excerpts: 

Mr. Speaker, that the provisions of this bill, reported by the Committee on the Terri- 
tories, rigidly enforced, would put an end to polygamy in Utah is intrinsically probable. 
That the destruction of polygamy is a wise and laudable purpose may be readily conceded; 
and if such destruction were all that is involved it would be my duty to advocate this 
measure instead of opposing it ; but knowing something of the Mormon country, and 
something more of the peculiar character and motives of the people inhabiting that coun- 
try, I am impelled to the conviction that this bill, if enforced as law, would provoke con- 
sequences most prolific of misfortune, and entail results altogether unapprehended. 

Among these results may be included, first, the temporary obstruction, if not the 
complete destruction, of the great overland railroad. Next, Utah would be returned to the 
desolateness which once reigned supreme upon her soil. Again, the growing industries 


of a vast country would be checked, and the development of the Pacific coast seriously 
retarded. Beyond all this, thousands of brave men would be slain, and millions of 
treasure expended. Notwithstanding the opinions of the gentlemen who appeared before 
the Territorial Committee, I fear that the people of Utah would regard the passage of this 
bill as a declaration of war, and would prepare with all the fury and earnestness and zeal 
of fanatics to enter upon a contest most bitter, protracted and bloody. The result of such 
a contest no man can doubt. One hundred and forty thousand people, however self-sus- 
taining, however isolated, however favored by position and circumstances, could not 
maintain themselves against the power of the Government. The Mormons would ba 
exterminated or driven out of Utah. But, with polygamy thus destroyed, adultery thus 
delocalized, concubinage thus scattered, with virtue and desolation reigning supreme in a 
waste where only the jargon of the savage disturbed the stillness, the rebuking verdict of 
a tax-burdened people would be that the result accomplished was not worth the sacrifice 


***** **** 

They believe in their faith as deeply as the Mohammedan believes in his Koran or 
the Christian in the crucifixion of his Redeemer. Assail that faith with armies and you 
will consolidate and strengthen and infuse them with more ardent zeal. The gentleman 
from Illinois [Mr. Culiom] believes that they will make no resistance. Sir, have they 
faced the storm and the savage, desert and disease, to be turned from their tenets or 
drawn from their convictions by an act of Congress? Would any sentiment less earnest 
than passionate, zealous, fanatical belief have induced a people to go to such a distance 
from the centers of civilization, to accept such contumely and undergo such sacrifices and 
such toil ? Gentlemen are in error if they suppose that no other purpose than unbridled 
indulgence in gross animal sensualism carried the Mormons to a life of privation and 
labor in Utah. If such alone had been their purpose perhaps they might have achieved it 
at less cost, less effort and less unpleasant notoriety without crossing the Mississippi 
River. The tree of degraded sensuality does not bear the fruits of thrift and industry and 


Polygamy and slavery have sometimes been called " twin relics of barbarism." That 
was a taking phrase in the Chicago platform of 1856. It had a resonant chime; it made 
a good rallying cry. But while polygamy and slavery may have been twin relics of bar- 
barism in the sense that they were of equal antiquity, and were both capable of being 
sustained by scriptural authority, they were not equal in present importance or in possible 
consequences. Slavery rested upon compulsion and drew its vitalizing force from oppres- 
sion ; polygamy depends upon persuasion and leans upon its own distorted interpretation 
of the divine philosophy. Slavery was incorporated into the civil, political and social 
framework of fifteen states ; polygamy is a pariah which has fled to the desert for a home. 
Slavery was the basis of a vast industrial system ; polygamy is an excrescence upon a 
promising industrial experiment. Slavery prevented a free press and prohibited free 
speech; polygamy is unable to prevent the publication of an anti-Mormon paper in Salt 
Lake City, and anti-polygamy meetings are held within sight of the residence of Brigham 
Young. Slavery, grown arrogant by tolerance, assailed the nation and defied its laws ; 

28-VOL. 2. 


polygamy, feeble and subject, obeys every statute except that which threatens its existence, 
and seeks obscurity beyond the reach of civilization. All laws of the United States and 
of Utah are obeyed in Utah except the anti-polygamy act. The very witness upon whose 
testimony the committee have framed this bill averred that in all criminal or civil actions 
where polygamy was not involved he never met a fairer people ; and in suits between 
Mormons and Gentries, Mormon juries do impartial justice. 

Ours is a government of opinion framed into law; and laws unsustained by opinion 
are apt to remain unenforced. Every county of every State and Territory is in some 
extent self-governed and independent. If the people of any county tacitly agree that a 
particular crime shall not be considered a crime if committed within that county, what is 
to be done about it ? If grand juries persistently refuse to find indictments, or petit juries 
regularly return verdicts of "not guilty" for that particular crime, there is no way to reach 
the matter or punish the offenders through the ordinary processes and means permitted 
under a republican form of government. There is no power invested in executive or 
judge to take offenders beyond the limits of their state for trial. Gases of this character 
can be reached only by finding such evidence of an armed and general conspiracy to resist 
the laws as to authorize the suspension of civil authority within the infected district, and 
the interposition of military rule. The remedy is expensive, and its frequent use most 
dangerous to republican government. It should never be resorted to except in extreme 
and desperate cases. I do not believe that the present is such a one. But, it may be 
asked, shall we do nothing ? Shall we allow this defiance of the authority of the United 
States to continue? Shall we permit Brigham Young and his followers to pursue the 
practice of polygamy without any earnest effort to suppress it ? I answer, sir, that I 
believe polygamy has run its course. I believe that the railroad which deprived the 
Mormons of their isolation has struck it a mortal blow. Every locomotive bell resound- 
ing through the gorges of the Wasatch Mountains is sounding its death knell. I believe 
in the persuasive power of progress and the logical force of attrition. 

Already since the railroad was completed, a schism has grown up in the Mormon 
Ghurch which its President seems powerless to heal or subdue. They have given the 
women the ballot ; and howsoever the Mormon wife may vote now ; howsoever she may 
vote to maintain her social status or minister to her physical wants ; howsoever religious 
convictions may impel her or iron circumstances restrain her ; howsoever ignorant or poor 
she may be, sooner or later the assaulted, imprisoned, outraged instincts of human nature 
will arise and vindicate themselves. The house will be overturned upon the heads of the 
captors. Possibly, indeed, they who but now have given the ballot to the women of Utah 
have led a blind Samson to the pillars of their temple. Utah is no longer isolated. In 
that fact alone the days of polygamy are numbered. So long as an iceberg remains locked 
in the polar fields it dares the assaults of the elements ; but when the salt summer waves 
come stealing up from the south they detach it from its surroundings, they float it away, 
they eat out a piece here and crumble away a fragment there, until some day its founda- 
tions are gone and it tumbles with a crash into the ocean ; and the process is repeated 
until there is nothing left to mark its existence, save a chill in the water, which the Gulf 


stream speedily eradicates. Sir, this social iceberg has stood in the midst of the great 
American desert, swelling its frost-bound proportions for a quarter of a century ; but the 
railroad has unmoored it from its fastenings, and it floats without rudder or pilot in the 
surrounding ocean of civilization. A wave washes down from the railroad and makes a 
chasm in the church. Adventurous miners find precious metals in the vicinage, and 
another wave rolls in from the east or west and makes a chasm in the family circle. Thus 
the elements of destruction are busy about it. Some day not far off, death will claim the 
great organizing, executive brain which holds it together, palsying the mighty will and 
hushing the potent voice that has led willing men and women through trackless and 
untrodden wastes. Neither do I believe that the majestic march of events shall be long 
stayed or obstructed, even perhaps till that fate which awaits us all shall have executed its 

I predict that the sagacious mind of that great Mormon leader, Brigham Young, 
grasping the prophecies which start from every footprint of progress across the land he 
has redeemed from sullen void, will strangle polygamy by a revelation. But whether 
this prediction shall be verified or not polygamy is doomed. Natural causes will work its 
speedy decay. 

But if we assail it in such a spirit of violence and venom as we exhibit towards the 
vices of no other community ; if we recklessly change the jury system, and in order to 
reach this one blot upon our national escutcheon provide for a violation of all the 
practices and usages of republican government ; if we attack it as this bill proposes, with 
packed juries backed by lines of bristling steel, we shall consolidate while we would 
scatter, we shall unite forces which we would dissolve ; we shall intensify the elements 
we would destroy ; we shall vitalize if we shall not perpetuate by every means of officious 
and unjustifiable persecution the tenets we would expunge or wholly destroy ; unless, 
indeed, at immense cost of life and money, we hurl against polygamy so much of armed 
force as to exterminate those who practice it. Would any member of this House, 
actuated by the commonest impulses of humanity, susceptible to ever so remote a 
sentiment of charity for the weaknesses of his kind, feel justified in exterminating a 
fellow man because he violates and defies the religion of his fathers ? Has the great 
Author fashioned all men of like perceptions and possibilities ? 
******** * * * 

Mr. Speaker, this bill, with all due respect to the Committee on the Territories, is as 
inoperative, as ill-considered, as worthless for all practical purposes in detail as it is 
generally unwise and premature. I propose to scan briefly a few of its provisions. 
Section three provides that there shall be appointed for each judicial district of the 
Territory a deputy or an assistant United States attorney. Section four makes it the duty 
of the district attorney of the United States to attend in person or by deputy all the 
district courts in the Territory, to prosecute all criminal indictments returned to said 
courts. Section twenty-five takes away the present criminal jurisdiction of the probate 
and county courts, and gives the United States district or territorial courts exclusive 
jurisdiction in criminal cases. Mr. Speaker, I find on an examination of the statutes 
that the salary of the United States district attorney for the Territory of Utah is $500 per 


annum. Where can there be found a lawyer who will take such a position ? Where 
can there be found a competent attorney who will agree to devote all his time to practice 
in these courts and pay his traveling expenses and prosecute all criminal cases for $500 
per annum and a doubtful amount of fees? These sections of the bill just cited evidence 
to my mind the struggle between reform and reduction which has been going on in the 
minds of the members of the Committee on the Territories. The Committee wished to 
be at once virtuous and economical. They conjectured the House might possibly wink at 
a public scandal, but would certainly glare with pitiless eye upon a proposed public 
expenditure, and so with that same touching confidence and devotion which inspired those 
who drop money into the box for the heathen, feeling that their duty is performed 
whether the heathen ever get a cent or not, the Committee provided for district attorneys 
and did not provide any compensation for these district attorneys. If no gentlemen 
shall be found willing to prosecute polygamists without pay, and merely for the comfort 
and joy of the transaction, it is not the fault of the Committee. 

Now, sir, section seven of this bill provides that the United States marshal and 
clerk of the United States court shall select the jury. It removes this delicate and 
responsible task from the usual arbitratment of chance. It takes it from the judge who 
might be unwilling to pack a jury, even to convict a polygamist, and places in the hands 
of the ministerial and executive officers of the court the dangerous and responsible power 
of selecting a jury to pass on the lives and the liberty and property rights of the people. 
Why not do away with the farce of a jury draft, and make the marshal and the clerk 
the jury ? The result would be the same and the process less troublesome and expensive. 
I doubt very much, sir, if under the provisions of this bill a panel of thirty-nine men for 
grand and petit jurors can be obtained in Utah. Mormons are excluded from the jury 
and the Gentiles are not numerous. Section ten of this bill provides that no person shall 
be competent to serve either as grand or petit jurors who believes in, advocates, or 
practices bigamy, concubinage, or polygamy ; and upon that fact appearing by examina- 
tion, on voir dire or otherwise, such person shall not be permitted to serve as a juror. 
Webster defines concubinage as the act or practice of ameliorating the acerbities of 
bachelor life without the authority of law or legal marriage. These are not the exact 
words of Webster. His definition is a little clearer, but I prefer my form of expression. 
Gentlemen who wish to be entirely accurate can hunt up the authority. Now I doubt if 
thirty-nine men could be found in Utah able to take such an oath. Of course in the 
Springfield district of Illinois there would be no difficulty in obtaining a jury under such 
restrictions, though I fancy they would thin the panel even there. But Utah is a frontier 
community where men are not subject to wholesome social restraints, and where, in this 
particular, at least, even they are singularly destitute of a shining moral example. 

Section fourteen of this act places polygamy and concubinage upon a par with 
murder, in that it deprives the parties accused of these offenses of the benefit of the 
statute of limitations. Permit me to place this law in working harness, that we may 
mark its operations and scan its harmonious prop*tions. A citizen of Springfield, 
Illinois, hitherto respected and virtuous, takes up his march across desert and mountain 
toward the golden land, and tarrying in the vicinity of Salt Lake City falls in with an 


emigrant train and being decoyed by the wiles of some sun-bronzed and languishing 
Delilah departs from the path of rectitude. Years roll by. It is a wild sally of his 
youth, perhaps repented of and forgotten, or, it may be, forgotten without the repentance. 
But, behold ! after all these years complaint is made ; a requisition issues ; he is taken 
before a jury selected by a most responsible Salt Lake clerk or marshal, convicted of 
concubinage, and the next we hear of him he is at hard labor in a military camp, a ball 
and chain attached to his ankles, suffering the compunctions of an outraged conscience 
and studying the mysteries of that peculiarly impartial ethical code known as the Gullom 
bill a bill whose triumphs will be seen on the deserted site where once flourished a 
deluded and misguided people. 

Section nineteen is better than its predecessor, for it compels all officers, territorial 
or local, in entering upon their duties to take an oath that they will not hereafter practice 
polygamy, bigamy, or concubinage. Perhaps if such a law had been in operation fifteen 
years ago, one of the witnesses upon whose musty testimony the Committee seem to have 
relied, would not have remained long enough in Utah to have acquired that information 
on the Mormon question of which he seems to have possessed himself. I allude to 
Judge Drummond. 

The receivers to be appointed under section thirty of this act, who are to take charge 
of the property of convicted polygamists, and divide its proceeds among the former wives, 
are the only ofticial persons in Utah not required to take this vow of virtue. The 
omission is significant, to say the least. Let me call the attention of the House to 
the absurdity of this thirtieth section. It proposes to confiscate all property of all persons 
convicted of polygamy, for the benefit of their wives. Why, there is no properly in Utah 
save that which depends upon the peace and prosperity of the people. There are no 
accumulations of wealth. There is no coin to any considerable extent in the country. 
Lands and flocks and herds compose the bulk of the Mormon possessions. Let there be 
sixty days of war and all the property in Utah would not sell for enough to furnish a 
week's subsistence to the women in Utah. Oh, but this bill proposes that the Secretary 
shall appropriate or expend the sum of $100,000 for the relief of the forty thousand 
concubines to be taken from their protectors about two dollars and a half each ! A 
munificent appropriation! Enough, with economy, to give them about three days' rations 
each ! And, sir, what will you make of these forty thousand women whom it is proposed 
by this bill to take from those who now support and protect them ? What position will 
they occupy ? Which of you will open your doors to them or invite them to sit by your 
firesides or even labor in your kitchens ? The flimsy barrier that protects them from the 
very depth of social degradation is the fact that they are wives by a custom existing in 
Utah. It is a pitiable position, but it is better than that of their unhappy sisters whom 
necessily rather than vice has driven to the streets of your cities and the wards of your 
hospitals and prisons. Sir, this is not the place to discuss that social evil which keeps 
pace with the stately steps of civilization, and bears aloft its putrescent glow by the side 
of her starlit pathway ; neither is it the time to legislate for that smaller social evil which 
excites our attention because it is the only vice which stains a community otherwise most 
virtuous, most peaceful and exemplary. Take the children of Utah and scatter them 
homeless and hopeless waifs through the arteries of your great cities ; take the women 


of Utah and place them in the splendid dens that line the thoroughfares of Boston, New 
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington; take the men of Utah, return them to 
the Atlantic States, and make them casual customers of those whom they now support 
and protect, and how much will Christianity have gained, how much will society have 
been benefitted, how much will the honor and power of the nation have been vindicated 
and strengthened? 

Mr. Speaker, I do not intend that my position upon this matter shall be misrepre- 
sented to my constituents or to the country. I regard polygamy as an evil to be discouraged 
and a violation of law which should be if possible prevented. I simply doubt the 
wisdom of the means selected to achieve that result. For the coercion and misrepresen- 
tation and fraud with which the Mormons have sometimes sought to carry out their 
purposes, there will come a day of reckoning and repentance. For the murderers of 
Mountain Meadows the God of justice holds in his hand some terrible retribution. But 
because of crimes some of that people may have committed in the past, nor yet because 
of their refusal to obey the laws we have made for them alone, I am not willing to plunge 
headlong into war. If there be those upon this floor who desire to confiscate the prop- 
erty of these outcasts, who consent to give their men to the sword and their women to 
the bagnio, and who are ready to meet the just reproaches of a tax-burdened and humane 
people, they must proceed without my help. I am not willing to look upon the ruin of 
the great road which forms the keystone of the arch of the highway around the world. 
I am not willing to destroy the channel through which my people hope to receive the life- 
currents of empire. I count the cost and I count the result, and I am not willing to pay 
the price of reaching that result. I will not vote for this bill, which will add millions to 
the debt and thousands to the muster roll of the nation's dead, and in the name of a 
people who have burdens enough to bear and kindred enough to mourn, I protest against 
the passage of this most unwise and ill-considered bill. 

Such were the salient points of the brilliant and powerful speech 
of the gentleman from Nevada. Finding that a majority of the 
members of the House were bent upon passing the Cullom bill, Mr. 
Fitch, at the last moment, offered an amendment to extend its 
provisions "to all the States and Territories where bigamy, polygamy 
or concubinage was practiced." The amendment was rejected. 
Messrs. Aaron A. Sargent and Samuel B. Axtell, of California, also 
spoke against the measure. Hon. William H. Hooper, Utah's dele- 
gate, delivered a telling speech against it on the 23rd of March, the 
day that witnessed its passage by the House. Though himself 
monogamist, Mr. Hooper pleaded earnestly for the right of his 
polygamous constituents to practice unmolested this feature of their 
religion. It is fitting that we give some selections from this, his 
crowning effort in Congress. Said he : 


Mr. Speaker, I wish to make a few remarks concerning the extraordinary bill now 
under consideration. While so doing, I crave the attention of the House, for I am here, not 
alone as one of the people sought to be cruelly oppressed : not only as the delegate repre- 
senting Utah ; but as an American citizen, to utter my solemn protest against the passage 
of a bill that aims to violate our dearest rights and is fraught with evil to the Republic 

I do not propose to occupy the time of the House by dwelling at length upon the 
vast contributions of the people of Utah to the wealth of the nation. There is no mem- 
ber in the House who does not recollect in his schoolboy days the vast region of the 
Rocky Mountains characterized in the geographies as the " Great American Desert." 
" There," said those veracious text books, "was a vast region wherein no man could live. 
There were springs and streams, upon the banks of which could be seen the bleaching 
bones of animals and men, poisoned from drinking of the deadly waters." Around the 
borders of the vast desert, and in its few habitable parts, roamed the painted savages, only 
less cruel and remorseless than the desert itself. 

In the midst of this inhospitable waste today dwell an agricultural, pastoral, and 
self-sustaining people, numbering 120,000 souls. Everywhere can be seen the fruits of 
energetic and persistent industry. The surrounding mining Territories of Colorado, 
Idaho, Montana, Arizona and Nevada, in their infancy, were fed and fostered from the 
surplus stores of the Mormon people. The development of the resources of these 
mining Territories was alone rendered possible by the existence at their doors of an 
agricultural people, who supplied them with the chief necessities of life at a price scarcely 
above that demanded in the old and populous'States. The early immigrants to California 
paused on their weary journey in the redeemed wastes of Utah, to recruit their strength, 
and that of their animals, and California is today richer by thousands of lives and 
millions of treasure, for the existence of this half-way house to El Dorado. 
* * * # * * * ** 

I will not, Mr. Speaker, trespass upon the time of the House by more than thus 
briefly adverting to the claims of Utah to the gratitude and fostering care of the American 

For the first time in the history of the United States, by the introduction of the bill 
under consideration, a well defined and positive effort is made to turn the great law- 
making power of the nation into a moral channel and